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TRANSACTIONS 

OF THE 

ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 










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[K ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 



IE, 1897. 



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TRANSACTIONS 



OF THE 



Royal Historical Society. 



W 



Vol. XI. 




LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 

39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON. 

NEW YORK AND BOMBAY. 

1897. 



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The Society as a body is not responsible for the opinions 
advanced in the following pages. 



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CONTENTS 



PAGE 

Presidential Address. By the Right Hon. Sir Mount- 
STUART E. Grant Duff, G.CS.L, President . i 

A Proposal for a New Historical Bibliography. By 
Frederic Harrison 19 

The 6cole des Chartes and English Records. By Pro- 
fessor F. York Powell 31 

Some Survivors of the Armada in Ireland. By Major 
Martin A. S. Hume 41 

Elizabethan Village Surveys. By W. J. Corbett, M.A., 

F.R.Hist.S 67 

On Some Political Theories of the Early Jesuits. By 
J. Neville Figgis, M.A. ....... 89 

A Narrative of the Pursuit of English Refugees in 
Germany under Queen Mary. By I. S. Leadam, M.A. 113 

The Conference of Pillnitz. By Oscar Browning, M.A., 

V.P. R.HistS 133 

GoREE: A Lost Possession of England. By Walter 
Frewen Lord .139 

Index 153 

Charter of Incorporation 165 

Bye-Laws 171 

List of Fellows . . .185 



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ILLUSTRATIONS 



The Jubilee Address of the Royal Historical 

Society , . ' . . . . . . . Frontispiece 

Plan of the Manor of Horstead and Staning- 

HALL, Norfolk To face p. 70 



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TRANSACTIONS 

OF THE 

ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 



PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 

By the Right Honble. Sir MOUNTSTUART E. GRANT DUFF, 
G.C.S.I., President 

In previous Addresses I have spoken of Thucydides, Tacitus, 
Herodotus, and Aristotle, with special reference to the amount 
of light to be gained from their writings by the modern 
statesman. To-day I propose to take for my subject a far less 
famous personage, but one who should certainly not be passed 
over without some notice, by anybody who is interested in the 
contributions made by the ancient world to political thought. 
Polybius — for it is to him that I allude — has been in 
several respects very unfortunate. In the first place, of his 
large and carefully ordered work only five books have come 
down in a complete or pretty complete form ; while large 
portions of it have been preserved in the shape of fragments, 
to be pieced together by able editors as best they can. It 
might have been better in some ways for his fame, if orly the 
five books had been preserved ; for although his work was, as 
I have said, carefully ordered, it was not exactly zvell ordered. 
His elaborately thought-out plan was not a very happy one, 
but lent itself to a certain amount of confusion ; which 
confusion, thanks to the fragmentary state in which many of 
his writings have been transmitted to us, has become confusion 
worse confoimded. In the second place, his style is by no 
N.S. — VOL. XI. B 



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2 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

means brilliant. He says what he has got to say in a straight- 
forward, soldierly fashion, but his style is lumbering and has 
assuredly no charm. He knew this himself, and said (Book 
xvi. chapter 17) : 

* To my mind it is quite right to take great care and pay 
great attention to the presentation of one's facts in correct 
and adequate language, for this contributes in no small degree 
to the effectiveness of history ; still I do not think that serious 
writers should regard it as their primary and most important 
object. Far from it. Quite other are the parts of his history 
on which a practical politician should rather pride himself.' 

In the third place, many of the subjects which he treats 
are profoundly uninteresting to the modern reader. The 
virtues of the Arcadians, the vices of the ^tolians leave me 
at least entirely unmoved ; and I feel very little interest in 
any of his narratives, save those which relate to the conquering 
march of Rome. 

In the fourth place, he is not unfrequently too didactic, 
too determined that the reader shall not only taste, but devour 
and digest every morsel of the moral which he presents for 
his consumption. 

These are, I think, the chief reservations which we must 
enumerate, if we wish to do neither more nor less than justice 
to Pol}bius. These made, however, we may, I think, say 
that he was a very worthy and a very wise man. 

It should be remembered, too, that although Polybius is 
little read now, he has had great influence at different periods 
of the world's history. Cicero had evidently studied him with 
great care, and it is very probable that if Polybius had not 
led the way, neither what has been described as the golden 
observations of Machiavelli upon Livy, nor Montesquieu's 
study of the greatness and decadence of the Romans would 
ever have been written. Barthdlemy St-Hilaire blames 
Descartes for having declined to write about politics because 
he had not lived the life of a politician. That philosopher 
thought that for one, situated as he was, to dogmatise about 
affairs in which he had never taken part was hardly consistent 



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PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 3 

With the profession of a lover of wisdom. Surely he was 
right ; and surely Polybius was right too, when he declined 
to occupy himself with a constitution which had never been 
tried in practice. 

In the forty seventh chapter of his sixth Book he says : 

' It would not be fair to introduce the Republic of Plato, 
which is spoken of in high terms by some philosophers. For 
just as we refuse admission to the athletic contests of those 
actors or athletes who have not acquired a recognised position 
or trained for them, so we ought not to admit this Platonic 
constitution to the contest for the prize of merit, unless it can 
first point to some genuine and practical achievement. Up 
to this time the notion of bringing it into comparison with 
the constitutions of Sparta, Rome, and Carthage would be 
like putting up a statue to compare with living and breathing 
men. Even if such a statue were faultless in point of art ; 
the comparison of the lifeless with the living would naturally 
leave an impression of imperfection and incongruity upon the 
minds of the spectators.' 

Wise as he is, Polybius is pre-eminently one of those 
ancient writers who should be read only in judiciously 
selected extracts. A volume of these has been compiled by 
Mr. Strachan Davidson, of Balliol College, an institution 
where this too much neglected writer has perhaps received 
more honour than in most other places, and a very moderate 
percentage of these would no doubt satisfy the needs of the 
majority of readers. 

I remember that one of the lectures into which I was put, 
at Balliol, nearly fifty years ago, was on Polybius, and the 
part which had been chosen was amongst the most interesting 
portions of his writings, the struggle of the Romans with 
Hamilcar Barca in and around what is now known as the 
Golden Shell of Palermo. Very grateful I was to Mr. Edward 
Woollcombe, the tutor who presided over this particular 
lecture, when just after leaving Oxford I found myself in 
Sicily. In 1889 Mr. Shuckburgh published a valuable 
translation of what is now, I believe, held to be the most 



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4 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

satisfactory text, that of Ilultzsch, and it is from it that t shall 
take the extracts I propose to read in illustration of what I 
have to say. I have myself used only the text of Bekker. 

The first thing which strikes a reader of Polybius is his 
curious modernness. His mind was assuredly not a more power- 
ful one than that of Thucydides ; but there was endless discus- 
sion about history and its uses, between the days of the older 
and the younger author. The world had immensely widened on 
his view. His horizon was not bounded by the narrow limits 
of Greece and her colonies ; but extended over all the three 
basins of the middle sea, far into Asia, and over wide regions 
both of Europe and Africa with which Greece and Greek 
civilisation had but little or nothing to do. On many subjects 
he took a much more sensible view than was at all common 
until quite recent times — nay, a more sensible view than that 
which we often hear, even from the mouths of fairly intelligent 
persons amongst our contemporaries. 

Thus in Book iv. chapter 74, speaking of the people of 
El is, he says : 

* For peace is a thing we all desire, and are willing to 
submit to anything to obtain : it is the only one of our so- 
called blessings that no one questions ' ; and in the same 
Book, chapter 31, speaking of the Messenians, he supplies 
just what is wanted to qualify the rather too sweeping language 
of that passage : 

• I admit, indeed, that war is a terrible thing ; but it is 
less terrible than to submit to anything whatever in order to 
avoid it. For what is the meaning of our fine talk about 
equality of rights, freedom of speech, and liberty if the one 
important thing is peace ? We have no good word for the 
Thebans, because they shrank from fighting for Greece and 
chose from fear to side with the Persians — nor indeed for 
Pindar, who supported their inaction in the verses — 

A quiet haven for the ship of state 

Should be the patriot's aim, 
And smiling peace, to small and great 

That brings no shame. 



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PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 5 

For though his advice was for the moment acceptable, it was 
not long before it became manifest that his opinion was as 
mischievous as it was dishonourable. For peace, with justice 
and honour, is the noblest and most advantageous thing in 
the world ; when joined with disgrace and contemptible 
cowardice, it is the basest and most disastrous.* 
^ In short, we may, I think, set down Polybius not as a 
peace-at-any-price man, nor as a man who acquiesced in or 
even welcomed war on account of the incidental advantages 
which it sometimes brings, but as a peace-almost-at-any-price 
man, which is what I consider everyone ought to be. 

Observe in the last passage the phrase * Peace with 
honour,' which became so famous in our own times, and was, 
I daresay, believed by many to have been invented by the 
eminent person who used it ; just as was the case with his almost 
equally famous * Sanitas sanitatum^ omnia sajiitas^ which is to 
be found in ' Menagiana,' a book of the seventeenth century. 
Was the story, by the way, true, or only happily invented, 
that on one occasion when Lord Beaconsfield and his Foreign 
Secretary appeared together in a transparency, beneath which 
blazed the words ' Peace with Honour,' an old woman in the 
crowd said to her neighbour, ' Would you please, Sir, tell me 
which is Peace ' ? Peace having been a gentleman, as some 
of you will remember, famous in the criminal annals of that 
period. 

Again, what could be better than the remark of our 
author in Book v. chap. 2 ? 

* For the purpose with which good men wage war is not 
the destruction and annihilation of the wrongdoers, but the 
reformation and alteration of the wrongful acts. Nor is it 
their object to involve the innocent in the destruction of the 
guilty, but rather to see that those who are held to be guilty 
should share in the preservation and elevation of the guilt- 
less.' 

Now let us turn to some of his views about history. In 
Book ii. chap. 56 he says : 

* Surely an historian's object should not be to amaze his 



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6 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

readers by a series of thrilling anecdotes ; nor should he aim 
at producing speeches which might have been delivered, nor 
study dramatic propriety in details, like a writer of tragedy ; 
but his function is above all to record with fidelity what was 
actually said or done, however commonplace it may be.' 

Contrast this with the following delightfully naive passage 
from an early work of an historian lately taken from us. , I 
find it in Mr. Froude's 'Life of St. Neot,' in the second 
volume of the * Lives of the English Saints.' 

* We all write Legends. Little as we may be conscious 
of it, we all of us continually act on the very same principle 
which made the Lives of Saints such as we find them ; only 
perhaps less poetically. 

* Who has not observed in himself, in his ordinary deal- 
ings with the facts of every-day life, with the sayings and 
doings of his acquaintance, in short, with everything which 
comes before him as a fact^ a disposition to forget the real 
order in which they appear, and re-arrange them according 
to his theory of how they ought to be ? Do we hear of a 
generous, self-denying action, in a short time the real doer 
and it are forgotten ; it has become the property of the 
noblest person we know ; so a jest we relate of the wittiest 
person, frivolity of the most frivolous, and so on ; each 
particular act we attribute to the person we conceive most 
likely to have been the author of it. And this does not 
arise from any wish to leave a false impression, scarcely from 
carelessness ; but only because facts refuse to remain bare 
and isolated in our memory; they will arrange themselves 
under some law or other ; they must illustrate something to 
us— some character — some principle— or else we forget them. 
Facts are thus perpetually, so to say, becoming unfixed and 
re-arranged in a more conceptional order.' 

Polybius would assuredly have shuddered as he read this 
astounding passage. Yet he was very far frond thinking that 
a bare statement, even of true facts — let alone of imaginary 
ones — was enough ; for in Book iii. chap. 31 he says : 

* Neither the writer nor the reader of history, therefore, 



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PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS ^ 

should confine his attention to a bare statement of facts ; he 
must take into account all that preceded or followed them. 
For if you take from history all explanation of cause, principle, 
and motive, and of the adaptation of the means to the end, 
what is left is a mere panorama without being instructive ; 
and, though it may please for the moment, has no abiding 
value.* 

And again, in Book vi. chap, i, he adds : 

' What is really educational and beneficial to students of 
history is the clear view of the causes of events, and the 
consequent power of choosing the better policy in a particular 
casfe.* 

Could Professor Seeley have put it better ? 

Here again is a passage, in which he anticipates the views 
of a well-known modem historian (I mean Mr. Buckle) : 

' For we mortals have an irresistible tendency to yield to 
climatic influences ; and to this cause, and no other, may be 
traced the great distinctions which prevail amongst us in 
character, physical formation, and complexion, as well as in 
most of our habits, varying with nationality or wide local 
separation.* 

Polybius had no sympathy with the habit, consecrated 
by the practice of many illustrious persons, of inventing 
speeches. In Book xii. chap. 25 he says : 

* The historian therefore who omits the words actually 
used, as well as all statement of the determining circum- 
stances, and gives us instead conjectures and mere fancy 
compositions, destroys the special use of history. In this 
respect Timaeus is an eminent offender, for we all know that 
his books are full of such writing.' 

He deserves the greatest possible credit for having seen 
more clearly than most writers, ancient or modern, the 
immense importance of Geography. We may compare him 
in this respect with Dr. Arnold in our times, or with his 
pupil Dean Stanley. 

I am afraid that Dr. Arnold would not have considered 
this observation very complimentary; for he disparages 



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8 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

Polybius, as a geographer, in his 'History of Rome/ I am 
sure, however, that Polybius had the root of the matter in 
him, and that if he had had anything like the same facilities 
as those which his critic enjoyed from books, maps, plans, 
and opportunities of travel, he would have shown himself at 
least the equal of his successor. 

* The science of genuine history,' he remarks, ' is three- 
fold : first, the dealing with written documents and the 
arrangement of the material thus obtained. Second, topo- 
graphy, the appearance of cities and localities, the descrip- 
tion of rivers and harbours, and, speaking generally, the 
peculiar features of seas and countries and their relative 
distances. Thirdly, political affairs.' 

A great many of his miscellaneous remarks are extremely 
shrewd. Here, for example, is one with reference to the 
extraordinary effect which the Lacedaemonian Xanthippus 
had in restoring the fortunes of the Carthaginians, after 
their first defeats by Regulus, It will be found in Book i. 
chap. 35. 

'Again we are taught the truth of that saying of 
Euripides : " One wise man's skill is worth a world in 
arms. For it was one man, one brain that defeated the 
numbers which were believed to be invincible and able to 
accomplish anything; and restored to confidence a whole 
city that was unmistakably and utterly ruined, and the 
spirits of its army which had sunk to the lowest depths of 
despair,* 

The actual words used by Polybius, in referring to 
Euripides, are : 

* ^Ev aoifKtp l3ov\evfia 7a9 TroXXay XS'pa* vi/ca ' 
an impossible line, of course. 

Mr. Shuckburgh gives the idea quite correctly; but I 
should have preferred the more literal prose rendering: 
' One wise counsel prevails over many hands ' ; reminding 
one of the equally true words, * Dix mille ignorances ne 
font pas un savoir/ 

If there ever was a time when the doctrine of the 



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PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 9 

supreme importance of the individual brain had to be 
brought prominently forward, it is* that in which we live, 
when the multitude is told, by some of the people to whom 
it likes to listen, that the highest ability required for the 
most difficult duties can be bought for 500/. a year. 

Polybius returns to the same thought in Book x. 
chap. 32 : 

' For what is the use of a commander or general, who 
has not learnt that the leader ought to keep as far as pos- 
sible aloof from those minor operations in which the whole 
fortune of the campaign is not involved ? Or of one who 
does not know that even if circumstances should at times 
forcQ them to engage in such subordinate movements, the 
commanders-in-chief should not expose themselves to danger 
until a large number of their company have fallen ? For, as 
the proverb has it, the experiment should be made " on the 
worthless Carian," not on the General. For to say, " I 
shouldn't have thought it," — "Who would have expected 
it ? " seems to me the clearest proof of strategical incom- 
petence and dulness.' 

Take another specimen of our historian's sagacity in 
Book v. chap. 3 1 : 

* " Well begun is half done " was meant by its inventors 
to urge the importance of taking the greater pains to make 
a good beginning than anything else. And though some 
may consider this an exaggeration, in my opinion it comes 
short of the truth ; for one might say with confidence, not 
that " the beginning was half the business," but rather that 
it was near being the whole.' 

Here is a third in Book ii. chapter 47 : 

' He satisfied himself that Antigonus was a man of activity 
and practical ability, with some pretensions to the character 
of a man of honour ; he, however, knew perfectly well that 
kings look on no man as a friend or foe from personal con- 
siderations, but ever measure friendships and enmities solely 
by the standard of expediency.' 

We shall find a fourth in Book iv. chapter 8 : 



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lO TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

' Not only is it the case that the same man has an apti- 
tude for one class of activities and not for another ; it often 
happens that in things closely analogous the same man will 
be exceedingly acute and exceedingly dull, exceedingly 
courageous and exceedingly timid. Nor is this a paradox ; 
it is a very ordinary fact, well known to all attentive ob- 
servers.' 

In chapter i6 of the same book we read : 

* But though the conduct of the yEtolians caused them 
momentary indignation, they were not excessively moved by it, 
because it was no more than what the ^Etolians habitually 
did. Their anger, therefore, was short-lived, and they pre- 
sently voted against going to war with them. So truQ is it 
that an habitual course of wrong-doing finds readier pardon 
than when it is spasmodic or isolated.' 

The following is from a fragment, placed by Mr. Shuck- 
burgh at the end of Book xx. : 

* To see an operation with one's own eyes is not like merely 
hearing a description of it. It is, indeed, quite another thing ; 
and the confidence which such vivid experience gives is always 
greatly advantageous.' 

I remember the same idea being put more epigrammatically 
by the Maharajah of Cashmere, who said to me at Jummoo in 
1875 : 'Between the ear and the eye there are only two or 
three fingers* breadth ; but there is a mighty difference be- 
tween hearing and seeing.' 

Very interesting is this reflection on the death of his hero 
Philopoemen in Book xxii. chapter 1 2. That remarkable and 
nearly up to the close of his life most fortunate man was cap- 
tured and murdered by Messenians. His warm admirer says : 

* It was, I suppose, a case of the common proverb, 
**A man may have a stroke of luck, but no man can be 
lucky always." We must therefore call our predecessors 
fortunate, without pretending that they were so invariably, 
for what need is there to flatter Fortune by a meaningless 
and false compliment? It is those who have enjoyed For- 
tune's smiles in their life for the longest time, and who, when 



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PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS II 

she changes her mind, meet with only moderate mishaps, 
that we must speak of as fortunate.' 

How wise again is the observation in Book xvi. chapter 
8: 

* I was induced to make these remarks, because I ob- 
served that some men, like bad runners in the stadium, 
abandon their purposes when close to the goal, while it is at 
that particular point, more than at any other, that others 
secure the victory over their rivals/ 

These words may recall to us the first Lord Lytton's fine 
lines on an English Parliamentary career. He is speaking of 
the failure in the House of Commons of Mackworth Praed : 

* Yet in St. Stephen's this bright creature failed. 
Yes, but o'er failure had he not prevailed, 
If his that scope in time which victory needs. 
Fame is a race, he who runs on succeeds. 
True in all contests, in the Senate's most, 
There but small way till half a life is lost.' 

The outlook of Polybius on the world was too wide to 
make him a devotee of mere municipal patriotism. In Book 
xviii chapter 14, he says : 

' The man who measures everything by the interests of 
his own particular state, and imagines that all the Greeks 
ought to have their eyes fixed upon Athens, on the pain of 
being styled traitors, seems to me to be ill-informed, and to 
be labouring under a strange delusion. 

• For what did the Athenians eventually get by their op- 
position to Philip ? Why, the crowning disaster of the defeat 
at Cha^ronea. And had it not been for the king's magnani- 
mity and regard for his own reputation, their misfortunes 
would have gone even further, thanks to the policy of 
Demosthenes.' 

I wish the moderns had not followed the bad example 
which Polybius reprobates in this passage. Half the mistakes 
that have been made about Greece in this century have arisen 
from the fact that the West has reasoned from a brief period 



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12 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

in the history of Athens, when it was splendid alike in arts, 
literature, and arms. The poets of the nineteenth century in- 
vented a purely imaginary Greece, as Fuad Pasha or someone 
writing under his name so truly observed in that noble paper 
which he is said to have addressed on his death-bed to the 
Sultan, and which, given to the world by the Revue de Paris, has 
not, I venture to think, excited the attention which it deserves. 

Infinite political mischief has been done by the habit of 
confining our attention to one fragment of old Hellenic his^ 
tory. To know what Greeks were and are, we should read 
their story in its outlines through all the ages. Then, perhaps 
too many misguided persons in France, England, and Ger- 
many would not have listened to the promises of M. Tricoupi, 
because Aristides was called * the Just' 

Polybius knew his countrymen as well even as Herodotus. 
Look for example at the passage in Book xxxii. chapter 
8, in which he contrasts the disinterestedness of ^milius 
Paul us with that of the Greeks who stood most in repute for 
that virtue : 

*If,' he says, 'to abstain from appropriating money 
entrusted to a man for the benefit of the depositor deserves 
our admiration, as is said to have happened in the case of 
the Athenian Aristides and the Theban Epaminondas, how 
much more admirable is it to be master of a kingdom and 
yet to have coveted nothing in it ! ' 

I would that he could give some advice to the Cabinets 
of Europe at this moment 

Not unfrequently Polybius would seem to be writing 
about events of our own day. Very interesting for example 
are his reflections on the end of the Celtic War in B.C. 222, 
and they have a bearing not only on the behaviour of Celtic 
tribes in the field, but may well be taken account of by those 
who have to deal with them in civil life. 

* The Gauls showed no power of planning or carrying out 
a campaign, and in everything they did were swayed by 
impulse rather than by sober calculation. As I have seen 
these tribes, after a short struggle, entirely ejected from the 



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PRESIDENTIAL ADD: 

Valley of the Padus, with the exception of some few locah'ties 
lying close to the Alps, I thought I ought not to let their 
original attack upon Italy pass unrecorded, any more than 
their subsequent attempts, or their final ejectment ; for it is 
the function of the historian to record and transmit to posterity 
such episodes in the drama of Fortune ; that our posterity 
may not from ignorance of the past be unreasonably dismayed 
at the sudden and unexpected invasions of these barbarians, 
but may reflect how short-lived and easily damped the spirit 
of this race is ; and so may stand to their defence.* 

The hordes who streamed southward into Italy or Greece 
were bad people to run away from. 

Here again, in Book i. chapter 67^ is a remark used 
with reference to the mutiny of the Carthaginian mercenaries, 
which might have been penned in India in 1857 • 

* Armies in such a state are not usually content with mere 
human wickedness. They end by assuming the ferocity of 
wild beasts and the vindictiveness of insanity.' 

The following in Book xxiv. chapter 4 might be an 
extract from the Review of 1896 in the Times : — 

* In Crete there was the beginning of great troubles set in 
motion, if one should speak of "a beginning of troubles" in 
Crete ; for owing to the persistency of Civil Wars and the 
acts of savagery practised against each other, beginning and 
end are much the same in Crete ; and what appears to some 
people to be an incredible story is a spectacle of everyday 
occurrence there.' 

I commend this passage to those who feel themselves 
able to be very enthusiastic about the Cretans. Even in what 
are supposed to have been the virtuous ages of Greece they 
were described by their neighbours in an hexameter line 
which became known in Christendom by being quoted in 
Titus i. 12. Is there the slightest reason to imagine that 
they have improved in any degree since then, or that, if the 
distinction between Mussulman and Christian did not supply 
them with a motive for cutting each other's throats, they 
would not find some other ? 



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14 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

The following words from Book il. chapter 20 might 
have been written of France, in the end of the last and the 
beginning of the present century : — 

' For at this period Fortune seems to have plagued the 
Gauls with a kind of epidemic of war.' 

On one point Polybius has very directly and very power- 
fully influenced the modem world, for it was he, to the best 
of my belief, who first set forth, in detail and with reasons, 
the importance of Constantinople. His views on this subject 
are given in Book iv. chapter 38 and the following chapters. 
He begins by saying that : — 

*As far as the sea is concerned, Byzantium occupies a 
position the most secure and in every way the most advanta- 
geous of any town in our quarter of the world : while in 
regard to the land, its situation is in both respects the most 
unfavourable.' 

He then points out that Byzantium so completely com- 
mands the entrance to the Pontus, that no merchant can sail 
in or out against its will ; adding that, the Pontus being rich 
in what all the rest of the world requires for the staff of life, 
the Byzantines are absolute masters of all such things — as for 
instance cattle, slaves, honey, wax, and salt fish ; in exchange 
for which the Greeks sent them oil and wine, while they 
sometimes exported corn, and sometimes imported it 

Next follows a long account of the Pontus, and a curious 
prophecy (which has been falsified by events) that it would 
be gradually filled up by the alluvium of the Danube and 
other rivers. This is succeeded by a description of the 
currents which Mash and lave Europe and Asia,' ending 
thus : — 

• A current runs from the place on the Asiatic side called 
the Cow, the place on which the myth declares lo to have 
first stood after swimming the channel. From there it runs 
right up to Byzantium, and, dividing into two streams on 
either side of the city, the lesser part of it forms the gulf 
called the Horn, while the greater part swer\es once more 
across. But it has no longer sufficient way on it to reach the 



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PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 1 5 

opposite shore on which Calchedon stands ; for, after its 
several counter-blows, the current, finding at this point a 
wider channel, slackens ; and no longer makes short rebounds 
at right angles from one shore to the other, but more and 
more at an obtuse angle, and accordingly, falling short of 
Calchedon, runs down the middle of the channel. 

* What then makes Byzantium a most excellent site, and 
Calchedon the reverse, is just this ; and although at first sight 
both positions seem equally convenient, the practical fact is 
that it is difficult to sail up to the latter, even if you wish to 
do so ; while the current carries you to the former, whether 
you will or no, as I have just now shown.' 

Steam has long since destroyed the importance of the 
currents on which Polybius so much dwells, and the Thracians 
plus the Gauls, whose near neighbourhood made, in his view, 
its position so unfavourable by land, have long since vanished 
into space ; but we are still constantly occupied with thoughts 
about its admirable maritime position and its relation to 
various neighbours at least as dangerous as ever was Gaul or 
Thracian. 

How much of our preoccupations are reasonable, and 
how much merely inherited, I will not now inquire; but 
surely Polybius did much to turn men's thoughts in this 
direction. 

He not only came to wise conclusions about the world 
around him, and about past events ; he looked forward with very 
clear eyes into the future. Devoted as he was to the Roman 
Constitution, personally attached as he was to many Romans 
of distinction— more especially to the family of the Scipios — 
he had no illusions about the seeds of mischief in the Great 
Republic. He foresaw the days of Marius and Sulla, nay he 
even had the vision of the Caesarian power, under which the 
terrified and distracted citizens would eventually have to take 
refuge. 

He has been accused by some of not being impartial. I 
should say that, considering all things, he was very impartial 
—quite as impartial as most historians who have a real 



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1 6 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

interest in the subject about which they write. One might as 
soon have expected a French soldier, who had fought through 
Napoleon's campaigns, to write impartially of the conduct of 
England during the great war, as to find Polybius speaking 
well of the mortal foes of his native Arcadia and of the Achaean 
league. That such a lover of Rome should be so fair to 
Hannibal is infinitely to his credit He is often severe in 
censuring other historians, but they probably richly deserved 
the censure ; and he was quite willing to be censured for 
faults similar to those which he reproves in them. There is 
an interesting passage in Book xvi. chapter 20, which shows 
his way of looking at honest criticism — not the mere criticism 
of private spite : 

' When Zeno received my letter, and found that it was 
impossible to make the correction, because his history was 
already published, he was much vexed but could do nothing. 
He, however, put the most friendly interpretation on my pro- 
ceeding ; and in regard to this point, I would beg my own 
readers, whether of my own or future generations, if I am 
ever detected in making a deliberate misstatement, and dis- 
regarding truth in any part of my history, to criticise me 
unmercifully, but if I do so from lack of information, to make 
allowances ; and I ask it for myself more than others, owing 
to the size of my history and the extent of ground covered 
by its transactions.' 

I might quote a great many more passages illustra- 
ting my point, but I think I have quoted enough to show 
that Polybius deserves more attention than he receives. 
I do not think there can be a doubt — and it is an 
opinion which I have frequently expressed — that before 
long there must be a complete revision of our system of 
classical studies. It has been shorn of a good many nonsen- 
sical excrescences in the last thirty years, and change is still 
proceeding in some of the more backward regions. Probably 
no man at the head of a great school would now venture to 
say, what a person in that position did say to me thirty-six 
years ago, that he did not teach Greek on account of any- 



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PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 1/ 

thing that was to be read in it, but simply on account of its 
difficulty. Still there is an immense deal to be done both in 
proscribing and prescribing, in decreeing what it is unnecessary 
for young scholars to read, and what they ought not to omit. 
When everyone gets their rights, I think a little of Polybius 
will be insisted on, and that those who read some well-chosen 
passages of his works will, if the accidents of life give them 
the management of public affairs, have not un frequently 
occasion to remember judicious observations made or wise 
counsels given by him. 



N.S.— VOL. XI. c 

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19 



A PROPOSAL FOR A NEW HISTORICAL 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 

By FREDERIC HARRISON 
Read November 19, 1896 

The proposed amalgamation of the Royal Historical Society 
with the Camden Society, from which we hope to see many 
advantages to both, has led me to submit for consideration a 
scheme in which both societies might collaborate for the 
preparation of a competent Bibliography of English History. 
All students are aware how singularly deficient is our 
literature in the department of historical bibliography. 
France and Germany have now been working in this field 
with great industry, and more or less success, for more than a 
century. They have shown us many lacunce and not a few 
errors to avoid ; and we may now, at any rate, perceive what 
schemes are impracticable and what are useless. England, 
which has with such energy, and I venture to think with 
such signal success, laboured on a series of exhaustive 
Calendars of her Manuscript authorities, has been curiously 
slow to set about a scientific bibliography of the published 
materials of her own history. 

I am quite aware that this is a question essentially for 
experts, and as I have not the smallest pretension to be an 
expert in bibliography, it is with much diffidence that I 
venture to ask the attention of those before me, so many of 
whom are far more competent to discuss the problem than I 
can pretend to be. But my purpose is not at all to dogmatise, 
or to impose any hard and fast scheme for acceptance. I 
shall seek only to open a discussion, to invite suggestions, 

c 2 



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20 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

and to call attention to some of the conditions of the problem, 
and the difficulties with which various earlier attempts have 
been met 

To put my proposal into a summary form it is this. The 
task is to form, to sketch the plan, or perhaps to commence, 
a systematic survey of the printed authorities for English 
history. For reasons that I shall explain, the scheme would 
not include Manuscript documents ; for these obviously stand 
on a totally different footing, and for these so much has 
already been done. The scheme would be limited to English 
history, a field quite vast enough in itself, for which so little 
has yet been done by English bibliographers. But it would 
not be limited to English authorities. The task would 
obviously be divided into chronological epochs ; and might 
be limited at first to a definite period. It must have, in my 
opinion, at least two departments : one being subdivided into 
subjects as heads of parts ; another being subdivided into 
chronological epochs. I shall discuss whether any, and what, 
other departments are desirable. I shall propose that this be 
not a mere catalogue of books or of authors' names ; but a 
brief analysis of contents and a careful estimate of value and 
importance, succinctly stated and so as not to trench on the 
province of criticism. 

It seems to me obvious that a work of this kind, if it is to 
be really thorough and exhaustive, should not be attempted by 
any one person. And it is not very likely to prove a success 
if any one person were bold enough to attempt it. It is 
eminently the work for a combination of specialists labouring 
on a common type, just as the 'Dictionary of National 
Biography ' or the * New English Dictionary ' of Dr. Murray. 
Like either of these works it could be prepared and issued in 
sections ; and a number of collaborators could divide amongst 
themselves sections large or small, when once a satisfactory 
type had been approved and a competent direction secured. 
The Royal Historical Society and the Camden Society count 
in their ranks a considerable number of students amply 
equipped to take part in such a work. Few of them perhaps 



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A PROPOSAL FOR A NEW HISTORICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY 21 

would feel equal to the labour of completing the task as a 
whole, or any very large proportion of it, even if they felt 
equal to bring to the whole the requisite learning and know- 
ledge. But every serious historical student could with 
moderate labour make his contribution to an adequate biblio- 
graphy of his own field of study. It is a kind of publication 
particularly suited to the periodical issue of historical studies 
which has so long been the business of these two societies, 
now happily about to unite their forces. Lastly, there is 
another facility of the same kind of no small importance. 
An exhaustive Bibliography, like the catalogue of a national 
Library, has to be continually brought up to date by supple- 
ments and revisions. A publishing society which has a 
continuous action, and a periodical issue, has facilities for 
supplementary volumes and revised lists which no individual 
author can have. The weakness of almost all extant Biblio- 
graphies is that they so rapidly become obsolete. They have 
no machinery for automatic revision. A society with a 
continuous life may readily secure this. 

Such are the points as to which I propose to invite 
discussion and which I submit for consideration. As I began 
by saying, I have no thought of dogmatising or of insisting 
on any particular plan. If there were any support given me 
as to the accomplishment of such a work being desirable and 
feasible, all that I would ask is this— that after further con- 
sideration a small committee might be named to report to 
the Society, in its new collective form, the conclusions they 
have formed as to the possibility of the Society undertaking 
such a task, as to the type on which it might be framed, and 
as to the details and business arrangements on which such a 
publication could be based. 

I shall not occupy your time by reviewing the various 
attempts that have been made in foreign countries to form 
historical bibliographies, the greater part of which are now 
obsolete, whilst none of them supply us with the type of what 
we are now in search of. It will be more useful to refer all 
interested in this subject to a new and very valuable little 



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22 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

book by Charles Langlois — his * * Manuel de Bibliographic 
Historique,' which has just appeared. This compact, sensible, 
and accurate volume classifies and reviews all the works 
dealing with historical bibliography ; and I shall take the 
sketch that he gives of previous attempts as the starting-point 
of my suggestions, without going over the ground anew. I 
shall also refer you to two very suggestive articles by Mr. 
Tedder, the accomplished Librarian of the Athenaeum Club — 
articles unfortunately buried in special publications.* 

Whilst the older bibliographies and most of the foreign 
ones show us rather what we should avoid than what we 
should imitate, there are a few French and German books 
of which it is essential to speak, from their conspicuous merits 
of one kind or other. The Bibliographies of universal 
history may be put aside at once, for it is manifestly impossible 
to treat a field so vast with thoroughness, in ample detail, and 
yet with accuracy. Such general historical bibliographies as 
we possess are either mere catalogues of books like the 
sections in Brunet's' * Manuel du Libraire,' or Sonnenschein's* 

* Best Books,' works which for English History may give the 
titles of about i,ooo books; or Oesterley's *Wegweiser der 
Urkundensammlungen,' 1886; or Ersch's 'Literatur der 
Geschichte,' 1827 ; or else, like Professor C. Kendall Adams's* 

* Manual of Historical Literature,' consist of running criti- 
cisms, to which continual exception will be taken. 

The Middle -Ages in Europe have engaged the labours 
of some laborious foreign scholars. Potthast's ® * Bibliotheca 

* Manuel cU Biblhgraphie ffirtariquey par Ch. V. Langlois : I. iDStniments 
Bibliographiques. Paris : 1896. 

* I'he Library Chroniile^ iii. 185 : * Proposals for a Bibliography of National 
History ; ' T7u Library ^ i. 15 : Review of G. Monod's Bibliographie de Phistoire 
de Frame. 

* J. C Brunet, Manuel du Libraire et de Vamaieur de livres, 5me id. 
Paris : 1860-65. 6 vols. 8vo. 

* Sonnenschein, Tlie Best Books, and ed. London and New York : 189 1. 

* C. Kendall Adams, LL.D., Manual 0/ Historical Liieralure, 3rd ed. 
New York : 1889. 

* August Polthast, Wegweiser durch die Gesckichtswerke des europiiischen 
MiUelalUrs bis 1500. Berlin : 1895. 



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A PROPOSAL FOR A NEW HISTORICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY 23 

historica medii aevi/ which i5 a guide to the historical 
literature before 1500, is now being issued in a new and 
enlarged edition which has reached the word 'Mystere.* 
This for the ground it professes to cover is a masterly 
dictionary of bibliography ; but its purpose is limited to the 
bibliography of works earlier than 1 500, not noticing subse- 
quent publications that relate to the same period. On the 
other hand M. Ulysse Chevalier * has devoted more than 
twenty years to his voluminous * Repertoire des Sources 
Historiques du Moyen Age.' This vast work of 2,370 closely 
printed columns is now being followed up by a second part 
which has reached a thousand columns, down to the letter E ; 
and if ever completed it is to be followed by a third part of 
hardly less formidable dimensions. The only merit of M. 
Chevalier's colossal undertaking is the indefatigable industry 
which has occupied him now for twenty-two years in collecting 
an enormous number of references in all European languages, 
even in obsolete periodicals. His first volume contains 40,000 
articles, many of these articles containing some hundreds of 
references. The order is simply alphabetical : there is no 
classification : no estimate : no kind of analysis or description. 
Obsolete rubbish in forgotten and undiscoverable articles 
figure side by side with important standard works. It would 
be of little use to the ordinary reader to turn to the 600 
references given under * Dante ' which range from Boccaccio 
to * Hood's Magazine ' and the * Journal des D^bats,' both of 
1845, and omit the names of John Carlyle, W. W. Vernon, 
A. Butler, and Scartazzini. In his * Topo-Bibliographie ' the 
names of places may be useful, and such heads as * Albigeois,' 
and the like, with fifty or sixty references. But when in his 
seventy columns for * Angleterre ' we find citations of 
Blackstone's * History of England ' but not Professor Freeman ; 
the * Christian Observer ' but neither Hallam, Macaulay, nor 
Stubbs ; Mrs. Markham, * All the Year Round,' and 

* Ulysse Chevalier, RSpertoire des Sources Historiques du Moyen Age — Bio- 
Bibliographies Part I. Paris: 1877-86; Part II. Topo-Bibliographie \ A-B, 
B-E ; 1894-S : MontWliard. 



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24 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

* Lippincott's Magazine/ but not Milman— one wonders of 
what use such a compilation can be. At the same time a 
student may occasionally find some useful references to stray 
pieces that he might otherwise overlook. 

I have only mentioned these works to eliminate those 
classes of which we have no use. We do not want biblio- 
graphies of universal history ; we do not want mere catalogues 
of books in some given language, or of books written before 
some given date. We do not want miscellaneous dictionaries 
of undigested references to worthless, obsolete, and fugitive 
articles. But Chevalier's 400,000 references in one of his 
three volumes may at least suggest to us the usefulness of 
carefully selected references to minor pieces and periodical 
papers. Brunet and Lorenz and similar compilations are 
mere catalogues of books. Potthast gives us no modern 
literature at all. And Chevalier is voluminous without 
method, system, or knowledge. 

Fortunately there are three books— bibliographies of 
national histoi y — which as far as they go^ come very much 
nearer to what we are seeking. One is German ; one French ; 
one English. They are * Dahlmann and Waitz, in the recent 
edition by Steindorff for German History ; Gabriel Monod's 
** Bibliographic ' for French History; and Mullinger's list of 
"Authorities for English History,' being the second part to 
Professor Gardiner's * Introduction to the Study of English 
History.' All of these are well-known and very useful books, 
which it is needless to describe and it would be superfluous 
to praise. All three follow a scheme of chronological sub- 
division and are not dictionaries of names, or catalogues of 
book!!, but are true systematic bibliographies. Each have 
their own merits of plan ; but none of them are complete. 
Monod follows Dahlmann's plan almost exactly, giving first a 

* Dahlmann und Waits, QuelUnkunde dcr detUschen CeschickU^ von EX 
Steindorff. Gottingen : 1S94. 8vo. 

* G. Monod, Bibliographic de PHistoire de France, Paris : 1888. 8vo. 

* S. R. Gardiner and J. Bass Mpllinger, ItUroduciion to the Sttidy of English 
History^ 3rd ed. London : 1894. 8vo. 



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A PROPOSAL FOR A NEW HISTORICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY 2$ 

list of works divided into classes — such as local and municipal 
histories, political institutions, legal, military, industrial 
sections. This occupies 132 pp. Then follows a second part 
divided into six epochs down to 1789 — which occupies 240 pp. 
Mullinger's list of authorities is given only in chronological 
epochs. On the other hand, Mullinger gives an analysis and 
description of each work, with- a careful estimate, whereas 
neither Dahlmann nor Monod give us any account or estimate 
of the books they name, except by an asterisk, nor even the 
titles with the needful fulness. As Mr. Tedder very justly 
remarks in the review in *The Library' just quoted, *the 
weak feature of Monod's book is that the author gives us no 
bibliographical information.' And this is true also of 
Dahlmann. I venture to submit that Dahlmann, Monod, and 
Mullinger are all right in what they include and wrong in 
what they omit. It is essential to give, as Mullinger doe«, 
but as Dahlmann and Monod do not do, some adequate 
account and estimate of every work or paper mentioned, with 
a full and exact title, a short summary of contents, and a 
practical account of editions. It is also essential to give, as 
Dahlmann and Monod both do, but as Mullinger has not 
done, at least two parts — one being a classified set of subjects, 
as well as a chronological part. And it would no doubt be 
desirable to add a third part, a critical bibliography of editions 
in a classified shape. What we really want is a systematic 
and critical list of works, first of those relating to classified 
subjects and institutions, then those relating to chronological 
epochs, and thirdly a critical bibliography or history of the 
books themselves. We want an account of the contents and 
an estimate of each work, and not simply a catalogue of titles. 
Dahlmann in the new form of Steindorff, 1894, enlarged 
to nearly double its old dimensions (with 6,550 references in 
lieu of 3,753), is now, I believe, in every way but one the most 
systematic and scientific type of a bibliography of National 
History we possess. The one great defect of it is that it gives 
us neither estimate, analysis, nor even the full titles of the 
books that are cited, and it makes no attempt to go beyond 



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26 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

substantive works. Its scheme is excellent. The first part, 
with subjects under fifty headings, occupies the first quarter 
of the volume with 1,677 references. The chronological part, 
with nearly 5,000 references, is in eight chronological sections 
and comes down to 1888. 

These three bibliographies of national history give us 
some idea of what is wanted, but as I said only as far as they 
go. They are none of them anything like exhaustive works, 
nor do they profess to be. Monod gives us 4,500 references 
or titles of books, the enlai^ed Dahlmann and Waitz some- 
what more, Le, 6,550. But Mullinger's excellent list is con- 
tained in 260 pp. of small 8vo. and does not mention more 
than 500 to 600 works* Mr. Mul linger expressly tells us that 
his list does not pretend * to represent the bibliography of our 
historical literature.' It is in fact, what it is designed to be, 
a general students* manual and nothing more — excellent as 
far as it goes, but only presenting an outline of what a complete 
bibliography of English history might be made. Neither 
Dahlmann, Monod, nor Mullinger attempt to deal with details, 
pamphlets, occasional monographs, or periodical literature. 
It would be out of the question to expect anything of the 
kind within the limits of an octavo volume. It is here that 
Chevalier with his inexhaustible industry comes in. He 
alone, as far as I know, has gone into the bye-ways and hedges 
of the literature and research scattered about in essays, 
periodicals, pamphlets, and even journals. And though I 
must confess that his portentous dustheaps of historical 
reference form little but masses of confused rubbish for the 
most part, it is true that from time to time a judicious reader 
may pick up valuable nuggets and lumps of ore well worth the 
smelting. The 400,000 references of the * Bio-bibliog^phie ' 
will only confuse and bewilder an ordinary student But if 
we were to reduce the matter to round numbers, I suppose 
we want say 40,000 references rather than Monod's 4,000. 

I will now only enumerate the conditions on which I 
believe it possible to construct a systematic survey of the 
printed authorities for English history. 



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^ PROPOSAL FOR A NEW HISTORICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY 2/ 

I. The scheme would not include Manuscripts. A student 
of course can always procure an ordinary published work. 
A manuscript he can only consult by going to the library 
where the particular manuscript is. When he gets there he 
wilt almost always find excellent catalogues, calendars, and 
ample assistance. I have not mentioned Sir T, Duffus 
Hardy's great work— the 'Descriptive Catalogue of MSS. 
relating to Great Britain and Ireland/ 1862-1871, first, 
because it is devoted to Manuscripts, secondly, because it 
deals with early epochs only down to 1327, and thirdly, 
because it is much stronger in the bibliography of MSS. than 
in criticism of their contents and value. Beda in Hardy fills 
26 pp. whilst Roger Bacon fills only one page — which is a 
rather disproportionate allowance from the historical point 
of view. The second part of Hardy's first volume contains a 
most valuable list of printed books, which occupies no less 
than 238 pp. and may refer to some S,ooo volumes. This 
list would always be most serviceable to any future biblio- 
grapher. 

n. It needs little argument to show that the scheme 
should be limited to English history. The failure of all 
attempts to deal with general history, the vastness of the 
field of English history, and the glaring errors and oversights 
even of learned men who have essayed to cover a single 
epoch for European history, all warn us to limit our task 
to the history of our own land and people. It would be 
ridiculous to limit the catalogues to English writers and 
scholars. The result would be that we should exclude 
Froissart, Polydore Vergil, Motley, Guizot, Ranke, and 
GneisL 

III. It is essential to introduce the division into epochs 
by a classified scheme of subjects, institutions, general and 
special titles, as where Monod, under the heading * Sources 
Legislatives,' enters the * Assises de J<^rusalem ' &c., by 
Beugnot, and the * Etablissements de Saint-Louis ' by Viollet. 
This plan was first adopted by Dahlmann who was followed 
by Monod. My own opinion is, that the second, the chrono«» 



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28 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

logical and principal part of a full bibliography should be 
followed by a third part giving a critical account of the best 
editions, the translations, commentaries, and any corollaries 
or supplements of the works mentioned. This would be a 
bibliography of books, not of matter. It would be the 
shortest of the three, and of course might be included in the 
other parts. I doubt if the biographical section as found in 
Chevalier's *Bio-Bibliographie' should be added. No other 
writer has attempted anything of the kind. And for English 
history we already have a very ample * Dictionary of Bio- 
graphy ' in the great work edited by Mr. Leslie Stephen and 
Mr. Sidney Lee, now happily approaching the last lap of its 
immense orbit. 

IV. It seems to me quite essential that the work should 
have some critical estimate of the books noted, as, without 
this, the student is presented with a mere library catalogue, 
and is left to his resources to discover what is valuable and 
what is unimportant, what is of first-class authority and what 
is of doubtful authority, though it may contain an occasional 
fact or suggestion to be noted. Mullinger introduces the 
excellent plan of classifying his authorities under three heads 
— Contemporary, Non-Contemporary, Modern. It is curious 
that the bibliographies in English alone do this. Sir T. D. 
Hardy's great work contains ample criticism ; so has Mr. 
Mullinger, and so has the American manual of Professor 
Adams, though we cannot always agree with the criticism. 
Neither Potthast, Dahlmann, Chevalier, nor Monod attempt 
anything but the slightest indication of value or of contents, 
Dahlmann and Monod simply marking their special selections 
with a star. In my opinion, any detailed criticism would be 
a failure, especially in a work of many hands and bearing the 
imprimatur of a society. A brief summary of value and a 
general classification of rank as authority, would be, I think, 
desirable, if not indispensable. It is, perhaps, even more 
essential that the work should give a summary sketch of the 
contents, scope, and extent of every work cited — something, 
I mean, corresponding to the analyses so admirably given in 



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A PROPOSAL FOR A NEW HISTORICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY 29 

many of the * Calendars of State Papers/ but not running to 
the length and detail of so many articles in Sir T. Hardy's 

* Descriptive Catalogue of MSS./ or even so full as those 
given by Mr. Mullinger. 

V. In proposing that the Bibliography should be complete, 
I by no means intend by that that it should be exfiaustive in 
the sense of containing every notice, long or short, good, 
bad, and indifferent, that can be traced in any printed page. 
Comprehensiveness of that mechanical kind always ends in 
confusion. We might as well present the student with fifty 
volumes extracted from the catalogue of the British Museum. 
A rational historical bibliography, like a rational history, 
demands selection, judgment, proportion, careful winnowing 
of the wheat from the chaff. A mere catalogue of books, 
essays, articles, or notices is the proper task of a librarian 
working up a librarian's catalogue. He has to tabulate — not 
to judge or choose. Chevalier shows us what a Tower of 
Babel may be built up by sheer plodding for a whole 
generation without sense, judgment, or even learning. A 
bibliography, to be worthy of English scholarship, however 
complete, however exhaustive in its research, should be 
emphatically a select, systematic, and judicious assortment 
of authorities. Just as a real history is not a series of annals, 
so a real bibliography is not a mere catalogue of books. 

In conclusion, the point which I desire especially to 
submit to this Society is as follows. Experience seems to 
have proved that neither learning nor industry can enable 
any one scholar to produce a scientific bibliography on a 
great scale — so to speak, off his own bat— any more than 
a single scholar could have produced the * Dictionary of 
National Biography,' or the * New English Dictionary,' or the 

* Calendars of State Papers.' A scholar, who is a thoroughly 
competent guide for some definite area of historical research, 
will inevitably fall into errors and omissions if he attempts to 
handle an unlimited field. Our Society, with all the new 
blood which is shortly to stimulate its veins, can supply 
guidance for a variety of special subjects as well as for a 



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3b TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

series of epochs. Roughly speaking, I think there is room 
for at least twenty or thirty different sections. My own 
estimate of scale would be about one of the larger volumes of 
the * Calendars of State Papers ' — one volume for each part, 
be they two or three. And perhaps three or four years of 
labour, when a type and scheme had been thoroughly settled, 
might bring the work to a close. It would be a work worthy 
of these two societies, and would remove from English 
historical learning that reproach which Mr. Tedder has so 
well described in his paper — *that the student has now to 
grope his way through unclassified catalogues.' 



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31 



THE ECOLE DES CHARTES AND ENGLISH 

RECORDS 

By Professor F. YORK POWELL 

Read June 17, 1897 

My subject obviously deserves a skilled advocate to prefent 
it to the public, but as a professional historical student 
speaking to historical students I may be pardoned if I 
attempt only the plainest exposition, and * let me find a 
charter in your voice to assist my simpleness.' 

Probably the best way will be to begin with a brief 
account of the French Ecole des Chartes. Projected in 
1807 by the Due de Cadore as a 'new kind of Port Royal,' 
and in more detailed terms as *a special school of French 
history,' it was approved of by Napoleon. ' A knowledge of 
the method of studying history is a real science in itself,' he 
says, and into his scheme a course of bibliography, the 
history of legislation, the history of the art of war, the 
literary and critical study of history, duly entered. But 
events hindered the realisation of this Imperial. School of 
History, and it was not till 1820 that M. de Gerando, the 
Due de Cadore's former secretary, again urged on the King's 
minister, M. Simeon, the establishment of a School of 
Charters. Simeon's report was agreed to, and on February 
22, 1 82 1, a royal Ordinance authorised the new institution. 
It consisted of twelve students and two professors working 
at the Biblioth^que Royale and the Archives du Royaume. 
L'Abb6 Lespine, of the Library, and M. Pavillet, of the 
Historic section of the Archives, were the first instructors. 



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32 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

By an ordinance of Charles the Tenth, November ii, 
1839, the school was reorganised (according to a project of 
M. Rives adopted in a report of the Comte de la Bour- 
donnoye) on a deeper and wider basis ; and by another 
ordinance of Louis Philippe, December 31, 1846, still 
further enlarged and improved owing to the exertions of the 
Comte de Salvaudy and a number of intelligent d6put&. The 
plan of studies then fixed is the basis of that at present 
pursued, as modified by the later decrees of January 30, 
1869, and May 12, 1882, as the conspectus below will show : 



1846 



1869 



1883 



Present teachers and 
hours per week 



First Year 



Palaeography 
Numismatic . 

