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1 



WORKS ISSUED BY 



Zbc Dahlu^t Society 



-O- 



THE TRAVELS 



OP 



PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 



SECOND SERIES. 
No. IX. 



THE TRAVELS 



OF 



PEDRO TEIXEIRA; 



WITH HIS 



.\l L': 



"KINGS OF HARMUZ," 



<( 



AND EXTRACTS FROM HIS 



KINGS OF PERSIA." 



Cram latelr anlr Smtotatflr is 
WILLIAM F. SINCLAIR, 

BOMBAY CIVIL SERVICE (RBTD. ) ; 

Wiifi tuttbzv fi,o\n ants an introlrurttott (9 
DONALD FERGUSON, 



' ) 



LONDON : 
PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY 



MDccgcu, 



LONDON : 
PRINTED AT THE BEDFORD PRESS, 20 AND 21, BEDFORDBURY, W.C. 



COUNCIL 

OF 

THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. 



Sir Clements Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G,S,, President. 

The Right Hon. The Lord Stanley of Alderlby, Vice-President. 

Rear- Admiral Sir William Wharton, K.C.R, Vice-President, 

Charles Raymond Beazlby, M.A. 

CoMMR. B. M. Chambers, R.N. 

Colonel George Earl Church. 

Sir William Martin Conway. 

William Foster, B.A. 

F. H. H. Guillemard, M.A., M.D. 

Edward Heawood, M.A. 

John Scott Keltie, LL.D. 

Frederick William Lucas. 

Alfred Percival Maudslay. 

Mowbray Morris. 

Edward John Payne, M.A. 

Ernest George Ravenstein. 

Howard Saunders. 

Henry William Trinder. 

Charles Welch, F.S.A. 

Richard Stephen Whiteway. 

Basil H. Soulsby, B.A., Honorary Secretary. 



CONTENTS. 



PAGE 

Introduction : 

I. Pedro Teixeira . . i 

II. The First Coming of the English and Dutch to the East xxv 

III. Teixeira's Book . . . . . xc 

Captain Stevens's Preface to his Translation of the " Kings 
of Persia" and " Kings of Harmuz," including Teixeira's 

Preface to his whole work . . . . ci 

Certificate of Orthodoxy and Licence to Print . . cviii 



The Travels of Pedro Teixeira 



Appendices : ^ 

A. A Short Narrative of the Origin of the Kingdom of 

Harmuz . . . .153 

B. Extracts from the " Kings of Persia" . . 196 

C. An Account of the most notable Provinces of Persia 240 

D. Relation of the Chronicle of the Kings of Harmuz 256 



Index ...... 270 



INTRODUCTION. 



I'EDRO TEIXEIRA. 




giEGARDING Pedro Teixeira we know 
very little beyond what he himself tells 
us in his book.' Dr. M. Kayserling, in 
his Introduction to I. J. Benjamin's Eight 
Years in Asia and Africa (Hanover, 
1 S63), says : " Our Pedro Teixeirc^ be- 
longed to one of those Portuguese-Jewish families who 
dared not openly avow their religion, or educate their child- 
ren in the faith of their fathers .... Although bom of 
Jewish parents, who in all probability resided in Lisbon, he 
was yet not educated in the Jewish faith. Notwithstanding 
his submission to the will of the Almighty, which seemed 
to have been innate in him, and which may be traced in 
almost every leaf of his book of travels, ... we still think 



' The best biographical notice of Teixeira that I have seen is that in 
the Biographie UniverselU, torn, xli, p. 206. 
' Dr. Kayserling refers to the fact that there were several noted 

men of this same name ; and this is also pointed out in a footnote on 
p. 29 of the Viaje del capitdn Pedro Teixeira amas arriba del rio de 
las Amazonas {(638-1639), by Mancos Jimenez de la Espada (Madrid, 
1889). A celebrated family of cartographers of the same surname 
were contemporaries, and possibly relatives, of our traveller (see 
Sousa Viterbo's Trabalkos Nauticos dos Portuguezes, Lisbon, 1898, 
pp. 294-299)- 



11 INTRODUCTION. 

that we are able to infer from his narrative, that during a 
great part of his life — during his travels — that preceded his 
arrival in Antwerp, he was a Christian, and even a devout 
Catholic"! 

As to his parentage, birth, and early life, Pedro Teixeira 
himself, however, is silent : except that he tells us, in the 
prefatory note to his book, that he was in his youth much 
addicted to the study of history. 

To what profession or trade he was trained we do not 
know ; and it is not easy to ascertain from his narratives 
what was his occupation while in the East.^ 

Nor does Teixeira tell us the cause of his going to India, 
or even the year in which he first sailed from Europe to 
Asia. The earliest date that he mentions in connection 
with his travels is 1587,^ and we may therefore conclude 
that he arrived in India from Portugal in one of the ships 
of the fleet of 1586. Regarding this fleet, Couto gives us 
details in his Decada Decima^ Liv. Vlll, cap. vi. He says : — 

The ELing was advised that a fleet was being got ready in 
England,^ its destination being unknown ; and because, in case 

^ In a letter to me Mr. Sinclair says : " I take Teixeira never to 
have been a Christian but * from the teeth out.' " 

* Judging by his frequent references to drugs and their effects, and 
by the fact of his being present on the occasion mentioned on p. 233, 
infra^ I cannot help thinking that he was a physician. This seems to 
be supported by the incident related in chap, ix of the Vtage (p. 96, 
infra). Moreover, in his Kings of Persia (Bk. i, chap, xxxv) Teixeira 
describes at some length the practices of physicians in different 
countries of the East, mostly from his own experience. I think it 
is probable that Teixeira accompanied the various expeditions 
mentioned below in a medical capacity. Mr. Sinclair, writing to me, 
says : " I agree with you in supposing him to have been a physician — 
rather an * irregular practitioner' probably, and concerned in the drug 
trade, and probably a speculator in gems." 

' The sea-flood mentioned by him at p. 230 infray as having 
occurred in 1585, I take to be described from hearsay report on his 
visit to Ceylon in February, 1588. 

* This was doubtless the fleet of three ships that sailed on July 21st 
under the command of Thomas Cavendish, on a voyage round the 
world by the Straits of Magellan and the Malayan Archipelago (see 
the references to it in Calendar of State Papers in the Archives oj 
SimancaSy vol. iii, 1580-86, pp. 578, 600, 610). 



INTRODUCTION. Ill 

they sought to go out to India to the parts about Malaca, he 
wished to advise the captain of that fortress, in order that he 
might get ready, and the Viceroy of India, that he might send him 
help : therefore he ordered speed to be made with the galleon 
Reys Magos^ which was being got ready for Malaca, as captain of 
which had been nominated JolLo Gago de Andrade, a fidalgo, and 
a man that had been very long in India -} and on 5th January, 
1586,2 she set sail.^ And the King ordered to embark therein 
Estevao da Veiga, with letters for the Viceroy D. Duarte, and one 
for the captain of Mozambique, in which he told him that on that 
ship's arriving there he was at once to get ready some vessel for 
Estev^o da Veiga to go in to India, to fulfil his mission. . . . The 
rest of the fleet, which was to go to India, left during the whole 
of March,* and there went as captain-major thereof D. Jcron)rmo 
Coutinho,*^ who embarked in the ship S, Tkomi; the other 
captains of his company were Antonio Gomes of the galleon 
Bom/esuSj otherwise called Caranja^ in which embarked Manoel 
de Sousa Coutinho, full of honors and rewards, because he carried 
the captaincy of Malaca, and a voyage to JapHo, and the captaincy 
of Bazaim, with which he had been provided some years before 
on the marriage of a daughter, and the habit of Christ^ with a 
good allowance ; and, as was afterwards known, he came in the 
second succession to the government of India, to which he soon 



^ Couto first mentions him in his Dec, Vllly cap. vii, as making a 
voyage from Goa to Maluco in April, 1565. 

• Fr. Joao dos Santos gives this same date {Ethiopia Oriental^ Ft. i, 
Liv. II, cap. xvii ; Theal's Records of South-Eastern Africa^ vol. xvii, 
p. 342). Luiz de Figueiredo Falcao, however, in his Livro em que se 
contdm toda a faxenda^ etc., says (p. 177) that the Reys Magos sailed 
on December 29th, 1585. 

' On February 14th she encountered an English ship and pinnace, 
with which she had a severe fight, but succeeded in beating them off 
after considerable damage. Couto, who gives a graphic description 
of the affair, says that j[oao Gago, who was old and gouty, issued his 
orders seated on a chair on the poop. It is not surprising to learn 
that the old captain died soon after his ship reached Malacca in 
October. 

* Figueiredo Falcao {op, cit,^ p. 178) says that the fleet sailed on the 
nth of April; and to the ships here named he adds the Concepq&o^ 
Captain Dom Jeronimo Mascarenhas. Friar Joao dos Santos, who 
went to Mozambique in the SAo ThonU^ says that they all left Lisbon 
on April 13th, 1586 {Ethiopia Oriental^ Ft. I, Liv. I, cap. i ; Ft. Ii, 
Liv. II, cap. jcviii ; Theal's Records of South-Eastern Africa^ vol. xvii, 
pp. 184, 343). 

^ See infra regarding him. 

^ This ship was broken up on arriving in India (see Linschoten, 
vol. ii, p. 189). 

7 That is, of the Order of Christ. 

bz 



iv INTRODUCTION. 

succeeded by the death of the Viceroy D. Duarte,^ as we shall tell 
in its place, a thing that has seldom occurred in India. The 
other ships were the Salvador^ Captain Miguel de Abreu, of the 
Reliquia^ Francisco Cavalleiro, and of the 5. Filippe^ JoSo 
Trigueiros, and all together took their course with great caution 
and vigilance on account of the report that there was of English. 

If Pedrp Teixeira was on board one of these ships,^ he 
must have reached Goa in September, is86.' What his 
first impressions of India were we do not know ; but what 
Goa, the capital of Portuguese India, was like when our 
traveller first set foot therein, we fortunately do know, 
having had left us a graphic description from the pen of 
that talented young Netherlander, Jan Huyghen van 
Linschoten,^ who had been a resident there for some years 
when Teixeira arrived. 

Just before our traveller's arrival at Goa, news reached 
that city of the humiliating defeat that had resulted to the 
fleet dispatched in the previous May, under the command 
of Ruy Gonsalves da Camara, to the Red Sea and the 
Persian Gulf,® and of the visit of the Turks to the north- 
eastern coasts of Africa, which had resulted in the carry- 
ing away captive of a number of Portuguese, and acts of 
bad faith on the part of several of the rulers of those 



1 See infro^ p. xi. 

2 Regarding this ship, see infra^ p. vi. 

' The fate of this ship is described by Linschoten (vol. ii, pp. 191- 

193). 

* This ship returned from Mozambique, and was captured by Drake 
off the Azores (see Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 123 ; Linschoten, vol, ii, p. 167 ; 
Calendar of State Papers in the Archives of Simancas^ vol. iv, 1 587- 
1603, pp. xxiii, 124 et seq,y 

* Perhaps he was on the Bomjesus^ alias Caranja^ y/'ith. Manoel de 
Sousa Coutinho, whom he afterwards (apparently) accompanied to 
Ceylon (see infra^ p. ix). 

* See Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 189. 

^ See Hakluyt Society's edition of Linschoten, vol. i, p. 175 ^Z seg, 

^ See Linschoten, vol ii, pp. 183-189 ; Couto, Dec. X^ Liv. vii, 
caps, vii, xv-xviii ; also the King's censure of the expedition in Archivo 
Portuguez-Oriental^ fasc. iii, pp. 1 19-120. Ruy Gonsalves da Camara 
was uncle to the Viceroy D. Duarte de Menezes. 



INTRODUCTION. V 

parts.^ On the receipt of this inteHigence the Viceroy in 
Council resolved to dispatch another fleet to punish these 
treaty-breakers, and to prevent the Turks from repeating 
their aggressions; and probably one of the first sights 
that met Teixeira's view on reaching Goa was some of the 
vessels being got ready for this expedition. Learning that 
this fleet, after accomplishing its purpose, was to proceed 
to Hormuz, where the captain of one of the ships, Belchior 
Cala^a, was to consult with the captain of that place 
regarding the building of a fort at Mdskat to defend it 
from the Turks,^ Teixeira appears to have thought that it 
would be well for him to take this opportunity of seeing 
several places that he might not again have the chance of 
visiting. Accordingly, he applied for and obtained per- 
mission to accompany this punitive expedition, which, con- 
sisting of two galleons, three galleys, and thirteen foists, 
under the command of Martim Affbnso de Mello, set sail 
from Goa on 9th January, 1587.* 

The first place to which the fleet came was Ampaza,* 
which was stormed, the king and his followers being put 
to the sword, and the town and its environs entirely de- 
stroyed. Thence the ships proceeded to Pate, the ruler 
of which threw himself on the mercy of the Portuguese, 
and was forgiven. The island of Lamo was next visited, 
the king of which place was the betrayer of Roque de 
Brito and his companions into the hands of the Turks. 
This traitor, on hearing of the approach of the avenging 



^ See Couto, Dec, X^ Liv. vil, cap. viii ; T. de Santos, Ethiopia 
Oriental^ Pt. I, Liv. v, caps, iii-vi (translated in Pinkerton's Collec- 
tion^ vol. xvi, pp. 725-728). 

* On this fort see Geographical Journal^ vol. x, pp. 609-612, vol. xi, 
pp. 187-190, 305, 306. 

' See Couto, Dec, X^ Liv. vii, cap. x. Linschoten (vol. ii, p. 194) 
says that it left in December, 1586. 

* Regarding the situation of this place, see Burton's Camoens : Life 
and LusiadSy vol. ii, p. 508. 



VI INTRODUCTION. 

fleet, had fled inland, leaving the widow of the former 
ruler to face the Portuguese. This woman having been 
recognised as ruler in place of the fugitive usurper, the 
Portuguese went on to Malindi, where they were received 
with all honour by the king, who asked and was granted 
permission to accompany the fleet to Mombasa. The latter 
place had been strongly garrisoned and mounted with 
ordnance ; but after first making a show of resistance, and 
then soliciting terms of peace, the king and all his people 
vacated the town, which the Portuguese entered, looted, 
and burnt. Seeing this destruction from the mainland, 
the king of Mombasa once more wrote asking for peace, 
and confessing his faults. The king of Malindi acted as 
intermediary, but, as a satisfactory agreement could not be 
arrived at, Martim Affbnso resolved to leave for the 
Persian Gulf. First, however, he dispatched a vessel with 
letters for the Viceroy, and the salted head of the late king 
of Amp^za^ as a present for him. 

Just as Martim Aflbnso de Mello was about to set sail 
with his fleet for Hormuz, there arrived at Mombasa, in a 
sorely storm-shattered condition, the ship Salvador^ which 
had left Cochin for Europe at the end of 1586, or early in 
1587, laden with pepper and other commodities. Owing 
to the valuable cargo that the Salvador had on board, 
Martim Affbnso resolved to take the ship along with him 
to Hormuz, where she was broken up, and the cargo tran- 
shipped to another vessel. On the way to Hormuz the 
fleet called at Malindi, where the king supplied it with 
provisions ; at Socotra, where it watered ; at the aguada 
(watering-place) of Teive (Taiwa), south of Maskat ; and 
then, according to Teixeira's statement (p. 223 infra\ at 
Mdskat itself, where our traveller was astonished at the 



^ Linschoten (vol. ii, p. 195) says (erroneously) that it was the head 
of the king of Pate, and describes what was done with the gruesome 
object. 









INTRODUCTION. vii 

abundance of fish and the curious way by which the galley- 
slaves caught them. After a few days' stay at Hormuz, 
the fleet sailed for the Strait of Hormuz ; but, on arriving 
at Kishm, Martim Aflbnso became so ill that the ships 
returned to Hormuz, where the commander died and was 
buried. The fleet remained in the Strait until September, 
when it once more returned to Hormuz, whence it sailed, 
under the command of SimSo da Costa,^ Martim Affbnso's 
father-in-law, for Goa, where it arrived in October, 1587.* 

Apparently, Pedro Tcixeira had been with Martim 
AfTonso's fleet from the time of its departure from Goa ; 
and, as far as we know, he returned thither with Sim^o da 
Costa. But, except for his experience at Mdskat, he 
passes over this expedition in silence. 

Not long after the departure of Martim Affbnso's fleet, 
news reached Goa (at the end of March, 1587), from 
Malacca, of the desperate condition to which that city had 
been reduced by the action of " Rajale," the king of Johor, 
who had blockaded the Straits of Malacca, thus preventing 
the Portuguese ships from passing between India and 
China, and also causing the unfortunate inhabitants of 
Malacca to suffer the horrors of famine by the stoppage of 
supplies. On receipt of these tidings the Viceroy sum- 
moned his Council, and it was resolved that loans should 
be raised from the citizens of Goa, Bassein, and Chaul, to 
provide succour for the distressed city. This was done ; 
and on 28th April, a fleet of three galleons, two galleys, 
four galliots and seven foists, with five hundred men and 
abundant munitions, under the command of D. Paulo de 



^ This man was valuer of the Hormuz custom-house, and had for 
many years acted as vedor da fazenda (comptroller of revenue) of 
that place. There are several references to him in the Arch, Port- 
Or,j fasc. iii. 

• See Couto, Dec, X, Liv. viii, cap. x, Liv. ix, caps, i, iii ; Archive 
PortugutZ'Oriental^id&z. iii, pp. 170-17 1. Cf. also Linschoten, vol. ii, 
pp. 194.196. 



Vlll INTRODUCTION. 

Lima, set sail for Malacca, which place was relieved ; and 
the city of Johor, after a short siege, was stormed, burnt, 
and sacked.^ 

But Malacca was not the only Portuguese possession 
that needed relief. Since the early part of 1586, the fort- 
ress of Columbo, in Ceylon, had been besieged by the 
arch-enemy of the Portuguese, the "tyrant Rajii" (Rdja 
Sinha I), with an immense force,* and, though occasional 
help had been sent to them from India, the defenders had 
barely been able to hold their own.^ At length, in 
September, 1587, urgent appeals for reinforcements reached 
the Viceroy from the captain of Columbo, JoSlo Correa de 
Brito ;* and after dispatching thither what ships and men 
were available, as also provisions, Dom Duarte and his 
Council resolved to get ready and send to Columbo a large 
fleet, which was to be joined there by the fleet of D. Paulo 
de Lima, to whom word had already been sent that he was 
to sail as soon as possible for Ceylon. For the command 
of this fleet the Viceroy chose Manoel de Sousa Coutinho,** 
on whom he bestowed the title of Captain-major of the 
Indian Sea. 

Just when steps were being taken for the preparation of 
this fleet, the ships of Affbnso de Mello's expedition, under 



^ Full and very graphic details of these events are given by Couto 
(JDec, X^ Liv. viii, caps, xiii-xvii, Liv. ix, caps, vi-xii). Linschoten's 
account (vol. ii, pp. 193-194, 197, 198-200) contains a number of in- 
accuracies. (See also Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. iii, pp. 177- 
178, 274-276, 380.) 

' Cf. infruy pp. 221, 235. 

' Full details of this siege are given by Couto {Dec. X^ Liv. vii, 
caps, xiii-xiv, Liv. vili, cap. xii, Liv. IX, caps, iv-v, Liv. X, caps, 
i-xvii). See also Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 196. 

* See infra^ pp. 232 «., 235 n. 

* He was chosen to command this expedition because, when him- 
self captain of Columbo some five or six years previously, he had 
successfully stood a similar siege by the same " Raju," whom he had 
driven off with great loss (see Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 197). Couto's 
Ninth Decade, containing details of this siege, is unhappily lost. 



INTRODUCTION. IX 

the command of SimSo da Costa, arrived from Hormuz ; 
and Pedro Teixeira, ever ready to take advantage of oppor- 
tunities that offered themselves, succeeded in obtaining 
permission to accompany Manoel de Sousa to Ceylon. 
On 4th February, 1588, this fleet, consisting of two galleys, 
captained respectively by Manoel de Sousa Coutinho and 
D. Jeronymo de Azevedo,^ and sixteen foists, with six 
hundred men, set sail from Goa, and rounding Cape 
Comorin coasted as far as Rdmesvaram Island,' whence 
it crossed over, and, passing the island of Manndr, came 
to anchor off Karaitt/vu. Thence a message was dis- 
patched to the captain of Columbo, asking him to send 
two officers with native troops to join Manoel de Sousa's 
forces, as it was intended to devastate the country between 
that place and Columbo. These two officers set off from 
Columbo with eighty Portuguese and the native lascarins, 
in a foist and nine doneys ; and, after carrying out various 
punitive and aggressive operations on their own account, 
came to where the relieving fleet lay. Having been 
informed of what they had done, of the state of Colombo, 
and that the town of Chilaw was strongly garrisoned, 
Manoel de Sousa Coutinho weighed anchor, and came with 
his fleet before Chilaw. Here a large force under D. 
Jeronymo de Azevedo was disembarked, the enemy was 
routed, no quarter being given, and the town was sacked 
and burnt. Departing thence, the fleet reached Columbo 
on 1 8th February, decked with flags, and saluting the fort 
with salvos from its cannon and arquebuses. At this time 
also the ships of D. Paulo de Lima's fleet began to arrive, 
so that the citizens of Columbo were overjoyed at the 
sight of such an array of vessels. Manoel de Sousa and 



^ Afterwards (1594- 161 2) captain-general of Ceylon, where he com- 
mitted frightful atrocities (cf. Hakluyt Soc. Pyrard, vol. ii, p. 143, «.) 
and Viceroy of India (1612-1617), from which position he was taken 
back a prisoner to Portugal, where ]ie ended his days in prison. 

* Couto calls it the Ilha de J agues (Island of Jogis). 



I 



INTRODUCTION. 



j the Other captains having landed, a council of war was 

I held to decide what action should be taken against the 

i enemy. Naturally, Manoel de Sousa, anxious to have the 

' whole credit of the affair for himself, and knowing that D. 

Paulo de Lima might arrive at any moment, was urgent 
for an immediate attack, while D. Paulo's captains coun- 
; selled delay. Meanwhile ambassadors arrived from Rdja 

I Sinha, asking for an armistice to allow him to observe a 

I religious festival at his capital, Sftdvaka.^ At the same 

time, however, spies reported that this was only a blind, as 
" Rajii " was really preparing to retire. It was therefore 
agreed to make a general assault on the enemy that night 
(21st February), and this was carried into effect, the king's 
army being routed with great loss. On 22nd or 23rd 
February, D. Paulo de Lima arrived from Malacca ; and 
after Rdja Sinha's extensive and elaborate siege works 
I had been destroyed, and an adequate force left for the 

] defence of Columbo, the two fleets set sail for Goa at the 

\ beginning of March, 1588. 

Of these stirring events Teixeira tells us nothing, and 
he makes only casual references in his Kings of Persia to 
matters connected with this journey.* But one incident in 
his return voyage he describes at some length. Couto tells 
us that " Manoel de Sousa, who came in a light fleet, 
arrived in Cochim, and left in that city D. Jeronymo de 
Azevedo in his galley, and two foists as well, to meet the 
ships from China and convoy them as far as Goa, whilst he 
went on, visiting the fortresses of Cananor and Canard." 
One of the fortresses of Kanara at which Manoel de Sousa 
called was " Barselor," and, landing here, Teixeira tells us 
something of what he saw (pp. 210-213 infra). At the end 
of March, Manoel de Sousa Coutinho reached Goa, where 



1 See infra^ pp. 221 and 235. 

• See infra^ pp. 221, 233, 235, 237 ; also cf. pp. I77-I79, 222- 



INTRODUCTION. XI 

he was received by the Viceroy and the whole city with 
many tokens of honour and general rejoicing. A few days 
later (early in April), D. Paulo de Lima arrived, and was 
accorded still greater honour — in fact, all that a Viceroy 
was entitled to, except the pallium.^ 

Probably as a result of the strain and anxiety he had 
experienced,* D. Duarte de Menezes shortly afterwards fell 
sick of a fever, and after only a few weeks' illness died on 
May 4th,^ 1588. He was buried with great pomp in the 
church of the Reys Magos, his bones being subsequently 
transferred to the Convent of the Trinity at Santarem.* 
When the vtas^ or letters of succession, were opened, it 
was found that Mathias de Albuquerque was nominated to 
the government of India ; but, in his absence,® the office 
fell to Manoel de Sousa Coutinho,^ who was recognised as 
Governor with the customary ceremonies.® All these 
events, however; Teixeira passes over with merely a casual 
reference (p. 210 infra). 

After his return from Ceylon, our traveller seems to have 
spent the remainder of the year 1588 in Goa.® But it was 



^ Couto, Dec. Xy Liv. X, cap. xviii (see also Linschoten, vol. ii, 
pp. 197-198). 
' Linschoten (vol. ii, p. 201) suggests another cause. 

' Linschoten (u. s.) says that it was on the 15th ; but Couto is more 
likely to be right. 

* Couto, Dec. Xy Liv. iv, cap. xix. For an account of the sad fate 
of D. Paulo de Lima, see ThtaVs Be^nntngs 0/ South African History ^ 
pp. 291-295. 

^ Regarding these, see the details given by Linschoten, vol. ii, 
pp. 201-203 ; also White way's Rise of Portuguese Power in India^ 
p. 214. 

* He had left for Portugal in January, 1 587, in the same ship with 
Linschoten's master, the Archbishop of Goa (Couto, Dec. X^ Liv. viii, 
cap. ix). 

^ Cf. supra^ p. iii. • See Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 203. 

* Linschoten left Goa for Cochin in November, 1 588, and sailed for 
Europe in January, 1589. In view of the loss of Couto's Eleventh 
Decade^ covering the yearsji 588- 1596, it is all the more to be regretted 
that Teixeira did not, like the young Netherlander, record the chief 
events of each year during his stay in India. 



XU INTRODUCTION. 

not long before he was off again with another naval 
expedition. Mfr AH Bey, the captain of the Turkish fleet 
that had given such a blow to Portuguese prestige on the 
east coast of Africa in 1586, had ever since been preparing 
for a second descent upon those parts ; and, being urged 
thereto in letters from the Moors, he set sail from the Red 
Sea at the end of 1588 or beginning of 1589,* with a fleet 
of four galleys and the foist that he had captured from 
Roque de Brito two years before. He ran down the 
Somali coast as far as Magadosho, where he landed and 
was well received ; and thence he continued his course 
southwards, getting money contributions at all the ports 
at which he called, until he came to Malindi, where he 
anchored late one night, intending next morning to 
bombard the town. The captain of the fort, Matheus 
Mendes de Vasconcellos, had, however, been forewarned of 
Mir Alf's coming ; and, placing some guns on a sandhill 
commanding the galleys, he played upon them until they 
were forced to weigh anchor and sail for Mombasa, where 
Mfr AH proposed to erect forts, from which he could sally 
out and destroy Malindi on some future occasion. 

Meanwhile, by a foist that Matheus Mendes had dis- 
patched to Goa on the first news of the intended descent of 
Mfr AH, the Governor had been apprised of the threatened 
danger. Accordingly, after the departure of the home- 
ward-bound ships for Cochin, Martim Affonso set about 
preparing a fleet to be sent to the East African coast 
This fleet, the command of which he gave to his brother, 
Thom6 de Sousa Coutinho,^ and which consisted of two 

^ Fr. Joao dos Santos, whose account of these events appears to be 
the only one extant, gives the year as 1589 ; but the correctness of 
this seems doubtful. 

' Not to be confused with Thom^ de Sousa d'Arronches, a man of 
a brutal character (see Archive P or tuguez- Oriental^ fasc. iii, pp. 857* 
861), who has earned eternal infamy by his wanton destruction, in 
1588, of the ancient and famous temple at Dondra, in the south of 
Ceylon (see Couto, Dec, X^ Liv. x, cap. xv). 



INTRODUCTION. Xlll 

galliasses, five galleys, six foremasted galliots/ six smaller 
vessels,* and a manchuc? as tender, and carrying nine 
hundred men-at-arms, set sail from Goa on January 30th, 
1589. Soon after getting out to sea, the ships encountered 
such severe weather that one of the galleys began to leak 
and had to return to Goa, while the other vessels had to 
jettison a good deal of their cargo ; finally, the two galliasses 
were lost sight of. The rest of the fleet, after many perils, 
sighted land on February 20th, and soon after reached 
Brava, where they learned of the arrival and doings of 
Mfr AH. Weighing anchor on February 23rd, the ships 
came to Ampaza, which had been rebuilt by the prince, 
who was promised security by Thom6 de Sousa on con- 
dition of having nothing to do with the Turks. The next 
place of call was Lamo, where the fleet watered, and 
a message was received from Matheus Mendes announcing 
the withdrawal of Mfr AH to Mombasa, and begging Thom^ 
de Sousa to make all speed lest the enemy should escape 
before his arrival. Upon this, the ships at once made sail, 
and on March 3rd arrived at Malindi, where they were 
heartily welcomed. 

Having increased his fleet by two ships that lay there 
Thom6 de Sousa left Malindi, accompanied by the king of 
that place, the king and prince of Pemba, and Matheus 
Mendes, and on Sunday, March Sth, arrived before 
Mombasa. At first some show of resistance was made by 
the Turks ; but this soon collapsed, and on March 7th the 
Portuguese entered the city, to find it abandoned, the 
enemy having taken to the woods. The place was there- 
upon sacked and burnt. It must be here mentioned that, 
before the arrival of Thom^ de Sousa's fleet, Mombasa was 



^ Grig., galeotas de traquete. Ordinary galliots had no foremast. 

* Orig., navios. The compiler of the makeshift Decada Undecimay 
which is largely taken from Dos Santos's work, here substitutes /«j/^w 
(foists). ' See Hobson-Jobson^ s, v. 



Xiv INTRODUCTION. 

already besieged from the land side by an immense force 
of cannibal blacks, called Zimbas, who, advancing from the 
south, had spread terror and devastation wherever they 
had come.^ These savages now gaining an entrance to the 
island, a terrible slaughter began, many of the unhappy 
Turks being drowned in their attempts to escape. To the 
credit of Thom6 de Sousa it must be said that he saved as 
many as he could by means of his boats, among them the 
leader, Mfr AH Bey. On the same day (March iSth) the 
two missing galliasses arrived at Mombasa. 

After restoring the king of Pemba to his throne (from 
which he had been driven by his people), Thom6 de Sousa 
left Mombasa, on March 22nd, with his fleet and the 
vessels captured from the Turks, and arrived two days 
later at Malindi. Here he left Matheus Mendes de 
Vasconcellos, and two of the vessels of the fleet and some 
soldiers, to protect the place from the Zimbas, who were 
expected to pay it a visit shortly.* Calling at Lamo, 
Thom^ de Sousa carried the king of that place a prisoner 
to Pate, where he was formally beheaded for his betrayal 
of Roque de Brito and the other Portuguese in 1586; 
while other offenders also suffered the same fate. Having 
devastated the island of Mandra, and bound the prince of 
Ampaza and the kings of Pate and Sio by solemn treaty 
to be faithful to the crown of Portugal, Thom^ de Sousa 
set sail on April iSth, called at Socotra on the 28th for 



^ Regarding these people, see Dos Santos, Ethiopia Oriented^ Pt. i, 
Liv. II, caps, xvii-xxi (English translation in TheaPs Records of South- 
Eastern Africa^ vol. xvii, pp. 290-304) ; and Theal's Be^nnings of 
South African History ^ pp. 268-274. (Cf. also Strange Adventures of 
Andrew Battell^ p. 150.) 

* For a description of their attack on Malindi, and their utter 
destruction by the force of three thousand " Mosseguejos," who came 
to the help of the garrison, see Dos Santos, Ethiopia Oriental^ Pt. i, 
Liv. II, cap. xxi (English translation in TheaPs Records of Sauth- 
Eastem Africa^ vol. xvii, pp. 302-304). See also TheaPs Beginnings of 
South African History ^ p. 268. For Teixeira's reference to this event, 
see infray p. xv, ;»., and p. 237. 



INTRODUCTION. XV 

water and provisions, and arrived on May i6th at Goa, 
where he was welcomed by his brother, the Governor, who 
also received Mfr AH with great cordiality.^ 

Now, although Teixeira does not, as in the case of the 
two previous expeditions, tell us even casually that he ac- 
companied this one, I think it is absolutely certain that he 
did so (see his statements on pp. 6, 237, 238, and 223, infra} 
and the references on pp. 198, 202, 204, 227). How or where 
he spent the remainder of 1589 we know not f but during 
the next two years, 1590 and 1591, he seems, from his own 
statement (p. 205 infra\ to have been resident in Cochin, 
which city, he tells us (p. 231 tnfra\ was during those two 
years devastated by a terrible epidemic of the " Chinese 
Death," or Asiatic cholera.* 

On May isth, 1591, the new Viceroy of India, Mathias 
de Albuquerque, arrived at Goa in the Bom JesuSy which 
had left Lisbon in May, 1 590, with four other ships, all of 
which had, however, returned to port shortly afterwards 
owing to unfavourable weather. Manoel de Sousa Coutinho 



^ Details of this expedition are given by Fr. Joao dos Santos in his 
Ethiopia Oriental, Pt. i, Liv. v, caps, vii-xii. These have been 
reproduced, with verbal alterations, in the makeshift Decada Undecima, 
caps. v-x. A faulty English translation, from the French version of 
Dos Santos, is printed m Pinkerton's Collection, vol. xvi, pp. 728-735. 

* In the passage referred to on p. 237 Teixeira says : " And less evil 
is this than to devour human flesh, as ... do the black Zinbas to- 
day, not sparing their own people, as was seen ten or twelve years 
ago, when seventy or eighty thousand of them went in a body through 
the interior of Africa in search of the lands of India, or of the Cloths 
\Panno5\, as they said : and when any of them fell sick they killed 
and divided them amongst them and ate them : these came to an end 
before Malinde and Monbasa at the hands of the Portuguese." 
Regarding the " Mocegueios," whom Teixeira must have met at 
Malindi in 1 589, see, in addition to the authorities referred to in the 
footnote on p. 237, Dos Santos, Ethiopia Oriental, Pt. I, Liv. v, 
cap. xiii. 

' Ralph Fitch, according to his own account, was in Cochin from 
March 22nd to November 2nd, 1589, when he left for Goa (see 
infra, p. xxvii). 

^ It is very possible that (if he was a physician, as I suspect) it was 
this outbreak that brought Teixeira to Cochin. 



XVI INTRODUCTION. 

at once delivered over the sword of office to his successor, 
who placed at his disposal for his homeward voyage the 
ship he himself had come out in. In this vessel, the largest 
and moat richly-laden that had ever sailed from India, 
Manoel do Souaa, with his wife and all his possessions, left 
for Portugal on January loth, 1592 ; but, in attempting to 
make Mozambique, the ship was lost on the shoals of 
(iarajao, and all on board perished.^ How or where 
Teixaira »pent the year 1592 he gives no hint ; but it was 
probably »ome where on the west coast of India.^ 

Judging by caflual references in his book, it appears prob- 
Hhla that In or about the year 1593 our author left India 
U$r Kormuaj,* where te seems to have resided until 1597 
(*}«« Os/ra, jip' 24 ^ 208, 209, 166). Whatever the object of 
U\^ vU\i, ha evidently devoted considerable time to the 
Hr()iilHlMm» of the Persian language, to the study of the 
hlHt//fM« of Persia and Hormuz, and to the translation, in 
A Hiimfffftfi^A (firm, of the chronicles of Mfr Khwdnd and 
j /if iff J^ibAh, Regarding this, Teixeira tells us something 
Iff ^M Iff ^UU fry r\(Ac to his book (see infra) ; and scattered 
thfffii09M$i ttm Utter are to be found references to occur- 
fMffM4 fit which he was eye-witness while in Hormuz, or 
^fi/ff^^h SfifM plaice during his residence there (see infra, pp. 
(///, Mti, 7//i, 2fO, 221, 234, 238)/ He also, in his Kings 



I 7 ^ fi. fUirlMotneu^ one (A the same fleet, was lost at sea. The 
l^fffirM d4 pM$f and the Saft^a Cruz^ which left India at the same 
fjHf^^ ¥fk4tc OJHst/JkM mar the Azores by an English fleet under Sir 
///Mr ^^r/f/yM^^ wh/f cafiture^J the former, while the latter was burnt 

* V.^ feif Ai* /jai> f^r |(Atber«^J from his book, Teixeira never visited 

* ii/k ma^ifi^Mi h4V« called at Diu on his way : a statement in 
^h^ King* of fUrUa^ Hk, I, chap, xxii, is so worded as to leave it 
4^^^/$j4 4 fd^ijut^irn, avar was in Uiu. 

' f^ f4t^M4f$ //f iiormmt during most of the time that Teixeira 

^;^'i(> hc/i^AmA iif^r^^f w^% D'lOiiO Uipt* Coutinho. The latter was suc- 

^ajjU^ hy Aff^Jmto 4h A/^vudo /'regarding whose romantic marriage 

,AA. i^f^i/^M/^h V//I, li p, iH^) ; but he died soon afterwards, in 1597 

<iA>t O/^^/, Ptif', A//t Liv, I, cap. viii). The loss of Couto's 



INTRODUCTION. xvil 

of Honnuz, gives a brief description of the island as it 
appeared during his residence there (see infra, pp. 164-168, 
and cf. p. 252). 

In 1597 our author paid a visit to the city of " Mazan- 
daron " (Sari), in the north of Persia (see infra, p. 204), and 
in the same year he must have left Hormuz for India, since 
he himself informs us that in that year he sailed from Goa 
for Malacca (see infra, p. 226). We may reasonably con- 
clude that Teixeira accompanied the fleet under the 
command of Louren^o de Brito, which left Goa on 
24th September, 1 597, for Malacca, in consequence of the 
tidings received in India of an intended attack by the 
Dutch on the Portuguese possessions in the Far East^ 
The becalming of the fleet in the Strait of Malacca gave 
Teixeira the opportunity of going ashore on Pulo Jarak, 
and adding to his store of information in the field of natural 
history. 

Reaching Malacca, our author apparently remained 
there for the next two years and a half,* utilising his stay 
in acquiring knowledge regarding the fauna and flora of 
the Malayan Archipelago (see infra, pp. 198, 215, 222, 224, 
225-226, 230, 232, 235-236.) 

Thus far we have had to rely on casual and sometimes 
vague references for our information regarding Pedro 
Teixeira's wanderings, but now we come to solid ground. 
In the first chapter of his Narrative of my fourney from 



Decada XI has deprived us of any detailed account of events in or 
near Hormuz at this period ; but the royal letters in the Archivo 
Portuguez- Oriental, fasc. iii, supply this want to a certain extent (see, 
for instance, pp. 415, 432, 446, 450, 458, 482, 505-506, 574, 586, 592, 
678-679, 689, 704, 711, 786-791, 808, 813). 

^ See infra, 

* The captain of Malacca during Teixeira's residence was Martim 
Affonso de Mello Coutinho (see infra, pp. i, n., and 225, n., where 
" 1 599" should be " 1 598"). Some of the stirring events that took place 
in the Malayan Archipelago while Teixeira was in Malacca, but 
regarding which he is silent, will be found recorded further on. 



XVlll INTRODUCTION. 

India to Italy (see infra^ p. i), he tells us, that being in 
Malacca, and wishing to return to Portugal, he resolved to 
do so by way of the Philippine Isles. He therefore took 
advantage of a pinnace that was being dispatched by the 
captain of Malacca to warn the Spanish Governor of the 
Philippines of the coming of the Dutch into that sea,^ and 
accordingly left Malacca on ist May, 1600. 

As the succinct account that our author gives of his 
journey is translated below, I need here only mention the 
chief incidents. After calling at Brunei, in Borneo, 
Teixeira arrived on 22nd June at Manila. Here he 
obtained from the Governor, Dom Francisco Tello de 
Menezes, the necessary permit to proceed to New Spain, 
. and on i8th July our traveller set sail in one of a fleet of 
four new ships bound for America. After a brief stay for 
provisioning at the Strait of San Bernardino, the ship's 
course was set in a north-easterly direction ; and, escaping 
a dreaded encounter with a Dutch fleet, but falling in with 
some Spanish ships that had been sent out by the Viceroy 
of Peru to look for the Hollanders, the ship with Teixeira 
on board reached Acapulco on ist December. Having 
rested here a few days, our author set out^ on horseback 
for the city of Mexico, where he arrived at midnight on 
Christmas Day. In this city Teixeira remained until 

« 

2nd May, 1601, on which day, just a year after he had 
sailed from Malacca, he resumed his journey towards his 
native land. Passing through La Puebla and other towns, 
our traveller came to San Juan de Ulua (Vera Cruz), 



1 This must mean, that the Governor was to be informed of the 
departure from Holland of the fleets of Jacques Mahu and Olivier 
van Noort for the Straits of Magellan, with the object of reaching the 
Malayan Archipelago by way of the Philippines. How these ships 
fared is related below. 

* With Teixeira's account of this land journey may be compared 
that of Dom Fernandez Navarrete, who travelled in the opposite 
direction in 1647 (see Churchill's Collection^ vol. i, pp. 231-233). 



INTRODUCTION. xix 

whence he sailed in the fleet for Spain on 31st May. 
After being nearly wrecked in a storm off the coast of 
Cuba, Teixeira's ship put into the port of Havana, 
whence she again sailed on 1 5th July for Spain by Florida, 
Bermuda, and the Newfoundland banks ; and after escaping 
from the unwelcome attentions of a corsair^ off the 
coast of Algarve, the fleet cast anchor in San Lucar on 
6th September. Two days later our traveller reached 
Seville, and finally, by a circuitous route, arrived at Lisbon 
on 8th October, 1601. 

Before leaving Malacca, Teixeira had entrusted to 
friends there a considerable sum of money to be remitted 
to Portugal in the usual way by the homeward ships from 
India. When he reached Lisbon, however, he was dis- 
appointed to learn that the money had, for some reason, 
failed to arrive ; and, therefore, after waiting in vain for 
nearly a year and a half,* our author, much against his 
inclination, made up his mind to set out for the East once 
more. Accordingly, on March 28th, 1603, he went aboard 
one of the fleet of five sail leaving for India under the 
command of Pero Furtado de Mendo^a, and on October 
14th arrived safely at Goa. 

Presumably Teixeira here attained the object of his 
journey ; for in less than four months he was once more 
homeward-bound. Weary of seafaring, and anxious to 
view fresh scenes, our traveller resolved to make a land 
journey to Europe by way of the Euphrates valley.^ On 



^ The fleet also managed to evade capture by the English ships, 
which were at this time scouring the seas m search of Spanish prizes 
(see Calendar of State Papers^ Domestic Series y 1601, passim). 

* Dr. Kayserling {op, at.) erroneously says : " After a residence of 
two years a half in Lisbon, he started on a second journey of scien- 
tific research [!] to India, Persia, and other countries." 

' Regarding this route, see Linschoten, vol. i, pp. 48-51, vol. ii, 
p. 159. 

C 2 



XX INTRODUCTION. 

February 9th, 1604, therefore, he left Goa, and on the i ith 
embarked on a Portuguese ship bound for the Persian 
Gulf. Sailing the same day, the ship took a straight 
course for the coast of Arabia, making landfall on 
March 2nd, near the Bay of Masfrah ; thence running 
northwards, she rounded Cape Ras-el-Had, and entered the 
Gulf of Omdn. Here many vessels were sighted, and in a 
collision with one of these the arrogant folly of a ship's 
clerk nearly caused a terrible disaster.. Escaping from this 
danger, the ship pursued her course, anchoring a couple of 
days at Sffa, taking in wood and water at Mdskat, and at 
length reaching Hormuz on March 17th. 

On April 14th Teixeira set sail for Basra, in a little ship 
belonging to the Portuguese captain of Hormuz, which, 
after passing through the strait between Kishm and the 
mainland, coasted north-westerly along the eastern shore 
of the Persian Gulf, having frequently to cast anchor 
owing to the strong currents. Off the island of Lir 
(Shaikh Shuwaib) the ship suffered somewhat from bad 
weather, and proved a friend in need to a native vessel 
that had been attacked by " Nihhelus." After sailing 
along this rugged coast for thirty-five days, provisions 
began to fail, and on reaching Shilu the head-wind in- 
creased to such an extent that the captain of the ship 
gave orders to set the course for Hormuz, at which 
place our traveller found himself back again on May 

2 1 St. 

Disappointed but not daunted by his ill-success, Teixeira 
once more embarked in the same ship, which, having 
refitted and revictualled, sailed from Hormuz on June 17th, 
this time keeping south of Kishm island. This voyage 
proved more fortunate, and, after apparently an unin- 
terrupted run along the eastern coast of the Persian Gulf, 
the ship anchored on July 25th at the island of Kharag, 
where it lay wind-bound for four days. Leaving this 



INTRODUCTION. xxi 

place the ship took a westerly course, and, after being 
nearly stranded in a shallow channel by the Moorish pilot 
who had been taken on board at Kharag, at length cast 
anchor on August ist in the Shdt-el-Arab, and on the 6th 
reached the terminus of her voyage at " Serrige," where 
ships of burden were wont to discharge their cargoes for 
Basra. To this town our traveller proceeded the same day 
by boat along a canal. 

Of Basra, as he saw it, Teixeira gives a graphic and 
interesting description. In this town he lodged in the house 
of a Venetian merchant,^ in whose company and that of 
two Portuguese gentlemen our traveller had come from 
Hormuz, all having apparently arranged to journey to 
Europe together. But finding that the river would be un- 
navigable for some months, Teixeira, learning that a kafila 
was fitted out to make the land journey through the Arabian 
desert, resolved to join it. Accordingly, on September 2nd, 
he and Diego de Melo, one of the aforesaid Portuguese 
gentlemen (who had, at the last moment, begged permis- 
sion to accompany our traveller), bade farewell to their 
friends in Basra, and proceeded to the plain outside the 
town, whence the kafila was to start^ 



^ Regarding this man, Santo Fonte, Father Antonio Gouvea, in his 
Relaqam^ etc., Liv. I, cap. vii, relates an incident, showing how severely 
Shdh Abbds punished the King of \Ax and his accomplices for the 
murder and robbery of a factor of this Venetian merchant's. 

* It was not customary, I believe, for Europeans to travel by this 
desert route. Antonio Tenreiro was the first Portuguese to undertake 
the journey in 1523, and again in 1528 ; and Couto {Dec. IV, Liv. V, 
cap. vii) describes the sensation caused in Portugal by the narrative 
of his adventures (which was not printed, however, before 1 560, at 
Coimbra). Some forty years later (in 1565 apparently), a certain 
Antonio Teixeira made the journey from Basra to Bagdad, and 
thence to the Mediterranean and Galata (Couto, IJec. V/II, cap. v). 
Fr. Caspar de Sao Bernardino, who made the land journey from 
Basra to Aleppo a few years after Teixeira, took a somewhat 
different route. On the subject of these land journeys see the 
interesting account in Whiteway's Rhe of Portuguese Power in India 

PP- 53-57. 



XXll INTRODUCTION. 

After a somewhat trying journey, in which Diego de 
Melo proved a troublesome companion, the kafila arrived 
at Mashad 'AH on September i8th ; and, having rested 
four days, set out again on the 23rd. On the 25th the 
caravan reached Mashad Husain (Karbala), where the 
captain of the kafila got married, and invited our traveller 
to the wedding. On the 29th most of the merchants in 
the kafila set off for Bagdad in charge of certain officials, 
who had been sent thence for that purpose ; but Teixeira, 
Diego de Melo, and a few others remained behind for lack 
of camels. This want being at last supplied, our traveller 
and his companions left Mashad Husain on October 2nd ; 
on the 3rd they crossed the Euphrates ; and on the 4th 
they entered Bagdad. 

At Bagdad, Teixeira was welcomed by a young Ham- 
burger whom he had known in India, and who did all he 
could to repay some service our traveller had done him on 
a former occasion. Of the city of Bagdad we are given a 
very detailed description. In consequence of the siege of 
Aleppo and other disturbances, Teixeira had perforce 
to remain a couple of months here; but on December 12th 
he once more set forth on his journey, accompanied by 
the young German, Diego Fernandes, and Diego de Melo, 
and crossing the Euphrates on the 24th entered the town 
of Ana. 

