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Honfcon: C. J. CLAY AND SONS, 

Bombajr. E. SEYMOUR HALE. 

[All RiyJtts reserved.] 














essay was originally written in competition 
for the Gibson Prize founded in 1889 by 
Mrs J. Y. Gibson in connection with Girton College. 
Much of it has been based upon a study of the 
original sources, but great help has been gained 
from modern writers, especially Friedlander. For 
the section on Asia Minor I am indebted mainly to 
Professor Ramsay's works on the subject, which he 
has made his own. 

When so much has been written on a period, 
originality is difficult for those who cannot adduce 
fresh evidence. The general plan, however, and the 
concluding section, I can claim for the most part 
as my own. Also my own reading has furnished 
the references to the following authors: Horace, 
Juvenal, Tacitus, Suetonius, the younger Pliny, 
Philo Judaeus, Dio Chrysostom, Plutarch, and Philo- 
stratus. The same may be said of the majority of 


references to Strabo, Ovid, Seneca, Martial, and the 
elder Pliny. A list of modern works consulted is 
prefixed to the essay. 

I would venture to express my grateful thanks 
to the Syndics of the University Press for under- 
taking the publication of this book. I am also 
much indebted to Professor Ramsay both for 
reading part of the proofs and for kindly allowing 
me to adapt a map from his Historical Com- 
mentary on the Epistle to the Galatians. Lastly, 
I am glad to have this opportunity of acknow- 
ledging the kindness of the Rev. C. E. Graves, 
who has read all the proofs, and whose suggestions 
have been a constant help and encouragement. 

C. A. J. S. 

July, 1901. 




Introduction Motives for travel in the first century A.D. 
The Imperial post The vehiculatio Commerce Estab- 
lishment of peace by Augustus Travelling for pleasure, for 
health and for the acquisition of knowledge Beggars, jugglers, 
strolling musicians, athletes The Jews. pp. 1 21. 


Authorities on the Imperial road-system Milestones and 
other inscriptions The Antonine Itinerary The Peutinger 
Table The Vicarello cups Classification of roads public, 
private and village Chief lines of communication from Rome 
to the South, East, North, and West. pp. 2243. 


Construction and maintenance of roads Activity in road- 
rnaking under the Empire Bridges over the Tiber and other 
rivers Vehicles used in travel Luxury of travel Letter 
carriers Night-travelling Inns Rate of travelling Se- 
curity of travel Efforts to suppress brigandage, how far 
successful. pp. 44 76. 



Communication by sea Roman naval power under the 
Republic and the Empire Classes of ships, their construction 
and equipment Life on board ship Harbours Danger of 
storm and shipwreck Votive offerings to the marine deities 
Piracy Speed of sailing and rowing vessels respectively 
River and lake travelling. pp. 77 109. 


Asia Minor, physical features Greek influence High 
development of city life Relations with Rome and provin- 
cial organization Road-system, (1) the pre-Persian, (2) the 
Persian, (3) the Hellenistic period, (4) the Roman period 
The great trade route with its branches The Northern road 
and its branches Safety of travelling Communication by 
sea and river St Paul's journeys in Asia Minor. 

pp. 110139. 


Conclusion Effect of the above system of intercourse in 
government, commerce and social life Reasons why it failed 
to last. pp. 140145. 

The chief lines of Road in the Roman Empire. 

To face paye 1. 

Asia Minor, showing chief Roads in 1st Century A.D. etc. 

To fiwe page, 111. 


Page 47, line 8 for Mnnicipialis read Municipalis. 
,, 94 ad Jin. for Narbonnensis read Narbonensis. 


W. T. ARNOLD. Eoman system of Provincial Administration. 

BAUMEISTER. Various articles, Seewesen etc. 

BECKER. Gallus. 

BERGIER. Histoire des grands chemins de 1'empire romain. 

3rd edition, 1728. 

BUNBURY. History of Ancient Geography. 
BURY. Student's Roman Empire. 

History of the Later Roman Empire. 

CONYBEARE and HOWSON. Life and Epistles of St Paul. 

FARRAR. Life and Work of St Paul. 

FRIEDLANDER. Sittengeschichte Roms. 5th edition, .1881. 

GIBBON. Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. 
GUHL and KONER. Life of the Greeks and Romans. 3rd 
edition, 1889. 

HARDY. Pliny's Correspondence with Trajan. 

HATCH. The early organization of the Christian Church. 

HOGARTH. A Wandering Scholar in the Levant. 

A. H. KEANE. Asia. 

LANCIANI. Ancient Rome. 

Pagan and Christian Rome. 

LIGHTFOOT. Epistle to the Galatians. 


MAHAFFY. The Greek World under Roman Sway. 
MAXNERT. Edition of the Peutinger Table. 
MAYOR. Edition of Juvenal. 

MERIVALE. History of the Romans under the Empire. 
MIDDLETON. Remains of Ancient Rome. 
MOMMSEN. History of Rome. 

Provinces of the Roman Empire. 

,, Romisches Staatsrecht. 

PARTHEY and PINDER. Edition of the Itineraries. 
PERROT. Exploration archeologique. 

PERRY. Art. 'Viae' in last edition of Smith's Diet, of 

RAMSAY. Historical Geography of Asia Minor. 
The Church in the Roman Empire. 

Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia. 

St Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen. 

Impressions of Turkey during twelve years' 


SEYFFERT. Dictionary of Antiquities. 

STERRETT. Epigraphical Journey through Asia Minor. 

TORR. Ancient Ships. 

TOZER. History of Ancient Geography. 

Also the following collections of Inscriptions : 

BOCKH. Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum. 

GRUTER. Inscriptiones Antiquae totius orbis Romani. 

MOMMSEN. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. 

RUSHFORTH. Latin Historical Inscriptions illustrating the 
history of the early Empire. 



IN the history of the early Church, as recorded Rapid dif- 
in the New Testament, there are two features which 'christi- 
seem especially worthy of remark : the rapidity a *| in 
with which Christian communities were formed, and century 
the constant intercourse maintained amongst them. A ' D< 
Within thirty years after the Resurrection of Our 
Lord the Christian faith had been preached not 
only in the regions immediately adjoining Palestine, 
but in Asia Minor and Macedonia, Achaia and 
Illyricum, and even in Rome itself. The life of 
St Paul after his conversion is the life of one 
who for years was a constant traveller by land 
and sea, who in early manhood preached the Gospel 
at Damascus, and when old age was approaching 
looked forward to a journey into Spain. St Peter 
addresses his First Epistle to the strangers scattered 
through five provinces of Asia Minor, and in the 
concluding chapter sends them a message from 
the church at Babylon. No less do Pagan writers 
bear witness to the rapid diffusion of Christianity 1 . 
Pliny's correspondence with Trajan 2 shows that by 
1 Tac. Ann. xv. 44. 2 Plin. Epp. ad Trai. 96 (97). 

s. 1 


112 A.D. a province so insignificant as Bithynia 
contained numerous Christians not only in. the 
cities but also in the villages and country. 
Inter- The founders of these widely scattered communi- 

beiween ^ es rea li ze( l the importance of intercommunication. 
Christian gy personal visits, by letters, and by messengers 
munitie.. they sought to strengthen the ties which bound 
them and their converts together into one Church. 
The result is seen in the kindly feeling which 
prompted the Christians of Antioch to send help 
in time of famine to their brethren of Jerusalem, 
and the Christians of Philippi to supply the neces- 
sities of St Paul. Hospitality is one of the duties 
expressly mentioned by St Paul in the Epistles to 
Timothy and Titus as incumbent on bishops, while 
St Peter and the author of the Epistle to the 
Hebrews enjoin it on all Christians. 

This rapid diffusion of a faith which could count 
at first on little human aid, and this maintenance 
of intercourse between its adherents, imply that the 
means of communication in the first century after 
Christ had reached a high stage of development. 
It is the object of this essay to investigate the con- 
i ditions of travel during that period ; especially in 
Asia Minor, where Christianity made some of its 
earliest, though not most permanent conquests. 

Before travelling can become a habit, men must 
in the first place be supplied with motives strong 
enough to overcome their shrinking from the un- 
familiar; they must also have attained enough 
mechanical skill to conquer the difficulties put by 
Nature in the way of locomotion ; and lastly they 


must be assured that travel is at least tolerably 
free from risk. In the first centuries of the 
Roman Empire these conditions were fulfilled with 
a completeness never attained before, and never 
attained afterwards till quite modern times. The Travel for 
Roman Empire extended from the Atlantic to the p0 s e s. pui 
Euphrates, from the German Ocean to the borders 
of Ethiopia. It comprised within its boundaries 
nations differing as widely as possible in race, 
language, religion, and in political relations to the 
mistress-city. The problem of welding together 
this heterogeneous mass tested Roman energy and 
enterprise. Common subjection to Rome and wor- 
ship of the emperor suggested the idea of unity; 
the material bond was found in the network of 
roads which connected the several provinces with 
Rome and facilitated the defence of the frontiers. 

The system of provincial government as estab- The 
lished by Augustus could not have been carried p^ i( 
on a year had not communication with Rome been 
frequent and rapid. The sending out of proconsuls 
and legati, of financial agents and officials of various 
grades, to say nothing of the changes in the dis- 
position of the troops and fleets, all necessitated 
an elaborate system of communication. Hence the 
establishment by Augustus of the Imperial Post, 
which according to Suetonius 1 was intended for the 
use of the Princeps, his servants and messengers, 
or of those to whom he granted a special permission. 
Between each of the stations or * mansiones ' there 

1 Suet. Aug. 49. 



were in general about six ' mutationes ' where relays 
of horses (veredi) were kept, also mules, vehicles 
and a number of public slaves. These arrangements 
were strictly reserved for imperial officials or for 
those who received a special passport called a 
' diploma.' This consisted of two folding tablets 
inscribed with the name of the reigning emperor, 
the name of the person authorized to use the post, 
and the period for which the permit was available. 
Thus the younger Pliny feels obliged to inform 
Trajan that he has given a ' diploma ' to his own 
wife, so that she might the more quickly pay a 
visit of condolence to a relative 1 . The emperor 
replies that he approves, seeing that the grace of 
the visit would be marred by long delay. From 
another letter of Trajan's 2 we learn that a stock of 
dated passports was sent by the emperor to each 
provincial governor, and that none might be used 
whose dates had expired. The death of an emperor 
rendered the 'diplomata' issued by him invalid, as 
is shown by a passage in Tacitus 3 . Coenus, a 
freedman of Nero's, spread a report that the Four- 
teenth Legion had defeated the Vitellians, who really 
had just gained a victory at Bedriacum : his object 
was that the ' diplomata ' of Otho, which were 
disregarded, might regain their force. 

Vehicu- The horses and mules required for the Imperial 

Post were at first supplied free of charge by the 
neighbouring communities. This ' vehiculatio ' was 

1 Plin. Epp. ad Trai. 120 and 121. a Ibid. 46 (55). 

3 Tac. Hist. n. 54. 


however transferred by Claudius to the fiscus, 
according to an inscription found on the site of 
Tegea 1 and dating from A.D. 49 50. This states 
that Claudius had long endeavoured to shift the 
burden not only from the * coloniae ' and ' municipia ' 
of Italy but also from all the provinces and cities; 
yet he had found much difficulty in so doing. The 
old state of things revived under Nero 2 , and became 
especially burdensome under Domitian. One of 
Nerva's most popular reforms was to transfer the 
cost of vehicles, etc. in Italy to the fiscus. His 
act is recorded in one of his first brasses, struck 
in A.D. 97, which shows two mules feeding, just 
liberated from their yokes : the legend is VEHI- 
CVLATIO ITALIAE REMISSA 3 . The provincials, how- 
ever, were not exempted till the time of Severus 
Alexander, when the entire expense of the post 
then called the cursiis publicus fell on the fiscus. 
Of vital importance for the safety of the Empire 
was the communication between Rome and the 
armies on the frontier 4 . Mommsen holds that 
Augustus established a regular system of ' legionary 
centurions' who served as couriers, commissariat 
agents and warders. They belonged to the legions 
stationed in the provinces; when at Rome they 
were considered to be on detached duty and were 
called 'peregrini.' They lived on the Caelian Hill 
in the Castra Peregrinorum under the Princeps 

1 Rushforth, No. 82, C.I.L. iii. Suppl. 7251. 
2 ' Plut. Galb. 8. 

3 Middleton, Remains of Ancient Rome, Vol. n. p. 356. 

4 Ramsay, St Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen, p. 348. 


Peregrinomm (Greek o-rparoTre^dp^rj^). Naturally 
in course of time they became detested as govern- 
ment spies. In all probability the centurion who 
conducted St Paul and other prisoners to Rome 
belonged to this class. 

Under the same head of travel for State purposes 
must be reckoned the frequent journeys of the 
emperors themselves. Suetonius says of Augustus 1 
that he visited every province except Africa and 
Sardinia; these he had prepared to visit after the 
defeat of Sextus Pompeius but he was prevented by 
severe storms, and afterwards had neither the motive 
nor the opportunity. The principate of Tiberius 
was a complete contrast to his predecessor's in this 
respect : for the first two years he did not set foot 
outside Rome 2 . Between that time and his retire- 
ment to Capreae he never went further than Antium, 
though he often promised to visit the provinces and 
armies, and made elaborate preparations almost 
every year. At various points vehicles and pro- 
visions were collected and many vows were offered 
for his safe return; but in the end he found some 
excuse for remaining in Rome, and thus earned his 
nickname of Callippides, the man who ran hither 
and thither and never advanced a step. Gains 
visited Germany and Gaul, besides meditating an 
invasion of Britain, which his successor Claudius 
carried out. Nero spent a year in Greece, while 
all three Flavian emperors took part in campaigns. 
Imperial caprice often disorganized traffic. Among 

1 Suet. Aug. 47. - Suet. Tib. 38. 


other mad freaks of Gains we are told that when 
in Gaul he sold off by public auction his sisters' 
furniture, ornaments and slaves ; delighted with the 
result he sent to Rome for the old court furniture ; 
so large a number of beasts of burden and vehicles 
was required to transport it to Gaul that the bread 
supply of the city ran short, and several litigants 
lost their cases through inability to appear in time 1 . 

Domitian's journeys seem to have been especi- 
ally dreaded. In the Panegyric on Trajan 2 Pliny 
exclaims : " Now there is no disturbance over re- 
quisitioning vehicles, no haughtiness in receiving 
entertainment. The same food suffices for the 
emperor as for his suite. How different was the 
journeying of the other emperor in days not long 
past, if indeed that was a journey, not a devastation, 
when he carried off the goods of his hosts, when 
everything right and left was brought to rack and 
ruin, just as if those very barbarians from whom he 
was fleeing were falling upon the place." 

Less often recorded, but still worthy of mention, 
are the journeys undertaken by the bearers of 
petitions or complimentary addresses to the emperor 
or to provincial governors. The Byzantines spent 
12,000 sesterces (96) yearly on the travelling 
expenses of a legatus bearing to Trajan a formal 
honorary decree ; also 3000 sesterces (24) on 
sending an envoy to salute the governor of Moesia. 
Pliny with the emperor's approval cut down these 
expenses, doubtless to the delight of the citizens 3 . 

1 Suet. Gal. 39. 2 PHn. Pan. 20. 

3 Plin. ad Trai. 43 (52) and 44 (53). 


In spite of all the efforts of the government the 
journey from the East to Rome had its perils; we 
still have a marble on which the envoys sent from 
Mehadia on the Danube engraved their thanks to 
the Divinities of the Waters for having brought 
them back safe and sound 1 . These complimentary 
decrees formed part of the business transacted at 
the annual meetings of the provincial concilia or 
tcoivd, which must have given rise to a good deal 
of travelling 2 . Lastly, the 'appeal unto Caesar' 
allowed to Roman citizens by the Lex lulia de 
Appellatione, brought many accused persons to the 
capital. Besides the famous instance of St Paul, 
we have a reference to the custom in Pliny's letter 
to Trajan, which states that orders have been given 
for those Christians who were Roman citizens to be 
sent 'ad urbem 3 .' 

Commerce. Next in importance among the motives for 
travelling comes the hope of gain by trade. Rome 
in the first century A.D. was the emporium for the 
Mediterranean, indeed for the whole known world. 
Both for her necessaries and for her luxuries she 
depended mainly on foreign imports. The traffic 
in corn between Rome and the provinces of Gaul, 
Spain, Sardinia and Sicily, Africa and Egypt, was 
regularly organized under the Praefectus Annonae. 
Year by year the convoy from Alexandria was 
eagerly awaited ; a letter of Seneca's describes how 
when the corn-fleet was sighted with its despatch 

1 Duruy, quoted by Bury, Student's Roman Empire, p. 442. 

2 Hardy, "Provincial Concilia," Eng. Hist. Rev. 1890. 

3 Plin. Epp. ad Trai. 96 (97). 


f boats (naves tabellariae), its escort of war galleys, 
and its topsails flying, all Puteoli streamed out to 
the harbour-moles. Among other imports were 
objects of luxury from the East, such as ivory, 
cotton, silk, pearls, gums and spices ; manufactures, 
such as paper from Egypt, woollen dyed stuffs from 
Asia Minor, and the finest wines from Greece and 
the islands of the Aegean. To these must be added 
silver from the Spanish mines, wild animals for the 
sports of the amphitheatre, and marbles for the 
buildings which in a few decades utterly transformed 
the capital of the Empire. Rome had become a com- 
mercial as well as a military State ; her traders were 
found not only in every province, but in the wild 
regions of the Marcqmanni, in the far East, and 
even in the Irish Sea 1 . Eager pursuit of wealth is to 
Horace and to Seneca one of the marked features of 
/ the age. " A busy trader, you rush off to the farthest 
Indies, flying from poverty over sea, over crags, over 
fires 2 ." "Another man," writes Seneca, "through his 
eagerness as a merchant is led to visit every land and 
every sea by the hope of gain 3 ." The same author in 
a well-known denunciation of Roman habits writes 
as follows : " May the gods and goddesses bring ruin 
upon those whose luxury transcends the bounds of 
an Empire already perilously wide. They want to 
have their ostentatious kitchens supplied with game 
from the other side of the Phasis, and though Rome 
has not yet obtained satisfaction from the Parthians, 
are not ashamed to obtain birds from them : they 

I Tac. A&ic. 24; Airn^ii. 62. Plin. H. N. vj. 1QI, 1J3. 
- Hor. Epp. i. 1. 45, 46. 3 Sen. DC brev. vit. 2. 


bring together from all regions everything, known 
or unknown, to tempt their fastidious palate 1 ." 
Peace es- Closely connected with this wide-spread com- 
tablished. merce we re the peace and order ensured by Augustus 
and his successors. The last years of the Republic 
had seen wars with hardly a break, pirates making 
descents not only on the shores of the Aegean but 
on Sicily and even on Italy itself, brigands render- 
ing traffic insecure within a few miles of Rome. 
Augustus by his vigorous administration made the 
'Pax Romana' a reality, and for more than fifty 
years after his death peace continued with the 
exception of frontier wars. Greek though he was, 
Strabo was impressed as strongly as Horace or 
Vergil by the safety of life and property, the security 
for commerce and the advantages to civilization 
which arose from a centralized administration. 
" Never," he says, " have the Romans and their 
allies enjoyed such peace and prosperity as that 
conferred on them by Augustus Caesar, and now 
by his son and successor Tiberius 2 ." Half a century 
later the elder Pliny speaks in the same strain of 
the " immensa Romanae pacis maiestas," and prays 
for the long continuance of that blessing which has 
been " little less than a new sun to the human race 3 ." 
Travelling This comparative immunity from danger enabled 
mr^an'd man y other classes besides officials to indulge in 
health. travelling. The elder Pliny 4 remarks that mankind 
is ever eager to hear new things, and the younger 

1 Sen. Cons, ad Helv. 10, translated by A. Stewart. 

2 Strab. vi. 4. 2. 3 Plin. H. N. xxvn. 1. 
4 Plin. H. N. xvn. 66. 


Pliny speaks of Greece, Asia Minor and Egypt as 
places which every cultivated man must desire to 
see 1 . The account of Germanicus' journey given by 
Tacitus 2 is especially noteworthy from this point of 
view. After a stormy voyage over the Adriatic and 
Ionian Seas to Nicopolis, he spent a few days in 
repairing his ships and inspecting the relics of the 
battle of Actium. He then sailed round Cape Malea 
to Athens, where he was received with enthusiasm. 
Pursuing his course, he visited Euboea, Lesbos, 
Perinthus and Byzantium, " being desirous of ac- 
quaintance with ancient regions celebrated in 
history." On his return journey he was anxious 
to see the mysteries at Samothrace, but was pre- 
vented by contrary winds. After a visit to Ilium, 
the reputed cradle of the Roman race, he coasted 
along Asia and touched at Colophon to consult 
the oracle of the Clarian Apollo. The remainder of 
A.D. 18 was taken up with his expedition to Armenia 
and his open quarrel with Piso. Next year he set 
out for Egypt to study its antiquities. Sailing from 
Canopus up the Nile to the ruins of Thebes, he 
visited the statue of Memnon, the Pyramids, and the 
lake to hold the overflow of the Nile waters. Still 
further south he reached Elephantine and Syene, 
then the frontier cities of the province of Egypt. 

In Italy itself too there was a great amount of 
travel, partly for pleasure, partly for health. Rome 
was deserted in the summer and early autumn owing 
to the heat and risk of fever ; all who could, retired to 

1 Plin. Epp. vin. 20 : cf. Hor. Epp. I. 11. 
- Tac. Ann. n. 53. 


their country seats or to the seaside resorts. During 
the hot weather Augustus, we are told, stayed on the 
shore or islands of Campania, or else at Lanuvium, 
Tibur, or Praeneste 1 . Nero spent much time at 
Baiae, where the season was at its height in March 
and April 2 . The fashionable Roman would spend 
his midsummer in cooler retreats, such as Tusculum, 
Tibur, Aricia, the Anio district or Mount Algidus 3 . 
Even those whose business detained them in the 
city would often spend their evenings in the country: 
this was the case with the younger Pliny, who had 
a villa at Laurentum, seventeen miles from Rome, 
and enjoyed travelling from one abode to another 4 . 
Few epigrams of Martial are more beautiful than 
that in which he describes the villa of his friend 
Apollinaris at Formiae 5 : 

"0 temperatae dulce Formiae litus 
Vos, cum severi fugit oppidum Martis , 

Et inquietas fessus exuit curas, 
Apollinaris omnibus locis praefert." 

Life at Rome was burdensome at the best, with 
its numberless social duties and public shows, its- 
frequent fires and its noisy crowds. Yet often men 
sought in their country seats not so much rest 
and quiet as relief from ennui and dissatisfaction. 
" This," says Seneca, " is the reason why men under-> 
take aimless wanderings, travel along distant shores 

1 Suet. Aug. 72. - Mart. x. 51. 

3 Mart. iv. 60. 

4 Plin. Epp. n. 17, in. 19. Cf. Lanciani, Ancient Rome (The 
Roman Campagna). 

5 Mart. x. 30. 


and at one time by sea, at another by land, try to 
soothe that fickleness of disposition which is always 
dissatisfied with the present. * Now let us make for 
Campania : now I am sick of rich cultivation : let us 
see something of wild regions, let us thread the 
passes of Bruttii and Lucania : yet amid this wilder- 
ness one wants something of beauty to relieve our 
pampered eyes after so long dwelling on savage 
wastes. Let us seek Tarentum with its famous 
harbour, its mild winter climate and its district, 
rich enough to support even the great hordes of 
ancient times. Let us now return to town ; our 
ears have too long missed its shouts and noise : it 
would be pleasant also to enjoy the sight of human 
bloodshed.' Thus one journey succeeds another, and 
one sight is changed for another 1 ." 

Of a higher stamp than these idle pleasure- Travelling 
, . ... for know- 

seekers were the numerous writers on antiquities, 

geographers, naturalists, and explorers. Such were 
the two ' holy men ' who, as Plutarch tells us, met 
at Delphi from the very ends of the earth. Deme- 
trius the grammarian was returning home out of 
Britain to Tarsus, and Cleombrotus the Lacedae- 
monian had long been wandering in Egypt, reaching 
even the country of the Troglodytes and voyaging 
beyond the Red Sea. He had gone thither not for 
trading purposes but through love of seeing and of 
learning 2 . Chief among such travellers was Strabo 
the geographer. It is true that in his day the limits 
of geographical knowledge were small indeed as 

1 Sen. De Tranq. ch. 2, translated by Aubrey Stewart. 

2 Plut. De defect. Orac., ad init. 


compared with modern times. In western Europe, 
Spain, Gaul, the Atlantic coast and south-eastern 
Britain were known with tolerable exactness ; in 
the north little was known beyond the Elbe and 
the Danube: the information collected by Pytheas 
was excluded by Strabo from his work as fabulous. 
In Asia the lands on the further side of the Palus 
Maeotis were still unexplored and the descrip- 
tions of Herodotus, like those of Pytheas, found 
little credence. Pompeius however in his Syrian 
campaign had traversed the region between the 
Euxine and the Caspian, and an account of it had 
been written by his friend and companion Theo- 
phanes of Mytilene. But the Caspian was still 
believed to communicate with the Northern Ocean, 
and the Jaxartes was still the limit of discovery to 
the east. With regard to India, the peninsula of 
Hindostan was unknown, and the Ganges was 
thought to flow into the Eastern Ocean beyond the 
Red Sea. Still, between the time of Strabo and 
that of the elder Pliny intercourse between Egypt 
and India had greatly increased, and a fair know- 
ledge was gained of the coast between the Indus 
and the port of Nelcynda. In Africa nothing was 
known by Strabo south of the Cinnamon country 
and the territory of the Sembritae about the Upper>, 
Nile, while in the more westerly regions no one had 
penetrated south of the Garamantes l . 

Only a small portion even of this limited area 
was known to Strabo from actual visits : his travels 

1 This section is summarized from Tozer's Ancient Geography. 


were probably confined to Asia Minor, parts of Italy 
and Egypt, and a few places in Greece. But his 
comprehensive and laborious work shows how keen 
was the interest he took in the outward world. 
Geography was to him a term of wide significance ; 
it included the history, antiquities and political 
condition of a country as well as its physical features. 
Hence the great value of his records, especially for 
Asia Minor, which he described largely from personal 
knowledge 1 . 

The encyclopaedic work of the elder Pliny, some 
fifty years later in date, shows the desire of the age 
for information. He was however a compiler rather 
than a traveller : the modern reader cannot help 
wishing that on his journeys he had been less 
industrious in taking notes from others and had 
made more observations of his own. Had he done 
this his Natural History would have been less full, 
but would certainly have gained in vividness. Yet 
with all its defects it is an invaluable work for the 
information given on exploration and commerce and 
for its ample statistical details. 

Even more frequent was travel for the sake of Travel for 

- . education. 

education. "Are young men, says Epictetus, 'to 

leave their homes only to hear a pseudo-philosopher 
repeat mere words, and cry out Oh! to him 2 ?" 
There was an ample choice of places for study ; 
besides Athens, Rome, and Alexandria, the three 
greatest, several towns in Asia Minor attracted 
students. The Syrian Antioch had been famous 

1 Ramsay, Hist. Geog. of Asia Minor, p. 73. 

2 Epict. Diss. m. 21. 8. 


in Cicero's time l for its men of learning ; to Smyrna 
came youths not only from the neighbouring dis- 
tricts, but from Greece, Assyria, Phoenicia and 
Egypt. Of Tarsus Strabo 2 says that its schools of 
philosophy surpassed even those of Alexandria and 
Athens though few strangers visited them : however 
the Tarsians visited other places of learning and in 
many cases never came back. Teachers as well as 
learners constantly travelled. Dio of Prusa when 
bidden by the Delphic oracle to " go on as he was 
doing till he came to the world's end" put on a 
beggar's dress and wandered everywhere, "being taken 
by some for a vagabond, by others for a beggar, 
by others again for a philosopher 3 ." Rhetors too 
journeyed from place to place to deliver those 
discourses in which " they talked at large on every- 
thing which was not practical and not instructive " 

Needy persons 4 were often attracted to Rome by 
the almost gratuitous distribution of corn, by the 
frequent shows and largesses, or by the hope of dole 
from some rich patron. Martial's epigrams give a 
lively picture of the miseries that such new comers 
often endured, living or rather starving in wretched 
garrets, and tramping through cold or wet to pay 
the duty visit which brought only a meagre dinner^ 
in return. More than once he roundly advises his 
friends not to come to Rome if they wish to gain a 

1 Cic. pro Arch. 3 4. 2 Strab. p. 673. 

3 Dio Chrys. Or. xin. 422 B. 

4 Cf. Epict. Diss. i. ch. 10. 'Against those who eagerly seek 
preferment at Rome.' 


livelihood by honest means. "If you are honest," 
he tells Sextus 1 , "you may possibly keep alive," and 
asks Fabianus what a man who is poor and truthful 
can hope to find in the city 2 . Wiser was the , 
'esuritor Tuccius,' who came from Spain to find a 
patron, but on hearing that no dole was to be had, 
turned back from the Mulvian Bridge 3 . 

Among other classes of travellers may be men- Other 
tioned the physicians and quacks 4 , the jugglers, ^ 
conjurers and spell-mongers, the musicians and 
athletes, on their way to fairs or the great festivals 
which formed the serious business of many towns in 
Greece and Asia Minor. Plutarch tries to console a 
friend condemned to exile by telling him that he 
can be present at the Eleusinian mysteries, at the 
Dionysiac festival at Athens, at the Nemean games 
of Argos, at the Pythian games of Delphi, and can 
pass on and be a spectator of the Isthmian and 
Corinthian games if he is fond of sight-seeing 5 . 
The mysteries of Eleusis and Samothrace, famous 
temples, such as those of Artemis at Ephesus and of 
the Great Mother at Comana Pontica, continued to 
attract crowds of worshippers. The oracles, though 
some were strangely silent, were still consulted, as 
for instance by Titus, who after hearing of Galba's 
death came from Corinth to the temple of Venus 
at Paphos 6 . 

1 Mart. in. 38. 2 Mart. iv. 5. 

3 Mart. m. 14. 

4 Cf. Cic. pro Cluent. 24, L. Clodium pharmacopolam circum- 

6 Plut. de exil. 6 Tac. Hist. n. 2. 



Temples were visited not only for worship, but 
for the recovery of health : they were in 'fact the 
ancient equivalents of our hospitals and medical 
schools. Chief among them were the temples of 
Aesculapius at Cos and at Epidaurus. Thither 
pilgrimages were made in the hope that as the 
sick folks slept in the precincts the god would 
appear and tell them the proper remedies. In a 
temple of Aesculapius at Aegae near Tarsus, Apol- 
lonius of Tyaria spent some years of his boyhood : 
among the patients whom he is said to have met 
there was a young Assyrian, who however was for a 
long time too self-willed to benefit by the treatment 
he had come so far to seek 1 . Patients who had 
been cured often hung up in the temple votive- 
offerings, usually limbs or figures modelled in 
terra-cotta, of which great numbers have survived. 
Professor Lanciani says that he has been present 
at the discovery of no fewer than five deposits of 
votive-offerings, each marking the site of a place 
of pilgrimage. Perhaps the most interesting of 
those which he describes are the temples of Diana 
Nemorensis and of Juno at Veii. At the latter 
place a mass of ex-votos has accumulated under a 
cliff on the north side of a ridge connecting the 
fortress and the city. When excavations were made 
in 1889 four thousand objects were collected in a 
fortnight 2 . 

