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Part I, Vol. XI. 






foui«i>e:d xsee. 



• l III. II., I-L..llli, 







Patrons : 

*The Right Hon. the Lord Munxaster, M.P., Lord Lieutenant of Cumber- 
*The Right Hon. the Lord Hothfield, Lord Lieutenant of Westmorland. 
* The Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of Carlisle. 

President &= Editor : 
♦The Worshipful Chancellor Ferguson, m.a., ll.m., f.s.a. 

Vice-Presidents : 
*The Right Rev. the Bishop of Barrow-in-Furness. 

Jam^s Atkinson, Esq. 

* E. B. W. Balme, Esq. 

The Earl of Bective, M.P. 
*W. Browne, Esq. 

* James Cropper, Esq. 
*The Dean of Carlisle. 

* H. F. CuRWEN, Esq. 

* RoBT. Ferguson, Esq. F.S.A. 

* The Earl of Carlisle. 

* \V. Jackson, FZsq., F.S.A. 
*G. J. Johnson, Esq. 
*HoN. W. Lowther, M.P. 
•H. P. Senhouse, Esq. 

*M. W. Taylor, Esq.''m.D., F.S.A- 

Elected Members of Council : 

W. B. Arnison, Esq., Penrith. i T. F. I'Anson, Esq. ,^LD., Whitehaven. 

Rev. R. Bower, Carlisle. | Rev. Thomas Lees, F.S.A., Wreay. 

Rev. W.S.Calverlev, F.S.A., Aspatriaj Rev. Canon Matthews, .Appleby. 
J.F.CROSTHWAlTE,Esq.,F.S.A.,Keswickl Alfred Peile, Esq., Workington. 
H. SWAINSON CowPER, EsQ., F.S. A. j Rev. Hv. WHITEHEAD, Nesvton Reig^y. 
Hawkshead. Robert J. Whitwell, Esq., Kendal. 

C. J. Ferguson, Esq., F.S.A., Carlisle. | 

A nditors : 
James G. Gandv, Esq., Heaves | Frank Wilson, Esq.. Kendal. 

Treasurer : 

W. D. Crewdson, Esq., Hclme Lodge, Kendal. 

Secretary : 
*Mr. T. WILSON, Aynam Lodsre, Kendal. 

N.B. — The members of the Council and the Ofticers where names are marked 
with an *, form a Committee for carrying out the provisions of the Act for the 
Protection of Ancient Monuments. 

Art. I. — Law Ting at Fell Foot, Little Langdale, West- 
morland. By H. Swainson Cowper, F.S.A. 

Read at Fell Foot, September ^th, i88g. 

rriHE remarkable legislative system in use among Scan- 
-L dinavian nations in early times has attracted the 
notice of not a few writers ; at the same time the sub- 
ject has not received the attention it merits, and I am not 
aware of any single volume entirely devoted to it.* 

The system put generally was this : each nation or 
province was cut up into several — generally three or four — 
main divisions, and these were again subdivided. t In each 
of these an open air assembly called a Titig was held 
which ranked as follows : — 

1. The Parish thing ; the lowest.:}; 

2. The Provincial, district, or intermediate tiling. This 
was sometimes a circuic court ; in Shetland and Iceland, 
called a thing soken. 

3. The National, called the law or al-thing. 

* Much information on the subject will be found in the following works : — 
Hibbert. — The Tuif^s of Orkney and Shetland, A^-cha'oIogia Scutica, vol. iii. 
Worsaoe. — The Danes and Norwep^ians in England, pp. 15S, 296, 332, &c. 
Wilson. — Prehistoric Annals nf Scotland, p. 113. 
G. Lawrence Gomme. — Primitive Folk Moots. 
Train's Hist, oj the Isle of Man, i, 271. 
Mallet's Northern Antiquities. 

t These divisions varied both in name and number : according to the Landnama 
book, Iceland was cut up into Jiordings or quarters; each liording contained 
three or four thing-sokens, and each thing,-soke>i three godardar or -parish things. 
The main divisions in Shetland were also called thiiig-sokens. The Ridings of 
Yorkshire and Lincolnshire Worsaoe considers the equivalent of the S. Norwegian 
Tredtnger or thirds of petty kingdoms, in each of which was held a Trediiig tiling 
to which disputed causes were referred from the district (or parish) thing. Cum- 
berland and Westmorland are divided into wards, which may represent the juris- 
diction of the middle thing or soken. In the less Scandinavian parts of England, 
the divisions are Hnndreds. Another form of division found in the Danish parts 
of I^ngland is the " If apentake." Worsaoe surmises that this word may be derived 
from the Danish I'aal-entag or I'anbenlarm (sound or clashing of arms) that being 
the manner that assent to a proposition at the ting was made. Hibbert however 
states that a U'apenling or general inspection of arms was held within three weeks 
after the al-ling. 

i The Parish thing. In Shetland these were presided over by officers called 
"foudes." Shetland in old charters is called a "foudrie." Query: has the 
" Pile of Foudrie " generally called Piel Castle near Barrow any connection. 



At these things local affairs were discussed, justice 
administered, and laws promulgated. A right of appeal 
also lay from the lower to the upper courts as at the pre- 
sent day to the court of appeal and the lords. 

This system seems to have prevailed in a similar form 
over a considerable part of Northern Europe ; traces of it 
are found abundantly in Norway, Orkney, Shetland, Scot- 
land, Man, and wherever as a matter of fact the Nor- 
wegians, and Scandinavians generally, extended their 

'• The Danes and Norwegians in Northern England settled their 
disputes, and arranged their public affairs at Thiiii^s according to 

Scandinavian custom There were incontestably in the 

Danish parts of England certain large or common Thing meetings, 

which were superior to the Tilings of the separate ones 

A law of King Ethelred (Thorpe ; leges et instii. Anglo. Sax. glossary 
Lahman) which seems to have been promulgated for the five Danish 
burghs and the rest of the Danish part of England orders that there 
shall be in every wapentake a gemot, or Tiling.''' 

These courts, the sites of many of which are still to be 
identified by their names, t took place as I have said, in the 
open air, often doubtless at some well known tree or stone 
which would serve as a rendezvous: often also no doubt 
at some stone circle, which, especially if concentric, would 
be admirably suited for the purpose. Yet sometimes it 
was considered necessary to erect an earthern mound of 
peculiar form upon which the court held its sitting. 

" Not unfrequently the fences of a ting were concentric ; the intent 
of which was to preserve among the different personages of a ting, a 
proper distinction of rank. The central area was always occupied 
by the laugman and ' those who stood with him ; ' and the outer 
spaces by the laugrettmen, out of whom the duradom was selected, 
the contending parties, and the compurgators." t 

* WorsacE : The Danes and NMirrgiaJis in Englajid p. 15S-9. 

■\ 'riiii:rnlla in Iceland, 7'iiif:viild in Norway, 7"hi(itrall in Shetland, Ihinpicall 
in Cheshire, Dnifivitll Co. Ross, Tinn-atd in Uumfrieshire, Ti/nirald in Man, 
Dinfislcd in the Uutchy of Oldenburg, &c., &c. 

X Hibbert, id ante p. 141. 


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x5cA^e of Fett 

> I 



Now the typical example of a mound specially erected 
for the purpose and the one which will immediately occur 
to the members of this society is the Tynwald hill in Man'; 
this may be said to be still used for its original purpose, 
and so much has been written about it, that it is here only 
necessary to describe it. 

The Tynwald Mount is circular in plan, 240 feet in cir- 
cumference, and rises by four circular platforms or steps 
each 3 ft. higher than the one below : the breadth of the 
lowest is S ft., the next 6 ft., the third 4 ft., and the sum- 
mit 6 ft. in diameter. In former times the whole was 
surrounded by a ditch and rampart of rectangular form in 
which was contained the chapel of St. John.^ 

Let us now compare the mound before us. It consists 
of an oblong quadrangular platform (the E. side of which 
is 75 ft., the W. 70 ft., the N. 21 ft., and the S. 19 ft.), 
surrounded and approached by stepped platforms all of 
which are of the uniform breadth of 14 ft. On the N. side 
there are two of these, on the W. three, and on the S. four. 
The east side has apparently had the same number as the 
west, but they are partly destroyed or obliterated by a row 
of ancient yew trees, and by the farm buildings. 

The bank of the summit is in places indistinct, as on 
the east side, especially at the north end. The surrounding 
terraces are best marked at the south-west corner, where 
the natural level of the ground is lowest, and here the lowest 
bank seems about 4 feet high, the next about 2 ft., and 
the total height at this corner from 10 to 12 ft. The banks 
seem chiefly formed of earth, but at the south-east corner, 
where they are partially destroyed, they are stony. The 
ground upon which the mound is placed rises to the north, 
and falls to the south ; but the terraces and banks of the 
mound itself rise gently to the south. 

*Worsa(E: Danes and N'oricegiana, p. 296. nHtton and Brayley : Braulicf: of 
England and Wales, vol. iii, p. 290. 



Now here it will be noticed, there is a decided variation 
from the Manx hill, in as much as its plan is an irregular 
oblong instead of circular. It also covers very much more 
ground than the Tynwald. 

Nevertheless the general scheme of a central space sur- 
rounded and approached by parallel stepped platforms is 
exactly carried out ; and in spite of its somewhat different 
form and the singular fact that no tradition with respect 
to its origin exists, I venture to suggest that we have here 
a Scandinavian Lawvwiint or Ting, of similar character 
and belonging to the same period as the Tynwald hill in 

Supposing this surmise to be correct it is difficult to 
guess how large a district would be under the jurisdiction 
of this court. Both Westmorland and Cum.berland are 
divided into wards, which not improbably represent the 
judicial divisions. Langdale is in Kendal ward ; there is 
besides every reason to believe that this part of the country 
was subdivided into small districts, and perhaps the four 
Westmoreland wards each held a Thing to which these 
smaller assemblies were subordinate. Troutbeck near 
Windermere was divided into three hundreds or constable 
wicks, each having its own constable, carrier, and bull.* 
These are perhaps the remains of an ancient Scandinavian 

The mound is immediately behind the farm house of 
Fellfoot, at the head of Little Langdale, and therefore 
close to the commencement of the pass by Hardknott and 
Wrynose into Cumberland. It may be readily conceived 
that at the period when it was constructed there would be 
no road of importance in the valley, except the Roman one 
leading over the pass ; indeed it may be said there is very 
little else now. As a matter of necessity therefore the in- 
habitants of the district constructed the Thins'stead here in 

* Clarke's Survey of the Lakes, p. 134. 


a place of ready access to all who should have to attend 

From the evidence of its position then, as well as the ac- 
tual size of mound, I should be inclined to imagine that the 
district under its jurisdiction may have been considerable. 
Thus itisplaced at the baseofaseries of mountain passes, so 
that litigants and others could approach from Cumberland 
by the Hardknott pass, from Great Langdale and Grasmere 
through that of Blea Tarn, from Elterwater, Skelwith, and 
Ambleside by the Little Langdale valley, and from Yew- 
dale, Coniston, and Hawkshead by Tilberthvvaite. 

I am not aware if any significant name is attached to 
this mound, or the field it is in, but the place names in 
the vicinity are abundantly Scandinavian, Slight mention 
of it will be found in one of a series of papers on the Hawks- 
head district by the late A. Craig Gibson and published in 
the proceedings of the Lancashire and Cheshire Historic 
Society, new series, vol. 8, and I believe also in his book 
entitled " Ramhlings and Ravings round Coniston Old Man." 


FELL FOOT HOUSE— On the front of this picturesque mountain 
homestead may be observed a wooden panel, bearing the Fleming 
fret with a cross moline, and the crest, a serpent nowed. Mr. George 
Brown of Troutbeck has favoured me with the following information 
upon the subject. 

"The estate still belongs to the Flemings of Rayrigg; it was purchased in 
1707 by Fletcher Fleming who was the youngest son of Sir Daniel Fleming of 
Rydal, Knight, and brother of Sir William. This Fletcher resided at Fell Foot 
until his death in 1716; he left a widow and an only son also named Fletcher. 
The mother and son continued to live there until the son purchased Rayrigg in 
1735, from Thomas Philipson (in whose family it had been for many generations). 
After purchasing Rayrigg, the younger Fletcher appears to have gone to live at it. 

The arms over the entrancre door will probably have been placed there by the 
first Fletcher Fleming, as shown by the cross moline in the fret on the arms, 
which is a mark of cadency for an eighth son, which he would be considered, as 
two of his brothers died infants." 



Sir Daniel Fleming = Barbara 
of Rydal, knt. and bart. I dau. of Sir Henry Fletcher 
I of Hutton, she d. 1C75. 

Fletcher Flemixg=Elizabeth 

eleventh and youngest and perhaps 
eighth surviving son, bought Fell 
Foot 1707, d. 1 717. 

dau. of Thos Braithwaite of Windermere. 

Fletcher Flemixg= Isabella Herbert 
Fell Foot and afterwards of Rayrigg. ] of Kendal. 

I "" TTl 

Fletcher tlemixg. Agxes. 


Note by the Editor. — It would be well to ascertain if any tradition exists 
of a fair ever having been held at this place, or if the fell shepherds ever had a 
meeting place here for the purpose of exchanging wandering sheep : such would 
be some evidence in favour of this mound having been once a " Law-Ting." 
The mound seems more or less natural, but improved by art, and the field, in 
which it is situate is known now as " The Orchard." It may be suggested that 
terraces are cultivation terraces, but it seems improbable that such would be con- 
tinued round the cold side of the mound. 


Art. II. — Hawkshead Hall. By H. Swainson Cowper, 

Read at Hawkshead Hall, Sepicuiber ^ih, iS8g. 


OWING to the absence of evidences of F^oman occupa- 
tion in the Hawkshead valley, and its retired position 
and distance from the Border in subsequent times, we have 
little or no account of Hawkshead or its hall until a com- 
paratively late period. Although Baines, in his History of 
Lancashire, mentions the discovery of a portion of a Roman 
road on the eastern borders of Satterthwaite, pointing to- 
wards Ambleside, it is doubtful if there was ever station, fort, 
orvilla, in the valley. In later times the Cumberland and 
Westmorland hills would form a comparatively sure bar- 
rier against the inroads of the Scots, who seldom pene- 
trated as far as Furness. 

It is, however, worthy of remark that portions of Roman 
tiles and bricks have been taken out of the walls of the old 
Hall, which stands near where Baines' road must have 
come, if, as he surmises, it was a vicinal way between 
Ambleside and Low Furness. It is therefore possible, but 
in the absence of any further evidence, improbable, that a 
Roman fort or villa stood either on the site of the Hall or 
somewhere in the valley. On the other hand it is quite 
possible that the camp at Ambleside, which Camden found, 
" the dead carcase of an ancient city with great ruins of 
walls," was for centuries used by all comers as a quarry 
for building materials, although in the case of Hawkshead 
Hall, the distance (4 miles) may perhaps be advanced as 
an objection ; the difficult}', however, of quarrying the 
hard silurian rock may have made it worth while to convey 
the materials lying ready at Ambleside, especially as it is 
a flat and easy road between the two places. 



So much then for Hawkshead in Roman times. I have 
already said that there is Httle or no history till a compara- 
tively late period, that is, till after the conquest ; but in 
ifs name we may read some of that unwritten history 
which is always to be found in the place names of the 
most retired and obscure villages. 

The word Hawkshead is Saxon, and many are the ver- 
sions* it has passed through, and many the derivations 
that have been given for it. The late Mr. Beck, author of 
Annales Furnesienses, in a rough unfinished MS. descrip- 
tive of Hawkshead, gives the following : — Hougunshead, 
Houghshead, Hawkshead. Houghhigh. Head. Hence. 
Hawkshead. Havockshead or the place where the Hawk's 
mews were situated. 

The first two, I think, may be dismissed, but with the 
third we are on a better track. It is quite possible that it 
it was named " the habitation of the Hawk" on account 
of the numbers of those birds found there, but much more 
likely is it, that in Hawk (Icel. Hawkr, Saxon Hafoc), we 
have the actual name of a Saxon or Scandinavian settler, 
who dwelt here previous to the conquest. In early English 
times the names of birds and animals were plentifully adap- 
ted as personal names, as Sture or Steer, Drake, Orm or 
worm, and the well known examples of i/g;zo'/s^ and Hors^.t 

Thus Hawkshead, the village and its surroundings, con- 
stituted the seat or vill of Hawkr or the Hawk, while the 
Hall itself, though this must be received with caution, 
may have been his actual dwelling. It is rather remarkable, 
and certainly in favour of this theory, that the " Custom 

* Haukeshede, Haukeslieved, Hankeseth, ILackeset, Hoxcta. &c., FurnessCoucher 
Book. Also Ilaiikeiisihead, Hiiiiihrad, Hoxliead. Hauxide, " Drunken Barnabee's 
Journal." Modern local pronunciation Hhaaksiu. Our member Mr. W. G. Col- 
lin^wood has called my attention to the English form of the surname, Hacan or 
Hakon. 1 his may survive in the old spelling of the place name Haukensehead. 

f The affix head, side, net, &c., are of course the same. There is another 
Hawkshead near Halton. Sirinshead or Swiiiside, Rampshrad or Rampsheved now 
Rampside, and Omiside, are examples of exactly similarly censtructed names. 
Furness also contains Haiiksircll, Ilnu-k/ield, and a numerous clan of Ihnckrig^s. 
For an interesting account of early English 'lotems, see an article on Old English 
Clans, \ti vol. iv. of the Coinhill Magazine. 



of High Furness " in the reign of Henry VHI was dated, 
not at Hawkshead Hall, but at Hawkshall, perhaps the 
original form still retained from the time when the 
early lord dwelt there in his hall of dab and wattle, sur- 
rounded with a palisade of stout oaken palings. Mr. Beck, 
however, in a note, advances the theory that a Saxon 
Thegn dwelt upon the church hill, called Gallabar, (on 
what authority I am unable to ascertain), and it must be 
confessed that its situation is more that which a Saxon 
lord would choose for his homestead, than that of the 
present hall. It can however be demonstrated, I think, 
that the present building or part of it, can lay claim to a 
very respectable antiquity, being as early as the 13th 

In Doomsday book there is no mention of Hawkshead, 
it being perhaps included in the comprehensive term of 
Hoiigun. If Hawkr ever lived at Hawkshead, he or his 
descendants were dispossessed at the Conquest, and as no 
Norman baron or ecclesiastical body had hxed their abode 
there, the great survey does not help, and Hawkshead 
and its environs were not improbably regarded by the 
Norman usurpers as a sort of ultima Tlmle, or, perhaps, 
somewhat as we regard a Scotch moor, suitable for a 
hunting ground, but scarcely fitted for a residential locality. 
Not until the great Abbey of Furness was in the full vigour 
of its growth do we gain information about Hawkshead, 
and then only in a second-hand sort of way, its name not 
even being mentioned. This occurs in a charter of the 
time of Henry II. By this time the power of the Abbey 
was fully established, its possessions extensive, and its 
influence in this part of the country very great. The small 
Saxon landowners with their estates were falling or had 
fallen into its hands, and the very place names in the dis- 
trict were undergoing a change ; the ihwaites, bys, and tons 
becoming granges and cotts, and later on parks and grounds. 

The original foundation charter of Stephen, Earl of 
Boulogne, in 1126, had granted : — 



"... all Furness and Walney . . . Ulverston . . . Roger 
Bristoldcn (whom West ingeniously contorts into Braithwaite), with 
all that belongs to him . . . fish ponds at Lancaster . . . 
Little Guoring, with sac, soc, tol, team, infangtheof and everything 
in Furness except the lands of Michael le Fleming." 

The vagueness of this copious grant gavtf rise to a dispute 
between the monks of Furness and WiUiam de Lancaster, 
ist Baron of Kendal; which shows that the boundaries of 
the adjacent barony of Kendal were not satisfactorily as- 
certained at that period. The decision materially affected 
the little town of Hawkshead, inasmuch as its inhabitants, 
if it then existed, could scarcely up to this time, have been 
aware to whom they owed suit and service. This dispute 
was settled by a reference to thirty sworn men, and their 
decision was afterwards confirmed by the following royal 

■■'- Henry, King of England and Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, 
and Earl of Anjou, to the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Earls, Barons, 
&c., of all England, &c., greeting. Be it known that I have granted, 
and by my Charter have confirmed, the agreement which was made 
before me between the monks of Furness and William the son of Gil- 
bert, about the fells of Furness, which are divided from Kendal by 
the boundaries sworn to by my command by thirty sworn men : from 
where the water descends from Wreineshals (Wrynose hill) in Little 
Langden and from thence to Helterwatra, and from thence by Braiza 
(Brathay) into Windermere, and thence to Leven, and thence to sea • 
This territory the Abbot of Furness has divided by the undermentioned 
divisions; From Helterwatra to Tiilesburc (Tilburthwait), and thence 
to Coniston, and thence to the head of Thurston water, and thence 
by its banks to Crec, and thence to Leven ; But William chose for 
himself that part which adjoins these boundaries on the west to be 
held from the Abbey of Furness, wholly and lully, in woods and 
pastures, in waters and fisheries, and in all things, paying out of 
it to the Abby of Furness 20s. yearly and the son of the said 
William should do homage for the said land, to the Abbot : 
but that part which adjoins the said boundaries on the East the 
Abbey shall hold, and in that part William shall have the hunting 

*See West Anliq. of Furness, p. 2S. Beck's Annalcs Furitescenscs, app., No. 
iv., and Coitchcr Book of Furness Alley, ed. by Kev. J. C. Atkinson. 



and hawking ; Wherefore I will and positively command that this 
aggreement be held to, firm and unbroken, and that the said 
abbey shall have and hold its abovesaid share fully and in peace, in 
wood and pasture, in waters and fisheries, and in all places and 
things. Witnesses : — 

■ bishops 

R. Lincoln,; 1 


R. Earl of Legricestre 
Richard de Luci 
William de Vesci 
Godfrey de Valence 
William de Agremont 

Aubert Gresly 
John the Constable 
Richard Butler 
Henry Fitz Swain 
GospATRic Fitz Orm 
Richard Fitz Juon 

by Stephen the Chaplain at Woodstoc. 

(The names of those who made the perambulation of the boundaries 
between Furness and Kendal according to the above mentioned com- 
mand of our Lord King, Henry Fitz Swain, Roger his son of Raven 
Kill, Michael de Furness, Gospatric Fitz Ormo, William Garnet, 
William parson of Cartmell, Ailward de Broughton, Hugo son of 
Frostolf, Benedict de Pennington, Gillo Michael de Merton, William 
Brictwald, William son of Roger de Kyve, Dolphin de Kyrkeby, Swift 
de Pennington). 

By this it appears that the wily Baron, who seems to 
to have had first choice, selected that part adjoining the 
Abbot's division line on the west, i.e., the Coniston and 
Duddon side, to hold from the Abbey by a rent ; and he 
also secured the hunting and hawking of the Hawkshead 
and Windermere side, which however was to belong to the 
Abbey — No bad choice. His grand-daughter and heir, to- 
gether with her husband, Gilbert, son of Roger Fitz Reinfred, 
in an instrument dated T196, relinquished their right to 
the hunting on the abbot's side.* It may be noticed that 
in neither of these documents is Hawkshead mentioned by 
name, although it afterwards became the chief manor on 
the abbot's share. t We may perhaps judge by this that 
it was then but a place of slight importance, although the 

* Buck, doe, and falcon. 

t The Abbot's share of course forms the Furness Fells proper of the present day. 


fact of the village itself not being upon the boundary line 
will in a great measure account for its being ignored. 

We come now to the earliest mention of Hawkshead in 
any form : it occurs in the Coucher Book of the Abbey, and 
has reference to the chapelry of Hawkshead which was 
originally under Dalton. This was immediately after the 
commencement of the 13th century, when Honorius, Arch- 
deacon of Richmond, granted permission to the convent to 
celebrate mass at their private altars with wax candles, 
during an interdict, for which he assigned the chapelry of 
Hawkset to the monks. There is a fireplace in the gate 
house at the hall, decorated with the dog tooth moulding 
characteristic of 13th century work. This is the earliest 
architectural feature about the place, and is interesting, as 
it would seem that the monks on this grant erected or re- 
built their grange or farm at Hawkshead.''' This point will 
be more fully noticed in the descriptive part of this paper. 

Still the Abbey went on increasing its possessions, not 
only as West remarks " by the gifts of almost every suc- 
ceeding King of England," but also of almost all the 
barons and landowners great and small, who held lands 
under or adjoining it ; by these means they gained for their 
souls supposed salvation, and for their bodies a resting 
place in the Abbey church itself. The Abbot was lord 
absolute over the tenants, many of whom were mere villeins, 
until emancipated by indulgence of the Abbots. The 
superior grades of tenants \vere, first, the free homagers, 

* As it seemed to me curious that monks should choose a time for building- when 
the country was lying- under a papal interdict, I asked Mr. Lees his opinion and 
received the foUowinq- interesting- reply : — " As 1 learn from Du Cange, interdicts 
varied in severity. The one in K. John's time was not so severe as some others; 
but still during its continuance all masses were forbidden except on great festivals. 
The Cistercians seem to have evaded this rule, for W'ilkins (Concilia i. p. 527), 
gives a bull of Pope Innocent complaining that the Cistercian order, in defiance of 
the interdict, continued to perform divine service as usual. 

The private altars I take to mean the altars in the side chapels at which the 
choir monks said their masses. 

'1 is possible that the suspension of all public offices of religion gave the monks 
more time to attend to their buildings. This is mere surmise." 



feudatories of the Abbot and bound to him by their homage 
and a small rent ; the second grade, copyholders who held 
by copy of court roll, paying a small relief upon admittance, 
and a rent in lieu of all service except military ; the re- 
mainder, at first, as I have said, villeins or serfs became 
eventually the customary tenants.* 

Among their possessions in the sequestered district lying 
at the north of Furness, was the manor of Hawkshead, 
never held by a baron or lord under the Abbey, but, 
apparently, till the dissolution, in direct possession of that 
great house itself. This circumstance will in a great 
measure account for the lack of history appertaining to the 
hall and its inhabitants. There was at Hawkshead no 
great territorial family as at Kirkby or Coniston, whose 
achievements and pedigree Vv'ere to be handed down to 
posterity, and consequently no charters or other evidences 
to which we can refer for its history. In few documents 
is it even referred to, but at Hawkshead it was, that the 
mentioned " Custom of High Furness " was dated in 24 
Hen. Vni. This document, which is signed by the abbot 
and six monks, is interesting as giving besides these names 
the names of many of the tenants of Furness Fells. Ano- 
ther code, drawn up in the 27 Queen Eliz., is useful for 
the same reason, and bears third in the list of the jury, 
the name of a member of the family of Nicholsons who 
were settled at the hall for several generations after the 

Haw^kshead hall is described by Whittaker and others 
as something between a manor house and a cell. There 
is, however, as will be seen from the descriptive part of 
this paper, much more of the former than of the latter in 
its characteristijs. On ordinary occasions it would be oc- 
cupied by a few monks, and doubtless also by a few lay 
brethren ; at times the abbot himself would visit here and 

* See West's Antui. of Furness p. 156. 



lodge the night. On such occasions the lay brethren would 
be sent scouring the fells far and wide in search of good 
fare for that dignitary's table. Perhaps they would send 
to their brother at his lonely cell at Monk Coniston for 
some of the noted char from the lake.* 

In connection with Hawkshead under monastic rule, 
has often been mentioned, the hill standing on the left 
about halfway between the hall and the town, and bearing 
the name of Gallowbarrow. Burn & Nicolson record that 
there was a hill in the township of Troutbeck called 
Gallow how, and there was also a Gallowbar belonging to 
Kendal Castle. t Mr. Beck among his Hawkshead papers 
his a note on this subject, and he conceives that on it were 
erected the gallows when the lords had the power of life 
and death over their tenants : both How and Barrow 
signify hill, though it may be questioned how late they 
were in use : it is possible that the hill may have been 
used for that purpose at a very early period and both its 
ancient name and usage may have stuck. I believe it is 
now occasionally called by the natives Gallows hill. 

The reference made by Mr Beck to the church hill as 
Gallaber, which is evidently closely allied, requires both 
explanation and authentication as it is almost inconceiv- 
able that at any time Hawkshead could produce criminals 
enough to require two places for capital punishment. 

In later times there was a gallows near Poolstang in 
Coulthouse meadow near the head of the lake, which still 
bears the name of gibbet moss, and which is the subject 
of a very gruesome entry in the parish registers in 1672.]: 

* There is said to have been a cell at Monk Coniston, but I do not know upon 
what authority. Mr. Marshall of Monk Coniston tells me there is an old landing 
sta<^e at the head of the lake, used by the monks, no doubt for the fishing, and 
also on the route to the Abbey. 

t Annals of Kendal, p. 78. There is Galloperpool near Kirkby .' Also Gallow 
Barrow on Swarthmoor, near L'lverston. 

•*" See " Hawkshead Parish Registers," by the Rev. J. Allen. Vol. 4 of 
Transactions Cumbd: & Westmord. Arch. & Ant. Soc. p. 35. 



When this was first started as the hanging place I do not 
know, but a lady residing at Colthouse informs me that 
she can remember the stump of the gallows still standing. 
About 25 years previous to the dissolution, Hawkshead 
Hall was leased to one Thomas Dowling for three years, 
and with reference to this Mr. Beck has preserved the fol- 
lowing interesting indenture in his Annales Furnesienses.* 

" This indentur made the viij dale February in the fourth yere of 
King Henry viij Bethwixt Alex, thabot off Furness and the convent of 
the same on that one partie and Thomas Dowlying upone that oder 
partie Witnesith that the said abbot and convent hath grauntted to the 
said Thomas the keping of the mansione of Hawkshed Halle with 
all maner of housold stuf and insight thereto belonging. And also the 
lath garth and the greyne with the mosse close. And also the said 
abbot and convent hath sett and lattyne to ffarme to the said Thomas 
the above said mansione and percel for the terme of iij years next 
ensuying the date hereof and also Haukeshed milne a close called 
Penres feld and the half of a close called Sedehaw field with the teth 
corne of Hawkeshed feld during the same terme. And the said 
Thomas graunttes to pay yerely at days accustomed to the said abbot 
and convent for the said milne iiij li during the said terme. And for 
the foresaid close and half close ixs. Item for the teth corne above 
said xl^ And moreover vj^ viijd. to be payd at the pleasour of the 
said abbot and convent. Also the said Thomas graunttes to fiynde 
the said house of Haukeshed of all maner of Elding during the said 
terme upon his awyne proper costes and charge. And also the said 
Thomas graunttes to delyver to the said abbot and convent in thend 
of the said terme the said manson with all the stuf and housold 
thereto belonging: and also the clausurs above reherssyd as well and 
as sufficiently reperelled as he hath receyved them at his entree 
Except the Reperacions of the Mylne and instrumentes thereto per- 
tenyng. And at all thes articles shal be well and treuly kept John 
Ricerson bally of Gatside is bounden for the said Thomas in an ob- 
ligacion of xxl. In witness wherof the above said parties inter- 
chaungeably hath sett ther sealles. 

Yefyn the day and yer abovesaid." 

Mr. Beck remarks that this brings to light a new species 
of profit to the abbey derived from their extensive woods 

* Annales Furnesienses, p. 305. 


— that of splitting wood into lathes, which was here car- 
ried on in a garth near the hall. Lathe garth is, however, 
simply Cumhrian for barn v'ard. The name still remains, 
and until latelv a ruinous barn stood in the field. Green, 
Penros field or High and Low Penrose, Sedehaw field or 
High and Ljw Seddo also preserve their titles. Perhaps 
the last mentioned is also to be found in the adjacent 
Shadow wood, commonly supposed to be haunted, and to 
bear its name from the dark and gloomy gills which inter- 
sect it. 

The last information I can gain of the hall is in the 
same year as the crash, 1537 ; and is contained in the 
valuations of the Estates in the Commissioners ceitificate 
of the abbey revenues. 

"The Manor place of Hawkeshead with the demayne lands thereto 
belonging iiij li xvij'* Hawkshead myll iiij li." 

And from a rental of the abbt)t preserved at Westminster 
Item Haula de Hawkeshead cum pertinenciis xl''. 

In 1537 Roger Pyle, Abbot of Furness, Briand Garnor, 
Prior, and twenty-eight monks, surrendered the abbey to 
Henry VHL From that time till 1662 the liberty and lord- 
ship of Furness remained in the Crown, when they were 
granted to the Duke of Albemarle, from whom they have 
descended to the present Duke of Buccleuch. After the 
dissolution the manor house and demesne lands ceased to 
be in actual possession of the lord, and became the seat 
and residence of small squires, under whose hands they 
have slowly but steadily gone to decay. The court barons 
have been held by the lord, but they have been held in the 
village and not in the court room at the hall, nor have the 
boundary beaters started on their expedition from thence 
armed with flail and cudgel in case of a scrimmage with 
the tenants of a neighbouring manor*. 

* Part of the estate still continues free from the custom of tenant riaht. 



'^rWO years after the surrender of the monastery (1539) 
the hall was held by indenture dat. 12 Nov. 30 Hen. 
VIII.* by one Kendall, and about twenty-six years later 
in " A Decree for the Abolishing of Bloomeries in High 
Furnes," " the hall or mansion house of the mannor of 
Hawkshead, with appurtenances, now or late in the tenur 
of Giles Kendal " is mentioned as free from the custom of 
tenant right. t These two Kendals may have been father 
and son, and from their name they were probably of local 
extraction. Nothing more, however, is forthcoming about 
them, and in 1578 Hawkshead Hall was leased to Edward 
Fenton for twenty-one years, | and four years later (1582) 
to Rowland Nicholson for 31 years from the expiration of 
Fenton's lease. § 

These Nicholsons, as will be seen, inhabited the hall 
for about 100 years, and were a family of considerable 
local importance as their marriages, wills, and inventories 
will show. Oddly enough they seem to have had no arms, 
or at any rate not to have used any, as one of the family 
appears amongst the "disclaimers" at Dugdale's West- 
morland Visitation in 1666 ; he, however, with some others 
in the same position were the subject of a note by Machell, 
in which he characterises them as " the ancient gentry of 
the north," and expresses surprise at their being " dis- 
claimers. "|| It is possible that political bias prevented 
the family from attending the Visitation or they objected 
to the fees charged by the heralds. I have not, however. 

* Brit. Mus. Add. MS., 24, Soo. 

t West's Aiitiijuilies of Furjiess. Appendix No. ix. 

: Beck MS. 

§ Ibid. I wonder if by any chance the Nicolsons or Nicholsons of Crosby-on- 
Eden came from Hawkshead. From their common surname Rowland (see 
Parish Registers of Crosby-on-Edcn. These Transactions vol. ix. p. 360) it seems 
at any rate possible. 

(I Local Heraldic Visitations by R. S. Ferguson, vol. ii. Transactions this Soc. 
pp. 20, 24. 



been able to find either in the Herald's College, or amongst 
their deeds, any coat armour which they used ; nor is 
there among the Cumberland, Westmorland, or Lanca- 
shire Visitations any pedigree of the family ; I was on the 
point of giving up searching for any chronicled details of 
the family when Mr. A. Scott Gatty, York Herald, called 
my attention to a pedigree of five generations in Dug- 
dale's \'isitation of Northumberland and Durham. This 
turned out to be the family itself, and the reason for their 
not being entered in Lancashire was that there was a 
branch then living at Newcastle in a considerable com- 
mercial position. This pedigree begins with John, the 
father of our lessee, Rowland, and gives four Hawkshead, 
and two Newcastle generations. The Newcastle branch 
of the family were merchants, and some of them held high 
civic posts, while the elder branch at Hawkshead seem to 
have been quiet country gentlemen. 

It is improbable that the Nicholsons belonged to Hawks- 
head before they came to the Hall ; i.t may be seen that 
the first in the pedigree died at Hawkshead nearly ten 
years previous to the leasing of the estate to Rowland • 
there were also three baptisms and one burial previous to 
this, but they were all probably children and grandchildren 
of this John. Neither do there seem to be any wills of 
Hawkshead Nicholsons proved in the Archdeaconry of 
Richmond previous to 1590. On the whole I am inclined 
to believe that they came from somewhere in the neigh- 
bourhood of Kendal. From the calendar of Richmond 
wills it would seem that Nicholsons were numerous in 
that district from early times. Ann, widow of Christopher 
Nicholson of Crook, and daughter of William Carus of 
Awsthwaite, who died in 1557 ^"^ whose will is published 
in vol. 26 of the Surtees Society proceedings, makes her 
father-in-law, John Nicholson, an executor. It is highly 
probable tha>t this was John Nicholson, the first in our 
pedigree; Allan Nicholson, the third in our pedigree, 



seems to have owned property at Dillakar in Westmorland. 
This is very plainly demonstrated by his inventory. We 
also find baptismal entries of issue ol another Allan in the 
parish registers, whose connection with the first Allan it 
is hard to decide, but he was probably either a younger 
son or nephew, of whose identity with Allan, ofKirklands, 
in the parish of Kendal, there seems to me very little 
doubt. It may be also noticed that several of the family 
married members of well-known Westmorland families 
residing about Kendal. 

The Nicholsons, therefore, probably came to Hawks- 
head a few years before they settled at the Hall. John 
died in 1573, an.l probably never lived in the Hall. His 
son Rowland the first lessee, in 1590. In 1606 (3 James 
I.) it was leased to Allan, son of Rowland Nicholson, for 
thirty-one years, upon determination of the former lease, 
at a rent of £12 17s. per ann.'^'t He died in [616, and we 
have an interesting memento of him left in the rare little 
work by Richard Braithwaite, the author of " Drunken 
Barnaby," entitled " Remains after death," and published 
in 1618. 

Upon the late decease of his much lamented friend and kinsman, 
Allen Nicholson, a zealous & industrious member both in church 
and commonweale. 

Hauxide laments thy Death, Grasmyre not so, 
Wishing Thou hadst been dead ten yeares agoe ; 
For then her market had not so been done, 
But had suruiu'd thy Age in time to come : 
And well may Hauxide grieue at thy Departure. 
•' Since shee recieu'd from thee her ancient charter, 
Which Grasmyre sues (since Thou art turn'd to grasse) 
To bring about & now hath broght to passe. 

* Beck MS. 

t Allan m, Susan dau. of Daniel Hechstetter, one of the German Copper 
mining family at Keswick. See two papers by J. F. Crosthwaite, F.S.A. (i), 
Crosthwaite Registers, vol ii., and (2) The Colony of German miners at Keswick, 
vol. vi. of Transactions Cumb. & West. Arch. 8i Ant. Sec. 



This much for Thee : nor would I have thee know it, 
For thy pure zeale could nere endure a Poet ; 
Yet for the Loue I bore thee, and that Blood 
Which twixt us both by Native course hath flow'd : 
" This will I sa}', and may; for sure I am 
"The North nere bred sincerer Purer man. 

Drunken Barnaby's knowledge of his family pedigree 
seems here to have been somewhat at fault ; there was 
probably no blood relationship between him and Allan 
Nicholson. A niece of the latter, Eleanor, married 
Braithwait's cousin's son, William Braithwait, of Amble- 
side. They were probably also connected through the 
Bindloss's, but the kinship was very slight. Neither is he 
correct in attributing the obtaining of the charter of 
Hawkshead Market, if that is what is alluded to, to 
Nicholson, for it was Adam Sandys who received the 
patent for that purpose from, James I. i\Ir. Gibson, who 
published part of the above epitaph in an article on 
Hawkshead, comments upon this, and suggests that the 
solution may be found in the word ancient, W'hich would 
not be used if the m.arket charter was referred to. This 
seems true, and it is possible that something else was in 
Braithwait's head at the time. 

The high terms in which Braithwait speaks of Allan 
Nicholson is almost the only information we get con- 
cerning the family character. Braithwait w^as an out- 
spoken man, and he evidently regarded Nicholson with a 
very sincere affection. As the " Remains after death " 
was published in i6iS, it was evident!}' written soon after 
his death. 

It is worthy of notice how slightly Hawkshead is noticed 
in " Drunken Barnaby's Journal " ; it occurs, I believe, 
once only. 
" Thence to Hauxides marish pasture," 

when he visited it in his capacity of horse dealer ; as 
Richard Braithwait he probably knew Haw^kshead well, 



and was there well known and respected, it being close to 
the Ambleside seat of that family; but as the discreditable 
Drunken Barnaby he did not care to be associated with a 
place so near his family home. His true character has 
been fully discussed elsewhere. 

Allan was succeeded by his eldest son Nathaniel, who 
is said to have been a captain on the Parliamentary side : 
an entry in the Parish Registers records a tragic event at 
the Hall in his time. 

" 1633 Ap. 29 Leonard Oxenhouse who hanc;ed himselfe in Nathaniel 
Nicholson's stable burd." 

one of the many suicides chronicled in the Hawkshead 
Registers ; he would probably be a farm servant at the 
Hall, and the stable may have been the present stable 
under the court room. 

With Nathaniel we come to a genealogical puzzle. 
According to Burn & Nicolson''' he married the daughter 
and heiress of Christopher Gilpin of Kentmere Hall in 
Westmorland, who was the last of his name there. It is, 
however, proved that Christopher Gilpin married Eliza- 
beth, daughter of Nathaniel Nicholson, as his second wife. 
Mr. Jackson, F.S.A., who has published a pedigree of the 
Gilpins,t evidently thought that there were two Nathaniels 
as he had inserted both matches in his pedigree. As there 
was but one Nathaniel this of course is absurd, as Chris- 
topher Gilpin is said to have had no issue by his first wife, 
and, consequently, by the above supposition, they would 
be marrying their own grand-daughters. Chancellor Fer- 
guson, F.S.A., suggests that the solution may be, that 
Christopher Gilpin had a daughter by his first wife, Mag- 
dalen Pen. Nathaniel would then marrv his own daugh- 

* History of Westmoreland, vol. i. p. 137. 

t Memoirs of Dr. Gilpin, Prebendary of Salisbury, ed. by Jackson, published 
for this Society by C. Thurnam & Sons, Carlisle. 



ter's Step-daughter. This, I think, is very unHkely, as, 
whoever she was, she died thirty years before her father, 
as the extracts from the Parish Register will show, and 
was then the mother of a large family. Altogether, I am 
inclined to think it is a mistake on the part of Nicolson & 
Burn. Unfortunately, neither the wills of Nicholson, or 
Gilpin, or their wives, which might have cleared up the 
difficulty, are forthcoming ; at anyrate among those proved 
at Richmond, where all the other family wills are. 

One of the results of this connection between the Gil- 
pins and Nicholsons was a lawsuit about the Kentmere 
Hall estate, which ran on for some time. Christopher 
Gilpin, it appears, made two conveyances of the estate to 
different persons, firstly, by conveyance dat. March 3, 1650 
to Nath. Nicholson and (according to the printed copy of 
the case among the Hall deeds) to defraud Nicholson, 
made another conveyance, to Mary Philipson, dat. March 
: the same year, but not executed till seven years later. 
The Philipsons afterwards claimed the estate, but as they 
had apparently never paid a penn}- for it Nicholson kept in 
possession, he having actually paid £"1,520. About 1672 
both Mr. Gilpin and he died, and S"^ Christopher Philipson 
sued his grand-daughters and heirs, and eventually got 
the estate partly by law and partly by purchase. Through 
all this the Gilpins seem to have kept on good terms with 
the Nicholsons, as Christopher Gilpin, his wife, and two 
other members of the family died at Hawkshead Hall. It 
was this Nathaniel Nicholson, of Kentmere Hall, as he is 
styled, who appears as " disclaimer" at the Westmorland 
Visitation in 1666.* He died soon after November 24, 
1671, and as his eldest son Daniel was buried Dec. i, 
1671, at Hawkshead, their deaths must have taken place 
verv close together. Nathaniel's burial is not registered 

* Christopher Gilpin of Kentmere was also a " disclaimer " at the same 



at Hawkshead, so he was probably residing at Kentmere. 
Two other families of Nicholson make their appearance in 
the Parish Register about this time, and I am unable to 
fix their proper place in the pedigree, but from their 
christian names they were, doubtless, offshoots. One was 
of Lawson Park, a dreary farm on the fells between Grize- 
dale and Coniston Lake, and the other of Keenground and 
Walker Ground. There had been some litigation in the 
time of Queen Elizabeth between Allan Nicholson and 
Christopher Sands, concerning Lawson Park,* and this 
renders it probable that the Nicholsons we now find living 
there are the same family with those of Hawkshead Hall. 
One of them, Dorothy, who died here in 1682, may be a 
daughter of Nathaniel, but there is no proof of this. 

Daniel had four children, one son and three daughters, 
one daughter died young, and doubtless also the son, as 
nothing more is heard of him. Beatrix, the elder of the 
two surviving sisters, married successively three husbands, 
outliving the third. Her sister, Judith Carus, " for valu- 
able consideration " passed her interest and title to the 
Hawkshead Hall Estate to her sister Beatrice, by whom 
it came to the issue of her second husband, John Copley. 

He was of the Gosforth family of that name, and in his 
will mentions his brother William, of Gosforth, and his 
sister Ann, the wife of John Ponsonby of Hale. 

The other two Copleys who owned the estate were also 
Johns. Of the second little is known except that he paid 
six guineas to the Duke of Montague in 1720 for leave to 
fell all the oak trees and timber growing on the estate. 
By this he probably did an incalculable amount of mis- 
chief, and to this we may attribute the present lack of 
timber on the Hawkshead Hall estate. 

The last of the name of Copley was an absentee, and 
lived in Sussex. In 1756 he sold the estate to Samuel 

* Cal. of Fleadins^s, Uutchy of Lancaster, 3G Eliz. 



Irton of Westminster, a member of Irton Hall family. 
Samuel Irton died in 1766. By his wife Harriet he had 
two sons, first, George, who died and was succeeded by 
his brother, Edward Lamplui^di Irton, who married a 
dauf^hter of — Hodgson, of Hawkshead. By conveyance 
dat. 1792, he sold the property to Wilham Fell, of Ulver- 
ston, iMerchant, who, by his wife Martha had a son, 
Samuel Irton Fell (bap. 1801, Sep. 26, at Ulverston,) who 
in i860 again sold the estate to my grandfather, James 
Swainson Cowper Essex, in whose family it now remains. 


IT now only remains to give a description of the building, 
the descent of which has been traced in the two fore- 
going parts. 

About lialf a mile to the north of the town of Hawks- 
head, at the angle where the Coniston and Ambleside 
roads join, stands, embosomed in trees, all that now re- 
mains of the ancient house called Hawkshead Hall. A 
stream called Hall Beck flows round the west and south 
sides, whilst on the north, and also on the west beyond 
the stream it is closed in by higher ground, which is now 
occupied by a rookery. The other two sides, the east and 
the south, are bounded by the main roads to Coniston and 

Of the whole range of buildings I do not believe that 
more than half remain. Its plan has been a quadrangle, 
and, until about twenty years ago, when my grandfather 
unfortunately destroyed the central buildings, three sides 
of this quadrangle were still standing ; either more build- 
ings or a high wall once completed the fourth side. 

If we look at the building now standmg we see a gate 
house, and to the west of this an old, farm-like building 


nalq[ti]3 dnn iineluthi^IC ^n 


^5^ .qfid ,o^ 
i .ar/1 EfrnA 

Lt .vo'/. .qfid ) 
,is:di Of. .'pnA .-; 

-.7 jsi iifl V(l (Di: ■!•)!■■»:>•. 
" .H 1e tLt-iii c 


V;0?..I0H3lVI t«HO{^ 


.4iP,di '(lul_ i£ -gnivil .H in .Orfli \;j^.nB[ / 

Bevis Nicholson 
hap. Oct. 17 1660, at of Egremc 
H. at Gosfort 

1 1 Dec. 16 


-Tjiii IsbnaM '{d>l3i/I lo 
jc.(x)i qi .n£|_ .i£fn ,"«90 

1g aYbftfiS •'h'bS lo . . . .- ,:::...: ... 
ir, cROi 3nuL -ififn noaniswi; snnA ••;.■ 
.H ic .o?">i '''. .cb''l .lud ,?-5?'*f ?<: vfit/. .iq ; 

John Copley= QjyK 

of Hawkshead Hall, bap. 
Oct. 29 1690, at H. Will 
Dec. 20 1750, pr. Jan. 23 
1754, bur. Dec. 2 1753 at 

bur. , fjSl 




S'larfjom eirf ni banoiJcKU 

.Inj .do 

I/" -..,f • 

33/.aD ,Y3JioD ja r/5/.a 

if Hawkshead Hall, and West Ch[ ^^- , qj. ^„£^ .q^d .lud ,is^i 01 .JaO .qfid ie .T2uA .qcd .ijiinE 
1720 at H. sold the estate to Sam«^£4"„j fiqcjiqa ^o^^i .H Ib ,t:E\i i '<lu( 

March 9, 1756. .Ij-b 

;Bf5igra of tljt l^amilits of X^irljolson nnii C[Dplfn of lEfcatohsljcaJl iE^all. 

Jlrlii.SlS."'4'?i9),d.*^ V| 

ii^hV 'i!fi. 

JOI.K N.CII(.t*,« lOHX NICHOLSON RokrtI, holso 
p.liec.i, bur. Uk. bsp. Scp.KS idjo, nl H. bap. Dec. » iCj^. al 
bap. Sep. M i6 3t. at H. 

liltinitn^ Si^t, tlcrk, h>^ *P' JO. 


'ff^^fTfrf--- '^ 


-T 1L 




with chimneys, some of which are of the cylindrical 
(sometimes called the Flemish) shape. The gate house 
has numerous architectural features, including an early 
English fireplace, while the latter has no architectural 
detail, unless we count the chimneys, which may be of 
any age. From sketches and photographs which exist, 
showing the central and destroyed portion, we know it 
to have been of the same character as the farm-like build- 
ings, though some of the windows had oaken mullions, 
probably of 16th or 17th century date. In spite of this 
absence of detail there is evidence that this part, or a 
building that this part replaced, was as old as, and, pos- 
sibly, older than the court house. 

The gate house, or as it is usually called, the court 
house, is built of rough rubble, many of the stones of 
which may have come from the bed of the stream ; the 
dressings of the windows, arch, doorway, and niche are 
of red sandstone, probably from the same quarries which 
supplied the material for Furness Abbey. The quoins at 
the angles of the building are of Silurian stone, roughly 
trimmed. The gateway passage is entered by a drop arch 
of sandstone ashlar with a plain chamfer ; the keystone 
of the arch is sculptured with foliage, which Beck con- 
jectured to be sprigs of deadly nightshade, in allusion to 
the connection of the manor with Furness Abbey. Above 
this is a heavy arch of relief fo-rmed of flat Silurian flags ; 
over thi>s is another sculptured stone, considered by the 
same authority to be a coat of arms, but which is un- 
doubtedly an animal's head — probably t'hat of a lion. 
Above this again, and straight over the keystone of the 
arch is a niche, with pinnacles and crockets, which, until 
about 1834, contained a seated figure of the Virgin. The 
passage through the gatehouse is not vaulted ; the side 
walls containing the passage are not bonded into the side 
walls of the building and their masonry seems more 
modern ; the inner portal opening into the court is not 



ashlar, but of similar shape to the outer arch. On either 
side of the passage is a room, neither of which is vaulted : 
that on the north side, probably the porter's lodge, has a 
round-headed doorway with a plain chamfer leading into 
the court ;* that on the south has a splayed loop, which 
may be ancient, looking towards the road, and is entered 
by a rough flat-arched door, without ashlar, from the 
court. Neither of these rooms seems to have had doors 
from the passage. 

The room above the gateway is 40 ft. 10 in. in length, 
and 21 ft. in breadth, and is entered at the north end by 
an external flight of stairs and a doorway, beneath which 
is a broad rough arched doorway entering the room be- 
neath, hue now blocked. Mr. ]3eck in his MS. says: — 

"This room has been entered by a flight of steps from the north end, 
through an arched doorway, some of the mouldings yet remaining 
about it, and lighted by five trefoil-headed windows." 

The mouldings have now disappeared, and of the five 
windows, two, those looking into the court, have gone al- 
togother, two more are mutilated, and the large one on 
the south alone remains perfect. This is a good pointed 
window v/ithout transoms ; it has been protected by iron 
bars, the holes for which remain, and the cinque foils in 
the head are grooved for glazing ; the tracery in the head 
is of early perpendicular character, uncommon in design, 
and its date perhaps about i4io.t It possesses the 
curious feature of not being placed in the centre of its 
gable but considerably east of it. Two other windows 
remain on the east side ; they have been square-headed, 
of two trefoil-headed lights each, one is almost entirely 
destroyed, but the other is perfect, with the exception of 
the mullion dividing the lights. On the same side nearer 

* As a matter of fact this arch is slightly horse shoe shaped ; this may possibly 
arise from settlement, 
t This date was assigned to it by Mr. Loftus Brock, F.S.A., from a photograph. 



'TfaiL-fiei . M- 




to the south than the north end, is a red sandstone fire- 
place v/ith a flat segmental arch, having as its sole orna- 
ment the tooth pattern boldly cut in the angle, the teeth 
being placed very close together. The chimney from this 
fireplace is destroyed. There seems to have been a dais 
in the southern part of this room, but it has disappeared, 
and, in fact, the whole floor is lower than formerly. The 
open roof is ancient, but not original, and consists only of 
tie beam, collar beam, and rafters, thus being exactly 
similar to the roof of the parish church ; the southern 
bay, above where I suppose the dais to have been, seems 
to have been ceiled at some period, as there are traces of 
laths. Externally this building has neither buttress, 
plinth, string, nor offset of any kind ; and the gables are 
now roughly corbie stepped. 

I have taken this building first, as, architecturally, it is 
the most important, and as the contiguous buildings^ 
which were, at least as old, are destroyed. On the 
whole it seems that this gate house was erected early in 
the 13th century, perhaps soon after the time ^vhen 
Honorius, Archdeacon of Richmond, granted permission 
to the convent to celebrate mass at their private altars 
with wax candles ; for which purpose he assigned the 
chapelry of Hawkshead. Of this 13th century building 
nothing, except the fireplace, perhaps the round arch and 
some of the walling, seems to remain : it has been com- 
pletely overhauled in the beginning of the 15th century, 
which is the date assigned to the windows, archway, and 
niche (from a photograph) by Mr. Loftus Brock, F.S.A., 
to whose kind help I am much indebted. 