At this place, which as usual he describes graphically, 
Teixeira and his companions were detained, much to their 
annoyance, until January 13th, 1605, when they set out for 
Aleppo, travelling, as they had done from Bagdad, in 
camel panniers. At the village of Sukana, which they 
reached on January 31st, and where they stayed five days, 
Diego de Melo once more nearly brought trouble upon 
himself and his companions by his hot-headedness. On 
February 9th the caravan was attacked by robbers ; but 
Teixeira and his friends escaped scatheless. At length, on 



INTRODUCTION. XXlll 

February 12th, at sunset, our traveller and his companions 
reached Aleppo in safety. 

To a description of Aleppo, its inhabitants, trade and 
commerce, foreign merchants, &c., our author devotes a 
whole chapter full of interesting details. After a stay of 
two months in this town, learning that a ship was about to 
sail from Scanderoon (Alexandretta) for Venice, Teixeira 
took his departure from Aleppo on April Sth, accompanied 
by two Venetian gentlemen and by Diego de Melo, who 
once more proved a source of trouble to the company. 
On Good Friday, April Sth, 1605, the party reached 
Alexandretta, and on the 12th they went aboard a Venetian 
ship bound for Venice, in which city our author had, he 
says, some special business to transact. After calling at 
Salinas (near Larnaca) in Cyprus for cargo, the ships fell 
in with some Maltese galleys, to one of which Diego de 
Melo, in a characteristic fit of ill-humour, transferred him- 
self, much to the relief, doubtless, of our long-suflFering 
author. Another call for cargo was made at the island of 
Zante, where eight days were spent ; and after a tedious 
voyage, owing to contrary winds, the ship arrived on 
July 9th at " Istria." Here Teixeira and his companions 
went ashore, and next day sailed in a bark for Venice, 
where they arrived, after a stormy voyage, on July nth, 
1605. 

Of his doings in Venice, where he " rested a while," 
Teixeira tells us nothing, and, though he " saw somewhat 
of the many wonders of that city," his only comment 
thereon is to agree with a certain wise man, who, he re- 
marks, had '* wisely said," that it was " an impossible work 
in an impossible place." Having visited " no small part of 
Italy," our author came to Piedmont, crossed the Alps and 
saw Savoy ; traversed France, and came to the (then) 
Spanish Netherlands, where he settled down in the famous 
city of Antwerp. What length of time was occupied in 



xxiv INTRODUCTION. 

these European wanderings, and when he came to Antwerp, 
Teixeira does not inform us, and we have no means (at 
present) of ascertaining. Dr. Kayserling, in the work 
already quoted, says : — " It was at Antwerp, the oldest 
Dutch settlement of the Spanish-Portuguese exiles, that 
Pedro took up his abode after the termination of his 
journey. There he published his valuable work on the 
origin and order of succession of the kings of Persia and 
Hormez [sic] ; there he wrote his Travels from India to 
Italy ; and there, not at Verona,^ most probably towards 
the middle of the seventeenth century, he died in the 
Jewish faith, and was gathered to his fathers in a better 
world." For the statements in the latter part of this 
extract Dr. Kayserling gives no proofs, and I am unable 
to confirm or to contradict them.- 



1 In a footnote Dr. Kayserling states that Daniel Levi de Barrios, 
Wolff, Zunz, and Steinschneider all mention Verona as the place of 
Pedro Teixeira's death ; but he thinks that more credence is to be 
given to Barbosa Machado, who, in his Bibliotheca Lusitana (Lisbon, 
1747), torn, iii, p. 622, says of Teixeira : " Vizitou Veneza, donde por 
terra veyo a Anveres e nesta cidade fez o seu domicilio at^ a morte." 
In his Biblioteca Espanola-Portuguesa-Judaica (1890), however. Dr. 
Kayserling leaves the place of Teixeira'i death a moot point. 

* Dr. Kayserling, to whom I wrote, was unable to add any infor- 
mation to that given above ; nor has Dr. M. Gaster, who kindly made 
inquiries for me, succeeded in eliciting any further details regarding 
Teixeira. 



INTRODUCTION. XXV 



II. 

THE FIRST COMING OF THE ENGLISH AND 
THE DUTCH TO THE EAST.^ 



The period covered by the travels of Pedro Teixeira 
(1586-1605) was a critical one in the history of the Portu- 
guese in the East. In 1580 Philip II of Spain had been 
proclaimed King of Portugal, and this country had entered 
upon the " sixty years* captivity" that proved one of the 
prime factors in the loss of nearly the whole of its Eastern 
possessions. In that same year, also, Drake had returned 
to England from his famous voyage round the world,* 
which gave rise to a " diplomatic wrangle" that eventuated 
in a rupture of relations and a bitter maritime war between 
England and Spain. 

Shortly before Drake's return, John Newbery* had 
sailed (on September 19th, 1580) for Tripoli, in Syria, 
whence he journeyed by way of the Euphrates Valley and 
the Persian Gulf to Hormuz, returning thence through 
Persia, Armenia, etc., to Constantinople, and then across 
Europe, reaching London in August, 1582.* Within six 

^ The subject of the early English and Dutch voyages to the East 
has been ably dealt with by Sir George Birdwood, in his Report on the 
Old Records of the India Office (second reprint, 1891), pp. 183-199 ; 
and Sir W. W. Hunter, in his History of British India^ vol. i, chaps, 
v-vii. My object here has been to bnng together in a connected form 
various particulars relating to some of these voyages, mostly from 
Portuguese sources, that have been hitherto overlooked by English 
writers on the subject. They will enable the reader, I think, to gain 
a fairly accurate idea of how the position appeared from a Portuguese 
standpoint. 

' See The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake^ edited for the 
Hakluyt Society by Mr. W. S. W. Vaux. 

' Regarding this man, see J. Horton Ryle/s Ralph Fitch^ pp. 202- 
211. 

* Details of this journey are given in Purchas his PilgrimeSy vol. ii. 



XXVI INTRODUCTION. 

months of his return Newbery once more sailed for Tripoli, 
on this occasion accompanied by Ralph Fitch, William 
Leedes, and James Story.^ These four Englishmen, 
following the same route as that taken by Newbery on 
his former journey, reached Hormuz on September 5th, 
1583, and were at once arrested and imprisoned by the 
captain of Hormuz,^ on suspicion of being emissaries of 
Dom Antonio, the pretender to the throne of Portugal.' 
In October they were shipped to Goa, arriving there on 
the 20th of November, and being again incarcerated. 
However, through the good offices of the English Jesuit, 
Father Thomas Stevens,* Fitch and his companions were 
soon released on bail, and settled to trade or other occupa- 
tions in Goa. Being still, however, treated with suspicion 
by the authorities, on April 5th, 1585, Fitch, Newbery and 
Leedes made their escape from Portuguese territory, and 
succeeded in reaching the court of the " Great Mogul," 
Akbar,^ at Fatehpur Sikri. Here Leedes remained in 
Akbar*s service; but on September 28th, 1585, Newbery 
left for Lahore, intending to return by Persia to Aleppo or 
Constantinople f while Fitch set out in a fleet of boats 

^ Fitch's narrative of this journey was first printed by Hakluyt 
i^Principall Navigations^ vol. ii. Ft. i), and was reprinted by Purchas 
{Pilgrimesy vol. ii). It has recently been reproduced, with a wealth 
of illustrative matter, by Mr. J. Horton Ryley, a member of this 
Society, under the title of Ralph Fitch : En^land^s Pioneer to India 
and Burma (Londony 1899). 

2 Mathias de Albuquerque (see infra). By a strange error, Lin- 
schoten says that the captain of Hormuz was then " Don Gonsalo de 
Meneses" (Hakluyt Soc. ed. of Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 160 ; and of. 
pp. 187, 202). Mathias de Albuquerque took over the office from 
D. Gongalo de Menezes in January, 1583 (see Couto, Dec, Xy Liv. ill, 
cap. ix, and Liv. vi, cap. x). 

3 Regarding whom see Hunter's History of British India^ vol. i, 
pp. 21 1-2 12, and footnote. 

* Respecting this man see Dictionary of Natural Biography y s, z/., 
and Ralph Fitch, pp. 21 1-2 13. 

^ In Hakluyt he is everywhere called "Zelabdim Echebar," the 
former name being apparently a misprint for "Zclaledim"™ Jaldliiddfn. 

• Leedes appears to have died in India ; while a mystery hangs 
over the fate of Newbery (see Ralph Fitch, pp. yy, 100, 205). 



INTRODUCTION. XXVll 

down the Jumna and Ganges to Bengal, whence he sailed 
to Chittagong, and then on to Pegu, where he made a stay 
of a year. Leaving Pegu on January loth, 1588,^ Fitch 
reached Malacca on February 8th. This was the terminus 
of his travels, and his stay in Malacca was very brief 
Setting sail again on March 29th, 1588, Fitch returned by 
Pegu to Bengal, whence he took ship to Cochin, reaching 
that port on March 22nd, 1589, and staying there until 
November 2nd, when he left for Goa. At Goa his stay 
was, for good reasons, a very short one, and he had soon 
sailed for Chaul, Hormuz and Basra, whence he returned 
by the usual route to Aleppo, and so back to England, 
arriving there on April 29th, 1591. 

I have given the above summary of Ralph Fitch's 
travels for two reasons. The first is : that the latter 
portion of those travels synchronises with the earlier parts 
of Teixeira's voyages and wanderings in the East. In 
fact. Fitch and Teixeira were probably at Goa at the same 
time, in 1589. Neither, however, mentions the other. 

Another reason I have for referring specially to Fitch's 
travels is to emphasise the audacity displayed by him in 
visiting such Portuguese settlements as Malacca and 
Cochin (where he stayed over seven months), and returning 
to Goa and Hormuz (where he had to wait fifty days 
for a passage to Basra), after having escaped from Goa 
while still a suspect. That he ran considerable risks, 
the following extracts from Portuguese official documents 
show. On February 25th, 1585, the King of Spain wrote^ 

* Fitch does not mention the year of his departure from Pegu and 
his arrival at Malacca ; but it must have been 1 588, since, as we have 
seen above (p. vii), during a great part of 1587 Malacca was enduring 
the horrors of famine. Probably Fitch prolonged his stay in Pegu 
until he learnt of the relief of Malacca and the destruction of Johor. 

* I translate what follows from a copy (the only one extant ?) of a 
royal letter contained in British Museum Addit, MS. 20,861 (tomo I 
of Collecqam de Or dens da India^ No. 5). This letter does not appear 
in the Archivo Portuguez-Oriental. 



XXVlil INTRODUCTION. 

from Lisbon to the Viceroy of India (D. Duarte de 
Menezes) : — 

And the said Viceroy^ also wrote to me, that Mathias de 
Albuquerque,^ captain of the fortress of Ormuz,^ had sent him 
four Englishmen,* who had arrived at that fortress by way of 
Ba9ora ; and that it was presumed that they carried some letters 
from Dom Antonio, Prior of Crato, although none were found on 
them,^ and they came in the garb of merchants and with goods : 
who had been imprisoned pending such confirmation as he should 
think right to advise me of. Wherefore I enjoin on you, that 
if these Englishmen are still prisoners, and you have not punished 
them, you do so according to the offences of which they shall 
have been found guilty, of which you shall order a private inquiry 
to be made ; and you shall take great heed that neither these 
people nor other similar ones be allowed in those parts, the 
which you shall order to be specially guarded against at the 
fortress of Ormuz, which is the gateway by which they are chiefly 
likely to enter. And of what you shall do in this matter you 
shall advise me. 

As I have mentioned, a few weeks after the above was 
written, and just two months after the arrival at Goa of the 
Viceroy to whom the letter was addressed, three of the 
four Englishmen had escaped from Portuguese jurisdiction. 
What King Philip thought of this occurrence is shown by 
the following extract*^ from a letter written by him to the 
Viceroy from Lisbon on February 13th, 1587 : — 

I am displeased at the escape of the four Englishmen whom 
you wrote me that Mathias Dalbuquerque sent as prisoners from 
Ormuz to that city of Goa in the time of the Count Dom 
Francisco Mascarenhas, and that they have gone to different parts, 
and that you had information that two of them were dead, and 
the other two living."^ And since it is necessary to learn the 



^ D. Francisco Mascarenhas (see Ralph Fitch^ pp. 56, 85). 
2 Afterwards (i 591-1597) Viceroy of India (see supra^ p. xv). 
» From 1583 to 1586. 

* Linschoten gives a curious (and certainly erroneous) reason for 
their being sent to the Viceroy {op, cii., vol. ii, p. 160). 

^ Cf. Ralph Fitch, pp. 62, 75, 77. 

• I translate from Archive Portuguez- Oriental, fasc. iii, p. 95. 

^ One of those known to be living was, of course. Story, who had 
settled in Goa as a painter (see infra, p. xxix), and the other was 



INTRODUCTION. XXIX 

cause of their going to those parts, I enjoin upon you to endea- 
vour to lay hold of them, and that they be kept well guarded ; 
and that you order an examination of the persons incriminated 
in their escape, and take proceedings against them ; and of what 
you shall do in this matter you shall inform me. 

Two years later, on February 2nd, 1589, the King writes^ 
thus to the Viceroy : — 

And regarding what you write me of the advice that you have 
had respecting Dom Antonio, the former Prior of Crato, I have 
ordered a private letter^ to be written to you on this matter. 

You also tell me that, by way of Dyo and other parts, you 
have sent to spy the strait of Meca in order that before the 
winter sets in you may learn if any galleys set out and what they 
do, which was prudent, and so will it be of you to manage by 
all ways to be ever advised of the affairs of this strait. And 
regarding the four Englishmen who in the time of the Count 
Dom Francisco Mascarenhas went to India, of whom you gave 
me an account that they were merchants, and went out to those 
parts solely with that intention, and that three of them are dead,' 
and that the one that remained was a painter and was married 
there,* nevertheless in addition to this information that you give 
me I again enjoin upon you that you make further efforts to 
find out the intent of their going, and of those inculpated in the 
escape of the three, as I ordered to be written to you by the 
fleet of the past year,^ in which you will already have taken pro- 
ceedings. 

The last reference to this matter of Fitch and his corn- 



possibly Leedes, who had taken service under Akbar (see supra). 
The information regarding Newber/s death may have been correct, 
but with respect to Fitch it was happily false. (Cf. the incorrect 
statements regarding the four in Hunter's History of British India^ 
vol. i, p. 232.) 

^ I translate from Archivo P or tuguez- Oriental^ fasc. iii, p. 175. 

' The letter referred to, dated January 24th, 1589, and nearly all in 
cypher, is printed in Archivo P or tuguez -Oriental^ fasc. iii, pp. 166- 
167. It appears from it that a report had reached the Viceroy that 
Dom Antonio had left England intending to go by Venice to Constan- 
tinople ; whereupon the Viceroy had secretly sent a Venetian named 
Miser Antonio to Bagdad and Aleppo to find out the truth. This 
action the King commends, but warns him to be chary of receiving 
news through Venetians, as it is understood that as regards Turkish 
affairs they never report them correctly. 

* Possibly Leedes may have died meanwhile. 

* To a mestiqa^ according to Linschoten (vol. ii, p. 166). 

* I have found no letter of 1589 referring to this matter. 



XXX INTRODUCTION. 

panions is in a royal letter dated January 12th, 1591, in 
which the King writes^ to the Viceroy as follows : — 

And he^ also writes to me that of the three Englishmen who 
went out to those parts in the time of the Count Dom Francisco 
Mascarenhas two of them were dead,^ and the other was in Goa 
practising the profession of a painter, without there being any 
suspicion of any other design in him ; and nevertheless since it 
is forbidden that any strangers go to those parts, nor are they 
allowed there,^ I do not consider it to my service that he remain, 
being an Englishman, and you shall send him free in the first 
ship to this kingdom that he may go hence to his own country if 
he desire.^ 

In view of the above royal instructions, it certainly 
seems strange that in 1588 Fitch should have spent seven 
weeks in Malacca unmolested, and that in 1589 he should 
have stayed between seven and eight months at Cochin, 
and then gone to Goa and Hormuz ; at either of which 
places, one would think, he would certainly have been 
re-arrested. But his motto seems to have been " De I'audace, 
encore de Taudace, toujours de Taudace." 

Two months after the departure from England of Ralph 
Fitch and his companions, namely, on April 8th, 1583, 
there sailed from Lisbon for India a man whose name will 
for ever be famous — the young Dutchman, Jan Huyghen 
van Linschoten. As the old English translation of his 
epoch-making Itinerario has been so admirably edited for 
our Society by Dr. Burnell and Mr. Tiele, I need here only 



^ I translate from Archivo Portuguez- Oriental^ fasc. iii, p. 277. 

* The Governor, Manoel de Sousa Coutinho. 

3 I do no know who is responsible for this reduction in the 
numbers. 

* Cf. Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 166. 

* Whether or not this order was carried out I have not been able to 
discover. If it was obeyed, poor Story probably perished in one of 
the two ships that was lost on the homeward voyage in 1592 (see 
supra^ p. xvi). Had he been on board the Madre de Deos^ which was 
captured by Sir John Burrough, there would doubtless have been a 
record of the fact by Hakluyt or some other writer. 



INTRODUCTION. XXXl 

say that it seems evident that Teixeira had read the work 
(doubtless the Latin translation of 1599) before writing his 
own book^i I would also point out, that though in 1588 
Teixeira and Linschoten must have been in Goa at the 
same time, neither makes the slightest allusion to the other 
by name. Had Linschoten not written his comprehensive 
work on the East, it is possible that we might have had a 
somewhat similar one from the pen of Teixeira. 

Though Linschoten sailed for Europe from Cochin a 
couple of months before Fitch arrived there from Bengal, 
he did not reach Lisbon until January 2nd, 1 592, nearly 
three years after his departure from India '^ while Fitch, 
on the other hand, arrived in London on April 29th, 1591. 
Less than three weeks before this there had sailed from 
London for the East^ three ships under the command of 
Captain Raymond, only one of which, the Edward 
Bonaventure, Captain James Lancaster, was destined to 
complete the voyage. The history of this expedition is 
given in T/ie Voyages of Sir James Lancaster^ edited for 
our Society by Sir Clements Markham. It was perhaps 
the report of the approaching departure of these vessels 
that led to the writing of a letter to the Viceroy of India 
by the King of Spain on March 26th, 1591, in which he 
says* : — " I had advice a few days ago that in England 
were being got ready some vessels with the object of going 
to the island of Santa Ylena to wait for the ships that come 
from those parts to this kingdom." The writer therefore 



^ See the references to Linschoten's work in the footnotes to the 
Kin^s of Persia^ infra, 

* He spent two years in the island of Terceira. 

' Before this (in 1586-88) Thomas Cavendish had followed the 
example of Drake, and circumnavigated the world by way of Magellan 
Straits and the Eastern Archipelago (see the narrative of the voyage 
in Hakluyt, Prin. Nav.y 1589, and the curious report of an English 
expedition to the East in 1588 recorded by Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 302). 

* Archive Portus^uez- Oriental^ fasc. iii, p. 317- 



xxxil INTRODUCTION. 

advises that the homeward-bound ships should carry as 
much water as possible so as to obviate calling at St. 
Helena, and orders that if they were obliged to call at 
some port it should be at Angola ;^ while the captains were 
to be instructed to rendezvous at Corvo, in the Azores, 
where a fleet would be waiting to escort them to Lisbon. 

The only Portuguese documents that I have found, how- 
ever, undoubtedly referring to Lancaster's voyage are the 
two following. The first is a royal letter, written more 
than two years later, and, in fact, just at the time that 
Lancaster's troubles were coming to a culmination off the 
coast of North America. The letter* runs : — 

Friend Viceroy. I, the King, send you all greeting. Luis 
Fernandes Duarte,^ who is at the court of the King Xariffe, 
wrote to me that in Marrocos was an English merchant* of credit 
in those parts who spoke of the affairs of that State like one who 
has some experience thereof although he has not been there, and 
that to the effect that in Samatra and Pegil, which are places 
remote from that State and in which I have no fortresses, are to 
be established factories, and that commerce is to be carried on 
with the inhabitants thereof; and that for this purpose he is 
endeavouring to obtain authentic instruments from the said 
Xariffe, to the effect that the English are capital enemies of the 
Spaniards and great friends of the Moors, and that wherever 
they find them they treat them like companions, and that any 
Moors they find captives they ransom and convey to the ports of 
Berberia and give them their liberty : in order with these credentials 
to go to England and put into execution this voyage which he 
designs to make beyond the Cape of Good Hope and not to 
Mo9ambique ; for which purpose he has made a ruttier of which 



^ A similar letter of March 15th, 1593 (in Archive Portuguez- 
Oriental f fasc. iii, pp. 389-390), orders the ships to call at the watering- 
place of Saldanha (J.e.^ Table Bay). 

2 Printed in Archivo Portuguez- Oriental^ fasc. iii, pp. 400-401. 

' This may possibly be the same man as the unnamed " Spaniard 
who has been living in Morocco for many years, not as a foreigner, 
but as a well-known subject of the King," the capture of whose richly- 
laden vessel by English ships is reported in a letter of March 20th, 
1603, from the Venetian Secretary in England to the Doge and Senate 
{Calendar of State Papers, Venice, vol. ix, 1592-1603, p. 555). 

* I cannot identify this man. 



INTRODUCTION. XXXlll 

the said Luis Femandes sent me a copy.^ And because this 
matter is of the importance that you have been advised of, 
although in what this Englishman intends there are many 
difficulties in the way of his being able to carry it into effect, yet 
it is to be believed that in so far as is possible the English will 
attempt everything from which they will gain some profit even 
though it be in remote parts, because of their lack of commerce 
there, I thought that I ought at once to advise you by land,^ as 
also I commanded to be done by the fleet of the coming year, in 
order that you may observe great vigilance in this particular, 
taking all necessary precautions in the places mentioned and in 
any others that you consider needful, and providing in every way 
so that by no means may these English set foot on land ,** keep- 
ing the kings of those parts in the friendship that they have with 
that State, and in the case of those that have it not you shall 
arrange that this good office shall be performed towards them by 
the nearest king who is friendly to that State. 

. . Written in Lisbon the 6th of August, 1593. 

It is also proper that you should know that through the same 
Englishman it was understood, that it may be a little over two 
years ago there left England for those parts Captain Timbertoe,* 
regarding whom they had advice by land of his having arrived 
there, and that he had captured two galleons.** You will there- 
fore well see how important it is to intervene ; and you shall 
advise me of everything. 

^ Thisruttier may possibly be still in existence among the archives 
at Madrid. 

' According tp a note in Archivo Portuguez-Oriental^ fasc. iii, p. 400, 
" On the margin of the paper is this statement in contemporary 
writing : ' Copy of what was written in cypher by land.' " Whether the 
original reached India does not appear. 

' Cf. the statement in a letter from Seville, quoted by Hunter, 
History of British India^ vol. i, p. 234. 

* Orig., " o capitao P^ de pdo." This seems to have been a nick- 
name acquired by Lancaster during his service as a soldier in Portugal ; 
but the reason for it is not evident. 

* The Venetian Ambassador in Spain, writing to the Doge and 
Senate from Madrid on August 30th, 1 593, says : — " News has come 
from Lisbon that two ships of the East India fleet have arrived, and 
that they only saved themselves from the attack of four English 
corsairs with the greatest difficulty. These English ships followed 
them up for a long while. They report that in the Chma seas an 
Englishman seized a ship with a cargo worth upwards of a million ; 
and that as there is no word of the two ships of last year it is thought 
certain that they are either sunk or captured by the English" (^Calendar 
of State Papers^ Venice^ vol. ix, 1592- 1603). See also infra^ p. Ixi. 

d 



XXXIV INTRODUCTION. 

The other reference to Lancaster's voyage occurs in a 
royal letter to the Viceroy of India, written in Lisbon 
on March ist, 1594, one paragraph^ of which runs as 
follows : — 

And with respect to what you tell me, that an English ship put 
into Titangone, six leagues from MoQambique,^ and that Dom 
Jeronimo de Azevedo, who was stationed as captain of that 
fortress,^ prevented her taking in water,* as she was doing, I 
consider myself well served by the manner in which he proceeded 
therein, and also by the order that you gave with a view to allay 
the excitement that might inconsiderately be created in that State 
by the news set about by that ship, of many others coming 
thither ; and since these corsairs have begun to go to those parts, 
it is very important that by every means you shall think of you 
shall cause great vigilance to be observed in this matter, in order 
to succeed in every way that is possible to you in capturing those 
that shall put into the ports of that State, or to defeat them in 
such a manner that not only will they not be able to proceed with 
their designs, but that they will greatly regret having entertained 
them, and will not dare to take them up again ; as I feel confident 
that you will do. 

Lancaster's voyage resulted so disastrously as to give 
pause to English designs on the East f but another rival 
nation was now to appear on the scene.® On April 2nd, 
1595, a fleet of four Dutch vessels,^ under the command of 



^ ArcMvo PortugueZ'Orientcd^ fasc iii, pp. 430-431. 

' See infra^ p. xlvii. 

' I cannot find the date of his taking up this post, but it was 
probably in 1590. From a royal letter of March ist, 1594, in Archivo 
Portuguez- Oriental^ fasc. iii (p. 421), it seems that while occupying 
this position D. Jeronymo killed his wife for adultery (and her 
paramour also, judging by a later letter), for which crime he was tried 
and acquitted ; and in 1592 he appears to have returned to India and 
been appointed captain-major of the Malabar coast. 

* This was not the fact (see infra^ p. xlviii). 

^ See, however, Hunter, History of British India^ vol. i, p. 234. 

^ For details of the early Dutch voyages, see Prince Roland Bona- 
parte's Les Premiers Voyages des NSerlandais dans VInsulinde {isgs- 
i6o2\ and especially J. K. J. de Jonge's De Opkomst van het Neder- 
landsch Gezag in Oost-Indie {ijgj-ioio). Other works dealing with 
these voyages are cited below. 

^ They were the three ships Mauritius^ Hollandia and Amsterdam^ 
and the pinnace Duifken. 



INTRODUCTION. XXXV 

Comelis de Houtman, sailed out of the Texel for the 
Eastern Archipelago, carrying with them, for their 
guidance, copies of Linschoten's Sailing Directory, which 
was published in Amsterdam the same year.^ Of this 
expedition,* which resulted in little but disaster* and 
disappointment,* I find no mention in the Portuguese 
records until the beginning of 1598* (although the surviving 
ships of the fleet had returned in August, 1597). The first 
reference occurs in a royal letter* to the Viceroy of India, 
written from Lisbon on January 13th, 1598, in which the 
King says : — 



^ See Tide's Introduction to Hakluyt Soc. ed. of Linschoten, 
p. xxxvi. 

* The first Dutch account of which appeared at Middelburg in 
1597 (see Tiele*s Mkmoire Bibliographique sur les Joumaux des 
Nceuigateurs Nderlandais^ pp. 116-136). An English translation by 
W. Phillip was printed in London by John Wolfe in 1 598 under the 
title The Description of a Voyage made by certcdne Ships of Holland 
into the East Indies, See also J. K. J. de Jonge, op, cit,^ pp. 187-203, 
and 285-374 ; Prince Roland Bonaparte's Les Premiers Voyages^ etc., 
p. 6 et seq, 

' The small quantity of spices brought back was insufficient to pay 
the cost of the expedition. On January ist, 1597, the Amsterdam was 
burnt, owin^ to its leaky condition and the lack of men, dead of 
disease or killed by the natives. When the other three vessels set 
sail homewards on February 26th, 1 597, they carried, instead of the 
two hundred and forty-nine Hollanders that had left with the fleet, but 
eighty-nine, besides two Malabars, two Malagasy, a Chinese, a Malay, 
and a Gujarati. 

* Sir Wm. Hunter, in his History of British India^ vol. i, p. 230, 
says: — "Houtman returned in 1597, having lost two-thirds of his 
crews, done little in actual trade, but bringing back a treaty with the 
King of Bantam, which opened up the Indian Archipelago with 
Holland." Apparently Hunter has here been misled by the autho- 
rities he refers to. The king of Bantam had recently been killed, and 
his successor was an infant. It was the governor and council at 
Bantam that made the agreement with the Dutch (see de Jonge, op, 
cit,^ voL ii, pp. 197-198, 372-374 ; The Description of a Voyage^ etc., 
pp. 15 and 16). 

* Except the casual reference by the Goa Chamber in their letter of 
December 1 597, quoted from below (p. xlvi). 

* The only extant copy of which appears to be that forming No. 45 
in tom. i of the Collecqam de Ordens da India (British Museum Addit, 
MS, 20,861). 

d2 



XXXVl INTRODUCTION. 

From various letters written to me from that State,* I learnt 
that the ambassadors sent by the Dachem* to the Viceroy, Mathias 
de Albuquerque, regarding terms of peace and other matters, 
departed from him ill content, it being only a short time previously 
that this king released the Bishop of China, whom he had in his 
power, and the rest of the Portuguese who were wrecked in the 
ship in which he was going, with great demonstration of desiring 
the friendship of that State. But I am not inclined to believe in 
this matter except what I shall learn from the letters of Mathias 
de Albuquerque and from yours ; and therefore I enjoin upon you 
to write particularly regarding this.* 

I have advised you by land by letters that went by diflferent 
ways after the arrival here of the four ships* of the past year 

^ Estado^ i.e,^ India ; just as Portugal was referred to by writers 
from India as " that kingdom" (aquelle reino). 

* That is, the king of Achin. (On the form " Dachem," see Hobson- 
Jobson^ 5,v, "Acheen.")j 

3 Couto doubtless recorded these events in his lost Onzena Decada ; 
but in the makeshift Decada Undecima there is no mention of them. 
The earliest reference to the subject that I have found is in the 
annual letter of the Goa Chamber to the King, written December 19th, 
1596 (printed in Archivo P or tuguez- Oriental^ fasc. i, Pt. 11), in which 
they say that their predecessors had informed the King of the matter 
in the foregoing year (which appears to be incorrect). In his reply of 
February 13th, 1597 (printed in Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. i, 
Pt. i), the King just mentions the topic, with which he deals more fully 
in a letter to the Count Viceroy, dated February 5th, 1 597 (printed in 
Archivo Portuguez- Oriental^ fasc. iii). From fliese letters it seems 
that the captain-major of the wrecked ship was D. Francisco d'E^a, 
whose brother, for some unexplained reason, was kept a prisoner by 
the king of Achin when he released the other Portuguese. The Goa 
Chamber express their agreeable surprise at the action of the Achinese 
chief, after the past experience of the Portuguese with him and his 
predecessors, and their regret at the bad treatment of his ambas- 
sadors ; and they complain that the Viceroy would accede to neither 
of their requests, viz., either to send a present to conciliate the king 
of Achin, or to dispatch a fleet to protect Malacca in case he should 
attack it in revenge for the insult to his ambassadors. From the 
King's letter we gather that Mathias de Albuquerque was averse to 
making formal terms of peace with the Achmese, lest they should 
come in such numbers to Malacca as to prove a menace to that 
place ; also, that the treatment of the ambassadors had been better 
than reported. 

* The four ships were the Sdo Simdo^ the Sdo Francisco^ the Sdo 
Phelippe^ and the N, S. de Vencimento^ all of which arrived at Lisbon 
on August 27th, 1 597. None of the letters said by the King to have 
been sent overland to India after the arrival of these ships are extant ; 
but the Venetian ambassador in Spain wrote from Madrid to the Doge 
and Senate on October 20th, 1 597 : — " Some days ago an Armenian 
was despatched from here to Ormuz, vid Venice and Alexandria. He 
bore letters to the Viceroy, calling his attention to the progress of 



INTRODUCTION. XXXVU 

regarding various matters of my service, and especially how that 
the Hollanders who came from those parts that same year 
encountered at Santa Elena the said ships^ with some pepper and 
drugs, which it is understood that they loaded in ports of the 
island of Samatra and of Jaoa. And because I now have advice 
that this year are being got ready many ships of the said 
Hollanders for the purpose of again making that joumey,^ as 
I have commanded to be written to you more particularly by these 
vias^ (and I have also commanded it to be done by land) ; and it 
may happen that this king of Dachem, disgusted at the bad 

English commerce in those parts, and charging him to hinder it by all 
the means in his power. These orders are thought to be difficult to 
execute : for the English will not readily abandon that trade. Three 
of their ships a few months ago made a great profit in spices ; with 
the result tnat in Lisbon the price of drugs has gone down. I also 
hear that the King of Denmark and the Free Cities have been invited 
to interrupt English and Dutch trade" {Calendar of State Papers, 
Venice^ vol. ix, 1592- 1603, pp. 291-292). The Armenian referred to 
above is doubtless the one mentioned by Couto as having been dis- 
patched by the captain of Hormuz in 1596 (see note infrOf p. xl). 

* This was on May 24th-25th, 1597 (see letter of March loth, 1598, 
infra ; F. van der Does, in De Jonge, op, cit., vol. ii, pp. 369-371). 
In The Description of a Voyage, etc., we read (p. 37) : — "The 24. of 
May in the morning wee discouered a Portingall ship, that stayed for 
vs, and put out a fiagge of truce, and because our flagge of truce was 
not so readie as theirs, and we hauing the wind of him, therefore he 
shot two shootes at vs, and put forth a flagge out of his maine top, 
and we shot 5. or 6. times at him, and so held on our course without 
speaking to him, hauing a South easte winde, holding our course West 
and by South to find the Island of S, Helena, which the Portingall 
likewise sought. The 25. of May we discouered the Island of S, 
Helena, but we could not see the Portingal ship, still sayling with a 
stiffe Southeast wind, & about euening we were vnder the Island, 
which is very high lande, and may be seene at the least 14, or 75. 
miles off, and as we sayled about the North point, there lay three other 
great Portingal ships, we being not aboue half a mile from them, 
wherevpon we helde in the weather and to seawarde Northeast as 
much as we might. The Portingalles perceyuing vs, the Admiral of 
their fleet shot off a pece to call their men that were on land to come 
a horde, and then wee saw foure of their shippes together, that were 
worth a great summe of money, at the least 300. tunnes of gold, for 
they were all laden with spices, precious stones, and other rich wares, 
and therefore wee durst not anker vnder the Island, but lay all night 
Northeast warde, staying for our company." (The next day this ship, 
the Hollandia, met her two companions, after a month's separation, 
and the three sailed homewards, having plenty of fresh water on 
board.) 

' Regarding these ships, see further on. 

• The word via (meaning way, road, route) was used in a special 
sense in connection with the royal dispatches to India (see also 
supra, p. xi). 



kxxviii iNTRODUCtioK. 

treatment of his ambassadors (if it be as was written to me, which 
I cannot believe), will grasp at^ the friendship of these Hollanders, ^ 
I enjoin upon you, and command, that you arrange to have in the 
Sea of Malaca a fleet such as there used to be, reinforcing 
it according to the present greater need, in order to prevent them 
from going to those ports,^ and to give them the chastisement 
that they deserve, whereby they will not be so impudent as to 
return again ; and even if the many inconveniences that will arise 
from their acting thus be prevented, there cannot fail to be 
damage and discredit to that State. And for all these reasons 
and others, I again enjoin on you that you set greater store on the 
friendship of the Dachem, and with services, as necessity in every 
way requires. 

In another letter, dated January 26th, 1598, the King 
again refers to the matter of the Achin ambassadors, and 
impresses upon the Viceroy the importance of retaining 
the friendship of the king of " Dachem," " because it is not 
fitting to have him as an open enemy, especially at a time 
when the ships of Holland are going to those parts." 

Writing on March 5th, the King once more reverts to 
the subject, as follows : — * 

And because I am informed that the ambassadors of the 
Dachem, who were waiting in Goa hoping for a reply to the terms 
of peace which he wishes to conclude with the State, returned 
disgusted at the time that the Viceroy Mathias de Albuquerque 
was in the North, it appears to me that it would be of service to 
me to send him an embassy conformable to the state of affairs 
and to the information that you shall have of the fleet of the 
Hollanders that is going to those parts, of which I have com- 
manded to advise you by others of my letters, and if they attempt 
to transact any commerce in that island of Samatra, it not 
appearing to you that anything else is advisable, of which you 
shall inform me ; and meanwhile you shall proceed as you shall 
decide in Council is of most importance to my service.^ 



^ The orig. has ^^deste mao" which makes nonsense. I take the 
words to be an error of the copyist's for " deite a mdoJ^ 

' This surmise proved incorrect (see infra), 

' Orig., ^^aquelles portosy^ which is, I think, a copyist's error for 
" aquellas parte^^ (those parts), the expression used in other letters 
dealing with this subject. 

* Arckivo Pcrtuguez 'Oriental, fasc. iii, p. 848. 

^ From another royal letter, of November 21st, 1598 (also printed 
in Archivo Portuguez-Oriental^ fasc. iii), we learn that the Viceroy 



INTRODUCTION. XXXIX 

In a letter of March loth, 1598, dealing with the revised 
instructions to captains of homeward-bound ships, the 
King writes^ to the Viceroy : — 

. . . And although formerly it was customary for the ships to 
wait for one another at Santa Ylena a short period, which did not 
go beyond the 20th of May, it was well shown during the past 
year of what importance it was to extend that period to the end 
of May ;' for this was the cause of the ship Venctmento^ which 
was delayed longer than others, coming in company of those that 
arrived first at that island ; and because the said ship there 
encountered those of the Hollander corsairs that were coming 
from the parts of the South f and it is probable that those that 
again make that voyage will always call at Santa Ylena, both from 
the necessity of watering there and to see if they can encounter 
any ship from India ; it is now more than ever necessary that they 
come with all preparation and caution, as of those that may there 
find enemies or meet them afterwards ; . . . . 

A week later the King writes* as follows, showing his 
increasing apprehension of the gravity of the situation : — 

Count Admiral, friend Viceroy. — I the King send you all 
greeting, as to him I love. After having written to you by these 
vias what you will see regarding the matter of the Hollanders' 
sailing to the parts of the South of that State, whence they 
returned last year, it appeared to me that, although I feel certain 
that on receipt of the news that reached you from Malaca of this 
voyage of the said Hollanders, you will have taken steps to send 
at once to those parts a fleet sufficient to destroy them if they 



had written by Lourengo de Brito (see infra, p. xlvi) to the king of 
Achin in a conciliatory manner, begging for a continuance of his 
friendship : this King Philip approves of, and enjoins all means to 
bring about amity. The result of this policy towards the Achinese 
king and his ambassadors is described below. 

* Archivo Portuguez- Oriental, fasc. iii, p. 865. 

2 An order to this effect was given by the King in a letter to the 
Viceroy, dated March 7th, 1596 (see Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, 
fasc. iii, pp. 602-603). Fa. Joao dos Santos describes (in his Ethiopia 
Oriental, Pt. II, Liv. iv, cap. xxii) how, when the ship in which he 
was returning to Portugal had passed the Cape of Good Hope, the 
sealed instructions received by the captain from the Viceroy were 
opened and read aloud by the ship's clerk, one of these being that the 
ships of the fleet were to wait for each other at St. Helena until the 
end of May. 

' See supra, p. xxxvii and note. 

* Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. iii, pp. 873-874. 



xl INTRODUCTION. 

plan to return thither, as I am informed that they are seeking to 
Accomplish, it would be greatly to my service to send this year a 
ship to Malaca, and that it would be better that there should be 
two if they were available (for to take two of the five that are 
going this year^ did not seem to me proper), and that Cosmo de 
Lafetd^ (who this year is returning to those parts,^ as I am writing 
to you in another letter in reply to the memorandum regarding 
him that you made in yours from Monbaga)* should go in the 
said Malaca ship commissioned to assist in this emergency so 
pressing and of such importance as the chastisement of the said 
Hollanders, which must cause you the anxiety that you owe to my 
service; whereby you will have the satisfaction of not being 
deprived of one of the five ships that should all arrive at the bar 
of Goa ; only that, having to reinforce the parts of the South in 
this so important emergency, you will have already there the 
succour of the said ship, and with a good captain and the men 
she carries in less time than could have been the case if the said 
ship had called first at Goa instead of at Malaca ; and in order 
that you may have complete information of what I have com- 
manded shall all be referred to your orders, there shall go 
with this the copy (signed by the Secretary Diogo Velho) of the 



^ They were the Sdo Roque^ the Conceicdo^ the -A^. S, da Paz^ the 
Sdo Simdo^ and the Sdo MatheuSy the captain-major being D. 
Jeronymo Coutinho. As is stated in the note below, they were not 
able to leave the Tagus. 

' This man, whose name is sometimes spelt Lafeitar, took a promi- 
nent part in the defence of Chaul and the capture of the Morro 
in 1594 (see Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein^ p. 61), and 
commanded in various naval engagements. He was later made 
a Councillor of India, which office he held until his death, which is 
mentioned in a royal letter of February 28th, 1612 {Documentos 
RemettidoSy torn, ii, p. 185). His name is mis-spelt "Laseta'' in 
Hunter's History of British India^ vol. i, pp. 238, 312, nn. 

* He was to have gone in command of the Sdo Simdo ; but, for 
some reason, he did not leave for India in 1599 (when the ships 
actually sailed), but in 1600, in one of the ships of the company of the 
new Viceroy, Aires de Saldanha (in connection with which fact Couto 
tells a curious story, in his Dec, Xlly Liv. v, cap. viii). 

* Couto {Dec. Xlly Liv. I, cap. ii) records the dispatch in April, 
1597, from Mombasa, by D. Francisco da Gama, of Miguel de Macedo 
to Hormuz with important letters for the King, which the captain of 
Hormuz sent to Spain by an Armenian, who arrived at the court at 
Castille at the beginning of December, 1597 (cf. footnote, supra^ 
p. xxxvi). The King, however, writing to the Viceroy on February 
loth, 1598, says that he has just received the latter's letters of April 
8th, 1 597, from Mombasa, confirming similar news he had had a few 
days before by way of Venice and Flanders (Archivo Portuguez- 
Oriental^ fasc iii, pp. 829-830). 



INTRODUCTION xli 

Instruction^ that I commanded to be given to him. Wherefore 
I enjoin upon you that, in conformity therewith, and with 
anything else that appears to you profitable to my service, without 
taking into consideration in this matter anything but what is 
entirely of importance to that same service of mine, you assist, 
favour, and encourage Como [sic] de Lafetd, sending to him as 
soon as these ships shall arrive in the monsoon of September all 
that you shall consider he is in need of, of vessels, men, and 
munitions, orders and messages, in addition to what you shall 
have provided ; being assured that this will be one of the most 
special services that you can do me in your time ; in order to 
extinguish and destroy the novelty of this navigation so prejudicial 
to my service and to that State, on which subject I need say no 
more to you than what this matter says of itself. 

Written in Lisbon, the 17th of March, 1598. 

The Prince.* 

Finally, on the Sth of April, 1598, when the fleet was all 
ready to sail,^ and the dispatches had been sealed up, 
a supplementary letter was written by the Secretary, 
Diogo Velho, by order of the Governors of Portugal, in 
which the following* occurs : — 

Now on the eve of departure of these ships there has come 
from the island of Madeira, where it had arrived, the ruttier^ of 
the voyage that the Hollanders made to the parts of the South, 



^ This document is not in the Archivo Portuguez-Oriental \ but it is 
in the archives in Portugal, and there is a transcript in the India Office 
in London (see Hunter's History of British India^ vol. i, p. 238, «.). 

* King Philip 1 1 was at this time seriously ill (he died on September 
13th) ; and the Prince therefore signed for him. 

* It was unable to leave, however, owing to the mouth of the Tagus 
being blockaded by the Earl of Cumberland. The Venetian ambas- 
sador in Spain, writing from Madrid to the Doge and Senate on April 
24th, 1598, says:— "The East India fleet is blockaded in the port of 
Lisbon, and we are informed that the Dutch have given a large 
present to the Earl of Cumberland on condition that he prevents it 
from leaving that port, in order that their ships, which are already 
despatched to the East Indies, may meet with fewer obstacles to the 
completion of their designs. The merchants who had put their money 
on board ship have now withdrawn it in despair of the fleet sailing 
this season" (Calendar 9f State Papers^ Venice^ vol. ix, 1 592-1603, 

P- 319). 

* Archivo Portuguez- Oriental^ fasc. iii, pp. 884. 

* It does not appear how this ruttier came into Portuguese hands 
or who sent it from Madeira. 



xlli INTRODUCTION. 

from which have been extracted the most important points, of 
which it appeared to the Governors that your Excellency should 
be advised, and they therefore go with this letter in all the four 
vias of these ships ; and in the first paragraph which treats of the 
bay of Antao Gil in the Island of Sa6 Lourengo it appears to 
them that your Excellency should take heed, whenever an oppor- 
tunity offers, to send and have prompt measures taken there ; and 
that as regards what is said in the last paragraph, of faults com- 
mitted by the Portuguese in Greater Jaoa, your Excellency must 
already have received information and sent to put a stop to this, 
and to proceed against the culprits, and especially the one named 
in the last paragraph; but that nevertheless they remind and 
advise your Excellency thereof on the part of his Majesty, to 
whom they are writing on this subject, and of this dispatch being 
sent to your Excellency ; and another copy like that which goes 
herewith, which was extracted from the said ruttier, has been 
given to Cosmo de Lafeta for him on his part to do what he was 
ordered in this matter, and to advise your Excellency. 

The document referred to in the above letter is as 
follows : — ^ 

Extract from the Ruttier of the Voyage of the Hollanders, 

In this Ruttier of the voyage that the Hollanders made to Jaoa 
the following is of importance. 

The Bay of Antao Gil^ in the Island of S. Lourengo, which is 
in an altitude of i6 degrees on the east coast of the said Island, 
and is very large and capacious, having a breadth of lo leagues, 
and within it several small islands, and among them a larger 
one very high, behind which is a good anchorage-ground ; this 
island is inhabited, has many fruits, oranges, lemons and cit- 
rons, and fowls, cattle, sheep and goats; from the mountain 
top descends a stream of water, and a quarter of a league 
above it is a village of two hundred houses, and other lesser 
ones. 

Outside of this Bay is the island of Santa Maria, in which 
the Hollanders found the same fruits and provisions and much 
fish.3 

In the strait that lies between Lesser Jaoa and the island of 

1 Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. iii, pp. 885-886. 

' Cf. Frank van der Does's description, in De Jonge, op, cit, vol. ii, 
p. 317 ; The Description of a Voyage^ etc., p. 8. (See also Voyages of 
Sir Jos. Lancaster^ p. 67.) 

' Cf. F. van der Does in De Jonge, ^. cit,^ vol. ii, pp. 312-314 ; The 
Description of a Voyage^ etc., p. 7. (See also voyage of Sir /. 
Lancaster^ p. 67.) 



INTRODUCTION. xliil 

Bale they experienced such a strong current of water to the 
north, that they disembarked with great trouble.^ 

From the island of Bale they set their course steadily to the 
west-south-west without making land,* so that Great Jaoa cannot 
be as broad as the ordinary descriptions of those parts make it, 
the south coast of this island of Greater Jaoa not having hitherto 
been discovered. 

On arriving at the city of Bantao in Greater Jaoa (where they 
loaded what they brought back), they found there many Portu- 
guese, who welcomed and banqueted them, and gave them infor- 
mation regarding the pepper that there was in the country, and of 
the novelty that was hoped for in the loading of their ships f and 
among these Portuguese was one, Pedro de Attaide by name, 
from Malaca,^ who advised them of all that was plotted in that 
city against them, and counselled them to take in their cargo 
speedily before the Jaos should carry into effect their evil inten- 
tions, the which maybe they would have put into execution, and 
these Hollanders would not have returned to their own land if 
this Portuguese had not been there, and others that are not 
named in this Ruttier.'^ 

I must now refer to another English expedition, which 
ended even more disastrously than Lancaster's, and the 
fate of whose participants has hitherto been involved 
in mystery. The publication of Lihschoten*s Reys- 
gheschrift and the departure of de Houtman's expedition 
may have been the prime factors in inducing Queen 
Elizabeth to sanction the dispatch, in 1596, of an expedi- 
tion of three ships, at the charge of Sir Robert Dudley and 



^ Cf. F. van der Does, in De Jonge, op, cit^ vol. ii, p. 348 ; The 
Description of a Voyage^ etc., p. 31. 