Health-seekers were often sent by their physicians 
to milder or more bracing climates as their case 

1 Philostrat. Vit. Apoll. L 9. 

2 Lanciani, Pagan and Christian Rome, p. 59 et seq. 

l] THE JEWS 19 

required 1 . An example is to be found in the letter 
of the younger Pliny to Paulinus. Zosimus, Pliny's 
freedman, had become seriously ill through overstrain 
of his voice in reading aloud ; his patron had sent 
him to Egypt for a long stay with beneficial results. 
Exertion however brought back a return of the 
malady, and Pliny proposed to send him to Paulinus' 
farm at Forum lulii to get good milk and good air 2 . 

One more class of travellers remains to be The Jews. 
mentioned, the Jews, whose wide dispersion is 
attested both by literary evidence and by the 
number of inscribed tombstones they have left 3 . 
Many of them came up periodically to the Feasts 
at Jerusalem, as we read in the Gospels and the Acts 
of the Apostles. Every year too the 'didrachma 4 ' 
was sent up by each Jew to the Temple, and the 
conveyance of these sums from almost every part of 
the known world led to a great amount of travel. 
Thus Philo Judaeus writes of the Jews beyond the 
Euphrates, " Every year the sacred messengers are 
sent to convey large sums of gold and silver to the 
Temple, which have been collected from all the 
subordinate governments. They travel over rugged 
and difficult and almost impassable roads, which 
however they look upon as level and easy, inasmuch 
as they serve to conduct them to piety 5 ." 

Such then are some of the most important classes 
of travellers in the first century of our era. They 

1 Epict. Diss. in. 16. 2. 

2 Plin. Epp. v. 19. 

3 See the last vol. of C. I. G. 

4 S. Matt. xvii. 24. 

5 Phil. Jud. On the Virtues and Offices of Ambassadors, 31. 



belong to all grades of society, from the Princeps to 
the beggar, from the rich merchant to the strolling 
actor. A frequented Roman road such as the Appian 
or Flaminian must have presented an animated 
appearance even on ordinary days, not to speak of 
such occasions as the return of a popular emperor 
like Trajan from a successful campaign. " When will 
the day be," asks Martial 1 , "for the Campus to be 
thronged even to the trees, and for every window 
to be bright with Roman matrons in festal garb ? 
When will be those halts to please the crowd, and 
the whirlwind of dust raised by Caesar's suite ? 
When will all Rome stream out on the Flaminian 
Way ? When will the Moorish cavalry dash past in 
their broidered tunics, and when will the shout of 
the people rise, ' He comes ' ? " 

Perhaps the crowds that flocked to a great city 
cannot be better described than in a passage of 
Seneca which deserves to be quoted in full 2 . He is 
seeking to console his mother Helvia for his exile, 
and argues that many men leave their homes of 
their own accord. " ' It is unbearable/ say you, ' to 
lose one's native land.' Look, I pray you, on these 
vast crowds for whom all the countless roofs of 
Rome can scarcely find shelter : the greater part of 
those crowds have lost their native land : they have 
flocked hither from their country-towns and colonies 
and in fine from all parts of the world. Some have 
been brought by ambition, some by the exigencies 
of public office ; some by being entrusted with 

1 Mart. x. 6. 

2 Cons, ad Helv. c. 6 (translated by A. Stewart). 


embassies ; some by luxury which seeks a convenient 
spot rich in vices for its exercise ; some by their 
wish for a liberal education, others by a wish to see 
the public shows. Some have been led hither by 
friendship, some by industry, which finds here a 
wide field for the display of its powers. Some have 
brought their beauty for sale, some their eloquence ; 
people of every kind assemble themselves together 
in Rome, which sets a high price both upon virtues 
and vices. Bid them all to be summoned to answer 
to their names, and ask each one from what home 
he has come ; you will find that the greater part of 
them have left their own abodes, and journeyed to 
a city which, though great and beauteous beyond all 
others, is nevertheless not their own. Then leave 
this city, which may be said to be the common 
property of all men, and visit all other towns : there 
is not one of them which does not number a large 
proportion of aliens among its inhabitants 1 ." 

1 Cf. Dio Chrys. Or. vm. 277, 278 B for the motley collection of 
people at Corinth. 



THE foregoing evidence, which might be greatly 
amplified, proves that abundant motives for travel 
existed in the first century A.D. The next point to 
consider is what may be called the mechanism of 
travel, the routes followed, the construction and 
repair of roads, and the means of conveyance by 
Authori- land and sea. But before entering on this subject 
fhe road- something must be said as to the authorities on 
system. the Roman road-system and their value. First in 
importance come the actual remains of roads, also 
milestones and inscriptions. Of course a milestone 
may often have been carried from the spot where 
it was originally set up : still, such stones are 
usually fairly heavy, and will therefore rarely be 
carried far. Next must be reckoned information 
from literary sources, especially the classical authors 
of the first century. But both earlier and later 
writers may be used in addition: references to 
Italian roads are found in Horace and Livy, and 
a description of an Alexandrian corn-ship is given 
by Lucian. In fact the topography, and therefore 
the road-system of a Roman province, cannot be 


satisfactorily settled without a full knowledge of its 
history as well as its physical features. For example, 
the Byzantine authorities have been largely used by 
Professor Ramsay in working out the Roman road- 
system of Asia Minor. 

In the third place we have certain works which 
professedly deal with the imperial roads, viz. the 
Itinerary of Antoninus and the Peutinger Table. 
The Romans were nothing if not thorough ; every 
landowner was accustomed to have his property 
accurately measured, and the State was not behind- 
hand. Under the Republic the measurements of 
every acre of public land were registered under the 
care of the censors. According to the fourth-century 
writer Vegetius, generals used to be furnished with 
some kind of plan, so that the roads in the provinces 
were not only noted for them but actually depicted 1 . 
Julius Honorius says that Julius Caesar ordered a / 
measurement of the whole Empire to be undertaken/ 
and that it was carried out in four divisions, north, 
south, east, and west, through a period of five-and- 
twenty years. Neither Strabo nor Pliny confirms 
this statement, but it is quite certain that measure- 
ments of some kind, mainly for financial purposes, 
were made under Augustus. The industry of Agrippa 
collected in the form of ' commentarii/ a number of 
statistics, referred to by later geographers as the 
Chorographia. By way of instructing and astonish- 
ing the multitude of Rome, an Orbis Pictus was 
engraved on the Portico of Octavia erected in the 

1 Veg. De Re Milit. m. 6. (Merivale, Vol. iv. p. 403.) 


Campus Martius 1 ; also a list of the chief places on 
the roads radiating from Rome was inscribed on the 
so-called Golden Milestone in the Forum. In all 
probability the Orbis Pictus and the Chorographia, 
corrected from time to time, formed the basis of the 
' itineraria adnotata ' and the * itineraria picta/ The 
Antonine Itinerary is a specimen of the former 
class, the Peutinger Table of the latter. Private 
persons seem to have possessed copies: Mettius 
Pompusianus was put to death by Domitian on the 
charge of carrying about " depictum orbem terrae in 
membrana 2 ." 

The Antonine Itinerary probably dates from the 
reign of Diocletian. It is simply a list of the 
great roads of the Empire, some three hundred and 
seventy-two in all, with their lengths. For the first 
century its evidence must be used with caution. 
Errors in the spelling of names are frequent, and in 
many cases the roads given are not direct between 
two given points, but go along two sides of a 
triangle. Ancient maps represented the face of a 
country very imperfectly, and it is useless to expect 
accuracy from a document depending on them. 

This remark applies with even greater force to 
the Peutinger Table. Its history has been a curious 
one. Compiled probably in the fourth century A..D. 
under Yalentinian II (375 394) it was transcribed 
in the thirteenth century by a monk of Colmar. 
This copy was discovered in 1507 in a German 
monastery by Conrad Celtes, and bequeathed for 

J Plin. H. N. in. 3. 2 Suet. Dom. 10. 




publication to his friend Conrad Peutinger of Augs- 
burg. But the multitude of errors he found deterred 
Peutinger from fulfilling this request. The veteran 
geographer Ortelius begged in vain for the honour 
of the task, which was finally undertaken by Moretus 
of Antwerp. The Table was printed in 1682 in a 
posthumous edition of Velserus' works. In 1720 
the original transcript was bought by Prince Eugene 
of Savoy for a hundred ducats, and after his death 
it passed to the Imperial Library of Vienna, where 
it has since remained. The western part has been 
lost ; the remainder comprises all the ancient world 
between the east coast of Britain and the limits of 
Alexander's eastern conquests. The course of the 
great roads is marked, and the distance given in 
miles from station to station. 

The principle on which the Table was drawn has 
little in common with that of the modern map. 
The section dealing with Asia Minor (as given in 
Mannert's reproduction) begins with a horizontal 
strip of sea, underneath which is a band about an 
inch-and-a-half deep representing the region of the 
Amazons and the Caucasus. Then comes a narrower 
strip for the Pontus Euxinus, and underneath a 
much wider one for the bulk of Asia Minor. Below 
this is the Aegean Sea, and last of all is a strip 
showing Egypt, the Nile Delta, the blazing beacon 
of the Pharos, and a piece of information evidently 
supplied by the monk of Colmar, " Desertum ubi 
quadraginta annos erravt filij isrt ducente Moyse." 
The chief towns of Asia Minor are denoted by two 
tiny penthouses side by side, e.g. Pergamus, Synnada 


and Pessinus ; once a fort of a very mediaeval 
character is drawn with six towers and a high wall 
all round. Needless to say no attention is paid 
to the points of the compass, e.g. Pergamus and 
Smyrna are almost on a horizontal line. The 
draughtsman often fell into difficulties ; for instance 
he was compelled to draw the course and the mouth 
of the Sangarius in two disconnected bits. The 
spelling is erratic; luforbio and Euforbio are found 
for Euphorbio, and even Duse pro Solympum for 
Prusa pros (777)09) Olympum. In fact the student 
who attempts to extract information from this 
tantalizing document is tempted to re-echo the 
words of Cluverius : " ingentis usus opus si barbarum 
illud saeculum quo librariorum incredibili imperitia 
incuriaque corrupta fuerunt, salva ad nos sanaque 
transissent. Nunc inutile, manca, detorta, ac plurima 
ex parte depravata, nil nisi meras tenebras geogra- 
phiae antiquae ignaris offundunt V Yet the Table 
is of value as confirmatory evidence, and of interest 
as the only Roman road map that has come down 
to us. 

Before this list of authorities is concluded a word 
must be said as to the three silver cups in the form 
of milestones, found in 1852 at the baths of Vicarello 
on the Lake of Bracciano, and now in the Kircheriaia 
Museum at Rome. Engraved on them is a list of 
stations and distances between Gades and Rome. 
They are of great value as being older than the 
Antonine Itinerary and showing that a considerable 
number of Spaniards must have come for health to 
1 Quoted by Bergier, Vol. i. Bk. in. Ch. 9. 


(the baths, and made thankofferings to the local 
deity. Such itineraries served the purpose of the 
modern guide-books. In the fourth century a name- 
less pilgrim, who had journeyM~7fom Bordeaux to 
Jerusalem, recorded the distances, the ' mutationes ' 
and the ' mansiones ' with brief notices on points 
of interest 1 . For example, against the ' mutatio 
Euripidis ' he writes ' ibi positus est Euripides poeta,' 
and to the ' ci vitas Pellae ' adds ' unde fuit Alexander 
Magnus Macedo.' 

By the help of these authorities it is possible to 
ascertain with tolerable accuracy the main lines of 
communication in the first century. After this lapse 
of time complete knowledge can scarcely be hoped 
for, at any rate not without more systematic explo- 
ration than is likely to be attempted. 

The primary aim of the road-system was to Classifi- 
connect the provinces with the capital. The great roa ds. 
public roads (also called military, consular and prae- 
torian) extended into almost every part of the 
Empire. Branching off from them were the private 
or rural roads, constructed originally by private land- 
owners who had the power of dedicating them to the 
public use. Often they were subject to a right of way 
in favour of the public or the owner of a particular 
estate. Lastly there were the ' viae vicinales/ which 
were village, district, or cross roads leading through 
or towards a village : these were considered public or 
private according as the expense of making them 
had fallen on the State or on private persons. The 

1 See Wesseling, pp. 604606. 


private and cross roads have left no traces, as they 
would not probably be paved or provided with mile- 
stones 1 . The public roads, however, can be traced 
in every province though with varying certainty 
and fulness. They may be most easily classified 
according to the region which they connected with 

Chief lines The list begins with the oldest, the 'queen of 
Plication 1 Roman roads,' the Appian Way, along which went 
l. South, the traffic between Rome and the South 2 . It was 
made in 312 B.C. by the Censor Appius Claudius 
Caecus from the Servian Porta Capena as far as 
Capua : later it was extended to Brundisium. 
Procopius, writing in the first half of the sixth 
century A.D., describes it as broad enough for two 
carriages to pass each other, and built of hard stones 
hewn smooth: these were fitted exactly together, 
without metal or connecting material, so that the 
whole seemed to have grown together notwithstand- 
ing the great traffic that had passed along it 3 . From 
Capua a road ran along the coast of Lucania and 
Bruttium to Rhegium, whence an hour-and-a-half s 
crossing brought the traveller to Messina. Thence 
he followed the Sicilian coast road past Himera, 
Panormus and Segesta to Lilybaeum. In another 
twenty-four hours he had crossed to Carthage. The 

1 The direction of such roads can of course be fixed when the 
position of a Koman villa is known. A villa would necessarily 
imply a road of some kind. 

2 The account of the main routes is mainly taken from Fried- 
lander, Vol. ii. p. 7 et seq., who follows Stephan (Verkehrsleben), 
p. 101 et seq. 

3 Procop. De Bell. Goth. i. 14, quoted in Becker's Gallus. 


great city destroyed by the brutal selfishness of the 
Republic had prospered after its restoration by 
Julius Caesar. Governed at first as a Phoenician 
city under su fetes, it soon obtained Italian organiza- 
tion and full rights of Roman citizenship. It rose 
to importance as the capital of the African province 
garrisoned by imperial troops, a distinction which it 
shared with Rome and Lugdunum alone among the 
cities of the West. Hence was exported the African 
corn, which amounted to one-third of the consump- 
tion of Rome. Among other articles of commerce, 
which passed through it were slaves, especially the * 
swift Numidian runners, horses, wild beasts for the j 
shows, purple-dyed woollen stuffs, and leather goods 1 . , 
In the sailing season the journey to Carthage 
/could be more easily accomplished by taking ship 
from Ostia or Puteoli direct. With favourable winds 
the time required was about three days. From 
Carthage and the other great coast-cities of Africa 
and Numidia, such as Leptis, Hadrumetum and 
Hippo Regius, roads converged to Theveste, the 
headquarters of the Legion III, Augusta, and thence 
to the coast of the Lesser Syrtis. By the time of 
the Antonine Itinerary a road ran near the coast from 
Carthage to Tingi (Tangier) whence Spain could be 
reached in four hours. But probably the road dates 
mainly from the second century onward, when we 
have abundant evidence of activity in road-making. 
In Nero's time at any rate there was no road between 

1 Cf. Plin. Epp. vi. 34. The African panthers provided by 
Maximus for a gladiatorial show at Verona did not arrive in time 
through stormy weather. 


Tingi and Caesarea, and all the traffic went by sea. 
Hence the ease with which the Mauretanian hordes 
crossed over to Hispania Baetica and menaced the 
Roman subjects 1 . 

Eastward from Carthage a road led past the 
Syrtes and Gyrene to Alexandria, the second city 
of the Empire and the first commercial city of the 
world 2 . It exported vast quantities of ..corn to 
Rome, manufactured goods, such as paper, linen and 
glass, spice from Arabia and Africa, granite from 
Syene, and porphyry from the mountains above 
Myos Hormos. Nor did Alexandria supply the neces- 
.sities and luxuries of the Empire alone : it sent 
linens to Arabia, cloth of gold and glass to India: 
its beads were bartered for African ivory, and its ^ 
corn for the tin of Britain. Alexandria owed much 
to the imperial rule. Once as Augustus was sailing 
past Puteoli he was greeted by the crew of a ship 
hailing thence with shouts of gratitude "for life 
itself, for liberty of trade, for freedom and fortune." 
By way of acknowledgment the emperor gave his 
suite forty aurei to be spent on the purchase of 
Alexandrian wares. The Alexandrian Jew Philo 
magnifies the benefactor "who did not only loosen 
but utterly abolish the bonds in which the whole 
habitable world was previously bound and weighed, 
down ; who destroyed both the evident and unseen 
wars which arose from the attacks of robbers; who 
rendered the sea free from the vessels of pirates and 
filled it with merchantmen 3 ." 

1 Bury, p. 89 (Student's Roman Empire). 

2 Dio Chrys. Or. xxxn. 670 E. et seq. 3 Phil. Jud. De Leg. 21. 


Indeed the emperors had weighty reasons for 
developing the resources of Egypt and encouraging 
its trade. On Egyptian corn the overgrown popula- 
tion of Rome largely depended for its food, and the 
strongest emperor might quail before a famine- 
stricken mob. A proof of the attitude of the 
emperors towards Egypt is seen in the ordinance 
of Augustus forbidding any senator to visit it 
without permission, and in Vespasian's resolve to 
send subordinates to gain Italy, but secure Egypt 

- himself. In the second place as the customs levied \ 
at Alexandria were very lucrative, title imperial i 
policy aimed at, securing direct communication with \ 
Arabia and India 1 . Under the weak rule of the 
later Lagidae the prosperity of Egypt had waned, ^ 
and the control of the Red Sea had to a great 
extent passed to the Axomites and to the Arabians 

" of Arabia Felix (Yemen). Departing from his usual 
policy Augustus sought to extend the Roman 
dominion in Arabia by a great expedition under 
Gallus, in which Strabo took part. Mismanagement 25 B.< 
and disease combined to ruin the project, but 
twenty- five years later it was resumed. The young 
prince Gaius was sent to the East in the hope that 
he would, like Alexander's admiral Nearchus, make 
an exploring voyage from the mouth of the Euphrates 
along Arabia Felix. The untimely death of Gaius 
once more frustrated Augustus' hopes ; all that was 
done was to send a small expedition to destroy 
Adane (Aden), the chief emporium on the south 

1 See Mommsen, Provinces, Vol. n. (Egypt). 


Arabian coast. The Romans gained something 
thereby, but still had to reckon with the traders 
of Muza, who in their own ships sailed along the 
east coast of Africa and the west of India taking 
their own frankincense and the purple stuffs and 
gold embroideries of Alexandria, and bringing back 
spices, pepper and silks from the far East. 

The Axomites on the other hand did not come 
into collision with Roman power. Their territory at 
the end of Nero's reign included the African coast 
from the site of Suakin to the Straits of Bab-el- 
mandeb. Later their sphere of influence extended 
to the coast of Arabia between the Roman and the 
Sabaean territories, and from the entrance of the 
Arabian Gulf to Cape Guardafui. The king con- 
temporary with Vespasian was able and energetic 
and acquainted with Greek writing. His capital 
Adulis was the emporium of the Ethiopian trade, 
and he did much to secure freedom of communication 
with the Roman frontier both by land and sea. 

Coming to the actual routes by which the 
Eastern traffic was carried on, we find that from 
Alexandria roads led on either side of the Nile past 
Coptos, Thebes and Syene to Hiera Sykaminos, on 
the frontier of Aethiopia. From Coptos roads led 
north-east to Myos Hormos on the Arabian Gulf, 
while a march of eleven days to the south-east 
led to Berenice, the port for the country of the 
Troglodytes. Both these desert roads were provided 
with stations and cisterns (hydreumata). Camels 
were employed and the journeys mostly made by 
night. At the time of Strabo's Egyptian visit a 


hundred and twenty ships sailed from Myos Hormos 
through the Arabian Gulf to India, a number which 
showed the impetus given to commerce by the 
imperial government. 

For our knowledge of the communication between 
Egypt and India we are indebted chiefly to the elder 
Pliny and the author of the Periplus Maris Erythraei, 
a Greek trader living in Egypt during the Flavian 
era. Myos Hormos, as in Strabo's time, was the 
starting point of the Indian fleet, which was 
provided with archers as a defence against the 
poisoned arrows of the Arabian pirates. A voyage 
of thirty days past Adulis led to Ocelis and Cane 
on the southern coast of Arabia. Further east the 
promontory of Syagros (C. Fartak) was the point of 
departure for the direct voyage to India. This was 
first tried by Hippalus, a Greek of the post- Augustan 
period, who used the south-western monsoon hence- 
forth called after him. The author of the Periplus 
shows a very fair knowledge of Western India from 
the mouth of the Indus to the Malabar coast. He 
mentions the large inlet Eirinon (Runn of Cutch), 
the bay to the south of Baraces (Gulf of Cutch), 
and the gulf (of Cambay), at the head of which was 
the seaport of Barygaza, the most famous emporium 
for perfumes, precious stones, ivory, muslin and silk. 
Further south were the ports of Musiris and Nel- 
cynda; the latter was the seat of the trade in 
pepper, which was brought down to the coast by 
natives in canoes hollowed out of tree-trunks. 
Hippalus probably sailed from Arabia to Barygaza, 
but his successors established a regular line of traffic 
s. 3 


with Musiris and Nelcynda. The profits of this 
trade were enormous, the goods selling in the West 
for a hundred times their cost price 1 . 

The return voyage was made in December or 
January by the help of the wind called Vulturous 
(S.S.E.) and of the Africus (S.W.) or Auster (S.) 
after entering the Red Sea. Under favourable cir- 
cumstances the double journey took six or seven 
months, from the summer solstice to February. 
Indian imports, instead of going on to Alexandria, 
were sometimes landed at Leuce Come in Arabia 
and thence taken to Syria by way of Petra and Gaza. 
The sea-route however was found less costly and 

With China no regular communication was 
established. The silk of the Seres, who lived north- 
west of Tibet, was chiefly brought by land to Syria, 
where it was worked up and then exported. Sailors 
however are known to have reached Further India, 
and the Romans at the beginning of the second 
century knew of the port of Cattigara, which was 
perhaps Hang-chow-foo at the mouth of the Yang- 

Central African trade came chiefly north to 
Adulis; a long list of articles is given by Pliny, 
including, besides sphinxes and slaves, ivory, rhino- 
ceros horns, hippopotamus hides, and tortoise-shell. 
The author of the Periplus knew the entrepot 
Opone south of the promontory of Aromata (C. 
Guardafui), and the island of Menuthias, probably 
Pemba or Zanzibar. The coast-line further south 
1 Cf. Dio Chrys. Or. xxxv. 72 E. Vol. n. 


was beyond his knowledge : from Menuthias he 
thought it trended sharply to the west. 

Communication between Rome and the East 2. East. 
likewise began by the Appian Way. From Capua 
there was a choice of routes to Brundisium; the 
carriage road led through Venusia to Tarentum, the 
bridle-road through Beneventum. From Brundisium 
a voyage of some twenty-four hours brought the 
traveller to Dyrrachium or Aulon, the termini of 
_the great Egnatian highway to the East. This led 
through Illyria into Macedonia, passing Edessa, 
Pella and Thessalonica, then along the neck of 
Chalcidice to Thrace, and so to Byzantium. Among 
its important branches were the roads down the 
east and west of Greece meeting at Athens, and 
the road from Aphrodisias to Calliupolis (Gallipoli) 
in the Thracian Chersonese. A crossing of an hour 
led to Lampsacus, whence the route lay across Asia 
Minor to the Syrian Antioch. Here it met the 
roads from the Euphrates and from Alexandria. 
An alternative route was from Byzantium across 
the Bosporus to Chalcedon and thence to Tarsus 
and Antioch, by way of Nicomedia, Nicaea and \ 
Ancyra. That this second route was much used is 
proved by Trajan's letter to Pliny 1 mentioning the 
military assistance given to the magistrates of 
Byzantium as being a great city where a number 
of strangers land. 

In the first century A.D. Syria was the great 
rival of Egypt in trade and manufacture. Agri- 
culture too was in a thriving state ; a good portion. 
1 Plin. Epp. ad Trai. 77 (81). 



of what is DOW called desert is rather, says Mommsen 1 , 
"the laying waste of the blessed labour of better 
times." But important as the corn, wine and oil of 
Syria were, its manufactures were more important 
still. The purple-dyed stuffs and silks of Tyre and 
Berytus, the glass of Sidon, and the fine linen of 
some half-dozen Syrian towns were exported all over 
the world. In spite of the development of the 
Egyptian route for Arabian and Indian imports, 
Syria maintained its connection with the East by 
the caravan routes. One of these ran from Antioch 
to Zeugma, where was the bridge of boats over the- 
Euphrates. Others led from Apamea, Emesa and 
Damascus to Palmyra, whence a desert route lay to- 
the Euphrates at Sura opposite Nicephorium. The 
Palmyrenes by way of return for semi-independence 
seem to have guarded the crossing of the Euphrates 
at Sura, the desert road up to their own city, and 
possibly a part of the road west to Damascus. 

The importance of Syrian commerce is attested 
by the numerous records extant of the factories 
throughout the Empire. At Puteoli were settled 
merchants from Berytus and Tyre, the latter re- 
ceiving a subvention from their mother-city for 
religious purposes. Syrians have also left records 
of settlement at Malaga, and Gazaeans at Portns, 
and we have a dedication made to L. Calpurnius 
Capitolinus by the merchants trading in Alexandria, 
Asia and Syria 2 . These busy traders were successors, 
with happier fate, of the Syrian whom Theocritus 

1 Provinces, Vol. n. p. 136. 

2 See C. L L. x. 1797; C. I. G. 5853, 5892. 


had mourned ; " Unhappy Cleonicus, thou wert 
eager to win rich Thasus, from Coele-Syria sailing 
with thy merchandise with thy merchandise, O 
Cleonicus at the setting of the Pleiades thou didst 
cross the sea and didst sink with the sinking 
Pleiades 1 ." 

Of less importance commercially but greater in 3. North. 
a military point of view were the roads to the 
imperial provinces of the North and West. The 
chief Northern road was the Via Flaminia, made by 
C. Flaminius the censor from Rome to Ariminum, 220 B.C. 
and continued by M. Aemilius Lepidus to Placentia, 187 B.C. 
and ultimately to Mediolanum. At Placentia it was 
crossed by the Postumian road from Genua by way 148 B.C. 
of Dertona to Verona and Aquileia. This road some 
thirty years later (109 B.C.) was directly connected 
with Rome by the Via Aemilia Scauri between Luna 
and Genua. 

From Mediolanum branched several routes lead- \ 
ing to Gaul, Germany, Rhaetia and Noricum. Past 
Placentia the road to Gaul lay through Augusta 
Taurinorum (Turin) north to Eporedia (Ivrea) and 
Augusta Praetoria (Aosta), which commanded two 
great Alpine routes. The southern crossed the 
Graian Alps (Little St Bernard) and led to the 
upper waters of the Isara and to Grenoble, thence 
to the Rhone at Vienna and north to Lugdunum. 
According to Strabo 2 this route was for the most 
part fit for wheeled traffic. In the wars of 69-71 A.D. 
it was often traversed, as for instance by the Four- 

1 Theocr. Epig. 9 (A. Lang's translation). 

2 Strab. p. 208. 


teenth Legion 1 which Vitellius sent back to Britain 
in 70 A.D. and by Cerealis and Annius 2 in the 
campaign against Civilis. A second Alpine route 
lay over the Cottian Alps (Mont Genevre) to the 
Druentia and Arelate : this was used by Valens the 
general of Vitellius in 69 3 . Yet a third was the 
direct but difficult pass from ^ug u 3^ a over the 
Pennine Alps (Great St Bernard), down the Rhone 
valley to the Lake of Geneva, then through Helvetia 
and across the Jura till the Rhine was struck at 
Augusta Rauracorum (above Bale). Following the 
course of the Rhine the road ran north to Argento- 
ratum (Strasburg), Noviomagus (Speyer), Borbito- 
magus (Worms) and thence to Moguntiacum (Mainz) ; 
nor did it stop here, but trending slightly to the 
north-west it passed Colonia Agrippina, Novesium 
and Vetera, on to Lugdunum Batavorum (Ley den) at 
the mouth of the Rhine. 

These Alpine routes had been developed in the 
Republican period, though often unsafe through the 
attacks of mountain-tribes. Those that remain to 
be described date from the extension of the northern 
frontier of Italy and the organization of Rhaetia and 
Noricum by Augustus and his stepsons. The starting 
point for the connection with Rhaetia was Verona, 
thence up the Athesis valley (Adige) the road lay 
across the Brenner to Augusta Vindelicorum (Augs- 
burg). This 'Via Augusta' was made in 15 B.C. by 
the elder Drusus after the conquest of Rhaetia. 
Thirty-two years later it was restored by Claudius 

1 Tac. Hist. ii. 66. 2 Ibid. iv. 68. 

3 Ibid. i. 61. 


and renamed as the Via Claudia Augusta. Near 
Feltre (Feltria) a milestone has been found stating 
that Claudius as censor had restored from Altinum 
to the Danube the road made by Drusus after 
the opening of the Alps. Another stone has been 
found near Meran. Some of the Roman roads in 
Rhaetia are used to the present day, and are less liable 
than the modern ones to destruction by floods 1 . 
The communications with Rhaetia were completed 
by a road over the Spliigen to Brigantia, north-east 
to Augusta Vindelicorum and west to Vindonissa 

For the passes over the Julian Alps the starting 
point was Aquileia, reached from Verona by the Via 
Postumia or from Ariminum by road to Ravenna, 
thence 'by boat over the 'Seven Seas' at the mouth 
of the Padus and by road again from Altinum. From 
Aquileia important roads diverged in three directions. 
The first ran north-west through the Carnic Alps 
and Noricum to Veldidena (Wilden) where it merged 
in the Via Claudia Augusta. To the north-east the 
old amber 2 trade-route led over the Julian Alps into 
Pannonia past Aemona (Lay bach), Poetovio, Savaria, 
to Carnuntum and the Danube. Pliny mentions 
that in Nero's time a Roman knight was sent by 
the manager of a gladiatorial show to get amber. 
He brought back such vast quantities from the bar- 

1 Friedlander, quoting from Planta, Das alte Edtien. 

2 Cf. Tac. Germ. 45. The Aestyi "on the right shore of the 
Suevic Sea " collected amber, for which they had no use themselves, 
and received with astonishment the large sums paid for the shape- 


barians of North Germany that it was used for knots 
on the netting that kept the beasts from the podium, 
as well as for other decorations. Apparently he 
reached the Baltic coast where the amber was found, 
and calculated the distance from Carnuntum to be 
six hundred miles. Along the Danube roads led 
west to Vindobona and east to Aquincum, parallel 
to the great 'Limes Rhaeticus/ which reaching its 
final form under Hadrian extended from the j unction 
of the Danube and the Alcimona 1 (Altmlihl) to 
Lauriacum (Lorch), the starting point of the ' Limes 
Germanicus.' Here may be mentioned too the roads 
made by Vespasian in the Agri Decumates between 
Germany and Vindelicia. The third road from 
Aquileia led east through Siscia and Sirmium to 
Viminacium, up the Morava valley to Naissus, then 
through the Balkan passes to Serdica and Philippe^ 
polis to Byzantium. This was laid out immediately 
after the annexation of Thrace in 46 A.D. and under 
Nero 2 was furnished with resting-places (tabernae) 
for ordinary soldiers and travellers, as well as 
'praetoria' for officials. 