The buildings destroyed, which consisted of the hall, 
and probably the chamber, connected the gate house with 
the kitchen and offices, which are still standing ; they, the 
hall and chamber (and, possibly, the offices themselves,) 
I have, for a long time, considered to have been older 
than the gate house for the following reason. At the 



south end of the latter, and beneath the pointed window, 
is a small lean-to building, in local parlance, a " bull hull," 
of comparatively modern date, one wall of which being 
all that remains of the gable wall of the pulled down por- 
tion, which here joined the court house, corner to corner, 
the two gables thus forming a right angled recess. Well 
in this " bull hull " it will be seen that the wall of the 
gate house is not bonded into the fragment but built 
against it, thus causing it to appear like a later building. 
But if the court house be carefully examined it will be 
found that very few of the walls have bond, for instance 
the side walls of the entrance passage, as well as other 
main walls in the building. This peculiarity seems there- 
fore to be original, and the walls throughout have ap- 
parently been run up and built independently of one 
another in a most curiously rough-and-ready sort of 
fashion. The want of bond, therefore, at this corner, 
probably carries no evidence of difference of age with it, 
especially as the character of masonry in the two walls is 
similar. The destroyed portion was then possibly of the 
same age as the court house ; yet it was much less in- 
teresting, having been adapted to domestic requirements 
in more modern times, and at the time of its demolition 
contained no ancient windows, nor, as far as can be ascer- 
tained, was anything of the sort discovered during its 
destruction. In length the destroyed portion was 59 ft. 
4 in., in breadth 23ft. 6 in., a perfectly plain building, 
roughcast, and with square late windows. It was pulled 
down at two different times : firstly, the part next the 
gate house, then the remainder up to the kitchen wing, 
which is left standing. The part first destroyed had two 
or three windows of small size, with oaken mullicms and 
a chimney in front, as well as a small one in the Eastern 
gable, which took the smoke from a fireplace under it ; 
this can still be seen in the fragment of wall, and is quite 
plain with a massive beam for a mantel tree. The other 



destroyed part was of greater size, and was, undoubtedly, 
the hall. It had one window in front, of the same shape, 
but larger than the others, and when destroyed had no 
oak mullions, but an ordinary sash. A large fireplace of 
the same description as the last, may be seen in the wall 
of the kitchen wing, which warmed this room. This wall 
is no less than 9 ft. thick, and to the right of the fireplace 
is a doorway leading to the domestic offices, which con- 
sist of two chief rooms on the ground floor, one the kit- 
chen, the great ovens of which are undoubtedly contained 
in the thick wall before-mentioned, and the other, perhaps 
the buttery. There are several rooms above, which are 
now approached by a massive oak staircase, with turned 
balusters, of Elizabethan or Jacobean date. On the roof, 
and supported by the thick wall, is a curious shaped 
clustered chimney stack.* 

Now here, it would seem, we have the shell of an 
ancient house, probably mostly of the 13th century. The 
unvarying plan of early manor houses was always a large 
hall in the centre, occupying the whole height of the 
house, and flanked on one side by the chamber, with the 
solar above it, and on the other b_v the kitchen wing. As 
a rule, however, the chamber and solar were also in a 
wing, thrown either backwards or forwards, or sometimes 
both, which does not appear to have been the case here. 
At the adjacent manor house of Coniston, however, they 
seem to have been under the same roof-tree as the hall. 
In the centre was the hall, its length, as near as can now 
be ascertained, about 34 ft., and its breadth about 19 ft. 

* Such stacks are fairly common in brick, but very rare, in most districts, in 
stone, and when they do occur, seldom contain more than two flues. The one in 
question contains four, and another at the north end of this wing, two ; which 
latter might be called a double Flemish. Although such chimneys are rare in 
most districts, I could cite several instances of the last shape in this locality. 
Clustered stacks first appeared, I believe, late in the 15th century. For com- 
parison see "The Flemings and their chimneys in Pembrokeshire, by Rev. W. 
D. B. Allen," vol. 41, Journ. Arch. Assoc. 



Beyond tliis, on the east, the chamher and solar, throui^h 
the first of which would be the approach to the court 
room, which seems to have been by a newel. At the op- 
posite end of the hall, to the right of the fireplace, is a 
single door leading to the offices. Here was, doubtless, 
at one time the screens, but when the ancient method of 
warming the hall by brazier and louvre was abandoned, 
the fireplace was put in the end wall, and, of course, the 
screens would be destroyed at the same time. Here also 
in the court was the main entrance which does not seem, 
as was usual, to have had a corresponding door opposite. 

The fourth side of the quadrangle is now occupied by a 
modern wall, but in the north-west corner of the gate- 
house there are indications of a very high ancient wall of 
another range of buildings. The total frontage of the 
wdiole building is 115 ft. 

The actual use of the room over the gateway, commonly 
known as tne court room, perhaps requires some little dis- 
cussion. If the hall had extended to the gate-house it 
would have occupied the position of the solar, but it is too 
large, in comparison with the rest of the building, fc;r such 
a purpose, and I am not aware of any instances of the 
solar being placed over a gateway. 

A manor house belonging to an abbey might be ex- 
pected to contain a chapel, but with the exception that 
its chief window has no transoms, which is the usual dis- 
tinction between ecclesiastical and domestic windows, 
this room does not possess many of the characteristics of 
a chapel. There is, indeed, at Keenground a sandstone 
water vessel which came from here, and which may have 
been a piscina, but, on the other hand, it may have been 
a water drain in some other part of the house, and as its 
original position is not known it is useless as evidence. 
Taking it all in all, it is probable that this room was used, 
like many others in early times, for various purposes, but 
from its size its seems likely that the traditional name of 



court room is fairly correct. The external stair on the 
north perhaps favours this theory, as by it the tenants 
would assemble to pay suit and service, while the lord, in 
this case the abbot himself, were he present, with other 
officials, would enter from the hall or chamber by the 
newel staircase. 

To the W. of the Hall, on the opposite side of the 
stream, stands the ancient water corn mill of the manor, 
whither all the tenants were bound to bring their corn to 
be ground, and to suffer mulcher at the miller's hands. 
At the beginning of the 17th century there were some 
curious disputes concerning the rights of other people to 
erect mills, which were eventually suppressed. It is still 
a part of the Hall estate, and is now combined with a 
saw mill. 

Lastly, there seems to have been no moat, although the 
situation is admirabl}' suited for such a contrivance. Per- 
haps such an arrangement should not be looked for in a 
building of this semi-ecclesiastical character, but, as has 
been shown, the house partakes more of the character of 
an ordinary manor house than anything else. The beck 
by which it is enclosed upon two sides would form little 
or no protection, yet in this case defence does not seem to 
have been considered necessary. 

Note: — I am much indebted to Mr. W. Alcock Beck of Esthwaite 
Lodge, for allowing me to search, and make extracts from the papers 
and MS.S. of the author of " Annales Furnesienses " now in his 


Wills and Inventories proved in the Archdeaconry of Richmond, 
and now in Somerset House. 




No. 1. 

The Inventory of Rowland Nicholson, 1590 (no will.) 

Tkc Invent of all the goods & chattclls moveable & unmoveable appertayningfe 
to Rolland Nicolson deceased priced the 27 day of July Ano Dni 1590 by Brian 
Benson Will"' Satterthwayt Thomas Dodgson Ju. & Charles Sattertht Jurat. 

Inprmis cattle yong & old 

Itm horses & mares 

Itm sheepe yong & ould 

Itm corne 

Itm malt Sz meale . 

Itm wooll 

Itm pewter . 

Itm potte candle sticke & chafing dishe 

Itm caldrens & pannes 

Itm bedding & bedstockc . 

Itm more in bedding 

Itm in chistes & arke 

Itm in table clothes & napkins 

Itm in sheetes 

Itm his apparrell 

Itm in drinking pottes pitchers & 

Itm woodden geare with an arke 

Itm in quishones . 

Itm one salt & xi silver spoons 

Itm tables a pressor & 2 contrs 

Itm a cupbourd 

Itm fattes & tables . 

Itm iron geare with sithes . 

Itm 2 new milnestones with an oulde one 

Itm plow & plow geare with an iron harow 

Itm sadles brydles &c. 

Itm hogges yong & ould 

Itm Carres & coyalls 

Itm in pultry 

Itm a litle table & coffer 

Itm in lead . 

Ivj 1 xiij s iiij d 


xj 1 iiij s viij d 

xviij I 

V 1 iij s 


iij I fij s 

iij 1 vj s viij d 

iiij I vj s 


iij 1 xij s viij d 

iiij 1 xvj s X d 

. xiiij s iiij d 

viij s 

V 1 X s 

iij s iiijd 

iij 1 xvj s viij d 

vj s viij d 

iij 1 xiij s 

Iiij s iiij d 

xxxiij s iiij d 

xiij s 

iij 1 xvj s riij d 


xxj s 

xvij s 

iiij 1 

U s 

xxiiij s 

ij s v j d 

ix s 

At Lonthwayt 

Itm in Church close . 

Itm a mosse in Breythey 



viij d 
xiij s iiij d 


The Executors of Mr. Xpofer Sands . . . xxiiij 1 

Itm Clement Rigg . . . . . . xx 1 

Itm by the country for dyvers journeyes 

Itm Mr. Miles Phillipson for Roll : Phillipson's tableing xix s viij d 

Itm the said Mr. .Miles of an ould reckoning for ye sent (?) v 1 




Itm John Sawrey 
Itm Edward Kilner . 
Itm William Rigg of James . 
Itm Mr. Anthony Sands 

. xj s vj d 

xxxij s 

xxij d & iS d 


Suma 172I 

14 s 6d besyds the debts wch all in a maner 
prove desparate 


Of the Cambridg money 

Itm to Mr. Jopson & Mr. Dawson 

Itm to Mr. Allan Wilson 

Itm to Mabel Sadler 

Itm to Mr. Magson . 

Itm to Ellin Sattrthwt 

Itm to Agnes Braythwt 

Itm to Francis Gibson 

Itm to Edward Sattrthwt 

It. to Myles Sawrey . 

It. to Or Mylner 

It. to Georg Walkr . 

It. to the Schole' 

It. to Isak Dixon 

It. to Michael Bowch (Berwick?) 

It. to Samel Listr 

It. to Xpofer Danson . 

Itm to James Burnel . 

Itm to Richard Dodgson 

Itm to George Ar Heard 

Sma G2. 14s. 3d. 


40 s 

1 ij s ix d 




iij 1 vj s viij d 

xxiiij s 

xviij s 


XXV s 

xxvj s viij d 

xxiiij s iiij d 

. xxxvij s 

, ij s vj d 




xxij d 

vj s viii d 

xiij s iiij d 

\o. 2. 

The Will of Elizabeth Nicholson, 1600. 

In the Name of God Amen the xviij day of March Anno Dm. 1600 I Elizabeth 
Nicholsonne de Church Stelle at Hauxheade in ffourneis fells within the Countye 
of Lancaster wydowe Sicke in my mortall bodie yet nevertheless beinge of wholle 
mynde and in good and perfect remembrance (I give the Lord thanks) dothe 
make and ordaine this my present testament conteynnige therein my last will in 
manor and forme followinge viz : first I give and recommende my soule to the 
mercifull hands of allmightie God my only savioure and redeemer and my bodie 
to be buried in my Parishe Churche of Hauxhead All duetyes (?) to be doone to 
the same as the lawe requyrethe Itm it is my wille that whereas my brother in lawe 
Clement Rigge oweth mee as may appeare by certaine articles and bills thereof 
made the summe of xxiij 1 vj s viij d or thereabouts upon the recovereye whereof 
and my debts payed I give and bequeathe to my brother Roger Sands the summe 
of vi 1 xiijs iiij d of the same summe in consideration that he will take upon him 
to helpe my Executors to recover the same Itm 1 bequeathe to Isabell Satter, 
thwaite my mayde xx s And to my man Rowlande x s And to my mayde Agnes 



Rigge X s Itm I make my full and wholle Executor of all my goodes and cattailes 
moveable and unmo%'eable quecke or deade whatsoever Peter Magsonne sonne of 
Mr Peter Mag-sonne schoolemaister of the same Hauxheade in ffournes fells and 
countye aforesaj-de Batchelour my debts bequestes and ffunerall expenses payed 
and discharged out of the same Itm I make and ordaj-ne my supvisrs Mr Adam 
Sands Mr Edwyn Sands Mr WiUm Sawrey and Roger Sands my brother desyring 
them for God"s sake to see this my laste Will and Testament fullfilled and keepte 
as my truste is in theme In Witness whereof to this present laste will and Testa- 
ment I have sett my seale and hand the day and yeare above written in the 
presence of us viz ffrancis Magsonne Jur. Roberte Burroughe Jur. and Leonard 
Keene (Proved 1601). 

No. 3- 

■■The Inventory of Allan Nicholson, 1616. (No will). 

The inventory of the goods and chattell appertayninge to Alan Nicolson 
deceased priced bj- iiij sworne men the xxij of October 1616 viz Roger Dodgson 
George Dodgson John Fisher and Chrystofer Rigge as foUoweth 
First In Jewells iij Rings ij litle Jewells set in gold 
and halfe a crowne in golde xij sylvec sponyes 
ij sylver bowles valewed . . . viij I iij iiij d 

Itm in Cattell young and old Rated iijxx . . . vj 1 x s 

Itm in horses and mares five . . . . . x 1 x s 

Itm in sheepe younge and old viijxx and xviij whereof 

are iijxx at Dillakar ..... xxvj I 

Itm from e .- ...... xxxiijl iiij d 

Itm corne and hay worth . . . . . Iij I 

Itm hay at Uillakar . . . . . iij 1 vj s viij d 

Itm in Bees ...... xsxv s viij d 

Itm loose timber and boards aboute the house . . iiij I 

Itm in beddinge and bedstockes in the parlour wth 

other things ..... xiij I iiij s 

Itm his appaiell . . . . . . ixl xs 

Itm m jre beddinge and bedstocks in another chamber x 1 iij s iiij d 
km in meale and malt . . . • U^ xiij s iiij d 

Itm in hay ...... 

. j viij 

pewter at viij . . . iiij I 

Itm copper ketlcs and pannes iijxx xiijl at viijd the lb. ij 1 viij s viij d 

Itm one copper pott and 2 stills .... viijs 

Itm brasse pannes and kettles XXV 1 . . . . x s ij d 

Itm brasse potts candlesticks &. mortars wcighinge 

vjxx xijlb . . . . . iij 1 xi s iij d 

Itm for my arkes aboute the houses . . . .vis 

Itm XX hoiseloades cf lyme .... xiij s iiij d 

Itm one fayre cupbord in the hall iij chajres one 

figre table . . . . . .Is 

Itm one litle chist ij truncks and iij old chayres . . viij s 

Itm sixe stone of flaxe ...... xiij s 

* The gaps in this inventory are occasioned by its being torn where it has been 




Itm one stone of wool ..... 
Itm in the high buttery & old hall In old vessell iij 

chists one old amery one old arke wth other 

wares vessells ..... 
Itm Bigg and wheate ..... 
Itm one fowlinge peece .... 

233 13 4 
Itm in the mill arks and chists gavelocks picks wh 

kilne hayre ? . 
Itm kilne hayre ? new and old. 
Itm girdle brand Iron Speet^ Racks wth other Iron 

geare ...... 

Itm the plough wth other Iron geare. 

Itm bowes ij . 

Itm butter & cheese ..... 

Itm peats about the house valewed . 
Itm sadles sacks wth other horse geare 
Itm barrowes sleds and grind stone 

xlj s 

\iiij s 

xiij s 


xxvij s 


X s 

xiiij s 


V s 


viij d 

XX s 

xij s 


Preistfeild p. George Sandes 
Barl .... Gall . . 
.... ij ... . 

X V vij s viij d 

7 14 












— Rents due and payde since his death 
Itm for Haukes head hall . . . , 

— Itm for Dillakar .... 

— Itm Due to Mr. Haukrigge in December next 
2 Itm to John Ward at severall payments 

— Itm Due to Mr. Haukrigge for sheepe . 

5 Itm Due to Mr. Haukrigge the 25 of June 1616 

6 Itm Due to Mr. Daniel Hackstretter wch was lent 

since his death .... 

— Itm Thomas Dodgson for money lent by him to Mr. i 

Nicolson at Lancaster . . . ) 

— George Dodgson for Bees .... 

— Itm oweinge to John Blumer wth he had in his keepinge 

— Itm to Thomas Benson . . . . . 

— Itm to Mr. Daniel Hachstetter .... 

2 c 22 1 17 s 4 d 

vij 1 xiiij s 

iiij 1 X s 


Ixvj s ij d 

vl X s 


vj s viij d 


1 X s vj d 

V s 

. xl 

vij 1 


Mr. Richard Leake 

Market money . 

William Sands . 

George Satterthwayte of Cragge 

Mr. Henry Hueson 

George Rigge 

John Banke 


xxij 1 


viij s 


1 ix 

s vj d 
iiij 1 
. vl 

, , 

iiij 1 




Leonard Keene . 

Edward Satterthwayte of Charles 

Ccorgfc Sands . 

T \ 

. ch 
Roger Borwicke . 
Robert of bridge end 
[•".dward Dickson. 
Blind Michael . 
William Jackson 
John Jackson 
John Haulccrigge 
Solomon Benson 
John Benson 
William Rigge of Norey (Sorey ?) 
Willni of New house 
Hugh Studert . 
Willni Gibson 
Thomas Troughton 
Frauncis Troughton 
John Blumer 
Sundrie psons for haye 

. ij 1 X s vj d 
iij 1 iiij d 

xxxiij s vj d 

XX s 

ij 1 viij s 


xxvij s 

xxvij s 

xxviij s 

xiiij s 

vij 1 V s 

. X s viij d 

X s iiij d 

. xs 

i j 1 xij s V d 


. xs 

xiiij s 

iiij 1 


Of Roger Dodgson behind for the parkc . . xxx s 

George Dodgson . . . . . xx s 

102 I iS s 5d 
(Adm. gr. to " Suzana Nicholson late wiffe " 13 dec. i6iG). 

No. 4. 
The Will of Allan Nicholson of KirUands Psh of Kendal, 1663, 

In the name of God Amen the xij day of July Anno Domini 1G63 I Allan 
Nicholson of Kirklands in the Parish of Kendall and Countie of Westmoreland 
being att present sore pained with bodily diseases and infirmities yet of perfect 
minde and memory & praised be God for the same doe make & ordaine ths my 
present testament and will in manner & forme following that is to say fifirst I com- 
mend my soule into the mercifuU hands of Almightie God my Maker and Re. 
deemer & my body I committ to the Earth whereof it was made in assured hope 
of a Joyfull Ressurrection att the last day Itm I give and bequeath my Burgage 
house wherein I now dwell with all it appurtenance unto Agnes my wife her 
heires & assignes for ever Itm I give unto Obadiah Thomas & Joseph the three 
children of Robert Nicholson my Sonne every one three shillings fourpence apiece 
Urn I give & bequeath unto the said Agnes my wife all the reste of my goods and 
chattells whatsoever giving such part thereof as shall be due unto my children by 
Lawe And I make & ordaine the said Agnes my wife sole executrix of this my last 




will & testament In witness whereof I have hereunto sett my hande & scale the 
day and yeare above said 

Pmo Allan Nicholson 

Recorde hereof are wee 

James Walker 

& William ffisher 
(Pr. 19 Dec. 1G63.) 

November ye ii. 1663. 
A true and pfect Inventorie of such goods as weare Allan Nicholsons deceased 
& prized by us Thomas Warde & James Walker 

Imprimis one table & a bufFert forme 

Itm 2 chists ..... 

Itm 5 buflfert stooles 

Itm 4 chayres .... 

Itm in wood vessall a knopp & a stand & 

thing's ..... 
Itm in brasse & pans & little pans . 
Itm in puther ..... 
Itm for bedstocks & beding . 
Itm one cow ..... 
Itm one arke of hay 
Itm speet & warkes girdle & brandreth 
*Itm 6 ould whichons (?) . 
Itm earthen potts .... 
Itm fower parr of sheets 
Itm in apparrell woolin & linn 
Itm one ould bufTert forme 

Itm for peats 

Itm in meale 

Itm one little fouling (piece r) 

Sub ptind the some totall is . 


For hay medow to Alan Prickett . 

To James Jackson (lent money) 

For house rent ...... 

Funerall expenses ...... 


Restat de claro 












•-i 4 

o 10 
o 10 

S II 10 

3 7 S 

1672 jfune 15 Admon. gv. to Susan Crow of goods of Samucll 
Nicholson her late brother. (No will). 

*Query : Quichones, i.e. cushions. 




No. 6. 
The Will of George Nicholson of Loji'son Park, 16SG. 

In the name of God Amen the ffourteenth day of June iGSG I Geargc Nicholson 
of Lowson Parke in the Parish of Hawkshead in the County Palatine of Lancr hus- 
bandman being infirme of body yet of perfect minde and in very good Rembrance 
praised be God Doe make and ordaine this my last will and testament in manor 
tTollowing ffirst I comend my soule to God Almighty trusting- through the merito- 
rious passion of Christ to have pardon of all my sins : and my body I committ to 
earth to be decently buried at the discretion of my executrixes hereafter named : 
and it is my minde that all dues theerefore due be well paid And as for my tem- 
porall estate I dispose of it as follows that is to say I give unto Elisabeth Red- 
heade my daughter one shilling and all the Remainer and Residue of my Goods 
and Chattells I give unto Jane Nicholson my wife Agnes Nicholson and Margaret 
Nicholson my daughters equally to be divided among them And I make the said 
Jane Nicholson Agnes Nicholson and Margaret Nicholson my Executrixes 

In witness whereof I the said George Nicholson have hereunto putt my hand 
and seale the day and year fifirst above written 

Signed sealed & declared in the sight and psence of George Nicholson 

Myles Sawrey Jur. 
Tho. Atkinson Jur. 
Will. Sawrey Jur. 

(Pr. 16S6.) 
The Inventorie of all the goods cattells and debts belongeinge to George Nichol- 
son of Lowson Parke in fforneis ffells deceased prized the eighteenth day of Sep- 
tember Anno Dom i6S6 by Richard .Atkinson George Bancke Myles Sawrey and 
Thomas .Atkinson as followeth vizt. 

Imprimis his apparell ...... 

Itm wooden vessells ...... 

It. Grideron and Brandrethe Ratten croke and 
other iron geere ..... 

It. Peutter and brass 

It. Bedclothes & Bedsteads .... 

Item Chestes and arkes 

It. Wool 

It. Kine Calves Heffers and Steeres 

It. One gelding and one mare 

It. Sheepe yonge and oulde .... 

It. Haye and corne ..... 

It. Poultrie 

Item chaires and stooles .... 

Summe in all . . . 

1 s d 
00 10 00 
00 10 00 

00 15 00 

00 10 00 

01 10 00 
00 10 00 

2 00 00 
iS 00 00 

02 00 00 
20 00 00 

05 CO oo 

00 00 oS 
00 01 06 

51 07 02 


Imps to Richard Apleby 
It. to Sr James Graham 
It. to Thomas Atkinson . 

10 00 OJ 
iC 00 00 
05 00 00 


It. to John Tomlinson . , . . . . 03 00 00 

It. to George Bancke . . . . . . 01 00 00 

It. to Richard Dixon . . . . . . 01 00 00 

Item his funeral expenses . . . . . 01 10 00 

Sumine in all . . . . 37 I 10 s 00 d 
No. 7. 

The Will of Samuel Sandys, 1683. 

In the name of God Amen the second day of february in the thirty & sixth year 
of the raigne of our most gracious Soveraigne Lord King Charles the Second 
over England etc Anno Demi 16S3-4 I Samuell Sandys of Hauxhead Hall in the 
Pish of Hauxhead and County of Lancaster gent being sicke and weake in body 
but of pfect memory' & remembrance praised be Allmighty God for ye same doe 
make & ordaine and declare this my last will & testament in manner and forme 
following (viz) first I bequeath my soule into the hands of Almighty God my 
maker hopeing that through the merritorious death & passion of Jesus Christ my 
only Saviour & Redemer to receive free pardon & remission of all my sins And 
as for my body to be buried in Xtian Buriall at the discretion of my executrix and 
trustees hereafter nominated And as for such worldly estate as it hath pleased God 
to bless me with I give devise bequeath & dispose in manner & following Imp I 
give unto my Honed father Mr. Samuel Sandys ffive pounds to be paid by my 
Executrix hereafter named within one full yeare next after my decease Itni I give 
& bequeath unto my Lov. brother Mr. Miles Sandys ffive pounds Itm I give unto 
m.y Lov. sister his wife & to my god-daughter Bersheba his second daughter ffive 
pounds apiece to be paid as aforesaid Itm I give & bequeath unto xx\y Lov. brother 
William Sandys ffive pounds to be paid within tw'o yeares next after my decease 
unto my Lov. brother Mr. Miles Sandys and my Cuz. John Philipson to be let out 
in thcire or one of theire names in trust for the use of the said William Sandys 
untill he attaine the age of twenty one yeares Itm I give & bequeath unto my Cuz. 
John Philipson & my god-daughter Margaret his younger daughter twenty shil- 
lings apiece Itm I give unto my mother in lawe Mrs. Bridgett Nicholson fforty 
shillings Itm in token of my respect I give and bequeath unto Mr. Thomas Bell 
minister of Hauxhead tenn shillings to buy a ring with to weare in Remembrance 
of me Lastl}' I give bequeath unto my Lov. wife Mrs. Beatrice Sandys all my 
goods and chattells whatsoever moveable & immoveable of what nature kind or 
quallity soever they be together also with all such deeds writeings evidences as- 
signemts conveyances or other assurances whatsoever now in my custody Relating 
to or any way concerning the demeasne of Kentmere or the Freehold or Customary 
lands belonging to Hauxhead Hall or elsewhere ; whereunto I am any way entitled ; 
whom alsoe I doe nominate & appoint sole executrix of this my last will and testa, 
ment : she payinge & dischargeing my full debts legacies and ffunerall expenses 
Requesting & desiring my Lov. bi other Mr. Miles Sandys and my cuz. John 
Philipson to be assisting unto my said Executrix according to theire abillities 
touching and concerning the pformance of this my last will & testament In wit. 
ness whereof I have hereunto putt niy hand ik seale the day & yeare above 

Sam. Sandys 



Sam. Sandys 
Signed scaled & dclivd in pscnce 

ffra. Cray, George Moline, I^lizabeth Gili)in, Anne Gilpin. 
(Pr. cS May 1GS4.) 

ffebruary ye i4tli Ano Domi (16S3) 
A true Inventorie of all the goodes chattells cattells debts Rights & credits move, 
able & immoveable of the Late Samuell Sandys of Hauxhead Hall in the p'ish 
of Hauxhead & county of Lancaster gentl. deceased approved ye same day by 
Adam Rigg James Braithwt Edward Braithwt & James Keen 

ut scq. 
Im^s His appairell wtli a rapier & belt . 
Itm money in his purse ...... 

Itm in sack ........ 

Itm in ye kitchin loft one paire of Bedsteads wth 

bedding furniture tables six chaires val . 
Itm in ye bed chamber one paire of bedstockes 

wih bedding & furniture a table and two 

chaires ....... 

Itm goodes in ye closet as pottes classes val 

Itm a shift & therein eight paire of sheets two tabl 

cloths one duzen & a halfe napkins. 
Itm goodes in ye little loft wth two beds for servt 
Itm brass & pewter in the kitchin . 
It. Potts panns wt'i a flaske &. other Iron implemts 
, in ye kitchin ...... 

Itm Wood vessell earthen potts val 
Itm Tables foimes chiste & arkes . 
Itm Meale mault groates flfesh val 
Itm Hempe & j-arne ..... 

Itm in ye Barne Bigge & oates thiasht & 

thrashed ....... 

Itm Hay & strawe in the barne . , 

Itm Husbandry geate as ploughs carte teames 

boords old timber val .... 

Itm A bull & eight cows .... 

Itm two yoke of draught oxen 

Itm ffower heffers & one steere 

Itm three stirkes & six calves . 

Itm ffower horses ...... 

Itm one hundred & ninety sheep . 

Itm goodes in ye mill as sieves meassures haire 

cloths wth ye miller's bedd 
Itm two hives of bees wth swine poultry and 

mannure ...... 

Suma bonora 























06 oS 




















































02 12 06 




ut seq. 
Imps Due to Mr. Samuell Sandys of Graithwt at 

Candlemas (S3) 
Itm to Mrs. Judith Carus 
Itm to John Philipson at ye same time 
Itm to Mr. Pepper of Preston 
Itm to John Robinson at ye said time 
Itm to Robt. Hubbersty sons at ye same time 
Itm to Wiljm Dennison at ye same time 
Itm to Robt. Rawlinson at ye same time 
Itm to Richard Appleby ye same time . 
Itm to Mr. Rymer and Mr. Gray ye same time 
Itm to Mrs. Bridgett Nicholson ye same time 
Itm to Willni Mackereth ye same time 
Itm Servts wages due ye same time 
Itm to Mr. Gray .... 
Itm to Mr. Gibson ye same time . 
Itm to Mr. Mansergh 
Itm to Edward Braithwt 
Itm ffunerall expenses . 

Suma debit 

1 s d 

74 00 00 
30 00 00 
53 00 00 
02 00 00 
53 00 00 
30 00 00 

21 04 00 
12 00 00 
12 00 00 
04 00 00 

22 iS 00 
01 00 00 
og 10 oS 
09 10 00 
04 10 10 

00 iG 00 

01 10 00 
17 00 00 

329 09 06 

No. S. 

Admon. gy. of effects of Richard, Avchcv 27 Oct. 1720. (No hjUL] 

No. g. 
The will of Beatrice Archer, 1726. 

The last will and testament of me Beatrice Archer of Hawkshead Hall in the 
County Palatine of Lancaster widdow. As to such worldly estate as it hath 
pleased God to bless me with I will that that the same shall goe and be disposed 
of as follows (to wit) I give and bequeath unto my son Richard Archer and my 
daughter Beatrice Archer their exectrs & admtrs all my goods chattells rights 
credits & personall estate whatsoever And doe make and ordain them executor 
and executrix of this my last will and testament In witness hereof I have hereto 
set my hand and seale this second day of May in the twelfth year of the raigne of 
our Soveraigne Lord George by the grace of God of Great Britain ffraunc & 
Ireland King defender of the ffaith etc. and in the year of our Lord God one 
thousand seaven hundred twenty & six 

The marke of 
Beatrice + Archer. 
Signed sealed and published by the above named Beatrice 
Archer as her last will & testament in the presence of us 
who have subscribed our names as witnesses hereto in the 
said testatrixe's psence 

Grace Copley 
Marget Jenney 
John Copley 
(Pr. feb. 13, 1727) 


42 hawkshead hall. 

No. lo. 
The Will of John Copley, 1689. 

In the name of God Amen The eleventh day of December in the first yeare of 
the raigne of our most Gracious Soveraigne Lord & Lady King William & Queen 
Mary over England Scotland ffrance & Ireland King & Queen defenders of the 
faith, etc. Anno Domi 16S9. 

I John Copley of Hawkshead Hall in the pish of Hawkshead in the County of 
Lancaster gentl. being of good and pfect memory thanks be to AUmighty God : 
And calling to remembrance the uncertaine estate of this transitorj- life ; and that 
all flesh must yield unto Death when it shall please God to call : Doe make con- 
stitute ordaine and declare this my last will and testamt in manner and forme 
following ; and first being pennitent and sorry from the bottome of my heart for 
my sins past most humbly'desireing forgiveness for the same I give and comitt 
my soule unto AUmightj' God my Saviour and Redeemer In whom and bj' whom 
the merrits of Jesus Christ I tr-ust and believe assuredly to be saved and to 
have full remission and forgiveness of all my sins : And my body to be buried in 
such place where it shall please my Executrix and Trustees hereafter named to 
appoint And as for such worldly estate as it hath pleased God to blesse me with : 
I give devise bequeath and dispose of in manner and forme following Imprimis 
I give to my brother Mr John Punsonby twenty shillings : Itm I give unto my 
deare and loveing sister Mrs. Ann Punsonby twenty shillings : Itm I give unto my 
deare & loveing sister Mrs Barbara Copley Twenty Shillings to buy every one of 
them a ring to weare in remembrance of me : Itm I doe nominate and appoint my 
deare and loveing brother Mr William Copley of Gossforth in the County of Cum. 
berld John Philipson of Rayrigg in the County of Westmld gentl. W'illiam Saw- 
rej' of Dale End in Langdale in the Pish of Grasmere and County of Westmld 
clerke and William Dennison of Esthxraite water side yeoman : trustees and supp- 
visors of this my last will and testament : and by these pstes doe give them 
William Copley John Philipson William Sawrey and William Dennison full power 
and authority to sell mortgage lett to ffarme or otherwise to dispose of for ever 
any part or parcel! of mj' estate at Hawkshead Hall within the County of Lan- 
caster towards the paying of my debts legacies and ffuneral expenses which I hope 
my Supvisors with my Executrix will take care to pforme : And I doe desire the 
Supvisors and require them to give a just and true account unto my Executrix 
h«reafter mencioned after my debts paid And to pay the overplus of all such sums 
as shall be raised unto my said Executrix : Itm I give unto my deare and loveing 
brother Mr William Copley ffive pounds and the other Supvisors twenty shillings 
apiece : Lastly I give and bequeath unto my loveing wife Mrs Beatrix Copley all 
my goods and chattells whatsoever moveable and immoveable of what nature or 
kinde soever they be : whom alsoe I doe nominate and appoint sole Executrix of 
this my last will and testament desireing and requesting my bro. Mr William 
Copley Mr John Philipson William Sawrey and William Dennison to be assisting 
unto my said Executrix according to theire abillities touching and concerning the 
pformance of this my last will and testament In witness whereof I have hereunto 
sett my hand & seale the day and yeare above written 
Sealed published and declared in the psece of Cudbert 
Hodgson William Rigge Edward Poole & Geori^e 

(Pr. 2S Oct. 1691) 



No. II. 
Abstract of Will of John Copley of Hawheshead Hall, 1750. 

December 20 1750 household stuff to daughters Beatrice & Isabel : rest of per- 
sonalty to son John Copley clerk, who is appointed sole executor. Realty at 
Hawkeshead Hall & elsewhere to three trustees on trust for payment of funeral 
& probate expences & debts : portions of 3^500 to each daughter & ^f 200 to son 
Daniel Coplej* at age of 23, residue to son John Copley, los. to each executor 

(Pr. 23 Jan. 1754) 

Extracts from the Hawkshead Register. 

1569. July 25, Xtopher Nicholson bapt. 

1572. Dec. 22, Willm Nicholson ,, 

1572. Feb. 5, Margaret Nicholson ,, 

1572. Jany. 23, Wm. Nicholson burd. 

1573. May 20, John Nicholson ,, 

1574. Jany. 23, Agnes Nicholson bapt. 
1577. Feb. 24, Edweine Nicholson ,, 

1579. Aug. 26, puer Rowlandi Nicholson burd. 

1579. Aug. 27, Margaret Nicholson ,, 

15S0. Novr. 12, Rowland Nicholson & Elizabeth Rigge marrd. 

1582. July 25, filia Rowlandi Nicholson ex secunda uxore burd. 

1590. June 9, Rowland Nicholson burd. 

1595. Sept. 0, Thomas Nicholson ,, 

'597> Aug. 7, Nathaniell Nicholson filis allani bapt. 

1599. Nov. 22, Daniell Nicolson alani filius ,, 

1601. May S, Esabeth ux Rowlandi .Nicholson burd. 

1602. Nov. 30, Christopher Nicolson fil allani bapt. 
1606. Jan. 4, Elsapeth Nicolson fil allani ,, 
1616. Oct. 7, Allan Nicolson burd. 

1621. Aug. 30, Daniell Nicholson burd. 

1626. Sept. 24, Daniel Nicolson fil Nathanielis bapt. 

1626. May 29, Jo. Nicolson and Esabeth Dixon marrd. 

162S. Aug. 17, Elsabeth Nicolson fil Nathaniel bapt. 

1630. June 2S, Christofer Nicholson fil Nathaniel ,, 

1630. Sept. 26, John Nicholson fil allan „ 

1631. Feb. 12, Susan Nicolson fil Nathaniell ,, 

1632. Sept. 23, Rowland Nicolson fil allani ,, 

1633. Nov. 30, Dorathye N-cholson fil Nathaniel 

1634. Feb. 7, Dorothie Nicolson fil Nathaniell in the church burd. 
1634. Dec. I, John Nicolson fil Thomas bapt. 

1634. Dec. 22, Robert Nicolson fil allan ,, 

1634. March 17, Dorathye Nicolson fil Nathaniell bapt. 

1634. Dec. 13, John Nicolson fil Thomas burd. 

1637. Nov. 30, Samuell Nicolson fil Nathaniell bapt. 

1640. Dec. 6, John Nickolson fil Nathaniell ,, 

1642. March 4th, Susan the wife of Allan Nickolson in the quire burd. 

1643. Ap. 12, Ellene Nicolson fil Nathaniell bapt. 

1643. Ap. 12, uxor Nathaniell Nicolson in the quire burd. 



1659. Jan. 17, Daniell Nicolson & Bridgett Pennington marrd. 

1660. Oct. 17, Bevis Nicolson fil Daniell de Hawkshead Hall bapt. 
1662. May 13, Judith Nicolson fil Daniell de Hawkshead Hall bapt. 
1666. July S, Richard Redhead & Elizabeth Nicolson marrd. 

1670. Aug. iS, Ellinor Nicolson fil Daniell buried in the chancel. 

1671. Dec. I, Mr Daniell Nicolson in the chancell. 

1672. May 17, Samuell Nicolson buried in the chancell. 
167S. Feb. 16, William Nickolson & Margaret Keene marrd. 
1679. June 3, Judith Nickolson fil Henery de Walker Ground bapt. 
1679. Oct. 5, Will. Nickolson fil Wm. de Keen Ground ,, 
1679. Ap. 27, Stephen Nickolson & Isabell Hodgson marrd. 

1651. Ap. — Judeth Nicolson of Keene Ground. 

aflf. \ Jenett Holme ^^^^ 
f Agnes Keene 

1652. Ap. 30, Elizabeth Nicolson fil William de Keene Ground bapt. 
t6S2. June 5, Samuel Sands \ 

& ' fil Samuel de Hawkshead Hall chris'ned at 

Bridgett Sands j home. 

16S2. June — Mr Sam Sands & Beatrice Nicholson. 

(The above with another entry is inserted out of place with '"'Eod. die " 
before them. This may be June 5th, 15th, or 17th.) 
16S2. May 12, Dorothy Nicolson de Lawson Pke. 

n ( Susanna Copeland 

1 Elizabeth Redhead burd. 

1652. Feb. 23, Elizabeth Nicolson daughter of Wm. de Keene Ground. 

^ff I Eliz. Walker 

\ Hy. Nicolson ^"'■'^• 

1653. March 2S, Bridgett Sands fil Samuel de Haukeshead Hall in Sands quire 

afT. Rachell Nicolson Ann Gilpin. 

1653. Feb. S, Mr Samuell Sands of Hawkeshead Hall in Sands quire aff. Mary 

Muncaster Ann Gilpin. 

1654. Nov. iS, Mr John Copley & .Mrs Beatrice Sands marrd. 

1654. Nov. 9, Margaret daughter of Wm. Nicholson of Keenground bapt. 

1656. Sep. 7, Geo. Nicolson of Lowson Pke burd. 

1691. June 9, William ffisher & Margarett Nicolson marrd. 

1694. Mar. 13, William Nicolson of Haukeshead Field burd. 

1695. Jan. 19, Mr Archer & Beatrice Copley marrd. 

1696. Dec. 9, Beatrice Archer fil Richard de Haukeshead Hall bapt. 
f.^ ,, Myles & ) Sons of Richard Archer gentem of 

1096. uec.i, pg^;^, j- Haukeshead Hall bapt. 

1704. Dec. 4, Jane Nicoson widdow de farr Coniston burd. 

Issue of Beatrix Nicholson by Johi Copley. 

1655. Oct. S, Ann Copley fil John de Haukeshead Hall bapt. 
1687. June iS, Robert Copley fil John de Haukeshead Hall bapt. 

1657. Feb. 17, Robert Copley fil John de Haukeshead Hall in the chancell burd. 
1690. Oct. 29, John Copley fil John de Haukeshead Hall bapt. 




1652. Dec. 22, Margarett Gilpin in Sands quire burd. 
1672. Sep. 17, Mr Christopher Gilpin in the chancell ,, 
16S6. Ap. 16, Mary Gilpin of Haukeshcad Hall in the church burd. 
16SS. June 14, Elizabeth Gilpin widdowe de Haukeshead Hall in the church 

Brass plate in Kendal Church (nonj in the BeUinp;ham Chapel). 







From Brand's History of Netccastle. Epitaphs note or late in 
St. Nicholas Church. 





1655. (He was Sheriff 1C52). 

William Carr Merchant Adventurer of Newcastle ob. Ap. 14, 1C60 his wife Jane 
Jan. 31, 1666. 

The folio-wing Newcastle Nicholsons (from the same authority) 
may be of the same family. 

158S. Roger Nicholson Governor o-f Merchants Company, Sheriff 15S3, Mayor 
George Nicholson deputy town clerk ob. 16 Feb. 1604 burd. with his wife Mar- 
garet in St. John's Church. 









The CASE of 

John Coplej', Gent, and Beatrix his Wife ; 

And of George Carus, Gent, and Judith his Wife. 

Humbly Presented to the LORDS Spiritual and Temporal in 

PARLIAMENT Assembled. 

March 3rd, That Christopher Gilpin Esq ; by his Deed of Feeoff- 
1650. ment duely executed with Livery, Dated March 3d, 1650, 
for the Consideration of 1520I. really paid to, or for the 
said Gilpin, Convej-ed the Demeasne of Kentmer in 
Westmerland, with Apputenances to Nathan. Nicholson 
and his Heirs absolutely. But Gilpin having Married 
Nicholson's Daughter, there might be some Promise that 
he might be at Liberty to Redeem the Premisses on 
Repayment of the 1520I. and Interest. 

That Gilpin to Defraud the said Nicholson made some 
conveyance of the Premisses to Mary Phillipson widow, 
and her Heirs, in Trust, (as is pretended for Hudleston 
Phillipson her son,) And the said Conveyance is Dated 

March ist, March ist, 1650, although not executed till Seven Years 

1650. after, and there is 1700I. mentioned as the Consideration 

thereof, when in Truth there was not One Penny paid for 

the same. And the said Hudleston Phillipson was then 

so far from Claiming anything to himself under that 

Janu. 22d, Deed, that Five Years afterv/ards, (viz.) Jan. 22nd, 1655, 
1655. he (with three other Arbitrators,) by an Award then 
made, did Award that there was due to Nicholson 1050I. 
but that he should there-out allow Gilpin 400I. for the 
Portion of his Wile, he making her a Jointure of 30I. per 
annum out of the Premisses. And Gilpin was also there- 
out to secure to Nicholson the 650I. Residue of the 1050I. 
And thereupon Possession was to be delivered to Gilpin 
by the said Award, 

That in 1657 the Phillipsons set up a Title, and brings 
an Ejectment under the said Deed, and upon Tryal at 

August, Appleby, in August, 1657, were Non-Suited. How-ever 

1657. they bring another Ejectment the next Year, and there- 
upon there was a Reference to Arbitrators, who taking 
Notice of the said former Award, and that there waa lool. 

Decern. 25, more become due to Nicholson, it is Awarded December 

1658. the 25, 1658, that Mary Phillipson should pay to Nichol- 
Janu. 2ist. son the 21st of January then next 750I. or give sufficient 



Security for the same, with Interest, and should also 
j^ive Security for payment of 400I. to Gilpin, with In- 
terest, in a Year. And also that she should settle a 
Jointure of 30I. per Annum on Elizabeth the Wife of 
Gilpin, and that she should give Security to Nicholson 
to Idempnifie him against Five several Bonds therein 
mentioned, or else procure the same to be Cancelled. 

That there never was any Money paid, or Security 
given, or anything done in performance or Execution of 
the said Award, but Nicholson kept Possession of the 
1662. Premisses. And in 1662 Exhibited his Bill in Chancery 
against the Phillipsons, and Gilpin to discover the said 
Fraudulent Deed, and for Relief in the Premisses. And 
Hudelston Phillipson Dying, the Bill was revived against 
Christopher Phillipson on his Eldest !Son and Heir (now 
Sir Christopher the Appellant,) And neither the Phillip- 
sons, nor Gilpin, did by their Answer to that Bill set 
forth One Penny really paid as the Consideration of their 

Novem. 24, Deed. And November the 24th, 1671, the Cause was 

1671. regularly brought to Hearing against the now Appellant, 

(who was then 25 Years Old, tho by his Petition he 

suggests he was under Age,) and upon the Hearing the 

Court declared themselves satisfied, that the said Deed 

March 3d, of the 3d of March, 1650, was a good Deed, and ought 
1650. not to be Impeached, being made for Valuable Con- 

siderations. And did therefore Order and Decree, That 
Nicholson should be pay'd 1520I. with his Damages and 
Costs, or else hold the Estate Absolute. And an Account 
was directed to be taken to see what was due to Nichol- 
son, but the Defendants not appearing to hear Judge- 
ment, they had a Day to show cause against the said 

That shortly after Nicholson Dyed, leaving the Respon- 
dents Beatrix and Judith his Grand-children, and Co- 
heirs, tender Infants. And they being afterwards Married 
to Mr. Copley, and Mr. Carus. In Michaelmas Term 
1683. 1683, Sir Christopher Phillipson Exhibited his Bill in 

Chancery against them, to have an Account of the 
Profits of the Premisses, and that he might be let in on 
Payment of what should appear due to the Respondents. 
And they thereupon Exhibited their Bill of Revivour to 
Revive the said Decree and Proceedings. And upon 



June nth, hearing both the said Causes June the nth, 16S6. It was 
1686. Ordered and decreed, that Sir Christopher Phillipson 

should pay to the Respondents the 1520I. Decreed 
Nicholson with Interest and Costs to be Computed and 
Taxed by a Master who was directed to take an Account 
of the Profits, and what the Master should certifie due. 
Sir Christopher Phillipson was Decreed to pay, and 
thereupon the Respondents were to reconvey, but in 
default of pa3^ment, Sir Christopher's Bill was to stand 
desmist, with Costs. 

That Sir Christopher Phillipson not resting satisfied 
with the said Decree, Petitioned the Late Lord Chan- 
cellour Jeffrej's for a Rehearing, which being granted, 
and the Causes coming accordingly to be Reheard before 

Novemb. II, his Lordship on the nth of November, 16S6, It was 
16S6. Ordered, that the said former Order on Hearing, or 

Decree, do stand. 

That the said Sir Christopher Phillipson greatly de- 
layed the Account before the Master, by taking out 
several Commissions into Westmerland to Examine to 
the Value of the Premisses, or othenvise. And finding 
there would be much more found due upon the said 
Estate than the same is worth, to be sold out-right, the 
Premisses being but 50I. or 60I. per Annum Value And 
there is a Free Rent of lol. per Annum Issuing there- 
out, which with other usual Reprizes amount to 15I. per 
Annum. .And there was a Doweress upon the Estate 

April, til! April, 1672. .And the Master being ready to make 
1672. his Report, Sir Christopher Phillipson E.xhibits his Appeal 

to vour Lordships to execute the said Award made above 
Thirty Years since, and whereof there has been never 
any performance but the contrar}'. And the said Gilpin 
and his wife who were to have benefit by the said Award, 
were not made parties to the said Sir Christopher 
Phillipson's Suit, and are since Dead ; and now that 
Nicholson is also Dead, it cannot appear what he paid 
upon, or was damnified by the said Five Bonds against 
which he was to be saved harmless by the said Award. 

Note. — Since completing the above account I have received an interesting 
letter on the subject from Mr. J. Holme Nicholson, of Carill Drive, Fallowfield, 
Manchester, containing the following additional information : — Firstly, Nathaniel 
Nicholson was one of those gentlemen of the Lonsdale Hundred who compounded 
for Knighthood at Lancaster on the 23rd March, 1631-2, by payment of a fine of 



£io. (Record Soc. vol. 12). Secondly, with regard to family arms, it appears 
that Roger Nicholson, Sheriff of Newcastle, 15S3, bore Arg. on a pale sa. three 
martlets or. [Carr MS. (Surtees Socy. vol. i, pr. 1S62, appendix Ixix.) ]. It does 
not appear, however, that any other Newcastle Nicholsons bore these or any other 
arms, and as Roger is not found in Dugdale's pedigree, or in any way connected 
either with the Hawkshead or Newcastle families, it is very questionable if he was 
any relation ; Mr. J. Holme Nicholson calls my attention to the fact that the arms 
are identical, except as to tincture, with those of Nicholson of Balrath, Co. Meath, 
who were supposed to have sprumg from the Nicholsons of Poulton Hall, near 
Lancaster. Not improbably Roger was a member of this family. 


Art. III. — S. Catherine's Chapel, Eskdale : a reason for its 

Dedication. By Rev. Thomas Lees, M.A., F.S.A. 
Communicated in Eskdale, September ^th, 1889. 

THE chapelry of Eskdale is a portion of the enormous 
parish of S. Bees. The chapel itself is dedicated to 
Catherine, V.M.: and Jefferson (" Allerdale above Der- 
went " p. 422), tells us that " a fair is holden here, on the 
north side of the chapel-yard, on the 5th of December, 
O.S." {i.e. November 25th of our present way of reckoning), 
" being the Feast of St. Catherine, virgin and martyr, to 
whom the chapel is dedicated. 

The name of S. Catherine does not appear in the oldest 
English Calendars, but we find it in the Roman, French, 
Spanish, German, Greek, Scottish, and Sarum English 
use. None of our most ancient English churches are 
dedicated to her. In fact her legend is not earlier than 
the 8th century, and was not introduced into western 
Christendom till after the Crusades in the nth century. 
Her cultus then became rapidly popular, and we have some 
50 churches in England bearing her name, and a vast 
number of chantry chapels and altars. Now in choosing 
a patron for his new chapel here, the founder ma}^ have 
been influenced by what was, at that time, a popular 
fashion ; but the object of this paper is to show that he 
was probably moved by a deeper and more solemn motive 
than this. 

S. Catherine's Day, A.D. ii2o,was marked by a dread- 
ful calamity which befel the royal family of England, and 
many noble houses of England and Normandy. This was 
the wreck of the " White Ship," in which perished Prince 
William the Etheling, son of Henry I, and many of his 
courtiers. Ordericus \'italis describes the catastrophe in 


s. Catherine's chapel, eskdale. 51 

such a feeling and vigorous style, that I trust you will 
pardon me for a somewhat lengthy quotation as rendered 
in English by his translator, Mr. Forrester. (Bohn's An- 
tiquarian Library, Ordericus Vitalis, Vol. IV). 

After telling us of the embarkation of Henry I, at Barfleur, 
on November 25th, Ordericus continues : — 

" In this voyage a sad disaster happened which caused much lamen- 
tation and innumerable tears to flow. Thomas, the son of Stephen, 
had obtained an audience of the king, and offering him a gold mark, 
said to him. " Stephen, the son of Airard, was my father, and during 
his whole life he was in your father's service as a mariner. He it was 
who conveyed your father to England in his own ship, when he crossed 
the sea to make war on Harold. 

He was employed by your father in services of this description 
as long as he lived, and gave him such satisfaction that he honoured 
him with liberal rewards, so that he lived in great credit and pros- 
perity among those of his own class. My lord king, I ask you to em- 
ploy me in the same service, having a vessel, called the Blanche- Nef, 
which is fitted out in the best manner, and perfectly adapted to re- 
ceive a royal retinue." The king replied : — " I grant your request ; 
but I have already selected a ship which suits me, and I shall not 
change ; however, I entrust to you my sons, William and Richard, 
whom I love as myself, with many of the nobility of my realm.' 

The mariners were in great glee at hearing this, and greeting the 
king's son with fair words, asked him to give them something to 
drink. The prince gave orders that they should have three muids. 
No sooner was the wine delivered to them than they had a great 
drmking bout, and pledging their comrades in full cups, indulged too 
much and became intoxicated. By the king's command many barons 
with their sons embarked in the Blanche-Nef, and there were in all, 
as far as I can learn, three hundred souls on board the ill-fated ship, 
but two monks of Tyron, Count Stephen, with two men-at-arms, 
William de Roumare, Rabel the chamberlain, Edward of Salisbury, 
and several others came on shore, having left the vessel upon 
observing that it was overcrowded with riotous and headstrong 
youths. The crew consisted of fifty experienced rowers, besides an 
armed marine force, who were very disorderly, and as soon as they 
got on board insolently took possession of the benches of the rowers, 
and being drunk forgot their station, and scarcely paid respect to any 
one. Alas I How many among the company embarked, were without 
the slightest feeling of devotion towards God. 



Oui maris imniodicas iiiodcratur, et aeils, iras ! 
Who rules the storm, and cahns the raging sea. 