* Cf. F. van der Does, in De Jonge, op, cit, vol. ii, p. 365 ; The 
Description of a Voyage^ etc., p. 34. 

* Cf. F. van der Does, in De Jonge, 0p. cit,y vol. ii, p. 325 ; The 
Description of a Voyage^ etc., p. 14 2/ (which does not mention the 
banqueting, as does van der Does). 

* Cf. F. van der Does, in De Jonge, op. cit,y vol. ii, p. 327 ; The 
Description of a Voya^e^ etc., p. 19. The former says that he was 
bom in Goa ; the latter says Malacca, and calls him " Pedro Truide." 
Both writers speak highly of him as a skilled pilot and good friend of 
the Dutch, and recount his murder in Bantam, on August i6th, 1596, 
by some slaves at the instigation of the Portuguese. 

' As a matter of fact, the ill-success of the Dutch was largely due 
to the opposition of the Portuguese. 



xliv INTRODUCTION. 

others, and to send by it a letter to the Emperor of China.^ 
The three ships — the Bear^ the Bear's Whelp, and the 
Benjamin,— wnd^r the command of Captain Benjamin 

* See Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, East Indies, etc., 
1513-1616, p. 98 ; The Voyage of Robert Dudley, etc. (Hakluyt Soc), 
pp. XX, xxvii, 8, and notes ; and Hakluyt, vol. iii, pp. 852-854, where 
the letter (in Latin) is printed, with an English translation. The only 
existing details of the fitting out of this expedition are the meagre 
ones prefixed by Hakluyt to the Queen's letter, as follows: "The 
letters of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie sent in the yere 1 596 
unto the great Emperor of China by M. Richard Allot [read Allen\ 
and M. Thomas Bromefield marchants of the citie of London, who 
were embarqued in a fleet of 3 ships, to wit, The Beare, The Beares 
Whelp, and the Beniaminj set forth principally at the charges of the 
honourable knight Sir Robert Duddeley, and committed vnto the 
command and conduct of M. Beniamin Wood, a man of approued 
skill in nauigation : who, together with his ships and company 
(because we haue heard no certaine newes of them since the moneth 
of February next after their departure) we do suppose, may be arriued 
vpon some port of the coast of China, and may there be stayed by the 
said Emperour, or perhaps may haue some treacherie wrought against 
them by the Portugales of Macao, or the Spaniards of the Philippinas." 
As the Queen's letter is dated July nth, 1596, the ships must have 
sailed after that date ; and it appears from Hakluyt's statement that 
news of them reached England m February, 1 597. This is confirmed 
by Thomas Masham, who, in his account of the third voyage set forth 
by Sir Walter Raleigh to Guiana in 1 596, says : " The 28 of Januarie 
[1597] wee made the furthermost part of Barbarie; and this morning 
we met with M. Beniamin Wood with his fleete of 3 sailes bound for 
the straights of Magellan and China, to wit. The Beare, The Whelpe, 
and the Beniamin : who told us that there was no good to be done in 
the river Doro,^* Masham then relates how the five English ships 
kept together to Cape Blanco, where they found two French ships in 
a bay, in which they stayed and refreshed. From Cape Blanco the 
English and French ships set out " to take the Isle of Fogo, if God 
would giue us leaue." On February 8th, they came to the island of 
Sal, in the Canaries, where the French admiral and the caravel stayed 
behind, the other ships (five English and two French) leaving on the 
loth for Mayo, but the Frenchmen deserting them in the night. Next 
day the five English ships anchored on the south of Mayo, where they 
found six Flemish ships lading salt. " Here," says Masham, " ended 
our determination concerning the invading of Fogo, And here wee 
left the flie-boat of Dartmouth lading sake, and the C^/«a-fleete to 
refresh themselues with goates, who as I haue heard since had at the 
village . . . great store of dryed goates which they carried along with 
them : which were like to bee a great helpe vnto them in their long 
voyage. So vpon Saturday the 12 of Februarie at night wee set saile 
and stood for the coast of Wiana, which wee were bound for'* 
(Hakluyt, vol. iii, pp. 692-693). The river Doro mentioned by Masham 
is evidently the Rio Oro, on the coast of north-west Africa, just north 
of the Tropic of Cancer ; and it would seem as if Wood's ships had 
been there before falling in with the other two Englishmen. It will be 



INTRODUCTION. xlv 

Wood, left England in the latter half of 1596; and 
apparently one of them was lost off the coast of South 
Africa ; for when we first hear of the fleet from Portuguese 
sources only two ships are mentioned. The earliest 
certain reference occurs in the annual letter of the Chamber 
of Goa to the King, written in December, 1597, in which 
the writers say : — ^ 

The Count Viceroy wintered in MombaQa.* He arrived at this 
city on the 22nd of May last in rowing vessels. . . . He found 
everything necessary for war in a state of decay, and with little 
remedy ; he strove with all speed to remedy everything, ordering 
the repair of galleys that time had put into disrepair, and then in 
the winter he ordered to be made in the north many light rowing 
vessels, and many crews of sailors for them, which were lacking ; 
and having advice on the 20th of August from the captain of 
Mozambique that in July there passed within sight of the said 
fortress two English ships, the Count, in respect to this, with great 
speed prepared a large fleet of two galleons, one of which he 
purchased for sixteen thousand five hundred parddos, two royal 
galleys, and nine foists, which he bought because of there being 
none of your Majesty's in the dockyard* that could be made use 
of ; going down to the dockyard, dining, supping, and sleeping 
there ; the whole of this fleet well supplied with munitions and 
artillery, the greater part of which he ordered to be made, because 

noticed that Masham speaks of Wood's ships as ** bound for the 
straights of Magellan." If they ever intended to go to China by that 
route they must have abandoned the idea after Masham parted from 
them, as will be seen by the Portuguese accounts of their doings, 
which I have translated. The Venetian ambassador in Spain, writing 
from Madrid to the Doge and Senate on January 8th, 1597, says: 
" News from Lisbon that two English ships have sacked Pineda, the 
principal emporium of the Congo. This causes still greater anxiety 
to the Portuguese, when they see that the enemy not only infests the 
shores of Spain and Portugal, but appears in distant regions where 
the navigation is very difficult" {Calendar of State Papers, Venice, 
vol. ix, 1 592-1603, p. 251). This can hardly, however, have reference 
to Capt. Wood's ships, nor can I find any confirmation of the reported 
sack of Mpinda by English ships (cf. Strange Adventures 0/ Andrew 
Battell, pp. 13, «., 165). For later tidings of Wood's vessels received 
in England through Lisbon, see footnote infra, p. li. 

* Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. i, Pt. i, pp. 50-51. 

2 See supra, p. xl and note. 

' Orig., ribeira=nw^Y, river-bank ; but I have here, and in the 
extract from Couto below, translated it "dockyard," which better 
conveys the sense. For a description of the ribeira at Goa, see 
Pyrard, vol. ii, p. 45. 



xlvi INTRODUCTION. 

of there being none large or small, and six hundred paid soldiers, 
and as captain-major thereof Louren^o de Brito, an old fidalgo, 
and one of experience,^ who ordered sail to be set on the 20th of 
September in the direction of Malaqua, on account of its being 
understood that the enemies would be going there, and because 
of having had news during the past year that in Sunda were 
sailing about three other ships and a pinnace -^ God grant that 
the fleet may encounter and disperse them, so that they may not 
return to those parts to carry on the commerce in drugs that they 
aim at. . . . 

We call your Majesty's attention to the fact that the necessities 
and novelties under which the Count Viceroy assumed the 
government of this State are great and extraordinary, because . . . 
the English are coming into the South Sea, and during this 
present year have captured on this coast two of our ships that 
were going to Bengalla,^ an unheard-of thing, wherefore it is most 
important that your Majesty should command with urgency that 
this State be provided with men, and arms, and money, since 
these matters do not admit of delay. 

Father Joao dos Santos, who was at Mozambique at 
the time, thus describes the visit of the two English ships 
(in his Ethiopia Oriental^ Pt. II, Liv. Ill, cap. xviii) : — 

At this time, when we arrived at Mogambique,* the people of 
this island were all uneasy owing to the news they had had, that 
the English were coming to it, which was sent by Manoel de 
Sousa Coutinho, Governor of India,^ to the captain of Mozam- 
bique, advising him to prepare for their arrival, because he had 
received word by land from Portugal, that a large fleet of English 
was going out to India, and that they might perchance call at 



1 Couto mentions him among those that took a prominent part in 
the defence of Chaul during the siege of 1570-71 {Dec, VIII, 
cap. xxxiii). For his later history, see iftfra. 

2 These were the four vessels of Comelis de Houtman's fleet (see 
supra, p. xxxiv). They arrived at Bantam in June, 1 596 ; but the news 
of their presence in those waters appears not to have reached Goa 
through Malacca until after the homeward ships of 1 597 had sailed. 

* See Couto's account of this, infra, p. li. 

* On May 26th, 1595, from Quirimba and Sofala, where Dos Santos 
had been making a stay. 

* A strange error : Manoel de Sousa Coutinho ceased to be 
Governor of India on May 15th, 1591, when Mathias de Albuquerque 
arrived at Goa as Viceroy (see supra, p. xv). But Dos Santos 
throughout confuses the 1591 and 1^97 visits of the English ships to 
Titangone (of. supra, p. xxxiv). This is the more curious, in that he 
was at Mozambique on both occasions. 



INTRODUCTION. xlvii 

Mozambique on the way. On account of which the residents of 
this island brought all the food and goods that they possessed 
inside the fortress, which thus became overcrowded. Dom 
Hieronymo de Azevedo, who was at that time captain,^ advised 
the captain of the coast of Melinde, Bras d'Aguiar, to withdraw 
to Mozambique. The latter at once came there with two foists 
full of soldiers, and in addition two pangayos laden with pro- 
visions.^ All of which might then have been dispensed with, 
because the English did not come until two years afterwards in 
two ships only. The which came in sight of Mozambique on 
the 13th of June,^ iS97> and passed by, pursuing their voyage 
for Malaca, where, it was afterwards learnt, they arrived.* And 
already in the year 1591, six years before these two ships came, 
there had come a single ship of English to Mozambique, which 
was the first that went out to India since Francisco Drach.^ The 
which ship cast anchor in front of Titangbne (a very famous 
spring, five miles from Mozambique),® where she watered on the 
27th of October^ of the said year, and thence took her course 
for Malaca.® 

Couto's account of these events is as follows. After 
recording (in Dec, XII^ Liv. I, cap. vii) the arrival at Goa 
on August 19th, 1597, of a galliot from Mozambique, he 
proceeds : — 

This captain brought letters from Nuno da Cunha, captain of 
that fortress,® in which he stated, that in the past July there were 



* Another error : D. Jeronymo de Azevedo had left Mozambique for 
India some years before, and was at this time (1595) captain of the 
conquest of Ceylon. From Couto*s account, given below, it will be 
seen that the captain of Mozambique at this time was Nuno da 
Cunha. 

' The English ships appear to have captured one or both of these 
vessels (see Voyages of Sir J, Lancaster^ pp. 5, 26). 

3 Both the Goa Chamber and Couto say that the ships passed in 
July. 

* They arrived only in the Straits of Malacca, and not at Malacca 
itself (see below). 

* Francis Drake (see sufira^ p. xxv). 

* Quitangonha island at the northern end of Conducia Bay (see 
Voyages of Sir Jos. Lancaster^ pp. 5, 26 ; also Dos Santos, op. cit.^ 
Pt. I, Liv. Ill, cap. iv, and English translation in Theal's Records o 
South-Eastem Africa^ vol. vii, p. 317). 

^ The month is correct, and possibly the day also. (Neither Barker 
nor May, in their accounts of this voyage, gives the exact date.) 
® She did not get as far as Malacca, however. 

* See Theal's Beginnings of South African History^ p. 276, and 
p. 361. 






xlviii INTRODUCTION. 

two Dutch {English^ ships in the port of Titangbne,^ five leagues 
from Mo9ambique, a little more or less, taking in water ; and that 
it seemed to him that they were going to set their course for 
Sunda. At this news the Count was troubled, and all the city, 
because of its being a new thing, those people having never 
come round to these parts f and he at once summoned a council 
of the Archbishop, D. Fr. Aleixo de Menezes, and all the old 
captains, and showed them the letter, pointing out to them, that 
if these ships went where they were said to be going they might 
do great harm to our fortress at Malaca by stirring up the neigh- 
bouring peoples against it, and by damaging the trade of those 
parts, which was the largest in India, and by capturing the ships 
from China and Japan, in which there always came more than 
two millions of gold of all the inhabitants of the cities of India :* 
that he was quite ready to do all that might be voted in that 
council, because for that purpose he had much money, galleons, 
galleys, foists, artillery, and everything else that might be neces- 
sary ; and above all much spirit, zeal, and willingness to assist in 
whatever should be for the service of the King ; because he had 
not come to India to rest, but to defend it, and to extend it, as 
his predecessors had done: that he begged them to give him 
their opinions in writing, in order that they might more freely 



1 It will be seen that Couto persistently describes these ships as 
" Dutch," although the Goa Chamber and Dos Santos correctly desig- 
nate them English. I cannot account for Couto's error, which has 
the appearance of deliberate falsification. 

5* Wood's ships called at "Titangone" evidently on the advice of 
Captain Lancaster, who watered here in 1591, as mentioned above. 

• An erroneous statement, whether it refer to the Dutch or to the 
English. Faria y Sousa relates, and moralizes on, this event as 
follows : — " From this time there appears in India the vile and 
unexpected scourge of Portuguese arrogance, and covetousness, and 
carelessness. Yet were it imprudent not to expect it to be vile : 
because rarely does God chastise any great people, but He does it by 
a humble hand. In this month of September \sic'\ there came news 
to Goa, of there having been the year before \sic\ in the port of 
Titangone the first two ships from Holland [«V], bold to sound those 
waters, which had remained in long possession through not being 
ploughed by other keels than ours. It was understood that they had 
their bows directed towards the Island of Sunda \sic: see Hobson- 
Jobson, s,v. * Sunda']. It was at once recognised what a great con- 
flagration this little spark portended to our navigation, and hopes, and 
even possessions, because by this time they nearly all sustained them- 
selves more by credit than by foresight : a thing common in those 
that possess without caution and with covetousness, and the chief 
weapon of those that come in with pretensions with new covetousness 
and without carelessness" {Asia Portuguesd^ tom. Ill, Pt. 11, cap. i). 

* Cf. Whitewa/s Rise oj Portuguese Power in India^ p. 74 ; 
Hunter's History of British India^ vol. i, pp. 173-174. 



INTRODUCTION. xlix 

say what they thought was proper for the service of God and the 
King, since to these he had, by their means, to give an account. 
In accordance with this proposal they brought him next day all 
their opinions in writing; and in these most were agreed that there 
should be sent two galleons, three galleys, and ten foists, with 
five hundred men, which was a fleet sufficient to secure those 
parts, and to search for the Dutch ships, and to give protection to 
those from China and other parts. 

This having been agreed to, the Count Admiral went across 
to the great dockyard of the fleets, there being then no veader da 
fazenda^ because Vicencio de Bune, who had served in that office 
by order of Mathias de Alboquerque,' had gone to the Kingdom 
in the previous January of 1597, on learning that the Count 
Admiral was coming, the latter being undesirous of appointing 
anyone to that post, because he said that he wished to undertake 
the duties, and so it was currently reported ; but as soon as he 
shifted to the dockyard he appointed D. Francisco de Noronha 
to discharge the duties as long as that business of the fleets lasted f 
and to his brother, D. Luiz da Gama,^ he intrusted the magazines 
of artillery and munitions ; and to D. Antonio de Lima, who had 



* Comptroller of Revenue. The two most famous men that held 
this important ofiice during the sixteenth century were Afonso Mexia 
and Simao Botelho (see Whitewa/s Rise of Portuguese Power in 
India^ pp. 206-207, 290-298). 

' The appointment of Vicencio de Brune (not " Bune"), in super- 
session of Antonio Giralte, called forth letters (dated January 2nd 
and March 9th, 1596) from the King to the Viceroy and the 
Goa Chamber, strongly condemnatory of the action of Mathias de 
Albuquerque, ordering Antonio Giralte to be reappointed and com- 
pensated, and Vicencio de Brune (who is called a " stranger") to refund 
the pay he had received (see Archivo Portuguez-Orientcd^ fasc. i, 
Ft I, p. 116, Pt. II, p. 42 ; fasc. iii, pp. 577-8, 642 ; Couto, Dec. XII^ 
Liv. I, cap. vii). 

* The Goa Chamber, in their letter of December 17th, 1597, quoted 
from above, wrote to the King : — " Dom Francisco de Noronha came 
from Ba^aim with his household to this court, where he is assisting, 
accompanied by his servants, without any scandal and with much 
satisfaction ; and for the negotiation of the fleet that the Count sent 
to the Southern Sea he elected him as vedor da fazenda of the 
ribeira as long as it was being furnished with everything necessary, 
with which expedition he proceeded with all the diligence and fervour 
required by the brevity with which the departure was effected ; where- 
fore he is worthy of the favours and honours of your Majesty." 

* Who commanded the ship in which the Count Viceroy left for 
India, and was nominated for the captaincy of Hormuz. His appoint- 
ment as captain-major of the Malabar coast created much ill-feeling, 
says Couto, who, however, justifies the Viceroy's action {Dec, XII^ 
Liv. I, cap. vii). 



t INTRODUCTION. 

been nominated to the captaincy of Ormuz,^ the storehouses of 
provisions, with orders to all the customs officers to obey him as 
they would himself personally, and on his simple written demands 
to supply all that was needful for that fleet. 

He then proceeded to the election of the captain-major thereof, 
who was Lourengo de Brito, he being an old fidalgo, of great 
experience,' and one who had served many years in India as 
captain and captain-major of fleets, and had formerly been captain 
of Cofala (and on account of his having been removed before the 
expiry of his term of office, the King had appointed him to it for 
another three years),* and a man whom many considered on his 
merits to be in the first succession for the government of India.* 
This fidalgo began to proceed with the getting ready of his fleet ; 
and the Count Viceroy did not rest until he had got it at the bar, 
and paid the soldiers three-fourths of their pay, and supplied 
sailors for all the vessels at increased wages ; and such haste was 
made with everything that soon he had the whole fleet at the bar, 
which consisted of the two galleons of which we have spoken, in 
one of which went the captain-major, and in the other Antonio 
Pereira Coutinho, formerly captain of Chaul. The galleys were 
two, in which went as captain of the one D. Luiz de Noronha, son 
of the Conde de Linhares, the late vedor da fazenda^ who had come 
from the Kingdom in the year 1595, and who carried a provisional 
appointment as admiral^ of the fleet; and of the other, D. 
Jeronymo de Noronha, son of D. Antonio de Menezes. The 
other galley, to complete the number of three, was to be taken on 
at Malaca, whither had gone as captain during the past year Ruy 
Dias de Aguiar Coutinho. The foists were nine, as captains of 
which went D. Francisco Henriques, who is at present* serving as 
captain of Malaca;^ £stev§lo Teixeira de Macedo, who is at 

^ He left Goa at the end of 1597, to take up this appointment, left 
vacant by the death of Antonio de Azevedo (see supra, p. xvi, «.). 

2 See supra, p. xlvi. 

' Couto, in enumerating various fidalgos that accompanied the 
Count Viceroy to India in 1 596, mentions " Louren^o de Brito, who 
went nominated for the captamcy of Sofala and Mozambique, which 
he had already held for some time, and had been deposed, and sent 
to the Kingdom for certain faults, where he cleared himself, and the 
King nominated him for three years complete to the same fortress" 
{Dec, XII, Liv. i, cap. i). 

* Any likelihood of his succeeding to the government of India 
must, one would think, have disappeared after his mismanagement of 
this expedition. 

* See infra, p. 9, n, 

* That is, in 161 1, when Couto wrote this unfinished Decade. 

^ In i6i3he was removed from the post for suspected peculation, 
and brought an action claiming certain rights connected with goods 
shipped from the Archipelago to India, but lost it (Bocarro, Dec. XIII, 
cap. xlvi ; Documentos Remettidos, torn, i, pp. 125-6, 417, 458). 



INTRODUCTION. li 

present captain of the fortress of Mozambique ; Affonso Telles 
de Menezes, son of Francisco da Silva de Menezes; Nicoldo 
Pereira de Miranda, son of Henrique Henriques de Miranda, late 
grand chamberlain of the Cardinal D. Henrique whilst cardinal, 
and after he became King was his master of the horse; Luiz 
Lopes de Sousa; Jeronymo Botelho, having the reversion of the 
captaincy of Madaca, who died in company with the Viceroy D. 
Martim Affonso de Castro;^ Jorge de Lima Barreto, D. Diogo 
Lobo, son of D. Rodrigo Lobo, and JoSo de Seixas. 

This fleet left the bar of Goa for Sunda on the 24th of 
September. .... 

The Dutch [English] ships, of which Nuno da Cunha advised 
the Count, as soon as they had finished watering at Titangone, 
set sail, and came in sight of the coast of India below Goa,^ and 
then ran down the Malavar coast as far as Cape Comorim, 
where they fell in with some merchant ships that had left Goa for 
Bengala to load rice, which they captured and plundered, 
carrying off from them a large sum of money that was going in 
them for the cargo f one of them, I remember, belonged to 
Diogo Catella, a casadc^ of Goa, whom they afterwards released 
with the rest of the Portuguese, and even provided them with 
some things ; and thence they set their course for Malaca,^ at 
which coast they arrived, as we shall see further on. 

^ Meaning, probably, in the disastrous defeat of the Portuguese 
fleet off Malacca by Comelis Matelief in 1606 (see Pyrard, vol. ii, 
pp. xvi, 154). 

' This could not have been earlier than some time in October, so 
that more than two months must have been occupied in crossing the 
Indian Ocean. 

* Gyles van Harwick (1.^., Wm. ResouldX writing from Lisbon on 
September 30th, 1598, to Peter Artson, merchant (/.^., Sir Robt. 
Cecil), reports that on ist August three carracks arrived from India, 
and one was burnt there full laden. They bring news that two 
English ships in India have taken two Portugal ships, rich with 
treasure, that were on their voyage from Goa to China" \sic\ ; and the 
writer " supposes it is Capt. Wood in Mr. \Hc\ Dudley's shipping." 
He also mentions a " report of great preparations made in India by 
the Portugal to prevent the Flemings trading at Sunda. Takes it to 
be a Portugal brag" {Calendar of State Papers^ Domestic Series^ 1 598- 
1601, p. 97 ; Calendar of State Papers^ Colonial Series ^ East Indies^ 
1513-1616, p. 99). 

* Literally " married man," but used with a special meaning. The 
casados enjoyed certain privileges (see Whitewa/s Rise of Portuguese 
Power in India^ p. 72 ; Linschoten, vol. i, pp. 188, 199, and note ; 
Pyrard, vol. ii, p. 125). 

* From the next extract from Couto it will be seen that Wood's 
ships waited about off Cape Comorin, probably in the hope of further 
prizes. They cannot have stayed there very long, and probably made 
a short cruise in the Bay of Bengal before setting their course for the 
Malacca Straits, where they arrived early in January, 1598. 

e 2 



Hi INTRODUCTION. 

In cap. xii of the same book of his last Decada, Couto 
thus records the strange doings of the fleet sent to chastise 
these interlopers : — 

We have already, in Chapter vii above, stated that Lourengo 
de Brito, captain-major of the fleet that the Count Admiral 
Viceroy sent to Malaca in search of the Dutch \Engli5H\ ships, 
left Goa on the 24th of September, 1597. He arrived at Malaca 
safely with the whole fleet, except the galliot, the captain of which 
was Luiz Lopes de Sousa, which, by reason of the storm that 
she encountered, went ashore at Manar, where she was wrecked ; 
but the captain with all the soldiers embarked in a ship that 
left there for Malaca, and joined the fleet. Whilst Lourengo de 
Brito was at Malaca with this fleet, he learnt from a ship that had 
left Cochim later, that the two Dutch \EnglisK\ ships were waiting 
at Cape Comorim ; wherefore a council was called of Louren^o 
de Brito, Martim Affbnso de Mello Coutinho, actual captain of 
the fortress,^ and Francisco da Silva de Menezes, who had served 
in that post,' with other persons of experience ; and it was 
unanimously resolved, being the general opinion, that Lourengo 
de Brito should go with his whole fleet to Sunda and the coast of 
Jaoa, because a little while before the inhabitants of that port had 
made great havoc of the Portuguese and native Christians, 
killing them and plundering their goods,* and that he might be 
able to persuade the kings not to receive at their ports strange 
nations from Europe : and that he should try to get hold of two 
Englishmen, who, it was understood, had remained at Bale as 
hostages that the others would return with capital to load drugs ;* 
and should do everything else that he considered to the service of 
his Majesty. 

* See supra^ p. xvii, n. ' See infra^ pp. i, «., 225, ». 
^ I have found no account of these events. 

* The two " Englishmen" were, in fact, Hollanders belonging to 
C. de Houtman's fleet of 1595. In the narrative of that voyage we 
read : — "The 22. of Januarie [j/V, for "Februarie," 1597] two of our 
men that sayled in the Mauritius stayed on lande, but wee knewe not 
the cause : it should seeme some great promises had beene made 
vnto them, for as we vnderstoode it, the King was very desirous to 
haue all sortes of strange nations about him, but our people were therein 
mvch ouerseene, for there they liued among heathens, that neyther 
knewe God nor his commandementes, it appeared that their youthes 
and wilde heades did not remember it, one of their names was 
Emanuel Rodenburgh of Amsterdam^ the other Jacob Cuyper^ of 
Delft : within a day or two they sent vnto vs for their clothes, but wee 
sent them not. . . . The 25. of Februarie we hoysed ankers, minding 
to set saile & so go homeward, leauing our two men aforesaid on 
land. . . ." {The Description of a Voyage^ etc., p. 33). What became 
of these men I do not know, 



INTRODUCTION. liii 

This order was at once carried out, and the fleet left,* well pro- 
vided with everything needful ; and although the Count Viceroy, 
in the instructions that he gave to Lourengo de Brito, had warned 
him not to allow any violence or insult to be offered to the boats 
he might meet sailing to Sunda and Jaoa, he paid so little 
attention to this, that, on meeting with some carrying provisions, 
of which ht was in want, he ordered to be taken therefrom what- 
ever he chose without paying them for it. These boats went and 
gave the alarm in Sunda and on the coast of Jaoa regarding the 
fleet, and told of the violence that had been done to them, on 
which they all armed themselves. And Jorge de Lima, captain 
of a galliot, captured a somc^ of Chincheos' loaded with drugs, 
and the captains of the galleys did the samt to a soma carrying 
Chincheos; and this becoming known in Sunda, they dissimulated 
until they had got on shore several Portuguese and the factor of 
the fleet : and this warning was not enough, nor the fact that 
when the admiral of the fleet, D. Luiz de Noronha, came with 
the boats of the galleys and other boats to get water, those on 
shore resisted them ; and, because they were in want of water, 
the galleys went to get it further down at some distance from the 
galleons, when there came out against them many rowing boats, 
which gave chase to them : and as the galleys were much ham- 
pered in their movements by the goods that they had taken in 
plunder from the somas of the Chincheos, the artillery was unable 
to play, and, moreover, each of them carried no more than twenty 
soldiers, the rest being on shore, and these so careless, that the 
enemy easily got amongst them and killed the three captains, 
D. Luiz and D. Jeronymo de Noronha, and Ruy Diaz de Aguiar 
Coutinho. The captain-major, Lourengo de Brito, was unable to 
come to their assistance whilst the tight lasted, because he was 
behind a point at the same time that a high tide was running, 
and such a strong breeze was blowing that neither the galleons 
nor the galliots could weigh anchor: and for some days the 
captain-major had been dissatisfied with the captains of the 
galleys, because he had thought that they did not obey him with 
the promptitude that was necessary.* 



* Apparently towards the end of 1597. 

' This word occurs frequently in Couto. Smyth's Sailor's Word- 
Book explains it as "a Japanese junk of burden," and Fennell's 
Dictionary of Anglicised Words and Phrases^ as "Jap.: a small trading 
junk." (The latter authority also cites two instances of its use in 
Cocks*s Diary, See also Voyage of Captain fohn Saris^ p. 93 and 
notes.) 

' See footnotes on pp. 3 and 7, infra. 

* In a letter of 14th March, 1601, from Madrid, the King gives the 
Viceroy Aires de Saldanha full instructions regarding an expedition 
that he was ordered to undertake in person for the purpose of 



liv INTRODUCTION. 

And because at this time it was the monsoon for Malaca, the 

next day he set sail, without punishing or exacting satisfaction 

from that port,^ or any other in that kingdom, for this insult, 

although the whole coast of Jaoa was just suited for carrying out 

successful expeditions with the strength of that fleet. He reached 

Malaca on the loth of July, 1598,' and remained there until the 

I St of January, when he embarked for Goa:* and during this 

time he might have gone to capture the Hollanders [Eng/isX] 

in search of whom he had set out, who, after going about in 

many directions, and becoming reduced to a single ship, they 

having KHittled the other, retired to the port of Quedi, which is 

sixty lenguefi distant from Malaca, whither the news was speedily 

hr(Might.* And it was of no avail that the captain of the fortress 

iir\(\ the officers of the Chamber requested him to go to Quedd to 

Mfti/6 thai ship, — he would not do it, nor anything else of the 

nriHny things that they suggested to him ; and the Count Viceroy 

hnv'mfi \t$4%r} lulvised of this, before the arrival at Goa of Lourengo 

<\(^ firito, \f$4'MU%t he came very leisurely, before he disembarked 

Ht^fit S90f(\ t/i him by the Secretary that he was to remain in his 

\tOMHf^ iififll h« had cleared himself of certain charges which he 

tofwnffM Ui h\iu, taken from the letters of the captain, auditor, 

fiiy ot MnlMMf and other persons. And for the purpose of 

f (tfiHU^MUm hid txtiuueu the Count Viceroy summoned the Council, 

rtft<l OffiMNi I hern to be voted on, because he wished to introduce 

iftHt Ihiil Ht^tii i\w practice that the faults of captains committed 

in ^h^ $fftit(.\iiti of war should be punished by the Council, and 

nfff ff/ HiA jiid^^eN i hut for private reasons the Council did not 

t\hfihh Ui Mkn part therein, it being a matter of public advantage, 

Aff/f Wit^i Mgrmul that it should be settled by the ordinary means, 

rt^r/l Mfl# WM» done; and he was condemned by the Supreme 

( tm^ Ut ^ ftMiJ of a largo sum of money, which he paid before 



ihf^MUui^ ''Mm ruliiln of Sunda and other enemies," "and, in 
ifttfhfulrttf Miodn llittt cjwfdited and captured the three galleys of the 
hf'f^f in whiU l^oiimiivo fid Ilrllo wont." The King also points out 
ih^it Ihh tfiitt hi lliii»(t ^i\\\fiyn Mliowed the danger of taking goods into 
ff^^f ft.Hn*,hf «Md MHiminiuU timl this be entirely discontinued, and 
^iutthithfi'/ nl NiMi\\iiii\ii^\n\ri\l At the lame time he strictly prohibits 
fiuJf^itn (tfi vMi»»*U (li ( lilnrhmii (Orlllih Museum Addii, MS, 20,562, 
huff Hh %h I lit* Vli Hiiiy did not undertake the expedition referred 
111 fr/ff '^Hi^ t'fi^ Mndf»i lliH KMunmnd of Andrd Furtado de Mendoqa 
/..U I'l^^iia* i*/i'iijfih(^ h^^ »^'»*''^f| PP' xxxiii-xxxiv). 
( Ihh i\hln\U MlVMfi HfH inmifflrient for the identification of the 

' hd >fmf Mihf^ flirtfi «!«♦ mnnlhn Imd been occupied by Louren^o 
,\i MnM^ ^\h^\ \\\ lU mwwm i\m\\\m\ by Couto. 

* thr MniniiH < IHHH ll*»«»l hIwhv* Idft for India early in January, 
//tin fi ^nn rll^ mhmIiI^ " mnM»(inn" for that voyage. 

' nrr ifr^ nh'if ^i»^^rt^^ fMf Mhf dmall*. 



INTRODUCTION. Iv 

taking over the command of the fortress of Sofala, to which he 
had been appointed.^ 

Although the fleet under Louren90 de Brito thus failed 
to accomplish the object for which it was dispatched, we 
learn from the same historian how another Portuguese 
fleet chanced to meet the two interlopers, and what was 
the result of the encounter. In cap. xvi of the same book 
of his Twelfth Decade, Couto writes : — 

While the fleet of Louren^o de Brito was still in Sunda, those 
in Malaca being unaware of the Dutch [Eng/isi] ships that were 
already going about on that coast,^ the fleet that was to go to 
India was got ready, which was as follows : the ship of Miguel da 
Cunha, in which was to embark Francisco da Silva de Menezes, 
whose term of office as captain of that fortress had expired,^ and 
who was going as captain-major of all those ships ; the ship of 
the China voyage, the captain of which was Ruy Mendes de 
Figueiredo ; and a ship of Luiz de Mendo9a, the captain of which 
was a brother-in-law of his ; another ship of the same Francisco 
da Silva de Menezes, which had come from China, the captain of 
which was Fern§lo de Almeida ; two junks, and a small galliot. 
And, it having been fixed that all these ships should sail on 
Twelfth Day, the previous day Jo§lo Gomes Fayo set sail, without 
waiting for the rest of the fleet, which weighed anchor next day ; 
and on the 9th, when he was thirty leagues from Malaca, in the 
altitude of the islands of Puluparcelar,* JoSLo Gomes Fayo, who 
was on in advance, caught sight of the two Dutch [Eng/isA] 



* In Liv. IV, cap. vii, of this same Decade, Couto says : — "After the 
Count Admirad had dispatched the vtas to Cochim [at the end of 1599], 
he dispatched Louren^o de Brito to go and command the fortress of 

S^fala, on account of his being already free, with much honour^ from 
e faults charged against him in connection with the expedition in 
Sunda." After serving his three years at Sofala, Lourengo de Brito 
appears to have been appointed to Mozambique, whence, in 1604, he 
went on a foolhardy expedition against a great Kafir horde, which 
resulted in disaster to his force and his own disgrace (see TheaPs 
Beginning of South African History^ p. 322 ; DocumenUs RejnetHdoSy 
torn, i, pp. 2, 42, 72, 92). 

* They could not have been long there at this time (see note supra). 
' See supra^ p. lii and note. 

* I can find no "Pulo Parcelar*' in the Admiralty chart of the 
Malacca Straits ; but " Parcelar Ft." is marked, a little to the south of 
the Langat river, and the encounter must have taken place somewhere 
off this point. " Pulo Parcelar*' is entered in Linschoten's Map of the 
Eastern Seas (given at p. 192 of the Voyage of Cdptjohn Saris), 



Ivi INTRODUCTION. 

ships, which he at once recognised, wherefore he turned back 
until he sighted the rest of the fleet, when he dispatched a balSL(^ 
to Francisco da Silva de Menezes, with a message advising him 
that they were the ships of the Hollanders [Eng/ish,] The latter, 
as soon as they saw the ship of Jo§lo Gomes Fayo, went towards 
her with great boldness. 

On the arrival of the da/Oo with the message, Francisco da 
Silva de MenQzes assembled in his ship all the captains and the 
others, and told them the news, and asked them what ought to 
be done. The tidings caused great perturbation in some, and 
the ships began to get out of hand, and some persons besought 
Francisco da Silva de Menezes that they should return to 
Malaca, that the wind would serve them to go thither, and that 
they should not risk going to India, because the enemy would be 
sure to keep following after them and annoying them the whole 
way ; and in consequence of our people being disordered, it was 
certain that they would go on capturing those ships one by one. 
In the midst of this murmuring, which was great, there were not 
wanting men who were lovers of honour, who intervened, and 
said to Francisco da Silva de Menezes that not only could they 
fight the ships, but with their boats alone could capture and 
destroy them : that he should go forward, and God would give 
him victory. On this, and weighing well the fact that the enemy 
might overtake them before they reached Malaca, they prepared 
to fight the enemy.2 

Our ships had come to an anchor, and in front of all that of 
JoSLo Gomes Fayo, which had already retired before the bom- 
bardings of the enemy, who, seeing our fleet, concluded that it 
was all one of merchants, in which they would find much profit 
and little danger : they determined therefore to attack them, and 
did so, coming on dressed with many white flags and beautiful 
banners, and came sailing up to our ships, and cast anchor next 
that of Jo§lo Gomes Fayo. One of our ships let fly at them with 
an espera? which hit one of the enemy's ships, and caused it 
considerable damage, at which they hauled down their white 



* A kind of rowing boat (see Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. " Baloon, Balloon''}* 
The word is in common use in Ceylon under the form *' ballam.'' 

2 Faria y Sousa, in narrating this incident, says : — "Although the 
two Dutch ships did not have good fortune, their commanders began 
with it : for, although our ships were six, they were so afraid of them, 
that they almost agreed to return to port : and they would have done 
so, if four men, who either were carrying no goods or esteemed them 
less than honour, had not opposed it. So much is the holder inspired 
with fear by what he guards, or the guardian by what he holds" 
{Asia Portuguesa^ torn. Ill, Pt. il, cap. i). 

' Correctly, esphera or esfera^ which was the name of a kind of 
cannon. 



INTRODUCTION. Ivii 

flags, and hoisted others of silk, as if they were happy to have 
that battle : and then began a furious play of bombard-shots, of 
which the ship of JoSLo Gomes Fayo received the greater part, 
who, however, answered it with another very fair salvo, remaining 
all the time in the waist and directing the working of the guns. 
The other ships also replied very well to them, and thus a very 
stiff engagement was carried on, which lasted from sunset, when 
it began, until eight o'clock at night. And from that time until 
morning was spent by our people in making preparations, for 
they were determined to fight and to board those ships, having 
now plucked up more courage ; and this they did, sailing in very 
good order, and the enemy attacking them here and there on the 
flanks ; and so for eight days continuously they went on in this 
manner, flghting furiously, the enemy by their lightness escaping 
being boarded by our ships. In all the ships there was some 
damage, and persons wounded ; and in that of Francisco da 
Silva de Menezes, a shot penetrated to the cabin where were his 
wift and daughters, and killed one who was the elder and two 
female slaves. The enemy did not go scot-free, for the ordnance 
of our ships damaged them in many parts, and made holes in 
their sides, which gave them much trouble. They determined to 
board the ship of Luiz de Mendo^a, which seemed best suited 
for their purpose, and came at her, but our ships came to her 
assistance and fell upon those of the enemy, doing no little 
damage, fustigating them with the ordnance and the arquebus 
Are in such a way that they made them desist. 

At this time there occurred a disaster, which was the catching 
fire of the powder that was in the waist of the enemy's admiral, 
which wrought great havoc, burning many, and caused them to 
retire, practically demolished. Jo^o Gomes Fayo wished to advise 
those at Malaca of that affair, and dispatched as messenger a 
soldier named Antonio Lopes de Almeida, with a letter of his, 
and another from Francisco da Silva de Menezes for the captain, 
in which they gave him an account of how they had got on, and 
of what had happened so far. Our fleet then proceeded on its 
way to Cochim.^ The captain of Malaca, as soon as Antonio 
Lopes de Almeida arrived with these letters, from which he learnt 
what had happened, at once dispatched two very light baWes to find 
out in what latitude the T>MXch.\English'\ ships lay. These baldes 
went as far as Pulobotum' without obtaining news of them ; and. 



* At the end of the next chapter Couto tells us that at Cannanorc 
" D. Diogo Coutinho, captain-major of Cape Comorim, collected the 
ships that we have spoken of from Malaca, which fought with the 
Hollanders [English\ and those from Bengala, and vessels from the 
coast of Coromandel, and with a large cafila set out for Goa, where he 
arrived safely with all a little after the 1 5th of May." 

• Pulo Butung, on the north-west coast of the Malay Peninsu a. 



Iviii INTRODUCTIOM. 

not being able to go as far as Nicubar, they returned without 
news of them. Whereupon he dispatched another larger vessel 
to go to the Polvoreira Island^ and as far as Nicubar to find out 
about them ; in order, if they remained in this quarter, to go and 
look for them with three ships that were still lying in port well 
equipped ; and he dispatched a boat to Sunda, by which he sent 
advice to Louren^o de Brito of what was taking place.' The 
boat that the captain sent to Nicubar also returned without any 
news. The enemy retired to the port of Quedd^ with many men 
killed, and the rest so wounded, that they spent much time in 
recuperating: and from lack of men, whom our people had 
killed, they left in that port the ship of lesser burden, and in the 
other, which was the admiral,^ they embarked what they had, and 
went off in great haste, so much so, that they left on shore sevtral 
wounded men, because the natives wished to attack them for 
various wrongs that they had done to them, and shaped their 
course for Bengalla; and in the latitude of MartavSo on the 
coast of Pegu they were lost in that macareo.^ 

That the above account of the fate of the last surviving 
ship of Captain Wood's expedition is correct, I see no 



1 " An island that we call the Polvoreira^ and they of the country 
Barala^ which means * house of God,' by reason of an ancient temple 
which stood there " (Barros, Dec, Ily Liv. vi, cap. i). It is the " Pulo 
Berhala (Varela) " of the Admiralty chart. (" Pulo Bdrahla " means 
" idol island : " see Hobson-Jobson^ s. v. " Varela.") In Linschoten's 
Map of the Eastern Seas (u, s,) the name appears as " Apoluoreira." 
(Polvoreira is a pseudo-Portuguese word, which might be taken to 
mean "powder-mill." For other instances of Portuguized place-names, 
see infra^ p. 20.) 

' The extraordinary faindance of Louren^o de Brito in regard to 
the matter was due probably to mortified pride on learning that the 
" Hollanders," whom he had set forth to chastise, had already been 
effectually dealt with by a much inferior force to his. 

8 " Old Kedah " of the Admiralty chart, a little to the north of the 
Muda river. For the history of this place, see Crawfurd's Dictionary 
of the Indian Islands^ s.v, " Queda." 

* As we do not know which of the three ships that comprised 
Wood's fleet these two were, it is impossible to say which is here 
spoken of as "the admiral." The size of the Benjamin I do not know ; 
as regards the Bear and the Bear's Whelp, see The Voyage of Robert 
Dudley, p. xix. 

* See Hobson-fohson, s.v. " Macareo." Barros, describing the king- 
dom of Pegu, says that the coast " is very full of islands, and most of 
the rivers of the principal ports have such a great macareo that many 
ships perish " {Dec. Ill, Liv. in, cap. iv). 



INTRODUCTION. Il3t 

reason to doubt^ But, it will be asked, how is this to 
be reconciled with the statements of Purchas? In his 
Pilgrimes^ Pt I, Bk. Ill, pp. no- 113, Purchas gives the 
translation of an extract from a Spanish letter which he 
found among Hakluyt's papers, and to this he prefixes a 
brief introduction, under the heading, " The Voyage of 
Master Beniamin Wood into the East Indies, and the 
miserable disastrous success thereof." After quoting from 
Hakluyt {u, s,, p. xliv, «.) the details of the origin of this 
expedition, and a few lines of the Queen's letter to the 
Emperor of China, Purchas adds : — 

This, their honourable expedition, and gracious commendation 
by her Maiestie to the King of China in their marchandizing 
affaires, had not answerable successe ; but hath suffered a double 
disaster : first, in the miserable perishing of the Fleet, and next 
in the losse of the Historie and Relation of that Tragedie. Some 
broken Plankes, as after a shipwracke, have yet bccne encountered 
from the West Indies, which giue vs some notice of this East 
Indian disaduenture. Qucb Regio in terris nostri nan plena 
laboris f This intelligence wee have by the intercepted Letters^ 
of Licentiate Alcasar de Villa Senor^ Auditor of the Royall 
Audience of Saint Domingo^ and Judge of Commission in Puerto 
RicOy and Captaine-Generall of the Prouinces of New Andalusia^ 
written to the King and his Royall Councell of the Indies. An 
extract whereof, so much as concemeth this businesse, here 
foUoweth. Wherein, let not the imputation of Robbery or Piracie 
trouble the Reader, being the words of a Spaniard, and the 
deeds of English in the time of warre twixt vs and Spaine,^ 

The extract from the letter, which is dated " From Porto- 
rico the second of October, 1601," commences thus : — 

An other Commission your Royall Audience committed vnto 
mee, to punishe offenders that did vsurpe a great quantitie of 

^ Faria y Sousa, after recounting the fight, and the fate of the two 
ships, adds : — " This was the beginning of Holland \sic\ in India ; 
from which it is to be well noted, that no one should ever be dis- 
heartened by a losing beginning, whence it might be supposed that 
he would issue victorious" (Asia Portuguesa^ torn. Ill, Pt. 11, cap. i). 

^ England being at war with Spain at the time, many Spanish 
letters were intercepted by English ships. 

' Cf. the remarks of Thos. Astley (Collection of Voyages and 
Travels^ vol. i, p. 254). 



Ix INTRODUCTION. 

goods of your Maiesties, in the Island of Vtias, Of the state that 
I had in the end of the last yeere, I sent relation to your Maies- 
tie, inserting a declaration of one Thomas^ an English man, of 
the goods that in the said Island hee and his companions had, 
and for this onely I will make a summarie relation of the case, 
and the state of the Suite, by the which will appeare, that out of 
England went three Shippes for the India orientall of Portugall^ 
which tooke three Portugall Shippes, subiects to your Maiestie, 
whereof one of them came from the Citie of Goa^ and from the 
Captaine they tooke a great rich stone, which he said he carried 
for your Maiestie, the proportion whereof went in the said Re- 
lation. They had in them also many bagges of Royalls of eight 
and foure, for the pay of the Souldiers, which your Maiestie hath 
in Garrison, in a Castle Frontire of the said India \ and the said 
English-men rob'd them of it, and much more goods appertaining 
to your Maiesties subiects : and by sicknes of the English-men, 
remained only foure, which in a boat put all the goods they 
could, which they had robbed from your Maiestie and your 
subiects, and with it chanced to a Riuer in the Island of Vtias} 
three leagues from this Island : where they tooke out their goods 
on land, where their Boat was sunke and lost : so they remained 
on th' Island, with only one small Boat made of boords, which 
they had taken from certaine Fisher-men, at the head of Saint 
John of this Island : with the which they came for water hither, 
and left one George^ an English-man, one of the foure that arriued 
in the said Island of Vtias. 

The letter then goes on to narrate how this George, 
being found by six Spaniards (named), told them of the 
treasures ; whereupon these six resolved to murder the 
English and steal the goods. They succeeded in killing 
Richard, Daniel, and George ; but Thomas managed to 
escape to the mainland of Puerto Rico on a log, and on 
his information the murderers were arrested, tried, and 
sentenced. 

Now it is evident that these four men could not possibly 
have formed part of any of the crews of Wood's ships. 
The latter captured (as far as we know) only two Portu- 
guese vessels, bound from Goa to Bengal to load rice. 
Moreover, we have seen that the last of the three ships 



^ I cannot identify this island, described as being three leagues 
from Puerto Rico. It can scarcely be Mona (see footnote, infra). 