4. West. Communication with the West was afforded 

partly by the Alpine routes already described, but the 
easier way was by the Via Aurelia from Rome past 
Centumcellae (Civita Vecchia) to Pisae and Luna to 
Genua, thence by the Via Domitia along the Ligurian 
coast to Massilia and Arelate. Still following the 
coast-line, the road, now the Via Augusta, was con- 
tinued to Narbo and over the Pyrenees to Tarraco, 

1 Bury, Student's Roman Empire, p. 405. 2 C. I. L. in. 6123. 


thence across the Iberus through Valentia to the 
mouth of the Sucro. It then turned inland over 
the watershed of the Baetis, through Corduba and 
Hispalis to Gades. In the first period of the Empire 
much was done to improve communication in Spain, 
as is evident from the number of milestones and . 
other inscriptions existing. 

The same may be said of the roads in Gaul laid 
out under the supervision of Agrippa with Lugdunum 
as their centre. Thence diverged the southern route 
to Arelate along the Rhone, and the western into 
Aquitania through the Arverni and Augustoritum 
(Limoges). Northwards the route lay up the Arar 
valley to Cabillonum, whence communication with 
the Rhine was afforded by a road up the Dubis 
valley striking ultimately into that from the Pennine 
pass. From Cabillonum Northern Gaul was reached 
by way of Augustodunum (Autun), Durocortorum 
(Rheims), Samarobriva (Amiens) to Gesoriacum 
(Boulogne) the port for Britain. 

By the date of the Antonine Itinerary the road- 
system in Britain was very complete. Even in the 
first century all the more important stations were 
connected by roads radiating from Camalodunum 
and Londinium. The chief were Watling Street/ 
leading to Uriconium (Wroxeter) and Isca (Caerleon)( 
Ermine Street from Londinium to Camalodunum, 
Lindum and Eboracum. A continuation of Watling 
Street connected Londinium with the coast at 
Rutupiae (Richborough), while the Fosse Way ran 
right across the country from Isca (Exeter) to 


An account of the great lines of communication 
would be incomplete without some mention of the 
customs-duties levied at various points on them. 
The 'portoria' were strictly levied at the frontiers, 
all imported wares paying duty, while some wares, 
iron especially, were forbidden to be exported. We 
know of nine specially organized taxation provinces ; 
thus Asia formed one, Bithynia, Paphlagonia and 
Pontus another, and so forth 1 . The amount of duty 
was usually 2^ per cent.,, but all Arabian and Indian 
goods had to pay 25 per cent, on being landed at 
any Red Sea harbour. Ethiopian goods paid duty 
at Syene : Egyptian exports paid at Schedia near 
Alexandria or at some other of the Nile mouths. 
The strictness with which dues were levied is illus- 
trated by a chance allusion in Plutarch's essay on 
Curiosity. " We are not vexed," he writes, " with the 
custom-house officers if they levy tolls on goods bona 
fide imported, but only when they seek for contra- 
band articles and rip up bags and packages ; and yet 

1 These taxation provinces were : 

1. Sicily, duty of 5 / . 

2. Spanish provinces, duty of 2%. 

3. Gallia Narb., duty of 2^/ . 

4. The three Gauls, duty of 2^/ . 

(5 custom-houses known.) 

5. Britain, duty of 2|/ probably. 

6. Moesia, Eipa, Thracia, Pannonia, Dalmatia, Noricum, 

duty of 2i/ . 

7. Asia, duty of 2i/ . 

8. Bithynia &c., duty of 2/ . 

9. Egypt. 

(From Arnold, Roman System of Provincial Administration, 
based on Marquardt.) 


the law allows them to do so and it is injurious to 
them not to do so." 

Such is the outline of the road-system in the 
Empire, extending from the northern frontier of 
Britain to the borders of Ethiopia a thousand miles 
away, and to an even greater distance measured 
from east to west. A calculation has been made 
by Stephan of the length of a circular tour as 
follows : from Alexandria to Carthage, Gades, Lug- 
dun um, Gesoriacum, across to Londinium and the 
frontier of Britain on the north, back to Lugdunum 
Batavorum, Moguntiacum, Mediolanum, Aquileia, 
Byzantium, thence to Antioch and back to Alexan- 
dria. The total length he makes to be 1824 miles, 
of which all but about 180 miles could be traversed 
by Imperial roads. 



Making THE next point to consider is the construction of 

of roads, this vast network of communications. A Roman 
road was intended to last; planned with utter dis- 
regard of expense and labour it was indeed 'fortified' 
rather than made 1 . Straightness and uniformity of 
level wherever possible were secured, no matter the /' 
difficulty of aqueducts or tunnels 2 . Thus the Via 
Appia is built on solid masonry through the valley 
of Aricia, and in the time of Augustus a tunnel, still 
in use, was cut to a length of half-a-mile out of the 
solid rock. Vitruvius, the writer on architecture in*" 1 
the Augustan period, gives full details as to making 
pavement; the process is also described by Statius 
in the poem 3 which celebrates the paving of the 
Via Domitiana from Sinuessa to Puteoli. The poet 
rejoices that the muddiness caused by the inunda- 
tions of the Vulturnus is now removed, and that a 

1 In inscriptions the phrase for paving a road is silice 
sternere, elsewhere ' munire.' 

2 Cf. Middleton, Remains of Ancient Rome, Vol. n. p. 353. 

3 Silv. iv. 3. 

CH. Ill] 



journey which formerly took the whole day was 
accomplished in under two hours: 

"At nunc quae solidum diem terebat 
horarum via facta vix duarum." 

He then goes on to describe the marking out of the 
road by digging two parallel ditches (suld or fossae) 
within which the bed was first excavated (gremium). 
The width between the trenches varied with the 
importance of the road. On the Appian and 
Flarninian Ways it was from 13 to 15 feet, while 
the road up the Alban Mount to the Temple of 
Jupiter Latiaris measured only 8. If a firm bed 
for the pavement or dorsum could riot be otherwise 
obtained, wooden piles ( fistucationes) were driven 
in. Then came the work of filling in, first with the 
'statumen,' stones as large as the hand could grasp, 
then with the rubble (radus), a mixture of stones 
and lime about nine inches thick, well rammed down 
with wooden beetles ; above this came the ' nucleus/ 
a six-inch layer of pounded pottery or burnt brick 
mixed with lime. Lastly was laid the pavimentum 
itself, usually polygonal blocks of lava (silex) most 
carefully jointed together 1 . In the Forum at Rome 
a fragment of old road still remains, but in most 
places the blocks have been relaid in later times. 
At the sides of the lava paving were kerbs of 
tufa, peperino or travertine (crepidines). On one of 
these Marios sat when " an exile among the ruins of 
Carthage 2 ." They were the favourite resting-places 

1 Cf. Tibull. i. 7. 60, apta iungitur arte silex. 

2 Sen. Rhet. Contr. 17 6, p. 198, quoted by Mayor, Juv. u. 
p. 150. 


of beggars, as we learn from Juvenal, who asks the 
poor client if he can find no vacant kerb-stone or 
bridge rather than endure the meanness of a rich 
patron 1 . The side-paths or ' margines ' seem to 
have been laid with gravel outside Rome, and inside 
with rectangular slabs of hard stone (saxum quad- 
ratum). The centre of the road was raised to let 
the water run off, and cloacae were formed along 
both sides with pipes at intervals. According to 
Plutarch, horseblocks were placed here and there 
along the Italian roads by C. Gracchus for the con- 
venience of riders. Gracchus also paid much 
attention to the erection of milestones, though it 
is scarcely likely that none had been put up before, 
as Plutarch seems to imply. The total expense 
of a mile of Roman road has been calculated by ? 
Friedlander as 100,000 sesterces or about 800 of 
our money. 

This elaborate system of paving was adopted 
from the Carthaginians 2 . By the end of the Republic 
it had been so fully carried out in Italy that there 
were at least eleven important roads radiating from 
Rome. In the provinces comparatively little had 
been done, but Polybius mentions a road in the 
Narbonensis, and Cicero the repair of the Via 
Domitia by the lieutenants of M. Fonteius 5 , 
Further, the Via Egnatia was constructed after 
the revolt of Macedonia in 149 B.C. 

During this period the care of the roads was a 

1 Juv. v. 8. 2 Isidore, Lib. 15, quoted by Bergier, Bk i. 

3 Cic. pro M. Font. c. 4. 


duty of the^cenaors 1 , with whom the aediles were often Repair of 
associated. They were superseded by a board O f roads - 
four commissioners for roads inside the city and of 
two for those outside it, an arrangement which 
shows the comparative insignificance as yet of the 
provincial highways. The date of this change is 
unknown, but it is first mentioned in the Lex lulia 
Municiplalis of 45 B.C. 2 These commissioners 
formed part of the body known as the viginti 
sexviri, reduced by Augustus to the viginti viri. 
Already, however, curators had been sometimes ap-_ 
pointed for some of the great roads. Julius Caesar 
had been curator of the Appian Way: the care of 
the Flaminian had been entrusted to Thermus, a 
friend of Cicero's 3 . Augustus made the office ! 
permanent, and put the holders on a level with 
the ordinary magistrates. Under them were con- 
tractors (mancipes) and a staff of workmen. Com- 
plaints against these contractors for fraud seem to 
have been frequent 5 . The actual makers of the 
road, besides skilled workmen, civil and military 6 , 

1 Cf. Liv. ix. 29, ix. 43, x. 23. Epit. xx., xn. 27. Strabo, p. 217. 

2 See Mommsen, Staatsrecht, Vol. n. p. 588, p. 50 et seq. 
quominus aed(iles) et imvir(ei) vieis in urbem purgandeis, 
nvir(ei) vieis extra propiusve urbem Rom(am) passus [M] pur- 
gandeis queiquomque erunt vias publicas curent eiusque rei 
potestatem habeant ita utei legibus pl(ebei) sc(itis) s(enatus) 
c(onsultus) oportet oportebit, cum h(ac) l(ege) n(ihil) r(ogatur). 

p. 69, quorum locorum quoiusque porticus aedilium eorum- 
ve mag(istratuum) quei vieis loceisque publiceis u(rbis) E(omae) 
propiusve u(rbem) R(omam) p(assus) M purgandeis praerunt, 
legibus procuratis erit. 

3 Cic. ad Att. i. 1, 2. 4 Dio Cass. 59. 15. 
5 See Tac. Ann. m. 31. 6 Ibid. i. 35. 


were in many cases the provincials and condemned 
criminals. Road- making is one of the hardships 
mentioned by the chief Galgacus in his speech 
before the battle of the Graupian Mounts Criminals 
imprisoned in Italy were by Nero's orders conveyed 
to Lake Avernus for the construction of his projected 
canal to Ostia ; in fact some were condemned ex- 
pressly for the work 2 . Trajan mentions road-making \ 
as one of the occupations ' nearly penal ' and fit for 
criminals who had eluded punishment 3 . Gaius, 
among other enormities, condemned men of good 
station to the mines, to the making of roads, or to 
the wild beasts 4 . 
Expense Under the Empire the expense of making and 

of main- 

maintaining roads in Italy fell theoretically on the 
aerarium, those outside were kept up by the fiscus. 
In practice the two funds were amalgamated when- 
ever the aerarium was empty. Roads in Rome and 
doubtless in other cities were paved by the owners 
of property. The viae vicinales were kept up by 
the local authorities called ' magistri pagorum,' who 
levied a kind of parish rate 5 . Augustus spent much 
of his private means on the roads 6 , even melting 
down his silver presentation statues. His muni- 
ficence is attested by the repair of the Flaminian 
Road; as a memorial a triumphal arch was set up at 
Arimiuum 7 . At the same time (17 B.C.) an aureus 
was struck "showing on the reverse part of the Via 

1 Tac. Agric. ch. 31. 2 Suet. Ner. 31. 

3 Plin. Epp. ad Trai. 32 (41). 4 Suet. Gal 27. 

5 Sic. Flacc. De Cond. Agr. ed Goes, p. 9, quoted by Middleton. 

6 Dio Cass. 53. 7 Gruter, p. 149, No. 2. 





Flarainia, carried over a bridge, and surmounted by Activity 
a triumphal arch on which was a statue of the g4p!?ror 
emperor, in a biga, crowned by Victory. The legend in ro , ad ~ 
is Q VOD VIAE MVNitae - SVNT " (Middleton). Another 
coin of Augustus struck in gold and silver states that 
he had given from his privy purse to the aerarium 
for the repair of the roads. He was heartily seconded 
in his efforts by his son-in-law Agrippa, who when 
aedile in 33 had spent large sums in paving the 
streets of Rome. Many contributions too were 
received from men who had received triumphal 
ornaments and a share in the spoil 1 from the enemy. 

< Not only Italy, but the provinces, especially Gaul, 
Rhaetia, Noricum and Spain owed the beginning or 
the development of their roads to Augustus. This 

\^side of his work of reorganization is therefore fitly 
commemorated in the Monumentum Ancyranum*: 

i "In my seventh consulship I paved the Flaminian 

I jWay from the city to Ariminum, and repaired all 
the bridges save the Mulvian and Minucian 3 ." 

Under Tiberius we find much evidence of activity 
in the same direction in Dalmatia, Moesia, Gaul and 
Spain 4 . An instance of his practical turn is given 
by Suetonius: he advised that the inhabitants of 
Trebia might be allowed to spend on a new road the 

1 pecunia mamibialis. 2 20. 

3 Cf. an inscription at Emerita in Spain (Grrut. p. 149) which 
states that " Augustus after pacifying the world by land and sea, 
closing the Temple of Janus, and benefiting the Roman people 
by salutary laws, had widened and repaired the road (sc. passing 
Emerita) and extended it to Gades." 

4 See C. I. L. in. 3198, 3201, 1698. Rushforth, Nos. 88, 89. 
Grut. 153. 5 and 7. C. I. L. v. 698, w. 810. 


sum bequeathed for a new theatre. The senate 
however disagreed with him, and decided that the 
testator's wishes should be respected 1 . Gaius, as 
might be expected, did not interest himself in any- 
thing so commonplace and useful as a road, but his 

' successor Claudius resumed the policy of Augustus. 

I His repair of the Via Augusta over the Rhaetian 
Alps has been mentioned in another connection 2 : 
Pliny the elder speaks with approval of the roads he 
hewed out between the mountains and the bridges 
he constructed at enormous expense 3 . Nero's reign, 
at least the later part, was a repetition of that of 
Gaius. Still we find that besides the above- 
mentioned improvements in the Thracian roads, 
milestones bearing his name were set up at Errea 

{ and Cordova 4 . Of Vespasian's work there are many 

\ traces, especially in Spain ; for example he restored 
;at his own expense the road from Coppara to 
^Emerita 5 . Aurelius Victor speaks of the excellent 
roads he constructed throughout the Roman do- 
minion, notably a tunnel 200 paces in length cut 
through the Apennines on the Flaminian Road near 
the modern Furlo. So wonderful was the work that 
it received a special name, the Pertusa Petra ; the 
inscription on the arch records that Vespasian had 

1 Suet. Tib. 31. 

2 C. I. L. m. pt 1, p. 61, No. 346, date 59/8 A.D. 

3 Cf. 152. 9 ; Grut. 153. 9. 

4 Grut. 154. 1, 2. Bergier, Vol. i. pp. 50, 51. Cf. C. I. L. in. 
pt 1, p. 61, No. 346. 

5 Grut. 154. 3. Cf. C. I. L. in. pt 1, p. 88, No. 470, 
A.D. 75. 


acted in the capacity of censor 1 . Again, a senatus 
consultum is extant which was passed in gratitude 
for the money he spent on restoring the roads of the 
city "which through the neglect of former times had 
fallen into disrepair 2 ." Titus in his brief reign seems 
to have followed his father's policy : a milestone of 
his remains in which the affection borne to him is 
commemorated in the words Generis Humani Amor 
et Desiderium*. Domitian too was a great road- 
maker 4 : the Via Domitiana celebrated by Statius 
was but one of his undertakings. A milestone of 
his records that he had ordered the completion of 
the road planned by his father and left unfinished 
through the knavery of the contractors : they were 
[ now severely punished and disabled from holding 
public office again 5 . 

But perhaps the emperor who, after Augustus, 
did most for communications was Trajan : his 
harbour works will be described later, but his road- 
making is equally important. A description of it 
comes from a somewhat unlikely quarter. Galen in 
his Method of Medicine compares the works of his 
great predecessor Hippocrates to roads that need 
improvement and cleaning. He goes on to say that 
Trajan paved and embanked the roads in Italy that 
had become damp and muddy, cleaned those that 
were overgrown with weeds and thorns, and carried 
bridges over unfordable rivers, besides making short 
cuts and gentler ascents wherever possible 6 . Among 

1 Grut. 149. 7. 2 Ibid. 243. 2. 3 Ibid. 155. 3. 

4 C. I. L. m. 1, p. 57, Nos. 312, 318. 5 Grut. p. 155. 

6 Galen, Meth. Med. Bk 9 ; cf. Grut. 151. 2. 



his most important undertakings was the draining of 
the Pontine marshes and the continuation of the Via 
Appia from Forum Appii to the Temple of Feronia 
near Tarracina. Before this the Via Appia had 
made a detour to avoid the marshes, and travellers 
to save time used to cross by night in barges, as 
Maecenas and Horace did on their journey to 
Brundisium 1 . 

Road- Such benefactions as those above described came 

making by f rom private persons as well as from the emperors. 
persons. In honour of Augustus seven citizens of Falerii, 
holding the office of Augustales, paved the Via 
Augusta from the Via Annia outside the gate to the 
Temple of Ceres 2 . So too a physician, once a slave, 
leaves 307,000 sesterces to be spent for the public 
good on making roads. Lacer at Alcantara built a 
stone bridge and inscribed it with a dedication in 
elegiacs to Trajan. So too the Aquiflavienses dedi- 
cated to the same emperor a bridge made at their 
own cost. A similar act of generosity is recorded 
four or five miles from Ephesus on the road to 
Tralles 3 : the inscription in Greek and Latin on the 
remains of an aqueduct states that Sextilius and his 
wife and family have erected a bridge at their own 
expense in honour of the Ephesian Diana, Augustus, 
Tiberius and the city of Ephesus. Often the offi- 
cial curators themselves would defray part of the 
necessary charges; thus we find that a certain 

1 Hor. Sat. i. 5. Strab. v. 232. 

2 Panvini, In urbe Rom., Bergier, p. 88, Vol. i. Bergier ad 
loc. cit. 

3 C. I. L. m. 1, p. 81. 

Ill] BRIDGES 53 

L. Appuleius " duumvir, curator viarum sternen- 
darum " made 10,000 feet of road with his own 
purse 1 . Such liberality was often rewarded with 
honorary distinctions ; the senate, for instance, with 
Trajan's consent, conferred the triumphal ornaments 
on certain officers who had acted as commissioners 
of roads 2 . 

In order to complete the subject of road- making Bridges. 
something must be said of the bridges in Rome and 
the provinces. Most is known of course about those 
across the Tiber. In the first century A.D. they 
numbered at least eight. By far the oldest was the 
Pons Sublicius, so called from the 'sublicae' or 
wooden beams composing it. Only wood was used 
for repairs, a custom originating in the legend that 
Rome had been saved from Lars Porsenna and the 
Tarquins by the cutting down of the bridge. The 
real reason had been forgotten, viz. the belief that 
to erect a bridge was to deprive the river-god of the 
victims who would otherwise have been drowned in 
trying to cross. A compromise between piety and 
convenience was found by making a slight structure 
which was less likely to offend the god than solid 
masonry. In 69 A.D. it was carried away by a 
sudden inundation of the Tiber: the site is not 
certain but probably was near the Forum Boarium. 

The first stone bridge in Rome was the Pons 
Aemilius, begun in 179 B.c. by M. Aemilius Lepidus, 
and finished in 142 B.C. by Scipio Nasica, the 
adversary of Tiberius Gracchus, and L. Mummius, 

1 Panvini, Urbs Romae, Middleton, Vol. n. p. 357. 

2 Bergier, Vol. i. p. 8. 


the conqueror of Corinth. It led straight to the 
Forum Boarium and the Circus Maximus 1 . Next 
in age comes the Mulvian (Milvian) Bridge built in 
109 B.C. by the censor M. Aemilius Scaurus, who 
played so ignoble a part in the Jugurthan War. 
On it the Via Flaminia crossed the Tiber. From 
the left bank to the Insula Tiberina still runs the 
Pons Fabricius, built in 62 B.C. by L. Fabricius, a 
curator viarum 2 . It is built of two semicircular 
arches of peperino and tufa faced on both sides 
with massive blocks of travertine. From the Insula 
to the Janiculan bank rose the single arch of the 
Pons Cestius built by L. Cestius (praefectus urbi) in 
46 B.C. Of less importance are the Pons Neronianus, 
begun by Gaius and finished by Nero ; the Pons 
Agrippae, discovered in 1887 near the Ponte Sisto ; 
and the Pons Aurelius, probably on the site of the 
Ponte Sisto. The date of the last-named is not 
known, but as it was restored in the time of Hadrian 
it must have been used in the first century A.D. 3 

Of the bridges in the provinces only a few can 
be mentioned: important commercially was the 
bridge of boats at Zeugma, the great crossing of the 
Euphrates 4 . The most famous was Trajan's bridge 
over the Danube at the Iron Gate, probably below 
Orsova. According to Dio Cassius it was made 'of 

1 Ov. Fast. vi. 477. 

2 Repeated both sides on one of the arches is this inscription : 
L. Fabricius C. F. Cur. viar. faciundum coeravit eidemq. probavit. 

3 The section on Eoman bridges is taken from Middleton, 
Remains of Ancient Rome, Vol. n. ch. xii. 

4 Tac. Ann. xii. 12. 


square stories and contained twenty arches, each 
60 feet in breadth, 1.20 feet above the foundation, 
and 170 feet apart. Merivale, however, concludes 
from the representation on Trajan's Column that 
only the piers were of masonry, the superstructure 
of wood, and refuses to accept Dio's measurements 1 . . 
However that may be, there is no doubt that the 
bridge was a triumph of engineering skill, for it was 
thrown over the narrowest part of the river where 
the current was strongest. The architect was 
Apollodorus of Damascus, who left a description of 
his masterpiece. The arches were broken down by 
Hadrian for fear lest the barbarians should cross 
over into Roman territory, but Dio Cassius saw the 
piers still standing. To this bridge Pliny doubtless 
refers in the letter 2 to his friend Caninius who was 
planning a poem on Trajan's Dacian wars. "You 
will sing," he writes, "of fresh rivers taught to 
penetrate the soil, of fresh bridges thrown over 
rivers, of mountain steeps occupied by camps, of a 
king who, though palace and life were lost, rose 
superior to despair." Besides the Danube, the 
Rhine, Euphrates and Tigris were also bridged by 
Trajan. The best idea of a Roman bridge may 
perhaps be gathered from the description of the 
Pont du Gard near Nismes (Nemausus), erected 
probably under Antoninus. It is about 880 ft. long 
and 160 ft. high and is composed of three tiers of 
arches, each less wide than the one below. The 

I whole is constructed of large stones, and no cement 
has been used except for the canal on the top. 
1 Meriv. vin. p. 37 et seq. 2 Plin. Epp. vm. 4, 2. 


More than two thousand miles away from Nismes 
is a bridge which must bring home even more 
forcibly the enduring nature of Roman work. In 
a desolate region 1 near Samsat, the ancient Samo- 
sata, whose only inhabitants now are a few Kurdish 
herdsmen, is a Roman bridge consisting of a single 
arch 112 feet in span, the keystone being 56 feet 
above mean water-level. It formed part of a frontier 
road following the Euphrates line, and was restored 
by Septimius Severus so perfectly that it has lasted 
till to-day. 

Vehicles. With regard to the vehicles used in travelling 

much information exists. There was an ample 
choice ranging from the luxurious litter (lectica) 
borne by eight sturdy slaves to the humble reda or 
( family coach and still humbler waggon or plaustrum. 
Beginning with the litter we find that it was carried 
by means of poles 2 running probably through rings 
fixed at the sides or perhaps attached by cords or 
thongs. The poles were often useful for thrusting 
the crowd 3 out of the way and as weapons. When 
Gaius was murdered, at the first sound of the scuffle 
his litter-bearers with their poles ran up to help 4 . 
Nothing was left undone to make the reclining 
traveller comfortable. Pliny the younger says that 
when he was suffering from weak eyes 5 he was 
as well sheltered in a litter as in a chamber. 

1 Kiakhta is the modern name of the nearest village. Hogarth, 
Wandering Scholar, p. 116. 

2 asseres. 

3 Juv. vii. 132, perque forum iuvenes longo premit assere 
Maedos. . 

4 Suet. Gal. 58. 5 Plin. Epp. vn. 21. 


A leather head and curtains kept off the heat 1 , 
but not always the intrusive basiator, from whose 
inconvenient affection, says Martial, there is no 
escape. In later times greater seclusion was ob- 
tained by the use of ' lapis specularis ' or glass. 
Tiberius was hard-hearted enough, after his daughter- 
in-law and nephews had been condemned, never to 
let them travel except in litters with curtains sewed 
up all round 2 . Many luxurious fops lolled on pillows 
which seemed to Juvenal fit for king Sardanapalus, 
and drew from Seneca the indignant protest that 
the youths of his day were put to shame by the 
equestrian statue of the maiden Cloelia 3 . The 
litter-bearers were usually Syrian or Cappadocian 
slaves, six or eight in number 4 , dressed in bright 
red travelling cloaks made often of fine wool from 
Canusium ; hence their name of canusinati 5 . Litters 
might be hired at Castra Lecticariorum in the 14th 
region of Rome (trans Tiberim). The bearers formed 
guilds, as is seen from an inscription found in 
Wallachia; Cornelius Cornelianus defensor lecti- 
cariorum and his wife Bessa record a dedication to 
the goddess Nemesis 6 . As a rule litters were only 
used by women or by rich and luxurious men. 
Martial ridicules a youth, who was poorer than Irus 
and younger than Parthenopaeus, and yet was 
carried by six Cappadocian slaves 7 . Julius Caesar 

1 Mart. vii. 95, xi. 98, xn. 26. 2 Suet. Tib-. 64. 

3 Sen. ad Marc. 16, 1. 

4 hexaphoron (Mart. n. 81). octaphoron (Suet. Gal. 43). 

5 Mart. ix. 22. 6 C. I. L. Vol. in. pt 1, No. 1438. 
7 Mart. vi. 77, n. 81. 


restricted their use to certain persons and times, but 
this was only a temporary regulation 1 . 

The sedan-chair-or^se/Za was likewise much used ; 
in this the traveller sat, hence it was not nearly so 
comfortable as a litter. Augustus when consul used 
to go about in a chair, as did also the elder Pliny, 
dictating all the while to his secretary to save time 2 . 
Like the lectica the sella gestatoria could be closed 
with curtains, thus making possible the trick which 
Juvenal's client whose wife is away at home plays 
on his patron 3 . 

Vehicles proper may be classified as two-wheeled 
and four-wheeled. The most often mentioned of 
the former kind is the -essedum , properly a two- 
wheeled chariot used by the Gauls and Britons. 
It was used especially on state occasions ; thus Gaius 
was accompanied in his journey over the bridge of 
boats at Baiae by a suite of friends 'in essedis 4 '; in a 
chariot he crossed the Rhine between his troops, and 
in a chariot he rode, as the story tells, while certain 
grave and reverend senators, in their hot togas, 
had to race by the side. These vehicles were often 
profusely decorated ; one of Claudius' noteworthy 
acts as censor was to order the purchase and de- 
struction in his own presence of a magnificent silver 
chariot exposed for sale in the image market 5 . 
'Silver' here probably means ornamented in Etruscan 
fashion with embossed metal plates 6 . Pliny the 
elder too speaks of the extravagance with which the 

1 Suet. Jul. 43. - Plin. Epp. in. 5, 15, 16. 

3 Juv. i. 124. 4 Suet. Gal. 19, 26, 51. 

5 Suet. Claud. 16. e Becker, Gallus, p. 348 etc. 


precious metals were used 1 for the decoration of all 
sorts of vehicles. 

The carpentum was a covered^ two- wheeled 
carriage used especially by women on state occa- 
sions, as for instance by Messalina 2 and Agrippina 3 
in pursuance of a decree of the senate 4 . " Coins of 
the elder Agrippina, of Livia, of the Domitillae, 
wife and daughter of Vespasian, have the carpen- 
tum " (Mayor 5 ). It was also used for travelling, as 
by Cynthia the mistress of Propertius, who drove to 
Lanuvium in a carpentum with silk curtains 6 . 

A vehicle especially praised by Martial is the 
covinus, a sort of travelling chariot or tilbury which 
could be driven by the traveller himself. He had 
received a present of one from his friend Aelianus 
and writes an epigram praising its 'pleasant solitude/ 
for " the driver is nowhere, and the nags will hold 
their tongues 7 ." Of much the same kind was the 
cisium or cabriolet in which Cicero's enemy Antonius 
travelled at full speed from Saxa Rubra to the city 8 ; 
but few references to it occur. 

Of larger four-wheeled vehicles the most used 
was the reda or coach, drawn by two or four horses 
and constructed to carry both passengers and goods. 
At first it was a family coach ; thus Juvenal's 
Umbricius, who was driven away by the worries of 

1 Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 17. 2 Suet. Claud. 17. 

3 Tac. Ann. xii. 42. 

4 Carpenta often carried the effigies of the dead in processions. 
Suet. Claud. 11 ; Gal. 15. 

5 Juv. n. p. 33. 6 Prop. iv. 8, 53. 

7 Mart. Ep. xn. 24. 8 Cic. Phil. n. 31. 77. 


Rome, packed his whole household into a single 
reda 1 ; later it served as a stage-coach. It was a 
"cumbrous thing, as appears from the passage in 
which Juvenal says that at Rome the noise of 
passing coaches (redae) in the narrow streets, to- 
gether with the din 2 when a herd of cattle was 
blocked, would awaken " even the Emperor Claudius 
or sea-calves." Lavish decorations were often seen 
on the body and even on the wheels ; state coaches 
had gilded wheels, rich silver mountings and purple 
hangings. A leather hood was provided to keep off 
sun and rain. 

While the master travelled in his coach, the 
servants usually were accommodated in the less 
i fashionable petorritum or waggon. The necessity of 
I taking a train of these on a journey is reckoned by 
Horace as one of the drawbacks of wealth and 
position 3 . Of the same class was the carruca, which 
appears from a reference in the Digest to have been 
fitted up sometimes as a sleeping-car 4 (carruca 
dormitoria). Occasionally it was gorgeously orna- 
mented, as for instance the one which Martial says 
cost as much as a farm 5 . Then there was the 
pilentum, a car used for state occasions like the 
carpentum, but on four wheels ; the basterna, some- 
thing between a carriage and a litter, being carrieji 
by two mules in shafts one before and one behind, 

1 Juv. in. 10. 2 Juv. in. 2368. 

3 Hor. Sat. i. 6, 104. 

4 Scaev. Dig. xxxiv. 2. 13, quoted by Becker in Excursus in 
Gallus on vehicles. 

5 Mart. in. 72. 

Ill] RIDING 61 

and lastly the rough plaustra and serraca, waggons 
for heavy goods ; and axes or drays for marble and 

These wheeled vehicles were drawn by horses or 
mules which were changed at stages on the journey. 
A small breed of Gallic nags (manni or mannuli) 
was much esteemed for speed and endurance 1 . 
Drivers and porters seem to have been under some 
kind of supervision ; we find a superiumentarius, i.e. 
' an ex-superintendent of drivers ' filling the office of 
pedagogue to the young Claudius 2 , and the porters 
(geruli) were mulcted by Gaius of one-eighth of their 
day's earnings. 