They even drove away with contempt, amidst shouts of hiughter, the 
priests who came to bless them, with the other ministers who carried 
the holy water; but they were speedily punished for their mockery. 
Besides the king's treasure and some casks of wine, there was no 
cargo in Thomas's ship, which was full of passengers; and they 
urged hun to use his utmost endeavours to overtake the royal fleet 
which was already ploughing the waves. In his drunken folly, 
Thomas, confident in his seamanship and the skill of his crew, rashly 
boasted that he would soon leave behind all the ships that had started 
before them. At last, he gave the signal for departure ; the sailors 
seized the oars without a moment's delay, and, unconscious of the 
fate which was iminently impending, joyously handled the ropes 
and sails, and made the ship rush through the water at a great rate. 
But as the drunken rowers exerted themselves to the utmost in pul- 
ling the oars, and the luckless pilot steered at random and got the 
ship out of its due course, the starboard bow of the Blanche-Nef 
struck violently on a huge rock, which is left dry every day when the 
tide is out, and covered by the waves at high water. Two planks 
having been shattered by the crash, the ship, alas ! filled and went 
down. At this fearful moment, the passengers and crew raised cries 
of distress, but their mouths were soon stopped by the swelling 
waves, and all perished together, except two who seized hold of the 
yard from which the sail was set ; they hung on to it the greater part 
of the night, in earnest hops that they would receive aid in some 
shape or other. One of these men was a butcher of Rouen, of the 
name of Berold ; the other, a young man of gentle birth whose name 
was Geoffrey, the son of Gilbert de 1' Aigle." 

Wearied with this quotation you will naturally ask 
" what has all this to do with Eskdaie and its little church ?" 
This I hope to show 3'ou. After a heart-rending account 
of the circumstances of the wreck, Ordericus gives a list 
of the chief victims : — 

" As we have already said, the king's sons William and Richard 
were amongst those who perished, with their sister Matilda, wife of 
Rotrou, count of Mortain. There were also Richard the young Earl 
of C^iester, distinguished by his bravery and kindness of heart, with 
his wife Matilda, sister of Theobald, count Palatine. Othere, his 
brother, son of Hugh, Earl of Chester, and governor and tutor of the 
king's youngest son at the moment when the Blanche-Nef went down 
and the nobles were hopelessly buried in the waves, took, as it is re- 


ported, the young prince in his arms, and sinking with him they were 
never seen again." 

The rest of the list has no connection with our subject. 
The bodies of Earl Richard and several others were found 
some days after the shipwreck far from the spot where the 
vessel was lost. Finally Ordericus tells us 

" Ranulph of Bayeux obtained the Earldom of Chester, with aU the 
patrimony of Earl Richard, being the next heir as nephew of Matilda, 
Earl Hugh's sister." 

It appears then tliat this Richard, Earl of Chester, and 
his brother Othere were cousins to Ranulph Mescliines, 
ist Earl of Carlisle; and at their death, he succeeded to 
the Earldom of Chester. Finding the Earldom of Carlisle 
to which Henry I had promoted him, too unwieldy and 
troublesome to manage alone, he had divided it into 
Baronies, one of which, that of Copeland (since called 
Egremont), of which the manor of Eskdale is a parcel, he 
retained in his own hands. He founded as we know the 
Benedictine Cell of Wetheral, and the abbey of Calder. 
Like his master Henry I, Ranulph found the need of the re- 
straining influences of religion over his wayward, indepen- 
dent, Cumbrian vassals ; and therefore provided for their 
instruction and spiritual needs such means as seemed best. 
One of these I take to have been the founding of this chapel 
in his manor of Eskdale; and it seems but in accordance 
with the feeling of the age that he should dedicate it to S. 
Catherine in pious memory of those two kinsmen who had 
perished on her day ; and by whose decease he was enabled 
to exchange the barren wastes and mountains of Cumber- 
land, for the fertile and wealthier lands of Chester. 

This is but a supposition on my part ; it is for you t 
judge if it be a reasonable one. May it not be that many 
of the numerous dedications to this Saint of churches, 
chantries, and altars, owe their foundation to those who 
desired thus to remember those dear ones who perished in 

the Blanche-Nef ? 




Art. IV. — Appleby Old Bridge. By the Rev. Canon 

Read at Penritli, July ^ili, 1S89. 

rpHE removal of an ancient and well-known landmark in 
-L the north of Westmorland can hardly be passed over 
without some notice from this society, though it is to be 
regretted that few materials exist for any detailed history 
of it. Nothing is known, so far as I can trace, of its 
building, or the sources of its support, for several centuries ; 
save that many pious bequests can be traced in the 
Bishop's Registry of Wills given towards its maintenance, 
and I must therefore offer only such meagre details as I 
have been able to obtain as to its history. The structure 
itself was of exceedingly simple design and workmanship. 
Where it spanned the river, immediately above an ancient 
ford that appears to have crossed it at an angle, since 
much washed away by the scour from under the bridge 
itself, a scar of hard boulder clay abuts on the water at the 
west side, of about eight feet in height originally, from 
which and on which the western arch sprang. The same 
bed dipping sharply under the river was taken as the 
foundation of the central pier, large beams of oak being 
laid transversely upon this to form the basis of the masonry. 
These oak beams were taken up in excellent preservation, 
and nearly as black as bog oak. On the eastern side the 
hard scar had dipped completely down, and the same 
transverse beams of oak had been laid upon the sand and 
gravel that form.ed the beach stretching along the river 
side, part of which is still known as " The Sands." On 
these beams, and on the hard scar on the western side, the 
bridge was built of the simplest and rudest construction. 
A mass of large boulders and soft sandstone blocks from 



the neighbouring scar formed the foundation and abut- 
ments, with mortar, seemingly of hot lime, run in, that 
had hardened to a tenacity greater than the stones them- 
selves in many instances ; and undoubtedly to the excellence 
of the mortar the bridge owed its stability for so many 
years. The scour of the water had rather undermined the 
foundation of the central pier and caused a large crack, 
which made the bridge unsafe. The arches, of the simple 
circular shape of Norman bridges, were of very simple 
construction. Ribs of soft sandstone, not seemingly 
worked to any radius, spanned the arch, on which were 
laid similar but larger and very rough stones, overlapping 
the ribs originally by some three or four inches. But by 
the wash of the water during repeated floods the ribs had 
been forced outwards down the stream, so that at the 
crown of each they were fully that much out of truth, and 
the over-lying stones simply rested on the bare edge, the 
marvel being that they had stood so long. Owing to this 
pressure, the northern or lower parapet and outer casing 
had fallen in about 40 years ago, and had been rebuilt and 
widened, the new work being excellent masonry, but on 
exceedingly bad foundations. 

As to the history of the bridge there are few records 
and not many reliable indications in itself. The archi- 
tecture would lead us to assign it to the 12th century, 
and is exactly similar to that of the bridge at Kirkby 
Lonsdale. I am strongly of opinion that both were 
built by the Abbey of St. Mary, at York, which owned 
the rectorial property of both parishes ; and, in the 
case of Appleby, appear to have owned the land adjoining 
the bridge. In the lower part of the centre pier three 
carved stones were found, fragments apparently of monu- 
mental tablets with floriated cross, but much broken. It 
is not unreasonable to think that they may have been taken 
from the neighbouring church of St. Lawrence, which had 
been sacked by the Scotch in the raid in 1174 under Wil- 


liam the Lion. It is shortly after that date that we find 
the first historical notice of the bridge, when Richard I. 
ordered the sheriff of Westmorland to repair it. It is said 
that a bottle, of antiquated shape, sealed up, and with 
something white like paper or parchment in it, was dis- 
covered in the foundations and thrown up to the contractor, 
who missed it, and falling to the bottom of the river it was 
never found again. On the west end of the bridge it is 
known that an ancient chantry was situated, with an ora- 
tor}' or chapel over the archway by which the bridge was 
approached. This fact probably accounts for the source 
of the revenues from which the bridge was in early da3's 
repaired — namely the voluntary offerings of pious travellers, 
supplemented by the bequests to which I have alluded. 
Not much is known about this chapel. We have the fol- 
lowing : 

(1445). "23, Hen. VI. — Robert Warcop, mayor, and the burgesses 
of Appleby, granted to John Marshall a certain ruinated''- chapel on 
the west end of the stone bridge of St. Lawrence in Appleby, to 
hold this said chapel to him and his successors, repairing the said 
chapel at his own expense, with license to repair also a certain cham- 
ber or oratory over the said chapel ; to pay a yearly rent of 2d. to the 
mayor and burgesses if demanded. ' This seems to be the very same 
which;is now the old gaol, having to this day much more the appear- 
ance of a monkish cell than a prison. The revenues, thereof, perhaps 
did arise from the charity of passengers." Nicolson & Burn Vol. I, 
p. 328. 

There appears to have been no endowment attached to 
this chantry, as it is not named amongthe others suppressed 
by Edward VI, though in that list there are some men- 
tioned as situated upon bridges and endowed — as " the 
chantry upon the bridge of Great Totneys in the count}^ 
of Devon," and the " chappel and scite of the chappel of 

* Probably " ruinated " in the sack of the town by the Scotch in 13SS. It may 
be noted that the bridge at Kirkb}- Lonsdale had a chapel standing near the 
the western approach, though not on the bridge itself. 



the Assumption of the B. V. Mary upon the bridge of the 
town of Bristol." It is never mentioned in connection 
with other chantries in the churches of Appleby, which 
were endowed. No trace of the building or even of the 
foundations of this chantry or oratory could be seen. In 
the century following the suppression of the chantries it 
was used as a gaol for county prisoners, who had hitherto 
been kept in the Castle keep. 

To this date must be assigned probably an old lintel 
of which three fragments were discovered when the old 
house occupying its site was pulled down, on which the 
following part of an inscription could be clearly pieced 
together — 


a lower line having been cut through so that the letters 
were not decipherable. But I could make out the lower 
half of the date 1646. Mr. Bintiey, through the Builder, 
elicited an interesting letter which made the remainder of 
the legend to run 


but even with this key the remaining letters were too frag- 
mentary to be made out. In the following century the 
gaol was moved to the other side of the water, and the old 
buildings having been converted into a dwelling-house, 
all traces of the gaol and chapel were destroyed. 

Note by the Editor. — Appleby Bridge was repaired in the year 
1847, when a stone with a Roman sepulchral inscription was taken 
out of the parapet. Hill. MS. Coll. vol. 5. This stone was seen by 
Horsley and is engraved in the Lapidarium Septentrionale No. 748, and 
is there stated to be in the possession of (the late) John Bell, Esq. 
of Appleby. 



Thursday and Friday, July 4th and 5th, iSSg. 

ri'HIS Society visited Penrith on Thursday and Friday, July 4th 
-^ and 5th, 1SS9, when the first meeting of the year was held, 
and visits were made to several places in the neighbourhood. The 
committee for making the local arrangements were the worshipful 
Chancellor Ferguson, F.S.A., President of the Society; Major Arni- 
son ; M. \V. Taylor, M.D., F.S.A. ; Rev. Thomas Lees, F.S.A., 
and Rev. H. Whitehead. These gentlemen arranged an excellent 
programme, which made the Crown Hotel the head quarters, and 
comprised visits on the first day to the Roman station at Plumpton, 
Catterlen Hall, and Newton Reigny Church, and on the second da)' 
to Blencow Hall, Johnby Hall, Greenthwaite Hall, Greystoke Church, 
Hutton John, and Dacre Church and Castle. The visit to Hutton 
John was postponed in consequence of the melancholy death in India 
of Mr. Hudleston's son, but the rest of the programme was carried out. 
On Thursday afternoon the members and their friends drove to 
Plumpton, which was reached about three o'clock, and proceeded to 
the exploration of the Roman station — Voreda. The President, in 
a short address, described the camp and its history. He attributed 
its formation to the period of Agricola's invasion in 79, A.D., and ex- 
plained that it stood upon the great Roman thoroughfare from York 
to Carlisle. The whole place, he said, would well repa}' systematic 
and extensive excavation. Sir Walter Scott had made it a practice 
never to pass in the posting days without stopping at it and medita- 
ting upon it ; on one occasion Sir Walter bought five altars found 
here, upon which were figures of Jupiter, Apollo, Mars, Mercury, and 
Venus, and had taken them to Abbotsford, where thej' now are. 
Other sculptured stones had been taken from the station in large 
numbers by Sir Robert Cotton ; but that celebrated antiquary had 
had the misfortune to lose the whole while having them removed by 
sea. A pleasant half-hour having been spent in examing the camp, 
the party adjourned to Romanway, the residence of Mr. Joseph Simp- 
son, and partook of afternoon tea, which Mrs. Simpson kindly served 
to her numerous guests. A number of objects of antiquity displayed 
in the grounds and in the library of the mansion were examined with 



interest. From Mr. Simpson's residence tlie party proceeded to Cat- 
terlen Hall — one of the numerous Cumberland manorial halls which 
have been deserted by the aristocratic families by whom they were 
built, and have become farm houses. Catterlen Hall is now in the 
occupation of Mr. Lancaster, who farms the surrounding land. Dr. 
Taylor gave a description of the building and conducted the party 
through its various apartments. The peel tower, he said, was 
of the fourteenth century; there was an addition in the year 1577 by 
Roland de Vaux ; and in 1657 another addition was made by Christo- 
pher Richmond, who married Mabel, heiress to the last Vaux 
of Catterlen — A paper by Dr. Taylor on Catterlen Hall, is printed in 
the first volume of the Society's Transactions. 

Newton Reigny Church was next visited, the rector the Rev. H. 
Whitehead acting as guide. Mr. Whitehead read the paper upon the 
church by the Rev. T. W. Norwood, which is published in the tenth 
volume of the Transactions of the society. He also exhibited the regis- 
ter dating from 1571, and the communion cup bearing the date of 
1568 ; and spoke of one of the bells in the tower which had upon it 
the inscription Sancta Maria, ora pro nobis, in small black-lettered 
type, and had been cast somewhere between 1420 and 1538. The 
font in the church and m.any curious gravestones in the churchyard 
were also described at length by the genial rector. It was six o'clock 
when the part}^ having re-entered their carriages, turned their backs 
upon the church and its surroundings, and half-an-hour later they 
reached their headquarters at Penrith. At seven o'clock the mem- 
bers and their friends dined together at the Crown, the president 
being in the chair. After dinner the Annual Meeting took place, 
when the following Officers were elected : — 

Patrons : — The Right Hon. The Lord Muncaster, M.P., Lord 
Lieutenant of Cumberland ; The Right Hon. The Lord Hothfield, 
Lord Lieutenant of Westmorland ; The Right Rev. The Lord Bishop 
of Carlisle. 

President and Editor :— The Worshipful Chancellor Ferguson, 
M.A., LL.M., F.S.A. 

Vice-Presidents: — James Atkinson Esq., E. B. W. Balme, Esq., 
The Bishop of Barrow-in-Furness : The Earl of Bective, M.P., 
W. Browne, Esq., James Cropper, Esq., The Dean of Carlisle, H. F. 
Curwen, Esq., Robert Ferguson Esq., F.S.A. , The Earl of Carlisle, 
W. Jackson, Esq., F.S.A., G. J. Johnson, Esq., Hon. W. Lowther, 
M.P., H. P. Senhouse, Esq., M. W.Taylor, Esq., M.D., F.S.A. 

Elected Members of Council:— W. B. Arnison, Esq., Penrith- 
Rev. R. Bower, Carlisle; Rev. W. S. Calverley, F.S.xA., Aspatria ; 



J. F. Crosthwaite, Esq., F.S.A., Keswick ; H. Swainson Cowper, Esq., 
F.S.A., Hawkshead ; C. J. Ferguson, Esq., F.S.A., Carlisle ; T. F. 
FAnson, Esq., M.D., Whitehaven ; Rev. Thomas Lees, F.S.A 
Wrea}' ; Rev. Canon Mathews, Appleby ; Alfred Peile, Esq., ^Vork- 
ington ; Rev. Hy. Whitehead, Newton Reigny ; Robert J. Whitwell, 
Esq., Kendal. 

Auditors : — James G. Gandy, Esq., Heaves ; Frank Wilson, Esq., 

Treasurer: — W. H. Wakefield, Esq., Sedgwick. 

Secretary : — Mr. T. Wilson, Aynam Lodge, Kendal. 

The following new members were elected : — Miss Wilson, The 
Rowans, Ambleside ; the Rev. T. T. Smith, Wellbeck Road, Birkdale, 
Southport ; Mr. J. W. Lowther, M.P. ; Mr. C. J. Parker, The Laithes, 
Penrith; the Rev. J. S. Ostle, Skelton Rectory; the Rev. M. S. 
Donald, Barton, Penrith ; Mr. R. B. Neville, Penrith ; Mr. John 
Monkhouse, Hawthorn Villa, Kendal; Mr. T. Newby Wilson, The 
Landing, Ulverston ; Mr. John Fletcher, Rock House, Ulverston ; 
Mr. Jenkinson, Wordsworth Street, Penrith. 

The following communication from the Society of Antiquaries, 
London, was read, and on the motion of the Rev. H. Whitehead, 
seconded by the Rev. T. Lees, F.S.A., it was resolved that this 
Society should be registered in accordance therewith, and send copies 
of its publications and papers. It was also resolved that it be left to 
the President to nominate two delegates to attend the next Con- 
ference to be held in London in July. 


Soc. Antiq. Lond., 
Burlington House, Piccadilly, London, W., 

June i^th, iSSg. 


Ueak Sik, 

I beg to enclose copy of the Resolutions agreed to at the adjourned 
Meeting of the above Conference on Tuesday, May 7th, 1SS9, which have now 
been formally' considered and approved by the Council of the Society of 

Will you, at your earliest convenience, authorize me to submit the name of 
your Society for registration to the Council of the Society of Antiquaries, in 
accordance with Resolution I., at their Meeting on June 26th next. 

I have also to inform you that th.e first Congress will be held at the rooms of 
the Society of Antiquaries, Burlington House, on Wednesday, July 17th, 1889^ 

at 2 p.m. 

I have the honour to be. yours faithfully, 

Harold Arthur Dillon, Secrclnnj, S.A. 
The Secretary, Cumberland & Westmorkind Antiq. & Arch. Soc. 




At an adjourned Meeting of the Conference of Archseological Societies, held 
at Burlington House, on May 7th, 1SS9, it was agreed that the following Recom- 
mendations be submitted to the President and Council of the Society of Anti- 
quaries, with a request that they should receive their favourable consideration. 

I. — That a Register of Antiquarian and Archa;ological Societies, hereinafter 
termed " Societies in Union," be kept at the rooms of the Society of Antiquaries, 
and that any Society desiring to be placed on the Register should submit its ap- 
plication to the Council of the Society of Antiquaries, who shall grant or refuse it 
as they think fit. 

II. — That every Society in Union shall send its Publications, and the Pro- 
grammes of its Meetings, to the Society of Antiquaries, and in return shall receive 
a free copy of the Society of Antiquaries' Proceedings, and, should they desire it, 
a copy of Archjeologia at the same price as that at which it is sold to Fellows. 

III. — That if, on any discovery being made of exceptional interest, a Society 
in Union shall elect to communicate it to the Society of Antiquaries before them- 
selves making it matter of discussion, the Society of Antiquaries, if it adopts it as 
the subject of a paper at one of its Ordinary Meetings, shall allow the Society in 
Union to make use of any Illustrations that the Society of Antiquaries may pre- 

IV. — That any Officer of a Society in Union, or any person recommended by 
the President, Vice-President, Chairman, or Secretary, or by two of the Members 
of the Council »f a Society in Union, shall, on the production of proper vouchers, 
be allowed to use the Library oi the Society of Antiquaries, but without the power 
of removing books, except by the express permission of the Council of the Society 
of Antiquaries. 

V. — That from time to time a Congress shall be held in London, the first to 
be summoned during the present year. The Council of the Society of Antiquaries 
shall be ex-officio Members, and the President (or in his absence one of the Vice- 
Presidents) of the Society of Antiquaries shall be President of the Congress. Six 
Members of the Council of the Royal Archaeological Institute, six of the Council 
of the British Archseological Association, and four of the Council of the Cambrian 
Archaeological Association, may be nominated by these Societies to represent them 
at the Congress. Each Society in Union may send two Delegates to the Congress. 

VI. — That the object of the Congress be to promote the better organization 
of Antiquarian research, and to strengthen the hands of the local Societies in 
securing the preservation of ancient monuments, records, and all objects of 
Antiquarian interest. 

VII. — That for this purpose it shall promote the foundation of new Societies 
where such appear necessary, and the improvement and consolidation of existing 
Societies where advisable, and suggest the limits within which each local Society 
can most advantageously work, and the direction in which it appears most de- 
sirable at the moment that the efforts of the Societies in Union should be exerted. 

VIII. — That the Societies in Union be invited to furnish reports from time to 
time with reference to their action in these directions. That the Roj-al Archaeo- 
logical Institute, the British Archaeological Association, and the Cambrian 
Archaeological Association, be requested to offer to the Congress any remarks 
which may be suggested by their Annual General Meetings or otherwise. 



IX. — That the Secretary of the Society of Antiquaries be requested to act as 
Secretary of the Congress, with whom the Secretaries of the Societies in Union 
can correspond, and that the Council of the Society of Antiquaries be requested 
to advise on any matters which may arise in the interval between one meeting of 
the Congress and another. 


Soc. An'tio. Lo.xd., 
Burlington House, Piccadilly, London, VV., 
July, Sth, 1SS9. 


Dear Sir, 

I have much pleasure in informing you that the name of your Society 
has been placed on the Register of Societies in union with the Society of 

Will you, at your earliest convenience, inform me the names of the Delegates 
appointed to represent your Society at the first Congress, which will be held at 
the rooms of the Society of Antiquaries, Burlington House, on Wednesday, July 
17th, 1SS9, at 2 p.m. 

The Council of the Society of Antiquaries suggest, amongst others, the fol- 
lowing as suitable subjects for discussion at the Congress: — 

1. The formation of archaeological maps by counties, on the plan already 

laid down by the Society of Antiquaries. 

2. 1 he preservation of ancient monuments and buildings. 

3. The publication of parish registers. 

I shall be g'ad to receive early notice of any other subject your Society or its 
representatives may think proper for discussion. 

I have the honour to be, yours faithfully, 

Harold Arthur Dillon, Secretary, S.A. 


Soc. Antio. Lnod., 
Burlington. House, Picdadilly, London, W., 
July 3T.^/, iSSg. 


Dear, Sir 

I beg to inform you that the first Congress of Archaeological Societies 
in union with the Society of Antiquaries, was held here on Wednesday, July 17th, 
John Evans, Esq., D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S., President of the Society of Antiquaries, 
in the chair, when delegates from the following Societies attended: — The 
Archaeological Societies of Berkshire, Bristol and Gloucestershire, Buckingham- 
shire, Cumberland and Westmorland,* Derbyshire, Surrey, Sussex, Wilts, and 
Yorkshire ; the Royal .•\rchaeological Institute ; the British Archaeological Asso. 
ciation, and the Huguenot Society of London. The delegates of a number of 
other Societies were unfortunately prevented from attending. 

* R. A. Allison, Esq., M.P., and H. Swainson-Cowpcr, Esq., F.S.A. attended 
on behalf of this society. 



The following resolutions were discussed and agreed to : — 

I. That each local Society be requested to take into consideration the 
desirability of placing on record, on the 6-inch scale maps of the 
County with which they are concerned, all the local names of fields, 
and all relics of antiquity for which a locality can be fixed. 

That such maps should be kept in duplicate so that eventually 
a copy may be deposited with the Society of Antiquaries. 
II. That all local Societies be requested to be on the watch against any 
wilful or injudicious destruction of ancient monuments or buildings, 
so as at once to bring local opinion to bear against the destroyers ; 
and that in cases of what appears to be national importance, the aid 
of the Society of Antiquaries or the Inspector of Ancient Monuments 
be invoked. 
III. That a Committee (consisting of Rev. Canon Benham, F.S.A., Messrs. 
R. S. Faber, Edwin Freshfield, LL.D., V.P.S.A., W. J. Hardy, 
F.S.A., and Ralph Nevill, F.S.A., with power to add to their 
number) be appointed to draw up a scheme for the uniform trans- 
cription of Parish Registers and Records, showing the best form of 
arrangement, &c., and in the case of their being printed, the best 
form of size, type, &c. 

That the Report of such scheme should give as much information 
as possible in regard to printing and publishing, and such other in- 
formation as may be likely to be useful to inexperienced people, who 
may be willing to undeitake the work of transcribing. 
IV. That in the case of extracts from Parish Registers and Records being 
printed in Parish Magazines, the Incumbents be requested to com- 
municate copies to the Local Societies and to the Society of Anti- 
V. That the attention of the Local Societies be called to the proposed 
Bill, entitled an Act for the Preservation of Public and Private 
Records, which it appears may provide for a long recognised want. 
It was also resolved that the Council of the Society of Antiquaries be asked 
to summon the next Conference in July, 1S90. 

I have the honour to be, yours faithfully, 

H.VROLD Arthur Dillon, Sccrelary, S.A. 

The following papers were read : — Horse Interment at Lanercost, 
Rev. H. J. Bulkeley; Appleby Bridge, Rev. Canon Mathews; Gold 
Armlet found in Westmorland, Mrs. Ware; Recent Local Finds, 
The President; The Siege of Carlisle in 1644-5, The President. 

On Friday morning several of the members visited St. Andrew's 
Church, Penrith. At ten o'clock the party drove to Blencow Hall, 
where a paper by Dr. Taylor, descriptive of the building was read, 
the Rev. T. Lees, F.S.A., supplementing Dr. Taylor's remarks with 
an account of the heraldry over the doorway of the Hall. Leaving 
Blencow, a short drive brought the party to Johnby Hall, where a 



second paper was read by Dr. Taylor, who conducted the visitors 
around the building and grounds. Afterwards a visit was paid to 
Greenthwaite Hall, where again Dr. Taylor acted as cicerone, and 
explained this very interesting building. At all these Halls Mr. Lees 
added to the interest of Dr. Taylor's papers by drawing on his well- 
furnished note book for accounts of the families, who once owned and 
inhabited them. The day's programme included luncheon at the 
Queen's Head Inn. Afterwards, Greystoke Church was minutely in- 
spected, and Mr. Lees, who was for many years curate of Greystoke, 
read an interesting, historical, and descriptive paper, which will ap- 
pear in the Society's Transactions. From Greystoke the party drove 
to Dacre, and went over the Castle and Church, the Rev. W. S. Cal- 
verley, the Rev. Canon Mathews, the Rev. T. Lees, and the Vicar 
of Dacre (the Rev. J. White), taking a prominent part in the discus- 
sions which arose in the course of the ramble over these buildings. 
The four beasts of stone in the churchyard excited great curiosity, and 
the Vicar read a paper on them ; the Rev. Canon Mathews read a 
paper on a carved stone found in the east wall of the church. This 
brought the day's programme to a close, and the members returned 
to Penrith, where the party broke up after a thoroughly successful, 
and a very pleasant and profitable meeting. 

On Saturday morning, a few of the members who had stayed over 
night had a run to Eamont Bridge, and there inspected with great 
interest, Mayburgh, King Arthur's Round Table, and other objects 
of interest ; Major Arnison taking the party in charge, and genially 
filling for the occasion the office of guide. 

Wednesday, and Thursday, September 4th and 5th, 1889. 

On Wednesday, Sept. 4th, 1889, at 2 p.m., the members of the 
Society and their friends to the number of about 1 10, met on Bowness 
pier, and embarked on Col. Ridehalgh's beautiful steam yacht the 
Britannia ; in this well found craft they proceeded first to Lake Foot, 
and from thence to Waterhead, with the view of ascertaining whether 
it is likely that the Romans used the lake as a waterway. At Water- 
head carriages were taken for Hawkshead ; on roz</t' the site of the 
Roman Camp near the head of the lake was pointed out. At Hawks- 
head Hall a paper on that building was read by Mr. H. Swainson- 
Cowper, F.S.A., by whose kindness tea was also provided for the 
party in the Town Hall, at Hawkshead. The church was afterwards 
visited, where Mr. John W. Ford read a paper on two fine Rawlinson 
monuments, which through his exertions had been removed from one 



of the city churches on its demolition, to Hawkshead. From that 
place the party returned to Ambleside, and a large number dined at 
the Queen's Hotel. After dinner the following new members were 
proposed and elected : — Mr. Herbert Moser, Kendal ; Major Alcock- 
Beck, Hawkshead (proposed by Mr. Swainson-Cowper) ; Mr. and 
Mrs. Arthur Severn, Coniston (proposed by Mr. W. G. Collingwood) ; 
Lady Lawson, Brayton Hall; Mr. W. H. Watson, Braystones ; Mr. 
Myles Kennedy, Ulverston ; Mr. Cowper Essex, Hawkshead; Miss 
Mary Ullock, Bowness; and Mr. S. H. le Fleming, Rydal Hall (pro- 
posed by the President). 

The President moved a vote of thanks to Colonel Ridehalgh for 
the kind way in which he had taken the members round the lake. 
(Applause). The trip had added greatly to the eclat of the meet- 
ing, and it was a pleasure to embark on that beautiful yacht, 
everything on it being so shipshape and well found. A friend of his 
had remarked to him, on seeing the programme proposed for the 
meeting, that they were going to have very little archaeology and a 
great deal of pic-nic. The President scarcely concurred in this idea. 
The first thing for an archaeologist to do, was to endeavour to under- 
stand the topography of the district in which he was interested : that 
they were trying to do when they went up and down the lake that 
day. The conclusion the President had come to, as the result of the 
voyage, was that the Romans must have used the lake for the con- 
veyance of stone from Dalton-in-Furness to the north end of Winder- 
mere, where there was a Roman camp. 

The vote of thanks to Colonel Ridehalgh was carried with ac- 

Rev. H. Whitehead made a few remarks on a cup and cover 
belonging to Ambleside church, which the vicar, the Rev. C. H. 
Chase, kindly brought for exhibition. This cup is a magnificent 
example of a distinctive fashion that prevailed from 1608 to 1628, of 
which the Carpenters' and Armourers' Companies have good examples. 
The cup has an inscription just below the rim, stating that it was 
presented to the parish of Grasmere (spelled on the cup Gresmore) in 
the year 1684 by Mr. James Newton, to be used for communion pur- 
poses. The date of the presentation was 1684, but from the marks 
on the cup it was made in 1618, and had probably been used for 
secular purposes before being dedicated to sacred use. It is engraved 
in Old Church Plate in the Diocese of Carlisle. There were also shown 
a massive silver ring which was recently found in an urn in a garden 
at Urswick (Ulverston), and the seal of the Statute Merchant of Car- 
lisle, on which the President made a few observations. There was 




also shown a large lock amd key that secured the door of a house in 
Finkle Street, Kendal, from which the shot was fired by whic one 
of the rebels was killed on Saturday, December 14th, 1745. 

Dr. Barnes read a paper on the " Plague in Cumberland and 
Westmorland," which will be printed in the Society's Transactions. 

The President made some remarks on the Roman camp at Amble- 
side, which there had been no time to visit in the afternoon. The 
remains were, he said, now very scanty and must at one time 
have been much larger. Camden, who wrote about 1600, stated that 
at the upper end of Windermere lay the carcase of an ancient city; 
the fort had been oblong in figure, fortified with a ditch and rampart, 
and from the remains of bricks and mortar, and coins found, the work 
was evidently Roman. Sir Daniel le Fleming, writing in 1671, bore 
out the observations of the previous writer. West, the author of the 
guide to the lakes, writing about 1792, mentioned the camp, deploring 
its ruinous state ; and Hodgson, the historian of Northumberland, in 
his history of Westmorland, written in 1820, gave an account of a 
visit to the place. Some of the coins and other articles found, in- 
cluding a small brass eagle, were now in a museum at Keswick. A 
collection of Roman gold, silver, brass, and copper coins found at 
Ambleside was given to the Bodleian Library, in 1674, and it would, 
the President said, be interesting to get a sight of these, as from them 
some deductions might be made as to the age of the camp. The camp 
must have covered about 3* acres, and it might be imagined was 
meant to accommodate a cohort of 400 men. Roman bricks and tiles 
had been found near the camp, showing the existence of a num- 
ber of villas, inhabited probably by the wealthier class of Romans. 
There was some evidence in Burn & Nicolson's History of Westmor- 
land of a Roman villa having existed on Curwen's Isle, on the Lake, 
but the evidence was n-ot very positive. 

The meeting then closed, it being ten minutes to eleven. 

Next morning the members were seated in five char-a-bancs at eight 
o'clock, and a start was made from the Salutation Hotel at a quarter 
past, by way of Skelwith to Little Langdale, whose soft beauty was 
enhanced by the morning sun. Lazily the bits of cloud clinging to 
the north end of the magnificent form of Wetherlam were rolled up- 
wards, and the warmth of a perfect autumn day was enjoyed during 
the rest of the route. The solitary hill farm. Fell Foot, was reached 
shortly before ten o'clock, and here the first halt was made. The 
well defined earth work at the west side of the house was inspected 
and its resemblance to the Manx Tinwald hill near St. John's, was 
verified. Peaceably set at the head of this intensely quiet valley the 
" law ting " had been fixed at a convenient spot for the people from 



the neighbouring dales to muster and submit their grievances to the 
rude but strict law adjudged by the elder men. Standing on the green 
top of the mound Mr. Swainson Covvper read a paper on the hitherto 
undescribed Law Ting. 

From this point everybody had to walk up the sinuous road over 
Wrynose, and never since the long string of packhorses and pack- 
men had trudged over the same way from Whitehaven to Kendal 
with their valuable loads, had so many pedestrians toiled along that 
road, at the same time, as were seen on Thursday. The party, both 
ladies and gentlemen, begun the long tussle with the difficulties of 
the 1250 feet climb to the top of Wrynose Pass with light hearts, 
but those stubborn heights, plus those of Hardknott, soon clogged 
the light hearts with heavy heels, for the work to do was fairly good 
even for a practised walker. How anyone can reasonably expect such 
steep mountain tracks to be safely traversed by heavy carriages 
passes belief. There are sharp drops of one in three, and breakneck 
turns in both passes which careful folk would only face on fell ponies, 
or better still, on their own legs. A couple of inches deep of loose 
samel and rough stones on the steepest bits didn't tend to make them 
any easier. However, good spirits and pluck on the part of the ladies 
carried them over the ground as cheerfully as any of the stronger 
sex. The usual contortions needed to stoop in and touch the three 
counties of Westmorland, Cumberland, and Lancashire were made at 
the three shire stones, and the descent to Wrynose Bottom — the 
least interesting bit of the route — was begun. A halt to water the 
horses was made at Cockley Beck, and then Hardknott Pass was 
faced. About three-quarters of the way up a well-marked burial 
cairn on the west side of the road was visited, and the top of the pass 
— 1290 feet above sea level — was reached. On descending hence the 
worst bits of road on the route were met with, and the drivers of the 
machines — empty, of course — must have had both coolness and 
capacity to reach the foot without a turn-over. 

The party left the road to inspect Hardknott Castle — where Lord 
and Lady Muncaster had been waiting some time to receive them. 

Here the President read a paper. Asking his audience to transfer 
their thoughts for a while to the period of the Roman occupation of 
Britain, he traced in imagination the journey of a party of Roman 
tourists from Lancaster by the inland route of Kendal, Ambleside, 
Wrynose and Hardknott to Ravenglass. On reaching the summit 
of the pass, the eyes of the travellers, after a momentary general sur- 
vey of the Vale of Esk far below them, would rest on the massive 
walls of the fortress, which rose boldly from the slopes to the right 
of their descending path. As they approached the fortress, the 



travellers would pass the parade ground, a space of about two acres 
in extent, cleared of rocks and stones and levelled, on which it might 
well happen that at the moment the garrison was drawn up in review 
order to be inspected by the general commanding at Eboracum, or 
some officer of high rank. The visitors would remark the brilliance 
of his uniform, and his silver gorget with phalera; of chalceJonj" and 
jet, adorned, perhaps, with the proud inscription — " Britannia 
Devicta " beneath the figure of a crouching Briton. The inspection 
over, the part}' would pass into the fort beneath an arched gateway, 
over which, partially defaced by time and weather, could still be dis- 
cerned some letters of the word " Agricola," under whose command 
the stronghold had been erected. But it was then 300 years since 
Rome had set her foot on the island, and the commandant could 
scarcely satisf}' the enquiry, which his visitors addressed to him, 
whether the erection of the fortress was the work of the great general 
of the name or of another of lesser fame, one Lucius Calpurnius 
Agricola. As the commandant courteously entertained his guests 
and feasted them on salmon from the Esk and venison from the fells, 
the commandant would no doubt bewail to them the hardships of his 
lot, cast amidst rugged mountains beneath an inclement sky, and 
dwell with regret upon the genial sunshine of far-off Italy, or the 
social delights of less distant Carlisle. And so to Ravenglass the 
party would then w-end their way, and there in the hospitable villa of 
the tribune, who ruled over the busy port, would forget the fatigues 
of their toilsome and difficult journey. 

Recalling his hearers from the 4th to the 19th centur}', the Presi- 
dent then briefly described the existing remains, and the various 
objects which had been obtained by examination on the spot. 

The scene here was most glorious. The rich and romantic valley 
of Eskdale stretched away towards Ravenglass and the sea, while to 
the north the monarchs of the Lake hills — Scawfell and Scawfell 
Pike, with Bowfell, Great End, and their big fellows, softened by a 
silvery haze, stood sentinels over a scene unmatched in the kingdom. 
A steep scramble down from the camp landed the party at the foot 
of the pass where the carriages were again mounted, and a drive past 
lusciously scented hay-fields and corn hattocks soon landed the com- 
pany at the Woolpack Inn, in Eskdale, where lunch awaited them, 
very much wanted by everybody, for even archasologists " cannot 
live on papers alone." Here a quiet rest under the trees, a short 
paper by the President on the Stanleys of Dalegarth, and an 
examination of two British urns found at Barnscar, which Lord 
Muncaster had brought, filled a pleasant half-hour, when the car- 
riages were again mounted, and while some drove to BeckFoot to 



catch the train, others went to visit Eskdale church and the water- 
fall at Stanley Gill, thus finishing one of the pleasantest of the many 
pleasant excursions of the Society. 

This meeting in point of numbers beats the record ; ninety-three 
were present on the first day, and sixty-five on the second. The 
committee may well be congratulated on their successful arrange- 
ments : it was no trifling exploit to bring five huge carriages and so 
many people safely over Wrynose and Hardknott, and speaks most 
creditably for the drivers and their horses, which were furnished by 
Mr. Michael Taylor, the landlord of the Queen's and Salutation 
hotels at Ambleside. 


Art. V. — On a supposed interuient of a Horse with Human 
Remains at Lanercost. By the Rev. H. J. Bulkeley. 
"DECENTLY some workmen were deepening the farm 
dairy, which stands a few yards from the west end of 
the vicarage and, according to the plan of Lanercost Prior}' 
of the date 1743, occupies the site of an old building : they 
found three human bodies buried about four feet below the 
surface. One body lay from south to north, but the others 
in the usual position, from west to east.* One body, 
larger than the others, lying from west to east, was en- 
tombed, being surrounded and covered by rough flags of 
stone, with a special chamber for the head, as in some old 
stone coffins. There were some traces of lime having been 
used to join the stones of this chamber, but not the other 
stones. None of them showed any signs of inscription or 
of fine working. They were recognised by one of the 
workmen as from a neighbouring quarry. The body lay 
on the earth. The skull was in good preservation, only 
one tooth wanting. The soil was river gravel. The re- 
mains of a horse's skeleton was found at the foot of this 
body, and those of another horse at a little distance off and 
outside the walls of the building marked in the plan of 
1743. The bones of the second horse were of remarkable 
size, so large that it was supposed they might be those of 
some ancient monster buried in the old river gravel, but 
an expert has decided that they are only the bones of a 
horse. Remembering how the " Society upon the Stains- 
low " was broken up through Mr. Jones proving that some 
supposed prehistoric bones were only those of " one of his 
lost mules," we should bear in mind that farmers have 
been known to bury near their farms cows and horses that 

* My information is that all three skeletons were lying- from west to east.— 


TroTJt Old Plarv of Lanercost 

Dated, 17^3. 



From Ordrwnce Sheet 

Ijilurgecl Ground Tlan of' Va'try 



have died, but this is being too sceptical. Some years ago, 
when drains were being made, other human reu lins were 
found near this spot. It may have been part of an old 
parish burial ground, but Lord William Howard, in copy- 
ing the inscription on the cross on the green, says that it 
stood in cimiterio exteriore, and it is not likely that the 
position should have been changed, especially considering 
the adjacent position of the present churchyard, or that 
there should have been two parish burial grounds so near 
to one another. Nor is it likely that the whole green was 
a burial ground, for it would have been extravagantly large, 
and excavations have been made in other parts of the green 
without the discovery of human remains. Ma}' these 
burials have been anterior to the foundation of the priory ? 
Is this the site of an ancient church and churchyard ? 
But, if the tomb was that of some semi-christianised Dane 
or Saxon, buried with his faithful horse to bear him com- 
pany to the shades, and if (there is much virtue in your 
"if") there were at that time any remains of an intra- 
mural Roman station, why were not stones to make the 
tomb taken from the ruins at hand, instead of from a 
quarry some distance off ? Or was the body that of some 
famous mosstrooper, excommunicated on account of his 
crimes, and so denied burial in consecrated ground, and 
yet by not altogether unsympathetic monks allowed a 
resting-place near the priory ? In the plan of 1743 a small 
plot of ground, including the old building, within the lines 
of which the entombed body was found, is called "The 
Fold." Can this name have such an ecclesiastical inter- 
pretation as may help us ? 


With the exception of the farmer and his wife, and the workmen 
employed, no one saw this find, as an agent on the estate decHned to 
allow the work to be stopped : bj' his orders the skeletons were buried 
elsewhere, and the stones of the cist piled up in a heap. This is much 



to be regretted, as Mr. Bulkeley resides within a few feet of the place. 
He heard of the find afterwards, and gathered what he could from the 

The cist was six feet long by two feet broad : the chamber for the 
head was one foot by ten inches, giving a total length of seven feel> 
so that the occupant must have been a very tall man. His feet were 
to the east, and the skeleton of the horse was at his feet, lying east 
and west ; the other two skeletons were on the north side of the horse, 
and close to it. All were at a uniform depth of three feet below the 
floor of the dairy, and so close together as to make it almost impossible 
for the horse to have been inserted later without disturbing the human 
interments : of this there was no sign. There can be no doubt that 
the interments of the men and horse (the first horse) are older than 
the building of 1743, whose date is unknown. 

It maybe worth while to mention in this connection that the Dacre 
of Naworth, who fell at Towtonfield, was buried at Saxton churchj-ard 
with his horse beneath him.* Local tradition says the moss troopers 
of the Borders were in the habit of having their horses buried 
with them. 

*See Yoik.'ihirr Archceolo^ical and Topographical Socict]/, vol. x, p. 299. 


Art. VI. — Some Manorial Halls in the Barony of Greystoke. 

By M. Waistell Taylor, M.D., F.S.A. 
Read July ^th, 1889. 

I. — Blencow Hall. 

rriHIS is a picturesque and interesting specimen of the 
-'- successive changes and development in domestic 
architectural planning which have occured in the North of 
England, and it is one of the numerous manor-houses, 
which wereholden of the great Barony of Greystoke. It is 
pleasantly situated on a gentle slope in the valley of the 
Petteril, about a mile from Greystoke Castle, and not far 
from the village of Great Blencow. In the i6th of Ed. III., 
William de Graystock succeeded as Baron of Graystock and 
lord of Morpeth ; he was a man of renown and a builder ; he 
built Morpeth Castle, and it was during his lifetime, about 
ten years after his succession that the expansion of Gray- 
stock Castle was commenced ; for he obtained the king's 
licence to castellate his manor-house at Graystock. Wil- 
liam de Graystock served with the Black Prince in invasions 
into France, and one of his followers was Adam de 
Blencowe. Adam must have greatly distin<guished himself 
on some occasion, probably at the battle of Poictiers, for 
in honor of his prowess, the lord of Graystock granted to 
Adam and his heirs by warrant, his own arms with a 
counter change of tincture, viz, a shield sable with a bend 
barred argent and azure, with three chaplets of roses gules.* 

The Notes appended to the text, have been added to this paper by the kindness 
of the Rev. Thomas Lees, M.A., F.S.A., Wreay, Carlisle. 

* This grant of Arms was made A.D. 1356. Nine years before this (xxi. Ed. IH. 
1347), King- Edward the IIL had granted to Adam de Blencowe the " Clausa 
de Calnethwayt and Braythwaythowes " in the Royal Forest of Inglewood; and 
two years afterwards in 135S, makes him another g^rant of all the lands in Grey- 
stoke, Blencowe and Newbigging, which had belonged to John Riddall. The 
estate at Great Blencowe was sold in 1S02, to William Troutbcck Esq., (Lyson's 
Cumberland, p. 90). Thomas Lees, 



It cannot be maintained that this place was the site of 
the homestead of Adam de Blencowe,* for there is noth- 
ing remaining here that can take us back to the middle 
of the 14th century; it is probable that the ivy-clad 
tower on the N. side was erected by one of the Blen- 
cowes after the middle of the rsth century. The gener- 
ations of the Blencowes enjoyed honourable consideration 
and made distinguished alliances with the gentry of the 
county, and they have handed down their descent in the 
male line, I believe, to the present time, and the family 
had residence here until the close of the iSth century. 
In 1S02 Mr. Henry Prescot Blencowe sold the property 
to the Duke of Norfolk, and it is now included in the 
Greystoke domain. 

During the Civil War the place was battered with can- 
non by a detachment of the parliamentary army, and a 
raised platform is pointed out in an adjoining field from 
which the guns were levelled. t 

The S. tower is roofless, and presents a shell of bare 
walls, the N. tower is partly ruinous, but the lower portion 
has been re-roofed, and is utilised as a stable and hayloft. 
The central portion is quite habitable, and is occupied as 
the residence for the farm. 

The entrance to the premises is through a quadrangular 
courtyard on the W. side, about 70 ft. square, and our at- 
tention is at once attracted to the carvings over the door 
in the centre of the main block. It is a Tudor-headed 
doorway, with beaded and hollow moulding; surmounting 
the lintel there is an oblong slab, inclosed within a boldly 

_ * Burn conjectures that the first seat was at Great Blencow on the other 
side of the river, where he mentions the ruins of an old tower as existing in 
his day. Burn and Nicolson, vol. ii. p. 375. '^ 

t General Lambert in command of the Parliamentary forces took Penrith on 
15th June 164S, and made it his head quarters for a month. Detachments of his 
army took Greystoke, Rose, and Scaleby Castles; Denton, in his MS. History of 
Cumberland, says that Greystoke and Rose Castles were burnt by Major Cholmlev 
in 1648. Probably the Major commanded this detachment of Lambert's army 
As Blenco\ye Hail lay in the direct way from Greystoke to Rose it seems most 
hkely that it was battered on this occasion. Thomas Lees. 




projecting label, terminating in round ornamental caps. 
In the centre of the stone there is a shield with a canton 
in the ist quarter, without any other charge, and in raised 
Roman capitals, in three lines, the inscription : — * 









Superimposed, there is another smaller square tablet, also 
within a hood-moulding, which contains the initials 1R- ^ 
and three shields, set one and two. 

The shield in the upper compartment is blank or has 
been defaced; below, the dexter shield bears Crackenchorpe 
(chevron between 3 mullets, 2 and i) ; :|: the sinister shield 
is charged with a fret of 8 pieces and a chief. 

The general plan and construction of the central building 
accords with the style prevalent at the date 1590 given on 
the tablet, presenting the usual Elizabethan characteris- 
tics. It is a long single tenement of two stories, the 
rooms having windows on both sides : these are divided 
by chamfered mullions into two, three, or four lights ; and 
have hoods with a hollow splay beneath, with terminations 
in balls carved with crosses, or with spiral and circular 
lines, and some with the initials of the builder, H. B. 

The principal doorway in the middle of the building 

* Anthony Blencowe married Winifred daughter of Thomas Dudley; and thus 
the Blencowes were related to Lord Guildford Dudley, the husband of the unfor- 
tunate Lady Jane Grey. On the night before her execution Lady Jane wrote an 
exhortation at the end of a New Testament which she sent to her sister Lady 
Catharine Grey, in which are these words " Live still to die, that you by death 
may purchase eternal life." IN'Iay not this inscription be an echo of this .' Mr. 
W. Jackson pointed out this coincidence to me. 'Thomas Lees. 

t On this inscription, see these Transactions, vol. i, p. 335, vol. vi, p. 289. 

+ Richard Blencow married Eleanor Crackenthorpe. Temp. Hen. vii. Pos- 
sibly this man might have been the builder of thepele : the style and details ac- 
cord with this epoch.— MJF.T. 



gives entiy to a passage or vestibule ; to the left of which 
is the common hall or dining place, 27 ft. b}- 21 ft., at this 
period an apartment of greatly reduced dimensions, and no 
longer holding the place of importance in the establish- 
ment which it did in the previous century. At one end of 
the hall is the usual little parlour, 18 ft. by loft., with two 
mullioned windows to the E. front. In the vestibule there 
is a straight flight of steps to the first floor, which con- 
tains bedrooms only. To the right of the passage is the 
original kitchen pertaining to the dwelling in this stage of 
its occupation. It is small, 18 ft. by 11 ft., exclusive of a 
large recess; the fireplace opening consists of an elliptic 
arch of 9 ft. g in. span. This central block bears evi- 
dence of having all been built at one time, and of having 
been set up against the side of the N. tower. This tower 
has a projection from the face of the block of 7 ft. into the 
courtyard, and of 10 ft. g in. on the E. front. The central 
portion of the edifice has 62 feet of frontage, and forms con- 
nection with two towers in the form of the letter H. These 
two towers are, roughly speaking, of about equal dimen- 
sions, and both externally present a similar plan and 
elevation, so that, viewed superficially, or from a distance, 
the visitor might easily imagine that both were contemp- 
oraneous. However, when I point out to you the dif- 
erences in detail, I have confidence that you will agree 
with me in my interpretation of the history of Blencow 
Hall. Let us take first the N. tower. This is oblong and 
rectangular in plan ; its dimensions on the N. side are 44 
ft. and on the W. 32 ft., but the E. face has been prolonged 
by a projecting turret about ten feet square, so as to have 
presented originally an |_ shaped plan. To the re-entering 
side of this turret the front wall of the Elizabethan addi- 
tion has been affixed. Within the turret is a corkscrew 
stair entered by a narrow doorway on the E. front, by 
which access is obtained to the floors of the building. In 
the main tower there is a basement, two stories, and a 


a. Original Entrdnce. 

b. Doors blocked. 
c Tudor doorway. 
d Modern opening. 

rt Entrance to central black 

1' Buttress. 

Ground Floor Plan. 



battlemented roof. The basement contains one single 
chamber, 36 ft. by 20 ft. ; it had no stone vaulting, but was 
joisted in timber. On the first floor there is a room of 
equal dimensions, entered by an elliptic doorway from a 
landing on the spiral stair; this represents the solar of the 
old keep. This is now covered over with a pent-house roof, 
and is used as a hay-loft. The tower above this is a ruin, 
the roof and floorings are gone. The newel stair still gives 
access to the battlements. It may be seen that the second 
story has contained two rooms, each with a Tudor fire- 
place in the N. wall ; the dividing partitions must have 
been of wood, as there is no transverse wall of division in 
the tower. The covering has probably been a slightly in- 
clined roof of overlapping flags, allowing of a walk within 
the parapet all round. The merlons and embrasures are 
coped with a splay and round. The parapet is very slightly 
projected from a plain cornice tabling, and at the angles 
there are gutter-spouts or gurgoyles. There are several 
little square window-slits remaining in this tower, but the 
larger openings are mullioned, with square labels over 
them, with ball terminations, some carved with the initials 
H. B., probably Elizabethan insertions. The masonry is 
in substantial rubble in well-laid regular courses, and the 
walls are 4^ ft. thick, without plinth or set-off. 

Here, therefore, we have a tower constructed evidently 
for defence, on the model of the ordinary square keep or 
border pele, with an attached turret on the [_ shaped plan, 
which became common in the 15th and i6th centuries. It 
is true that there is an absence here of the vaulted sub- 
structure, but in some of the later pele towers the vaulting 
in stone of the basement came to be omitted, as we have 
seen at Clifton tower, and at Hutton Hall, Penrith. It 
may be asserted that this keep stood alone as the home- 
stead of the Blencowes for a period of 100 years be- 
fore Henry Biencowe made his enlargements in Elizabeth's 



\Vc proceed now to the inspection of the S. tower, which 
is attached to the opposite end of the central building. 
This erection lies in the same plane, occupying pretty 
nearly a corresponding superficies, follov/s the same pro- 
jections, presents a similar elevation, with adjunctive de- 
tails of battlemented parapet and string-course, identical 
with the X. tower. But we need not proceed far in the 
inspection, before we can perceive that it is but a super- 
ficial copy of the old keep, made at a much later date, 
when all thought of defensive requirements in a structure 
had been abandoned. The mason work is not so sub- 
stantiall}' laid, it is more shallow, the walls are only 23- ft. 
thick, the windows on the ground floor are large mullioned 
openings, and affording easy access from the outside. It 
is cut up into a variety of rooms very much as a modern 
house. The ground floor is divided into two unequal com- 
partments, by double partition walls, inclosing a scale 
stair of twelve steps, 2 ft. S in. wide, leading to the upper 
floor. The larger apartment has been the draw-ing-room 
of the renovated mansion, and measures, inclusive of the 
projecting bay, 29 ft. by 17 ft. ; it is well lighted by a 5 ft. 
mullioned window to the E. and by two other lights to the 
S. ; there is a Tudor fireplace with an oblique triangular 
recess sunk in the lintel stone; a square doorway with a plain 
chamfer gives an entrance from the garden front. The 
smaller apartment is 20 ft. by 14 ft., and it communicates 
directly w'ith the range of buildings forming the wing in the 
courtyard. In the interior the common rubble of the walls 
has been covered with cement. Above, there have been two 
floors, with private apartments having fireplaces and square 
windows, some with mullions and handsome hood mould- 
ings coved in cavetto with carved terminations of the 
same description as prevail throughout the rest of the 
edifice. This tower is now a roofless shell, with a great 
rent in its E. wall. 