INTRODUCTION. Ixi 

foundered in the Bay of Bengal : any survivors, therefore, 
could scarcely be heard of next in an island off Puerto 
Rico. But all the details given in this letter prove beyond 
a doubt that the four Englishmen were some of Lancaster's 
crew. The narratives of the voyage of the Edward Bona- 
venture describe the capture and looting of two out of three 
Portuguese ships encountered by her, bound from India for 
Malacca (the " Castle Frontire" referred to above), one of 
which was from Goa ;^ and also mention the frightful 
ravages of disease among the ship's company ; while 
Edmund Barker, one of the narrators, after chronicling the 
stay of the two French ships, in which were the remnant of 
Lancaster's company, off San Domingo from February to 
April, 1594, says: — "In this, meane while, there came a 
shippe of Newhaven to the place where we were, whereby 
we had intelligence of our seuen men, which wee left be- 
hinde vs at the Isle of Mona,^ which was, that two of them 
brake their neckes with ventring to take foules vpon the 
cUffes ; other three were slaine by the Spaniards, which 
came from Saint Domingo, vpon knowledge given by our 
men which went away in the Edward \ the other two this 
man of Newhaven had with him in his shippe, which 
escaped the Spaniards bloodie hands." The discrepancies 
here are not of great importance ;' and it is curious that 
Purchas should have so blundered respecting the identity 
of the men, and thus misled all subsequent writers.* 

^ According to Barker, however, she had no real gems on board, 
but only " false and counterfeit stones ;'' nor could the English find 
any "roials of plate," as they expected ( Voyages of Sir James Lancaster^ 

p. 14). 
' Mona is a small island between Puerto Rico and San Domingo. 

3 It will be noticed that Barker does not account for Thomas : per- 
haps he was one of the two reported to have broken their necks while 
bird-catching. No dates are given in Alcasar de Villa Senor's letter 
in connection with the incidents he mentions : but it is clear that 
they were spread over several years. 

* One of the latest being Sir Wm. Hunter (see his History of 
British India^ vol. i, p. 234). It is not surprising that Thomas Astley, 



Ixii INTRODUCTION. 

We must now return to the year 1598. On January 13th 
of that year, as we have seen {supra, p. xxxvii), King 
Philip II wrote to the Viceroy of India that he had advice 
" that this year are being got ready many ships of the said 
Hollanders for the purpose of again making that journey" 
(to Sumatra and Java). This was literally true ; and it is 
to these fleets that we now turn our attention. 

The first Dutch ships to leave for the East in 1 598 were 
two, the Leeuw and Leeuwin {Lion and Lioness), under the 
command of the famous (or notorious^) Cornelis de Hout- 
man, the chief pilot being the Englishman John Davis, to 
whose pen we are indebted for the only existing detailed 
account^ of the expedition, which cost the lives of the com- 
mander and others of the company. These ships sailed 
from Flushing on March 15th, 1598, and on June 21st, 
1 599, arrived at Achin, the entrepdt of the pepper trade in 
the Malay Archipelago. This was the first time that 
European ships other than Portuguese had put into this 
port, and this first attempt to break the Portuguese 
monopoly ended disastrously. 

We have noted above (pp. xxxviii) how important the 
King considered it was for the Portuguese to keep on good 
terms with the king of Achin. The effects of this policy 



who gives an abstract of the letter in his Collection of Voyages and 
Travels (vol. i, pp. 252-2^4), describes it as "very tedious, and scarce 
intelligible," and adds : " The Letter, however, gives no light into the 
Voyage itself, nor by what Accident the Ships, which set out for the 
East Indies, came into the West Indies ; nor what became of them ; 
nor the Nature of the Sickness which reduced the Men to four." 

^ He was suspected of having, on his previous voyage, poisoned 
Moelenaer, the skipper of the Mauritius, with whom he was on bad 
terms, and was actually put in irons for three days, being then released 
for want of proof (see De Jonge, op. cit,, vol. ii, p. 345 ; also Davis's 
description of him in the narrative referred to below). 

* It was first printed in Purchas his Pilgrimes, Pt. I, Bk. ill, 
pp. 1 1 6- 1 24; and is reprinted in this Society's Voyages and Works 
of John Davis the Navigator, pp. 129-156 (see also the Introduction, 
pp. Ixiii-lxix; Markham's Life of John Davis, chap, x; and De Jonge, 
op, cit,, vol. i, pp. 220-230, vol. li, pp. 210-216). 



INTRODUCTION. 1x111 

are seen in the treatment accorded by the Achinese to De 
Houtman's expedition. In his last Decada^ Couto gives us 
the Portuguese version of this affair. In Liv. II, cap. x, 
we read : — 

D. Luiz da Gama having left for Ormuz,^ the Count proceeded 
to the dispatching of certain ambassadors who had come to him 
from the Achem, whom he had received with great honour in a 
decorated chamber with all the fidalgos and captains that 
happened to be in Goa at the time, and entertained them right 
well, ordering them to be provided with everything necessary 
until it was time for them to return, when he dispatched them 
with satisfaction. The principal points that they came to treat of 
are not known to me, as I have not found them in the Secretariat,* 
where it was proper that the record of such a matter should be ; 
but I know that they were satisfied : and the Count Admiral 
gave orders to embark them in the galleon going to Maluco, the 
captain of which was Luiz Machado Boto, and commanded them 
to be very well provided with everj^hing necessary for the voyage : 
and he sent the Achem a suitable present in return for another 
that his ambassadors had brought They set sail on the third of 
May of this year of 1599; and of their voyage we shall give an 
account further on. 

This promise Couto fulfils in Liv. V, cap. ix (with which 
this Decada abruptly ends), as follows : — 

Since we left Luiz Boto Machado \€ic\ departed for Amboina, 
it is necessary for us to continue with his voyage, as it also falls 
in the time and government of the Count Admiral, as we have 
said above.* This galleon, with good weather, arrived at the 
fortress of Malaca, where the ambassadors of the Achem were 
disembarked, and received with much welcome, because of the 



^ To enter on the captaincy vacant through the death of D. 
Antonio de Lima (cf supra^ p. 1, «.). 

' Couto, as historiographer of India, had the charge of the archives. 
(He wrote this in 161 1.) 

^ In the previous chapter Couto records the arrival at Goa, on 
October 3rd, 1600, of the Sdo Francisco^ one of the fleet by which the 
new Viceroy, Aires de Saldanha, was coming (cf. supra^ p. xl, «.) ; and 
also the dispatch by D. Francisco da Gama of various fleets. He 
then adds : "The successes of these fleets, which the Count sent off, are 
left for the time of Ayres de Saldanha, in which they took place. But 
before we finish with the Count Admiral, we shall give an account of 
what happened to the three galleons that in his time he sent to 
Maluco, because it is also an expedition of his." The three galleons 
spoken of were those dispatched in May, 1600, as mentioned below. 



IxiV INTRODUCTION. 

favourable dismissal given to them by the Count, since all was 
redounding in peace and quiet for that fortress with that neigh- 
bour, which had always been the one that was feared most of all.^ 
Wherefore the captain, who at that time was FernSo de Albu- 
querque,* ordered them at once to be embarked in a very fine 
galliot, and entrusted the iambassadors to Alfonso Vicente, a casadc^ 
of Malaca, whom he chose as ambassador to send to that king, to 
hand over to him his people, and to transact affairs of importance : 
this Affonso Vicente was known to that king, and with him went 
Fr. Amaro, a monk of the order of the Father Saint Augustine, 
because he was versed in the language, and of good parts, 
and capable of transacting affairs of such importance. This 
galliot found at the bar of Achem two Dutch ships* of the 
company of those which I have already mentioned as having 
fought with the ships of D. Jeronymo Coutinho at the island of 
Santa Helena,* which were there taking in cargo, which was 
supplied to them with great readiness, on account of the liberality 
with which they paid for everything. The galliot entered the 
bar, and our ambassador disembarked hand in hand with the 
ambassadors of the Achem, and accompanied by the Portuguese 
and by many persons whom the king sent to receive them, and 
they had an audience of him, who received our envoys with many 
honours, and his own according to their custom. And having 
received from his ambassadors an account of their embassy, and 
of the good dispatch that the Count Viceroy had given them, and 
of the honours that he had done to them, and the present that he 



^ In his previous Decades, Couto describes the frequent engage- 
ments between the Portuguese and Achinese. Fulke Greville, in his 
letter of March loth, 1600, to Sir Francis Walsingham (quoted in 
Bruce's Annals^ vol. i, pp. 121- 126) says ; — "The iland of Sumatra, or 
Taprobuna, is possessed by many kynges, enemies to the Portugals ; 
the cheif is the Kinge of D achem, who beseiged them in Malacca, 
and w^h his gallies stopped the passage of victualls and trafficke from 
China, Japan, and Molucco, till, by a mayne fleete, the coast was 
cleared [This is a mistake : it was the r^ja of Johor that blockaded 
Malacca, as mentioned above, p. vii]. The Kinge of Spaigne, in 
regarde of the importance of this passage, hath often resolved to 
conquere Sumatra ; but yet nothinge is done." He adds : " The 
Kinges of Acheyn and Tor are, in lyke sorte, enemies to the 
Portugals" ("Tor" is a misprint for "lor" = Johor, and "Acheyn" is, 
of course, the same as " Dachem"). 

* See infra. ' Sec supra^ p. li, n, 

* Davis says : " Here was also a Portugall, named Don Alfonso 
Vincent, that came with foure Barkes from Malacca," to prevent our 
trade, as the sequell doth show" {Voyages of John Davis ^ p. 140). 
Apparently, therefore, Affonso Vicente arrived at Achin almost 
simultaneously with the two Dutch ships. 

* See infra^ pp. Ixix-lxxi. 



INTRODUCTION. Ixv 

had sent him, he was so gratified that he knew not what honours 
and favours to show to our people. Our ambassador, who was a 
shrewd man, seeing the favours that that king showed towards the 
Portuguese, and recognising therein the state of mind and 
inclination to grant him all he might ask of him, being one day 
alone with the king and the interpreter, said to him, that since he 
showed such signs of favour to the Portuguese, and knew very well 
how much they desired to preserve his friendship, that it must 
always be of greater profit to him, as neighbours, than that of 
strangers, and that it was time to show it by deeds : that he had 
to inform him that those corsairs that were at the bar were pirates, 
and traitors who had risen against their rightful king and lord : 
that since he professed himself such a servant and friend of the 
King of Portugal, he had in his hands a very good opportunity 
for proving this. This was, that as those men were being 
admitted so freely to him and to his country, he should continue 
on the same terms with them ; and that he should one day invite 
the captain-major and the chief men of the ships, and that at the 
banquet they should murder them. And that he should order to 
be held in readiness the fleet that he had determined to send 
against the King of Jor, which consisted of more than a hun- 
dred vessels, and at the same time attack the ships, and capture 
them with the whole of the stores and money that they had 
on board, which was much. And such things did Affonso 
Vicente say to the king, and so easy did he make the affair 
for him, that he won him over, and succeeded in gaining what he 
wished.^ 

For this purpose he at once, with the greatest dissimulation 
possible, ordered the fleet to be got ready, at the same time 
spreading about the report that it was to be sent against the king 
of Jor, for which expedition these same Hollanders had offered 
their services in exchange for a shipload of pepper, which he had 
promised therefor.* And when all was ready, he invited the 
Dutch captain-major for the appointed day, from which he ex- 



1 Davis states, that on the 20th of July "our Baase [t'.e.f C. de 
Houtman] beeing with the King was exceeding well entertained," and 
that, among other things, the king said to him : " I must further tell 
you, Alfonso hath been earnest with me to betray you, but it shall not 
be ; for I am your friend ; and therewith gave him a Purse of Gold" 
(op, «/., p. 141). The king seems to have played a double part in 
this tragical affair. 

* Davis says, that the king's conversation with De Houtman, 
referred to in the previous footnote, ended thus :— "As touchinge your 
Merchandize it shall be thus : I have warres with the King of lor 
(this Kingdome of lor is the south-point of Malacca) you shall serve 
me against him with your ships : your recompence shall be your 
lading of Pepper ; this was agreed" (op, a/., p. 142). 

/ 



Ixvi INTRODUCTION. 

cused himself on account of indisposition, but sent a nephew^ of 
his with the most honourable men of his ship. And being drunk 
at the banquet, the Achens set upon them and murdered them -^ 
and at the same time the whole fleet sallied out and attacked the 
ships with great fury. The Hollanders, seeing this onset, had no 
other or better remedy than to hoist their sails and make their 
escape, with the fleet after them until they disappeared,* leaving 
the goods that they had on shore, and two pinnaces that were in 
different ports, which the king at once ordered to be seized.* 
The Hollanders took their course for the river of Quedd, whither 
they retired and reformed themselves.^ And because they had 
few people left in the ships, since they had lost on shore more 
than fifty persons, • they were obliged to abandon the smaller ship 
and all get into the other one, in which they set out in the 
direction of MagulepatSLo, and got lost in the macareo of Tana9a- 
rim. And thus of these two ships not a single thing escaped.^ 

About the same time that the Leeuw and Leeuwin left 
Middelburg for the East, three other Zeeland ships sailed 
for the same parts. One, however, was lost ofT Dover ; 

^ This apparently refers to Frederik de Houtman, who was actually 
the brother of Comelis. 

* The affray really took place on board the Dutch ships, the 
Achinese having drugged the wine. Comelis de Houtman and others 
were killed ; while of the Dutch on shore at the time only a few were 
spared and kept as prisoners, among* them Frederik de Houtman (see 
Voyages of John Davis^ pp. 144-145 ; De Jonge, op, cit^ vol. ii, p. 214). 
This occurred on September ist, 1599. 

' Davis says that while they were at Pedir seeking one of their 
pinnaces on September 2nd, " there came eleven Gallies with Portu- 
gals (as we thought) to take our ships. We sunke one, and beate the 
rest : so they fledde" {pp, cit^ p. 145). 

* Davis says: "Wee lost two fine Pinnasses of twentie tunnes 
a piece, and one ship Boate" {Ibid,), 

' Cf. Voyages of John Davis ^ pp. 146, 153. 

* Davis says : " We lost in this misfortune threescore and eight 
persons, of which we are not certaine how many are captived ; only 
of eight wee have knowledge" {op. cit.^ p. 145). 

' Here Couto seems to confuse the fate of the Dutch ships with 
that of Wood's two (see supra^ p. Iviii). As a matter of fact, the 
Leeuw and Leeuwin^ after watering and refreshing at Pulo Butung off" 
Kedah, returned to Achin on October 6th, and fired some shots at one 
of ten galleys that they found there ; on the i8th they sailed for 
Tenasserim, where they had bad weather, and were distressed for 
lack of food. Having overcome these difficulties, they reached St. 
Helena on April 13th (23rd), 1600, and on the 15th (25th) had a fight 
with a Portuguese caravel, as described in the next extract. The two 
ships ultimately arrived at Middelburg on July 29th, 1600. 



INTRODUCTION. Ixvii 

and Coi/of the voyage of the other two we have no detailed 
ar fjrcouht. Almost all that is known of them is, that they 

Teached Bantam in February and March, 1599, and left 

there for Europe in November.^ 



I 



i 



On Maj 1st, 1598, a fleet of eight ships, under the com- 
mand of Jacob Cornelisz. van Neck and Wybrand van 
Warwijck, sailed out of the Texel for the East^ Three of 
these arrived at Bantam on November 2Sth, and the re- 
maining five came there also a month later. On January 
nth, 1599, four of the ships, under the command of 
Van Neck, left Bantam, and, after coasting Sumatra and 
calling at St Helena, arrived in the Texel on July 19th, 
1599. The other four ships, under Van Warwijck and 
Jacob van Heemskerk, left Bantam on January 8th, 1 599, 
for the Moluccos, reaching Amboina on March 3rd' (having 
had, on the way thither, a fight with the natives at Arissa- 
baya on the west coast of Madura, losing a number of 
men by drowning, and having to ransom many prisoners). 
On the nth of the same month two of the four ships, 
under Van Heemskerk, left for Banda, whence, after some 
months' stay, they sailed on July 5th for Bantam, and 
thence for home, making a stay at St. Helena from 
December 8th, 1599, till January ist, 1600, and reaching 



1 See De Jfonge, op, city vol. ii, pp. 216-217, 379, 447 ; also footnote, 
infrUy p. l5cxiii. These two ships, the Langebercque and the Zon^ left 
again for the East in 1601. 

* Faria y Sousa, in giving a summary account (not very accurate) 
of this expedition, says : — " Mauricio \Mauritiu5\ was the name or 
title of the admiral's ship : it appears as if by a fatality, with the first 
two syllables ever grievous to Catholic ears (let severe censors pardon 
what they may call frivolous considerations), to be second Mauritanians 
in those climes, like spoilers of the vineyard of Christ, which the 
efforts of the Portuguese had planted there." He also somewhat 
broadly insinuates that the Hollanders took out with them the wor- 
ship of Bacchus {Asia Portuguesa^ tom. Ill, Pt II, cap. iii). (Cf. 
Voyages of John Davis ^ p. 134.) 

^ See Voyage of John Saris^ p. xxxiii. 

/2 



t 

I 

V 



Ixvili INTRODUCTION. 

the Texel on May 19th, 1600. The remaining two s1 
under Van Warwijck left Amboina on May 8th, 1 599, 
Ternate, arriving there on the 22nd. Leaving some ol 
their company here to transact their business affairs, they 
left on August 19th, and arrived on November 19th at 
Bantam, having the day before met and spoken with the 
two Zeeland ships referred to above (the Zon and the 
Langebercque\ which had been lying at that place for 
eight months.^ On January 21st, 1600, the two ships 
under Van Warwijck sailed from Bantam, and reached St. 
Helena on May 17th, but could not land, owing to the 
presence of a number of Portuguese carracks, so left again 
on the 22nd, and reached home about September, 1600.^ 

The carracks whose presence at St. Helena prevented 
Van Warwijck's ships from refreshing there included the 
one with which the Leeuw and Leeuwin had had an engage- 
ment, as mentioned in the footnote supra, Couto, in his 
Decada XII^ Liv. IV, cap. xiii, gives the Portuguese version 
of this affair. He says : — 

We seem to have been forgetting the fleet of D. Jeronymo 
Coutinho, which we left taking in cargo in order to leave for the 
Kingdom ; wherefore we shall give an account of it, and of what 
happened to it on the voyage. And because the captain-major 
D. Jeronymo Coutinho was sailing from Goa, and the other five 
ships^ of his fleet were sailing from Cochim, the Count Viceroy 
ordered the passing of a provision to D. Vasco da Gama, who was 
going as captain of the ship S, Mattheus^ that he should fill the 
office of captain-major of the five ships, and the other captains 
should obey him until they should meet with D. Jeronymo 



^ See footnote infray p. Ixxiii. 

* See De Jonge, op, cit.y pp. 203-210, 374-474 ; Tke Journall or 
Dayly Register^ , , , of the voyage^ accomplished by eight shippes of 
Amsterdam^ etc. (London, 1601). 

' These five ships were the S&o Roque^ the Conceigao, the -A^. S, da 
Pazy the S&o Simdo^ and the Sao Martinho, all of which had come 
from Portugal in 1599 (see infra^ p. Ixxxiii). Faria y Sousa, by a 
strange blunder, records the dispatch of this fleet by the new Viceroy, 
Aires de Saldanha, at the beginning of 1601 {Asia Portuguesa^ 
torn. Ill, Pt. II, cap. vi), 



INTRODUCTION. IxiX 

Coutinho, who was the captain-major. This fidalgo, who remained 
loading in Goa, set sail on Christmas Day with a grand send-off 
given him by the Count, and set off on his course, to whom we 
shall return presently. The other five ships, which were loading 
in Cochim, set sail one after another up to the i5th^ of January, 
1600,2 with which year we are dealing : in such sort, that, as soon 
as each one was loaded, it at once set out without waiting for the 
other, and thus went pursuing its voyage with such fair weather, 
that on the 25 th of April the ship of Diogo de Sousa^ made 
landfall at the island of Santa Helena: bearing in her company a 
large caravel, which she had fallen in with* in 16 degrees, on its 
way from the Rio da Prata^ to Angola ; and on going to look for 
the anchoring-place, which is opposite the Hermitage, they saw 
lying at anchor two Dutch ships, that had been waiting there five 
or six days for two others of their company. Diogo de Sousa, 
who was a fidalgo, and whom they called the Galician,* because 
he came from Viana, as soon as he saw them put his ship in 
order, and got ready his guns, and cast anchor at a little distance 
from them, because he was greatly in need of watei; and because 
he knew very well that if they put out to sea the corsairs were 
sure to come after them and might give them trouble ; thus pre- 
pared he proceeded to cast anchor with much confidence, having 



^ Fa. Joao dos Santos, who went at the request of the retiring Vice- 
roy as chaplain in the S. Simdo, says that this ship left Cochin on 
January 19th {Ethiopia Oriental^ Pt. 11, Liv. IV, cap. xx). 

* By one of these ships Diogo de Couto sent to the King his Decada 
Sexta. This had a better fortune than the Decada Setima, which the 
author sent two years later by the Sdo Tiago^ and which seems to have 
been destroyed with all other documents by the captain to prevent 
their falling into the hands of the Dutch, who, at St. Helena, on 
March i6th, 1602, captured the ship after a severe fight (see Couto's 
letter prefixed to his Decada Setima^ which he had to rewrite in 
summary ; Faria y Sousa, Asia Portuguesa^ torn. Ill, Pt. ll, cap. vi ; 
Valentyn, Sumatra^ p. 29). 

^ The Sdc Simdo^ in which was Fa. Joao dos Santos, who gives details 
of the voyage in his Ethiopia Oriental^ Pt. II, Liv. IV, caps, xx-xxvi. 
It seems that there was an elephant on board ; and the good father 
naively confesses that the sight of the terror inspired in this poor 
beast by a severe storm that the ship encountered before passing 
Cape Agulhas added greatly to his own fear. To add to the horrors 
of this tempest, certain huge fishes of fearful and wonderful mien 
appeared one night around the ship — fishes such as had never been 
seen before by the sailors, who were certain therefore that they were 
devils. 

* On April 23rd, says Dos Santos. 

6 The River Plate. 

^ The Galicians {Gallegos) are still noted for their robustness and 
activity. 



Ixx INTRODUCTION. 

his men under arms and posted in the places most necessary for 
any eventuality.^ 

As soon as he anchored there came a launch, sent at once from 
the ships, and lying at a little distance from ours, a man hailed 
those in the ship, and said in Spanish, that the captain-major of 
those ships sent word to the captain, asking him to go forthwith 
to him in his boat, and deliver up the ship to him, that he would 
deal well with him ; otherwise, he would send and fetch him. 
Diogo de Sousa, as soon as he heard the message, caused a falcon 
to be levelled at the launch, and gave orders to hail them to come 
nearer, as they did not understand it ; but those in the launch 
understood the intention of our people, and not wishing to take 
advantage of their courtesy turned about in great haste, and gave 
their captain an account of what had passed, and of what they 
suspected.^ 

As soon as the Dutch captain saw that our ship would not 
yield, he gave orders to play upon her with his guns with great 
fury, and they killed two of her men, and cut through the fore- 
mast, and well nigh unrigged it, and shot through one side of the 
mainmast with a ball of cast-iron, of which all were made with 



^ The account that follows of the combat between the Portuguese 
and Dutch ships agrees so closely with that given by Dos Santos 
(both being often verbally identical), that it is evident that both must 
be derived from a common source. (The Ethiopia Oriental of Dos 
Santos was issued in 1609 ; while Couto's Decada AT/— unfinished — 
was first printed only in 1645, though written in 161 1, as he states 
in Liv. Ill, cap. v, of that Decade). Faria y Sousa, in his Asia 
Portuguesa^ torn. Ill, Pt. II, cap. iii, says: "On his return voyage, 
Sousa fought singly with two Dutch ships at the island of Santa Elena, 
until he put them to a shameful flight ; " while further on, in cap. vi, 
he gives a fuller account of the engagement, but erroneously post- 
dates it a year. 

* Faria y Sousa (loc, cit,) characteristically writes: — "There was 
at once sent from them to our ships an arrogant message, that they 
were to surrender immediately, and that the captain was to go and 
yield obedience to them, if he did not wish to go to the other world in 
great haste. Sousa saw that the reply that he had to give needed a 
loud voice, so, keeping his own mouth shut, he caused that of a cannon 
to be directed at them, that it might reply to them, because it was a 
mouth with a loud voice. It spoke : and understanding it very well, 
and having the advantage in points [there is here a play on the word 
puntos^ which means both the pips on cards and the sights of guns], 
they let fly eight balls, which from sheer terror caused all the sailors 
that were furling the sails on the ship to fall from the yards and 
rigging. This took place very much as when ripe apples fall from 
trees shaken by a strong hand. However, if they resembled caduke 
apples in falling, they resembled balls in rising." (Stevens under- 
stands these last words to mean : " they soon recovered themselves,'' 
and so renders them.) 



INTRODUCTION. Ixxi 

which they fired at our ship. The people of our ship seeing that 
destruction, which had been done in so short a time, were for the 
most part so terrified, that they betook themselves to the side on 
which lay the caravel, in order to jump into it, and seek shelter 
there, because of its being very light. On this Diogo de Sousa 
hurried up,^ and made them return once more to the ship, at 
times uttering abusive words, at others urging them to defend 
themselves like valiant Portuguese, assuring them that to deal 
with those ships theirs was enough; and that he trusted in 
God to conquer them and take them along with them.* And so 
he quickly gave orders to work his guns, with which also he 
killed many of their men, and caused such havoc, that the 
Hollanders went hauling on warps until they lay across the bow 
of our ship, where there were only two pieces of artillery, in order 
to play on her from there with less risk. 

The master of our ship,' who was a very sagacious man and of 
great experience, put an anchor into the boat,* and ordered it to 
be cast into the sea on one side in such manner that it lay near 
the whip-stafif;^ and fastening it to the capstan, the ship went 
veering round, and lying with all her guns athwart the other ships. 
Thus they went on firing for the space of twenty hours,® with such 
great fury and terror, that the rebels, not being able to endure 
the injuries that they received from our guns, veered away their 
cables, hoisted their sails, and took to flight well fustigated.^ 

^ Dos Santos states that, at the request of Pero Gomez d'Abreu de 
Lima, he informed Diogo de Sousa of the intention of some of the 
Portuguese to escape to the caravel, the former not being on speaking 
terms with the captain. 

* This differs greatly fi-om the account given by Dos Santos, who 
says that Diogo de Sousa, after bringing all who were in the caravel 
on to his ship, made the former sheer off to some distance with a 
cable attached. He then gave the men white biscuit and wine to 
refresh and reanimate them. 

' Antonio Diaz, according to Dos Santos, who describes him in 
similar laudatory terms. 

* According to Dos Santos, the Dutch had put an anchor in a 
launch for the purpose described above ; but the anchor here spoken 
of, he says, was cast into the sea direct from the ship, which seems 
much more probable. 

» It was the cable, and not the anchor itself, that lay "on the poop 
near the whip-staff," as Dos Santos correctly says. 

* "All night, with a beautiful moonlight, until lo in the morning," 
says Dos Santos. 

^ Davis's account of this engagement is very terse. He says :— 
"The thirteenth we anchored at the He Saint Helena. . . . The 
fifteenth, at Sun-set, there came a Caravell into the Road, who 
anchored a large musket-shot to wind-ward of us. She was utterly 



Ixxii INTRODUCTION. 

Our people, although shattered and cut up, remained victorious, 
and disembarked on land, where they found the barrels of the 
Hollanders that they had left there to be filled with water, 
which came in handy for them;^ and in the Hermitage they 
found^ a written message that they had left there for two other 
ships of their company, which had remained in Achem loading, 
because these came from Sunda, of which we shall presently give 
an account ; and in the writing they gave them to understand, 
that the Jaos had held them captives for six months until the 
arrival of two other ships of their company, which had them set 
at liberty; and the cause of their imprisonment was this.* These 
two ships, which our people found there, had gone to load at 
Sunda ; and all the patacas^ that they carried were falsified, and 
contained very little silver; and having bought many drugs there- 
with, the Jaos came to know of the falsity of the money, wherefore 
they seized all those that they found on shore, and kept them 
prisoners four or five months, until there arrived two other ships 



unprovided, not having one Peace mounted ; we fought her all this 
night, and gave her, as I thinke, better then two hundred shot. In 
eight houres shee never made shot nor shew of regard ; by mid- 
night shee had placed sixe Peeces which shee used very well, shot 
us often through, and slew two of our men. So the sixteenth, in 
the morning, we departed," etc. {Voyages of John Davis^ p. 156). 
The difference of dates in the two accounts is due to the fact that 
the Portuguese observed the New Style, and the Dutch (and English; 
the Old. 

^ Dos Santos says that they also found two goats, left by the Dutch, 
tied at the foot of a fig-tree. 

* This was on the following day, according to Dos Santos, who 
landed with the captain and others, and conducted service in the 
Hermitage. 

' Dos Santos, who gives a similar account of the cause of the 
imprisonment of the Dutch, says that this information was obtained 
from the Hollanders who called at St. Helena a few days later. He 
also states, that on disinterring the sacred vessels that were kept in a 
secret place there, the Portuguese found the following letter in Spanish, 
left apparently by some man from one of the Dutch ships : — " Yo luan 
Roberto no haga mal a esta Iglesia, por que soy Christiano, y temo a 
Dios, que me ha librado de muchos baxos, ado me he visto perdido en 
esta viage, y ansi mas me ha librado de catiuero de la laoa, ad6 
estuue captiuo seis mezes, a punto de me sacaren la vida cada dia " 
(I, Juan Roberto, have done no harm to this church, because I am a 
Christian and fear God, who has delivered me from many depths [or 
shoals ?] in which I have found myself lost in this voyage, and has 
likewise liberated me from captivity in Jaoa, where I was a captive 
six months, they being ready to take my life every day). Who this 
man was I have been unable to discover. 

* Dollars (see Hobson-Jobson^ j.v.). 



tNtkODttCtloM. Ixxiii 

of their company, which learnt of the case, and ransomed them 
by giving the Jaos other good and lawful money.^ 

The Dutch ships having left the island of Santa Helena, our 
people at once set to work at refitting the ship, the masts, and 
rigging it anew^ : and on the 30th of April, five days after the 
battle, there arrived at that port the ship Nossa Senhora da PaZy 
and on the 3rd of May the Conceifdo, and on the i6th the ship 
of the captain-major, which, though starting from Goa, and earlier, 
arrived so much later.* And from Diogo de Sousa they learnt 
the whole of the affair, and helped him to repair the damage that 
the enemy had done to him. And* on the same day that the 
captain-major anchored appeared the two other Dutch ships* that 
we have said the others were expecting, which came laden with 
drugs ; and coming to make the anchoring-place, when they saw 
our ships they proceeded to anchor at the point of the island. 



^ The above rather confused statement is interesting, as it appears 
to be the only proof we have that the two Zeeland ships, the Zon and 
the Langebercque^ referred to above (pp. Ixvi-lxvii, Ixviii), called at St 
Helena on their voyage home. In the narrative of the voyages of Van 
Neck's and Van Warwijck's fleet we are not told of any letters having 
been left at St. Helena; and therefore we may conclude that the 
message was left by these two Zeeland ships for their fellow Zeelanders 
in the Leeuw and Leeuwin^ who evidently knew nothing of how they 
had fared in the East. The story about the bad money and the 
imprisonment seems to be explained by the following details, given in 
The Journal! J or Dayly Register^ etc. (p. 54) : — "The 17. day [of 
November, 1599] wee sayled thence [the mouth of the * fresh Ryuer* 
near * Saketra,* />., Jakatra] towards Bantam^ where two Dutch ships 
lay. The 18. day we spoke with them, they were the Long barke 
\sic!^ and the Sunne, which had lyne eight moneths and tenne dayes 
before Bantam (and were departed from thence in the night time, not 
refreshing themselues), where they had so n^erely bartered all ; that 
in the ende (for want of money) they trucked also the whistles from 
about their neckes, and yet had not effected any great matter, for both 
the ships had but 60. last of Pepper and Clones together, and farther 
were weakened 55. men." The next day they arrived at Bantam, 
were well received, and got full loads of spices.^ According to a 
letter of Van Warwijck's (De Jonge, op, cit, vol. ii, p. 379), the two 
Zeeland ships sailed on November i8th, 1599, for Europe, while the 
two ships under Van Warwijck did not leave until January 21st, 1600. 

^ Dos Santos, who gives a number of details of wonderful escapes 
during the combat, says that when the enemy disappeared, about three 
in the afternoon, the carpenters and caulkers set to work to repair the 
damage, the ship having received seven shots between wind and 
water. 

' Dos Santos, who also records the arrival of these ships, adds that 
on May 15th the River Plate ship left St. Helena. 

* What follows is almost identical with the account given by Dos 
Santos. 

* The Amsterdam and Utrecht^ under Van Warwijck. 



Ixxiv tNTRODUCTlON. 

where our people could do them no harm, because of the wind's 
being contrary for going against them. D. Jeronymo Coutinho 
paid little heed to them, but nevertheless made ready, in order, 
if the weather should give him the opportunity, to go and attack 
them. And on the same day, just at nightfall, the ship 
S, MartinhOy the captain of which was Jo§Lo Soares Henriques, 
made landfall at that island, and discovering the Dutch ships, 
supposing them to be ours,^ put out again to sea, and set her 
course by Brazil, where she watered and took in provisions in the 
Bay of AH Saints. 

The Dutch captain, seeing that there was no water in that part 
where he was, sent off a launch with a letter to D. Jeronymo 
Coutinho, in which he said to him, that they were Christians, and 
vassals of a king who was a friend to his; that they were 
merchants, who were going about the world seeking their living ; 
that they were in want of water, and that he begged him to give 
them leave to send their launches to get it at the place where he 
was. D. Jeronymo replied to them, that as they were Christians, 
and friends of the Portuguese, they should come and anchor 
near him, and that there they could water just at their will ; the 
which message he sent to them, in order to see if he could draw 
them out of that quarter, whither he was unable to go and seek 
them. The Hollanders perceiving the design of the captain- 
major would not take advantage of his courtesy, but continued to 
lie there five days longer ; at the end of which time, which was 
the 2 1 St of May, there arrived at that island the ship S, Mattheus^ 
on which was D. Vasco da Gama, who by means of bombard 
shots forced the two Dutch ships to weigh anchor ; and one night 
they set sail,^ and must have had to go to the coast of Guinea to 
get water, of which they were in want.® Then the captain-major 



^ This is put confusedly. What Couto meant was, that the captain 
at first took the ships to be Portuguese, but afterwards discovered his 
mistake. Dos Santos says that the captain, on finding that these two 
ships were Dutch, when in the dusk he caught sight of the Portuguese 
ships, thought that they were also some of the enemy's vessels. 

2 Dos Santos says nothing of a bombardment of the Dutch ships 
by the 5. Matheus (which, in fact, seems to have arrived after they 
had gone) : he simply states that they set sail, firing off many rockets 
and with much demonstration. 

' The Dutch account of this affair is as follows : "The sixteenth 
day [of May] about noone wee had sight of the Island of S. Helena^ 
wherewith wee were all greatly comforted. The 17. day in the 
morning we had sight of a Carrack ndere vnto the land, being the 
Admirall of the Portugal s Fldete, sayling into the Roade of S. Helena^ 
where lay at anchor thrde other Carracks, whereby wee were forced 
to put into the old Roade, which is the first valley that you come 
vnto after you are passed the north west comer, or necke of the land, 
and the Roade where the Carracks lay is the third valley beyond the 



INTRODUCTION. IxxV 

caused D. Vasco da Gama to be supplied with water, and with all 
the ships under his charge set sail,^ to see if he could overtake the 
two ships of the rebels ; but he was unable to catch up with them, 
through their having gone far out of their course, and ours arrived 
together at the Kingdom,^ which was a great piece of good 
fortune. And this fidalgo was always thus venturesome and 
fortunate in the voyages that he made, arriving in India and 
returning to Portugal with all his ships in safety.* 

Besides sending all the above-mentioned ships to the 
East round the Cape of Good Hope, the Dutch, in the 



sayd necke of the land, so that we lay within Sakar or Minion shot of 
each other : wee sent vnto them foure men to parley with them, but 
I cannot write what communication passed. The same euening came 
another Carrack making towards the Roade, sailing about the north 
west necke hard vnder the shore, insomuch that she came so n^ere 
vnto vs, that they haled vs, and demaunded of whence wee were : and 
vnderstanding that we were Hollanders, seeking to refresh our selues 
in that place, (refusing the land) they cast about, and directed their 
course Northwest to seaward. The i8. day foure of our men went vp 
into the land at S. Helena^ it is a very high hillie land, beautified and 
enriched with very faire and pleasant valleys, with great abundance 
of Goates, and some store of Swine : wee meant to prouide our 
selues there of fresh water, but the Portugales would not suffer vs, so 
that we were without hope to make any prouision of water at this 
place : for they had ordamed a strong watch on the shore, which was 
the onely cause that wee could not here refresh our selues. The 21. 
being Ascention day, wee sailed thence (with God his helpe) home- 
wards, and being vnder saile, wde descried another Carrack making 
towards the Roade, which was the sixt Carrack that we had now 
seene, w^e directed our course north-west 2in6.hy -wts^* {The Joumall^ 
or Dayly Register^ etc., p. 57). The ships did not go to Guinea, as 
surmised by the Portuguese, but to Ascension, where, however, they 
found no water, so that, by the time they reached home, their 
sufferings had become terrible. 

^ On June ist, after a solemn service had been held on shore, says 
Dos Santos. 

^ On August 22nd, 1600, they anchored at Cascaes, and on the 24th 
reached Lisbon, says Dos Santos, who gives details of the voyage. 

' This is hardly correct. In 1586 D. Jeronimo Coutinho took 
charge of a fleet of five ships for India, four of which reached there 
safely (see supra^ pp. iii-iv), and returned to Portugal next year; 
but the fifth, the 5. FilippCy got only as far as Mozambique, whence 
she returned for Portugal, but was captured by Drake off the Azores. 
In 1599, D. Jeronimo took four ships out to India, and in 1600 
brought five safely home (as stated above). In 1607 he took out five 
ships to India, two of which returned to Portugal next year, while 
one was burnt by the Dutch off Goa, and another was burnt at 
Mozambique on the way home. 



Ixxvi INtRODUCtlON. 

same year, 1598, dispatched two fleets thither by the 
south-western route. The first of these consisted of five 
ships, under the command of Jacques Mahu and Simon de 
Cordes, the pilot of one being the Englishman, William 
Adams.^ Except that it led to the opening up of Japan 
to Dutch trade, this expedition, which left Rotterdam on 
June 27th, 1598, resulted in utter disaster. Details of the 
voyage have been given by various writers f and I there- 
fore confine myself to quoting what Couto {Dec. XII^ 
Liv. V, cap. ii) says* on the subject : — 

In this year 1600, of which we are treating, about this same 
time there arrived* a Dutch ship* at the Islands of JapSLo, at the 
port of Xativai® in the kingdom of Bungo ; and as at that time it 
was not the monsoon for ships to come from China, nor from the 
Filippinas, it appeared to the fathers of the Company, who reside 
there, that it might be some ship going from New Spain to the 
Lusdes, that through some storm had been driven out of her course. 
They sent word to the king of Bungo, in order that he might send 
help, lest some disaster should befall her ; which he at once did. 
And at this same time two fathers of the Company who resided 
near Xativai, seeing the ship, went with some boats to assist her ; 
and coming near to her, and discovering her to be Dutch, they 
turned back again. Some Portuguese that were in Naganzaque, as 
soon as they heard of the ship, sent advice by letters to Tirazava, 
governor-general of those realms on the western side, of how that 
ship was one of Lutheran corsairs, enemies of the Portuguese and 



} For his history, see Dictionary of National Biography, 

^ See De Jonge, op, cit.^ vol. ii, pp. 218-222 ; O. Nachod^s Die 
Beziehungen der Niederldndischen Ostindischen Kompagnie zu Japan^ 
p. 93 et seq, \ Purchas, vol. i, Bk. 11, pp. 73, 78-79 ; Rundall's Memorials 
of the Empire of Japon (Hakluyt See), pp. 18-24, 33-39 J Satow's 
voyage of Captain John Saris (Hakluyt Soc), Introduction, pp. xlvii- 
xlviii ; Dictionary of National Biography^ vol. i, p. 104. 

' The following details given by the great historian of Portuguese 
India seem to have been overlooked by all writers on the dawn of 
Dutch and English commerce in Japan. Couto, who wrote this 
Decade in 161 1 (the date of Adams's first letter), appears to have 
obtained his information from the Jesuit fathers. 

* On April 19th, 1600. ^ The Liefde, 

• According to Sir E. M. Satow {op, cit,^ Introduction, p. xlviii), 
" she anchored about a league off the capital of Bungo, now called 
Oita, in Beppu Bay, North latitude 33* 1 5'." 



INTRODUCTION. Ixxvil 

of all Christians.^ On receiving this message, and having already 
had letters from the king, Tirazava hastened to the kingdom of 
Bungo, and ordered the ship to be brought into port,' and laid 
hold of the Hollanders, and their goods, of which an inventory 
was made, and what was found therein was the following :' 

Eleven great chests of coarse woollen cloths, a box with four 
hundred branches of coral and as many of amber, a great chest of 
glass beads of divers colours, some mirrors and spectacles, many 
children's pipes, two thousand cruzados in reals^ nineteen large 
bronze pieces of ordnance and other small ones, five hundred 
muskets, and five thousand balls of cast-iron, three hundred 
chain-shot, fifty quintals of powder, three great chests of coats of 
mail, three-fourths having breastplates and pectorals of steel, 
three hundred and fifty-five darts, a great quantity of nails, iron, 
hammers, scythes and mattocks, and other various kinds of 
implements, with which it would seem they were coming to con- 
quer and inhabit. They confessed that in the past years of 1598 
and 1599 there set out from the States of Holland fifteen ships 
to go to Sunda and Maluco, regarding which they gave no satis- 
factory account whatever ; and in order that something may be 
known of them, we shall give an account of those of which we 
have learnt, and of what happened to them. 

In the year that we have mentioned* there left Rotterdam these 
fifteen ships,* which kept together as far as the coast of Guinea, 
where they divided into three squadrons. One of these soon 
passed the Cape of Good Hope, and took its course for Sunda, 
where three ships separated themselves, and the other two pro- 
ceeded to put into the port of Achem, of whom I shall have 
more to say presently.® To the other squadron we have not 
learnt what happened. The third, the captain of which was one 
Balthazar da Corda,^ went privateering for some time on the coast 

^ Cf. what Adams says in his letters (Randall's Memorials of the 
Empire ofjapon^ pp. 23, 25, 38). 

* At Saicai, according to Satow, loc. cit. (see also footnote infra^ 
and Randall's Memorials of the Empire offapon^ p. 27). 

' Coato here apparently quotes from an official document sent to 
Goa by the Portuguese in Japan. Compare this list with that given 
by Femao Guerreiro in the footnote infra, 

* The years 1 598 and 1 599 had been mentioned ; but it is evident 
that now Couto is speaking of 1 598 only. 

' The " fifteen ships" are apparently the eight of C. van Neck, the 
two of C. de Houtman, and the five of J. Mahu ; but it will be seen 
that Couto's account is, as regards some of them, very confused and 
inaccurate. 

* See supra^ pp. Ixiv-Ixvi. 

^ The actual commander was Jacques Mahu, on whose death Simon 
de Cordes assumed command. Balthazar de Cordes, whose relation- 
ship to Simon I cannot discover, was, after the death of Juriaan 
Boekhout, appointed captain of the Trouw, 



Ixxvili INTRODUCTION. 

of Brazil, and thence crossed over to Angola, where it did some 
damage, and then they turned about in the direction of the 
Strait of Magalh^es, which they entered, and in which they were 
detained ten months with many troubles and starvings, and in 
some sallies that they made to seek water and provisions they 
had several men killed ;^ and as soon as the weather served they 
passed through the Straits to the other side, and turned towards 
the coast of Peni,^ where a storm struck them, so fierce, that it 
separated them,' and one went running at hazard to make for the 
Islands of Maluco, where she arrived, and a little further on we 
shall give an account of her ;* the other seems to have disappeared, 
for I have found no tidings of her;* the other, the captain of 
which was a certain da Corda, nephew of the captain-major 
Balthazar da Corda, went running before the storm along the 
coast, and on its growing calm he proceeded to put in at the 
fortress of Chile, in Peril. And learning that it was almost with- 
out men, they made a sudden attack upon it, and entered it, 
putting to death some of those that were within, and plundered 
and profaned the temples and all that was in the fortress, remain- 
ing there for several days as much at their ease as if they were in 
Flanders. 

These tidings having come to the Spaniards that were in the 
intericJr, they collected several companies, and attacking the 
fortress entered it, there being no more than twenty Flemings 
therein ; and of these they killed fifteen, while the other five leapt 
down over the walls, and swam out to reach the ship, and those 
on the ship came to meet them with a boat, and rescued them, 
among these five being Captain Corda. And setting sail they 
went to seek Maluco,* where they arrived, and cast anchor at the 



* Cf. Purchas, loc. cit ; RundalPs Memorials^ etc., pp. 18-20, 33-35. 

* For our knowledge of the doings of the four ships that passed 
the Magellan Straits we are almost entirely dependent on what Adams 
says in his two letters of 161 1. De Jonge {loc. cit) mentions two 
unpublished documents in the Hague archives relating to two of the 
ships. 

* Cf. RundalPs Memorials^ pp. 20, 35. 

* This was the Trouw (see infra). 

* Sebald de Weerd's ship, the Geloof returned home from the 
Straits of Magellan : of this fact Couto was evidently ignorant. 

* Couto may possibly be here confusing several of the ships. The 
Blyde Boodschap was seized by the Spaniards at Valparaiso, while 
Simon de Cordes and others of the Hoop were killed on shore at the 
island of Mocha (see RundalPs Memorials^ etc., pp. 20-22, 35-36 ; 
Purchas, vol. i, Bk. I, p. 74). The Hoop and Liefde then set their 
course for Japan, but were separated by a storm, and the former was 
never heard of again. The TrouWy after capturing and plundering 
several Spanish ships, and taking possession temporarily of the island 



INTRODUCTION. IxxiX 

village of Soli in the island of Tidore, half a league from our 
fortress, there being already at Ternate another ship of this 
company^ ; the missing one was this ship which we have found in 
Japao, which went running before the storm, whithersoever she 
was able, and had such changeable weather, that she spent four 
months in reaching the Tropic of Capricorn, where she was 
visited by an outbreak of disease so contagious, that in a few 
days there died a hundred and fifty and five persons, among 
whom was Captain Corda,* there remaining alive but five and 
twenty,' who were not sufficient to manage the ship ; wherefore 
they let themselves go at the hazard of the winds, until these and 
the tides brought them to Japio, as we have said, where they 
disembarked, all so enfeebled, that they looked like dead men. 

That king, after he had ordered the ship to be emptied, sent her 
to the kingdoms of Canto* to load timber; and the Hollanders 
that were most in health he sent to serve as bombardiers in a 
war that he ordered to be undertaken against a rebel lord who 
was called Cangeatica.* The pilot of this ship was an English- 



of Chiloe (which is evidently what Couto refers to), set sail for the 
Moluccas, and was, naturally enough, made a prize of by the Spaniards 
at Tidore. 

1 This is an error. The first Dutch ships to call at Ternate were 
the Amsterdam and Utrecht under Van Warwijck, which, however, 
left the island before the Trouw arrived there. The first news the 
Dutch had of the fate of this vessel was on the visit of Jacob van 
Neck in June, 1601 (see De Jonge, op. cit,^ vol. ii, pp. 242, 279). 

' Another error. Simon de Cordes had been killed, as stated in 
the footnote supra, 

* Cf. RundalPs Memorials^ etc., pp. 23, 38. 

* The Kuwant6, in which Yedo (Tokyo) is situated (cf. p. 11, «., 
infra ; and see RundalFs Memorials of the Empire of Japon^ p. 27 ; 
Adams's History ofjapan^ vol. i, p. 19, and note). 