Medioeval Latin 



Palaeography 

Romance 
Tongues 

Bibliography 
and Clas>iBca- 
tion of Material 



Palaeography 
Romance Tongues 

Bibliography and 
Classification of 
Material 



Second Year 



Diplomatic . 
Classihcation 
Authors 



of 



Diplomatic 
Classihcation of 

Authors 
Constitutional 

Law 



Diplomatic 
Classification 

Authors 
Constitutional Law 



of 



Sources de I'his- 
toire de France 



Third Year 



Historical Geo- 
graphy 
Constitutional Law 

Archaeology . 

Law : Civil, Canon, 
&c. 



Archaeolc^ 

Law : Civil, 
Canon, &c. 



Sources de This- 

loire de France 
Archaeology 

Law : Civil, Canon, 
&c. 



M. Gautier,* 2 h. 
M. Meyer, 2 h. 

M. Montaiglon, 
I h. 



M. Gir>% 2 h. 
M. Montaiglon, 

I h. 
M. Roy, 2 h. 

M. Luce, I h. 



M. Luce, I h. 

M. Lasteyrie, 

2h. 
M. VioUet, 2 h. 



These professors with M. de Mas Latrie (the chronologist) 
who is Honorary Professor, and M. Morel Fatio (the well- 
known Spanish scholar) who is secretary, make up the per- 
sonnel. It has rooms and library in the New Sorbonne. 

* This devoted and accomplished scholar passed away while this paper was in 
the press. 



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THE 6C0LE DM CHARTES K^T> ENGLISH RECORDS 33 

The Committee of Directeurs consists of M. Delisle, the 
head of the Biblioth^ue Nationale, M. Meyer, the Directeur 
de TEcole des Chartes, M. Servois, Directeur of the Archives 
Nationales, and MM. Wallon, de Rosifere, G. Paris, Haur^au, 
and de Mas Latrie. 

The modest budget of 70,000 fr. is thus made up :* 



Professors »«•••••• 700O 

Director 1000 

Secretary 4000 

Attendance Fee to Committee 2400 

Servants and Porters. ...«•• 3550 

Eight Scholarships of 600 fr 4800 

Temporary payment to Students for work at Cata- 

l(^ing and Law Listing, &c 3600 

Facsimiles 2500 

Books and Binding 2450 

71300 
Deduct value of services rendered unpaid . ^ . 1300 

70000 

The students, who must be Frenchmen of under 25, B.A.'s, 
and not exceed twenty in all, are admitted by an entrance 
examination, in November. This examination, both oral 
and written, comprises Latin prose unseen, history and 
geography of France (German, English, Italian and Spanish 
may also be taken up by any student). Those admitted 
have to pass what we should call " Collections " at Easter, 
being examined by the professors, assisted by the Committee, 
upon the Interpretation of Documents, and upon the lectures 
of the past terms (the marks gained counting for ^) ; and 
further, at end of every year, a more elaborate and general 
examination, both vivd voce and in writing (counting for |), 
by the Committee, assisted by the professors. On these 
examinations depend the order of merit and the permission to 
continue at the school. A thesis ends the course, and by this 

* All these particulars, together with those that follow, are taken from the 

excellent Livret de T&ole des Chartes, 1821^1, published by La Soci^t^ de 

fecole des Chartes. Picard, Paris. 

N.S.— VOL. XL 




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34 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCTETY 

thesis, if accepted, the student acquires the regular diploma of 
Archivisie Paliographe. The two highest in merit the first 
year, and the three best of the second and third years, receive 
each a scholarship of 600 fr. 

It is the special privilege of the Archivisie PaliograpJu 
that certain posts are reserved for him in the Archives 
National and departmental, public libraries, academies, &c. 

You see the bearings of the whole institution ; it gives an 
advanced historic education ; it fits a man for a practical course 
of scientific research ; it keeps up a real standard of historic 
learning, and it turns out a great deal of first-class work — 
theses, reports, monographs and treatises. 

It may here also be added that the fine series of historic 
studies known as the Bibliothfeique of the Ecole des Chartes 
and started by students of this school in 1839 has been of 
highest use to all such Frenchmen as read history or study 
their country's legal institutions. And it is the Ecole des 
Chartes that has provided the philologue with his best 
material for the study of the French dialects of the past. 

It not only provides the teaching but it helps to find a 
career for the taught when he has made himself efficient Its 
training is not designed for the ordinary man; it is not 
• popular ' ; it has nothing more in view than the modest 
function of keeping up a small number of trained specialists, 
who are to serve the nation by giving it the benefit of their 
peculiar aptitudes, and of providing men for a few posts that 
require this special aptitude. It does not take the place of 
the ordinary history teaching in schools or universities, 
which is purely educational^ intended to open the mind and 
secure general knowledge of a certain number of important 
events in the past Its teaching is purely technical^ its duty 
to train the men who are to deal with the material on which 
are founded all the histories that professors and schoolmasters 
teach from, and that children and young people read. 

This excellent, cheap and creditable institution is indeed 
due of those that make one ready to fall in with the pi-oposi- 
tion that after all they really do some things better in France. 



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THE £COLB DBS CHARTES AND ENGLISH RECORDS 35 

In this case the French have seen the necessity for organi- 
sation, and have been careful to adapt the means to the end. 
I am told there are Philistines in the French Chamber who 
yearly attack the modest item of the Budget (not £3fiOO) 
that provides for the existence of the school, but I have no 
doubt they are easily discomfited, for there is no French 
institution more deserving of the support of every thinking 
person in France, or more worthy of the pride that French- 
men are said to take in their administrative institutions. Not 
only Italy, Spain, Russia, Austria, but even Germany has 
learnt the value of the school, and been at pains to set up an 
institution of similar scope. There are the schools of 
Milan, 1842; Venice and Vienna, 1856; Madrid, 1856; 
SL Petersburg, 1877; the Vatican, 1884; and the German 
school now organising if we are correctly informed. 

How do we, practical people that we are, stand ? What 
have we done in this direction? Lately in London, as at 
Oxford and Cambridge, means have been provided by which 
the young man who wishes seriously to study the sources of 
history may begin his training for original work. At Oxford 
at present there are regular courses of palaec^raphy given by 
Mr. F. Madan, of the Bodleian Library ; of diplomatic given 
by Mr. R. L. Poole ; of sources and bibliography by the Regius 
Professor; while law and constitutional history have for 
many years been taught by specialists, and there are libraries 
accessible where what can be learnt from books may be 
learnt and where there is plenty of manuscript material 
available for elementary training. At Cambridge Mr. H. 
Hall, of the Record Office, is announced to lecture for 
the University. In London, 'The School of Economics' 
at Adelphi Terrace already provides similar teaching in 
the elements of palaeography and diplomatic. A man who 
has learnt to read an ordinary mediaeval document, to 
understand its meaning, to date it, and have some idea 
as to its true significance, has learnt something real and 
may be trusted to benefit by further training. What we 
lack is an advanced course and a prospect of employment 

D2 



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36 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOClfeTY 

for the persons trained sufficient to induce them to give 
themselves up to historic work. Now this advanced 
training can only be supplied in the big libraries or the 
Record Office, where the calendaring, classifying and 
abstracting of manuscript material can be properly taught 
and pursued. But there is no machinery at present provided 
for such advanced training at the National Library or at the 
Record Office. These establishments have admirable officials 
of their own, whom they have trained for their own work ; 
but that is all, they have no means of doing more. This is not 
enough. In this country we have literally unrivalled stores 
of manuscript historic material, for, owing to the blessings 
of insularity and that good fortune that has spared us the 
destruction which has swept away so much abroad, we 
have had no Thirty Years' War, no foreign invasion, no 
violent domestic revolution to deplore. Time, ignorance 
and bigotry have, of course, done their work, quietly, per- 
sistently and relentlessly, but they have spared much. 

And this mass of documents has real scientific worth, the 
economic, legal and social histories of England are yet to be 
written, and this manuscript pabulum, as yet only partially 
known and in no kind of way exhaustively used, will supply 
the material The Reports of the Historical Manuscript 
Commission, the Calendars of State Papers, the Roll Series, 
Archaeologia, the publications of the Selden, Camden, 
Surtees, and other societies, all amply witness to the truth 
of this position. There are no proper offices where county 
documents, local records, and other valuable papers can be 
deposited safely and accessibly. Truly the harvest is plentiful 
(for example, the accounts of one single Oxford college have 
furnished the greater part of the matter for the best conspectus 
of the English economic conditions of the past that has as yet 
appeared), the labourers are few and unpaid. Storehouses and 
bams there are none. The Record Office has its own work 
to do on scanty means ; it is well housed, but not even yet 
supplied with a proper reference library. The British Museum, 
with its many separate departments, each needing money 



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THE £COLB DES CHARTBS AND ENGLISH RECORDS 37 

and men, is by no ipeans lavishly supported. Neither can 
it undertake local work. 

The objection, of course, is obvious, so obvious that I 
have heard it from a Chancellor of Exchequer : * Oh yes, 
all this may be so ; we will admit it, for the sake of argument, 
if you like, but these things only concern and interest a few 
specialists.' As if the books taught in your board schools, 
the books studied in your universities, on which all your own 
knowledge of the history of your own country is based, 
were sent down from Heaven, instead of being, as they are, 
the work of a few specialists. You have established armies 
of teachers. From whom are they to learn but from these few 
specialists? There is no need of enforcing such obvious 
propositions here, though there would be at the Treasury. 
* Well, then, what do you propose ? Let us come to practical 
considerations.' I have no cut and dried scheme, but I 
think something of this sort would be reasonable and 
practicable : — 

[a) Let two persons be specially entrusted with the work 
of giving two hours a week instruction for eight months, say, 
of the year, to properly approved candidates (a small 
number), who should attend their courses at the British 
Museum and the Record Office, and learn under them the 
actual work connected with the duties of an archivist We 
will presume these selected candidates to have already gone 
through at least a year's instruction at a university and to 
have a good general knowledge of English history. 

(J>) During their two years' course of instruction a certain 
number of bursaries should be given to such selected candi- 
dates — say £\QOz. year for two years while they are under 
instruction, in the same way as money is granted to selected 
Indian candidates; and ;^I50 the third year, during which, 
having obtained their certificate, they will be working for 
government according to some plan suggested and supervised 
by one of their Instructors. 

(it) Certain posts at the Record Office, the British 
Museum, Govemmeht libraries, &c., should be open onljr to 



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38 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOaETY 

such approved Certificated Archivists. If two or three 
certificates were granted every year it would probably be 
sufficient at first, though to do the work that has to be done 
upon English records within a reasonable time more students 
would of course be needed. 

{cT) In concert with the County Councils, the Government 
should establish County Archives or Registries where the 
public documents of the districts should be preserved and 
arranged under the care of a Certificated Archivist. Counties 
might be grouped for this purpose — for example, a single 
office might suffice Oxford, Bucks and Berks. These 
public County Registries or Local Record Offices would 
also naturally become, under proper conditions, places of 
deposit for any private documents of interest (old counter- 
parts of leases, court rolls), also of copies of interesting 
documents, such as exist buried away in the musty boxes of 
nearly every great country lawyer's office, and certified 
copies, or, at all events, calendars or titled lists of local 
documents existing, elsewhere. It might even be the duty 
of the archivist to guard the old volumes of the parish 
registers, supplying legible copies to the parishes. One can 
easily imagine the rapid growth and development of such a 
local centre for history and archaeology. The part-salary * 
of an archivist, the rent of a house made safe from fire and 
other risks, and the pay of a resident porter and of a copy- 
ing clerk would not cost much. The furnishing of a room 
for the archivist, another for enquirers and workers, with a 
small reference library, would be needed, and for all these 
purposes an outlay of a few hundreds would make ample 
provision to start with and a moderate yearly sum would 
keep the library going, cover repairs, etc. Ten such local 
offices would provide for the needs of the country for a time 
at all events. 

We cannot afford to neglect organisation. We lose time 
and money as long as we do so ; the longer such a matter is 

* Part should be paid by the County Councils themselves, and fees might be 
charged for certified copies, &c. 



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THIR £COL£ DBS CHARTBSKWb ENGLISH RECORDS 39 

put off the more difficult it often is to get it properly done, 
and when it is at last done greater expense is nearly 
alwa}^ involved. If history is to be of any use, and, by 
universal consensus (an argument that will weigh more with 
politician than student), the study of history is a valuable 
branch of knowledge, it must be scientific — that is, it must be 
based upon properly ascertained facts methodically studied. 
All available material must be examined. Economists tell qa 
that the past is helping them to unravel the problem of the 
present Mr. Maitland has been able, working on documents 
hitherto neglected or imperfectly studied, to reconstruct the 
legal history of the age that saw the first modelling of our 
present highly developed institutions. There is no need of 
multiplying illustrations. Ignorance is always expensive. 
Unnecessary ignorance is loss that may be avoided. 

I am not asking for the Endowment of Research. I am 
asking the nation to undertake certain useful work it has 
neglected, work that it will pay it to have done, and that it 
will lose money by neglecting any longer. It can get this 
work done well at little cost. The French have profited by 
recognising the need for this work and providing practical 
means to meet it. They have the best historical school at 
present of any country in the world. Yet with all their 
wealth of material they cannot compare with us in the 
completeness or size of their records. Their school attracts 
pupils from all parts of the world, and they are extremely 
hospitable in granting instruction to such strangers as are 
duly qualified to receive it — a fact I am glad to be able to 
acknowledge publicly on behalf of Oxford pupils and colleagues 
of my own. Let us for once follow the French example, and 
garner and guard our scattered and hitherto unused riches 
while there is time, leisure and money available. We shall 
not repent it. 

I do not think such a scheme will lack approval. The 
Deputy Keeper of the Records has already, both by pen and 
voice, urged the need of further organisation and further 
expenditure in these directions. Neither he nor the Principal 



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4p TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

Librarian of the British Museum would, I fancy, object to 
be provided with a certain number of properly trained 
assistants, instead of having to take in untrained novices and 
waste time over their training. Scarce a member of this 
Society but has at One time or another wished, and wished in 
vain, for such help as the Local Record Offices could afford, 
and deplored that the modern English State has not long 
ago copied the innocent wisdom of the mediaeval Church in 
providing district storehouses and keepers for its documents. 
Few but those who have experienced it can believe the weary 
loss of time, pains, and often temper caused by the present 
iohu-bohu^ a loss entirely unnecessary too. As it is, one has 
often great difficulty in establishing the existence of a 
document, greater still in getting at it — even when the locale 
is known. Several ancient municipal corporations I know of 
have never had their old papers indexed or put in order 
since the sixteenth century. The Record Office cannot do 
local work, its own arrears ate far too heavy ; and its annual 
accessions are enormous and increasing. Moreover it is the 
proper business of the local archivist to know where local 
documents are, and to help one to get at them speedily. When 
this to-be-desired official comes into being we need not fear 
that he will have too little to do. His probable usefulness to 
us working liistorians, it is difficult to over estimate. One can 
see a hundred ways in which he could help us. His indices 
alone would lighten our lives. No real historian grudges 
trouble, but every sensible man grudges useless trouble, and 
from this our local archivist would lai^ely save us. 

But that this advanced training, this class of Archivists^ 
and these Local Record Offices are only likely to come into 
existence by the united exertions of those who, like the 
members of this Society, really care to promote the study of 
history as a science is patent. I therefore venture to leave 
this matter, for the present at all events, in your hands, and 
hope for our schemes a safe and speedy delivery^ 



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41 



SOME SURVIVORS OF THE ARMADA IN 
IRELAND 

By major martin A. S. HUME 

Read January 21, 1897. 

Of the great fleet of 130 sail that left Corunna for England 
on July 12, 1588, 65 vessels, exactly one-half, perished. At 
least 32 of these foundered with all hands in the wild gales 
of the North Atlantic, where, when, and how will now never 
be revealed. Of the remaining 33, two were lost on the 
Hebrides, but no particulars are known, two were disabled 
and abandoned in the Channel, five were subsequently lost on 
the coast of France, two were crippled in the fighting in the 
North Sea and drifted on to the Dutch coast, one was lost at 
Bigbury Bay, Devon, and two perished on their return to 
Spain. Full particulars of all these ships except those lost 
on the Hebrides are known. The remaining 19 vessels 
were wrecked off the Orkneys and the rugged coast of 
Ireland. At what places and under what circumstances 
most of them perished has never yet been satisfactorily esta- 
blished. This is not surprising, for several reasons. It will 
be seen that most of the places mentioned in the Irish State 
Papers as the scenes of wrecks are not identifiable on modern 
maps, not only the names of villages but the names and 
divisions of districts and counties having been greatly changed. 
It will be seen, also, that the somewhat meagre reports sent 
by the Lord Deputy Fitzwilliam, and the Presidents of the 
provinces, are vague as to the localities of the* wrecks, and in 
nearly every case are silent as to the names of the ships. 
The English in Ireland were in a wild panic, uncertain of the 
strength and intentions of the Spaniards, surrounded by it 



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42 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

people known to be disaffected, and ready to join the invaders ; 
so that the English officers were much more interested in 
killing off the intruders without pity than in recording the 
names of the wrecks that were being shattered by the roaring 
surf perhaps miles away from them. On the other hand, the 
poor terrified starved creatures, half dead with cold and drown- 
ing, who struggled ashore, with the momentary fear of violent 
death before their eyes, cared nothing for the names of the 
frowning rocks against which their ships had perished, and if 
any were moved by curiosity to ask their names, the answer 
in the wild speech of Ireland was not such as would dwell in 
the memories of uneducated men. In some few cases I have 
seen, where the better educated tried to put into writing 
phonetically the Irish names, the result is absolutely unin- 
telligible. Another element of uncertainty is, that in the few 
written statements of the survivors that remain to us very 
rarely is the name given of the ship in which the writer sailed. 
It has generally to be inferred. There were, moreover, no 
less than 9 ships called the 'San Juan,' 8 called the 
* Concepcion,' and so on. It is, therefore, not surprising that 
hardly in one instance has the locality of a particular wreck 
been definitely fixed. Captain Fernandez Duro has not 
attempted it He merely repeats the various statements as 
he finds them. Professor Laughton, though his researches 
have helped us greatly on other points, has not done so to 
any considerable extent upon this. Where such distinguished 
predecessors have left the riddle unsolved, I cslnnot hope to 
find a complete answer to it The most I shall attempt to 
do is to fix clearly the sites of a few of the disasters, and 
guess at a few others ; drawing my conclusions from a large 
number of small circumstances and subsidiary facts, with the 
details of which I shall not trouble you. 

From the fight on July 29, the one idea of the Duque ot 
Medina Sidonia was to get back to Spain anyhow. Shut up 
in his cabin, inaccessible and hopeless, he left the management 
of details to others. The old sea-dogs Bertondona, Recalde, 
Oquendo, and the rest of them, were raging in their hearts^ 



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SOME SURVIVORS OF THE ARMADA IN IRELAND 43 

cursing their leader for a craven, yet forced to obey his general 
orders, to run up north without charts to 60"* N. latitude, 
north of the Orkneys, then to run far out to the west to 
escape the coast of Ireland, and so to set a safe course for 
Spain. The food was nearly all rotten, the water almost 
undrinkable, the men were dying of scurvy like flies, the 
S.W. winds, which were the Duke's excuse for running up 
the North Sea, would, with the added fogs and storms of late 
autumn, be a fatal obstruction to his voyage home from the 
high latitudes whither he was bound ; but the Duke's poor 
spirit was crushed, and his one idea was to set his foot on 
Spanish soil and keep it there, and let others shift for them- 
selves. Those ships which could follow him. sufficiently to 
the west, and were able to stand the terrible weather, eventu- 
ally beat home through constant south-easterly gales, and 
incredible sufferings from famine, pestilence, and drought 
But many ships dropped off to leeward, or were unable to 
wear sufficiently to the west to clear the Irish coast, and with 
these latter we have principally to deal. 

Let us first take up the story of the most northerly wreck 
as it is told in the diary of a man on board a hulk which he 
does not name, but which I know was the * Gran Grifon,' with 
General Juan Gomez de Medina on board. The manuscript 
is in the Royal Academy of History, Madrid, and has been 
printed in Spanish by Captain Fernandez Duro. 

On the morning of August 8 (O.S.), they, on the * Gran 
Grifon,' found themselves out of sight of the body of the 
Armada with only three consorts, which I know to have been 
the great Venetian ship *Valenzera,' the hulk *Bark of 
Hamburg,' and the hulk * Castillo Negro.' They would then be 
north of the Orkneys. For the next twelve days they struggled 
slowly to the west, with the wind dead ahead making hardly 
any way. Then, on the 2 ist, the * Bark of Hamburg ' signalled 
that she was foundering. Her seams were open and her 
pumps choked. So her company, about 250 men, was hastily 
transferred to the other three ships. But before the stores 
could be got out of her she sank On the night of August 23 



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44 TRANSACTIONS OF THE RQYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

the two other ships had disappeared. Of one, the great 
Venetian, we shall hear again, but the * Castillo Negro ' had 
sunk in the night to be heard of no more. Still battling with 
head winds, fog, sleet, and tempest, the * Gran Grifon * struggled 
to get to the west, until September 7, when a great storm fell 
upon her and the efforts of all men at the pumps, night and 
day, failed to keep the water down. So they decided, in their 
dire danger, to run with the wind for the coast of Norway, 
and I will now let the man tell his story in his own words : 

* We ran back before the wind for three days, when we 
sighted an island of Scotland in about 57^° N. latitude [no 
doubt, the north Orkneys], and after we had gone about 
10 leagues further we fell in with a N.W. wind which invited 
us to turn our faces once more towards our dear Spain, 
especially as the moon entered a new quarter, and we thought 
the wind would hold. So we turned back and sailed for three 
days more to the latitude we had been in before. But when 
we got there, we were only fit to die, for the wind was so 
strong and the sea so wild that the waves mounted to the 
skies, knocking the ship about so, that the men were all 
exhausted, and yet were unable to keep down the water that 
leaked through our gaping seams. If we had not had the 
wind astern we could not have kept afloat at all. But by 
God's mercy during the next two days the weather moderated, 
and we were able to patch up some of the leaks with ox-hides 
and planks. And so we ran till September 13, when the 
wind rose against us, and we decided to turn back again and 
try to reach Scotland. On the isth, we sighted some islands 
that the pilots said were Scottish, and inhabited by savages. 
And so we sailed till the i6th to the N.E. in search of land. 
On that day we sighted other islands which we tried to avoid 
so as not to be lost The weather then got so stormy that 
our poor repairs were all undone, and we had to keep both 
pumps always going to keep the water down. So we decided 
to sail for the first Scottish land, even if we had to run the 
hulk ashore. Late in the afternoon of the x6th we were 
troubled to see an island to windward of us» for it was getting 



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SOME SURVIVORS OF THE ARMADA IN IRELAND 45 

dark, and we feared to be amongst islands in the night. We 
had hoped we were free of them. During the night we gave 
ourselves up for lost, for the seas ran mountains high, and 
the rain fell in torrents. At two in the morning we saw an 
island right ahead of us, which, as may be supposed, filled us 
with consternation after all the tribulation we had passed 
through. But God in His mercy at that moment sent us a 
sudden gleam of light through the dark night, and so enabled 
us to avoid the danger. Then the blackness fell as dense as 
before. Two hours afterwards another island loomed up 
before us, so close that it seemed impossible to weather it. 
But God came to our aid as usual, and sent a more vivid 
gleam than before. It was so bright that I asked whether it 
were the daylight So we kept off the island, though much 
troubled, for we should have been lost if we had not doubled 
it This was the isle of Cream, where we had decided to 
bring up if we could not reach Scotland, though we did not 
recognise it until later as we had run further than we thought. 
At dawn, two hours later, we discovered it, and in fear 
of the heavy sea we tried to get near the island again, but 
after trying for four hours against wind and tide we found it 
impossible. The sea kept giving us such dreadful blows, that 
truly our one thought was that our lives were ended, and each 
one of us reconciled himself to God as well as he could, and 
prepared for the long long journey that seemed inevitable. 
As to force the hulk any more would only have ended it and 
our lives the sooner, we determined to cease our efforts. The 
poor soldiers, too, lost all spirit to work at the pumps. The 
two companies — 230 men in all, and 40 we had taken from 
the other ship, had pumped incessantly and worked with 
buckets, but the water still increased, till there were thirteen 
spans of water over the carlings (as they call them) and all 
efforts failed to reduce it an inch. So we gave way to despair, 
and each one called upon the Virgin Mary to be our inter- 
mediary in so bitter a pass ; and we looked towards the land 
with full eyes and hearts, as the reader may imagine. And 
God send that he may be able to imagine the smallest part 



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46 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

of what it was, for after all there is a great difference between 
those who suffer and those who look upon suffering from afar off. 

' At last — when we thought all hope was gone, except 
through God and His holy Mother, who never fails those 
who call upon Him — at two o'clock in the afternoon we 
sighted an island ahead of us. This was Fair Isle, where 
we arrived at sunset, much consoled, though we saw we 
should still have to suffer. But anything was better than 
drinking salt water. We anchored in a sheltered spot we 
found, this day of our great peril, September 27 (i.e. 17 O.S.), 
1588. We found the Island peopled by seventeen households 
in huts, more like hovels than anything else. They are 
savage people, whose usual food is fish, without bread, except 
a few barley-meal bannocks cooked over the embers of the 
fuel they use, which they make or extract from the earth and 
call turf. They have some cattle, quite enough for them- 
selves, for they rarely eat meat They depend mainly upon 
the milk and butter from their cows, using their sheep's wool 
principally for clothing. They are very dirty people, neither 
Christians nor altogether heretics. It is true they confess 
that the doctrine that once a year is preached to them by 
people sent from another island, nine leagues off, is not good, 
but they say they dare not contradict it, which is a pity. 
Three hundred men of us landed on the island, but could 
save none of our provisions. From that day, September 28 
(18) till November 14, we lost fifty of our men — most of 
them dying of hunger— amongst others the master and 
mate of the hulk. We had decided to send a messenger to 
the governor of the next island to beg for some boats to 
carry us to Scotland to seek rescue, but the weather were so 
heavy that we could not send until October 27 (17), when 
the weather was fine, and they went They have not yet 
returned, in consequence of the violence of the sea.' 

And here the curtain falls upon this man's narrative. 
The sequel must be told from other sources. James Melville, 
the Puritan professor and divine of St Andrews, the nephew 
of the more famous Andrew Melville, one of the makers of 



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SOME SURVIVORS OF THE ARMADA IN IRELAND 47 

the Church of Scotland, kept a diary in which he relates 
that during the winter of 1588, when he was minister of the 
town of Anstruther in the Firth of Forth, he lay in bed 
early one mornings when one of the baillies of the town 
appeared at his bedside, and told him that a ship full of 
Spaniards had entered their harbour ; but that there was no 
cause for fear, as they had come not to give mercy but to 
ask for it The minister, having the gift of tongues, and 
being a wise man, was begged to advise the magistrates what 
they should do. They decided to give audience to the prin- 
cipal Spanish officer. Melville says he was a venerable old 
man, of large stature and martial countenance, who entered 
the town hall, and, bowing low, touching the minister's shoe 
with his hand, said that he was Juan Gomez de Medina, 
commander of twenty hulks, which his master King Philip 
has sent out to avenge the insults he had received from 
England, but God for their sins had fought against them, 
and had scattered them. The ship in which he had been 
had been driven away from the Armada and wrecked on 
Fair Isle ; and after escaping the merciless waves and rocks, 
and enduring great hardships from hunger and cold, he had 
come, with such of his men as had been preserved, to seek 
succour from the Scots. The Puritan minister improved the 
occasion. He was an enemy, he said, of the Bishop of Rome 
and his vassal, the King of Spain, who burnt and harried 
the Scottish Protestants who resorted to his dominions for 
trade ; but they would return good for evil, and show the 
Papists how much better was the Scottish faith than theirs, 
by helping them in their dire distress. When Gomez de 
Medina afterwards learnt from Melville of the sad fate of the 
Armada, the tears flowed down his furrowed cheeks ; and 
whilst Gomez de Medina lived no Scot in trouble in Spain 
ever appealed to him in vain. Melville says that *the 
privates to the number of 13 score, for the maist part young 
beardless men, silly, trauchled and hungered, were supplied 
with kaill, pottage and fishe.' 

Besides these 270 men in Scotland, there had arrived by 



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48 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

this time — January 1589 — many more from Ireland, and the 
company of a Ragusan ship, * San Juan,' which was wrecked 
in the Hebrides, but of which no detailed account exists. 
One of the captains (Legorreta), who had been wrecked on 
Fair Isle, sent to the Duke of Parma from Edinburgh, saying 
that he and another captain had reorganised their com- 
panies, and had 800 men ready for service. Many of these 
were afterwards sent to Flanders, and served in the wars of 
the League, but many remained. It will be recollected that 
the ' Gran Grifon ' lost sight of the Venetian ship * Valen- 
zera' off the Orkneys in the great storm of August 23. 
She must have been more handy at wearing to windward 
than the * Gran Grifon,' for by September 4 she was off the 
north coast of Ulster. What happened to her and her com- 
pany may be gathered from various passages in the Irish State 
Papers, but I have found the actual statement signed by two 
survivors, which gives a better and more connected account 
than any other, and has never hitherto been noticed, so far as 
I know, by Duro or anyone else. It is the statement of the 
two soldiers, Juan de Nova, of the company of Don Alonso 
de Luzon, and Francisco de Borja, of the company of Garcia 
Manrique, made after they had, with incredible hardships, 
managed to reach the Spanish ambassador, who was then at 
a village near Blois, owing to the war and anarchy which 
existed in France. The * Valenzera ' was one of the largest 
ships of the fleet, 1,100 tons, and carried 500 soldiers (with 
those she had taken from the * Bark of Hamburg *), and per- 
haps eighty sailors ; although the English accounts, as usual, 
greatly exaggerating the number of men on board, say that 
she had 1,100. After losing sight of the 'Gran Grifon ' she 
caught up with the main body of the Armada again, but on 
September 2, during a tempest, her seams opened, and the 
ship leaked so much that all efforts at the pumps failed. As 
she was in a sinking condition, the senior officer on board, 
Colonel Don Alonso de Luzon, decided to land his men. 
The ship had just doubled Innishowen Head at the mouth 
of Lough Foyle, when it was seen that she was foundering, 



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SOME SURVIVORS OF THE ARMADA IN IRELAND 49 

and she was hastily run into Glangavenny Bay, a little to the 
west of the headland. They only had one boat, and in her 
they hurriedly began to land the men with their arms, but 
before the task could be completed the great 'Valenzera' 
went down with forty men on board, the rest being saved. 
* We learnt,* say the writers, * that the island was held by the 
Queen of England's troops, and that at a castle called 
Duhort there lived an Irish bishop named Cornelius.* (This 
Bishop Cornelius is called in the English records the Bishop 
of Down, but I have seen many of his signatures as Bishop 
of Killaloe [Laonensis].) The castle was, of course, not 
really called Duhort, but that and the whole country 
belonged to the O'Dogherty, We learn from the account 
written by the commanders of the English force, the brothers 
Hovenden, that the real name of the castle was Illagh, 
eighteen miles from the spot where the * Valenzera ' sank. 
The roads were bad ; so, say the survivors, * after having 
been three days on the road towards the bishop's castle we 
came within a day's journey of the place, and our Colonel 
Don Alonso de Luzon sent a message to the bishop saying 
that we were wrecked Catholics, and begged his help and 
advice. The bishop replied that we should come to the 
castle and make a pretence of taking it by force, discharging 
our harquebuses &c., and it should then be surrendered to 
us. This was so that the Queen's officers might not say he 
had surrendered the castle voluntarily. 

The Colonel and the rest of us then set forward, and 
when we arrived within sight of the castle those within fired 
a cannon in the direction where the Queen's garrison lay. 
The Colonel, fearing that the firing of the cannon meant 
treachery, refused to enter the castle, and directed his course 
by the borders of a bog towards a dismantled castle near. 
We then saw that the Queen's forces were approaching to 
the number of 200 horse, and as many foot harquebusiers 
and bowmen. We thereupon halted, and the enemy did 
likewise, drums being beaten for a parley. They asked us 
what we were doing in the Queen's dominions, and our 

N.S.— VOL, XL E 

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so TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

Colonel replied that we had been cast upon the island by 
wreck, and begged to be allowed by payment to obtain a 
ship to take us to Spain. We were told this could not be, 
and that we must surrender as prisoners of war. We replied 
that if that were the only alternative, we would die fighting 
as befitted Spaniards. The English then told us that if we 
did not surrender at once, three thousand of the Queen's 
troops were on their way thither, and would cut all our 
throats. But we still refused to surrender ; and both forces 
remained halted all that night. The next night the enemy 
sounded the attack at three points, and the fighting con- 
tinued all night. The next morning, whilst we were trying 
to improve our position, the drums sounded for a parley. 
The Colonel, with Captains Beltran del Salto and Geronimo de 
Aybar, went down to the level of the bog to hear what the 
enemy had to say. The Major of the enemy (his name is not 
stated, but we now know it to have been John Kelly) advised 
them to lay down our arms, and he would conduct them to 
the Queen's governor in Dublin, who would send them to the 
Queen. The Major made many offers and promises, and as 
our men were dying with hunger, the enemy having cut off 
our supplies, the Colonel consented to lay down our arms on 
fair terms of war, namely, that each man should keep his 
best suit of clothes. The English pledged their words to 
this, and we laid down our arms. As soon as the enemy 
had conveyed them to the other side of the bog towards 
Dublin, they fell upon us in a body, and despoiled us ot 
everything we possessed ; leaving us quite naked, and killing 
those who offered the least resistance. Our Colonel com- 
plained to the Major of the enemy, who said that the 
pillage had been done by the soldiers without his orders ; 
but he pledged his word that our men should be dressed 
on their arrival at a castle where he intended to pass 
the night, two miles from where we then were. When 
we had gone half the distance the Major said that 
the roads were bad, so we would bivouac. in the open fpr that 
night. The enemy formed a square, inside of which were 



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SOME SURVIVORS OF THE ARMADA IN IRELAND SI 

placed the Colonel Luzon, Don Rodrigo Lasso, Don Sebas- 
tian Zapata, gentlemen volunteers, Don- Antonio Manrique, 
Don Diego de Luzon, Don Beltran del Salto, Don Geronimo 
de Aybar, Juan de Guzman, Don Garcia Manrique, and the 
Chaplain-General, Vicar of the Shoeless Carmelites at Lisbon, 
and other officers. The soldiers were placed a short distance 
away, quite naked, and so we passed the night. At daybreak 
next morning the enemy came and separated from us the 
other officers, and placed them also inside the square. The 
soldiers were then taken into an open field near, and a line 
of the enemy's harquebusiers approached us on one side, 
and a body of cavalry on the other, killing over 300 of us by 
lance and bullet. About 150 of us managed to escape across 
the bog, many of us wounded, and fled to the bishop's castle. 
The bishop sheltered us, and sent those who were not 
wounded, about ioo> to the isles of Hibemia (Hebrides).* 
We who were wounded remained in the Castle, but many 
of our number died every day. We were then sent with 
a guide to the house of a savage gentleman named O'Kane, 
where we remained three days, both he and his people 
showing us great kindness in our sufferings, feeding, and 
tending us, hand and foot. On the fourth day we were sent 
with another guide to another O'Kane, his brother, twelve 
miles from there. The day after our arrival mass was said for 
us, but this was an exception in our honour, as they usually 
have mass only once a week. In three days we were sent 
with another guide and letters to a gentleman named Sorley- 
boy^ begging him to give us boats, as we were good Catholics 
like himself. This gentleman owned vessels, as he lived on an 
arm of the sea [he was the famous Sorleyboy McDonnell, 
Lord of Dunluce, the beautiful castle near the Giant's Cause- 
way]. He received us with great kindness, and kept us twenty 
days, mass being said for us. There were no boats there at 
the time ; but he sent for some three miles off [probably to the 
joint lord of the route, McQuillan, his neighbour]. Two boats 

* September 26, Fox to Walsingham : * Many of the Spaniards stripped naked 
by Hovenden's troops have been sent to McS weeny by the bishop of Derry.' 



B 2 

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5Z TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

came, and eighty soldiers were embarked in them, to be taken 
to an island of Scotland ten miles away, the rest remaining in 
the castle until the boats' return. In the meanwhile the 
Governor in Dublin had learnt that this gentleman had 
sheltered Spaniards ; and had sent to tell him in the Queen's 
name not to help any more on pain of death and confiscation. 
He was also ordered to surrender to the English those he 
now had with him. He replied that he would rather lose his 
life and gear and his wife and children too, than barter Chris- 
tian blood. He had, he said, devoted his sword to the defence 
of the Catholic faith and those who held it ; and in spite of 
the Governor, the Queen, and all the English, he would 
succour and embark the Spaniards who came to him in 
trouble. And he came back to us Spaniards with tears in 
his eyes, and told us the answer he had sent to the Queen's 
Governor's demand. So when the boats came back he 
shipped the rest' 

I am sorry that time forbids me to continue the story 
of these men in their passage through Scotland, and on 
their voyage to Flanders, where very few, only thirty-two 
of them, eventually arrived late in December 1588. But 
I may say that Sorleyboy was as good as his word ; and the 
Lord Deputy wrote to the Queen's Council that he had 
shipped in all not less than 400 Spaniards from Dunluce to 
Scotland. The Colonel Luzon, Don Rodrigo Lasso, and the 
rest of the officers who were thought worth ransom, with 
whose names I will not now trouble you, were marched to 
Drogheda, several dying of want and fatigue on the way. 
The examination of the Colonel will be found in the Calendar 
of Irish State Papers, where he repeats his complaint of the 
treatment to which his men had been subjected. It will be 
well for a moment to glance at the English version of the 
story as told in the Irish State Papers. On September 8 
Hovenden writes from Bert Castle, O'Dogherty's principal 
fortress, that O'Dogherty had sent him word that Luzon with 
600 men had landed, and marched inland to within twelve 
miles of him. Hovenden had, he says, only 1 50 men. He 



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SOME SURVIVORS OF THE ARMAB4.JN:1B^*<?ND 5 J 

was uncertain of the loyalty of the country, and doubted even 
Tyrone and O'Dogherty's good faith. On the 14th, a few days 
after the fight, he writes again to the Viceroy from Dungannon, 
saying he had taken all the Spaniards prisoners, but nothing 
about the massacre. The hideous carnage of defenceless 
men cannot be defended ; but a glance at the condition of 
Ireland at the time will at least enable us to understand it, 
Tyrone was biding his time ; but the English knew that he was 
crouching to spring. The 6ther great Ulsterman, O'Donnell, 
and his fierce Scottish wife were held in check only because 
their son and heir was a hostage in Dublin Castle ; but his 
great vassal, McSweeny, in Donegal, was receiving the wrecked 
Spaniards with open arms. O'Rourke, in North Connaught, 
and his vassal chiefs were in open defiance. News came 
from all points of the coast that Spanish ships were seen 
everywhere — seven in the Shannon, four in Galway Bay, 
three in Dingle, seven on the coast of Donegal, and so on. 
Bingham, the President of Connaught, thought that this was 
a new fleet from Spain sent to capture Ireland. The Viceroy 
wrote later that if only 1,000 fresh Spaniards with ammuni- 
tion had come at this time the Queen would have lost Ire- 
land, for the whole country would have joined them, and 
there was no English force to resist them. A perusal of the 
Calendar of Irish State Papers of the time will show that the 
position was really critical, and the English thought it was 
much worse than it really was. They did not know then 
that the Spanish ships were leaking like sieves, that the water 
on board of them was stinking, the food rotten, all heart and 
spirit gone from the men, who were dying of starvation and 
hardship, and above all, with the knowledge of helpless, hope- 
less, crushing disaster. So the order went forth to slay and 
spare not. Of all the 600 men from the * Valenzera,' only 
Luzon and two other nobles were ultimately rescued (besides 
those whose escape I have described), and they remained in 
London for over two years before they were exchanged. 

About the same time as the * Valenzera ' was wrecked, the 
great flagship *Gran Grin/ 1,160 tons, with over 300 men on 



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54 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

board, went ashore on the terrible Clare island. One hundred 
men struggled ashore, and Dowdragh O'Malley killed them 
all as they landed. Amongst them was the brother of a 
great noble, Don Pedro de Mendoza. Bingham was quite 
vexed with his subordinate that he had not saved him for 
ransom. Sir R. Bingham, writing on September 21, says 
that his brother had killed 700 Spaniards in Ulster alone. 
The * Falcon Blanco Mediano ' had shortly before gone ashore 
on the coast of Gal way. She must have had about 100 
men on her ; yet Bingham writes that he has only kept two, 
Don Luis de Cordoba and his nephew Don Felipe, who were 
nobles and could pay ransom. In the same letter to the 
Viceroy he says that at least 6,000 or 7,000 men had perished 
in the fifteen or sixteen ships that had been wrecked on his 
province of Connaught ; but this was an over-estimate. Only 
twelve ships had been lost there. There were not nearly so 
many men on the Spanish ships as English accounts state. 
And so, says Bingham, God be thanked, this province stands 
clear of foreign enemies save a few poor silly prisoners, unless 
O'Rourke do keep any contrary to the order. A week later 
Bingham writes to Walsingham that 1,000 Spaniards in all 
had landed from the wrecks in his province of Connaught, 
* which since were all put to the sword.' 

The dangerous point was the Bay of Donegal. Munster 
had been crushed at the Desmond rebellion nine years before. 
Ormond and the Burkes in South Connaught were loyal, but 
the Ulstermen were rebels at heart, only waiting for Tyrone's 
signal. At Ballyshannon, the head of Donegal Bay, the 
territory of O'Rourke joined that of O'Donnell ; and if 
Spaniards landed there or at Sligo in force, and a junction 
was effected between O'Rourke's chiefs and O'Donnell's great 
vassal McSweeny in South Donegal, England's hold upon 
Ireland outside the Pale was gone, for all Ulster and Con- 
naught would join them. Donegal Bay was therefore the 
key of Ireland ; and yet as if by an adverse fate it was here that 
the sorely beset Spanish galleons which had not been able to 
work far enough to the west were embayed and unable to 



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SOME SURVIVORS OF THE ARMADA IN IRELAND 55 

get clear, in the face of the heavy S.W. gales. The English 
thought they had come there by design, and acted accord- 
ingly. Here there was no mercy. A ship, which I suspect 
was the * Juliana,' went ashore somewhere near Downpatrick 
Head, every man from which was killed, one Irish gallowglas 
despatching eighty with his axe ; William Burke, of Ardenrie, 
taking sixty-nine alive, who were subsequently put to the 
sword. 

So when, on September 9, three great ships were seen 
at the entrance of Sligo Bay, the word was given on shore 
for blood and plunder. The ships were the * San Juan,' with 
Don Diego Enriquez on board, with many other fine gentle- 
men, another great galleon, the * San Juan Bautista,' and 
probably the * San Juan de Sicilia.' The number of men on 
board these three ships must have approached 1,300. The 
great ships looked formidable, but they really were battered 
leaking wrecks, and all the crews were dying of scurvy and 
starvation. I will spare you the terrible story of their suffer- 
ings before they appeared at Sligo and commence the story 
from there. On board the * San Juan de Sicilia ' there was a 
Captain Francisco Cuellar, who had been condemned to be 
hanged, with another captain, for allowing their hulks to out- 
sail the galleon of the Duke of Medina in the North Sea. 
The other captain was hanged from the yardarm, but Cuellar 
was saved by the intercession of Don Martin de Aranda, the 
Auditor-General, who was on board the* San Juan de Sicilia,' 
and henceforward Cuellar sailed in that ship. He was a true 
son of Andalusia — a bom story-teller — and he left behind him, 
written when he arrived in Flanders, the most vivid and enter- 
taining account of his extraordinary, almost incredible, adven- 
tures, full of humour, observation, and force. This document 
is also in the Academy of History at Madrid, and is printed in 
Spanish by Captain Fernandez Duro, from whose book a short 
summary of it was given by Mr. Froude in his Spanish story of 
the 'Armada.'* Time will only allow me to give a few extracts 

' Since this paper was read I believe two English translatiqns of Captain 
Cuellar*s narrative have been published. 



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56 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

from this curious paper. The three great ships anchored half a 
league from land in the vain hope of getting food and succour. 
A heavy sea was running, and after they had ridden at anchor 
four days, a great westerly gale came, tore the ships from 
their moorings, and drove all three into a little bay sur- 
rounded by great jagged rocks, such as Cuellar had never 
seen before. In an hour the three great galleons were 
smashed to bits, and two months afterwards the Viceroy 
himself described the great wreckage piled up — * more,' he 
says, * than sufficient to build five of the biggest ships he ever 
saw.' A thousand men, says Cuellar, were drowned, and 
300 somehow got ashore. Cuellar describes the sad fate 01 
Don Diego Enriquez and three other nobles. They took 
their ship's boat, and with 16,000 ducats and their fine 
jewels, went below and had the hatch caulked down. Then 
with 70 poor wretches crowded on the little deck they 
launched it in the boiling surf. But it was overloaded and 
top-heavy. A great roller turned it upside down and made 
sport of it, and at last threw it bottom upmost on the beach 
with the nobles suffocated inside with their treasure. Cuellar's 
ship had broken in two, and he says : * I commended myself 
to God and our Lady, and from the top of the poop I looked 
upon the great scene of sorrow around me. Many were 
drowning on board the ships. Others cast themselves into 
the sea to appear no more ; others cried loudly to God, and 
officers were casting their gold chains and money into the 
waters. Waves were sweeping over the decks, dragging men 
back as they receded. And as I looked well at this festival 
I was at a loss what to do, for I could not swim, the waves 
being heavy, and the beach lined with enemies dancing and 
jumping with pleasure at our distress ; and as soon as any 
man reached the shore, hundreds of savages and other 
enemies cast themselves upon him, and stripped him to the 
skin without pity, and then brutally wounded the poor naked 
creatures. The Auditor-General — God forgive him— came 
to me in tribulation, full of tears, and I told him we must 
save our lives before the ship broke up, as it could not stand 



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SOME SURVIVORS OF THE ARMADA IN IRELAND S7 

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another quarter of an hour, and all the officers and most of 
the men were already drowned.' Cuellar then recounts how 
they got on to a floating spar, the Auditor weighted with 
doubloons sewn up in his doublet and trunks. He, with his 
gold, was soon swept away, crying upon God to save him as 
he sank. * I,' says Cuellar, * called upon our Lady of Ontaflar, 
and three or four waves one after the other, I know not how, 
drove me ashore.' His leg had been crushed with a spar ; he 
could not stand and was covered with blood, so the savages 
and enemies who were busy stripping those who swam 
ashore, seeing him with only linen clothes on, and in an 
apparently dying state, took no notice of him. He dragged 
himself along, meeting many naked Spaniards shivering with 
cold and terror, until at nightfall he lay down on rushes in a 
field, wet through, and worn out with pain and hunger. 
* Soon,' he says, * there approached me a fair young gentle- 
man, stark naked, so frightened that he could not speak even 
to tell me who he was. It was nine at night, and the weather 
was moderating ; we were dying with hunger, when two armed 
men, one with a great axe in his hand, discovered us. We 
said not a word, but they looked with pity upon us, and cut 
a lot of rushes and grass, covering us up well, but without 
speaking, and then went off to the beach to plunder, with 
2,000 other savages, and some English from a fortress near ' 
(Sligo, no doubt). The next morning Cuellar found his 
companion dead by his side. He limped to a monastery 
near, but found it desecrated and ruined, with Spaniards 
hanging by the neck from the rafters. After this Cuellar 
says his adventures sound more like a book of chivalry than 
sober truth, and so they do. A poor old savage Irish woman 
in tears warned him away from the village where she lived, 
as it was full of Sassenachs who had slaughtered many 
Spaniards, so he lurked about the thickets overlooking the 
beach again. Some naked, wounded Spanish soldiers came 
crying to him in abject terror, and told him how the enemies 
had killed 100 of their companions. Then, he says, * God 
gave me strength, for I cried upon Him and His blessed 



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58 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

Mother, and said to the soldiers, "Let us go down to the 
beach where the men are plundering ; perhaps we shall find 
something to eat or drink," for I was perishing with hunger. 
We went, and came across many dead bodies being cast up 
by the sea, sad and dreadful to see, for we knew many of 
them, and there were over 400 strewn on the beach. (Shortly 
afterwards an English observer says he counted 1,100 bodies 
here on three miles of beach, and the Viceroy speaks of 
1,300 being seen.) They recognised the body of Don Pedro 
Enriquez and that of another officer, a friend of Cuellar's, 
and as they were scratching a hole in the sand to bury them 
away from crows and wolves, a large horde of savages came 
towards them ; but, seeing their occupation, left them. Then 
some armed men came, and were about to strip and kill 
Cuellar, when a man in some authority rescued him. He 
then wandered off alone again, but fell in with an English 
soldier, a Frenchman, and some Irishmen. They wounded 
him and plundered him of everything he possessed, and 
would have killed him but for a beautiful Irish girl, who he 
thought was the lover of the English soldier. He was worth 
plundering, for he had a fine gold chain under his shirt 
worth 1,000 reals, and 45 gold ducats, two months' pay, in his 
pocket, but he most regretted some sacred relics and a 
miniature habit of the Holy Trinity he wore round his neck, 
which were taken by the girl in exchange for her care of him. 
* She told me she was a Christian, but she was as much a 
Christian as Mahomet/ And so, lurking in the woods and 
mountains, quite naked now, and not worth plundering, with a 
few broken words of Latin, the Irish passed him from one to 
the other, whispering him to avoid the Sassenach. Hiding 
in barns, tended now and again by pitying women, he toiled 
onward through incredible sufTerings and vicissitudes towards 
the mountains behind Sligo, where they told him lay the 
lands of the great O'Rourke. At last, with ferns and hay- 
bands for his only garment, he found himself with 20 other 
Spaniards in one of O'Rourke's villages, where some rough 
hospitality, but not much, was shown them, for O'Rourke 



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SOME SURVIVORS OF THE ARMADA IN IRELAND 59 

himself was away. Soon came news that there was a Spanish 
ship on the coast, and they all started off in the hope of 
getting on board of her. Cuellar, wounded and weak, fainted 
by the way ; his companions reached the ship, joined her ; 
she was afterwards lost with all hands, and he alone of them 
survived. Mr. Froude thought this ship was the galleass 
* Girona,' at Killibcgs, but in this he was mistaken. Soon Cuellar 
fell in with a disguised priest who spoke Latin. He told him 
of a savage chief, a valiant warrior and great enemy of the 
English, who lived in a strong fortress 1 8 miles off. Cuellar was 
dead lame, starved, and weak, but he started to the place 
indicated. He suffered countless tribulations, amongst which 
was that a savage Irish blacksmith, with an ' ugly accursed 
old woman ' for a wife, enslaved him, and kept him at the 
forge, until his friend, the disguised priest, appeared and 
rescued him. At length he arrived at the castle of Manglana, 
standing in a lake, on the near side of which was a village 
and a bog. This place has, I believe, never been identified 
authoritatively, but it certainly was situated on Lake Melvin, 
which was held by the McGlannogh, a vassal chief of 
O'Rourke.^ Here, for a time, I will let Cuellar speak for 
himself. * When he saw me, he and all his people were filled 
with pity, and the women even wept to see me so maltreated ; 
for I was only covered by a straw garment. They did the 
best they could for me, giving me an Irish mantle such as 
they wear, swarming with vermin, and so I stayed three 
months with them, looking just as savage as they. The wife 
of my master was extremely beautiful, and was very kind to 
me. One day we were sitting in the sun with her family and 
women around her, and they asked me about Spain. At last 
one of them begged me to look at their palms and tell their 
fortunes. I thanked God for this, for I thought surely this 

• Since this paper was read I have received from an esteemed correspondent 
in Dublin, Dr. Fraser, an interesting account of this castle, a considerable portion 
of which is still standing. The bog on the near shore of the lake has now disap- 
peared, but the land lies low, and bears indications of having formerly been a 
swamp. The position of the casUe exactly agrees with that given by Cuellar. 