My belief is that the addition of this tower was an after- 
thought in the renovation of Blencow Hall, effected by 
Henry Blencowe, in 1590. He first finished the oblong 
main block attached to the old pele, which formed a com- 
pact substantial dwelling house complete in itself, with 
hall, kitchen, and necessary apartments. But Henry 
Blencowe was a man of importance in the county, he had 
married Grace, sister of Sir Richard Sandford, of Howgill 
Castle, in Westmorland. He improved in position during 
the time of James I., from whom he received the honour of 
knighthood, and he was twice High Sheriff of Cumberland. 
It is possible, therefore, that some years later Blencowe 
conceived the idea of further extensions for domestic ac- 
commodation, and in carrying out the plan he seems to 
have been governed by the desire of producing symmetry 
in the elevation, which in the Jacobean period had come 
to be considered as essential in architectural design. Hence 
in projecting a wing from the opposite side of the central 
block, with its advanced style of internal planning and 
capacity, he imitated the external features of the old 
pele tower, so that the two towers might be symmetrical 
and balance each other.* 

The range of buildings attached to this tower, forming 
the S. enclosure of the courtyard, was constructed at the 
same tim.e. On the ground floor was the new kitchen, 
18 ft. by 16 ft., with large fireplace and oven under a built- 

* Dr. Taylor's conjecture as reg-ards the erection of the present Hall is con- 
firmed by the following- statement made by Edmund Sandford in his MS. 
" Cursory Relation of the Antiquities and Familyes of Cumberland, writ about 
the year 1G75." 

"A little above Grastock Castle sixteen miles south of Carlisle and first you have 
thereupon Blencow; an ancient Sq. family; and one knight of late. Sir Henrv 
Blencow, grandfather of the now Sqr. Blencow made it a very fair house of two 
towers, and married Grace Sandford, sister of the first Sir Rich. Sandford, of 
Howgill in Westmorland; and a younger braneh of the Sandfords of Askam 
Tower nye hand; and Crister Blencow married Mary Robinson of Rooby Hall, 
Yorkshire, and the now Squire Blencow, married Anne Layton ; eldest daughter 
to Sq. William Layton of Ualemain : 300 p. an. Thomas Lees. 



up low segmental arch, with wide, open chimney, and ad- 
joining were the usual store rooms and offices, and above 
were the servants dormitories. This wing is pierced with 
a wide semicircular archway through which is the road to 
the extensive outside farm offices; the mullioned and 
labelled windows are in due proportion and harfhony with 
the style prevailing throughout the entire structure. The 
remains of a small chapel still exists, situated on the W. 
side of the courtyard, a portion of the E. window has been 
preserved in the gable end facing the quadrangle ; it con- 
sists of an acutely pointed arch, recessed with round and 
hollow mouldings, divided by a chamifered shaft into two 
pointed lights, without cusps or tracer}'. 

II. — JoHNBY Hall. 

Johnby Hal! is a small dependent manor of the Barony 
of Greystock, and stands on the verge of the eastern 
boundary wall of Greystock Park. At the very beginning 
of the present century Charles the nth, Duke of Norfolk, 
added i,ooo acres to the old park of Greystoke Castle by 
throwing into it large pastures from the Johnby and Green- 
thwaite estates, which he had recently purchased, so as to 
form a vast inclosure of about 6,000 acres, surrounded by 
a wall 9 ft. high. 

Within a short distance is the hamlet of Johnby, in 
which still exist some remains of ancient yeomen home- 
steads, A remnant of the forest and mosslands con- 
stituting part of the forest of Englewood, which compre- 
hended the rough wild country to the north, is found close 
by in the moor and scrub of Johnby Wythes, the famous 
fox-cover. The old pronunciation of the place name, 
Jwo-anby, is preserved in the vernacular of the district. 





D C 

Main staircase 
Service itair to Hall- 
Service stair to Parlour 
Doorway 174-7 
Doorway 1637 

Court Yard 


Ground Plan. 



The environs of the hall embrace an extensive cluster 
of 17th century erections indicative of the agricultural 
weal and activity of the period; great barns, byres, stabling 
and out-buildings, with mullioned and labelled windows, 
and inclosures of high " massy walls and brave stone 
dykes " for gardens and orchard. 

Within an inner courtyard stands the dwelling house. 
The original hall consists of a rectangular oblong block, 
substantially, but plainly built of freestone rubble in 
regular courses, with di'essed stones at the coins and 
openings : it is in three stories, with a hipped roof, with- 
out a parapet. Jutting out at the S.E. corner of the main 
building, with a projection of io| ft., there is a small 
rectangular tower i2j ft. in width, which presents at the 
re-entering angle the main entrance to the house. This 
gives to the plan the [_ shaped formation, which was 
adopted very frequently in the period which succeeded the 
pele tower epoch, and which was perpetuated for a long 
time in country mansions, especially in Scotland. 

Our attention is at once attracted by the carved panel 
and inscription over the entrance. The treatment of the 
doorway is unique in detail. The opening is square- 
headed, shewing a renaissance character, the lintel and 
jambs having a bold roll on the angle, and surrounded by 
a bead and hollow moulding. Besides which there is a 
bold ornamental moulding carried alongside the jambs 
over the head of the doorway, forming an ogee arch, in- 
closing a blank tympanum, with the curve produced up- 
wards in the contrary direction to join the horizontal 
string course on the wall of the tower. Within the space 
thus included there is a stone panel, on which are 
carved the coat of arms and an inscription. In this carv- 
ing there is a remarkable anomaly in the disposition of 
the ornaments placed over the shield. The helmet stands 
direct without bars and a little open, denoting a knight's 
degree, furnished with mantling and tassels, but without 




wreath or crest, and below the head-piece clasping the 
collar are two gauntlets grasping an annulet, a very un- 
usual place to find the crest of the Musgraves. On the 
shield there are : — ist 6 annulets, 3, 2, and i, charged 
with a martlet, (for Mnsgravc^, 2d barry of six, a bend 
sinister, (for Mariindale), 3d lion rampant, (for Tilliol), 4th 
3 swords in triangle with the points outwards, (for [Staple- 
ton). The shield is surrounded with a roundel, with the 
motto in raised Roman letters : — 


and in a line below, the date 1584. Below there is 
carved the following inscription in eight lines : — 






It was quite the mode at this period for the founder to in- 
sert such a tablet over the entrance to his building setting 
forth his coat of arms and some quaint record of its erec- 
tion. We have had opportunities of viewing many 
examples of such carved panels over doorways of about 
the same date, for instances, those set up by Vaux at Cat- 
terlen, 1577, by Sandford at Askham, 1574, by Cracken- 
thorpe at Newbiggin, 1533, by Cliburn at Cliburn 1567, 
and Blencow at Blencow. 1590. 



The whole length of the ground floor is vaulted in three 
divisions, each forming a chamber traversing the breadth 
of the building ; each compartment is arched over with 
the identical semicircular tunnel-vault which had for cen- 
turies been employed in the basement chambers of castle- 
keeps and peles. The walls have a thickness of 4 ft. In 
the compartment to the W., which is the largest, in con- 
sequence of the inclusion of the passage, there is a fine 
chimney-recess surmounted with a segmental arch of 
10 ft. 6 in. span, with a bold bead on the arris. This 
was undoubtedly the old kitchen ; its measurements are 
24 ft. by 20 ft. At one angle there is a narrow newel- 
stair leading to the lord's parlour on the first floor, and op- 
posite there is a passage running the length of the building 
in front to the main staircase of the hall. There is com- 
munication also with the two other cellars which, no doubt 
served as buttery and storehouse. All the window lights 
on the basement are small rectangular openings, these being 
one to the front, three to the back of the house, and two in 
the gable, all very small, with the object of security. All the 
internal doorways are square-headed, and have a bold 
half-round moulding on the edge. The present external en- 
trance to the kitchen-cellar is an insertion and has incised 
on its lintel, 1747, the date probably at which all the vertical 
windows in the front of the house were substituted for the 
early mullioned windows, of which examples are seen in 
other parts of the building. The windows in the turret are 
original, one of two lights with a single mullion, lighting 
the staircase high in the wall, and another in a small 
apartment in the top story, a fine window of three lights, 
with moulded mullions and transoms ; both have dripstones 
moulded in cavetto, with short returns terminating in caps. 
There is a good three-light window of a similar descrip- 
tion in the gable lighting the E. end of the hall. At the 
back of the house there are remaining two single mullioned 
and labelled windows, and a number of very small square 




This building is interesting in so far tliat it presents an 
example of late domestic work, of the date of which we are 
assured, exhibiting a transition character ; in the main the 
place retains many of the features of the pele tower type, 
and shews the persistence of the desire for strength and 
security even at this date. This is evinced in the vaulted 
substructure with its small narrow openings, in the great 
main apartment on the first floor, and the small winding stair 
leading to it at one angle from the basement. The entrance 
stair however, is not now as formerly dark narrow and 
steep, compressed in the thickness of the wall, but is toler- 
ablv wide easy and well lighted, accommodated in a 
separate tower. This example shews us the slowness and 
the difficulty there is at all times in shaking off the in- 
fluence of old usages and style in domestic architecture, 
and the persistence in perpetuating old types and features, 
even during the ascendency of new inspirations. 

The main doorway in the turret leads into a small en- 
trance lobby, from which there is at right angles, a pas- 
sage continued along the front of the basement, giving 
access to the three vaulted chambers. The wide well- 
staircase leads to the hall and ascends no higher, and it 
presents a peculiar feature. The stone steps unite to form 
a newel, and the central column is continued above the 
upper step of the landing, and is branched out into eight 
moulded arched ribs, which form the groining to a roof- 
vault above. At their impost with the pillar and at their 
terminations these ribs are corbelled out into caps and balls, 
so as to express a degree of gracefulness in the treatment. 
This feature of the radiating out of the newel into arched 
ribs for vaulting occurs not unfrequently in the North, as ac 
Cockermouth Castle for example, and in some of the 
Northumbrian castles, as in Belsay, Warkworth, and 
Edlingham. From the landing on the stair one enters the 
principal apartment or the hall, which exclusive of its re- 
cesses, measures 36 ft. by 30 ft. The great chimney fire- 

Jo7i 7(7)7/ HaU . 


place is projected into the room from the centre of the S. 
front, but its span is now concealed by bein^ built up ; on 
each side of it a vertical window has replaced the old 
openincjs ; the original mullioned windows on the N. side 
and E. gable still remain. At the N.E. angle of the apart- 
ment, opposite to the main entrance, there is a small 
wheel-staircase, included in the wall, giving access to the 
upper story. At this end of the hall there are two stone 
segmental arches resting on buttresses and on a central 
pier thrown across the breadth of the room, leaving a 
lighted corridor or recess behind them. This is the part 
of the hall known as the " Screens," and was doubtless 
used as a service-room or pantry. A little back-stair 
in the wheel-form communicates with the cellar and kit- 
chen, b}' which the dishes and drinkables were brought 
up and passed by a hatch to the guests seated in the hall. 

At the N.W. corner there is another corkscrew stair 
leading to sleeping rooms on the second story, and at this 
point there is a passage through to the usual parlour or 
withdrawing room of the Tudor period. The floor of the 
hall is paved with squared flagstones set diagonally, and 
the flat ceiling is supported by three oak moulded beams 
resting on stone corbels. 

The withdrawing room, which adjoins the hall on the 
same level, presents now nothing peculiar. 

The floors on the upper story are laid with oaken 
boarding, and the space is divided into bedchambers by 
partitions, but they present nothing worthy of notice. 

Now this central block seems to have served the re- 
quirements of the family for a period of over forty years, 
when it was probabl}' found that the accommodation on 
the basement was insufficient and inconvenient for the re- 
quirements of kitchen and offices. Hence we find that one 
of the last of the Musgraves who resided here set to work 
to build a low, two-storied wing, as an extension, at the 
W. side of the courtvard. 




This range of buildings presents the horizontal, labelled, 
and bevilled mullioned windows of the period. The base- 
ment now partly used as kennels and boiling-house con- 
tained the new kitchen. It has a doorway with the obtusely 
angled recess in the lintel of the Jacobean date, with a 
moulded square frame over it, of which the panel is 
gone. The access to the first floor which contains three 
small rooms, lighted back and front with mullioned win- 
dows, is by an outside stair, and over the entrance there 
is, within a corbelled label, in raised letters : — 



On one of the outbuildings there is a tablet, with letters 
in relief : — 


W : B t 


And over the old garden door in graven letters: — 

D.H. D.W. 1687. t 

The arrangements at Johnby Hall exhibit exclusively 
the style and feeling predominant in the new houses of the 
northern country gentry during the middle third of Eliza- 

* William Musgrave married Catherine Sherburne, daughter of Sir Nicholas 
Sherburne. — W'helan's Cumlerland, p. 207. 

t William Williams, Steward of Greystoke, married Barbary Halton of Green- 
thwaite, June 6th, 1666. 

* These I think are the initials of Dorothy Halton (widow of Miles Halton of 
Greenthwaite), who died at Johnby Hall in 1719, and her grandaughter Dorothy 
Williams, who in 1696 married Edward Hasell. Thomas Lees. 



beth's reign. It was about this time that the new fashion 
of house-building crept up to the north. In this part of the 
countr}' there had been for a long period a great gap in the 
way of house-building; comparatively little had been done 
for a hundred years to supersede the dark, stinted domestic 
inconveniences of mediaeval structures. In the southern 
counties under the early Tudor kings, a great impetus had 
been given towards the erection of mansions and residences 
in the palatial style, exhibiting the prevailing Italian in- 
fluences. The domestic peace enjoyed by the countr}', the 
enlargement of agriculture, the flourishing state of the 
trade in wool, and above all the effect of the Reformation 
in secularizing Church lands enriched the new nobility 
and gentry who had sprung up, and supplied funds for the 
great development of domestic architecture. But the old 
squirearchy of the Lancastrian north continued to suffer 
too direly from the exhaustion caused by the contentions 
of the Roses, and the subsequent strifes of border warfare, 
to be rich enough, even if they had the desire, to substitute 
for their moated fortalice or grimy pele, a new order of 

When the impetus of the new style did approach Cum- 
berland and Westmorland in the early period of Elizabeth, 
a great building epoch was developed, which continued 
throughout the greater part of her reign, not only as 
applied to castles and manor-houses, but to the residences 
of " statesmen " and farmers, and to the habitations of 
the commonalty both in country and in towns. 

As has been observed in the pursuit of the work of this 
Society, in almost every pele tower, the lord had been en- 
gaged about this period in making extensions and amelio- 
rating the condition of his place to the altered require- 
ments of the times. In this immediate neighbourhood 
Vaux was busy at Catterlen, Hudlestone at Hutton John, 
Blencow at Blencow, Mawson at Tymparon, and others 
built new houses on fresh lines, and amongst these was 
Musgrave of Hayton, who reared his mansion at Johnby. 



The William Musgrave who built this house was the 
grandson of Nicolas, the third son of the famous Thomas 
de Musgrave, of Harcla Castle, who fell on the scaffold, 
1464, and whose tomb is in Kirkby Stephen Church. It 
was by the marriage of this Thomas with Johanna, one of 
the two daughters and co-heirs of Sir William Stapleton, 
of Edenhall, that the manor of Edenhall was transferred to 
the jNIusgraves, and by reason of which alliance you find 
the 4th quarter of the shield charged with the arms of 
Stapleton. The second and third sons of Thomas de 
Musgrave married two sisters, co-heirs of the name of 
Colville, but who were nevertheless the direc^. representa- 
tives in the female line of the once great family of Til- 
]iol. With Margaret, the younger sister, came to Nicolas 
Musgrave her moiety of the Tilliol lands, embracing 
the heritages of Scaleby, of Hayton near Aspatria, and 
Johnb}". Nicolas Musgrave d3ang in the year 1500, was 
succeeded by his son Thomas, who married Elizabeth,* a 
daughter of the Lord Dacre of Gilsland, and their son 
William succeeded in 1532. This William Musgrave of 
Hayton and Johnby, married Isabel, daughter and co-heir 
of Martindale, the last of the name as lord of Newton in 
AUerdale, whereby other ancient lands in the west of Cum- 
berland devolvedto the family. William, with whom we are 
concerned as the builder of this house, died in the year 1597. 
Subsequently the small demesne and manor of Johnby was 
.apportioned to one of the younger sons of the Musgraves 
of Hayton, whose heir, female, married Mr. Wyville of the 
county of York. Johnby was afterwards sold by one of the 
Wyvilles to Mr. W^illiam Williams, who came from the 
county Glamorgan, and settled at Greystoke ; he died in 
1679, and lies interred in Greystoke Church. t The family 

* In the pedigree of Laton, 1 illiol and Musgrave, owners of Hetton, given at p. 
215, of vol. i, of Surtee's History of Durham, this Elizabeth is stated to be " base 
daur. of Lord Dacre, sister to Thomas Dacre of Lanercost." She would also be 
sister to John Dacre the last Provost of Greystoke and first of the new line of 
Rectors. Thomas Leks. 

fSee monumental tablet in Greystoke Church. 



of Mv. Williams consisted of three daughters, the eldest of 
whom, Dorothy, married Sir Edward Hasell of Dalemain 
and for her portion had Johnby Hall and the neighbouring 
manor of Thwaite Hall." The property seems to have con- 
tinued in the Hasell family for a century until it was sold, 
in 1783, to Charles, loth Duke of Norfolk, who then held 
the Greystoke estates. 

You will notice that it is fairly set forth on the tablet 
over the doorway that Nicolas Musgrave married Margaret 
Tillinl. The Tilliols or Tilliolfs were a very ancient 
family, and distinguished in the early history of the county. 
Their great ancestor, " Richard the Rider," whose name 
was Tilliol, having received the lordship of Carlisle from 
Henry I. settled himself at Richardby or Rickerby, and had 
granted to him most of the lands now occupied by the sub- 
urbs of the city, Harraby, Etterby, Botchardby, &c. By 
royal grants and profitable marriages the possessions of the 
family became augmented in successive generations, in- 
cluding Scaleby, Threapland, Blennerhasset, and many 
other manors. So much importance had the family attained 
in the county that, after Edward I. consummated his wise 
and fruitful scheme of a regular summons of the lesser 
baronage, as representatives of counties to a great council 
of the realm at Westminster, we find the first on the list, 
as the two knights of the shire, in the twenty-ninth year of 
his reign, the names of John de Wiggeton and Robert de 
Tilliol. In almost every successive parliament which was 
called, up to the ninth of Henry V., a period of a hundred 
years, are to be found the names of Robert, Peter, Richard, 

* Thwaite Hall, another old manor house held under the barony of Greystoke, 
is situated about four miles to the N.W. of this place, in the township of Hutton 
Roof. The modern renovation of the place, as the residence tu a large farm, has 
destroyed its character as a i6th century building, which it presented formerly. 
There are still remaining some low horizontal windows with chamfered mullions, 
and in what was the old hall or dining-place, a fine old chimney-piece, bevelled 
on the edge, stretching across at one end of it. Sandford in his MS. says : — 
" This place was anciently called Ilultan Rolf, a younger branch of Hutton John." 
From the Huttons it passed by marriage to the Ualstons, who said the estate about 
the year iGSo to Mr. Williams of Johnby. 



and Geoffrey de Tilliol constantly recurrinj^. By the mar- 
riage of one of these Tilliols, Piers, in the time of Henry 
VI. with the heiress of a Mulcastre of Hayton, the posses- 
sions near Aspatria were acquired. Some years after this 
the family of the Tilliols ended in two daughters, which 
caused a division of the inheritance; one of them married 
a Colville, which famil}- also, in the second generation, 
ended again in two daughters, co-heirs, causing a further 
division of the Tilliol lands. Margaret Colville, with whom 
went the heritages of Hayton and Johnb}', married Nicolas 
Musgrave, the cadet of Edenhall, to whom we have re- 
ferred, and whose name appears over the doorway. The 
grandson William, who erected the tablet, had good reason 
to advertise his grand-mother as bearing the name of 
Tilliol, she being really a Colville, seeing that the Colvilles 
had been enjoined to assume the patronymic of Tilliol in 
order to maintain their title against claims set up by a col- 
lateral male heir. When or how the demesne of Johnby 
iirst became vested in the Tilliols I cannot tell, or who the 
original holder was I fail to discover, any further than in 
the 30th of Edward I. one Robert de Joneby appears as 
one of the representatives of the shire in parliament. But 
it may be that the Robert de Tilliol, who had been 
chosen by the gentry and freeholders as their repre- 
sentative in 1301, might have been the same individual 
who was returned as member the following year, as 
Robert de Joneby, using the title of his estate instead of 
his surname of Tilliol. 

ni. — Greenthwaite Hall. 
'^PHIS perfect little example of its period is situated about 
a mile from Greystoke Castle on the edge of the park 
on its S. side, and the great wall built by the Duke of Nor- 
folk skirts its enclosures. This place was the seat of the 



ancient family- of Halton. There was a Halton of Green- 
thwaite Hall and Manor in the time of Richard II., but I 
cannot ascertain that any remains exist in the vicinity to 
indicate the site of their early dwelling place : certainly 
nothing of an early structure can be found incorporated 
in the building under view. This little mansion was the 
last work of the Haltons, about 1650. The original home 
of the Haltons was in Tynedale, in Northumberland, and 
the consequence of the family in Cumberland may probably 
be traced to the famous John, Bishop of Carlisle, in the 
time of Edward I., who had a long and distinguished epis- 
copal reign, from 1293 to 1324, besides being a busy man 
in political and secular concerns. 

The Haltons continued their residence and interest in 
Greenthwaite until after their migration into Derbyshire, 
which occurred in 1678, but finally the Greenthwaite lands 
were sold to the Duke of Norfolk in 1785, and a con- 
siderable area was absorbed into Greystock Park. The 
cause of the removal of the family came about in this way. 
Immanuel Halton, in whose time the present hall was 
built, was born at Greenthwaite, and was educated at the 
Grammar School of Blencow, and was afterwards a student 
in Gray's Inn, whence he was called by the then Duke of 
Norfolk to his service as steward. Halton seems to have 
been transferred to the charge over the Duke's Derbyshire 
estate of Winfield. This Winfield property only came to 
the Howard family in 1616, by the marriage of Lord 
Arundel with one of the co-heirs of the 7th Earl of 
Shrewsbury. Finally, Immanuel Halton in 1678 purchased 
from the Duke of Norfolk the famous old manor house of 
Winfield, and the Duke's share of the Winfield property. 

*The derivation of the place name Greenthwaite is simply from Greena A.S. 
green ; we have the old pronunciation of the word retained in the neighbourinor 
pasture farm of Greena Crag. Thwaite (M. thveitr) denotes a piece of ground 
stubbed free from roots of trees, and separated. The sufKx Thwaite is common 
in Cumberland and Westmorland, and is very frequent in Greystoke parish, and 
adjoining parts, as in Thackthwaite, Brackenthwaite, South waite, Smathwaite, 
Micklethwaite, Calthwaite, &c. 



Immanuel Halton died at Winfield in 1699 ; it is said that 
" the last years of his Hfe were spent in the studies of 
music and mathematics, in which noble sciences he attained 
great perfection.'""' In the meantime the family still re- 
tained possession of Greenthwaite Hall until the repre- 
sentative descendant, Wingfield Halton, Esq., of Winfield 
Manor, in 17S5, sold to the Duke of Norfolk the old 
ancestral Cumberland home. 

We have presented to us here an edifice which has been 
erected all at one time, in which the lines follow an 
original design, and which, at the present time, is really 
very much the same as when it was first built. It is on 
the L shaped plan. An oblong block of two stories pre- 
sents a frontage to the S. of 82 ft., with a small wing 
attached to the W. side, which with a range of farm 
buildings to the N., inclose three sides of a quadrangular 
courtyard. Within this court is the main entrance through 
a porch which has been projected 9 ft. from the main wall, 
at about the centre of the building, and carried up rather 
higher than the building itself. The plan and elevation 
present a design and features which prevailed long anterior 
to the date of 1650, which is given on various parts of the 
edifice. In fact, the whole structure exhibits a thorough 
Elizabethan feeling, and some of the details are well worth 
examination, particularly the carved stone horizontal 
panels over the windows, which may be regarded as a sur- 
vival of a favourite form of Tudor ornamentation into 
the late Jacobean period. The principal windows are 
low, wide, horizontal openings, under a dripstone, divided 
by one, two, or three chamfered muUions. Above the 
line of the windows both of the ground and first floor, 

* Some of his mathematical treatises are printed in the Appendix of Foster's 
Mathematical Miscellanies, and an " Account of the Eclipse of the Sun observed 
at Winfield," in Phil. Trans, for 1676. In the parish church of Winfield there are 
some monuments to the Halton family. Immanuel Halton, who died in 1699, 
married Mary dau.sfhter of Mr. John Xewton of Oakerthorpe; Immanuel Halton 
Esq. 17S4: .Miles Halton M..A. 1732. — Lyson's Derbyshire, p. 292. 


a. Doorway Coat of Arms. 

b. Window con\/erted i/nc doer 


Court Yard 


5 J IS 20 25 30 feet 


Ground Plan. 


CiRi;i;.MII\V.\II K HAI.l. 


there is projected along the face of the building a 
horizontal string course, boldly rounded on the upper 
surface and coved beneath. Over the large window in 
the porch tower, and over two of the principal windows 
on the ground floor, above the lines of the string course 
there is extended a square frame or hood moulding 
so as to inclose a long horizontal panel containing 
ornamental carvings. The patterns wrought on these slabs 
are all different. One has the design so well known in 
Elizabethan wood-work, the alternating circle and lozenge, 
connected by a short, straight band. In the panel over 
the window in the tower the space is divided into two 
stages of six square compartments. In the upper line these 
are pierced into circles, with bosses in the centre, variously 
treated, and below the square spaces are filled in with a 
variety of foliage. All this embellishment shews a laud- 
able pride in the builder, Miles, the predecessor of 
Immanuel Halton, in the consummation of his edifice, 
neither did he neglect to follow the prevailing custom 
of the age of setting up, over the entrance, his coat 
of arms and a sententious legend. The main doorway 
has bevelled jambs, and bears a heavy square-headed 
lintel stone recessed to the breadth of the chamfer, on 
which appears, in raised Roman capitals, the following 
sentence : — 



M D 

'^ Here (on earth) we reckon ourselves pilgrims.'' 

* These are the initials and arms of Miles Halton and his wife Dorothy, 
daughter of — Wybergh of Clifton. Miles was born in 1599, was Sheriff of 
Cumberland, and died in 1652. A cross to his memory is placed in the middle 
of the S. aisle of the Parish Church. Dorothy seems to have been a strong- 
minded woman, and a quaint story has been handed down by popular tradition 
concerning her — how she enticed the red deer from Greystokc I^ark (then unen- 



At one side there is a small shield with a lion rampant 

gardant, and on the other the initials M D, and the 
date, 1650. 

Immediately above this, ten years later, there was set 
up another tablet bearing the full achievement, a shield, 
with the arms of Halton, party per pale, a lion rampant, 
and three bars between three mullets, two and one. The 
crest: — a demi-lion holding a spear, on a helmet with 
wreath, and mantlings. At the top of the tablet stands out 
the date 1660 ; the carving is well executed, and in good 
preservation, except the motto on the scroll, which has 
weathered off. 

The mason work throughout is of very good character, 
being of the fine-grained Greystoke sandstone, in well-laid 
courses of rubble, with chiselled ashlar at the openings. 

The interior of the porch forms the vestibule to the 
house ; it is well lighted by a double mullioned window on 
a level with the first floor, and by a little square look-out 
on each side near the door. Originally, it contained the 
principal staircase of the mansion giving access to the 
upper floor ; the stair is now gone, but the rising of a 
straight flight of steps may be noted on the right hand 

On the ground floor the main block contained the hall, 
a small parlour, and the withdrawing room. The dimen- 

closed) on to her own land by scattering of green oats, and then shot them with a 
cross-bow for food for her domestics, who in consequence protested against being 
fed en what they called "black mutton" for more than four days in the week. 
The story goes on to say how she was summoned at the Assizes at Cockermouth, 
to answer for her poaching proclivities. When she entered the court the counsel 
for the prosecution, one of the well-known Fletcher family, exclaimed, " Here 
comes Madam Halton with her traps and her gins! " and she promptly replied, 
" There sits Counsellor Fletcher with his packs and his pins," alluding sarcas- 
tically to the commercial pursuits by which the Fletchers had risen to eminence. 
How the case ended is not related. 

Miles and Dorothy Halton had a numerous offspring, five sons and five 
daughters. An interesting article on the family will be found in " The Reliquar)', 
October, 1S64," contributed bj' C. H. & Thompson Cooper, the Historians of 
Cambridge.— Thomas Lees. 



sions of the hall in its original state were 29 ft. 9 in. by 
18 ft. 6 in ; it was well lighted by three low mullioned 
windows to the S., and one with a 6 ft. 6 in. aperture to- 
wards the courtyard. The great width and depth of the 
chimney block in this room is remarkable ; the great fire- 
place opening embraced by a segmental arch of 10 ft. 8 in. 
span, and the reception in the thickness of the wall of a 
great locker or cupboard. But modern innovations have 
entirely destro3^ed the proportions and attributes of the 
apartment, for the three-mullioned window on the S. front 
has been cut to afford an entrance door on that aspect, 
and the partitioned passage from it traverses the breadth 
of the hall. 

Contiguous to the hall there is a little room, 13 ft. by 
L^ ft. — the lord's little parlour or private room, and 
beyond, at the E. end of the block, there is an apartment, 
18 ft. 6 in. by 15 ft. 6 in., which is now used as a dairy. 
This was the withdrawing room of the old mansion : it is 
well lighted back and front by mullioned windows, and is 
furnished with a Tudor fireplace. The short wing on the 
W. aspect, which forms the limb of the L on the plan, is 
occupied by the kitchen and its appurtenances, from which 
there is a communication with the low end of the hall ; at 
this point there is a corkscrew stair for service to the 
apartments on the next story. On the upper floor there 
is a long passage partitioned off on the N. side, giving 
access to the bedrooms, five in number, very much as in 
a modern house ; over the wing there are dormitories for 
the domestics. 

At the top of the porch tower there is an additional 
story containing a little square chamber, with a single 
mullioned light into the courtyard, in which may be noted 
a square ambry in the wall on the E. side. In the porch- 
tower houses of the time of Queen Elizabeth the room thus 
situated was usually dedicated to the use of a chapel ; we 
have seen it at Hornby Hall and other places ; there is 
nothing however here to indicate devotional purposes. 



About this pcriuJ, and indeed for a hundred years be- 
fore, in this part of the country, in making a floor in the 
upper stories, instead of laying down naked boarding on 
the joists it was a very common practice to use laths, and 
to cover them with a layer of alabaster, or hall-plaster, as 
it is called in the north. You may see this application of 
plaster adopted in the flooring of the passages and rooms 
in the upper part of this house. The practice is a local 
one, and may have originated in the facility of procuring 
the material, as numerous deposits and pockets of native 
alabaster or gypsum occur in the Eden valley not very far 
off, \vhere the mineral has been worked from distant times. 

IV.— Greystoke Mid-Farm. 

This is a quaint little mansion situated at Greystokehead 
on the road leading to Greenthwaite Hall. This residence 
seems in some way to have been connected with the Halton 
family, whether as a dower house or not I cannot tell ; it is 
very characteristic of the period at which it was built, lC^g, 
and is worthy of notice on account of the arms over the 
doorway. It consists of a long low single tenement of two 
lloors, with a wing projected from the W. side giving the 
|_ plan. The entrance is on the N. side facing the road, 
at the re-entering angle from a little court formed by the 
wing, through a square-headed widely chamfered doorway. 
Over the door there is imposed a very ornate and well- 
carved heraldic tablet on a stone which is supported by 
two spirally fluted columns with Ionic volutes on the capi- 
tals, and carrying a classic cornice. The shield is sur- 
rounded with the full ornaments of mantling, wreath, 
esquire's helmet, and scroll, and bears on a bend three 
escallops with an annulet for difference, {New Layton of 
Dalcmain), impaling a fesse between six cross crosslets 



fitchy (old Layton). Crest : — A lion's head gorged with a 
collar, charged with three bezants. The scroll below the 
shield is so much weathered that the motto is effaced, but 
it has been given by Jefferson as : " Tarn pace quam bello.''* 
On the upper part of the tablet is the date 1649. 

The door enters directly into the old dining place or hall, 
originally 18 ft. by 16 ft. 8 in., but the space is now split by 
a partition. This constituted the living room of the resi- 
dence, and it is noticeable chiefly as containing a large 
fireplace recess, with a little square-headed look-out in the 
ingle-nook, with an elliptic chimney arch of g ft. span with 
a bold round and hollow moulding. It is well lighted on 
both sides with low horizontal windows with moulded 
mullions, one being high in the wall. As usual, adjoining 
there is a parlour of very small dimensions; the wing 
would contain the kitchen, and the upper floor would be 
devoted to bedrooms. There are heavy moulded drip- 
stones to all the windows. The place has been converted 
into two cottage houses. 

* Jefferson's Leath Ward, p. 369. 


Art. VII. — Gold Armlet found in Westmorland. 

By Ellkn K. Ware. 
Read at Penrith, Jidy 4th, iSSg. 

^PHE gold bracelet I exhibit was found early in 1889 
■- by a labourer, on a piece of moorland in or near 
Winton, a hamlet of Kirkby Stephen. It was lying on 
a ledge of rock covered with soil. The ends seem at 
sometime to have been cut or broken off. It weighs 
I oz. 4 dwts. 6 gr. It appears to be part of an armlet 
of the ancient British or prehistoric period, certainly 
anterior to the Roman Invasion. The armlet, of which 
is a fragment, probably had five or six twists and 
possibly a hook at either end. Several have been found 
in various parts of England, and Canon Greenwell has a 
very fine one in his collection. This armlet was probably 
made by twisting together two hollowed-out pieces of 
gold, having a section of the shape of a cross. It might 
have been used for bullion, and this may account for its 
being chopped up. 

Note. — The armlet was exhibited to the Society of Antiquaries of 
London, on February 29, 1S89, when Chancellor Ferguson made the 
following remarks : — "■■ 

I have the honour to exhibit a gold armlet which was found re- 
cently upon the Higher Winton Common, just under the fell of that 
name, which is situated near the town of Kirkby Stephen, in the 
county of Westmorland. The armlet was found three feet below the 
surface of the ground in a cleft of the rock, and had apparently been 
lost and fallen into the situation in which it was found ; there was no 
trace of box or wrapper, nor was anything else found with it. This 
therefore, is a case not of treasure trove, but of bona vacantia, a lost 
article, which belongs to the finder and to no one else.f 

* See Proc S.A. 2nd Series, vol. xii., pp. 322-323. 

f See Presidential Address by John Evans, F.S.A., St. George's Day, 1SS7, 
Proc. S.A. 2nd Series, vol. xi., pp. 3S0-3S1. 



The armlet is of fine gold, and weighs i oz. 4 dvvts ; it has been 
made by twisting into a spiral a rod of gold, S^j '.inches in length, 
whose section is a quatrefoil with flattened lobes, measuring some- 
thing under a quarter of an inch in extreme diameter: the spiral so 
formed measures about yf inches in length, and has been bent into a 
rough circle of about 2% inches in diameter; one of the end> is 
rough, as if the rod had been broken off from a longer rod ; the other 
end seems to have been recently cut with a knife, probably by the 
labourer who found it."" There is no provision for clasping together 
the ends of the armlet, and it has been intended to retain its position, 
when worn, by its elasticity. 

It thus differs from the armlets formed by twisting into a spiral 
a flat strip of gold or a square or prismatic rod of that metal, or bj- 
twisting together three or four rods or wires. I have not been able 
to find a similar armlet in the books and should be glad to know of 
one. The armlets formed of wires twisted together are generally 
assigned to a later period than the plain ones with expanding ends. 
The present instance is I suggest, with hesitation, Romano-British. 
The place where it was found is about three miles from the great 
Roman camp at Brough-under-Stainmore {Vetierce). 

*Dr. Evans, P.S.A., said it was evident from the rough ends that the armlet 
had been cut from the middle of a larjTe torque. 


Art. VIII. — Recent Roman Discoveries, 1889. 

By the President. 
Conuminicatcd at Penrith, July ^tk, i88g. 

1 AGAIN regret that I have no new Roman inscriptions 
to bring under your notice : the objects I have to 
bring have already been brought by me under the notice 
of the Society of Antiquaries of London in performancee 
of my duty as one of their officials. 


I have the honour to exhibit and present photographs of a corbel 
stone, on which is carved a nondescript face issuing out of a circular 
back plate. The dimensions of the stone are : — On the flat table on 
the top, 18 by 6^ inches ; the depth is 13 inches on one side, by some- 
what less on the other, the under surface not being dressed square, 
like the table at the top. The distance of the back of the back plate 
from the end of the stone is 12^ inches, the length which would be 
built into the wall in which the stone was used, leaving 5^ inches 
projecting, or, allowing for the projection of the face beyond the back 
plate, about 7 inches projecting. The sinister side of the back plate 
has been worn away or otherwise destroyed. The diameter of the 
back plate has been about 9 inches. This corbel stone was found 
in excavations for buildings immediately contiguous to the site of the 
new markets at Carlisle, in made soil full of fragments of Roman 
pottery, and at a depth of 9 feet. Among the fragments was a very 
charming little Roman lamp, presently to be mentioned. The site of 
these new markets and the vicinity have for long been productive of 
Roman relics, and several are enumerated in the Transactions of 
this Society, and elsewhere.'' I mention these facts because a 
difference of opinion exists as to whether this figure is Roman or 
not, and the circumstances surrounding the find may, therefore, have 
to be taken into account. One eminent authority on Roman matters 
writes to me : — 

* Jefferson's History and Aiiti/iuilics nj Carlisle, p. 326; Proc. S.A, 2d S. vol, 
xii., pp. 111-113, 16S, 423-425. Tran/iaclinns thix Society, vol. x., pp. 275-277. 



Of course the abortion is early mediaeval ; an example of the low, inartistic 
mind of the time, though symbolists may imagine it a type of something. 

But an eminent authority on medizeval matters writes to me : — 

I should say the corbel is Roman. I never saw a mediaeval one with the cir- 
cular back plate, and I think it is altogether too inartistic for early mediaeval 
work, and decorated and perpendicular work would certainly have somethino- of 
the decorated or perpendicular character which would have marked it. It is as 
unlikely to be mediaeval as the stone from Chester with the two figures about 
which Thompson Watkin made such a strange blunder. I do not think the hair 
treatment alone is sufficient to prove one way or the other. It is the common 
rude way of showing it at all times. I should call the thing Roman, less from the 
presence of nothing distinctly cultivated Roman about it, than from the absence 
of anything mediaeval. 

This object has evidently been meant to be viewed from below and 
from a distance, and the suggestion has been made that it is intended 
to represent a negro, and that the two holes are his nostrils. I 
rather incHne to think that it represents an actor wearing a comic 



I have also the honour of exhibiting the lamp I have mentioned, 
on which is the maker's stamp of 


Mr. C. Roach Smith informs me he has met with the following 
potters' marks : — 


all probably one and the same. 


Art. IX. — Potters' Marks on Roman Pottery found in Carlisle. 
By the President. 

POTTERS' marks from Roman pottery ware found in 
Carlisle, and now in the collections of Mr. R. Fergu- 
son, F.S.A., Morton, and Mr. Fisher, Bank Street, and in 
the Carlisle Museum. Those marked thus (*) are in Mr. 
Wright's list {The Celt, the Roman, and the Saxon, edition 
of 1875). Those marked (t) have been found recently on 
the site of the New Markets now being erected at Carlisle. 
On Samian ware in the collection of Mr. R. Ferguson, 
F.S.A., of Morton, Carlisle: — 



-FVS (on lamp) 












On Roman ware (other than Samian) in the collection 
of Mr. R. Ferguson, F.S.A. :— 

On mortarium — I On a fragment of 
DOCIE white ware— PI RV 

On amphore — 

On Samian ware in the collection of Mr. Fisher, Bank 
Street, Carlisle : — 

' PANI • L • P 



On an amphora in collection of Mr. Fisher, Bank 
Street, Carlisle : — 

A • R • A 


potters' marks. 


On SamicDi ware 

SAX AM I • M (2) 1 
* CAM PAN I . M I 


*MAIOR • F ! 


* A / V / . M j 

((/. same as above) t 

*MANV j 


in the Museum, Carlisle : — 

+* BIGA • FEC 

(very large on the side) 

(scratched on bottom) 
t ///NI • M 

(? ANVNI • M • ante) 

t lOCL • MS 

t/IIANI . M 
t// II ■ M 
t;/ / BI . MA 

On aiupJiorcv in the Museum, Carlisle : — 
C . TYC I P • L ■ R 

On iiwrtaria in the Museum, Carlisle : — 

M R I 
M R I 

M A 

On lamp from New Markets: — 


The following potters' marks are from some red ware 
recently (in 1889) found in Collier Lane, Carlisle : — 

*C • ALAVA . F 


*0F • CRESI 

/ MOR . M 




Art. X. — Tlie Siege of Carlisle in 1644-5. General Leslie's 
Works. By the Wokshipful Chancellor Ferguson, 
F.S.A., President of the Society. 

Read at Penrith, July ^th, 1889.* 

11HE first beginning of " The Troubles," as the Great 
Civil War is often called by local writers, may in 
Cumberland be reckoned from a proclamation made by 
Charles I. on the 29th of January 1638, which ordered all 
the nobility and gentry of Cumberland and other northern 
counties, except those in attendance on his majesty, or in 
his service, to repair on or before the ist March to their 
several houses and lands, where they were required to be 
in readiness, well armed and provided, for the defence and 
safeguard of that part of the kingdom. In the following 
year a garrison of 500 men was thrown into Carlisle : it 
consisted of an Irish regiment under the command of Sir 
Francis Willoughby. Sir Nicholas Byron was appointed 
governor of the castle, city and citydell of Carlisle, with 
pay at the rate of £^ a day and power to proclaim 
martial law and to make all the inhabitants and citizens 
take up arms. The accounts of the Chamberlains of Car- 
lisle for this date show that the inhabitants and citizens 
were preparing to defend themselves ; they formed a volun- 
teer company and took to drilling and hired Corporal 
Brown's boy as drummer : the " cities muskets & harness " 
were entrusted to Thomas Wilson, spurrier, and Robert 
Rigge for repairs ; a " barrel covered with leather to carry 
gunpowder in for exercisenge " was purchased : and the 

* This paper was originally given in a more much extended and popular form 
in a lecture at Carlisle, as an Account of the Siege. Before this Society it has 
been reduced to an attempt to fix the positions of the " Works " raised by General 



city drum was repaired and new drumsticks purcliased. A 
guard house was provided for the use of the garrison by 
hiring from Randell Sewell his shop in the Glover's Row 
at a rent of 2/- a week. A new gate was hung at Botcher- 
gate (afterwards the Enghsh gate) and all three gates had 
new locks which cost £1 14s. £1 12s. was paid by the 
Chamberlains for 16 pounds of gunpowder. Then 40 pound 
weight of gunpowder, made up in papers (cartridges) cost 
-^4. Somewhat later the investments in powder were 
very large, as the following note shows : — 

The Sth of October, A note what powder is brought 

1640. in and by whome. 

Of Will. Atkinson 120 12 o 

Of Edward James 010 01 o 

Of Joseph Jefferson 024 02 4 

Of John Thomlinson 080 08 o 

Of John Glaisters 060 06 o 

Of Edmund Dalton 050 05 o 

An expenditure of over ;ir345 in powder. Large numbers 
of hacks and picks were also made and shafted. 

When Charles I. went to Ber\vick-on-Tweed the trained 
bands of Cumberland and Westmorland, under Sir Philip 
Musgrave marched into Carlisle, and gs. 6d. was spent by 
the corporation for •' wine bestowed on baronet Musgrave." 
The following proclamations about the trained bands 
have been kindly copied by the Rev. W. F. Gilbanks, the 
rector of Great Orton, from originals in the parish chest at 
Holme Cultram : — 

Trusty and wellbeloved we great you well, being in our own reall per- 
sons thus far advanced towards the frontyres of this kingdom to re- 
pell these rebells of our Kingdom of Scotland who have now invaded 
us and our subjects. And finding in our good people of this countye 
of York great readyness and resolution for the which to attend and 
march along with us with all the trained bands and forces therein to- 
wards the Borders, and not doubting of like readyness in our good 


Io6 THE SIEGE 01- CARLISLE, 1644-5. 

people of that countye if we may with the more vigour and strength 
both secure them and you and all our loving subjects in their persons 
and estates from further invasion we have herewith sentt our well- 
beloved sen'ante Sir Richd. Graeyme willing and requireing 3'ou and 
every of yours immediatel}' upon the receipte hereof not only to drawe 
togeither into a body all the trained bands both horse and foote within 
that count3-e, but alsoe to raise and make what other forces you pos- 
sibely can for the secureing and defence of all the passes within the 
said countye wherein ye are to observe upon all occasions such orders 
and directions as you shall receive from us, or the cheife Commander 
of our army heerof you are not to faile as you tender our service and 
your own safitye and will answer the contrary att your perills given 
under our hand signed att our Cittie of York att our Manor and 
Courte the 24 Aug. in the xvi. of our raigne 1640. To our trusty and 
wellbeloved the deputye Leiutents and Justices of peace within our 
Count}' of Cumberland. 

In pursuance of this the deputy lieutenants and justices 
issued the following : — 

Carlile, 28 Aug. 1640. 

Orders agreed upon b}' the Consente of the deput3-e Leiuetenants 
of the Countj'e of Cumberland to be observed not only b}' the tra3'ned 
bands but b}' all those that are able to beare armes for the defence of 
the same upon all allarums or invasion of it eveneing. 

The place of Rendezvous for the tra3'ned bands both of horse and 
foote are appointed at Carlisle, whither upon all occasions the3' are 
commanded with all possible speede to repaire, each man being to 
bring with him provisions of victualls for five da3-es. 

The place of Rendezvous for the mhabitants of the County able to 
beare armes in t3^me of allarum which shall be given notice of by 
burneinge of Beacons or publique notice taken of Invasion of the 
Enem3'e is appointed to be att the severall houses of the severall 
Lords of the Manor and Landlords videlicet: the Tents of the Earle 
of Northumberland Lord Generall att Cockermouth the Earle Mar- 
shall for the Barrony of Burgh att RoclifTe, those of the barrony of 
Graystocke att Gra3'stocke Castle those of the Barron3' of Gilsland 
att Noward Castle and soe respectivel3' all Tenants to the place of 
their Landlords houses. Each man to bring with him vij da3-s pro- 
vision and ever3' man his Knapsacke with him and in the meane tym.e 
to provide themselves with armes for the defence of themselves wifes 
children and countrye. 



This to be published in every markett Towne 
and parish Church after prayers after the 
readinge of the King's letter. 

Francis Howard 
Pa. Curuen 
Geo. Dalston 
Henry Fletcher 
Wm. Pennington 

The danger, however, passed away. 

In October 1641 the garrison of Carlisle was disbanded 
in pursuance of the treaty with Scotland, but the arms and 
munitions of w'ar were carefully stowed away in the Fratry, 
the keys of which appear to have been in the custody of 
the Mayor of Carlisle. 

How long it was before Carlisle again received a garrison 
it is difficult to say : not more than a few months. The 
great Civil War actually commenced in 1642. Charles I. 
raised his standard at Nottingham on the 23rd of August ; 
and Edgehill was fought on Oct. 23. For long the tide of 
battle rolled away from Carlisle, and many persons of dis- 
tinction sought refuge in it from the perils of war. The 
Earl of Nithsdale was forced to fly from his castle of 
Caerlaverock, and he and his connection. Lord Harries, 
with their families took up their abode in Carlisle : several 
clergymen also came. 

An attempt was made in 1643 to seize Carlisle for the 
Parliament. The prime movers were Sir Wilfred Lawson 
and some of the Barwises of Langrigg. Thev brought in 
Sir William Armyne, who was active on the Parliamentarv 
side, and with the assistance of persons named Craister, 
Studholme, Cholmley, and Langhorne faced Carlisle with 
what Tullie, the historian of the siege, calls a " Rascall 
route ". However, the gentry of the county, their tenants 
and neighbours, and the militia defeated these persons and 
their following, and drove them to Abbey-holme, but there 
let them go, on promise of keeping quiet. 



The battle of Marston Moor was fought on July i, 1644. 
York surrendered to the Parliamentary forces on the i6th 
of that month, and Sir Thomas Glenham, Governor of 
York, and commander-in-chief in the North for the King, 
took refuge in Cumberland, with some broken troops. 

Michael Studholme, one of the persons concerned in the 
attempt on Carlisle in 1643, still cherished designs upon 
Carlisle : through Richard Barwise, the Roundhead M.P. 
for Carlisle, he endeavoured to induce General David Leslie 
to march with his cavalry into Cumberland. Accordingly, 
Leslie with Soo horse marched into that county from New- 
castle. He expected to meet with no opposition, but when 
he got to Salkeld and was about to ford the Eden, he found 
he was opposed by horse and foot regiments raised by the 
local gentlemen, with Sir Philip Musgrave, Sir Henry 
Bellingham, and Sir Henry Fletcher at their head. Leslie 
was for retiring to Newcastle, but Barwise, not the ^LP., 
but Barwise of Ilekirk, known as the great Barwise, rode 
into the river, whereon Leslie and the horse followed, and 
A the whole of the opposing force promptly ran off as fast as 
they could to Carlisle, into which place Leslie chased 
them : he drew up his horse in full view of the city on St. 
Nicholas Hill, near the gallows : Tullie says, " a place 
more proper for them he could not have chosen."* Some 
skirmishing took place between them and the garrison on 
the east side of Carlisle, and next day Leslie went off to 
Newcastle, though, had he stayed, he might have reduced 
Carlisle in a very short time, as it was not yet provisioned. 
Scandal says he did this on purpose : he wished to give the 
Royalists time to provision it, that the siege might be 
longer, and so he and his men might draw pay for a longer 

* A Narrative of the Siege of Carlisle in 1644 and 1645 : ly Isaac Tullie : N'oic 
^rst printed Jrom a MS. in the British Museum : Carlisle, Samuel Jejf'erson, 1840. 
This valuable tract, one of the series of ten local tracts known as "Jefferson's 
Carlisle Tracts," is now very scarce, and would bear reprinting-. For Isaac Tullie, 
see note at end of this paper. 



period. Leslie had served under Gustavus Adolphus, and 
had a good deal of the Dugald Dalgetty about him. 

Steps were at once taken by Sir Thomas Glenham to 
put Carlisle in readiness to stand a siege : the Cumberland 
troops were disbanded, there being, after their exploits at 
Salkeld, some doubt about their fidelity to the Royal cause : 
the sum of ,^463 los. was subscribed for the purposes 
of the siege by the Royalist gentry and clergy of the 
county: vast quantities of provisions were purchased, 
which were stowed in the Fratry, and in the Citadels: 
the arms were furbished up again, and drums, drum- 
heads, and drumsticks appear in the Chamberlains' account 
as being purchased. In September a warrant was issued 
from the President and Council of War to the Corporation, 
directing them to raise ;;^300 for the purposes of the war: 
they only raised £iS^) I'epayment of which, as well as of a 
sum of ;£'4oo raised afterwards, was guaranteed by the 
bonds of several local county gentlemen : as these bonds 
are to this day in the possession of the Corporation it 
seems probable they were never paid off." Last entry, or 
almost last, in the Chamberlains' accounts, before they 
disappear in the turmoil of the siege, is : — 

Pd. Thomas Blaymire for the wood and 

workmanship of the Gibbet o 6 00 

Tullie's " Narrative "t begins about this point, and 
little information exists as to the siege, except what he 
gives, but his Narrative is too long for reproduction in 
these pages. 

Newcastle having surrendered. General David Leslie, 
with 4,000 horse and foot, returned to Carlisle and laid 
siege to the town. He established his head-quarters at 

*See Carlisle during the Siege of 1644-5. By W. Nanson. These Transactions, 
vol. vii., pp. 48. 
fAntr, p. n. 



Dalston Hall, and he raised " works," as Tullie calls 
them, so as to block the roads. These works, four in 
number, were : — one near the village of Newtown, a second 
at Stanwix under Lord Kirkcudbright, a third, under 
Colonel Chomley near the Gallows on Harriby Hill, and 
a fourth under Colonel Lawson near Botcherby.* What 
these " works " w^ere it is not possible to ascertain, as 
Tullie gives no information : probably palisadings, or 
earthworks, calculated to hold parties of from 60 to 100 
horse : these were relieved every twenty-four hours by 
fresh parties of their comrades, who must have been 
quartered in the villages round Carlisle. The '"' work " at 
Stanwix was in the churchyard, t and mounted three 
sm.all guns : it does not appear that the other " works " 
had guns. With this paper a skeleton map is given cf 
the countrv round Carlisle : it shows the city, the three 
rivers which almost surround it, the dam-courses, the 
main roads and some of the villages around : the positions 
of General Leslie's works are marked by large red 
circles. Their strategic importance is easily seen by 
reference to the skeleton map: the u-ork in Stanwix church- 
yard would close all ingress and egress to and from Car- 
lisle on the north : the work at Newton, and the head- 
quarters at Dalston Hall would close the western roads : 
that on Gallows Hill would block the road to the south, 
while the work at Botcherby would block the eastern 
roads. The Eden was fordable by wMths at Rickerby and 
Etterby : thus communication could be kept up between 
Leslie's works at Botcherby and Stanwix, and Stanwix 
and Newton. The other rivers, Caldew and Petteril, 
would be fordable in several places. 

* Tullie does not expressly state where this fourth work was, but incidently it 
appears that it was at Botcherby. 

f " Stanwix. The churchyard has no other fence than a mud hedge, which is 
in miserable plight. From hence the Besiegers played their ordnance upon the 
Citj' of Carlisle in ir>45. Then was the, Vicar's Mansion House demolished." 
Bishop Nicolson's risitutioii, &c., in 1703, p. 105. 