* Femao Guerreiro, in his Relaqam Annual^ etc., tom i, in cap. xxi 
of the Cousas do JapaO^ which treats of the work of the Jesuits in 
Bungo, says : — " At a port of this kingdom there put in this year a 
ship of Hollanders, which it was said had two years before left 
Holland in company with other four, the which passing through the 
Strait of Magalhais set their course for Sunda, where had arrived 
other English ships, as they wrote to us from Malaca. These five 
being separated by a storm, there came to land at this Bungo this 
ship of which I have spoken much shattered. She brought only five 
and twenty men alive, and these sick and prostrated by the cold and 
hunger that they suffered on such a long voyage, of whom two died 
on arrival. She carried some woollen cloths and scarlets, raxas 
[coarse cloths of little value], mirrors, glass beads, corals, and other 
curiosities of Flanders ; and they had much and large ordnance. 
The Father, speaking with them, understood that they were heretics. 
On arriving in port and coming ashore they said that they came to 
carry on trade in Japao, but the Tono soon discovered that they were 



Ixxx INTRODUCTION. 

man,^ a good cosmographer, and with some knowledge of astrology : 
in Meaco^ he confessed to the fathers of the Company that the 
Prince of Orange had already made use of him several times in 
journeys of great importance, principally in the years 1593, 1594, 
and 1595,^ when he sent him to discover a way above Biarmia and 
Fimmarchia,^ for his ships to pass to JapSLo, China, and Maluco, 
in order to bring thence the riches of all those islands, because 
that by that way they would have the shortest route and the freest 
from our fleet : and that on the last occasion, which was in the 
year 1595, he reached 82 degrees north ^ and that, in spite of its 
being the height of summer, and the days almost continuous, 
there being no night, unless it were of two hours, he found the 
cold so excessive, and the masses of ice and snow so great that 
broke up in the lower part of that strait, that, driving in the teeth of 
the ship, they forced her to turn back.* And he affirmed, that if 
one coasted along the coast of Tartary on the right-hand, and if 



going to another part, and that they came to Japad only through the 
storm, since they did not carry goods in such quantity or of the same 
quality as brought by the other ships that came to Japad, nor did they 
come well dressed, and splendid with the pomp of servants and 
attendants, as the other merchants were accustomed to come, but only 
as soldiers and sailors, and beside this with much ordnance and arms : 
by all of which they were known to be people not of good title ; and 
Davfu^ama, having been advised to this eftect, at once sent a captain 
of his to Bungo to have the ship brought to Meaco or to Sacay, 
where he took possession of her as a wreck, according to the laws of 
Japao, and sent her to a port of his kingdoms of Quant6, with the 
Hollanders that came in her, and eighteen or twenty pieces of 
ordnance ; and all the rest that she carried he retained, the greater 
part of which was arms and a large quantity of powder." In caps, 
xxviii-xxxiii is given an account of the war referred to above by Couto, 
the rebel lord being called " Camzuedono" (cf. Adamses History of 
Japan^ vol. i, p. 66 ; Morgans Philippine Islands^ p. 143 et seq.). 

* William Adams (cf. Voyage oj SariSy p. 80). ' Kyoto. 

' Either the Jesuit fathers misunderstood Adams, or Couto has 
erred. The expeditions referred to are those of Barents in 1594, 1595, 
and 1596 ; and there is no evidence that Adams took any part in any 
of these (see The Three Voyages of William Barents^ etc., second 
edition ; also RundalPs Voyages towards the N. PV., p. xii). 

* What " Biarmia" represents I do not know, unless it be Bergen. 
" Fimmarchia" is Finmark, in the extreme north of Norway. 

' This refers to the discovery and circumnavigation of Spitzbergen 
by Barents, who, however, did not get so far north as 82 (see The 
Three Voyages of William Barents^ pp. cxxx, 77 ; and cf. the map 
prefixed, the gradation of which is incorrect). 

* Cf. The Three Voyages of William Barents^ p. log etseg. 



INTRODUCTION. Ixxxi 

along it one went running eastward as far as the Gulf of Aniao,^ 
which enters between the lands of Asia and America, he could 
accomplish his purpose. And this pilot also affirmed that the 
Hollanders would not desist until they had carried this enterprise 
to a conclusion, because of the great desires that they had to 
discover this road.^ And the English had already tried to discover 
this voyage by way of the west, between the islands of Grotlandia^ 
and the land of Lavrador ; but that owing to the same difficulties 
they turned back on the way, as did that great pilot Gavoto,* 
more than forty years ago. And in a globe that this pilot pos- 
sessed, from which there was drawn in China another that I have 
in my possession,* are clearly seen these two ports, the route by 
which they attempted to pass to them, and, placed in gradation, 
this island of JapSo, with all its kingdoms, as far as the country of 
Chincungu, where, they allege, are those rich silver mines.* This 
pilot also said, that when the Prince of Orange saw that he could 
not carry out his purpose in those parts, he equipped these 
fifteen vessels, in charge of which he came, to go to Sunda and 
Maluco to load drugs. ^ 

At this same time that this ship arrived at Japao, there set out 
from that island sixteen ships of corsairs to rob ; these came as 
far as the Philippine Islands, and on the way captured a ship of 
Chins, who were going to those parts with goods amounting to 
sixty thousand /«^j.- and they also captured another boat from 
the Manilhas, and killed and captivated several natives thereof and 
three Spanish soldiers, of which the governor of Manilha sent to 
complain to Daifuxama, king of Canthem, who at once ordered 



^ The modem Bering Strait. In the curious map prefixed to, The 
Three Voyages of William Barents it is entered as ** Estrecho de 
Anian" (see also p. 149, and note). 

* The success of Houtman's voyage by the Cape of Good Hope in 
1 595-97 caused the abandonment of any further attempt at finding a 
north-east passage to the Far East. 

' Greenland. 

* John or Sebastian Cabot ; but their attempts were made much 
more than forty years before Couto wrote ; he refers apparently to 
Frobisher's voyages. 

^ I have found no other reference to this map. 

^ Cf. Linschoten's Map of the Eastern Seas, in the Voyage of Capt 
John Saris (p. 191), where " Minas de prata" is inscribed opposite the 
north-western part of Japan. Couto, in his description of Japan 
{Dec. V, Liv. viii, cap. xii), names "Chicungo" as one of the 
governorships of Bungo. Probably the mines of Iwami are meant, 
there being none, apparently, in Chikugo (cf Morga's Philippine 
Islands^ p. 147). 

^ The wording of this is very confused. Of course the Prince of 
Orange did not equip any of the ships, and Adams was pilot of only 
one ship. 

$ 



Ixxxii INTRODUCTION. 

several vessels to be armed against these corsairs, and encountering 
they attacked each other ; and they captured one of their vessels, in 
which they found some of those Hollanders that were in the ship. 
And afterwards, from time to time, Daifuxama got hold of many 
of these corsairs, all of whom he ordered to be hanged ; and he 
made a law that not more than four vessels each year should go to 
the Manilhas, and all the rest should be destroyed and their 
owners crucified.^ 

The second fleet dispatched by the Netherlanders in 
1598 for the Far East by the south-eastern route consisted 
of four ships under the command of Olivier van Noort, 
and sailed on September 1 3th. An account of this voyage 
is printed in Purchas (vol. i, Bk. II, pp. 71-78), and a 
very full summary is given in the Society's translation 
of Morgans Philippine Islands, pp. 173-187. As I have 
mentioned above (p. xviii), Teixeira, in his voyage from 
Manila to Acapulco in 1600, by mere chance escaped 
encountering the two surviving ships of this fleet, which 
arrived before Manila on November 24th, and on December. 
14th had a fierce engagement with two Spanish vessels, 
resulting in the loss of one ship on each side.^ Thence 
Van Noort sailed for Borneo, which he reached on Decem- 
ber 26th, and left on January 4th, 1601 f and after touching 
at Java he set sail homewards, calling at St. Helena, and 
reaching Rotterdam on August 26th, 1601. He was the 
first Netherlander that circumnavigated the globe. 

While the Dutch had been sending all these ships to 
the East in 1598, the Portuguese had been unable to 
dispatch a single vessel from Lisbon, the fleet of five ships 
that had been equipped for India having had to remain in 

* Cf. Morgans Philippine Islands^ p. 148. 

* See Morgans Philippine Islands^ pp. 166 ff, 184 ff. 

' On this day Van Noort captured a junk from Japan, and learnt 
from the captain, a Portuguese of Nagasaki, of the arrival at Japan of 
a Dutch ship (see Purchas, vol. i, Bk. 11, p. tj). This was the first 
news the Dutch had of the fate of the Lie^de, 




INTRODUCTION. Ixxxiil 

the Tagus, owing to the presence of an English fleet off 
the mouth of the river.^ However, in 1599, they were 
more fortunate. Couto {Decada XII, Liv. Ill, cap. x), 

says : — 

On account of the news that was received in Portugal, that 
ten^ ships were being got ready in Holland to go out to those 
parts of India, as they did, of which we shall treat more fully in 
its proper place,^ the Council gave orders to send thither this 
year a good fleet, which consisted of seven ships, of which they 
elected as captain-major D. Jeronymo Coutinho.* And when it 
was the beginning of February, 1599, the captain-major set sail 
with four ships, because all could not be got ready to leave at the 
same time. In the ship S, Roque embarked the captain-major ; 
Diogo de Sousa, who was here^ called the Galician,* went in the 
ship S, Simdo-y SebastiSo da Costa in the ConceigSLo\ and JoSLo 
Pais Freire in the ship Paz, With the captain-major embarked 
Joao Rodrigues de Torres, who was to fill the office of veador da 
fazenda at Goa, on whom the King bestowed many honours and 
favours in connection therewith.^ Soon after the departure of this 
fleet,^ in the March following of 1599 there set sail the other 
three ships of the company of D. Jeron5rmo Coutinho. There 
went as captain-major of these three ships SimSLo de Mendoga, a 
fidalgo, married in India, who embarked in the ship Castello, In 
the other two went JoSLo Soares Anriques in the S, Martinho, and 
in the ship S, Mattheus Caspar Tenreiro, who was promised the 
succession of the fortress of Mascate. These three ships were 
to remain in India.® These two fleets united at Mo9ambique, 
and all these ships anchored together at the bar of Goa, except 
the ship Castello, which was lost on the ^ofalla bank near 
Quilimane, in front of the river Licumbo, sixty leagues from 



^ See footnotes on pp. xl, xli, supra. 

* As a matter of fact, only seven ships left Holland for the East in 
1599 (see infra), 

^ As Couto never completed this Decade, this promise was unfulfilled. 

* Cf. pp. xli, «., Ixviii, «., supra. 

^ That is, in India. • See supra, p. Ixix. 

'^ Writing to the King at the end of 1603, the Goa Chamber 
complain that this man was leaving for Portugal owing them 2,500 
xerafins, and setting at defiance a warrant that had been served on 
him ; wherefore they had sent instructions to have him arrested on 
landing at Lisbon {Archivo Portuguez- Oriental, fasc. i, Pt. 11, 
pp. 124-125). 

® These four ships and the S. Matheus formed the fleet of 1598. 

* The two that reached India returned next year with the others, 
as we have seen above. 



Ixxxiv INTRODUCTION. 

Mozambique. ^ After Simao de Mendoga, who was the captain, 
had got on shore with all the people, he and many others died. 

By this fleet there came news to the Count Viceroy of the 
death of his son D. Vasco, which he felt much, having no other. 
There also came news of the death of the King D. Filippe the 
Prudent,^ whose exequies the Count Admiral celebrated with 
great ostentation and ceremonies.^ 

Of the Dutch ships referred to above by Couto as being 
got ready to go to the East, the first to sail were three 
under the command of Steven van der Hagen. This fleet 
left Holland on April 26th, 1599, stayed a couple of 
months at Mauritius, and reached Bantam on March 13th, 
1600. The ships then proceeded to Amboina and Banda,* 
where they had encounters with the Portuguese and 
trouble with the natives, and returned on November 19th 
to Bantam. Here they found six other Dutch ships, with 
four of which they sailed on January 14th, 1601, calling 
at St. Helena, and reaching home in July, 1601.* 

On December 21st, 1599, another fleet of four ships, 
under the command of Pieter Both,® of Amersfoort, sailed 
from Holland for the East.^ On April 26th, 1600, the 
fleet divided, two of the ships under Van Caerden calling 
at Madagascar and passing through the Maldives, and 
reaching Bantam on August 6th, the other two vessels 
arriving soon afterwards. These two ships, under Paulus 
van Caerden, were sent by Both to load pepper at Priaman, 
whence they proceeded to other ports in Sumatra, reaching 



^ Figuereido Falcao {Livro em que se content toda fa azenda^ etc., 
p. 183) says that the Castello was lost at Socotra. 

* On September 13th, 1598 (see note on p. xli, supra). 

' Cf. letter of 1599 of Goa Chamber to the King, in Archive 
Portuguez-Orientaly fasc. i, Ft. 11, pp. 61-62. 

* Cf. Voyage of Capt. John SariSy p. xxxiii. 

* See De Jonge, op. city vol. ii, pp. 226-229. 

* Afterwards Governor-General of Netherlands India. 
^ See De Jonge, op. cit.^ vol. ii, pp. 229-235. 



INTRODUCTION. Ixxxv 

Achin on November 21st, and learning from some of the 
captive Hollanders there the details of the attack on the 
Leeuw and Leeuwin, Finding the Achinese monarch very 
unfriendly, Van Caerden, after various acts of piracy/ left 
again for Bantam, arriving there on March 19th, 1601, and 
finding that Both had sailed homewards in December 
or Januar>', in charge of seven ships. On March 29th 
there arrived at Bantam three ships from Holland, under 
the command of Jacob van Neck, who, proceeding in one 
of these to the Moluccas, left the other two at Bantam to 
return with Van Caerden. The four ships sailed for 
Europe on April 13th, 1601, calling in September at 
St. Helena, where they found letters from Both, stating 
that he had been there in June. 

The tidings brought from Malacca to Goa of the con- 
tinuous arrival in the Malay archipelago of Dutch ships 
must naturally have caused increasing alarm in that city ; 
but, curiously enough, the Chamber of Goa, in their annual 
letters of 1599 to 1602 to the King, say nothing on the 
subject.* In spite of the discouraging fiasco in which the 
dispatch of the fleet under Lourengo de Brito resulted, 
the Viceroy seems to have sent what reinforcements he 
could to Malacca. In April, 1598, according to Couto 
{Dec. Xlly Liv. I, cap. xvii), he dispatched " Joao Pinto de 
Morais in the galleon 5. Jodo^ to go and make the Malaca 
voyages with many provisions and munitions for it ; and 
therein embarked Ruy Gonsalves de Siqueira, provided 
with the captaincy of that fortress, D. Juliao de Noronha, 



* See De Jonge, u.s, 

2 The letter of the Goa Chamber to the King, written in 1598, and 
the royal letters to the Chamber from 1600 to 1609 inclusive, appear 
to have been lost. 

• There seems to be some mistake here, as Figueiredo Falcao 
{pp, cit^ p. 182) records the return of the S, Jodo to Portugal in 1598. 
(According to him, this ship remained in India in 1600.) 



Ixxxvi INTRODUCTION. 

who was there, having completed his time."^ At the 
beginning of May, 1600, we also learn from Couto 
{Dec. XII^ Liv. iv, cap. xiii), there left Goa " the galleon 
that was going with the provisions for the fortresses of 
Amboino and Maluco, as captain of which went FernSo 
Pereira de Sande.^ And before this he [the Viceroy] had 
sent two galliots as reinforcements to Malaca, on account 
of the news that he had had of Dutch ships; and as 
captains of these there went EstevSo de Albuquerque, a 
natural son of FernSo de Albuquerque, and Trajano 
Rodrigues de Castello-branco. The Count Admiral also 
in this April dispatched Fern^o de Albuquerque, to go 
and enter on the captaincy of Malaca,^ who went in a ship 
of his ; and in his company went the ships for Malaca, 
China, and other parts, all of which arrived in safety 
except only the galleon for Maluco, which was lost, as 
I shall relate farther on."* Again, in Liv. V, cap. viii, of 
the same Decade, Couto says : — " In the past April the 
Count Admiral received word from the parts about Malaca 
that there had come to the coasts of Java those ships from 
Holland of which we have given an account in the second 
chapter f and being fearful of the injuries they might 
cause, both to the commerce of India and to the trade of 
Portugal, if they should load drugs, as well as by the 
capture of the ships of our merchants that might be sailing 



^ Again there is some error : as stated above (pp. 52, 55), Francisco 
da Silva de Menezes was succeeded at the end of 1597 as captain of 
Malacca by Martim Affonso de Mello Coutinho. (Valentyn adds to 
the confusion by stating, in his Malakka^ p. 328, that the captain in 
1 598 was " Roch de Mello Pereira.") 

' He commanded one of the two ships captured by the Dutch at 
Tidore in 1605 (see Valentyn, Moluksce Zaaken^ pp. 213, 214). 

' He apparently succeeded Martim AfFonso de Mello Coutinho, and 
held the post until September ist, 1603, when he was replaced by 
Andr^ Furtado de Mendoga (Valentyn, Malakka^ p. 329). 

* Death prevented Couto from fulfilling this promise. 

* See supra, p. Ixxvii. 



INTRODUCTION. Ixxxvii 

for those parts, and above all by the alteration that might 
take place in the kings neighbouring to our fortress of 
Malaca; because, as they are Moors, our enemies, and 
every time that they deserved it the Portuguese smashed 
their snouts for them,^ it was certain they would try a 
change ; and the Hollanders, as rebels, would solicit this, 
being the first to come out to those parts -? therefore he 
resolved to send a fleet of two galleons and three galliots 
to join there the two that he had sent in the past May,^ 
and nominated as captain-major of this fleet Goterre de 
Monroy de B6ja ; and with the preparation of this fleet 
the Count ordered great speed to be made, because it was 
necessary for it to set sail in September." Accordingly we 
are told, towards the end of the same chapter, that " with 
much enthusiasm the fleet for Malaca set sail on the day 
of S. Jeronymo, which is the last of September, consisting 
of two galleons, in one of which went the captain-major, 
and in the other D. Alvaro da Costa, son of D. Francisco 
da Costa, and three galliots, the captains of which were 
Pero Fernandes de Carvalho, Filippe de Oliveira, and 
Maximiliano de Mendoga." 

As we have seen above, Pedro Teixeira left Malacca in 
May, 1600, for the Philippines, in a pinnace dispatched by 
Martin Afibnso de Mello to warn the governor of those 
islands of the increasing number of Dutch ships that 
continued to arrive in those waters. In addition to those 
I have mentioned above, there left Holland, in 1600 and 
1601, for the Malay Archipelago, four fleets comprising 



1 " Lhes quebrdram os focinhos ;" a brutal vulgarity of diction 
uncommon to Couto. 

" This is not strictly correct, the English having preceded the 
Dutch in visiting " those parts" ; but the latter were the first to 
systematise their voyages, and carry them out on a large scale. 

' See supra. 



Ixxxvili INTRODUCTION. 

twenty-eight ships -} so that in the seven years beginning 
with 1595, when Cornells de Houtman made his first 
voyage round the Cape of Good Hope, no less than sixty- 
five ships in fifteen fleets had sailed from the Netherlands 
eastward and westward to Insulindia.^ With the con- 
stitution of the first English East India Company in 1600, 
and the amalgamation in 1602 of the two Dutch companies 
into the United East India Company,^ matters became 
even worse for the Portuguese ; and by the time that 
Teixeira arrived in India again, at the end of 1603, the 
position was so critical as to evoke from the Chamber of 
Goa the following " bitter cry " to the King : — * 

Although the affairs of the South demanded a full relation, 
we shall do it very briefly, because they are such that they speak 
for themselves. It is full of Hollanders, and this year they 
captured the ship that was making the voyage from Samtom^ 
to Malaca laden, which was worth more than three hundred 
thousand cruzados^^ and three or four that were going with 
money to Bengala f and have since captured the most powerful 
and richest ship that ever left China, which was . . ? for this 
city, and was bringing the means of subsistence of the whole 
of India, which they went to wait for at the Strait, a little beyond 
Malaca,* where they also captured a junk laden with provisions, 

^ Details of the doings of these ships will be found in the Intro- 
duction to the Voyage of Capt, John Saris, pp. xxxiii-xxxiv. 

' See the Table in Hunter's History of British India, vol. i, p. 334. 

* The attempt of the French, in 1 601, to gain a share in the trade 
of the East ended in disaster (sec Introduction to Gray*s Pyrard), 

* Annual letter of December, 1603, in Archivo Portuguez-Orientaly 
fasc. i, Pt. II, pp. II 2- II 3. 

^ This capture took place in conjunction with Lancaster's ships on 
October 13th, 1602 (see Voyages of Sir James Lancaster, pp. 91-93 ; 
also Hunter's History of British India, vol. i, p. 278). In the Dutch 
account of Spilbergen's voyage there is a picture of the fight. 

• In May, 1603, Sebald dc Weerd captured four Portuguese vessels, 
bound from Cochin to Negapatam, off the east coast of Ceylon (see 
Orientalist, vol. iii, pp. 72-73). 

^ Sic in orig. 

• This capture was effected in June, 1603, off Johor, by two Dutch 
ships under Heemskerk. The chronicler of .Spilbergen's voyage, 
after describing the rich lading, adds : " So that, besides the plunder- 
ing, she was estimated at over seventy hundred thousand guilders " 
{Reyse van loris van Spilbergen, p. 38). 



INTRODUCTION. Ixxxix 

that the city of China^ was sending to Andr^ Furtado for the 
relief of the fleet. The fortress of Malaca is without provisions, 
nor can it obtain any, because the Hollanders stopped those that 
the Jaos were bringing to it, and the city of Malaca wrote to us 
to supply it with provisions, as they were perishing from famine. 
The remedy for these things is very far off, because it is in your 
Majesty, and they call for it very urgently, and may it please God 
that when He shall see fit to grant it, they will attain it ; and let 
not your Majesty reckon on its being given from here, because 
the Achem sent ambassadors hither to ask permission for a 
fortress in his territories, but the State could not grant it, and 
they returned, and he has sent others to England to the same 
effect,* and he says, that he will give it to the one that goes first ; 
wherefore your Majesty must provide the South from that King- 
dom with a suitable fleet, and directed to Malaca, and not to 
come to India, because however good it be, if it should come 
here, the needs are so great, that peradventure it would not be 
able to go thither, and without the South there is no India. 

Such was the condition of aflFairs in the Far East when 
Pedro Teixeira left India on his land journey homewards 
at the beginning of 1604. 



^ Macao. 

' See Voyages of Sir Jos, Lancaster y pp. 85, 95-97 ; Letters Received 
by the East India Company ^ etc., vol. i, pp. 1-4 ; Hunter's History oj 
British India^ vol. i, p. 278. 



XC INTRODUCTION. 



III. 

TEIXEIRA'S BOOK. 



We have seen above that Teixeira, while residing in 
Hormuz, spent a considerable part of his time in the 
acquisition of the Persian language, and in the translation 
of the Chronicle of the Kings of Hormuz by Turdn Shdh^ 
and (in a very summarized form) of a portion of the 
voluminous History of Persia by Mfr Khwdnd.^ When 
he returned to Portugal in 1601, our traveller must have 
brought these translations with him ; but worries in con- 
nection with business affairs, necessitating his return to 
India, prevented him from giving the world the benefit of 
his labours until several years later. But when he had 
settled down in the (then) Spanish city of Antwerp (some 
time between 1605 and 1609), he turned his thoughts to 



^ As no copy of this work is known to be now in existence, it seems 
probable that Teixeira had access to a unique manuscript preserved 
among the royal archives in the palace at Tdrdnbdgh : the same 
document, no doubt, from which the Dominican monk, Caspar da Cruz, 
made his brief abstract a quarter of a century earlier. This precious 
manuscript evidently perished in the shameful sack of Hormuz after 
its capture by the combined Persian and English force in 1622. 
In one of his letters to me, Mr. Sinclair writes : — " Considering the 
absolute sack of Ormuz only a few years after Teixeira wrote, it is 
not likely that many MSS. survived of the king's library. He had 
to leave his palace and take refuge in the fort, and probably saved 
few books. There is an odd little passage in Pietro Delia Valleys 
xviith letter from Persia, dated * Gombru,' 29th Nov., 1622, where he 
mentions that books plundered from Ormuz were sold about Persia 
with other *loot' by the returning Persian soldiery, from whom a 
captive Georgian queen bought a Latin breviary and a Portuguese 
* confessionary,' and gave them to Pietro. If the MS. escaped in this 
way it may yet be in Shiraz or thereabouts, but I think the odds are 
against it." 

^ The manuscript of this work, Teixeira Says, he purchased. Had 
he been able to buy a copy of the Hormuz Chronicle, it would probably 
now be in one of the libraries of Europe. 



INTRODUCTION. XCl 

the publication of his works, consisting then of the 
Chronicle of the Kings of Hormuz and the History of 
the Kings of Persia to the time of the Arab invasion. 
He accordingly obtained the necessary licence from the 
authorities for this purpose ; but then, as he tells us 
in his Preface, yielding to the pressure of friends, 
he transmuted his Kings of Persia from Portuguese 
into Spanish,^ and added to it a second book in the same 
language, bringing the history down to April, 1609.^ To 
this he appended his Kings of Hormuz^ and, finally, an 
account of his journeys, of which a summary has been 
given above. 

In 1 6 10, Teixeira's work was published, in the form of 
a small octavo volume, with the following title-page : — 
" Relaciones de Pedro Teixeira d'el Origen Descendencia 
y Svccession de los Reyes de Persia, y de Harmuz, 
y de vn Viage hecho por el mismo Avtor dende la India 
Oriental hasta Italia por tierra. En Amberes En casa de 
Hieronymo Verdussen.* M. DC. X. Con Priuilegio.'^ After 
the title comes a six-page explanatory note, " Al Lectori 
Then follow the two books of the Relacion de los Reyes de 
Persia (pp. 1-376), and a Breve Relacion de los Provincial 
mas notables y qve mas han dvrado en el sennoria de la 



1 I have used the word " transmuted," because Teixeira's Spanish 
contains a number of Portuguese words. To some of these Mr. 
Sinclair refers in his footnotes ; and others he has noted on the 
margins of his copy of the Relaciones, Instances of these in the 
Viage are chameca — in Port. " a dry waste," but in Span, "a pistachio 
tree"; abobada =\n Vori, "vault"; vedar=^\n Port, "to pay" (with 
pitch); carranca^'m Port, "cloudiness"; negassa (for negaga) = 'm 
Port. " decoy." 

2 This date is prefixed to the name of Shdh Abbds at the end of the 
list of the kings of Persia. 

8 Which, apparently (though Teixeira does not say so), was also 
turned from Portuguese into Spanish. 

* Regarding whom, and other members of this famous family of 
Antwerp booksellers, see F. Olthoffs De Boekdrukkers , * , in 
Antwerpen (Antw., 1891), pp. 102-107. 



XCU INTRODUCTION. 

Persia (pp. 377-384) ; after which come eight unnumbered 
pages containing tables of the Reyes qve sennorearon la 
Persia hasta la entrada en ella de los Arabes segun Mirkond- 
Then comes the Relacion de los Reyes de Harmuz (pp. 
1-45), followed by the Relacion del Camino qve hize dende 
la India hasta Italia (pp. 47-1 15)/ on the verso of the last 
folio of which is printed the Licence to print. Sixteen 
unnumbered pages containing the table of contents 
conclude the volume.^ 

That Teixeira's book met with a favourable reception 
from the reading public there is no reason to doubt ; and 
later writers on the East, especially on Persia, would 
naturally quote his work as an authority.^ Not, however, 
until long after his death did a translation of Teixeira's 
book into another tongue appear.* This was a small octavo 
(or duodecimo) volume with the following title-page: — 



^ Pages 50 and 51, 54 and 55, 58 and 59, and 62 and 63, are mis- 
printed as 36 and 37, 40 and 41, 44 and 45, and 48 and 49 ; while 
pages 2<x) to 215 are misprinted 100 to 115 (p. 207 having a double 
error as 197). 

* The printer's errors in which are not more numerous than one 
might expect in a book of this kind. 

* I may mention W. Schickard, who in his Tarich^ etc. (Tubing., 
1628), praises Teixeira and draws largely from his work ; and J. de Laet, 
who, in his Persia^ etc. (Lugd. Bat., 1633), transfers freely from our 
author, and also (on pp. 296-330) gives a summary of Teixeira's 
itinerary from Hormuz to Aleppo. According to Tiele {M^moire 
Bibliographique sur les Joumaux des Naruigateurs Nierlandais^ P- 255, 
«.), the account of Persia and Hormuz appended by Commelin to 
Hendrick Hagenaer's voyagjes {Begin ende Voortgang^ etc., 1645, 
vol. ii) was compiled principally from Teixeira's work. Edmund 
Castell, the Biblical and Oriental scholar, appears to have utilised 
Teixeira's book in the compilation of his Dictionarium Persico- 
Latinum^ published in 1669 (see Browne's Catalogue of Persian 
Manuscripts in Cambridge University Library^ p. 249). 

* In tom. ii of the Universus Terrarum Orbis of Alph. Lasor a 
Varea (Raphael Savonarola) there is the following entry : " Pedro de 
Veixeira \sic\^ Relationes . . . &c. Amberes. 1610. in 8. & Italic^. 
Antu. 1 610. in 8." Pinelo {BibL Or.^ tom. i, 269) notes this reference 
to an Italian translation of Teixeira's work, published at Antwerp in 
the same year as the original ; but I can find no record of it elsewhere, 
and suspect an error. 



INTRODUCTION. XClll 

" Voyages de Texeira [sic], ov rHistoire des Rois de Perse 

traduite d'Espagnol en Francois A Paris, Chez 

Claude Barbin, au Palais, sur le second Perton de la Sainte 
Chapelle. M. DC. LXXXI. Avec Privilege du Roy." This 
French version is in two volumes, and gives the whole of 
Teixeira's work, with the many digressions omitted, and 
otherwise abbreviated. The translator, as we learn from 
the dedication to the Due de Montauzier, was Charles 
Cotolendi,^ who begins his preface by the statement that 
" Texeira [sic] est un Autheur si fameux, & si souvent cit6, 
qu'il est connu de tout le monde," and expresses his con- 
fidence in our author's judgment. As to his own transla- 
* tion, Cotolendi remarks : " Je Tay faite le mieux que j*ay 
pO, sans pourtant trop de scrupule." M. H. Audiffret, 
writing in the Biographic Univcrscllc (tom. xli, p. 207), 
describes Cotolendi's version* as " une assez mauvaise 
traduction," and adds : " Cette version contient beaucoup 
plus de fautes que le texte." With this criticism we may 
leave it. 

The only other translation of Teixeira's complete work 
is that in English by Captain John Stevens, the Spanish 
scholar and translator.^ Stevens did not, however, publish 
a translation of the whole book at one time ; but at first 
only our author's account of his two journeys in 1600- 1601 
and 1603-1605. This appeared in A New Collection of 
Voyages and Travels, published in London in monthly 
parts (small quarto), from December, 1708, to some time in 
1 7 10 (the whole reissued in two volumes, with new general 



* Regarding whom see Nouv. Biog, Gin., tom. xii, p. 114, where 
the title of this translation is given in a curiously incorrect form. 

' The date of which is, by a misprint, given as 1621. 

• For a notice of his literary works (of his life even less is known 
than of that of Pedro Teixeira), see Dictionary of National Biography, 
vol. V, p. 231. In the second edition of his Spanish-English Dictionary 
(1726), Stevens occasionally quotes Teixeira as his authority for the 
use of a word. 



xciv INTRODUCTION. 

title-page, in 171 iV This translation of Teixeira*s Viage 
should apparently have had a separate title-page ; but this 
is wanting in all the copies I know of.* The first page 
(signature B) has the following heading : " The Travels of 
Peter Teixeira from India to Italy by Land." The trans- 
lation occupies pp. I -8 1 f and then come six unnumbered 
pages containing the Contents and Index. Stevens's 
version is a fairly correct one, though here and there he has 
misunderstood or misinterpreted the original.* He has 
occasionally interpolated in parentheses a remark calling 
attention to a change of circumstances since Teixeira 
wrote ; and of weights, measures, and coins he generally 
adds the English values. 

Stevens's translation of the rest of Teixeira's work 
appeared a few years later, in the form of an octavo 
volume with an engraved .frontispiece by Jan Lamsvelt^ 
(representing, apparently, scenes in Persian history), and 
the following lengthy title-page :® — ** The History of Per- 
sia. Containing, The Lives and Memorable Actions of its 
Kings from the first Erecting of that Monarchy to this 
Time ; an exact Description of all its Dominions ; a 
curious Account of India, China, Tartary, Kermon, Arabia, 
Nixabur, and the Islands of Ceylon and Timor ; as also of 



^ This edition has a dedicatory letter to the Hon. £dm. Paley, by 
Stevens, by whom, evidently, all the translations were made. The 
Dictionary of National Biography («. j.) says that the work was 
"republished in 1719 ;" but I cannot trace such an edition. 

* It is possible that one was never printed. Some of the voyages 
in this collection have title-pages, others none. 

' Which should be 89, the pages following 80 having been wrongly 
numbered 73, etc. The page-headings are also very carelessly 
printed, "Teixeira" appearing in many places as "Teizeira'* and 
" Tiexiera." 

^ Mr. Sinclair gives some instances in his footnotes. 

^ Regarding whom see A. J. van der Aa's Biographisch Woorden- 
boek der Nederlanden^ deel ii, pp. 94-95. 

^ Which, it will be seen, is rather misleading in its summary of the 
contents of the volume. I do not know whether the translator or the 
publisher is responsible for it. 



INTRODUCTION. XCV 

all Cities occasionally mention'd, as Schiras, Samarkand, 
Bokara, &c. Manners and Customs of those People, 
Persian Worshippers of Fire ; Plants, Beasts, Product, and 
Trade. With many instructive and pleasant Digressions, 
being remarkable Stories or Passages, occasionally occur- 
ring, as Strange Burials ; Burning of the Dead ; Liquors 
of several Countries ; Hunting ; Fishing ; Practice of Phy- 
sick ; famous Physicians in the East ; Actions of Tamerlan, 
&c. To which is Added, An Abridgment of the Lives of 
the Kings of Harmuz, or Ormuz. The Persian History 
written in Arabick by Mirkond, a Famous Eastern 
Author ; that of Ormuz, by Torunxa, King of that Island, 
both of them Translated into Spanish, by Antony [sic /] 
Teixeira, who liv'd several Years in Persia and India ; and 
now rendered into English. By Captain John Stevens.^ 
London : Printed for Jonas Brown at the Black Swan 
without Temple-Bar. MDCCXV." After this come the 
Preface^ and Contents (occupying fourteen unnumbered 
pages) ; followed by the History of Persia^ occupying 
pp. 1-344 (with pp. 305-306 duplicated), and Stevens's 
Supplement (bringing the history of Persia down to the 
beginning of the eighteenth century*), covering pp. 345- 
360. Teixeira's Brief Account of the Provinces of Persia 
is given on pp. 361-368, and his chronological table 
of the sovereigns of Persia on pp. 369-375 ; whilst his 
History of Hormuz occupies the rest of the volume 



^ Apparently these words ought to have read "rendered into English 
by Captain John Stevens ;" but the printer, by inserting a full stop 
after " English," and putting the next four words in large type in a 
line by themselves, with the translator's name in capitals, has led to 
this book's being generally (and unwarrantably) referred to as 
" Stevens's History of Persia." 

' Reprinted below. It is curious that in it Stevens makes no 
reference to the fact of his having previously translated and published 
Teixeira's Viage. 

Regarding this Supplement, see Stevens's statement in his Preface 
quoted infra. 



/ 



xcvi INTRODUCTION. 

(pp. 376-416). That there are not a few errors in Stevens's 
translation cannot be denied (though some are due to mis- 
prints^), but his language has often a raciness that goes far 
to compensate for occasional inaccuracies.* In the second 
book of the History of Persia Stevens has, by combining 
two or more of Teixeira's shorter chapters, reduced the 
number of chapters from fifty-nine to forty-eight. As in 
his translation of Teixeira's Viage^ so in this book Stevens 
has introduced in brackets occasional comments, while in 
some places he has unwarrantably fathered on Teixeira 
statements of his own. 

As regards the contents of Teixeira's book, these may 
be classed under four heads : — 

(i) His translation (summarized) of Mfr Khwdnd's 
history of Persia, though doubtless containing many in- 
accuracies, was, I believe, the first into a European lan- 
guage, and Teixeira deserves every credit for his attempt 
to give scholars in Europe the benefit of his researches in 
this branch of knowledge. 

(ii) But it is for his (also summarized) translation of the 
now lost Shdkndma of Tiirdn Shdh that Teixeira chiefly 



^ To this last class may perhaps be referred (p. 92) semanum for 
sesamum(2is a translation of ^<f^(?//>i=jinjili). There are also many 
misprints in proper names, one of the worst being (p. i%o) Phya iox 
Pegu. In some cases Stevens gets over a difficulty by omitting a 
word or even a whole passage ; for instance (p. 129), the word meru 
*a kind of deer. In one case (p. 93), he boldly invents the word 
lake to translate laquequa (= blood stone), while later on (p. 156) his 
courage fails him, and he omits the word altogether. In chap, xxii of 
the first book, Teixeira cites a number of Arabic words naturalised in 
Portuguese. To each of these Stevens appends a translation ; and 
tamara he explains as " a Tamarind" (it really means a date). Other 
errors are pointed out in footnotes further on. 

* The copy of Stevens's translation belonging to King George III 
(now in the British Museum Library) has some curious marginal 
notes and comments (by the royal owner ?). For instance, on p. 286, 
where a certain wazir is described as a "pickthank" (the original 
Spanish is enbustero)^ the marginal comment is "A droll style for 
history." 



INTRODUCTION. XCVll 

deserves our gratitude ; for, though not the first,^ his was by 
far the fullest version, and it is the only one now generally 
available. That it has received the commendation of a 
scholar like Sir Henry Yule^ is sufficient proof of its 
value.' 

(iii) His narratives of his journeys in 1600-1601 and 
1 604- 1 605 prove Teixeira to have been a careful observer ; 
and the second especially contains information of real 
interest and value.* 



^ Barros appears to have had access to a translation of part, at 
least, of TiirAn Shdh^s Chronicle, for in his Decada Segunda (which 
was printed in 1553) he says, when dealing with the history of Hormuz 
(in Liv. II, cap. ii) : " The beginning of this kingdom of Ormuz (as is 
recounted in the Chronicles thereof^ which were interpreted for us from 
the Persian) was after this manner " (then follows a sunmiary account, 
the main details of which will be found recorded in footnotes to 
Appendix A, infra). The first translation bearing Tiirdn Shdh's name, 
however, appeared seventeen years later. It is also in Portuguese, 
and forms an appendix (of eleven pages) to Fray Caspar da Cruz's 
Tractado , , , da China (Evora, 1569-70). It bears the following 
title : — " Relagam da Cronica dos Reyes Dormuz, c da funda^am da 
cidade Dormuz, tirada de hda Cronica q copos hQ Rev do mesmo 
Reyno, chamado Pachaturunxa, scripto em Arabigo {sic\, t sumaria- 
mente traduzida em lingoajem Portugues por hum religioso da ordem 
de sam Domingos, q na ilha dormuz fundou hQa casa de sua ordem." 
The ** Dominican monk " was, apparently, Caspar da Cruz himself. 
Teixeira does not appear to have known of his translation : at any 
rate, he does not refer to it. An English translation of this summary 
of Caspar da Cruz's was found among Hakluyt's papers by Purchas, 
who prmted it (omitting portions) in his Pilgrimes^ Pt. II, pp. 1785-87. 
A complete translation is given in Appendix D, infra, 

2 See his Book ofSer Marco Polo^ second edition, pp. 124-126, and 
Encyclopedia Britannica, ninth edition, vol. xvii, pp. 856-858 (art. 
" Ormus"), where, by a curious error. Yule speaks of " the fesuit 
Teixeira." 

3 See also the appreciative remarks of Chr. F. Seybold in Festgruss 
an Rudolf von Roth (Stuttgart, 1893), P- 3^ {Relaciones de Pedro 
Teixeira^ 1610). On the other hand, the eminent French scholar, 
Ch. Schefer, in his Introduction to the Estat de la Perse en 1660 of 
Raphael du Mans (Paris, 1890), says (p. Ixii) : — " Uabrdg^ de la 
Chronique de Touran Chih, fait par Teixeira, ne nous offre qu'un 
rdcit confus et mal dispose II jette peu de lumi^res sur les ^v^ne- 
ments qui se sont produits dans le ^olfe Persique jusqu'k la conqu^te 
d'Ormuz par Albuquerque." 

* I cannot endorse the too-sweeping judgment of M. Ch. Schefer, 
who writes (w.J.) : " Le Voyage de Teixeira ne pr^sente aucun 
int^ret, et les noms orientaux qui figurent dans cet ouvrage sont, pour 



4 • 4 



XCVIU INTRODUCTION. 

(iv) In his numerous and sometimes very lengthy^ 
digressions throughout the first book of the Kings of 
Persiuy Teixeira has brought together (in a somewhat 
inconvenient form, it is true) a mass of information, more 
or less valuable, respecting Asiatic and African topography, 
ethnology, natural history, pharmacology, etc. — much of it 
from his personal observation, but a good deal, on the 
other hand, from mere hearsay .^ 

As Mr. W. F. Sinclair, who undertook the translation 
and editing of Teixeira's book, has, unfortunately, not lived 
to complete his task,^ it may be well here to quote his 
opinion regarding the author, and the rule observed by him 
in his translation. Writing to me on January 20th, 1899, 
Mr. Sinclair says : — 

" The view I take of Teixeira is that he was an excellent 
observer and eye-witness, and is still valuable in that 
character. I cannot attach much importance, at this day, 
to what he reports at second-hand, in spite of his own 
stout confidence in his informants. 

" The Voyage is to me, from a * Hakluytian' point of 
view, the main part of the book ; and I have translated it 
bodily without omission. 

" The * Kings of Hormuz' represents the lost Shdhndma 
of * TorunxA,* and I have therefore translated it bodily, 
except one silly story of the mereheta mulierum^ which 



la plupart, transcrits de la fagon la plus barbare " (as regards this 
latter accusation, see Teixeira's own remarks on the subject in his 
Prefatory Note infra^ p. cv, and Mr. Sinclair's comment thereon). 

^ In several chapters the digressions occupy six or eight times as 
much space as the history. 

' Not a little, also, appears to have been abstracted from the 
Colloquies of Garcia de Orta, wfiom Teixeira occasionally names, 
but generally to find fault with. 

• Mr. Sinclair died on May 15th, 1900. An appreciative obituary 
notice of him, from the pen of Dr. O. Codrington, appeared in the 
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society^ July, 1900, pp. 610-612. 



INTRODUCTION. xcix 

I am sick of finding continually turn up in all sorts of 
places. 

" The ' Kings of Persia* is of little historical value to a 
generation that has translations of the Rauzdi-us-Safd^ 
and is represented, in my MS., only by extracts from 
Teixeira's digressions, wherever (as I have said) he speaks 
as an eye-witness, or the passage cannot be separated from 
such testimony." 

Again, on January 23rd, 1899, Mr. Sinclair writes: 
" I look upon him as an early — or the first — ' globe-trotter,* 
and value him chiefly in that capacity. However, he and 
his translator Stevens had the honour of a couple of 
quotations by Gibbon, in the notes to the Decline and 
Falir 

On February sth, 1899, Mr. Sinclair wrote: "I cannot 
look upon Teixeira, myself, as a man about whom /i€7a 
^Lpkiov could be wished for, only as an interesting traveller, 
and as having had the sense and good fortune to preserve 
some fragments of the lost Shdhndma of Ormuz." 

Then, on May loth, 1899: "As to matters which he 
reports on the faith of others, I have not found any reason 
for repentance of having excluded them from the extracts 
('spite of Pedro's protest in their favour, in his preface) ; 
but he seems to have been quite as careful and critical as 
could be expected in his day." 

In view of the fact that Mr. Sinclair was not able to 
make any final revision of his translation and notes, I have 
altered the former only in a few cases where it was 
absolutely required, and have left most of the notes intact, 
putting any additions of my own in brackets. 

I feel that an apology is due to scholars for the (I 
fear) somewhat unscientific spelling of names. I can only 
plead that my knowledge of Arabic and Persian is of the 
slightest. 

In conclusion, I have to express my thanks to the 



C INTRODUCTION. 

gentlemen whose names are mentioned in several foot- 
notes as having furnished me with information ; and to 
Mr. WiUiam Foster, the late Secretary of this Society, my 
special gratitude is due for his careful revision of the proof- 
sheets, and for many valuable su^estions and contributions 
to the footnotes. 

D. F. 




Captain John Stevens's Preface to 

his Translation of Pedro' Teixeira's " Kings of 

Persia" and " Kings of Harmuz ;"* including 

the Author's Preface to his whole 

work. 



fJIERSIA is at this time, and has been for 
several Ages, one of the Great Eastern 
Monarchies, and yet the Accounts we 
have hitherto had of it in English have 
been no better than Fragments.' Several 
Travellers have described the Country, 
and given us the Lives of some of their latter Kings ; 
the Turkish History* here and there has something of 
them occasionally ; other Books make mention of the 
Conquests of it by the Tartars and the Sarazens. A com- 
pleat History of that Kingdom from its Foundation to this 




' Stevens's title-page says "Antony" by mistake. 

' Stevens's translation of the Kings was primed in London "for 
Jonas Brown at the Black Swan without T*mple-Bar. MDCCXV.'' 
That of the Voyage was a separate publication altogether, and is 
dealt with in its place. But Stevens's Preface, and his translation of 
the author's, are here given verbatim, as a fair sample of his work. 

* A list of the various writers on Persia is given in Curzon's Ptrsia 
and Ihi Persian Question (London, 1892), vol, i, chap, i, pp. 16-18, 
— D. F. 

* Stevens probably refers to Richard KnoUes's General! Hislorie of 
the Turkes, first published in 1603, and reissued, with additions, in 
1610, 1621, 1631, 1638, 1687, 1700, and 1701.- D. F, 



Cli STEVENS'S PREFACE, AND 

Time has been still wanting, and is what the Publick is 
here presented with, as a Work doubtless Acceptable to 
all curious Persons, the Spanish from which it is now 
translated being very scarce, and the Arabick^ from which 
that was taken very little understood. All Nations have 
their fabulous Originals, and therefore it is hop*d none will 
condemn this Work for what may appear Romantick in its 
remotest Antiquity ; for it is but reasonable to allow the 
Persians the same Liberty that we take our selves as to 
those Primitive Times. Nor are we to conclude that all 
those Things which may perhaps appear to us incredible 
are absolutely false, since it is most certain that the 
Asiatick Nations were civiliz'd, and had the use of Letters 
long before us, and consequently their Histories may with 
Truth extend much further than ours. The Judicious will 
not be apt to condemn Things slightly, being sensible that 
there is nothing perfect in this World, and for those Ages 
which are most remote from the first Original of that 
Kingdom, there does not appear to be the least just 
Cause of Objection against what is here said of them. 
Not to detain the Reader too long, we shall now give him 
as much of Teixeirds Spanish Preface to his Translation 
from the Arabick, as is proper for the understanding of the 
Motives that induced him to write, and of his Performance. 
His words are as follows.^ 

Having, in my Youth, been addicted to reading of History, I 
was often at a stand on Account of the Disagreement that there is 

^ Stevens repeats this error on the title-page of his book (see 
supra^ p. xcv) ; and, more curiously still, the Dominican translator of 
Turin Shih's Chronicle of the Kin^s of Hermuz commits a similar 
blunder (see infra^ p. 256). The mistake is probably due to t|ie fact 
that, as mentioned by Teixeira in Bk. i, chap, xxii, of his Kings of 
Persia (see infra^ p. 210), after the conquest of Persia by the Arabs, 
the Arabic characters were substituted for those previously used in 
writing Persian. — D. F. 