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60 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

was the last thing that could happen to me, to be turned into 
a gipsy amongst savages. But I looked at all their hands 
and told them a lot of nonsense, at which they were delighted. 
I was the best Spaniard in the world.' His popularity then 
became so great that he was pestered day and night by people 
who wanted their fortunes told ; and at last he had to appeal for 
protection to McGlannogh himself and ask for shelter within the 
castle. This McGlannogh gave him, ordering that he was not 
to be importuned any more. This is his description of the 
Irish : * These savages live like brutes in the mountains, 
which are very rugged in this part of Ireland. They live in 
straw huts, and are big men with handsome faces and fine 
limbs, as swift as greyhounds. They only eat once a day at 
night, their usual food being butter with oaten bread and 
their drink sour milk, which is all they have to drink, except 
water, which is the best in the world, but they do not drink 
it. At their feasts they eat some half-cooked meat without 
bread or salt. They dress in tight brogues and short tunics 
of thick skin which they cover with a mantle. They wear 
their hair down to their eyes. They are great walkers and 
very hardy. They are constantly at war with the English 
garrison, whom they do not allow to enter their lands, which 
consist of swamps and bogs for 40 leagues in length. Their 
nature is to be robbers and steal from one another, so that 
hardly a day passes without an alarm being sounded. As 
soon as one tribe learns that the other has any cattle, they 
come at night to steal it, and then there is the devil to pay. 
Then the English come and take it away from those who 
have stolen it, and these have to fly to the mountains with 
their women and cattle, for they have no other gear. They 
sleep on rushes fresh cut, damp and cold. Most of the 
women are very handsome, but badly attired. They only 
dress in a shirt and a mantle, and cover their heads with a 
thick linen cloth fastened on the forehead. They are very 
industrious and good housewives in their way. They call 
themselves Christians and follow the Roman faith, but the 
English have destroyed most of their churches and monas- 



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SOME SURVIVORS OF THE ARMADA IN IRELAND 6r 

teries. These savages liked us, because we were the enemies 
of the heretics, and if it had not been for them not a soul of 
us would have escaped, though they were the first to strip 
and plunder us when we landed, and gained great riches from 
the 13 ships that were wrecked here.* 

But the Viceroy was determined, as he wrote to the 
Council, to make a riddance of the Spaniards scattered in 
great numbers through North Connaught and Donegal, and 
started with a large force early in November. From chief to 
chief ran the news. McGlannogh stopped the English spies 
going to Ballyshannon, but sent word to McSweeny to get 
rid of the large force of Spaniards who were with him. 
McGlannogh himself came to Cuellar in great grief, and said 
that he and his tribe must take to the mountains, for the 
English were coming, and Cuellar and the eight Spanish 
soldiers with him must fly. But Cuellar, as he himself tells 
the story, volunteered with his eight companions to hold the 
castle against all the force of England. McGlannogh was 
delighted but incredulous. He put the little Spanish garrison 
into his castle with provisions for six months, whilst he and 
his people fled to the mountains, whither the English could 
not follow. According to Cuellar, the Viceroy came down 
with his force to besiege the castle but could do nothing 
because the bog on the near side of the lake prevented him 
from getting within range. So the Spaniards derided him 
from the walls until the snow and bad weather drove him 
away. Fitzwilliam himself says nothing of this, only that he 
has cleared the land of Spaniards, 'except about 100 miser- 
able, ragged, or naked creatures utterly spoiled by the Irishry 
scattered about Ulster, to whom he has offered the Queen's 
mercy and of whom twenty had already come in by the end 
of the year.' When McGlannogh came back to find his 
castle safe, his delight was beyond bounds and he would have 
kept his Spanish bodyguard for good. Cuellar was restless 
to get away, and one of the kerns told him that McGlannogh 
was going to shut him up in a dungeon, so that he should not 
leave him. So on January 4, 1589, with four other soldiers, 



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62 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

he set out before dawn and escaped. Twenty days of 
incredible sufferings brought him to the land of O'Kane, 
Prince of Derry. Before he reached the town he fell dead 
lame, and the savages hid him from the English, of whom 
there were many in the place. At last, whilst he was making 
love to an Irish girl, two English soldiers came in on the 
same errand and caught him. How the women again con- 
trived his escape, and how, after wondrous wanderings, he 
arrived at the castle of Redmund O'Gallagher, Bishop of 
Derry, on Lough Foyle, and how he escaped through count- 
less perils to Scotland, and thence to Flanders, I have no 
time to tell, but we may be sure that Captain Cuellar told the 
story often enough to gaping listeners in sunny Spain for the 
rest of his life I have left myself but little space to say 
anything of other wrecks, but I must mention the fate of one 
gallant Spaniard who gave more anxiety to the English than 
all the rest put together. The most popular man on the 
Armada was a great noble named Don Alonso de Ley va, who 
secretly bore a commission to take the supreme command in 
case of the Duke of Medina's illness or death. He was on 
board a fine vessel of 800 tons called the * Rata Coronada,' 
with 400 men and the flower of the young chivalry of Spain. 
When the news of the disasters in Ireland reached Philip bit by 
bit through the winter, he wrote on the margins of the papers 
constant inquiries as to the fate of Leyva and his companions. 
Then he got intelligence that Leyva had landed with a large 
force of Spaniards — the numbers stated varying from 1,000 to 
4,000 — that he had fortified himself, that he had conquered 
the English, that he had surrendered, and so forth, from spies 
in England, Flanders, and France. Philip in the meanwhile 
was imploring that definite news should be sent to him in 
order that he might know what to do. If he had only known, 
this was his opportunity. The Viceroy himself told the 
Council that if a single shipload of men and ammunition had 
been sent to Leyva from Spain, Ireland would have been 
lost English accounts are as confused as the Spanish as to 
Leyva's movements, the only point upon which they are 



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SOME SURVIVORS OF THE ARMADA IN IRELAND 63 

agreed being the circumstances of his ultimate loss. I have 
been fortunate enough to find a short but circumstantial 
statement made by one of the nine sailors who were saved, 
which supplies the connecting links, and we now know really 
what occurred. Reading this statement in connection with 
the confession of an Irish sailor from the Armada to the Vice- 
roy, now in the Irish State Papers, it is evident that the * Rata 
Coronada' found herself on September 10 off the extreme 
N.W. point of Mayo sorely distressed, without eatable food or 
drinkable water. Leyva decided to risk everything to obtain 
supplies. He put into Broad Haven, and landed some of his 
men. The next day a hulk called the * Duquesa St. Ana, ' 
900 tons, came in on a similar errand. The * Rata ' was 
moored by a single cable. The current was strong and she 
dragged her anchor. Another cable was fastened to a rock, 
but it snapped and the ship drifted ashore. Leyva landed 
his men and arms, and a small gun, and took possession of a 
tower on the shore whilst a supply of fresh water and such 
poor provisions as the sterile country afforded were shipped 
on the * St. Ana,' and before Bingham could take steps to 
dislodge him he sailed for Spain on the * St. Ana,* setting 
fire to the ' Rata,' but ineffectually, for Comerford informs 
Bingham that great plunder of gold, silver, and rich stuffs 
were taken from the wreck by the Irish. But the unfortu- 
nate * Duquesa St. Ana ' had no sooner passed the Mullett 
headland than she was met by a furious south-west gale, 
which drove her back into Loghros Bay in South-west 
Donegal, where she went ashore. Leyva again landed the 
combined companies to the number of about 700, and found on 
shore a number more men from another ship that had also been 
wrecked near (which I believe to have been * La Via '). Here 
he again fortified himself in the country of McSweeny 
Bannagh. But runners soon brought news that nineteen 
miles off, in McSweeny ne Doe's fine harbour of KilHbegs, a 
large company of Spaniards were collected, and that the 
great galleass * Girona,' battered, but still capable of sailing, 
was in the bay. Leyva himself was disabled with a wound, 



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64 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

but was carried in a chair, and with all his company went to 
the country of McSweeny ne Doe, a firm friend of the 
Spaniards. Here he found himself with over 2,000 armed 
men, and determined to fortify himself, and await reinforce- 
ments from Spain. This was the great danger for the 
English. All South Donegal belonged to McSweeny, and 
he was in touch with O'Rourke, whose young son had run 
away from Oxford University, and with a few hundred kerns 
was holding the passes. O'Rourke himself sent 500 beeves 
to McS weeny's country to feed the Spaniards. There were no 
English troops in Ireland to resist such a force as this, and 
the north began to ferment O'Donnell's wife threatened 
vengeance unless her son were released. Tirlogh Lenogh 
O'Neil sought the aid of the Spaniards to raise Ulster against 
Tyrone, and the English knew not whom they could trust, 
even the Hovendens and Kelly being doubted. False and 
exaggerated news, too, came of the movements of the 
Spaniards. Geoffrey Fenton in a panic seized Sligo Castle, 
as he said to keep the Spaniards out ; they were marching, 
he said, to the number of 2,000 by Ballyshannon over Lough 
Erne, to attack him. It was not true, and his fears were 
groundless, but doubtless some hundreds of Spaniards went 
that way to join O'Rourke. Fitzwilliam could only muster 
about 800 men, and begged the Queen to send him reinforce- 
ments and ships. But he was stout-hearted and started on 
November 4 from Dublin with the small force he could 
muster to sweep the country clear of Spaniards. His 
energy won the day. Flying spies told of his coming. 
The Irish were not united, the day of the great Ulstermen 
Tyrone and O'Donnell was not yet McSweeny could 
not stand against the English unsupported by his own prince 
O'Donncll, so Leyva shipped 1,500 men on the galleass, 
more than she would properly hold, leaving the rest to shift 
for themselves, and sailed for Scotland, where he hoped to 
get help. The galleass was crazy and had a broken 
rudder, but with a fair south-west wind she doubled the north 
of Ireland and got into St. George's Channel. Then the 



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SOME SURVIVORS OF THE ARMADA IN IRELAND 65 

pilots told heywa that the wind was fair and they would run 
him to Spain in five days. He consented, but the wind 
suddenly shifted to a south-east hurricane and he was driven 
back again. On Bonboy's rock hard by the Giant's Causeway 
the galleass * Girona ' met her doom, only nine men out of 
the 1,500 being saved. Sorleyboy McDonnell of Dunluce 
waxed rich with the wine and wreckage that drifted ashore, 
and the plunder of gold chains and doubloons on the corpses 
repaid him for his humanity to the hundreds of Spaniards he 
had aided. 

Fitzwilliam told the Queen on the last day of the year 
that all Ireland was free of Spaniards, except a few naked 
stragglers, but many certainly stayed with O'Rourke ; and I 
have seen a petition dated as late as 1 596 from eight of the 
soldiers, begging Philip to send them aid to return to Spain, 
they having remained in the service of O'Donnell since the 
Armada. In addition to the ships I have mentioned, the 

* San Marcos ' was burnt by the Spaniards in the Shannon, 
at Carrig na Cowly, and her men saved in another ship. 
Admiral Recalde burnt another, ' San Juan,' in Dingle Bay, 
the men being saved, and at the same time and place the 

* Nuestra Seftora de la Rosa ' sank at her moorings, every 
soul on board perishing but one, and he gave a statement 
afterwards full of lies to the English (Irish State Papers). I 
have tried to show that, much as we may condemn the cruelty 
in Connaught to gallant and defenceless enemies, there were 
circumstances that explain it. But in Munster there was no 
danger, for Munster had been crushed nine years before, yet 
there, but for a different reason, the cruelty was as great. On 
September 7 one of the small hoys of the Armada put into the 
Bay of Tralee, without water or food, utterly beaten by 
tempest. Three of the men swam ashore, and threw them- 
selves and their companions, twenty-four in all, upon the 
mercy of Lady Denny, to whom they surrendered their ship. 
When the twenty-four had landed. Sir Edward Denny had 
all their throats cut— every one. The Vice-President of 
Munster, Thomas Norris, wrote to Walsingham thQ day after 

N.S.— VOL. XI. F 



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66 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

regretting this, but saying there was no safe keeping for 
them. This was absurd, and not the true explanation. The 
common talk amongst Denny's friends was, and it was 
repeated by all the Spanish spies, that Denny had a special 
personal grudge against the Spaniards. I happen to know 
what this grudge was. 

In 1579, when the Spanish Papal force, well-nigh one 
thousand men, had surrendered to Grey, at Smerwick, on 
promise of their lives, the throats of all but a few officers 
were treacherously cut ; the chivalrous Raleigh being one of 
those who helped in the slaughter, and the gentle poet 
Spenser looking on with approval. The commander of the 
Papal force. Colonel Sebastiano di San Giuseppe, fell to 
Denny's share to be held for ransom, and Denny kept him 
for three years in expectation of a rich reward. But Mendoza, 
the Spanish ambassador, found means to bribe the keeper, 
and the colonel escaped. Denny swore a great oath that he 
would be revenged upon Mendoza by killing every Spaniard 
he came across — and he kept his word. This alone will 
show how widely different are our present thoughts and 
feelings from those prevalent then, and warns us that it is 
not safe to judge what seems the heartless cruelty of the 
sixteenth century by the gentler humanitarian code of the 
nineteenth. 



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ELIZABETHAN VILLAGE SURVEYS. 

By W. J. CORBETT, M.A., F.R.Hist.S. 

Read April 29, 1 897 

The object of the present paper is to call attention to a class 
of documents which seem hitherto to have escaped much 
notice from economic historians, but which, it is thought, 
may throw light on the agrarian transitions which took 
place in England during the sixteenth century. The docu- 
ments in question date from the reign of Elizabeth, and are 
termed by their compilers Libri supervisionis, or surveys.* 
An examination of their contents shows that the name is 
justly applied ; for they are not merely rentals or terriers, 
such as landowners in all ages have frequently compiled as 
evidence of the value or extent of their estates, but elaborate 
topographical descriptions, furlong by furlong, and strip by 
strip, of complete villages, extending sometimes in length to 
a hundred pages of manuscript. Herein lies their interest ; 
for, as the surveys are not confined to particular estates or 
particular manors, but make the complete circuit of the 
villages, giving the abuttals and compass bearings of the 
various parcels of land, only patience and ingenuity are 
required to compile a tolerably accurate map of each village 
as it was at the date of the surveyor's visit ; and Elizabethan 
maps are not of such every day occurrence as to render their 
recovery a matter of indifference. Of course in some cases 
owing either to ignorance of the size and shape of the wastes, 
or to the complete obliteration of old landmarks by parlia- 
mentary enclosures, it maybe difficult to compile a map ; but 
even in these cases the surveys themselves cannot fail to be 
illuminating, containing as they do a detailed statement of 
the arrangements of each village such as can nowhere else 

* One of the surveys terms itself a < Dragga.' 

f2 



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68 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

be obtained. For instance, they enable us to speak with 
certainty as to who were the owners of land in each village, 
what was the extent of each estate, and how far the holdings 
were scattered throughout the common fields, or consolidated 
in ring fences. Further, in many cases we get complete 
information as to the comparative extent and position of the 
freeholds and copyholds, as to the proportion of arable to 
wood and pasture, as to the position and extent of the 
demesnes and glebes, as to the number of messuages and 
cottages, and as to the way in which the different manors 
were intermixed. In some cases, too, appended to the 
actual surveys there follow the customs of the manor and 
one or more rentals ; while I have found one rental supple- 
mented with an elaborate attempt to trace the descent of all 
the copyholds, through the entries in the Court rolls, from the 
first year of Edward IV. down to the year the survey was 
taken. The range of topics dealt with by the surveys then is 
by no means small, but probably the most interesting and 
useful facts contained in them will be found to be the 
evidence which their pages preserve as to the amount of 
enclosing that had been going on. I shall accordingly 
devote a large part of this paper to examining their contents 
particularly from this point of view. 

The particular examples of village surveys, dating from 
Elizabethan times, that I have had the opportunity of 
examining all come from the muniment room at King's 
College, Cambridge, and for the most part deal with lands in 
Norfolk ; but I have little doubt that King's College was not 
peculiar in this matter, and that a search in other college 
muniment rooms, or among the archives of other large land- 
owners, would reveal the existence of similar surveys, so that 
specimens for most parts of England may eventually be ex- 
pected to turn up. Indeed I have already seen another 
Norfolk specimen,* similar in all respects to those belonging 

' This survey deals with Fomcett and the neighbouring villages into which the 
manor of Fomcett extended. My attention was drawn to it by Miss Frances 
G. Davenport. 



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ELIZABETHAN VILLAGE SURVEYS 



69 



to King's College, and of about the same date, which was 
made for the Duke of Norfolk and which is now in the pos- 
session of Mr. A. C. Cole. I have already said that primarily 
the merit of the surveys is that they deal with complete villages ; 
it may therefore be as well to explain that, in addition to the 
complete surveys, the descriptions often cover parts of other 
villages as well, this method being adopted whenever the 
chief manor described was not contained entirely within the 
boundaries of a single township, a frequent occurrence in 
Norfolk. The number of villages, therefore, about which I 
have found some information is much larger than the 
number of surveys. The following table will show more 
clearly than any description the amount of material that I 
have come across, the dates of the various documents, their 
numbers in the muniment catalogue, and their comparative 
length, roughly speaking, in pages of manuscript It also 
will show which of the villages are completely and which 
incompletely surveyed. 

A. Compute Surveys, 



Date. 


County. 


Township. 


Length of 
MS. 


Press Mark. 








Pages. 




1564 


Norfolk . 


Coltishall . 


28 


E. 25, viii. 


)» 


>» • • • 


Horstead 




35 


)> 


»» 


»» • • • 


Staninghall 




16 


»» 


1565 


Middlesex . 


Ruislip . 




41 


R. 36 


1566 


Norfolk . 


Toft Monks 




64 


Y. i. 20 


1584 


i> • • • 


Lessingham 




70 


p. 34 


}» 


»» • • • 


Hempstead 




116 


»» 


)« 


»» • • • 


Coltishall 




91 


E. 28 


1586 


»> • • • 


Horstead 




87 


N. 52 


«) 


i» • • • 


Staninghall 




9 


»» 


Undated. 


Cambridgeshire 


Coton . 




38 


K.90 




B, 


Partial Surveys, 




1566 


Norfolk . 


Hadiscoe 


1 


V. i. 20 


1572 


>i • • • 


Crostwick 




18 


N.52 


1579 


,} . . . 


Frettenham . 




IS 


i» 


1584 
I) 


»» • • • 
i> • • • 


Happisburgh . 
Ingham 




17 
2 


p. 34 


If 


»» • • • 


Eccles-by-the- 


Sea ! 


6 


>i 


1585 


»» • • • 


Belaugh 




17 


E. 28 


1586 


»i • • • 


Great Hautbois 


S 


»> 


1587 


»» • • • 


Scottow 


18 


i> 



* Iptermixed with the survey of Toft Monks. 



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70 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

It will be seen that, in all, the surveys cover some 700 
pages of manuscript, some well written, others very badly, 
exclusive of several hundred more pages devoted to the 
rentals. Consequently it is no light task to digest the mass 
of details which they embody, and I may as well state at 
once that I in no way claim to have done so. For instance, 
I have only superficially glanced through the surveys of 
Ruislip, in Middlesex, and Coton, in Cambridgeshire, and 
have confined all detailed study to the Norfolk villages, the 
reason being that I have Jived in Norfolk and am personally 
acquainted with Horstead and Lessingham. Even so, I have 
not been able to complete the compilation of the maps with 
as much thoroughness as I should like, and can only claim 
to have thoroughly studied Hempstead, Lessingham, and 
Horstead. The first two I selected because they are small 
in area and easily dealt with, and the latter because it is 
my own home, and because there happen to be two surveys 
of it — one for the year 1564, and the other for 1586. For 
Horstead, too, I have found a number of supplementary 
documents relating to the enclosing of the wastes in 1 599, so 
that altogether I know more about this village than any 
other, and can trace the changes occurring in it between 1 564 
and 1600 with some certainty. 

With these few words of preface I turn now to the docu- 
ments themselves, and to what I have learnt from them ; and 
I will begin first of all with a few observations on the various 
technical terms used in them for describing the agricultural 
arrangements of different localities. 

Generally speaking the surveys are all very much alike in 
form — that is to say, they pay very little attention to the old 
fields {campt)y and treat the furlongs as the units that have to 
be surveyed. For convenience the fullest surveys, before 
describing the furlongs, begin by dividing the town up into 
subdivisions with the title of 'precincts,' each bounded by 
the chief roads, but it is clear that neither the fields nor the 
precincts had any agricultural significance, and so for our 
piurpose they may both be neglected. I may remark, however, 



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Ejcp larucUxjon of Colour ing. 

Light ract. Andtnt arable hand. stUJL hfurg in. opm. fields. 

Dark. rwd. Andervb araJblm land, raemntfy enelomed.. 

Yellow. ArxxJbU land, approved fhom the waste befbre the I6l^ century. 

DarkOreen. Oomrncn wastaa existing vxiSBS, but endoaedfyaffnevrtcnt in 15S9 

Light Oreen. Ihsturg. meadjomr. and woodJbauxd. held in fiey*rt»JUy. 

% Messuages and coUagas. m^i^mm Boundaries ofRjrlongs. 



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ELIZABETHAN VILLAGE SURVEYS 7 1 

in passing that the fields are often numerous, sometimes more 
than half a dozen, and of every variety of area. 

■The furlongs themselves are called in Latin ' Stadia ' 
and * QuarantitKB' indifferently, but the English form varies. 
At Ruislip, for instance, it is *shott'; at Horstead * furlong*; 
at Toft Monks more often ' went,' * but ' shott ' also occurs. 
* Wonge ' occurs twice — once at Toft Monks, and once at 
Staninghall. On the whole, 'furlong' is the commonest 
expression. 

I have spoken of the furlong as the unit for surveying 
purposes, but it would be a misapprehension to think that all 
the furlongs mentioned in these surveys were really ancient 
agricultural units, made up of bundles of strips and culti- 
vated together. On the contrary, it is quite clear that the 
term was fast losing its original meaning, and was often used 
by the surveyors as the equivalent of * field' as used at present. 
Often enough it has its correct meaning of a bundle of arable 
strips, but it is also applied to pasture and marsh land ; and 
in Horstead every part of the village, whether wood land or 
occupied by houses and enclosures, with the exception of the 
open heath, is equally reckoned in furlongs. It is noticeable, 
too, that the two surveys of Horstead do not ag^ree in their 
enumeration of the furlongs. What is called a furlong in 
one survey is often only part of a furlong in the other, or 
vice versd. It is clear, therefore, that the reckoning of the 
furlongs was a somewhat arbitrary process, and it would 
therefore seem probable that the arrangement into furlongs, 
like the arrangement into fields, was ceasing to imply any- 
thing that really had a practical effect on the conduct of 
agfricultural operations. In spite, therefore, of the surveyor 
and his furlongs, we really come down to the strips and closes 
as the real units of cultivation. 

Turning now to the strips, the first thing to take note 

' Miss Davenport informs me that thb term also occurs in a lease of land at 
South Walsham,' about 1717, which is illustrated by a fine map noiv in the custody 
of Mr. Cox, Master of the Great Hospital at Norwich. In the lease the ' wents * 
appear to be the strips. 



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72 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

of IS a difference between the Norfolk nomenclature and that 
of the other counties, which may imply a difference of agri- 
cultural practice. Whereas in Norfolk the strips are always 
called 'pieces/ and are described as bounded by 'metae/ 
at Ruislip, in Middlesex, we read of 'seliones,' and at 
Coton, in Cambridgeshire, of 'lands.' So far as I have 
noticed, too, in these latter cases there is no mention of the 
* metae,' which in Norfolk were not merely ideal limits but 
real boundaries, for we hear of cases where they had been 
ploughed up. It is possible then that the Norfolk strips were 
not identical in character with the selions further west, but 
were flat parcels of land bounded by what economic histo- 
rians have called * balks ' ; while the selions perhaps had no 
such bounds, for they were sufficiently differentiated from 
each other by their ridged or heaped-up form. Anyhow, 
whether or not this suggestion is correct, it seems advisable 
to point out that the term 'balk,* as used in the Coton 
survey, does not mean a mere division between strips, as 
might have been supposed. On the contrary, the balks which 
are mentioned are of rare occurrence, and seem to be com- 
parable with the selion or 'land' in size, to be in fact rather 
unmetalled roadways than mere boundaries between strips. 
The following extract from the Coton survey will perhaps 
make clear what I mean, and show why I think the ' lands ' 
may not have been divided at all, or if so certainly not 
usually by * balks,' of the kind mentioned by the survey : — 

Coton Survey. 
Item. — 3 lands, containing i acre, the Rector. 
Item. — 2 lands, containing 3 roods, King's College. 
Item. — A balk. 

Item. — 6 lands, containing 2 acres, St Catharine's Hall. 
Item. — A balk. 

Item. — 2 lands, containing 3 roods, St. John's College. 
Item.— 6 lands, containing 7 roods, St. Catharine's Hall. 

After this no more balks occur for some time ; but when 
they do occur, they are sometimes distinguished as great and 
little balks, or as ' common ' balks. 



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ELIZABETHAN VILLAGE SURVEYS 73 

The above extract will also serve to show the real mean- 
ing of the term ' land ' or selio, and how it is not by any 
means the same thing as an acre strip, or even a half acre. 
Apparently it varies between a rood and half an acre ; but it 
is not common either for two lands or for four lands to go to 
an acre for many consecutive strips in any furlong. In 
Norfolk the pieces (as they are called) vary in size consider- 
ably ; many of the * pieces/ in fact, are not strips at all, but 
large blocks of land containing many acres. Still, even 
excluding these, there remains considerable variety, pieces of 
all sizes, from five acres down to a rood, being plentiful. On 
the whole I should say that strips of less than an acre pre- 
dominate in the furlongs nearest to the dwelling-houses and 
village streets, the furlongs on the outskirts of the village 
being in larger pieces, and having all the appearance of 
having been approved from the waste. But to this I shall 
return later. A few figures will perhaps make the matter 
clearer than any description. For example, at Hempstead 
492 acres are surveyed as arable, and this is made up of 
477 strips, only a few of which contain more than five acres, 
while on the other hand there were as many as 93 rood strips. 
In the portion of Belaugh surveyed there were even more 
strips than there are acres accounted for — namely, 204 strips 
to 160 acres. Lessingham, on the other hand, was not in 
such small strips ; 209 strips are enumerated containing in 
all 450 acres. At Staninghall the proportion of strips to 
acres still further decreases, there being 89 strips to 300 acres. 
These figures, I think, give a fair idea of the general size of 
the pieces ; it only remains to say that half roods are more 
frequent at Coton, in Cambridgeshire, than in any of the 
Norfolk villages, and the same applies to * gore acres.' 

I have remarked how the balk of Cambridgeshire appears 
to be a kind of way. Let us now turn to a Norfolk term which 
appears to have much the same significance. Ordinarily 
Norfolk lanes are called 'gates,' and footpaths not unfre- 
quently * styes ' (German, * Steg '), but at times in these sur- 
veys we also meet with so-called 'meres.' These are evidently 



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74 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

thoroughfares of some kind, for we find the Water Mere at 
Toft Monks also described as the Water Gate, while vice 
versd there are two ways, one in Hempstead and another in 
Coltishall, named Green Gate Mere. The only question is 
whether a mere, in addition to being a grass way, means 
anything else. I am not in a position to solve this point, as 
I have not yet met with many meres ; I cannot, however, 
help thinking that something underlies the name. The 

* meres * that I have noted seem to be broad ways running 
in straight lines right through the old open fields, and not 
merely across single furlongs.^ 

To conclude this discussion of terms, I will just mention 
two others on whose meaning I should be glad to get some 
light. These are the * hyme ' and the * slade.' They both 
occur in the names of furlongs, but I have not been able to 
see why particular furlongs are given these designations. 
Neither term is common, and hyrnes seem to be confined 
to the outside edges of the old open fields. 

Passing from the local phraseology to the actual agricul- 
tural arrangements set forth by these surveys, it seems 
natural to begin with the demesnes. How large were they 
and where were they situated in relation to other lands in 
the villages ? To these questions no single answer can be 
given, as the arrangement varies from place to place. One 
thing is clear, however, and that is that the demesnes were 
small as compared to the total areas. Professor Ashley in his 

* Economic History ' speaks of the demesnes as occupying as a 
rule one-third of the arable area, but nothing like this is the 
case in any of the villages whose surveys I have examined. 
In Horstead 230 acres out of 1,600 were in demesnes, and 
100 acres of these seem rather to be an approvement from 
the waste than really ancient arable. In Hempstead the pro- 
portion was 80 acres to 570. In Coltishall it was certainly 

' A common name for a village lane in Norfolk is Margate, which often gets 
corrupted in < Market,' and in Latin into Mercatus, This should not mislead 
anyone into supposing that there ever was a market in the village. I believe 
Margate is merely a corruption of Mere Gate. 



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ELIZABETHAN VILLAGE SURVEYS 75 

no greater, and in Toft Monks considerably less. At Ruislip, 
in Middlesex, not a tenth of the arable was in demesne, but 
the survey does not give the acreage so I cannot give the 
accurate figures. Coton, in Cambridgeshire, I have not 
worked out. 

The relative situation of the demesne lands may be thus 
described. At Ruislip and at Toft Monks it lay in compact 
blocks near the manor houses. At Lessingham it was con- 
tained in a single croft of 40 acres. At Hempstead, on the 
other hand, it lay scattered in strips of various sizes in the 
field. At Horstead, Coltishall, and Staninghall some of it 
was in blocks and some in strips. The rental for Horstead 
further shows that originally it had been far more scattered, 
for much of the land held by the tenants in 1564 or 1586 
is described as formerly demesne. For instance, the Hall 
Close, which in 1586 belonged entirely to the lords, had 
formerly had a number of strips in it belonging to tenants, 
which had been exchanged quite recently for demesne strips 
farther afield. The rental, too, rather shows that the 
demesne was contracting in area, for it notices several 
grants of demesne to hold as copyhold of recent date. 

If it is asked how were the demesnes farmed, the answer 
in most cases appears to be by farmers with leases. The 
scattered strips of demesnes at Horstead, however, were not 
in the hands of the farmer, but in those of various tenants, 
and it is instructive to note that the latter means of cultiva- 
tion has turned out disastrously from the point of view of the 
lords ; for whereas all the larger areas, let on lease in 
Elizabeth's reign to farmers, still belong to the lords and 
produce substantial rents, all the smaller strips have 
irresistibly tended to get merged with the copyholds, and in 
Horstead have all passed out of the hands of the lord for 
good. The demesnes have consequently still further shrunk 
in area, and the rents which the lords might now be receiving 
are replaced by twopenny and threepenny quit rents not 
worth collecting. 

Leaving the demesnes, we may next enquire as to the 



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76 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

number of the tenants, their rank in life, and the area of their 
estates. I have not worked this out properly for all the 
surveys, but I can give the facts for Horstead, Staninghall, 
Hempstead, and Lessingham approximately as they were in 
1586-1588, and some general statements about Coltishall, 
and Toft Monks. A few tables will give the best comparative 
view of the cases I have worked out in detail. 

Horstead with Staninghall (area 2,746 acres). 
{a) Tenants tnith messtuxges in the village. 









Acres. 








Acres. 


I. J. Topliffe, gent. . . 280 


10. R. Pightling ... 60 


2. F. Woodhouse, Esq. 


. 270 


II. J. Rose 


. 50 


3. R. Ward, gent. 


. 265 


12. R. Lincoln . 


. 40 


4. H. Shreve . 


. 180 


13. W. Jeckell . 


. 20 


5. A. Pightling, widow 


. 120 


14. W. Bulwer 


. 20 


6. W. Rose's heirs . 


. no 


15. E. Newerby, gent. 


. 15 


7. G. Berde . 


. 60 


16. T. Barnard . 


12 


8. A. Thetford, gent. 


. 6o» 


17. E. Sparke . 


. 10 


9. T. Pightling 


. 60 




(b) Tenants wit 


Jkcut messuages. 


Actts. 


Acres. 


18. The Lord of Meyton . . 20 


26. J. Ilawkes . • • . 2 


19. J. Stubbe, Esq. . 




10 


27. W. Bayspool 






2 


20. J. Goffe 




10 


28. H. Spendelowe 






I 


21. N. Prenk . 




. 7 


29. G. Yemmes 






I 


22. J. Brend . 




7 


(0 The Demesne 






230 


23. Henry D'Oyley, Esq. 




5 


(d) The Glebe {lloTsiesiA) 




55 


24. G. Sotherton 




3 


{d) 7:4^ (7ZsAf (Staninghall) 


. 29 


25. J. Swift . 




3 


{e) The Town Lands 


. 7 


Hempstead {t 


urea 907 acres). 


{a) Tenants u 


*ith messuages. 


Acres. 


Acres. 


1. W. Bishop .... 80 


la C. Ashley .... 10 


2. W. Goscelin 




. . 75 


II. 0. Haylett. 






9 


3. S. Hart . 




• . 57 


12. G. Suffield . 






9 


4. J. Dereham. 




. • 33 


13. T. KendaU . 






. 7 


5. II. Mitchell 




. . 27 


14. C. Smith . 






6 


6. J. Goscelin . 




. . 19 


15. C. Crane . 






. 5 


7. W. Fenne . 




. . 15 


16. J. Miles . 






. 3 


8. H. Hide . 




• 14 


17. J. Gedney . 






* 3 


9. T. Norfolk . 






. 12 


18. W. Cobbe . 






\ 



' This estate formed a sub-manor called * Cattys,' 



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ELIZABETHAN VILLAGE SURVEYS 



77 







W 


Tenants without messuages. 






Acm. 




Acres. 


19. J. Frosdyke 


. 7 


23. J. Leame . 


\ 


20. T. Trace . 


• . 3 


(r) Demesne . 


80 


21. £. Middleton 


2 


(flO t7/^ .... 


. 33 


22. W. Porringer 


. . li 








Lessingham ( 


area 639 acres). 




(a) 


Tenants with messuages or cottages. 






Acres. 




Aaes. 


I. A. Cock, widow . 


. • 62 


II. R. Smith • 


II 


2. J. Iddeson 






. 45 


12. J. Bowman 


• 9 


3. N. Crowe . 






. 41 


13. E. Jackson, widow 


• 9 


4. E. Middleton 






. 37 


14. W. BuUock 


6 


5. T. Ball . 






. 37 


15. M. Spooner 


6 


6. J. Dawson . 






• 33 


16. T. Trace . . . , 


5 


7. W. Beare . 






. 24 


17. H. Heylot . 


3 


8. W. Heylot . 






. 21 


18. N. Curtewick . 


I 


9. W. Newton 






. 20 


19. R. Bexwell, miller 


i 


10. C. Free 






. . 18 


20-25. 6 cottagers . 


I 




(b) Tenants ivi 


thout messuages. 






Acres. 




AcrcR. 


26. A. Joye, widow . 


. 7 


(c) Demesne . 


40 


27. The Lord of Ingham . . 6 


{d) GleU . . . , 


9 


28. A. Parminter, gei 


It. 




. . 5 







The above tables show that there were still a considerable 
number of tenants in each village, and that on the whole the 
tenancies were small. A similar state of things existed at 
Toft Monks and Coltishall. At Toft there were at least 
twenty-five tenants with messuages and a great many more 
who had none, the total area being about 1,640 acres. At 
Coltishall, which contains about 1,200 acres, I have noted 
some seventeen tenants with messuages and four cottagers, 
and there may have been more. The incomplete surveys 
also tell the same story so far as they go. Only at Staning- 
hall have I remarked anything different. I have included 
this with Horstead as they are surveyed together, but really 
the greater part of Staninghall is included in the 270 acres 
there assigned to F. Woodhouse. He in fact owned nearly 
all the cultivated area except the glebe, and his was the only 



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78 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

messuage. The arrangement, however, seems to be ancient 
and not due to recent evictions of smaller owners to any 
extent ; for even in * Domesday ' it is recorded that Staninghall 
was owned by a single free man, whereas other villages in its 
neighbourhood are all returned as possessed by numbers of 
men. At Hempstead, for example, in 1086 there were as 
many as fifty. 

It will be noticed that the tables do not say much about 
cottages or cottagers, presumably, therefore, the smaller men 
worked for the larger. The surveys, however, throw no light 
on this question, and many of the tenements entered as 
messuages must have been little better than cottages. As a 
rule the messuages in these Norfolk villages are not collected 
into streets, but lie scattered about along the various * gates * or 
lanes. Many of the tenants, too, are recorded as occupying 
several messuages in different parts of the villages. In some 
cases, perhaps, the tenants did not really live in any of their 
messuages, for they are described in the rentals as citizens of 
Norwich. The parish registers, however, of Horstead which 
I have examined show that most of them were bom and died 
in the place. It appears, therefore, more probable that these 
citizens were men who had retired from business and bought 
land. This seems confirmed by the fact that several of them 
were newcomers at Horstead between 1564 and 1586, and 
these newcomers are just the persons who appear most fre- 
quently on the Court rolls as exchanging strips of copyhold 
for the purpose of consolidating their tenancies. 

A word should here be said about decayed messuages. 
One or two are certainly mentioned, and alike at Horstead, 
Coltishall, and Lessingham, the manor houses were no longer 
standing. The fact, however, already stated that many of 
the tenants had several messuages, and some quite close 
together, shows that as a rule the old farm buildings, even 
when needless, had been left standing. 

Having spoken of the tenants, the next most natural 
enquiry to make is, how far were they of the freehold or 
copyhold class ? As in so many other respects, the villages 



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ELIZABETHAN VILLAGE SURVEYS 79 

are found to differ in this also. In Horstead and Coltishall 
the great bulk of the tenants all owned both freehold and 
copyhold. Even some of the very smallest occupiers held by 
both kinds of tenure, and the proportion between the two is 
as various as the size of the holdings. For a long time past, 
in fact, men had been buying and exchangfing copyhold and 
freehold alike without distinction or preference, merely trying 
to acquire pieces, whatever their nature, which lay handy for 
their messuages. 

Turn now to the manor of Lessingham, and we find 
something quite different This manor was by no means 
coterminous with the township of the same name. It con- 
tained about 650 acres of arable, but 200 and more of them 
lay in Hempstead, and some in other villages. Now accord- 
ing to the evidence of our survey, none of the 400 acres in 
Lessingham were freehold, and only two acres of those in 
Hempstead. The freeholds all told were quite insignificant, 
and consisted of a few outlying pieces situated in Ingham, 
Brumstead, and Happisburgh. The majority, therefore, in 
fact nearly all the tenants of Lessingham manor, certainly all 
those living in the village, were copyholders only, and so 
quite unlike the tenants in Horstead or Coltishall. The 
explanation of this would seem to be that Lessingham was a 
very backward village ; for, as I shall now proceed to show, 
it also differed from Horstead or Coltishall in still having 
large uncultivated wastes and in having few enclosures. 
Into the other villages I am sorry to say I cannot pursue 
this enquiry, for their surveys are less complete and do not 
give the necessary information about manorial tenures. 

I now come to the more important section of my paper, 
in which, as I have already stated, I shall attempt to show 
what light these surveys throw on the question of enclosing. 

It is unfortunate that none of the villages for which I have 
surveys are dealt with in the documents relating to the Com- 
mission of 1517 on enclosures, which Mr. Leadam has already 
edited for this Society, or in the additional documents that he 
has published in his * Domesday of Enclosures.' It would 



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8o TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

have been interesting to identify the enclosures complained 
of in 1517, and to have seen what progress had been made 
since. It will be found, however, that even without this 
additional source of information the surveys themselves 
present us with quite enough facts to enable one to make 
pretty definite statements as to the extent to which the 
enclosing movement had been effective in these localities, and 
the methods by which the enclosing had been brought about. 

It will hardly, I suppose, be necessary to remind anyone 
that enclosing is a rather vague term which may cover several 
distinct processes. On the one hand it may denote the 
gradual approvement and bringing into use of the waste 
lands of a village, while on the other hand it may equally 
well stand for the gradual conversion of the ancient open 
fields with their scattered strips into several closes surrounded 
by fences. In either case, too, there are two uses, namely 
tillage and pasture, to which the lands enclosed may be put 

Altogether, then, it may be said that enclosing means 
four distinct things, each of which might be examined 
separately, namely : — 

(i) Enclosure from the waste for tillage. 

(2) „ „ „ for pasture. 

(3) Enclosure from the open fields for tillage. 

(4) i» » >. for pasture. 

As it happens, however, it will not be necessary for us to 
examine all these ; for I may as well at once state that so far 
as I can see none of the villages surveyed had been the scene 
of enclosures for pasture, whether from the waste or the open 
fields. There had been plenty of enclosing in some of the 
villages, but all the enclosures, if we are to believe the 
surveys, were used for tillage. The enquiry, therefore, may 
be confined to two heads only, and I will begin with approve- 
ments or enclosures from the waste, as being the simpler 
process of the two. 

Under this head the questions that have to be answered 
are two, namely : How much land, if any, in these villages 
still lay waste ? and secondly. What proportion of the land 



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ELIZABETHAN VILLAGE SURVEYS 8 1 

already in cultivation shows signs of having been brought 
into cultivation by approvement from the waste and of never 
having formed part of the old open fields ? The answers to 
these questions, as might be expected, differ considerably in 
the different villages. In Toft Monks, Coltishall, and Coton 
the amount of waste still left unapproved is exceedingly 
small. In Coltishall, for example, it seems to be about 
twenty acres out of 1,200. In Toft Monks only the village 
greens, containing a few acres and a fair sized meadow, are 
returned as communal property, and though three heaths, 
certain g^roves, and a large wood are also mentioned, they 
were all in private ownership. If we turn to Hempstead, 
Lessingham, and Ruislip, on the other hand, it appears that 
very little approvement had been done. In Ruislip, which is 
a large village of 3,000 acres, quite half the township lands 
were still occupied by woods and common, and the wood was 
not divided, as at Toft, into severalties. Similarly in Hemp- 
stead the proportion of waste to cultivated ground was, 
roughly speaking, 400 to 500 acres ; in Lessingham 200 to 
450 ; and in Staninghall 80 to 300. At Horstead, the remain- 
ing village for which there is a complete survey, the relative 
proportion of waste was less, being only 350 acres to 2,750, 

Such being the respective areas of waste still existing in 
the different villages when the surveys were made, we next 
come to the question, ' Does much land show signs of having 
formerly been waste and subsequently approved ? ' Naturally 
there is no direct evidence on this point, but still inferences 
on this head can be made, partly from the absence of strips 
in certain furlongs, partly from the size of the parcels men- 
tioned, and partly from the local names, and these inferences 
all go to show that in the villages, where there was little 
existing waste, a good deal had once been so, but bad been 
approved at some time or other. For instance, at Horstead 
the furlongs with true strips in them all lie near the centre of 
the village, then come a ring of commons, and then outside 
the commons another ring of furlongs, which are without 
strips, but which contain parcels of 12, 20, 60, and even 100 
N.S.— VOL. XI. G 



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82 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

acres. Here I think the inference seems obvious that this 
outer ring was never a component part of the old fields, but 
is the result of approvements. Similarly at Lessingham and 
Tofts Monks beside the furlongs with strips we find a number 
of closes, many with separate names, which have all the 
appearance of being approvements from the waste. 

In addition to the approvements from the waste which 
take the form of closes, some approvements, especially those 
made at an early date, may be recognised in furlongs divided 
into strips. This kind of approvement, though it looks like 
old open field, betrays itself by the names given to the fur- 
longs. For instance, at Coton, though there was no waste 
when the survey was made worth speaking of, at the far end 
of the village away from the town the survey records several 
furlongs with such names as the Brakes, the Middle Hay 
Furlong, the Long Hay Furlong, and the Short Hay Furlong. 
Similarly at Crostwick we have Over Frith Hegge Furlong and 
Nether Frith Heg^e Furlong ; and at Toft Monks, next the 
big wood. Over and Nether Starre Hegge Furlongs, Devil's 
Oak Furlong, and also Sallow Hegge and Short Thornes. 
These names, to my mind, all point to enclosures that had 
formerly been made from either heath or wood, for otherwise 
the furlongs would not be called Hays or Brakes ; and, as 
confirmatory evidence that this is implied by the name 
Brakes, I may mention that in a map I have seen of West 
Wretham, in Norfolk, six large Brakes are set out in midst of 
land that is otherwise all barren heath. There are also Brake 
Deeles at Horstead in the outer ring of furlongs I have 
alluded to. An equally suspicious name is Whindale Street 
in Toft Monks, for this points to the ancient Whin Deeles. 
At Lessingham, where the waste had not been enclosed, the 
Whin Deeles still lay in the middle of the South Common in 
1584. 

In answer, then, to the question, had there been much 
enclosing from the waste in these villages, we may safely 
state that in most of the Norfolk ones there had been, and on 
a considerable scale. But on the other hand it must be 



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ELIZABETHAN VILLAGE SURVEYS 85 

admitted that very few of the approvements seem to be at all 
modem. For Hays and Brakes, which are in strips, can 
safely be set down as old; while the large furlongs at 
Horstead without strips would also seem to be so, as they 
are nearly all mentioned in the rentals as existing in 
Edward I V.'s reign. Approvement from the waste, therefore, 
does not seem to be a characteristic of Tudor times even in 
those villages where the surveys indicate that at a former 
time it had been largely practised, while in the rest the evi- 
dence tends to show that it had hardly begun. 

This being the conclusion reached, it is interesting to note 
at Horstead and Staninghall at the very end of the century 
a return to the method of approvement. As I have already 
stated, in 1586 there were still 350 acres of waste in Horstead 
and 80 acres in Staninghall, but in 1 599 all this was finally 
enclosed by agreement between the lords of the manor and 
the tenants. 

The documents connected with this transaction are in the 
King's College muniment room. They begin with the follow- 
ing letter addressed by the tenants to the Provost : — 

September 8, 1598. 

Sir, — ^Wheras upon the Motion for devydinge the comons of 
your Manor of Horsted between the Collie and us, the Tennants of 
the same. It pleased your worship together with Mr. D. Montlowe,* 
Mr. Vice Provost and others at your Lodginge in Cambridge, 
some of us being then there, thus to resolve. That at Bartholemew- 
tyde or Sturbridge ffaire (or what tyme else thereaboute myght best 
fitte us) should be sent up fower or fyve Tennants with the hande 
and allowance of the rest, (that you might be assured of the general 
consent) to conferre and if it may bee to agree upon the matter. 

These are therefore to give your worship to understand That 
whatsoever Mr. TopclifTe, Mr. Breeze, John Picklin, Thomas Picklin, 
Robert Baell, whom wee have purposely chosen and doo send upp 
to treate that business, shall with the College conclude, wee whose 
names are subscribed, will willingly assent, yeldeunto, and performe. 

And (forasmuch. Sir, as wee have hitherto found yourself and the 
College in all things very gracious and favourable, which wee most 

■ The College Fanner, by lease dated Mich. 1597, for a term of 17^ years. 

o2 



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84 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

thankfully doe acknowledge, wee praye and entreate, that that good 
Respect may bee still continued unto us, That wee as pore Tennants 
may allwayes have as just occassions of Love unto you as of dutye. 
And thus, not further troubling your worship wee comend you to 
Allmighty God. 

Horsted the VIII"» of September 1598. 

Your Tennants iovinge 

and at command. 

In accordance with this letter the deputation appear to 
have come to Cambridge, and Mr. Topcliflfe made various 
offers on behalf of the tenants. At first the tenants wanted 
to get the whole of the commons for themselves, paying in lieu 
to the College an annual rent of ;^I2, with ;^5 more for the 
rights of the lords as regards the shack. The College, how- 
ever, were wiser than to accept this, and eventually ag^reed to 
allow the wastes to be enclosed on the following conditions : — 

1. The lords to take eighty acres in severalty. 

2. The lords to reserve all rights to treasure trove, mine- 

rals, waifs, strays, and goods of felons, with right of 
entry to take the same. 

3. All rights of pasture, shack, and foldage to be extin- 

guished on all lands in the village. 

4. The tenants to pay an annual quit rent of £y. 14^. 5^. 

for their shares of the common. 

This agreement was carried out by a number of convey- 
ances. The most important is an indenture (King's Muni- 
ments, N. II) dated March 26, 1599, by which the College 
on the one part, and the tenants on the other part, mutually 
convey and exchange their rights. The tenants then by 
subsequent indentures of a less lengthy nature, a specimen 
of which I have in my possession, proceeded to subdivide 
their share among themselves. The lords were well advised 
to take a share of the heaths, for their eighty acres now 
produce about £\QO a year instead of the £^ they would be 
collecting if they had accepted the original proposal of the 
tenants. 

We may now turn to consider the second form of enclos- 



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ELIZABETHAN VILLAGE SURVEYS 85 

ing, namely, the consolidation and fencing of the strips in the 
open fields. In dealing with this I shall confine myself 
entirely to Norfolk, as I have not worked out the surveys of 
Coton or Ruislip. I may say, however, in passing that so 
far as I have glanced through these two surveys I have not 
noticed much mention of enclosures in them, certainly not in 
the case of Ruislip. 

In Norfolk the case is different, and certainly in Toft 
Monks, Horstead, Staninghall, and Coltishall the enclosing 
of the old open fields had made considerable progress. On 
first reading through the surveys this does not appear to be 
the case. Furlong after furlong is recorded in strips. Every 
now and then, however, one comes to the word * inclusatum,' 
and when a map has been at length compiled, it is found that 
this word * inclusatum * occurs just at the place where there 
is a fence in modern times. It does not necessarily mean, 
therefore, that the particular strip in connection with which 
it is inserted was fenced all round, but that on one side of 
it ran a fence which divided up the old open field. Indeed 
if one imagines the process of enclosing to be merely the 
fencing of a few strips here and there, as each man's fancy 
dictated, or as he happened to have a few consecutive strips, 
one gets an entirely wrong impression of what was going on, 
and one which ought, to be discarded. On the contrary the 
enclosing we are now discussing was a very gradual and 
elaborate process, often carried out by several owners in con- 
junction, and consisting of four distinct steps, all of which 
might either go on at once or be taken singly. 

In the first place before enclosing at all a man would have 
to consolidate his holding. This he would do by exchange, 
and it might take years before he got enough together to make 
it worth his while to put up a fence at his sole expense. At 
Horstead, however, it is clear that a great deal had been done 
in this way. In some furlongs there are still intermixed 
strips, but in a majority of furlongs either one owner owns 
all the strips, or all but a very few. In fact it is not too 
much to say that the outlines of all the modem estates in the 



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86 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

village were already clearly marked in 1586 though the land 
still lay in strips. In 1 564 this was far less the case, and the 
Court rolls show that a great number of exchanges or sales 
had taken place in the interval. 

The second step which a man would take when he had 
got a sufficient number of strips together would be to plough 
up the * metae ' between them. At Horstead, and more fre- 
quently at Staninghall, the survey mentions this as having 
been done, but only here and there, and on the whole it is 
clear that the owners had not taken this step in 1586. 

The third step consisted not only in ploughing up the 
* metae,' but in altering the direction of the ploughing, so that 
land which had from time immemorial been ploughed, say 
from north to south, came to be ploughed in some other 
direction. This is also occasionally referred to in the surveys 
as having taken place, but it is very rare. 

The fourth step was the erection of fences. As already 
remarked, a number of fences are referred to in the surveys, 
but it is clear that in many cases the fences had been put up 
without waiting for any of the other steps to be taken. That 
is to say, the fences often surround furlongs still in inter- 
mixed strips, and one can only suppose that in these cases 
the fences had been erected by several proprietors jointly. 
Several of the fences seem to have. been erected more to 
break the wind than for any other purpose, for they do not 
always form complete enclosures. 