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These works kft a great deal of grazing ground 
accessible to the garrison and inhabitants, but Leslie 
seems to have been in no hurry over the siege : he 
never assaulted the walls, hut was simply content to 
abide his time, until the besieged should have finished 
their store of provisions. The siege operations mainly 
consisted in efforts on behalf of the vScots to surprise 
the cattle and horses of the Ro3'alist garrison when 
grazing outside the city, while the garrison endeavoured 
protect them, to procure more by sallies into the country 
and to sleight (or destroy)the various works by which 
Leslie from time to time contracted the grazing ground. 
It must be kept in mind that in 1644 the countr}' far and 
wide around Carlisle was open common and moor land. 
Lord George Murray in 1745 describes the country between 
Penrith and Carlisle as " mostly an open country, full of 
commons." To the north of Carlisle the countr}- was an 
almost impenetrable morass, traversible by paths known 
only to mosstroopers, smugglers, and pedlars, while Grey- 
moor Hill and Blackford well deserved their names ; as 
did Blackhill or Bleckell Moor, southwards. West of Car- 
lisle Cummersdale Moor began at Clem son's Gate about 
the end of Shaddongate, and continued to Dalston. The 
road to Wigton was nearly all through open moor : east- 
wards Crosby and Warwick Moors covered large areas. 
Cavalry could thus move about with much more freedom 
than in these days of hedges and inclosures. 

The garrison of Carlisle consisted of 700 men, including 
townsmen in arms. Tullie also says it included 200 (!) 
reformadoes, or officers whom Cromwell and Lord Fairfax 
had discharged when they remodelled the army : some of 
them men of "great prudence and pronenesse in arms.'' 
•So soon as Leslie had taken up his quarters at Dalston 
Hall a party of these reformadoes sallied out to surprise 
him there, but being all officers they could not agree 
upon a leader, and were put to rout and several of them 



To Tullie's pages our readers must refer to for the 
history of the siege and the hardships endured by the 
garrison. It went on leisurely, with no great expenditure 
of life.'' In April Leslie considered the time had come 
for him to contract his lines round the city : accordingly 
he established a work at Etterby, which commanded the 
wath there over Eden : by this wath the garrison had 
in a sally succeeded in carrying off a large number of 
cattle from Cargoholmes : an exploit the new work pre- 
vented them from repeating. Another new work was 
made on the top of Catcoats Bank, which commanded 
the Willowholme, and rendered it useless to the garrison 
as a grazing ground. The cattle were then grazed south 
of the citadels, but Leslie put a stop to this by raising 
a work or fort at Fusehill. The Swifts were then resorted 
to : on the 28th or 29th the besiegers made* a determined 
attempt to get the cattle grazed there : at a signal from 
Stanwix 800 Scotch horse from Stanwix, Rickerby, Botch- 
erby, and St. Nicholas galloped down on the cattle as 
hard as they could. Luckily, Glenham had observed 
some sign of preparation at Stanwix, and had ordered the 
cattle guard to move their charge close to the towm, so 
that they succeeded in bringing them in, but with a loss 
of 6 cows and 15 horses, and a couple of men killed and 
others wounded. 

The month of May was similarly occupied with sallies 
and skirmishes into whose details we cannot go. Leslie 
continued to contract his lines round the doomed city : 
and in addition to his four original works or forts at 
Stanwix, Newtown, Gallows Hill, and Botcherby, and the 
small ones at Etterby, Catcoats, and Fusehill, he raised 

* One or two points are worth notice — tlie abundance of beer and the way every 
one crot drunk ; the apparition of Captain Forrester's ghost at the head of a 
g-hostly army of horse and foot; and the torture of two spies on the rack. The 
siege pieces struck during the siege are engraved and described, these Transac- 
tions, vol. vii., pp. 4S-54. 



others at Murrell Hill, on the Swifts,* and one opposite 
the Sally F*ort, see the map. He also cut the dam-courses 
so as to stop the mills. This last work Glenham de- 
molished after a tremendous fight : he erected one himself, 
(map) and restored the dam -courses. 

Buoyed up by false hopes of relief the garrison managed 
to hold out, amid terrible suffering to the wretched in- 
habitants, until June 25th, when they surrendered .upon 
honourable terms, which are printed in most of the local 


Isaac Tullie, the historian of the siege, was son of George Tullie 
of Carlisle, who is described in 1619 in several deeds in possession 
of the Corporation of Carlisle, as " Gent ". He married at Cros- 
thwaite on April 22 "Mrs. Thomazine Heckstetter of Keswick", 
and their son Timothy was baptised there on March 20th, 1614.+ 
The titles " Gent." and " Mrs." shew that both bride and bride- 
groom were persons of position. She is mentioned as a widow in 
a deed of 1646 in possession of the Corporation. 

Isaac was probably a grandson of Thomas Tullie of Blindcrake, in 
the parish of Isell, some ten miles from Keswick, whose will we give. 

In Dei noie Amn the 4 daye of September ano Christ! remtionis 1567 I Thomas 
Tullie of Blindcraick w'hin the pochinge of Isell syck in bodye but neverthelesse 
whoyll and of pfectc remembrance do maik contribute & set forth this my pnte 
Testament whearin ys coteyned my last will in maner & forme followyd ffirst I 
gyve & bequeth my sowU to Almightye God my creatr and Redeemer and my 
bodye to be Inhumated & buryed wt'hin the church yarde of Isell wth all my 
mortuaryes and deutyes to be paid accordinij to the use of the pochinge Itm to my 
Dawghter Mrgrett one black cowe wth a calve and one meare & two yewes Itm I 
gyve to Mrs. Jane Watsone one . . two bushells of oytts one bushel! of berye(?) 

* The following letter, which I received a day or two after lecturing in Carlisle, 
on "The Siege of 1644-5," 's interesting, but I have not been able to identify 
the particular furrow. 

March 21, iSSS. 
Dear Sir, — Excuse me. I was sorry I did not see you ; perhaps the informa- 
tion I give is already known to you, viz: On the Swifts, near the footpath across 
the same, may be seen a deeper furrow than others — this was where the besiesrers 
of the city made a trench to take the citadel. I had it from one Millbourn a 

tailor, who had it from his grandmother He died in London some 

10 years ago. — Yours respectfully, 

John Fisher. 
fCrosthwaite Parish Registers, cited in these Transactions, vol. ii., pp. 231 


and iiij yeards of whitclothe and one coytand one lynning sheet. The ... of my 
goods moveahle & Immoveable my Debts payed my lejaces fulfilled & funeealls 
discharged I g'yve to my wife and my daughter Mgareth whome I do order and 
makye my lawful executrices of all my goods not bcquethed Supvisoares hereof 
Mr. Leigh my Mr. Peter Wynder of Lorton who I beseecli go ad ... my 

said wife & dowghter tlies being witnesse-; John Swynborne Ric ar, & 

others. Pme. 

Endorsed Testament et InventorThomi Tullie de Isell pbatum apud Wigton second 

die Menst's Octbris Ao dm 1561). 

Thomasine Heckstetter was a member of the Dutch or German 
family of miners of that name, who settled in the parish of Cros- 
thwaite in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. 

The followini; notices of Isaac Tullie are interesting : — 

Low Sunday Quarter igth day of Aprill 1651. 
Isaac lullye ye sonne of Gsorge I'uUye of ye Citty of Carlile Gentleman, late 
Apprentyce to Mr. John Langh orni is admitted a brother of this trade by ye 
general consent of this occupation and has payd vi viijd for his entrie. 
1651. It ii ordered this quarter day at our next quarter Isaack Tully shall sub- 
mit himself 1 1 pay a fine to this trade if they shall think it fitting for taking his 
sister to keep & sell waires for him contrary to our order and soe referre him to 
this occupation. 

It is ordeied this Michaelmas quarter i65i yt Isaack Tully shall pay ye next 
quarter day xls for his offence to the trade. Candlemas quarter the first of 
February 1655. It is ordered by the Company of marchants then present that 
Mr. Isaac Tullys business concerning the payment of forty shillings for keeping 
his sister in his shop contrary to order to be deferred to be fully determined and 
ended upon S. John quarter next following.* 

The result is not on record, but Tullie was in fresh trouble in 1655, 
as the following extract shows : — 

24th October 1655 
We present Mr. Isaack Tully for not accompening Mr. Maior upon notice given 
by the Sariant contrary to an ancient order made as may appeare therefore we 
amearcy him iiis. iiiid. 

Court Leet Rolls, Carlisle. f 

Isaac Tully was a strong Cavalier, and probably objected to swell 
the train of a Puritan mayor. He was mayor of Carlisle in 1660. 

We give his will : he evidently died young, but we have not found 
the register of his burial. 

February 4th 1660 
Being in much weakeness of body though in very pfect and sound memory I 
thought fytt to make my Will concernyng the dysposyn of my Estaite after my 

* From the books of the Merchants Guild, Carlisle. See Miniicipa! Records of 
llie i'i/i/ (if i'liiiislr, published for this Society, p. no. 
t //■/'(/, p. 292. 



decease. Now I declare that in July 1659 I cast up my shop computed what all 
my shop goodes debts Etc : amounted unto as also what I was owen myselfe and 
the overpluss of eleject Estaite amounted unto ;^. 1135 17s. as may pticularrly ap- 
peare by a Bundell of papers in my deske bearying date July 1659 as aforesd 
synce which tyme I have not cast u;) my shop but must neadcs suppose that being 
1 yeare & i synce it cannot but n jw be above twelve hundred. However because 
theire are many desperett debts I shall sett my Estaite at no more than the sd 
twelve hundred pounds, none of ye goodes within my house being at all accounted 
applyyed or reckoned in that summe Now concernying the disposying hereof my 
Will is as followeth. Imprymys : I do hereby this my last Wyll and Testament 
make my wife my sole Executrix. 2dly out of ye sd Estaite my Will is that my 
wife havve three hundred po inds and all the goodes she brought with her when 
we were marryed and onely thej'. I leave also unto my sonne George all my 
whole and entyre house, lofts, shop^, shop chests, Chestes of Boxes situate and 
being in a place called Bukying together with all j-e appurtenances and whatso- 
ever is nayle fast or otherwise fastened : together with all tables, cupboards, 
chayres, stools and bedsteads with beds in any pt of ye house aforesd to hym and 
his heires for ever. It. I leave unto my sd sonne my Shop in St. Albons Rowe to- 
ga .. . wh with my whole garden in ye Abbey. It. I leave unto my sd Sonne 
in monyes to be pd hym by his mother at ye age of 31 yeare . . . dred and fifty 
pounds in mone . . together with one .Sylver Tankett, i Sylver Litle Cup, and 1 
Dozen Sylver Spoones. It. I leave unto . , . danghter Dorothy two hundred 
pounds to be pd to her by her mother at her accomplyshyng ye age of 21 yeares 
together with one furnished bsd and a chest of Drawers. It. I leave unto my 
Sonne Isaac two hundred pounds to be pd to hym by his mother at ye age of 21 
yeares. It. I leave unto my Sonne Francis one hundred fifty pounds to be pd by 
his Mother he accomplyshing ye age of 2t yeares. My Will further is that my 
wife have the tution of all my chyldren and ye use of theire respective portyons 
tyll they become due as aforesd : she giveing goode security accordj-ing to Lawe 
and maintaine them in goode ranke out of the use of theire scverall portyons : 
Furthermore my wyll is that my wife enjoy my whole house shops gardens and 
goodes left to my sonne George tyll he or his heires at Lawe accomplish the age 
of 21 yeares and then wholy to goe to hym or the next heires forever. Lastly, if 
all my children dye in mynoryty and leave no Issue, then my wyll is that my wife 
enjoy all my house lofts gardens and theire apurteninces durying her life natural! 
and then to discend to the heires at Lawe of the last survyvying chylde Where- 
unto I have sett my hand and seale the day and yeare abovesd in the presence of 

Eras : Towerson Isaac Tullie 

Anthony Simpson 

.March 4th 1660 
Upon the review of my last Will and Testament made signed and sealed Febr. 4th 
1660 I Isaac Tullie of Carlisle doe here annex these following clauses and supple- 
ments thereunto to be as firme in law as any part of tbe sd Will. Impr : My will 
is that my wife Dorothie Tullie shall enjoy her thirds of my House during her 
whole life naturall and all the Houses till George Tullie come to age : It. Instead 
of twelve silver Spoones left by the aforesd Will unto my son George Tullie I leave 
him onely Six silver spoones : It. My will is that whatsoever I have bequeathed 



and le(t unto any of my Children to be pd them or any of them at any time or 
upon any condition shall if they or any of them dye before they attain to. the age 
of 31 yeares fall and come to the other surviving children equally amongst them or 
to theire heires in law. It. My will is that what debts now due to raee shall not 
be pd unto my sd wife or her asses my children shall bear a proportionable deduc- 
tion with her. It. .Vly will is that my sd wife shall put my sons to such trades cr 
other callings as they shall be thought fitt for according to their severall capacities 
and sd portions when they attain the age of sixteen yeares respectively according 
as shall bs rationally devised and advised by the supervisoners to this my Will be- 
neath named and what shee then layeth out to that use shall be deducted from 
the whole sum-ne bequeathed them. It. My will is that if my son George Tullie 
attaici to the age of twenty one yeares that then upon his possession of my part 
of the m jyety of Castlefields Tythe and of the close near the Walls of Carlisle late 
in the possession of Nicholas Orbell he shall pay unto my sd wife the full summe 
of thirt)' pounds or upon default of such payment by him or his asses my sd wife 
shall continue the sd Lease in her hands untill the sd thirty pounds be pd by him 
or his asses or the Lease run out the sd summes. Lastly I appoynt & constitute 
my brother Timothie Tullie clerk and Erasmus Towerson gent, supvisors unto this 
my last Will and Testament to see it pformed according to the true intent and 
meaning thereof. 

Isaac Tullie 
Witnesses to this Codicill 

Eras : Towerson 

Antho : Simpson 

Proved 4th May 1O61. 

Isaac TuUie's seal, affixed to his will, bears a lion passant in chief, 
and a chevron charged with three escallops. 

We give a skeleton pedigree to show the connection between Isaac 
Tullie and various of his connections, who rose to high places in the 
Church. For much of the information we are indebted to Mrs. Lam- 
bert of Ch : Ch : Vicarage, Bradford-on-Avon, a niece of the Rev. 
Tullie Cornthwaite. 

^ftitgrfc of ^viliu of Carlisle. 

of Carlisle, ofent., so d 
deeds of 1619 in po 
Corporation of Carlisle. 

I I 
born at Crosthwaitc, March 20th, 1614, mentioned 
as a son of Georpfc in a deed of 1646 in possession 
of Corporation of Carlisle, incumbent of a elm rch in 
Carlisle, 1655 to 1660; rector of Middleton-in- 
Teasdale. See these Transactions, vol. vii. p. 


b. 22 July, 
Ripon, 167c 
1676. See 
lisle, p. 416 

I I 

.•\nne Irving. 

Thomas, LL.D. 
chancc-Iior and prebendary 
of Carlisle: Dean of Carlisle, 
1716, d. 1726, buried in 


Judith in a deed of 
1707 with the Cor- 
poration of Carlisle. 

Timothy. = 

Jerome. = M. Lennard. 
Sheriff of Cumber- 
land, 17 Geo. 2. 


Prebendary of 

Anne. = Will 

A numerous progeny, of whom the Rev. TuUie Cornthwaite, in 1S46, 
was the heir of the TuUie family. See preface to Mounsey's Carlisle 
in 1745. He was living 1859. 

lly, = Mrs. Thomasin'e Heckstetter, 



at Crosthwaitc, April 22, 1613, mentioned 
as a widow in deed of 164.6 in possession of 
Corporation of Carlisle. 

AS, D.D., A Sister. ITctTtrr =Dorothy. 

Dean of See Merchant Guild SihUtil, , ^g^ j^jg „ji] 

January, Books, Carlisle. Author of the Narrative of the 

on's Car- Sieg^e of Carlisle in 1644-5, born 

1627 (see the Narrative, p. 14), 
Mayor of Carlisle 1660, died be- 1 
fore 4th May, 1 66 1. Will. | 

o 15 ^1 111 

Philip.= George,= Isaac. Franxis. Dorothy. 

I b. 1653, B.A. Oxen. Feb. 6th, 1674-5, 

4- Prebendary of Ripen, Sub-Dean of York, 
died 1695, Rector of Gateshead. 

drnthwaite. Isabella. =John Wacgh, 

Rector of Caldbeck, Prebendary and Chancellor of Car- 
lisle 1727, Dean of \\'orcester, d. 1765. He was son of 
John Waugh, Bishop of Carlisle 1723 to 1734. 

I i 1 I 2 I 3 I 4 \ 5 

John', Judith. Isabella. Elizabeth. Mary. Margaret. 

of Bromsgrove, All died unmarried : they resided in Tullie House, Abbey Street, 

d. s.p. Carlisle, and were known as " the five celebratjd Miss Waughs of 



Art. XI. — The Seal of the Statute Merchant of Carlisle. 

By the Worshipful Chancellor Ferguson, F.S.A., 

President of the Society. 
Read at Ambleside, Sept. ^th, i88g. 

T HAVE the honour to exhihit one-half of the matrix of 
-'- a Statute Merchant seal for Carlisle. 


The late much lamented treasurer of the Society of 
Antiquaries of London, Mr. Perceval, on two occasions'^' 
contributed to that Society some account of the seals pro- 
vided for recognizances of debtors under the statute of 
Acton Burnell de Mercatoribus, ii Edward L, and the 
statute of Westminster of the thirteenth year of the same 

"These seals," Mr. Perceval said, " were to be 'of two 
pieces,' the king's seal, to be kept by the mayor or some 
other person of trust in the town to which the seal was 

* Froc, S.A.L., 2d, S., vii. 107, and ix. 553. 

granted ; 


granted ; the other, the smaller piece, or the clerk's seal, 
was to be in the custody of a clerk named by the king." 

These seals were originally made as seal and counterseal 
and of both seal and counterseal Mr. Perceval gives several 
examples of early date ; he also gives four of date of the 
seventeenth century, namely, three circular seals, and one 
semicircular, which he thus describes : — " There is a seal 
for Carlisle, of wliich I do not know the history. It is half 
a circular seal, as if from a matrix purposely cut in two. 
The device is (half of) the cross patee, cantoned with 
roses, which appears on the town seal. The legend : 
S[igillvm Statuti MeJRCATORIS CARLILE 1670." 

Mr. Perceval's knowledge of this seal was derived from 
sundry gutta-percha casts made from the half-matrix in 
1859, when the Royal Archaeological Institute visited 
Carlisle, and formed a temporary museum. In the cata- 
logue the half-matrix is included, and stated to be of silver. 
From that time to a few days ago the half-matrix has been 
missing. It turned up recently in a box of old keys, and 
I have now the honour, by permission of the Mayor and 
Corporation of Carlisle, of exhibiting it to the Society. 

It is of white metal, not silver, and is the moiety or half 
part of a circular seal with conically-shaped handle, which 
at the top swells into a collar and head. The seal has 
been turned in the lathe, and when finished carefully cut 
into two moieties down the central axis. The arrange- 
ments for joining the two moieties when required for use 
are as follows : a projection on the head of the lost moiety 
fits into a square hole in the head of the moiety now on 
the table, and is secured by a pin, now missing; a screw, 
which is preserved, runs through the lower part of the 
matrix, and by these means a firm joint was secured. 

The governing charter of the city of Carlisle, 13 Charles 
I., says : — 



Et ulterius volumus ac per prsesentes pro nobis heredibus et suc- 
cessoribus nostris concedimus prasfatis Maiori Aldermannis Ballivis 
et Civibus Civitatis prasdictae et successoribus suis quod praedictus 
Maior qui pro tempore fuerit habeat plenam potestatem et authorita- 
tem recipiendas quascunque Kecogniciones inter Mercatorem et 
Mercatorem et execuciones inde faciendas juxta formam Statute 
Mercatorum et Statutas de Acton Burnell nuper editaa et provisse et 
quod Communis Clericus Civitatis prasdictse pro tempore existens erit 
Clericus noster iieredum et successorum nostrorum ad scribendas 
Recogniciones prasdictas ac ad omnia alia faciendaet exequenda quae 
ad dictum officium secundum formam statutes pradictae spectant et 

The maycn- would thus have one moiety of the seal in 
his custody, and the common or town clerk would have 
the other as clerk of the king.* 

*The substance of the above account was read to the Society of Antiquaries of 
London, as a report, on May i6, iSSg. We are indebted to the kindness of that 
Society for an electro of the wood work. See Proc. S.A.L., 2 S. xii. 40S. 


Akt. XII. — Fragments of a British Cross and many Early 
English and other Grave Covers found in Bromfield Church- 
yard. By the Rev. W. S. Calverley, F.S.A. 

Read at Carlisle, Sept. i^th, 1888. 

ON the south side of the church of St. Mungo, in Brom- 
field churchyard, is a raised quadrangular platform, 
ascended by four red sandstone steps. There is no cross- 
shaft, dial-pillar, or any other erection upon the platform, 
which was in the last century used for crying sales, things 
stolen or lost, &c., and giving notice of local and parish 

Three of the steps were above ground ; one step was 
covered by the churchyard sod. The top of the platform 
was covered with a turf, the growth of many years. At 
the south-west corner and in the south side of the second 
step had been cut a rectangular hole, into which had been 
fixed the stem of what seemed to have been a hoi}' water 
stoup. This remains in situ. The fragment, sometimes 
locally called " the chair," stands eleven inches high, and 
consists of what appears to be the base of a circular bowl, 
whose rim has been entirely demolished, supported by a 
rectangular pediment (sides, 7 in. by 8 in.) with a bead at 
the corners. Possibly, a lower portion of the original 
pedestal has at some time been broken away. Hutchinson's 
History mentions the platform " of four or five quad- 
rangular steps of stone that formed the base of the cross, 
long since destroyed," and also notices the " stone stool 
heretofore used and probably put up that public notices 
and proclamations might thence be given with more 

The Rev. T. Lees, F.S.A., suggests that in earlier 
times, when the cross stood in its place, the reliquary 



might be placed upon this stone during the ceremonies 
which took place on the Sunday before Palm Sunda}', or 
other processionals of the cross, when the children sang 
hymns, and a halt was made at different stations around 
the church. 

There is a similar fragment lixed in an isolated red 
sandstone block lying in the churchyard of St. Kentigern, 
Aspatria. I have looked upon these remains as being 
Holy water stoups, for use at early mission preaching 
stations, where crosses had been erected. In Cutts' 
" Sepulchral Slabs and Crosses," plate V., fig. 2, is en- 
graved a slab from Marisk, Richmondshire (date given as 
twelfth century) having four symbols ; on the right hand 
beneath the cross head, the Textus or Gospels ; on the 
left hand the chalice. Beneath the Book is a symbol 
which Cutts says " may be the Corporas case." " The 
remaining symbol," i.e., the one beneath the chalice, he 
says, •' is unexplained ; it ma}-, perhaps, be a pyx." Now 
this figure is not as the others are, complete in itself, but 
it appears to be a square ornamented case, perhaps 
leather, with a curved loop on one side, by which it might 
be carried, and it is fixed upon a thin upright staff by 
which, as by a handle, it might be borne aloft in proces- 
sions. This staff is placed in a square, unornamented, 
pediment, apparently resting upon the second step of the 
Calvary and rising a little above the highest step, thus 
well elevating the "pyx" or the reliquary, whichever it 
it may be, in a position possibly alongside the Holy water 
stoup, beneath the churchyard cross. 

This memorial slab of a Richmondshire priest of the 
twelfth century, seems to illustrate very clearly the uses 
of the fragments still preserved near the crosses which 
marked the sites of Christian mission stations of the time 
of S.S. Ninian, Patrick, and Kentigern at Bromfield and 
at Aspatrick, now euphonized into Aspatria. Thinking 
that some of the stones used in the formation of the steps 



of this platform might prove to be portions of the ancient 
cross, and might still bear sculptures, the Vicar of Brom- 
field, the Rev. R. Taylor, and I determined to examine 
them and did so on June 4th, 1888. For this purpose we 
pared off the sod lying upon the top and raised the upper 
steps which we were surprised to find presented the cham- 
fered edges of old grave covers, and bore crosses incised 
and in relief, of a plain or decorated character, with Cal- 
vary steps or window tracer}', or both, and having the 
sword, the shears, the arrow, or parts of inscriptions 
appearing alongside. 

These upper layers of stones were all grave slabs, 
generally lying face downwards, but as each stone has a 
broad end and a narrow one, and as one side only of each 
is square with the ends, the other side making at the head 
an acute angle with the end, and an obtuse angle at the 
foot, some ingenuity' was needed in fitting together the 
material as a stepped platform, and so the stones were 
sometimes placed with the figured surface uppermost, in 
which cases the chamfers and carvings were general!}' 
almost worn away or were hidden under the superincum- 
bent step. We thought that some of the lower steps, the 
long stones of which were hollow with foot wear, and 
especially those of the south side where stood the stoup, 
might prove to be other than old grave covers used up 
again, but inspection shewed that the socket into which 
the stoup was fitted had been worked in an ancient grave 
cover, six feet eight inches long, placed as the second step 
from the ground. The whole platform was formed around 
a core of earth and stone fragments. There were twenty- 
three covers of different sizes, designs, and dates, ranging 
from two to nearly seven feet in length, and from the 
eleventh or early twelfth to the end of the fourteenth 
century in date. The best of these were fixed erect against 
the west wall within the church by the Vicar; the others 
were re-arranged as a platform as before. 


> '» 


111 K.'-A4jJ^"^-r.' 



We give drawings of eight fragments prepared from 
photographs very kindly taken for us by W. L. Fletcher, 
Esq., of Stoneleigh, Workington. Fig. I., moulded edge ; 
head of cross in low relief formed by simply cutting away 
the remaining surface within the circle; stem and calvary 
steps merely incised ; no symbols. Fig, II., plain cham- 
fered edge ; head in relief as in I., stem incised ; beneath 
the circle two fleur-de-lis shaped foliations ; trefoil window 
head takes place of Calvary; symbols, a pair of pointed 
shears on the left hand. I think we counted five pairs of 
shears broad and narrow during this find ; some of them 
probably denoting the burial of women. None of these 
appeared with Gospels and chalice, emblems of the priest- 
hood, and therefore may not commemorate archdeacons or 
deans one duty of whom, Mr. Lees tells us, was thus ex- 
pressed at a council at York, A.D. 1195 : — '"'Let clerks 
who despise the crown (i.e., the tonsure) if beneficed, be 
deprived, if not let them be shaved against their will by the 
archdeacon or dean." 

The visitor to Bromfield Church may now see two 
tonsured heads on either side of the chancel arch acting 
as corbels bearing the widened arch. This arch took the 
place of the old Norman arch, whose carved stonework was 
mutilated and used up again by the enlargers, it may be 
of the time when the tombstones were removed and built 
up round the place of the Cross outside. Fig. III., plain 
chamfered edge; the whole cross in relief; symbol, an 
arrow also in relief ; within the Calvary a pointed early 
English arch. Fig. IV. is the gem of the collection, a 
triumph of the designer and the stone-cutter in rendering 
simplicity, and elegance, and power ; a massive stone with 
a plain chamfer ; a double stemmed cross rises in rounded 
relief from a circular arch ; the head of the cross becomes 
glorious with the sign of the Trinity and the much loved 
fleur-de-lis, which is laid in all its purity within each of 
the four circles of this beautiful piece of carving ; the great 



sword of the strong man, sheathed, with curved guard, lies 
alongside on the right hand. 

Fig. V. is only a fragment ; it was not worth building in 
as part of the steps, and it was found amongst the rubbish 
which formed the core of the structure, yet it is a most in- 
teresting relic, for it tells of the vanished De Bromfields. A 
massive stone with a plain chamfer ; a line appears above 
the letters, which shews us that an incised cross ornamented 
the memorial; no doubt the great sword, incised, of the Lord 
of Bromfield, lay alongside to the right hand as the inscrip- 
tion lies on the left. The letter S will be readily seen with 
the U above it ; three stops divide the words ; after the S 
appears " De " and then the two first letters of the name 
BR ^- and this is what is left memorialwise of the Brom- 
fields, who vanished at an early date from the parish. 
Whether this word ending in S was Gulielmus, or Ricardus, 
or Dominus is not know^n. 

Bromfield and Scalesmere were granted by Waldieve, 
first Lord of xA.llerdale, to Melbeth, his physician, whose 
posterity took the name of Bromfield. In 39, Ed. IIL 
Jones de Bromfield and Thomas de Lowther held land at 
Langrigg valent per annum £j. The same John had other 
lands at Bromfield. In 42, Ed. III. (1469) from the 
registers of Holme Cultram it appears " that soon after 
the foundation of Holme Cultram, Adam, son of Thomas 
de Bromfield, granted to the said x\bbey the manor of 
Bromfield." Melbeth had granted the church to the Abbey 
of S. Mary, York. 

Fig. VII. is a very simple early slab with plain cham- 
fered edge, incised cross with plain circle and calvar}-, a pair 
of narrow shears on the left hand. There are several of 
this type, one with chalice of priest, fixed in the church. 
Fig. VII. is the upper part of a slab with moulding and 
chamfer. The cross head is in partial relief, and shews 
two foliations in the upper part of the stem. Fig. VIII. 
is much like VII. There is a chamfer without moulding 


.^r^CI^ ^'^^^%i ^Vxt '■■' 



While /^an^sloTte Cross h'ead. 



and foliations. On the right hand side is a sword with 
square guard ; on the left, after the cross sign, are the first 
two letters Hi of Hie jacet, the beginning of an inscription 
which the mason has never completed. 

On excavating the core of the structure we found several 
very small tomb slabs, about two feet long, some of them 
bearing lines for the guide of the mason, as though fresh 
and unfiaished from the stone-cutter's yard. There were 
also the two halves of a cylindrical pillar, split lengthwise 
down the middle. These may have been the lower part of 
a red sandstone pillar cross, or they may possibly have 
been part of a column from the church. There were no 
red sandstone sculptures which could be recognized as 
belonging to such cross. Beneath these buried fragments 
we found a mass of harder earth and white sandstone 
fragments. These pieces of white sandstone, about a 
dozen in number, shewed traces of sculpture, and beneath 
them w'e turned up the complete head of a white sand- 
stone cross of the very early type, with central boss and 
ring, and a raised beading round the edges, the solid head 
and arms in one piece, the stone very much worn and 
weathered before being buried here. 

The smaller pieces were put together and revealed the 
shoulders and part of the shaft of the cross. The cross 
had not only been broken up but split down the middle 
sidevvise before burial. One very small piece, which will 
be seen under the arm on the right hand in the drawing 
here given being placed upon one of the pieces of the back 
part of the cross revealed the curve beneath the arm con- 
taining the moulding. Further down, a solid piece of 
stone completed the relics which we were able to fix into 
place. These have been cemented together and placed by 
the Vicar in the church near the pulpit. The cross, as we 
now know it, is thirty-one inches high. The head is nine 
inches wide at top, fourteen inches across the arms, and 
six inches thick. The neck is nine inches across. The 



shoulders fifteen inches. The greatest thickness is seven- 
and-a-half inches. The lower parts of the shaft have been 
worn away as if by the sharpening upon it of a scythe or 
other iron implement. 

The whole must have been exposed to the weather 
many hundred years before it was broken up and buried. 
This may, indeed, be the identical cross around which the 
British were gathered to listen to the Gospel and receive 
baptism before any stone church was raised, and even 
two hundred years before S. Kentigern, the Apostle of 
Strathclyde, whose name the present church bears, 
journeyed this way on his road into Wales in the sixth 

Another fragment of pre-Norman times, a house-shaped 
(hog-back) tombstone, its roof ornamented with triangular 
tiles has been built above the Norman arch of the west 
doorway, as at Bongate, Cross-Canonby, &c., &c. In the 
chapel of S. George a floriated grave cover has Adam of 
Crookdake 1304. In the Lady chapel is the cover of the 
stone coffin of been used as a lintel for a window. 

There are many scattered hamlets and the following 
townships in the parish, viz: Allonby; Mealrigg ; West 
Newton, where was a manor house ; Langrigg, Crookdake, 
Bromfield, Scales, Blencogo, Wheyrigg, Moor-Row, Dun- 
draw, and Kelsick, many of which still have their old 
Halls. Thomas de Newton (Ed. Ill,) and his ancestors 
are said to have been Lords of Newton from the time of 
King Stephen. To such local Lords may many of these 
slabs have been memorials. 


Art. XUl.— Church Bells in Leath Ward. Xo. 2. By the 

Rev. H. Whitehead. 
Contributed at Ambleside, Sept. ^th, i88g. 

DACRE {continued). 
rilHE following translation of the Latin elegiacs- on the 
-■- Dacre treble, by the Rev. T. W. Norwood, vicar of 
Wrenbury, Cheshire, has the merit of assigning an intelli- 
gible meaning to the last two lines : — 

Regard not shew ; bend to the Lord and pray ; 

I call you to the Temple God to praise. 
Thrice have I jarred ; j'ou've fallen day by day ; 

I'm sound ; by prayer you may be, mend your ways. 

The Rev. T. F. Owen, vicar of Wood Walton, Peter- 
borough, renders the last two lines thus : — 

I thrice have sounded discordantly, you have fallen daily ; 
I am now sound ; become you so by prayer, mend your ways. 

Mr. Norwood and Mr. Owen, writing independently of 
each other, agree in suggesting that the bell may have 
been thrice cracked and thrice recast. 

The initials H F on this bell are, as I have said {ante, 
IX, 48S), probably those of the donor; whom perhaps it 
may not be possible to identify. It may, however, be 

*For_ which see vol. ix. p. 4SS, of these Transactions. But for the reader's 
convenience I here repeat them : — 

w □ o + 



H F 1G06 



worth while to notice that Henr_v Featherstonehaugh of 
Kirkoswald, who died in 1626, was both by descent and 
marriage connected with places near Dacre.* 

Referring to the illustrations of cross and lettering on the 
2nd Dacre bell, cast at the end of the 14th century by the 
York founder Johannes de Kirkham (ante, IX, 493), the 
Rev. W. C. Lukis, F.S.A., Rector of Wath, Yorkshire, 
wrote : — 

The initial cross numbered 11 and the letter A (numbered 12) are found 
on the 2nd bell at Scawton in Yorkshire, where there is the founder's 
shield bearing a pastoral staff between a candlestick, a bell, and a 
melting pot; an inscription round the shield + lOANNES DE 

The late Mr. Stahlschmidt, to whom I sent Mr. Lukis' 
description of the Scawton bell, wrote : — 

I take it the staff indicates that John de Copgrave, presumably a 
native of the little village of that name near Ripon, was a bell founder 
in an episcopal city, i.e., York ; and the use of the foundry stamp 
indicates to my mind a later date than John de Kirkham. Not im- 
probably John de Copgrave was a successor of John de Kirkham. 

It is seldom that we find a founder's name or even his 
initials on a mediaeval bell. John de Kirkham, however, 
whose name occurs in full on Dacre 2d, also placed his 
initials on one of the two bells at Sproatly, near Hull ; 
both of which, as I have recently ascertained, bear the 
same cross and lettering as are found in the lower in- 

* Thomas Dudlev=Grace Threlkeld 
of Yanwath I 

Albanv Featherstonehaugh = Lucy=Gerard Lowther 
d. 1573 I d. 1596 

Henry Featherstonehaugh = Dorothy Wvbergh 
d. 1626 of Clifton Hall. 



scription on Dacre 2d, but with a fleur-de-lis, as at Cum- 
rew and Threlkeld, instead of three roundlets, as intervening 

The Dacre tenor, on which occur two lions passant 
and the Adoration of the MsLgi (ante, IX, 489), I formerly 
thought might have been presented by a member of the 
Dudley family {ib., 492). But Mr. Norwood has re- 
marked that the lions, if intended as a coat of arms, 
would have been on a shield. They are therefore pro- 
bably a bellfounder's stamp. 


Edward VI's commissioners found at " Edynhall " in 

ij litill belles ; 

which were probably the sanctus and sacring bells. What 
other bells they found we cannot learn from their report, 
part of the Edenhall list of church goods having been torn 
off from the original MS. [ante, VIII, 194). 

Bishop Nicolson, who was here on August 19, 1703, 
says of the church tower : — 

Within are two small Bells ; on the larger whereof are ye Stapleton's 
Arms and Campana Cuthbevti Saudi. 

This is one of the only three places, the other two being 
Skelton and Penrith, where he recorded a bell inscription ; 
though the bells themselves are often mentioned in his 

The terrier of 1749, signed by " Christopher Musgrave, 
Vicar," has this entry: — 

Two Bells with their frames the Larger thought to weigh about two 
Hundred weight the lesser one Hundred and a half. 




No other terrier at Edenhall has any mention of the bells. 
There are now three bells here, viz : — 








lyi inches 




No. 2 


17 inches 





igi inches 




The weights are reckoned from the diameters. 

The tenor, from its weight, is evidently identical with 
** the larger " bell of the terrier ; also, from its inscription, 
with "the larger" of the two bells seen here b}^ Bp. 
Nicolson, since it has, round its shoulder, in Lombardic 
letters, with floriated initial cross, and the Stapleton arms 
as intervening stop, this legend : — 


The cross (Fig. 15)* and lettering (Figs. 17-20) are of pre- 
cisely the same character as the cross and lettering on the 
treble at Egremont, but do not as yet enable us to identify 
the founder. The bell is dedicated to the patron saint of 
the church. The Stapleton arms (Fig. 16) are : — 

Arg. 3 swords, pomels in the nombrils of the escutcheon, points ex- 
tended, Gules {Lysoiis, p. Ixxxiii). 

Edenhall manor came to the Stapletons in 1327 by the 
marriage of William Stapleton with Julian, heiress of the 
Turps. "It continued to be held by the Stapleton family 
for live descents, when Joan, second daughter and co-heir 

* All the illustrations to this paper, unless otherwise specified, are full size. 











of Sir William Stapleton Kt, brou^sjht it in marriage to 
Thomas de Musgrave about the 38th Hen VI — 1459-60 " 
(Whellan, p. 532). The last of the Stapletons, as may be 
seen from his monumental brass in Edenhall church, 
" obiit xxvii die Augusti a d mcccclvii ". The period 
1327-1457, then, is that within which the date of the bell 
must be placed. But the period may be still further 
limited ; for, whilst the Lombardic lettering indicates that 
the bell is not later than the very beginning of the 15th 
century, Mr, Stahlschmidt was of opinion that " from the 
occurrence of a shield of arms it is unlikely to be earlier 
than quite late in the 14th century ". Perhaps we shall 
not be far wrong in contracting the period to 1380-1420. 

The treble has on its waist a cvoss patce (fig. 21), and 
black letter X reversed (fig. 22), each twice repeated ; also 
black letters R (fig. 23) and V (fig. 24), each reversed. 



,- nu__. 





-:^ J 




The intervening spaces are of equal length, about four 
inches, with nothing to indicate with which cross or letter 
the inscription begins : — 

+ X R V + X 

I am not able to make any suggestion as to what these 
letters may mean. 

No. 2 has on its waist the following letters (Roman 
capitals) and date : — 

S'^ P M 1665 W S 

The initials are doubtless those of William Sellar, a York 
founder. bR P M is of course the famous Sir Philip Mus- 
grave. Prior to the Restoration his life had been one of 
romantic adventure. But in 1660 he settled down to a 
quiet life in his mansion at Edenhall, and became a great 
benefactor to the parish church ; to which, amongst other 
gifts, he presented a massive silver gilt chalice and cover, 
hall-marked 1667-8 {Old Church Plate in Carlisle Diocese, p. 
248). It might therefore be natural to suppose that he 
also gave the bell, dated 1665, which bears his initials. 
But this will presently appear doubtful. 

We have seen that in 1703, and also in 1749, there were 
only two bells at Edenhall church ; " the larger " of which 
must be identified with the present tenor. Whether to 
identify " the lesser '" with the present treble or with No. 
2, as they differ but a few pounds in weight, cannot be 
settled by the terrier. But I noticed that, whereas the 
treble and tenor have headstocks very much alike, and 
hang at the same level, No. 2 hangs above them, and its 
headstock is of a different shape. It has therefore probably 
at some time since 1749 been brought, headstock and all, 
from some other place. Chancellor Waugh, writing in 
1749 or thereabouts, says in his MS notes to Bishop 



Nicolson's Miscellany Accounts : " The family of Edenhall 
when in the County use their own Chapel considerably 
and seldom go down to the Church.'' And Hutchinson 
(vol. I, p. 247), writing of Edenhall in 1794, mentions" a 
neat private chapel", apparently then still in use. The 
bell in question, then, may have belonged for more than a 
century to the chapel of the Hall. 

The bells at Edenhall church are rung for marriages, 
and after as well as before a funeral. There is also here 
the usage of the death knell, indicating age of deceased. 


The Greystoke bells, from an antiquarian point of view, 
are exceedingly interesting. Yet, except very inaccurately 
in a terrier, they have never been described. Bishop 
Nicolson, who visited Greystoke, on Feb. 26, 1704, says : — 

The Tower is crack'd, in the Xorth-West Corner, from top to bot- 
tome ; and looks Threatning. There are in it four pretty Tuneable 
Bells; and a Clock, loosely enough managed (Bp. N's Visitation, p. 


We may be sure the bishop did not ascend the tower, or 
he would have noticed the bell inscriptions. Its " threat- 
ning" aspect would not have deterred him from ascending 
it, had he been so minded ; but, seeing that he took but a 
single day to visit Great Salkeld, Barton, and Greystoke, 
we need not be surprised that he had no time at any one 
of the three churches to spare for the belfry, and must 
wonder at the number of things he did contrive to observe. 
The terrier of 1749, strangely enough for one of Chancellor 
Waugh's terriers, does not mention the bells. That of 
1777, signed by "Edward Carlisle, Rector", thus describes 
them : — 

Four bells with ropes wheels and Frames One the Great Bell has a 
Sentence round its circumference near the mouth the Letters parti}' 
defaced by Time Another Bell has the name Dacre Another two 




names of two persons its founders The fourth plain Their weight un- 
known One Church Clock of the old construction. 

Mr. Carlisle may deserve some credit for having conceived 
the idea of reporting the inscriptions on his bells. But his 
inaccuracy, as we shall presently see, is remarkable. No 
subsequent terrier has any mention of the bells. Whellan, 
writing in i860, says (p. 542) : — 

There are four very ancient bells with inscriptions round them. 

No notice is taken of them in the other county histories. 
They are : — 





30^ inches 

No. 2 


32^ inches 

No. 3 


;^^h inches 



36 inches 

The notes, which I do not give on my own autiiority, 
seem strange. 

The treble and third bell, being evidentl}' from the same 
foundry, may be conveniently taken together. They have 
the same cross, stop, and black-letter type, the only 
difference being that the third bell has three capital ini- 
tials, whilst there is no capital letter on the treble. The 
inscription on No. 3 is 

The treble has 

hei ': grarta 

xljr + 

-}- tici : 0ra i katmna : ilju ; xpi : spnttsa : 
pro ; nobis i oiljuri ; ora : t : aukdantr : iljc 



The cross (patonce) is engraved on the opposite page (fig. 
25). A rhomboid with a roundlet above and below (fig. 
26) serves as intervening stop throughout. The letters 
(figs. 27 and 28) are about an inch high, and very thick. 
The same cross, stop, and type, occur on the Redmar- 
shall tenor, Durham, on which is inscribed Cristofcrus, 
running right round with letters more than two inches 
apart {Newcastle Antiquarian Proceedings, vol. IV, p. 22). 
Turning to the history of Greystoke church, in search of 
some clue to the probable age of the two bells now under 
consideration, we find the church in 1382 " much out of 
repair, the wall crazy, the belfry fallen in ", and "the in- 
habitants of Threlkeld and Wethermelock ", townships in 
the parish, " threatened with excommunication unless 
they contributed to the repairs " (ante, I, 321-2) ; which 
seems to have been rather hard upon the people of the 
townships, seeing that the result of a commission of in- 
quiry in the same year was that "the revenues of the 
church were stated to be sufficient to maintain two chap- 
lains, the parish priest, and five other priests besides ". 
A further result of the commission was that " a college of 
secular canons was founded ", and " at the same time six 
chantries were founded in the church, to each of which a 
priest was appointed — St. Andrew, St. Mary, St. John 
Baptist, St. Thomas the Martyr, St. Katherine, and St. 
Peter". Mr. C. J. Ferguson, F.S.A., referring to these 
arrangements, says: — " Doubtless after this extension of 
the foundation the intention of rebuilding the church in 
its present form was entertained. I say in its present 
form, for although the church and tower have since been 
rebuilt they seem to have been rebuilt on the old plan ". 
(ib). The last rebuilding of the tower was in 1S17. At 
what time after 1382 the former rebuilding took place 
seems not to be known. But, whatever the date, the 
treble and third bell, which bear the names of two of the 
chantry saints, St. Andrew being also the patron saint of 




the church, were doubtless placed in the tower, if not at 
once on its erection, at all events soon afterwards. The 
names Robert Edmundson and T. Auckland, which occur 
on these bells, may be those of the donors. The Rev. T. 
Lees, F.S.A., vicar of Wreay, formerly curate of Grey- 
stoke, writinof to me about them, says : — " Edmundson is 
an old Greystoke name ; but Auckland is not ". 




The tenor or " great bell ", as it is called in the terrier 
of 1777, has two inscriptions, one on the shoulder, and the 
other on the outside of the soundbow, each running quite 
round. The letters, one of which is here illustrated (fig. 
30), are large capitals of a nondescript character. The 
inscription round the shoulder is 



The letter p is, as I have placed it, upside down ; x and 
s are reversed, except the final s of ihesvs, which stands 
sideways. The stop after the words ihesvs and sped seems 
intended for the Dacre escallop (fig. 29) ; after ovre and 
the final b a wavy bell rope {fig. 31) ; and after ever 
and AME the ragged staff (fig. 32). Of the bell founder, 



IHON TORNOR, nothing is yet known. The second in- 
scription, viz, that round the soundbow, is of course the 
*' sentence " mentioned in the terrier account of the "great 
bell " as being '' round the circumference near the mouth 
partly defaced by time". It seems odd, by the way, that 
anyone who took the trouble so far to examine the " sen- 
tence " on the soundbow as to see that it was " partly 
defaced " should have altogether overlooked the inscription 
round the shoulder. The partial defacement, due to the 
strokes of the clock hammer, does not extend further than 
the first word on the soundbow, which is not hopelessly 
past recognition, and is placed beyond doubt by the con- 
text. The inscription is 

ET •• DACRE •• ET •• MILIS •• GARTERII •• QUI •• OT •• 
AND •• X' •• M D XXIIIl •• ET •• XXIIII DIE O 

Here, as on the shoulder, the letters n and s are reversed, 
except in the word graisotk, where the s is placed side- 
ways. The intervening stop throughout is the wavy bell 
rope. The initial stamp is a bell hanging from what re- 
sembles the cross pole of a leaping bar. The letters ot 
between the words qvi and ano do not stand side by side 
as I have placed them, but in a vertical line, T above o, 
and are a contraction of obiit. The final o is evidently 
all that there was room for of the word octobris. This 
inscription tells its own story intelligibly enough, but not 
quite correctly, as Thomas Lord Dacre did not die till the 
following year. In vol. IV, p. 478, of these Transactions 
occurs the following note : — 

Anno Domini mdxxv, xxiv die mensis Octobris, obiit pis memorite 
dominus Thomas Dacre, quondam dominus de Dacre, Graystok, et 
Gillesland, miles nobiiissimi ordinis Garterii, ac guardianus generalis 
marchiarum versus Scotiam. — Ex Martyrologio Novi Monasterii; an 
extract printed in the Publications of the Surtees Society, vol. 66, 
app. II, p. 304, from Dugdale. 



Baron of Dacre and Gilsland by inheritance, " dominus de 
Graystok " by marriage with EHzabeth Greystoke, Knight 
of the Garter, and warden of the West Marches, Lord 
Thomas Dacre was a notable man in the days of border 
warfare, when, as at Branksome, 

To back and guard the archer band, 

Lord Dacre's bill-men were at hand, 

A hardy race, on Irthing bred, 

With kirtles white and crosses red, 

Array'd beneath the banner tall. 

That stream'd o'er Acre's conquered wall ; 

And minstrels, as they marched in order, 

Play'd " Xoble Lord Dacre, he dwells on the Border". 

He was in the battle of Flodden Field, and contributed 
greatly to the victory. His tombstone is in the choir of 
Lanercost xAbbey. The Greystoke tenor, commemorating 
his death, was perhaps given to the church by his son and 
successor. Lord William. 

The 2nd bell has a remarkable inscription, a fac-simile 
of which, or rather of a rubbing taken from it, is given 
(quarter size) on the opposite page. It runs quite round 
the shoulder of the bell, with nothing except the initial 
cross to indicate where any one of its words begins or 
ends, and with its last two letters for want of room placed 
under the cross. The letter v (for u) throughout and w 
(which only once occurs) are upside down. The type is 
of a composite character, some of the letters being Lom- 
bardic and some black-letter ; a combination which seems 
indicative of the period (1400-1420) " when the two styles 
overlapped, or existed side by side ". (Stahlschmidt's 
Surrey Church Bells, p. x). The cross and lettering are the 
same as are found on the tenor at Egglescliffe, Durham, 
where the legend is sanxte marce ora pro nobis ; also 
on the treble at Raskelf, Yorkshire, with legend sancte 
lACOBE ora pro NOBIS; and on the 2nd bell at Dunsforth, 





r? i§ X 

fT) n 





(P. S ^x.1 

if—< >^^ ^^^ 

> — < 

O ::3 '^^^ 

Of S 

> — i 




Yorkshire, with legend sancta Helena reversed through- 
out. The tenor at Haughton-le-Skerne, Durham, has in 
the same type in three rectangular stamps the letters 
BCD PQ RSTV, all reversed and upside down. The cross, 
first three letters, and one of two intervening stops (a wavy 
bell rope), of the Egglescliffe inscription, are thus en- 
graved (half size) in vol. Ill, p. 126, of the Xewcastle- 
on-Tyne Antiquarian Proceedings : — * 

The other stop is a bell. The same two stops occur at 
Raskelf. The only stop at Dunsforth is the bell. 
Haughton-le-Skerne tenor has neither cross nor stop, 
but has the bell on its waist. At Greystoke there was 
evidently no room for any stop. Nothing has yet come 
to light to shew where these bells were cast. The 
chief difficulty in deciphering the Greystoke inscrip- 
tion arises from the contraction of some of the words, and 
from the uncertainty attaching to some of the letters, 
especially those of black-letter type. In the following 
attempt to group the letters and expand the contracted 
words I must reluctantly leave a gap : — 



The word or words required to fill the gap I do not see 
how to extract from the letters in the fac-simile, as I read 
them, iNHENV. Some persons, however, who have ex- 
amined the rubbing, read these letters differently; so 

* For loan of the block I am indebted to Mr. R. Blair, F.S.A., Hon. Sec. of the 
Newcastle Society of Antiquaries. 



differently indeed that the only one which has caused no 
diversity of opinion is the E. Especially provocative of 
variety of opinion is that which I read as h. As to their 
meaning no two persons are agreed. Nor does any inter- 
pretation of them which I have yet heard, or which I have 
myself hazarded, seem to me to be satisfactory. I do not 
even feel sure of the correctness of the reading collegii 
magister; the letcer immediately preceding the gap not 
looking like k. But, whatever it looks like, most persons 
who have examined it think it must have been intended 
for R. Provisionally assuming it to be so, let it be further 
assumed that the whole of the sentence preceding wilel- 
Mvs is William's designation ; about which more pre- 
sently. Meanwhile be it noticed that the bell has a 
name which one would like to believe was derived from 
the most famous of the men by whom it has been borne- 
There are on record instances of bells, even in remote 
times, bearing names other than those of calendar saints, 
e.g., at Ely cathedral, where the treble of a now extinct 
ring, cast in the 14th century, was called " Walsynghame " 
after the prior (Raven's Cambridgeshire Bells, p. 7); and 
since at Greystoke castle there is a portrait, by Holbein, 
of Erasmus, who is known to have been a friend of Henry, 
Lord Surrey, ancestor of the present lord of Greystoke 
manor, a momentary hope arises that the Greystoke 
second bell may have been named in memory of the great 
scholar. But we have here a coincidence more interesting 
than important, since the Howards, who brought the por- 
trait to Greystoke castle, did not themselves come there, 
and had nothing whatever to do with the place until the 
end of the i6th century, too late to be assigned as a pos- 
sible date for the bell. What date, then, may be assigned 
to the bell ? " Wilelmus ", if we did but know his life and 
times, would be our best guide in this matter. This much 
we do know of him, supposing I have rightly interpreted 
the bell inscription, that he was " canonicus dominus 



collegii magister ". Assuming him, then, to have been 
master of the '"' college of secular canons " founded at 
Greystoke in 1382, we seem to need nothing but a re- 
ference to a list of the masters of Greystoke college in 
order to identify our man. But no such list has yet 
been found. There is incidental mention of some of the 
masters, viz : Gilbert Bowett, appointed as first master 
in 13S2; Adam de Aglionby, known to have been master 
here in 1420, but when appointed there is nothing to 
show; Thomas Eaglesfield, who, says Jefferson {Lcath 
Ward, p. 357), " occurs 1440 " : Richard Wryght, whose 
undated tombstone is in the church ; Walter Redman, 
" qui obiit ", according to his epitaph, " a' dni mccccix " ; 
William Husband, who *' occurs 151S " ; Thomas Bower- 
bank, who " occurs 1520" ; John Whelpdale, LL.D., who 
died, as appears from his epitaph, in 1526; and " Johes 
Dacre Magister Collegii de Graystok ac Rector ejusdem ", 
mentioned in the "Survey of Ecclesiastical Rights", 
which was taken in 26 Henry VHI, a.d. 1535. John 
Dacre was the last master. William Husband, who " oc- 
curs 151S ", may possibly have been a friend or at least an 
admirer of Erasmus. But if it was he who, as the bell 
says, " me fabricare facit ", he must have done so during 
the lifetime of Erasmus, who died in 1536 ; which seems 
unlikely. But, indeed, I have no sort of idea that this bell 
was named after Desiderius Erasmus, and have only gone 
thus far into the question for the satisfaction of any who 
might be unwilling to have so interesting an hypothesis 
summarily discarded. I believe that our William, should 
he ever turn up among the masters of Greystoke col- 
lege, will be found between Gilbert Bowett and Adam 
de Aglionb}-, i.e., in the period from 1382 to 1420. But at 
this stage the bell itself lifts up its voice in a call to sus- 
pense of judgment : — soxo qvintvs. How has it come to 
pass that a bell which was once the fifth is now the second ? 
This difficulty starts several questions, which shall receive 



due consideration when I presently deal collectively with 
the ring. Meanwhile I must here propound one of these 
questions, \\z : — May not our William, no matter how 
many Williams may have been masters of the college of 
Greystoke, have been master of some other college, and 
the bell now under notice not have been cast for Grey- 
stoke, but transferred thither at some unknown time from 
the church to which it originally belonged ? This is pos- 
sible, and will have to be considered. But, whatever its 
history, I adhere to the opinion that it was cast at about 
the beginning of the 15th century. And what of its name ? 
Well, there are two saints named Erasmus in the calendar ; 
one of whom, the most likely of the two to be the object of 
our search, suffered martyrdom at Formife in the year 303 
during the persecution under Diocletian. He is repre- 
sented as standing bound to a tree, whilst his bowels are 
being drawn out by a windlass. " This saint is corruptly 
called St. Elmo, for Ermo, the abbreviation of Erasmus ; 
and he was usually invocated by sailors in the Mediter- 
ranean " (Butler's Lives of the Saints, vol. i, p. 724). Dr. 
Raven, formerly of Great Yarmouth, writes to me : — 
" Erasmus was a favourite saint in Norfolk. We have him, 
with his windlass, at Hempstead, St. Michael's at Plea, 
Buckenham, Sandringham, and Norwich Museum ; and I 
dare say he was equally in repute in other parts of Eng- 
land, as were others of Diocletian's victims. I never found 
him on a bell." As a patron of sailors St. Erasmus would 
naturally be held in repute by Englishmen ; and I incline 
to think that he has at last been found upon an English 

At Greystoke there are no old churchwardens' accounts, 
as at some other places, to enable us to connect the story of 
the bells with that of the parish. But in Lord William 
Howard's Housebook, published in 1878 by the Surtees 
Society, there is incidental mention of a peal rung in Grey- 
stoke church tower on an occasion of more than local 



interest which is of value as helping to set at rest a much 
disputed question. It was long unknown where Lord 
William, Sir Walter Scott's " Belted Will", was buried. 
As he lived at Naworth Castle it was taken for granted 
that he died there; but his tomb could nowhere be found. 
Sir Walter, by the way, by a bold flight of imagination, 
brings Lord William Howard into personal contact with 
the famous man whose name has been noticed on the 
Greystoke tenor : — 

A wrathful man was Dacre's lord, 
But calmer Howard took the word. 