2 The original has the heading "^/ Lector" and the note is 
addressed to the " curious reader ;" but Stevens, it will be seen, has 
altered the phraseology throughout. — D. F, 



teixeira's note to the reader. ciii 

among Authors about the same Things. This I more particularly 
observ'd in what has been seriously and confusedly transmitted to 
us in Writing by those who went before us concerning the Kings 
of Persia and their Succession, among which Authors are Proco- 
pius^ Agathius^ Genebrardus^^ Zonaras,^ Tornamira^ and several 
others ; whose Relations are so uncertain, that they seldom agree 
in any Point. I laboured under this Uneasiness for some time, 
'till going over to India^ and the Eastern Parts,® and travelling 
there I came to Ormuz^ and the Dominions of Persia ; where the 
same Curiosity still possessing me, I laid hold of the Opportunity 
to resolve my Doubts, and to that End, and to discover the true 
History of those Kings and Antiquities, I began to make Inquiry 
after them, but found my self more perplex'd than before; for 
when I asked for Cyrus^ Artabanus, Ahasuerus, and others men- 
tioned by our Greek and Latin Historians, I could hear nothing 
of them, or their Actions, agreeable to what these have related of 
them. At length, having acquainted some Persians, Men of 
Knowledge and well read, with my Desire, after much Discourse 
they advis'd me, since I design'd to know the History of their 
Kings, to take up with what had been writ of them in their 
Chronicles, the Authors whereof being nearer at hand, delivered 
their Actions with less Confusion and more Certainty than those 
of other Nations, who were often mis-led either by Prejudice, or 
Distance, or both of them. I lik'd the Advice, and in order to 
make the true use of it, enquired and was informed, that the 
History in greatest Reputation among them was one they call 
Tarik Mirkond, that is, Mirkond^s Chronicle^ which I purchased, 
and having perus'd, and finding him very extensive and universal 
as to the Affairs of Persia, I extracted as much as the Publick is 
here presented with, concerning the Number and Succession of 



^ Procoptus de Bello Persico, Romae, 1509; and Procopii Caesarien- 
sis de rebus Gothorum, Persarum ac Vandalorum libri vii, etc., Basiliae, 
1 53 1. — D. F. 

2 Agathyus de Bello Gotthorum et aliis peregrinis historiis, etc., 
Romae, 15 16. — D. f. 

• Gilbert G^n^brard : Chronographia in duos libros distincta, etc., 
Parisiis, 1567. — D. F. 

* Jcannis Zonarce Annates, in Ayminius, Corpus vniversa historia 
prcesertim bizantince, Lutetia, 1567. — D. F. 

* Francisco Vicente de Tomamira : Chronographia y repertorio de 
tcs tiempos a ta modemo, etc., Pamplona, 1585. — D. F. 

• " Pars" in Stevens ; but this is a plain misprint, for the Spanish 
is '' partes P 

^ Regarding the Rauzat us-Safd of Mfr Khwdnd, see Rieu's Cata- 
logue of the Persian Manuscripts in the British Museum, vol. i, 
pp. 87-88.— D. F. 



CIV STEVENS'S PREFACE, AND 

their Kings, from the first of them to him that is now reigning,^ 
which being altogether new and not published by any other, I 
thought might be acceptable. 

It is not my Design to argue upon doubtful Points, or to 
confute^ the Opinions of others, but only briefly to relate what 
the Persians have preserv'd by Tradition, and is confirmed as 
Truth by their Writings ; and since they look upon it as such, it 
is reasonable we should do so too ; for we ought rather to believe 
the Natives, who speak like Eye-witnesses, than Strangers in this 
Particular ; so that this History of ours may be of use for the 
perfecting of others, which have hitherto been very imperfect. 
The Portuguese Historian, John de Barros^ makes mention of 
Mirkond*s Chronicle in his Decads ;* but for want of Under- 
standing the Language, could give us no more than the 
Name.^ 

Besides the short Account of the Kings, this Book contains some 
Curiosities, most of them taken notice of in the Margent, which 
I have inserted, as believing them pat to the Purpose and diverting. 
I am sensible that some of them might have been more properly 
placed in the Second Book ; but having at first designed to 
publish only the First, they were plac'd there, and I thought it 



1 Shdh Abbds (i 585-1628), the above having been written in 1609. 
Near the end of his Kings of Persia^ Teixeira says : " Xi. Abds, son of 
the blind Mahamed, inherited by his death the kingdom of Persia, 
which he possesses to-day ; the rule of which he has held for thirty 
and three years." To the word " to-day" he puts a marginal note 
" 1608." The curious error here as regards the length of Shih 
Abbis's reigTi is repeated at the end of the list of the kings of Persia, 
where " 33" is given in figures, and is rendered additionally wrong by 
the marginal note " Abril 1609." (Stevens has reproduced the blunder 
on his own account in his Supplement to Teixeira's History.) — D. F. 

2 Misprinted " confufe" in Stevens. The Spanish is ^^refutar.^^ 

* In orig., " luan de Bayrros." — D. F. 

* The reference appears to be to Dec, 11^ Liv. x, cap. v, at the end 
of which Barros says, that the information he gives in cap. vi concern- 
ing the history of Persia is chiefly taken from "the Tarigh of the 
Moors, which is of the life of the Califas who succeeded him" 
(Muhammad;. — D. F. 

* Here Stevens has omitted a whole paragraph, more important 
than he thought :— -" First I wrote these Relations in my Portuguese 
mother tongue, and only the first book, up to the Arab invasion of 
Persia. But when I would print it, as already licensed, under 
pressure and counsel of my friends, I put it into Castilian, and 
brought the second book up to our days ; thinking that in that 
tongue it would have a wider market. And therein is my own land 
rather helped than hurt, though I doubt not that, as written in a 
foreign tongue, there must be many errors, which I leave to the 
mercy of the wise and candid reader." 



teixeira's note to the reader. CV 

not worth while afterwards to remove them ;^ the Reader may 
give entire Credit to them, for they were either seen by my self, 
or received from Persons I believe as I would my own Eyes.^ 

The Proper Names, either of Men, or of Places, or of other 
Things, may perhaps be thought harsh and difficult of Pronun- 
ciation, which I could easily have adapted to our Language, but 
thought it better to give them their own Sound, by reason the 
altering of them generally creates Confusion ; for had those who 
have writ, or translated Histories, been always careful to give Men 
and Places their Proper Names, without any Alteration, there 
would be less Confusion in reading of them. And in regard that 
this Book may happen to be read by some Person that has 
attain'd the knowledge of the Persian and Arabick Languages, 
who may call in Question any of the Etymologies I produce upon 
Occasion, I desire such to take Notice, that the more universal 
Languages are, the more they vary in their Terminations, accord- 
ing to the Provinces they are used in, whereof there are Instances 
enough in our own and in the French^ Latin^ and Greek Tongues.^ 

The Calculation of Time, according to the Persians ^ is to be 
seen in general in the First Book, but much more particularly in 
the Second, their method being still observed. It is possible 
I may have committed some Mistake in reducing the Years of 
their Era^ to our Year of CHRIST, by reason of the difference of 
the Lunar Year us*d by them,* and the Solar by us ; I did my best, 
and if any other can and will reduce it to a greater Exactness, 
I shall be very well pleased, and return him now Thanks before- 
hand. 

Together with the Kings of Persia^ I give a Relation of those 
oi IfarmuZy or Ormuz^ &c.^ 

^ In the earlier chapters of the Kings of Persia^ these digressions 
are distinguished by having an asterisk prefixed ; but after the 
fourteenth chapter this distinctive sign is dropped. — D. F. 

' As a matter of fact, Teixeira himself is generally a good eye- 
witness. But the persons in whom he placed confidence did not 
always deserve it. 

^ After " Tongues" the original has, " and so he will not condemn 
whatever he may not understand." This is very well put, and still 
better (as might be expected) in the original. Unfortunately, Captain 
Stevens was not content to follow Teixeira's spelling, but used one of 
his own, which alone would make it impossible to edit his translation 
without constant and wearisome correction. As this Preface contains 
hardly any proper names, and only two Asiatic, I have thought it the 
best sample of him that I could choose. 

* /.^., the Religious Chronology starting from the Hijra, or Flight. 
When Teixeira comes to the Persian solar year, he has no hesitation 
in calling the Naw-Roz the 20th of March. [See p. 230 infra.— Vi, f.] 

^ Here Captain Stevens omits the last two paragraphs of Teixeira's 
Preface ; and as I have made use of his own as a favourable example 



cvi STEVENS'S PREFACE, AND 

Thus far our Author Teixeira ; to which I shall only 
add, that the short Supplement made to his Kings of 
Persia, to continue them down from his Time to ours, is 



of his work, so I will give these two paragraphs as a specimen of the 
original Castilian of our traveller, who has not, unhappily, left us any 
sample of his Portuguese notes : — 

"Tambien te doy con los Reyes de Persia la relacion de los de 
Harmus, Reyno de que en aquel de la Persia se contiene no poca 
parte, que por ser tanto en el, y sugetto a la Corona del nuestro de 
Portogal, me parecio [ra]razon escriuir su principio y el numero de 
sus Reyes hasta que los Portoguezes lo occuparon. 

** Hallaras al fin vna relacion del viage que hize dende la India 
hasta Italia, con el discurso de algunas cosas, que pienso no te daran 
disgusto. 

" Y como de lo que aqui escriuo no espero loor, ni temo leguas de 
Ignorates sensuradores por ser todo verdadero, y yo solo como 
interprete y testigo de visto de la mayor parte, no pretendi para este 
mi trabajo otra protecion mas que solo la tuya, curioso lector, y ansi a 
ti solo lo dedico y offresco, desseado que te agrade, que de mi parte yo 
estoy satisfecho, porque como lo hize por mi gusto recebi adelantada 
la paga del tiepo, despeza, y trabajo empleado en ello, que no fue poco. 
Resta solo pedirte, no que no lo muerdas, o que lo alabes, que vd poco 
en lo vno o en lo otro, sino que por tu quietud aduiertas, que si algo a 
caso hallares en estas relaciones c[ue te paresca arduo no lo condenes, 
sin inquirir primero la possibilidad de lo que dubdas, ni pienses 
tambien que de los parti culares que se escriuen de vna Region, Reyno, 

Prouincia, te podra dar bastante satisfacion qualquiera persona que 
en ella haya estado, pues son muchos los que las pueden ver, y muy 
pocos los que los saben notar y inquirar. Vale." 

[Mr. Sinclair had written only as far as the word satisfecho in the 
above extract when he died. I have finished the quotation, and 
append a translation, as follows : — 

" With the Kings of Persia I give thee also the relation of those of 
Harmus, a kingdom, no small part of which is contained in that of 
Persia, and which being so great in itself, and subject to the crown of 
our kingdom of Portugal, it seemed to me right to describe its origin 
and the number of its kings until the Portuguese occupied it. 

" At the end thou wilt find a relation of the journey that I made 
from India to Italy, with the discussion of various matters, which 

1 think will not cause thee displeasure. 

"And as of what I have here written I do not hope for praise, nor 
fear the tongues of the ignorant and censorious because all is true, 
and I alone as interpreter and eye-witness of the greater part, I have 
not claimed for this my work any other patronage but thine alone, 
curious reader, and therefore to thee alone I dedicate and offer it, 
desiring that it may please thee, and I for my part am satisfied, 
because since I did it for my own pleasure I received in advance the 
payment of the time, expense and trouble employed on it, which was 
not little. There remains only to beg thee, not that thou cavil not at 
it, nor that thou praise it, which concerns me little one way or the 
other, but that for thine own quietude thou observe, that if perchance 



TEIXEIRA'S NOTE TO THE READER. CVli 

collected from the Turkish History,^ and the best Modern 
Travellers, as Thevenot^ Tavemier} Chardin^ Getnelli^ &c. 
and that it was not made longer, lest it should be thought 
not to bear Proportion with the rest of the History. 



thou shouldst find in these relations anything that may appear to thee 
difficult thou condemn it not, without first inquiring as to the possi- 
bility of that which thou doubtest, nor that thou think also that of the 
particulars that are written of a region, kingdom, or province, any 
person that has been there will be able to give thee sufficient satis- 
faction, since many are those that are able to see them, but very few 
those that know how to take note of and inquire concerning them. 
Va/e.''—D. F.] 

* See supra, p. ci, n. 

* Jean de Thdvenot : Relation (Pun Voyage fait au Levant, etc., Paris, 
1664-84, and later editions (English translation by D. Lovell : The 
Travels of Monsieur de Thivenot into the Levant, etc., London, 1687). 

' Les Six Voyages dejean Baptiste Tavemier en Turquie, 

en Perse et aux Indes, Paris, 1676, and later editions (English transla- 
tion by J. Philips and E. Everard : Collections of Travels through 
Turkey into Persia and the East-Indies, London, 1684). 

* Jean Chardin : Journal du Voyage . , , , en Perse, etc., Londres, 
1686, and later editions (English translation : The Travels of Sir John 
Chardin into Persia and the East Indies, etc., London, 1686). 

* Giovanni Francesco Gemelli-Careri : Giro del Mondo, etc., 
Napoli, 1699- 1 700, ^^d \2X'tx editions. (No English translation at the 
time Stevens wrote.) 




CERTIFICATE OF ORTHODOXY AND 

LICENSE TO PRINT. 



This History of the Kings of Persia and of Harmuz, 
with the Journey from India to Italy, written by Pedro 
Teixeira, contains nothing contrary to the Roman Catholic 
faith, or against good morals, as we are assured in writing 
by the Reverend Father Jacobus Tirinus, Professor in 
Divine Theology of the Company of Jesus ;^ who, by our 
order and commission, has read and examined it. Done 
in Antwerp, the 22nd of September, 1609. 

lUAN DEL Rio, Dean and Vicar-General of the Bishopric 
of Antwerp.2 

Cum Gratia et privilegio ad quadriennium. 

Signat. 

WOUWERE.S 



1 Jacques Tirinus, a native of Antwerp, 1580- 1636 (see Backer- 
SommervogePs BiblioMque de la Compagnie de Jisus^ torn, viii, 
col. 50). — D. F. 

* I can find no reference to this man in the books I have consulted ; 
but he must have been a relative of Martin Antoine del Rio, a native 
of Antwerp (i 551-1608) and a voluminous writer (see Backer- 
Sommervogel, op. cit.^ tom. ii, col. 1894 ei seq.). — D. F. 

3 Jan van Wouweren, a native of Antwerp (1576- 163 5), of which city 
he was elected a councillor in 1602. See further regarding him in 
Delvenne's Biog. du Roy. des Pays-Bas, tom. ii, p. 6oo ; Nouv. Biog. 
Gin.^ tom. xlvi, p. 840 ; Biog. Univ.^ tom. xlv, p. 84. — D. F. 



TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 



NARRATIVE OF MY JOURNEY FROM 
INDIA TO ITALY. 




CHAPTER I. 

Of my reason for making this journey, with a short notice of a previous 
one, from India to Spain by way of the Philippines. 



[ N the year 1600 a.d. I was in the 
fortified city of Malaca,^ in that 
region which the ancients called the 
Golden Chersonese. And wishing to 
go to Portugal, my own country, 
I thought to do so by way of the 
Philippine Isles ; to save time and see something of the 
world, tempted also by the opportunity of a pinnace 
(^pataxe), fitting out there for that voyage, which the Captain 
Martin Alfonso de Melo' despatched to warn the Governor 
of those Isles of the entry of the Dutch into that sea.^ 

' How Teixeira came to be in Malacca is explained in the Intro- 
duction. — D. F. 

' Who apparently succeeded to this post on 
Francisco da Silva de Menezes, at the beginning of 
Dec. XII, Liv. I, cap. xvi ; and compare Appendi 
w>«).-D. F. 

' See Voyage of CapLJohn 5arw (Hakluyl Soc. ed), Intioducti 
p. xjfxiii.— D. F. 



by 

599 (see Couto, 
B, chap, xxix, 



2 THE TRAVELS OF I'EDRO TEIXEIRA. 

On the 1st of May, in that year, we sailed from Malaca,^ 
a chief station and mart of all the South Sea, standing in 
2 deg. 30 min. N. lat That land is ever green, fresh, and 
fertile ; and though it lies so close under the sun, the climate 
is temperate and healthy. 

We ran southward along the coast, leaving on the right 
the great Isle of Samatra, commonly called Achen, after a 
kingdom therein of that name ; which lies over against it 
westwards, only eight leagues from the continent, whereof 
it was once a part, but separated by the force of the sea. 
Its states are many, and, if little civilised, yet rich, and 
abounding in fine gold, pepper, lac, white benzoin, camphor, 
and other goods of price, besides plenty of victuals.^ On 
the right, likewise, we left the Strait of Sabam,^ formed by 
that and other almost numberless isles. Thereby men 
sail to the Javas, Sunda, Amboyno, Maluco, Thim6r, Solor, 
Bale, and many other isles and kingdoms of that sea. 
And coasting the continent, and passing by the rivers therein 
named Muar and Pol^, we came to the Strait of Sincd- 
purd,* between that and the isles which form the other of 
Sabam. This is of the figure of a [numeral] 5, and for half 
a league so narrow that the ships, bound either for India 
or China, cannot tack therein. Therefore they anchor at 
either entrance, awaiting a good tide, with which, and a 
boat sent ahead to help the helm, to pass the strait. It 



1 For descriptions of Malacca in the early part of the seventeenth 
century, see Commentaries of Afonso Dalboquerque (Hakluyt Soc. ed.), 
vol. iii, pp. 265-277 ; Linschoten (Hakluyt Soc. ed.), vol. i, pp. 104- 
106 ; Pyr^r^ (Hakluyt Soc. ed.), vol. ii, pp. 150-156. — D. F. 

* Cf Linschoten^ vol. i, pp. 107- 1 11. — D. F. 

3 See Comment, of Af, Dalb., vol. iv, p. 90 n. In Linschoten's map 
of the Eastern Seas (see Voyage of Cap t /John Saris, p. 192), Sabam 
is shown as a town on the coast of Sumatra, opposite to the island of 
Linga. — D. F. 

* This strait is the old passage north of the Isle of Singapur, called 
by the Malays themselves " Saldt Tebrau," separating the isle from 
Johor, and only used now by coasters and ferry-boats Csee China Sea 
Directory^ 4th ed., vol. i, pp. 244 etseq., and, for the tides, p. 28). 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 3 

happens often that they must wait three, four, or five days ; 
for so long, more or less, the tide runs ever one way, a 
thing surely worth wonder. Nor less strange is it that in all 
that coast and isles the shell-fish are seen to be fat at new 
moon and void at full moon, contrary to those of all other 
lands and seas.^ 

In this strait, and by the neighbouring shores, live those 
sea-folk called Seletes (of whom I have made mention in 
the first book of the Kings of Persidf great fishers and 
greater thieves. In the midst of this strait the tide failed 
us, and the pataxe got on the rocks, where we were in 
great danger, and with toil and trouble enough got clear of 
it. It pleased God that the return of the tide was speedy, 
with which we got out at the other end. Here we watered 
in Romanya, which is on the continent, thirty-two leagues 
from Malaca, and passed on our left hand the White Rock,' 
well known to our Portuguese in the East, for it is a 
beacon to ships in search of that passage, bound to Malaca 
from Japon, China, Cacho-China, Chincheo, Camboia, Siam, 
Pate, Patane, Pam, ChampA, and also as one of those places 
where the compass shows no variation.* 

We pursued our voyage amongst islands almost count- 
less, all uninhabited. In twenty-three days' sail, from 
Malaca to Borneo, we lost sight of them but for one. We 
reached Borneo without adventure, beyond the common 
alarms of that voyage, of shoals, reefs, currents, and 



^ This notion of mollusca waxing and waning with the moon is 
derived from Pliny the Elder i^Nat Hist^ Bk. 11, chap. xli). [Cf. 
Linschoten^ vol. ii, p. 11. — D. F.] 

* See Appendix B, chap, xxix, infra, — D. F. 

' Better known now as bearing the Horsburgh Light. [See Lin- 
sckoten^ vol. i, p. 119. — D. F.] 

* The variation is not great on our last charts, and probably could 
not be detected by such instruments as Teixeira's ship may have had 
in 1600 A.D. Pdm is Pahang, and Chincheo was a port in the Chinese 
province of Fuh-kien, somewhere near Amoy. [See Hobson-fobson^ s.v. 
" Chinchew."— D. F.] 

B 2 



4 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEl^fetRA. 

sudden storms ; by reason of which great ships cannot 
sail this way. We made landfall on the western point of 
the isle, and coasted northwards two hundred leagues to 
the port, which is safe and spacious, formed by the channel 
of a great and deep river, there falling into the sea, and 
by certain other isles that surround it.^ Borneo is one of 
the greatest eastern isles, but not of most resort. The 
inhabitants are Moors, all of olive complexion, and good- 
looking, especially the women. Most of them go naked, 
but for a cloth girt about them ; the best with a baji^ 
that is, a light short skirt. 

The isle abounds in all sorts of produce of those 
regions. Here is got the pure and perfect camphor, 
called (as most excellent) " of Borneo," by scraping it out 
of the heart of a great tree with iron claws, like resin, 
throwing it into cold water, and often changing the same 
until it be refined. This is not brought to Portugal, 
because it fetches very high prices in India. 

There is plenty of bezctr stones, much tortoise-shell, 
wax, and some gold. But the isle on this side is neither 
well-peopled nor very healthy. For the kingdoms of Lave, 
Malar Magem,^ and others, all rich enough, lie on the 
other. Nor are the people hereabout much given to trade. 
So there is no export here, but what the Portuguese get in 
barter for some cloths that they carry thither. This port 
was once in the possession of the Spaniards, who aban- 
doned it as unhealthy and little fit for traffic, the land 
unsuitable, and the folk unserviceable. The chief place, 
where the king of this port lives, is in the river. The 
houses are all of wood, built on piles and platforms, stayed 
with hawsers of canes,^ that is, of the rota already men- 



1 This is the modem Brunei. 

* Represented by modern Pontianak and Banjarmasin. 

3 Vexucos {bejucos of modem dictionaries). Teixeira seems to think 
it a word requiring explanation. ** Rota " is rattan. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 5 

'doned.^ When he pleases, on account either of the 
weather or anything else, the whole town moves across 
the river with very little trouble.* Nor is this matter of 
marvel, for so are they used to do in Palinban,* and 
Andreguir,* and other places and ports on the opposite 
coast of Samatra, and in some other isles of that region. 

All the dwellers in that isle are prone to thievery, 
which the better to practise, they set forth in weak little 
boats, and go four hundred leagues, or more, to the coast 
of Pegu, to plunder ; and return with their barks and 
prizes laden with booty. And seldom do they suffer from 
the weather, for the Malayan or Malacan Sea is so calm 
that men call it the Ladies* Sea. And if it be disturbed by 
the not-infrequent storms, which are of wonderful violence, 
though soon over, they take refuge on the shore, which 
they ever hug close : and proceed on their voyage when 
the weather mends. Their arms are swords, cofos!^ that is, 
targets made of rota or vexucos^ lances, assegais, and even 
arquebuses ; but the commonest are selihhes^ which are 
charred stakes, so hard as to pierce like iron ; and easily 
broken, whereupon they have the wound full of a thousand 



* In the Kings of Persia^ Bk. I, chap, xxxiii, where Teixeira, 
describing the methods of obtaining camphor and diamonds in the 
kingdom of Lave, says that it is in the woods there that the fine rota 
grows, and he adds a description of it (see infra^ App. A). — D. F. 

' Stevens has translated this passage as if the houses were built on 
anchored rafts. But I think it will also bear the construction in the 
text, and that this is in itself more probable ; because Brunei is at this 
day built on piles, like many other Malayan settlements. 

^ Palembang, on a river flowing into Banka Strait, called the 
Sungi Sungsang. 

* The Indragiri River, flowing into Amphitrite Bay, in the 
Berhala Strait. 

* Cf. Ant. Tenreiro, IHnerario da Jndia^ ^p. i : — " trazem huns 
escudos a que chamao cofos de seda, de algodao tao fortes, que os nao 
passa nenhuma frecha." — D. F. 

* Rattans (see note above). — D. F. 

^ Javanese, saligi or sdligi, " a wooden dart or javelin " (Crawford's 
Malay-Eng. Dict.)—D. v. 



6 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

splinters that make it almost incurable. Next after this 
weapon, amongst this folk, are the darts of the zerue- 
tana} which are very slender, made of a certain rush, 
tipped with the tooth of a venomous fish ; which, if they 
draw blood, are deadly.^ But, as these are only blown out 
the zaruetana^ their shot is easy of defence, and their 
venom of cure, for very effective antidotes have been 
discovered. On the African coast of the Indian Ocean, the 
Portuguese could never yet find any such for the poisoned 
arrows of the mainland negroes of Melinde and Monbaga. 
By these I have seen many die offhand of mere scratches 
with frightful suffering, and without help or hope. 

Enough said of Borneo. We left that port, and coasted 
the isle for two more days, passing near the Mount San 
Pedro therein, so high as to be seen for fifty leagues.' 
Leaving it astern we kept our course, ever amongst 
unpeopled isles, whereof the best known are Paragua and 
Malaua,^ with others beyond count ; and at every step we 
seemed lost among them. At last, on the 22nd of June, 
we anchored in the Bay of Cavite, the port of the isle and 
city of Manila. Manila is the chief town and headquarters 
of the Isles of Lucon, as the natives call them, which we 
call the Philippines, because they were conquered in the 
time of the King Don Philip the Second, of glorious 
memory. Although not then first discovered, for they and 
more had been found long before by my countryman, the 

* Blowpipe (see Hobson-Jobson, s. v, " Sarbatane").— D. F. 

* In Balfour's CyclopcBdia of India, blowpipe darts are said to be 
sometimes headed with fishes' teeth, and poisoned with Upas sap. 
The authority for this is not clearly stated, but appears to be modern. 
There are some fish-teeth very suitable, especially those on the rostra 
of small saw-fishes (Pn'stts), abundant in the Malayan seas. Many 
fishes, especially sting-rays, have suitable spines. 

' Mount Kini Balu. 

^ Paragua is Palawan ; Malaua may be Malawale. It is difficult 
to believe that Teixeira had any good information about them. 
They cannot have been uninhs^bited ; though probably the population 
was not dense. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 7 

Portuguese Fernando de Magallanes, after he found the 
strait to which he gave his own name, and which yet 
retains it. And he fell in one of these isles, called Zebii, 
one hundred leagues from this port.^ 

These isles are many, and some great ; all well peopled. 
The folk are submissive, yet some, called Ilocos and 
Pintados,* have at times given the Spaniards enough to do. 
They are of gray or olive complexion, and go naked, but 
for certain sheets of cotton. They were partly heathen 
and partly Moors ; but the latter have been rooted out,* 
and now there are only heathens and Christians. These 
isles are improving greatly by the trade brought in by the 
Spaniards, who import yearly more than a million and a 
half of silver from New Spain, and export hence China 
goods, brought in great quantity by the Chincheos,* whom 
they call Sangleys f yet not of the high quality of what the 
Portuguese draw from China.^ 

The city is great, composed of fine stone and lime 
buildings. Both it and they exceed what is wanted: which 
the Spaniards understanding have thrown a plain wall 
across the middle of it, that in case of need they may bring 
themselves into a less compass. 



^ In Matan or Magtan, a little isle close to Zebu. 

* The Ilocos were of N. Luzon ; the Pintados of the Viscayas. 

' The Moros, or Musalmans, were so far from being " rooted out" 
that they were warring on the Spaniards, from Teixeira's days to ours. 
( Vide, for details, Foreman's Philippine Islands, 2nd ed., London, 
1899.) Either Teixeira was deceived, or he was afraid to publish the 
truth. 

* Chinese of Fuh-kien. [Cf. Voyage of Capt. John Saris (Hakluyt 
Soc. ed.), pp. 226-227. — ^' FJ 

* Stevens, in his Spanish-English Dictionary, explains the origin of 
the word thus: — "Because at their first coming thither [the Philip- 
pines] the Spaniards asking them who they were, they answer'd 
Xang Ley, that is, we come to trade, which the others not under- 
standing thought it had been their name." That the word represents 
Chinese sdng le, " to trade," seems evident. — D. F. 

* See Morgans Philippine Islands (Hakluyt Soc. ed.), p. 336, et seq., 
on the trade of the Philippines. — D. F. 



8 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TETXEIRA. 

There is a cathedral church, the seat of an arch- 
bishop, and three more bishops in other places ; a royal 
court of justice, and a governor with viceregal powers. Some 
noble new churches were being built. The city is walled, 
against a possible risk from Japon ; with which, though 
they have trade, the Spaniards are much upon their guard 
and good behaviour. The isles bear much rice, and wine 
made of the nypa '} and though there was formerly no sort 
of cattle, these have bred and increased under the care of 
the Spaniards, insomuch as to rival New Spain. There 
is got here much wax, and much gold, profitably exported 
to Mexico ; and though many of the native islanders pay 
their tribute in gold, and deal in it, yet could never 
the Spaniards, up to my time, for all their endeavours find 
out whence these got it. They cannot raise wheat here ; in 
default whereof they make bread of flour from Chincheo^ 
and Japon. There is found plenty of ebony and canna- 
fistola,* and of all the fruits common in those lands. Of 
these, moreover, they export great supplies to the neigh- 
bouring lands of Maluco, without which they would fare 
ill, by reason of the great distance and uncertain supply 
of India, whence they are victualled. The China trade 
with these isles is favoured not only by its profit but by 
close neighbourhood, for from the furthest of them to the 
mainland of China it is not more than ten days' voyage ; 
and so those bound from Mexico to Manilla talk of their 
China voyage, and passengers from Manilla for New Spain 
say they are from China for Castile. 

When I was come to Manilla I got leave of the Governor, 



^ Nipa fruticans^ a plant allied to the palms, and producing, as 
jnost Of them do, a sweet fermentable " toddy." 

2 See note 4 on p. 3. The Philippines now import rice from French 
India. It will be noticed that Te,i.xeira says nothing of hemp, nor of 
tobacco. 

' Our cassia fistula, — D. F. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 9 

Don Francisco Tello de Menezes,^ to go on to New Spain ; 
without which one can in nowise go ; and it is not eksily 
granted. I went on board a new ship, one of four shortly 
to sail, whereof the Santa Margarita^ which was capitana, 
and the San Geronimo^ almirante} were lost on that 
voyage on the Ladrones Isles. Of this last, the captain 
was one Diego Rodrigues de Segura, with whom I had 
made a bargain, but God in His goodness diverted me from 
it. Another, the Contadora^ was seven months on her 
voyage to Acapuilco, and got there little better than a 
wreck.* 

I was berthed then, as I say, aboard this ship,* whereof 
were captains and owners, the Marshal Gabriel de Ribera,^ 
and the Captain Domingo Hortis de Chaboya, men of 
means, who had built her for their own voyage to Mexico, 
with intent to take no passengers. But they gave me 
passage as a great favour, and on July i8th we set sail 
from that port, which is in 13 deg. 30 min. N. lat, and on 
the 26th we came to the end of the isles of that Govern- 
ment, all inhabited, amongst which we had sailed con- 



^ Couto {Dec, Xlly Liv. 11, cap. xi) mentions him by this name as 
Governor of Manila in 1598. (See also Appendix B, chap, xxix, infra.) 
Ant. de Morga, however, calls him " Don Francisco Tello de Guzman, 
knight of the habit of Santiago, treasurer of the House of Commerce 
with the Indies." He also informs us that Don Francisco entered 
upon the government of the Philippines in July 1596, and died 
suddenly in Manila in April 1603, havmg been succeeded in office by 
Don Pedro de Acuna in May 1602. (See Morgans Philippine Islands^ 
pp. 55, 199.)— D. F. 

^ The capitana^ as usual in the Peninsular squadrons of the period, 
is here the flagship, and the almirante that of the second in com- 
mand. 

' Morga (pp. cit.^ p. 188) mentions only two ships as having sailed 
in 1600 from Manila for New Spain, viz., the flagship Sta. Margarita^ 
commander Juan Martinez de Guillestigui, and the San Geronymo^ 
under Don Fernando de Castro. The sad fate of both these vessels 
is also related by Morga. — D. F. 

* The fourth and only lucky ship of the squadron. Oddly enough, 
Teixeira does not tell us her name. 

^ See Morga {op. cit.\ pp. 25, 27, 429. — d."f. 



10 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

tinually for one hundred leagues. The place is called, from 
the name of one of them, the Pass of Kapul.^ This was no 
small mercy of God, for it often happens that two months 
are wasted in getting to this place, with suffering and 
weariness enough.* 

Here we took in water, fowls, pigs, fruit, and vegetables,' 
which the islanders bring for sale to the ships. When we 
tried to get out of the pass, with a fresh and following 
wind, we were hindered from midnight to noon, by so 
strong and terrible a tidal current, that for all the wind's 
help we could not gain half a league until the tide turned ; 
whereupon we got out at such a rate that shortly we lost 
sight of all the Isles, and shaped our course for those of 
Japon, formerly called Argentarias, for their great produce 
of fine silver, whereof the Portuguese yearly export a 
great amount to China. 

Of these Isles, or of the best part of them, the Conbaco 
Taycosama* had the Empire in our day. He was a poor 
woodman, who lived by bringing daily on his shoulders a 



1 This is the Strait of S. Bernardino, opening eastwards between 
the Isles of Luzon and Samar. Kapul is a little island just inside 
(i.e, south-west) of the Strait. Some English maps and old charts 
give the name of S. Bernardino to the whole channel through the 
Isles, but its western end is called on a fine Spanish map, reproduced 
by Berghaus (1832), " Estrecho de MindorOy^ and on an English 
Admiralty chart now (1898) in use, it is called "Verde Island 
Channel." It is north of Mindoro, and south of Luzon. There seems 
to have been much confusion of names in Philippine hydrography. 

2 For a description of the course taken by ships from Manila to 
New Spain, see Morga {op, cit.^ pp. 355-357). — D. F. 

' Frutos including vegetables. 

* Kwambaku Taikd Santa seems to mean " My Lord the ex- 
Regent," or something like it. At any rate, the ruler referred to is 
Toyotomi Hideyoshi, and the description apparently correct. He was 
of humble birth ; though I cannot be sure about the faggots, he was 
Kwam-Baku ; and after his (nominal) retirement, he was properly 
entitled " Taiko Sama." He did invade Korea, by deputy, and died 
in 1 598. Probably Teixeira, who does not seem to have landed in 
Japan, got his information in Manila. I am indebted for the substance 
of this note to the works and courtesy of Mr. W. G. Aston, and to the 
Ancien Japon of Messrs. G. Appert and H. Kinoshita, a wonderful 
multum inparve. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. II 

faggot from the forest, and selling it for his living. Yet by 
his valour and caution he won that rule, and kept and 
managed it with uncommon wisdom and justice, forcing 
the indolent Japonese to agriculture, and subjecting their 
almost untamed energies to politic laws. Hereby he 
made those realms to prosper above precedent, and his 
neighbours to dread his arms. These he made felt on the 
mainland of Koray, which Portuguese authorities call 
commonly C6rea, a kingdom bordering on China, and 
vassal to the king thereof, which was of no small avail in 
its defence. 

We were now in the latitude of Japon, whereof the 
southernmost port, Nangazaquy, where the Portuguese 
have a factory, is in 33 deg. N. lat. ; and the realms of the 
Canto6,^ in over 40 deg. Being by the sea-marks not far 
from the Isles, we altered the course to east ; and sighting 
some (isles) new and unknown, we sailed many days on 
that wide South Sea, for the lands of New Spain. On the 
third of November, we made the land in 40 deg. N. lat., at 
Cape Mendozino. This is a point of no variation of the 
compass. Thence, we ran down the coast southward, 
looking out for certain isles that lie thereby.'^ 

Now, when we left the Philippines, we had warning by 
the Mexico ships that certain Dutch vessels had passed 
the Strait of Magallanes into the South Sea.' (For none 
may sail thence before these [Mexico ships] come in, not if 
they have to await them to the next year.) Wherefore 
we came prepared, and so well appointed, that in all the 



^ These are puzzling. The latitude and context suit the north of 
"Hondo," /./., of Japan proper, exclusive of Yeso. I suppose 
" Hondo" and " Canto6" to represent " Kwanto," which is the name of 
the " Home Counties," or metropolitan province, in the useful little map 
attached to Mons. G. Appert's Ancien Japon, [The term " Kwanto" 
was often applied loosely to the whole of the northern half of Hondo. — 
D. F.] 

2 The islands of Cenizas and Cedars, according to Morga (pp. cit.y 
p. 357).— D. F, ' See footnote 4 on the next page. — D. F. 



12 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

ship (whose cargo jvas worth about four hundred thousand 
ducats) we had no more than seven or eight swords, and 
one arquebus, out of repair.^ Pursuing our voyage, as we 
ran down the coast at about two leagues distant, near the 
CahTornias,* one fine moonlit night, we found ourselves 
amidst three ships ; one inshore of us, and close aboard, 
the others in the offing at some distance. I need not tell 
how we all felt, for the hearts of the wariest and the 
boldest failed them all alike. 

The little ship inshore came to speech of us ; asking 
whence we came, and we answered ** From China,*' 
thinking to run ashore* if they were foes. But they said 
that they were of a squadron that Don Luis de Velasco, 
Viceroy of Peni, had sent from Lima, in chase of certain 
Hollanders,* come into that sea ; and that they were on 
the look-out, not for those only, but for their own flagship, 
wherein was their Capitan MayoVy Don Juan de Velasco, 
with three hundred men, forty great guns, and four hun- 
dred thousand assayed pieces, of thirteen reals each f 
who had parted company in a storm on September 21st ; 
and that, as they found her not, they held her for 
foundered, and so it had befallen.^ For all these tales we 
trusted them not, holding all for pretences ; and in this 

^ No mention is made of cannon throughout the voyage. Perhaps 
none could be spared from Manila to arm a new ship. I fear that I 
have failed to render the quiet, bitter irony of the origmal. 

' See note on next page. 

3 "Z?«r al travezP My construction is not borne out by my 
dictionaries, but it is forced by the sense, warranted by several other 
instances in the Viage^ and (I find, since adopting it) has the support 
of the older translator, Captain Stevens. The shore, it may be remem- 
bered, was Spanish territory. 

* These were the squadron of Olivier van Noort, a summarised 
account of whose voyage will be found in Purchas, Pilgrimes, vol. i, 
lib. ii, chap. v. (See also Morga's Philippine Islands, pp. 149-187, 
261-264). — D. F. 

* Captain Stevens freely translates "Pieces of Eight of essayed 
Silver." 

* See Morga's Philippine Islands^ p. 151. — D. F.* 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. I3 

apprehension we were until morning, when the others 
closed and saluted us, and we reassured ourselves by the 
exchange of visits and gifts ; praising God, who had 
turned our grief into joy. We held on our course past the 
Californias, a gulf like the Red Sea ; though as yet its end 
is not known.^ Herein has lately been found a great pearl 
fishery. After coasting for more than seven hundred 
leagues, we came on the first of December to Acapuilco, 
the port of that voyage, in the lands of New Spain in the 
South Sea. It lies in 16 deg. 40 min. N. lat., and is one 
of the most spacious, calmest, and safest from all winds 
that I have seen in the world. We had been four months 
and a half at sea, which was a good voyage enough.^ 

Having rested here some days, and settled my affairs, 
I started for Mexico, distant thence eighty leagues of 
terrible and dangerous road ; over great and steep moun- 
tains, with countless rivers of good water and thick woods. 
The land is ill-peopled, and the natives dull and abject. 

On this journey one crosses three rivers of name. First, 
that of Papagayo, which is very deep, and is passed in a 
ferry-boat ; then that of the Balsas, which is like the Tagus 
in Portugal, of a swift current, and is passed upon balsas^ 
of canes laid upon dry calabashes, which the Indians, 
swimming, tow over.* On these two rivers the passage 
is paid for. The third, which is called (the River) of 
San Francisco, though great and deep, is fordable in 
places. I missed the ford, and had been lost outright ; 



^ Our use of the expression " the Californias," to denote Upper and 
Lower California, is comparatively modern. Here, and above, it means 
only the mouth of the Gulf. The end of it was better known than 
Teixeira supposed. 

• Morga {op. cit,^ p. 357) says that the voyage "usually lasts five 
months, a little more or less, and frequently six months or more time." 
— D. F. 

3 Rafts, or pontoons. 

* Rivers were passed in India in this way, very lately. I have often 
so crossed them. Comic incidents were frequent on such ferries. 



14 tttE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXElRA. 

ft 

but, next to God, my good horse saved me. Along most 
of this road is a plague of mosquitoes, so terrible and 
grievous that no defence avails against them ; and so they 
stung my best slave to death for me.^ 

After this, travelling with only the usual inconveniences, 
we crossed the Marquisate of the Valley ,2 and got into 
Mexico at midnight on Christmas Day. 

Here I was until May 2nd, when I started for Spain. 
I passed the Volcano,^ which is a peak and pass, steep 
enough. There issues from it a thick smoke, yet is it ever 
covered with snow, which is worthy of note, since it lies 
south of the tropic. I went by the City of Los Angeles, 
called commonly La Puebla,* and other places of less 
account, until I came to San Juan de Uliia,^ a new port 
and town of those Indies, on the Northern Sea.^ It is, by 
the common road, seventy or eighty leagues from Mexico. 
This is the only port in a great stretch of that coast, 
neither very easy nor very safe ; and what little good there 
is about it is due more to art than to nature. 

Thence I sailed in the fleet on the last day of May, 
1 60 1, and, running down the coast northwards, we thought 
all to die of thirst, by reason of calms in the Sound of the 



^ " Mepusieron d la muerte el mejor esclavo^ " Pusieron " I take to 
be a misprint for ^^ punqieronP The " m^^ is quaintly expressive of 
the outraged sense of property. 

2 This Marquisate was that of Cortes himself, granted 1529, and 
the "Valley" that of Oaxaca (C. F. Lummis, Awakening of a Nation^ 
New York and London, 1898, pp. 142-3, note). On the map it looks 
far out of Teixeira's way ; but perhaps what he rode over was some 
outskirt of it. The Conqueror's fief would naturally have wide limits . 

3 Popocatepetl. 

* Now, I think, " La Puebla de Zaragosa," the angels having been 
turned out with the Spaniards. 

» Now better known as Vera Cruz ; notable in English history as 
the scene of Hawkins's and Drake's defeat in 1567. But it cannot 
help playing a part in every war of Mexico with any Atlantic power, 
as being the only important Mexican port of those parts. 

• The Atlantic. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. IS 

Tortugas, which kept us forty days on a ten or twelve 
days* voyage. 

At last we got to the Havana, a port of the Isle of Kuba, 
well enough known and frequented. Here was my ship 
near lost, and God delivered her by a miracle. For, getting 
there too late to enter, we stayed without, and in the night 
it blew so hard that we lost all our four anchors and 
cables. As the ship was drifting ashore,^ we made sail, 
trusting in God's providence, without water, victuals, or 
anchors ; and, although we fired guns, neither were we heard 
nor could we have been helped if heard, for the weather 
would not allow of it, and we ran down the coast of the 
isle. It pleased God, who in the greatest afflictions helps 
such as trust in Him, that towards morning the wind 
changed, and we could put about for the port. As we got 
near it we found the second in command of the fleet 
coming to meet us with ground tackle in a boat. There is 
at the entrance of the port, in mid-channel, a great shoal, 
whereon we grounded by the negligence of our pilot, but, 
as it pleased God, with little damage. 

We left the Havana on July isth, and passing through 
the Bahama Channel, along the coast of Florida, passed 
the Barmuda, and sailed to the banks called of Newfound- 
land, or of Codfishes.^ Thence we shaped a course for 
Spain, and made landfall on August 28th, in 42 deg. 
N. lat.» 



^ This is the second case of the use of " al travis " for " ashore, ' 
as on p. 12. 

' Bacallaos, See Ant. Galvao's Discoveries of the World (Hakluyt 
Soc. ed.), p. 56 ; and New Eng, Dict^ s. v. " Bacalao." — D. F. 

3 Not far from the Bayona Isles. Mr. M. Oppenheim tells me 
that this was a most unusual landfall for the Mexican treasure-fleet, 
which commonly sighted the Azores, and made the mainland at Cape 
St. Vincent. He attributes the strange course to bad navigation. 
It is clear from the text that Teixeira's ship had not parted company 
with the fleet, and it is not his habit to pass any isle unnoticed, though 
desert or nameless. 



1 6 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

We ran down the coast to Algarbe, where we were 
becalmed, and had enough to do to look out for the corsair 
Murat Arrays,^ who came with some galliots and failed not 
to make prey of some folk of the fleet that tried to go 
ashore in boats. When we got a wind, we pursued our 
voyage until we anchored in San Lucar on September 6th, 
and on the 8th I came to Seville. Thence I went to 
Portugal, but by a roundabout way, to keep promise with 
a friend. At last, on the 8th of October, I came to Lisbon, 
a year and a half out of Malaca. 

I have not here related the details of this voyage, 
having often done so for such as asked me about them. 
In so long and various travel, needs must things worth 
consideration happen and be observed. But as my only 
object now is to relate my last journey overland, I will be 
more diff'use therein, to please those of my friends to whom 
I could not tell it face to face. 

When I sailed from Malaca, I had left some money 
with friends, for dispatch to Portugal in the usual way by 
the homeward ships from India, trusting them as on former 
occasions. But now this business failed outright, and I 
made up my mind to return to India, the very last thing 
I had thought of I went aboard on March 28th,* and 



1 This was Murdd Reis, " the Great Murdd,'' so called to distinguish 
him from others of the same name. See, regarding him, S. Lane 
Poole's Barbary Corsairs^ pp. 192-193. At the end of his 1604-05 
iourney, Teixeira mentions reports of Murdd's being in the Gulf of 
Venice. (See infra^ chap, xv.) — D. F. 

2 From the " Rela^ao das Nios e Armadas da India" {Additional 
MS. 20,902, British Museum), we learn that the fleet of 1602 sailed 
from Lisbon on March 24th ; it could not have been by this, therefore, 
that Teixeira returned to India, but by the fleet of 1603, consisting of 
five vessels under the command ofPero Furtado de Mendo^a, viz., 
the ship N, Sra. de Betancor^ the captain-major ; the galleon 5. 
Salvador^ Vasco Fernandez Pimentel ; the galleon S. Matheus^ 
Pero de Almeida Cabral (pilot, Simao Castanho) ; the ship S. Jodo^ 
Antonio Vaz Salema ; the galleon S. SimdOy Andre Moreira. " These 
ships," says the MS. referred to, "cast off from the port of Lisbon on 
Easter Eve, March 29th, and anchored in Sta. Catherina, whence they 
sailed on April 9th."— D. F. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 1 7 

will make no mention of what happened on the voyage ; to 
start the sooner with that whereof I propose to treat. We 
arrived at Goa on October 14th. 

I was now weary of such long and tedious sea-faring> 
and thought I might shorten the same by this journey. 
I was also inclined to it by curiosity. Such were the 
occasion and motives of my resolving on the journey, and 
now follows the account of it. 



CHAPTER II. 

How I left Goa, and came to Harmuz, and sailed thence for Ba^ora, 

but turned back. 

On February the 9th, 1604, I left Goa, the chief city of 
the Portuguese dominions in India, wherein was then 
Viceroy Ayres Saldafta ;^ and after two days' delay in the 
river, I embarked on the morning of the nth. We made 
sail at once ; and took in none, so fair was our weather, till 
we came to the coast of Arabia. This we made on the 
2nd of March, near the Sound of MexirA, which we Portu- 
guese call Maciejra. Thence we ran northwards for two 
days along the coast, to the Cape of Rogalgate in Arabia, 
rounded it, and entered the Persian Gulf between that 
land and Persia. We held on along the coast, sighting 
many ships bound on the same voyage. 

One of these, a new and powerful vessel, bound from 
Basaym for Ormuz (or Harmus, as it should be more 
rightly called), being ill-handled, fouled ours ; and, as she 
was greater, got her bowsprit and spritsail over our main- 
yard. As she caught us on the beam, she bore us over, 
to our great confusion and terror. A clerk of our ship, 

1 Aires de Saldanha succeeded D. Vasco da Gama, Conde de Vidi- 
gueira, as Viceroy of India, December 25th, 1600 ; and held office 
until January, 1605. — D. F. 