Carriage-traffic seems to have been so general 
for people of any means that but few references 
occur to riding. Domitian 3 , according to Suetonius, 
disliking exertion, did not walk much in the city, 
seldom rode when on campaigns and was constantly 
carried in a litter. A century earlier, however, 
Horace congratulated himself on being able to ride 
on a mule to Tarentum with nothing but a saddle- 
bag; the praetor Tillius had to take five slaves to 
carry his cooking utensils and wine basket 4 . Per- 
sons who had not even Horace's modest competence 
travelled on foot, with companions whenever possible. 
Dio Chrysostom in the account of his wanderings 
lays stress on the fact that during his exile he was 

1 Cf. Mart. xii. 24. Suet. Jul 31; Aug. 36; Cal 39. 
Juv. in. 317. 
| 2 Suet. Cl. 2. 
} 3 Suet. Dom. 19. 
H.Hor. Sat. i. 6. 107. 


not only without hearth and home but without a 
single attendant 1 . The poor had at least this ad- 
vantage, that highwaymen left them alone. In the 
Euboean Idyll' 2 ' Dio says that he was not afraid of 
following the two huntsmen because he had " only a 
wretched himation." Few lines of Juvenal 3 have 
become as proverbial as 

" Cantabit vacuus coram latrone viator." 

The luxury of the age showed itself clearly in 
the elaborate preparations made for travelling. In 
the preceding century Lucullus had been censured 
by old-fashioned persons for taking mosaic pave- 
ments and magnificent furniture on his Asiatic 
campaigns ; Julius Caesar 4 had done the same ; but 
the extravagance of the early Empire exceeds 
anything we read of under the Republic. Gaius 
on his journey to Germany sometimes went so fast 
that the praetorian cohorts were compelled to have 
their standards put on baggage-animals, and follow 
in most unmilitary haste. Sometimes again he had 
a fancy for travelling slowly in a palanquin and 
making the common people of the cities he passed 
sweep the roads for him and sprinkle them to lay 
the dust 5 . He left an imitator in Nero who, we 
are told, never made a journey with fewer than a 
hundred travelling chariots ; the mules were silver- 
shod, the muleteers dressed in bright red travelling 
cloaks, while the crowd of Cappadocian slaves wore 

1 Or. XL. 159 E, ii. i. 59 E, xm. 421 E. 

2 D. Chrys. Or. vn. 223 E. 3 Juv. x. 1921. 
4 Suet. Jul. 46. 5 Suet. Gal. 43. 


bracelets on their arms and ornaments on their heads 
and breasts 1 . Vitellius floated down the rivers of 
Gaul, to win and lose the Empire, on flower-decked 
barges carrying a quantity of dainties that disgusted 
even the Romans 2 . The number of slaves taken on 
journeys was enormous : in the cities harbingers or 
anteambulones went in front of the litters to clear 
the way with the words "Give place to my lord." 
If words did not suffice, elbows and hands were 
brought into play : among the minor miseries of 
Roman life Juvenal 3 mentions the risk of being 
poked with the elbow or with a hard pole in a 
dense crowd. Martial wittily suggests to his patron 
that a freedman who can keep off the crowd with a 
shove will be a far more serviceable visitor than 
an ' honestus cliens.' Outside the city walls swift 
Numidian riders and runners were much in vogue : 
we hear too of scouts to find out the condition of 
the road. Once on a march Tiberius' litter was 
stopped by the way being overgrown with brush- 
wood; the scout by his orders was put on the 
ground and scourged almost to death 4 . Augustus in 
spite of his simple habits liked to be attended on 
his journeys by his grandsons 5 , who drove in front or 
rode at the side of his carriage. 

Moralists like Seneca were indignant at such Letter- 
unnecessary pomp and wished " that Cato the censor 
could see some of the rich coxcombs with their 
Numidian runners stirring up a cloud of dust 6 ." 

1 Suet. Ner. 30. 2 Suet. Vitell. 16. 

3 Juv. in. 245. 4 Suet. Tib. 60. 

5 Suet. Aug. 64. 6 Sen. Ep. 87, 9. 


Yet these served for use as well as for show, in 
carrying letters. Official despatches, as already 
stated, were sent by the imperial post, but in the 
first century A.D. private letters were still sent by 
messengers (tabellarii or cur sores} 1 - Letter- writing 
was very frequent, as the ten books of Pliny's 
correspondence show. A ready writer himself, he 
expected his friends to follow suit; in a letter to 
his wife Calpurnia, who was recovering in the 
country from an illness, he makes the rather 
unreasonable request that she will calm his fears 
by writing once and even twice a day. Again and 
again he asks his friends to let him hear oftener of 
their welfare 2 . Letters naturally did not arrive with 
great speed or regularity: " Your letters," writes Pliny 
to Romanus, "have at length reached me, and I 
received three at once 3 ." On the borders of the 
Empire, e.g. at Tomi, the time occupied between 
sending the letter and receiving an answer might 
be as long as a year; at least Ovid makes this 
complaint when he sends to Gallio a letter of 
condolence on bis wife's death 4 . Runners were 
also employed to convey despatches of the emperor's 
in or near Rome. Among the kindly acts of Titus 
it is recorded that he sent his own messengers to 
tell the mother of a conspirator that his life was 
safe 5 . With very different feelings, according to 

1 Plin. Ep. vii. 12 6. Mart. in. 100. 1. 

2 e.g. Plin. vin. 17. 3 Plin. ix. 28. 

4 Ov. Ep. ex Pont. iv. 12, 

" Dum tua pervenit, dum littera nostra recurrens 
Tot maria ac terras permeat, annus abit." 

5 Suet. Tit. 9. 


Tacitus, did Domitian receive by relays of runners 
between Alba and Rome the news of Agricola's 
death 1 . 

An explanation of the number of running foot- Street 
men, litters and sedan-chairs employed lies partly in 
the fact that driving in Rome and the Italian cities 
was forbidden except at night. The streets of Rome 
before the rebuilding under Nero were inconveniently 
narrow even for litters 2 . Augustus, we are told, 
when suffering from sleeplessness at night, would 
take a nap in his litter if it had to be put down 
because of a block. The tabula Heracleensis forbids 
carts or carriages to pass through Rome during the 
first ten hours of the day, the only exception being 
vehicles employed in public work, and those con- 
veying the Vestal Virgins, the rex sacrorum, flamens 
at public sacrifices, and generals celebrating a 
triumph. The same grace applied to processions 
at public games, especially the Circensian, and to 
market and farm carts which had entered the town 
by night 3 . 

This heavy night traffic was an annoyance almost 
unendurable to sleepers in poor and crowded quarters 
of the city. " It costs a fortune," says Juvenal, " to 
be able to sleep in Rome 4 ." There seems reason to 
doubt whether, in spite of prohibitions, vehicles did 
not sometimes drive within the walls by day. Seneca 
at one time had a town house near the Meta Sudans, 
the fountain close to which the Colosseum was after- 
wards built ; he reckons the passing chariots as no 

1 Tac. Agr. 43. 2 Tac. Ann. xv. 38. 

3 Mayor, Juv. n. p. 77. 4 Juv. in. 235. 

s. 5 


less a nuisance than his neighbours the blacksmith 
and the sawyer 1 . That the practice of driving was 
not frequent is however shown by the few remains 
of stables and coach-houses found at Pompeii, 
and also by the curious stones placed across the 
road evidently for the benefit of foot-passengers 
in wet weather. To these Horace probably refers 
when he speaks of the ' pondera ' which the would- 
be magistrate must cross to greet influential voters 2 . 
Such blocks would present insuperable obstacles to 
wheeled traffic, but not to riders or pedestrians. 

The start on a long journey was usually made 
from one of the city gates, where the chariot or 
coach would be in readiness. So Umbricius in 
Juvenal's third Satire lets the coach wait by the 
Porta Capena while he bids his friend farewell 3 . 
While actually on the journey travellers would 
read 4 , write or sleep according to taste. The 
Emperor Claudius, indeed, had his chariot so con- 
structed that he could play dice in it comfortably ; 
this habit doubtless furnished the point to Seneca's 
jest that his fit doom was to play with a bottomless 
dice-box to all eternity 5 . Variety was afforded by 
change of horses or mules and by stopping for the 
night at inns or with friends. Very rich people 
Inns. rarely used inns ; they would find plenty of friends 
along their route, or might even take tents and 
furniture and provisions for camping out of doors. 
Inns were frequented mainly, though not entirely, 

1 Sen. Ep. 56. 

2 Hor. Ep. i. 6, 1. 51. 3 Juv. in. 111. 

4 Mart. xiv. 188. Juv. in. 241. 5 Seneca, Apocolocyntosis. 

Ill] INNS 67 

by the lower classes. Maecenas and Horace on the 
journey to Brundisium 1 found inns at Aricia and 
Appii Forum and near the shrine of Feronia : they 
seem to have been uncomfortable, and at one the 
water was so bad that Horace went supperless to 
bed. At Formiae the travellers slept at a house 
belonging to Murena, Maecenas' brother-in-law, next 
day at a villula, the seventh at Cocceius' villa beyond 
Caudium and on the eighth near Trivicum. Cynthia 
when travelling with Propertius to Lanuvium stopped 
at a taberna, while the scenes of Petronius' narrative 
are mostly laid in inns. Often the building of an 
inn was the beginning of a hamlet, as in the case of 
the Tres Tabernae on the Appian Way 2 . Owners of 
estates found it profitable to build a tavern on the 
road hard by, make a freedman the host, and sell off j 
their wine and farm produce 3 . Sometimes inns were 
built by municipal authorities ; at the source of the 
Clitumnus the Hispellates furnished in Pliny's time 
a public bath and entertained all strangers at their 
own expense 4 . Sometimes again the cost of erection 
was borne by the fiscus in thinly populated or un- 
civilized districts, e.g. in Thrace, as mentioned above 5 . 
In the East the inns must often have been like the 
khans and caravanserais of the present day, where 
travellers often furnish themselves with food, and 
merely get lodging. When food was provided by 
the host, it does not seem to have been dear. 

i Hor. Sat. i. 5, 11. 2, 8, 25. 2 Acts xxviii. 15. 

' Vitruv. vi. 8. Varro, E. R. i. 2. 23, quoted by Becker, Gallus. 
Suet. Cl. 38. 

4 Pirn. Epp. vin. 8. 5 P- 40 - 



Friedlander describes a relief from Aesernia in 
Samnium, dating from imperial times, on which is 
depicted a man in travelling dress leading a donkey 
and reckoning with his hostess; the bill is given 
above. Wine, like cider in Normandy, was supplied 
gratis ; bread was 1 as, relishes 2 asses, attendance 
8 asses, and hay 2 asses, the total being 13 asses or 
about 4cL of our money. Inns were provided on all 
roads where there was much traffic; when their 
resources were exhausted, officials and soldiers were 
billeted on the inhabitants, a burden from which 
philosophers, grammarians, rhetoricians and doctors 
were relieved by Vespasian and Hadrian. At health 
and pleasure resorts they were doubtless fairly com- 
fortable. Strabo speaks of inns at Canopus 1 which 
were noted for their luxury, of inns at Mount Etna 
for the use of tourists who came to see the volcano, 
and at Carura on the Phrygio-Carian border for 
visitors to the hot springs. Inn life furnished many 
illustrations to the moralists of the period. Epictetus* 
compares those who do not pass on quickly from 
rhetoric to philosophy to loiterers at an inn. "Men," 
he declares, "generally act as a traveller would do 
on his way to his own country when he enters a 
pleasant inn and being pleased with it remains there. 
' Man, you have forgotten your purpose ; you were 
not travelling to this inn, but you were passing 
through it.' * But this 'is a pleasant inn/ 'And 
how many inns are pleasant ? ' And how many 
meadows are pleasant? yet only for passing through." 

1 Strab. p. 801, 578. 2 Epict. Diss. n. 18. 2. 


One of the great drawbacks to travelling by road 
in the South and East was the heat. Pliny the 
younger, writing to Septicius, says that he has had 
a good journey to the country, but that some of his 
servants had been made ill by the excessive heat: 
his reader Encolpius 1 had been injured internally 
through the dust settling on his lungs. Wherever 
possible journeys in hot weather were made by 
night 2 : when there was no moon torches were 
carried, which no doubt often diversified the mono- 
tony of the journey by going out. This happened 
to Julius Caesar on the night before he crossed the 
Rubicon : in the darkness he lost his way and did 
not recover it for some hours. 

With regard to the speed of travelling we are Rate of 
told that Mallius Glaucia who brought to Ameria 
the news of Sextus Roscius' death travelled 56 miles 
in 10 hours of the night : the vehicle he used was 
the light two-wheeled cisium or cabriolet 3 . Such 
a speed was of course extraordinary. The Dictator 
Julius was famed for his rapid journeys ; in a hired 
coach he travelled 100 miles a day 4 . The highest 
speed recorded is that of Tiberius, who hastened 
from Ticinum through Rhaetia to Germany, reaching 
his brother Drusus just in time to be with him 
before he died 5 . He covered a distance of 200 milesy 
in 24 hours : ordinary travellers would take at least ' 

1 Plin. Epp. viii. 1, 2. 

2 See Suet. Aug. 29, 53 and luL 31. Juv. x. 1921. Suet. 
Tib. 6. Tac. Hist. HI. 79. 

3 Cic. pro Rose. Arner. 1. 19. 4 Suet. lul. 57. 
5 Val. Max. 5. 3. 


four days. Another very quick journey was that of 
the freedman Icelus, who brought the news of Nero's 
death to Galba in Spain within seven days, a time 
which seemed incredibly short 1 . The speed of the 
imperial post averaged five miles an hour : the 
distance between Antioch and Byzantium (747 miles) 
was accomplished in a little under six days : hired 
vehicles would take longer. From Ostia to Tarraco 
(163 miles) usually took five days, but Pliny the 
elder once took only four 2 . From Naples to Toledo 
took six days with post-horses ; from Brundisium to 
Rome was a ten days' leisurely journey 3 according 
to Ovid : 

" Luce minus decima dominam venietis in urbem 
Ut festinatum non faciatis iter." 

Maecenas and Horace however took fifteen days 4 . 
It seems that travellers in carriages as a rule 5 
covered from forty to fifty miles a day or a little 
over: if they wished for speed, they had, as Seneca 6 
says, to cut down their baggage and dismiss their 
attendants. A foot-passenger in good training might 

1 Plut. Galb. 7. 2 Plin. H. N. xix. 4. 

3 Ov. Epp. ex Pont. iv. 5. 3. 4 Hor. Sat. i. 5. 

5 The ordinary rate of 40 miles a day for carriages is given by 
Martial, who tells his friend Flavus that Bilbilis is reached from 
Tarraco (200 miles away) in five days (x. 104). 

Hispanae pete Tarraconis arces ; 
Illinc te rota toilet, et citatus 
Altam Bilbilin et tuum Salonem 
Quinto forsan essedo videbis. 
(i.e. in the fifth stage and so on the fifth day). 

6 Sen. Cons, ad Helv. c. 12. 


expect to walk from twenty-six to twenty-seven 
Roman miles in the day. 

A question of some interest with regard to first Se rity 
century travel is that of security. The evidence is 
rather contradictory; some writers extol the safety 
conferred by the imperial rule, while others lament 
over the effrontery of highwaymen near Rome itself. 
On the whole it is clear that brigandage had beenA 
rife during the last century of the Republic but was 
vigorously suppressed by the emperors except in ] 
mountainous or outlying districts. The punish- 
ment for robbers was crucifixion. In Strabo's time 
the Pamphylians and the dwellers on the Mysian 
Olympus 1 were much given to brigandage, and the 
Corsicans 2 gained their living by the same means. 
The preventive measures taken in Asia Minor by 
Augustus will be dealt with in a later section ; those 
for Italy are described in some detail by Suetonius 
in a passage which clearly shows their necessity. 
" Several disorders most pernicious to the state 
had either continued through habit and the licence 
of civil war or had even arisen through peace: 
numbers of highwaymen openly showed themselves 
armed with swords as if for self-defence; travellers 
all over the country were carried off without 
distinction between freeman and slave, and kept 
in barracoons (ergastula): many associations were 
formed, under the guise of new clubs, for the 
committal of every kind of villainy 3 . The emperor 
checked brigandage by setting military posts in 

1 Strab. pp. 570, 574. 2 Strab. p. 224. 

3 Suet. Aug. 32. 


suitable spots, ordered an inspection of the barra- 
coons and dissolved the associations except those of 
ancient date and lawful character." Tiberius was 
equally vigorous in searching for those who had 
been kidnapped and increasing the number of mili- 
tary posts throughout Italy. Sardinia in particular 
was infested by brigands ; to suppress them he sent 
four thousand freedmen, chiefly Jews, with the cynical 
remark that if they were killed by the detestable 
climate it would be small loss 1 . Inscriptions in the 
Jura region show that a prefect existed in the first 
century especially for suppressing robbers : similarly 
we learn that an official under Drusus Caesar extir- 
pated the robber-bands on the Hellespont 2 . 

The success of such efforts was, of course, only 
partial ; " so long," says Dio Cassius 3 , " as human 
nature remains unchanged, brigandage will continue." 
In the time of Augustus we are told that the praetor 
Quintus Gallus was ostensibly banished from Home 
on the charge of conspiracy, but really murdered 
in secret in the hope that his disappearance might 
be put down to death by shipwreck or robbers 4 . 
The execution of two brigands was commanded 
by Nero on the occasion of his uttering his famous 
wish that he had never learned to write 5 . Umbricius 

1 Tac. Ann. n. 85. 

2 C. I. G. 3612, 77 pov\T] /ecu 6 8i)fj.os eTet/x.Tjcraj' TITOV Oi>(a)\piov 
n/>6ccXcw rbv (fipovTiffTTjv Apoixrov Kaurapos, Ka6e\bvra TO. ev 'E\\77<r- 
ir6vT($ \r)<rT7)pia /ecu ev dVatrtJ' dveTrt^dptjToi' <j>v\dj;ai>Ta TTJV irdXiv. 
(Fragment of a column found near Halileli in the rubbish of a 
temple, probably to the Thymbraean Apollo.) 

3 Dio Cass. xxxvi. 4 Suet. Aug. 27. 
5 Sen. de Clem. n. 1. 


in his long catalogue of Roman plagues mentions 
the highwayman who often sets to work with the 
sword while the rest of the gang lie concealed in the 
Pontine marshes or the wood near Cumae 1 . Pliny 
the younger is informed by a friend that Robustus, 
an 'eques splendidus,' has not been heard of since 
he reached Ocriculum ; he fears that the fate of the 
missing man has been that of a fellow-townsman of 
his own who set out for the army, but disappeared 
without a trace 2 . In Palestine especially travelling 
was unsafe, as is shown by Josephus and the New 
Testament. Theudas, Tholomaeus, Judas the Gali- 
laean and his sons Jacobus and Simon were the most 
prominent of those who were driven to brigandage 
in their desperate resistance to Roman rule. How 
far they succeeded in interrupting communication 
is seen from the account of St Paul's hurried ride 
from Jerusalem to escape from the conspirators 
against his life. He was accompanied to Antipatris 
by no fewer than four hundred and seventy soldiers, 
horsemen and spearmen, the horsemen continuing 
to escort him as far as Caesarea 3 . 

Inscriptions give abundant evidence in the same 
direction for the first and succeeding centuries. At 
Mehadia 4 is recorded the murder of a magistrate of 
the ' municipium Drobetarurn ' by brigands. Near 
the same place Bassus, the quaestor of the same 
township, met a like death 5 . Similarly at Salonae 

1 Juv. in. 3058, cf. xin. 145, x. 20. 

- Plin. Epp. vi. 25. 3 Acts xxiii. vv. 23, 31, 32. 

4 C.I. L. m. 1, 1559. 

5 C. I. L. m. 1, 1579. 


C. Tadius, a municipal magistrate (sevir) was carried 
of by highwaymen 1 . Most pathetic of all is the 
record at Spalatum of the little lulia Restituta, 
ten years old, who was killed by robbers for the 
sake of her jewels 2 . " Dis Manibus luliae Restitutae 
infelicissimae interfectae annorum x causa orna- 
rnentorum lulius Restitutus et Statia Pudentilla 

Yet the above evidence must not be pressed too 
far. If communication was often insecure under the 
early Empire, it had been insecure before, and has 
often been so since. Mommsen's words may apply 
to other things than the imperial government. 
" Even now there are various regions of the East, 
as of the West, as regards which the imperial period 
marks a climax very modest in itself but withal 
never attained before or since 3 ." Syria and Palestine, 
Anatolia, Turkey and Morocco are far worse off with 
respect to communication than they were then. 
The route which Aurelian took to Palmyra is now, 
according to Merivale, too desolate to be traversed 
by an army. Asia Minor is studded with the 
ruins of what were once flourishing towns in close 
communication with one another. Even in the 
West it is only since the introduction of railways 
that ancient travel has been surpassed by modern 
in speed and safety 4 . In 1846, says Friedlander, 

* (7. I. L. 2544. 

2 C. I. L. 2399, cf. ibid. 158. 

3 Mommsen, Provinces, Vol. i. p. 5. 

4 For French roads in the 17th century see M. Hanotaux, 
Richelieu, i. pp. 164 and 174. 


the King of Naples and his troops, when on a 
military promenade, lost their way and were not 
heard of in the capital for a fortnight. In 1872 
there were scarcely any good roads in Sicily and 
travelling in the interior was very difficult, yet in 
Roman days there were 220 miles of road connecting 
all the towns of the coast, and the chief of the 
interior with Panormus (Palermo). The complete- 
ness of the imperial road-system in Spain has been 
referred to above. In 1830 there was only one main 
route from Madrid to the other chief towns of the 
peninsula; a few provincial roads were passable for 
carriages, but the greater part of the country was a 
perfect wilderness save for foot and bridle paths. 
From Madrid to Toledo, a distance of 25 miles, there 
was not a single branch road 1 . 

Up to the eighteenth century the state of the 
roads in England was just as bad ; in 1685 the main 
lines were still those traced out in Roman days : 
one of the things for which the nation might have 
thanked William III. was his vigorous action against 
the highwaymen of Hounslow Heath. The lack of 
communication between town and country is vividly 
described in the Annual Register for 1761 2 . "It is 
scarce half a century ago since the inhabitants of 
distant counties were regarded as a species almost 
as different from those of the metropolis as the 
natives of the Cape of Good Hope.... A journey 
into the country was then considered almost as 
great an undertaking as a voyage to the Indies. 

1 From Friedlander. 

2 Lecky, Hist, of the 18th Cent. Vol. vn. p. 216. 


The old family coach was sure to be stored with 
all sorts of luggage and provisions, and perhaps in 
the course of the journey a whole village together 
with their teams were called in to dig the heavy 
vehicles out of the clay." The 'gentlemen of the 
road' need only be mentioned; they disappeared 
with the improvement of roads and the introduc- 
tion of stage-coaches. Yet even twentieth-century 
England might well imitate the foresight and 
thoroughness which were the characteristics of the 
imperial system of communication. 



So far, only that mode of communication has Commum- 
been described which .the Romans carried out with % 
a definite aim, viz., the road-system. Their maritime 
communications were far more the result of circum- 
stances, geographical and political. Not till several 
centuries after the foundation of the city did Rome 
become a naval power. "The sea," said Arnold, 
" deserved to be hated by the old aristocracies," 
and as late as 218 B.C. Flaminius carried a law 
forbidding any senator or senator's son to own a 
vessel of greater burden than 300 amphorae 1 . Yet 
Rome was admirably situated to be the emporium 
of Latin commerce 2 ; long before she had traded 
with Massilia, Sicily, and even Greece. The naval 
supremacy of Carthage, threatening her long sea- 
frontier and limiting her commerce, drove her, 
however, unwillingly, to create a war-navy. There 
was abundance of triremes and merchant-ships 
belonging to the Romans themselves and their 
allies ; what were needed were ships of the line 
(quinqueremes) for which a stranded Carthaginian 

1 Liv. xxi. 63. 2 Mommsen, Hist, of Rome, i. p. 49. 




penteres served as a model. The fleet played an 
important part in the first Punic war, and when the 
struggle was resumed one of the main causes of 
Hannibal's defeat was the fact that the Romans 
held the Tuscan Sea. He was thus driven to his 
long and disastrous Alpine march, and cut off from 
his base in Spain 1 . 

In the ' most inglorious epoch of Roman history,' 
the years between the fall of Carthage and the 
death of Sulla, the Meet fell into utter neglect. 
" There was 2 hardly any longer a Roman vessel of 
war, and the vessels which the subject cities were 
required to build and maintain were not sufficient, 
so that Rome was not only absolutely unable to 
carry on a naval war, but was not even in a position 
to check the trade of piracy." Rome smarted for her 
negligence in the Mithradatic wars, when the pirate 
fleets were ranged on the side of her enemies. 
Commerce was almost at a standstill, corn was 
scarce in Italy and the city, temples and islands 
were ransacked ; " the provinces equipped squadrons 
and raised coastguards, or at any rate were taxed for 
the purpose, and yet pirates appeared to plunder 
the provincials with as much regularity as the 
Roman governors 3 ." So insupportable was the evil 
that at length the duty of suppressing it was con- 
fided to Pompeius by the Gabinian Law of 67 B.C./ 
The result was that, within forty-nine days after his' 

1 Mahan, in The Influence of the Sea Power upon History, 
ad init. 

2 Mommsen, Hist, of Rome, in. p. 405. 

3 Ibid. iv. p. 76. 


appearance in the Levant, the great pirate-haunt, 
Cilicia, was subdued. Few circumstances show the 
incapacity of the government at that time more 
clearly than the way in which the performance of 
such an elementary duty was celebrated as a glorious 
victory. After this, piracy did not for centuries 
appear in the Mediterranean as an organized system. 

The importance of maritime command was 
realized by Augustus in his contest with Sextus 
Pompeius, who for some time was master of the 
sea, and stopped the Koman corn-supplies. The 
victories of Naulochus over Sextus, and Actium 
over Antony and Cleopatra, among other great 
issues, decided that Italy should enjoy a maritime 
supremacy; from them date the completeness of 
communication which for centuries turned the 
Mediterranean into an ' Italian lake.' 

The ships afloat in the first century A.D. were of War-ships. 
various kinds. The imperial fleet was permanently 
stationed off Italy in two squadrons at Ravenna and 
Misenum ; it consisted mainly of triremes and the 
light Liburnian 1 biremes which had done good 
service at Actium. The construction of rowing 

1 These are frequently mentioned throughout the first and 
following centuries ; in time Liburna came to mean a man-of-war. 
See the following passages : 

Tac. Hist. v. 23. In the sea-fight between Civilis and Cerealis 
the former had biremes and boats with tackling like Liburnian 

Tac. Hist. in. 47. Mucianus collected at Byzantium " lectis- 
simas Liburnicarum." 

Suet. Nero, 34. Agrippina came from Bauli to Baiae in a 
" liburnica." 


vessels had not altered much in principle since the 
days of the Athenian navy though much larger 
ships had been built, such as the sixteen-ranked 
ship of Demetrius Poliorcetes and the forty-ranked 
of Ptolemy Philopator, which latter could only 
venture to sea in smooth water 1 . The trireme was 
manned, it has been calculated, by 175 men ; pen- 
teres by 310. The length of a trireme judging from 
the remains of the docks at Zea was 149 ft. and the 

.Jbreadth 14 feet ; the tonnage 232. The arrangement 
of oars in three tiers was doubtless the same as in 
Athenian days. War-ships were not meant to keep 
the sea for long and therefore had hardly anything 
to carry besides their crew. Even one with ten 
banks of oars could not carry more than three 
thousand talents 2 . 

The timber used for war-ships was fir, which 
was carefully seasoned; the seams were caulked 

\ with tow, etc., and fixed with wax or tar. The 
same materials, 'mixed with paint, protected the 
outer planking. Often the hulls were painted with 
designs ; the pirates had theirs coloured to match v 
the waves. As regards masts and sails, there seem 
to have been a mainmast with a yard that carried 
a square sail below, and a triangular sail above. 
Besides the mainmast there were sometimes two 

1 Guhl and Koner, p. 261. 

2 In the time of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (30 8 B.C.) the 
Tiber was navigable up to Eome for ten-banked war-ships ; we 
know also that any merchant- ship carrying more than 3000 
talents had to anchor at Ostia and discharge part of her cargo. 
Hence 3000 talents was the limit for the weight on board a 
war-ship. (Torr, Ancient Ships.) 


smaller masts, a foremast or bowsprit with a yard 
and square sail only, and also a mizen with perhaps 
a similar yard and sail. War-ships, however, used 
the oar rather than sails, so as to be independent 
of the wind. Hence as a recent naval writer has 
pointed out, the ancient galley had some features 
in common with the modern man-of-war 1 . 

For merchant- vessels speed was not so essential Merchant- 
as cheapness of transit; hence they carried large\ men ' 
sails and only a few oars (about twenty) to bring the/ 
ship's head round/anct for use in emergencies. M 
merchantman trying to make some headway with 
her oars only is compared by Aristotle to an insect 
feebly buzzing along on wings too small for its body, 
after the manner of cockchafers and bees ; whereas 
the war-ship under way, rhythmically dipping her 
vast mass of oars, was commonly compared to a bird 
on its flight 2 . The bulky proportions of a merchant^ 
vessel compared with the slenderness of a war-galley 
accounted for the epithet given to it of a-rp6yyv\o<;. 
The ratio of its length to its breadth was usually 
j3j>EJt to 3r, whereas in the case of war-ships it was 15 
to 2. The sails were large, especially on Alexandrian |^ 
vessels : up to the time of Augustus they were made 
of hemp often coloured and painted with devices 3 ; 
lateT~Egyptian lineu was used as being lighter 4 . 
The keels were of pine, but all large merchantmen 

1 Mahan, Influence of Sea Power upon History, ad init. 

2 Arist. de animalium incessu, quoted by Torr. 

3 The edges were bound with strips of hide, especially of hyena 
and seal, which were thought to keep off lightning. 

4 Plin. H. N. xix. 1. Meriv. iv. p. 390. 



had false keels of oak for protection when they were 
hauled ashore or dragged overland 1 . Fir or pine was 
used for the mast and oars, papyrus, flax or hemp, 
occasionally hide, for the ropes. 

Some sort of flag seems to have been used for 
signalling, and to distinguish the admiral's ship in 
the case of war- vessels 2 . Large and slow merchant 
f^ships had a corbes or basket on the top of the mast 
Land were hence called 'corbitae 3 .' As in Aristo- 
phanes' days the ship's ' eyes ' were painted on her 
bows 4 . War-ships showed a helmet, swift cruisers 
the petasus, and ships on a mission of truce the 
caduceus. Ships seem to have had names as in 
modern times, e.g. the ship in which Ovid sailed to 
Tempyra from the Corinthian Gulf was named the 
' Minerva ' ; the Alexandrian vessel in which St Paul 
performed part of his journey to Rome had for a 
sign ' Castor and Pollux.' Among other appurte- 
nances of an ancient ship may be mentioned the 
saunding_Jead which was greased in use to bring 
up samples of the sea-bottom 5 , the gangway for 
getting on board and the poles for pushing off from 
shore, also the 'fenders 6 ' (aaKGo/jLara) for preventing 

1 Suetonius says that Gaius ordered the triremes on which he 
had sailed the Northern Ocean to be conveyed to Home by land 
for the most part. Suet. Gal. 47. 