Ill could the haughty Dacre brook 
His brother-warden's sage rebuke : 
And yet his forward step he staid, 
And slow and sullenly obeyed. 
But ne'er again the Border side 
Did these two lords in friendship ride ; 
And this slight discontent, men say 
Cost blood upon another day. 

Which discontent between those two lords Sir Walter 
should have been slow to impute, as they were allied by 
family ties, Lord William Howard's wife being his alleged 
comrade's great-grand-daughter. Let us, however, wel- 
come as a symbol of reconcih'ation the recorded fact of the 
bell cast in memory of Thomas de Dacre being rung for 
the funeral of Belted Will : — 

1640, October 8, To five menne for ringinge the bells in Graystock 
Church at my Lord's buriall \xs (Ld Wm. Howard's Housebook, p. 

Thus, as the editor of the housebook says (Introduction, 
p. Ixiv), " all doubt is removed as to the place of his 
sepulture ; at Greystoke castle he died, and in Greystoke 
church he found a grave." But his grave, though since 
the publication of his housebook search has been made for 



it, is not yet identified. If the item of payment to " five 
menne " is to be taken as indicating that Greystoke church 
had five behs in 1640, then we must conclude that one of 
them disappeared between that time and 1704, in which 
hitter year Bishop Nicolson found only four bells in the 
tower. Nor had Edward VI's commissioners in 1552 
found more than four bells at Greystoke (ante, VIII, 202). 
Yet, if "Erasmus" was originally cast for Greystoke, 
there must at some time or other have been at least five 
bells in Greystoke church tower. A fifth bell in 1640, 
supposing the five men who rang for Lord William 
Howard's funeral to indicate that there were then five 
bells, throws no light on this question, as it must have 
come and gone between 1552 and 1704, since the four 
which still remain, being all of earlier date than 1552, 
must be identical with the " iiij gret belles " of Edward 
VI's Inventory. Looking, then, to Erasmus' present posi- 
tion, according to the modern rule of numbering, second 
in the descending scale, if it was ever " quintus " at Grey- 
stoke, and if the same rule of numbering held good when 
it was cast, we must infer that there was once in the 
tower a ring of at least six, three of which were trebles 
above " Katerina ", with "Andreas" as tenor; the pre- 
sent tenor, which is dated 1524, being a later addition. 
When did those three trebles, supposing them once to 
have existed, disappear ? Did Henry VIII's "visitors" 
lake them ? Well, Greystoke church, being collegiate, 
had a narrow escape, at the dissolution of colleges, from 
losing all its bells, and everything else it possessed. " It 
was disputed whether the church did continue rectorial, 
or the rectory and profits thereof became vested in the 
crown by the said dissolution. For the incumbent it was 
alleged that he was possessed by presentation, admission, 
institution, and induction ; that the church was indeed 
made collegiate, but it was by the pope's authority only ; 
that they had no common seal, and therefore were not a 



legal corporation. Judgment was given against the king ; 
and the church continued rectorial and parochial " (Burn 
and Nicolson, ii, 363). Under these circumstances Grey- 
stoke was more likely to gain than to lose a bell through 
the proceedings of the king's visitors ; and, indeed, if its 
present second bell was ever " quintus " in some other 
church, the year of the dissolution (153S) was the most 
probable date of its transference to Greystoke church 
tower. The bells of Shap Abbey are traditionally believed 
to have been distributed among neighbouring churches ; one 
of them is said to be now at Kirkbythore (Whellan, p. 753), 
and another at Orton {ante, vi, 84). The bell of the " late 
ffreers in Applebye " was bought by " Xpofer Cracken- 
thropp of Xewbigging esquyer " ; that of the " late howse 
of the ffreers in Penrithe " by " Richarde Wasshingtone 
besyde Kendal " ; and " one of the thre bells pteyning to 
the late sell of Wetheral came to Carlysle which bell was 
hanged upon the wall called vSpringoU Tower to call the 
workmen to work"' (ante, vi, 434-5)- The late town 
clock bell at Carlisle is supposed to have belonged until 
the dissolution to St. Alban's chapel (Jefferson, p. 149). 
Thus we see how the bells of despoiled abbeys, chantries, 
and religious houses, were dispersed at the dissolution. It 
mattered not to the king's visitors what became of them, 
so that the money derived from their sale went into the 
royal treasury. Hence it happened that many of them 
were not melted down, but were bought for ecclesiastical 
or secular use. The then rector of Greystoke, John Dacre, 
might have sufficient influence with his kinsman, the lord 
of Greystoke manor, to induce him to purchase one of the 
confiscated bells for his church. This hypothesis must 
not be set aside without examination. One of the reasons 
for entertaining it is that some campanologists contend 
that anciently bells we're numbered in ascending, and not, 
as now, in descending scale ; and, if Erasmus was ever 
•' quintus" at Greystoke in ascending scale, the ring, with 



three tenors below Andreas, would have been an excep- 
tionally heavy one for a Cumberland church. There is 
evidence that some ancient rings were numbered in ascend- 
ing scale. Such was the case at Ely (Raven, p. 7) and 
at Exeter (Ellacombes' Exeter Cathebral Bells, p. 15). 
But a few instances will not prove it to have been the 
rule ; and it seems unlikely that a fixed rule of this kind 
should have got turned upside down. It is more likely 
that, until change-ringing began to be thought of, there 
was no fixed rule. Evidently there was no fixed rule in 
1552, since Edward VI's inventories (see Berks, p. g, and 
Herts, p. 60), when they indicate first bell, second bell, &c., 
and add the weights, sometimes begin with the treble, 
sometimes with the tenor. I am disposed, then, to think 
that ''Erasmus", if at any time fifth bell at Greystoke, 
was fifth in descending scale. Another reason for sup- 
posing this bell to have originally hung elsewhere is that 
it has been more clipped round the verge, for the purpose 
of sharpening, than any other bell I have ever seen ; which 
shews that, when first placed in Greystoke tower, it must 
have been considerably out of tune with Andreas and 
Katerina. But it is doubtful whether anyone in mediaeval 
times, when furnishing a church tower with bells, cared 
anything at all about the scale. In the inventories of 1552 
we meet with entries of this kind : " thre belles of one 
chyme" at Brimpton {Berks, p. 8); " iiij belles of one 
rynge " at Much Maiden {Herts, p. 70); the apparently 
exceptional character of which entries seems to imply that 
for the most part the bells of that time were not in har- 
mony. Nor was there the same necessity as in later times 
for them to be in harmony, each bell having anciently its 
separate use ; for minute injunctions on which subject 
see Bp. Grandison's Statutes directing the use to which 
each bell at Ottery St. Mary was to be put (Ellacombe's 
Exeter CatJiedral Bells, p. 12). Another reason for ques- 
tioning whether the bell is in situ, viz, that it is evidently 



not^from the same foundry as the two bells between which 
it now han^s, would have more weight if, in order to 
maintain that it was cast for Greystoke, it were necessary 
to assume that it was cast at the same time as Andreas 
and Katerina. That there did once hang between these 
two bells another which was cast at the same time and at 
the same foundry is likely enough. But it may have be- 
come cracked, and Erasmus may have been cast at another 
foundry to'^replace it. Dr. Raven, in his letter to me, re- 
ferring to Erasmus, says: — " I read the lettering much as 
you do, only wondering whether the words may be * fab- 
rica (for fabrice) refacit ' ; which would open up a long 
history of the peal". Whether this be the correct 
reading or not, it still may be true that the original bell 
has been recast. Assuming this to have been the case, 
but by no means insisting on the accuracy of the inferences 
I draw from it, I will conclude with a conjectural " history 
of the peal". At some time during the first twenty years 
of the fifteenth century the tower was rebuilt, and furnished 
with six bells, each bearing the name of one of the six 
chantry saints. It was a likely time for a work of this 
kind to be done in the diocese cf Carlisle, which from 1400 
to 1419 was presided ox&v by a tower-building and cam- 
panistic bishop, William de Strickland, who raised the 
tower of Carlisle cathedral " a medietate ad summum ", 
placing therein " quatuor magnas campanas ", built a 
tower at Rose Castle, and added what was called the 
" bishop's tower" to Penrith castle. No need to suppose 
that he either built the tower of Greystoke church or gave 
the bells. Indeed it seems that Katerina and Andreas 
were given by T. Auckland and Rt. Edmundson. It is 
enough to know that Bishop Strickland in such matters 
set an example, and would be sure to encourage similar 
works. The fifth bell, however, in descending scale, of 
the new Greystoke ring, was either from the first in some 
way defective or soon got cracked, and " Wilelmus magis- 



ter collegii " had it recast, not however by its original 
founder. For reasons best known to himself he changed 
its name. It was a deal too flat ; which, however, until 
change-ringing came into vogue in the 17th century, 
would be of no consequence. Lord William Dacre, on 
the death of his father, wishing to put up something to 
his memory in Greystoke church, consigned the three 
trebles, which may have become cracked and useless, to 
the furnace of Ihon Tornor, who recast them into the 
present tenor, and also tuned what had previously been 
the fifth bell, but was now become the second. 

I do not, as I have already intimated, ask or expect 
assent to conjectures, which further research is as likely 
to disprove as to sustain ; it matters not which, so that 
they serve the purpose of suggesting inquiry ; and I can 
only hope that what I have written may be not without 
value to some more competent campanologist who may 
hereafter undertake to tell more completely the story of 
the Greystoke bells. 

There are here the usages of 8 a.m. Sunday bell, and 
death knell without " tellers." 

In vol. Ill, p. 130, of the Nevvcastle-on-Tyne Antiquarian Pro- 
ceedings there is the following note. — "In 1876 Mr. G. Ferguson of 
Middleton-in-Teesdale reported (Arch. Ml. vii, 142) that in 1854 there 
was a bell at Greystoke which had been brought from Patterdale. 
It was not to be found in t86o. It was inscribed in Lombardics of 
the 15th century : — 

+ (two v's interlaced like an old w) abc (mark of one v) defghik. 
The D and Lombardic 11 were upside down. I have not been able 
to obtain any further information about this bell. H.W. 


Art. XIY.--Kcsiaick Town Clock Bell. Hy the Rev. H. 

Coimnnnicatcd at Ambleside, Scptcinhcr ^th, i88g. 
npHIS bell, owing to its alleged antiquity, has become 
-L famous. The earliest mention of it that has come 
under my notice is in W. Scott's " Beauties of the Border", 
published in 1821. Mr. Scott, who evidently never saw it, 
or he would not have called it the "church bell", says, 
(p. 103) :— 

The church bell at Keswick is of great antiquity bearing date 

Whellan, in his Histor\' of Cumberland, published in 
i860, speaking of Keswick Town Hall, which was erected 
in 1813 on the site of the Old Court House, says (p. 

345) :— 

The clock bell, which was taken from a building that formerly stood 
on Lord's Island in Derwent Lake, said to have been the manor 
house of the Earls of Derwentwater, has the letters and figures H D 
R O lOOI upon it ; a decisiv^e proof of its high antiquity. 

The Old Court House or former Town Hall of Keswick 
is thus mentioned in Mr. Fisher Crosthwaite's pamphlet 
on " The Last of the Derwentwaters " (p. 15) : — 

I found a memorandum among the papers of the late Jonathan Ottley, 
in which he made out that the former Town Hall of Keswick was 
built in 1695, and some of the materials were brought from the man- 
sion on Lord's Island, and the ancient bell was then removed which 
is still in use. 

In this connection it may be as well to notice that 
Hutchinson (H, 198), speaking of St. John's-in-the-Vale, 
says :— 

In the chapel is an old seat, with the date looi on the back of it. 
Tradition assigns that it was formerly in St. Herbert's chapel on the 
island in the lake. 



This old seat, which is no longer extant, if brought from 
an island on the lake, more probably came from Lord's 
Island than from St. Herbert's ; there having been for 
centuries no chapel on St. Herbert's Island. The mansion 
on Lord's Island is thus described by Mr. Crosthwaite : — 

The large and convenient house with gardens, orchards, and other 
conveniences, spoken of by the Rev. T. Robinson, was built by Sir 
Thomas Radcliffe sometime about 1450. The former residence was 
at Castlerigg. . . . Tradition says that the stones were taken 
away to build the Mansion on Lord's Island. . . . For many 
generations the Radciiffe family resided on the island. So late as 
1623 ^'t" Edward Radcliffe is mentioned as having his Mansion on 
Lord's Island. . . . It is very probable that the house was dis- 
mantled daring the civil war about the year 1651. 

The town clock bell, then, if of date loox, would have 
been originally at Castlerigg on the main land. 

Dated ancient bells are rare in this country. The late 
Mr. T. North, F.S.A., in his " Church Bells of Bedford- 
shire" (p. 6) says: — 

A few early dated English bells have been found : one at S. Chad's, 
Claughton, Lancashire, is dated 1296; another at Cold Ashby, 
Northamptonshire, is dated 1317; two at South Somercotes, Lin- 
colnshire, bear the date 1423; and two others at Sowerby in the 
same county tell us they were cast in the year 143 1. 

To these may be added the tenor at Thirsk, Yorkshire, 
on which is inscribed anno milleno qvater cento 
QVOQVE DEN EST H^c CAMPANA lESVS, and the treble at 
Holme Cultram, dated mill.cccc.lxv. From which it 
appears that the Keswick town clock bell, if the figures 
looi really stood for a date, would be by nearly three 
centuries the oldest known dated bell in England. 

Irs claim to be regarded as of such high antiquity is 
encountered by two objections. 

I. The letters of its inscription are Roman capitals, 
and its figures Arabic, arranged in this way : — 




But were Arabic numerals used in this country at so early 
a date as the ver}' beginning of the eleventh century ? Mr. 
T. Wright, F.S.A., says :— 

It was onlv in the 14th centurj' that these algorismic numerals be- 
came generally used in books, and it is not probable that they would 
be used in inscriptions on buildings till long afterwards. . . . Rare 
examples of inscriptions in these figures maj' occur in the 15th century ; 
but even in the i6th, as is well known, the prejudice was strongly in 
favour of Roman capitals. {British Archaolvgical Journal, vol. II, p. 


And if improbable in inscriptions on buildings until long 
after the fourteenth century, it is simply impossible in 
bell inscriptions of the very beginning of the eleventh 

II. I'he shape of the bell is comparatively modern. 
Mr. Stahlschmidt, speaking of a bell at Chaldon, Surrey, 
which he describes as " very like a common flower pot ", 
says he thinks "it may be certainly reckoned as not 
later in date than 1250, and from its archaic shape may 
well be much older " {Surrey Church Bells, p. 77). But 
there is nothing at all archaic about the shape of the 
Keswick bell. It is not even " long-waisted ". 

What explanation, then, can be given of the figures 
looi, if they may not be regarded as indicative of a 
date ? Some persons have suggested that the second 
figure was originally 6, and that some mischievous wag 
by means of a file has converted it into 0. " The top 
of the 6 in 1601 ", writes one to me, " has been filed 
off, as I saw with my own eyes ; and the resulting O is 
somewhat shorter than the genuine zero which follows ". 
The accompanying illustration (full size) may seem to 
favour this opinion. But an engineer, with whom I 
examined the bell, for the express purpose of deciding 
this point, very confidently stated that the top of a 6 
had not been filed off, and that the figure has always 
been O ; which opinion, by the way, seems to be cor- 



roborated by the occurrence of the same figures on the 
old seat formerly in the chapel of St. John's-in-the-Vale. 

Another explanation of these figures has been pro- 
pounded, viz : that they indicate the looist bell cast by 
the founder. On which point it may be worth while to 
quote the following letter, signed Thomas Radcliffe, which 
appears in Notes & Queries of September 24, 1(887 : — 

I bought the other day an old case clock of oak, which has an orna- 
mented brass face. On a round sunk shield in the usual place is 
engraved roughly W BARNARD NEWARK 1061. The clock may 
be two hundred years old. 1 wish to know when W Barnard began 
business in Newark as a clockmaker, and when he finished. Also the 
number of clocks he made. Surely not 1061 ! That would be a work 
which in those days of hand labour would not be done in the lifetime 
of one business man. It seems to me probable that the number is 
intended for 161, or else the maker numbered the first clock he made 
looi (as some makers of articles do even now), in which case the 
clock in question would be the sixty first. 



It would be almost as curious a coincidence if the Kes- 
wick bell and the St. John's old seat were each the first 
as it would be if each were the thousand and first 
specimen of the work of its maker. But indeed I doubt 
whether any founder ever adopted such a plan of num- 
bering his bells. 

The only other explanation, as far as I know, which 
anyone has given of the figures on the bell, is that the 
founder by some accidental mistake substituted O for 6 
as the second figure. But here also, as with the other 
hypothesis, the matter is complicated by the old oak seat. 

Now, whatever may be thought of these explanations, 
to none of which do I commit myself, I am decidedly of 
opinion, looking to its shape, that the bell is of no great 
antiquity ; and it only remains to ascertain whether any 
clue to its age can be obtained from the initials which it 

I believe the initials R O to be those of the founder whose 
name occurs in the following entry in the churchwardens 
accounts of Haughton-le-Spring, Durham : — 

1615, May 14 To Mr Robt Oldefeild bell-founder for casting of the 
litle bell xiiij''. 

This bell is no longer in existence. But the entry shews 
that Robert Oldfeild was casting bells for the north in the 
early years of the 17th century. He was probably connected 
with the Oldfeilds of York, one of whom, William, cast 
the Dacre treble in 1606 {ante, IX, 490) ; the initials 
W O and R O occur together on a shield on the 3rd bell 
at Broughton, Yorkshire, dated 1615 (Whitaker's Craven, 
Morant's edition, p. 114) ; and on the Castle Sowerby 
treble, dated 1586 {ante, IX, 486), are found the initials 
R O, somewhat larger than those at Keswick, which how- 
ever they resemble in character, especially in the relative 
dimensions of the two letters. Mr. Stahlschmidt, in a 

letter to me, said : — 



The Oldfields are a mysterious family. I have them at Canterbury, 
York, Nottingham, Hertford, and London ; and there were besides 
three or four peripatetic ones with no apparent abodes at all. 

My theory of Robert Oldfeild is that he was a member 
of the York firm, travelling at intervals during the period 
1586-1615 as a peripatetic founder ; and that in one of 
his peregrinations he cast what is now the Keswick town 
clock bell. 

The initials H D are less easy to identify. It has by 
some been taken for granted that D must needs stand for 
Derwentwater. But during the period in which the bell 
was probably cast there was no such person as a Derwent- 
water. The initials, then, may be those of some steward 
or agent who gave the order for the bell to be cast ; and 
his name might possibly be discovered in the archives of 
Greenwich Hospital. 


Art. XV. — Visitations of the Plague in Cmnberland and 

Westmorland. By Henry Barnes, M.D., F.R.S.E. 
Read at Ambleside, Sept. 4th, i88g. 

IN looking over some of the papers which have been read 
at previous meetings of this Society and pubhshed in 
the Transactions, I find incidental allusion to the preva- 
lence of the plague in several districts of the two counties. 
In some of the papers, such as those dealing with parish 
registers, the existence of the plague in particular years 
has been inferred from the excessive mortality as compared 
with the usual average. No attempt, however, seems to 
have been made up to the present to give any general ac- 
count of the local visitations. In the present paper I pro- 
pose to review briefly what has been already brought under 
your consideration, to bring forward some references which 
have not hitherto been noticed, to record the evidence of 
each outbreak of the disease, so far as I have been able to 
obtain it, and in this way to furnish a contribution to the 
history of the local prevalence of the terrible scourge of 
the middle ages. I do not profess to give anything like a 
complete account of the subject. There are many gaps in 
the evidence which I have been able to accumulate, but I 
hope by directing attention to them I may be able to elicit 
from others some important contributions. 

At the outset it may be asked, What was the plague ? 
What kind of disease was it ? It would be out of place to 
enter into any medical details. It may be sufficient to 
remark that among the various nationalities of antiquity 
and in the middle ages the word plague was used in its 
collective sense, and included the most various diseases 
that occurred in an epidemic form, ran an acute course, 
and showed a heavy mortality. It is in this sense I shall 
use the word in the present paper. Some of the local 



visitations liave no doubt been visitations of true oriental 
plague, a disease cbaracterised by inflammatory boils and 
tumours of tbe s;lands, such as break out in no other feb- 
rile disease. On other occasions it may have been the 
sweating sickness, as I shall show that there is evidence 
of this having extended to the Borders. It is probable 
also that small-pox and typhus formed some of the epi- 
demics and were included under the head of plague. It 
is, therefore, not possible to say from present records what 
particular form of disease prevailed in any given epidemic. 

The literature of plagues is very extensive, and a fact 
of some antiquarian interest has come out recently in 
consequence of a claim put forward on behalf of a library 
in Boston that it contained as one of its choicest treasures 
the earliest medical book published in English, viz : The 
Birthe of Mankinde, set forth in English by Thomas Ray. 
nalde, Physitian, bearing date 159S. This claim was soon 
set aside, and among English medical works there are three 
of an earlier date which treat on epidemic pestilences. Bul- 
lein's " Dialogue on the Fever Pestilence " was published in 
1564, and has recently been reprinted by the Early English 
Text Society. Dr. Caius' " Boke or Counseill against the 
Disease comm.only called the Sweate or Sweatyng Sick- 
ness," was printed in 1552. But more than a century before 
the date of the American treasure a book was published 
in London. Its title is " A Passing Gode Lityll Boke, 
necessarye and behoveful against the Pestilence," pub- 
lished without printer's name or date but attributed to the 
press of William de Machlinia, in London about 1480. It 
is a small quarto tract of twelve leaves, and is translated 
from the Latin tract of Canute (sometimes called Kamin- 
tus and Ramicus), Bishop of Aarhus, in Denmark.'*- 

While the chief interest in true plague rests in its wide- 
spread diffusion in the middle ages its history can be 

* For these and other early works on the Plague see Rcli(jiii(e Heanncnia-, 
vol. II, p. 117. By this author Ramicus is described as a Bishop in Dacia. 



traced back with tolerable certainty to the end of the third 
or the beginning of the second century of the pre-Christian 
era. Like leprosy, its home seems to have been in Egypt. 
It was not, however, until the sixth century that authentic 
records of its prevalence in Europe are to be found.'' 

It started from Lower Egypt in 542 A.D.t and spread 
over the whole of the Roman empire " from east to west, 
and even to the ends of the habitable world." It caused 
frightful devastation, depopulated towns, turned the coun- 
try into a desert, and made the habitations of men to be- 
come the haunts of wild beasts. It is computed that this 
pandemic lasted about 60 years. It is not certain whether 
this was the first introduction of the true plague into 
Europe, but it is certain that it now got a firm hold and 
that it kept its dominion for more than a thousand years. 
The earliest record of a local pestilence which I have 
been able to find carries us back to the time when S. 
Cuthbert visited Carlisle. In the recently published His- 
tory of the Diocese of Carlisle, by Chancellor Ferguson, p. 
42, a description of this visit is given. S. Cuthbert arrived 
at Carlisle about the time of the battle of Nechtansmere, 
A.D. 685. He preached on the Sunday after his arrival, 
and the burden of his discourse was, " Watch and Pray, 
Watch and Pray," which his hearers misapplied to the 
expected recurrence of a plague which had recently ravaged 
the district. A few days afterwards a solitary fugitive 
announced the result of the battle. 

The chronicles of the middle ages contain numerous 
references to the prevalence of plague, or " pestis.'" In 

* After the reading of this paper at Ambleside, Mr. Nanson adduced the great 
plague at Athens in B.C. 430 and 429 as a contradiction to this statement. This 
epidemic has given rise to much speculation. A German writer believes it to 
have been small-pox. Dr. Adams, the learned commentator of Hippocrates, 
thinks it was glandular plague, but most recent writers seem to agree in thinking 
it was typhus. The disease broke out during a siege, and there is no mention of 
glandular swellings in the graphic history of it given by Thucydides, which in 
most particulars corresponds with the typhus that appeared in later times during 
the siege of Saragossa. 

t Hirsch's Handbook of Geographical and Historical Pathology, vol. I, p. 495. 



that wonderful historical treasury, the Chronicle of Laner- 
cost,* which deals with events which happened between 
A.D. I20I and 1346, there are three references to plagues. 
On the first page, under date A.D. 1201, there is the 
following entry : — 

In the same year in divers parts of the kingdoms there befel a great 
murrain of mankind and other animals, but most of all of sheep : of 
such a kind was this death and murrain as never before was seen. 

In Hecker's " Epidemics of the Middle Ages," p. 5, it is 
recorded that as the plague spread it attacked not only 
men, but animals fell sick and shortly expired if they 
touched things belonging to the diseased or dead. It is 
stated that Boccacio saw two hogs on the rags of a person 
who had died of the plague, after staggering about for a 
short time, fall down dead as if they had taken poison. In 
other places multitudes of dogs, cats, fowls, and other 
animals fell victims to the disease. 

At p. 85 of the Chronicle of Lanercost, there is an ac- 
count of a " pestis " among cattle which prevailed in the 
Lothians in 1268. It was called " Lunggesouth," and 
was evidently a lung disease. The passage has often been 
quoted. The third reference will be found on page 240 
It also records a plague among cattle, and seems worthy 
of being translated and quoted in extenso : — 

At that time, A.D. 1319, the plague and murrain among the beasts 
which had raged for the two preceding years in the South, visited the 
North, and it attacked both oxen and cattle. And thus did it work 
that after a slight sickness they would die on a sudden and all to- 
gether. Few beasts of that kind were left, and so for that year men 
had to plough with horses. Still men would eat of the beasts which 
died of the aforesaid sickness, and by the grace of God they felt no 
harm. At the same time, too, the fish of the sea were found dead on 
the shore in great numbers, but not a man did eat of them, nor any 
other animal nor bird. And furthermore in the South of England the 

* Printed for the Maitland Club, Edinbnrgh, 1839. 



birds fought with each other most fiercelj' with one consent, and were 
found dead in great numbers. All these three wonders seemed to 
have happened for the punishment of sinners or as an omen of things 
to come. 

This latter prophecy was soon fulfilled. Shortly after this 
period came the disastrous pestilence known everywhere 
under the name of the Black Death. It was one of the 
great events in the world's history ; it extended over the 
\vhole of the then known world ; it reckoned its victims by 
millions; and in England, some writers say, nine-tenths of 
the inhabitants were swept away. It has fixed the atten- 
tion of writers in a high degree, and has been described in 
its minutest details. The starting point of the pestilence 
seems to have been in Eastern Asia. It was in Upper 
India in 1346 ; in Turkey and Greece in 1347, and from 
thence in the same year it spread to Ital}' and France. In 
1348 it had devastated the whole of Italy, and in 1349 it 
had spread nearly all over middle Europe, England, Scot- 
land, and Ireland. Hecker estimates the number of those 
who perished in Europe at twenty-five millions, or about 
one-fourth of the then population of our division of the 
globe. There are no data given for the formation of this 
opinion, and much diversity of opinion exists as to the 
mortality of the period. 

Until recently it has been impossible to draw any 
accurate conclusions as to the real death rate during 
the epidemic. It has remained to an English country 
parson to let in a glimmer of daylight on this subject. 
It occurred to Dr. Jessopp, the well-known rector of 
Seaming, that if the incidence of the Black Death was 
as fatal as it is represented to have been, there must 
remain among local records documentary evidence of 
value from which information regarding the mortality 
of that terrible year could be obtained, and in the 
Book of the Institutions of the Clergy of the Diocese 
of Norwich, and the Court Rolls of some of the Manors of 



the district, he obtained some striking facts. Going over 
these documents he summarises his conclusions as fol- 
lows : — 

I see no other conclusion to arrive at but one, namely, that during 
the year ending March 1350 more than half the population of East 
Angiia was swept away by the Black Death. If any one should 
suggest that more than half died, I should not be disposed to quarrel 
with him. 

I have made enquiries as to any documentary evidence of 
a similar character in these two counties but as yet without 
any good result. Some interesting facts have been brought 
out by Dr. Jessopp's enquiries, and it would be of great 
value if any documentary records of a similar character in 
Cumberland and Westmorland could be brought to light. 
There can be little doubt that the two counties shared the 
same fate as the rest of England, but the local histories 
contain no reference to the visitation. The following ex- 
tract, which I take from Guthrie's History of Scotland, 
vol. Ill, p. 49, will show that I have good grounds for the 
belief that the Black Death epidemic visited this district, 
as the Scottish army on emerging from the forest of Selkirk 
would more probably enter England by the western route, 
rather than by the road by Berwick. 

The hand of heaven was so severe upon the Scots dunng the year 
1349 and 1350 that they furnish little of historical matter. A most 
dreadful plague had passed from the Continent of Europe to England, 
and the Scots wantonly indulged the innate hatred they bore their 
enemies by enjoying their calamities, and even endeavouring to 
render them subservient to their revenge. This ferocity, though un- 
justifiable, was natural to a people so provoked and opprest, as the 
Scots had long been by the English ; but it proved fatal at the same 
time. They had appointed a rendezvous in the forest of Selkirk, to 
avail themselves of the mortality which was then desolating England. 
Scarcely had they passed the borders, when they were seized by the 
pestilence. Five thousand of them dropt down dead, and many were 
cut off by the enemy who had found means to draw a considerable 
body to the field. This barbarous invasion furnished Edward v/ith 



new matter of complaint and his subjects, in their turn, made fresh 
irruptions into Scotland, where they reinforced their garrisons. The 
tew Scots who returned from the invasion communicated the pesti- 
lence to their countrymen (one-third of whom, according to Fordun,* 
perished). The patient's flesh swelled excessively and he died in two 
days illness, but the same author tells, That the mortality chiefly 
affected the middle and lower ranks of the people. 

Thirty years later there is evidence that plague was again 
in Cumberland. It is recorded that in 13S0 the Scots, un- 
mindful of their experience during the black death epi- 
demic, made an inroad into Cumberland under the Earl 
of Douglas. They surprised Penrith at the time of a fair 
and returned with immense booty, but they suffered 
severely in consequence, for they introduced into their 
country the plague contracted in this town. There is no 
local record of the ravages of this pestilence in Penrith, 
but most of the local histories which mention the o'tltbreak 
refer to the severity with which it overtook the invaders. 
In Pennant's Tour of Scotland, quoted by Hutchinson, 
History of Cumberland, vol. I, p. 327, it is said that one- 
third of the inhabitants of Scotland were swept away. 
Jefferson, in his History of Leath Ward, p. 13, in describing 
this invasion tells us the Scots passed by Carlisle in the 
summer of 13S0, and laid waste the forest of Inglewood, 
where, according to Dr. Todd, they seized 4000 cattle. 
They entered Penrith on a market-day, killed many of the 
inhabitants, took away much spoil and many prisoners. 

They are supposed to have taken away with them also the infection 
of a pestilence then raging in the neighbourhood, and from which 
Holinshed says a third of the inhabitants of Scotland died. 

These two reports of a third of the inhabitants of Scotland 
having died from the plague in this particular year have 
evidently come from the same source, and as I showed 

* I have verified this reference. It will be found in Fordun'sScotichronicon, vol. 
IV, p. 1039. He speaks of the plague visiting Scotland in 1350. The cruelty of 
it was so great "'ut fere tercia pars generis humani naturse debitum solvere 



when speaking of the Black Death, that the mortality then 
was estimated at one-third of the people, it seemed to me 
doubtful that within thirty years another epidemic of a 
like magnitude should have occurred. This doubt was 
increased when I found no mention in Fordun of the second 
pestilence. In looking up the reference in Holinshed, I 
find that three words have been omitted by those who have 
mentioned this epidemic, which shows that the statement 
of the mortality is too sweeping. These three words are 
" where it came," and probably the pestilence was not so 
widespread as the Black Death epidemic. Holinshed's* 
account is as follows (The historic of Scotland, p. 246) : — 

William Earle of Dowglas came with twentie thousand men to the 
faire of Pennire within England, and spoiled all the goods found as 
then in the same faire and so returned with great riches into Scot- 
land ; but the Scotishmen smallie rejoised at this gains, for with such 
cloth and other wares as they brought awaie with them from the fore- 
said faire, they drew into the countrie such a violent and sore 
pestilence that the third part of all the people (where it came) died 
thereof. This was the third time that the pestilence was knowne to 
have doone anie great hurt in Scotland, being the yeere after the 
incarnation 1380. 

It appears from another part of Holinshed's Chronicle that 
this invasion was prompted by feelings of revenge. At p. 
428 vol. Ill, part I, he says : — 

The Scots could not rest in quiet, but in revenge for a ship, which the 
townesmen of Newcastell and Hull had taken on the sea, knowing 
them to be pirates, determined to doe what mischiefe they could unto 
the English borders : for the losse of that ship grieued them because 
it was esteemed to be verie rich. .... Entring by the west 
borders they inuaded and spoiled the countries of VVestmerland and 
Cumberland and comming into the forest of Inglewood they took awaie 
with them such a number of beasts and cattell that they were reckoned 
at fourtie thousand heads of one and another. Besides this they 
cruellie slue all such as they could laie hands upon, and burnt up all 

* Holinshed gives account of three invasions of the plague in Scotland. The 
first was in the 31st year of the reign of Alexander the I'hird (p. 203) ; the second 
was the black death, 1350— so vehement and contagious that it slew nearhand the 
third part of all the people (p. 242) ; and the third the epidemic of 13S0. 



the townes, villages and houses as they passed : and not content 
herewith, they stole upon the towne of Penreth, when the faire was 
kept there, slaieing. taking and chasing awaie the people, and 
after gathering togither all the goods and riches there found, tooke 
it awaie with them, whereof there was such plentie as might haue 
satisfied the couetous desire of a most greedie armie. 

From the date of this invasion, and to it we owe our know- 
ledge of the existence of the outbreak of plague at this 
time, until the 3-ear 1554 when plague broke out at Pen- 
rith and Kendal, I have no local records of any plague 
visitations. Several such visitations, however, did occur, 
and, as some of them reached the border district, it may 
be of use if I briefly refer to those which are best known, 
in order that those who are interested in such enquiries 
may be able to fill up the evidence of such local visitations. 
Holinshed vol. Ill, part i, p. 704 describes a great pesti- 
lence not only in London but in divers parts of the realm 
in 1479, in which innumerable people died. The sweating 
sickness, as it was called, was the most notable epidemic 
during the latter part of fifteenth and the early part of 
the sixteenth centuries. It was a violent inflammatory 
fever, and very fatal. Five distinct epidemics of it oc- 
curred. It is thus described : — * 

For suddenly a deadly burning sweate so assailed their bodies and 
distempered their blood with a most ardent heat, that scarce one 
amongst an hundred that sickened did escape with life ; for all in 
manner as soone as the sweat tooke them or within a short time 
after, yielded the ghost. 

This disease broke out immediately after the battle of 
Bosworth on the 22nd August, 14^5, and thinned the 
ranks of Henry's victorious army, spreading in a few weeks 
from the distant mountains of Wales to the Metropolis, 
where two Lord Mayors and six aldermen died in one 
week.t By the end of the year it had spread over the 
whole of England and was equally fatal everywhere. The 

* Holinshed, vol. iii, p. 4S2. 

t Hecker's Epidemics of the Middle Ages, p. 1S2. 



second visitation took place in 1506. Seven years before, 
viz : in 1499, there had been a fearful visitation of the 
plague in London which carried off 30,000 people, and the 
memory of the sweating sickness of 1485 had become 
gradually obliterated. Its second appearance does not 
seem to have been so severe, and was more amenable to 
treatment. The third visitation began in July, 1517. It 
lasted full six months and spread from London over the 
whole of England. Scotland and Ireland, and all places 
beyond the sea were spared on this occasion. The disease 
was so rapid and violent in its course that it carried off 
those who were attacked in two or three hours, so that the 
first shivering fit was regarded as the commencement of 
certain death. Many who were in good health at noon 
were numbered among the dead at evening. Hancock 
says in his autobiography : — 

God plaged thys realme justly for our sinns with three notable plages. 
The first was the posting swet, that posted from town to town 
through England, and was named stope ^n//rtHf, for hytt spared none, 
for ther were dawncyng in the courte at g o'clocl^e that were deadd at 
II o'clocke. 

This quaint name is taken from the French, and the epi- 
demic which ravaged France in 1528 was named trousse 
gallant, because it chiefly attacked young men.- At the 
latter end of May in the year 1528 the sweating sickness 
again broke out in England and rapidly spread over the 
whole kingdom. This outbreak brought a scare upon all 
the nations of Northern Europ e scarcely equalled in any 
other epidemic. Public business was postponed, the courts 
were closed, and four weeks after the pestilence broke out 
the festival of St. John was stopped, to the great sorrow of 
the people. The King left London immediately, and en- 
deavoured to avoid the epidemic by continual travelling. 
A great many lives were lost in this epidemic, and by some 

* In the same gfrotesque spirit the plague was called the jolly rant at Newcastle. 
Vide Brand vol. ii, p. 494. 



writers it has been called the great mortality. The last epi- 
demic of the sweating sickness which occurred in England 
broke out on the 15th April, 1551, at Shrewsbury. It 
gradually spread, with stinking mists, all over England as 
far as the Scottish borders, and terminated on the 30th 
September. The mists are thus described : — 

Which unite in the countrie when it began, was sene flie from towne 
to towne with such a stinke in mornings and evenings, that men 
could scarcely abide it. 

The deaths throughout the kingdom were very numerous, 
so that one historian actually calls it a depopulation. The 
malady attacked all ranks of life and raged with equal 
violence in the foul huts of the poor and in the palaces of 
the nobility. The very remarkable observation was made 
in this year that the sweating sickness uniformly spared 
foreigners in England, and on the other hand followed the 
English into foreign countries. 

There are no local records of any of these epidemics 
that have come under my observation, but I think it quite 
possible that some mention of the last epidemic may turn 
up in some of the older parish registers. In the Uffcolme 
registers,* Devon, the stop gallant or hote sickness is men- 
tioned, and in Loughborough register, county Leicester, is 
the following entry : The swat called new acquaintance, 
alias stoiipe knave and know thy master, began 24th June. 
As the duty of keeping parish registers was not established 
until September 29, 1538, when a royal injunction was 
issued by Cromwell, Vicar-General, this last epidemic of 
the sweating sickness is the only one which is likely to be 
recorded in parish registers. Subsequent to this period, 
epidemics of true plague frequently occurred, and impor- 
tant evidence of its local prevalence is found in many of 
the local registers. Throughout the sixteenth century the 

* Parish Re<jisters in England, by Robt. Edward Charles Waters, B.A. (1SS2), 
p. 72. ' 



plaj^ue was a permanent form of disease on the Continent 
of Europe, and scarcely a year passed without an epidemic 
occurring in some country. The Calendar of State Papers, 
(Domestic) contain hundreds of references to it, but there 
are few of local interest. There are several entries of 
antidotes.* Thus M. de Brummen to Sec. Walsingham. 

I send you three little cushions of arsenic, to be hung round the neck, 
and rest about the heart, as preservatives against the plague, for you, 
madam, and mademoiselle. They have done great good in Italy, 
France, and Germany. 

The first great local epidemic of which we have full record 
is the one in 1597-9S, but from a statement in the Penrith 
register, which commenced about this period, it appears 
that the disease was in Penrith and Kendal in 1554. The 
Hawkshead registers have an entry under date Nov. i8, 
1577: A "pestilent sickness" was "brought into the 
parish " by " one George Barwicke " and 38 of the inhabi- 
tants died. (C. &W. A. & A. Trans, vol. IV., p. 35). In 
the Penrith register there are several entries which appear 
to have been copied from an earlier register. Among the 
entries are the following : — 

Liber Registerii de Penrith scriptus in anno dni 1599 

Anno regni regine Elizabethe 41 

Proper nots worth keeping as foUowethe 

Floden feild was in anno dni 15 . . 

Comotion in these north parts 1536 

St. George day dyd fall on Good Friday 

Queene Elizabethe begene her rainge 1558 

Plague was in Penrith and Kendal 1554 

Sollome mose was in the yere .... 

Rebellion in the North Parts by the two Earls of Northumberland & 

Westmorland & Leonard Dacres in the year of our lord god 1569 

& the 9th day of November 

* It was not uncommon at this period to wear amulets containingf poisons. They 
were " hung round the neck and worn upon the breast, aud were supposed to have 
a hidden power and secret virtue to defend the breast trom the venom of the pes- 
tilence." — See Tracts vol. VIII, S. ii. 22, in Dean and Chapter Library. 



A sore plague was in London notinghome Derbie Sc lincolne in the 

year 1593 
A sore plagne in new castle, durrome & Dernton in the yere of our 

lord god 1597 
A sore plague in Richmond Kendal Penreth Carliell Apulbie & other 

places in Westmorland and Cumberland in the year of our lord 

god 159S of this plague ther dyed at Kendal 

The above entries are copied from Jefferson's Leath Ward, 
p. ig. After the last entry he states that there are a few 
more words, now very indistinct, and the remainder of the 
page is cut or torn off. 

I have not been able to find an}- further reference to the 
plague at Penrith and Kendal in 1554. An examination 
of the Calendar of State papers shows that plague was in 
many parts of England as well as of the Continent of 
Europe about this period, but it was not until 1592 that 
the first of a series of great plagues broke out in London. 
This series culminated in the terrible pestilence of 1665. 
In the Dean and Chapter Library at Carlisle there is a 
volume of tracts* (Tracts, vol. 8, S. ii., 22) on the plague. 
It contains several pamphlets dealing with the several 
outbreaks which took place between 1593 and 1665. One 
of the tracts bears the name of Dr. Thomas Smyth, and 
it is probable that it was by his directions the tracts were 
bound together. From one of these pamphlets I gather 
that in the epidemic of 1592-93, there were in London and 
liberties 11,503 deaths from plague. In order to obtain 
correct returns weekly bills of mortality were instituted, 
and were continued for three years. Their publication 
was then suspended, but resumed in 1603 when the second 
great visitation broke out and 30561 deaths were recorded. 
The third visitation followed in 1625 and numbered 35417 

* Bound up with the tracts there are several printed proclamations and order, 
relating- to the plague. There are also some MSS. orders of Quarter Sessions re- 
lating to the plague at Durham. Having obtained the permission of the Chapter 
1 have copied these orders and forwarded them to the Newcastle Society of 



victims, and the fourth in 1636 when 10400 persons died. 
In the great plague of 1665 I find from a tabular statement 
compiled for the owner of the pamphlets and written in 
ink, there were about 70000 deaths from the plague."'' It 
may be useful to bear these dates and figures in mind in 
connection with local visitations. 

The first great local epidemic, as before stated, began in 
1597-98. It probably reached Cumberland from Newcastle. 
Lord Hunsdon, writing to Cecil from Berwick, 8 Aug. 1570 
says : — The plage is very sorry at Newcastle. 1576, again 
at Newcastle. The sick poor were sent out of the town and 
encamped on the waste grounds, 1588-89. Again at New- 
castle from May 1588 to i January 1589-90, 1727 persons 
died. Business of the town was at a standstill. In 15S7 
it raged at Durham. In 1593 plague again at Newcastle. 
In 1596 plague still in Newcastle. From about the 19th 
August the deaths gradually increased in numbers, and 
the people appear to have fallen down and died in the 
streets, but in the autumn of 1597 it obtained its greatest 
rampancy so that the Judges adjourned the Assizes from 
Durham and Northumberland. 

Our Transactions contain reference to an unusual mor- 
tality at this period at Carlisle, Penrith, Kendal, Gosforth, 
Crosthwaite, Great Orton, Holme Cultram, and St. Bees, 
and, in some instances, extracts from parish registers are 
given to show the extent of the pestilence. It broke out 
at Penrith on the 22nd September, 1597, and continued 

* In connection with these outbreaks it may be of interest to remember that cer- 
tain trades were supposed to confer an immunity from attack. It is recorded that 
at Derby it never entered the house of a tanner, tobacconist or shoemaker, and 
Hearne remarks in his I\eli(jTii(t Heariiianir, vol. II, p. 17, that "in the last o-reat 
plague at London none that kept tobacconists' shops had the plague. It is cer- 
tain that smoaking it was looked upon as a most excellent preservative. In so 
much that even children were obliged to smoak. And I remember, that I heard 
formerly Tom Rogers, who was yeoman beadle, say, that when he was that year, 
when the plague raged, a school-boy at Eton, all the boys of that school were 
obliged to smoak in the school every morning, and that he was never whipped so 
much in his life as he was one morning for not smoaking." 



until December 13th, 1598. At that time William Wallis 
was vicar of Penrith. He notes the beginning of the 
pestilence in the parish register, as follows :~ 

1597. 22nd day of September Andrew Hodgson a foreigner was 
buried. Here begonne the plague (God's punishment in Perith). All 
those that are noted with the P dyed of the infection, and those noted 
with F were buried on the fell. 

On December 13, 159S, is the entry : — 

Here endeth the Visitation. 

The foreigner most probabl}- introduced the disease into 
the district and became the first victim of what must have 
been a disastrous calamity. At first the disease was con- 
fined to a few families, of which the most part, if not all, 
were swept away in a few days. Here are a few entries 
of interest : — 

1597. The 14th day of October Elizabeth daughter of John Kailton 

The 24th day John Railton miller buried 

The ist day of November Mabel the wife of John Kailton buried 
The 5th day Elizabeth Railton buried 
The loth day son of Thomas Hewer buried 
The 12th day Margaret daughter of Thomas Hewer buried 
On the same day Thomas Hewer was buried 
On the 23rd day Catherine daughter of Thomas Hewer buried 

On the 27th of May in the following year thirteen burials 
are entered ; on the nth of August there were seventeen, 
and on the 2nd of September twenty-two entries. 

There is an interesting record of this great epidemic in 
an inscription on the wall of the chancel of Penrith Church, 
and the same inscription is repeated on a modern brass 
plate. During some recent restorations a portion of the 
inscription in the chancel has been covered up, but copies 
of it have been published. It is as follows : — 




Ex gravi peste, quod I'egionibus hisce incubuit, obierunt apud 
Penrith 2260 
Kendal 2500 
Richmond 2200 
Carlisle 1196 
Avertite vos et vivite. — Ezek. xviii., 32. 

There is no date to the inscription, and no name to show 
by whom it was placed there. I notice that in Chancellor 
Ferguson's Histor}^ of the Diocese of Carlisle, Penrith 
Church was rebuilt during last century, and I think that 
probably the inscription was drawn up at the time of the 
rebuilding, and the figures taken from an older inscription, 
which, according to Bishop Nicolson, was on the church in 
his day. At p. 154 of the Miscellany Accounts of the 
Diocese of Carlisle, there occurs the following : — 

On the outside of the North Wall of the Vestry, in a rude and slovenly 

Character : 

Pestis fuit, Ao- 159S unde moriebantur apud Kendal 
2500, Richmond 2200, Penrith 2266, Karliol 1196. 

In this older inscription the order of the places is changed 
and Penrith is credited with six more deaths. In Gibson's 
Camden, p. 842 this same inscription is noticed. The 
author gives a translation of the words, the same figures 
as Nicolson, speaks of the rude characters of the writing 
and says the " passage is the more observable and worth 
our notice, because not to be met withal in our Histories." 
Much speculation has taken place with regard to the 
numbers on this inscription. Only 583 deaths are re- 
corded in the Penrith register. The greater number of 
those who perished during the pestilence were buried in 
a common trench or grave on the fell ; some were buried 
in the church yard, some in the school-house yard, and 
some in their own gardens. Whellan (History of Cum- 
berland and Westmorland, p. 596) suggests that the 



numbers on the register represent only those who were 
buried in the churchyard or school-house yard. Walker, 
in his History of Penrith, thinks the numbers on the in- 
scription may be taken as the aggregate of other parishes 
in the neighbourhooJ, and the same idea is put forward in 
a footnote published in Hutchinson's History of Cumber- 
land, vol. I, p. 326. The Rev. H. Whitehead, who has 
devoted much attention to parish registers, has suggested 
a very reasonable explanation of this difficulty. He be- 
lieves that the rural deaneries of those names are meant. 
We know that the disease prevailed very extensively in the 
neighbouring parishes. The Rev. Thomas Lees, F.S.A., 
in his account of the Greystoke registers (vol. I, p. 342, 
of Society's Transactions) says that, under date November 
14, 157S :— 

The same day was buried Margaret Sle of Hutton John wch child 
was suspected to dye of the plague. 

The average mortality of the parish rose from 45 to 182 in 
1597, and of this year the first seventeen days were 
wanting. At the same period the pestilence was severe 
at Kirkoswald. Jefferson, in his History of Leath Ward, 
p. 273, says that in 1597 forty-two persons died of the 
pestilence, and in 159S it numbered 583 victims. Through 
the kindness of Canon Ransome, I liave had the oppor- 
tunity of examining the Kirkoswald register, and I submit 
that there are no entries to warrant the belief that such 
an extensive pestilence prevailed. In 159! the number of 
" buryings " is 12 ; 159!, 14; I59|-, 7; fi'om May 1595 ^o 
February I59f there are ten entries. From February 159" 
to February i59|- there are 51 entries. An examination of 
these under the several months show the rapid rise of the 
epidemic. In February there w^ere 4 ; March, 9 ; April, 
13 ; May, 3 ; June, i ; July, 5 ; August, i ; September, 5 ; 
October, 3 ; November, 5 ; February, 2 ; total, 51. In 
1598 only four entries occur, the last being in a different 



handwriting from the others. Among the entries is the 
following : — 

William Bowman parish clarke died 7 Nov. 1597. 

Canon Ransome informs me that he is not aware of any 
authority for the statement quoted by Jefferson, and if 
such a mortality as stated did occur, a very large number 
must have been buried without funeral rites. The plague 
visited Appleby also at this time. Nicolson and Burn, 
(History of Cumberland and Westmorland, vol. I, p. 321), 
say that at this time the fairs and markets had to be re- 
moved on account of the infection from Appleby to Gils- 
haughlin,* and that between August ist and March 25th 
there died at Appleby, Scattergate, Colby, and Colby 
Leathes 12S persons. The Rev. A. Warren informs me 
that the parish registers of St. Michael's, Appleb}', wdiich 
began in 1582, show a larger number of entries than usual 
in 1598. t The earlier registers of St. Lawrence are miss- 
ing, and the oldest only goes back to 1695. At Edenhall 
about one-fourth of the inhabitants are said to have 
perished of the pestilence in 1598. Through the courtesy 
of the vicar, Rev. W. Lovejoy, I have been permitted to 
examine the Edenhall and Langwathby Registers. The 
former commences in 1558 and is in fairly good preserva- 
tion, but the edges of the leaves of that part of the book 
which refers to the visitations of the plague are destroyed 
in parts as if eaten by mice. The parish seems to have 
suffered severely. In the year 159^ there are only four 
entries of burials. In the following year I59|-, after re- 
cording the burials of eight people the following note 
occurs : — 

* At p. 460 of Nicolson & Burn's History, in describing- the parish of Cliburn, 
it is stated : — " Within this parish is a tenement, now belonging- to Sir James 
Lowther, baronet, called Gilshaug-hlin (from rubbish shoveling- down), where the 
market was held 159S, when the plague raged at Appleby." 

t In his letter Mr. Warren states that in 1699 the mortality was excessive, and 
that the burials about this period are all certified to be " in woolen." 