C 



1 8 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

who thought himself a vah'ant soldier, taking this for a 
case of honour, hastily took two loaded fire-balls,^ lit the 
matches, and hove them aboard the other ship. Had we 
not made haste to restrain him, he was going to throw 
more, till he should fire her. It pleased God that the fire 
did not catch, for, had it done so, without fail we had all 
perished, hopeless of cure. We toiled in haste to get the 
ships clear, cutting away much tackle of both. That done, 
we held on our voyage until, the wind heading us, we 
anchored in Syfa,^ a haven of Arabia. After two days, 
getting a wind, we made sail and reached Masc^te,^ a port 
of the same land, which hath these and others, all about 
that part, contrary to what someone has written. Here 
we were two days taking in wood and water; and thence 
we sailed for Harmuz, sixty leagues distant, where we 
anchored on the 17th of March ; being one month out 
from Goa. 

We saw nothing on that voyage worth setting down as 
new, unless it were certain fowl, which hunt each other as 
natural enemies. The weaker of these, soaring upwards to 
escape the stronger, in terror voids the contents of its belly. 
And the other, pursuing below, whether to this end or from 
native spite, as fast as these fall from the fugitive, opens 
its beak, catches and eats them. And the natives say 



^ ^^ Alcanzias,^^ The dictionaries translate " stink-pot ; " but there 
is nothing in the text about stink. Stevens translates " Hand Grana- 
does ;" but these were very modern artillery in 1604 ; and not very 
likely to be in use in the Persian Gulf, on board a small vessel. I 
conjecture that they were fire-balls of clay, such as are still used in 
India to turn heavy game out of cover, called dndr^ i.e,^ "pome- 
granate," the same as " grenade" and " granado." I am confirmed in 
this view by some correspondence with my old comrade, Mr. R. S. 
Whiteway, a good authority. [Cf. Whiteway's Rise of the Portuguese 
Power in India^ p. 41. — d. f.] 

2 Now Sffa, a little south-east of Mdskat {Persian Gulf Pilot), 

3 Though he stayed two days at Mdskat, Teixeira gives no de- 
scription of the place, — for the reason, probably, that in his Kings of 
Persia^ chap, xxix (see Appendix B,infra\ he had related an experi- 
ence of his when first visitmg the place in 1587. — D. F. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 1 9 

that it lives on nothing else; which I have recorded as 
seeming extraordinary.^ 

The Captain and Governor of Harmuz was then the 
cavallero Diego Munis Barreto,^ worthy of that and of 
much better places. I sailed thence for Basora, in a little 
vessel of his, on April the 14th. We sailed between the 
isle of Queixome or Broct, and the mainland of Persia, by 
a strait,^ that may be at most three leagues wide, and in 
parts half a league or less. This isle is from five-and- 
twenty to thirty leagues long, and ten or twelve in greatest 
width. It has several ports within and without, but mostly 
very shallow. The best within are Dargahon, Lapht, Chaii, 
and Sermion.* The point of Queixome on the outside^ 
has plenty of palm orchards, gardens, and wells of good 
water ; whence Harmuz is commonly provided, though not 

thence alone. 

There also are Karu^z and Angan,® which last, a little 
distinct island used as a port, forms in its sound a very 
safe haven, fit to hold many and very great ships. This isle 
(Queixome) is very fertile, and bore all suitable produce of 
good quality and in plenty, when it was better peopled ; 
as wheat, barley, fruit and vegetables. Now there is little 



^ Several predatory sea-fowl have this habit. The robber referred 

to may probably have been Richardson's skua, which has been 

eported as a cold-weather visitor to the Persian Gulf. I believe that 

n all cases the prey is either dropped or thrown up from the beak^ 

except when sea-eagles hunt ospreys, and the latter drop fish from 

their clutches. 

2 From Documentos Remettidos, tom. i, we learn that Diogo Moniz 
Barreto was succeeded this same year by Pedro Coutinho ; and it is 
evident, from the letters referring thereto, that the Portuguese rule in 
Hormuz was at this time in a very unsatisfactory condition. Teixeira's 
commendation of Diogo Moniz was, I am afraid, rather biassed. — D. F. 

* Clarence Strait of our charts. 

* The three first are on our charts yet. Sermion must have been 
where our own queer little possession of Basidu or Bassadore now 
exists. 

* Extant and prosperous, on the E. point of the isle. 

^ Karvez is not now identifiable ; Angan is Henjam Island. 

C 2 



20 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

produce, by reason of the raids of the Nihheliis Arabs, that 
lay it waste, through the negligence of the Captains of 
Harmuz,^ only three leagues' sail distant, who could 
easily and cheaply amend the same. 

Passing between this isle and the main, we anchored 
half-way, when the tide failed us; and when it served 
again, our anchor came home without the stock, which 
remained foul of the bottom. So there we must needs be 
delayed, to fit it with another, for two days of favourable 
weather; and we felt the loss of these later on. 

Leaving Point Sermion, which is the end of the isle,^ we 
ran up the Gulf along the Persian coast; heading west, 
and west-north-west, according to its ins-and-outs, at from 
one to three leagues off shore ; anchoring and making sail 
according to the tides, which run strong twice or thrice, or 
sometimes oftener, in the day. For the ruling winds of 
that narrow sea are ever strong from the north-west. This 
cannot be done on the Arabian shore, distant at most fifty 
leagues, for want of anchorage and watering places there- 
abouts. We passed the isles of Phelur, which we call 
Pelouro ;^ Keys (or, as we say Cays),* which was once what 



^ Regarding the Nihhelus, or Niquilus, see note further on. In 
1585, the Portuguese had attempted to chastise them for piracies ; but 
the force sent against them under Pedro Homem Pereira sustained a 
severe defeat at their hands (see Couto, Dec. A', Liv. vi, cap. x, and 
Liv. VII, cap. xvii). In Doc, Rem, are Royal letters of February 13th, 
1 610, and January 26th and 31st, 161 2, referring to these pirates, 
and urging the destruction of their ships. From another letter in 
the same collection, dated January 27th, 1616, as well as from one 
written by the Spanish Ambassador, Don Garcia da Silva y Figueiroa, 
on February 17th, 161 5 (printed in Bocarro's Dec. XII I^ p. 373), it 
would seem that the effect of the fulfilment of the Royal commands 
was to exacerbate the . already strained relations between the 
Portuguese and the Shah of Persia, which culminated, in 1622, in the 
loss to the former of the island fortress of Hormuz. — D. F. 

* Ras el Mion, now Basidu. 

* Meaning " cannon-ball " in Portuguese. — D. F. 

* Farur and Kais. The first has no settled population. But Kais 
has been luckier than Hormuz, and has three villages, herds, flocks, 
agriculture, and fifty fishing boats or more. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 21 

Harmuz is now;^ Andreuy,^ and the Isle of Birds,* so 
called for the multitude of them that roost there, of whose 
eggs the Arabs come and gather great store, and trade in 
them hither and thither ; and that of Lar, or Lira.* 

All these are at three, four, or five leagues oflf shore, and 
ill inhabited, by reason of the raids of the Noutaques^ and 
Nihhelus, Arabs who dwell on the Persian shore so called, 
and take their name from it.® Having anchored here, the 
wind forced us to leave it in the morning for shelter, under 
the opposite isle of Lira. The wind was very strong, the 
weather very dark, and the island low, so that we came 
so nigh it as forced us to anchor under full sail without 
furling it ; to avoid running ashore^ and going to pieces, 
from which God delivered us by miracle. While we lay 
here, the wind increased, and the ship laboured so much as 
to carry away the ironwork of the rudder, and we were 
near losing it, if a boy had not shown it to me. I warned 
the officers, who got hold of it and hoisted it on deck. 
Some wanted to carry it ashore for repairs, and others to 
execute them aboard, whose opinion prevailed, by the 
grace of God. Had we gone ashore, harm had surely 



^ As related in the Kings of Harmuz (see Appendix B, infra,) — D. F. 

^ Hindarabi, small and scantily peopled. 

' Shitwir, some derivative of Arabic tayiir (=birds). 

* Shaikh Shuwaib. The chief village is called Ldz, but the identifica- 
tion rests on position, and not on this name. [Cf. Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. 
" Lar'' (^).— D. F.] 

* Called Noitaques in the Royal letter of January 26th, 161 2, referred 
to in a previous foot-note. On the Noutaques, see Comment, of 
Af. Dalb,y vol. iv, p. 1 54. — D. F. 

* See note above and next below. 

^ ^^Dar al travezP Teixeira's third and most unmistakable use of 
this phrase for " running ashore." The isle is Shaikh Shuwaib, and 
the "Nihhelus," presumably ** Nakhluwfs," from Bandar Nakhilu on 
the mainland opposite. [Cf. Linschoten^ vol. ii, p. 185, and foot-note. — 
D.F.] The "Maritime Truce" of the East India Company, still to 
some extent maintained, made life and business possible on these 
islands. Shaikh Shuwaib has ten villages, about five hundred men, and 
twenty-five pearl-boats. 



22 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

come of it. For, as we learnt afterwards, there were there 
some Nihhelus, looking out for Portuguese shore parties, 
to kill them ; and it was a wonder that none landed, as it 
is usual enough to do. There had come there for shelter 
of the isle, not far from us, a Moorish terradd^ bound on 
the same voyage, and laden with cotton. Two terradas of 
the Nihhelus approached her by stealth ; and thinking to 
take her at unawares, attacked her one night in the 
morning watch. But the Moors defended themselves 
stoutly ; and we, who heard the noise of fight, and saw 
the flashes, fired some guns to scare the enemy. And 
making speed, we came upon them with daybreak ; on 
seeing which, the thieves drew oflf, with much loss. Some 
of the other side were wounded ; who came aboard us for 
treatment, and from that on they kept us closer company. 
That coast of Persia is mostly mountainous, rugged and 
barren, except that within it are some places where the 
natives cultivate the soil by irrigation from wells, and 
there breed some herds and flocks, which yield them milk, 
butter and cheese, for use and traffic. 

Along this coast we sailed for thirty-five days, with 
much toil and trouble. Our provision began to fail ; nor 
could we renew it there, for all that shore is disturbed by 
the wanton ravages of the Portuguese /^.f/o.?,* which com- 
monly cruize there. When we had got to Chilao near 
Verdostam, a place in a sound between Point Vedican 
and the shoals of Kane,^ the head wind increased and 



^ Terrada seems to have been a term applied to more than one 
sort of small craft in the Indian seas. Commander Felix Jones gives 
" Teradeh " as the name of a small fishing-boat on the Tigris, at 
Bagddd {Selections from Records^ Bombay, No. 43, N. S., p. 366) 
Karsten Niebuhr uses it for an open boat. [See Comment, o/Af. Dalb,, 
vol. i, p. 105, n. — D. F.] 

* Small armed vessels, Anglice^ "foists." 

' Chilao is probably Shilu, " four miles to the westward of Tahiri " 
(Persian Gulf Pilots p. 255). Bardistan is not far away, and is on all 
recent maps and charts. The Point of Vedican is Ras Naband, 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 23 

continued. So, perforce, having lost an anchor and cable, 
and very nearly run on the shore,^ which was close 
aboard, the captain gave orders to bear away for Harmuz, 
and in four days we ran eighty leagues; that we had 
gained, with much toil, in five-and-thirty. In our return 
we had sight of several pirates* terradas, never absent from 
those seas ; wherefore merchant ships sailing from Harmuz 
use commonly the convoy of Portuguese fustas. We got 
back to Harmuz on Friday evening. May the 21st, and 
anchored in the western port, thirty-nine days out ; weary 
enough, and sore at heart. 



CHAPTER HI. 



How I sailed again from Harmuz, and came to the head of the Persian 
Gulf; and by the Tigris and Euphrates to the city of Basord. 

We refitted and victualled ourselves in Harmuz, and 
started again on the 17th of June, hoping for a better 
voyage ; for that such as had tried it assured us that at 
that season the north-west wind was less constant and 
violent. We did, indeed, find some diflference, though less 
than they reported. This time we sailed outside of the 
isle of Queixome ; and ran up the same coast as on the 
former voyage. We passed the shoals of Kane, and 
beyond them the fortress of Rexel,^ famous for the 
abundance, and good quality, of bread-stuflFs, fruit and 
vegetables in its territory. It belongs to the Shah, or 



sheltering Bandar Baid Khan ; and the shoals of Kane are certainly 
those of Ras-al-Mutaf, near whose northern end is Rds-al-Khan — 
not that this name matters much in their identification, which depends 
on position. 

^ The fourth use of " dar al travez " for " to run ashore," in the 
Viage, 

* " Reshire," or Rishahr, close to " Bushire." 



24 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

King of Persia, on whose shore it stands, and is well 
garrisoned. 

Further north is Regh Ceyfadin^ (that is, the sand or 
strand of Ceyfadin), inhabited, like most part of this coast 
of Persia, by Arabs, tributary to its Shah, or King ; and 
some of them recognise the Portuguese, taking their 
cartazes^ or passaportes^ without which they would sail in 
peril of the Portuguese fustaSy cruising commonly in those 
narrow seas. The men of Regh Ceyfadin were then on 
ill terms with the Portuguese, by reason of grievances 
before mentioned ; and therefore, and for fear of four 
galeotas that sailed with us, the people had clean deserted 
the isle of Karg, lying over against this, three leagues to 
seaward, and little more than two in compass. It affords 
good shelter from the north-west wind, and is mountainous 
and stony, with good water, some palm-orchards, sheep 
and goats. Here is grown store of onions, whereof great 
cargoes are taken to Ba^ord and other ports ; the folk arc 
mostly Arabs.^ Here we anchored on the 2Sth of July, 
and lay four days wind-bound. Up to this place the high 
lands of Persia are near the sea and in sight, but from this 
on they trend inland,* and pass out of sight of navigators ; 
and the land is so low that, even at a little distance, you 



I " Bandar Rfg» (not '*Righ"), in Persian, does mean " Sandy Bay," 
and probably, trom its position, this is "Regh Ceyfadin." Who 
** Ceyfadin " (Saif u'd Dfn) was, is not clear. But it has not been an 
uncommon title in Persia, nor in Musalman India ; and we shall find 
several chiefs of Hormuz so styled below. But in 1665, when Thevenot 
embarked here for Basra, it had no name for him, but " Bender Righ 
or Rfk ;" which he translates aright. He puts it next after the " River 
of Boschavir," and "a day's sailing from Bender Rischer" (Travels 
into the Levant^ LovelPs Translation, London, Ft. ll, chap. viii). 

^ I have thought that these two words might be of more interest in 
the original Spanish. 

■ This is Kharag, described in similar terms in the Persian Gulf 
Pilots which mentions " some vegetables " as obtainable. 

* So also the Persian Gulf Pilot. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 25 

cannot see it Two deep rivers of fresh water have their 
mouths hereabouts, at Rexel and Regh Ceyfadin.^ 

Hence we sailed westward ; losing sight of land, though 
near, for that it is low ; being in charge of a Moorish pilot 
that we took aboard in Karg. This fellow, though reputed 
the best in those narrow seas, nearly put us high and dry 
at a pass which the Moors call Karab, that is, " broken" 
or "ruined."^ They say that there was a great city, 
that was overflowed by reason of its low position. This 
channel is about four leagues wide, with many banks ; and 
is always passed with the lead overboard and a boat 
ahead, by reason of the varying depth ; three fathoms at 
best. Once through it, we found more water, and land on 
both hands ; and running up the Persian coast we cast 
anchor, on the ist of August, in the channel of the Xat-el 
Arab. This means " the River of the Arabs," who call a 
famous river xat^ and the lesser kor^ or wed ; whence are 
named in Spain the Wedelquebir, Wedelager, Wedyana, 
and others. 

This river, whereof men draw the fresh water in the 
narrows three leagues away from it, is formed of the two 
famous rivers Tigris and Euphrates, which unite at Corna, 
the last point of Mesopotamia that lies between them, 
three days' journey above BasorA. Here have the Turks a 
fortress called Corna, that is "the Point," commanding 
both channels.^ Here they unite to discharge their waters. 



1 The " river'' of " Rexel " is " Khor Sultani, a large creek with a 
shallow bar," at Bushire. Bandar Rig has " a small khor " (^Persian 
Gulf Pilot), The R. G. S. map has a showy-looking " Shahpur River," 
half-way between them. 

2 Khar&b. The translation is sound in Persian and Arabic. Our 
familiar Hindustani khardb^ meaning simply " bad," is of later use. 
The place lately retained the name, but it has now disappeared from 
our own charts and the Persian Gulf Pilot. 

» " Kumah," " Komah," " Kdmd," of modem maps. Perhaps 
rightly Kamd^ — 2i hom^ and so, by metaphor, a point {!) The term 
is as common in Asiatic Geography on shore as at sea, if not more so. 



26 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

between shores level on either bank ; whereof the northern 
or Persian plains are in the possession of Mombarek, son 
of Motelob, an Arab chief who holds them against the 
Turk, and is at war with him ; pretending a right to these 
and to the territory of BasorA.^ In his territories are 
Magdom, O^za, and Doreka,* cities of importance. They 
lie widely waste, not barren, but untilled for fear of the 
Turks. Those on the other, or Arabian, bank are fertile 
and cultivated, with many palm-groves, orchards, and 
gardens.* The river makes near its mouth a great bend, 
but returns to its course, which here is from west to east. 
It may be here a little over two miles wide, and about six 
fathoms deep at this season of low water, with a strong 
current. 

On either shore are abundant herds and flocks, geese 
and ducks, and other fowl and beasts. The inhabitants are 
Arabs, who carry on communication by swimming upon 
inflated skins. Many came thus to our ship, to sell hens, 
geese, milk, butter, dates, and other victual, all very cheap. 
There was a strong head wind, so we got but slowly up 
the river ; and after eight or nine leagues came to where 
it divides into two equal parts. One flows southward 
through Arabia, and enters the Persian Gulf at Katifa 
near Barhen, forming of that bit of land an isle perhaps 
more than eighty leagues long.* The other channel is that 



1 For "Mombarek," see also P. Delia Valle, Letter No. 17, from 
Bagdad, December loth to 23rd, 161 6. [A number of Royal letters in 
Doc, Rem,^ tom. i and ii, refer to " Bombarcca," and the liberal terms 
offered by him to the Portuguese, to induce them to form an offensive 
and defensive alliance with him, against the Turks. — D. F.] 

* Maktueh, Ahwaz (or perhaps Hawizeh), Dorak, Dawrak, or Fella- 
hieh, R. G. S. map of Persia. 

• This contrast still exists {Persian Gulf Pilot and charts). But 
Teixeira's channels cannot be verified now : the river has changed too 
much. 

^ The translation is literal. It is difficult to suppose that Teixeira 
really believed any mouth of the Shdt-el-Arab to reach El Katff, near 
the Isles of Bahrein, which last we shall see reason to think that he 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 27 

by which we had come, and from this on the single stream 
is wider, deeper, and stronger. A little way up it we 
came to an islet in mid-stream, one league in length, and 
half as much broad ; green enough, and full of palm-groves 
and gardens.^ The channel is deeper on the Arabian side 
of it. Pursuing our voyage, we came at 8 A.M. of August 
the 6th to Serrige,* fifteen or sixteen leagues from the 
bar ; where ships of burden anchor to discharge cargo. 
Here we cast anchor over against a fort that the Turks 
hold on the river side, in the territory of Mombareka. 
They have many other such, both above and below it, to 
protect the land, and their vassals therein, against the 
Arabs* forays. 

I left the ship and entered a canal, which may have two 
fathoms of water at ebb, and more than three at flood tide. 
For the tide is felt here, though the water is ever fresh.^ 
By this creek, fringed on each side with ploughed lands, 
palm-groves, and gardens watered therefrom, after less 
than one league's journey, we came to Basori. 

BasorA* is a city of Arabs, set about two miles west 
of the joint Euphrates and Tigris, and communicating 



visited. Yet the distance, in geographical leagues of twenty to a 
degree, corresponds to that position. One can only suppose our 
author to have been misled by an ignorant or mendacious pilot. [In 
the description of Basra, printed from the Shane MS. 197, in the 
Comment, of Aj. Datt.y vol. iv, pp. 232-238, the writer makes the same 
statement regarding a branch reaching to Catifa.— D. F.] 

This description would suit the modem island of Muhalla, below 
the entrance of the Hafar, or channel into the Kdnin {Persian Gult 
Pilot). 

* Not noticed by the Persian Gulf Pilot or charts. But Kiepert has 
" Siradji," a little below Basra, on the west bank. 

' Rise and fall at Basra " about nine feet." The influence of the 
tides reaches about thirty miles beyond Kilma, but the stream always 
runs down, the rise and fall gradually decreasing to nil {Persian 
Gulf Pilot). The water is more brackish, and hotter, than that of 
the Hafar, or K^nin, and ships should prefer the latter {ibid.). 

* Cf. the description of Basra referred to in the foot-note supra. 
— D. F. 



28 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

with them by the canal above mentioned,^ and by land ; 
but the latter is cut up with artificial public conduits and 
channels. It stands in a plain, and may have within and 
without the fortress ten thousand houses, mostly large, but 
of poor architecture ; built of sun-dried bricks that scarce 
stand for three years. Those of the poor are commonly of 
mats and bundles of reeds, abundant in the rivers. It 
hath a citadel, foursquare, yet longer than wide ; where 
many walls and ramparts are all of earth, and almost in 
ruin. Around it is a deep and wide ditch, filled from the 
creek. Within it are about ten thousand houses,^ and 
here is the centre of traffic. Here also are most of the 
crafts, and the head-quarters, and most of the garrison. 
This may be in all of three thousand men, between 
musketeers and horsemen, Turks, Kurds, and Arabs, 
besides outposts. There is a Pasha, the supreme com- 
mander in peace and war, and a custom-house, whose 
dues are great, and pay for the garrisons and other 
expenses, with a great surplus. 

There is here an arsenal, and therein much and good 
artillery, and some galleys ; but these are few, of small 
scantling, and ill-built. They launched a new one of the 
same sort while I was there. These are not kept against 
the Portuguese, as someone has written ; for the Turks 
know well that with such they could do no harm to 
them. But they are for use in the river and thereabouts, 
to keep in order the rebellious Arabs, from whom they 
exact heavy tribute. Small as they are, they cost much ; 
for that land has no timber at all, and it is costly of 
import. 

They cross their creek by a wooden bridge set upon 

1 Asshar creek of the Persian Gulf Pilot, 

2. The number above assigned to the fortified city and suburbs. 
Th^fortaleza^ or fort, usually means in the East a fortified city, and 
not a citadel reserved for military use only. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 29 

eight boats, and elsewhere in boats that they call dane- 
guas, built of any little scraps of wood for want of greater. 
But in spite of this, and of their being uncaulked, they 
are very staunch and water-tight, being covered with a 
bitumen that they call qutr} whereof I shall have more to 
say, in place of pitch. Basord is well provided and fertile, 
especially in dates ; so good, and so abundant, that they 
are exported yearly in great quantity to Bagdad, the 
ports of Persia and Harmuz, and are a staple food. The 
soil bears all fruits and vegetables, wheat, barley, rice, and 
garden-stuff, abundant and cheap ; and as there is import 
from Rexer,* Regh Ceyfadin, and Dorek, the price is kept 
down. There are in plenty all sorts of great and small 
cattle, and of fowl, and fish from the river, but not good. 
There is trade with Harmuz, whence come all Indian 
wares ; with Barhen, Catifa, Lasdn,^ Persia, Bagdad, and 
all Arabia thereabouts. There are here countless scor- 
pions, and I saw many as big as common crayfish.* The 
air is unhealthy, and the climate very hot. The folk are 
Turks and Arabs, chiefly the latter, who are natives here ; 
most are well-favoured, especially the children and women. 
These last are said to be not very chaste. Traffic is 
mostly conducted by means of camels, mules, asses, and 
horses ; of which there are great studs in the land ; and 
being many and good, they are exported to Harmuz for 
the Indian trade. 

When I came to Basord there were many houses in ruin 



* Cf. Hobson-Jobson^ s, v. " Kil."— D. F. 

* Note the final r, and vide note, p. 23, where the text has Rexe/. 
The cultivation of rice has fallen off of late years, and wheat and dates 
have replaced it, to the great improvement of the climate {Persian 
Gulf Pilot), 

* " Lasdn " is probably Al Hdsa, the province of Arabia surrounding 
Al Katff. 

* Presumably the fresh- water crayfish or icrevisse {Astacus fluvia- 
tilis\ which is not very unlike a scorpion in shape, and equalled in 
size by many scorpions. 



30 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

within and without the walls, which were being rebuilt 
very hastily. The reason was, that eight or ten days 
before, a magazine had caught fire, and five thousand odd 
leathern sacks of powder exploded, with such uproar, that 
men thought the end of the world was come. There was 
great damage in most of the city, which may have been 
here two centuries, and is now in its third site.^ The 
Turks have held it now for over fifty years, to whom it 
was made subject by an Arab tyrant, who seized it, and 
claimed their protection.^ As for the manners, dress, and 
customs of the folk, there is nothing to tell ; because they 
are all Arabs and Turks, whose ways are well known. All 
gold and silver coins pass in this country for what they 
may be worth ; but those struck there in the mint are of 
silver and copper. The silver coins are, first, the lartns? 
long money with both ends bent, worth sixty-five marave- 
dis apiece ; and secondly, round coins called xays^^ of the 
shape and value of our real sexillo. This is of a lower 
standard than the other, which is very fine. There are 
here no buildings of importance. In the city, there are 
several public baths, very clean, and profitable. Their rule 
is to admit men up to noon, and women from noon to 
sunset ; and if any should transgress the same of malice, 
he would be most severely punished. The canal, which is 
artificial, as I have said, runs far into the land, and from it 
are watered great fields, and an immense number of palm- 
groves. Ancient men assured me that it had once been 

* The reference here is to one of the numerous slight shifts of site 
and reconstructions, to which Asiatic capitals are very liable, especi- 
ally on alluvial plains. Teixeira was well aware of the shifts of Basra. 
He mentions the second site of it on p. 34, and the first on p. 35. 

* This was in 1546 (see Couto, Dec. VI^ Liv. iv, cap. v). — D. F. 

' So called from the city of Lar, where they are said to have been 
first coined. They were worth at this time about tenpence. An 
illustrated note on the subject will be found in Mr. Gray's Pyrard^ 
vol. i, p. 232. See also infra^ Appendix C. — D. F. 

* Shdhis^ worth at this time about fourpence English (see Letters 
Received by the E, India Co.^ vol. iii, p. 326). — D. F. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 3 1 

navigable to a point thirty leagues inland, whereof it now 
falls far short, but still is notable as the work of man's 
hand. 

One day they took me up it, rather more than three 
leagues, to see a Xeque, or Lord, who held much of the 
country that I afterwards traversed. He was called Xeque 
Mahamed eben Raxet; a man for his presence and aspect 
worthy of that and of a better position. By means of an 
interpreter,^ he spoke at large with me; showing great 
pleasure therein, for that he had never seen a Frank, as 
they call the Christians of Europe. He wondered at my 
dress, speech, and manners, which he considered with 
particular attention ; and after great offers, and entertain- 
ment on a little ill-stewed goat's meat — which was no 
small favour — I took leave of him. Descending the river, 
which is really very pleasant, at a certain point I saw the 
Moors in my boat rise, and pray very reverently. I 
looked whither they faced in prayer, and saw on the shore 
a little house like a hermitage, and asked what it was. 
They said that it was dedicated to Igd ben Mariam, that is, 
Jesus, the son of Maria ; and showed me much land and 
many palm-groves, assigned to its support and service. 
Whereat I wondered ; for though I knew that the Moors 
honour him greatly and call him Ruyaldh, that is, "the 
Breath of God," I had never known them to dedicate a 
temple to him.^ 



^ This is one of the passages that indicate Teixeira to have had 
less Arabic than Persian. Later on, he seems to have less Turkish 
than Arabic. 

* The very cool and cautious expression of this passage is worth 
noting. [Dr. Kayserling (op, cit.^ p. 170, «.) quotes this statement of 
Teixeira's, and adds : " Without doubt these were remains of Christian 
communities, which had formed themselves at the time of the found- 
ation of Christianity." Dr. Kayserling also says : " It is surprising that 
he does not mention the Jews of this city, who, in the time of Benjamin 
of Tudela, amounted to two thousand. If, however, we consider that 
the three thousand Jewish families who, only twenty years since, dwelt 
there, have now decreased to fifty, it is quite possible that their number 



32 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 



CHAPTER IV. 

How I departed from Basord by way of the desert, and my daily route 
until I came to Mexat Aly, a city in the same. 

When I came to Basord, I settled in the house of Santo 
Fonte, a Venetian merchant, in whose company I had 
come from Harmuz, meaning to make this journey in the 
same.^ There were with us a country-born gentleman of 
India, called Diego de Melo de San Payo f and another 
Portuguese by name Juan Pinto,' a man in much esteem ; 
both of whom were more closely connected with Fonte 
than I. 

When we came to arrange about our passage, we under- 
stood that we must wait at least four or five months ; for 
that the water was low in the Tigris then, and would be 
less daily until Christmas ; when it begins to increase 
with the first rains, and without them none can sail, for the 
many banks, and the thieves that get chances to attack the 
boats, and often do it. Nor can the boatmen tow the boats 



at the beginning of the seventeenth century was in like manner too 
inconsiderable for Teixeira to have anything to relate concerning 
them."— D. F.] 

1 In a letter of January 3rd, 1607 (in Doc, Rem,^ tom. i), the King of 
Spain requests the Viceroy to send him dispatches twice a year by land, 
vid Hormuz ; on each occasion by two distinct routes : one courier 
going from Basra to Suez and Alexandria, and thence by ship to 
Italy and France ; " the other by the territories of Bombareca along 
Persia, and arriving at Alepo and Alexandreta, where likewise are 
found ships for Venice and other ports of Italy ; and having also the 
chance of merchants : Venetians, who have their correspondents and 
factories in Ormuz, and are well-known and trustworthy men, some 
dispatch may be sent by means of them." — D. F. 

* Regarding this man, who proved such a source of trouble to his 
companions, see foot-note to chap, xiv, infra. — D. F. 

' This may possibly be the same Joao Pinto who is referred to in a 
marginal note to a Royal letter of December 15th, 1606 {Doc. Rem.y 
tom. i), as having married a daughter of Belchior Dias da Cruz, who 
was drowned some years previously in the Gulf of Venice, while 
carrying dispatches from India to the King. — D. F. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 33 

at low water, as they do for most of that voyage ; which in 
flood takes from thirty-five to fifty days, and at low water 
about double that time. This happened to a cafild}- of 
boats that left Basord twenty-five days before our arrival ; 
and spent three months in getting to Bagdad, with cost 
and worry enough. 

Whilst I was in this perplexity, a cafila began to fit out 
for the land journey through the Arabian desert ; by a 
route uncertain, and hitherto little in use. As I doubted 
of getting so speedy a chance by the river, I took counsel 
of such as might be able to give it about joining this 
cafila. They alleged many objections, in spite whereof I 
determined to do so, and for my greater convenience 
agreed with the captain of the cafila^ who was an Arab 
Moor, dwelling near Basord, called Agi Mahamed ben 
Faldh Atsany. My broker was one Mostafi, a Jew 
turned Turk, in whom the Portuguese and Venetian men 
of business put much faith. By his means it was agreed 
that for fifty ducats I should be carried to Bagdad, 
with my bedding and a little personal baggage, and 
have attendance and diet. This last, throughout the 
journey, was that of the natives, very scanty, foul, and 
irregular. It was, however, eked out by a bag of good 
biscuits and some boxes of preserved quinces, which the 
captain helped me to consume, with the better heart that 
they were not his own. I brought with me three bales of 
indigo, to meet my expenses. This he agreed to transport 
clear of all charges and dues whatever; and that turned out 
the best of my bargain : not as a mere matter of money, 
but as saving the annoyances that I saw others suffer, in 
the discharge of dues upon their persons and property. 

When I was going to start, Diego de Melo determined to 



^ Though generally used (as by Teixeira below) as a synonym for 
" caravan,'' cafila was often applied by Portuguese writers to a convoy 
of ships or boats (see Hobson-Jobson^ j. v.). — D. F. 

D 



34 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

come in the same company, without awaiting that of Santo 
Fonte, who could not get away so soon, having brought 
much goods with him. I agreed to Diego's urgent request, 
arranging that he should go with Mostafd above mentioned, 
and we set forth. In all my arrangements I was much 
indebted to Geronimo bon Tempely, a Venetian merchant. 

On the south of Basord is a great open and level place 
called Maxarak, used as a market-place and general fair. 
Moreover, all the Moorish horsemen, who are many and 
expert, are wont to meet there on Fridays. This is their 
holy day, but they only observe it by this practice, and by a 
little more attendance in the mosques. They cease not 
from work and business on that day more than on another, 
making small scruple in respect of it. 

On September the 2nd, with our friends* last compli- 
ments, we went forth to this place, or plain ; whence the 
caravan, or cafila^ was beginning to file off. We alone slept 
there that night, the first of many bad nights before us, 
waiting for my captain, who had not yet dispatched all his 
business. The next evening, Friday, the 3rd, we followed 
the rest : I on a camel, and my friend on horse-back. 

We went about half a league through palm-groves, and 
then entered on desert plains, subject to flood, and covered 
with salt. This is produced by the heat of the sun, very 
great in those parts, from the sea-water of the Persian 
Gulf; which, though more than ten leagues distant, drowns 
these lands in certain conjunctions.^ Whereby much of 
them, once fertile, has been desolated. 

We rode along the top of a dyke, six or seven spans 
{palmos) high, and five wide, four leagues to our halting- 
place, which was called Drahemya, and lay amid the ruins 
of the second city of Basori.^ Of this some remains may 

^ The ^^ coniunciones^* appear to be spring-tides in August, when 
they are highest in the Persian Gulf {Persian Gulf Pilot), 
^ Now Zubair, or near it ,* the first Musaknan Basra, founded after 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 35 

yet be seen, as the walls of a great mosque, fragments of the 
rampart,and partof its ditch. To all appearance it was a great 
city. There are some wells of good water, and these lands 
are cultivated, yielding wheat, barley, and vegetables. Our 
course to-day was southward. We halted here the Satur- 
day and Sunday, beginning to feel in the open air the heat 
of the sun, which at that place and season is immoderate. 

On Monday, September the 6th, we moved off, weary 
enough of strife with the Arabs, agents of Xeque Mahamed 
eben Raxet, lord of those lands, and the same to whom I 
had been introduced, as above related ; who levy his dues 
on merchandize. When I saw how others were dealt with 
on that and other occasions, I held for well spent all 
what I had paid to the captain to be free of those 
vexations. 

We started west-north-westward s, through lands won- 
derfully flat and barren, leaving on our left hand a very high 
mountain, six or seven leagues distant, and, in my opinion, 
about two in length. The Arabs call this Gibel Sinam, 
that is. Mount Sinam ; where of old was the first city of 
Basord. They say that it has many waters, and that the 
cafilas from Basord to Meka, which take that way, 
water there. Those lands, and nearly all hereabouts, are so 
flat that it seems as it were an isle in the sea.^ 

After a little more than two leagues' march, we halted 
at noon by some wells of cool and good water, in a plain 
full of colocynths, which the desert Arabs gather to 

the battle of Kadesfa, " on a plain covered with white stones — whence 
the name " — by Otba, son of Ghazwdn, Mdzinf ; a comrade of the 
Prophet, and chief of his own tribe, under the orders of the Caliph 
'Umar. (Zotenberg's Tabarf, Pt iv, chap. xlii. Tabari is explicit as 
to the origin of the name, which I cannot verify further.) 

^ This mountain is in the modern maps, and it is only necessary to 
say that there is no confusion, in the Oriental mind, between it and 
Mount Sinai ; nor does Teixeira seem to have made any. I am not 
aware of any other evidence about this oldest " Basra," but there is 
nothing improbable in the tradition of a great city's existence at the 
foot of Jabal Sinam. 

D 2 



36 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

make medicine of them, mixing them with camels' milk. 
They call this place Bragacya, or Cobrocya, that is, " the 
place of ducats/' Here came all the cafila together, and, 
though little, it was of one-hundred-and-fifty camels, 
ninety-five donkeys, and twelve horses. Here we found 
some folk, who fled at sight of us, and who we learnt were 
poor Beduynes,* the poorest of Arabs, who wander in 
families through those deserts ; naked, or clad in skins of 
beasts, by hunting which they live ; such as deer, gazelles, 
wild asses, wolves, foxes, hares, etc. 

At four in the afternoon we decamped, and marched in 
the same direction over plains, with many wells of good 
and sweet water, passing the ruins^ of two great buildings, 
once the dwellings of such as tilled those lands, which arc 
all called Choa bedeh. After two leagues more, we halted 
in a barren and waterless plain, to await a camel, which 
had fallen, and lagged behind with its load. 

On Tuesday, the 7th, we marched, starting before 
daylight, through lands very l^el but very dry, with 
a terrible sun and high south wind that scorched us like 
fire. Our route was long, because, finding no water, we 
marched until noon, more than five leagues and a half 
Our halt was in a plain called by the Arabs Re^meldh, 
where were three wells of foul, thick, and brackish water ; 
yet our great need and thirst made it sweet to us. 

On this day, two camels fell with me thrice ; wherefore 
the captain, to fit me better, bought of one of our 
company a good camel and an ass — and but ill he paid 
for them afterwards. Our course was north-north-west 

Wednesday, the 8th, an hour before dawn, we started 
westerly, and marched until one o'clock, after noon, over 



^ ** BtdHyms miSfuimas^^*^ Beddwfn Miskfn,** or something like it 
Aiiskim is good Ambic for a pauper, and now commonly used in 
ItidlA for a pauper pilgrim to Mecca. 

* Nameless ^* ruins ^ are shown on this route in Kieperfs map. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 37 

sands and very dry wastes. Having come about seven 
leagues, we rested in a plain called like the last Cho^bed^h. 

It was round as a threshing-floor, as if laid out by 
compass, and might be two leagues about. In the midst of 
it were eight cabins of such Beduynes as I have told of, 
covered with coarse goats*-hair blankets. Here were some 
wells of foul and fetid water, from one of which, with the 
water, we drew up a great venomous snake dead. All this 
day, there was a great and thick smoke north of us ; 
which, we were told, lay over the banks of the River 
Euphrates, where the Arabs were burning the reed-beds 
for their sowings. That may have been two good days* 
march off our road, along all which we saw many hares 
and bush-rats. These are as big as our greatest common 
rats, grayish-white ; their ears, fore-feet, and tail as of a 
rat, but the end of the tail, eyes, and head as of a rabbit, 
and their hind-legs like those of a gazelle. They move 
by jumps, and burrow like rabbits ; there are plenty in 
this desert, and the Arabs eat them, and say they are 
very good.^ 

We marched hence at four in the afternoon, through 
somewhat rougher ground, about three leagues, and halted 
at sunset in a sort of vale, waterless, but with some dry 
grass, and many and great snakes ; this place still coming 
under the name of Cho^bed^h. 

On Thursday, the 9th, we marched at dawn, some six or 
seven leagues through troublesome sand-hills, until mid- 
day, when we came to a stone well of clear and fresh 
water ; but stinking so that we could scarce come nigh it. 
We thought that this was for want of light and motion, for 
that the well was some thirty fathoms deep ; but I changed 
my mind on our drawing from it a lizard more than four 
palms long, and one thick : a hideous creature. Ttie Arabs 

^ Jerboas, of course. 



38 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

call this place Hheun, Hhyund, and Ahen, all meaning 
Eyes.^ On the way we found a great and fair gazelle, not 
long dead, and unwounded, which we took to have died of 
snake-bite; and a little beyond many ostrich feathers, 
which the camel-men carefully gathered up, for that 
they are much valued thereabouts. We saw many hares 
and bush-rats. We had kept a westerly course, and 
started again on the same at four in the afternoon ; after 
about three leagues* march we halted in a great, salt, dry 
plain. 

On Friday, the loth, we marched two hours before 
dawn, west-south-west through lands like yesterday's. 
After three leagues* journey we got into great sand-hills, 
with a few bushes : such bad travelling, that from that, and 
the intolerable heat and want of water, several camels and 
asses died, and we were almost at the last gasp. At one 
o'clock, we came to an open spot, lying under a high 
sand-dune, full of colocynths, and called by the Arabs 
Hhynigha. Therein were Arab thieves set, who took 
themselves off when they found the cafila on its guard. 
There were many wells, but all choked and full of mud. 
We cleared them a little, and all, at a depth of a fathom, 
or one, two, or three cubits, yielded plenty of good, sweet, 
clear water, wherewith we satisfied and provided ourselves, 
praising God, who had bid it spring there for our help, 
who came thither scarce alive. That day we had come 
some eight leagues, fit to count for fourteen, so bad was 
the way, and such the heat, our hunger and thirst, and our 
fear of the Arab thieves, ever ranging the desert, and lurk- 
ing for prey near every watering-place. 

1 " Ojos.^^ The Arabic word is ^Ain^ plural ^Ayikn^ and does mean 
" eye f and also, " fountain " or " spring." This last does not seem to 
be a regular meaning of the modem Castilian ojo ; but it is yet a dic- 
tionary meaning of the Portuguese olho, — This is a stupid note, but 
necessary, as we shall have the word again and again ; and as Stevens, 
by a quaint slip, applies the Arabic name to the ugly lizard ! 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 39 

Nor spare they one another, between clan and clan ; 
wherefore the caravans, or cafilas^ ever keep in pay, as ours 
did, some Arabs, of such tribes as they may meet, to secure 
good usage ; and as guides of the ways and watering- 
places. 

Without that, there is no passage ; and no less than the 
fear of our foes was that of our own company, for that those 
folk are faithless, treacherous, and covetous to the last 
degree. And, as they think all Franks (that is, European 
Christians) to be very rich, they never lose sight of them ; 
seeking devices to plunder, and sometimes to slay them. 

God be praised, who delivered ourselves from their 
treasons that they brewed against us ; and especially 
against Diego de Melo of our company, who brought on 
himself many and serious annoyances, by his air of dignity 
and reserve, and requirements of special service. All trav- 
ellers in these parts should avoid the like ; to attract as 
little as may be the eyes of the Arabs, who seldom put 
them to good use, but in hope of their own gain. 

So came we to this place, beyond which we ventured 
not that day, and so halted there for the night. Yet had 
we in advance certain Jews of the caravan with an Arab, 
whom in such case the captain used to give them for 
escort, in return for certain services due at the end of the 
trip. These go ahead, that they may rest on their Sabbath 
(when they may not march) without falling in rear of the 
caravan. 

On Saturday, the 1 1 th, after resting most of the day by 
those wells, we marched at five o*clock in the evening, 
north-westwards for about two leagues, and halted before 
sunset to await a laggard camel. 

On Sunday, the 12th, we marched three hours before 
sunrise, west-north-westward, over very level ground, with 
some hillocks, all good, but waterless. After a league and 
half, we found some wells of good water ; and at eleven of 



40 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

the morning, we came to the channel of a dry river, which 
has, they said, much water in winter ; and so I supposed 
from its size and position. 

There stands there yet an old fort, square, with twelve 
bastions, three of a side,^ all well built of burnt brick and 
mortar. About seventy paces outside it was a little 
alcoran^ ten cubits high, which had evidently been higher, 
of like material and construction. All this was already 
much the worse for wear, yet no less than a royal work for 
its excellence, and for that, in that place, its erection must 
have been very difficult, costly, and toilsome. 

It was built by an Arab king, a forefather of my Xeque 
Mahamed eben Raxet, to secure the cafilas passing this 
way, before the Turks occupied Bagdad and Basord. The 
Arabs call it Alkay^ar, or Kay^ar, that is, "the palace or 
house of Caesar," for so they call all buildings of kings or 
princes. It is half-way between Basord and Mexat Aly, 
whither we were bound.' 

We found in the bed of that river some wells of clear 
and fresh water, but of intolerable stench — had not our 
need overborne it. We had marched about eight leagues, 
and halted here until four o'clock in the evening, when we 
marched three leagues more, and encamped at sunset. 
Five camels of the caravan died that day, worn out ; and 
all the rest of the company took their flesh to eat, and 
asked us to share ; but we would not, though our victual 
was failing already. 

On Monday, the 13th, we started three hours before day, 



^ Meaning, of course, one to each angle, and two on each curtain. 

* A minaret, as Teixeira explains hereafter. ( Vide query in H^bson- 
Jobsotty p. 755.) 

• " Tell Kesroeh " (Tal Kasrawf) appears on Kiepert's map about 
half-way between Basra and Mashad AJi, on the authority, apparently, 
of Chesney. The godfather is as likely to have been a Persian Khusru 
as a Roman Coesar, or more so ; and probably Shaikh Muhammad's 
grandfather made use of bricks from some ancient ruin on the spot 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 4I 

and went through low lands, subject to the flood of the 
Euphrates, which is a short day's march distant ; salt, 
stony, and in places jungly ; heading north-west. After 
about seven leagues* march, we halted amid uneven sands 
to await some laggard camels, whereof one died ; to 
recover whose load we stayed there that night. We had 
water on our right hand, eastwards, at little over half a 
league ; which some went to try, but when it was drawn 
we had small joy of it, for though it was clear and bright, 
it was salt as the sea. 

On Tuesday, the 14th, one hour before sunrise, we 
marched north-westwards over the like country. At eleven, 
having made about six leagues, we halted in a plain, half 
a league from some wells lying amid the ruins of a great 
old city ; whereof are left now but those wells, a few palms, 
and some remnants of buildings. It is called Sayda, and 
by the Arabs Hayun Sayda, that is, " the eyes or springs of 
Sayda."^ The water was indifferent, but better than yester- 
day's. We marched again at four in the afternoon, and, 
having made about three leagues, we halted. 

On Wednesday, the isth, we took the road two hours 
before dawn, heading north-west ; and after one hour's 
march we saw in the east a great fire, which all the com- 
pany declared to be the wOrk of thieving Beduyne Arabs. 
The land was not level, as of late, but uneven. We marched 
six leagues, and halted at ten in the morning in a place 
called by the Arabs Kalb al Sor, that is, " the Bull's Heart,"^ 
where was one well of foul and stinking water. Here was 
made prisoner a certain Arab, on the warning of a pilot of 
the cafila^ that he was a spy of a clan of tho^e parts, who 
had come with us from Basori, that he might advise them 
hence, when to come and rob us. He defended himself 

1 For the etymology, see above, p. 38, note. " Ain Saida " is on 
Kiepert's map, in a suitable position. 

2 The translation is correct, but the place is not on my maps. 



42 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

firmly, denying the charges ; but, after all, to make all 
safe, they brought him on to Mexat Aly, bound and well 
guarded. 

The same day, before four in the afternoon, we started 
again, and marched until sunset, four leagues through the 
like country. We halted in a convenient place, in better 
order than hitherto; bringing all our men, camels, and 
other beasts within a leaguer of piled baggage, and lying 
all upon our arms. 

Four men, brought in pay of the cafila for that duty, 
kept strict guard all night, with fires, against the thieves 
that prowled about that place, and against lions, which are 
not wanting there. Already that evening one had attacked 
a man of our company, but by the grace of God hurt him 
not. Whereby also, though there are so many in those 
lands, we saw few, and those not close at hand. 

On Thursday, the i6th, we set out three hours before 
sunrise. Having marched a little more than two leagues, 
we descended into a great ravine, wherein during winter 
flows a fierce torrent that the Arabs called Hhanega, that 
is, " the Drowning."^ It would seem that the loss of some 
men or beasts gave it this name. It has some trees and 
green grass. After about eight leagues* march north-west- 
wards, we rested at noon in a green place, with some shade 
of bushes and reed-beds, and wells of good water : the 
Arabs call it Semat.^ At 3 p.m. we started again, and 
marched until ten at night through rough country, dry and 
stony, about five leagues. All that day we saw many 
herds of wild asses. 

On Friday, the 17th, we took the road two hours 
before daylight, and just before dawn we had an alarm 
of fifty Arab thieves, on five-and-twenty camels, ahead 

* Perhaps "the Choker*' would be a closer rendering; but the sense 
of the text is clear. 

2 This is on Kiepert's map. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 43 

of US. So they go commonly in that desert, two on each 
camel. 

Before an attack they dismount at a little distance, leave 
their camels hobbled, by securing one knee in a bent 
position, and then advance to the attack. Their usual arms 
are lances, bows, swords, shields and caniales^ which are 
great broad, crooked daggers.^ They have also many 
horsemen. 