2 Cf. Tac. Hist. v. 22, "navis praetoria vexillo insignis." 

3 Cf. Plaut. Poen. 3. 1. 4, "homines spissigradissimos, tardiores 
quam corbitae sunt in tranquillo mari. 

4 Arist. Ach. 97. Aesch. Supp. 716. 5 Acts xxvii. 28. 

6 Arist. Ach. 97. For representations of ancient ships, see 
Torr's Ancient Ships, and Baumeister, Art. Seewesen, especially 
pp. 1624 and 1634. 


the ship's side from getting rubbed against the 
landing place. A merchant ship of any size had a 
boat, sometimes two or three, towed astern. This 
was meant for the safety of the crew in case of ship- 
wreck or for communication with the shore; the boat 
could be hoisted up in stormy weather as was done 
on St Paul's voyage : " And running under the lee 
of a small island called Clauda we were able with! 
difficulty to secure the boat 1 ." Another reference is 
found in a letter of Pliny's describing Lake Vadimon, 
on which were floating islands. " You may frequently 
see one of the larger islands sailing along with the 
lesser joined to it like a ship with its longboat 2 ." 

The average tonnage of a merchant ship is a 
difficult point to determine. Pliny speaks of vessels 
carrying 3000^ ampltarae ; the highest figure .meet/ 
tioned is 10^000 talents or 250 tons. Huge vessels ' 
were built especially in Alexandria for the transport 
of obelisks or of marble in the rough. The ' Acatus,' 
the first Alexandrian ship that entered the roadstead 
at Ostia during Augustus' principate, brought an 
obelisk which was erected by Gains in the Circus 
Maximus. It carried 1200 passengers besides aT~] 
cargo of papyrus, nitrum, pepper, linen and spices 3 . J 
Another enormous vessel under Gaius brought the/ 
obelisk for the Vatican Circus and four blocks of 
stone for the base : the mast was so huge that it 
could only be clasped by four men. Claudius used 
the hull to form part of the foundation for his new 

1 Acts xxvii. 16 R.V. 

2 Plin. Epp. vni. 20 ; cf. Philostrat. Vit . Apoll. iv. 9. 

3 Plin. H. N. xvi. 201, and xxxvi. 2. 



harbour at Ostia: towers were built on it at Puteoli, 
then it was towed to the required spot and sunk. 

Specially important were the large vessels used 
for corn transport. These usually voyaged in fleets, 
but we have instances of single ships making a 
voyage, as that in which St Paul went from Myra in 
Lycia to Melita. Probably it had run directly across 
the Levant from Alexandria, as was possible if the 
wind were westerly 1 . While the Etesian winds 
were blowing from July 20th to the end of 
August Alexandrian ships ran to the Syrian coast 
and thence tacked along Cilicia and Pamphylia 
using the land-breezes and the steady westerly 
current along the coast. The slowness of the pro- 
cess is shown by an addition in the Syriac version of 
the Acts, viz. that fifteen days were spent in beating 
along the southern coast of Asia Minor. Of course 
the reverse run from Lycia to the Syrian coast was 
an easy matter. 

Lucian in his dialogue ' The Ship 2 ' describes an 
Alexandrian vessel which had tried to run direct to 
Myra and had met with foul weather. On the 
seventh day of the voyage it was off the westernmost 
point of Cyprus, C. Acamas, whence it was blown to- 
Sidon by westerly gales. On the tenth day from 
Sidon it was caught in a storm at the Chelidoman 
islands and would have been wrecked but that " the 
sailors' gods in pity showed a light," and the Lycian 
coast was recognised. Even after this escape its 

1 Eamsay, St Paul the Traveller, p. 314 et seq. 

2 Lucian, Navig. 1 6. 




course was slow, and not till the seventieth day 
after first starting did it reach Athens. 

Its arrival, says the story, caused great excite- 
ment ; for by Lucian's day the port of Athens was 
almost deserted. Samippus seizes the opportunity 
to go aboard, and comes back to his friends eager to 
tell all the wonderful things he has seen. " What a 
big ship she is, a hundred and twenty cubits long, 
the shipwright said, and more than a quarter of this 
in breadth : from deck to bottom there are nine and 
twenty cubits. And then how huge the mast is, 
and what a great yard-arm and what forestays ! To 
see the stern curving up gently like a goose's neck, 
and the prow stretching out so far, with the image 
,on both sides of Isis, after whom the ship is named ! 
Then the decoration, the paintings and the bright- 
coloured topsail, the anchors and capstans and 
windlasses and the cabins aft all this seemed to 
me simply wonderful. Why, you might compare 
the number aboard to an army, and enough corn 
was there, I am told, to feed the whole of Attica for 
a year 1 ." 

The numbers carried on the Egyptian ships do 
indeed seem to have been large. Josephus 2 says 
that COO were on board a ship that took prisoners 
from Judaea to Rome. The rhetor Aristides writing 
in the second century A.D. gives one thousand as the 

1 Cf. Epict. Frag. 14. " As you would not choose to sail in a 
large and decorated ship ornamented with gold, and be drowned ; 
so do not choose to dwell in a large and costly house and be 
disturbed by cares." 

2 Vit. 3. 


maximum. Philo Judaeus extols the merits of his 
fellow countrymen as mariners. " When Agrippa 
was about to set out to take possession of his king- 
dom, Gaius advised him to avoid the voyage from 
Brundisium to Syria, which was long and troublesome, 
and rather to take the shorter one by Alexandria 
and to wait for the periodical winds: for he said 
that the vessels which set forth from that harbour 
were fast sailers, and that the pilots were most 
experienced men who guided their ships as skilful 
drivers drive their horses, keeping them straight in 
the right course 1 ." Agrippa took this advice ; "going 
down to Dicaearchia (i.e. Puteoli) and seeing some 
Alexandrian vessels in the harbour looking all ready 
and fit to put to sea, he embarked with all his officers, 
and had a good voyage, arriving after a few days at 
his journey's end." In all probability the Alexandrian 
corn-fleet was part of the Imperial service, as ocean- 
liners are now subsidized by Government for carrying 
the mails. Any delay might have serious conse- 
quences for the emperor himself. Suetonius tells 
us that during scarcity of bread at Rome, Claudius 
was mobbed, and had to get into his palace by a 
back-door. We are not surprised to hear that after 
this he tried every possible expedient for keeping 
up the supplies even in winter. He offered a 
fixed amount of profit to the dealers, and under- 
took the risk of loss by storm, besides affording 
every convenience to the builders of merchant- 
vessels 2 . 

1 Phil. Jud. In Place, v. 2 Suet. Claud. 19. 




For coasting voyages smaller vessels (called ora- 
riae) were naturally used. Pliny writes to Trajan 1 
that he has safely sailed past C. Malea 2 to Ephesus, 
and intends thence to reach his province of Bithynia 
partly ' orariis navibus,' partly by conveyances, since 
the Etesian winds prevented continuous sailing. The 
coasting trade must have been very considerable in 
the Mediterranean : it would be comparatively little 
liable to contrary winds, since the land breezes could 
be utilized. An instance is to be found in the Acts 
of the Apostles : St Paul coasted to Myra in a ship 
bound for Adramyttium in Mysia 3 . Again Plutarch 
in one of his most amusing essays asks the borrower 
of money, " Can you not be a schoolmaster or tutor, 
or porter, or sailor, or make coasting voyages 4 ?" In 
the Aegean ships are scarcely ever out of sight of 
land, and for many places in Greece communication 
by sea was far quicker than by road. 

Passengers seem to have often travelled by 
merchant-ships, especially for long voyages. One of 
these conveyed Titus on his hasty journey from 
the East to Rhegium and Puteoli 5 . A passage in 
Plutarch shows that triremes were sometimes used 
by the very rich. " But just as people on sea, timid 
and prone to sea-sickness, think they will suffer less 

1 Plin. Epp. ad TraL 15 (26). 

2 On account of the danger in sailing round C. Malea the 
phrase virep MaX^a^ became proverbial. 

3 Acts xxvii. 2, 5. 

4 Plutarch Against borrowing money. Cf. Phil. Jud. De leg. <&c. 

5 Suet. Tib. 5. 


on board a merchantman than on a boat, and for the 
same reason shift their quarters to a trireme, but do 
not attain anything by these changes, for they take 
with them their timidity and qualmishness; so 
changes of life do not remove the troubles and 
sorrows of the soul 1 ." With this may be com- 
pared Horace's ' priva triremis ' and the ' aerata 
triremis,' which nevertheless " is not free from 
care 2 ." 

We read also of vecjoriae, apparently for pas- I 
sengers, not for cargo. In one of these Julius Caesar 
crossed the Hellespont after Pharsalia 3 . In the ' 
second century they were more used than in the 
first. From about 50 B.C. to 100 A.D. the vessel 
specially constructed for passenger traffic was the 
phaselus. This seems to have served the purpose of 
the modern yacht ; Martial 4 speaks of the " waves 
lively yet quiet, carrying the painted gondola with 
the aid of the breeze." It was however fit for a 
long voyage in fair weather, even, according to 
Catullus 5 , from Pontus to Italy. The epithet ' fra- 
gilis' applied to it by Horace 6 shows that it could 
not stand a gale. 

With regard to life on board in fair weather 
there is a curious lack of information ; it is the 
exceptional rather than the ordinary that has come 
down to us, and we hear far more of storms than of 
safe voyages. The plan of St Luke's narrative 

1 Plut. On Contentedness of Mind (trans, by Shilleto). 

2 Hor. Epp. i. 1. 93. Od. m. 1. 37. 3 Suet. lul. 63. 
4 Mart. x. 30. Cat. 4. 

6 Hor. Od. m. 2. 28. 




precluded needless digressions ; Ovid might have told 
much about his journey to Tomi, but has omitted 
nearly all that could interest anyone but himself. 
One or two chance allusions, however, may be worth 
quoting. Dio Chrysostom in his third oration says : 
" Many in calm weather pass their time in dicing or 
in singing or in feasting all day long, but when the 
storm overtakes them, they cover their heads and 
wait for what is to happen. Others again settle 
themselves to sleep, and do not even get up till they 
have reached the harbour 1 ." The passengers seem 
to have provided their own food, to judge from 
Epictetus, who asks, " What do you do when you 
leave a ship ? Do you take away the helm or the 
oars ? What then do you take away ? You take 
what is your own, your bottle and your wallet 2 ." It 
may perhaps be possible that in the opening of 
Lucian's dialogue 'The Ferryboat' he is parodying 
the custom of keeping a passenger list. Clotho 
before setting sail for Hades receives from Hermes 
and enters on Charon's way-bill the names, nation- 
ality and manner of death of the various passengers. 

Among the greatest aids to navigation in the Harbours. 
first century A.D. was the attention paid by the best 
of the emperors to the improvement of harbours 
of refuge. A work, which to Vergil and Horace 3 
was one of the noblest achievements of Roman 
engineering, was Agrippa's Portus lulius. This was 
constructed by Octavius' orders to secure a harbour 

1 Dio Chrys. Or. m. 122 R. 

2 Epict. Diss. i. 24 cf. Juv. xn. 60. 

3 Verg. Georg. n. 1604. Hor. A. P. 6365. 


on the west of Italy equal to those at Ravenna 
and Brundisium. On the Campanian coast between 
Misenum and Puteoli lay the lagoons of Avernus 
and Lucrinus : together they made something like 
the figure 8, the two loops being connected by a 
neck of land a mile wide ; the southern or Lucrine 
lake was sheltered from the Bay of Baiae only by a 
ridge of shingle. Agrippa seems to have united the 
lakes by a canal, faced the outer ridge with stone- 
work and driven through it a channel to admit 
ships. According to Suetonius the possession of 
this harbour largely contributed to the victory of 
Augustus over Sextus Pompeius 1 . 

In the time of the first Emperor Ostia, the port 
of Rome, was " a city without a harbour," on account 
of the mud brought down by the Tiber. Large 
vessels were therefore forced to ride at anchor in the 
open roadstead at great risk, wh ile their cargoes were 
unloaded into barges and towed up to Rome. Other 
vessels were themselves towed up the Tiber after 
part of their cargo had been landed 2 . The Dictator 
Caesar had planned docks at Ostia, but nothing was 
done till Claudius constructed that magnificent 
harbour 3 which was one of the most useful of his 
public works. In spite of the timidity of his engi- 
neers and the enormous expense and labour involved, 
a basin was dug about two miles north of Ostia, 
communicating with the river by a canal. Two 

1 Suet. Aug. 16. Strab. 245. 

2 Strab. 231, 232. 

3 Suet. Cl. 20. Dio Cass. LX. 11. Plin. H. N. ix. 14, xvi. 
202. Juv. xii. 75 (with Mayor's notes). 




moles, right and left, with a breakwater between 
them, protected the port. A lighthouse was erected 
on the breakwater, modelled on the Pharos of 

Yet even this magnificent structure was inade- 
quate for the growing needs of the city. Trajan 
added an inner basin or dock, hexagonal in form, 
surrounded with quays and extensive ranges of 
buildings for magazines. The same emperor, who 
'built the world over,' made at Ancona a haven of 
which an arch still remains, and his harbour at 
Centumcellae furnished a theme for the rhetoric of 
the younger Pliny. He describes the breaking of 
the force of the waves by the artificial island, which 
was being raised with huge stones sunk from pon- 
toons and surmounted by large piles : the under- 
taking, he adds, will prove of vast benefit by affording 
a safe refuge to ships on a long and dangerous coast 1 . 

The improvements at Ostia caused the decline of 
Puteoli, whicli had been the great harbour of Rome, 
especially for the corn-trade. Massilia and Forum lulii 
in the Narbonensis possessed good harbours, and the 
same may be inferred for Galles from the importance 
of its trade and the habit of its merchants to " live 
for the most part at sea 2 ." The harbours of Asia 
Minor, Ephesus especially, will be described in an- 
other section. Syria was not so fortunate, and Seleucia 
the port of Antioch was not fitted for much commerce 
in spite of the efforts of the Flavian and succeeding 
emperors to construct docks and piers 3 . 

1 Plin. Epp. vi. 31. Meriv. vm. p. 52. 

2 Strab. in. 5. 3. 3 Moramsen, Province*, n. p. 128. 


Most famous of all the harbours of the Empire 
was that of Alexandria, which is mentioned by Dio 
Chrysostom in his oration to the Alexandrians as one 
of the chief glories of their city 1 . The light on the 
Pharos or white marble tower, built by Sostratus of 
Cnidus and visible for more than seven geographical 
miles out to sea, served as a model for the lights at 
Ostia and even on the shore of the Northern Ocean 2 . 
That such protection to sailors was regularly pro- 
vided at harbours we gather from a fragment of 
Epictetus which compares the services of a bene- 
factor of a troubled state to the fire-lights in harbours, 
which by a few pieces of wood raise a great flame 
and give sufficient direction to the ships which are 
wandering on the sea 3 . 

A strong motive for carrying out harbour works 
lay in the fact that navigation as a rule was confined 
to the summer months, hence accommodation had 
to be found for the large number of ships necessarily 
employed in this brief time. The familiar instance 
may be quoted of the desire felt by the majority on 
board St Paul's vessel to reach Phoenice in Crete 
because it was ' more commodious to winter in ' than 
the Fair Havens 4 . The common practice is described 
by Philo in the following passage. " The news was 
spread abroad that Gaius was sick while the weather 
was still suitable for sailing ; for it was the beginning 
of autumn, which is the last season during which 

1 Dio Chrys. Or. xxxn. 36 R. 

2 Strab. p. 792. Suet. Cat. 46. 3 Epict. Frag. 78. 
4 Acts xxvii. 8, 12 ; cf. the phrase 

Geogr. Min. 2. 459. 



mariners can safely make voyages, and during which 
in consequence they all return from foreign parts to 
every quarter to their own native ports and harbours 
of refuge, especially all who exercise a prudent care 
not to be compelled to pass the winter in a foreign 
country 1 ." So too Gyges in Horace's Ode tried too 
late to cross from Epirus to Italy on his way home from 
Bithynia and had to wait at Oricus till spring should 
open the sea. The custom furnished the same poet 
with the fine simile of Rome watching for Augustus 
even as a mother for her sailor-boy who is in Egypt 
or Syria, waiting for the spring to cross the Carpa- 
thian sea. The sailing season which began in spring 
(February or March) ended with the setting of the 
Pleiades on the llth of November. The remainder 
of the year counted as winter, but the pirates had in 
the day of their power " compelled men from fear of 
death to rush upon death, while now greed of gain 
gave the like impulse 2 ." 

Some strong motive certainly was needed to 
make men face the winter storms in days when 
the mariner's compass was unknown. Winter voy- 
ages are therefore spoken of as exceptional and 
dangerous. Only under the compulsion of religion 
would Philo and his companions have sailed in mid- 
winter from Alexandria to Italy to deprecate the 
erection of a colossus in the Holy of Holies. The 
strength of Jewish feeling is seen in his words, 
"yet we found a winter of misery awaiting us on 
shore far more grievous than any storm at sea 8 ." 

1 Phil. Jud. De Leg. n. 2 Plin. n. 17 et seq. 

3 Phil. Jud. De Leg. 29. 


Flaccus, the enemy of the Jews who, says Philo, 
" had filled all the elements with his impieties," set 
sail from Alexandria at the beginning of winter, and 
by a just doom suffered innumerable hardships 
before reaching Italy 1 . Communication between 
Rome and the provinces had to go on to some 
extent during the winter, certainly for official pur- 
poses ; exiles too were then deported, as is seen by 
the case of Ovid, who reckoned his misfortunes as 
infinitely increased by the hardships of the winter. 
In the Tristia he describes his voyage from Cen- 
chreae to Samothrace and his fervent hope that his 
ship, the ' Minerva,' which he left off Ternpyra may 
have a safe passage to Tomi 2 . By taking the land 
route through the region of the Bistones he escaped 
much of the misery of a winter voyage, yet he 
laments most piteously over the waves rising moun- 
tains high, the wilderness of sea and air, and the 
helpless terror even of the captain. 

Storms rpj^ vova cr ers o f an cient times even in the 

and ship- * 

wrecks. summer were often liable to storm and shipwreck. 

Sudden squalls had at all times to be dreaded, 
to say nothing of such local and violent winds 
as the ' circius ' off Gallia Narbonifensis, which 
on two occasions 3 nearly wrecked the Emperor 
Claudius, or the 'Caicias 4 ' which, centuries before, 
destroyed the Persian ships off Magnesia, or the 
' sciron ' which was unknown except at Athens 5 . 

1 Phil, in Place. 13. 2 Ov. Trist. n. 11. 

3 Suet. Claud. 17. 

4 Called also Hellespontias, Herod. 7. 188. 

5 Strab. xxvm. 391. Plin. H. N. n. 117 et seq. says of the 
sciron that it was "reliquae Graeciae ignotus." In the same 


St Luke's account of St Paul's voyage 1 to Italy 
is the fullest description we have of storm and ship- 
wreck in the Mediterranean during the first century. 
We read of the slow progress against the wind past 
the Lycian coast to Crete, of the tempestuous 
Euraquilo which suddenly caught the ship, and of 
the various expedients tried to escape destruction. 
The longboat was hoisted and the ship was 'frapped' 
or undergirt with cables passed beneath the hull 2 . 

passage he gives a list of the chief winds in the Mediterranean, 
as follows : 

. /-from S.E. Subsolanus (Apeliotes). 

(1) ab oriente aequmoctiah ^ Volturnug (Eurug)> 

brumali ( jj s. busier. 

(2) ab occasu brumali from S. Africus (Notus-Liba). 

(3) aequinoctiali W. Favonius. 

(4) ,, solstitiali N.W. Corus-Zephyrus. Ar- 


(5) a septentrionibus. Septentrio. 

(6) inter eum (sc. Sept.) et 1 ^ Aparctieg . Boreas . 

exortum solstitialem j 

The steadiness of the Etesian winds in late summer was a 
great obstacle to ships sailing from the east ; in 70 they prevented 
the news of Vespasian's successes reaching Vitellius (Meriv. vra. 
p. 122). Yet Pliny says that as they blew in the daytime only, 
from the third hour, it was possible to progress, though slowly, 
by sailing at night. 

1 Acts xxvii. 

a These inro&tMra ('helps' E.V.) were, in the case of triremes, 
fastened horizontally round the vessel to keep the timbers firm 
under the constant strain from working the oars and from 
ramming. But in the case of a merchant-ship what was wanted 
was to keep the hull from being dashed to pieces by the storm ; 
for this purpose vertical ropes would be required. 


The danger then arose of being driven on the 
terrible quicksands of the Syrtis;. the great yard 
was lowered 1 , and the ship was allowed to drift. 
The next day as a desperate remedy the ship was 
lightened, and the day after even the tackling was 
thrown overboard 2 . The ship drifted helplessly up 
and down 'in Adria' till it reached Melita ; then after 
food had been served out to all on board, the 
precious, cargo of wheat was thrown over, and at 
daybreak an attempt was made to land. No lives 
were lost, but the ship was completely wrecked. 
Elsewhere 3 we read of men cutting down the mast 
and even using outspread clothes for sails 4 . 

Doubtless on St Paul's ship there were many 
prayers offered to the Dioscuri, the sailors' gods, and 
many gifts vowed to Isis if life were granted. " Be 
mindful of God," says Epictetus, " call Him to be thy 
helper and defender as men call upon the Dioscuri 
in a storm 5 ." Of such invocations we have an 
example in the Greek Anthology ; Damis prays to 
the " queen of Egypt, goddess of the linen robe," to 
save him from the sea, and vows " even of his 
poverty" to sacrifice to her a deer with gilded 
horns 6 . We hear much of the votive pictures hung 
up in temples or carried about by shipwrecked 

1 Farrar, St Paul, Vol. n. p. 374 (after Smith). 

2 Cf. Catullus in Juvenal, who sacrificed for dear life all his 
treasures ; purple garments, silver plate, a chased dinner service 
once the property of Philip of Macedon. 

3 Juv. xn. 546. 

4 Juv. xii. 67. Tac. n. 24. 5 Ench. 33. 
6 Anth. Pal. 6, 231. 


men 1 to excite compassion. Those who could not 
offer even a picture, offered their hair, as did 
Lucillius in Lucian's epigram. 

"Poseidon and all Ocean deities 
Lucillius, 'scaped from shipwreck on the seas, 
Doth dedicate to you who bade him live 
His hair, for nothing else is left to give 2 ." 

Such thank-offerings were well deserved, for 
besides the dangers of the sea itself, sailors had 
to fear wreckers 3 and pirates. The former were to 
be found among the fishermen of the Cyclades, and 
in the second century wrecking was forbidden by 
frequent imperial edicts. Often the unfortunate 
victims were sold as slaves. In the Euboean idyll 
of Dio Chrysostom the countryman who is taken to 
the town is accused by the mob orator of plundering 
those wrecked off the dangerous Hollows of Euboea 4 ; 
the charge is however disproved by the evidence of 
a man who had been wrecked there and received 
great kindness 4 . 

With regard to pirates the case seems to have Piracy. 
been much the same as with brigands. On the 
whole the Mediterranean was secure, if we may 
believe Pliny, who speaks of the many thousands 
of mariners who take advantage of the unbroken 
peace 5 . So too Plutarch in his essay on ' Contented- 

1 Hor. Car. i. 5, A. P. 20, 21. Mart. xn. 57. Pers. i. 8890, 
vi. 32, 33. 

2 Anth. Pal. vi. 164, trans, by E. Garnett. 

3 Cf. Petron. ch. 114, procurrere piscatores parvulis expedites 
navigiis ad praedam rapiendam. 

* Dio Chrys. Or. vn. 5 Plin. H. N. n. 117. 

s. 7 


ness of mind' reckons as one of the everyday 
blessings of life that the sea is secure to mariners. 
Strabo too in several passages writes to the same 
effect 1 . 

Yet in distant seas pirates flourished still. Dio 
Chrysostom 2 speaks of ransoming men captured by 
pirates in a way that reminds us of the like good 
deeds in the days of the Barbary corsairs. Seneca 
too quotes as instances of cruelty the flogging and 
burning alive by pirates of their captives 3 . The 
precautions taken in the Indian Ocean against 
piracy have been mentioned above 4 . In the Black 
Sea much damage to trade was caused by barbarian 
tribes who scoured the sea in vessels called 'camarae,' 
constructed with high bulwarks to keep off the 
waves in stormy weather, and a convertible arrange- 
ment of oars so that they could be paddled in either 
direction 5 . Strabo says of these tribes that they 
attacked merchant vessels and raided the coast, 
often finding help from the Bosporani, who supplied 
them with provisions and let them have a market 
for their booty. In the winter their boats were 
hauled ashore and hidden in the forests ; they them- 
selves kept in practice for the summer by highway 
robbery 6 . Even in more frequented regions we 
occasionally hear of pirates ; after the Jewish revolt 
of 66 70 A.D. a band established themselves in 
Joppa and for a while stopped communication 
between Syria and Egypt 7 . Nicarchus, who pro- 

1 Strab. m. 2, 145, and xi. 2, 12. 2 Dio Chrys. xiv. 440 E. 
3 Sen. De Clem. n. ch. 4. 4 P. 33. 5 Tac. Hist. m. 47. 
6 Strab. xi. 2, 12. 7 Josephns, B. J. m. 9, 2. 


bably lived near the beginning of the second century, 
has the following poem in the Greek Anthology 1 : 

" A starry seer's oracular abodes 
One sought, to know if he should sail for Rhodes, 
When thus the sage 'I rede thee, let thy ship 
Be new, and choose the summer for thy trip ; 
Safe then thou'lt leave, and safe regain this spot, 
If those confounded pirates catch thee not.' " 

In spite of all hindrances the average speed of Speed of 
an ancient vessel which combined the use of oar ^nd^ 
and sail was quite as great as that of a modern rowing. 
vessel till the invention of steam-ships. Pliny gives 
the time for a voyage from Ostia to Gades as seven 
days, to Tarraco four days, Africa two, Forum lulii 
three 2 . For a merchant ship of Alexandria to reach 
Massilia in thirty days was thought quick : from 
Messina Alexandria could be reached in six days : 
Narbo to Utica took five and Utica to Alexandria 
seven 3 . The average speed was therefore from a 
thousand to eighteen hundred stades in twenty-four 
hours, or about five nautical miles an hour for an j 
ordinary, to seven and a half for a fast sailing ship 4 . 

That sea travelling was general in the first 
century may be gathered, if from nothing else, from 
the illustrations and metaphors of rhetors and 
philosophers. For example, in twelve of Dio's 
orations no fewer than fifteen allusions occur to 

1 Trans, by E. Garnett. Tomson's Gk. Anthol. p. 191. 

2 Plin. H. N. xix. 1. 3 So Friedlander. 

4 Cf. Diod. Sic. in. 34, from the Palus Maeotis to Ehodes 
took ten days with good winds, to Alexandria another four, thence 
up the Nile to Ethiopia ten more. 



voyaging 1 . Yet the sea is mentioned more often 
than not with dread. This doubtless was due not 
only to the actual perils thereon encountered, but to 
the kind of literary tradition which makes Horace 
sing of the f estranging Ocean ' and marvel at the 
courage of the man, 

"Who in frail bark through surging waters first 

With heart undaunted burst, 
Nor feared conflicting storms that lashed the seas 

Or the sad portent of the Hyades 2 ." 

Here he repeats the idea, as old as Hesiod, that 
' commerce and the mingling of nations are against 
nature and a source of evil and would cease with 
the return of the golden age 3 .' Hence tirades 
against sea-travelling and restlessness need not be 
taken too seriously, as for instance the familiar 
lines : 

"Caelum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt, 
Strenua iios exercet inertia ; navibus atque 
Quadrigis petimus bene vivere : Quod petis hie est, 
Est Ulubris animus si te non deficit aequus 4 ." 

The first of these, untrue as it is, served as a 
text for many philosophers. " He who thinks those 
happy," Plutarch writes, " who are always scouring 
the country and pass most of their time in inns and 

1 A few of these may be cited : 461 K, 471 K, 623 E, 14 K n, 
41 E n, 49 K n, 51 E n, 136 E n, 157 E n, etc. etc. The point 
is often the unity of will necessary on board ship as in 157 E n, 
and 240 E n, or the skill necessary in a pilot as in 346 E n. 

2 Hor. Od. i. 3 (de Vere's translation). 

3 Wickham on Hor. Od. i. 3. 4 Hor. Epp. i. 11. 2730. 


ferry boats, is like a person who thinks the planets 
happier than the fixed stars 1 ." And again in the 
same essay, where he extols the freedom of the exile 
from borrowers and duns, he says, " And a man not 
altogether silly or madly in love with crowds might 
I think not blame fortune for confining him to an 
island, but might even praise her for relieving him 
from weariness and anxiety and wanderings in 
foreign countries and perils by sea and the uproar 
of the forum 1 ." His melancholy tone, in fact, re- 
minds us of the sage who reckoned men at sea 
neither among the living nor the dead. We find 
nothing, in the classical writers of the Empire, 
like the fierce joy of the Viking; their odes were 
to the ' mild Favonius ' not the ' wild north-easter.' 
Neither were the Romans possessed with the passion 
of exploration : the elder Pliny complains that in 
former days, despite constant wars and piracy, the 
Greeks had eagerly sought the advancement of 
knowledge, but that in his day men only sailed to 
get gain. This may account perhaps for the strange 
fact that they failed to accomplish what was done 
by the Danes with far fewer resources, viz. the 
discovery of that Vinland, whose existence was soon 
forgotten again till the days of Vespucci and 

Nowhere perhaps is the restlessness and sadness 
of life on the sea felt more keenly than in the Greek 
Anthology. Many of these poems bewail the fate 
of those who have died at sea, and lost the tomb 

1 Plut. On Exile. 


that might have kept their memory alive. Here 
is one by Cicero's friend, Archias of Byzantium : 

"Crushed by the waves upon the crag was I, 

Who still must hear these waves among the dead, 
Breaking and brawling on the promontory, 

Sleepless ; and sleepless is my weary head. 
For me did strangers bury on the coast 

Within the hateful hearing of the deep, 
Nor death, that lulleth all, can lull my ghost, 
One sleepless soul among the souls that sleep 1 ." 


Callimachus strikes a more passionate note in his 
lament : 

" Now would to God swift ships had ne'er been made ! 
Then, Sopolis, we had not mourned thy shade 

Dear son of Diocleides seaward sent ! 
Now somewhere in deep seas thy corse is tost 
Hither and thither and for whom we lost 
We find thy name and empty monument 2 ." 


With this, for the idea, though not for the grace of 
expression, may be compared the wail of Ovid, which 
is recalled in a stanza of In Memoriam 3 : 

" Nee letum timeo ; genus est miserabile leti 

Demite naufragium : mors mihi munus erit. 
Est aliquid, fatove suo ferrove cadentem 
In solida moriens ponere corpus hurnoV 

1 Tomson's Gk. Anthol. p. 77. 2 Ibid. p. 92. 

3 In Memoriam xvin. 

" "Tis well ; 'tis something ; we may stand 
Where he in English earth is laid, 
And from his ashes may be made 
The violets of his native land." 

4 Ov. Trist. i. 2. 5154. 


Sometimes again there is no lament, only a prayer 
that others may be more fortunate : 

" Whose toinb I am, mariner, do not thou ask of me, 
Only be it thy lot to find a less tempestuous sea 1 ." 

Yet again, in a poem, characteristic of the Anthology 
in its clinging to the ' pleasant light of the sun,' the 
sailor envies the shepherd his life of peace : 

" happy swain, I would that unto me 
Who roamed rude ocean, the felicity 
Of shepherd's crook and carol had been known 
Ere yet I came a corpse by Eurus blown 
To these delightful shores where thou, most blest, 
Thy snowy flock serenely pasturest 2 ." 