These 4 next following dyed of the plaige, Itm vii M'cii Pattrig Rowt- 
lishe was buried w*n Flatts wall neare to his own house being knowne 
to dye of the plaige. 

The death of his wife on the Sth of March ; his servant 
EHzabeth Thompson on the nth, and his infant son John 
immediately follow. . The first is entered as having been 
buried " beside her husband near the said place," and the 
last was buried " beside his father and mother in said 
place." This seems to have been an isolated outbreak of 
the disease. No further deaths from it are recorded until 
the end of the following July, 159S. A baptism is recorded 
on the 24th March. There was another baptism on April 
25, three burials between this date and August, and then 
at the head of the next page is this entry : — 

The 42 next following dyed of the — (word wanting). 

The first plague death was on July 29. Some families 
suffered very severely as shown by the following entries : — 

Itm First August one child of Andrew Atkinson ot the plaige Sc was 
buried in flatts cloose. Itm xv & xvi August Andrew Atkinson wiffe 
iiii other children dyed of plaige and were buried their Lodge on 
Edenhall Fell at a place called Shaddowbourgh. 

Twenty deaths occurred in August, and eleven in Sep- 
tember. Some were buried in the churchyard, others be- 
side or '*on the backside of their house, on Penrith Fell, 
or Flatts cloose." The epidemic lasted until November. 
The following entry closes the record : — 

Examyned and signed by the Viccar & Churchwardens of Edenhall 

whose names are under written 

nu \ A ' John Watson 

Churchwardens - Vxr ,,„ id ,.i.- 

( Wyll'" Pattmson 

Per me Will"^ Smith vicariu ibidem. 

In the latter part of the year there were no deaths, but 



one wedding and two baptisms. All the entries of deaths 
are in the same handwriting, and have evidently been 
entered with great care. The same handwriting continues 
until 1609, when the death of the vicar is announced as 
follows : — 

Anno D'ni 1609. 

The first da3'e of Maye was Sir Will'" Smith viccar of . . . buried 

anno D'ni 1609. 

He was evidently more precise and methodical about his 
register than he was about his personal appearance. In 
Bishop Meye's time a Court of High Commission was 
held, and we find him among the offenders : — 

Wilham Smyth, Curate of Edenhall, presented to wear his hose lowse 
at the knees.'' 

Tliere are, doubtless, many parishes from which similar 
records of this eventful period might be obtained. Those 
I have given show hovv' widespread was the pestilence. I 
proceed to give some record of the shifts which were 
adopted about this period to avoid the infection. Nicholson, 
in his " Annals of Kendal," in describing Coneybeds, a fort, 
situated on Hay Fell, says : — 

In the time of the plague which desolated the kingdom in 1597-98, 
provisions were brought to this spot by the country people, and de- 
posited for the inhabitants of Kendal, which was their only intercourse 
during that destructive period. 

At Penrith, also, the usual markets were suspended, and 
places without the town (now called Meal-Cross, Cross- 
Green,) were appointed for purchasing the provisions 
brought by the country people. There still remains a 
large block of stone called the plague stone. t It is a 
block of freestone, hollowed in the centre as a trough, 

* An account of this Court will he found in the History of the Uiccese of Car- 
lisle, by Chancellor Ferguson, p. 127. 
t See Walker's History of Penrith. 



about twelve inches square and ten inches deep, which was 
intended to hold some disinfecting liquid, most probably 
vinegar. In this trough the money from the hands of the 
townspeople was laid, and only when thus disinfected 
would the farmers receive it in payment for their goods. 
In Keswick there is a tradition that when the plague 
raged, as no markets were held for fear of the infection, 
the people of the dales carried their webs and yarns to a 
large stone, which is very conspicuous on one of the lower 
elevations of Armboth Fell, and there periodically met and 
did business with the trades. The stone still goes by the 
name of the " wd) stone.'"'''' Mr. J. Fisher Crosthwaite in- 
forms me he has heard old people say that when the 
plague was in Keswick the countr}' people came to " Cuddy 
Beck," but did not cross the little stream. The money 
was placed in the water and then taken, and the produce 
was laid on the ground for the Keswickians to take back. 
The " Chronicle of Perth "' (quoted in McDowall's " His- 
tory of Dumfries," p. 3S1) says the wheat in 1598 was 
blasted over all Scotland, and oatmeal was so scarce that it 
sold for 6s. the peck, " ane great deid amang the people " 
being occasioned by the scarcity. Dumfries also suffered 
severely from the visitation. The follov/ing letter graphi- 
cally shows the condition of the North country, and is 
taken from the Calendar of State Papers (p. 347, 1597) : — 

Jan. ? 10. Complaint of Dr. William James, Dean of Durham, to 
Lord (Burghley ? I The decay of tillage and dispeopling of villages 
offends God by spoiling the Church, dishonours the prince, weakens 
the commonwealth, &c., Sec, but it is nowhere so dangerous as in 
northern parts. The inhabitants' arms were wont to be the strength 
walls, but now they are open gaps ; want and waste have crept into 
Northumberland, Westmoreland, & Cumberland ; many have to come 
60 miles from Carlisle to Durham to buy bread, and sometimes for 20 
miles there will be no inhabitant. In the bishopric of Durham, 500 

* Transactions of Cumbd. & Westmd. Association for advancement of Literature 
and Science, No. xij. 1SS7, p. 70. 



ploughs have decayed in a few years, and corn has to be fetched from 
Newcastle, whereby the plague is spread in the northern counties ; 
thus the money goes, and the people can neither pay their landlords 
nor store their ground. By this decay, the Queen loses 500 horsemen, 
who were bound with their servants to be ready armed at an hour's 
warning. Also those that remain have to bear the burden of the 500 
decayed. Of 8000 acres lately in tillage, now not eight score are 
tilled ; those who sold corn have to buy, and colleges and cathedrals 
are impoverished, because tenants cannot pay their rents ; then whole 
families are turned out, and poor borough towns are pestered with 
four or five families under one roof. I beg the setting of these ploughs 
again, and present this to you in the absence of the Bishop, who ten- 
derly affects this cause. 

Under date Jan. 16, Dr. Wm. James writes to Secretary 
Cecil :— 

If corn were not brought in at Newcastle, which now has the plague, 
thousands would perish for want of bread. 

Mr. Lees, in a letter published in Stockdale's "Annals of 
Cartmel," has the following note: — 

The cause of this destructive pestilence is thus described by King, in 
one of his sermons at York. Remember the Spring was very unkind 
by means of the abundance of rains ; our July hath been like a 
February, our June even as an April, so that the air must needs be 
corrupted. God amend it in his mercy and stay the plague of waters. 

Except the inscription on the Penrith stone there are no 
records of the numbers affected with the plague at Carlisle, 
and none of the local registers go so far back. Jefferson, 
(History of Carlisle, p. 44) says that in 1598 contributions 
were raised for the diseased poor, which amounted to 
£209 9s. lod. According to Gibson's Camden, quoted by 
Hutchinson, History of Cumberland, vol. I, p. 326, the 
plague broke out on October 3. He says no notice was 
taken of any deaths except those in the city and places 
quite adjacent. The lesson which the visitation taught 
was a severe one, and precautions were taken for pre- 
venting the city from becoming infected by strangers in 



the future. Chancellor Ferguson tells me that the Cham- 
berlain Accounts of the City of Carlisle for 1604 contain 
note of payments for watching the gates to prevent any 
plague stricken foreigner from entering. 

After this great pestilence a quarter of a century elapsed 
before the next epidemic in the Border district, of which 
I can find record. Several references to an unusual mor- 
tality in 1623 are to be found in previous volumes of our 
Transactions. The first to call attention to this subject 
was Mr. Wm. Jackson, who, in examining the Newton 
Reigny registers, was surprised at the great mortality in 
1597 and 1623, and Mr. Lees found from the Greystoke 
registers that the same years had an excessive mortality. 
Mr. Lees' idea vC^as that this mortality was only local, 
caused by a bad harvest in 1622, or a very inclement 
season in 1623, or perhaps both. At Greystoke the mor- 
tality in the latter year was nearly as bad as in the plague 
year in 1597. Further enquiry has shown, however, that 
the mortality in this year was very heavy over most parts 
of Cumberland and Westmorland, and also in the South 
of Scotland, and the existence of the plague as one of the 
causes of it is shown from the following extract from 
McDowall's " History of Dumfries," 2nd Ed. p. 381. 

Again the two fell destroyers visited the country in 1623. At midsum- 
mer that year, Caldervvood tells us, the famine was so sore that 
many, both in burgh and land died of hunger, numerous poor folks, 
who flocked into Edinburgh in a vain search for succour, falling down 
lifeless in the streets of the city. For several months prior to Michael- 
mas the mortality in Perth was at the rate of ten or twelve deaths 
per day : some other towns suffered in the same proportion ; and Dum- 
fries, perhaps, in a greater degree than any. Fearful must have been 
the condition of the burgh in that fatal year : many of the people 
pining for want — many more perishing under the arrows of the pes- 
tilence — some suffering from both the famine and the plague. 

A tabular statement of the death rate in some of the 
parishes in the two counties may be of some interest. It 




shows how widespread the epidemic was, and how great 
the death rate was in some small parishes : — 





^^ - average about 13 
116 ) 










Bolton, C. 


50 double ordinary years 





































182 I , 

- average under 30 
163 ) 



267 ) 
84 I average about 30 



257 J 

Newton Reigny 

55 55 


^^ - average S 
35 ' 

Saint Bees 


145 average 30 

Kirkby Lonsdale 


82 ^ 
no '.average under 50 

55 55 


55 55 


120 ) 

St. Leonards, Cleator 

51 55 


28 Y"^'^'^^^ 5 



26 average 12 


























































45 ] 


34 ) 



average 15 
average 17 

In the West of Cumberland plague seems to have been 
very prevalent. Dr. Ormrod, of Workington, who has 
kindly examined the registers at Dean, Lamplugh, and 
Camerton, for me, sends the following interesting note re- 
garding the latter register: — 

The register dates from 1599, is well preserved and the writing such 
as you would expect from one of Queen Elizabeth's churchmen clear 
and stylish. A very weak imagination can picture the horrors of 
that time. The parish seems to have included Flimby (with a chapel) 
Camerton, Seaton and the hamlet of Ribton. Death seems to have 
treated all alike from the Curwen who seems to have been the squire 
(a younger branch of the Workington Curwens) to " ye poore childe 
and ye poore woman whom no one knoweth," — whose deaths without 
a name are recorded. The clerk seems to have lived through it all, 
for the same scholarly hand records the whole of the dismal tale. 
The churchyard at Camerton is small now, and it has been enlarged, 
but it must have been raised in height by the accumulation of human 
clay, for during the year 1623-4, April to April, 92 bodies were in 

* In forwarding- me the Ravenstonedale statistics, the Rev. R. W. Metcalfe says 
the mortality was especially high in June, July, and August of 1730, and the epi- 
demic must have been very contagious judging from the frequency of the same 
family name occurring. There is no mention of this epidemic in any of the local 
histories I have seen. 































2 (can' 


't make 1 







The year 1622 seems to have been a sickly time, but it was not till 
the summer of 1623 that the death cloud burst in its full fury. In 
the month of March and April the average was as usual, but it rose 
with alarming rapidity, attaining its maximum in September. 

Mch & Apl 










Sept. Oct. 



J any. 


20 16 





Two and three deaths were common in a house. 

Gyles Dynningon died with his wife and daughter 

John Pearson died with his wife and daughter 

Henry Allisan lost wife and two daughters 

Geo. Bouch lost wife daughter and reputed daughter 

John Moor lost son and daughter 

Antony Yeoward lost wife son brother and I think more besides. 

There was no time for marryings and christenings for few took place 

that year but the following year they were marrying and giving in 

marriage as usual, and the number of christenings was very large. To 

one who knows the district well and can imagine what it was then 

these bare facts furnish the outline of a ghastly picture — the idle 

plough — the silent spinning wheel, the melancholy hearth, and the 

subdued conversation as each enquired of his neighbour who had 

gone last and wondered who would be next. 

Comparing this plague year with the last cholera visita- 
tion in 1849, Dr. Ormrod furnishes me with the number 
of burials in the parishes of St. Michael's and St. John's, 
Workington, during the following years : — 

In 1847 iQS burials. 











Tlie plague of 1623 seems to Iiave been the last epidemic 
year in the two counties.* A few more instances of its 
presence are recorded, but it does not seem to have had 
any great prevalence. 

Some instances of the plague are remarkable for the 
high station of those affected. I am indebted to Mrs. 
Ware for calling my attention to tlie fact that two 
successive Bishops of Carlisle died of the plague : their 
deaths are recorded in the Dalston registers. Bishop John 
Meyt who succeeded Bishop Richard Barnes in 1577, died 
in 1597 from the plague at Rose Castle, at eight o'clock in 
the morning, and was buried in the Cathedral in the evening 
of the same day. His successor, Bishop Henr}' Robinson, 
who became celebrated for his piety and learning, died of 
the plague at Rose Castle on the igth June, 1616, at about 
three o'clock in the afternoon, and was buried in the 
Cathedral the same evening about eleven o'clock. | Henry 
Lord Clifford, writing from Appleby Castle, under date 
Sep. 10, 1625, to Sec. Conway, states: — 

That the plague Is in Lord Will. Howard's house. Sir Francis 
Howard's ladj^ took the infection from a new gown she had from 
London so as she died the same day she took it. 

In the household books of Lord William Howard, of 
Naworth Castle (published by Surtees Society, p. 227,) 
occurs this entry : — 

Rewards and given to the poor (inter aha) Octob. 5. Given to my 
Lady for the poor at Sir Francis' Ladye's funeralls iij". 

In a foot note on same page : — 

* Great poverty and scarcity prevailed for some years in the North about this 
period. In 1629 the Justices of the Peace made a representation to the Council 
on this subject (vide Calendar of State Papers,— Domestic, 1C29, p. 450): — "Of 
late the price of corn is marvellously enhanced in all these northern parts, being 
much about the prios following,— a quarter of wheat, ,^4; rye, £2, > bigg, 40s. ; 
oats, 20s., atter the rate of twelve gallons to the bushel, the ordinary measure of the 
country. Fear even these prices will be higher, except they be supplied from the 
south. Pray them to stay the export of corn." 

t Jefferson's History of Carlisle, p. 21G. 

+ Op. Cit. p. iSo. 



Margaret, daughter of John Preston, of the Manor of Furness, Esq., the 
first wife of Sir Francis Howard. Her death is recorded in Sir Fran- 
cis' prayer book, in his handwriting, as having taken place on the 7th 
of September, 1625. The book is preserved at Corby, — (Cf Howard 
Memorials, of the late Henry Howard, Esq., of Corby p. 8r.) She 
died of the plague, as we learn from a letter by Henry, Lord Clifford, 
to Secretar}' Conway, dated Appleby Castle, Sept. 10, 1625 — :"the 
plague is gotten unto my Lord William Howarde's house, and the 
first that dyed of it was, S^" Francis Howarde's lady, whoe tooke the 
infection from a new gowne she had from London, soe as she dyed the 
same day she tooke it, wherupon they are all dispersed most miserably 
with the greatest terror in the worlde, since they had all beene with 
the lady, and all in danger by that meanes. God knowes it was a 
most lamentable accident, and worthy of the tenderest pytty, to have 
all his children and grand-children in this aparant danger, and the 
lady of S'' William Howarde, the hope of his house (beeinge his 
heyer), greate with childe." (S. P. Dom Charles I, vi. 46). 

In West Cumberland (Bridekirk Registers, vide Trans, 
vol. IV, p. 262,) two families seem to have been destroyed 
by the plague in 1647 and are entered as peste tnortui, and 
in a note, p. 279, the destruction by plague of the Brom- 
field family is recorded as having taken place in 1648. 
This is the last local entry of the plague I can find. The 
great Visitation, as it is called, took place in London in 
1665, and this was followed by the decline and ultimate 
cessation of the disease not only in Europe, but in the 
East generally. It finally disappeared from the English 
Bills of Mortality in 1679. The ravages, however, of the 
disease about the time when the English Liturgy was 
penned in 1547 will show the great significance which 
would be attached to the following words in the Liturgy : — 

From lightning and tempest ; from plague, pestilence, and famine ; 
from battle and murder, and from sudden death, Good Lord, deliver 

Note. — Since the above paper was in type I have had the oppor- 
tunity, through the courtesy of Dr. Garnett, of examining the topo- 
graphical catalogue of MSS. and also the catalogue of MS treatises 
and papers relating to the plague in the British Museum. There 



does not appear to be any matters of direct local bearing but from 
enquires I made of the courteous keeper of the department, I am 
inclined to think that valuable and interesting material might pos- 
sibly be found in the Court rolls of some of the manors in Cum- 
berland and Westmorland, and also in collections of private corres- 
pondence. The kind of information which maybe expected from the 
latter source may be gathered from an extract which I quote from 
the Egerton papers — Camden Society, p. 406. 

Letter from Lord Dumfermline, Lord Chancellor of Scotland to 
the Lord Chancellor of England, dated 30 October, 1606. 

" The estaite of this kingdome in quietnes, obedience, and all other respects, 
is indeed better (thanks to God) at this present, nor it has been scene in ony 
levin? menns reniemberance. The only truble we haiff is this contagious sick- 
nes of peste, whilk is spread marvelouslie in the best townes of this realme. In 
Edenburght it has bene continuall this four years, at the present not werie 
vehement, bot sik as stayes the cowmann course of administration off justice, 
whilk can not be weill exercised in naa other plain. Air and Stirveling ar al- 
most overthrown with the seiknes, within thir twa moneths about twa thousand 
personnes dead in ane of thame. The maist of the people fled, and the tounes 
almoste left desolat. Dundie and Pearthe, otherwayes called St. Jhonstoun, the 
twa best tounes in this kingdome nixt to Edenburght, wearie wealthie and mer- 
chant tounes indeed, ar baith also infected within theis twa monthes, and in great 
truble. Glasgow and many other tounes and partes ar in the same distres. 
God of his mercie remove the same." 

If any of my readers having access to such sources of information 
as 1 have indicated will communicate with me, I shall be much 


Art. XVI. — Mayburgh and King Arthur's Round Table. 
By C. W. Dymond, F.S.A. 

^PHE accompanying plans and sections of these ancient 
-*- remains are reduced prioto-lithographed copies of 
originals drawn to one scale from exact instrumental 
surveys made in October, 1889. The objects thus de- 
lineated, though not the only relics of remote ages in 
their district, are by far the most prominent among them. 
Both are on the south side of the river Eamont, close to 
the village of Eamont'' Bridge, and near together ; — their 
centres being but 445 yardst apart. 

Southward from the Round Table, centrally distant 
from it about 225 yards, and with little more than the 
width of a road between it and the river Lowther, there 
formerly existed a slight annular embankment, known as 
the " Little Round Table," vestiges of which were visible 
until about the year 1878, when, according to Mr. William 
Atkinson, the last traces were obliterated in widening the 
approaches to the new lodge-gates of Lowther park. He 
describes what he saw as consisting of " a low circular 
ridge . . . not more than 6 to g inches above 
the level of the surrounding ground, and from 3 to 5 feet 
broad at the base."| There is some difference of state- 
ment between authorities who give the diameter of this 
ring. Stukeley, partial to round numbers, calls it 100 
yards, and says, " the vallum is small, and the ditch 
whence it was taken is outermost. "§ Hutchinson, who 
wrongly locates it " nearer to Emont Bridge," (Lowther 

* Locally pronounced " Yammon : " whence, perhaps, Yeoman's bridge, an old 
foim of the name. 

t Measured on the 25-inch ordnance map, which, however, is not always quite 
trustworthy as to the smaller dimensions and distances. 

+ Traits. Ciimid. and JFcslm. Ant. Soc, vol. VI, p. 444. 

§ Itincrarium Curiosum, Cent. 11, p. 43. 

bridge ?) 


bridge?) describes it as a "circular ditch, with a very low 
rampart, . . . without any apertures or advances ; "* 
and puts the diameter at 70 paces. It is clearly shown on 
a well-engraved plan in Pennant's First Tour in Scot- 
land, 1769, herewith reproduced in facsimile on a rather 
smaller scale. The outer diameter measures 80 yards, 
after making a needful adjustment of the slightly erroneous 
scale attached to the plan. No ditch is shown, — the size 
is too small for that, — but there appears to have been an 
entrance, or at least a gap, through the bank, a little east 
of the north point, not quite in the direction of the Round 
Table, which is somewhat west of north. Mr. Atkinson 
does not mention the ditch, which may have disappeared. 
He estimated the diameter of the ring at from 60 to So 
yards. On a comparison of the data, we may probably 
assume that the latter figure is very near the truth. The 
authors of Beauties of England and Wales, after referring to 
the Round Table, somewhat obscurely describe this inclo- 
sure as follows : — " On the adjoining plain are a larger 
ring with low ramparts, and some smaller ones, [rings ?J 
at present [1S14] scarcel}- visible. "t 

A field, until lately fenced off, on the south-east side of 
Mayburgh, and covering the space between it and the 
main and occupation roads, for no good reason that I can 
find, was called " High Round Table." Perhaps a curved 
escarpment, the western and straighter part of which is 
shown in the plan of Mayburgh, together with other wavy 
scorings of the surface, may have conjured up in some 
imaginative mind the idea of another artificial work like 
the Round Table. It is hardly likely that the name had 
any reference to the adjoining Mayburgh, which is self- 

A large cairn once crowned the high northern bank of 
the Eamont, nearly opposite to Mayburgh. It was being 

* Excursion to the Lakes, 1773-1774, p- 91. 
t Westmorland vol, p. in. 


^^^a^^^ i^j. g * 



removed even in Stukeley's time ; and, apparently, has 
lon;^^ since utterly disappeared, unfortunately without any 
note having been taken of its contents. He describes it as 
" a very fine round tunmliis, of a large size, and set about 
with a circle of stones:" from which simple record he 
characteristically jumps to the conclusion that "this in 
all probability was the funeral monument of the king that 
founded " Mayburgh and the Round Table.* That this 
cairn was coeval with Mayburgh is, however, not unlikely, 
if any weight is to be attached to the fact that both were 
built with similar materials : for Hutchinson states that it 
" appears where the turf is broken, to be composed of 
pebbles; it is surrounded at the foot with a circle of large 
stones, of irregular forms, sizes, and distances, of the cir- 
cumference of eighty paces. "f 

A mile-and-a-half due south from Mayburgh, near the 
top of a hill of moderate height, are the remains of an 
intrenched upland settlement known by the name of 
" Castlesteads ; " and, three-quarters of a mile east of 
this, on the other side of the Lowther, half-a-mile south 
of the village of Clifton, are two standing-stones, of no 
great size or interest, — perhaps the only relics of a once- 
important megalithic work. Stukeley mentions other 
tumuli and megalithic groups in the Clifton district ; — all 
of which, probably, have long since disappeared. 

As to local ancient roads, I have not had an opportunity 
of gleaning much information ; and therefore touch upon 
the subject with diffidence and reserve. One known 
Roman way — High Street — either traversed or skirted the 
lociLS in quo. Leading from Ambleside over the highest 
intervening mountain-ridges, it passed through Tirril to 
Yanwath ; beyond which there 'appears to be some differ- 
ence of opinion as to its course. In an archaeological map 

* Itin. Curios., II, 44. 
t Ere. to the Lakes, yS. 



in Lapidariiun Septcntrionale, 1875, published by the Society 
of Antiquaries of Newcastle-on-Tyne, and embodying the 
results of the best and most recent research, this part of the 
road is laid down as taking a north-easterly direction from 
Yanwath, and terminating at Brougham, a full mile east 
of Eamont Bridge. There it would unite with one of the 
great roads — that passing near Appleby and Kirkby Thore, 
— ^just south of the point where it crossed the Eamont 
on the way to Penrith and Carlisle. Although much of 
High Street on mountain and moor may still be seen, and 
is accurately laid down in the ordnance maps, its whole 
course is uniformly dotted in the archaeological map as 
" not surveyed, but in accordance with the best local 
authorities." It is, therefore, not clear what degree of 
trust may be placed in those portions of the indicated line 
which are undefined on the ground ; and I am not aware 
that any part of the ancient road, or a branch of it, has 
actually been traced between Yanwath and Brougham. If 
now we turn to the large scale ordnance maps, we get a 
different testimony. In them. High Street is made to 
diverge from the present Tirril — Yanwath road one-third 
of a mile short of the bridge over the railway, and to strike 
the river a few yards to the west of Yanwath Hall, where 
there would be a ford or a bridge It may be of some 
importance, in connexion with the subject of this paper, 
to settle such points as this : and it is evident we need 
more information about the history of the local roads, 
many of which are full of hints of survivals from Roman 
times. Pennant's plan does not help us ; there being no 
indication thereon of an east and west track. The present 
road was, I believe, made about a century ago ; and, from 
Stukeley's statement that " one end [of the Round Table 
— doubtless he means the northern end] is inclosed into a 
neighbouring pasture," it may be inferred tha*: the line of 
the Roman way at that part, unless lost beneath the sod, 
did not coincide with the present one. One thing is sure, 









— that, it it came in this direction, it must have passed 
either to the north or to the south of the escarpment ex- 
tending from the Round Tahle about 400 yards southward. 
Bishop Gibson, in his " Additions " to Camden, (ed. 1695, 
p. 815') makes the Roman way between Brougham and 
Penrith, after reaching the former place, lead " directly to 
Lowther-bridge, and so over Emot into Cumberland." 


Site and general descriMion. — Mayburgh,* seated on a 
wide low mound of glacial drift, consists of a rude circular 
cincture of small stones inclosing a nearly level grassy 
area, except on the east side, where an entrance interrupts 
the continuity of the rampart. In the midst — though not 
quite in the centre of the inclosure — stands a massive 
monolith, the only remaining member of a group, or 
groups, which once formed a prominent feature of the 
whole work. 

Dimensions. — The following list will be found to include 
all the important dimensions. In so far as the reference 
is to that which can be accurately ascertained, and to the 
present state of the work, the figures may be taken as 
trustworthy. It is, however, impossible to say how much 
the valhmi ma}^ have suffered from dilapidation, or to what 
extent this may, here and there, have altered its form. — 

Height of standing stone above ground . . (9 ft. 2 ins.) 9-17 

Greatest girth of stone .... about iS 

Seat of stone above intrenched area of Round Table . 30 

Seat of stone above surface of water of river Eamont . 35 

Scat of stone above ordnance datum .... 430*2 
Highest part of inclosure (S.E. point) above ordnance datum 433 
Greatest height of vallum (S. point) above foot of outer 

slopef ....... 21T 

* Pronounced, and often written, Mayborough. 

f And about the same height at east end of southern sweep. 



Greatest height oi vallum (E. end of southern sweep) above 

foot of inner slope ..... 19-3 

Least height of vallum (N.W. point) above foot of outer slope io'4 

Least height oi vallum (N.W. point) above foot of inner slope 7*3 

Average height of crest of vallum above original surface . 13*8 

Greatest breadth of t;n//;n;j (S. point) .... 140 

Least breadth of wW»';j (N.W. point) .... 102 

Average breadth of vfl//;/»! ..... 120 

Length of entrance ..... about 115 

Breadth of entrance at surface of ground averages about 15 

Average diameter of circumvallation, centre to centre of crest 3S3 

Average diameter of internal area, foot to foot oi vallum . 287 
Cubic content o( vallum, with hollows filled up . 37,530 yards. 
Area of inclosure to foot of t'a//»;;j . . . la. ir. 38p. 

The valltun. — Hutchinson greatly under-estimated the 
breadth of the vallum, " near 20 paces " — say 50 feet. It 
consists of stones evidently brought either entirely from 
the bed of the Eamont, distant 300 yards, or partly from 
thence, and partly from the Lovvther, distant 540 yards.* 
For the most part they are of very small size, — not much 
bigger than a man's fist ; — though boulders, 18 inches in 
length, with a very few as much as 30 inches, may, here 
and there, be seen. Save in scattered patches, the sur- 
face of the stone bank, which at first was probably left 
bare, has become clothed with a thin coating of soil, now 
grassed over. In this unpromising belt, a number of trees, 
chiefly ash, have taken root ; their umbrage contributing 

* The opinion of Mr. Goodchild, of H.M. Geological Survey, as reported by 
Mr. Atkinson, (see vol. \'I, p. 451 of these Transactions) is that " Maybroug-h 
may very well have been originally one of those great mounds of glacial drift 
known as Eskers, .... and that the centre has been cleared out, and the 
larger stones thus obtained placed round the margin, while the gravel and smaller 
stones were used to form the level internal area. The large stone in the centre is 
one of the great bluish-grey boulders of volcanic ash, so commonly found scattered 
over the country by glacial action, and probably brought from the Lake District, 
and it would, with the others formerly existing here, in all probability be found in 
the centre of such a mound." That the standing stone was an erratic block, is 
most likely : but the rest of the theory does not altogether commend itself to our 
acceptance. It would be singular if this were the only ridge, out of many in the 
neighborhood, on which such an accumulation of stones gathered : and the 
theory does not seem consistent with the contours of the surface and the natuer 
of the ground, — evidently, as the sections show, the natural top of the swell, ap- 
parently nearly, if not quite, free from stones. 



to deepen the retirement within. From Hutchinson's ac- 
count, we learn that the surrounding land, now almost 
completely cleared, was, in his day, " on every side grown 
with oaks and ashes," ■' — possibly the descendants of the 
trees of ancient woods, in the depths of which this rude 
hypsethral chamber was secluded. 

The area. — The inclosed area, with an average diameter 
of 287 ft., may originally have been a little larger ; for it 
is likely that, in course of time, some of the loose materials 
of the bank, disturbed by growth of trees and other agen- 
cies, may have slid downward and encroached upon it. 
Stukeley calls the diameter 300 ft., and says that, at the 
time of his visit, (15th Aug. 1725), the land was ploughed 
up and growing corn. Pennant estimated the diameter at 
88 yards ; which is a few feet less than the width at the 
narrowest part : for the field, as the plan shows, is not 
quite round. Hutchinson describes it as " a fine plain of 
meadow ground, exactly circular, one hundred paces [250 
ft.] diameter."+ 

The megaliths. — The standing stone is 31 ft. 6 ins., N.W. 
by W., from the centre of the plot ; a distance which 
lends support to Stukeley's theory of an inner circle ; and 
agrees tolerably with his estimate that " this inner circle 
was fifty foot in diameter.":}: He proceeds to state his con- 
viction that there " have been two circles of huge stones; 
four remaining of the inner circle till a year or two ago, 
[about 1723], that they were blown to pieces with gun- 
powder : . . . one now stands, ten foot high, seven- 
teen in circumference, of a good shapely kind ; another 
lies along. . . . One stone, at least, of the outer circle 
remains, by the edge of the corn ; and some more lie at 
the entrance within side, others without, and fragments 

* Exc. to the Lakes, 92. 

t Ibid., 93. 

% Itin. Curios., II, 44. 


194 ^fAY^.URG^ and king Arthur's round table. 

all about."* So much for Stukele3''s fairly trustworthy 
record of facts. Pennant comes next, in 1769, 44 \'cars 
later. Accordinj^ to his measurements, the height and 
j^^irth of the stone were 9 ft. 8 ins. and 17 ft. respectively. 
He says, " there had been three more placed so as to 
form (with the otlier) a square. Four again stood on the 
sides of the entrance, viz. one on each exterior corner ; 
and one on each interior; but, excepting that at present 
remaining, all the others have long since been blasted to 
clear the ground. "t Writing of the standing stone, about 
four years after Pennant, Hutchinson, who classes it as 
" a species of the free stone," gives the height as " eleven 
feet and upwards," and the " circum.ference near its middle 
twenty-two feet and some inches ; " and tells us, " the 
inhabitants in the neighbourhood say, that within the 
memory of man, two other stones of similar nature, and 
placed in a kind of angular figure with the stone now re- 
maining, were to be seen there, but as they were hurtful 
to the ground, were destroyed and removed."]: West 
makes the curious mistake of calling the monolith " a red 
stone. "§ Pennant's plan, upon which are marked the 
places of seven of the missing stones, shows the one re- 
maining, with the seats of three others, forming a rectangle, 
60 ft. by 53 ft., out of square with the cardinal points; 
also the seats of two other stones, 40 ft. apart, and not 
quite vis-a-vis, at the inner corners of the entrance ; and 
of two more, 45 ft. apart, one on each side, at about the 
middle of its length. Little trust should, however, be 
placed on the accuracy of this evidence ; for we are not 
told that the seats of the missing stones were then to be 
seen : and perhaps we may be justified in concluding that 
there is not sufficient reason for regarding this apparent 

* I/in. Curios., II, 44. 

f First Tour in Scotland, p. 257. 

tiExc. to the Lakes, 93. 

^Guide to the Lakes, 7th cd., p. 167. 



rectangular arrangement as other than accidental. We 
may even go farther, and assume, with Stukeley, that a 
stone circle 50 ft. or 60 ft. in diameter once surrounded 
the central part of the ground ; also that the avenue of 
approach was flanked by at least two great stones on each 
side. It is to be wished that we had stronger evidence as 
to the larger concentric circle imagined by Stukeley, who 
appears to have seen only one stone " by the edge of the 
corn." That such circle did once exist, is far from im- 
probable : for in Mayburgh there is much that recalls the 
plan of Avebury, which exhibits a similarassociation and ar- 
rangement of stones and embankment. As to the weight of 
the remaining stone, estimates have differed considerably. 
It is not known exactly how deeply it is sunk into the 
ground. One Abraham Rawlinson, 83 years of age, told me 
that, with a tourist from London, he once dug down more 
than four feet by the side of the stone without reaching 
the bottom. It was found to taper downward, as though 
to a small extremity. A large piece was hammered off 
and weighed; and from this specimen the weight of the 
whole stone was calculated to be 15 tons. Others have 
put it at 20 tons. From my own measurements, I think 
the content may be from 155 to 160 cubic feet, and the 
weight II or 12 tons. 

Camden says that Penrith castle, in the reign of Henry 
VI, was repaired out of the ruins of Mayburgh. Bishop 
Gibson, one of his editors, denies this. The statement is 
repeated by Nicolson and Burn, who also print a record 
that " in the reign of Hen. 6 there seems to have been a 
general contribution towards the building, or perhaps 
rather rebuilding of Eamont bridge,"* for which an in- 
dulgence was granted by bishop Langley. It is not un- 
likely that, for this purpose, Mayburgh may have been 
despoiled of most of its megaliths ; and that the other less 

* Hist, and Ant. ofWcslvi, and Citmbd., I, 413. 



probable assertion may have so originated. The authors 
of Beauties of England and Wales''' are yet wider of the 
mark when they make the last-named writers say that 
it was Kendal castle which was thus repaired : — an evident 

The berm. — Along the southern third of the circuit of 
the inclosure there is a faintly marked berm, or terrace, 
10 ft. or 12 ft. in breadth, and about six inches in height. 
It is shown in section C — D, but is too indistinct to be 
plotted on the plan. Whether artificial or accidental, or 
whether it was left as a margin in ploughing, cannot now 
be told. The last supposition seems to be the most pro- 

Modern work. — To avoid the risk of future visitors er- 
roneously assuming that certain superficial traces of human 
handiwork on the vallum are ancient, it may be well to 
note that the footings of fence-walls once crowning por- 
tions of its crest, — one of which was continued down the 
edge on the south-eastern side of the entrance, as indicated 
on the plan, — are still visible. These walls were removed 
only a few 3'ears ago. The shallow transverse gap through 
the top of the vallum, on the south-west side, was un- 
doubtedly cut in modern times for a cart-track into the in- 
closure. All the hollows in the stone bank have been made 
either by the uprooting of trees or by the removal of 
material for mending the roads. For a long time men 
were kept here breaking stones ; and I was told that 
hundreds of cart-loads have been taken away Jor that pur- 
pose. The eastern half of the vallum seems to have 
suffered little from this spoliation ; and, in its present state, 
no doubt fairly retains the original height and contour. 

Ditch. — The absence of a ditch is easily explained. A 
ditch usually connotes an earthen bank raised with the 
excavated material. But here, where the material of the 

* Westmorland vol. p. 113. 



bank was brought from a distance, a ditch was unneces- 
sary. Had the vallum been of earth, as at Avebury, no 
doubt we should here, as there, have had the berm and 
the inner ditch. 

Time required for raising the work. — From an approximate 
estimate which I have made as to the total time likely to 
be occupied in raising an embankment such as this, on the 
supposition that the materials were brought from the 
rivers in baskets, I find that, if looo men were to work in- 
dustriously and continuously for eight hours a day col- 
lecting and carrying the stones, under the most favorable 
conditions, it would take at least six months. But the 
time would really be very much longer : for the material 
could be got only when the waters were comparatively 
low; — -a. rarer occurrence in olden times than in our own. 

Relics. — No systematic exploration has been attempted 
here : nor have casual " finds " been of any importance. 
But two are recorded : the first by Stukeley, who says that 
" in ploughing at Mayborough they dug up a brass Celt."*' 
In 1879, "Professor Harkness exhibited [to the Society] a 
portion of a broken unfinished [stone] celt, which had 
been found by Mr. Williams, at the entrance into the May- 
borough. ... It was obtained on the surface of the 
soil from which a thin covering of turf had recently been 

Historic notices. — Mayburgh cannot with assurance be 
connected with any historic event. Bishop Gibson has 
tried to prove that it was the place called " Eamotum," 
or " Eamotun," where, according to several chroniclers, 
Athelstan, in the year 926, two years after his accession to 
the throne, made a treaty of peace with Constantine, king 
of Scotland, Howel, king of the western Britons, Owen, 
king of Gwent, and Aldred, son of Eadulph, of Bamburgh. 
William of Malmesbury is alone in mentioning a place 

* [till. Curios., II, 44. 

t Trans. Cumld. and IVesfm. A?it. Soc, IV, 545. 



called " Dacor " in connexion with a similar treaty which 
Athelstan made with Constantine and his liege, the king 
of Cumberland ; other parties to the pact, if any, not 
being named. This also being represented as sequential 
to that turn in affairs which immediately preceded, and 
issued in, the afore-mentioned treat}', it is not unreason- 
able to suppose that these tw^o records refer to one and 
the same event ; and that Dacor and Eamotum were 
different names of the same place. Dacor is generally 
identified with Dacre,* in Cumberland, barely four miles 
W.S.W. from Mayburgh, and only a mile from the banks 
of the Eamont, or Eamot, as it was formerly called. Pro- 
babilities, therefore, do not seem strained if we assume 
that it was once known by a name formed from that of 
the neighboring river. Were it not for this (as I think) 
preferable theory, perhaps the vicinity of Eamont Bridge 
might have put in a plausible claim by reason of being 
not far from two — perhaps three — important passages 
across the river, if it could be shown to have been, — as, 
doubtless, Eamotum was, — in olden time an inhabited 
place, with a recognised name. There is, however, so far 
as I am aware, no evidence that Eamont Bridge, as a 
settlement, is as old as the time of Pennant, upon whose 
plan no such village is shown. That Eamotum was 
Mayburgh, — a spot doubtless uninhabited, — is merely a 
conjecture, and an improbable one. Ingram, in his 
edition of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle,] places Eamotum 
at " Emmet, or Emmo'land, in Yorkshire." He evidently 
refers to two villages called High and Low Emmotland, 
two miles S.W. of North Frodingham, and S^ miles 
N.W. of Hornsea. It may be mentioned that, in the same 
county, there are two villages or hamlets bearing the 
names of Dacre and Dacre Banks. They are on the 

'In Black's Guide to the English Lakes, it is stated that "there is a room in 
the castle called to this day ' the room of the three kings.' " 
t Index to place-nan:es. 



river Nidd, three miles S.E. of Patele}' Bridge ; — for 
topographical reasons, a very unlikely spot to have been 
the Dacor of the chronicler. 

Analogues. — Though standing apart, by reason of its 
vast size, Avebury has several features in common with 
Mayburgh. It consisted of an earthen embankment, 
4442 ft. in compass, measured along its crest, and 34 ft. 
in height, within which was a berm about 12 ft. wide, and 
then a ditch, 33 ft. deep, inclosing an approximately cir- 
cular area of 2S5- acres, having an average diameter of 
about 121 5 feet. Around the edge of this, 100 huge stones 
were set up in a ring ; and, within the circuit, there were 
also two great stone circles, respectively about 325 ft. and 
350 ft. in diameter. One avenue of megaliths (some think 
two) radiated from the ring, and probably extended to a 
long distance from it. There are now four gaps through 
the embankment ; but the place has been so much injured, 
that it is almost impossible to say whether all of these are 
ancient. The only entrance as to which there seems to be 
any certainty, is that on the south side, at the head of the 
Kennet avenue, which points a little south of south-east. 
" Bryn Gwyn, or Brein Gwyn, at Tre'r Dryw, is a circular 
hollow of a hundred and eighty feet in diameter, sur- 
rounded by an immense agger of earth and stones, evi- 
dently brought from some other place, there not being any 
mark of their being taken from the spot. It has only a 
single entrance."* " There are no remains of columns in 
the interior part."t Near by was "a great copped heap 
of stones," and " the reliques of a circle of stones, with 
the Cromlech in the midst. "t Gough furnishes the fol- 
lowing additional facts\^ : — That the perpendicular height 
of the agger is 15 feet; that "the people call it Castclh, 

* Pennant's Tour in JVales in 1770, vol. II, pp. 229-230. 
f Pennant's First Tour in Scotland, p. 257. 
X Pennant's Tour in JVales in 1770, vol. II, pp. 229-230. 
§ Camden's Britannia, 11, 199, Add. to Anglesey. 



and suppose it to have been anciently surrounded with a 
town;" that Bryn Gwyn, by which Mr. Rowlands desig- 
nated the work, is properly the name of '" a cottage, two 
bow shots south of it, whose gabel is formed of a monstrous 
single stone." '' Behind the cottage is a broken cromlech. 
The name of Bryn Gwyn seems to be given also to the 
circle of stones," eight or nine in number, near at hand : 
beside which, there are ruins of other megalithic works in 
the immediate vicinity. 

It will be most convenient to discuss the etymology of 
its name, and the theories about the origin and use of 
Mayburgh, at the end of this paper, together with those 
concerning the Round Table. 


Site. — The site of the Round Table has been aptly 
described by Stukeley as " a delicate little plain, of an 
oblong form, bounded on " one " side by a natural de- 
clivity." On the other side flows the Lowther. The 
ground thus shut in is about 300 yards in length, and has 
an average breadth of 130 yards. The Round Table is at 
its northern outlet, where it suddenly expands, continuing 
on the same level to the banks of the two rivers. In the 
opposite direction, the surface begins gradually to rise at 
the distance of 230 yards from the Round Table. 

Description. — This earthwork has been formed by digging 
a ditch nearly around an oval area ; with the excavated 
material forming an inclosing embankment, with a berm 
between it and the ditch, and raising a slight and nearly 
circular platform eccentrically in the inclosure. Originally, 
the continuity of the ditch was broken at two opposite 
points by leaving gangways to give access to the interior 
of the work ; in line with which were two passages through 
the embankment. The northern of these two entrances 
was all but completely destroyed in making the Yanwath 
road, about the end of last century; only a portion of its 






.DYMOND. F.S. A.. O CTOB E R. 1889. 



inner end being left visible at the field-gate. A slice was 
also cut off from the eastern side of the embankment by 
straightening and widening the Clifton road, which appears 
to have been done at the same time. The inner area 
around the platform is nearly level ; but the berm rises 
from the edge of the ditch to the foot of the bank. The 
section G — H shows what must have been the original 
form and height of the latter, which, in most other parts, 
has been much degraded. Especially is this so along the 
south-western side, where the bank has been scooped out 
and ilattened almost beyond recognition. As to the material 
of which it is made, Stukeley says, — "the composition of 
it is intirely coggles and gravel, dug out of the ditch ; " 
adding that " the inhabitants carry it away to mend the 
highways withal."* Perhaps this may account for the 
deformation. There is, however, nothing visible to indi- 
cate this alleged stony nature of the ground ; for the whole 
is carpeted with fine turf constantly grazed ; and not a 
stone can be seen on the surface. Such is the irregularity 
of the work on the plan, that it evidently could not have 
been set out even by pacing, — still less with a measuring 
line from a centre. I learned from the old man before- 
mentioned that, more than 60 years ago, to the best of his 
poor recollection, the then owner of the "Crown" inn, 
one Bushby, — either the same who built it in 1770, or his 
son, — deepened the ditch, and threw the earth on the 
banks. I do not, however, imagine that much in this way 
was done ; — probably not enough to alter to any appre- 
ciable extent the features of the work. 

Detached works. — Toward the northern end of the es- 
carpment on the western side of the field, there are traces 
of what apparently was an inclined cart-track which, per- 
haps, once connected the two adjoining fields. Just south 
of this, two short spur-banks project from the escarpment ; 

* Jtin. Curios., II, 43. 



and, in the plain, midway between this and the Round 
Table, are faint traces of what may be the remains of 
another bank. 

" King ArtJmr's Drinking-cup.'" — In the inn-yard, serv- 
ing as a water-butt, is a circular tank of red sandstone, 
38 ins. in diameter, and about 36 ins. in depth, which 
has "been called "King Arthur's Drinking-cup." About 
this object, as about many another, a baseless story 
has been started which, unless checked, may, in time, be- 
come, by repetition, a fixed tradition of the spot. I find 
that even some antiquaries have been misled by confiding 
too easily in statements made to them, to the effect that 
this tank was dug up on the site of the Round Table ; 
nay, that it had been found in the very centre thereof. I 
myself was told this most improbable tale, till, on closely 
cross-questioning my informant, — the same who had set 
the story afloat, — he acknowledged that he knew nothing 
about it ; and that he had stated as a fact that which he 
only supposed to be so. The aforesaid old man — the most 
ancient authority in the village, having lived there for 
more than 60 years — testified that it had been in the inn- 
yard (though not in the same position) as long as he could 
remember Of course, this tank has really never had any 
connexion with the earthwork over the way. 

Dimensions. — The following is a list of the principal 
dimensions, &c. — 

Original extreme length outside embankment, about 365 
Original extreme breadth outside embankment, about 315 
Original length, centre to centre of embankment, about 320 
Original breadth, centre to centre of embankment, about 2S0 
Longest diameter within the ditch .... 16S 
Shortest diameter within the ditch .... 144 
Longest diameter of raised platform .... 78 
: Shortest diameter of raised platform .... 72 
Width of crest of bank on line G — H 
Greatest width of berm ..... 




Least width of berm . 

Average width of berm . 

Width of gangway at narrowest part 

Width of entrance 

Greatest top width of ditch . 

Least top width of ditch 

Average top width of ditch . 

Greatest bottom width of ditch . 

Least bottom width of ditch 

Average bottom width of ditch . 

Greatest depth of ditch below inner edge 

Least depth of ditch below inner edge 

Average depth of ditch below inner edge 

Greatest height of bank above original surface, 

(section G — -H) . 
Greatest height of bank above bottom of ditch, 

(section G — H) . 
Greatest height of raised platform 
Least height of raised platform . 
Bearing of S.E. entrance from centre of work 
Bearing of N.W. entrance from centre of work, about 








S. 35" E. 

N. 41" W. 

Early notices. — Leland (c. 1538) is the first author who 
has noticed this relic of the past. He says : — " Withyn a 
Myle of Perith, but in Westmorland, is a Ruine, as sum 
suppose, of a Castel withyn a sh'te Shotte of Lodcr and as 
much of Emot Water, stonding almost as a inediamnis be- 
twixt them. The Ruine is of sum caullid the Round Table, 
and of summe Arture's Castel. A Myle lower metithe Loder 
and Emot SLt Biirgham Castel."* After a long interval, comes 
Stukeley, in 1725. His description is as follows: — " Upon 
the edge of the Louther, where the bridge now passes it 
is a delicate little plain, of an oblong form, bounded on 

the other side by a natural declivity On this 

plain stands the antiquity commonly called King Arthur's 
Round Table : .... it is a circle inclosed with a 
ditch, and that with a vallum,'' which " lies sloping in- 
ward with a very gradual declivity. . . . The outside 

* Itinerart/, vol. VII, pp. 49, 50. 



of the vallum is pretty steep : it was high originally, as may 
be seen now in some parts ; but it is worn down, as being 
by the side of the common road, . . . There are two 
entrances into the area, north and south, or nearly so: one 
end is inclosed into a neighbouring pasture ; the area had 
a circle within, somewhat higher in elevation than the 
other. The outer verge of the vallum is a circle of 300 
foot.'"' Pennant's notice (1769) is very short: — "At a 
small distance beyond the bridge, near the road side, is a 
circle called Arthur's round table, consisting of a high 
dike of earth, and a deep foss within, surrounding an area 
twenty-nine yards in diameter. There are two entrances 
exactly opposite to each other ; which interrupt the ditch 
in those parts iilled to a level with the middle."! These 
gangways have been left ; not filled in. In 1773, Hutchin- 
son writes : — '' From thence [Penrith] we went to view a 
place by the inhabitants called Arthur's round Table, near 
to Emont Bridge, and about half a mile from Penrith. 
. . . . It is cut in a little plain near the river, of an 
exact circular figure, save to the eastern and western sides 
an approach is left to the common level of the plain : — the 
trench by which it is formed, is near ten paces wide; the 
soil which has been thrown up on the outward side making 
a kind of theatre : — the approaches are ten paces wide, and 
the whole circle within the ditch is one hundred and sixty 
paces in circumference. " + 

Analogues. — Man}' other ancient earthworks in this 
country are more or less similar in design to the Round 
Table ; and it may be well to notice in a few words those 
which bear the closest resemblance to it. 

On the occasion of a visit paid by this Society to Eamont 
Bridge in 1879, attention was drawn to a description of the 
Round Table by Canon Greenwell and Dr. Rolleston, 

* hilt. Curios., II, 43. 

t First Tour in Scotland, 256. 

J Exc. to the Lakec, 90. 



{British Barrows, 381), after referring to which, they pro- 
ceed to notice " three similar constructions (one perfect, 
the others more or less destroyed), almost identical in 
shape with Arthur's Round Table, [which] still exist at 
Thornborough, near Tanfield, in the North Riding of 
Yorkshire;" adding that "two more are to be seen on 
Hutton Moor near Ripon, not many miles [about four 
miles S.E.] from those at Thornborough."* Stukeley 
mentions that Roger Gale, who accompanied him to 
Westmorland, " says there is such a work as the round 
table near his house in Yorkshire, [Scruton, about six 
miles north of Thornborough] , with many barrows near 
it."f Not having seen any of these remains, I take the 
following particulars of the Thornborough group from 
the 6-inch ordnance map. It seems that the site is a low 
plain, of considerable extent, washed on the south-western 
side by the river Ure. They range in a nearly straight 
line, almost parallel to the river, and about 3500 ft. there- 
from ; their distances apart, from centre to centre, being 
as follow: — from the N.W. ring, (No. 1), to the middle 
ring, (No. 2), 2480 ft. from No. 2 to the S.E. ring, (No. 
3), 2380 ft. In plan, No. i is identical with the Round 
Table ; with this addition, that there are remains of an 
outermost ditch covering the eastern half, with an interval 
of about 80 ft. between its edge and the foot of the bank. 
The diameter of the apparently circular central area is 
340 ft. ; that from crest to crest of embankment, 570 ft. 
The plan of No. 2 is the same : but here the outermost 
ditch is indicated as covering only the western quarter. 
The two diameters of the oval central area scale re- 
spectively 340 and 366 ft. ; that from crest to crest of 
embankment, 600 ft. No. 3 seems to differ from the other 
two in having now no berm between the bank and its 
very wide ditch, — so wide as to suggest that there may 

* Trans, Cumb. and IVeslm. Ant. Sue, IV, 545. 
f Iti?i. Curios., II, 46. 



orij^inally have been a berm, which has been worn away 
and lost in the counterscarp of the ditch. The diameter 
of the nearly circular central area is 275 ft. ; that from 
crest to crest of embankment, 550 ft. No traces of an 
outermost ditch are indicated on the map. The entrances 
of No. I point N. 35" W. and S. 35° E. — the latter exactly 
toward the northern entrance of No. 3. The bearings of 
those of No. 2 are N. ^^° W. and S. 33° E. — the latter in 
the direction of the northern entrance of No. 3 : that of 
the northern entrance of No. 3 is N. 35° W. — exactly in 
the direction of the southern entrance of No. 1 : that of 
the southern, S. 28° E. It is curious, but perhaps hardly 
significant, that most of these bearings are identical with 
those of the entrances of the Round Table. There are 
four iumiili within a quarter of a mile of these rings, — one 
of them being about mid-way, and almost exactly in a line 
between the entrances of No. 2 and No. 3. Pennant 
furnishes the following description of these remains, as he 
saw tliem in 1773. — '' About this common are three of 
those circular enclosures, which are attributed to the 
Danes, and called camps. They lie in a line passing from 
north-west to south-east, about nine hundred yards distant 

from each other Their form .... is an 

exact circle. The first thing observable is the outmost 
ring, which consists of a very small ditch : about twenty- 
four paces from that is a mound, or dike, of earth, of a 
vast size, not less than twelve or fourteen feet high, covered 
with sod, and sloping both outwardly and inwardly. At 
the foot of this a terrass, fourteen paces broad, surrounds 
a very deep ditch, at least sixteen paces broad at top. 
This incloses a circular area, smooth and even as could be 
formed, about a hundred and thirty-two yards in diameter. 
To this are two entrances, exactly in the middle, and op- 
posite to each other. These are cut through the dyke, and 
fill the ditch in that part, to the level of the area. One of 
these circles is very entire : the other has been injured by 



the plough. I mention a third, which I saw in a survey I 
was latel}'- favored with ; for I did not walk far enough 
to discover it. . , . All these are of the same size : their 
whole diameter, from outer-ditch to outer-ditch, is two 
hundred and sixty-four yards. ... I must observe 
that the ring near Penrith, in Cumberland, is an exact 
miniature of these. ... I found between two of the 
circles four tumuli, small, round, and exactly in a line with 
each other : and to the north-west of the middle are, noted 
in the plan, three others, which escaped my notice."* 

Mr. James Fergusson has instanced two earthworks as 
" identical " in plan and dimensions with the Round 
Table, — Wood Castle, near Lochmaben, in Dumfries- 
shire, t and Arbor Low, in Derbyshire. | Though, at first 
sight, perhaps, there is sufficient similarity in both cases to 
invite comparison, they have by no means that identity of 
form and character with the earthwork at Eamont Bridge 
which Mr. Fergusson claims for them. 