Nothing but a large scale map can really show the extent 
to which this kind of enclosing had progressed in any village ; 
but, if Horstead may be taken as typical, it will be approxi- 
mately true to say that most of the enclosures which had 
been made had been made near the chief village street, or 
round the chief messuages. That is to say, they were 
not scattered about in isolated patches in the open fields to 
any extent, and they very rarely fenced in areas of less than 
five acres. The enclosures, in fact, were not of one or two 
strips only, but made fields very much as at present 
Further, in most of these enclosures, even in those owned in 



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ELIZABETHAN VILLAGE SURVEYS 87 

severalty, the old strips still lay untouched and the ' metae ' 
unploughed up. This may seem curious, but the reason is 
not far to seek. So long as the ownership was intermixed 
the strips would naturally remain ; but even when all the 
strips belonged to one owner, there remained many objections 
to removing the * metae.' For some strips were freehold, and 
some copyhold, and so the lord of the manor was interested 
in preserving the boundaries. Some strips, too, might be 
held of one manor, and some of another, and this would also 
operate in the same direction ; for it was not till manorial 
rights had ceased to be of value that lords of manors could 
acquiesce — in merely knowing the acreage of their copyholds 
and remaining ignorant of their whereabouts and abuttals. 

Horstead, therefore, though in one sense it was finally 
enclosed in 1 599, still remained largely in strips for a long 
time after, and the glebe is even in strips at the present time. 

So far as I can see, Coltishall, Staninghall, and Toft 
Monks were in much the same condition as Horstead in 
1586, but I have not worked out the details so carefully. 
Perhaps the strips were not so well consolidated. Hempstead 
and Lessingham, on the contrary, it is quite clear were more 
backward ; there the strips were still almost entirely inter- 
mixed, and, as we have already seen, the waste was unenclosed. 
Yet even here a number of fences are mentioned, and these 
on examination turn out to occupy the places of the modern 
hedges. 

We may say then that one or other of the steps necessary 
for carrying through the enclosure of the open fields was 
gradually going forward in all these Norfolk villages, and 
that the evidence of the surveys does not materially differ 
from the general statements about East Norfolk which are 
to be found in economic histories. It only makes clearer the 
exact method by which the enclosing was being carried out. 

Note, — Since the above was in type I have come across the term * slade ' in 
Moor's Suffolk Words, He says it means a hollow, and quotes Drayton's 
Polyolbion — 

' And satyrs that in slades and gloomy dimbles dwell.' 



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ON SOME POLITICAL THEORIES OF THE 
EARLY JESUITS 

By J. NEVILLE FIGGIS, M.A., F.R.Hist.S. 

Read May 20, 1897 

From Hildebrand to John Stuart Mill is a far cry. Yet there 
is a common element in the thought of the two. Both held 
the same purely secular theory of the civil State. Both were 
jealous of State interference and would have narrowed the 
scope of governmental action. Both held that there are limits, 
especially in religious matters, which the State may not over- 
step, and both, though in different ways, would admit the 
right of an oppressed people to rebel against its sovereign. 
Their horizons were different, and their objects looked at in 
one point of view are even opposed. For Mill believed in 
the Divine right of the individual, or something like it, while, 
if Hildebrand would have bound kings with chains, it was 
only that he might forge more enduring fetters of iron for 
their peoples. Yet I believe that there are links of connec- 
tion between the two ; and of these the earlier Jesuits were 
not the least important From the days of Hildebrand down 
to our own time there appear to me to have been two 
mutually opposed theories of the State, taking different shapes 
according to the needs of different ages, and defended by 
controversial methods and arguments which changed with 
the facts to which they owed their force. Indeed, so Protean 
were their manifestations that they commonly meet with 
nothing but contempt from us who owe much to both theories, 
and have entered into the heritage prepared for us by con- 
flicts of which we have forgotten the meaning. We are apt 



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go TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

to despise arguments which appear absurd and sophistical 
merely because they were effective in a past age. To our 
view the protagonists of the great struggle are united at last 
in the scorn of educated men. Yet to fix attention on the 
obsolete and superficial aspects of past controversies is hardly 
a hopeful way of reaching to the understanding of them. At 
least some effort is needed to enable us to pass to the real 
essence of that struggle which has divided men in so many 
centuries. These two views are: (i) the omnipotence and 
transcendent worth of government ; (2) the need of remember- 
ing that the State was made for man, not man for the State, 
and of setting due limits to the action of the latter. In 
writers like William of Ockham and Dante the former 
doctrine appeared as the counter-check of the Imperialist 
party to the temporal claims of the Papacy. It re-appeared 
in the form of the Divine Right of Kings, and is, it seems to 
me, at the bottom of Rousseau's theory of the functions of 
government, whence it has passed to modem socialists. But 
it is of the second of the two doctrines above mentioned, the 
theory of the limits of State action, that this paper attempts 
to treat a phase. 

For assuredly Hildebrand's notion did not die with him. 
Developed and expanded they crystallised into a system. 
In St. Thomas Aquinas and other writers we find what 
Mr. Poole has termed * the hierarchical theory of the State.' * 
It was a doctrine subject to modification in both form and 
substance — witness the gulf between the theories of the 
indirect and the direct power of the Pope. Nor was it ever 
accepted by uncompromising supporters of emperors or kings 
or even republics. But it had this of significance about it It 
combined an attack on national independence with an assertion 
of political liberty. In order to support the Pope it undermined 
the powers of all secular sovereigns, and explained, with a 
passion of emphasis, that the State, as such, has no right to 
interfere with religion. Would not the same prohibition 
have approved itself to the modem individualist, save that for 

* lUmtrations of the History ofMtdiaval Thought^ diap. viii. 



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ON SOME POLITICAL THEORIES OF THE EARLY JESUITS 9I 

him the scholastic secundum quid would have become an 
uncompromising simpliciter ? Moreover, theories of popular 
or at least aristocratic government found useful against kings 
were found no less apt for another purpose. During the early 
years of the fifteenth century, in the eflTort to bring to a close 
the scandals of the great schism, men came to realise that, in 
order to get rid of the rival popes, it might become needful 
to depose them. But by what right ? Clearly because the 
Church was not a monarchy, so far as its earthly regime was 
concerned, but an aristocracy or more probably a 'mixed 
government,' in which final decisions rested with a general 
council. Thus we find that the great theologians of Constance, 
Gerson^ and Zabarella,^ make use of language which is 
curiously parallel to that afterwards used against kings. 
They insist that the Church is not an absolute monarchy, that 
general councils are superior to the Pope and may depose him, 
that a mixed government is the best ; for was it not found 
among the Jews, and must not Christ have given to His 
Church the ideal polity, which is avowedly that which com- 
bines the advantages of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy, 
and escapes the evils of any of them ? It was the irony ot^ 
fate that this doctrine, useless save for one brief moment 
against the Popes, should have given to Rome her most 
formidable intellectual weapon in the struggle for temporal 
supremacy. This same theory of power originating in the 
people, of the advantages of a mixed government or some- 
thing like it, was to be employed in later times with even 
greater passion in favour of the deposing power. Before 
leaving the subject of Constance it is worth noting that the 
council in the controversy about Jean Petit was driven to a 
condemnation of tyrannicide, which was in later years to afford 
great opportunities to Jesuit ingenuity in explaining it 
away.' 

* I.e. De Auferibiliiate Papce^ De Statibus Ecciisiasticis, and De Poiestate 
Ecclesiastica, 

* De Schismatibus AutHoritate Imperatoris tolUndis. 

■ See, for an account of this controversy, Creighton, History of the Papacy y 
i. 372-4. 



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92 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

However, the Papacy won the day and established its 
autocracy. From the dissolution of the Council of Basle 
there was no more room in the Church for any but monarchical 
theories of its government. But the liberalism of Constance 
had still its use. Vain as an anti-Papal doctrine, it was to 
become the strongest joint in the Papalist armour. A new 
terror attacked the Holy See. Saved from the frying-pan of 
episcopacy it seemed like to perish in the fire of temporal 
monarchy. Nationalism — for as yet toleration was undreamed 
of — was the new danger which the Reformation brought to 
Rome. Nor was the danger from England alone. It 
triumphed in the formula of Westphalia, cujus regie ejus 
religio. Even during the latter years of the seventeenth 
century Gallicanism found a mighty champion in Louis XIV. 
and became a source of many troubles, the parent of portentous 
folios, if not quite the mother of a new schism. Now against 
the rising forces of the Reformation, formidable mainly when 
wielded by kings, what better weapon could be found than 
the old theories of the deposing power, of popular rights, of 
the political supremacy of Rome ? In its earlier days the 
.Reformation must inevitably have enlisted against it con- 
servative forces in every nation. If these were to be effectually 
used, the most hopeful means of doing so was to give them 
free play by declaring it to be a fundamental law of all 
Christian countries that the sovereign must be Catholic. 
There can have been no country — even Scotland — where the 
ecclesiastical revolution failed to arouse a deep resent- 
ment in the class of mind, numerous everywhere, which 
holds by what is traditional for its own sake, which loves 
the old just because it is not modern, which looks upon abuses 
as evidence of vitality, which in regarding deep-seated cor- 
ruptions sees only that they are time-honoured, and recognises 
ancient anomalies merely because they are picturesque. This 
sentiment, unless considerations of duty or interest restrain it, 
is always at the service of the adversaries of revolutionary 
change, whether it be good or evil. The point was to enlist 
its full strength on the side of the Papacy. The notion that 



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ON SOME POLITICAL THEORIES OF THE EARLY JESUITS 93 

it IS a fundamental law of every Christian State to be ruled by 
a Catholic might do this. If the conservatives could be led 
to realise that it was not merely their right but their duty to 
rid themselves of heretic sovereigns, the chances of rolling 
back the tide of revolution would be greatly bettered. Thus 
it was natural to find that one of the main principles of the 
Counter-Reformation is this — that all kings must be Catholics, 
and that subjects on Papal suggestion may depose a heretic 
sovereign. The principle was in great measure successful. 
It is quite defensible from the point of view of those who 
held it. The tide was rolled back. France did not have 
a Huguenot king. Southern Europe was entirely won for the 
Papacy. Kings themselves admitted the claim. It is 
emphatically endorsed in the will of Philip IV. of Spain,' 
just as our Act of Settlement enshrines the theory that an 
English king must be in communion with the Church of 
England. 

Now the body who popularised these views was the 
Society of Jesus. It did not invent them. Even in their 
own day the exigencies of their position had driven the 
Huguenots to advocate very similar doctrines, and the 
' Vindiciae contra Tyrannos ' remains one of the ablest 
expositions of the theory of the original contract* Knox,' 
Goodman,^ Buchanan * and Cartwright ^ held a theory, of 
the subjection of the civil to the ecclesiastical power hardly 
distinguishable from the Jesuit doctrine. Nor must we forget 
that the most vehement of the Ligueurs, Boucher^ and 

> The will is printed in L^dle, La Diphmatie Franfaise et la Succession dc 
VEspagtu, l 458. 

• I do not understand why Ranke, in his brief essay, Der Idee der Volkssou- 
verdnetdt in den Schriften derjesuiten ( Werke^ xxiv. 225), denies the formation 
of any general theories of popular rights before the Jesuits. Buchanan, whom he 
regards as merely concerned with the affairs of Scotland, spends more than half 
his work in laying down universal principles. The Vindicia is at least as wide 
in its scope as most Jesuit writings. 

• Knox, Works^ passim, • Hew to Obey or Disobey, 

• Dejure Regni apud Scoios, 

• Declaration of Discipline : Second Admonition to Parly &*c, 
' Sermons de la Simulh Conversion, 



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94 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

Louis d'Orleans * were not Jesuits, and that they treat of the 
origin and nature of the civil State and of popular rights in 
tones but little different Still the Jesuits pressed their views 
for a longer time and deserve more attention than most of 
their predecessors or contemporaries. Certainly they re- 
ceived it. They became the common mark of attack to all 
supporters of kings. The first thought of all believers in the 
Divine right of kings is that to teach the right of resistance in 
any form is to class oneself with the Jesuits. The deposing 
power is so vividly pictured as of the essence of the Society 
that Presbyterians (who held a very similar theory) and other 
Dissenters are regarded with evident bona fides as teaching all 
that is vital to Jesuitry. Further, the Society was popularly 
regarded as the inspirer of the different attempts to assassinate 
Henri IV., during whose reign the order was expelled from 
France. Books by Becanus, Suarez, Sanctarelli, Mariana, 
Bellarmin, Jouvency, were at different times condemned 
by the Parlement of Paris, the great enemy of the Jesuits 
and asserter of Gallicanism.^ From the Society of Jesus 
the theory passed to the English Whigs. Locke and Sidney, 
if they did not take their political faith bodily from 
Suarez or Bellarmin, managed in a remarkable degree to 
conceal the differences between the two. With the Revolution 
Whigs the connection of Jesuit doctrines is direct and obvious. 
Their theory of natural rights, of an original compact, and of 
a utilitarian basis to the State, differs but little from the 
Jesuit doctrines. Thence the transition is easy to Bentham 
aq^ the greatest happiness of the greatest number. From 
him to his disciple Mill is but a step. So it may be that 
between the mediaeval Papacy and modem publicists there 
exists a closer tie than is apparent 

The historical connection of the different schools is to 
my apprehension beyond question. In each age we find a 

> Premier et second avertissements. ApologU ou Difetm des Catholiqms unis 
let urn avec Us atOres, 

* Most of Uie decrees of the Parlement of Paris on the subject are to be found 
in a Recueil de PUces Uuch(mt VHistcire de la CompagnU dejisusy Li^, 17 13. 



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ON SOME POLITICAL THEORIES OF THE EARLY JESUITS 95 

school of thought regarding the State in a similar light, and 
the conceptions entertained of politics do not materially differ. 
The State is thought of as based on utility limited in scope, 
not even legally omnipotent Set over against this school is 
its perennial adversary, which, whether it defends the rights 
of emperor, king, or people, has yet the same purpose. It 
seeks to secure at all costs the independence of the State, 
and insists on the legal omnipotence and omnicompetence of 
the sovereign, and would crush all opposing principles. * The 
State is a convenience * is the cry of the one school — from 
Hildebrand to Herbert Spencer. * Hardly even a convenience, 
a necessary evil,' some would say, but that view is rather an 
individual taste. On the other hand, from the impressive 
pages of Dante down to Rousseau and modem socialism, we 
hear proclaimed what may be termed the religion of the State, 
almighty, coming down from Heaven, * that mortal god,' the 
Leviathan into whose nose Pope, nor presbyter, nor populace, 
shall avail to put a hook. The views of Rousseau and 
perhaps those of other modem writers form, I think, an 
interesting combination. From the one side he took the 
notion of the omnipotence of the sovereign — for we must not 
forget that Rousseau believed in inculcating a single State 
religion, Theism, and in getting rid of atheists. From the 
other school he took the belief in the sovereignty of the 
people. The mingling of the two conceptions is responsible 
for much that is characteristic of the way in which our own 
generation regards politics and the State. 

It is, then, my object to examine, so far as may be, one 
phase in this development, to trace briefly certain of the 
political views of the early Jesuits, to indicate something of 
their origin, and to assign their place in the history of political 
theories by an attempt to estimate their relation to the 
thought of other ages. 

The circumstances which favoured the rise of the Society 
of Jesus made it the leader and motive force of the Counter- 
Reformation. It must be remembered that in that age 
toleration was not seriously dreamed of as a practicable 




96 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

notion. Uniformity within his own territory was the ideal of 
every ruler — still more of all his subjects, who differed deeply 
enough as to the beliefs which they would persecute, but not 
at all as to their belief in persecution. It was commonly 
believed to be not merely possible but easy to stamp out 
unlawful opinions by the sword. Indeed, the impossibility 
has never been proved, and it is not clear but that history 
favours this view. Hence no one but felt the danger to the 
truth that must arise from a heretic sovereign. In such an 
age the question as to the right attitude of the spiritual to the 
temporal authority was not simple. Nor is it clear that the 
worst arguments — and both sides liked them pretty bad — 
were all on one side. Was the King to be left free to turn 
heretic, like Henry VII I., and to drive his subjects and 
posterity for many generations into everlasting perdition ? * 
Or, as the Presbyterians say, ' Shall an idolatrous monarch 
have power to deliver his subjects to the witchcrafts of 
Babylon ? ' What hope is there for truth, if kings are free to 
turn heretics and suppress the right faith ? And if, as seems 
clear, the evil must be guarded against, there is only one way 
of doing so. The spiritual authority, whether Pope or King, 
must claim the right to interfere in politics for the salvation 
of souls. It must be able to direct the acts of the secular 
sovereign towards eternal life ; and, if necessary, to advise the 
people of the occasions when it has become their duty to 
fight for the freedom of their faith and to depose their 
sovereign in the name of the rights of conscience. The 
dangers incident to such a theory are obvious. Rebellion is 
encouraged. Governments are placed in a position of 
unstable equilibrium. Clericalism becomes dominant. Politics 
are sthingled by the priest, and this even more with the 
Presbyterian theory than the Jesuit The deposing power 
means a spiritual tyranny and must be overthrown, if the 

* Gretser gives a vivid description of the evils of leaving the civil magistrate 
supreme in religious matters. He f>ertinently asks whether passive obedience 
is to be exhibited to a monarch who turns the churches into mosques and tries 
to replace the cross by the crescent. — Commentarius Exegeticus^ c vi. 



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ON SOME POLITICAL THEORIES OF THE EARLY JESUITS 97 

State IS to work out its own salvation. Very true. And 
such was the line of argument of Anglican divinity, and of all 
upholders of the Divine Right of Kings, whether here or in 
France. Yet the dilemma is real. In an age of religious 
change, where the enforcement of uniformity of belief is 
regarded as the duty of all States, either truth must be 
constantly endangered, if the State be fully sovereign, or else 
the stability and independence of the State are liable to be 
sapped by clericalism, and the temporal power is placed under 
the galling yoke of the spiritual. From this dilemma there is 
no escape that I can see, until toleration be recognised as a 
practical limit on State action. The conflict was inevitable. 
Both sides had hold of a truth. We may all of us have our 
sympathies. But we have little right to blame either side. 
Certainly he would be a bold man who should assert that 
national independence is a greater good than the knowledge 
of the truth. The Jesuits and Presbyterians chose the one, the 
politiques the other. Were the former quite wrong ? 

But this is not all. The theory of the deposing power 
had led in the realm of fact to notable results. The League 
was its visible expression, and the assassination of Henri III. 
its logical outcome. What was to be said ? Is tyrannicide 
a duty? And if so, what is a tyrant ? Is the betrayer of his 
baptismal faith anything better } And how does he come by 
his crown? From God alone — and on no condition .? Then is 
God the cause of heresy, and how shall kings be said to reign 
by Him? Is it from the Pope? What, then, of the infidel 
sovereign ? Or did not Christianity make a change ? Does 
not every Christian State make a tacit compact to be orthodox ? 
Then heretics may be deposed. But surely political power is 
immediately from God ? Yes, but that is in the people, and had 
not they the aim, when they transferred power to the prince, 
of securing the common good, which can never be under a 
heretic ? Or did he not make a tacit agreement to preserve 
them in their faith ? Anyhow is it not the right of every 
man to receive from the State security of life, property, and 
religion ? Is not he who denies these rights a tyrant ? It 
N.S.— VOL. XI. H 



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98 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

must be. And then as to killing him ? We may not kill 
kings. They sit in Grod's seat, and by Him decree judgment. 
They are powers ordained of God. Not for wrath alone, but 
for conscience sake must we obey. Even to froward masters 
service is due. And the primitive Christians were willing 
martyrs. Who dares touch the Lord's anointed? David 
abstained, and the Council of Constance condemned it But 
is a tyrant a king? Is a heretic a king ? Or an excommuni- 
cate ? Perhaps David lacked not the right to slay Saul, but 
only the will. Are we certain that St Peter and the early 
Christians submitted to the Emperor for any other reason 
than that they could not help themselves? Were the 
Christians loyal to Julian the Apostate, or did St Gregory 
Nazianzen desire to kick him ? And what of Uzziah ? or 
Jeroboam ? If a king be anointed he must be under the 
Church. And as to the Council of Constance, what Pope ever 
ratified the decree ? ^ And what does it mean ? Does it do 
more than assert that it is forbidden for any individual on 
his own authority to murder anyone whom he is pleased to 
regard as a tyrant ? But what if the tyrant be condemned 
and deposed by the public authority of the whole common- 
wealth? May not its judgments be exercised by its ministers? 
And a deposed monarch assuredly is no longer a king, but 
a public enemy like a usurper. And who doubts that anyone 
may slay a usurper, or else we should be driven to blame 
Jehoiada, and Ehud would have lived in vain ? 

These and such like were the questions which the Jesuits 
were driven by the exigencies of the situation and the pre- 
vailing modes of controversy to consider. It was needful to face 
them. In the fevered strife of religion and politics none would 
have a chance of making his will effectual as a force who had 
not deliberated on the problem of the mutual relations of 
Church and State, and resolved with boldness on the answer 
which he would give. Certainly it is not lack of boldness or 
hesitating maxims that the reader of Mariana or Keller or 

I The following is the proportion condemned, 'Tymnnum posse et debere 
ocddi quocunque subdito noD aperta vi modo sed etiam per insidias et fraude.' 



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ON SOME POLITICAL THEORIES OF THE EARLY JESUITS 99 

Eudaetnon-Joannes is likely to make a charge against the 
Jesuits. 

It appears, then, that the general situation and the special 
conditions in France and England made it needful for the 
supporters of the Papacy to develop some theory which should 
justify the political supremacy of the Pope. They were then 
compelled to attack the questions of the deposing power and 
t)Tannicide, and to consider the problem of the origin of 
government and of the nature of supreme power in the State. 
Their doctrines are expounded, and for more immediate uses, 
in books which maybe styled occasional, such as the'Contro- 
versia Anglicana ' of Becanus, the * Commentarius Exegeticus ' ^ 
of Gretser, the * Apologia pro Henrico Gameto ' of Eudaemon- 
Joannes, Doleman's * Next Succession to the Crown of 
England,'^ an attempt to set aside James in favour of a 
Catholic, and Adam Tanner's * Defensio Ecclesiasticae Liber- 
tatis,' written in support of the Pope in his quarrel with the 
Venetian republic. These are of the nature of pamphlets. 
Even the 'De Romano Pontifice' of Bellarmin, and the 

* Defensio Fidei Catholicae ' of Suarez would fall under this 
head. But the Society did not stop here. Its bent was in 
favour of a complete discussion of the principles on which it 
acted. Loyalty to St. Thomas prescribed the form which the 
discussion should take. In addition, then, to works called 
out by the chances of controversy there is a large and bulky 
literature of a scientific character. Among them are the 

* De L^bus ' of Suarez, one of the ablest of all the Jesuits ; 
the * De Justitia et Jure ' of the clear and analytic Molina ; 
other treatises with the same title by Jean de Lugo, Lessius, 
and Azorius, the 'Commentarii Theologici' of Gregory de 

* A book directed against the oath of allegiance to James I., which was 
expressly framed so as to be admissible for Catholics. 

' This book was written by Father Parsons, or Persons. It was so regarded 
even at the time. I do not know what grounds Father Gerard has for denying 
the authorship. The question is discussed in Tiemey (Dodd, iii. 31 sqq.) and 
indeed he appears to settle it in favour of Parsons's authorship. See also Law, 
TAe Quarrel between Jesuits and Seculars^ pp. 27, 64, and T%e Archpriest Con^ 
trwersy^ passim. 

H 2 



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160 TRANSACTIONS 6t THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETV 

Valentia, * Commentaries on St. Thomas/ by Jean de Salas 
(a most interesting writer), Vasquez, Medina; treatises on 
'Moral Theology/ by Busenbaum, Toletus, Castro-Palao. 
Some of these books have a much wider scope than the 
resolving of the politico-ecclesiastical problem, and it is as 
one element in the general system that the problem appears. 
But it is generally discussed with exhaustive completeness 
even where it forms but a part of the writer's subject Many 
of them take the form of Commentaries on the ' Summa ' of 
St Thomas, or rather of collections of disputations on that 
part of it (I. 2, qq. xc. sqq.), which treats of laws. Indeed, 
after perusing them one finds St Thomas refreshingly brief. 
Thus the parentage of many of the ideas is not far to seek. 
The treatises are scholastic in form and method, very learned 
and very long. But they are clear and accurate in expression 
beyond anything which a modern reader would expect or desire. 
Opposing views are expounded without bias, and as a rule 
without heat Controversy, if less of an art than in our day, 
is distinctly more of a science. There is a further advantage 
about the well-nigh universal dependence on St Thomas. It 
is easy to summarise the views of the writers and to frame a 
conception of the general character of their system. Details 
may differ. Many modifications and much expansion of 
St Thomas are to be found. Yet, after a study of a fair 
number of the works, it will go hard with a reader if he have 
not a clear idea of the general tone and temper with which 
the early Jesuits regarded politics. For they knew what they 
were driving at, and they drove straight. Never losing sight 
of their goal, without passion, but with great critical skill they 
employ all the intellectual weapons at their disposal. They 
pile subtlety on subtlety, they meet quibble with counter- 
quibble. Through the maze of minute distinctions, never 
fearing to face a foe, never leaving a fortress in the rear, they 
press towards a certain end. From the chaos of learned 
comment and conflicting arguments, from Scripture texts and 
classical examples, from ancient philosophers and mediaeval 
canonists they evolve a system of thought, which for clearness 



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ON SOME POLITICAL THEORIES OF THE EARLY JESUITS lOI 

of outline and logical cohesion is not to be despised — even 
by an age which rejoices in the synthetic philosophy. At least, 
then, one may attempt to give a slight sketch of their thought 
in its main characteristics, without wearying you with an undue 
mass of quotations. The account is perforce but general, and 
lays stress on the features common to most of these writers. 
It is not intended to accuse them of mere plagiarism or to 
attribute to them a cast-iron uniformity. Still, fundamentally 
they agree. 

First, then, and most perfect of all governments is the 
Church. It is a monarchy without limitations. It comes not 
from below as the royal power, but from Christ, whose vicar 
is the Pope. This is what Christ meant when He refused to 
let the people make Him king. He feared to draw His power, 
as do earthly kings, from the people.* So, too. He said that 
His kingdom was not of this world, thereby pointing to the 
plenitude of power given to the Pope immediately from 
God.^ Election is merely the condition without which God 
will not transfer the power ; it does not make the Pope in 
any way the delegate of the Cardinals.' Christ is, indeed, the 
head of the universal commonwealth of Christians. But He 
has delegated all His power on earth to His minister. It is 
because Christ is the real King of all States, that temporal 
monarchs are to regard the interference of the Pope as but 
the action of another subordinate, whose position is yet 
. superior to their own.* The holy State of the Church is the 
pattern and ideal of all governments. Nor is it a State 
merely by metaphor. Rather other States only exist for 
reasons of utility. But this State has its origin, not in the 
convenience of man, but in the act of God, and the commission 
to St. Peter. Besides, while absolute sovereignty would be 
dangerous in a king, there is no risk in the case of the Pope 

» Santorelli, Tractatus de Htrresi, I. 31, 2. * Ibid. 

• Jean de Salas, Disputationes in Prirnam Secunda S, TAoma, viii. 3. Dante 
expounds precisely the same view of the functions of the electors in the Holy 
Roman Empire, De MonanAia, iii. 

* Eudaemon-Joannes, Apologia^ 81. 



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102 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

who IS infallible.* His power, then, is truly sovereign and 
unlimited. He is solutus legibus^ and may not alienate the 
plenitude potestatis^ against which no time may prescribe. 
Even here we come across the notion that the Pope might 
turn heretic and require the judgment of a council* But on 
the whole his power is regarded as universal over all Chris- 
tians, unlimited, inalienable, imprescriptible. In the highest 
and truest sense it comes immediately from God. In this it 
is unique, for Christ never commanded the secular power in 
the same way. Still, even the Pope may not abrogate natural 
law, but of course the possibility is absurd to contemplate, 
and his dispensing power would be quite sufficient for all 
practical purposes. 

So far of the spiritual State. Far other is the secular. In 
every way it is inferior. Its end is merely peace, and the 
earthly good of man. That of the ecclesiastical is eternal 
life. True, the civil State comes from God, otherwise it 
would be unlawful ; but it is from God only as the author of 
nature, Who made man a political animal. It is concerned 
merely with the external actions of man. Based on human 
nature, it exists for earthly utility. The ecclesiastical State is 
founded on the fiat of God, and exists for a heavenly end. 
Hence it is to the secular State as the soul is to the body, as 
the sun to the moon. Salmeron, probably Molina,' and others 
regard all government as a consequence of the fall. But this 
view is not universal. Osorius denies it,^ and more philosophi- 
cally deduces it from the nature of men, as such. Still, in the 
deeper importance of its end the Church may direct the 
State, and abrogate its laws and change its government. But 
in the view of the great majority this power is only indirect. 
The Pope only deals with temporal affairs so far as they 
have relation to the spiritual welfare of men. So far, how- 
ever, his supremacy is clear. What else can be the meaning 

* Osorius, Condones, t. iii. 42. 

« Santarelli, De Haresiy I. 31, 5. 

* Dejustitia ttjure, Tr. V. Disp. 46, and Tr. II. Disp. 22. 

* Condones, iii. 39 ; <£ also Jean de Salas, In Thomam Aqmnatis Quastiones, 
viL § I. 



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ON SOME POLITICAL THEORIES OF THE EARLY JESUITS 103 

of the commission to Jeremiah, *I have set thee above 
nations and kings, to build up and break down ' ; or of the 
two swords in the hands of St Peter which Christ said were 
enough and not too much ? Besides, Abel was the first priest, 
and Cain the first king, though many fancy Nimrod. There 
are many instances in the Old Testament of the superiority 
of priests to kings. God himself founded the Church, 
whereas He was displeased with the Jews' demand for a king. 
Again, whatever be the case before Christianity or with regard 
to infidel sovereigns, things are different now in Christendom. 
For in accepting the faith all Christian peoples accepted the 
supremacy of the Church, and by a tacit compact agreed to 
endure none but orthoddx rulers. Here is the theory of an 
original contract deduced from a supposed concordat. In 
sonle cases even the baptismal vow seems to be regarded as 
of the nature of a contract whereby the Church is given 
power to depose heretic kings. But whether on the general! 
ground of the supremacy of the Church or on the theory of 
a tacit contract, the conclusion is equally clear that the 
Pope, acting as God's vicar, may depose kings and release 
subjects from their allegiance, if that be necessary for their 
salvation. 

This doctrine is bound up with the Jesuit theory of 
monarchy. Kingly power is neither unlimited nor im- 
mediately from God.' Kings are not the masters of their 
subjects, but the governors of free citizens, having the use, 
not the dominion of , their lives and properties. Rex est 
minister Dei^ et reipublicce pro-rex^ for it is thence that their 
power derives its origin, and every king is such by an original 
popular appointment. It is true that God as the author of 
nature drives men to union. From this fact, without any 
conscious agreement, arises political power. It comes from 
the nature of man. Once men agree to come together and 
live, political power arises without any further human volition. 
This creed is the more common. Lessius seems a little 
nearer to the ordinary Whig theory. He declares that the 
republic can have no dominion over the lives and property of 



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104 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

its subjects, for that they have not themselves, and cannot 
therefore resign to the community.' But the usual view 
seems rather that political power as such is not limited by 
individual rights, but comes immediately from God, in the 
sense that men cannot help themselves in forming the union 
from which government and subjection result But this 
power is in the people, for nature made all men free and 
equal, and there is no reason why one should have jurisdiction 
rather than another. The patriarchal theory is dismissed, 
for Adam had economic, not political power.^ The whole 
community, then, is the immediate depositary of political 
power. But it cannot exercise it directly. It must delegate 
its power to a king or ruling body, under such conditions as 
shall please it The condition need not be express, and how 
far a people might choose to transfer all its power to a king is 
hard to say. Certainly it could go a long way, though to do 
this would be very foolish. Medina thinks that, since a re- 
public is instituted solely for the common good, this is to be 
regarded as a sort of fundamental law; and this is in 
accordance with the general tone on the subject Besides, 
there is a distinction. In a Christian State there must ever 
be preserved the tacit reservation by which the orthodoxy of 
the sovereign is made a condition. In some writers we find 
mention of a definite original contract between king and 
people.' Anyhow, the original sovereignty of the people is 
regarded as the condition precedent to all actual government, 
and the deposing power is justified on this theory. It is part 
of the jus gentium of Christian nations that the sovereign 
shall be a Catholic. Moreover, since St Peter was ordered 
to feed the sheep of the Church, it is clear that the Pope has 
power to exclude the wolf from the State. Besides, Christ 

> De JustHia et Jure^ lib. ii. c. 4, d. 10. Cf. also Molina, Tr. HL Dis. i. 
and Jean de Salas, vii. § 2. The view here taken is that power of life and 
death comes from God, not the people, because man has no dominion over his own 
life. 

* Adam Tanner, Defcmio LibtrtatU EccUsia II. cc 3, 4, and De Salas, 
Di^wt. vii. § 2, 114. 

' Becanus, Contiwersia^ 150. 



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ON SOME POLITICAL THEORIES OF THE EARLY JESUITS 10$ 

said that he came not to send peace on earth, but a sword, 
and to divide sons from fathers, and that must include 
separating sovereigns from their subjects. 

Tyrannicide follows, a necessary result of the deposing 
power. Tyrants are of two kinds, usurpers or despots. The 
former of course may be slain ; the latter only as public 
enemies after the whole republic has expressly or tacitly 
condemned them. Mariana puts in a proviso that any form 
of death is allowable save poison — apparently on the plea 
that that is to drive the tyrant unwittingly to suicide.' The 
king, however, is law-maker, above the coercive power of the 
laws, as also are the clergy, in the common opinion. 

This brings us to the inquiry. What in the view of the 
Jesuits was the nature of law? Not all law is positive. 
There is eternal law in accordance with which the Divine 
nature everlastingly manifests itself All other law is 
directly or remotely derived from this. There is natural law 
implanted in the reason of man, unalterable and universal. 
But we are not to take its permissions as commands. Thus 
in the state of nature men were free and equal and goods 
were common. These things were only allowed, and not en- 
joined, by natural law, which is thus not violated by the 
introduction of individual superiorities and private property. 
Natural law comes, in the general view, from God as a legis- 
lator. Vasqucz makes it independent of Him.* The reason 
is curious. Natural law must be regarded as independent of 
God the sovereign, as being the embodiment not of caprice 
but of reason. It is thus used as a sort of fetter on the Divine 
action, in the same way that law conceived as traditional is 
regarded as independent of any human sovereign. The 
advocates of the common law of England in the seventeenth 
century, the believers in fundamental laws abroad, apparently 
had a similar reluctance to face the idea of sovereignty. 
Still, for many the conception of God as supreme legislator 

» De Rege, i. 7. 

' Commmtariiy Disp. cl. 3; and see for a discussion of this point, Janet, 
Histoire de la Science Politique^ u, 57; sqq. 



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I06 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

has Vivid reality. (The feeling may explain something of 
Calvinism and the Divine decrees.) It is this which prevents 
an unjust or pernicious law from being truly law. It con- 
flicts with the higher and unalterable code. 

Then there is jus gentium. This is not quite the same as 
law natural. For instance, natural liberty and equality exist 
no longer in it It may be as St Thomas taught — that jtis 
gentium is law derived from law natural by plain and obvious 
deductions, ^sjus civile (which must also be conformable to 
it) depends on circumstances differing among different nations. 
Jean de Salas thinks thdX jus gentium was the sovereign act 
of the whole human race at its entering upon a common life, 
and may not be repealed without universal consent* Another 
view is that of Suarez,* Lessius,' and Castro-Palao,* who re- 
gard it, as do modern international jurists, as owing its 
force to custom, thus resting on the common consent and 
practice of civilised nations. It includes international law in 
one sense, and much more besides. Grotius looms before us. 

But is positive law a command of the prince, so that the 
maxim holds. Quod principi placuit kgis dabit vigorem ? This 
is, of course, the view of all Austinians ; for if you take the 
prince to mean the sovereign one or number, the definition 
would apply to any State. This conception and all that it 
involves is definitely rejected by the Jesuits and all holders 
of theories similar to theirs, save indeed so far as the Pope is 
concerned. Law is conceived as essentially reasonable. 
Stress is laid on its ethical content It must not contradict 
law natural. It must be duly promulgated, capable of being 
obeyed,^/, directed to the common welfare^ perhaps, indeed, 
accepted by the people. Here, indeed, is a divergence. 
Most writers deny the need of popular acceptance. But they 
make such large allowance for the custom of non-obedience 
as practically repealing law, that they are not far from 
Hooker's doctrine, * Laws they are not, which public appro- 

» De Legibusy vii. 2, 3. • De LegUms, iL 19. 

• DeJusiUia eijure^ lib. ii. c 2, d. 3. 
« Theohgia MoraUs^ Tr. III. di^ !• p* 3« 



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ON SOME POLITICAL THEORIES OF THE EARLY JESUITS IO7 

bation hath not made so/ It is clear, however, that unjust 
laws are not laws, and need not be obeyed, and laws which 
are against general utility are a contradiction in terms. Thus 
law IS regarded not so much as dependent on the will of the 
law-giver, as an attempt to realise under political conditions 
the teachings of natural law, the ideal to which all States 
should conform, and to ensure the reign of general utility and 
justice. The value of this conception is little. But it gives 
a much better ground than Hobbes or Austin can find for 
the distinction between laws and occasional commands of the 
sovereign. Nor is positive law thought of by most as law in 
any special sense, ' simply and strictly so called.' Vasquez, 
indeed, denies to natural or eternal law the title of lex^ and 
would only call them jns} Most, however, regard positive 
law as necessary, indeed, but distinctly subordinate. Eternal 
law, natural law, law of nations, are no whit less law than the 
civil laws of any State. 

It was only in an age saturated with such sentiments as 
to the nature of law that either international law or the theory 
of the original compact could have made any way. The 
stress laid upon natural law made it possible to conceive of a 
state of society in which contracts had binding force, though 
positive law did not exist. This seems nonsense to us, as 
Austin showed. But it was only the vividness of their belief 
in natural law that could lead men to regard the State as 
having its origin in a definite contract between its members. 
So with regard to international law. That could not have 
arisen, at least in its present form, but for the widespread 
belief in natural law. Had men universally accepted the 
Austinian conception of law, which was held by supporters of 
the Divine Right of Kings, and comes out most strongly in 
Hobbes and Bodin, Grotius must have written in vain, or 
rather he would not have written at all. The ' De Jure Belli 
et Pacis* was possible, because the Jesuits had helped in 
popularising a way of looking at law which insisted on its 
ethical content and regarded it as the embodiment of reason. 

> Cammentariif Disp. cL 3. 



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I08 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

Of Mariana's 'De Regeet Regis Institutione/ a few words 
must be said. It is in some respects unique. It breathes of 
constitutionalism, and its delicate sentimentalism suggests 
Rousseau rather than the English Whigs. It is no arid 
scholastic treatise. Touched with a refinement of literary 
grace, it has a charm for the student, wearied with the 
subtleties of Dicastillo or Molina. The book is written with 
no purpose of exalting the Church, although there is much 
complaint of alleged injustice to episcopal property.* Its 
direct aim is to teach constitutional doctrine to the young 
prince. It procured condemnation for its author ; nor can 
we wonder at this. The tone, in which the murder of 
Henri III. is described, differs from a modern anarchist in 
little save the excellence of the style.^ The noble savage 
makes an early appearance in this book. A picture is drawn 
of an idyllic paradise, a golden age of philosophic anarchy, in 
which laws and criminals are unknown, and nobody stole his 
neighbour's goods because nobody had any worth the stealing.' 
But alas ! this could not continue. There follows an account 
of the genesis of government and an argument for a monarchy 
— limited, indeed. Taxation and part of the legislative 
power are beyond the competence of the prince, and the 
community is undoubtedly his superior.* The book seems 
aimed at reducing the Spanish King to a due sense of his 
own insignificance. 

This is what strikes us all along in reading these authors. 
Large admissions are sometimes made in favour of govern- 
ment, but always with a grudge. The tone is one of habitual 
depreciation of the State. Tyranny, not anarchy, is the bug- 

> De RegBy i. to. 

• Ibid, i. 6. Father Gerard asserted that there was only one sentence on 
this subject ; and that this was expunged in the second edition. I have compared 
the two editions 1599 and 1605, and find that not only are there more than two 
pages about the matter, but that the only material alteration is that, in describing 
the death of Clement, the words * aetemum Galliae decus, ut plerique visum est,* 
are omitted in 1605. There are two other slight verbal alterations in the chapter, 
and in describing Henry IV. the clause is changed to < nimc quod gaudendum in 
primis mente mutatd Christianissimo Gallise regi.' 

» IHd. i. 599. * Ibid. L 8, 9. 



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ON SOME POLITICAL tHEORlES OP THE EARLV JESUITS 100 

bear. Wherever possible, limits are to be placed on the 
royal power. In no State has the actual governor fully 
sovereign authority. The similarity of these views with those 
of the Whigs and later opponents of State interference is 
remarkable. The State is regarded by all alike as a sort of 
dangerous lunatic, to be restrained from more than the 
minimum of governmental action. Locke and Sidney admit 
no real sovereign. Sidney tells us in words, that he might have 
paralleled in many Jesuit treatises, that what is not just is 
not law, and what is not law ought not to be obeyed.' More- 
over, Sidney definitely mentions Bellarmin and Suarez — ^with 
contempt, indeed, as schoolmen and Catholics, but with 
respect as having lit upon the fundamental truths of politics.* 
Doleman's pamphlet was reprintedsis a. Whig prouunaafnienio 
in the controversy concerning the Exclusion Bill, and was 
used by other writers, notably the author of the * History of 
the Succession.' Thus the connection between Whigs and 
Jesuits is patent' The original compact played, perhaps, 
more part in the Whig than in the Jesuit theorists. Still, it 
was always latent and frequently expressed in the latter. We 
hear, too, among the Jesuits of the notion of later times that 
individuals who do not like the laws of a State can leave it 
But the root idea of both Whig and Jesuit doctrines is the 
same. Both are theories of the limits of State action. They 
were expressed in the form fit for those times — that laws 
which transgress these limits are not laws at all. Mill, of 
course, and Bentham avoided this error. And the original 
compact rests once more in its primaeval obscurity. Yet Mill 
had the same innate desire to limit the action of the sovereign 
power. He is ever saying ' Hands off ! * to the State. And 

* Algernon Sidney, Discourses on Government , iii. § ii. 

2 Ibid. i. § 3. 

' In one way Suarez (De Legihus, iii. 3) and Molina (III. i. i) seem to be 
nearer Rousseau than Locke. Unlike both they place political power in the 
community by the act of God, as Author of nature, and not by a definite contract. 
But they seem to incline to the view expounded by Rousseau that kings and other 
governors are mere delegates of the sovereign people, and that there is no con- 
tract with them. 



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no TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

It may be questioned how far even Mill's emphatic language 
as to the spheres of thought and action which the State must 
leave free be not due to the tone of these earlier writers who 
strove to transform a moral into a legal incapacity. In 
opposition to the theory of the omnipotence of the State, and 
to all attempts to exalt and enlarge the province of govern- 
ment, we have counter-theories which insist on the duties 
rather than the rights of the State, which desire to guard 
against its encroachments. In some form or other these are 
found from the time of Hildebrand down to the individualism 
of which this generation seems like to see the last 

But there is another ground for this view of the connection 
between the schools. More than half of Mill's * Liberty ' is 
occupied with defending the rights of conscience and the duty 
of toleration. Now this seems to me to be the unconscious 
distinction of the Jesuits. I cannot doubt that supporters of 
the claims of Pope or presbyter were asserting the rights of 
conscience in a form suited to a day when toleration was 
undreamed of. It may be that neither Knox nor Bellarmin 
would care to be classed as heralds and instruments of the 
struggle for religious liberty. But they were. The first step 
towards freedom of conscience is to take away from the civil 
State, that power which is backed by physical force, the right 
of deciding at its own pleasure what opinions shall be en- 
couraged and what shall be suppressed. It is a real advance 
when anybody possessing purely moral authority claims to 
decide these questions, to make its decision binding on the 
State. Now, this was the action of the Jesuits. They did 
not argue for toleration. Who did ? But, like Knox and 
Goodman, they demanded that the civil State should not touch 
matters of faith apart from the spiritual power. They claimed 
freedom of faith — true, it was freedom for one faith only, but 
that was far better than the theory of Hobbes, which makes 
the State for its own ends the teacher of truth. The danger of 
the theory of the Divine Right of Kings, true and useful as 
it was in many respects, was in the direction of Erastianism. 
Against this the Jesuits set up a protest They denied any 



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ON SOME POLITICAL THEORIES OF THE EARLY JESUITS 1 1 1 

power in the State as such to decide religious matters. 
Suarez asserts that the right of persecution was merely- 
granted to the State by the Church/ and one writer declares 
that the deposing power ought not to be exercised against a 
heretic unless he be persecuting his subjects in the interests 
of heresy ; and those who reverence the * glorious, pious, and 
immortal memory ' have small cause to censure this view. 
The Jesuits did not, indeed, proceed to the third and final 
stage of complete toleration. But by insisting on the neces- 
sary distinction between temporal and spiritual affairs they 
performed no unimportant service to the cause of truth, and 
hastened unwittingly the day when liberty of thought was to 
be the possession of all. It is hardly too much to say that 
had Boniface VIII. not promulgated the Bull 'Unam 
Sanctam,' we should never have had from John Stuart Mill 
the treatise on * Liberty.' 

Lastly we may note that it was just because the Jesuits 
were so strongly hierarchical in their conceptions of govern- 
ment, that they were among the first to develop the purely 
utilitarian and secular theory of the State. Separating in idea 
the civil power from the spiritual they discerned more accurately 
than other men the nature of the civil State as such.^ They 
did not, like their adversaries, see the State surrounded by a 
halo. Visions of transcendent power and wisdom were 
reserved for the Papacy. Their State was no mortal god, 
supreme, the image before which all peoples, nations, and 
languages should bow down and worship. Any such view, 
says Gretser, is Machtavellistica et Turcica. The State is a 
contrivance, no more. Instituted for the common welfare, 
it may not pass beyond that. There is a large sphere of 
action, the highest, in which it may not interfere. It has no 
existence independent and immutable. Its constitution is 
not of God's ordinance. It lies at the mercy of the Pope. 

' Defensic Fidei Catholica. 

* Cf. Janet, ii. 63 : < EUe [la souverainet^ du peuple] est surtout nvoqu^ par 
les pa r tisans du ponvoir ecd^siastique, Ms clairvcyants sur Us Hmites du pouvoir 
poUHqm.^ 



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112 TRANSACTIONS OP THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

Its power IS defined by the original act of the sovereign people. 
In all probability it need not have existed had not men been 
so bad. It is no object of worship, but an instrument of use. 
Kingship again is not specially divine. The king holds an 
office, not a patrimony. He is minister hot master of his 
people. Government is a trust, not a right. 

There are conceptions not far from these of our own day. 
Men are willing to talk of the rights of peoples. Their theory 
of politics is utilitarian. They believe, or say they believo, 
in religious toleration. Until recently they held strong 
sentiments as to the limits of State interference. Let them, 
then, give honour where honour is due, and look unto the 
rock whence they are hewn. Modern politics may owe more 
than men think to a theory formed in times remote from 
ours, framed under very different conditions, clothing its 
substance in alien forms, and supporting its conclusions by 
obsolete arguments. None the less its essence is the same. 
We have no right to blame the one, so long as we admire the 
other. 

No great movement in history is quite vain. It owes its 
force to the prominence which it gives to some neglected aspect 
of truth or some forgotten side of justice. The faults of the 
* Society of Jesus ' have been the occasion of many processes 
and more pamphlets. They stand to many for a byword of 
iniquity. Even in their own communion they have never 
been without bitter enemies. The Parlement of Paris was 
keener in its hostility than English divines. It is time to ask 
ourselves whether the Jesuits did no good. Fools they were 
not. Were they all knaves? It seems doubtful. Their 
influence in the realm of politics and secular affairs has 
become proverbial. Certain achievements therein have 
become the heritage of us all, and their value is past discus- 
sion. It has been the purpose of this paper to find their 
origin in not the least interesting side of the activities of this 
society. The evil which the Jesuits did has assuredly lived 
after them. I have tried to bring to light something of the 
good which has been too long interred with their bones. 



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A NARRATIVE OF THE PURSUIT OF ENGLISH 
REFUGEES IN GERMANY UNDER QUEEN 
MARY.» 

BY I. S. LEADAM, M.A. 

Read December 17, 1896 

DOMINUS Rex et Regina mandarunt hie breue suum sub 
Magno Sigillo suo Thesaurario et Baronibus huius scaccarii 
directum Cuiusquidem breuis tenor sequitur in hec verba. 
Philippus et Maria dei gracia Rex et Regina Anglie His- 
paniarum Francie vtriusque Sicilie lerusalcm et Hibernie 
fidei defensores Archiduces Austrie Duces Burgundie Medio- 
lani et Brabancie Comites Haspurgi Flandrie et Tirolis 
Thesaurariis et Baronibus suis de Scaccario salutem Tenorem 
cuiusdam certificacionis coram nobis in Cancellaria nostra 
retomate ac in filaciis eiusdem Cancellarie nostre de Recordo 
residentis vobis Mittimus presentibus interclusum Mandantes 
vt inspecto tenore certificacionis predicte vlterius inde pro 
nobis fieri faciatis prout de iure et secundum legem et con- 
suetudinem Regni nostri Anglie fuerit faciendum. Testibus 
nobis ipsis apud Westmonasterium xxij**® die Octobris Annis 
regnorum nostrorum tercio et quarto.^ Wa. Hare.' Et 
tenor certificacionis vnde in brevi predicto superius fit Men- 
cio sequitur in hec verba. 

To the moste Reverende Father in godde Nicholas 

» MS. R. O. Exch. Q.R. Memoranda Roll, No. 338, Rot. 191. Adhuc 
Communia de tennino sancti Michaelis Annis tercio et iiij^ Regis Philippi et 
Regine Marie. Adhuc Records. 

« 1556. 

» Presumably a clerk's signature. I can find no particulars of this person. 

N.S.— VOL. XI. I 



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114 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

Archebisshopp of Yorke lorde Chancellour of Englande^ 
and to the Court of Chauncerye. Thiese be to certifye your 
lordeshipp that I John Brett ^ Gentyllman servaunt to the 
King and Quenes moste excellent Maiestyes being depeched 
into the parties of beyonde the Seas by theire Maiestyes 
1556 with Commyssyon dated the xyj**" daye of June in the seconde 
and thirde yeare of theyr Maiestyes reignes to delyver unto 
the lady Katheryne Duches of Suffolke ' Richard Barteue • 

* Nicholas Heath, Bishop of Rochester 1540, Worcester 1544, deprived 1550; 
Archbishop of York 1555; Chancellor 1556-8; deprived of his see 1560; died 1579. 

* The only mention of John Brett I have found in the State Papers^ 
Domestic y H. VIII.-Eliz., or elsewhere, is *a note of fines to be received by 
John Brett in Michaelmas Term 4 Eliz. (1561) from eleven persons named on 
surrender or transfer of lands &c., marking some as paid or denied * (5. P, Dom, 
Addenda Eliz. p. 527). If this be the same person, it is evident that he continued 
to be employed in the Government service. 