But it is time to turn from sea-voyages and River and 
their perils to the safe travelling by rivers, canals travelling. 
and lakes. Most important among navigable rivers 
was of course the Tiber : as early as the foundation 
of Rome commerce had gone up and down the 
'yellow stream,' and in Livy's fifth book we read 
that the produce of Latium was thus conveyed to 
the sea. Much effort was expended from time to 
time in keeping the channel free from mud. Under 15 A.D. 
Tiberius ' curatores alvei et riparum Tiberis ' were 
appointed, who dredged the river and repaired the 
embankment wall and the sewer mouths. The river 
was navigable from Trusiamnum in the territory of 
Perusia; probably the inland commerce of the regions 
bordering the Adriatic went through Ravenna up to 
Pisaurum, then by waggons to Trusiamnum and so 

1 Tomson, p. 42. 2 Ibid. p. 97. 


by barges down the Tiber (Bergier). The produce 
of Pliny's Tuscan estate, which was watered by the 
Tiber, was conveyed down it to Rome in the winter 
and spring : the chief article would of course be 
wine from the Apennirie vineyards 1 . Several of the 
Tiber tributaries were also navigable, especially the 
Nar. Tacitus relates that Piso on being summoned 
home for trial after Germanicus' death, crossed the 
Dalmatian Sea to Ancona, thence went through 
Picenum along the Via Flaminia to Narnia, whence 
he sailed down the Nar and the Tiber, landing at 
the tomb of the Caesars 2 . Even the Umbrian 
stream Clitumnus had its barges, which were carried 
down by the strong current without need of oars 3 . 

Of far greater importance however was the traffic 
up that river, which Pliny the elder in one of his 
flights of rhetoric calls " rerum in toto orbe nascen- 
tium mercator placidissimus 4 ." Usually large vessels 
unloaded their cargoes into barges, while small ones 
were lightened and towed up 5 . Especially impor- 
tant were the barges and landing-places for the 
marble blocks, of which great quantities were brought 
to Rome. At the foot of the Aventine was the old 
* Marmoratum ' of which remains still exist. These 
are a number of huge unsculptured travertine 
corbels (8 feet long by 3 feet deep), each pierced 

1 Juv. vii. 121, vinum Tiber! devectum. 

2 Tac. Ann. in. 9. 3 Plin. Epp. vm. 88. 

4 Plin. H. N. v. 3 53. 

5 The noise of the bargees and the shouts of the steersman 
giving the " time " to the crew are counted by Martial among the 
disagreeables of city life, Mart. iv. 64. 


with a hole to receive the hawsers of the ships 
fastened here whilst discharging their cargoes of 
marble blocks 1 . The extensive buildings in the 
Campus Martius under Augustus made a new 
marble wharf necessary, if a troublesome journey 
through the streets from the Aventine was to be 
avoided. The new one, of which the remains have 
been recently discovered, was about 175 yards above 
the Pons Aelius, now the Bridge of St Angelo, and 
dates probably from the time of Augustus. 

In this connexion may be mentioned also the 
vast store-houses for foreign imports of all descrip- 
tions which stretched for a mile along the Tiber 
bank mingled with bakers' shops and corn-mills. 
The chief was the Horrea Galbea et Aniciana at 
the foot of the Aventine near the landing quay of 
the Tiber. It consisted of a series of open courts 
surrounded by chambers two floors high for storage 
purposes. In the same region of the city five other 
store-houses are known to have existed; while in 
312 A.D. the total number for Rome is given as 290. 
Professor Lanciani during recent explorations in the 
Horrea Galbea found in the various store-chambers 
a motley collection of articles, including lentils, sand 
for sawing marble, amphorae, and a mass of elephants' 
tusks 2 . The granaries covered a large area, as is 
shown by the vast amount imported every year 
144 million bushels even under Augustus, when the 
city population was under two millions. The scholiast 
on Lucan I. 319 says that in his time 80,000 modii 

1 Middleton, i. p. 148. 

2 Lane. Anc, Rome, p. 250. 


were daily consumed in Rome : Septimus Severus 
kept enough to last seven years. 

Perhaps the most striking proof of the vastness 
of the Tiber traffic is the so-called Monte Testaccio. 
This is composed of fragments of pottery, mainly 
from amphorae in which goods of all kinds were 
brought to Rome. According to Lanciani a space 
was reserved for the bits of broken amphorae and 
the accumulations of centuries have resulted in 
a hill 160 feet high, covering an area of 16 acres. 

With regard to the other rivers of the Empire 
we have no s such details as for the Tiber, but there 
is no doubt that they were extensively used for 
communication. The route from Ravenna to Altinum 
has been mentioned already; no doubt there was 
barge and boat traffic on the river itself as well as 
on the lagoons near its mouth. Especially in Gaul 
was river communication frequent ; even before the 
conquest "the tolls of the river and maritime 
ports played a great part in the budget of certain 
cantons 1 ." It was quite possible to traverse Gaul 
from north to south by the rivers with the exception 
of some few miles between the Sequana (Seine) and 
the Arar (Saone) 2 . In Egypt up to the First 
Cataract the Nile was the easiest route and w r as 
the scene of busy traffic. From scarcity of wood/-, 
other materials for boats had been adopted. Often 
they were made of reed, papyrus or rush, a custom 
as old as the Book of Job, where the ' swift ships ' 

1 Mommsen, Vol. iv. p. 220. 

2 Strab. iv. 1. 14. 



are literally 'ships of reed 1 .' Several allusions also 
occur to earthenware boats, the brightly coloured 
phaseli mentioned by Vergil and Juvenal 2 . Strabo 3 
during his visit to Egypt was surprised at the slow- 
ness of these makeshifts. The modern reader is 
likely to be surprised rather at the marvellous 
variety in the means of communication over the 
vast area which formed the Empire. 

Closely connected with river traffic is that Traffic on 
carried on by canals and lakes. The age saw many 
great projects and some great performances in the 
way of canals. Julius Caesar and afterwards Gaius 
planned the piercing of the Isthmus of Corinth 4 , 
but the attempt came to nothing. Another unsuc- 
cessful venture was Nero's projected canal from 
Lake Avernus to the mouth of the Tiber, which 
would have required immense outlay and labour 
for inadequate results 5 . Among more useful enter- 
prises may be reckoned the Fossa Drusiana, con- 
necting the Rhine with the Zuyder Zee (then Lake 
Flevo). This was constructed by the elder Drusus 
in 12 B.C. Equally useful for military purposes was 
Corbulo's canal between the Meuse and the Rhine. 
A third plan, which would have been of great 
commercial benefit, was quashed through jealousy 
of its author. L. Vetus, one of the legati of 
Germany, proposed in 59 A.D. to connect the 

1 Job ix. 26. Cf. Juv. v. 89. Plin. H. N. vn. 206. Lucan, 
Phars. iv. 136. 

2 Verg. Georg. iv. 2879. Juv. xv. 126. 

3 Strab. p. 788. 4 Suet. hd. 44 ; Cal 21. 
5 Tac. Ann. xv. 43. 


Moselle and the Saone (Arar) so that communication 
between the Mediterranean and the North Sea 
might be entirely by water, viz. along the Rhone, 
the Saone, Moselle and Rhine. The neighbouring 
legatus of Belgica condemned the plan as contrary 
to imperial policy 1 . A canal much used was that 
connecting Canopus 2 with Alexandria, which was 
covered with boats containing the idlest and most 
vicious pleasure-seekers of the Empire. The con- 
course passed into a proverb, as we see from Seneca, 
who writes : " The wise man, or he who aims at 
becoming so, must avoid certain abodes as unfavour- 
able to virtuous practice. Therefore if he be looking 
about for a quiet retreat, he will not choose Canopus 3 ." 
This canal was only one of a network which covered 
a large part of Egypt for irrigation as well as for 
transit purposes. 

With regard to communication by lakes we have 
few details, except for the Sea of Galilee, which as 
is shown in the Gospels was the usual way of con- 
nexion between Galilee and Decapolis. We may 
be sure that, wherever possible, lakes were utilized. 
An instance may be quoted from Pliny's letter to 
Trajan describing a lake of considerable size near 
Nicomedia, on which marble, corn, logs, etc. were 
easily conveyed. Pliny suggests the continuation 
of this water-traffic to the sea by making a 

The merchants of the Empire had discovered 
the comparative cheapness of water-traffic, and the 

1 Tac. Ann. xm. 53. 2 Strab. 800, 801. 

3 Sen. Ep. 51 3. Mayor, Vol. i. p. 98. 


State and private individuals were not behindhand. 
Beyond doubt the transporting of soldiers was 
carried on as far as possible by water, and sea- 
voyages were for most men less fatiguing than 
land-journeys 1 . During the short season of navi- 
gation the Mediterranean was crowded to such 


an extent that Juvenal can bid his readers 'look 
at the harbours and the sea covered with ships ; 
more men are now afloat than ashore 2 .' Prof. Mayor 
in commenting on this passage points out that what 
is now done by letter or cable had then to be done 
by personal visits. The merchant of the first 
century well deserved to be called by Horace 
' unwearied ' ; there were doubtless not a few who 
could, like Flavius Zeuxis, have it recorded on 
their tomb that they had sailed seventy -two times 
round Malea into Italy 3 . 

1 Cf. Tac. Hist. i. 33. 

2 Juv. xv. 275. 

3 C. I. G. 3920. &\dovios EeO|is e/ryaoTTjj 7rXetf<ra5 virep 
ci's ' 



THE foregoing sketch, inadequate as it is, shows 
first, that the provinces and Rome were during the 
first century in constant communication, secondly, 
that travellers enjoyed greater security than ever 
before and greater than in many centuries after, and 
thirdly, that no satisfactory account of the system 
of communication in a country can be given without 
a full knowledge of its geography, history, and social 
conditions. Such knowledge, is for the first century, 
imperfect indeed, though a mass of literature has 
come, down to us. Mommsen 1 is indignant at the 
' telling of what deserved to be suppressed, and the 
suppression of what there was need to tell/ Still 
one generation can never look at itself with the eyes 
of another ; unless for the benefit of posterity it 
seems hardly worth while to write what everybody 
knows. Hence there are woeful gaps in our know- 
ledge, which however, it is to be hoped, may be filled 
up partly by fresh epigraphic evidence. 

1 Pravinces of the Roman Empire, In trod. Vol. i. 




It remains to fill up this outline of the system Asia 
of communication in the case of Asia Minor. More Minor. 


than in many countries this was determined \yyfeature*. 
physical conditions. The region west of the Tigris 
to the Levant consists for the most part of a plateau 
whose mean elevation varies from 3500 to 4000 feet 
above sea-level, stretching for about 200 miles with 
an average breadth of 140 miles. Bordering this pla- 
teau south and north are two broken mountain ranges 
which branch out from the Armenian uplands. The 
southern, or Taurus, range begins near the Euphrates 
and continues in a general westerly direction 
to the Aegean, sending out spurs to the north 
and south at various points. The average height 
ranges from 7000 to 10,000 or even 13,000 feet : 
in character the chain is rugged and intersected by 
many chasms and ravines. There are but few passes 
and those snow-covered till May or June. The Anti- 
Taurus range runs in two or three parallel chains 
close to the Euxine as far as the Bosporus. Thence 
it throws off southern spurs, the chief being Mt Ida 
and the Mysian Olympus. Several branches also 
run into the interior : the highest peak in these and 
in the whole peninsula is Mount Argaeus (Ergish 
dagh), over 13,000 feet in height. On the north 
the mountains are at a very short distance from 
the sea ; on the south there is a coast plain rising 
abruptly to the central plateau ; on the west are a 
number of river valleys (Caicus, Hermus, Maeander), 
separated by spurs of the Taurus which jut out into 
the Aegean. 

The rivers on the south are short and rapid, 


liable to floods in winter, while in the summer their 
volume is much diminished. The largest rivers of 
the peninsula are the Halys and Sangarius, flowing 
into the Euxine. A remarkable feature of the 
plateau is the number of fresh and salt water lakes, 
the chief being Lake Tatta, some sixty miles north 
of Konia (Iconium). Of the fresh water lakes the 
largest is the Egerdir (the ancient Limnae) in the 
Pisidian mountains. The region round Lake Tatta 
is practically desert, as the rainfall is small and un- 
certain. The climate of the plateau generally is 
sultry in summer and cold in winter, snow lying 
deep on the ground for four months. The western 
and southern coasts present a great contrast with 
their warm but not oppressive summers and their 
cooling sea-breezes 1 . 

The soil of the peninsula is naturally very rich : 
in the valleys, even after centuries of neglect, fruits 
of all kinds and cereals are grown in abundance ; the 
soil needs only to be scratched to be productive. 
The Taurus slopes are in many places clothed with 
pines and firs, and the upland districts, especially 
towards the Euphrates, afford good pasturage. In 
imperial times, when the land was carefully culti- 
vated, Asia Minor was one of the richest countries 
of the world. There were many sources of wealtji 
besides agriculture ; the great cities on the Aegean 
coast were important manufacturing centres ; produc- 
tive marble quarries were to be found at Dorylaeum 
and purple fisheries off Miletus. 

1 The Pamphylian plain however had a bad climate, malaria 
being frequent, as is the case to-day. 


This sketch of the natural features of the country 
gives some clue to the general character of its system 
of communication. Given a country with two roughly 
parallel mountain ranges running east and west and 
a desert in the centre of the enclosed plateau, it is 
clear that traffic must necessarily set east and west 
either north or south of this desert. The position 
of Asia Minor relatively to surrounding countries 
shows further that it must always have served to 
connect the East with the West. To quote Prof. 
Ramsay, " Planted like a bridge between Asia and 
Europe, the peninsula of Asia Minor has been from 
the beginning of history a battlefield between the 
East and the West. Across this bridge the religion, 
art and civilization of the East found their way into 
Greece ; and the civilization of Greece under the 
guidance of Alexander the Macedonian passed back 
again across the same bridge to conquer the East 
arid revolutionize Asia as far as the heart of India. 
Persians, Arabs, Mongols, Turks, have all followed 
the same route in the many attempts that Asia has 
made to subdue the West 1 ." 

This conflict between the Oriental and European Civiiisa- 
spirit accounts for the fact that in the first century tlon " 
A.D. the inhabitants of Asia Minor varied widely in 
race and civilization. Greek influence, which had 
begun on the north and west coasts in the early days 
of colonization, had been extended to the interior 
under Alexander and the successors, and later under 
the kings of Pergamus. A fresh element had been 

1 Hist. Geog. of Asia Minor, p. 23 (referred to henceforth as 
H. G. A. M.). 

s. 8 


introduced by the Gallic invasions of the third 
century B.C. and the settlement in the district 
henceforward known as Gallograecia or Galatia. The 
Romans appeared in Asia Minor as the extenders of 
Hellenism : the urban foundations of the Seleucids 
and Attalids increased in population and wealth till 
men could speak of " the province of the five hundred 
towns." In spite of the disasters suffered in the 
thu-d Mithradatic war, there was, during the first 
century of our era, a high degree of prosperity. 
Here as elsewhere the imperial rule was for the 
provincials an unmixed benefit. The remains of 
aqueducts, theatres and temples show to this day 
the diffusion of wealth throughout the country ; as 
an instance may be cited the ruins of the Lycian 
town of Cragus-Sidyma, of which Mommsen says, 
" In the whole Vilayet Aidin there is at the present 
day no inland place which can be even remotely 
placed bythe side of this little mountain-town, such 
as it was then as regards civilised existence 1 ." 

In the urban life three features are especially 
noticeable: the petty rivalries of the cities, which 
are severely ridiculed by Dio of Prusa 2 as " Greek 
follies "; the splendour and frequency of the spectacles, 
athletic and musical contests, and festivals of all 
descriptions ; and lastly the high development of the 
system of/coivd answering to the provincial councils of 
the West. The Asiarchs, Bithyniarchs, and so forth, 
were high priests of the temple where the emperor 
was worshipped, and conducted the festivals in his 

1 Mommsen, Provinces of the Eoman Empire, vol. i. p. 356. 

2 Dio Chrys. xxvii. 528 K. 


honour. Their position was much sought after on 
account of its outward magnificence, and they seem 
to have formed something like a nobility of office. 

With regard to political relations with Rome, Govern- 
the geographical area now known as Asia Minor was m< 
in the first century divided into a number of pro- 
vinces, partly imperial, partly senatorial. To the 
former class, under proconsuls elected by lot for one 
year, belonged first, Asia 1 in the official, 
including the old districts of Mysia, Lydia, and 
Caria, bequeathed to the Roman people by Attains 
III., the last king of Pergamus. Next came 
Bithynia-Pontus, gained partly by bequest from 
Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, partly by conquest 
from Mithradates Eupator. Third 2 came Cyprus 
and Gyrene, each bequeathed by its last ruler to the 
people of Rome, arid lastly Crete, occupied by 
Metellus as a base against the pirates. Under 
direct imperial administration were various terri- 
tories, mostly acquired during the first century. 

1 The boundaries of Asia are thus given by Prof. Ramsay 
(H. G. A. M. p. 171). Beginning with the north the line ran 
up the Rhyndacus, beyond Hadriani, then east, keeping north of 
Dorylaion, then south, keeping east of Accylaion, Trocnades, 
Orcistos, and Philomelion ; south of Hadrianopolis, N.W. along 
the Sultan Dagh, not including Neapolis and Antioch, then S.W. 
along a ridge to the valley of Dombai, then south, the boundary 
being marked between Apollonia and Apameia by a stone still 
preserved ; then S.W. through L. Ascania, between Lysinia and 
Tymbrianassos, and between Olbasa and the Ormeleis; south 
along the upper waters of the Lysis, W. through L. Caralitis and 
along the Indos to the sea. (See also the maps in H. G. A. M. 
and in Cities and Bishoprics.) 

2 These were always reckoned with Asia Minor. ^ 



The largest was the province of Galatia, which 
varied much in extent at different epochs. Towards 
the middle of the first century A.D., the time of 
St Paul's journeys, it comprised the following 
districts : Galatia proper, bequeathed by king 
Amyntas in 25 B.C., Pisidia, Lycaonia, Paphlagonia, 
Pontus Galaticus, and small districts of Phrygia and 
Isauria 1 . The kingdom of Cappadocia was added to 
the Empire in 17 A.D. and the Lycian city confedera- 
tion in 43 A.D. Under Nero in 63 A.D. the 
north-eastern frontier was extended from the valley 
of the Iris to Armenia, while under Vespasian were 
annexed Lesser Armenia and some smaller districts 
in Cilicia. 

Road- \ The Romans did not originate the road-system 
any more than the city life of Asia Minor: both 
have a long history, the beginning of which is lost 
in the mists of the past. In the pre- Persian epoch 
it seems that a road from the Euphrates led north 
of the salt lake region through Pteria to Sardis and 
Ephesus ; Pteria was connected too with Sinope 
on the Euxine. This road is difficult and circuitous, 
and owed its origin in all probability to the fact that 
Pteria was the metropolis of a great empire. The 
Persians adopted the same route under the name 
of the Royal Road described by Herodotus. In 
course of time when the greatness of Pteria had been 
utterly forgotten, intercourse naturally followed the 
easier route, viz., that to the south of the great 
desert. Hence between 300 and 100 B.C. the great 

1 H.G.A. M. p. 254. 


trade route came into use, the result "of the 
gradual penetration of commerce and intercourse, 
pushing on the one hand west from the Cilician 
Gates, and on the other hand east from the 
Maeander and Lycus valleys 1 ." 

The Romans naturally adopted the route that The great 
had been worked out under the Greek kings and 
made it the backbone of their system. As in other 
provinces, their object was quick communication 
rwith Rome, hence the chief highway terminated 
at Ephesus, whence Rome could be reached either 
by sea or by land and sea combined. Ephesus, as the 
de facto capital' 2 of Asia and the residence of the 
proconsul, was the chief city of the whole peninsula. 
It had extensive docks and a fine harbour, Panormus. 
The engineer employed by Attains Philadelphus had 
built a mole which kept in the mud brought down 
by the Cayster, ultimately ruining the harbour ; but 
as yet the commercial supremacy of the city 
remained unshaken. Important manufactures had\ 
their seat at Ephesus, e.g. the silver shrines made by \ 
Demetrius and his fellows for the worshippers of the j 
Ephesian Artemis. Religion indeed as well as 
commerce attracted crowds to the city; the great 
temple of the Nature-goddess, identified with the 
Greek Arternis, was celebrated throughout the 
world. On its completion, according to the legend, 
Mithradates had granted a right of asylum extending 
round it as far as a bowshot; by a miracle the 
arrow flew a furlong's distance. Naturally criminals 

1 H. G. A. M. p. 38. 

2 Pergamus was the official capital of the province of Asia. 


and scoundrels of all descriptions flocked to the 
neighbourhood of the temple, till Tiberius in the inte- 
rests of public order restricted the bounds. On Mt 
Solmissus, where there were many other temples, 
a panegyric festival was held annually at which the 
mystic rites of the Curetes were celebrated 1 . In 
fact the Ephesians passed their life amid the frantic 
worship of the mother of the gods, varied by the 
celebration of Panionic, Ephesian, or Artemisian 
Games 2 . 

The great road from Ephesus to the East is 
given in the Peutinger Table in only a fragmentary 
form ; its existence is proved by Strabo, who speaks 
of a road from Ephesus to Antioch and the Maeander. 
The first great town it passed was Magnesia, south- 
east of Ephesus ; to the east of this was Tralles, 
celebrated in Strabo's time for its wealth and for the 
number of its citizens who attained the dignity of 
Asiarch 3 . The next important place was Antioch 
ad Maeandrum, where the road crossed the river by 
a bridge 4 , probably constructed by M'. Aquillius in 
129 B.C. when he laid out the roads of the province 
of Asia. It consisted of six arches and is often 
represented on coins of Antioch. Keeping still due 
east the road passed through Carura, noted for its 
number of inns used by visitors to the hot bat hs, and 
then reached Laodicea, which is situated on a small 
plateau raised above the lowlands along the Lycus. 

1 Strab. xiv. 1. 

2 The luxury of Ephesus is probably depicted in the 18th 
chapter of the Apocalypse, especially vv. 11 17. 

3 Strab. 648. 4 Ibid. 630. 


This river-valley is the easiest approach from the 
coast region to the great central plateau, and during 
the Greek and Roman periods it was the main 
artery of communication 1 . The city, named after 
his wife Laodice, had been founded by Antiochus II. 
(261 246 B.C.) to strengthen his hold on the district 
by means of Macedonian colonists. In Strabo's time 
its prosperity had greatly increased; the territory 
afforded pasturage for the glossy black sheep whose 
wool was woven into fine cloth, carpets and gar- 
ments. The latter are referred to in the letter 
to the Church of Laodicea: " I counsel thee to 
buy of me (not the glossy black garments of 
Laodicea, but) white garments that thou mayest 
clothe thyself 2 ." 

From the Syrian gate of Laodicea the road passed 
along the glen of the Upper Lycus to Colossae, which 
was built originally on the southern bank, though it 
had extended to the northern also. Commercially 
it had been ruined by the foundation of Laodicea, 
only ten miles away. Strabo calls it a small town, 
though in the fifth century B.C. it had been "a 
populous city, prosperous and great." Its dark 
purple wool was almost as much valued as that 
of Laodicea, but the town would now scarcely be 
remembered but for the connexion with St Paul. 
After leaving Colossae the road ascende^steadily, 
yet gently, to the plateau, passed the Bitter Salt 
Lake (Anava) and turned north-east till it reached 
Apamea. This, like Laodicea, was a Seleucid foun- 

1 Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics, p. 5. 

2 Rev. iii. 18 ; Cities and Bishoprics, p. 42. 


dation, built by Antiochus Soter, and peopled with 
the inhabitants of the ancient city of Celaenae hard 
by. It was according to Strabo the busiest place 
in the province of Asia after Ephesus, being an 
entrepot for those coming from Greece and Italy. 

Leaving Apamea the eastern highway bore past 
Metropolis, Euphorbium, and Julia to Philomelium, 
and then turned south-east to Laodicea (icaraice- 
/cav/jLevrj), so called to distinguish it from Laodicea 
ad Lycum. Now keeping due east it traversed the 
bare plateau of Lycaonia, past Savatra and Coro- 
passus, and then through Cappadocia, past Archelais 
to Caesarea Mazaca. This town under its old name 
of Mazaca had been the capital of Cappadocia: it 
received its name of Caesarea on the annexation of 
the country under Tiberius. Near it was Mt Argaeus, 
the highest mountain of the peninsula, the top of 
which was always covered with snow. Strabo notes 
that in a clear sky a view can be gained from it to 
the Euxine on the north and the Sinus Issicus to 
the south, but that very few have been on the 
summit. He adds further that the city of Mazaca 
had been purposely left unwalled lest the inhabitants 
should take to brigandage. Thence the route kept 
due east, passing various important military stations, 
till it reached Melitene, the head-quarters of the 
frontier defence system and the standing camp of 
the Legio XII Fulminata. From Melitene a caravan 
route crossed the Euphrates near Domisa to Armenia. 

Branches Yor the sake of clearness no branches of this 

of the -11 

great trade great road have yet been mentioned, but every 

place of any importance along its course was a 


'knot' where various side routes came in. First 
of all, from Ephesus, the starting point, a road ran 
on the left bank of the Cayster for about twenty- 
five miles, then crossed, and continued in a general 
north-easterly direction over Mt. Tmolus to Sardis. 
Another crossed the Cayster close to Ephesus, went 
north-east to Dios Hieron, then north-north-west to 
Smyrna. Hence was a twofold connexion with 
Sardis : the direct one through Nymphaeum and 
Sosandra, the circuitous one following the Hermus 
past Magnesia. From this second route branched 
the coast road through Cyme, Myrina, Elaea to 
Adramyttium, whence two roads led to Cyzicus on 
the Propontis. The direct one was north-east along 
the line of the river Aesepus, the other followed 
round the coast through Assos, Troas, Abydos and 
Lampsacus till it reached Cyzicus. Pergamus, the 
official capital of the province, was connected with 
the western coast at Elaea, at Atarneus and Adra- 
myttium, with the Propontis at Cyzicus, and with 
Sardis through Germe, Nacrasa and Thyatira. From 
the last-named city a north road ran through 
Hadrianoutherae, joining the route from Pergamus 
and Cyzicus. 

The first great knot after leaving Ephesus was 
Laodicea ad Lycum. Here met the road from the 
Pamphylian port of Attalia, that from Sardis through 
Philadelphia and Hierapolis, and from Phrygia 
through Brouzos, Eumenia, Peltae and Lounda. 

From Apamea a road ran east to the Pisidian 
Antioch and another north-east to Synnada,Docimium 
and Amorium. Commercially this route was most 


important for by it came the marble quarried two 
or three miles from Docimium. The fact that this 
marble was known as Synnadic leads to the sup- 
position that at Synnada was situated "the chief 
office of administration, to which orders for the 
marble were sent 1 ." North Phrygia was connected 
with Apamea through Dorylaeum, Nacolea, Hiera- 
polis and Eucarpia. 

For the mountainous region south of Apamea 
the centre of communication was Antioch, called 
Pisidian to distinguish it from the more famous 
Syrian Antioch on the Orontes' 2 . Under the Re- 
public the Roman power had never been secure on 
the Pamphylian coast or in the Pisidian mountains. 
The subjugation of the robber tribes was entrusted 
by M. Antonius to the Galatian officer Amyntas, 
who soon became King of Galatia and extended his 
power over Lycaonia, Pisidia, Isauria, Pamphylia 
and western Cilicia 3 . Up to his death in B.C. 25 he 
did much to extirpate brigands and suppress piracy. 
Later on we find that Antipater, the ruler of Derbe 
and Laranda, drove the Pisidians out of southern 
Phrygia, but was killed in an expedition against 
the Homonadenses. This untoward event compelled 
Augustus to take action. Pamphylia was placed 
under a governor of its own : western Cilicia was 
placed under Cappadocia, with the understanding 
that the prince of the latter district should help 

1 H. G. A. M. p. 54. 

2 Its full description at the time of St Paul's visits would have 
been, "a Phrygian city on the side of Pisidia." 

3 Mommsen, Provinces, i. ch. 8. 



to pacify it ; the remainder of Atnyntas' dominions 
formed the new province of Galatia. 

The policy of coercion was vigorously carried 
out on the usual Roman lines. About B.C. 6 a 
number of roads were made connecting the colonies 
of Antioch, Olbasa, Comana, Crernna, Parlais and 
Lystra 1 . The distances were probably counted from 
Autioch, as the number of miles stated on a mile- 
stone found on the site of Comana exactly corre- 
sponds with that given in the Peutinger Table 
between Antioch and Comana via Apollonia. The 
importance of Antioch continued for nearly three- 
quarters of a century till the mountaineers were 
incorporated in the Empire. Scattered notices in 
Tacitus show that this was no easy task. We read 
that the Syrian army had once to be called in to 
chastise the Homonadenses ; that their territory was 
invaded and laid waste by P. Sulpicius Quirinus 2 , 
who distributed the old inhabitants among the sur- 
rounding townships. In this connexion may be 
mentioned also the Clitae of western Cilicia, who 
when placed under Archelaus refused to submit to 
census and tribute, and held out against his forces 
on the heights of Mount Taurus. More than four 
thousand troops from Syria were needed to reduce 
them by sword and famine 3 . Undaunted, they re- 
peated the same tactics in A.D. 53, making raids on 
the coast cities or committing- piracy on trading 
vessels, Once more a Syrian force was sent, com- 
posed however of cavalry, who from the nature of the 

1 C. I. L. in. Supp. 6974, Rusbforth, pp. 224. 

2 Tac. Ann. in. 48. 3 Tac. Ann. vi. 44. 


ground were unable to act. The commander was 
reduced to employ bribes and treachery to bring 
them to submission 1 . 

These roads branching from Antioch are especially 
noteworthy as exceptions to the general rule that 
communication in Asia Minor was for trading pur- 

Returning to the eastern highway, the next knot 
was Laodicea Combusta (/caTaKeKav/jL^vrj), whence 
roads ran south to Iconium and north-west to 
Dorylaeum. Iconium was a centre for the roads 
of Lycaonia and Cilicia. It was connected with 
Tarsus by a road over the Taurus through the pass 
of the Cilician Gates, then so narrow that a loaded 
camel could only just pass between the rocky walls 2 . 
From a military point of view this pass has always 
been the most important in Asia Minor. At the 
northern entrance was the town of Tyana, which 
had direct communication with Iconium, as had 
also Lystra and Isauria. Further, from the port 
of Seleucia on the Calycadnus a road ran from 
Selinus to Rossus. Besides the Gates other passes 
led over Anti-Taurus, direct from Lycaonia to the 
Cilician coast, the most used being that leading via 
Andrasus to Celenderis. 

For Cappadocia the road- knots were Archelais>, 
and Caesarea. At Archelais four roads met the 
eastern highway : from Tyana through Nazianzus 
and so ultimately from Tarsus ; from Tavium in 
North Galatia through Mocissus ; from Aricyra 
through Parnassus on the Halys, and lastly from 
1 Tac. Ann. xn. 55. 2 H. G. A. M. p. 58. 


the old Galatian capital Pessinus. Caesarea was 
an even more important centre, for to it converged 
the roads over Anti-Taurus either from Cocussus 
and Comana 1 , a road frequented at the present 
time, or from Arabissus and Ptanadaris, still of 
some importance and practicable for wheeled traffic 2 . 
Sebastia to the north-east and Tavium to the north- 
west also had direct connexion with Caesarea. 