Wood Castle, on a hill overlooking a valley partly oc- 
cupied by a chain of lochs, is an earthwork formed by 
surrounding an elevated circular area, 210 ft. in diameter, 
with an embankment, outside which is a ditch, and then 
another lower embankment, with one-third of its circuit 
covered by a second ditch, and by a third, outermost, and 
still lower embankment beyond that. The one feature 
which catches the eye in this connexion is the occurrence 
of two opposite entrances, like those of the Round Table ; — 
a correspondence much too slight to be of any significance 

Of Arbor Low, about nine miles S. by E. from Buxton, 
Mr. Fergusson says, it " consistsof a circular platform, [the 

* Tour from Alston Moor to Harroivgate and Brimliam Crags, pp. 48, 49, 51. 
f Rude Stone Monuments, pp. 129, 135. 
X Ibid., 139, 140. 

§ Roy's Militarij Anthjuitics of the Romans in Britain, 1793, PI. viii. There is 
no letterpress description. 



plan shows it as a rude oval], 167 feet in diameter, sur- 
rounded by a ditch 18 feet broad at bottom, the earth 
taken from which has been used to form a rampart about 
15 feet to 18 feet high, [probably from the bottom of the 
ditch] , and measuring about 820 feet in circumference on 
the top." No berm intervenes between the ditch and the 
embankment. " There are two [opposite] entrances across 
the ditch." These are in a line pointing nearly N. and S. 
" A tumulus is attached unsymmetrically to the outer 
vallum," not far from one of the entrances. But Arbor 
Low had — what none of the other examples, except Ave- 
bury, have, or, as far as can be determined, ever had — " a 
circle of stones on its inner platform, originally probably 
forty or fifty in number. ... In the centre of the 
platform, also, are several very large stones, which evi- 
dently formed part of a central dolmen. ""*-' 

If we except the megaliths, and the lack of symmetry in 
the approaches, and forget the difference in size, the general 
design of Avebury, described above, is much like that of 
the Round Table : the level site, the earthen bank, the 
berm, the inner ditch, and the circular shape are alike in 
both : but with these the similarity ceases. 

Another example may, perhaps, be brought into com- 
parison ; one which, though, like Avebury, differing greatly 
from it in size, resembles our Westmorland inclosure 
in several respects. This is " Chlorus' camp," in Wilts, 
a plan and description of which are given by Sir R. 
C. Hoare,t and a perspective view, with a brief notice, by 
Stukeley.t It is situated on high ground, commanding a 
wide prospect. From the former author I glean that in 
plan it is bluntly pear-shaped, with an embankment in- 
closing an area of about 15 acres, the central part of 
which, 550 to 650 ft. across, is nearly insulated by " a 

'^ Rude Stone Monuments, 139, 140. 
■f Ancient TViltshirc, I, 217, 21S. 
% Itin. Curios., I, pp. 129, 130. 



deep and irregular ditch," with a berm 70 to 100 ft. wide 
between it and the embankment, which is stated to be 46 
ft. in height (probably measured on the slope of the scarp), 
and with an outer ditch around the whole. " The principal 
entrance lies towards the east, [E. by S.] , where there are 
some slight traces of an outwork ; it had an exit on the 
opposite side towards the west." The inner ditch was 
crossed by gangways in line with the outer entrances. 

It remains to notice one more illustrative earthwork, and 
that of more kindred character than any of the above, ex- 
cept the Yorkshire examples, — Piran Round, near Perran- 
zabulo, in Cornwall, of which I am able to give the 
following particulars and rough dimensions, taken chiefly 
by pacing, on a hasty visit paid to this spot in 1870. A 
circular embankment, in good preservation, about 10 ft. 
high from the surface of the site, and 7 ft. in width at top, 
surrounds a level grassy area, about 140 ft. in diameter ; 
and the whole is encompassed by an outer ditch, about 25 
ft. wide at top, 10 ft. at bottom, and 6 ft. deep, except at 
two opposite points, S.E. and N.W., where gangways have 
been left across the ditch, and corresponding entrances, 12 
ft. wide, through the embankment. A straight road, 12 ft. 
wide, and sunk about a foot below the surface, crosses 
from one entrance to the other, bisecting the area. N. 
60° E. from the centre there is a semi-circular recess, 
g ft. wide, in the foot of the inner face of the bank ; from 
which a straight passage, 5 ft. wide, and sunk 12 inches, 
leads toward the centre into a circular saucer-shaped 
depression, 13 ft. in diameter at top, 8j ft. at bottom, and 
27 ins. deep, the centre of which is about 24 ft. from the 
centre of the inclosure. There was another smaller re- 
cess, 4 ft. wide, in the bank at a point S. 30° W. from the 
centre of the inclosure. It may be added here that Piran 
Round was undoubtedly used for miracle plays ; and pro- 
bably is not many centuries old. 



Historic notices. — But one historic event is recorded as 
having occurred at the Round Table. Stukeley relates 
that " upon part of the plain are marks of the tents of the 
Scots army, that accompanied King Charles II. in his way 
to Worcester : they encamped here for some time, and 
drew a small line across part of the southern circle : this 
was done within memory."* 


Though the two remains from a forgotten past, which 
are the subjects of this paper, are herein brought together, 
it ought not, by any means, to be assumed, as was done by 
Stukeley, that both belong to one period, and were works 
of one people. On the contrary, it is possible that a long 
period may have elapsed between the dates at which they 
were separately founded ; and, in attempting to divine the 
uses to which they were devoted, it will be best to con- 
sider each quite independently of the other. It ought to be 
borne in mind that works like these, — so notable, the one 
for the amount of labour expended upon it, the other for 
its evident adaptation to some established requirement, — 
are not likely to have been executed for any merely tem- 
porary purpose. Their founders must, in the one case, 
have had in view that which to them was a great and 
worthy end ; and, in the other, some special and continual 
use to which the special form was suited. 

Etymology of the name Mayburgh. — This word, as is 
common in such cases, has been spelled in a variety of 
ways; — Maburg, Maburgh, Mayburgh, Maybrough, May- 
borough ; — and, as is usual too, speculations on its signi- 
fication have been numerous, and sometimes wild. Bishop 
Gibson, the earliest writer I can find treating upon the 
subject, says that the place is " call'd by some King 

*//(/(. Curios., II, 43. 

A rtJmr's 


Arthur's Castle,* and by others Mayburgh (or as vulgarly 
Maybrough) which probably is but a modern name."t 
Pennant pronounces the name " Saxon, and given long 
after its construction."! Hutchinson quotes from Magna 
Britannia an observation of Dr. Hicks " upon the baxon 
and mago, magu, &c. that it signifies, afiinitas, kindred. "§ 
He also says that " the name of Maybrough [at first] in- 
duced us to believe, that "... it was " a corruption 
of Maiden Burg," but the standing-stone " confounded 
this conjecture, and prompted an idea, that the name " was 
" Mayberie, or Maleberge.''\\ In a note, he adds this quo- 
tation from Lord Coke: — "Antiquarians have frequently 
confounded Bury, for Berie; — the one implying the tomb 
of some personage ; the latter, Berie, being the name of a 
plain or vale, surrounded with groves and forests, and held 
sacred by the ancient Britons." West, borrowing from 
Rowlands' Mona Antiqua, p. 84, says: — "If the present 
name be a Saxon corruption of the ancient name, which 
probably was Myfirion, by the Saxons pronounced May- 
birion or Maybir, and to bring it still nearer to their own 
language, Mayburgh, then this conjecture being admitted, 
it will signifiy a place of study and contemplation. "IT The 
authors of Beauties of England and Wales ** accept the 
opinion that " its present name is Saxon, and signifies the 
Virgin, or Maiden's Fortress." I am tempted to add one 
more guess to the above, but only by way of suggestion. 
May the word be of British instead of Saxon origin, with- 
out going so far out of the way as Rowlands has done for 

* Probably we may thus correct Leland, quoted ante, where he says that the 
Round lable was called " of summe Arture^s Castel." He appears not to have 
seen Mayburgh ; but, hearing one of its local designations, confounded it with 
that of the other ring. 

fCamden's Britannia, 1695 ed., p. S17, Add. to Westm. 

X First Tour in Scotland, 257. 

§ Exc. to the Lakes, 97. 

II Ibid., 94. 

*| Guide to the Lakes, 7th ed., 167, 168. 

** Westmorland vol., 114. 


an explanation ? A plausible etymoloc;jy might be made 
by combining the Welsh nm, a place or space, with bwr, 
an intrenchmenc. Little change would be needed, but in 
the pronunciation of the a from the Celtic to the English 
sound ; — such a change as has actually taken place in 
parallel cases, which could be cited. Another, but much 
less probable derivation might be that from magn'yr, an 
inclosure, a wall. There are two words with so much 
likeness to Mayburgh, that the}' deserve to be mentioned 
here. One of these is Mawhurgh or Malbray, the name of 
the ruins of a fortified post on the coast of Cumberland. 
The other is Avehury. If we could get over the difficult}- 
presented by the initial M, there is sufficient similarity 
between some of the various forms of Avebury and May- 
burgh to suggest comparison between them : and the force 
of this (if it has any) is perhaps increased by the analogy 
between the works themselves. x\vebury (now pronounced, 
and often written, Ahiiry) has, at different times, been 
spelled variously, thus: — Avreberic (Domesd.), Avehury 
(Sarum Regist.), Ahery and Auhcry (Valor EccL), A±nebury 
(Monast.), Atibury (Aubrey), and Abury (Stukeley). It 
seems probable that the first part of the word is kindred 
to ea, ey, ay, signifying water. The second part is pro- 
bably hury, (not bcry), a fort. 

For what purpose designed. — When we come to speculate 
upon the purpose for Which Mayburgh was probably 
founded, we find the subject involved in even more than 
the usual depth of obscurity ; for the page of authentic 
history is here totally blank ; the voice of tradition, if not 
altogether dumb, is errant and misleading; the iorm and 
arrangement of the work are very uncommon, if not 
unique ; and there has been no systematic exploration of 
the place with the spade. Bishop Gibson, in his Additions 
to the Britannia, calls it, in one place, " a great Fort of 
Stones," in another, " a Danish Temple." Stukeley, " a 
great British temple." Pennant, unaware of any tradition, 



follows Rowlands in regarding it as " a supreme consistory 
of Druidical administration." Hutchinson, after mention- 
ing " the traditional account given of this place, . . in 
nowise to be credited : That it was a Roman theatre, 
where criminals were exposed to wild beasts ; and that 
those stones were placed for the refuge and respite of the 
combatant," concludes that it was " a druidical monu- 
ment,"-," a temple of the druids." Nicolson & Burn, '"a 
place of worship in the times of the ancient Druids." 
West says that it " has the circumstances of a British 
fort ; but the rude pillar inclines some to believe it the 
remains of a druid temple." Gough, " plainly British and 
Druidical." We may at once brush aside as baseless the 
fancies in which less known writers were wont to indulge 
when contemplating Mayburgh as a scene of awful Druidic 
ceremonies ; — such as that the standing-stone supported 
the wicker colossus in which the holocaust of human vic- 
tims was offered to the gods. 

Now the megaliths in Mayburgh forbid us to regard it 
as having been a fort : and the supposition, based on 
tradition, that it was a Roman theatre, is even more un- 
tenable. The " Danish " temples, from early times, seem 
to have been walled and roofed, and were commonly 
rectangular, with no resemblance to a stone circle. Nor 
can we now rest satisfied, as our forefathers were, with an 
undiscriminating application to these cases of the theory 
which attributed all such works to the Druids. To what, 
then, must we go for an explanation ? In this case, the 
name affords no clue to the solution of the problem. 
" Arthur's castle " is, of course, nothing but a fanciful 
designation, as devoid of authority as is the wholly 
imaginary mediaeval setting of the life of a personage 
about whom we may truly be said to know nothing. Nor 
does the name " Mayburgh " help us farther. It evi- 
dently embodies the idea of a later time that it was a 
fortified, or, at least, a fenced place. 



If we seek the testimony of relics, there are none, save 
two — the bronze and stone celts already mentioned as 
having been accidentally turned up in the inclosure. It 
is rather startling to read in the Transactions of this 
Society (vol. IV, p. 545) when the latter solitary specimen 
was exhibited, that, upon its sole evidence, the inference 
was reached that " this circular enclosure perhaps pro- 
tected a settlement of Neolithic men." If similar articles 
were never found save in these inclosures, there might be 
force in the conclusion : but many antiquaries are scarcely 
aware how widely dispersed such objects are. A friend of 
mine — a specialist in this line — can hardly cross a field in 
many localities without picking up something of this 

We are then left to question the work itself, its situation, 
and its surroundings. The argument, handled with great 
ability by the late Mr. Fergusson, that nearly all such re- 
mains are solely sepulchral ; and that, of those which are 
not sepulchral, the greater part are merely memorial ; has, 
perhaps, been rather overstrained by him and by others 
who adopt his conclusions : and there may be some danger 
of our yielding too absolutely to the extreme reaction which 
has long set in against the absurd extravagancies which 
discredited, if they embellished, the Druid hypothesis. 
Now Mayburgh is not such a monument as would be 
likely to be raised in memory of some great victory ; nor 
has anything yet been found which marks it as sepulchral." 
What, then, could it have been ? We learn that, in olden 
times, certain religious, legal, and other public and private 
acts or ceremonies, have not uncommonly been associated 
with conspicuous stones, either single, or grouped by 

* Nothing seems to have been found in the vallum while the extensive bur- 
rowings therein for road stone were in progress. So far, the evidence agfainst a 
sepulchral use may be regarded as positive : but it is negative in the case of the 
area, which, as I have already noted, has never been excavated. Until this shall 
have been done, the testimony of the spade must be regarded as very incomplete. 



nature or by man. Among these, stone-rings have held a 
prominent position. Upon a review of the whole subject 
— dimly lighted as it is — I am hardly able to avoid the 
conclusion that in Mayburgh we have that which suggests 
that its founders had some such purpose in view. It ap- 
pears to me to rank with remains, such as Bryn Gwyn, 
which stand apart, bearing the marks of a locus consecratics. 
By what people established, we know too little to venture 
to guess ; whether it be the work of the Northmen who 
over-ran and settled in these parts; or of those whom they 
dispossessed ; or of some yet earlier race of whom we have 
3 still more shadowy conception. Is it possible that the 
ash trees which flourish on the spot have a more than ac- 
cidental connexion with it ? And again, is it possible that 
the spring which wells forth between it and the high-road 
may have been one of the ruling incidents which deter- 
mined the selection of the site ?* 

The Round Table : What was its use ? — We are now on 
much firmer ground ; and the limits within which we may 
wander are much narrower and better defined : so that, for 
once, the conclusions of those who have written on the 
subject are in close accord. Leland (admiring believer in 
Arthur though he was) has not ventured to speculate on 
this spot, glorified, as it has been, by association with the 
name of that hero of chivalry. He contents himself with 
simply recording that the earthwork is " a Ruine, as sum 
suppose, of a Castel." Bishop Gibson says, " ' Tis possible 
enough that it might be a Justing-place ; " adding, — " That 
it was never design'd for a place of strength, appears from 
the trench being on the in-side. "t Stukeley writes : — " At 
first sight we may see that it was intended for sports, but 
not on horseback, because much too little." After giving 

*It is hardly necessary to remind the reader of the sacred character which the 
ash bore in Scandinavia. In Iceland, dojn-riiigs and springs are nearly always 
found associated. — Fiking Age, I, 371. 

f Camden's Britannia, ed. 1695, p. S17. 



particulars of the southern ring-einbankment, he remarks 
that " these two circles and the interval make looo foot 
in length ; and there is just room enough without them, 
next the river and next the bank, for a circus or foot-race, 
according to the old manner of the Grecian, which were 
always celebrated by the sides of rivers ; . . . and pro- 
bably British chariots had here their courses." " After 
the religious duties fat MayburghJ were over, they went 
down to the circus to celebrate their games : and I could 
not but admire the fine genius of these people in chusing 
places for their sports ; for upon the verge of the acclivity, 
along the circus, an infinite number of people might stand 
to see the whole without the least inconvenience, besides 
those in the plain between the two circles ; and these two 
circles admirably well executed the intent of the ineta's, 
but much better than those in the Roman circus's." He 
adds : — " This is used to this day for a country rendezvous, 
either for sports or military exercises, shooting with bows, 
&C.'"''' Pennant says: — " Some suppose this to have been 
designed for tilting matches, and that the champions 
entered at each opening. Perhaps that might have been 
the purpose of it ; for the size forbids one to suppose it to 
be an encampment. "+ Four years later, however, on 
seeing the similarbut larger rings at Thornborough, which, 
from their size, and in other respects, were much better 
suited to such exercises, he had seen reason somewhat to 
modify his opinion. He then says : — '' The intent of these 
rings is cleared up by Saxo Grammaticus. [Lib. iii., p. 48, 
and Notes, p. 97] . Among the northern nations duels 
were fought within circles : if the combat was sudden, the 
spectators themselves formed the ring, as is customary 
with mobs from the days of Ajax to the present time. If 

* I tin. Curios., II, 43, 44. There is aperspeetive view of the Round Table and 
the southern ring, in both of which men are wrestling, while horse and foot races 
are in progress outside. 

t Firs/ Tour in Scotland, 25O. 



the combatants were men of rank, and the cause im- 
portant, then the ring was inclosed with pales, or with 
stones, or earth. This placed was called, in the old 
Danish, Holmur ; a single combat, Holm-ganga ; to enter 
into the ring at gauge a holm; and the laws of duel Holm- 
ganga leg. The terraces were allotted for the numerous 
spectators, who sat round this arctic amphitheatre; the 
entrances placed opposite to each other, for the champions 
to enter at, to divide the field ; and on the signal given by 
the heralds, to rush on each other, to make their con- 
gyessus." " I daresay the ring near Penrith, in Cumber- 
land, was formed for the same purpose."* Hutchinson 
says : — " We were induced to believe this was an antient 
tilting ground, where justings had been held : the ap- 
proaches seemed to answer for the career, and the circle 
appears sufficient for the champions to shew their dexterity 
in the use of the lance and horsemanship ; the whole cir- 
cus being capable of receiving a thousand spectators on 
the outer side of the ditch. "t West held that the Round 
Table " may be presumed to have been a place of public 
exhibition for martial exercises."! Nicolson & Burn, that 
"it seems to have been a justing-place ; " adding!!the 
rather amusing and superfluous supposition, — " and per- 
haps the knights, after justing and exercise, "might dine 
here."§ " Mr. Albert Way, who visited Arthur's Round 
Table, described it as a Roman castrensian theatre in 
connection with the camp at Brougham." || Dr. Simpson 
" held that the table was indeed for a hoam-gang of the 
Norsemen, and was probably constructed a considerable 

* Tour from Alston Moor to Harrowgate and Brimham Crags, 49, 50, 51. 

+ Exc. to the Likes, 90. Stukeley estimated that the annular space between 
the ditch and the top of the ralliim " would hold at least 10,000 people." This is 
too large an estimate, as Hutchinson's is much too small. The real number 
who could stand closely packed in the space (leaving- unoccupied a width of 50 ft. 
at each gangway) is 5,000. 

+ Guide to the Lakes, 7th ed., 167. 

§ Hist, and Ant. of IFestm. and Cunib., I, 414. 

II Trans, Cuvib. and fVestm. Ant, Soc, IV, 545. 



time before the Norman conquest, as a place on which 
duels were fought."* 

Now it is easy to decide what the Round Table was 
not. Clearly it was not a camp. To ]\lr. Way's theor}^ it 
may be objected, (i) that it is a mile from Brougham, 
where a good site could easily have been secured ; (2) that 
it does not resemble most other castrensian theatres with 
which we are acquainted ; (3) that its form is identical 
with that of the group at Thornborough, which, I believe, 
are not near any Roman military station. The occurrence 
of the raised platform in the midst of the inclosure, as 
well as the narrowness of the limits, forbid us to suppose, 
with Gibson, Pennant, (first impression), Hutchinson, and 
Nicolson & Burn, that it was a tilting-ground. Nor do 
its interior arrangements seem such as to make it suitable 
for a " thing." We are thus left to accept either or both 
of the two remaining alternatives : for no more rational 
supposition has been, or is likely to be offered. The par- 
ticular view ultimately taken will turn very much upon 
questions of date. It is said that many wrestling matches 
have been held within memory on this spot. Stukeley 
speaks of " sports and military exercises " as being prac- 
tised there in his own day. Among these, boxing is likely 
to have held a prominent place : and if we can but go back 
far enough, what more likely than that we should find this 
a scene of the bloodier encounters of the holm-ganga ? Now 
it is recorded that duelling was abolished in Norway (may 
we suppose also in our own country ?) while Knut was on 
the throne of England. t Whether the Round Table was 
in existence before that time, who shall say ? Judging 
from its state of preservation, my own impression is that 
it is not nearly so ancient. As to its age, there are but 
two sources from whence we can expect to get any light. 

* Ihid. 

fFiking Age, I, 576. 



One would be the opening of the tiimidi at Thornborough 
and at Scruton, Should these yield evidence of their pro- 
bable connexion with the neighboring rings, the problem 
would be sufficiently solved ; and we should have to carry 
these earthworks back into the earlier centuries of our 
era ; and, perhaps, might safely attribute them to a 
Scandinavian origin. The other possible (though, I fear, 
now very improbable) source of information would be the 
discovery of the Roman road (if there was one) from Yan- 
wath to Brougham. If it should be found to have taken 
(as most likely would be the case) the line of the present 
road, — having afterward become grassed over and lost ; — 
then, it would follow that the Round Table, the northern 
end of which was destroyed in making the modern road, 
is /»os^Roman. 


Art. XVII. — An instance of Infant Marriage in the Dio- 
cese of Carlisle. By Mrs. Henry Ware. 
Communicated at Ambleside, Sept', ^th, 18S9. 

"Y mind has been turned towards the subject of infant 
marriages by my acquaintance with Rukmabai, che 
Hindoo child-wife, and by the efforts which are now being 
made to bring about some modifications of the marriage 
laws and customs of India. 

It is probably not generally known that infant marriages 
of a certain kind have been recognised in our own land 
within comparatively recent times. It seems certain that 
during the i6th and 17th centuries such marriages, or at 
all events betrothals, or contracts of a legal and permanent 
character, were not uncommon, and that there was a 
recognised way in which such contracts could be voided, 
if either party so wished, on arriving at the age of con- 

I am indebted to the Dean of Carlisle for the Canon law 
on the subject, which he has gathered from Lyndwood, as 
follows : — 

There can be no marriage without mutual consent. Therefore, 
infants, i.e., children under 7 years of age may be espoused to each 
other, but such espousal is not binding, either for espousal, unless 
confirmed by the parties after 7 years of age ; or for marriage, unless 
confirmed after the marriageable age, i.e., 14 for a boy, 13 for a girl. 
At the age of 14 and 12 a contract of espousal may be cancelled ; but 
this effect will remain that neither of the two can marry a blood re- 
lation of the other. Espoused children may be married when one 
or both are under the marriageable age, on occasion of necessity, pro 
bono pads, i.e. it is explained for the union and reconciliation of per- 
sons or families, acquisition of wealth and friendship. 

A paper read by J. P. Earwaker, Esq., during the 
meeting of the Archaeological Institute at Chester, but 



not yet published, gave several interesting particulars on 
this subject ; the writer called attention to the fact that 
information must be sought in the records of the Con- 
sistory Courts and not in the parish registers, inasmuch 
as there is generally no notice in the older church registers 
of the ages of parties recorded as having been married. I 
have not been able to obtain a sight of his paper, which 
was of great interest, and which I hope may be published 
in some form, but, so far as I can remember, he stated 
that young children were contracted in marriage and the 
form of service was gone through ; they then returned to 
the care of their respective parents, and when the time 
came for fulfilling their engagement, if both consented, no 
further ceremony was necessary ; but if one of the parties 
objected the matter was taken into the Consistory Court, 
and the Chancellor either ratified or annulled the contract. 
Mr. Earwaker quoted many extracts from the records of 
the Chester Consistory Court in proof of his statement, 
some of them very funny ones, such as that the bride- 
groom had never been a consenting party, that he had 
had to be enticed to the altar with promises of sweetmeats, 
and had never kissed his baby bride or given her any cakes 
or toys since. Many of these so-called marriages seem to 
have been annulled. I have searched the records of the 
Carlisle Consistory Court, beginning with the year 1606 
down to 1684, but, unfortunately, the volumes between 
1608 and 1663 are missing, (they were probably destroyed 
during the Commonwealth) ; this is specially disappointing 
as the only reference to a case of infant marriage occurs 
in the volume for 1608, in which the defendant was 
ordered to appear before the Court at its next sitting for 
the hearing of matrimonial causes, and it would have 
been interesting had it been possible, to follow the cause 
to its conclusion. The entry to which I refer is as fol- 
lows : — 



Kirkby Stephen. 
Eisdem die et loco comparuit procter Mergera Dowthwait ct allegav- 
it quod fuit contracta in ejus impubertate cum quodam Thomas 
Ffawcett cum condicione sequenti Vizt. that if she should refuse to 
marrie with him when she came to lawfull yeares of consent it 
should be lawful for the said Ffawcett to take the forfeiture men- 
sioned in the condicons or articles of the same, and if Ffawcett 
should refuse her then she to take ye like forfeite, et petiit indicat (?) 
ut solemnizetur cum dicto Ffawcett alledging that she was willing to 
have him to her husband according to ye said articles Et quia dictus 
vir non comparuit dominus (i.e. the Chancellor) decrevit diemcitandi 
fore in proximo hoc in loco in causa matrimoniali. 

As the parish registers at Kirkby Stephen do not commence 
so early I have not been able to find the entry of this 
marriage or contract. 

In Bishop Nicolson's Miscellany Accounts of the Dio- 
cese of Carlisle (p. loS) referring to the Register at 
Threlkeld there is a passage which may possibly have a 
bearing on this subject. He says : — " Before we shut this 
Book, we must observe one extraordinary Custome of the 
place, to be proved by it. Formal Contracts of Marriage 
are herein Recorded ; and Sureties enter'd for the payment 
of five Shillings to the poor, by the party that draws back." 
This custom may be connected with the contracts between 
children. It is improbable that so accurate a man as 
Bishop Nicolson should have made a complete mistake, 
but I am informed by the present Incumbent that there is 
nothing whatever to be found of this nature in the registers 
at Threlkeld, the entries of which date from 1572. (It has 
been suggested by Mr. Lees that the Bishop mistook some 
entries of the loan of the Poor's Stock, but it seems to me 
more probable that the Bishop made an error with regard 
to the parish in which he saw the Register to which he 

There is a notice in the Chronicle of Lanercost which 
has an undoubted bearing on the subject of this paper. It 
runs as follows : — 



A.D. 1313. 
Eodem anno dominus Thomas de Multuna, dominus Gilieslandias, 
sexto kalendas Decembris [ ] obiit, unicam filiam heredem, 
nomine Margaretam, post se reliquit, quam Robertus de Clifford, filius 
Roberti de eadem, septimo suae JEtatis anno, apud Hoffe, ipM Iccto 
decuhante, desponsavit. Et vivente dicto Roberto, Ranulphus de 
Daker filius domini Willelmi de Daker, eundem Margaretam nupsit, 
quia jus habuit ad illam propter pactionem factam ante priores 
nuptias, inter Thomam de Multuna, patrem dictse Margaretje, et 
Willelmum de Daker. 

The Dean of Carlisle thus renders the passage : — 
" In the same year 13 13 on Nov. 27 Lord Thomas of 
Multon, Lord of Gilsland died, leaving an only daughter, 
Margaret, his heiress, whom Robert of Clifford, son of 
Robert of Clifford betrothed at Hoffe, being in his 7th year, 
he himself \y'mg in the bed, and though this Robert was 
alive, Ranulph of Dacre son of William of Dacre married 
this Margaret, for he had a right to her on account of a 
contract made before her first marriage {i.e., betrothal) be- 
tween Thomas of Multon father of the said Margaret and 
William of Dacre." 

From this it would seem (see also Transactions of the 
Cumberland and Westmorland Society, vol. IV, p. 469), 
that the betrothal or marriage of Margaret to Robert de 
Clifford (" ipse lecto decubante " is an allusion to one of 
the ceremonies which accompanied the hand-fasting in 
these infant weddings) was void by reason of her " priores 
nuptias " with Ranulph de Dacre, and her elopement with 
him (at the age of seventeen) was justified. 

A curious account of marriage and betrothal customs 
will be found in Brand's Popular Antiquities (vol. II, p. 
54) but there is nothing bearing specially on infant mar- 

I cannot but feel that this essay on Infant Marriage 
is of a somewhat meagre kind ; it is the result, how- 
ever, of not a little searching and enquiry. It is not 
my fault that the harvest has been thin, and it may 



possibly suggest to persons in other dioceses to examine 
the records of the Consistor}' Courts for the purpose of 
obtaining more information and evidence. I can only 
wish them more abundant success than I have met with 

I began this paper by a reference to the Hindoo lady 
Rukmabai : in closing it I cannot refrain from suggesting 
that perhaps a partial cure for the miseries attendant 
upon infant marriage in India might be found in per- 
mitting persons contracted in infancy to obtain a release 
from their contract b}- sentence of a competent Court to 
which, as in England, application might be made by 
either party on reaching the age of consent. 

The following letters from the Rev. T. Lees, F.S.A., and from 
Professor Clark, F.S.A., refer to the translation of the passage from 

the Lanercost Chronicle. — 

Wreay, Deer, gth, 1889. 
Dear I'erguson — That passage from the Lanercost Chronicle is an old 
friend, and has long been a puzzle to me ; but, at last, I think I see my 
way to its true meaning. This 1 take to be a true interpretation : — 

In the same year (i.e. A.U. 13 14) Lord Thomas de Multon, Lord of Gilsland, on 
the 6th day before the kalends of December [ ] died, he left behind him an 
only daughter as heir whose name was Margaret, whom Robert de Clifford, son 
of Robert of the same ilk, in the 7th year of her age, betrothed at Hoff, he him- 
self lying on the outside of the bed. And during the life-time of the said Robert, 
Ranulph de Daker, son of Lord William de Daker, married the same Margaret, 
because he had a right to her on account of a compact made before her former 
nuptials, between Thomas de Multon, father of the said Margaret and William 
de Daker. 

The man lying outside the bed of his betrothed, may have been 
one of the customs of the time. When Marie de Valois, Duchess 
Burgundy, in 1477, was married by proxy to the Archduke Maximilian, 
the Duke of Bavaria (Maximilian's substitute) slept with the princess 
after the custom of the times. Both were in complete dress, watched 
by four guards, and separated by a naked sword. Evidently Mar- 
garet's marriage with Robert de Clifford was never consummated ; or 



she could not so easily have been wedded to William Dacre, without 
apparently any ecclesiastical proceedings in the way divorce or 
dispensation. Thomas Lees. 

" Remove the bridegroom," said Aladdin to the genie. . . . On 
Aladdin being left alone with the princess. ... he then laid 
himself down beside her, putting a drawn scim.itar between them. 

Arabian Nigpits. 

Newnhara House, 

Cambridge, Dec. 13th, 1889. 
My dear Ferguson — On the whole I think I agree with Lees, except 
that I render sues of his age, which the other records require, and 
the Latin will bear ; and I translate ipso Iccto decuhantc " he himself 
lying apart from her in the bed." 

Dccubare is not a very common word, but the passage quoted in 
the Lexicons from Fabius Pictor (apud Aulum Gellium, x, 15), suits 
this passage. The Flamen Dialis never sleeps three continuous 
nights aK'ay from his proper bed " de eo lecto trinoctium continuum 
non decubat." I think, however, it must be here "away /row her, in 
the bed." I do not think decitbare ever means to lie ill in bed, tho' 
possibly decmnhcrc may have once or twice borne that sense. 

The most extraordinary piece of Latinity is the transitive niipsit, of 
which I can find no other instance, but for v/hich I see no help. 


Art. XVIII. — The Dacre Stone. By the Rev. Canon 

Read at Dacre, July ^th, i88g. 

rriHE stone, of which the accompanying sketch is given, 
J- was found during the restoration of Dacre church in 
1875, imbedded in the east end wall of the church, when 
that was being pulled down for the insertion of the new 
east window. It is a pink gray sandstone of a grit very 
similar to the local quarries. The length is 3 ft. 2 inches, 
greatest breadth at the bottom 14 inches, and least width 
near the top 11 inches. Its thickness is 4 inches ; the 
back roughly chipped, the sides ornamented with a rope- 
work border. It has obviously formed a portion of a larger 
whole, from the broken edge at the top, just as it begins 
to spread out from its narrowest width ; but the sculpture 
on the front appears complete, from the fact of the bor- 
dering line being returned across the top. 

The carving on the front is both interesting and difficult 
to decipher. There is first a figure which Mr. Calverley 
says is a lamb, but I had taken to be a horse : — then a lit- 
tle foliage to the left, a trefoil, and circle with pellet. Then 
two figures, a larger and smaller seemingly striking hands 
over a rude altar, — the branches of a tree to the right with 
a stag reaching to nibble them, and below a curving line 
which I think is a serpent. Below is a tree with spreading 
branches, with pellets (perhaps fruit) all round it, two 
human figures reaching each a hand to the tree, and a 
small snake clearly marked curving under the lower 

Upon the symbolism I do not like to pronounce. The 
first general assumption was that it represented Adam 
and Eve, and Cain and Abel, and that the stone was the 
lower limb of a rude cross, of which it does give a very 
strong impression. 



The objection to this is that there is not a single dis- 
tinctly Christian emblem on the whole stone : while every- 
one of the figures has a symbolic meaning in Norse 
paganism. If (pace Mr. Calverley) the upper figure is a 
?orse, that is the sacred animal of Freya, — the three pel- 
lets represent Thor, Odin, and Frey, — the circle with 
pellet Freya. Then we have the sacred ash Yggdrasil, 
with the stag nibbling its shoots, and the serpent Nidhog 
at its roots. (The stag also a sacred animal to Frey). 
Below we have again a sacred tree and serpent, with (?) 
Thor gathering its fruit. 

If, however, the upper figure is that of a lamb, it un- 
doubtedly will represent Christ, and its position in the 
sculpture generally would shew the triumph of Christianity 
over Paganism. The central scene of the two figures and 
what seems to be a rude altar I cannot pronounce upon. 
Their attitude is that rather of amity than hostility, — 
which is against the theory of Cain and Abel. I should 
like to think that it could have been carved to represent 
the treaty made at the monastery which stood on this spot 
between Eugenius (Owain) the last independent king of 
the native Cumbrians, and Athelstan, in 926 : when " the 
barbarians without delay coming to a place called Dacor 
surrendered themselves and their kingdoms to the sovereign 
of England. Out of regard to this treaty, the King himself 
stood for the son of Constantine,* who was ordered to be 
baptized at the sacred font." (Wm. of Malmesbury.) The 
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle says of this, that " they confirmed 
the peace by pledges and by oaths at the place which is 
called Eamot (the river Eamont which flows within a mile 
of Dacre) on the 4th before the Ides of July (this day 963 
years ago), and they renounced all idolatry and submitted to 
him after that in peace." 

*King of Scotland, who accompanied Eugenius. The large hall at Dacre 
Castle adjoining is still called " the room of the Three Kings." 



If it is legitimate to think that this stone represents 
this treaty, and the triumph of Christianity over the 
Paganism which still lingered among the Cumbrians after 
so many conversions, it will be one of the most interesting 
memorials that we have in the country of Strathclyde. I 
can only submit it as a conjecture to this meeting, without 
any doubt that there will be ''quot homines tot sententicB.'" 


The Dacre Stone, of which I give a drawing, is the shaft of a cross 
ahnost complete. The head has been broken awa\-. The sculpture 
of the whole face of the shaft is seen. The plaitwork of three 
strands on the edge terminates correctly. We may not say what 
form the head and arms took, but the upper figure, which is a lamb, 
corresponds in position and very closely also in form, with the upper 
figure on the much larger and very differently shaped cross at 
Penrith, the head of which is itself decorated with a raised cross 
having a central boss. The head, and it may be a few inches of 
plain stone at the bottom, is all that is wanting of this remarkable 
and most interesting piece of work, perfect in proportion, and of very 
great merit in conception and design. 

The artist has divided the surface of the stone into four panels 
above each other. In the lower panel he has figured the temptation ; 
in the centre stands the tree bearing fruit in groups of threes, a fruit 
bearing branch hanging down on either side ; to the left Eve, draped, 
takes the fruit, whilst one apple falls, and the serpent raising itself 
with open mouth appears as the tempter ; to the right Adam stretches 
out his hand to the tree. In the next panel, the stag is hunted by 
the hound, a fit picture of the life of effort in a fallen world. The 
hart has held its place in symbolism through all the ages. In the 
panel above, two men join hands in peaceful compact over a square 
stone"'- font standing on two short supports, and over them the sun 
sign, or a three limbed sign is seen (this part of the work is damaged). 
In the uppermost division the Lamb walks triumphant, for the world, 
the flesh, and the devil may not compass the abiding death of him 
who is alive through Christ. 

■ Such a square stone font may be seen in Gilcrux Church. 


Dacre CTioss Shatt 


This, I think, is the reading of the picture writing — the regenera- 
tion of christian baptism is placed in apposition to the fall ; the lamb 
once slain but ever living as our Blessed Lord, is placed in apposition 
to the hunted stag. Baptism and the resurrection of the dead is the 
teaching. Outside the real design there is no attempt at ornamenta- 
tion, or very little indeed. 

The workman whose skill may be seen in his treatment of the horns, 
shape, and movement of the stag, and in the general proportions of 
his figures, has not cut away the stone at the sides, between the legs 
of the animals, and in other places ; but has left his work in simplicity, 
to tell its own story without adornment of any kind. 

In searching for facts which might bear upon the history of the 
Penrith crosses, the circumstances of Athelstan's visit to Cumbria 
were forcibly brought to my notice, and about the same time Canon 
jVJathews sent me his notes upon this Dacre cross shaft, which I had 
not seen. Now that I have seen the stone, I find no reason to alter 
my opinion, namely, that the whole thing is christian, that it com- 
memorates the compact of the kings, and that the date 926 is not too 
early for its production. 


Art. XIX. — Prc-Novman Cross Fragments at Aspatria, 
Workington, Distington, Bridekirk, Gilcrux, Plwiibland, 
and hell. By Rev. W. S. Calverley, F.S.A., Vicar 
of Aspatria. 

Comnmnicated at Penrith, July /\th, and Ambleside, Sept. 
6th, 1889. 

HEREWITH I give ten pages of drawings, all from 
photographs taken for me by our member, Mr. W. 
L. Fletcher, of Stoneleigh, Workington, to whom I desire 
to express my gratitude and the thanks of the Society. 

Dimensions. — I., II., III., shew Aspatria cross, still 
standing in its own socket stone measuring 30 ins. by 26 
ins., level with the ground surface in the churchyard, forty 
yards to the south of the church. Height 4 ft. 6 inches, 
width at top beneath the curve of the circular head which 
has been destroyed, 143- inches, width at bottom where 
the shaft enters the socket, 18 inches, thickness at top 7^ 
inches, at bottom Sj inches. Red sandstone. 

IV. — Shews the face and reverse of a fragment of a 
cross shaft 12 in. by 12 in. by 3^- in. thick, with a smaller 
fragment of one of the arms of the same or of a similar 
cross, 7 in. by 4 in. by 2j inches thick. Light coloured 
sandstone. I refer to the upper drawing as shewing the 
Distington Triskele fragment, the sign appearing to the 

V. — Gives the greater part of a cross head having arms 
and central boss with raised ring, 16 in. by 14 in. by si- 
inches thick. Also a part of a cross head, which has been 
knocked off square by the builders for walling purposes 
when it was bedded into the old church wall. The lime 
mortar obscures the ancient carving, but the boss, raised 
ring, and the meandering spiral work in relief are 
sufficiently clear to fix the type, g in. by 8\ in. by 5 in. 
thick. Light coloured sandstone. Distington. 





'A ,, i«^.' ., • .1, f i. ; JM 

ummAUs ■' ■ ■C:i^Hr \ pi 

/ (■ 

tAhlVl^Ll . Outiimo dlie.ij^'M. o(i ')«At. 





^ 1 . 



FKiiGiti^HTs ^f km oT aoss^s 


- ^f'^ ' C 



5v<'xX -x 


'Paiwsh Church \Vokmngton, S. Michael. 




?^\-T if SM/^LL Hf,M3 LKTtK 


VI. — Two sides of boss and arm of a cross head at 
Bridekirk : — double raised ring and projected arm with 
small boss at the end, surrounded with raised spiral work 
on the face ; flatter boss with single raised ring and spirals 
on the back. White sandstone. 

The two arms with boss, raised ring and lateral exten- 
sions in the arms, at Cross Canonby. White sandstone. 

The two sides of a fragment with rather rough and flat 
spiral-like design at Isell. White sandstone. 19 in. by 16^ 
in. by 6^ in. thick. 

VII. — Two sides and one edge of white sandstone, 20 
in. by 13 in. by 5^ in. thick. x\lso one edge of the frag- 
ment figured in VIII. white sandstone, 14 in. long, 5^ in. 
thick at the lower sculptured end, tapering to 5 in. thick 
at the opposite end, to the left in the drawing. Working- 

VIII. — Upper part of cross shaft with arms and top 
broken off. White sandstone. 14 in. by yl in. Also one 
edge of the same 14 in. by ^^ in., tapering to 5 in. 

IX. — White sandstone cross shaft, broken across, length 
3 ft. gj in. by 16 in. in widest part. Two pieces of a white 
sandstone cross shaft, the lower fragment 16 in. by 15 in., 
the upper one 20 in. long by 15 in. across the lower, and 
132- inches across the upper end ; thickness six inches. 
Also a small piece. Aspatria. 

X. — Two sides of broken red sandstone circular cross 
head at Gilcrux. Greatest diameter 15I inches. Also 
Triskele fragment of shaft from Plumbland. White sand- 
stone, 17 inches by 14 inches. Built into tower wall 

Reference to these dimensions is necessary as the 
photographs could not be produced on a uniform scale. 

Here are twelve relics from pre-Norman times, which 
have never before been engraved or made known ; the 



Cross Canonby head alone having been noticed. (Part I, 
vol. V, p. 154.) 

They furnish specimens of at least six styles of art and 
ornamentation, and they appear to spread over a period 
beginning soon after the close of the Roman occupation, 
and embracing periods of settlement or colonization by 
Teutonic peoples on the Solway coast at a very early 
date. They may also serve to remind us of a more purely 
Northern influence, for at the base of the east face of the 
Aspatria standing cross, beneath the tangled strands and 
convolutions which appear to have been woven into a 
pattern or web (of life) which might have been copied from 
one of the ancient MS. Gospels, we see the devouring 
\volflike progeny of mankind's enemy (death or hell, 
Fenris or Helia) bound, unable to hurt where the cross 
triumphs. This cross has been copied and set up at Bow- 
ness in memory of the Rev. S. Medlicott. 

The circular head, the curve of which may be seen, and 
which would be something like the head of the Dearham 
standing cross, has been purposely knocked off, but the 
stem was so strong that it withstood the mad storm, and, 
indeed, served for long (it is said) as a pillar to which 
horses and cattle could be tied to be claimed on the 
Sunday; even this usage failed to overthrow the silent 
witness of the Truth of the ages, which stands firm to-day 
in its own native red sandstone socket stone. 

Whoever set up this cross quarried a great block of 
living stone ; they did not even weaken it by squaring 
down to get a perfect surface, but worked upon the face 
almost as it left the quarry. Notice the hollowed surface 
beneath the north-east shoulder. 

The north edge bears broad rings, with two crossing 
bands as its ornament. 

Two of the predecessors of this cross (IX) are in sorrier 
case, but enough of them is left to furnish interesting links 



in our christian pedigree. The remains of each of these 
two earlier crosses consists of two pieces. 

One shaft shews spirals near the bottom, massed in a 
manner reminding one of the curved svastika on the 
Dearham fragment (Vol. VII, p. 290,) with two pieces of 
plaitwork of three double strands having bosses worked in 
every available space ; this seems to have been a tall, 
broad, and thin cross fixed in the ground without a socket 
stone. The line marking off the carved from the uncarved 
part is not horizontal, and the work is irregular. It is the 
lower part which remains. 

The other shaft has two broad bands passing round 
bosses similar to the back of the Dearham stone (V^ol. VII, 
p. 292,) along each side of a central scroll ; in the lower 
part are the body and legs of a man above a svastika of 
of solid form ; the man is hoisted up in the air a saciifice 
to the God of heaven, to heathen minds it might be a 
victim hurled to Odin, to christians the God man (rhe 
sun of righteousness) — the svastika is the sun sign — raised 
on the cross. In the upper part the scroll enlarges, and 
the space to the left is filled with spirals which take the 
place of the bands and bosses. A portion is missing be- 
tween the two pieces of this shaft. The scroll work in the 
centre of the upper fragment, if continued downward would 
appear like the work on the Dearham stone before-named. 
A precisely similar raised scroll ornaments the edge of 
this cross, and the reverse is covered with spirals. 

This work is such as might be the result of the free- 
working of British native artists following their idea of 
the scroll work and plaited patterns on Roman pave- 
ments, &c., in the years following the decay of the Roman 
civilization consequent upon the retirement of the legions. 

The very small piece of redstone interlacing shewn is 
probably of much later date. 

The Distington stones, I\', V, are parts of three cross 
heads and of a shaft. All are of the type having central 



boss with rings. One (V.) is so much weather worn that 
no tracinc: of older desij^n is found upon it, it thus re- 
sembles the newly discovered Bromfield cross. (Art. 
XII, p. I20 of this vol.) 

Another sht^ws the meandering raised twining work like 
that on the Dearham head (Part I. vol, V.) and so well 
shewn on the Bridekirk relic (VI.) 

A third shews the round bossed end of the projecting 
central arm within the cross arm (IV) with an S shaped 
curve alongside; this may be part of the cross of which 
the piece figured with it formed a part, and which is of 
later date than the other two heads ; its ornament con- 
tains the triskele sign, an 8 shaped figure and a large 
boss with central depression within the divisions formed 
by the broad bands of a three stranded plait. At the 
break in the lower portion may have been a svastika 
within another space, so little remains of the sign that I 
can only express the opinion. 

I think we have here the very early British cross heads 
followed by a later but still early cross, of a period 
when the Saxon "ton" (tun) had become a part of the 
place name Distington, through the settlement there of 
men to whom the symbol with the three curved legs and 
other signs as the 8 shaped figure, and the boss with 
hollow centre were familiar. (The triskele is used here 
no doubt in place of the well known triquetra form at 
Gosforth, part II, vol. \'I, p. 394, Aspatria, part II, vol. 
IX, p. 466, to signify the Trinity). This sign is cut in 
relief at Isell, pt. I, Vol. IX, p. 29., and at Plumbland. 

The spirals of the early crosses arrange themselves in 
threes and in the S form, as though it were the aim to 
lead the mind to the christian doctrines by the use of 
symbols already recognized. 

These fragments were brought to our notice by the Rev. 
W. G. C. Hodgson, vicar, after the rebuilding of the 
church : they have all been used as building stuff, and the 


pke-normAn cross fragments. 235 

weathering is the work of the centuries before they were 
imbedded in the old church. 

The Bridekirk head (VI) has much hme sticking to it. 
It is a good illustration of its type, and seems to link the 
old Norman church from which it was taken with the far 
past of the times of the saint of its dedication, — St. 

The spirals on both sides of the Isell stone are very 
noticeable. The work is unfinished, being picked out 
rather than worked in relief. A piece of the same cross 
has been built by the vicar, Rev. W. H. Sharpe, into the 
west wall of the porch, within. At the bottom of the 
drawing to the left hand will be seen a broad arrow, point 
downward; this would be the sacred emblem of Woden. 
In Gautrick's saga,* the " sacrificer marks the victims 
breast with a spear point, and devotes him to Woden, while 
the halter is round his neck, after which he is hanged." 
The ceremony of marking to Woden is noticed both in 
Yuglinga and elsewhere by Ari. The spear is as charac- 
teristic of Woden as the hammer is of Thor. The cross 
itself is the gallows on which the victim is hanged. The 
tree, the ash Yggdrasil, is the horse of the hanged one — 
the gallows. The cross of Christ and the ash Yggdrasil 
of the northern tribes bore a like meaning, at a certain 
time, to the mixed peoples on this coast. 

At Waberthwaite near Muncaster, towards the more 
southern limit of Copeland which was filled with Scan- 
dinavian settlements, you may see the churchyard great 
cross with the horse clearly sculptured on its face. Lord 
Muncaster has lately had this cross shaft taken from its 
false position of lintel to the church porch, and fixed up- 
right in its own socket stone, which stood waiting for its 
owner's return, near by. A smaller shaft lies in the vestry. 

*The Rev. T. Lees, M.A., F.S.A., very kindly drew my attention to the ex- 
tract from Vigfusson. The subject must be treated separately when other 
remains are at hand. 



The more norlhern parts of Copeland, the border of 
the Strathclyde whose southern boundary was the Der- 
went, abound in sculptures of a less pronounced northern 
type. It would appear that the native races and anglic 
or so called Saxon colonies chiefly held sway here. 

Durin.s^ the work done at the parish church of Working- 
ton, S. Michael's, since the tire, two fragments have been 
taken from the vault of the Curwen famil}^ where they had 
been used as building material. The}' are both of white 
sandstone. A plait with bosses in the spaces is seen on 
one side (Vll) whilst on the edge is the ke}- pattern ending 
in a curve, and on the other side part of an uncommon 
design of spirals. 

The (paradise) tree appears in the upper part of the 
other fragment (VIII) above a finely worked geometrial 
pattern such as seen in the book of Kells and other early 
MSS. formed of H shaped lines set diagonally. 

On either side of the tree, the arms of the cross formerly 
extended ; these have been cut away, most likely by the 
workmen who built up the vault. The two edges have 
knotwork finishing off square beneath the cross arms, see 
horizontal drawings VII, VIII, where the uncarved portion 
shews the position of the cross arms. 

The fragment which was formerly built into the tower 
(vol. IX, p. 458) has been taken out, and proves to be 
worked on all sides with plait work of wythes. The 
building committee intend to fix up these valuable sculp- 
tures in the west porch — tower — of the church. The 
Rev. T. Hackworth and the clerk of the works have been 
ver}- careful of all historic finds. 

Several years ago workmen engaged in Gilcrux church- 
yard found the upper part of the Gilcrux circular cross- 
head X. It was broken into two small pieces which they 
hid in a drain, and afterwards took to Mr. Robinson of 
Maryport, who iiiade a cast, which I novv' possess. 



At the alteration of the chancel lately, the Rev. J. C. 
Pigott, vicar, discovered beneath the altar, the lower part 
of a head, being the boss, the greater part of two of the 
arms and a quarter of the wheel ; on placing the casts 
and the newly-found stone together, more than half the 
cross head was revealed. It resembles the Dearham 
Standing Cross, but it is much smaller, very roughly 
worked, and apparently unfinishe.1. This cross has been 
reproduced as a foot stone to the grave of the late H. A. 
Spedding, of Mirehouse, in Bassenthwaite churchyard 
with a copy of the Dearham Standing Cross as a head- 

The Plumbland triskele fragment was walled into the 
church tower at the time of the rebuilding and has re- 
mained unnoticed. It bears a rude spiral running scroll 
between pieces of plaitwork of divided strands, having 
triskele signs, 8 shaped figure, bosses, and svastika-like 
raised surface between the strands, and points I think to 
a Teutonic settlement at a very early time. 

These and other remains when illustrated and thus 
brought together, for comparison, &c. may give valuable 
testimony to a history which has so far only been written 
in stone. 

The evidence of the various settlements of Northmen 
and Teutons in Strathclyde, as well as that of the earliest 
missions amongst the native races cannot fail to be in- 
teresting and useful. 


Law Ting at Fell Foot, Little Langdale, Westmorland. i 
Hawkshead Hall. . . . . .7 

S. Catherine's Chapel, Eskdale . . ' 50 

Appleb}' Old Bridge. . . . . -34 

Excursion and Proceedings. . . . "5^ 

On a supposed interment of a Horse with Human ' 

Remains at Lanercost. . . , -70 

Some Manorial Halls in the Barony of Gre3'Stoke. . 73 
Recent Roman Discoveries. .... 100 

Potters' Marks on Roman Pottery found in Carlisle. . 102 
The Siege of Carlisle in 1644-5. . . . 104 

The Seal of the Statute Merchant of Carlisle. . • 117 

Fragments of a British Cross and many Early English 
and other Grave Covers, found in Brom field Church- 
yard. ...... 120 

Church Bells in Leath Ward. . . . .127 

Keswick Town Clock. . . . . -152 

Visitations of the Plague in Cumberland and Westmor- 
land. ...... 158 

Mayburgh and King Arthur's Round Table . . 187 

An instance of Infant Marriage in the Diocese of Carlisle. 220 

The Dacre Stone. . . . . , 226 

Pre-Norman Cross Fragments, atAspatria, Workington, 
Distington, Bridekirk, Gilcrux, Plumbland, and 
Isell. . . ' . 230 

Jjublirattons of t\jt Cumbrrlanb antr tilrstmorlanti 
Antiquarian attb ^rrhajologital .^ocirtu. 































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»Vol. I. (out of print) 
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Index to the first seven Volumes 


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Street, Carlisle. Price 12/6. ''C 

CASTLE, by the late Rev. William Gilpin, Vicar of B^dre, with 
the Autobiography of , the Author. Edited with Notes and Pedigree 
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