■ Katharine, Dowager-Duchess of Suflfolk, Baroness Willoughby d'Eresby 
in her own right, married in 1536, at the age of sixteen, as his fourth wife, 
Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, a settlement being made upon her by Act 
of Parliament (28 H. VIII, c. 51). She was left a widow in 1545 with two 
sons, both of whom died of the sweating sickness in 1551. In 1552 she 
married Richard Bertie, son and heir of Thomas Bertie of Bersted, Kent, and 
sometime Fellow of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. The Duchess, although 
her mother was a Spaniard, had been zealous for the Reformed Faith during the 
reign of Edward VI., and specially hostile to Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester. 
In 1554 Gardiner, who had become Chancellor, summoned Richard Bertie before 
him. The ostensible reason was a debt alleged to have been due from the late 
Duke to the King, but the main purpose appears to have been to induce Bertie 
to promise that the Duchess should conform to the re-established faith. An 
amusing conversation ensued, which is set out in Foxe's Acts and Monumettts, 
evidently from Bertie's pen, the drift of which was that the Bishop complained 
of sundry personal affronts he had met with at the hands of the Duchess. *■ I 
pray you,' said Gardiner, * if I may ask the question of my lady your wife, is 
she now as ready to set up the Mass as she was lately to pull it down, when she 
caused in her progress a dog in a rochet to be carried and called by my name ? 
Or doth she think her lambs now safe enough, which said to me, when I veiled 
my bonnet to her out of my chamber window in the Tower, that it was merry 
with the lamlis, now the wolf was shut up ? Another time, my lord her husband, 
having invited me and divers ladies to dinner, desired c\'ery lady to choose him 
whom she loved best, and so place themselves. My lady your wife, taking me 
by the hand, for that my lord would not have her to take himself, said that for- 
asmuch as she could not sit down with my lord whom she loved best, she had 
chosen him whom she loved worst.* Bertie would give no undertaking, and, 
having himself procured licence to go abroad in order to obtain from the Emperor 
the repayment of money due to the Duke, he effected the escape of the Duchess 
on June I, 1555. Bertie's dramatic narrative of their adventures, printed by 



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THE ENGLISH REFUGEES IN GERMANY 1 15 

Sir Thomas Wrothe * knighte sir henry Nevell ^ knighte sir 

Foxe, is thus summarised by Fuller : * It would trouble one's head to invent 
more troubles than they had all at once, and it would break one's heart to 
undergo but half so many, seeing their real sufferings out -romanced the fictions 
of many errant adventurers ' {Church History, viii. 16). They first found refiige 
at Wesel, where a son, whom they named Per^;rine, was bom, afterwards cele- 
brated as a military conmiander in the Netherlands. Here they received a 
friendly warning from Sir John Mason, English Ambassador in the Netherlands, 
that Paget had set a scheme afoot to entrap them. They took refuge at Stras- 
burg, and later at Weinheim, in the Rhenish Palatinate. In April 1557, 
when * their necessaries began to fail them,' they accepted an invitation from 
Sigismund Augustus, King of Poland, *in the earldom called Crozan, where 
master Berty with the duchess, having the king's absolute power of government 
over the said earldom, continued both in great quietness and honour till the death 
of Queen Mary.' The spelling of the name throughout the contemporary 
narrative intituled *A Brief Discourse' is Bartue (see p. 121, n. i, infra) \ in 
Strype, Life of Sir John Cheke, p. 95, Bertue. 

* Sir Thomas Wroth, one of the principal gentlemen of Edward VI. 's bed- 
chamber. * The King had divers sober and learned men about him, gentlemen 
of his privy chamber, in whose wise and learned conversation he ^tis much 
delighted and as much profited. . . . And whosoever of these was in greatest 
favour with him, surely Sir Thomas Wroth, a gentleman of the West, was one 
of those that received the largest share of benefits from him, for he not only 
knighted him, but heaped great wealth, honours, offices and possessions upon 
him.' A list of the grants of land to him in Middlesex, Essex, Herts, Somerset 
and elsewhere follows. Strype, Eccl, Mem, II. i. 387-9 (Oxford edit. 1822). 
In 1550 Edward VI. lost ten yards of black velvet to him, wliich he received by 
order from the King's wardrobe {ibid, $88). He was one of a commission of ten 
for enforcing martial law in 1552 {ibid, II. ii. 3) ; of another commission for 
inquiring into the revenues derived from the King's Courts {ibid. 207) ; and of a 
third empowered to make a general inquiry into the receipts and expenditure of the 
Crown {ibid, 209). He was also interested in theology, being present at private 
conferences on the Sacrament in 155 1 between Sir John Cheke and Feckenham, 
afterwards Dean of St. Paul's and Abbot of Westminster (Strype's Life of Cheke, 
p. 69, Oxford edit. 1822). It is not surprising that under Mary he took refuge 
at Strasburg, where he was * very helpful to those of his godly countrymen 
among whom he dwelt, and particularly to Bartholomew Trahem, late Dean of 
Chichester * {Ecd, Mem, III. i. 226, 232). He returned home on the accession 
of Elizabeth, enjoyed considerable favour with the Queen, sat in Parliament, and 
maintained a great house at Enfield in Middlesex, granted to him by Edward VI. 

* Sir Henry Nevell was a gentleman of the Privy Chamber of Edward IV., 
knighted by him, together with Mr. Secretary Cecil and Sir John Cheke, in 
October 1551 (Strype's Life of Cheke, p. 66). In the following year he was the 
Court nominee for the representation of Berkshire in Parliament {Eccl. Mem. 
II. ii. 65). He received large grants of church lands in 155 1 and 1552 
{ibid. 229, and II. i. 485). He accompanied the Lord High Admiral Clinton's 
embassy to France in 155 1 {ibid. II. i. 506). He was also an ecclesiastical 
commissioner. He married Elizabeth Bacon, widow of Sir R. Doyle {Annals^ 
II. iL 210). 

I 2 



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Il6 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

William Stafforde* knight Anthony Meyres^ Esquyer Ed- 
warde Isac' Esquyer William Fyeneux* Esquyer Rogyer 
Whetnall* Esqwyer John Hales ^ and Jane Wylkyn- 

> Sir William Stafford, a member of Edward VI. 's Privy Council, was the 
leading personage after Lord Clinton in the embassy to France (Eccl, Mem. 

II. i. 507). See further p. 129, infra, 

» Antony Meyres or Meres, Esq., of the county of Lincoln, having been 
presented for not receiving the Sacrament at Easter 1556, was cited before 
Cardinal Pole, but fled, and was pronounced excommunicate {EccL Mem, 

III. i. 483, ii- 390). 

• Edward Isac esquier of Wei, Kent (Strype is uncertain whether it is 
Edward or Edmund), had as early as 1532 been an associate of heretics and a 
friend of Bishop Latimer (Eccl, Mem, L 373). He seems to have been a person 
of considerable wealth, for in 1550, in conjunction with another, he purchased 
church lands in Suffolk, Somerset, Devon, London, Cambridge, Cornwall, and 
Dorset (II. i. 368). He fled to Frankfort about 1554, 'at whose hired house in 
this town were harboured Richard Chambers and Thomas Sampson, late Dean 
of Chichester* (III. i. 231). He was one of the principal opponents of Knox, 
then Minister to the Frankfort refugees, on account of his language against 
Queen Mary, which was the cause of Knox leaving Frankfort in 1555 {ibid, 406). 

♦ William Fyneux, Esq., of Heme, Kent, son and heir of Sir John Fyneux, 
C.J. of the King's Bench 1495-1525, by Elizabeth, widow of William Cleere 
and daughter of Sir John Paston. William Fyneux died in 1557, in which year 
his will was proved. Apparently, therefore, he had returned to England and 
conformed. (Foss's Lives, v. 165 ; Hasted*s Hist, Kent, iii. 623, n. 5.) 

* Roger Whetnall, Esq., perhaps of Besthorp, Norfolk (Blomfield, i. 497). 
Thomas and George Whetnall appear as signatories of a letter from the congre- 
gation at Frankfort to that at Strasburg on December 3, 1554 {A Brie/ Dis- 
course of the Troubles begun at Frankfort in the year 1534 ; reprinted, London, 
1846, p. xxvi). 

• John Hales. Strype, Eccl, Mem. (Oxford, 1822), vol. II. pt. i. ch. xxi. p. 268, 
describes the John Hales of Somerset's Inclosure Commission of 1 548 as * clerk of the 
hanaper,' and after telling us that he was an exile at Frankfort during the time of 
Queen Mary {ibid. III. i. 405) adds that he was replaced as clerk of the hanaper 
to Queen Elizabeth {Annals, I. i. 74). This has been followed by Dugdale and 
all subsequent writers, including Miss Lamond in her edition of TTie Common 
Weal of this Realm of England by W. S. , ascribed by her to John Hales. Diigdale 
says of John Hales that he was *an active man in those days and clerk of the 
Hamper (an office then of no small benefit),' who 'accumulated a great estate in 
monastery and chantry lands,' and founded a grammar school in Coventry ' ( War- 
lidckshire, ed. 1765, p. 119; cf. Miss Lamond 's ''Introduction,' pp. xxi, xxvi, 
xxviii). Miss Lamond finds confirmation of Stry(>e's statement in the negative 
evidence that the Acts of the Privy Council show that while payments were made 
to John Hales, 'apparently in his capacity of Clerk of the Hanaper in 1 547 and 
1548 — the last on February 25, 1549 — his name does not appear in the subsequent 
volumes.' Yet there b no trace of any other person holding the oflice. Now 
while it is certain that under Edward VI. a John Hales was clerk of the Hanaper, 
it is scarcely less certain that this person was not John Hales of Coventry, the 



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THE ENGLISH REFUGEES IN GERMANY II 7 

friend of Somerset and chairman of the Commission on Inclosures of 1548-9. 
The evidence is both positive and n^pttive. We know that John Hales of 
Coventry took refuge at Frankfort at the accession of Mary (Strype, Mem, III. i. 
405). He had anticipated trouble in 1550, after the fell of his patron, Somerset, 
for we find him on January 4, 1551, conveying away the greater pert of his large 
property to trustees, evidently in preparation for flight, doubtless on account of 
the hostility of Northumberland arising out of his action as commissioner to 
inquire into inclosures. In August 1553, a month after Mary had ascended the 
throne, he conveyed away all the rest. These facts we learn from the finding of 
the jury in 1557 upon the Inquisition into his lands &c. prior to confiscation, at 
which time the jury returned * nulla bona * in Coventry or Warwickshire. (MS. 
R. O. Exch. Q. R. Mem. Roll 338, H. T. 3 and 4 P. & M. (1557), m. 176 i & ii, 
ii dorso, iii, iii dorso & iv). Miss Lamond shows us (p. xxvi) that in 1550 he 
was perhaps at Zurich [Original Letters^ Parker Society, Nos. 99, 100, pp. 188, 
189), and certainly at Strasburg in 1552 (Cranmer, Horks, p. 435, Letter 299). 
Possibly the fall of Northumberland in July 1553 emboldened him to pay a 
brief visit to England for the purpose of winding up his affairs in expectation of a 
protracted exile. Now, if the duties of Clerk of the Hanaper have been correctly 
set out — * the business of this officer is to receive all moneys due to the king for 
the seals of charters, patents, commissions &c., and the fees of enrolling. In 
Term Time he is to attend the Lord Chancellor daily, and at all times of sealing, 
receiving all charters &c. after they are sealed [put up in leather bags, sealed 
with the Chancellor's private seal], which are to be delivered to the Controuler of 
the Hanaper' (T. Sharp, History of Caventry^ 187 1, p. 166, n.) — it is incon- 
ceivable that the political enemies of Hales would have suffered him to retain this 
lucrative office from 1 551 to 1557, when his absence from the country afforded 
them the ready plea that it was impossible for him to perform its duties. Never- 
theless, we find among the Exchequer inrolments of 1555 * De compoto Radulphi 
Sadlyer & Johannis Hales custodum siue clericorum hanapii cancellarie Regis & 
Regine.' These two, one of them being on the accepted hypothesis absent in 
Germany, account for the large sum of 5821/. 71. \\d.y which had passed through 
their hands between Michaelmas 1553 and Michaelmas 1554. In 1556 John Bret, 
the author of this narrative, was sent to Frankfort to deliver a royal letter com- 
manding John Hales and other refugees to return to England (MS. R. O. Exch. 
Q. R. Mem. Roll 338, M. T. 3 and 4 P. & M. m. 191). In Michaelmas Term of 
the same year (1556) the commission was issued to Sir Fulk Grevyleand others to 
seize all his lands, goods, and chattels in Warwickshire, Leicestershire, and the 
city of Coventry into the hands of the king and queen {ibid, inter commissiones), 
yet in the following summer. Trinity Term, 1557, we find Sir Ralph Sadler 
and John Hales, Esquire, described as before, delivering their account for 
4089/. &r. \\d, from Michaelmas 1555 to Michaelmas 1556, and that in ihe 
summer of 1557 John Hales, the Clerk of the Hanaper, was still in enjoyment of 
his office appears from the recital that he and his colleague are accountable for the 
receipts of 1556-1557 {ibid, T. T. m. 92). Pawle or Powle, whom Miss Lamond 
seems to suppose to have been Hales's successor, is mentioned in this document as 
the comptroller and supervisor of the office to whom the accounts were rendered. 
When those for 1556-57 are delivered the clerks are Sir Ralph Sadler and Francis 
Kempe, gentleman {ibid. Roll 339, E. T. 4 and 5 P. & M. m. 4 dorso). If, on the 
other hand, we turn to contemporary documents, we find John Hales, the friend of 
Somerset, invariably described as of Coventry, but never as Clerk of the Hanaper. 



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Il8 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

son ^ wydowe their Maiesties subiects resyding in the sayde 
parties of beyonde the seas certeyne letters and com- 
maundementes under their Maiestyes pryvy scale haue 
folowed and executed the same Commission and chardge 
commy tted unto me with my beste diligence in mannour and 
forme as ensueth. Fyrste upon Wednisday the eighte day 

In an Act of Parliament of 1580 * for perfecting of Assurances of certain Lands 
towards the maintenance of a free gramer schole within the City of Coventry * he 
is called * John Hales, late of your said Cyttie, Esq.,* and also 'John Hales the 
elder.' Lastly, his epitaph given by Strype makes no mention of him as Clerk of 
the Hanaper {Annals^ II. i. 352). 

But there was a Clerk of the Hanaper of the name, and about six months after 
the confiscation of the goods of John Hales of Coventry he seems to have vacated 
his office. John Hales of Coventry was the younger son of Thomas Hales of 
Hales Place, Halden, Kent. But there was another branch of the femily settled 
at Canterbury, in which the name of John occurs. This branch also, of which the 
most notable representative was Sir James Hales, the judge, was also well affected 
to the Protestant party. Now we know that John Hales of Coventry had a nephew 
John, who inherited his house there, the uncle being unmarried. It is presumably 
by way of distinction from this nephew that he was called * Hales with the club- 
foot.' Whether this be so or not, it is highly probable that the vindictiveness ot 
M ry against the Protestant party would not have suffered the retention of a 
lucrative crown appointment by the nephew of a leader among the refugees, or by 
any member of a family more than one of which was known to be sympathetic 
with heresy. The retirement of the Clerk of the Hanaper six months after the 
confiscation of the property of John Hales of Coventry, while it marks a line of 
distinction between the two, is very much what might have been expected under 
the circumstances. The same clerk who had been deprived would for the same 
reasons naturally be reinstated under Elizabeth. 

* One of this name * that was silkwoman ' to Queen Anne Boleyn, * a gentle- 
woman not now alive,' is eulogised by Foxe as * of great credit and also of fame 
for her worthy doings * while at Anne's Court. It is possible that this is the same 
Mrs. Wilkinson described by Strype as * a woman of good quality and a great 
reliever of good men.' * Her the Archbishop out of prison advised to escajxi' 
{Mem. of Cranmer^ p. 449). Strype prints the Archbishop's letter at full length 
in the Appendix {ibid, p. 916). She is recorded by Strype as one of those 
charitable persons who succoured in their need the Protestant prisoners in the 
King's Bench {Eccl. Mem, III. i. p. 223). Among the * comperta ' of Cardinal 
Pole on his metropolitical visitation of the see of Lincoln, * Magistra Wilkinson ' 
is mentioned as having the impropriation of Kimbeltoune (cf. III. ii. 404). She 
probably died at Frankfort, for on July 25, 1557, Edmond Sutton speaks of her 
as *good Mistress Wilkinson off blessed memorie,* and mentions that *she put 
Home and Chambers in triiste with the deuisinge and makinge of hir will, 
whereby she gave to this and pther poore congregations of the poore bamshed 
Englishmen a Christian liberall relief' {A Brief DiscoursCy p. dxxviii). She 
left a daughter living at Frankfort (ibid, ). 



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THE ENGLISH REFUGEES IN GERMANY II9 

of July laste paste before the daye of this certifycat I pre- 1556 
sentyd theire Maiesties letteres vnder the prevy Seale to 
Jane Wilkynson wydowe at Franckeforde in Almaigne in 
the presence of one Chambers ^ John Ade ^ and William 
Woodde^ englisshmen whiche she receaved as it semyd 
humblye saieng that albeit her indisposycion and sekenes 
was cause of her comming oute of England to see if she 
coulde recover her healthe at the Bathes in those Countreys, 
yet considering it pleased the Quenes Maiesty to call her 
home she wolde repayre towardes England with the best 
spede she coulde, for lothe she wolde be she sayde that any 
person sholde be combered for her cause. The sayde eighte 
daye of July and in the same Towne of Franckeforde I the 
sayde Brett wente to make delyuery of lyke letteres to John 

* Chambers, i.e. Richard Chambers, who * did in King Edward's days expend 
great sums of money in charity, which ran in two streams, one towards the 
supply of such as were students in the universities, and the other towards other 
godly poor. For he was a great favourer of learning and a fnend to the 
oppressed. In the reign of that king he visited both Cambridge and Oxford, 
allowing pensions to many hopeful young men there. At Oxford he afforded 6/. 
a year to Mr. Jewel to buy divinity books, and exhorted him to set his mind 
intensely upon that study. For he did not only relieve the wants of the needy, 
but greatly edified them by his counsel. And commonly when he was disposed 
to charity he took a preacher with him, who instructed the receivers of his bounty 
and admonished the students of their duty ; which office Peter Martyr sometimes 
performed and sometimes Jewel. . . . And the said Chambers, being afterwards 
an exile at Frankford, continued his good deeds, in helping and succouring the 
students and poorer sort of the English nation there.' {.Eccl, Mem, III. i. 225.) 
He was, with Grindal, selected as agent to the Strasburg exiles to treat with those 
at Frankfort about the English service book {id. Life of Grindal^ p. I4)» He 
died in England in 1566 {.Annals I. ii. 544). 

* * Maister Ade ' appears to have been elected in 1557 to an office in the 
church at Frankfort, but declined to serve {A Brief Discourse^ p. xcvij). His 
signature appears as John Ade on December 21, 1557 {iiiid, cxxxv). 

' *In the yerc of oure lordc 1554 & the 27 off June came Edmonde 
Sutton, William Williams, William Whitlingham & Thomas Wood with their 
companies to the citie off I'ranckford in Germany the firste Englishe men that 
there arrived to remaine tV abide' {.A Brief Discourse), There was another 
member of the congregation in 1557 named Henry Wood [ibid, cxxxiv). In 1556 
Thomas Wood separated from the congregation at Frankfort and went to Geneva 
(T. Fuller, Christ, Hist, iv. 221, Oxford ed. 1845). I ^^d no William Wood 
among the refugees. A person of this name, a baker, of Stroud, Kent, after- 
wards vicar of Suddenham, was indicted for heresy in 1554, but released (Foxe, 
Acts and Monuments^ viii. 567, 729). 



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I20 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

Hales whiche he refused disobediently to receave saying 
Minatory and with threates that the Quenes Maiesty had no 
power to sende proces into those parties nor I to present 
them as I sholde well perceyve to my paynes er my depar- 
ture thence. But in effecte after many hotte wordes and 
meanes used by the sayde Hales howe to have rydde me 
owte of his doores with the saide letteres I lefte them with 
hym in the presence of one Sutton * his Compaignon 
Chrystofer Hales ^ his brother and the said William Wodde 
englisshmen. And afterwardes I toke the way towardes my 
lodging. The saide John Hales Sutton and Chrystofer Hales 
gyrte theyre Swordes aboute them and gotte them to the 
Consules howse of Franckeforde. To the saide ConsuU ' the 
saide John Hales made a greate complaynte howe the 
Quenes Maiesty contrary to the liberties and lawes of those 
Countreys hadde sente to vexe hym and others that for 
theyr refuge and concyens sake were commed thyther to flye 
persecucion in Englande requiring the sayde ConsuU as well 
for the conservacion of their Auncyente liberties as that he 
and others mighte lyve there with safe conscyencys not 
onely that I the sayde Brett the Quenes Maiesties Messenger 

* Sutton ; cf. p. 1 19, n. 3, supra, Sutton appears, from a letter addressed by John 
Hales to thirteen persons, members of the Frankfort congregation, on January 26, 
'^^VJy ^'^ ^^® ht^n one of the principal members of the English Church there. 
On July 25, 1557, he wrote a circular letter with the object of collecting alms for 
the relief of the poor English refugees in Frankfort {^A Brief Discourse^ pp. Ixv, 
cxxxiii, clxxiv). 

» Christopher Hales was present in 1551 at the private disputation on the 
Sacrament between Cheke and Feckenham at Cecil's house (see p. 1 15, n. i, supra ; 
Strype, Mem. of Cranmer^ p. 386). Strype, in his Life of GrindtU (p. 12), men- 
tions Mr. Hales among tliose who fled to Strasburg in 1553. This is perhaps 
Christopher, whose name only appears at the end of a list of the principal 
members of the Frankfort congregation in 1557 {Brief Discourse^ p. btv). He 
may therefore have migrated thither from Strasburg with the purpose of joining 
his brother John (see p. 117, supra). He does not appear to have been a person 
of any mark. 

• After searching through A. Kirchner, Geschichte der Stadt Frankfurt a.Af, 
(Frankf. 1807, 2 vols.), with the aid of G. W. Pfeiffer's Repertorium (Frankf. 
1856), I have fiuled to find that « Consul' was a title in use. The dty was 
governed by a Biirgermeister and Rath, the latter the *Counceir of this 
narrative. 



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THE ENGLISH REFUGEES IN t^MANY 

shoulde be compellyd to take again the letteres TTiad lefte 
in his house but that I sholde be punysshed for putting in 
vre her Maiestyes commaundement and furwith arrested. 
To the arrestment the sayde Consull consentyd and ymme- 
diatly sent an offycer of his to myne Inne to comaunde 
me that the nexte daye at viij of the Clock I sholde appere 
afore the Councell in the Towne howse. My requeste to 
Thoffycer was to bring me at that instante to the said Con- 
sules presence for the knowing of his pleasure whiche he 
dyd accordingly. The Consull after I had tolde hym that I 
was the Quenes Maiestyes servaunte oppened vnto me in the 
said John Hales his presence the complayntes he hadde 
made againste me. I tolde the Consull that me thoughte it 
no derogacion at all to their libertyes that the Quenes 
Maiesty my Mistrys shoulde wryte vnto her owne subiectes 
abyding within theyr domynyons nor no cause why I shoulde 
be deteyned till the next mominge sythen I came to moleste 
no subiecte of theyrs but to delyuer letteres to Englisshmen 
from the Quenes Maiesty theyr soueraigne Mistris to theyre 
great comfortes if godde gaue them grace well and wisely to 
weye it. After thies and other lyke wordes vsed to the 
Consull he made the sayde John Hales this resolute 
aunswere : That sithen he was no subiecte of theyrs he colde 
by no iustyce stay me the said Brett any lenger then I luste 
abyde neyther wolde he do it for all the prayers or com- 
playntes the saide Hales and his Compaignons coulde make 
hym. And so the Consull gently dysmyssed me. After 
this I repayred to the Duches of Suffolk and her husbande 
Richarde Barteue which persons resyde in Germany in an 
olde Castell scytuate upon the topp of a hill nighe unto a 
Towne of the Palsegraves callyd Weinhem.* At that 

* * After that Mr. Bartue and the dutches of Sulff. were safely arrived at 
Wezell in Westphalia, the brule theroff was the cause that moo Englishe people 
in shorte time resorted thither. It pleased God also that M. Couerdale (after 
that he had bin withe the king of Denmark) should come to the same Towne, 
who preached there no longe t3rme, till he was sent for by woulgange duke off 
bypont, to take the pastorall charge oflf Bargzater, one of his Townes off Ger- 
many, at whose comminge to the duke, he made it knowen, bothe to himselff 



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122 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

Towne I arryved on Fry day the x*^ of July afore men- 
cioned and leavinge my horses there in an Inne I went uppe 
the hill a good half englysshe myle highe a foote accom- 
panyed with myne owne servaunte and a man of the Towne 
to shew us the waye. When I came afore the Castell gates 
I founde them faste shitte and a stryplynge lyke an en- 
glisshe lakey standing afore them. Of hym I demaunded if 
the sayde Duches and Barteue were within. The said 
lackey aunsweryd me yea and had scarsely spoken this 
worde but one loking oute of a Grate in the gate asked who 
I was and what I wolde haue. I tolde hym that I wolde 
gladly speake with the saide Duches and Bartue and that I 
had letters to delyver them from certayne their fryndes : he 
demaunde me eftsones my name and I tolde it hym. Then 
he badde me to tary at the gate and he wolde goe tell the 
Duches of me. And with that he and * Compaignon of his 
wente a spedy pace towardes the inwarde partes of the 
Castell. In the meane space whiles they came ageyne wee 
without the gates mighte heare a noyse of laieng downe 
stones in the wyndowe of a lyttell Turret over the Gate and 
casting uppe our eyes wee sawe one or two loke oute as tho 
they had bene lothe to have ben scene whiche ymmedyatly 
after began to crye in Frenche kyll them kyll them, with 
this wee harde allso folkes comming towardes the gate and 
I began to approche it on the oute syde, when they alofte 

and to other noble men abowt him off M.B. and the dutches beinge in the Lowe 
countries. They vnderstandinge the daunger that might come vnto them in 
those partes, as also calling to remembrance what great curteisie strangers had 
founde in Englande at the dutches handes, made oflfre that iff they were forced to 
remoue or otherwise if it pleased them, they should haue the Castle of Winehaim 
by Hedleberge within the lil>erties of Otto Henricus then Palsgraue and a godly 
Prince, who most gladly (as well appeared) gaue consent to the same. M. Bartue 
and the Dutches acceptinge this ofire, lefte Wezell and came vp to the saide 
Castle and there continued, till leauinge Germany they traueled towardes the 
lande off Pole ' {A Brief Discourse^ p. clxxxv). • The Weinheim vineyard is 
situate in the environs of the town at the entrance to the romantic valley of the 
Birkenau . . . and commanded by the old ruined castle of Windeck, remarkable 
for its cylindrical donjon tower' (Murray, Ucrndbook to the Rhine and North 
Germany y ed. 1886, p. 384). Otto Heinrich, Palsgrave 1556-59, a zealous 
friend of the Reformation (see Allgemdne Deutsche Biographie^ Leipzig, 1887, 
vol. and. p. 713). * Sic. 



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THE ENGLISH REFUGEES IN GERMANY 1 23 

with a lowder voyce cryed as they had done afore and caste 
-downe a stone. I stode sty 11 And forthwithe they caste 
downe an other stone. My hap was that it missed my heade 
but it hat me so bigge a blowe on the righte hande 
that I colde not rule my forefynger and thombe a 
fortenighte after. And ymmediatly certen of the Duches 
servauntes russhed oute of the gate with great fearse- 
nes I wat not howe many so that yt seemed vnto 
vs highe tyme to retyre thence or to tary there by force. 
Some caste stones after me and my manne from the stepe 
hill topp others to the nombre of sixe folowed vs tyll we 
came into the market place of the Towne afore my lodginge 
where a lyttle afore my commyng one of the saide Duches 
men had drawen his Swerde againste my Manne but he wisely 
.toke the howse : that made better for our matters afterwardes. 
Of a long tyme while I wyste not where my Manne was 
becommed when fowre of the saide vnrewly persons wolde 
haue hayled me uppe to the Castell agayne by force : at our 
struggelinge withoute drawing any weapon dyvers of the 
Towne b^an to gether aboute vs in whose presence the 
englisshe menne cryed to move the people againste me and 
my Man that we were thevys and papistes commed into those 
partyes with purpose to cary awey the Duches theyre lady 
or by some secret meane to poyson her and theyr Master 
favourers of the Gospell and truthe. But in the beste Duche 
I colde I dyd the people tonderstand that theyr Child isshe 
exclamacions were false and that I came thither to trye no 
Matyers with weapon in hande but in a moste honest and 
iuste cause as they sholde well knowe afterwardes nor to the 
confusion of their lady as they alleged but rather to her sin- 
guler comforte and all theyrs that were there yf they beare 
as became them trewe hartes towardes theyr Countrey. 
Whilste the Matters passed in this sorte two of the sayde 
Duches menne caryed my two geldinges from myne Inne by 
myne Ostes consent uppe to the Castell and disposed of them 
at theyre pleasures the space of viij dayes folowing withoute 
Other remedy to be had at their handes. Anone came a 



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124 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

hedd offycer of the Towne call id Kelder * in the Duche tonge 
and in laten Cellarius Principis. The saide lewde Englyssh- 
men reioysed not a lyttle to see hym come who by all lyke- 
lyhod was almoste made to theyr owne lewre. To hym they 
saide so well as theyr language wolde serve them how the 
Quenes Maiestie had sent mc the sayd Brett thither to 
moleste their lady and Maister within those domynyons in 
dispite of the Palsegrave and in contempte of the libertyes of 
those Countreys. I tolde the sayde Kelder they saide maly- 
cyously and falsely of the Quenes Maiesties mening towardcs 
the Duches and her husband and allso towardes the Palse- 
grave, for quod I her Maiestie hath wryten vnto them suche 
letteres as are rather a demonstracion of favour towardes 
them her Subiectes then of any displeasure and that her 
Maiestie ment nothing les then despyte towardes the Pals- 
grave. I saide euerybody mighte esely perceave in that she 
knewe not at my departure oute of Englande whether the 
sayde Duches was within the precynctes of his Countrj'cs or 
no. The kelder axed me wherfore I made hym not prevy to 
the matyer er I wente to delyuer the letteres whereunto I 
the sayde Brett aunsweryd hym that me thought it nedeles 
sithen they were the Quenes Maiesties subiectes to whome 
they were directed and that by delyuery of them no preiudyce 
coulde happen to any person in those partyes. But those 
wordes stode me in litle stede at that tyme for furthwith as 
tho I had bene half condemned my cause vnharde the saide 
Kelder commy tted me and my Manne that then was commed 
to me ageyne to the custody of certen kepers to tary in an 
Inne till his retume agayne from the saide Duches and that 
he had knowen her pleasure in that had passed. All thies 
thinges happened in the presence of the moste in the Towne 
besydes many brave bragges and depe othes whereby those 
Englisshemen declared theyre meaninge towardes me theyr 
disobedyent and harde hartes towardes the Quenes Maiestie 

* I have failed to find the word Kelder either in Graff, AUhochdeutscher 
SprachsatZy or Wilhelm MUller, AfittelhochcUuisches WorteHmcht or in M. Lexer, 
MUtelhochdetUsches Handivorterbuch, 



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THE ENGLISH REFUGEES IN GERMANY 125 

and her honorable Councell. Amongest them were two 
englisshmen sumamed Turpyn ^ and Goslinge ^ an other was 
callid Chrystofer ' the others I coulde not heare them ones 
named in all theyr talke together but one of them had dwelt 
in Dertmouth. But to retorne to the Keldar ageyne, after he 
had consulted the mattyer above in the Castell with the sayde 
Duches and Bartue lyttle lack of three howres he came to me 
ageyne where he lefte me and with hym Barlowe * and three 
or fowre englisshmen mo. The saide Barlowe tolde me the 
sayd Brett that* was commed to speake with me on the behalf 
of the sayd Duches and Bartewe who had gevin hym in charge 
to knowe whether the letteres I broughte were from the 
Qucnes Maiesty or not and whether they were letteres 
Myssyves or processe, for if they were letteres he sayde they 
wolde receave them but in case they were proces they wolde 
not receave them sithen they were within an other Prynces 

* There were two refugees of this name. One of them, John Turpin, 
belonged to the Frankfort congregation in 1557, and nothing further is known of 
him (see A Brief Discourse y p. cxxxiii). The other was Thomas Turpyn, an exile 
for religion at Arrow in Switzerland in 1559 (Strype, Ann, Ref, I. i. 154) : 
perhaps the person of the same name who was ordained deacon by Archbishop 
Grindal in 1560, and priest by Pilkington, Bishop of Durham in 1561, on which 
occasion he was described as * bom in Calais * {Life of Grindal^ pp. 73, 74). 

* Goslinge. This was perhaps the * Gosling, a merchant of London,' 
dwelling at Leigh, Essex, who assisted the Duchess to escape (Foxe, viii. 572). 

* Christofer. I can find no particulars of this person. 

* William Barlow, successively Bishop of St. Asaph, St. David's, Bath and 
Wells, and Chichester. He was brought up as an Austin canon at St. Osyth's, 
Essex, and at the house of the Order in Oxford, and became prior of Bromehill, 
the suppression of which house caused him to write violent attacks on Wolseyand 
the Church generally. After retracting these he ingratiated himself with the 
Court, and especially with Anne Boleyn, who procured him the priory of Haver- 
fordwest. He now became an ardent reformer, and in 1536 was made Bishop of 
St. Asaph, from which he was almost immediately translated to St. David's. 
In the same year he was ambassador to Scotland. During the reign of 
Edward VL he threw himself zealously into the reforming movement, and in 
1548 was translated by Somerset to the see of Bath and Wells. In 1550 he 
married. He was imprisoned in the Tower on Mary's accession, but was either 
released or escaped to Germany, where, according to Fuller, he became minister 
to an English congregation at Embden. This document throws a new light 
upon his movements. Upon Elizabeth's accession he returned to England, 
assisted in the consecration of Parker, and in 1559 was made Bishop of Chichester, 
where he died in 1568 (Diet. Nat. Bicg.). * Sic. 



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r26 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

domynyons. And for my vsinge at the Castell he sayde 
bothe his lady meaninge the Duches and Master Bartewe 
were discontentyd with theyr servauntes. I aunsweryd hym 
that my receaving at the Castell was in dede very symple as 
he mighte well perceave by the signe I had broughte thence 
on my hande and moche otherwise then I thoughte it sholde 
have bene for I perswaded myself that I sholde haue had to 
do with good and lovinge Englysshemen and not to haue had 
suche repulse and villany at theyr handes. Concerning the 
letteres I sayed they were sente from the quenes Maiestie 
to the Duches and Bartewe. The sayd Barlowe pressed me 
eftsones to knowe whether they were letteres or proces. I 
saide they were letteres and gyven me for letters and for 
letteres wolde I delyuer them, he wolde that I sholde have 
made delyuery of them to hym I toldc hym he sholde pardon 
me for I was comaunded to delyuer them according to theyr 
direccions. He sawe that by no meanes he colde wreste oute 
of me whether the letteres were proces or not. He began to 
threaten me saieng that I mighte well repent myself for my 
presumpcion in taking vpon me suche an enterprise in case 
my letteres were founde to be proces. He wolde haue had 
me to haue shewed them to hym for seinge them he saide 
he wiste well whether they were proces or not but I ment 
nothinge les. Then he saide I showlde not chuse but shewe 
them er my departinge. Myne aunswer was that I trusted it 
sholde be by reason and iustice if any require the sighte of 
them at my handes. Yes sir quod he that shall you shewe 
them together with the Comyssyon how you comme into 
thies partyes to troble any body heare. Then he callid the 
said Kelder and tolde hym that it sholde be requisite to see 
what writinges or letters I had and what I had to shewe 
for myself for what wiste they he sayde whether I was 
the quenes servaunte or not, or fledd oute of Englande 
for treason, or rather sente into those partyes for a spye. 
The saide Kelder as one allmoste redye to gratyfye hym and 
his Company in all thinges commaunded me in the Palse- 
graves name that I sholde shewe my Commyssyon and make 



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THE ENGLISH REFUGEES IN GERMANY 127 

delyuery to hym of all suche letteres as I had. I tolde hym 
I had no comission but letteres of quenes Maiestye wrytten 
"in my favour suffycient to shewe that I was her highnes 
servaunte and no suche mannour of Manne as the saide 
Englysshmen surmysed I shulde be which letters I laid afore 
hym and they were redde. By those letters the Kelder said 
he sawe I was the quenes Maiestyes servaunt . and then 
comaunded me ageyne to make delyuery of all the other 
letters whiche I had broughte with me. I made hym aunswer 
that I had but very fewe letteres and those wry ten unto the 
quenes subiectes and therfore as me thoughte no reason why 
he sholde requyre the same at my handes nor therin do the 
Palsegrave any pleasure or servyce. The kelder saied he 
demaunded not the letteres of me to shew them to any 
person but because he wolde be sure I sholde deliuer none 
of them till the Palsegraves pleasure were perfectly knowen 
therin. The said Englisshemen required hym so earnestly 
to see the letteres that there was no remedy but I muste 
nedes deliuer them and beinge redy to ryffle me I sayde to 
the Kelder I wolde obey the commaundement he had made 
in the Palsegraves name sithen he was his Justice in that 
place hopinge that the letteres sholde be showyd to no man 
withoute the Palsgraves specyall commaundement and in my 
presens. Then went I to my man that had a Boxe in his 
bosome with fyve of the Quenes Maiesties letteres well. 
bounde uppe in it. I toke it forthe saienge that therin were 
all the letteres I broughte with me requiringe the saide 
Kelder that I moughte set my seale upon the same and that 
it were not openid but in my presence as afore he had pro- 
mysed me. The kelder gave me his hande and sayde that 
that sholde be performyd. And so I delyuerid the Boxe 
into his handes surely sealyd. The said englisshemen re- 
quested that I mighte be warely loked vnto for writinge or 
goinge awey which they easely obteyned but so colde not I 
to haue my horses ageyn that the Duches menne had ledd 
awey so I remayned as a prysoner with my kepers in an Inne 
where I was very evell lodged and entreatyd till Tewesday 



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128 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

the XV*** day of Julye when newes were sent me that the 
Palsegrave had sent for me ij menne at Armes to come to 
heydelberge a Towne where moste comenly he resydeth twoo 
good leagues from Weynhem. I sent to pray the said Kelder 
that he woulde sende for my horses to the Castell that I 
mighte ryde in company of those horsemen that came for 
me. But this was in vayne for the Kelder sent me worde 
and afterwardes broughte me the lyke mesage hymself that 
I muste goo thither a foote with my kepers in company of 
the horsemen. I prayed hym that at leaste I mighte haue 
horsses for my money or elles a wagen otherwise I assured 
hym they sholde dragge me thither for I wolde not go so 
farrc a fote. At laste a carte was gotten with muche adoo 
and after the Kelder had delyueryd me the Boxe agayne 
with letteres as he receavid it I departed towardes Hedelberg 
with sixe that wayted upon me. At Heydelberg I was 
deteyned agein xviij dayes so evill lodged and used as I had 
bene afore through the continuall seutes of thenglisshmen 
whose dryftes were altogether that I mighte have bene stayed 
there three or fowre Monethis after they had ones obteyned 
that I sholde deliuer none of the quenes Maiestyes letteres to 
any englisshman within the Palsegraves domynyons and that 
I sholde paye for all my charges and my kepers the tyme of 
my deteynment This sentence was signified vnto me by 
two doctours of the Palsegraves Councell as the Palsegraves 
resolute Aunswere in my cause the xxij*** daie after I the 
sayde Brette was fyrste stayed at Weynehem vnto the saide 
sentence. The saide doctours added that the Palsegrave had 
taken the saide Duches and her husbande in fidem tutelam 
et proteccionem suam and that therfore he wolde defende 
them and thothers that had submytted themselves to hym 
the sayde Palsegrave. But when the Englisshe menne sawe 
that nether by Reason lawe or friendshipp I colde be stayed 
any lenger in theys partyes they wente aboute bothe with 
fayre meanes and menaces to perswade me contrary to my 
duty and allegiauncc not to make reporte of my service and 
what for the same had behappenyd me but to accepte some 



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THE ENGLISH REFUGEES IN GERMANY 1 29 

condicion in those Countreys vsing for theyre chief instru- 
mentes in that behalf one Tremayne ^ and an other Englissh- 
man whose name I take to be Saule ^ sometyme a scholler in 
Magdaleyne CoUedge in Oxforde. The said Tremayne and 
Sj^ule attempted also to suborne my servaunte with some 
offres and promises vnto hym to provide well for his wife in 
England and that they mighte have more commodyus accesse 
to comen with my saide servaunte in thies mattyers my horses 
were sent me from the saide Duches Castell to Heydelberg 
that he mighte kepe them. When all theyr practises toke no 
place they thoughte eftsones to have used me with force 
whiche I mighte well perceave by certayne that lay in wayte 
to do me displesure after I was at liberty and therfore 
depailing from Heydelberg aforesaid the laste day of July 
I toke the way not towardes Wormes as I pretendid for 
to haue done but through the forest towardes Spyres. After- 
wardesfor better excucion of my chardge and to eschewe the 
perilles entended againste me I toke my waye towardes Italy 
by the Postes and arryved at Venyce on Sonday the xvj*** 
daye of Auguste where I vnderstode that sir Henry Nevell 
was retorned into Englande that sir William Stafforde was 
deade in Geneva and that Maister Feneux was departed from 
Padua towardes Englande the thirde day of Auguste laste 
paste in company of Goodolphyn ^ the lorde of Bedfordes 
manne and of ij others Englisshmen thone caUid Bodley * 



' In April 1556 Richard and Nicholas Tremain, being implicated in a plot 
against the Government, were proclaimed traitors, but contrived to escape {EccL 
Mem. III. i. 487). 

* Arthur Saule was a Fellow of Magdalen College, OxforJ, * which gf all 
the rest in that University seemed most addicted to the Gospel * {Eal. Mem. III. 
i. 82). Gardiner, as visitor, expelled fourteen or fifteen members of the Foun- 
dation, beginning with the President {ibid.)^ Saule being one of them, lie took 
refuge at Strasburg, and appears as one of the signatories of a letter to the con- 
gregation at Frankfort on November 23, 1554 {A Brief Discourse, &c., p. xxiii). 
He returned to England on the accession of Elizabeth, and was one cf those 
who subscribed the Articles of 1562. 

* Goodolphyn. I have failed to find any particulars of ihis person. 

* John Bodleigh was an exile in Geneva for religion {EccL Mem, II. i. 233), 
forming one of Knox's congregation, and being ' no small stale as well to that 

N.S.— VOL. XL K 



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130 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

thother a merchante mans sonne of London. Havinge certeyne 
intelligens of thies things at Venyce and Padua I repayred 
towardes the partyes of Germany agayne and the laste day 
of August came to Strawsbourg where as I was informed I 
thought to have founde sir Thomas Wrothe. In the sayde 
Towne I made myne abode till Thurseday then folowing 
but all that while colde I here no worde of Sir Thomas 
Wrothes being there nor that he bene sene in the saide Towne 
in xiiij dayes afore my comminge thither. The day afore 
my departure thence I understode of a practyse of certen 
that entended to do me some displesure. Who were the chief 
procurers therof I watt not but a frencheman that came with 
the Archeheretik of Geneva which frencheman was well 
acquaynted in sir Anthony Cookes ' howse in Strawsebourg 
semed most diligent to procure that a Riter kneght and 
Iris men by all likelyhod redy for hyer to do any mischief 
sholde haue rydde me oute of the way for making reporte of 
my former service so muche was it stromaked^ that I had done 
in those parties. And albeit I soughtc diuerse wayes howe 
to have bene rydde of the Ryters company yet colde I not 
be shefted thereof. Whether I wente by water or lande his 
purpose was still towardes me for on a Thurseday whiles I 
was there perceaving my departure by the Postes towardes 
Spyres he sent his man on the way afore and I being after- 
wardes skarsely ij flightes shote from the Towne tho I rydde 
so faste as my poste horsses wolde suffre me yet dyd the 
Ryter easely passe afore me as he that rode of a very good 
horse with ij dagges at his saddle bowe and ij others behinde 
hym. When I sawe that and consydered all the cyrcumstaunccs 
afore leste I myghte seme rather desperat then diligent in 
my busynes I torned back agayne to the saide Strawseburge 

churche as to others * {j4 Brief Dtscottrse, p. clxxxv). He took the chief part in 
the Geneva version of the Bible {Life of Archbishop Parker^ p. 412). He was 
f uher of the celebrated Sir Thomas Bodley. 

» Sir Anthony Cooke (1504-76), tutor to King Edward VI. He fled to 
Strasburg in 1554. He was the father of the celebrated five learned ladies. He 
returned home after Elizabeth's accession, and sat for Essex in the House oi 
Commons (see Diet. Nat. Biog. ). • Sic, 



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THE ENGLISH REFUGEES IN GERMANY I3I 

with my guyde that doubted no lesse than I doubted the 
perill that mighte haue happenyd to me upon the waye. I 
obteyned easejy safecondyte of the lordes of the saide Towne 
and departing the same daye from thence the next day 
folowing I arryved safely at Spyres. Duringe the tyme of 
myne abode at Strawesbourge I colde not set eye of two 
englisshemen together till the morning of my departure then 
mighte I see foure in a company watching by all likelyhode 
whether I went by water or lande. Those spoke to the 
Ryter and saluted hym as he rode out of the Towne gates to 
folowe me. One of them as my Guyde tolde me was Maister 
Cookes Sonne ^ an other I toke to be his servaunte for after 
my retome into the Towne I sawe hym goe into Master 
Cookes house. Oute of the same house I met with one callid 
Becon * excepte I be greatly disceaved. He amongest other • 
thinges had tolde me I mighte perhapps repent myne enter- 
prise, and that he wolde not haue bene in my cote for a 
Thowsand poundes to haue commed to deliver any letteres 
in those parties. Passing by Wesell I harde that Maister 
Whetnall was with the saide Duches of Suffolk and the same 
confyrmed to me agayne at Franckforde. Maister Isac was 
departed fixnn Franckforde by water towardes the lowe 
Countreis in company of those that came to the said 
Frankford with Mistris Wilkinson three or iiij dayes afore my 
commynge thither. Of Mr. Meyres I colde none other newes 
but that he was mette after Witsonday betwene Strawse- 
bourghe and Basell. At my being at Basell I coulde learne 
no tydinges of hym. This is all that I dyd or coulde dooe 
in the xecucion of my sayde chardge and commission and 
therof my bounden duty is to certify your lordeshipp by thies 
presentes signed and seald with my hand and Seale the xviijth 
day of October in the yeare of the raignes of our soueraygn 
lorde and lady the king and quenes Maiestyes Thirde and iSS^ 
Fourthe. 

' Sir A. Cooke had four sons, Anthony, Richard, Edward, and William (ibid,), 
* Becon, Thomas, D.D. (1512-67), a reftigee at Strasburg from 1554 58 
(see ibid,). 

K 2 



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THE CONFERENCE OF PILLNITZ 

By OSCAR BROWNING, M.A., V.P. R.Hist.S. 

Read December 17, 1896 

The conference of PiUnitz, although it occupies an important 
place in all histories of the French Revolution, is still the 
subject of much misconception amongst historians. Immedi- 
ately after it was held, a person so well informed as Mr. 
Surges, the English Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, 
believed that it resulted in a kind of treaty between Austria 
and Prussia for the dismemberment of France, and it was 
long regarded as the beginning of the first Coalition. 

Sybel, in his * History of the French Revolution,' has shown 
the inaccuracy of this view. He states that the Comte 
d'Artois laid before the Emperor and the King a docu- 
ment of ten articles, involving a scheme of inexorable 
war. It pointed to the restoration of the ^migr^s with the 
Comte de Provence at their head, and the practical deposition 
of Louis XVI. These articles may be found at full length 
in Vivenot and Hermann. The two monarchs rejected this 
scheme with scorn, sent to D'Artois on August 27 a joint 
declaration in which they said that they would invite a co- 
operation of all the powers of Europe to restore order in 
France, and if that were forthcoming would intervene actively 
on their own part. Sybel adds that, as it was well known that 
England would take no part in such intervention, the declara- 
tion was really in favour of doing nothing, and was merely 
intended to intimidate the Paris democrats. Ranke goes 
still further; and shows that the last clause of the declaration 
was inserted at the instance of Calonne, who in vain attempted 
to extract a stronger expression of opinion from the allied 
monarchs. 



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134 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

I have recently discovered among the Auckland papers a 
series of letters from Morton Eden, then English minister at 
the Electoral Court of Dresden, written to his brother, Lord 
Auckland, at the Hague, which throw a new light both on 
the interview and on its results, and show that it was of less 
importance with regard to French affairs than historians have 
generally considered it to be. One object of the meeting was 
to obtain the guarantee of the Emperor and the King to the 
new constitution of Poland, previous to the Elector of Saxony 
accepting the crown of that country. The first mention of 
the meeting is in a letter of August lo, 1791. Eden says: 
' I have reason to believe it is the Elector's wish to procure 
the guarantee of the two illustrious personages expected at 
Pillnitz on the 25th inst. previous to his entering into nego- 
tiations with the Poles. For this interview of his Imperial 
Majesty with the King of Prussia gives great uneasiness to 
the Polish and French ministry and their respective courts. 
The former is apprehensive that a new pretext will be found 
for a further partition. The latter thinks that the affairs of 
France are the chief object of this meeting.' Eden writes on 
August 14, 1791 : ' His Imperial Majesty, who has been absent 
for some weeks past at his estate in Bohemia, returned hither 
unexpectedly on Thursday last, and the next day he had an 
audience of the Elector to present to his Highness a letter 
from the Emperor in which he informs his Electoral Highness 
of his intention to be at Pillnitz the evening of the 25th inst, 
accompanied by the Archduke Francis, and adds that he was 
in hopes of meeting there his Prussian Majesty, to whom he 
had written to apologise for his having accelerated the time 
of the meeting owing to the necessity of his being in Prague 
on the 28th. I believe that his Imperial Majesty has likewise 
intimated to the Elector his hopes of being able at this inter- 
view to lay the basis of an alliance for the purpose of insuring 
the general tranquillity of Europe, and of effectuating some 
interposition favourable to the French King and his family.* 
He writes on August 17, 1791 : 'The Elector received on 
Saturday last (August 13), by express, a letter from his 



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THE CONFERENCE OF PILLNITZ I3S 

Prussian Majesty to inform hitn that he will be in Pillnitz 
towards the end of the month, but, as his Electoral Highness 
told me when I presented Lord Elgin to him on Sunday, he 
neither mentioned who would accompany him nor the exact 
day of his arrival. The reviews in Silesia do not finish tsH. 
the 27th; it will therefore be impossible for his Prussian 
Majesty to reach Pillnitz before the departure of the Emperor, 
which is fixed for the 28th, unless he intrusts them, which he 
has never yet done, to a general officer. Count Marcolini is 
expected here from Italy to-morrow.' Eden writes to his 
brother on August 21 : ' The apprehensions that I expressed 
to you in my last are removed, for Wednesday evening 
(August 17) the Prussian minister received, by express, 
orders to inform the Elector that his Prussian Majesty, 
accompanied by the Prince Royal of Prussia, will arrive at 
Pillnitz on the 2Sth. We are naturally eagerly intent what 
may pass at this interview, but, from the jarring interests of 
the parties concerned, it appears more than probable that 
nothing will be brought to maturity, and it will be even 
difficult to lay a basis for further negotiations. Neither of 
them, we understand, is to be accompanied by any men of 
business. I have in different letters mentioned what we 
suppose here to be the objects of the interview. If I am 
wrong, I wish that you will set me right.* Three days later we 
are told of the arrival at Dresden of the Marquis de Bouill6, 
his son Comte Louis, and the Prince of Nassau Siegen. He 
continues : * The express arrived here yesterday with a letter 
from the Comte d'Artois to M. d'Onis, the Spanish Charge 
d'Affaires, inclosing one for the Elector, in which I understand 
his Royal Highness requests permission to be present at the 
meeting between the Emperor and the King of Prussia, having 
already concerted this interview with these two monarchs.' 
The King of Prussia is expected the next day, the Emperor 
that evening. As a fact, the Emperor Leopold II., accom* 
panied by the Archduke Francis, arrived at Pillnitz between 
eleven and twelve on the morning of Thursday, August 25 ; 
the King and the Prince Royal of Prussia arrived there about 



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136 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

an hour later. The same evening the Comte d'Artois reached 
Dresden, The next morning his Royal Highness was invited 
to Pillnitz, where an apartment was provided for him. On 
Friday, the 26th, there was an opera, ball, and fireworks at 
Pillnitz to which the principal nobility and foreign ministers 
were invited. On the 27th, a masked ball was given to the 
public at the great opera house in Dresden, at which the 
illustrious visitors and the family of the Elector were present 
These fetes, Eden tells us, were ill suited to the splendour 
of the occasion. * Early on Sunday morning, August 28, his 
Imperial Majesty and the Archduke set out for Prague. The 
Emperor was attended by Marshal Lacey and M. Spielmann ; 
the King of Prussia by Prince Hohenlohe, M. de Bischoffswerder, 
now a major-general, and M. de Manstein. In the suit of 
the Comte d'Artois were M. de Calonne, M. d'Esterhazy, 
M. d'Escars, Baron de Rolle, and several young men of 
fashion.* 

What had been arranged at this interview ? Eden tells 
us that he has been confidently assured that at this meeting 
a basis has been laid for the future alliance between his 
Imperial Majesty and the King of Prussia, *in which his 
Majesty (the King of England) will be invited to become a 
contracting party. Russia is also to be comprehended, and 
the particular purpose is to be the mutual guarantee of their 
respective possessions, and likewise, it is said, even a guarantee 
of the present form of government of each State. By this 
act also it is supposed that the present state of Poland and 
the present limits of the Turkish empire will be guaranteed. 
I have likewise been very confidently informed that no actual 
interference will take place in the affairs of France.* The 
reception of the Comte d'Artois by all these illustrious per- 
sonages was evidently very cold, perhaps humiliating. ' In 
my last I mentioned that his Royal Highness had, in his 
letter to the Elector which announced his intention of coming 
to Dresden, assured him that he had already concerted an 
interview with the Emperor and the King of Prussia. When 



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THE CONFERENCE OF PILLNITZ 1 37 

the Elector mentioned this circumstance to his Imperial 
Majesty, he in very emphatic terms denied it* 

In a further letter of August 31 Morton Eden writes to 
his brother : * I scrupled not in my letter of Sunday last to 
tell you that it was not likely that the interview of the Comte 
d'Artois with the Emperor and the King of Prussia would be 
productive of their actual interference in the affairs of France. 
The cold reception that he met with, the desponding language 
of M. de Bouill^, the common opinion here, and particularly 
the assurance which I received the preceding evening, autho- . 
rised me to hazard that conjecture. I was, however, soon 
after the departure of the post, informed that the two sove- 
reigns had promised his Royal Highness at a meeting held 
the preceding evening in the Emperor's department, and 
which lasted from eleven till one, when his Imperial Majesty 
set out for Prague, that they would make a declaration in 
favour of the French King, and even send him active assist- 
ance, if a proper concert could be established with the Powers 
bordering on France. This report appears to be true, and 
as the best proof of it I here annex an answer which I 
received to my inquiries on the subject : " Uopinion que je 
vous ai manifesto sur les suites de Tarriv^e de M. le Cte. 
d'Artois 6toit effectivement que je doutois que cette d-marche 
efit Teffet d^sir6. Quoique tout ce qui s'est pass^ depuis ait 
6i6 traits entre les deux souverains et ce Prince, il me paralt 
cependant qu'il en a obtenu des assurances plus positives d'une 
assistance efficace pour tirer le Roi son fr^re de sa situation 
actuelle ; mais je crois aussi que ces assurances supposent 
un concert pr^alable entre les Puissances int^ress^es et des 
mesures combin^es en consequence de ce concert"- Some of 
his Royal Highness's attendants were greatly elated with 
these assurances, but M. de Flachslander (whose name I 
omitted) appeared less sanguine. He observed, on Prince 
Nassau's boasting of the success of their negotiation, " Je 
serai fort aise d'en voir les effets ; il n'est pas si facile de 
mettre tant de Puissances en mouvement" Many, indeed, 
think that these assurances were extorted by dint of impor- 



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J 38 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

tunity, and that they will not be of any real effect. Whilst 
the Comte d'Artois was with the Emperor and the King of 
Prussia the Elector and the Electoral family were for the 
most part of the time waiting in the garden to see his 
Imperial Majesty to his carriage, he having said when he 
withdrew after supper that he would return immediately.' 