Melitene, the last knot, had a military import- 
ance similar to, though far greater than, that of 
the Pisidian Antioch. It was the centre of the 
roads guarding the frontier of the Empire towards 
the Euphrates. A road which roughly followed 
the course of the great river ran from Satala, the 
station of Legio XV Apollinaris through Arauraca 
and Dascusa to Melitene and thence to Samosata (the 
modern Samsat) in the province of Syria. Melitene 
was connected with the passes over Taurus by a road 
to Arabissus and Cocussus. From the last named 
a road ran through Comana to Sebastia and thence 
along the Halys to Nicopolis and Satala. This set of 
roads formed roughly an ellipse, the chief points on 
the circumference being Satala, Melitene, Arabissus 
and Sebastia; the two latter were connected by 
cross roads with Melitene, and from Germanicea 
due south of Arabissus two roads diverged to the 
Euphrates at Samosata and Zeugma, whence lay the 
caravan routes to Edessa. 

This great route and its branches furnished the 
means of communication for Asia, southern Galatia, 

1 The emporium for the Armenian trade. Strab. xn. 3, 35. 

2 Ibid. p. '271. 


Lycaonia, Cilicia and Cappadocia. There remains 
to be described the road-system of the north in 
Bithynia, northern Galatia, Pontus, and its con- 
nexion with the main route from Ephesus. 

Northern ^he backbone of this northern system is a road 

running eastwards corresponding to the eastern 

highway. It started from Nicomedia, the northern 
Ephesus, as it were, and was united with the 
southern route by branches from Dorylaeum and 
Ancyra. Dorylaeum was the meeting point of the 
Phrygian roads, being connected with Apamea and 
Philadelphia to the south. Ancyra was the centre 
of the north Galatian system ; it was linked with the 
eastern highway by a road to Parnassus forking to 
Archelais and to Mazaca ; with Amasia and Amisus 
by Gangra and Euchaeta ; lastly Arnasia was con- 
nected with Comana Pontica and with Sebastia. 
The above-mentioned road from Nicomedia 
through Nicaea, Dorylaeum, Ancyra, Archelais, Tyana, 
to Tarsus became one of the most important in Asia 
Minor when Constantinople was the capital of the 
Empire and all roads no longer ' led to Rome.' It 
was then used by pilgrims to the Holy Land, and 
was therefore constantly described. Even now 
considerable trade passes along it. 

Before leaving the subject of the road-system 
of Asia Minor it may be well, even at the risk of 
repetition, to summarize its leading features. In the 
first place, the roads were trade routes with the ex- 
ception of those radiating from Antioch and Melitene. 
Hence they were not made with such elaborate care 
as in other parts of the Empire, Italy especially. 


Secondly, they preferred ease to straightness and 
were adapted when possible to the line of rivers and 
mountains. Thirdly, the main routes ran west and 
east, the skeleton of the system being as follows : 
a highway from Ephesus to Melitene, sending out 
branches northwards to a roughly parallel road (Nico- 
media to Satala) and southwards to the coast. 
Lastly, the road-system was very complete, as is 
obvious from the large number of cities existing 
in the country in the first century A.D. 

The truth of this last statement is more clearly 
realized by comparing the communications of Asia 
Minor at the present time and nineteen hundred 
years ago. The unanimous evidence of travellers is 
that the country is infinitely worse off now than it 
was then. A passage from Prof. Ramsay's Impres- 
sions of Turkey is so much to the point that its 
length may be pardoned. " Though occasionally one 
finds a good new road built by some European in the 
Government service, the great majority of the roads 
which have been made in recent years in Asia Minor 
are bad. In more cases than one the line of the new 
road was indicated to our eyes by the deeper green 
of a more luxuriant crop of grass ; the natives care- 
fully avoided it because its surface was not so good 
for the horses' feet, and the track which they followed 
kept away from the road, only cutting across it oc- 
casionally. It is quite common to find an isolated 
piece of modern road without beginning or end. It 
is still commoner to find an elevated causeway, built 
at great expense, leading to the bank of a ravine or 
stream in preparation for a bridge ; but the bridge 


has never been built When a new road is pro- 
jected an entirely new line is selected, often one that 
requires engineering works of some magnitude ; 
scraps of the road are made by forced labour ; a 
certain amount of money is spent, three times as 
much money is embezzled by officials of various 
ranks : then the whole enterprise is abandoned." M. 
Perrot, some years earlier, wrote 1 : " Whenever by 
some lucky chance the traveller does find a bridge 
or causeway, he nearly always has to thank the 
builders of Roman or Byzantine times. In the East 
the generations of to-day live off the remnants and, 
if the expression may be used, the crumbs of the 
past." Mr Hogarth found that the high road from 
Konia (Iconium) was severely left alone, being grass- 
grown, with rotten bridges, and often disconnected 
from the embankments 2 . 

Safety of With regard to the safety of travellers the 

mg ' contrast between now and then is not so strongly 
marked. The police arrangements of the Empire 
were by no means its strong point, and in Asia Minor 
several causes contributed to make travelling ratherv 
insecure. The mountainous nature of the country 
was a direct incentive to brigandage, which went on 
unchecked till the days of the Empire. Strabo gives 
in some detail the story of the robber-chief Cleon^ 
who lived in a strong castle called Callydium, near 
Gordiuni ; by attacking those who were collecting 
money for Labienus, governor of Asia, he rendered 
considerable service to M. Antonius, but basely 

1 Exploration archeologique, Vol. i. p. 1. 

2 Wandering Scholar, p. 36. 


deserted him for Octavian at the battle of Actium. 
His treachery was rewarded, inappropriately enough, 
with the priesthood of ' Zeus Abrettenos,' the god 
of the Mysians, and with a part of Morena in Mysia 
by way of territory. He also received a priesthood 
at Comana Pontica, where he shocked his colleagues 
by sacrificing pigs according to the custom of Lydia 
and Phrygia. Within a month he was smitten with 
disease and died, the priests at Comana attributing 
his end to the wrath of the goddess. 

The peace which prevailed in the country on the 
establishment of the Principate put a stop to such I 
flagrant crimes as those committed under the Re- 
public, but the laxity of the senatorial administration, 
coupled with the fact that many cities possessed 
powers of self-government within their own territories, 
and in some cases rights of asylum as well, tended 
to make brigandage a profitable means of livelihood. 
In some districts even military force could not stamp i 
out robbers ; in spite of Augustus's efforts they con- / 
tinued in the Pisidian mountains. St Paul, in the 
description of what he had undergone during his 
journeys, mentions " perils of robbers," thinking 
doubtless of the journey from Pamphylia to Pisidian 
Antioch. A number of inscriptions 1 found near the 
site of Antioch show the extreme insecurity that 
prevailed. Thus an epitaph is erected by Patroklos 
and Douda over the grave of their son Sousou, slain 
by robbers. Another refers to armedjolicemen 
(6po<f)v\aKes and irapa^vXaKirai}, and a third to a 

1 Kamsay, St Paul the Traveller, &c. p. 23. 


stationarius, whose duty it was to catch runaway 
slaves turned brigands. 

Now-a-days brigandage usually has a place in 
accounts of travel throiigh Asia Minor. Thus Mr 
Hogarth in his Wandering Scholar in the Levant 
writes, " We have climbed three thousand feet and 
the waggon is drawn aside for the night by a little 
spring in a hidden hollow ; the spot is chosen to 
escape the highwaymen who patrol the road 1 " Later 
on he says that the armed shepherds near the coast 
are often potential robbers if they see the odds to be 
clearly in their favour, and refers to the case of Mr 
Macmillan, who was killed on the Mysian Olympus 
in 1888. On the whole however it seems that there 
is no general sympathy with the brigands and that 
a little timely severity can make a province safe. In 
fact, the inhabitants of the plateau are so miserably 
poor that there is nothing for robbers to take. 
Communi- Passing from the road-system to communication 
^ ^J wa ^ er we find that in some districts this was 
much easier than by land, e.g. on the northern coast. 
The Cyreian soldier Antileon told his comrades at 
Trapezus that he was weary of marching, and now 
that the sea was before him he longed to sail the 
rest of the way, and " arrive in Greece outstretched 
and asleep like Odysseus 2 ." Such communication 
was even more tempting on the western coast with 
its numerous indentations and good harbours. 
Strabo, it may be remarked, in his description of 
Ionia, gives the distances from city to city by sea as 

1 Pp. 53, 54. 

2 Xen. Anal), v. 1, 313. 


well as by land. His details as to harbours are 
worth quoting ; Panormus at Ephesus has been 
mentioned already ; Smyrna, which in later times 
succeeded to the importance of Ephesus, had a 
harbour that could be closed (/cXeterro? Xt/^V) ; so 
had Rhodes and Chios, the latter possessing also 
a roadstead (vava-raO/jLos) for eighty ships, and 
several good anchorages. Samos had a roadstead, 
Icaria anchorages, Teos and Erythrae harbours. 
On the north coast were the harbours of Cyzicus, 
Heraclea Pontica, Sinope and Amisus. Sinope had 
lost the importance of its early days when it was the 
harbour for the Cappadocian trade. A relic of this 
period is to be found in the name Sinopic earth given 
to the red earth (/uXros) of Cappadocia used for 
making pencils 1 and exported to Greece and Italy 
from Sinope. It was still however noted for its 
tunny fisheries and its maple and mountain nut- 
trees (opo/cdpvov), used for making tables (orbes)*. 

In the Graeco-Roman period the trade of Cappa- 
docia went west to Ephesus, so that the ports east 
of Cyzicus were not very important with the excep- 
tion of Amisus. The same may be said of those on 
the south coast, Attalia, Side and Seleucia: they 
only served the trade of the coast-plain up to the 

With regard to river traffic little need be said, 
as the rivers, generally speaking, are swift and apt 
to be dried up in summer. Yet Strabo mentions 
the Pyramus 3 as navigable, also the Sangarius 4 ; the 

1 Strab. xn. 2, 10. 2 Ibid. xn. 3. 

:} Ibid. xn. 24. 4 Ibid. xn. 3, 7. 



Oestrus was navigable, certainly up to Perga, also 
the lower courses of the Maeander, Cayster and 
Hermus. We may add to the list the Cydnus, the 
river of Tarsus on which Cleopatra " first met Mark 
Antony 1 ." On the southern coast the rivers were 
often dangerous through floods ; in the mountains 
of Pisidia an inscription has been found which 
records a dedication and thank-offering to Jupiter, 
Neptune, Minerva and all the gods, for escape from 
drowning in a swollen river 2 . This adds point to 
the " perils of rivers " mentioned by St Paul. 
St. Paul Of St Paul's journeys in Asia Minor 3 we have 

indeed fuller details than for any other traveller 
in the first century. He made three distinct 
journeys in the west and south-west districts of the 
country. The first lasted for two years probably, 
from the spring of 47 A.D. to the late summer of 
49 A.D. The months between April and July seem 
to have been spent by St Paul and his companion 
Barnabas in Cyprus, Salarnis and Paphos being 
specially mentioned. From Paphos they sailed to 
the Pamphylian coast and up the river Cestrus 
to Perga. Their stay here does not seem to have 
been long ; soon, probably by way of Adada, they 
made to the north for the Pisidian Antioch, where 
they taught without opposition, indeed with success, 
till the Jews "raised persecution against them and 
expelled them out of their coasts." The next place 
mentioned by St Luke is Iconium : as to the route 

1 Shakespeare, Ant. and Cleop. n. ii. 

2 Eamsay, St Paul the Traveller, Ac. p. 23. 

3 See St Paul the Traveller. 


they took thither different views are held. Prof. 
Kiepert thinks that they went over the Sultan Dagh 
to Philomelium on the Eastern Highway, thence 
to Laodicea Combusta, then by a branch road to 
Iconium. Prof. Ramsay holds that they travelled 
nearly due south for some six hours by a new Roman 
road to Neapolis, thence to Misthia on the eastern 
shore of Lake Caralis, whence is a hill road leading 
to Iconium in twenty-seven hours. This route is 
both easier and shorter than that via Philomelium 1 . 
At Iconium as at Antioch they were first welcomed, 
then expelled, and forced to escape to Lystra and 
Derbe, " cities of Lycaonia and the region that lieth 
round about*." Lystra was the easternmost of 
those old cities which had been remodelled as 
Roman colonies to pacify Pisidia and Isauria 3 : its 
site was discovered by Dr Sterrett in 1885, the 
modern name being Khatyn Serai, and the distance 
from Iconium (Konia) six hours in a S.S.W. direction. 
Derbe was probably at the modern Gudelissin, three 
miles W.N.W. from Zosta, and was the frontier of the 
Roman province on the S.E. They were both 
situated in the district officially known as Lycaonia 

1 The evidence is fully stated in St Paul the Traveller. It 
consists of 

(1) An inscription found at Comana (C. I .L. 6974) commemo- 
rating the making of a " royal road " made at Augustus' orders by 
his legatus Cornelius Aquila : two such roads existed, (1) Olbasa- 
Comana-Cremna, (2) Parlais-Lyslra. 

(2) A reference in the ' Acts of Paul and Thekla.' Onesiphorus 
living at Iconium went as far as the royal road leading to Lystra 
and stood waiting for St Paul. 

2 Acts xiv. 6. 3 See above. 


Galatica, i.e. that part of Lycaonia which was 
comprised in the province of Galatia. Similarly 
Iconium was a city of Phrygia Galatica. The 
preaching at Lystra and Derbe must have occupied 
the autumn months of 48 and the early part of 49 ; 
then the travellers returned -by stages, through 
Lystra, Iconium, Antioch and across Pisidia, up to 
May probably, and after a short stay at Perga 
returned by Attalia to the Syrian Antioch. 

The second journey was not confined to Asia 
Minor, though it began there. St Paul and Silas in 
the early summer of 50 A. D. probably " went through 
Syria and Cilicia confirming the churches," and then, 
doubtless through the Cilician Gates, came to Derbe 
and Lystra 1 . St Paul's movements on this journey 
have been the subject of keen controversy. St Luke 
goes on to say that they went " through the cities 
delivering the decrees ordained of the apostles and 
elders which were at Jerusalem," and that " they 
went throughout Phrygia and the region of Galatia." 
With this statement must be coupled the passage in 
the Epistle to the Galatians which states that 
" through infirmity of the flesh " St Paul first 
preached to them. The theory most usually adopted 2 
is that by " Galatians " are here meant the inhabit- 
ants of Galatia in the old, narrow sense, viz. that 
part of the great Roman province which had been 
the original kingdom of Amyntas. This was a 

1 Acts xvi. 1. 

2 The best brief statement of this view is to be found in the 
Introduction to Bp Lightfoot's Epistle to the Galatians. 




sparsely populated district, hot and dusty in summer 
and covered with snow in winter. 

The objections to this view are many. First, 
the Roman province of Galatia comprised, in addition 
to Galatia proper, parts of Phrygia and Lycaonia : 
the inhabitants of the province had to be called 
by some name ; if St Paul in writing to them had 
called them Phrygians or Lycaonians he might 
as well have said " slaves " and " robbers " at once, for 
Phryx was a common slave-name and the Lycao- 
nians were in the worst repute for brigandage. 
Again, it is strange that St Paul should depart from 
his usual custom in seeking out the great cities 
in which to begin his work, and should visit 
a number of places such as Ancyra, Tavium or 
Pessinus, where he would not be understood by the 
Gallic population without an interpreter. The 
climate too would be most unsuitable for an invalid, 
as he clearly was at the time. Far more probable 
does it seem that by Galatians are meant the 
inhabitants of Phrygia Galatica and Lycaonia Gala- 
tica, men who spoke Greek, and were able to 
appreciate Christian teaching as the rude northerners 
could scarcely have done. In fact, later history 
shows that Paganism continued dominant in North 
Galatia till the third or fourth century. It is not 
unlikely that St Paul's infirmity was malarial fever, 
which is endemic in the enervating climate of 
Pamphylia. The cure recommended would be 
either a sea-voyage or removal to the interior, and 
he chose the latter alternative as not likely to 
interrupt his work so materially. 


After spending the summer then in preaching in 
the district already visited during the first journey, 
St Paul and Silas were " forbidden of the Holy 
Ghost to preach the word in Asia " ; when they 
had reached Mysia (doubtless by the Eastern High- 
way and its branches through Phrygia) they were 
similarly prevented from visiting Bithynia, though 
this could easily have been done by the road from 
Dorylaeum to Nicomedia. At Troas came the vision 
to St Paul of the " man of Macedonia," leading to his 
journey, still with Silas, to Macedonia and Achaia. 
This seems to have lasted from the autumn of 50 to 
the spring of 53. 

The third journey began in the summer of 53, 
immediately after the' Apostle's fourth visit to 
Jerusalem and his brief stay in the Syrian Antioch. 
After passing through the Cilician Gates he must 
have spent July and August in "going over all the 
country of Galatia (rrjv Ta\ariKr)v xvpav) and 
Phrygia in order, strengthening all the disciples 1 ." 
His aim on this occasion was to break new ground 
in Asia, that province which had been forbidden 
to him on his second journey. Ephesus, as the 
centre of the road-system, would be his natural 
starting-point: from Derbe and Lystra it could 
be reached either through Antioch to Apamea an<J 
Laodicea (i.e. along the great highway) or through 
Cappadocia and Northern Galatia. The former route 
was so much more usual that it would be implied 
unless any other were specially mentioned. There 

1 Acts xviii. 23. 


is however one slight difficulty to be noticed. If St 
Paul travelled by the great trade-route, he must 
have passed through Colossae, ten miles distant from 
Laodicea. Yet in the Epistle to the Colossians 
he definitely states that he had not seen them nor 
the Laodiceans "in the flesh 1 ." It is however 
possible that a traveller on foot as St Paul doubtless 
was on all his journeys in Asia Minor, might prefer 
the shorter route across the plain of Metropolis 
through Eumenia and down the Cayster valley. 

The stay at Ephesus occupied more than two 
years (probably October 53 to January 56). The 
number of Churches addressed in the Book of the 
Revelation shows that much evangelizing had gone 
on in the surrounding districts, though there is no 
necessity to assume that all the Seven Churches 
were founded by St Paul in person. 

After the disturbances at Ephesus caused by 
Demetrius and his fellow-craftsmen, St Paul "de- 
parted for to go into Macedonia 2 ." Thence he struck 
south fur Achaia, then back to Philippi, whence a five 
days' voyage took him and his companion, St Luke, 
to Troas. Here a stay of seven days was made, 
at the end of which St Luke and seven others sailed 
round the Troad to Assos, whither St Paul journeyed 
on foot. He then went on board and sailed past 
Mytilene, Chios and Samos, making a brief stay 
at Trogyllium. After the farewell at Miletus to the 
elders of the Ephesian Church, the voyage continued 
by way of Coos and Rhodes to Patara. There 

1 Col. ii. 1. - Acts xx. 1. 


a Phoenician ship was found which had a good run 
along the west coast of Cyprus to Tyre. This was 
the last journey of St Paul in Asia Minor, or at any 
rate the last of which we have any knowledge. 
Spread of This mere sketch of St Paul's travels brings out 
C *?**~ at any rate some facts of cardinal importance for the 
Asia history of the Early Church. First he used all the 
facilities offered for easy communication, as far as he 
could ; secondly he aimed at visiting the cities which 
were the centres of life and thought. In pursuance 
of this aim we find that he made his longest sojourn 
at Ephesus. Unconsciously he was following the 
policy of the Macedonians and the Romans when 
they sought to spread civilization in the backward 
districts by means of colonies. The Macedonians 
had done something to spread Hellenic culture, the 
Romans did far more, but it was left to Christianity 
to raise the inhabitants of Asia Minor out of semi- 
barbarism. "Christianity," says Prof. Ramsay 1 , 
"conquered the land, and succeeded in doing what 
Greece and Rome had never done ; it imposed its 
language on the people." 

The new religion spread most rapidly in districts 
already Hellenized. In cities like Ephesus and 
Antioch, open to new ideas and accustomed to the 
moral teaching of philosophers, Christianity took 
root : but where Greek education had not spread 
it made no progress. Hence its development 
followed the great lines of communication in the 
Empire, the chief being the route from the Syrian 

1 H. G. A. M. p. 24. 


Antioch, where "the disciples were first called 
Christians/' through the Cilician Gates and across 
Lycaonia to Ephesus. Subsidiary to this was the 
route through Philadelphia to Troas, whence Rome 
could be reached by the Via Egnatia and Brundisium; 
also that through the Cilician Gates to Tyana, 
Caesarea and Amisus 1 . 

Asia Minor was the highway by which Chris- 
tianity passed to the capital of the world ; for 
a hundred years after St Paul's death it was the 
spiritual centre of the new faith. Now all is changed; 
the tide of Christianity, as of empire, has set 
westward, and Anatolia is but a broken shrine for 
the memories of the past. 

1 Ramsay, Church in the Roman Empire. 



Con- IN conclusion two questions need some answer : 

elusion. \\ T na t effects had this system of intercourse on govern- 
ment, commerce, and social life ? and Why did it 
fail to last ? To give a complete answer would be 
to write a history of the Roman Empire or rather of 
European civilization to the present day. Yet each 
student may work out some fragment of the truth. 
From the point of view of government, we may say 
that the Roman system of communication by sea, 
and still more by land, drew tight the bonds of 
empire. The Roman roads were the symbol of the 
mistress city to the provincials who might never 
visit her, and perchance could not even speak her 
tongue. The Romans had grasped one of the great, 
secrets of government, that the mass of men are 
swayed by their imagination rather than by their 
reason ; the roads from north and south, east and 
west, all converging at Rome, pointed more eloquently 
than official proclamation or sophists' harangue to 
the unity of the Empire. 


Yet this unity was far from perfect ; that East 
and West had little really in common is shown by 
the foundation of Constantinople ; and even in the 
first century the imperial policy had to battle with 
the exclusive spirit of the republicans, who regarded 
Rome still as a city-state, with dependencies indeed 
as Athens before her, but with dependencies that 
must never rise to be anything more. Of this spirit 
Juvenal and Tacitus may serve as types ; they cared 
little for the new world that was growing up around 
them. Court intrigue and city vice seemed to them 
better worth describing than the government or the 
social life of the provinces. Even when Tacitus 
describes the German tribes he has his thoughts 
fixed on the Romans with whom they so strongly 
contrasted. To Juvenal one of the worst tokens of 
the degradation of the times is that " the Syrian 
Orontes has flowed into the Tiber," in other 
words, that the provinces had begun to react upon 

The survival of this exclusive city-spirit, this 
dislike to intercourse with other lands, is curiously 
portrayed in a passage of Philostratus' romance. 
The incident is probably invented, but it points to 
a feeling which was undoubtedly entertained by 
some. "A young Lacedaemonian, descended from 
Callicratidas, was accused of transgressing the laws 
of Sparta. He had sailed to Carthage and to Sicily 
in vessels of his own construction and was so devoted 
to naval affairs as to forget those of his own country. 
Apollonius asked him if the mode of death of his 
great ancestor had not given him an aversion to the 


sea, ' No/ he said, ' I do not fight.' Apollonius then 
descanted on the woes of merchants and mariners, 
and so worked on the young man's feelings that " he 
wept bitterly when he became sensible of his own 
degeneracy and quitted the sea where he had spent 
the most part of his life. As soon as Apollonius 
found that the youth had come to his right mind 
and gave his preference to the landed interest, he 
introduced him to the notice of the ephors and 
obtained his acquittal and pardon." 

There is no need to say that Juvenal and Tacitus 
failed to read the signs of the times : Rome and 
Italy could be exclusive no longer. The roads that 
strengthened their hold on the provinces strength- 
ened likewise the hold of the provinces on them, till 
at length the Caesars themselves were the once- 
despised provincials. 

Commerce naturally benefited by improved com- 
munication, but one may well doubt whether 
increased luxury was not bought too dear. The 
spices and jewels, the silks and frankincense of the 
East had to be paid for in coin, since the products 
of the West were in little demand. Hence the 
constant drain of silver to the East, which in a 
century or two brought the Empire to the verge of 

Socially, ease of travel promoted the spread of 
new ideas and of all that is meant by that vague 
word civilization. Not only Christianity, but 
philosophy and Eastern mysticism travelled along 
the highways of the Empire. Other citizens besides 
the Athenians spent their time " in nothing else, but 




either to tell or to hear some new thing 1 ." The 
great cities of the Empire were, so to speak, whirl- 
pools in which met opposing currents of thought. 
Paul the Christian preacher, Dio the heathen mo- 
ralist, Apollonius the wonder-worker with his strange 
medley of Greek philosophy and Eastern magic, may 
all have visited Ephesus within a few years of one 
another. Perhaps in this mingling, more than in 
any other respect, lies the fascination of the epoch, 
which saw the birth of the new world and the begin- 
ning of the end for the old. 

" The beginning of the end ": this brings us to 
the second question, " Why did the great system of 
intercourse fail to last?" It was of course bound up 
with the existence of the Empire and fell with its 
fall in the West. The Empire in the East still kept 
up the old imperial traditions : the roads in Asia 
Minor were maintained as well as ever, perhaps even 
better, because they were now military as well as 
commercial highways. But in the West the system 
slowly crumbled away. May one cause have been 
that it was too complete in one sense and not 
complete enough in another, that "all roads led to 
Rome " and few from province to province? Where 
Rome failed was in not binding her subjects together. 
Gaul and Greek, Asiatic and Spaniard, were linked 
with Rome, but not with one another. Again, the 
very ease of travel over the known world tended to 
educate the future conquerors of Rome. " The 
barbarians would not have conquered, had they been 

1 Acts xvii. 21. 


merely barbarians 1 ." Those who served in the Roman 
armies or as slaves in Roman households carried back 
to their distant homes ideas which stood their de- 
scendants in good stead when they established the 
barbarian kingdoms of the sixth century. 

When Rome grew powerless, her system of inter- 
course was bound to fall to pieces. Perhaps the 
most striking instance of this is seen in the strange 
legend told by Procopius of Britain. The island had 
in the fifth and sixth centuries " passed completely 
out of the sphere of the Empire's consciousness 2 ." 
The story went that "the fishermen and farmers 
who live on the northern coast of Gaul pay no tribute 
to the Frank kings, because they have another 
service to perform. At the door of each in turn, 
when he has lain down to sleep, a knock is heard, 
and the voice of an unseen visitant summons him to a 
nocturnal labour. He goes down to the beach as in 
the constraint of a dream, and finds boats heavily 
laden with invisible forms, wherein he and those 
others who have received the supernatural summons 
embark and ply the oars. The voyage to the shore 
of Brittia is accomplished in the space of an hour in 
these ghostly skiffs, though the boats of mortals 
hardly reach it by force of both sailing and rowing 
in a day and a night. The unseen passengers dis- 
embark in Brittia, and the oarsmen return in the 
lightened boats, hearing as they depart a voice 
speaking to the souls 3 ." 

1 Arnold, Roman System of Provincial Administration (ad Jin.). 

2 Bury, vol. n. History of the Later Roman Empire, pp. 32,33. 

3 Bury, p. 33. 


In the Middle Ages legend was busy with the 
remains of Roman skill. The origin of the great 
Limes Germanicus was wholly lost ; it was counted as 
the work of the Evil One and called the Teufelsmauer. 
Asia Minor, after the era of the Crusades, was un- 
visited by western travellers for centuries till it was 
opened up to some extent by explorers sent out 
under Louis XIV. For Roman life in this and other 
lands the words of Ajax hold good : 

...o pa/epos KavapiO/JLijTo^ ^pbvos 

<f>vi r a&rjXa /cal <f>av6vra /cpvirrerai. 

Yet Time, though he hides much, reveals much too ; 
and year by year throws more light on that mar- 
vellous system which for ages helped to make Rome 
the centre of the world. 


Abydos 121 

Acamas, C. 84 

Achaia 1, 136, 137 

Actium 11, 79, 129 

Adada 132 

Adane 31 

Adige, K. 38 

Adramyttium 87, 121 

Adria 96 

Adriatic Sea 11, 103 

Adulis 32, 33, 34 

Aegae 18 

Aegean Sea 9, 10 

Aelianus 59 

Aemilius Lepidus 37, 53 

,, Scaurus 54 
aerarium 48, 49 
Aesepus 121 
Aesernia 68 

Africa 6, 8, 14, 29, 30, 32, 99 
Agri Decumates 40 
Agricola 65 
Agrippa 23, 41, 49, 89, 90 

(Herod) 86 
Agrippina 59, 79 n. 
Ajax 145 
Alba 65 
Alban Mt. 45 
Alcantara 52 
Alcimona (Altmiihl) 40 
Alexander 25, 27, 31, 113 
Alexandria 8, 15, 30, 31, 32, 

34, 35, 42, 43, 81, 83, 84, 

86, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 99, 


Algidus 12 

Carnic 39 

Cottian 38 

Graian 37, 39 

Julian 39 

Pennine 38, 41 

Raetian 50 
Altinum 39, 106 
Amasia 126 
Amazons 25 
Ameria 69 

Amisus 126, 131, 139 
Amorium 121 

Amyntas 116, 122, 123, 134 
Anatolia 74, 139 
Anava 119 
Ancona 91, 104 
Ancyra 35, 124, 126, 135 
Andrasus 124 
Anio 12 
Annius 38 
anteambulones 63 
Anthology (Greek) 96, 97 n., 

99, 101, 103 
Antileon 130 

,, (ad Maeandrum) 118 

(Pisidian) 121, 122, 123, 




124, 125, 126, 127, 132, 134, 

Antioch (Syrian) 2, 15, 35, 36, 

43, 70, 91, 118, 122, 136, 138, 

Antiochus II. 119 

Soter 120 
Antipater 122 
Antipatris 73 

Anti-Taurus 111, 124, 125 
Antoninus (Emperor) 55 

(Itinerary of) 23 
Antonius 122, 128 
Antony 79, 132 
Antwerp 25 
Apamea 36, 119, 120, 121, 122, 

126, 136 
Apennines 50 
Aphrodisias 35 
Apollinaris 12 
Apollo (oracle of) 11 
Apollodorus 55 
Apollonia 123 

Apollonius 18, 141, 142, 143 
Appii Forum 67 
Appius Claudius 28 w* 
Appuleius 53 
Aquiflavienses 52 
Aquileia 37, 39, 40, 43 
Aquillius 118 
Aquincum 40 
Arabia 30, 31, 32, 33, 34 
Arabissus 125 
Arar (Saone) 41, 106, 108 
Araureca 125 
Archelais 124, 126 
Archelaus 123 
Arcbias 102 
Arclate (Aries) 38 
Argentoratum (Strasburg) 38 
Aristides 85 
Aristopbanes 82 
Aristotle 81 
Arnold 42 n., 144 n. 
Aromata 34 
Arverni 41 

Asia (continent of) 14, 36, 42, 

,, (Minor), diffusion of Christ- 
ianity in 1, 2, 138, 139; 
trade of 9; travel to 11, 

15, 17; road-system 23, 
25, 35, 74, 117-128; bri- 
gandage 71, 122-124, 128- 
130; harbours 91, 117; 
physical features 1 1 1-113 ; 
political divisions 114- 
116; St Paul's journeys 
Asia (province of) 36, 117, 118, 

120, 125, 136 
Asiarch 114, 118 
acrKu/j.aTa 82 
Assos 121, 137 
Assyria 16 
Atarneus 121 

Athens 11, 15, 35, 85, 141 
Athesis 38 
Atlantic Ocean 3 
Attalia 121, 131, 134 
Attains Philadelphus 117 

III. 115 
Attica 85 
Augsburg 25 
Augusta Praetoria (Aosta) 37, 


,, (Rauracorum) 38 
Taurinorum (Turin) 37 
,, Vindelicorum (Augsburg) 

38, 39 

Augustodunum (Autun) 41 
Augustoritum (Limoges) 41 
Augustus 3, 6, 10, 12, 23, 31, 
38, 44, 48, 49, 50, 52, 58, 63, 
65, 71, 72, 79, 81, 83, 90, 93, 
105, 122, 129 
Aulon 35 
Aurelian 74 
Aurelius Victor 50 
Aventine 104, 105 
Avernus, Lake 48, 90, 107 
axis 61 
Axomites 31, 32 

Bab-el-mandeb, Straits of 32 

Babylon 1 

Baetica 30 

Baetis 41 

Baiae 12, 58, 79 n., 90 

Bale 38 

Balkan Mts. 40 

Baraces 33 



Barbary 98 

Barnabas 132 

Baryzaga 33 

basiator 57 

Bassus 73 

basterna 60 

Bauli 79 n. 