The last mention of the interview made in these letters is 
on September 7, 1791. *It is supposed here, though I have 
not hitherto been able to ascertain the facts, that, at the late 
interview at Pillnitz, the Elector entered into a convention 
with the Emperor and the King of Prussia, by which they 
guaranteed their respective possessions, and engaged to sup- 
port each other against any innovation that might be 
attempted by their subjects. With greater certainty I can 
add that these two monarchs have assured the Elector of 
their guarantee of the new constitution and present limits of 
Poland.' 

The conclusion we may draw from these scattered notices 
is that the French ^migr^s expected much from the inter- 
view of the two sovereigns, but gained little. The Comte 
d'Artois wished to give the impression that the meeting was 
especially arranged by him to discuss the affairs of France, 
and that those affairs had been the principal subject of con- 
sideration. The first statement was emphatically denied, the 
second was probably equally without foundation. All we 
know is that the first formal propositions of the Comte 
d'Artois were rejected, and that after supper on Saturday 
evening the Emperor and King had a hurried interview 
with the Comte d'Artois which lasted two hours, but which 
the Emperor evidently supposed would not last nearly so 
long, and that at this interview the well-known declaration 
was signed. The paper committed the signatories to nothing. 
The Comte d'Artois made the most of this step, but the 
keener-sighted ^migr& were aware how hollow it was. 
Bouill6 said to Morton Eden : ' There is nothing to do here ; 
I shall pass the winter either at Mayence or in England.* If 
Mr. Burges had read Eden's letters he could not have given 
the meeting so fictitious an importance. 



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GOREE: A LOST POSSESSION OF ENGLAND 

By WALTER FREWEN LORD 

Read March i8, 1897 * 

In the year 1663 Captain, afterwards Vice- Admiral, Sir Robert 
Holmes, during a time of profound peace, attacked and cap- 
tured the Dutch possessions on the West Coast of Africa, 
Sailing across the Atlantic, he reduced the Dutch settlement of 
New Amsterdam, and rechristened it, in honour of the Duke of 
York, New York. On his return to England he was denounced 
by the Dutch as a freebooter, and thrown into prison, but on 
the outbreak of hostilities was released and restored to his 
rank, in which he long gave his country the benefit of his 
eminent abilities. 

Of these two losses — Goree and New Amsterdam— Goree 
was thought at the time to be the more serious. The news 
reached Holland in May 1664. Secret instructions to proceed 
for its recovery were immediately issued to the Dutch admiral 
in the Mediterranean, Michael de Ruytcr. He sailed to 
Cadiz, and put in there for a pilot for the West Coast. Here 
he most inopportunely fell in with the English admiral, Sir 
John Lawson, who was very inquisitive as to the Dutchman's 
destination. 

In the conversational fencing-match that ensued De 
Ruyter was at a disadvantage, for he really wanted to ask a 
question. But the question — whether he could get a pilot 
for the West Coast— would have precipitated a fleet action, 
in which he had no instructions to engage ; so he had to rest 
content with concealing his instructions, and finally sailed 

* Thb paper was published in the Nineteenth Century for May 1897. 



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140 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY j 

Without a pilot Sir John crowded all sail for England, and 
reported that he had left De Ruyter sailing south-west, but 
had been unable to discover his destination. The British 
ambassador at The Hague was at once ordered to find out 

The British ambassador at The Hague was Sir George 
Downing, an official whose strong point was his secret service. 
His weak point was that he was given to bragging of his 
performances. He had been known to boast that he knew 
everything that passed at the Council of State, and that he 
could have the Grand Pensionary's pocket picked whenever 
he chose. On being instructed to find out De Ru)^er's 
instructions. Downing was annoyed to find. himself completely 
at sea. As the matter was marked 'Urgent,* he took the 
desperate resolve of asking De Witt point-blank where De 
Ruyter had gone, and thus laid himself open to a very fair 
rebuff. * Personally,' said De Witt, * I am not clothed with 
any capacity to communicate the admiral's instructions ; and 
as for what goes on at the Council of State, I am sure your 
Excellency is quite as well informed as I am.' 

The object of so much diplomatic perturbation and such 
extensive military preparations was the island — or, rather, the 
rock — of Goree, about two miles in circumference, and the 
centre of a considerable trade which was sometimes described 
as gold and sometimes as gum, but which was always and 
substantially slaves. 

It had been acquired peacefully by the Dutch in the 
year 1617 ; but the first hostile attack of 1663 was the prelude 
to a century and a half of ceaseless conquest and reconquest. 
Being unapproachable from one side, and on the other side 
only by a beach, one half of which was hopelessly surf-beaten 
if there was any weather at all, Goree was a place of con- 
siderable strength, and could be held by about 150 men against 
a much larger force. Being, however, a mere rock, the extent 
to which it could be fortified was strictly limited, so that a 
hostile expedition might exactly calculate whether it was 
worth while to attack, and the garrison could equally deter- 
mine whether, in any case, bloodshed would be useless or not. 



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GOREE: A LOST POSSESSION OF ENGLAND I4I 

Nevertheless, several brisk encounters took place on the 
various occasions when the rock changed hands, and the 
opportunity for making a stout resistance was never fairer 
than when De Ruyter cast anchor before the island on 
October 22, 1664, For it happened that a week before eight 
vessels of the British West African Company, mounting 128 
guns with 266 men, under convoy of a British man-of-war, had 
put in at Gorec. But De Ruyter, who was a man of the most 
eminent capacity, diplomatic as well as naval, found means 
to divide the sea service from the land service, and deal with 
each separately. The details of this n^otiation have been 
carefully preserved ; they all hinged on the question of divided 
commands ; and the end of it was that the garrison were 
allowed to depart to the British colony of Gambia with the 
honours of war, and the Dutch marched in. When once 
inside they admitted that if it had come to blows they would 
never have got in at all. However, the place was now once 
more Dutch, and remained in their hands unchallenged for a 
period of twelve years. 

Goree was the principal loss endured by Holland in the 
course of the war that closed at the Peace of Nimeguen. It 
was captured by D'Estrtes in the year 1677, and its possession 
was confirmed to France by the seventh article of the treaty 
signed on August 10 in the following year. 

From this date the maritime supremacy of Holland began 
to wane, and as r^ards Goree she dropped out of the running, 
having held the post, with a single interruption, for exactly 
sixty years. 

Thus 1678 found England in the colony of Gambia, and 
France watching her from the island of Goree. Fourteen 
years later, an enterprising governor of Gambia, James 
Booker, captured Goree, but he was unable to hold it against 
a superior force despatched from France six months later; 
and in 1693 Goree once more became French ground. This 
second French occupation lasted without interruption for 
sixty-six years, until the ' year of all the glories,* 1759. During 
this long period the French interests on the West Coast 



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142 TRANSACTIONS 01^ THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

were watched over by really able men. They were all of 
opinion that Goree was the key to the West Coast : not only 
because it was conveniently situated, but because it was a 
very healthy place. Consequently, when Pitt came into 
power Goree was marked out for capture. Commodore 
Keppel sailed from Kinsaleon November 12, 1758, and made 
Goree on December 29, having lost one man-of-war castaway 
oh the coast of Barbary on November 29, when 130 men 
were drowned. This was the most substantial loss sustained 
by the expedition, for though the French made a good show 
of resistance, the English expedition was too powerful for 
them, and we captured the place with 300 French prisoners 
and the usual stores and ordnance. 

This, the third English occupation, lasted five years, and 
Goree was handed back to the French by the Treaty of Paris 
in 1763. We retained Senegal, on which transaction Lord 
Chesterfield makes this comment : * Goree is worth four times 
as much as Senegal/ From this date onwards we have to 
consider the mainland politics a little. The ancient British 
colony was Gambia, with its capital at Bathurst ; the ancient 
French colony was Senegal, with its capital at St. Louis. 
Goree lies between the two. Obviously Goree is the key of 
the situation. To leave the French Goree was to give them 
a standing invitation to return to the mainland, an invitation 
of which they soon availed themselves. However, the British 
Ministry was fired with the idea of amalgamating the newly 
won French province of Senegal on the mainland with the 
ancient English province, and making one large West African 
Statie, which they imagined would be strong enough to make 
the possession of Goree a matter of secondary importance. 
This policy was symbolised by the word Senegambia, which 
first saw the light in an Order in Council dated November i, 
1765, settling among other details the salary of the governor 
of the new province at 1,200/. a year. Senegambia was 
originally written Sene-Gambia, and is, of course, a compound 
of Senegal, the former French river, and Gambia, the English 
river. 



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goree: a lost possession of England 143 

Colonel Worge, governor of Senegal after its capture in 
1757, had written to Pitt on January 11, 1762: 'The island 
of Goree is so situated that I should imagine it cannot pos- 
sibly be of any use to the English nation/ a most extraordinary 
view, certainly. But this strong opinion from a local man 
gave great strength to the complaints of the African mer- 
chants against the French on the mainland. The city was 
all in favour of a large province on the mainland, and of 
letting Goree alone. The merchants thought that, by getting 
rid of the French as neighbours, they would avoid all embar- 
rassments. They did not see that the French were just as 
much their neighbours at Goree as on the Senegal, and 
infinitely better placed for plaguing us on the mainland if 
they wished to do so. 

Of course, the inevitable commenced immediately. Goree 
was a trading basis with the mainland ; to store their goods 
the French required factories on the mainland ; the factories 
must be guarded against depredations by the natives, and 
they rapidly took on the appearance of forts. Naturally, 
French forts flew the French flag ; equally naturally, the men 
under the Union Jack resented such a neighbour. They 
called the French poachers ; the French retaliated by calling 
us pirates. This was a miserable state of things, but it was 
made much worse than need have been by the appointment 
of incapable and rather inferior men to the new settlement. 

When we remember what life on that coast is even now, 
with telegraphic communication with Europe, frequent mails, 
high pay regularly touched, and abundant leave to Europe, 
we can form some notion of what life must have been in 
those days of complete isolation. Existence must have been 
appallingly sombre. It does not require a double dose of 
original sin to explain occasional lapses from rectitude in 
such a situation. Rather it would require a double dose of 
virtue to keep men even moderately straight; and the 
officers there, almost without an exception, were quarrelsome, 
corrupt, and cruel. 

St. Louis was the capital of the new British province. 



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144 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY • 

Fort James (named after the Duke of York) having sunk to 
the position of a provincial capital. It is at Fort James that 
we first hear the name of Wall, who was governor there in 
the year 1777. This officer is remarkable in history as being, 
so far as I am aware, the only governor of a British colony 
hanged for murder. Wall's latest crime was perpetrated in 
the year 1782 ; but although he was in hot water throughout 
his official career, it is only fair to recall that in his first 
brush with his superiors he was in the right We need not 
enter into the sordid details of that squabble further than to 
note that the new governor of Senegambia simply reported 
to the Secretary of State, on taking over his office, that he 
found * a very complicated state of public fraud, embezzle- 
ment, and perjury.' 

When one remembers the scanty pay, often withheld, the 
pestiferous climate, and the complete isolation from Europe, 
one IS hardly surprised to hear that in January 1779 a mutiny 
broke out in the garrison of St. Louis. The garrison had 
been dying at the rate of one man every other day, and was 
reduced to a total force of twenty-one privates and one 
officer, who could not leave his bed. 

Across this murky arena of miasma and crime and disease, 
there rings like the fanfare of a herald the resounding name 
of Louis-Armand Gontaut de Biron, Due de Lauzun. 
According to French authorities, this nobleman wrought 
wonders on the coast As governor of Goree he put the place 
in fine order; he swept down on the extensive British 
province of Senegambia, reduced it after an obstinate 
resistance, and put Fort St Louis in so good a state of defence 
that it resisted for forty-eight hours and finally beat oflf the 
attacking squadron of Admiral Hughes. No doubt it gives 
an author, writing under the Republic, an additional pleasure 
to recount how, under the bad old days of the Monarchy, this 
gallant soldier was coldly received at Versailles and obtained 
no reward for his considerable services. 

We are to remember that Hughes, with the same squadron, 
held his own in the East Indies in five fleet actions with 



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GOREE: A LOST POSSESSION OF ENGLAND 1 45 

Suffren, the greatest admiral of France. The defences of 
Senegal must indeed have been metamorphosed to beat him 
off in forty-eight hours. We are also to remember that 
the obstinate resistance of the English to Lauzun himself 
could only have been offered by one officer, who was ill in 
bed, and twenty-one sickly and mutinous privates. In point 
of fact, the fort fired one shot from a thirty-two pounder and 
then hauled down the flag. The garrison were conveyed to 
France, and landed at La Rochelle. 

The English official accounts of these events state that 
Admiral Hughes convoyed Lord Macleod and two companies 
of the 73rd Highlanders to Goree, which place they made on 
May 8, 1779. They found the place in ruins and defence- 
less, it having been shortly before evacuated by the French « 
It was quietly reoccupied by the English, who held it 
until its restoration to France at the Treaty of Versailles in 
1 783. As regards Senegal the records are somewhat confused, 
but it appears that the French blew up the fortifications with 
mines. During the fourth English occupation of Goree the 
French reoccupied Senegal in force, and made one unsuccess- 
ful attempt to recover Goree. Hughes proceeded to India, 
where he was to fight his famous naval duel with the fleet of 
Suffren. 

Lord Macleod appointed a governor of the island, Adams. 
In doing this he was acting under his commission and was 
within his rights. Lord George Germain, the Secretary of 
State, did not, however, confirm the appointment; and he 
despatched Wall with a commission as governor of Goree, 
without revoking Adams's commission or even informing him 
of what he had done. 

This appears to be officially irregular and personally 
discourteous. But this curious situation resulted that on 
July 8, 1780, there was anchored in Goree harbour a ship 
bearing Wall, holding a valid commission from the Crown, 
while in the fort on shore was Adams in precisely the same 
position. We need not go through the hostile correspondence 
that ensued : it is easy enough to imagine. On the one side 
N.S.— VOL. XI. L 



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146 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

a demand to land and take possession, on the other a flat 
refusal. Then followed an intimation from Governor Wall 
that he would land and put Governor Adams in irons : to 
which Governor Adams rejoined that if Governor Wall 
attempted to do anything of the kind he would blow his ship 
out of the water. Finally, Wall sailed away for Senegal, 
which place he had been instructed to retake. After he had 
been some days at sea he raised the hulls of three vessels 
making north, and on running them down he captured 
Governor Adams, who was eloping with all the food, money, 
arms, and ammunition that he had been able to carry away 
from Goree. 

Up to this moment Wall had behaved with propriety: 
-from this time his conduct was that of a maniac. He carried 
Adams back to Goree, and tried him by a court martial over 
which he himself presided, and where he also appeared as 
chief witness. But this trifling irregularity was nothing to 
what ensued. If Adams had chastised Goree with whips, 
Wall chastised it with scorpions. Adams, it is true, was a 
swindler, but then the entire garrison shared the plunder ; he 
was a pirate with a pirate's crew— a sort of Captain Kidd in 
miniature. But Wall took all the men's pay, and handed 
over beads, cloth, and cheap looking-glasses instead, ordering 
the men to trade for their pay, and accompanying his orders 
with foul abuse and mis-handling. On the day before he left 
the island he ordered Benjamin Armstrong, a non-com- 
missioned officer, to receive 800 lashes with a rope one inch 
in diameter, from which punishment Armstrong died. The 
punishment was administered by relays of blacks, who relieved 
each other when they were exhausted. The governor stood 
by and hounded them on in language which was duly sworn 
to twenty years after, when Wall was in the dock at the Old 
Bailey. The villain had the effrontery to return to England 
on the cession of Goree to France, and report himself to the 
Secretary of State; but on the details of his conduct 
becoming known he fled the country. 

He remained abroad for nineteen years. In 1801 he 



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GOREE: A LOST POSSESSION OF ENGLAND I47 

returned and gave himselt up to justice. He was a man of 
decent birth and well connected by marriage. He had spent 
his years of exile at Pisa, Florence, Rome, and Paris, and 
appears to have flattered himself that after a lapse of nineteen 
years the witnesses to his murderous atrocities would probably 
be dead. He was tried by Special Commission at the Old 
Bailey on January 20, 1802, The Lord Chief Baron, Sir 
Archibald Macdonald, presided, with Mr. Justice Laurence of 
the King's Bench, and Mr. Justice Rorke of the Common 
Pleas. Abbott, afterwards Lord Chief Justice, held the junior 
brief for the Crown ; the Attorney-General, afterwards Lord 
Ellenborough, led him. The case was perfectly clear, the 
two chief points of the defence being, first, that there was a 
mutiny impending, which was not proven ; and, secondly, 
that Armstrong was sentenced after a fair trial. The trial, 
however, was reduced to this : that Wall called out Armstrong 
on parade, told him that he was a mutinous fellow, and asked 
him what he had to say for himself; and on Armstrong 
replying what he had previously alleged, viz. that he preferred 
his pay in cash rather than in glass beads, the lashes were 
laid on. 

It is a strange and repulsive story, this life on the West 
Coast a century ago ; and Wall's crime is the most horrible 
incident of the story. As a rule, crimes of violence were not 
frequent ; irregularities ran mostly on the lines of extravagant 
swindling of Government and revolting intoxication. But Wall 
was exceptional in every way. Socially he was rather above 
the average of men appointed to the West Coast ; personally 
he was a good soldier, and had shown most distinguished 
courage at the siege of Havana. During his exile, whether 
because he was removed from the temptations of authority or 
for whatever reason, he showed himself an agreeable and 
more than an agreeable man. At the trial his witnesses to 
character testified that he was 'a man of distinguished 
humanity, a good husband and father.' Another witness said : 
* I never knew a man of more benign disposition in my life, a 
gentleman brimful of the nicest feelings of philanthropy.' It 

L2 

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148 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

may have been so, but he was convicted of the capital crime 
and hanged on January 28, 1802. 

The nineteen years of Wall's exile nearly corresponded 
with the French occupation of Goree, from 1783 to 1800. In 
the latter year Sir Charles Hamilton retook the island. He 
simply appeared before the place, which, after a verbal 
summons, capitulated with the honours of war. It is to be 
noted that there is no more talk of Goree being useless to 
England, after the fashion of Colonel Worge. Sir Charles 
Hamilton assumes, as a matter of course, that * my Lords ' 
will appreciate the strength and importance of his conquest. 
* Goree by its natural situation is a thorn in our side ; ' * the 
only way to serve this colony is to take Goree immediately ; ' 
these are the views of the contemporary governor of 
Senegambia. Colonel Frascr, the new governor of Goree, 
held similar views about Senegal. 'Senegal is a thorn 
in the side of Goree,' he wrote to Henry Dundas on January 
S, 1 801. He had just been repulsed with a loss of eleven 
killed and eighteen wounded in an attempt to capture 
Senegal, so he wrote with more than customary bitterness. 

Thus the balance of opinion, official and commercial, had 
by this time settled down to this view — that whatever was 
settled on the mainland, Goree ought to be held along with 
the mainland colony. This conclusion was arrived at after an 
experience of a century and a half, during which time we had 
held Goree by itself, Gambia by itself, Goree and Gambia, 
Goree and Senegambia. 

We have now reached the most critical moment of this 
century. Napoleon had made his famous dash on the East 
and had failed ; he was now pushing on swiftly, and as 
secretly as might be, his preparations for the conquest of 
England by sea or land. The Treaty of Amiens had been 
signed in March 1802. It gave Napoleon time, and he never 
intended that it should serve any other end. He felt himself 
gradually falling into the grip of the great Sea Power ; and 
the struggle of the Titan to set himself free raised the billows 
the distant ripples of which were felt even on the rock of 



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GOREE: A LOST POSSESSION OF ENGLAND 149^ 

Goree. Everything turned on Malta. England, nervously 
anxious for peace, welcomed even the designedly cumbrous 
provisions of the Treaty of Amiens relating to that island, 
and honestly endeavoured to carry, them out Still clinging 
to the hope that France would preserve the peace, our 
Ministers nevertheless grew every day more anxious and 
perturbed. We can trace this painful tension even in the 
home correspondence with the little island of Goree. On 
June 30, 1802, Henry Dundas directed Colonel Eraser 
to evacuate the island, in accordance with the Treaty of 
Amiens, and take his troops to Sierra Leone. On October 
26, 1802, Lord Hobart, Mr. Dundas's successor, in a 
despatch marked ' Most secret,' revokes the last order, and 
commands Eraser to hold on ; already the Cabinet is grow- 
ing uneasy. On November 15, 1802, in a secret de- 
spatch which shows signs of reassurance. Lord Hobart once 
more enjoins the evacuation of Goree. Ten days earlier the 
French had invited Eraser to retire. He had at once 
consented, but alleged the sound excuse that he had no 
transports. It does not appear that this was a subterfuge, 
and the French were quite polite and even contented with the 
situation. But although the evacuation was demanded by 
the French on November 5, 1802, Eraser was still in com- 
mand a year later, and receiving Hobart's orders to put 
in hand the conquest of Senegal forthwith. Apparently the 
French had made no move. This is the more remarkable in 
that Sebastiani's famous Report had been published in 
January 1803, and by May, Lord Whitworth had already left 
Paris. Nevertheless, the year closed at Goree in profound 
peace. 

The blow, when it fell, came from an unexpected quarter — 
from French Guiana. Louis the Sixteenth had accorded to the 
Royal Company of Guiana the exclusive privilege of traffick- 
ing in slaves with Goree. Hence there were in Cayenne 
numbers of desperate men already familiar with the cross- 
Atlantic voyage, partly ruined by the presence of the English 
on the West Coast, and perfectly acquainted with the island 



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ISO TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

of Goree and — most important of all — with its geography. 
The French authorities call these men corsairs : we need 
not be more particular. It was, in any case, a private under- 
taking and not a Government expedition. 

The garrison of Goree, who soon had to resist the assault 
of these daring slavers, is thus described by their com- 
mandant : 

* They were the sweepings of every parade in England ; 
for when a man was sentenced to be flogged he was offered 
the alternative of volunteering for the Royal Africans, and he 
generally came to me.* 

Those who were not recruited in this way were deserters 
from continental armies or from other English corps. * They 
were not a bad set of fellows when there was anything to be 
done, but with nothing to do they were devils incarnate.* 

We must not confuse the commandant with the ruffians 
his predecessors. Sir John Eraser was a remarkable man, 
honest and courageous; he had been twice wounded, one 
wound costing him a leg, and was soon in the thick of the 
hardest fighting ever seen at Goree. 

The attacking force consisted of 600 men, including some 
soldiers of the regular army picked up at Senegal, and was 
led by an officer of the French Navy, Chevalier Mah^. The 
fleet that conveyed them carried sixty guns. Eraser's 
garrison numbered fifty-four men, all told, including the sick. 
This considerable disparity of forces becomes yet more 
formidable when we remember that the great strength of 
Goree was that, unless the attacking party were familiar with 
the geography of the island, there was only one place where 
they could land, and that place was covered by the guns of 
the fort There was a possibility of landing on another part 
of the beach, but only if the attacking party knew exactly 
where to take the beach in the boats and so avoid the 
surf. 

Eraser was deprived of this advantage, because the Guiana 
men knew the beach of Goree better than he did himself. He 
was therefore compelled to divide his diminutive army into two 



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GOREE: A LOST POSSESSION OF ENGLAND 151 

detachments. But, like all remarkable commanders, he had 
materially increased his scanty strength by the enthusiasm he 
had inspired in all around him — not only in his soldiers, but 
also in the civilian population of the island. When all is 
said, the enemy numbered rather more than four to one, 
for they landed 240 men from their ships on January 18, 
1804. 

We have seen what Eraser's men were like : they were 
' devils incarnate,' and like devils incarnate they fought For 
twenty-four hours the battle raged all over the island. The 
main guard was captured and recaptured, and Fraser did not 
surrender until he had only twenty-five men left who could 
bear arms. But though seventy-five of the French had fallen 
—or half as many again as the entire force of the garrison — 
the French could afford their losses, and remained in a pre- 
ponderance of seven to one, without counting the 360 men 
still on board the ships. Surrender was no dishonour 
under these circumstances; so the British flag was hauled 
down, and for the fifth time in 127 years Goree passed over 
to the French. The remainder of the English garrison was 
despatched to Senegal, and thence to England. 

But this French occupation lasted a very short time. 
Although won at so great expense it only endured for six 
weeks. Moreover, it seems to have been held with some 
timidity ; for English colours were kept flying, and sentinels 
clothed in red paced the walls of the fort in order to mislead 
any passing British squadron. They did not mislead Captain 
Dickson, who appeared before the place on March 7, 1804. 
Two days later, after a slight brush with the enemy and the 
exchange of some communications by letter, the English 
entered Goree, and commenced an occupation which, though 
their last, was destined to be their longest, for it endured 
till the conclusion of peace in 1814. The island, however, 
was not actually handed over to the French until the year 
1 817, exactly 200 years after its first occupation by the 
Dutch. 

Although we had been capturing and restoring Goree at 



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152 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 



intervals ever since the year 1663, the total period of our 
occupation did not exceed twenty-eight years. The record 
of the various occupations runs as follows : 



1617-1663 Dutch 


1 763-1 779 French 


1663-1664 English 


1779-1783 English 


1664-1677 Dutch 


1 783- 1 800 French 


1 677- 1 692 French 


1 800-1 804 English 


1 692- 1 693 English 


1804 French 


1693-1758 French 


1 804-1 8 17 English 


1758-1763 English 


1 8 17-1897 French 



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INDEX 



Adams, C Kendall, 22 

— Governor of Goree, 145, 146 

Ade, John, 119 

Anstruther, James Melville, minister 

of, 47 
AquinaSy St Thomas, works of, 90, 

100 
Aranda, Don Martin de, 55 
Archivists, plan for training, 37-40 
Armada, some survivors of the, 41-46 
Auckland, lx>rd, papers of, 134 
Austria, Francis, Archduke of, 134 
Aybar, Captain Geronimo de Aybar, 

50,51 



Bacon, Eliz., 115 
Ballyshannon, 54, 61, 64 
Bark of Hamburgh the hulk, 43, 48 
Barlow, William, 125 
Barteue (Bertie), Richard, 1 14-128 
Basle, 131 
— Council of, 92 
Bathurst, capital of Gambia, 142 
Becon, Thonuis, 131 
Belaugh (Co. Norfolk), 69, 73 
Bert Castle, 52 
Bertie, Peregrine, 115 
Bertondona, Captain, 42 
Bibliography of English History, 
poverty of, 1 9 

scheme for a, 20, 21, 27-30 

Bigbury Bay (Devon), 41 
Bingham, Sir R., 53, 54, 63 
Bischof&werder, M. de, 136 
Blois, 48 
Bodleigh, John, 129 



Booker, James, 141 

Borja, Francisco de, 48 

Bouill^, Marquis de, 135, 137, 138 

Brett, John, 1 14 

British Museum, Principal Librarian of 

the, 40 
Broad Haven (Co. Mayo), 63 
Browning, Oscar, Mr., 133 
Bnimstead, 79 
Brunet, M. J. C, 22 
Burges, Mr., 133 
Burke, William, 55 



Cadiz, 139 
Cadore, Due de, 31 
Calonne, M. de, 133, 136 
Cambridge, King's College, muniments 

of, 68, 69 

tenants of, 83, 84 

Carrig na Cowly, 65 

Castillo Negro, the hulk, 43, 44 

Chambers, Richard, 119 

Chaplain General, Spanish, in the 

Armada, 51 
Cheke, Sir John, 115 
Chevalier, M. Ulysse, work of, 23 
Church, political theories of the, 91 

— theory of the government of the, lOI 
Cole, Mr. A. C, manuscripts of, 69 
Coltishall (Co. Norfolk), 69, 74, 75, 

76, 78, 79, 81, 8S» 87 

— Green Gate Mere in, 74 

— tenants of, 77 

Concepcion, Spanish ships so named, 
Connaught, South, 54 

— Spaniards in, 54, 61, 63 



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154 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROVAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 



Cooke, Sir Anthony, 130 

sons of, 130 

Corbett, Mr. W. J., 67 
Cordoba, Don L^is de, 54 

nephew of, 54 

Coninna, .^mada leaves, 41 

Coton (Ca Camb.), 69, 70, 72, 75, 81, 

82,85 
Cream, isle of, 45 
Crostwick (Co. Norfolk), 69, 82 
Cuellar, Captain Francisco, narrative 

of, 55, 65 

Dahlmann and Waitz, bibliography 

i>y, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29 
D'Artois, Comte de, 133, 135-138 
Davenport, Miss Frances G., 68, 71 
Delisle, M. Leopold, 33 
Denny, Sir Edward, 65, 66 

— Lady, 65 
Derry, Bishop of, 62 
Dickson, Captain, 151 
Dingle Bay, 65 

— Spanish ships wrecked in, 53 
Diplomatic, study of, 35 

' Divine Right of Kings,' doctrine of the, 

97,98,99 
Donegal, Spanish ships vrrecked in, 53 

— Spaniards in, 54, 61, S^y 64 
Down, or Killaloe, Cornelius, Bishop 

of, 49 
Downing, Sir George, 140 
Doyle, Sir R., 115 
Dresden, 134 
Drogheda, 52 
Dublin, Governor of, 52 
Dundas, Heniy, 149 
Dungannon, 53 
Dunluce, 52 

— lord of, 51 

Duquesa St, Ana^ the hulk, 63 
Duro, Captain Fernandez, 42, 43 
Dutch Settlements, taken by the Eng- 
lish, 139 

Eccles-by-the-Sea (Co. Norfolk), 69 
£c0lc de Chartcs^ 31-40 
programme of the, 31 



EcoU de Chartesy establishment of the, 
31 

history of the, 31, 32 

regulations of the, 33 

objects of the, 33 

publications of the, 33, 34 

adopted in other countries, 35 

— scheme for an English, 37, 38 

Eden, Morton, 134, 137, 138 
Edinburgh, 48 
Elgin, Lord, 135 

Elizabethan Village Sur\'eys, 67-88 
English Manuscripts and Records, 36 
Eniiquez, Don Di^o, 55, 56 
Escars, M. d', 136 
Esterhiay, M. d', 136 



Fair Isle, 46, 48 

Falcon Blanco Mcdiano^ the ship, 

54 
Fatio, M. Morel, 32 
Fenton, Geoffrey, 64 
Figgis, Rev. J. Neville, 89 
Fitzwilliam, Lord Deputy of Ireland, 

41, 52, 53, 61, 62, 61 
Flachslander, M. de, 137 
Fomcett, manor of, 68 
Fort James (Senegambia), 144 
Frankfort, 119, 131 

— Consul or Burgomaster of, 120, 121 

— English refugees at, 120 

— Protestant congregation of, 120 
Fraser, Sir John, 149, 150, 151 
Frettenham (Ck). Norfolk), 69 
Furlong, uses of the, in village surveys, 

71, 82, 83 
Fyneux, William, 116, 129 

Gallicanism under Louis XIV., 92 
Galway Bay, Spanish ships wrecked in, 

53 
Gambia, British colony of, 141, 142 
Gerando, M. de, 31 
Germany, a narrative of the pursuit of 

English refugees in, 1 13-132 
Girona, the galleass, 59, 63, 65 
Glangavenny Bay, 49 



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INDEX 



J55 



Goodolphyn, 129 

Goree, a lost possession of England, 

139-152 

— captured from the Dutch, 139 

— strength of its position, 140-142 

— re-captured by the Dutch, 141 

— captured by the French, 141 

— re-captured by the English, 142, 
145, 148, 151 

— ceded to France, 142, 145, 151 

— ceded by the treaty of Amiens, 148, 
149 

— evacuation of, countermanded, 149 

— captured by French adventurers, 
149, ISO, 151 

— synopsis of the successive occupa- 
tions of, 152 

Gosling, a merchant of London, 125 
Gran Grifon^ adventures of the, 43-48 

— Gritty fate of the, 53 

Grant Duff, Sir Mountstuart E., I 
Great Hautbois (Co. Norfolk), 69 
Guzman, Juan de, 51 



Hadiscob (Co. Norfolk), 69 
Hales, Christopher,. 120 

— John, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121 
Hall, Mr. H., 35 

Happisburgh (Co. Norfolk), 69, 79 
Hardy, Sir T. Duffus, 27 
Harrison, Mr. Frederic, 19 
Haur^u, M., 33 

Heath, Nicholas, Lord Chancellor, 114 
Hebrides, 51 

— Spanish ships lost on the, 41 
Heidelberg, 128, 129 

Hempstead (Co. Norfolk), 69, 70, 75, 

76, 78, 79, 81, 87 

Green Gate Mere in, 74 

tenants of, 76 

Historical Biblic^raphy, proposal for a 

new, 19-30 
Hobart, Lord, 149 
Hohenlohe, I*rince, 136 
Holmes, Sir Robert, 139 
Horstead (Co. Norfolk), 69, 70, 71, 75, 

76, 78, 79, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87 

— with Staninghall, tenants of, 76 



Hovenden, English officers named, 49, 

52,64 
Hughes, Admiral, 144, 145 
Hume, Major Martin A. S., 41 



Ingham (Co. Norfolk), 69, 79 
Innishowen Head, 48 
Isac, Edward, 116, 131 



Jesuits, some political theories of the 
early, 89-1 12 

— propaganda of the, 93, 94 

— political theories of the, 95, 96 
works of the, 99, 100 

— position of the, 112 
Jesus, Society of. See Jesuits 
Juliatia^ the ship, 55 



Kelly, Major John, 50, 64 

Keppel, Commodore, 142 

Killaloe, or Down, Cornelius, Bishop 

of, 49 
— Castle of, 51 
Killibegs, harbour of, 63 



Lacey, Marshal, 136 
Lamond Miss E., 116 
Langlois, M. Ch. V., 22 
Lasso, Don Rodrigo, 51, 52 
Laughton, Professor J. K., 42 
Lauzun, Due de, 144 
La Viay the ship, 63 
Lawson, John, 139 
Leadam, Mr. J. S., 113 
Legorreta, Captain, 48 
Lessingham (Co. Norfolk), 69, 70, 75, 
76, 78, 79, 81, 82, 87 

tenants of, 77 

Lespine, L'Abb^, 31 

Legoa, Don Alonso de, 62, 63, 64, 65 

Loghros Bay (Co. Donegal), 63 

Lord, Frewen, 139 

Lough Erne, 64 

— Foyle, 62 



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156 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 



Loxon, Col., Don Alonso de, 48, 49, 

51, 52, S3 
— Don Di^;o dc, 51 



MACLEOD, Lord, 14s 
Madan, Mr. F., 35 
Mah^, Chevalier, 150 
Maitland, Professor, F. W., 39 
Manglana, Castle of, 59 
Manrique, Don Antonio, 51 

Garcia, 48, 51 

Manstein, M. de, 136 

Marcolini, Count, 135 

Mariana, work of, 108 

Mas Latrie, M. de, 32, 33 

Mason, Sir John, 115 

Mc Donnell, Sorleyboy, 51, 52, 6$ 

Mc Glannogh, the, 59, 60, 61 

Mc Sweeny, the Irish chieftain, 54, 

61, 63, 64 
Medina, General Juan Gomez de, 43 

— Sidonia, Duque of, 42 

his co^'ardly flight, 43, 55 

Melville, Andrew, 46 

— James, 46 
Melvin Lake, 59 
Mendoza, Don Pedro de, 54 

— Ambassador of Spain, 66 
Meres (Meyres), Antony, 116, 131 
Meyer, M. P., 33 

Mullett headknd, 63 
Munster, Irish rebellion in, 65 



Nassau Siegen, Prince op, 135, 
137 

Nevell, Sir Heniy, 115, 129 

New Amsterdam, captured from the 
Dutch, 139 

New York, captured from the Dutch, 
139 

Nimeguen, peace of, 141 

Norfolk, surveys of Elizabethan vil- 
lages in, 67-88 

Norris, Thomas, 65 

Nova, Juan de, 48 

Nuestra SeHorfi de la Rose^ the, 65 



O'Dogherty, the, 49, 52, 53 

— castles of, 49, 52 

O'Donnell, the Irish chieftain, 54, 64 
0*Kane, an Irish gentleman, 51 

— Prince of Derry, 62 
O'Malley Dowdragh, 54 
O'NeU, Tirlogh Lcnogh, 64 
d'Onis, M., 135 
Oquendo, Capt., 42 

O'Rourke, the Irish chieftain, 54, 58, 

64,65 
Orkneys, Spanish ships lost on the, 41, 

43i 44» 48 

PaIwBography, study of, 35 
Palsgrave, Otto Henricus, the, 122^ 
128 

— officers of, 1 22-128 

Papacy, political doctrines of the, 91, 

92,93 
Paris, Mons. G., 33 
Paris, parliament of, 94 
Parma, Duke of, 48 
Parsons, Father, work by, 99 
' Passive Obedience,' doctrine of, 106, 

107 
Pavillet, M., 31 
Pillnitz, the conference of, 1 34- 138 

— misconceptions as to the, 133 

— arrival of royal personages at, 135, 
136 

Pitt, William, Earl of Chatham, 142, 

143 
Political theories of early Jesuits, 89- 

112 
Polybius, work of, incomplete, i 

— his style, 2 

— his subject matter, 2 

— as a moralist, 2 

— influence of, on Cicero, 2 

on Machiavelli, 2 

on Montesquieu, 2 

— on Plato, 3 

— his views of a constitution, 3 

— edition of, extracts from, 3 

— Oxford lectures on, 3 

— his curious modemness, 4 

— his cosmopolitan views, 4 



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INDEX 



157 . 



Polybius, his opinion of war, 4 

— as an advocate of peace, $ 

— his views on the making of modern 
history, S~8 

— his theory of climatic influences 
upon the national character, 7 

— his estimate of geography, 7 

his views on political leadership, 

8,9 

— on the duties of a commander, 9, lo 

— on the value of personal evidence, 10 

— his fatalism, 10 

— his cosmopolitan views, 1 1 

— on the uselessness of a hopeless 
existence, 11, 12 

— on national warfere, 12, 13 

— on the sites of Mediterranean cities, 

— his prescience, 1 5 

— his impartiality, 16 

— his views as to criticism, 16 
Poole, Mr. R. L., 35 
Potthast, August, 22 
PoweU, Prof. F. York, 31 
Prague, 136, 137 

Prussia, Frederick William III., king 
of, 134 

Raleigh, Sir Walter, 66 
I^a/a Caronadd, the ship, 62, 63 
Recalde, Capt., 42 

— Admiral, 65 

Records, deputy keeper of the, 39 

— arrangement of local, 38 

— training of archivists of, 35-40 
Refugees, narrative of the pursuit of 

the, in Germany, 1 13-132 
Rives, M., 32 
RoUe, Baron de, 136 
Rosi^re, M. Wallon de, 33 
Ruislip (CO. Middlesex) 69, 70, 7i» 75» 

81,85 
Ruyter, Michael de, 139, 140 

St. Louis, cajrital of Senegal, 142, 143 

— fort of, Uken by the French, 144, 

145 
Salas, Jean de, work by, 100 



Salto, Captain Beltram del, 50, 51 

Salvandy, Comte de, 32 

San Giuseppe, Colonel Sebastiano di, 

66 
San /tuMf Spanish ship so named, 42, 

48,65 
— /uan BautisiOf the galleon, 55 

— Juan de Sicilian the, 55 

— Marcos^ the ship, 65 
Saule, Arthur, 129 
Saxony, elector of, 134 
Scottow (CO. Norfolk), 69 
Sebastiani, Colonel, 149 
Senegal, 142, 143 
Sen^ambia, Brst called, 142 
Servois, M., 33 

Shannon, Spanish ships wrecked in 

the, 53 
Silesia, 135 
Simeon, M., 31 
Sligo, 54, 55, 57, 58 

— Bay, 55 

— Castle, 64 
Sonnenschein, W. S. , 22 
Spenser, Edmund, 66 
Spielmann, M., 136 
Spiers, 129-131 

Stafford, Sir William, 116, 129 
Staninghall (Co. Norfolk) 69, 71, 73, 

75, 76, 78, 81, 83, 85, 86, 87 
State, theories of the, 89, 90 

— theory of the government of the, 
102-104 

Strasburg, 130, 131 

Suarez, work of the Jesuit, 99 

Suffolk, Katherine, Duchess of, 114, 

121, 131 
Suffren, Admiral B. dc, 145 
Surveys of Elizabethan villages in 

Norfolk, 67-88 
Sutton, Edmonde, 119, 120 
Sybel, H. von, 133 



Tedder, Mr. H. R., 22 
Toft Monks (Co. Norfolk) 69, 71, 73, 
75, 76, 81, 82, 85, 87 

tenants of, 77 

— water mere at, 74 



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I $8 TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 



Topcliffe, Mr., 84 
Tralee, Bay of, 6$ 
Tremain, Nicholas, 129 

— Richard, 129 
Turpin, John, 125 
Turpyn, Thomas, 125 
T}Tannicide, condemnation of, 98 

— justification of, 105 
Tyrone Earl of, 53, 64 



Va/enzera, the ship, 43 
— adventures of the, 48-53 
Versailles, treaty of, 145 
* Vindiciae contra Tyrannos,' 93 



Wall, governor of Goree, his govern- 
ment, 146 

— his quarrel with governor 

Adams, 146 

his crime, 144, 146 

his trial, 147 

Walsham, south, (Co. Norfolk) 71 



Walsingham, secretary, 65 
Weinheim, castle of, 121 

— description of, 121, 122 

— English refugees at, 122-127 

— 'kelder' of, 1 23- 1 28 
Wesel, 121, 122, 131 
Westphalia, treaty of, 92 
West Wretham (co. Norfolk) 82 
Whetnall, Roger, 116, 131 

Whigs, parallel of the opinions of, 
with those of the Jesuits, 103, 
109 

Whittingham, William, 119 

Whitworth, Lord, 149 

Williams, William, 119 

Wood, Thomas, 119, 120 

— William, 119, 220 
Worge, Colonel, 143 
Wormes (Worms) 129 
Wroth, Sir Thomas, 115 
Wylkynson, Jane, 116, 118, 119, 131 



Zapata, Don Sebastian, 51 



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IIS St. Martin's Lane, W.C. 

January 21, 1897, 



REPORT OF THE COUNCIL. 



SESSION 1895-96. 



THE Council of the Royal Historical Society present their 
Annual Report to the General Meeting of the Fellows. 

The President delivered. his Annual Address on February 20. 

The following Papers were read and discussed at the Ordinary 
Meetings of the Society during the past Session. The year 1895 
was the six hundredth anniversary of the holding of Parliaments 
in England, and reference was made to this great constitu- 
tional subject in three of the Papers included in the Card of the 
Session : — 

< The First Parliament Roll.' By Hubert HaU, F.S. A. 

< The Parliament of Lincoln.' By Arthur Hughes, B. A. 

< Early Colonial Constitutions.' By J. P. Wallis. 

< Shakespeare as an Historian.' By Henry EUiot Maiden, M. A., 

Yice-Freskknt R. Hist S. 

< Early Christian Geography.' By C. Raymond Beazley, M. A. 
'The Celtic Chroniclers of Britain.' By J. Foster Earner, 

M.R.C.S., L.C.P. 

< Richard the Redeless.' By S. D. Holton, B.A. 

' The Foreign Policy of William Pitt in the First Dfecade of his 
Minbtry in its European Significance.' By Dr. Felix 
Salamon, Privat-Dozent in the University of Berlin. 



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i6o 

Most of the above papers have been printed in Volume X. of 
the New Series of the Sodet/s Transactions, 

The publication of Mr. Leadam's laige and important edition 
of the text of the ' Inquisition of 1517/ which was in the press at 
the close of last Session, has been still ftuther delayed by the 
discovery of fresh MSS. at the Public Record Office. It has 
now been passed for press, and will shortly be issued as a volume 
of neariy 700 pages, with an Introduction, Notes, Statistical 
Tables and Illustrative Documents, with the title of 'The 
Domesday of Inclosures.' 

The publication of three further volumes that were in pro- 
gress—namely, * The Secret Service Expenditure of Geoige III.,' 
•The Merchants of the Staple at Calais,' and 'The Military 
Despatches relating to the Second Coalition against Napoleon' — 
has been deferred pending the conclusion of the arrangements 
proceeding with the Camden Society for the publication of works 
in progress for each Society prior to their amalgamation in May 
next A provisional list was, however, circulated in November 
last announcing the titles of three vdlumes to be issued jointly by 
the two Societies at an early date, one of which, * The Archpriest 
Controversy,' edited for the Camden Society by Mr. T. G. Law, 
hxts already appeared. It is expected that within the next three 
months a further list will be issued containing the titles of at least 
six more volumes. 

The Librarian reports that nj IwnJw saWl (umphfels have 
Ixren added to the Library during ihx:^ yt^r iM^kd October 31, 
1 896, bringing the number of the books in the library up to 3,336. 
Of the additions, 19 volumes were acquirtd by purchase and the 
rest (69 volumes and 25 pamphlets) were presented. 

The Council append to their Report a Prospectus of the 
Objects of the Society and other information. 

They also append the Treasurer's statement of the financial 
position of the Society from November i, 1895, to October 31, 
1896. 



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Treasurer's Report, October 31, 1896. 

The Treasurer presents the Balance Sheet for the year ending 
October 31, showing the gross receipts for the year as 
£533- 14^' I i^-j and the expenditure ;;^42o. los. 9//., leaving a 
balance, including the amount brought forward from last year, of 
;^3o8. 4^. id. 

The Reserved Fund has been increased during the year by 
one life composition, dividends, and interest, amounting to 
;£22. IIS. 7^., leaving a balance invested and on deposit of 
;^44o. 4S. 4d. 

There are in arrears one guinea subscription for 1893, one for 
1894, three for 1895, and eleven for 1896 ; also one two-guinea 
subscription for 1893, two for 1894, eight for 1895, and thirty- two 
for 1896, amounting to ;^io7. 2s. Of these the Council have 
remitted five subscriptions amounting to ;£io. los. 

There are 179 Fellows paying two guineas, 126 paying one 
guinea, and 91 life and honorary, making a total of 396 Fellows at 
present in the Society. 

R. HovenDeK. 



N.S.— VOL. XL M 



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CHARTER OF INCORPORATION 



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CHARTER OF INCORPORATION 

OF THE 

ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 



vlCtoritt, BY THE GRACE OF GOD, of the United King- 
dom of Great Britain and Ireland, Queen, Defender of the Faith, 
TO ALL TO WHOM these Presents shall come. Greeting; 

WHEREAS Our right trusty and well beloved Councillor, Henry 
Austin, Baron Aberdare, Knight Grand Cross of Our most Honour- 
able Order of the Bath, Fellow of the Royal Society, has by his 
Petition humbly represented unto Us, That in the year one thousand 
eight hundred and sixty-eight, His Grace the Archbishop of York, 
the late Right Honourable John, Earl RusseU, K.G., F.R.S., the late 
Very Reverend the Dean of Westminster, Sir John Lubbock, Baronet, 
the late Sir John Bowring, LL.D., Sir Roundell Pahner, Q.C., M.P., 
D.C.L., now Earl of Selbome, the late George Grote, Esquire, 
F.R.S., and others of Our subjects formed themselves into a Society 
known as the Historical Society of Great Britain, having for its 
object the promotion of the study of History ; 

AND WHEREAS We were pleased in the year one thousand 
eight hundred and seventy-two to permit the said Society to adopt 
the name and title of the Royal Historical Society ; 

AND WHEREAS in the year one thousand eight hundred and 
eighty-seven We were pleased to become Patron of the said Royal 
Historical Society ; 

AND WHEREAS it has been represented to Us by the said 
Petitioner that the said Society has been and continues to be actively 
employed in promoting the object for which the said Society was 
founded, and has published thirteen volumes of Transactions con- 
taining original memoirs read before the Society, and did also in the 
year one thousand eight hundred and eighty-six appoint a Com- 



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i66 

mittee for the due celebration of the eight hundredth anniversary of 
the completion of the Domesday Book of His late Majesty William 
the First, by which Committee meetings for the reading of papers 
and exhibitions of Domesday Book and other manuscripts were held, 
and the papers read at the meetings have been published 
under the title of Domesday Studies, of which We have been pleased 
to accept the dedication, and the said Society has also published the 
despatches from Paris in one thousand eight hundred and two-one 
thousand eight hundred and three of Lord Whitworth, Ambassador 
of His late Majesty King George III ; 

AND WHEREAS the said Society has in aid of its objects 
collected a Library to which additions are constantly being made, 
and other property ; 

AND WHEREAS the said Petitioner, believing that the well- 
being and usefulness of the said Society would be materially pro- 
moted by its obtaining a Charter of Incorporation, hath therefore, 
on behalf of himself and the other Fellows of the said Society, most 
humbly prayed that We would be pleased to grant to those who now 
are, or who shall from time to time become Fellows of the said 
Society, Our Royal Charter of Incorporation ; 

NOW KNOW YE that We, being desirous of encouraging a 
design so laudable and salutary, of Our especial grace, certain know- 
ledge and mere motion, have granted, directed and declared, and by 
these Presents do grant, direct, and declare that the said Henry 
Austin, Baron Aberdare, and such others of Our loving subjects as 
now are Fellows of the said Royal Historical Society (hereinafter 
called the said Society), or as shall hereafter from time to time 
become under the provisions of these Presents Members of the Body 
Politic and Corporate by these Presents created, shall for ever here- 
after be one Body Politic and Corporate by the name of the ROYAL 
HISTORICAL SOCIETY; and for the purposes aforesaid, and by 
the name aforesaid, shall have perpetual succession and a Common 
Seal, with full power and authority to alter or vary, break and renew 
the same at their discretion, and by the same name to sue and be 
sued, implead and be impleaded, answer and be answered in every 
Court of Us, Our Heirs and Successors. 

AND Our will and pleasure is, that the Royal Historical Society 
hereby created (hereinafter called the Corporation) may, notwith- 
standing the Statutes of Mortmain, take, purchase, hold and enjoy 



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167 

to them and their successors a hall or house, and such other lands, 
tenements, and hereditaments as may be necessary for carrying out 
the purposes of the Society, Provided that the yearly value of such 
lands, tenements, and hereditaments (including the said hall or house) 
computed at the yearly value of the same at the time of the 
respective purchases or acquisition thereof do not exceed in the 
whole the sum of Two thousand pounds sterling. 

AND Our will and pleasure is, and We do hereby declare, That 
there shall always be a Council of the Corporation, and that the 
said Council shall consist of a President, not less than six Vice- 
Presidents, a Treasurer, a Secretary, and not less than fourteen 
Councillors, who shall be elected and retire in accordance with the 
Bye-laws for the time being of the Corporation, and that the 
present Council of the said Society shall be the first Council of the 
Corporation ; 

AND Our will and pleasure is. That the Council of the Corpora- 
tion may from time to time make, revoke, alter, and amend bye-laws 
for all or any of the following purposes, to wit : — 
(a) Prescribing the manner in which persons may become members 
. of the Corporation and the conditions of membership, and 
the rights, powers, duties, privileges, and amotion of the 
members of the Corporation ; 
(l) Prescribing the tenure of office by the President, Vice-Presi- 
dents, Treasurer, Secretary, and Councillors of the Corporation 
(including those hereby appointed), and the mode of electing 
or appointing future Presidents, Vice-Presidents, Treasurers, 
Secretaries and Councillors, and the rights, powers, duties, 
privileges, and amotion of the first and future Presidents, 
Vice-Presidents, Treasurers, Secretaries, and Councillors ; 

(c) With respect to the appointments, emoluments, and tenure of 

office of the officers and servants of the Corporation ; 

(d) The election or appointment and amotion of honorary members 

or Fellows of the Corporation (who may, if the bye-laws so 
declare, be either Our subjects or foreigners, or both) ; 

(e) The classes into which Members are to be admitted ; 

(/) Generally for regulating the affairs, property, business, and in- 
terests of the Corporation and its Council and Members, and 
making, revoking, altering, and amending bye-laws and 
carrying out the objects of these Presents j 




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i68 

Provided that such bye-laws shall not be valid unless and until they 
have been approved by a clear majority of the members of the 
Corporation present at a meeting specially summoned for the pur- 
pose, and Provided also that if any bye-law be contrary to the objects 
of the Corporation, or the intent or meaning of this Our Charter, or 
the laws or statutes of Our Realm, the same shall be absolutely null 
and void. 

WE do further direct and declare that the existing bye-laws of 
the said Society shall (so far as they are applicable) apply to the 
Corporation, its Council, members, and affairs until bye-laws made 
under these Presents have come into force but no longer. 

WE do further by these Presents declare that it is Our will and 
pleasure that these Presents may be repealed, altered, amended, or 
added to by any Charter granted by Us, Our Heirs and Successors, 
at any time hereafter, and accepted by a clear majority of the 
members of the Corporation present at a Meeting specially summoned 
for the purpose. 

IN WITNESS whereof We have caused these Our Letters to be 
made Patent WITNESS Ourself at Westminster, the thirtieth day 
of July, in the fifty-third year of Our Reign, 



By Warrant under the Queen's Sign Manual, 

MUIR MACKENZIE. 



© 



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BYE-LAWS 



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THE BYE-LAWS 

OF THE 

ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

(Incorporated by Royal Charter). 



I.— The Society shall consist of Ordinary, Corresponding, and 
Honorary Fellows. The number of Honorary Fellows shall not 
exceed Seventy-five j and of these not more than twenty-five shall be 
British subjects. 

II. — The Council shall be chosen from the Ordinary Fellows, 
and shall consist of not less than twelve Vice-Presidents, a Secretary, 
a Treasurer, and not less than sixteen Fellows. 

III. — The President shall be elected by the Fellows at the 
Anniversary Meeting, and shall hold office for a term of four years. 
The past Presidents shall be ex-officio Honorary Vice-Presidents 
of the Society. 

IV. — The three Vice-Presidents senior on the roll, and the four 
Members of Council senior on the roll, shall retire aimually, but 
shall be eligible for re-election. 

V. — ^The names of Fellows to be submitted for election as Office- 
Bearers and Members of Council shall be proposed by the Council, 
and intimated to the Fellows at least Fifteen days before the Anni- 
versary Meeting ; but any ten Fellows of the Society may nominate 



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172 

Fellows to supply vacancies, such names being notified to the 
Secretary at least Ten days before the said Meeting. If there 
should be more than three Candidates for the office of Vice-President, 
or more than four Candidates to fill the vacancies in the Council, the 
elections shall take place by ballot, as provided in Appendix 11. 

VI. — ^The Council shall determine the Works, Articles, and 
Papers to be read at the Society's Meetings, and otherwise shall 
arrange the business of the Society ; and nothing shall be published 
in the name of the Society, or under its auspices, or inserted in the 
Society's TVansactions or other publications, without the authority of 
the Council 

VII. — ^The Society shall distribute gratuitously to each Ordinary 
Fellow a copy of the Transactions as the volumes are issued, these 
to be forwarded firee of expense to all Fellows residing within the 
postal union. 

VIIL — Fellows shall have access to the Society's Library under 
such regulations as may appear to the Council necessary. 

IX. — Every person desirous of admission into the Society as an 
Ordinary Fellow must be proposed and recommended agreeably to 
the Form No. I. in the Appendix hereto, and such recommendation 
must be subscribed by two Fellows at least, one of whom must certify 
his personal knowledge of such candidate. The certificate thus filled 
up shall be delivered to the Secretary, and shall be communicated 
by him to the Council at their next meeting, when the election of 
such candidate may take place. 

X. — Fellows shall be elected by the Council on the vote of two- 
thirds of the Members of Council present The names of those so 
elected shall be announced at the next Ordinary Meeting of Fellows. 

XI. — ^The Secretary shall send to every elected Fellow notice 
of his election witliin seven days thereafter. No election of an 
Ordinary Fellow shall be complete, neither shall his name be 
printed in the list of the Society, nor shall he be entitled to 
exercise any of the privileges of a Fellow, until he shall have paid 



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173 

his entrance fee and first year's contribution, or compounded for the 
same, as hereinafter provided ; and unless these payments be made 
within three calendar months from the date of election, such election 
may be declared void by the Council. 

XII. — Every Fellow of the Society shall furnish his Address, or 
that of his Agent or Banker, to the Secretary ; and all notices or 
packets posted or sent to such address shall be held to be duly 
delivered. 

XIII. — ^The Council shall be empowered to elect persons of dis- 
tinction as Honorary Fellows, and also Corresponding Members, 
but these shall have no claim (unless on the usual annual payment) 
to receive the publications or vote at the Meetings of the Society. 
The Council shall also have power to elect in each year two persons 
eminent in historical studies, who shall have all the privileges of Life 
Fellows. 

XIV. — If any Fellow of the Society or any Honorary Fellow shall 
so demean himself that it would be for the dishonour of the Society 
that he longer continue to be a Fellow thereof, the Council shall take 
the matter into consideration ; and if the majority of the Members of 
the Council present at some meeting (of which and of the matter in 
hand such Fellow and every Member of the Council shall have due 
notice) shall decide by ballot to recommend that such Fellow be 
expelled from the Society, the Chairman shall at the next Ordinary 
Meeting announce to the Society the recommendation of the Council, 
and at the following Ordinary Meeting the question shall be decided 
by ballot, and if at least three- fourths of the number voting are in 
favour of the expulsion, the name of such Fellow shall forthwith be 
removed from the roll. 

XV.— The Annual Subscription shall be Two Guineas, provided 
always that Fellows elected prior to the ist of March, 1884, 
shall not be required to pay more than One Guinea annually, and 
Members of the Camden Society elected prior to the ist March, 
189s, the sum of One Poimd annually. The entrance fee shall be 
fixed from time to time by the Coimcil. 

XVI. — Fellows of the Society may at any time compound for 
their annual subscription by the single payment of Twenty Guineas, 



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174 

of which Fourteen Pounds Sterling shall be placed to the Capital 
Account of the Society. 

XVII. — No Fellow shall be entitled to exercise any of the 
privileges of the Society unless and until his subscriptions for the 
current and previous years have been paid. 

XVIII. — All Annual Subscriptions, except the first, shall be due 
and payable on the ist January, and any Fellow of the Society who 
shall fail to pay his subscription on or before the ist of June shall 
be applied to in writing by the Secretary; and if the same be not paid 
on or before the 31st October following, tiie Council shall be empowered 
to remove his name from the roll, but such Fellows shall continue 
liable to the Society for the arrears of their subscriptions. 

XIX. — ^The Meetings of the Society are of three kinds — Anniver- 
sary, Special, and Ordinary. 

XX. — ^The Anniversary Meeting shall be held on the Third 
Thursday of February, or at such other time as the Council shall 
from time to time appoint. At the Anniversary Meeting the 
vacancies in the Council shall be filled up. 

XXL— The Council may at any time caU a Special Meeting 
of the Society whenever it shall be considered necessary, and shall 
convene a Special Meeting of the Society on a requisition to that 
effect being made by twenty Fellows, the date of such Meeting being 
fixed within one month from the receipt of the requisition. 

XXIL — A fortnight's notice, at least, of the time when, and the 
object for which, every Special Meeting is to be holden shall be tent 
to every Fellow residing in the United Kingdom ; and no other 
business than that of which notice has been thus given shall be 
entered upon or discussed at such Meeting. 

XXIII. — At every Special Meeting of the Society ten Fellows 
shall form a quorum. 



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175 

XXIV.— The Ordinary Meetings shall be held on the third 
Thursday of each month, from November to June inclusive in 
each year, or at such other times as the Council shall determine. 

XXV. — At the Ordinary Meetings papers and communications 
shall be read and discussed ; but nothing relating to the regulations 
or management of the Society shall be brought forward. 

XXVI. — Visitors to the Ordinary Meetings may be admitted, if 
introduced personally by Fellows, or by their written order, under 
such regulations as the Council may determine. 

XXVII.— In all Meetings of the Council five shall be a quorum, 
and all questions shall be decided by show of hands, unless a ballot 
be demanded. 

XXVIII.— The Accounts of the Society shall be from time to time 
examined by the Council, who shall present, and cause to be read to 
the Anniversary Meeting a complete statement thereof, together with 
a report on the general affairs of the Society during the preceding 
year. 

XXIX,— The Council shall appoint any persons they deem fit 
to be salaried officers or clerks, for carrying on the necessary 
concerns of the Society ; and shall define the duties to be performed 
by them respectively, and shall allow to them respectively such 
salaries, gratuities, and privileges as the Cotmcil may deem proper ; 
and may suspend or discharge any officer or clerk from office 
whenever there shall lieem to them occasion for so doing. 

XXX. — ^The Cotmcil shall elect their own Chairman and Vice- 
Chairman to preside over their Meetings, and in the absence of both 
any Member of Council present may be elected to preside. 

XXXI. —In all Meetings of the Society and Council, except in 
the cases otherwise provided for, the decision of a majority of the 
Fellows voting shall be considered as the decision of the Meeting, 
the President or Chairman having a casting vote only. 



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176 

XXXII. — ^The Treasurer shall receive all moneys due to the 
Society, and on the order of the Council pay out of the moneys so 
received all charges on the Society's funds ; he shall keep a proper 
accoimt of his receipts and payments. All cheques or orders on 
the Treasurer or his banker for the payment of any sum of money 
above ;^ 2 shall be signed at a Meeting of the Council by three 
Members thereof, or by two Members with the counter signature 
of the Secretary for the time being. 

XXXIII. — At the last Ordinary Meeting in each session, the 
Fellows shall choose two Auditors, not of the Council, who, with 
one Auditor appointed by the Council, shall audit the Treasurer's 
accounts, and report thereon to the Society, which report shall 
be presented to the Anniversary Meeting. 

XXXIV. — On a vacancy occurring in the office of President or 
other office of the Society, or in the Council, the Council shall have 
power to supply such vacancy until the following Anniversary 
Meeting. 

XXXV. — Any Fellow of the Society who proposes to read a 
Paper at any Ordinary Meeting shall ^ubmit it for the approval of 
the Coimcil, and shall state in writing whether such Paper has, in 
whole or in part, been previously read to any other Society, or 
publicly utilised in any form ; but it shall rest with the Council to 
determine whether a Paper shall be read or utilised by the Society. 



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APPENDIX 



N.S.— VOL XL 



N 



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179 



No. L 
FORM OF A CANDIDATE'S CERTIFICATE. 

Crrtiffcatt of Cantiitiatt for O^Irttioiu 

Name, . 

Titie^ Profession^ or Occupation^ „ 

Residence^ ^„ 

being desirous of admission into the Royal Historical SocietY| 
we the undersigned recommend him as a fit and proper person to 
be admitted as a Fellow. 

Dated this day of. „ _ i %^ 

^^•^'••^M w^S"^ 

„..._„ F.R. Hist Sac. j j,^^ ^^^^^ 

F.Jt. Hist. Soc. ) ^^l'<l&' 



Proposed...^. „...i89 

Elected. -.._ 189. 



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No. II. 



A VOTE by ballot, when nece5sar}', shall be conducted in the usual 
manner, and the Secretary shall cause Voting Papers to be prepared 
for that purpose in the foUowing form : — 



VOTING PAPER. 
Election held 



.18. 



Candidates 
for the 
ojfutof 

Pnesident: 








I. . „ „ 




Vice- 


r .- 




President : 






O' - ^" „..-.. XX. ....X. XX... 






Retiring Members who offer themselves for 
re-election : 

I .„.../. 






2. 




For the 
Council: 


3 " — 

Candidates nominated under Role V. : 







6 






7 






1 

8 











Fellows shall record their votes by putting a cross against the names of the 
Candidates in whose fayour they wish to vote. If any Fellow shall record his 
vote for more Candidates than there are vacancies, his Voting Paper shall be void. 



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No. UL 
FORM OF LEGACY 

I give and bequeath unlo the Royal Historical Society the 
stun of jQ such legacy to be paid out of such 

part of my personal estate, not specifically bequeathed, as the law 
permits to be appropriated by will to such a purpose. 



Note: — Gifts may be made by will of stock in the public funds, 
shares or debentures of railway or other joint-stock companies, or 
money be paid out of the testator's pure personal estate, or of 
personal chattels. 



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(INCORPORATED BY ROYAL CHARTER.) 



OFFICER S AND C0UNCIL~ 1896-97. 
patron. 

HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN. 

^resilient 
The Rt. Hon. Sir MouNTSxtJART E. Grant Duff, G.CS.I. 

Vitt'^xt%\btnt%. 

The Lord Acton. 

Hon. G. C. Brodrick, D.C.L. 

Oscar Browning, M.A. 

Professor Montagu Burrows, M.A., F.S.A. 

S. R. Gardiner, M.A., LL.D. 

Frederic Harrison. 

W. E. H. Lecky, M.A, M.P. 

Sir John Lubbock, Bart., M.P., D.C.L. 

H. E. Malden, M.A. 

Professor Max Muller, M.A., LL.D. 

Professor H. F. Pelham, M.A. 

The Earl of Rosebery, ICG. 

Sir Donald Mackenzie Wallace. 

(SoundU 
C. Raymond Beazley, M.A., F.R.G.S. 
Rev. J. Franck Bright, D.D. 

{AMES J. Cartwright, M.A., F.S.A. 
Lev. W. Cunningham, D.D., LL.D. 
Rev. J. Silvester Davies, M.A., F.S.A. 
C. H. Firth, M.A. 
Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice. 

{AMES Gairdner, LL.D. 
Iajor Martin A. S. Hume. 
Rev. William Hunt. 
George Hurst, J.P. 
I . S. Leadam, M.A. 

Professor F. W. Maitland, M.A., LL.D. 
Colonel G. B. Malleson, C.S.L 
C. W. C. Oman, M.A., F.S.A. 
Professor G. W. Prothero, LittD. 
B. F. Stevens. 

Ven. Archdeacon Thornton, D.D, 
Professor T. F. Tout. 
J. E. P. Wallis, M.A. 

treasurer. 

R. Hovenden, F.S.A.1 Heathcote, Park Hill Road, Croydon. 

librarian anlv Cletft. 

Thomas Mason, 115 St. Martin's Lane, W.C. 

Birector anlv |^on. ^ecretarj;. 

Hubert Hall, F.S.A., 60 Chancery Lane, W, 



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Itogal ibisfortcal ^ocicfg. 



finance Qommitlee. 

Rev. Professor W. Cunningham, D.D., LL.D. 
C. R. Beazley, M.A., F.R.G.S. 
R. HOVENDEN, F.S.A. 

Major Martin A. S. Hume. 
H. E. Malden, M.A. 

B. F. Stevens. 

Hubert Hall, F.S.A., Director and Hon. Sec. 
T. Mason, Clerk, 

SXbxaxxt @ommif{cc. 

C. R. Beazley, M.A., F.R.G.S. 

Rev. Professor W. Cunningham, D.D., LL.D. 
R. Hovenden, F.S.A. 

B. F. Stevens. 

The Ven. Archdeacon Thornton, D.D. 
J. E. P. Wallis, M.A. 

Hubert Hall, F.S.A., Director and Hon. Sec. 
T. Mason, Clerk. 

^MbXxcaixon @ommiffcc. 

Rev. Professor W. Cunningham, D.D., LL.D. 

C. H. Firth, M.A. 
James Gairdner, LL.D. 

S. R. Gardiner, M.A., LL.D. 

Fred^iric Harrison. 

Rev. William Hunt. 

H. E. Malden, M.A, 

R. Hovenden, F.S.A.> Treasurer. 

Hubert Hall, F.S.A., Director and Hon. Sec. 

T. Mason, Clerk. 



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LIST OF FELLOWS 

AND OF 

LIBRARIES SUBSCRIBING 

ON NOVEMBER i, 1897. 



Names of Members of Council are printed i$t small capitals. 
Those marked * have compounded for their Annual Subscriptions, 



Aberdeen University. 
Abbot, Richard, Forcett, near Darlington. 

Aburrow, Charles, Commercial Buildings, Commissioner Street, Johannesburg, 
Transvaal, S. Africa. 

♦ Ackers, B. St. John, Huntley Manor, Gloucester. 

♦Acton, The Lord, Regius Professor of Modern History at Cambridge, 

Athenaeum Club, S.W. 
Adelaide Public Library, S. Australia. 

Adshead, G. H., Fern Villas, 94 Bolton Road, Pendleton, Manchester. 
Aiya, V. Nagam, B.A., Settlement Dewan Peishcar, Travancore, S. India. 
Aldenham, Lord, St. Dunstan*s Villa, Outer Circle, Regent's Park, N.W. 

♦ Alexander, L. C, Holly Lodge, Upper Park Field, Putney. 
Allen, Rev. G. C, M.A., CraiUeigh School, Surrey. 

Altschul, Dr., F.R.G.S., F.R.S.L., M.C.P., M. Philolog. Soc., 9 Old Bond 
Street, W. 

♦ Amherst, Earl, Montreal, Sevenoaks, Kent 
Andrew, William, 2 Park Row, Hull. 

Andrews, A. Westlake, M.A., Wells House, Malvern Wells, Worcestershire. 
Anthony, Charles, 166 Rosendale Road, West Dulwich, S.E. 
Arnold, Arthur Claude, M.A., 20 Wilton Street, Grosvenor Place, S.W. 
Ashbee, H. S., F.S.A., F.R.G.S., Fowler*s Park, Hawkhurst, Kent. 

♦ Ashcombe, Lord, 123 St. George's Square, Pimlico, S.W, 
Aspden, Thomas, En^and Office, 291 Strand, W.C. 



Backhouse, Jonathan E., Bank, Darlington. 

Baer, Messrs. J., & Co., Frankfort. 

*Baguley, Henry, 6 Park Road, Wandsworth, S.W. 

Baker, James, Sewella Villa, Clidon, Bristol. 

Baltimore, Peabody Institute. 

Baltimore, Enoch Pratt Library. 

Ballinger, John, Librarian, Public Libraries, Cardiff. 



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1 86 LIST OF FELLOWS AND LIBRARIES. 

Banks, M. L., M. A., The Redlands, Tiverton, N. Devon. 

♦ Barnard, John, Spring Hall, Sawbridgeworth, Herts. 
Barnard, F. P., M.A., F.S.A., St. Mary's Abbey, Windermere. 

♦ Barrett, T. Squire, M.A.I., F.Z.S., F.S.S., F.R.B.S., Wistaria House, High 

Street, Berkhampsted. 

♦ Barry, Frederick, 32 Barcombe Avenue, Streatham HiU. 
Bartlett, Franklin, 82 Times Buildings, New York. 
Bates, Octavius L, San Rafael, California, U.S.A. 
Bateson, Miss Mary, 74 Huntingdon Road, Cambridge. 

Baxter, Wynne E., F.R.G.S., 170 Church Street, Stoke Newington. 
Beazley, Charles Raymond, M.A., F.R.G.S., Merton College, Oxford, and 

13 The Paragon, Blackheath, S.E. 
Bedford, His Grace the Duke of, Wobum Abbey, Beds. 
Belfast, Queen*s College. 

Benson, Arthur Christopher, B.A., Eton College. 
Berlin, Bibliothek des Deutschen Reichstages. 
Berlin, Royal Library. 
Berry, William Thomas, Head Master, Winchester Street Board School, i5Fulham 

Place, Maida Vale, W. 
Bethlehem, South Penn, U.S.A., Lehigh University. 
♦Bevington, Colonel S. R., Neckinger Mills, Bermondsey, S.E, 

♦ Biden, Lewis, I The Elms, Allison Road, Acton, W. 

Billing, Rev. F.A., D.D., LL.D., F.R.S.L., 7 St. Donatt's Road, NewCross,S.E. 

Bird, Rev. A. F. Ryder, Forest Hill House, Honor Oak, S.E. 

Birmingham Library. 

Birmingham Free Library. 

Blanch, John Tempest, Hope Villa, 59 Coltart Road, Liverpool. 

Bliss, William H., Rome ; 13 Canterbury Road, Oxford. 

Bolton Public Free Library. 

Bonwick, James, Yarra Yarra, South Vale, Norwood. 

Borrow, W. S., B.A., Christ College, Brecon. 

Boston Athenaeum, U.S.A. 

Boston Free Library. 

Bo wen, E. E., Harrow School. 

Boyle, Miss Cecilia, 48 Queen's Gate Terrace, S.W. 

Boynton, Thomas, Norman House, Bridlington Quay, Yorks. 

♦Brackenridge, George Washington, San Antonia, Texas, U.S. A 

Bradford Subscription Library. 

Braikenridge, William Jerdone, 16 Royal Crescent, Bath. 

Bramwell, Sir F. J., F.R.S., 5 Great George Street, Westminster, S.W. 

Brent, Francis, F.S. A., 6 Tothill Avenue, Plymouth. 

Breslau University Library. 

Bright, Rev. James Franck, D.D., Master of University College, Oxford. 

Brighton Public Library. 

Briscoe, John Potter, Public Libraries, Nottingham. 

Bristol Museum and Library (Bishop's College). 

Britten, Lieut. -Col. John, 106 Cambridge Gardens, North Kensington, W. 

♦ Brocklehurst, Septimus, F.R.G.S., Olinda, iVigburth Drive, Sefton Park, 

Liverpool. 
Brodrick, The Hon, George C, D.C.L., Warden of Merton College, Oxford. 
Brough, William S., Fowlchurch, Leek, Staffordshire. 
Brown, Henry Thomas, Roodeye House, Chester. 
Brown, Thomas Forster, Guildhall Chambers, Cardiff. 
Browne, Harold C. G., 61 Carey Street, Lincoln's Inn, W.C. 
Browning, Miss M.A., The Beehive, Windsor. 
Browning, Oscar, M.A., King's College, Cambridge. 
Buchanan, William Frederick, F.R.G.S., Union Club, Sydney, New South Wales, 



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LIST OF FELLOWS AND LIBRARIES. 1 87 

Buck, J. H. Watson, Richmond Terrace, Whitchurch, Salop. 

♦ Burdett-Coutts, The Baroness, i Stratton Street, W. 

Burrows, Professor Montagu, M.A., F.S.A., Chicbele Professo of Modem 

History, Oxford, 9 Norham Gardens, Oxford. 
Bursill, J. F., * Ye Cave,' Bennerley Road, Wandsworth Common, S.W. 
Boshby, H. J., Wormley Bury, Broxboume. 
♦Butt, Arthur N., London Institution, Finsbury Circus, E.C. 



Caley, Rev. W. B. Russell, M.A., The Vicarage, Watton, S.O., Norfolk. 

Calilomia University. 

Cambridge, Christ's College. 

Cambridge, King's College. 

Cambridge, St. Catherine's College. 

Cambridge, St. John's College. 

Cambridge, Trinity College. 

Camidge, William, 36 Monkgate, York. 

Canterbury, Dean and Chapter Library. 

♦ Carillon, J. Wilson, F.S.A., The Chimes, Richmond, Surrey. 

♦ Carington, H. H. Smith, Stanley Grove, Oxford Road, Manchester. 
Camelt, George Frederick, Sevenoaks. 

Canlidge, S. J., School of Art, Hanley, Staffordshire. 

Cartwright, Jam^ J., M.A., F.S.A., Public Record Offire, London. 

• Catlett, William Henry, F.LS., Burwood, Sydney. N.S.W. 
Chadwick, S. J., Lyndhurst, Oxford Road, Dewsbury. 

* Chance, James Frederick, M.A., 51 Prince's Gate, Kensington, W. 

♦ Chancellor, E. Bercsford, M.A., F.R.H.S., Orchardene, Bedford Park, W. 

* Chase, George B., A.M., Boston, Mass., U.S.A. 
Cheltenham Permanent Library. 

Chicago Public Library. 

Chicago, Newberry Library. 

Childs, Horatio, St. Martin's Northern Schools, Castle Street, Long Acre, W.C. 

Chorlton, Thomas, 32 Brazcnose Street, Manchester. 

* Church, George Earl, F.R.G.S., 216 Cromwell Road, S. Kensington. 

* Cliff, John, F.G.S., Nisbct, Fulneck, near Leeds. 
Coate, James, Lea Coombe House, Axminster, Devon. 

Cobb, Cyril Stephen, B.C.L, M.A., F.R.G.S., i Dr. Johnson's Buildings, 

Temple, E.C., and Hughenden, Berrylands, Surbiton. 
Cockle, George, 9 Bolton Gardens, S.W. 

Coleman, Everard Home, F.R.A.S., F.R.G.S., 71 Brecknock Road, N. 
Colles, Richard Ramsay. J.P., M.R.I.A., F.S.A., i Wilton Terrace, Dublin. 
Collins, Rev. Prof. W. E., M.A., 7 Trinity Square, E.C. 
Congress Library, Washington, United States, f cr E. G. Allen, 28 Henrietta 

Street, Covent Garden. 
Cooke-Taylor, R. W., 121 West Regent Street, Glasgow, 
Coop, James Ogden, B.A., Albemarle, Ashton-under-Lyne. 
Copenhagen Royal Library. 
Corbett, John, M.P., Imprey, Droitwich. 

♦ Corbett, William, B.A., 44 Roland Gardens, Kensington. 
Cornell University. 

Cotgreave, Alfred, Rokeby House, Broadway, Stratford, E. 
Cottam, Samuel, F.R.A.S., F.C.A., 49 Spring Gardens, Manchester. 
Courtauld, George, M.P., Cut Hedge, near Halstead, Essex. 
Cowell, Peter, Free Public Library, Liverpool. 
Crake, Rev. Edward E., Jevington Rectory, Polegate, Sussex. 
Crawford, The Eari of, F.R.S., 2 Cavendish Square, W. 

♦ Crawford, J. W., East Street Mills, Leeds. 



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1 88 LIST OF FELLOWS AND LIBRARIES. 

Crawley, William John Chetwode, LL.D., D.CL., F.R.G.S., F.G.S., 3 and 4 

Ely Place, Dublin. 
Crockford, Frederick, Silverdale, Sydenham. 

♦ Crofton, Henry M., F.R.A.S., M.R.I.A., Inchmappa, Ashford, county 

Wicklow. 
♦Cunningham, Rev. W., D.D., LL.D., Trinity Collie, Cambridge. 
Currie, John Lang, Eildon, Grey Street, St. Kilda, Victoria, Australia. 
Curzon, Frank, 35 Hanover Square, Leeds. 

Dalton, Thomas M,, Darrington, Camberley, Surrey. 
Dames, R. S., Longworth, 21 Herbert Street, Dublin. 

♦ Davids, Professor T. W. Rhys, LL.D., 21 Honor Oak Road, S.E. 
Davies, Francis, Robert, Hawthorn, Blackrock, Dublin. 

Davies, Sir R. Henry, Bart., K.C.S.L, C.I.E., F.R.G.S., 20 Hyde Park Gate, 

S.W. 
Davies, Rev. J. Silvester, M.A., F.S.A., Adelaide House, Forts Hill, 

Enfield. 
Davis, Colonel John, A.D.C., F.S.A., Whitmead, Tilford, Surrey. 
Dawson, Rev. W., M.A., Susancourt, Loughton, Essex. 

♦ Dees, Robert Richardson, The Hall, Wallsend, Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
Denham, Edward, 384 Acushnet Avenue, New Bedford, Mass., U.S.A. 
Derby, Earl of, 33 St. James's Square, S.W. 

De Vaynes, Miss J. A. L., Updown, near Margate. 

Dilke, Right Hon. Sir C. W., Bart., 76 Sloane Street, S.W. 

♦ Dimelow, John Gartside, Landsmere, Palatine Road, Didsbury. 
Ditchfield, Rev. P. H., Barkham Rectory, Wokingham, Berks. 
Doble, C. E., 21 Winchester Road, Oxford. 

lyOli^e, Mons., Strasburg (c/o. Messrs. Kegan Paul, Triibner & Co.). 

Dothie, Rev, Elvery, 47 C)ngton Grove, Sydenham, S.E. 

Downes, Joseph James, ' The Hollies,' Macclesfield. 

Drummond, Major Francis Henry Rutherford, c/o Messrs. H. S. King & Co., 

45 Pall Mall, S.W. 
Dublin, Kind's Inn Library. 
Dublin, National Library of Ireland. 
Dublin, Royal Irish Academy. 
Durham University. 
Dyer, Edward Jerome, 39 Regent's Park Road, N.W. 

Earle, Frederick, 2 Ryder Street, St. James's. 

Eckersley, James Carlton, M.A., F.R.G.S., F.S.S., Ashfield, Wigan, 

Lancashire. 
Edinburgh University. 

Edinburgh Library of the Writers to the Signet. 
Edinburgh Public Library. 

♦ Edwin-Cole, James, Swineshead Hall, near Boston, Lincolnshire. 
♦Elliot, John, Free Library, Wolverhampton. 

Elsom, Henry, High Class School, St. Bede's, Hornsea, E. Yorks. 
Evans, Sir John, K.C.B., Nash Mills, Hemel Hempstead. 
♦Evans, Patrick F., 54 Longridge Road, S.W. 

♦ Evans, W., The Spring, Kenil worth, Warwickshire. 
Exeter, Devon and Exeter Institution. 

♦ Ezard, Dr. Edward Henry, 220 Lewisham High Road, S.E. 

♦ Farquhar, Sir Walter R., Bart., 18 King Street, St. James's. 
Fellows, James J., 94 Paul Street, Finsbury, E.C. 



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LIST OF FELLOWS AND LIBRARIES. 1 89 

Feret, C. J., 49 Edith Road, West Kensington, S.W. 

* Ferguson, Professor John, M.A., LL.D., University, Gla^ow. 
Ferguson, Robert, M.P., Morton, Carlisle. 

* Ferrers, The Earl, Staunton Harrold, Melbourne, Derby. 

* Ffytche, John Lewis, The Terrace, Freshwater, Isle of Wight. 
Field, Rev. Edmund, M.A., Lancing College, Shoreham. 
Figgis, Rev. J. N., M. A., St. Cathai-ine's College, Cambridge. 

* Finnemore, The Hon. Mr. Justice, Supreme Court, Pietermaritzburg, Natal, 

South Africa. 
Firth, Charles Harding, M.A., 33 Norham Road, Oxford. 
Firth, Solomon, 21 Upper Tichbourne Street, Leicester. 
Fitch, Edwin F., 66 Bishopsgate Street, E.C. 
Fitzgerald, Gerald Beresford, F.S.A., 63 Eaton Square, S.W. 

* Fitzgerald, Major William George. 

Fn-ZMAURiCE, Lord Edmond George, Leigh House, Bradford-on-Avon, Wilts. 
Fleming, Sandford, C.E., C.M.G., LL.D., Ottawa, Canada. 

* Fletcher, John S., Treheme House, Hampstead, N.W, 

* Fletcher, Rev. William, D.D., 32 Jasper Road, Norwood. 
Fooks, William, M.A., LL.B., 2 Brick Court, Temple, E.C. 
Ford, John Rawlinson, Quarrydene, Weetwood, Leeds. 

Fox, Francis F., Yate House, Chipping Sodbury, Gloucestershire. 

* Freake, Lady, ii Cranley Place, S.W. 
Freeman, J. J., 23 Abingaon Street, S.W, 

Fryer, Alfred C, Ph.D., M.A., F.C.S., 13 Eaton Crescent, Clifton, Bristol. 

* Fumivall, Frederick J., M.A., LL.D., 3 St. George's Square, Primrose 

Hill, N.W. 



Gairdner, James, West View, Pinner, Middlesex. 

Galbraith, Rev. Matthew, M.A., F.R.G.S., Ferryhill, Aberdeen, N.B. 

Gardiner, F. J., The Crescent, Wisbech. 

Gardiner, Henry Trevor, 22 Sutton Road, Watford, Hefts. 

Gardiner, Samuel Rawson, M.A., LL.D., 7 South Park, Sevenoaks. 

Garrett, J. P., 38 Great James Street, Bedford Row, W.C. 

♦ Garstin, John Ribton, M.A., F.S.A., M.R.I. A., Braganstown, Castle Belling- 

ham, CO. Louth. 
Gasquet, Rev. Francis Aidan, D.D., St. Gregory's College, Downside, Bath. 
Gill, John, Penryn, Cornwall. 

Giuseppi, M. S., F.S.A., Public Record Office, Fetter Lane, E.G. 
Glasgow, Baillie's Institution. 
Glasgow, Faculty of Procurators' Library. 
Glasgow, Mitchell Library. 
Glasgow, University Library. 

Godfrey, William, 6 Pier Road, Rosherville, Gravesend. 
Gottingen University. 

♦ Gough, Henry, Sandcroft, Redhill, Surrey. 

Gower, Lord Ronald, Stafford House, St. James's, London. 

♦Grant Duff, The Right Hon. Sir Mountstuart Elphinstonf, G.C.S.I., 

President^ 11 Chelsea Embankment, S.W. ; and Lexden Park, Colchester. 
Green, Rev. Edward Dyer, M.A., Bromborough Rectory, Birkenhead, Cheshire. 
Green, Samuel S., Free Public Library, Worcester, Mass., U.S.A. 
Greenfield, Benjamin Wyatt, F.S.A., 4 Cranbury Terrace, Southampton. 
Greifswald University. 

♦ Grey, Sir George, K.C.B., Auckland, New Zealand. 
Grimsey, B. P., Stoke Lodge, Ipswich. 

Guilding, Rev. J. M., St. Lawrence's Vicarage, Reading. 



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190 LIST OF FELLOWS AND LIBRARIES. 

Hackwood, Frederick \V., J. P., 66 Bridge Street, Wednesbury. 

* Hailstone, Edward, 9 Rue de Tocqueville, Paris. 

Hale, Surgeon-Major Thomas Egerton, B.A., M.D., V.C, Faddiley Lodge, 

near Nantwich, Cheshire. 
Hales, Professor John W., M. A., I Oppidans Road, Primrose Hill, N.W. 
Hall, Rev. Enoch, Glensdale, Poole, Dorset. 

Hall, Hubert, F.S.A., Director and Hon, Sec, 60 Chancery Lane, W.C. 
Hall, William Robert, Broxboume, Herts. 
Halle, Konig Universitats Bibliolhek. 
Hamburg City Library. 

Hamilton, Walter, Ellarbee, Elms Road, Clapham Common. 
Hannay, David, 169 CamberwcU Grove, S.E. 
Harben, Sir Henry, Seaford Lodge, Fellows Road, N.W. 
Hardcastle, Joseph Alfred, 54 Queen*s Gate Terrace, S. W. 
Hare, Sholto H., 7 Litfield Place, Clifton, Bristol. 
Harris^ James Howard, Porthleven, Helston, Cornwall. 

* Harrison, Frederic, 38 Westbourne Terrace, W. 

Harvard University Library, c/o Kegan Paul, Triibner & Co., Paternoster House* 
Charing Cross Road, W.C. 

* Harvey, William Marsh, Goldington Hall, Bedford. 

Hatt, John Brander, St. Benedict's Abbey, Fort Augustus, N.B. 

Hay, James A. C, C.E., M.R.S.G.S., c/o Col. Hay, Craignbh, Filsham Park, 

St. Leonards. 
Headlam, J. W., King's College, Cambridge. 
Healey, Edward Charles, Wyphurst, near Guildford. 
Heap, Ralph, I Brick Court, Temple, E.C. 

Heaviside, Rev. George, B.A., F.R.G.S., 7 Grosvenor Street, Coventry. 
Herries, The Lord, Everingham Park, York. 
♦Herz, Dr. Cornelius, F.R.G.S., Bournemouth. 
Ileywood, Tames, F.R.S., 26 Kensington Palace Gardens, W. 
Hill, Frank H., 3 Morpeth Terrace, Victoria Street, S.W. 
Hill, Rev. H. Ernest, Abbey School, Beckenham. 
Hill, Samuel Thomas, F.R.G.S., Stebonhethe, Northcote Road, St. Margaret's, 

Twickenham. 

* Hinmers, William, Cleveland House, Lancaster Road, Eccles, Manchester. 
Hodgkin, Dr. Thomas, Bamburgh Keep, Bedford. 

Hodgson, Shadworth Hollway, 45 Conduit Street, W. 
Holmes, Emra, F.R.S.A.I., ii Bon Accord Crescent, Aberdeen. 
Hooper, George N., Elmleigh, Hayne Road, Beckenham, S.E. 
Hopkins, J. Satchell, Jesmond Grove, Edgbaston, Birmingham. 
Hornby, Rev, James John, D.D., F.R.G.S., Provost of Eton, Eton College 
Windsor. 

* Homiman, F. J., Surrey Mount, Forest Hill, S.E. 

* Hovenden, Frederick, Glenlea, Thuriow Park Road, West Dulwich, S.E. 
HovENDEN, Robert, Treasurer, Heathcote, Park Hill Road, Croydon. 
Howarth, W., 10 Clifford's Inn, E.C. 

Hughes, Arthur, 15 Montague Road, Richmond, Surrey. 

Hull Public Library. 

Hull Subscription Library. 

Hume, Major Martin Andrew Sharp, 14 Cavendish Mansions, Portland 

Place, W. 
Humphery, George Richard, 16 St. Donatt's Road, New Cross, S.E, 
Hunt, Rev. William, 24 Phillimore Gardens, Caropden Hill, W. 
Hurst, George, J.P., Kingsbrook House, St. Mary's, Bedford. 
Hussanally, A. A., Queen's College, Oxford. 
Hutton, Rev. William Holden, St. John's College, Oxford. 



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LIST OF FELLOWS AND LIBRARIES. 19I 



Inderwick, F. A., Q.C., 8 Warwick Square, S.W, 
Ireland, National Library of [See Dublin). 



Jackson, Richard Charles, Bowyer Park, Camberwell, S.E. 
Jago-Trelawny, Major-General John, F.R.G.S., Coldrenick, Liskeard, Corn- 
wall. 
James, John, B.A., St. Teilo's School, Llandilo, Carmarthenshire. 
Jamieson, George Auldjo, M.A., F.S.A., 37 Drumsheugh Gardens, Edinburgh* 
Jefferson, Rev. John, Lime Grove, Rawtenstall, Lanes. 
Jessopp, Rev. Augustus, D.D., Seaming Rectory, East Dereham, Norfolk. 
Tohnson, W. G., 46 Gower Street, Bedford Square, W.C. 
Jonas, Alfred C, Fairfield, Poundfald, Penclawdd, R.S.O., Glam. 
• Jones, Joseph, Abberley Hall, Stourport, Worcestershire. 
Jones, Charles Edwin, 9 Manor Terrace, Lea Bridee Road, Leyton, Essex. 
Jones, Rev. Owen Baldwyn, 63 Mount Street, Northwood, Hanley, Staffs. 
Judd, James, J. P., East Knoll, Upper Norwood, S.E. 



H.II. Kerala Varma, of Travancore, India. 

Kerr, Robert, 23 Milton Place, Halifax. 

Kingston, Alfred, Royston, Herts. 

Kinman, G. W., M.A., The Grammar School, Dolgelly. 

Kirkpatrick, Robert, I Queen Square, Strathbiingo, Glasgow. 

Knibbs, Rev. Charles, Heatherdon, Tor Vale, Torquay. 

Konigsberg Royal Library. 



Lach-Szyrma, Rev. W. S., Barkingside Vicaiage, II ford, 

de Lamarre, Louis Bert, Bridgetown, Barbados, B.W.I. 

Lane, Rev. C. Arthur, « Parkside,' Acton Vale, W. 

♦Larkin, Matthew, J.P., F.R.G.S. 

Lawson, Rev. John Sharpe, M.A., LL.D., St. George's Vicarage, Bamsley, 

Vorks. 
Lawton, William, Nunthorpe, York. 

Leadam, Isaac Saunders, M.A., 117 St. George's Square, S.W. 
Leathes, F. de M., Radnor Park Road, Folkestone. 
» Lecky, Right Hon. W. E. H., M.A., M.P., 38 Onslow Gardens, S.W. 
Leeds library. 

Leggott, J. H., 104 Derby Road, Nottingham. 
Leicester Free Library. 
Lewis, Rev. Thomas Curling, Dodbrooke Rectory, Kingsbridge, Devon. 

♦ Liberty, Arthur Lasenby, F.R.S.S., F.Z.S., The Manor House, The Lee, near 

Great Missenden, Bucks. 
Liebmann, Professor James Alexander, F.R.S.L., F.R.G.S., Diocesan College, 

Rondebosch, Cape Town, 
Lincoln, Dean and Chapter, 
Lindsley, Dr. J., 135 North Spruce Street, Nashville, Tennessee, U.S.A. 

♦ Lloyd, Rev, John, M. A., LUmvapley Rectory, Abergavenny. 
Lloyd, J. A., The Studio, Marlborough, Wilts. 

Lloyd, Richard, 2 Addison Crescent, Kensington, W. 

♦Lobb, John, F.R.G.S., Christian Age Office, St. Bride Street, E.C. 

♦Lodge, R., M.A., 10 University Gardens, Glasgow. 

London, Athenaeum Club, S.W. 

London, Bank of England, E.C. 



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192 LIST OF FELLOWS AND LIBRARIES. 

I^ndoo, Battersea Public Libraries. 
LondoD) City of London (Guildhall). 
London, Gray's Inn. 

London, Hammersmith Free Public Library. 
London, House of Commons. 
London, Inner Temple. 
London, Junior Constitutional Club. 
London, Law Institution. 
London, Lincoln's Inn. 
London, London Institution. 
London, London Library. 
London, London University. 
London, Middle Temple. 
London, National Liberal Club. 
London, National Portrait Gallery. 
London, New University Club. 
London, Oxford and Cambridge Club. 
London, Public Record Office. 
London, Reform Club. 
London, Royal Institution. 

London, St. George's, Hanover Square, Public Library. 
London, St. Paul's Cathedral Library. 
London, Sion College Library. 
London, Westminster Public Library. 

Lubbock, Sir John, Bart., P.C, M.P., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.L.S., 2 St. James's 
Square, S.W. 

♦ Lydall, John French, 37 John Street, Bedford Row, W.C. 

♦ Lyle, Thomas, M.A., Grove House, Shacklewell Lane, E. 



* Macandrew, W., West wood House, near Colchester. 

* Mackeson, Edward, F.S. A., 13 Hyde Park Sauare, W. 

♦ Mackinlay, David, 6 Great Western Terrace, Hillhead, Glasgow. 
Maclean, William, F.R.G.S., 31 Camperdown Place, Great Yarmouth. 
Madge, S. J., ii Palatine Road, Stoke Newington, N. 

Maguire, Thomas Mil'er, M.A.» LL.D., KarFs Court Square, S.W. 

Maitland, Professor F. W., M.A., LL.D., Downing College, Cambridge. 

Malden, Henry Elliot, M.A., Kitlands, Holmwood, Surrey. 

Malleson, Col. G. B., C.S.I., 27 West Cromwell Road, S.W. 

Malleson, J. P., B.A., The Vicarage, Great Tew, Enstone, Oxon. 

Manchester, Chetham's Library. 

Manchester Public Libraries. 

Manchester, Owens College. 

Marburg University Library. 

Margetts, William George, A.I.C.E., F.R.G.S., Ring's Lodge, near Rochester. 

Marriott, W, K., Manor House, Barking, Essex. 

Marriott, W. T., Sandal Grange, Wakefield. 

♦ Marsden, Mrs., 129 Chesterton Road, Kensington, W. 

Marsh, G. W. B., B.A., Shalfleet House, Powerscroft Road, Lower Clapton, N.E. 

Maskelyne, Anthony St. John Story, 53 Rossetti Mansions, Chelsea, S. W. 

Mason, Thomas, Librarian and CUrk^ 115 St. Martin's Lane, W.C. 

Massachusetts, Harvard College. 

Massachusetts Historical Society. 

Massachusetts, Wellesley College. 

Mate, William, Directory Office, Bournemouth. 

Mathews, E. R. N., Librarian, Public Libraries, Bristol. 

Maybank, John Thomas, High Street, Dorking. 



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LIST OF FELLOWS AND LIBRARIES. 1 93 

Melbourne Public Library. 

Melville, Muller & Co., 12 Ludgate Square, E.C. 

Mercer, W. J., 12 Marine Terrace, Margate. 

Merriam, C. P., 79 Highbury New Park, N. 

Mesney, General William, F.R.G.S., 22 Swatow Road, Shanghai, China. 

♦ Metcalfe, Rev. James, M.A., Vicarage, West Teignmouth. 
Michigan, Detroit Public Library. 

Michigan University. 
Michigan, Hoyt Public Library. 
Middlesborough Free Library. 

♦ Miggs, John Gilbert, 123 Cromwell Road, 5>outh Kensington, S.W. 
Miles, Colonels. B., c/o Messrs. H. S. King & Co., 45 Pall MaU, S.W. 
Millais, Lady, 2 Palace Gate, Kensington, S.W. 

Milledge, ZiUwood, J. P., The Femerv, Weymouth. 

Milman, Rev. W. H., M. A., Sion College, Victoria Embankment, E.C. 

♦ Mil ward, R. H., 41 Waterloo Street, Birmingham. 
Minneapolis, Athenaeum Library. 

Minnesota, University of. 

Moloney, Sir Cornelius Alfred, K.C.M.G., Government House, Grenada, 

Windward Islands. 
Molyneux, Lt. -Colonel Edmund, F.R.G.S., Warren Lodge, Wokingham, Berks. 
Money- Coutts, Francb Burdett, Walsingham House, Picouiilly. 
Montefiore, A., 135 Finchley Road, Hampstead. 
Moore, Stuart A., F.S.A., 6 King's Bench Walk, Inner Temple, E.C. 
Moore, William, B.A., 56 Spr'mgfield Road, N.W. 
Morris, George, 12 St. Andrew's Pavement, Stoke Newington, N. 
Morrison, Hew, Librarian, Public Library, Edinburgh. 
Mosley, George, F.G.S., The Commercial College, York. 

♦ Muller, Professor F. Max, M.A., LL.D., 7 Norham Gardens, Oxford. 
Mullins, J. D., Free Library, Birmingham. 

Munich, Charies Jean, The War Office, Pall Mall, S.W. 
Miinich Royal Library. 



Naylor, Robert Anderton, F.R.G.S., Cuerden Hall, Thelwall, Cheshire. {Post 

towHy Warrington.) 
Newcastle-on-Tyne Literary and Philosophical Society. 
Newman, George, M.B., M.Ch., 20 Queen Square, W.C. 
New York, Astor Library. 
New York, Brooklyn Library. 
New York, State Library. 
New York, Young Men's Christian Association. 

Nichols, Francis Morgan, M.A, F.S.A., Lawford Hall, Manningtree, Essex. 
Nichols, John Bruce, Grandon Lodge, Holms wood, Dorking. 
Nihjoff, Martinus, The Hague. 
Norfolk and Norwich Library. 
Northampton, The Most Honourable Marquis of, K.G., Castle Ashby, 

Northampton. 
Northumberland, His Grace the Duke of, K.G., 2 Grosvenor Place, S.W. 
Norwich, Dean and Chapter Library. 
Nutt & Co., Messrs., 270 Strand, W.C. 



* ODonnavan, William, LL.D., 15 Belgrave Road, Rathmines, Dublin. 

Oldham, Union Street Library. 

Oliverson, Richard, 37 Gloucester Sqtuure, Hyde Park. 

N.S,— VOL. XL O 



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194 LIST OF FELLOWS AND LIBRARIES. 

Oman, C. W. C, M.A., F.S.A., All Scik College, Oxford. 

Ord, Clement, M.A,, 6 Hiighenden Road, Clifton, Bristol. 

Orsbach, Rev. Engelbert Baron von, F.R.G.S., Mottingham House, near 

Eltham, Kent. 
Owen, Edward Humphrey, F.S.A., Ty Coch, Carnarvon. 
Oxford, All Souls College. 
Oxford, Balliol College. 
Oxford, Exeter College. 
Oxfoid, Magdalen College. 
Oxford, Merton College. 
Oxford, Queen's College. 
Oxford, St. John's College. 
Oxford Union Society. 
♦ Oxford, Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of, Cuddesdon Palace, Whcatley, 

Oxfordshire. 