Baumeister 82 n. 

Becker 28 n., 58 n., 60 n., 67 n. 

Bedriacum 4 

Belgica 108 

Beneventum 35 

Berenice 32 

Bergier 26 n., 46 n., 50 n., 52 n., 

53 n., 104 
Berytus 36 
Bessa 57 
Bilbilis 70 
Bistones 94 

Bithynia 2, 42, 93, 115, 126, 136 
Bithyniarch 114 
Borbitomagus (Worms) 38 
Bordeaux 27 
Bosporani 98 
Bosporus 35, 111 
Bracciano (L. of) 26 
Brenner Pass 38 

Aelian 105 

Aemilian 53 

of Agrippa 54 

Aurelian 54 

Cestian 54 

Fabrician 54 

Minucian 49 

Mulvian 17, 49, 54 

Neronian 54 

Pont du Gard 55 

Ponte Sisto 54 

St Angelo 105 

Sublician 53 

Trajan's bridge over the 
Danube 54 

bridge at Zeugma 54 
Brigantia 39 
Britain 6, 13, 14, 25, 30, 41, 

42, 43, 144 
Brittia 144 
Brouzos 121 
Brundisium 28, 35, 67, 70, 86, 

90, 139 

Bruttium 13, 28 
Bury 30 n., 144 n. 
Byzantium 11, 35, 40, 43, 70, 
79 n., 102 

Cabillonum 41 
Caelian Hill 5 
Caesarea (in Mauretania) 30 

Mazaca 120, 124, 125, 

(in Palestine) 73 
Caicias 95 
Caicus 111 
Callicratidas 141 
Callimachus 102 
Callioupolis 35 

Callippides (nickname of Ti- 
berius) 6 
Callydium 128 
Calpurnia 64 
Calycadnus 124 
Camalodunum 41 
camarae 98 
Cambay (Gulf of) 33 
Campania 12, 13, 90 
Campus Martius 24, 105 
Cane 33 
Caninius 55 
Canopus 11, 68, 108 
Canusium 57 
canusinati 57 

Capitolinus. L. Calpurnius 36 
Cappadocia 57, 62, 116, 120, 

122, 124, 126, 131, 136 
Capreae 6 
Capua 28, 35 
Caralis, L. 133 
Caria 115 
Carnuntum 39, 40 
carpentum 59 
carruca 60 
Carthage 28, 29, 30, 43, 45, 77, 


Carura 68, 118 
Castra Lecticariorum 57 

Peregrinorum 5 
Cato 63 
Cattigara 34 
Catullus 88 

Caucasus 25 



Cauda 83 

Caudium 67 

Cayster 117, 121, 132, 137 

Celaenae 120 

Celenderis 124 

Celtes, Conrad 24 

Cenchreae 94 

Centumcellae (Civita Vecchia) 

40, 91 

Cerealis 38, 79 n. 
Cestius, Lucius 54 
Oestrus 132 
Chalcedon 35 
Chalcidice 35 
Chelidonian Islands 84 
Chersonese (Thracian) 35 
China 34 
Chios 131, 137 
Chorographia 23, 24 
Christianity, spread of 2, 138, 

'Cicero 10, 16, 17 n., 46, 47, 59, 

69 n., 102 
Cilicia 79, 84, 116, 122, 123, 

124, 126 

Cilician Gates 117, 124, 126, 
136, 139 

Circensian Games 65 

Circus Maximus 54, 83 
Vaticanus 83 

cisium 59, 69 

Claudius 5, 6, 38, 39, 50, 58, 
60, 61, 66, 83, 86, 89, 90, 95 

Cleombrotus 13 

Cleon 128 

Cleonicus 37 

Cleopatra 79 

Clitae 123 

Clitumnus 67, 104 

cloacae 46 

Cloelia 57 

Cluverius 26 

Cnidus 92 

Cocceius 67 

Cocussus 125 

Coenus 4 

Colmar 24, 25 

colonia 5 

Colonia Agrippina 38 

Colophon 11 

Colossae 119, 137 

Colosseum 65 
Columbus 101 
Comana 17, 123, 125, 126, 129, 


Commentarii 23 
Constantinople 126, 141 
Coos 137 
Coppara 50 
Coptos 32 
corbitae 82 
Corbulo 107 
Corduba 41, 50 
Corinth 17, 21, 54, 82, 107 
Cornelius Cornelianus 51 
Coropassus 120 
Cos 18 
covinus 59 
Cragus Sidyma 114 
Cremna 123 
crepidines 45 
Crete 92, 95, 115 
Cumae 73 

curator viarum 47, 52, 53, 54 
cursores 64 
cursus publicus 5 
Cutch (Gulf of) 33 
Cyclades 97 
Cyme 121 
Cynthia 59 

Cyprus 84, 115, 132, 138 
Gyrene 30, 115 
Cyzicus 121, 131 

Dalmatia 42, 49 
Damascus 1, 36, 55 
Damis 96 
Danes 101 

Danube 8, 14, 39, 40, 54, 55 
Dascusa 125 
Decapolis 108 
defensor lecticariorum 57 
Delphi 13, 17 

Demetrius (Ephesian craftsman) 
117, 137 

(grammarian mentioned 
by Plutarch) 13 

Poliorcetes 80 
Derbe 122, 133, 134, 136 
Dertona 37 

Dicaearchia (Puteoli) 86 
didrachma 19 



Digest 60 

Dio Cassius 47 n., 48 n., 54, 

55, 72 
Dio of Prusa (Chrysostom) 16, 

21, 30 n., 61, 62, 89, 92, 97, 

98, 99, 100, 114, 143 
Diocletian 24 
Diodorus Siculus 99 n. 
Dionysius Halicarnassus 80 n. 
Dioscuri 96 
Dios Hieron 121 
diploma 4 
Docirnium 121, 122 
Domisa 120 

Domitian 5, 24, 51, 61, 65 
Doraitilla 59 
dorsum 45 
Dorylaeum 112, 122, 124, 126, 


Douda 129 

Druentia (Durance) 38 
Drusus 39, 69, 72, 107 
Dubis (Doubs) 41 
Durocortorum (Rheims) 41 
Dyrrachium 35 

Eboracum 41 

Edessa 35, 125 

Egerdir (Limnae) 112 

Egypt 8, 9, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 
19, 25, 31, 35, 42, 81, 85, 
93, 96 n., 98, 106, 107, 108 

Eirinon 33 

Elaea 121 

Elbe 14 

Elephantine 11 

Eleusis 17 

Emerita 49 n. , 50 

Emesa 36 

Encolpius 69 

Ephesus 17, 52, 87, 91, 116, 
117, 118, 120, 121, 126, 127, 
131, 136, 137, 138, 139, 143 

Epictetus 15, 16, 68, 85, 89, 
92, 96 

Epidaurus 18 

Epirus 93 

ergastula 71 

Ermine Street 41 

Errea 50 

Erythrae 131 

essedum 58 

Ethiopia 3, 32, 43, 99 n. 
Etna (Mt.) 68 
Euboea 11, 97 
Eucarpia 122 
Euchaeta 126 
Eugene of Savoy 25 
Eumenia 121, 137 
Euphorbium 26, 120 
-Euphrates 3, 19, 31, 35, 36, 

55, 56, 111, 112, 116, 120, 


Euraquilo 95 
Euripides 27 
Europe 113 

Fabianus 17 

Fabricius 54 

Fair Havens 92 

Farrar 96 n. 

Fartak, C. 33 

Feltre (Feltria) 39 

Feronia 67 
fiscus 5, 48 
fistucationes 45 

Flaccus 94 

Flaminins, C. 37, 77 

Flavius Zeuxis 109 

Flavus 70 

Flevo, Lake 107 

Fonteius, Marcus 46 

Formiae 12, 67 

Forum Appii 52 

Boarium 53, 54 
lulii 19, 91, 99 
,, Eomanum 24, 45 

fossa 45 

Fossa Drusiana 107 

Fosse Way 41 

Friedlander 28 n., 39 n., 46, 
68, 75, 99 n. 

Furlo 50 

Gades 26, 41, 43, 91, 99 

Galatia, settlement of 114; ac- 
quisition by Rome 116, 123; 
under king Amyntas 122 ; 
roads in 124, 125, 126; 
St Paul's preaching 134-136 

Galba 17, 70 

Galen 51 



Gaius (Emperor) 7, 50, 54, 56, 
82 n., 83, 86, 92, 107 
,, (grandson of Augustus) 

Galgacus 48 

Gallic 64 

Gallograecia 114 

Gallus 31 

Quintus 72 

Ganges 14 

Gangra 126 

Garam antes 14 

Gaul, visits of Emperors 6, 7 ; 
trade in corn 8 ; geographical 
knowledge of 14; road-system 
of 37, 41, 42, 49; Vitellius in 
63 ; river-traffic in 106 

Gaza 34 

Geneva, L. of 38 

Genua 37, 40 

Germanicea 125 

Germanicus 11, 104 

German Ocean 3 

Germany, visit of Gaius to 6, 
62 ; road-system of 37, 40 ; 
journey of Tiberius to 69 

Germe 121 

geruli 61 

Gesoriacum (Boulogne) 41, 43 

Golden Milestone 24 

Gordium 128 

Gracchus, Gaius 46 
,, Tiberius 53 

Graupian Mount 48 

Greece, stay of Nero in 6 ; 
trade of 9, 77, 87; visit of 
Germanicus 11 ; visit of 
Strabo 15 ; Greek students 
at Smyrna 16; festivals 17; 
roads of 35 ; contact with 
the East 113 

gremium 120 

Grenoble 37 

Gruter 48 n., 49 n., 50 n., 51 n. 

Guardafui, C. 32, 34 

Gudelissin 133 

Gyges 93 

Hadrian 40, 54, 55, 68 
Hadrianoutherae 121 
Hadrumetum 29 

Halys 112, 124, 125 

Hang-chow-foo 34 

Hannibal 78 

Hanotaux 74 

Hellenism 114 

Hellespont 72, 88 

Hellespontias 95 

Helvetia 38 

Helvia 20 

Heraclea Pontica 131 

Hermus 111, 121, 132 

Herodotus 116 

Hesiod 100 

hexaphoron 57 

Hierapolis 121, 122 

Hiera Sykaminos 32 

Himera 28 

Hindostan 14 

Hippalus 33 

Hippo Eegius 29 

Hippocrates 51 

Hispalis 41 

Hispellates 67 

Hogarth 56 n., 128, 130 

Homonadenses 122, 123 

Horace, on the eagerness for 
wealth shown by all 9, 109 ; 
on the advantages of the im- 
perial system 10; reference 
to Italian roads 22 ; journey 
to Brundisium 52, 67, 70*; 
journeys of wealthy persons 
60 ; journeys on horseback 
61 ; reference to * pondera ' 
66 ; reference to triremes 
and 'phaseli ' 88 ; to the Por- 
tus lulius 89 ; to harbours of 
refuge 93 ; dangers of the sea 
97 n., 100 

Horrea Galbea et Aniciana 105 

hydreumata 32 

Iberus (Ebro) 41 

Icaria 131 

Icelus 70 

Iconium 112, 124, 128, 132, 

133, 134 
Ida, Mt. Ill 
Ilium 11 
Illyria 35 
Illyricum 1 



India, how far known 14 ; trade 
with 30-34 

Indus 14, 33 

Ionia 130 

Iris 116 

Iron Gate 54 

Irus 57 

Isara (Isere) 37 

Isauria 116, 122, 124, 133 

Isca (Caerleon) 41 
(Exeter) 41 

Isidore 46 n. 

Isis 85, 96 

Italy, peace established 10 ; 
travelling in 11 ; travels of 
Strabo in 15; roads in 46, 
48, 49, 51, 126; brigandage 
71 ; scarcity of corn during 
the Mithradatic wars 78 ; 
voyages to 88, 93-95, 120 

Itinerary of Antoninus 23, 24, 
26, 29, 41 

lulia Kestituta 72 

lulius Eestitutus 72 

Jacobus 73 

Janiculum 54 

Jaxartes 14 

Jerusalem 19, 27, 73 
'Jews -19, 72 

Job (Book of) 106, 107 n. 

Joppa 98 

Josephus 73, 85, 98 

Judaea 85 

Judas the Galilaean 73 

Julia 120 

Julius Caesar, statement as 
to his measurements of the 
empire 23 ; restoration of 
Carthage by 29; Lex lulia 
Municipalis 47 ; curator of 
the Via Appia 47 ; restriction 
of the use of litters by 57 ; 
luxury of 62 ; rapid journeys 
of 69 ; travelling in a ' vec- 
toria ' 88 ; planning of docks 
at Ostia by 90; plan for 
piercing the Isthmus of 
Corinth 107 

Julius Honorius 23 

Jura, Mts. 38 


reference to 'crepidines' 46 ; 
'asseres' 56, 63; luxury in 
travel 57; the sella gestatoria 
58; the reda 59, 66; the 
manni 61 ; highwaymen 62, 
73 ; night-driving in Rome 
65 ; storms 96 ; phaseli 107 ; 
traders 109; the reaction of 
tbe provinces on Borne 141, 

Khatyn Serai 133 

Kiepert 133 

Konia (Iconium) 112, 128 

Labienus 128 

Lacer 52 

Lagidae 31 

Lampsacus 35, 121 

Lanciani 12 n., 18, 105, 106 

Lanuvium 12, 59 

Laodice 119 

Laodicea (ad Lycum) 118, 119, 

120, 121, 136, 137 
(Combusta) 120, 124, 

lapis specularis 57 

Laranda 122 

Lars Porsenna 53 

Latium 103 

Laurentum 12 

Lauriacum (Lorch) 40 

Laybach (Aemona) 39 

Lecky 75 

lectica 56, 58 

Leptis 29 

Lesbos 11 

Leuce Come 34 

Levant 79, 84, 111 

Lex Gabinia 78 
lulia de Appellatione 8 
,, lulia Municipalis 47 

Liburna 79 n. 

Lilybaeum 28 

Limes Germanicus 40, 145 
,, Kaeticus 40 

Lindum 41 

Livia 59 

Livy 22, 47 n., 103 

Londiuium 41 



Louis XIV. 145 
Lounda 121 
Lucan 105, 107 n. 
Lucania 13, 28 
Lucian 22, 84, 85, 89, 97 
Lucillius 97 
Lucrinus, L. 90 
Lucullus 62 

Lngdunum (Lyons) 29, 37, 41,43 
,, Batavorum (Leyden) 

38, 43 

Luke, St 88, 95, 134, 137 
Luna 37, 40 
Lycaonia, government 116, 120, 

122; road-system of 124, 126; 

brigandage in 135 
Lycaonia Galatica 134, 135 
Lycia 84, 95, 116 
Lycns 117, 118, 119 
Lydia 115, 129 
Lystra 123, 124, 133, 134, 136 

Macedonia 35, 46, 136, 137 

Macmillan 130 

Madrid 75 

Maeander 111, 117, 118, 132 

Maecenas 52, 67, 70 

magistri pagorum 48 

Magnesia 95, 121 

Mahan 78 n., 81 n. 

Mainz 38 

Malabar 33 

Malaga 36 

Malea 11, 87 

Mallius Glaucia 69 

manceps 47 

Mannert 25 

manni (mannuli) 61 

mansio 4, 27 

Marcomanni 9 

margines 46 

Marius 45 

Marmoratum 104 

Martial, on country life 12; on 
the misery of clients 16, 17 ; 
on the aspect of Eoman roads 
20; on vehicles 57, 59, 60, 
61 n., 63, 66 n., 70 n. ; on 
letters 64 n.; on phaseli 88; 
on storms 97 n. ; on the dis- 
agreeables of city life 104 

Massilia 40, 77, 91, 99 

Maximus 29 

Mayor 45 n. 

Mediolanum 37, 43 

Mehadia 8, 73 

Melita 84, 96 

Melitene 120, 125, 126, 127 

Memnon (Statue of) 11 

Menutbias 34, 35 

Meran 39 

Merivale 23, 55, 74, 81, 91 

Messalina 59 

Messina 28, 99 

Meta Sudans 65 

Metellus 115 

Metropolis 120, 137 

Mettius Pompusianus 24 

Meuse, E. 107 

Middleton 3, 5 n., 44 n., 49, 

53 n., 54 n., 105 
Miletus 112, 137 
Misenum 79, 81 n., 90 
Misthia 133 
Mithradates 115, 117 
Mocissus 124 
Moesia 7, 42, 49 
Moguntiacum 38, 43 
Mommsen 5, 16, 31, 36, 47 n., 

74, 77, 78 n., 91 n., 106 n., 

110, 114, 122 n. 
Monte Testaccio 106 
Monumentum Ancyranum 49 
Morava 40 
Moretus 25 
Morocco 74 
Moselle, K. 108 
Mucianus 79 n. 
Mummius 53 
mitnicipinm 5 
Murena 67 
Musiris 33, 34 
mutatio 4, 27 
Muza 32 

Myos Hormos 30, 32, 33 
Myra 84, 87 
Myrina 121 
Mysia, 71, 87, 115, 129, 136 

Nacolea 122 
Nacrasa 121 
Naissus 40 



Naples 70, 75 

Nar 104 

Narbo 40, 99 

Narbonensis 46, 91, 94 

Narnia 104 

Naulochus 79 

naves tabellariae 9 

Nazianzus 124 

Neapolis 133 

Nearchus 31 

Nelcynda 14, 33, 34 

Nero 4, 5, 6, 29, 32, 39, 48, 

50, 54, 62, 65, 70, 72, 107, 


Nerva 5 
Nicaea 35, 126 
Nicarchus 98 
Nicephorium 36 
Nicomedes 115 
Nicomedia 35, 108, 126, 127, 


Nicopolis 11, 125 
Nile 11, 14, 25, 32, 42, 99 n., 


Nismes (Nemausus) 55, 56 
Noricum 37-39, 42, 49 
Normandy 68 
Novesium 38 
Noviomagus (Speyer) 38 
nucleus 45 
Numidia 29, 63 
Nymphaeum 121 

Ocelis 33 

Ocriculum 73 

octaphoron 57 

Octavian 89, 129 

Olbasa 123 

Olympus, Mt. 26, 71, 111, 130 

Opone 34 

orariae (naves) 87 

Orbis Pictus 23, 24 

Oricus 93 

Orontes 122, 141 

Orsova 54 

Ortelius 25 

Ostia 48, 70, 80 n., 83, 84,90, 

91, 92, 99 
Otho 4 
Ovid 54 n., 64, 70 n., 82, 89, 

94, 102 

Padus 39 

Palestine 73, 74 

Palmyra 36, 74 

Palus Maeotis 14, 99 n. 

Pamphylia 71, 84, 112, 121, 

122, 129, 132, 135 
Pannonia 39, 42 
Panormus (Sicily) 28, 75 

,, (at Ephesus) 117, 


Paphlagonia 42, 116 
Paphos 17, 132 
Parlais 123, 133 
Parnassus 124, 126 
Parthenopaeus 57 
Parthians 9 
Patara 137 
Patroklos 129 
Paul, St, travels of 1, 2, 6, 

8; in Asia Minor 116, 119, 

122 n., 129, 132, 135, 136, 

137, 138 ; voyage to Italy 73, 

83, 87, 92, 95, 96 
Paulinus 19 

pecunia manubialis 49 n. 
Pella 27, 35 
Peltae 121 
Pemba 34 
peregrini 5 
Perinthus 11 
Periplus Maris Erythraei 33, 


Perga 132 
Pergamus 25, 26, 113, 115, 117, 


Perrot 128 
Persius 97 n. 
Pertusa Petra 50 
Perusia 103 
Pessinus 26, 125, 135 
Peter, St 1, 2 
petorritum 60 
Petra 34 
Petronius 97 n. 
Peutinger, Conrad 25 

Table 23, 24, 118, 


Pharos 25, 90, 92 
Pharsalia 88 
phaselus 88 
Phasis 9 



Philadelphia 121, 126, 139 

Philip of Macedon 96 n. 

Philippi 2 

Philippopolis 40 

Philo Judaeus 19, 30, 86, 92- 

Philomelium 120, 133 

Philostratus 18, 83, 141 

Phoenice 92 

Phoenicia 16 

Phrygia 116, 121, 122, 129, 135, 

Phrygia Galatica 134, 135 

Picenum 104 

pilentum 60 

Pisae 40 

Pisaurum 103 

Pisidia 112, 116, 122, 129, 132- 

Piso 11, 104 

Placentia 37 

plaustrum 56, 61 

Plautus 82 n. 

Pliny (the Elder) 

on trade 9 n., 14, 33 (India), 
34 (Africa), 93, 97, 101, 104, 
107; on travel 10, 70 (rate 
of) ; on the roads made by 
Claudius 50; on the magnifi- 
cence of vehicles 59 n. ; on 
the material of sails 81 n. ; 
on the tonnage of ships 83; 
on th'e harbour at Ostia 90; 
the Natural History 15 

Pliny (the Younger) 

correspondence with Trajan 
1, 7,8, 35,48,87,108; corre- 
spondence with his friends 
64 ; on travel 11, 12, 19, 56, 
58 n., 69 ; on trade 29 n., 39 ; 
on the Danube Bridge 55 ; on 
the inn at the source of the 
Clitumnus 67 ; on brigandage 
73 ; on the harbour at Cen- 
tumcellae 91 
Plutarch 5 n., 13, 17, 42, 46, 

87, 88 n., 97, 100, 101 n. 
Poetovio 39 
Polybius 46 
Pompeii 66, 78 
Pompeius 14, 78 

pondera 66 

Pontine Marshes 52, 73 

Pontus 42, 88, 115, 126 

Galaticus 116 
Porta Capena 28, 66 
Portico of Octavia 23 
portoria 42 
Portus 36 
Portus lulius 89 
praefectus annonae 8 
Praeneste 12 
princeps peregrinorum 5 
Procopius 28 n., 144 
Propertius 59 
Propontis 121 
Prusa 26 
Ptanadaris 125 
Pteria 116 

Ptolemy Philopator 80 
Puteoli 9, 29, 30, 36, 44, 84, 86, 

87, 90, 91 
Pyramids 11 
Pyramus 131 
Pyrenees 40 
Pytheas 14 

Quintus Gallus 72 
Quirinius 123 

Eaetia 37, 38, 39, 49, 69 

Ramsay 5 n., 15 n., 23, 84 n., 
113, 119 n., 127, 129n., 132 n., 
138, 139 n. 

Eavenna 79, 90, 103, 106 

reda 56, 59, 60 

Ehegium 28, 87 

rhetor 16 

Ehine 38, 41, 55, 58, 107, 108 

Ehodes 99 n., 131, 137 

Ehone 37, 38, 41, 108 

Eipa 42 

Eobustus 73 

Eomanus 64 

Eome 1, 3, 6, 8-10, 12, 15, 16, 
21, 23, 26, 29, 31, 40, 48, 49, 
60, 65, 70-72, 77, 78, 80 n., 
85, 90, 91, 93, 94, 103, 106, 
110, 115, 117, 126, 139, 140- 

Eossus 124 

Eoyal lload 116 



Kubicon 69 

rudus 45 

Kushforth 5 n., 49 n., 123 n. 

Rutupiae (Eichborough) 41 

Salamis 132 

Salonae 73 

Samarobriva (Amiens) 41 

Samippus 85 

Samos 131, 137 

Samothrace 11, 17, 94 

Samsat (Samosata) 56, 125 

Sangarius 26, 112, 131 

Sardanapalus 57 

Sardinia 6, 8, 72 

Sardis 116, 121 

Satala 125, 127 

Savaria 39 

Savatra 120 

Saxa Eubra 59 

saxum quadratum 46 

Schedia 42 

Scipio Nasica 53 


Adriatic 11, 103 

Aegean 9, 10, 25, 87, 111, 


Baltic 40 
Black (Euxine) 14, 25, 98, 

111, 116 
Carpathian 93 
Caspian 14 
Dalmatian 104 
of Galilee 108 
Ionian 11 
Irish 9 

Mediterranean 8, 79, 94, 95, 
97, 108, 109, 111, 112, 117, 

North 108 
Bed 13, 14, 31, 42 
Tuscan 78 
Sebastia 125, 126 
Segesta 28 

Seleucia 91, 124, 131 
Selinus 124 
sella 58 
Sembritae 14 

on trade and travel 8, 9, 
10 n., 12, 13 n., 20, 70; on 

luxury in travel 57, 63, 108; 
on the noise of wheeled traffic 
at Rome 65, 66 ; on brigand- 
age 73 ; on piracy 98 
Seneca Rhetor 45 
Septicius 69 

Septimius Severus 56, 106 
Sequana (Seine) 106 
Serdica 40 
Seres 34 
serracum 61 
Severus Alexander 5 
sevir 74 
Sextilius 52 
Sextus 17 

Pompeius 6, 90 
,, Roscius 69 
Sicily 8, 10, 28, 42, 75, 77, 141 
Siculus Flaccus 48 n. 
Side 131 
Sidon 36, 84 
Silas 136 
silex 45 
Simon 73 

Sinope 113, 116, 131 
Sinuessa 44 
Sinus Issicus 120 
Sirmium 40 
Siscia 40 

Smyrna 16, 26, 121, 131 
Solmissus, Mt. 118 
Sosandra 121 
Sostratus 92 
Sousou 129 
Spain 1, 8, 14, 17, 29, 41, 49, 

50, 70, 75, 78 
Spalatum 74 
Sparta 141 
Splugen Pass 39 
Statia Pudentilla 74 
stationarius 130 
Statius 44, 51 
statumen 45 
Stephan 28, 43 

on imperial rule 10; on bri- 
gandage and piracy 98, 128 ; 
his travels 13, 14, 31, 32; 
references to Asia Minor 16, 
71, 118-120, 125 n., 130, 131; 
Egypt 33, 68, 92, 107, 108; 



Gades 91 ; Gaul 37, 106 n. ; 
Greece 95 n. ; Italy 47, 52 n., 

Strasburg 38 

Suakin 32 

sublicae 53 

Sucro 41 


on the Imperial post 3 ; on 
Imperial journeys 6, 7 n., 12, 
61, 62, 63 n., 69 n., 82 n., 
87 n., 88 n., 94; references 
to road-making 48, 49, 50, 
51; vehicles 56 u., 57n.,58n., 
59 n. ; cursores 64 n. ; brigand- 
age 71, 72 n.; corn-traffic 86; 
the Portus lulius 90 

sulcus 45 

Sultan Dagh 133 

Sura 36 

Syagros 33 

Syene 11, 30, 32, 42 

Synuada 25, 121 

Syria 34-36, 74, 86, 91, 93, 
98, 123, 125 

Syrtis 29, 30, 96 

tabellarii 64 

tabernae 40 

tabula Heracleensis 65 


his exclusiveness 141, 142 ; 
references to the diffusion of 
Christianity 1 ; diplomata 4 ; 
trade 9 n., 39 n. ; travel and 
communication 11 n., 17 n., 
38 n., 47 n., 48 n., 54 n., 
59 n., 65 n., 79 n., 96 n., 
98 n., 104, 107 n.; brigands 
72 n., 123 n., 124 n. 

Tadius, C. 74 

Tarentum 13, 35, 61 

Tarquins 53 

Tarracina 52 

Tarraco 40, 70, 99 

Tarsus 13, 16, 18, 35, 124, 

Tatta, L. 112 

Taurus 111, 112, 123-5, 131 

Tavium 124, 125, 135 

Tegea 5 

Temple of 

Aesculapius 18 

Artemis 17, 117 

Ceres 52 

Diana at Ephesus 52, 117 
,, Nemorensis 18 

Feronia 52, 67 

the Great Mother 17 

Janus 49 n. 

Juno 18 

Jupiter Latiaris 45 

the Thymbraean Apollo 72 

Venus 17 
Tempyra 82, 94 
Teos 131 
Thasus 37 
Thebes 11, 32 
Theocritus 36 

Theophanes of Mytilene 14 
Thermus 47 
Thessalonica 35 
Theudas 73 
Theveste 29 
Tholomaeus 73 
Thrace 35, 40, 42, 67 
Thyatira 121 

Tiber 53, 90, 103, 104-107, 141 
Tiberius 6, 10, 49, 52, 57, 63, 

69, 72, 118, 120 
Tibet 34 
Tibullus 45 n. 
Tibur 12 
Ticinum 69 
Tigris 55, 111 
Tillius 61 

Timothy (Epistle to) 2 
Tingi (Tangier) 29, 30 
Titus (Emperor) 17, 51, 64, 87 

(Epistle to) 2 
Tmolus, Mt. 121 
Toledo 70, 75 
Tomi 64, 89, 94 
Torr 80, 81, 82 n. 
Tozer 14 
Trajan 1, 4, 7, 8, 20, 35, 48, 

51, 52-5, 87, 91, 108 
Tralles 52, 118 
Trapezus 130 
Trebia 49 
Tres Tabernae 67 
Trivicum 67 



Tread 137 
Troas 121, 136, 137 
Troglodytes 13, 32 
Trogyllium 137 
Trusiamnum 103 
Tuccius 17 
Turkey 74, 127 
Tusculum 12 
Tyana 18, 124, 126 
Tyre 36, 138 

Umbricius 59, 66, 73 
UTrofwyLtara 95 
Uriconium (Wroxeter) 41 
Utica 99 

Vadimon, L. 83 

Valens 38 

Valentia 41 

Valentinian II. 24 

Valerius Maximus 69 n. 

Varro 67 n. 

vectoriae 88 

Vegetius 23 

vehiculatio 4 

Veil 18 

Veldidena (Wilden) 39 

Velserus 25 

Venusia 35 

veredi 4 

Vergil 10, 89, 107 

Verona 29. 37-39 

Vespasian 31, 32, 40, 50, 59, 

68, 116 
Vespucci 101 
Vestal Virgins 65 
Vetera 38 
Vetus 107 

Aemilia Scauri 37 

Annia 52 

Appia 20, 28, 35, 44, 45, 47, 
52, 67 

Augusta 52 

Augusta (in Gaul) 40 

(in Raetia) 38, 50 

Aurelia 40 

Claudia Augusta 39 

Domitia 40, 46 

Domitiana 44 

Egnatia 35, 46, 139 

Flaminia 20, 37, 45, 47-50, 

Postumia 37, 39 
viae consulares 27 

,, militares 27 

,, praetor iae 27 

,, vicinales 27 
Vicarello cups 26 
Vienna (in Gaul) 37 
,, (modern) 25 
vigintiviri 47 
Viminacium 40 
Vindelicia 40 
Vindobona 40 
Vindonissa (Bale) 39 
Vinland 101 

Vitellius 4, 38, 63, 95 n. 
Vitruvius 44, 67 n. 
Vulturnus 44 

Wallachia 57 

Watling Street 41 

Wesseling 27 

Winds 34, 95 n. (Pliny's list), 

Worms 38 

Xenophon 130 n. 
Yang-tse-kiang 34 

Zanzibar 34 

Zea 80 

Zeugma 36, 54, 125 

Zosimus 19 

Zosta 133 

Zuyder Zee 107 





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