Palmer, James Foster, L.R.C.P., M.R.C.S.E., 8 Royal Avenue, Chelsea College, 

S.W. 
Palmer, Rev. Feilding, M.A., EastclifTe, Chepstow. 
Parker, Henry, C.E., Irrigation Officer, P.W.D., Ceylon. 
Parkin, Thomas, M.A., F.R.G.S., Fairseat, High Wickham, Hastings. 
Paris, National Library. 

♦ Parr, J. Charlton, Grappenhall Heyes, Warrington. 

Parrish, Rev. Henry, D.D., 2435 Kimball Street, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A. 
Patterson, James K., Ph.D., President of the Agricultural College, Lexington, 

Kentucky, U.S.A. 
Paul, Alexander, 4 Tavistock Square, W.C. 
Pelham, Professor H. F., M.A., Oxford. 

Pembroke, The Earl of, F.R.G.S., Wilton House, Salisbury, Wilts. 
Penny, Arthur Paul, 18 Bedford Place, W.C. 
Penny, Rev. C. W., Shute End House, Wokingham. 

♦ Perry, Major Ottley, F.R.G.S., F.S.A., 7 Bedford Street, Bollon, Lanes. 

♦ Peyster, General John Watts de, 59 East 21st Street, New York. 
Pflugk-Harttung, Professor Dr. Julius von, 14, York Strasse, Berlin. 
Philadelphia Library Company. 

Philip, George, 32 Fleet Street, E.C. 

♦ Pickering, J., F.R.G.S., 86 Thicket Road, Anerley. 
Pike, Rev. Clement E., Beechcroft, Holywood, co. Down. 
Pooley, Frank, 18 Hacken's Hey, Liverpool. 

♦ Porgcs, Theodore, F.R.G.S., 17 Avenue Friedland, Paris. 
Potts, Lewis W., St. Martin's House, Stamford Hill, N. 
Pratt, A. T. C, 1 Eastmeam Road, West Dulwich, S.E. 
Preston Library (Dr. Shepherd's). 

Preston, Thomas, F.S.A., Privy Council Office, WTiitehall, S.W. 
Price, Cormell, M.A., B.C.L., F.R.G.S., 38 Powis Square, W. 
Prothero, Professor G. W., Litt.D., 2 Eton Terrace, Edinburgh. 
Pym, Guy, Esq., M.P., 35 Cranley Gardens, S.W. 



Qttinn, Michael Thomas, M.A., 22 Powb Square, W. 



Ragland-Powel, John, Ludlow, Salop. 

Raikes, Lt.-Colonel G. A., F.S.A., 13 Carlton Road, Ealing, W. 

Rama Krishna, T., B.A., Thottakkan House, PoonamaUi Road, Madras. 



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LIST OF FELLOWS AND LIBRARIES. IQS 

Ramsay, Sir James Henry, Bart, Banff, Alyth, N.B. 

Rannie, David Watson, Conheath, Dumfries, N.B. 

Reading Corporation Library. 

Reform Club, Pall Mall, S.W. 

Reich, Dr. Emil, 17 Tavistock Road, Westboume Park, W. 

Reichel, H. R., Principal University College, Bangor. 

Renshaw, Walter Charles, Q.C., 5 Stone Buildings, Lincoln's Inn. 

Richardson, Colonel J. G. F., Ph.D., J. P., Elmfield, Knighton, Leicester. 

Richardson, Ralph, M.D., 4 Park Row, Albert Gate, W. 

Ridgway, W. J. P., M.A., Barrow Hill, ChesterHeld. 

Ripon, The Most Hon. the Marquess of, K.G., D.C.L., F.R.S., I Carlton 

Gardens, S.W. 
Rochdale Free Public Library. 

Rome, William, F.S.A., Oxford Lodge, Wimbledon Common. 
Ropes, Arthur Reed, M.A., The Ferns, Sunn}'side Road, Homsey Rise, N. 

♦ Ropes, J. C, 99 Mount Vernon, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. 

♦ RosEBERY, The Earl of, K.G., Lansdowne House, W. 

Ross, Joseph Came, Esq., Parsonage Nook, Withington, Manchester. 
Rugby, Temple Reading Room. 

Rumbold, His Excellency Sir Horace, Bart., G.C.B., British Embassy, Vienna. 
Rusden, George William, F.R.G.S., Cotmandene, South Yarra, Melbourne. 

♦ Russell, Hon. Rollo, Pembroke Lodge, Richmond, Surrey. 

♦ Ryder, Charles, The Brewery, Leeds. 
Rylands, Mrs. , Longford Hall, near Manchester. 

Rymer, Samuel Lee, J. P., Pevensey, Wellesley Road, Croydon. 



St. Andrews University. 

Sabel, Ernest, F.R.G.S., Lynton House, South Side, Clapham Common, S.W. 

* Safibrd, John Burlmm, F.G.S., Parkshot House, Richmond, Surrey. 
Samuel, Harry Sylvester, 80 Onslow Gardens, S.W. 

Saunders, C. T., 20 Temple Row, Birmingham. 
Score, H. Berkeley, Lathom Park, Ormskirk. 
Seath, Thomas B., Sunnyoaks, Langbank, Renfrewshire. 
Seebohm, Frederic, The Hermitage, Hitchin. 

* Seebohm, Hugh Exton, The Hermitage, Hitchin. 
Shannon, J. S., St. Martin's School, York. 
Sharp, J. Fox, The Park, Hull. 

Shaw, William Arthur, M.A., Sandown House, Byfleet Road, Weybridge. 

Sheffield Free Library. 

Sherren, John Angel, Helmsley, Stavordale Road, Weymouth. 

Short, R. M., Herbert Road, Solihull, near Birmingham. 

Sikes, Rev. Thomas B., M.A., Warbleton Rectory, Heathfield, Sussex. 

* Simpson, Edward, Walton Hall, Wakefield. 

Simpson, Percy, F.R.G.S., F.Z.S., Poste Restante, Imperial Institute, S.W. 
^ Simson, Alfred, 4 Fairlie Place, Calcutta ; London address, c/o Messrs. Kilbum, 

Brown & Co., 28 St. Mary Axe, E.C. 
Skrine, Henry Duncan, Claverton Manor, near Bath. 
Smith, E. Cozens, F.S.S., I Old Broad Street, E.C 
Smith, George H., 30 Park Crescent, Groves, York. 
Smith, Hubert, Brooklynne, Willes Road, Leamington Spa, Warwickshire: 

* Smith, W. Bickford, Trevamo, Helston, Cornwall. 
Smythe, David M., Methven Castle, Perth. 
Sotheran, H. C, Strand, W.C. 

Southport Free Library. 

Speth, George William, La Tuna, Bromley, Kent. 

02 



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196 LIST OF FELLOWS AND LIBRARIES. 

Spry, William James Joseph, R.N., F.R,G.S., Therapia, St. Andrew's Road, 

Southsea. 
Stack, G. A., Professor of History, Presidency College, Calcutta; Editor of the 

Calcutta Review^ Calcutta, India. 

♦ Stanley, Walmsley, F. R. G. S. , The Knowle, Leigham Court Rd., Streatham, S. W. 
Stead, Richard Harvey, Grammar School, Folkestone. 

Steele, Joseph, M.D., c/o Mr. Alderman Rymer, J.P., Wellesley Road, Croydon. 
Stevens, B. F., 4 Trafalgar Square, W.C. 
Stevens, Geoige ELichard, Greenmount, Hong Kong. 

♦ Stewart. General Alexander P., LL.D., Oxford, Miss., U.S.A. 
Stewart, Rev. John, Penrh3m, Cornwall. 

Stockdale, Thomas, Spring Lea, Leeds. 
Stockholm Royal Library. 
Stone, J. H., Presidency Collie, Madras, India. 
Stonyhnrst College. 

♦ Strathcona and Mount Royal, Lord, 1157 Dorchester Street, Montreal, Canada. 
Stryker, General William S., Adjutant-General of New Jersey, Trenton, New 

Jersey, U.S.A. 
SuUey, Philip, Parkhurst, Dumfries. 
Surr, Watson, 57 Old Broad Street, E.C. 
Sydney Free Library. 
Sydney University. 
Sykes, John, M.D., Doncaster. 
Syms, Richard, Melbourne House, Barking Road, E. 



♦ Taylor, Miss Helen, Avignon, France. 

♦Teele, Rev. Albert K., D.D., Milton, Mass., U.S.A. 

Tempany, Thomas William, Fernleigh, King's Road, Richmond, Surrey, 

Terry, Rev. G. F., 20 Denbigh Road, Bayswater, W. 

Thornton Percy M., M.P., Battersea Rise, Clapham Junction. 

Thornton, The Ven. Archdeacon, D.D., Vicar of St John's, Notting Hill ; 

Boyle Lecturer ; Vice-President of the Victoria Institute ; 63 Ladbroke 

Grove, Notting Hill, W. 
Thrupp, Miss Adelaide, Merrow House, near Guildford. 
Toplis, Miss Sophia Grace, 63 Bartholomew Road, N.W. 
Toronto Public Library 

Torr, Herbert James, Riseholme Hall, near Lincoln. 
Tout, Professor T. F., 21 Mauldeth Road, Withington, Manchester. 
Traheme, Capt. George G., R.A., The Citadel, Plymouth. 
Traheme, L. E., Coedriglan Park, Cardiff. 
Travis-Cook, John, 14 Parliament Street, Hull. 
♦Turton, Robert Bell, 24 Old Square, Lincoln's Inn, and ^c Lower Belgrave 

Street, S.W. 



Udal, The Hon. John Symonds, Attorney- General of Fiji, Suva, Fiji. 



Vaughan, Captain Wilmot, 159 Rue de la Pompe, Paris. 

Ventura, M., 18 Coleman Street, E.C. 

Vemey, Lady, Claydon House, Bucks. 

Victory, Louis K., 154 Clonliffe Road, Dublin. 

Vienna, Imperial Library. 

Vienna, University Library. 

Vincent, J. A., Needham Market, Suffolk. 



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LIST OF FELLOWS AND MBRARIES.,.- ' 197 

Wadling, Henry, Lamb Buildings, Temple, E.C. 

♦ Wagner, Henry, F.S.A., 13 Half Moon Street, Piccadilly, W. 
Wakefield, Rev. Thomas, F.R.G.S., 80 Curaon Street, Derby. 

♦ Wakeman, Henry O., All Souls College, Oxford. 
Walford, John Edward, C.C, Knightrider Street, E.G. 

♦ WalkerAPhilip F., F.R.G.S., 36 Princes Gardens, S.W. 

♦ WalkerTKobert, F.R.G.S., Ormidale, Knighton Park Road, Leicester. 
Walker, T. A., Weston College, NataL 

♦ Wallace, Sir Donald Mackenzie, St. Ermin's Mansions, Caxton 

Street, S.W. 
Wallis, John E. P., M.A., 2 Mitre Court Buildings, E.G. 
Walsh, W., 18 Stemhold Avenue, Streatham Hill. 
Ward, John Edward, F.R.G.S., Woolmer Hill House, Haslemere. 
Warre, General Sir Henry J., K.C.B., F.R.G.S., 35 Cadogan Place, S.W, 
Warren, Major-General Sir Charles, R.E., 44 St. Gwrge's Road, S.W. 
Washington, Congress Library. 

♦ Watson, Rev. Albert, M.A., 20 Norham Gardens, Oxford. 
♦Watts, Rev. Herbert C, Priory Cottage, Bicester, Oxon. 
Welby, Right Hon. Lord, G.C.B., 11 Stratton Street, W. 
Welch, Charles, Corporation Library, Guildhall, E.C. 
Wesley, Messrs., & Son, Essex Street, Strand, W.C. 

West, William Nowell, F.R.G.S., 30 Montague Street, Russell Square, W.C. 

♦ Westminster, The Duke of, K.G., Grosvenor House, W. 

♦ Whatton, J. S., 18 Hyde Park Street, W. 
Wheeler, Frederic Elijah, VHI. Langegasse 7, Vienna. 
Whitehead, Sir James, Bart., Wilmington Manor, near Dartford, Kent. 
♦Whitehead, Rev. J. H., M.A., The Poplars, Alsager, Stoke-on-Trent. 

Wild, Ernest E., B.A., LL.M., F.R.C.S., Great Russell Mansions, Great Russell 

Street, W.C. 
Wilkinson, R. J., Singapore, Straits Settlements. 
Williams, E. P., Ehi£urst, Westcombe Park Road, Blackheath, S.E. 
♦Williams, Rev. J. D., M.A. 

V^lliams, Miss Margaret Elizabeth, 2 Hardman Street, Liverpool. 
Williams, Richard, Celync^ Newtown, North Wales. 

Williams, Dr. Thos. E. H., Junior United Service Club, Charles Street, S.W. 
Williamson, John M., MelviUe House, Overhill Road, Dulwich, S.E. 
Wilson, Rev. Edwin William, Lome Villa, 19 Strafford Street, Millwall, E. 
V^dsor Royal Library. 

Winterton, M. L., Sexey's Trade School, Bruton, Bath« 
Wonnacott, J., F.G.S., F.R.G.S., Wadham House, Liskeard, Cornwall. 
Wood, Alexander, M.A., 3 St Peter's Square, Ravensoourt Park, W. 
Wood, William, Exton House, 173 Choumert Road, East Dulwich, S.E. 
Wood, Sir Albert W., Garter King of Arms, F.S.A., 69 St. George's Road, 

Pimlico. 
Woodroffe, Prof. Latham James, M. A., 81 Waterloo Road, Dublin. 
Worcester Public Library. 

♦ Worsfold, Thomas Cato, F.R.S.L., Addison House, Balham Hill, S.W. 
Wren, Walter, 7 Powis Square, W. 

Wright, W. H. K., Free Library, Plymouth. 
Wurtzburg, John Henry, Clavenng House, 2 De Gray Road, Leeds. 
Wyatt-Davies, Ernest, B.A., Trimty College, Cambridge. 
Wyles, Thomas, F.G.S., The Collie, Buxton. 



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198 LIST OF FELLOWS AND LIBRARIES. 

Yale CoUege. 

Yates, James, Public Library, Leeds. 

York, His Grace the Archbishop of, Bishopthorpe, York. 

Young, Miss Ernestine C, High School for Girls, 5 Portland Place, Bath. 

Young, Herbert Edward, White Hart Street, High Wycombe, Bucks. 



Zerffi, Henry Charles, 14 Randolph Crescent, Maida Vale, W. 



HONORARY FELLOWS. 

His Majesty King Leopold II., King of the Belgians. 
His Majesty King Oscar II., King of Sweden and Norway. 
Bismarck, His Excellency Prince von. 

Agnew, Sir J. W., M.D., Hobart, Tasmania. 

Bytschkoff, His Excellency Athanasius Th. de, Director of the Imperial Library, 
St Petersburg. 

Coelho, Lieut -Colonel Jose Maria Latino, Professor of Geology, Lisbon. 
Crawford, The Right Hon. the Earl of, Haigh Hall, near Wigan, Lanes. 
Crombie, Rev. J. M., M.A., F.L.S., Holmwood, Dorking, Surrey. 

Dana, Edward S., Ph.D., New Haven, Connecticut, U.S. A. 

Fayrer, Sir Joseph, K.C.S.I., F.R.S., Athenaeum Club, London. 

Gorostiraga, Don Angel de, National Archaeological Society, Madrid. 

Liversidge, Professor A., M.A., F.R.S., University of Sydney, N.S.W. 

London, The Right Rev. the Bishop of. The Palace, Fulham, S.W. 

Lyte, Sir H. C. Maxwell, K.C.B., M.A., F.S.A., PubUc Record Office, E.C. 

M^ldahl, County President of the Royal Academy of Arts, Copenhagen. 
Mommsen, Professor Theodor, Charlottenburg, Berlin. 
Monod, Professor Gabr., 108 Boulevard St -Germain, Paris. 
Monteliusy Dr. Oscar, Society of Antiquaries, Sweden. 
Montjauy M. Edouard M. de, Society of Ethnography, Paris. 



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HONORARY FELLOWS. i 99 

•Nares, Admiral Sir George, K,CrB.^ F.R.S., 5 Westminster Chambers, Victoria 
Street, London, S.W. 

Oppert, M. Julius, Professor of Assyrian Philology and Archaeology in the College 

of France. 
Oxford, The Right Rev. the Bishop of, Cuddesdon Palace, Oxford. 

Pomialovsky, His Excellency Professor John, Imperial University, St. Petersburg. 
Poole, R. L., M.A., Ph.D,, S Beaumont Street, Oxford. 

Rawlinson, Rev. Canon, M.A., F.R.G.S., late Camden Professor of History, 

Oxford. 
Roberts, Field Marshal the Rt. Hon. Lord, United Service Club, London, S.W. 

Sieeel, Dr. Heinrich, Imperial Academy of Sciences, I Schottenhof, Vienna. 
Slaiter, Rev. Edmund F., A.M., D.D., 249 Berkeley Street, Boston, U.S.A. 
Stanley, H. M., D.C.L., LL.D., 2 Richmond Terrace, Whitehall, S.W. 
Stieda, His Excellency Professor Dr. Ludwig, Konigsbeig University, Germany. 

Thompson, Sir Edward Maunde, K.C.B., D.C.L., LL.D., F.S.A., British 
Museum, W.C. 

Waxel, Platon L. de, Ph.D., Vice-Director of the Chancery of Foreign Affairs, 
Molka 26, St. Petersburg. 



CORRESPONDING MEMBERS. 

Ashley, Professor W. J., Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A. 

Balzani, Count Ugo, 5 Via Vicenza, Rome. 

B^mont, Chas., Maltre des Conferences k TEcole des Chartes, 9 Rue de Conde, 

Paris. 
Bonwick, James, Yarra Yarra, South Vale, Norwood. 
Brock, R. A., Richmond, Virginia. 
Broglie, Le Due de, Rue Solferino, Paris. 
BUlow, Dr. G. von, Keeper of the State Archives, Stettin. 
Busch, Dr. Wilhelm, Freiburg. 

Cooke, Samuel, M.A., F.G.S., Poona, India. 

Davis, Hon. N. Darnell, C.M.G., Georgetown, British Guiana. 

Delisle, Leopold, Membre de I'lnstitut, Administrateur G^n^ral de la Biblio* 

th^ue Nationale, Paris. 
Drownc, Henry Thayer, A.M., 147 West 36th Street, New York. 
Drowne, Re^. T. Sufford, D.D., Bedford Avenue, N. ; Winthrop Street, 

Brooklyn, New York. 



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200 CORRESPONDING MEMBERS. 

Gross, Professor Charles, Ph.D,, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A. 

Jameson, Professor J. F., Providence, Rhode Island, U.S. A. 

Lee, G. H., 113 Devonshire Street, Boston, U.S. A. 
Liebermann, Professor Felix, Ph.D., LL.D., 10 Bendlerstrasse, Berlin, W. 
Litton, Hon. Robert T., M.A., F.G.S., F.R.G.S., Hon. Sec. Historical Society 
of Australasia, 45 Queen Street, Melbourne. 



Maulde, M. de, Secretaire G^n^ral de la Society d'Histoire Diplomatique, 

10 Boulevard Raspail, Paris. 
Mijatovitch, His Excellency Chas., 27 Pembridge Gardens, W. 

O'Reilly, P. S., M.D., St. Louis, Missouri, U.S.A. 

Phillips, Henry, Junr., A.M., Ph.D., 181 1 Walnut Street, Philadelphia, U.S.A. 

Ravenell, H. E., Spartanburg, South Carolina, U.S.A. 

Sarolea, Professor Charles, Edinburgh University. 

Sorel, Albert, Membre de TAcad^mie Fran9aise, 17 Rue de Vaugirard, Paris. 

Theal, Hon. George, Native Afiairs Office, Cape Town. 

Villari, Professor P., Florence. 
Vinogradoff, Professor, Moscow. 



The Council are not responsible for the accuracy of the foregoing list^ hut they 
request that any inaccuracy or omission niay be pointed out to the Secretary ^ and 
that all changes of atldress may be notified to him^ so that delay in forwarding 
communicatiofis and the Publications of the Society may be ai'oided. 



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FOREIGN ASSOCIATIONS. 201 



FOREIGN ASSOCIATIONS 

WHICH EXCHANGE TRANSACTIONS WITH THE SOCIETY. 

AUSTRALIA. 
The Royal Society of New South Wales. 

AUSTRIA. 
The Imperial Academy of Sciences, Vienna. 

BELGIUM. 

Academic royale des Sciences, des Lettres et des Beaux-Arts, Palais des 

Academies, Brussels. 
Soci^t^ d'Arch&logie de Bruxelles, 1 1 Rue Ravenstein, Brussels. 

BOHEMIA. 
The Royal Society of Bohemia, Prague. 

CANADA. 

L'Institut Canadien-fran9ais d'Ottawa. 

Geological and Natural History Survey Museum, Ottawa. 

The literary and Historical Society, Quebec 

DENMARK. 
The Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries, Copenhagen. 

FRANCE. 
Soci6t^ d'Ethnographie, 28 Rue Mazarine, Paris. 

GERMANY. 
The Historical Society of Berlin. 

ITALY. 

The State Archives of Tuscany. 

British and American Archsological Society of Rome, 20 Via S. Basilioi 
Rome. 

PORTUGAL. 
The Royal Academy of Sciences, Lisbon. 

RUSSIA. 
The Imperial Archseological Society, St Petersburg. 



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202 FOREIGN ASSOCIATIONS 



SPAIN. 

The Royal Historical Society, Madrid. 

The National Archaeological Society, Madrid. 



SWEDEN. 



The Royal Society of Antiquaries of Sweden, Stockholm. 

The Royal Academy of Belles-Lettres, History, and Antiquities, Stockholm. 



TASMANIA. 

The Royal Society of Tasmania. 



^ UNITED STATES. 

The Smithsonian Institution, Washington. 
The Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore. 
New England Historic-Genealogical Society, Boston, Mass. 
The Historical Society of New York, 170 Second Avenue, New York. 
The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. 
The Academy of Arts and Sciences, New Haven, Connecticut. 
The Georgia Historical Society, Savannah, Georgia. 
The Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston. 
The Histprical Society of Rhode Island, Providence, R.I. 
The Historical Society of Virginia, Richmond. 
The Historical Society of Maryland, Baltimore. 
The Historical Society of Missouri, St. Louis, Mo. 
The Historical Society of Minnesota, St Paul, Minnesota. 
The Historical Society of South Carolina. 
The Historical Society of Vermont 
The Historical Society of Michigan. 
The Historical Society of New Jersey. 
The Historical Society of Maine. 

Peabody Institute, Bsdtimore, U.S. A, care of E. G. Allen, 
28 Henrietta Street, Covent Garden. 



LIBRARIES TO WHICH THE SOCIETY'S TRANSACTIONS 
ARE PRESENTED. 

Mason Science College, Birmingham. 

South Kensington ^luseum. 

Royal Institution, Albemarle Street, W. 

Chetham's Library, Hunt's Bemk, Manchester. 

Imperial Institute, Imperial Institute Road, S.W. 

Library of Political Science, 10 Adelphi Terrace, W.C. 



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TRANSACTIONS AND PUBLICATIONS 

OF THE 

ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 



Transactions. Old Series. Vols. I to lo (vols. 2 and 3 are out of print). 

Transactions. New Series. Vols. I to 11. 

England and Napoleon in 1803. Being the Despatches of Lord Whitworth and 
others. Edited by Oscar Browning, M.A. 

Walter of Henley's Husbandry, together with an Anonymous Husbandry, 
Seneschaucie, and Robert Grosseteste's Rules. Edited by £. Lamond and 
W. Cunningham, D.D. Litt.D. 

Domesday Commemoration, 1886. Notes on the Manuscripts, &c., exhibited at 
H.M. Public Record Oflfice. Vellum, 4to. 

Gibbon Commemoration, 1894, Proceedings of the. Vellum, 410. 

The Story of Prince Henry, of Monmouth and Chief- Justice Gascoign. By 
F. SoUy-Flood, M.A., Q.C. 

The Teaching of History in Schools : an Address by Oscar Browning, M. A« 
V.-P. R.Hist.S. 

Genealogical Memoirs of the Scottish House of Christie. 

Genealogical Memoirs of John Knox and of the Family of Kno 

Genealogical Memoirs of the Families of Colt and Coutts. 

Genealogical Memoirs of the Family of Sir Walter Scott, Bart. With a reprint 
of his Memorials of the Haliburtons. 



♦^ Appluations for any of the ahwe should he addressed to the Librarian^ 
Mr. T, Mason, 115 St, Martin's Lane, IV. C, 



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PUBLICATIONS OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY. 

NOW THE CAMDEN SERIES OF THE ROYAL 
HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 



NEW SERIES. 



1. The Fortescue Papers, principally consisting of letters on State afiairs, 

collected by John Packer, Secretary to George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham. 
Edited by Samuel Rawson Gardiner, ^q. LL.D. Director. Consists 
chiefly of a miscellaneous collection of letters which were apparently thrown 
aside by the Duke of Buckingham after he had read them. One paper is of 
peculiar importance as relating to Raleigh's trial. 

2. Letters and Papers of John Shillingford, Mayor of Exeter, A.D., 1447- 1450. 

Edited by Stuart A. Moore, Esq. Valuable as throwing light on the 
practical working of our institutions and the administration of the law in the 
reign of Henry VI. 

3. The Cheque Book of the Chapel Royal from the Reign of Elizabeth to the 

Accession of the House of Hanover. Edited by Dr. Rimbault. Full of 
notices of English Musicians connected with the Chapel, and of minute 
particulars of royal ceremonies, funerals, coronations, churchings, baptisms, 
marriages, &c. 

4. A True Relation of the Life and Death of William Bedell, Lord Bishop of 

Kilmore. Edited by Thomas Wharton Jones, Esq. F.R.S. Interesting 
not only for the light it throws on the working of the Church of Ireland at 
a most important period in its history, but also for the personal character of 
Bishop Bedell himself. 

5. The Mayor of Bristol's Calendar, by Robert Ricart, Town Clerk of Bristol 

temp. Edward IV. Edited by Miss Toulmin Smith. Illustrative of 
municipal antiquities. 

6. Notes of Debates in the House of Commons in 1625. Edited from a MS. in 

the Library of Sir Rainald Knightley, Bart, by S. R. Gardiner, Esq. 
LL.D. Director. Throws additional light on the quarrel between 
Charles I. and the House of Commons, and contains new facts relating to 
Sir John EUot 

7. A Military Memoir of Colonel Birch, Governor of Hereford during the Civil 

War. Edited by the late Rev. John Webb, M.A. F.S. A., and the Rev. 
T. W. Webb, M.A. A storehouse of curious fects relating to the period of 
tlie Civil War. 

8 and 9. Letters addressed from London to Sir Joseph Williamson while 
Plenipotentiary at Uie Congress of Colc^e in the year 1673. Edited by 
W. D. Christie, C.B. Two vols. Full of news from the Court of 
Charles II. 

10. Account of the Executors of Richard, Bishop of London, 1303, and of the 
Executors of Thomas, Bishop of Exeter, 13 10. Edited by the late 
Venerable W. H. Hale, M.A., and the Rev. H. T. EUacombe, M.A. 
F.S. A. Full of curious details on the household and ecclesiastical furniture 
of a bishop of the fourteenth century. 

1 1 and 2a Wriothesley's Chronicle of English Aflbirs from the accession of 
Henry VII. to the first year of Queen Elizabeth. Edited from a MS. in 



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the possession of Major. -Gen. Lord Henry Percy, by W. D. Hamilton, Esq. 
F.S.A. Two vols. Contains particulars not in other chronicles of the 
period. The Editor has printed in an Appendix to the First Volume the 
records of the trial of Anne Boleyn. 

12. Documents relating to the Quarrel between the Earl of Manchester and 

Oliver Cromwell; with Fragments of a Historical Prefiw:e by the late 
T. Bruce, Esq. Annotated and completed by Professor Masson. Gives 
information about the proceedings of Manchester and Cromwell from the 
battle of Marston Moor till after the second battle of Newbury, and also 
the arguments on both sides of the dispute which ensued. 

13. Autobiography of Lady Halket, in the reigns of Charles I. and Charles II. 

Edited by the late John Gough Nichols, Esq. F.S.A. The subject is a 
pious lady of the days of the Commonwealth and the Restoration. 

14. The Camden Miscellany, Vol. VII., containing : — i. Two Sermons preached 

by the Boy-Bishop. Edited by the late J. G. Nichols. With an Introduc- 
tion by Dr. Rimbault. 2. Speech of Sir Robert Heath in the case of 
Alexander Leighton. Edited, with a Preface by the late J. Bruce, Esq. , 
by S. R. Gardiner, E^q. 3. Notes of Sir G. Croke*s Judgment in the case 
of Ship Money. Editai hf S. R. Gardiner, Esq. 4. Letters relating to 
the Mission of Sir T. Roe to Gustavus Adolphus, 1629- 1630. Edited by 
S. R. Gardiner, Esq. 5. Accounts of the Expenditure in building Bodmin 
Church. Edited by the Rev. J. J. Wilkinson, M.A. Rector of Lanteglos. 

15. Letters of Dean Prideaux. Edited by E. Maunde Thompson, Esk\, The 

letters contain amusing descriptions of life at Oxford and in the country at 
the close of the seventeenth and beginning of the eighteenth century. 

16. Milton's Common Place Book. Edited by A. J. Horwood, Esq. It is un- 

necessary to point out the interest of Milton's notes and jottings on a variety 
of subjects, political, social, moral, and literary. 

17. Historical Collections of a London Citizen in the Fifteenth Century. Edited 

by James Gairdner, Escj. Printed from a MS. The poem is a veiy graphic 
original account of the siege of Rouen by Henry V. The chronicle is unique, 
ending in the middle of Edward IV. 's reign. 

18. Papers relating to the Life of William Prynne, with the Fragment of a 

Biographical Preface by the late J. Bruce, Esq. Edited by S. R. Gardiner, 
Esq. LL.D. Director. 

19. Christ Church Letters relating to the Priory of Christ Church, Canterbury. 

Edited by J. B. Sheppard, Esq. Mostly of the fifteenth century, and some 
of political importance, relating to embassies, &c. 

21. Harpsfield's Treatise of the Pretended Divorce between Henry VIII. and 
Catharine of Aragon. Edited by the Rev. N. Pocock. An early authority 
for many facts hitherto considered questionable concerning Henry VIII. *s 
reign, which are now more generally accepted than they were. 

22 and 23. Correspondence of the Family of Hatton, 1601-1704. Edited by 
E. M. Thompson, Esq. Full of news and gossip. May be taken as a fait 
sample of the correspondence of a family of the higher classes in the 
seventeenth century. 

24. Notes of the Debates in the House of Lords officially taken by H. Elsing, 

1624 and 1626. Edited by S. R. Gardiner, Esq. 

25. The CEconomy of the Fleete. Edited by Dr. A. Jessopp. An account of the 

state of the Fleet Prison in the time of James I. 



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206 PUBLICATIONS. 

26. Documents relating to St. Paul's Cathedral. Edited by the Rev. W. Sparrow 

Simpson, D.D. F.S.A. Ranging from the thirteenth to the beginning of 
the eighteenth century. 

27. The Hamilton Papers, 1638-1648. Edited from the Originals at Hamilton 

Palace by S. R. Gardiner, Esq. Important for the history both of England 
and of Scotland during that troubled period. 

28. Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles. Edited by James Gauxlner, Esq. 

29. The Puritan Visitation of the University of Oxford. Edited by Professor 

Montagu Burrows, F.S.A. 

30. Catholicon Anglicum. Eklited by Sidney J. Herrtage, Esq. A mediaeval 

Latin Glossary of great interest from a philological point of view. 

31. The Camden Miscellany, Vol. VIII., containing:— Four letters of the Earl 

of Strafford, and a Poem on his illness. Edited by S. R. Gardiner, Esq. 
LL.D. Director. Memoir by Madame de Motteville on the Life of 
Henrietta Maria. Edited by M. G. Hanotaux. Papers relating to the 
Delinquency of Thomas Viscount Savile, 1642 -1646 ; Five Letters from 
Richard Thompson to his brother Henry Thompson, of Escrick, afterwards 
M.P. for York. Edited by J. J. Cartwright, Esq. M. A. Treasurer. Papers 
relating to Secret Negotiations with Charles I. 1643-1644. Edited by Mrs. 
B. M. Gardiner. A Letter from the Earl of Manchester on the conduct of 
Cromwell ; Letters addressed to the Earl of Lauderdale. Edited by Osmund 
Airy, Esq. Letters of the Duke of Monmouth. Edited by Sir George 
Ducicett, Bart. Correspondence of the Family of Haddock, 1657-1719. 
Edited by Edward Maunde Thompson, Esq. 

32. The Voyage to Cadiz in 1625. Edited by Dr. Grosart. 

33. Diaiy and Letter Book of Gabriel Harvey, 1 573-1 580. Edited Iw Edward 

J. L. Scott, Esq. M.A. Throws light upon university life at Cambridge 
in the age of Elizabeth. 

34. 36, and 38. Selections from the Papers of the Duke of Lauderdale, temp. 

Car. II. Edited by Osmund Airy, Esq. Three Volumes. Vol. I. 1639- 
1667. Vol. II. 1667-1673. Vol. III. 1673-1679. Illustrative of the 
period of the Restoration in Scotland. 

35. Political Memoranda of the Fifth Duke of Leeds. Edited by Oscar Browning, 

Esq. M.A. 

37, Papers relating to issue of the Second Prayer Book of Edward VI. Edited 
by the Rev. N. Pocock. 

39. Proceedings in the Star Chamber and Court of High Commission in the year 

1632. Edited by S. R. Gardiner, Esq. LL.D. Director. 

40. The Correspondence of Sir Edward Nicholas, Secretary of State, and of his 

son Sir John Nicholas, Clerk to the Privy Council, Vol I. Edited by 
George F. Warner, Esq. M.A. Supplementary to correspondence printed 
in Evel)m's Diary, with matter relating to the Court of Charles II. during 
his exile. 

41. Custumals of Battle Abbey, temp. Edward I., from a Manuscript in the 

Public Record Office. Edited by Samuel R. Scargill Bird, Esq. F.S.A. 
Throws light on the tenure of land and manorial customs in the thirteenth 
century. 
42 and 44. Bishop Pococke's Travels in England in 1750, &c Two Vols. 
Edited by James J. Cartwright, Esq. M.A. Treasurer of the Society. 

43. Monastic Visitations in the Diocese of Norwich. Edited by the Rev. Augustus 
Jessopp, D.D. These visitations show the state of monastic life m the 
diocese of Norwich on the eve of the Reformation* 



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45. Papers relating to the Impeachment of the Duke of Buckingham in 1626. 

Edited by S. R. Gardiner, Esq. LL.D. Director. 

46. Memoirs relating to Lord Torringfton. Edited by John Knox Laughton, Esq. 

M.A. R.N. Illustrative of naval affairs in the end of the seventeenth and 
beginning of the eighteenth century. 

47. Essex Papers, Vol. I. Edited by Osmund Airy, Esq. Contains new matter 

relating to the Court of Charles II. and to the government of Ireland in his 
reign. 

48. Visitations of the Collate Church of Southwell. Edited by A. F. Leach, 

Esq. A set of visitations differing in character from those in No. 43, and 
most important to a complete study of clerical life in pre- Reformation 
times. 

49. The Clarke MSS. Vol. I. Edited by C. H. Firth, Esq. More important 

for the life of Cromwell than any book published since the well-known work 
of Carlyle. 

50. Nicholas Papers, Vol. II. See No. 40. 

51. Accounts of the Obedientiars of Abingdon Abbey. Edited by R. E. G. 

Kirk, Esq. 

52. Wardrobe Accounts of Henry Earl of Derby (afterwards Henry IV. ). Edited 

by Miss Toulmin Smith, with the co-operation of the Historical Society of 
East Prussia. 

53. The Camden Miscellany, Vol. IX., containing: — i. Visitations of Churches 

in the Patronage of St. Paul's Cathedral. Edited by the Rev. W. Sparrow 
Simpson, D.D. 2. ** The Spousells" of the Princess Mary, daughter of 
Henry VII., in 1508. Edited by James Gairdner, Esq. Secretary. 3. 
Original Letters from the Bishops to the Privy Council in 1564. Edited by 
Miss Mary Bateson. 4. Papers relating to Thomas Wentworth, First Earl 
of Strafford. Edited by C. H. Firth, Esq. M.A. 5. Hamilton Papers, 
Addenda. Edited by Samuel Rawson Gardiner, Esq. LL.D. Director. 

6. Memoirs of Nathaniel, Lord Crewe. Edited by the Rev. Andrew Clark. 

7. The Journal of Major Richard Ferrier, M. P. , during a tour in France in 
1687. Edited by Richard F. E. and John A. H. Ferrier, Esqs. 

54. The Clarke Papers. Vol. II. Edited by C. H. Firth, Esq. M.A. 

55. Visitations of Churches belonging to St. Paul's Cathedral in 1297 and in 

1458. Edited by W. Sparrow Simpson, D.D. F.S.A. 

56. Unpublished Papers relating to English Roman Catholics at the end of the 

Reign of Elizabeth. Vol. I. Edited by T. G. Law, Esq. 

57. Nicholas Papers. Vol. III. See No. 40. 



OLD SERIES. 
Volumes not included in this List are out of Print. 

8. Ecclesiastical Documents: viz. — i. A Brief History of the Bishoprick of 

Somerset from its Foundation to 1174. 2. Charters from the Library of 
Dr. Cox Macro. Published by the Rev. J. Hunter. 

9. Speculi Britanniae Pars : an historical and geographical Description of Essex, 

by John Norden, 1594. Edited by Sir H. Ellis. 

II. Kemp's Nine Daies Wonder, performed in a Daunce from London to 
Norwich. Edited by Rev. A. Dyce. 



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208 PUBLICATIONS. 

14. Narratives of the Contests in Ireland in 1641 and 1690. Edited by T. C. 
Croker. 

17. The Second Book of the Travels of Nicander Nucius, of Corcyra. Edited by 

Rev. J. A. Cramer. 

18. Three Early English Metrical Romances. Edited by J. Robson. 

19. The Private Diary of Dr. John Dee, and the Catalogue of his Library of 

Manuscripts. Edited by J. O. Halliwell. 

21. Rutland Papers. Original Documents illustrative of the Courts and Times of 

Henry VII. and Henry VIII. Edited by W. Jerdan. 

22. The Diary of Dr. Thomas Cartwright, Bishop of Chester, from August 

1686 to October 1687. Printed from the original MS. of the Rev. J. 
Hunter, 

23. Original Letters of Eminent Literary Men of the Sixteenth, Seventeenth, and 

Eighteenth Centuries, Edited by Sir H. Ellis. 

24. A contemporary Narrative of the Proceedings against Dame Alice Kyteler, 

prosecuted for Sorcery in 1324, by Richard de Ledrede, Bishop of Ossory. 
Edited by T. Wright. 

25 [54 and 89]. Promptorium Parvulorum slve Clericorum, Lexicon Anglo- 
Latinum Princeps, auctore fratre Galfrido Grammatico dicto, e Predica- 
toribus Lenne Episcopi, Northfolciensi, a.d. circa 1440. Edited by A. 
Way. Part I. and Part III. (Nos. 25 and 89) out of print. 

27. Correspondence of Robert Dudley, Earl of Leycester, 1585 and 1586, Edited 

by J. Bruce. 

28. The French Chronicle of London, Depuis Tan 44 Hen. III. jusqu*^ Fan 17 

Edw. III. Edited by G. J. Aungier. 

29. Three Books of Polydore Vergil's English History, comprising the Reigns of 

Henry VI., Edward IV., and Richard III. Edited by Sir H. Ellis. 

30. The Thornton Romances. The Early English Metrical Romances of 

Perceval, Isumbras, Eglamour, and D^;ravant. Edited by J. O. 
Halliwell. 

31. Vemey Papers. Notes of Proceedings in the Long Parliament, temp. 

Charles I. Edited by J. Bruce. 

32. The Autobiography of Sir John Bramston, K.B., of Skreens, in the Hundred 

of Chelmsford. Printed from the MS. of T. W. Bramston. 

33. Letters from James, Earl of Perth, Lord Chancellor of Scotland, &c., to his 

Sister the Countess of Enroll, and other members of his Family. Edited by 
W. Jerdan. 

34. De Antiquis Legibus Liber. Cronica Maiorum et Vicecomitum Londoniarum, 

1 1 78 to 1274. By T. Stapleton. 

35. The Chronicle of Calais, in the reigns of Henry VII. and Henry VIII., to 

1540. Edited by J. G. Nichols. 

36. Polydore VergiFs English History, prior to the Norman Conquest. Edited 

by Sir H. Ellis. 

37. A Relation, or rather a True Account, of the Isle of England, about 1500. 

Translated from the Italian by Charlotte Augusta Sneyd. 

38. Dociunents relative to the Foundation and Antiquities of the Collegiate 

Church of Middleham, Co. York, and notices of the Castle and Town. 
Edited by Rev. W. AtthilL 

39. The Camden Miscellany. Vol. I. r—i. Register and Chronicle of the Abbey 

of Aberconway. Edited by Sir H. Ellis. 2. Chronicle of the Rebellion in 



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PUBLICATIONS. 209 

Lincolnshire, 1470. Edited by J. G. Nichols. 3. Bull of Pope 
Innocent VIII., on the Marriage of Henry VII. with Elizabeth of York. 
Communicated by J. P. Collier. 4. Journal of the Si^e of Rouen, 1 59 1. 
By Sir T. Coningsby. Edited by J. G. Nichols. 5. litter from George 
Fleetwood to his Father, giving an account of the Battle of Lutzen. Edited 
by Sir P. de Malpas Grey Egerton, Bart. 6. Diary of Dr. Edward Lake, 
Archdeacon and Prebendary of Exeter, &c., in 1677 and 1678. Edited by 
G. P. ElUott. 

4a A Commentary of the Services and Charges of William Lord Grey of Wilton, 
by his son Arthur Lord Grey of Wilton. Edited by Sir P. de Malpas Grey 
Egerton, Bart. 

41. Diary of Walter Yonge, Justice of the Peace, and M.P. for Honiton. 1604 

to 1628. Edited by G. Roberts. 

42. The Diary of Henry Machyn, Citizen and Merchant Taylor of London, from 

1550 to 1563. Edited by J. G. Nichols. 

43. The Visitation of the County of Huntingdon under the authority of William 

Camden, Clarenceux King of Arms, 161 3. Edited by Sir H. Ellis. 

44. The Obituary of Richard Smyth, Secondary of the Poultry Compter, London. 

1627 to 1674. Edited by Sir H. Ellis. 

45. Certaine Considerations upon the Government of England. By Sir Roger 

Twysden, Kt and Bart. Edited by J. M. Kemble. 

46. Letters of Queen Elizabeth and James VI. of Scotland. Edited by J. 

Bruce. 

47. Chronicon Petroburgense. Edited by T. Stapleton. 

48. The Chronicle of Queen Jane, and two years of Queen Mary. Edited by 

J. G. Nichols. 

49. Wills and Inventories, from the Registers of the Commissary of Bury St. 

Edmund's and the Archdeacon of Sudbury. Edited by S. Tymms. 

50. Gualteri Mapes de Nugis Curialium Distinctiones quinque. Edited by 

T. Wright. 

51. The Pylgrymage of Sir Richard Guylforde to the Holy Land, 1506. Edited 

by Sir H. Ellis. 

52. Moneys received and paid for Secret Services of Charles II. and James II. 

1679 to 1688. Edited by J. Y. Akerman. 

56. Letters and Papers of the Vemey Family, to the end of 1639. Edited by 

J. Bruce. 
58. Letters of the Lady Brilliana Harley. Edited by T. T. Lewis. 

59 and 62. Household Expenses of Richard de Swinfield, Bishop of Hereford, 
1289-90. 

60. Grants, &c., from the Crown during the reign of Edward V. and two 

Speeches for opening Parliament, by John Russell, Bishop of Lincoln, Lord 
Chancellor. Edited by J. G. Nichols. 

6 1. The Camden Miscellany. Vol. III. :— i. Papers relating to Proceedings in 

Co. Kent, 1642-1646. Edited by R. Almack. 2. Ancient Biographical 
Poems, on the Duke of Norfolk, Viscount Hereford, the Earl of E^x, and 
Queen Elizabeth. Edited by T. P. Collier. 3. A Relation of some Abuses 
which are committed against the Common- Wealth, 1629. Edited by Sir F« 
Madden, K.H. 4. Inventories of the Wardrobes, &c., of Henry FitzRoy, 
Duke of Richmond. And of Katherine, Princess Dowager at Baynard's 
Castle. Edited by J. G. Nichols. 
N.S.— VOL. XI. 



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210 PUBLICATIONS. 

62. (See No. 59.) 

63. Letters of Charles I. to Queen Henrietta Maria. Edited by J. Bruce. 

64. Ah English Chronicle of the reigns of Richard II., Henry IV., Henry V., 

and Henry VI. Edited by Rev. J. S. Davies, M.A. 

65. The Knights Hospitallers of England, 1338. Edited by Rev, L. B, 

Larking, M.A. 

66. Diary of John Rous, Incumbent of Santon Downham, Suffolk, from 1625 to 

1642. Edited by Mary Anne E. Green. 

67. Trevelyan Papers prior to 1558. Edited by J. P. Collier. See also Nos. 84 

and 105. 

68. Journal of the Very Rev. Rowland Davies, LL.D. Dean of Ross, 1688-1690. 

Edited by R. Caulfield, B.A. 

69. The Domesday of St. Paul's, 1222 ; or Registrum de Visitatione Maneriorum 

per Robertum Decanum, &c. Edited by W. H. Hale. 

70. Liber Famelicus of James Whitelocke, a Judge of the King's Bench in the 

reigns of James I. and Charles I. Edited by J. Bruce. 

71. Savile Correspondence. Temp. Charles II. and James II. Edited by 

W. D. Cooper. 

72. The Romance of Blonde of Oxford and Jehan of Dammartin. By Philippe 

de Reimes, a Trouv^re of the Thirteenth Century. Edited by M. Le 
Roux de Lincy. 

73. The Camden Miscellany. Vol. IV. : — i. A London Chronicle during the 

Reigns of Henry VII. and Henry VIII. Edited by C. Hopper. 2. The 
Expenses of the Judges of Assize riding in the Western and Oxford Circuits, 
1 596-1601. Edited by W. D. Cooper. 3. The Skryvener's Play, The 
Incredulity of St. Thomas. Edited by J. P. Collier. 4. The Childe of 
Bristowe, a Poem by John Lydgate. Edited by C. Hopper. 5. Sir 
Edw. Lake's Account of his Interviews with Charles I. on being created a 
Baronet. Edited by T. P. Langmead. 6. The Letters of Pope to Atter- 
bury, when in the Tower of London. Edited by J. G. Nichols. 7. 
Supplementary Note to the Discovery of the Jesuits' College in March, 
1627-^, Edited by J. G. Nichols. 

74. Diary of the Marches of the Royal Army during the great Civil War, kept by 

Ric Symonds. Edited by C. E. Long. 

75. Original Papers illustrative of the Life and Writings of John Milton. Edited 

by W. D. Hamilton. 

76. Letters of George Lord Carew to Sir Thomas Roe, Ambassador to the Court 

of the Great Mogul, 1615-1617. Edited by J. Maclean. 

77. Narratives of the Days of the Reformation. Edited by J. G. Nichols. 

78. Correspondence of James VI. of Scotland with Sir Robert Cecil and others in 

England, temp. Elizabeth. Edited by J. Bruce. 

79. Letters written by John Chamberlain during the reign of Queen Elizabeth. 

Edited by Sarah Williams. 

$0. Proceedings, principally in Co. Kent, in connection with the Parliaments 
called in 1640. Edited by Rev. L. B. Larking. 

81. Parliamentary Debates in 16 10. Edited by S. R. Gardiner. 

82. Lists of Foreign Protestants, and Aliens, resident in England, 1618-1688. 

Edited by W. D. Cooper. 

83. Wills from Doctors* Commons, 1495-1695. Edited by J. G. Nichols. 



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PUBLICATIONS. 211 

84. Trevelyan Papers. Part II. 1446-1643. Edited by J. P. Collier. See 

Nos. 67 and 105. 

85. The Life of Marmaduke Rawdon of York. Edited by R. Davies. 

86. Letters of Queen Margaret of Anjou and Bishop Beckington, and others. 

Temp. Henry V. and Henry VI. Edited by C. Monro. 

87. The Camden Miscellany. Vol. V. :— i. Five Letters of Charles II. Com- 

municated by the Marquis of Bristol. 2. Letter of the Council to Sir 
Thomas Lake. 3. Documents relating to Sir Walter Raleigh's last voyage. 
Communicated by S. R. Gardiner. 4. A Catalop;ue of Early English 
Miscellanies formerly in the Harleian Library. Edited by W. C. Hazlitt. 
5. Letters selected from the collection of Autographs in the possession of 
William Tite, Esq. 6. Sir Francis Drake's Memorable Service done 
against the Spaniaras in 1587. By Robert Leng, one of his co-adventurers, 
^lited by C. Hopper. 7. Inquiry into the Genuineness of a Letter dated 
February 3rd, 1613, signed ** Mary Magdaline Davers." 

88. Letters from Sir Robert Cecil to Sir George Carew. Edited by J. Maclean. 

90. Letters and other Documents illustrating the Relations between England and 

Germany at the commencement of the Thirty Years* War. Edited by 
S. R. Gardiner. (See also 98.) 

91. Registrum sive Liber Irrotularius et Consuetudinarius Prioratus Beatse Mariae 

Wigomiensis. By W. H. Hale. 

92. Pope Alexander VII. and the College of Cardinals. By John Bargrave, D.D. 

Edited by J. C. Robertson. 

93. Accounts and Papers relating to Mary Queen of Scots. Edited by A. J. 

Crosby and J. Bruce. 

94 and 97. History from Marble. Compiled in the Reign of Charles II. by 
Thomas Dinglev. Printed in Photolithography by Vincent Brooks. Edited 
by J. G. Nidiols. Some copies of VoL II. 

95. Manipulus Vocabulorum. A Dictionary of English and Latin words, by 

Peter Levins, 1570. Edited by H. B. Wheatley, 

96. Journal of a Voyage into the Mediterranean, by Sir Kenelm Digby, 1628. 

Edited by J. Bruce. 

97. (Seetio,^) 

98. Letters and other Documents illustrating the relations between England and 

Germany at the commencement of the Thirty Years' War. Second series. 
Edited by S. R. Gardiner. (See 90.) 

99. Diary of John Manningham. 1602-3. Edited by J. Bruce. 

100. Notes of the Treaty carried on at Ripon between Charles I. and the 
Covenanters of Scotland, 1640, taken by Sir John Borough, Garter King of 
Arms. Edited by J. Bruce. 

loi. El hecho de los Tratados del Matrimonio pretendido por el Principe de 
Gales con la serenissima Infanta de Espaila Maria, &c Narrative of the 
Spanish Marriage Treaty. Edited and translated by S. R. Gardiner. 

102. Churchwarden's Accounts of the Town of Ludlow, in Shropshire, from 1540 
to the end of the reign of Queen Elizabeth. Edited by T. Wright. 

103. Notes of the Debates of the House of Lords. By Henry Elsing, Clerk of 
the Parliament, 1 62 1. Edited by S. R. Gardiner. 

104. The Camden Miscellany. VoL VL :-— i.Life of William Whittingham, Dean 
of Durham. Edited by Mary Annr E. Green. 2. The Earl of Bristol's 



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212 J>UBLICATIONS. 

Defence of his Negotiations in Spain. Edited by S. R. Gardiner. 3. Journal 
of Sir Francis Walsingham, December, 1570, to April, 1583. Edited by 
' C. T. Martin. 

105. Trevelyan Papers. Part. III. Edited by Sir Walter and Sir Charles 
Trevelyan, Se€ Nos. 67 and 84. 



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