Our cafila got under arms ; being about forty bowmen, 
twelve musketeers, four mounted lancers, and a few with 
other arms of close fight. The thieves passed on without 
halt. We were afraid that they went but to seek reinforce- 
ments, as being themselves too few for the venture ; but 
they came not again. For all that we marched on the 
look-out, and in the best order we could keep. The best 
armed took the vanguard, and went prancing and shouting 
war-songs, to encourage themselves in their own defence, 
and that of the company. This morning's march was 
forced, and lay for three or four leagues in sight of a great 
lake,2 a backwater of the river Euphrates. We were so 
fearful of thieves, and so worn with the way, heat and cold, 
hunger and thirst, that every trifle disquieted us. So, 
seeking a watering-place to rest in, and coming towards 
it, we saw there some folk, and made sure that they were 
thieves. Then we all made ready for fight, but one of 
our Arab pilots kicked up his gray mare, and at marvellous 
speed joined those people in an instant, recognised them, 
and returned to say that they were Beduyne hunters 
encamped there for water. (The Arabs, I should say, 
prefer mares to horses in use, as swifter and safer, and 

^ ^^Caniales^* is evidently formed from khdnjar^ and the descrip- 
tion is of that dagger well known in India, wherever Arab soldiers 
go, dj&jambiya, 

2 " LagunaP I have avoided using the English form " lagoon " for 
fresh water, out of respect to modem custom. The lake, or marsh, is 
marked on Kiepert's map as Rumyah. 



44 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

more easily fed in the desert than stalh'ons.) The water 
was a spring in a great dry river-bed, which the Arabs call 
Utcfela.* It was plentiful and good ; the place green 
and shady, with good trees, reed-beds, rushes and other 
plants. We got to it about i p.m., having marched six 
miles. 

At 3 P.M. we marched again, leaving the Jews behind, 
for that next day was their Sabbath ; and, having made 
three leagues by sunset, halted in a waterless plain. 

On Saturday, the i8th, we marched two hours before 
day, north-westward, over plains, at two leagues from the 
backwater. At i P.M. we came to the northern head of 
it, after eight leagues' march through tilled fields, bearing 
wheat, barley, cotton and vegetables, thanks to a little 
stream of fresh water running through them, though the 
land in general is desert like the rest. 

Since morning we had held Mexat Aly in sight, for it 
stands on high land, over and east of the lake. Where- 
fore it seemed the nearer to us, specially to Diego de Melo, 
who must needs get ahead of us to rest, which cost him 
his horse, foundered by haste and heat, and he himself fell 
sick afterwards. Here were fresh water and green grass, 
but no shade from the sun, which smote us with dreadful 
force. We made shift as best we might ; and I worse than 
many, for I could not eat of a rice-stew that my captain 
had provided, full of grease taken from the camels that 
had died on our way, and my saddle-bags were now but 
empty ; wherefore patience must serve me until night, and 
even then we fared no better. 

We left this place at three in the afternoon, somewhat 
forcing the pace along the lake, betwixt it and the foot of 
the flanking cliffs. We headed north, east, and south in 



^ Kiepert has ^*el Ath/' in a suitable position, and perhaps it is the 
place. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 45 

succession,* and after about six leagues* journey, one 
hour after dark, we came to Mexat Aly. To reach the 
town we had to climb a high and rough hill, at the foot of 
which many men and boys welcomed all of us in general, 
and especially their own kinsfolk and acquaintance. 

On that day, while the caravan rested at the head of the 
lake, I was in the mess of one Xeque Alaby, a great friend 
of mine, who complained that his saddle-camel was very 
lame of a forefoot ; and that, because of its good paces, he 
should be much vexed if it could not hold out for the 
journey. He had scarce done speaking, when they brought 
the camel to him, with one of the Arab pilots. They cast 
it, and the pilot took up its foot to see what was there, 
and found a great and deep fistula, very painful. This he 
cleaned out with an iron, extracting much gravel and mud, 
and filled it with cotton and burnt rags. Then he took a 
piece of leather, sufficient to cover the foot, and sewed it 
to the sole with alternate stitches, just as the sole is stitched 
to a woman's shoe, so cleverly that I wondered at him. 
Hereby the camel could both go and mend, without 
further injury. I have recorded this to show what the 
most barbarous folk can learn from necessity. 

The lake already mentioned is fed by the river Euphra- 
tes, whose waters run naturally hither, in flood. In the 
rainy season, they are swollen by much water from that 
desert, and form here as it were a great sea ; whereof the 
water-marks bear witness, showing a difference of fifty 
palms between high-water- mark and the level at which I 
saw it, in the season of least water. This lake is of no 
regular form, but has various arms ; and is, on the whole, 
rather long than otherwise. It may be thirty-five or forty 



^ Necessarily, as they were now rounding the head of the backwater, 
here amounting to a lake, which lies north-west and south-east. They 
had marched up the south-west side, and had to make Mashad Ali, on 
the north-eastern comer. 



46 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

leap^ues about, and six in greatest breadth. There is a 
pass in the middle where it is fordable to camels at low 
water, as when I saw it All the rest is deeper. The water 
flows in fresh, but, as the soil is saline, it, too, turns salt. 
And, as the heat of the sun is extreme, much salt is pro- 
duced by its power alone, here and at Bagdad. In 
flood-time, it is fresher than at low water. It has plenty of 
fish, great and small ; wherefore there are innumerable 
waterfowl that live thereon, and find shelter on the numer- 
ous islets. The Arabs call this lake Rahemdh. 

We entered Mexat Aly, as I have said, on Saturday, the 
1 8th,* one hour after nightfall. Because it was late, the 
whole cafila unloaded in a khan^ or karoancerS? as they call 
certain places built to shelter cafilas and travellers. These 
are built like the cloister of any of our monasteries : 
divided into cells, each with its door and key, and cooking- 
place; but one common place for natural purposes. Some 
have a well in the centre, and others a place for the beasts. 
There are some that can hold three or four hundred men. 
Some are free, for the love of God, being built to that end 
by rich Moors ; only it is the custom to make a present to 
the keeper. In others there are fees charged, but very 
moderate. The like are also in India, called chcdesf but 
not so well built and clean. Those of the town are as 
described, but those in the open country have no partitions. 

This khan was great ; and, although in bad repair, had 
evidently been built with care and cost. Here we slept, 
and the night was no easier than those gone by. For the 
place was foul, stony, uneven, ill-sheltered, and unfit for 
rest, especially in our worn-out condition, as was well 
seen ; for some of the men fell sick, and not a few of the 



* Of September, 1604. * Caravanierai. 

• Our " Dharamsdlas" ; the Bombay " Chawls," though of similar 
etymology, are simply large houses let out in rooms, or set of rooms, 

o tenants. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 47 

beasts died. We supped on dates, sour milk, and water, 
which had been sent as a present to my captain : no great 
meal for me, who had been all day almost fasting, for my 
special biscuits had given out. Needs must I bear all 
with patience, which on such ways is the first and most 
needful provision. 

Diego de Melo and Mustafd, his companion, who had 
gone ahead and got good lodging in another khan^ came 
to look me up at daybreak ; and after salutes and 
embraces, as if we had been long apart, they asked me to 
take quarters with them. I would not, without express 
permission of my captain, to avoid cause of complaint 
They pressed for it, and got it ; and I joined them, and 
was with them until we left the place. 

Mexat Aly, or Mam Aly, which means the same thing, 
that is, "Aly's mosque, or temple," was founded about one 
thousand years ago, at the time of his death. He was 
cousin^ and son-in-law to Mahamed. They commonly 
call him Mortz Aly ; and his sectaries (mortal enemies of 
the Sunis, who are of the Turks' persuasion) relate of him, 
his victories and valour, many feats and miracles, fit 
subject for laughter, or rather for tears. These, as here 
out of place, and already recorded by many, I dismiss, to 
tell of the city. The inhabitants say that Aly was 
treacherously slain by his own man, whom he had reared 
from childhood,* in Kufa, a place not far from this, now 
clean wasted. When they had washed and anointed his 
body, as they are wont, they put it, according to his 
dying direction, on a camel, which they left to take its own 



^ " Sobrino" meaning more literally nephew. 

' He was cut down in the mosque of Kufa by Abdul Rahman, son 
of Muljam, whose tribe does not appear; but he was no dependent of 
^i's. (Zotenbcrg's Tabarf, Pt. iv, chap. cvi. Tabarf has not got the 
story of the camel, but says, shortly, that All was buried in the palace 
at Kufa, which is about ten English statute miles from Mashad Ali, 
and waste, as Teixeira says.) 



48 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

way, following it in view, to see where it stopped. At last 
it rested in this desert, for desert it is to the last degree. 

Then those who followed came to it at once ; and built 
here a tomb for the corpse. This, with time, and the 
devotion and (requentation of his worshippers and sec- 
taries^ was so enriched with gifts, that there grew up a 
temple and «iAvnm, very rich, and fairly wrought enough. 
But now» with the decline of that sect and doctrine, 
the Atbfmlance and offerings fail ; and the building has 
»u(l^rt\l not a little in appearance and condition. 

A'* they held the land for hallowed by that interment, 
th<w WA* 5*uch resort of men there, that by degrees there 
liww up a city ; which, at its best, not over fifty or sixty 
x^t^i'* ^\\ h»cl from six to seven thousand houses.^ Most 
\v| \\\piii? wt^re great and well built, as their ruins bear 
vv (lu^!« to this day, when it hath not over five hundred 
iHh<^bittHl» and those mostly poor and ill-furnished. 
SsMUV) inhabitants told me that it had declined in every 
\v«V »ftt*r the death of Xa Thamds,* king of Persia, who 
(HvoMwl the place greatly. 

|( watt surrounded by a wall, now breached in a 
(hMU^Hud places, built, as were the mosque and houses, of 
\\\\\\\\ brick and mortar. There is no water but of wells, 
Hiui ih4t brackish. Such as must have it sweet fetch it 
(ViMU an aqueduct, which Sultan Selim, the Grand Turk, 
(ipPMM(i up from the Euphrates for three leagues, with 
m>ifU ioat and trouble. But when we came there, we 
\^\\U\ not drink of it, for that the aqueduct was foul 
^n^i Plu4^d up, and under its annual clearance. There 
U ^r^at scarcity of wood, and all things needful are 



< MHi>i)i(ii Ail i» su|)|H^ml to r^pr^aent the ancient Hira, and that 
M^Mii) 41) uU\^\ hWvA\M\x\9^ (Kiepert'» and P'AnviUe's maps). Of 
^piutii:. v^\\M\\ nn CMlttutAl iiU^queiiMT &ack!i a town, and squats in the 
iimUi n i^ MiU luuH Mw^ hik tribe ^ive hla^ fbunder^s honours. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 49 

imported : as sheep, fowls, wheat, barley, fruit and vege- 
tables. The common diet is of dates, curdled milk made 
into cheese, and round cakes of wheat or barley. There is 
plenty of fish in the lake, but they use little of it 

The people are mostly white, but all ill-conditioned. 
No Jew nor Christian may dwell among them, for they 
bear mortal hate to these, and no less to all Moors not 
of their own sect. They value themselves much on 
observing its rule, so strictly, that they hold it for sin to 
talk and deal with others ; and if they have to take 
anything handled by such, they have a thousand ceremo- 
nies, and raise many objections. 

There are yet visible some ruins of sucos^ (which were 
marts), vaulted, as usual in towns thereabouts, and lighted 
with windows ; so well built as to prove the past glory of 
the city. 

In the mosque or temple, where is, they say, the body 
of Aly, there are things of price ; and especially three 
great lamps of gold, richly bejewelled, presented by 
different princes. 

This land is subject to the Turk ; and its lord, an Arab 
king, pays him tribute. There is usually a garrison of 
fifty Turks ; but these, at the time of our stay, were all 
away, called off to Bagdad by reason of the Persian war. 
In their absence the natives were so masterless and unruly, 
that they committed a thousand violences and outrages, 
without fear or shame. 

After four days* rest we started anew, except some of 
that neighbourhood, who stayed there, three hours before 
sunrise of Thursday, the 23rd ; and marched north-west- 
wards over very level but desert land. The road was one 
in use, and we met footmen and horsemen, and droves of 



^ Further on spelt succos. It represents the Arabic ^ir= market- 
place. — D. F. 

E 



so THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

camels and asses. At half-past eleven o'clock,^ having 
come about seven leagues, we halted in a karoancerS^ or 
khan ; ancient, but great and well built. In a plain near 
it was a fine well of very good water, and at two gunshots 
off fifteen huts or tents of Arabs, with many camels. 
About three leagues before this we had seen, half a league 
from the route, a great building with a high tower, where 
are the tomb and body of the holy prophet Ezechiel,^ whom 
the Moors and Jews call Ezkhel. It is held in the highest 
respect by all ; no less for his life and holiness, than for 
the miracles which they say God has wrought here 
through His servant. 

While we were in this khan, which the Arabs call 
Eseg^l, Diego de Melo fell sick of a fever, which he had 
already felt in Aly. He had to ride on a camel — both for 
ease and because his horse was yet unserviceable.^ He was 
unused to much hardships, having grown up much at his 
ease and pleasure, as do all those born in India ; and was 
exceedingly sorry for himself. It pleased God that two 
blood-lettings and some cool drinks set him all right again. 

We started hence at 3 p.m., and marched north- 
wards, over flat, hard sands, six leagues. At sunset we 
halted near another karoancerS^ called by the Arabs 
Geneza,* in a fair though dry plain, near a great well of 
clear and good water. 

On Friday, the 24th, at two hours after midnight, we 
started on a forced march over very bare sands. At day- 



^ This is an uncommon phrase with our traveller, who seldom deals 
in fi'actions of an hour. 

2 This tomb of Ezekiel is on some modem maps, though not in 
Kiepert's. The identification of Ezkhel is all right ; and the Beni 
Israel of Kolaba have, or had lately, what seems to us an odder form : 
" Haskel." " Eseg^l," the name of the khan, is the same word ; i.e.^ 
the khan and the neighbourhood probably take their name from 
the tomb. [See description of tomb by I. J. Benjamin, op, at., p. 
158.— D. F.] 

'It may be remembered that Diego overrode his horse into 
Mashad Ali. * Ghaneiza of Kiepert. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 5 1 

break we saw the town of Mexat Ogem, but came not 
to it until nine o'clock, after seven leagues' march on a 
north-west course. When we got into the city, we halted 
in a free khariy whereof there are many there, and well 
built 



CHAPTER V. 



Mexat Ogen^ and its foundation, and how we went thence, across 
the River Euphrates and Mesopotamia, seeing the site of 
Babylon; crossed the Tigris, and entered the city of Bagdad 
that is thereon. 

Mexat Ogem, or Mam Ogem, that is, "the mosque of 
Ogem," is an open town of more than four thousand houses, 
many of them well designed in the country fashion, but all 
of poor construction. The inhabitants are native Arabs, 
and Turks sent to control that territory, of whom none 
were then there, but all gone to Bagdad to the war. For 
the same reason, many Agemis,^ or Persians, had left the 
town, not thinking themselves safe there while war should 
last between their nation and the Turks. The natives of 
Mexat Ogem are all Rafazis, or Xyahys,' like those of 
Aly ; and therefore mortally hate all other sects and 
laws, as well of Moors as of Christians and Jews. None 
of these two last live in the land ; and if one but chance to 
pass through it, he is very ill-looked on. The markets are 
all well vaulted, and all things needful are abundant, 
as is merchandize : for that many merchants of various 
countries meet there. 



^ Karbala, or Mashad Husain, is rightly translated "Husain's 
Mosque." " Mam," of course, stands for the martyr's title of Imdm 
[though Teixeira appears to consider it a synonym for mashad 
(mosque). — D. F.] 

• See note, Appendix C, infra, — D. F. 

^ /.^., Rdfizis or Shiahs, Properly, the term Rdfisd should be 
confined to a particular sect of Shiahs^ but it is often used, as here, for 
the whole body. — D. F. 

E 2 



52 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

There is a mosque, with its alcoran^ dedicated to Ogem, 
the son of Aly, who is buried here. And as, in this 
formerly desert place, many were wont to die of thirst,^ 
therefore the Moors, and especially those of that sect, hold it 
for a good work to give water for the love of God to all who 
ask ; and many go with water-skins and clean brazen cups 
through the streets, giving drink to the thirsty without 
asking money, though they do not refuse it if offered. 

The mosque and alcoran, like those of Aly, are notable 
for their size, beauty and cost. And though they be less 
ancient than his by but few years, founded in the same 
way, and increased by the devotion of the Xyais, they 
show much better. The material is brick and mortar, 
with some curious glazed tiles, and some mosaic work. 

This city is well and cheaply supplied with wheat, 
barley, rice, vegetables, fruit, and meat. • The climate is 
milder than in those lands whence we had just come. 
There are some public wells of good water; plenty of 
trees, and of European fruits. The land is watered by a 
canal, filled from the Euphrates, which is eight leagues 
away in time of flood. There are many herds and flocks, 
fed on the neighbouring pastures, chiefly on certain low 
plains, which, by reason of the rainwater that they collect 
in winter, remain green and grassy all the rest of the year. 

At the end of the town next the Euphrates are two great 
square reservoirs, which seem, by reason of the remains of 
rooms and galleries around them, to have served as cool 
places of resort and entertainment. They are very capa- 
cious, and at present the canal water is stored there, and 
serves them during most of the time that the common 
supply fails. 

^ Husain (son of Ali, son of Abi Taleb, by Fatima, daughter of the 
Prophet) and his men suffered fearfully from thirst during his last 
fight at Karbala, at the end of which he was murdered by the victors 
(see, for a decent old authority, Zotenberg's Tabarf, vol. iv, p. 35, ei 
seq.). Teixeira records this in the Kings qfPersiUy Bk. 11, chap. iii. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 53 

This city and Mexat Aly are subject to Mir Najer, an 
Arab king, vassal to the Turk, who lives upon those lands. 
For all that, while I was there, there were sold in public 
the well-trapped horses, clothes, and arms of thirty or forty 
Turks, slain and despoiled by Arabs of that very city ; for 
it was mostly in revolt, by reason of the Persian war, and 
consequent withdrawal of the Turkish garrison, wherefore 
they had nothing left to fear. They use commonly camels, 
horses, asses, and pack-bullocks. The people are of fair 
complexion and tolerable appearance, but not extravagant 
in dress. Most of the men go on horseback. This town, 
like that of Aly, is very short of wood, wherefore they 
burn mostly the dry dung of oxen and camels. 

My captain was about to wed, in this city, a woman of 
the best family there, and of his own clan ; and alighted 
at his bride's house, which was new and well ordered, and 
very convenient for his camels and establishment. I, my- 
self, Diego de Melo, his companion Mustafa, and many of 
our caravan, took up quarters in a khan or karoancer6\ 
whence my captain sometimes carried me to dine at his 
house, with his kith and kin, on his wedding victuals. 
These were dirty cakes, ill-made, and worse cooked, a 
little rice, and meat with its broth — God knows how 
cooked — dates, and some fruit, not of the best ; all served 
on the floor, on a round sheet of leather. But our great 
piece of civilisation was that each had his own spoon. 
For it is common amongst the Arabs of the open country 
to have but one spoon among ten or twelve, and each in 
order takes his spoonful, waiting for the others until his 
turn comes round. 

Yet what they offer is of honest goodwill ; and herein 
were the Arab better than many other folks, that he gives 
freely of his bread to every comer that needs it, were not 
that custom mingled with other and ill uses that altogether 
obscure it. 



54 "^HE TRAITELS OF PEDRO TKitKlkA 

Whilst we were here there canie firom Bagdad officers of 
the Customs^ charged to Ebrward thither the merchants 
with their gooci^ of whont amny were ¥ery onwilliiig. But 
at last the^ set out^ on Wednesds^^ the 29^1 of September. 
Very few reamned* and we am ou g b t dtesc; because our 
captain found us no cmrw^si Fbr hcs own had come up in 
:>uch conditioir that ^eedily Sve cfied^ and the rest were 
untservtceahte : and he sadt a^ tasan miser that he would 
net hire v^thers. 

We reuKatoe^ her^ ^^i^v&^rs^ under annoyance enough ; 
^hl itt chttst*^ (>KatiiS« d tee were btUeted in the same kAan 
tvnrt^r v^gpnitfw^^ wtth Chfiir odker. These are arquebusiers, 
tK>t tVtrksk infc t*t tib» Ttofc's employ ; from whom we 
ti^«r^ ^H»ie >it<>itttOiL And we had good cause, for they 
jfct^ 4t tWv»<» S>i*^ aiist iife«jfderiy> Scaring neither God, king, 
^K'f t^^^ Wh^i tbiisy had the route (having only halted 
(KHV^\ tlW^ v>«ttt<l^ tg^ GGte a Moor, and I do not know why 
hv*^ vc^y^ ^♦^ itirtw thsui another of the three of us. But 
\u ^Nr^Hje^M^ ^ b«tiUe me beware, for that the segmenes 
vH^^H <^^ tlt%i>itr <)^w<i^ with them both my comrades' horses, 
vH vHH^ <%k t^N^^ I thanked him much, and warned my 
\\ vvhkK ^^^t >M^ ^^^^k the horses to our captain's quarters, 
Vkh^e^V^ iWy w^ci^ w^l put up; and we sta3red in the 
^«^ \^VIV^ tMi vHir $iMurd» until Uie sq^menes took them- 

VW H^w ^k who remained of Uie caravan, seeing our 
M\^^ Wt^M^Hi, ^^fv't^iiH) the captain so hard that he gave way. 



V V^t ^^f^ni^w - "^^Wv"^ Js^^f^M, "^doigr- keeper,* smgman, 
" \\\%^^'^\\' v^v k^H^ f^l^Nv O Mw i t ^ i. RedlKMise says: '^S^^kMdn 
\\\i^n\ V i^v K^hvhW ^Ik «^>Kiw v^' ;ii |4urtioihur corps of die Janis- 
^ ^iv^ vv^V^ ^ %v4s^m vvt ^HM» it^ w i ioau iM^aaised in die European 
\U^ »^v\v>^ Uu^H^W A *sMt s>C m^^ilwr iMiKce sokher* {Turkisk 
Vil^iK^i^M>v v^^ ^^sA W^^X iWr UM|viml httatsaieii were always 
t^ H\v\^ \vi Kvvsv^^AU^vSH^ ^^'♦V s?* Iw* kit|j;uhur> or supposed to be 
HmU\U iSH^^ H^Kk I^v^?»^ Wk't "^vlM^itwiJ* aftd *Jigers." The 
\m\ Uy\|iVMV ^vvmv^vKl ^Mi^ <^«>^W HS^ ^^M «i^ ihat 4^ were die only 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 55 

and prepared to accompany us, upon the persuasion of 
his brother-in-law, a chief man, and of high repute and 
worth, and of others connected with him. 

When collected and prepared, we set out from Mexat 
Ogem for Bagdad on Saturday, the 2nd of October, at 
nine o'clock in the morning, not without fear of thieves, 
for that we were few, and that road as much used by them 
as by travellers. We went most of that march along the 
canal above-mentioned, whose water fertilizes all those 
lands lying within its command, which are considerable. 
The canal may be three fathoms and a half wide, and one 
and a half deep. In its bed, now dry, were some wells of 
good water ; and thereby, cut in the banks, drinking- 
troughs for the beasts. There were also therein certain 
boats, like those of Bagord, called danecas^ pitched with 
quir, that is, the bitumen of Hyt, on the Euphrates ; which 
is drawn liquid from two wells there, but afterwards 
becomes very hard. They use these on the canal, when it 
holds water. On that day we marched over good and 
level land, much of it cultivated ; chiefly under cotton, a 
common crop thereabouts. After eight leagues we came, 
at five in the evening, to a great, strong, and clean khan^ 
truly a royal work, and very spacious. It lay near the 
river Euphrates, which flows there very smoothly* As it 
was now the end of summer, the water was low. It was 
too late in the day for us to cross the river, and we halted 
on the bank, keeping a good look-out for thieves, of 
whom there is no lack thereabouts. 

At sunrise on Sunday, the 3rd of October, we crossed 



^ See supra, p. 29. — D. F. 

* This is the passage of " Moseyb," or Musaib. On a beautiful map, 
dated 1865, ^^^ signed by Lieut. Bewsher, late I.N., there is a bridge 
of boats shown here, with some large building on the west bank. It 
looks rather like a fortified tite-de-pont, but may very well be Teixeira's 
khan, or occupy its site. Caravanserais often are very defensible 
fortresses in a small way. 



S6 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

the river in two ferry-boats, paying per head or parcel one 
maydin, a silver coin worth eleven maravedis.^ For all 
our haste, the company and goods were not all over 
before ten o'clock of the morning. 

The river, everywhere tortuous, runs here from north to 
south, and we crossed it against the sun. The water was 
very muddy ; and the boatmen told me that where we 
crossed the depth was over thirty fathoms. It breeds 
plenty of good fish. The Arabs and Persians call it 
Forat,* and the Hebrews Parat. At that time of year it 
may be two hundred paces wide, but in flood much more; 
rising four to six cubits, and over. Its waters are held for 
very pure, and used for the irrigation of many fields 
and gardens. 

We got on to the Mesopotamian side of the river, 
climbed its high bank, and reached another khan, set over 
the river. It was weaker, smaller, and worse built than that ' 
opposite, but gave good shelter; and stood amidst the ruins 
of an old city called Megayehb,^ whereof to-day remains 
nought but the name and some old walls. But there are 
many gardens, abounding in vegetables, palms, and some 
European fruits. For they draw water from the river, 
though running far below, with engines of leather worked 
by oxen : a cheap, easy, and profitable device. Yet better 
are the water-wheels, whereby the current of the river 
raises its own water, as much and as high as they please, 
used along most of the banks. 

As you ascend the river there are many towns. The 
most famous are Gedida and Hyt ; the latter for the quir 
or bitumen, already mentioned, which the Indian Portu- 
guese call quile^ and use it to staunch the water tanks 
that they have in their ships in place of casks. Then 
follow Hadyta, Haluz, luba (full of fair women), Mamura, 

^ " That is," says Stevens, " about three Halfpence." 
* Furdt. — D. F. ^ Musaib. — D. F. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. $7 

Ana, and many others ;^ to Byra, near Aleppo. About 
two hours' march down stream of us lay Hda, an ancient 
town of the region whither the Israelites went captive 
into Babilonia. The fields thereof in Mesopotamia, near 
the river Euphrates, are all cut up with water channels, 
whereby grow many willows; and these are the rivers 
mentioned by the Psalmist.^ 

Having rested in Mogayehb until seven in the after- 
noon, we entered on the lands of Mesopotamia, which 
are of various condition, but with no great eminence 
Heading northwards, we left Old Babylon two leagues on 
our right hand, whereof are now few traces ; and the place 
is least frequented of all that region, that the prophecy 
may be fulfilled in respect of it* 

Forcing our march, we passed, at five in the evening, a 
new, fair, and strong k/ian^ built in a place where thieves 
are likely to be found, the ground favouring them. For 
there are many little hills, lying one over against the 
other, so as to be very convenient for ambushes and 
onslaughts. This kAan was built, for the love of God, by 
a Turkish lady, wife of a chief of the Customs in Bagdad.* 
We halted not here, but pushed on at the same speed to 
another kAan called Bereniis ; that is " the half-way house," 



^ In this passage our traveller speaks chiefly ^' from information he 
received," and not as an eye-witness : for instance, of the beauty of the 
ladies of Juba. The towns are put out of their proper order, and the 
whole passage is of little value. "Hyt" is modem Hit, and ancient 
Is, and the bitumen is brought thence even now. 

2 Psalm cxxxvii, 2. Some modem botanists have supposed this tree, 
called garab in the Psalm, to be Populus Euphratica^ the bhdn of the 
Indus (C. Koch, Dendrologia^ vol. ii, p. 507 ; «/«^Brandis, Forest Flora^ 
p. 465). Linnaeus had adopted our author's view, and called the 
weeping willow Salix Babylonica, in accordance with tradition. Hdla, 
of course, is the modem Hillah. [Cf. Dr. Kayserling's note on this 
passage of Teixeira, op. ctt, p. 155. — D. F.] 

^ Isaiah xiv, 19 fF., according to Dr. Kayserling {op, cit^ p. 153, «.). 
— D. F. 

^ Probably Khan Mizrakji of Kiepert and Rich. The latter says 
that it was named after " a Bagdad merchant who founded it" 



S8 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

for that it stands half-way between the rivers.^ It is a 
noble building, strong and spacious, and therein were ten 
or twelve Turkish horse regularly posted there for the 
help of passengers. Opposite it is another and ancient 
khatiy where some poor families shelter themselves, who 
have a few fields thereabout In this are some wells of 
indifferent water used by them, and by cafilas and 
travellers, for want of others in that place. At one 
musket-shot beyond is another khan or karoancerd, old 
and ruined.* The distance from the Euphrates is about 
eight leagues. 

On Monday, October 4th, at two o'clock A.M., we 
marched northwards, pressing the pace through varying 
country, now dry, now abounding in pasture, whereon were 
great herds of cattle of all sizes, camels, horses, and others ; 
watered from many wells, especially from two that we 
saw, very well built, with brick parapets and great stone 
troughs. And these were the first stones that we saw 
between Mexat Aly and Bagdad. At sunrise we saw that 
part of Bagdad which is in Mesopotamia, first of all the 
alcoranesy which, being very lofty, and the land pretty 
level, are visible at four leagues' distance. From the end 
of the second league, right up to the city, we found all 
along both sides of the road great stores of burnt bricks, 
square and weatherworn, above ground and in pits, which 



* " Bir-un-nous (incorrectly for nisf\ i.e,y The Well of the Half- way*' 
(Rich, Babylon and Persepolis^ London, 1839, p. 179). It is Bir Enus 
of Bewsher's map, and Biranus of Kieperfs. It is not exactly half- 
way between Bagdad and Hilla, or Karbala, but might pass for it, in 
either case ; hardly for half-way " between the rivers." Rich refers it 
to the Hillah Road. 

' Bewsher's map does not show the second and third khans of 
" Bir Enus," unless they are represented by mounds. But it does 
show irrigation and cultivation near the existing khan. P. Delia 
Valle went over the same route in 161 6, on his way to and from 
Babylon and Hillah (Letter No. 17, from Bagdad, December loth 
to 23rd of that year). His story agrees very closely with Teixeira's. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 59 

I mention in advance of what I shall have to say about 
Bagdad. 

And, for that I have several times mentioned the 
akoraneSy I will describe them for such as know not what 
they are. The Moors have these buildings in their 
mosques, as we have lofty belfries in our churches, and 
they are of various construction, but commonly like a 
ship's mast, cylindrical to the top,^ which is a circular 
gallery, and above that, like the top-mast, shorter and 
more slender. Within is a staircase up to the gallery, 
whence, at regular hours, thrice in the day, and twice in 
the night, the mulds^ who are Moors charged with that 
public duty, raise a loud and musical chant. And what 
they say is: " God is great, and there is none like him. He 
is one, and I believe and bear witness to the same, and 
that Mahamed is his messenger." And besides this, which 
is the essential matter never omitted, they make additions, 
inciting the people to the praise of God.^ And for that 
their Book is called Koran or Alkoratiy the same name is 
given to the place whence it is set forth, whereof in these 
lands are some very magnificent and costly. 

We got into the Mesopotamian quarter of Bagdad at 
I P.M. But, before our arrival, I was welcomed by a young 
German, an old Indian acquaintance, already advised of 
the cafilds arrival, and that I was in it. He was called 
Diego Fernandes, a native of Hamburg, where his right 
name was Joachim Ozemkroch. He had reached Bagdad 
seven days before, three months out of Basord by boat on 
the river. Knowing of my coming, by one Jafar, a 
renegade, who had come ahead of the caravan from Ogem, 
he had written me a letter that I never got. In this he 
had expressed his wonder at my route (for the renegade 

^ Gabia = " a top,'' in sailors' technical language ; that is, the little 
platform at the masthead, not the very summit. 

^ E.g.y in the call to night prayers : " Prayer is better than sleep." 



60 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

got it into his head that I was going by one less usual and 
more perilous), and had warned me of the insecurity and 
troubles of the roads, caused by the wars of Aleppo. 

We met, as I have said, near the gate, and I went to his 
house ; where, and on my journey to Aleppo, which we 
made together, he rendered me many services. Whereby 
is well seen how well worth while it is to do a good turn 
when you can ; for that after so long a time, and when I 
least thought of it, I had so advantageous a return for the 
little service that I had done to this young man. 

Along with him I crossed the river, and entered the city 
on the other side, about three o'clock in the afternoon, 
having marched ten leagues that day.^ 



CHAPTER VI. 

Concerning the City of Bagdad. 

The famous city of Bagdad* is set on the river Tigris, 
which the natives call Digildh, or Diguyldh, as are Sevilla 
and Triana on the Guadalquivir. The river runs through 
it, pretty nearly from north to south, and may be two 
hundred and thirty paces wide at lowest water, as when I 
was there. 

There is one bridge of twenty-eight boats,' overlaid with 



^ For these two marches, I can compare Teixeira's distances with 
the Indian Navy Map, a beautiful sheet, on a scale of 4,000 yards to 
the inch. As near as one can guess, his leagues come to 27 to a 
degree on the Equator. No accurate calculation is possible, but a 
league on that scale is a very fair hour's march for a laden camel. It 
is quite certain, at any rate, that he is not here using the long " Portu- 
guese leagues." 

2 For the history of Bagdad from its foundation, and plans of the 
city at various periods, see Guy Le Strangers Baghdad during the 
Abbasid Caliphate^ London, 1900. — D. F. 

' Xenophon and Felix Jones found thirty-seven : a coincidence of 
which the latter makes, perhaps, too much. [On the Bagdad bridges 
of boats, see Le Strangers Baghdad^ pp. 177-186. — D. F.] 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 6l 

timbers ; and between boat and boat is as much as the 
beam of one of them, that is, four paces. It is made fast 
to the city walls and houses on each side with great iron 
chains. Every night it is cast apart in mid-stream, and 
lies half on each bank, and so likewise under stress of 
excessive wind or flood, when people use ferry-boats. 
When the wind or water goes down, it is thrown across 
again, but is always cast apart during prayer-time on 
Fridays, while the Pasha and people are in the mosques,- 
and after that reunited. 

The river rises in winter six cubits and more. Some- 
times it floods the gates of the city, which stands on a 
bank not much more than that height above it. The water 
seemed to me much clearer and sweeter than that of the 
Euphrates. Fish are plentiful and good, and the Moors 
use them.^ 

For the maintenance of the bridge there is a toll of one 
maydifiy that is worth eleven maravedis, on every load of 
goods inward or outward bound. 

Those coming from Mesopotamia, as we did, enter that 
part lying west of the river, over a deep and wide dry 
ditch, the lofty spoil-bank of which serves as a rampart, 
and secures that quarter against the Arabs, the enemy 
most to be feared on that side. It has two fixed wooden 
bridges, one near each end of it. This ditch is a new work, 
made in 1601, by Agen Baxd Wazir,^ who also built thereby 
the market, khatiy and coffee-house,* yet known by his 
name — ^very fine buildings. 

I do not remember having seen stone in any building of 
this city, except in the gateways of this khan^ and of a 



1 This is in contrast to their negligence of the fish at Mashad Ali. 

2 As we should now write, Hasan Pasha Wazir. I prefer to write 
" Pasha" in the customary English way, but here that is difficult. 
Teixeira's "Wazir" would satisfy the strictest Anglo-Indian. 

' The original has " casa de Kaodh^ (see next page).— D. F. 



62 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

new mosque/ on the left hand as you enter the city by the 
bridge. These stones are white and very hard, but not 
marble. They are brought from Mosul, higher up the 
river, which some hold to have been Nineveh. 

This part of Bagdad may have three thousand inhabited 
houses ; with succos, that is, marts, caroanceros^ public 
baths, and workshops of all handicrafts in use among the 
Moors. Everything is as plentiful as within the city, and 
some things more so ; for that the provisions come mostly 
in from that side. 

Amongst other public buildings, as I have said, is a 
coffee-house.^ Coffee is a vegetable of the size and 
appearance of little dry beans, brought from Arabia, 
prepared and sold in public houses built to that end ; 
wherein all men who desire it meet to drink it, be they 
great or mean. They sit in order, and it is brought to 
them very hot, in porcelain cups holding four or five 
ounces each. Every man takes his own in his hand, 
cooling and sipping it. It is black and rather tasteless ; 
and, although some good qualities are ascribed to it, none 
are proven. Only their custom induces them to meet 
here for conversation, and use this for entertainment; 
and in order to attract custom there are here pretty boys, 
richly dressed, who serve the coffee and take the money ; 
with music and other diversions. These places are chiefly 
frequented at night in summer, and by day in winter. 
This house is near the river, over which it has many 



1 On Felix Jones's Plan of Bagdad this mosque appears as " Jama 
al Vizir," No. 26. At least the position is that described, and the 
name suggests that the founder was the same Pasha, whether 
governor, or aedile, or both. 

• Casa de Kaodh, The last word represents the Arabic qahwah^ 
which, when Teixeira wrote, had not become naturalised in the various 
European languages (see Hobson-Jobson and the New Eng, Diet,, 
s,v, " Coffee ")• The details that follow are repeated by our author m 
chap, vi, Bk. I, of his ICmgs of Persia (see injray Appendix B).— D. F. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 63 

Windows, and two galleries, making it a very pleasant 
resort. There are others like it in the city, and many 
more throughout Turkey and Persia. 

On this side there are to be seen, without the rampart 
and ditch, ruins of ancient buildings, which testify to the 
former magnificence of this city. For here was at first the 
great Bagdad (not Babylon), as I shall presently tell. 

Passing hence to the city by the bridge of eight-and- 
twenty boats, one enters it by a great gate, besides which 
there are five posterns on the river face ; which may be a 
great mile in length. At its northern point, upstream, is 
the citadel where the Pasha lives: rather spacious than 
strong, in shape a long quadrangle, and in circuit about 
one thousand five hundred common paces.^ It is girt with 
a ditch some eight cubits deep, and twelve wide. The 
walls and bastions are of brick, with guns mounted here 
and there. 

Herein are sheltered the Pasha, and the best of 
his immediate following, who are commonly from one 
thousand five hundred to two thousand men; paid and 
provisioned at his own cost. The citadel gate opens 
southward, and from this citadel starts the city wall, with 
one gate towards Persia. On this side, all the land is 
very flat and fertile, tilled and sown in proper season. 
No hill nor other obstacle breaks the view ; and being so 
level, it is flooded in some years in the winter, and 
crossed in boats. When this happens, a bridge is thrown 
from a window of a bastion, in the middle of the wall, for 
public use.2 This wall is more than a league and a half 



^ It is, on Felix Jones's plan, a very irregular quadrangle, almost 
pentagon, and its circuit rather over that given by Teixeira, which is 
not surprising. [Cf. the plan of Bagdad, and description of the 
fortifications, etc., in Tavemier's Voyages. — D. F.l 

• This arrangement is not easy to understand, unless we suppose 
that the "bridge" {puente) vrd^s really a floating stage or pontoon, 
which boats came alongside of The whole description of this wall is 
unsatisfactory. Pietro Delia Valle and Thevenot give no help, and 



64 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

about, and the other end rests on the river; describing 
a semicircle, with some salients, for better defence. It 
has two more gates landwards : one in the middle and 
one at the southern extremity. 

There is a deep ditch all round, and the wall is of burnt 
brick, with platforms, returns, and many bastions. Of 
these four are great, well-built and strong enough to bear 
their guns ; which are many, heavy, and good, all of bronze. 

The Pasha here has absolute and supreme command, in 
peace and war. Yet have the strangers a protector, 
appointed by the Turk, who stands up for them and for 
the merchants, against him and the other royal officers, 
when his clients are threatened with any notable wrong. 
He defends them very honestly, as happened when I was 
here, in a very important case, wherein was seen how far 
that protection extends. For he went so far as to imprison 
the royal officers, and made the Pasha abandon his pre- 
tensions. 

The force appointed to the defence of this city, and of 
its dependencies, is commonly of fourteen thousand men, 
horse and foot, of Turks and of other nations, whom they 
make use of Four or five thousand live in the city, of 
whom fifteen hundred are Janissaries. The rest are 
scattered in garrisons and posts ; and besides these are the 
Pasha's household troops, already mentioned as living with 
him in the city. 

There are visible in Bagdad ruins of fine buildings of 
the Persian times, such as the mosque called the Calefdh's,^ 
and others over the river, a tnadrasc? which was a hospital,^ 

Felix Jones very little, which is not his fault. I suspect some 
corruption in the text, but have followed Stevens's translation as the 
safest course. 
^ On the Jimt-al-Kasr, or Mosque of the Caliph, see Le Strangers 

Baghdad^ p. 252. — D. F. 

* Arab, for " college" (see Hobson-Jcbson^ s. v. " Madras"). — D. F. 

' This was the famous College of the Mustansiriyah, which contained 
a hospital (see Le Strange's Baghdad^ pp. 266-270).— D. F. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 65 

the vaulted markets, and some old alcoranes which are 
wasting away. Besides these memorials of the past there 
is nothing deserving note but two mosques, whereof one is 
on the left as you come into the city from the river, by 
the great gate.^ It was built by a Pasha in pious memory 
of one whom you may call his saint, and is surely a costly 
work, as far as it may be seen and judged from without. 
For none but Moors may enter these mosques, especially 
those most in use, without plain peril of life or of forcible 
conversion ; but this is not enforced with equal vigour in 
all places. The other mosque, set at the head of the city, 
near the palm-orghards that lie between it and the rampart, 
is famous alike for its construction and for an aqueduct, 
whereby it is supplied with river-water,* a costly work 
enough, and of great public benefit 

Although one-third of the space within the walls of 
Bagdad lies waste, and there are great palm-orchards, it 
may contain over twenty thousand houses, mostly large 
and roomy, but poorly built, and seldom well planned. 
All are flat-roofed ; most have no windows on the street, 
and but small street doors. They are all of old bricks got 
from the ruins, and many live only by quarrying and 
selling these. Wherefore, for four or five miles around the 
Mesopotamian quarter all the land is full of deep pits, 
showing how great was that city in other days. 

As for the inhabitants, the most part are civilised Arabs, 
the rest Turks, Kurds and Agemis or Persians : which last 
in my time, because of the war, were not very numerous, 
but yet a fair proportion. There may be two or three 
hundred houses of Jews, whereof ten or twelve profess to 
be remnants of the first captivity. Some of them are well- 

1 The " Jama al- Vizir" of Felix Jones's Map, already mentioned 
(see supruy p. 62, and note). 

* Probably the shrine marked by Felix Jones " Sheikh Omer Sha- 
hdb-ood-Din," near the " Bab-al-Wastani." 

F 



66 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

to-do, but most of them very poor. They dwell in liberty 
in their own ward, and have a kanis or synagogue.^ There 
were ten houses of Armenian Christians, and eighty of 
Nestorians. The folk of Bagdad are commonly of fair 
complexion and good appearance, nature, and manners. 
The men, who go mostly on horseback, dress cleanly and 
richly ; as do the women, of whom many are very hand- 
some, and most have fine eyes. In the streets they wear 
always mantles called chaudeles^ but not black, and over 
their faces veils of silk or gauze, black or purple, so that 
they see all and cannot be seen : not that they object much 
to that, or fail to drop their veils on purpose, at times. 

There are in the city many very clean baths, some for 
men only, some for women, and all use them freely. In the 
midst of Bagdad, near the river, are seven or eight streets 
of shops for goods, and workshops of all crafts used 
among the Moors ; and as many khans, wherein merchants 
lodge : places much frequented, but all closed at night 
with great iron chains. Beyond these is a street called 
Pange Aly, that is, " Aly's hand, or five fingers"; because 
they say, here appeared the hand of Aly on the wall, 
and remained there imprinted, wherefore they have there a 
sort of oratory, and many tapers in it at night* 

Hereabouts is commonly stationed a bolugo baxiy that 
is, a chief or head arquebusier, so-called from bolugo, an 
arquebusier, and box, a head.* I believe that the title 



1 Dr. Kayserling, who quotes this statement of Teixeira's in a foot- 
note to I. J. Benjamin's description of Bagdad (op, cit, p. 140), says 
that the kanis referred to was "perhaps the Kenisa*gdolah des Rosch 
Hagolah,' which Benjamin de Tudela mentions." — D. F. 

* Persian chadir or ^^^^<3!r = mantle, veil; the Anglo-Indian 
" chudder." See Hobson-Jobson, s. v. " chudder." (Note the change 
of r to /.)— D. F. 

3 G. de Sao Bernardino {Itinerario, p. 103) describes this under the 
name of " Panyaly." — D. F. 

* Here there is a confusion between banduk = a gun, and buluk = a 
company or squadron. The buluk bashi was simply a captain. As 
for the other etymologies, they are simple enough. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 67 

baxa is of the same derivation, meaning head of the 
government, and so also Cazel Bax^ or Red-head, and 
Cava Box or Black-head : names of fighting tribes 
amongst Persians and Turks. 

This bolugo baxt, from this his station, attends to all 
those succoSy or markets; and sees that no buyer or seller 
be there offended, nor any violence or injustice committed. 
As for private quarrels, he settles them by word of mouth, 
by fair means or severity, as the case may need. If he 
cannot, he sends them to the kabdy}- who is the regular 
judge, for disposal. This plan seemed to me very good, 
and is so efficient, that although there were there so many 
undisciplined soldiers, it being war-time, yet I cannot 
remember to have heard of any violence being used in 
those streets, during two months that I dwelt there. 

Bagdad enjoys a very pure, temperate, and healthy 
climate, though the rarity of the air affects some careless 
folk with catarrhs. Summer and winter are as in Europe, 
but the heat excessive, and the cold very moderate. 
Provisions are abundant, good, and cheap : namely, meat, 
bread, vegetables, fruits, and green-stuff. The common 
traffic is of camels, horses, mules, asses, and pack-bullocks, 
all in great number. There is produced in the environs 
much cotton and silk ; all wrought up and used in the 
city, where are more than four thousand weavers of wool, 
flax, cotton and silk, who are never out of work. The 
folk use commonly three tongues, Arabic, Turkish, and 
Agemi or Persian, but Turkish is most in use. 

In time of peace, and even of war, merchants resort 
hither with much goods out of Persia, and from India 
through Bacord, by the river; or by the deserts on either 
side of it, from Karamit,^ from Aleppo, Tripoli, Damascus, 

^ Probably a misprint for kazy. 

* Kara Amid, or Didr Bakr, ancient Armida, on the western branch 
of the Tigris. 

F 2 



68 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

and many other parts, to control which there are three 
custom-houses ; one across the river for the Syrian traffic, 
and two within the city for the rest 

There is a mint where gold, silver, and copper coin are 
struck, and two schools, one of archery and one of 
musketry. Though the place is far inland, it has plenty 
of salt from Mexat Aly. Amongst other sights of the city, 
I saw a great street, filled on both sides by gold- and silver- 
smiths, all Moors, where are wrought things no less admir- 
able than costly, though there be among them none of any 
other sect or law ; which I noted, with wonder at Botero,^ 
who, in his treatise of the customs of African nations, 
speaking of the Jews, says that they won entry there by 
means of this art, for that it is forbidden to the Moors. I 
do not know where he got this information ; whereof we 
observe the contrary in many places. 

Without the Mesopotamian quarter of the city there is, 
in a small building, a tomb held in great reverence by 
Moors and Jews, wherein, they say, rests the body of a 
Jewish high priest. It is like a great chest of masonry, 
and in the head of it is a copper plate, with Hebrew 
characters in relief, as follows : " Yehsudh KoengadSh ;" 
that is : " losuah the High Priest." They say that he was 
a holy saint, and all reverence him accordingly, by reason 
of the miracles that they say God wrought by his means.^ 

Such as have written about this city of Bagdad commonly 
confound it with Babylon, by reason, I suppose, of the 
neighbourhood of its ancient site, no more than a good 

^ Giovanni Botero, regarding whom and his works see the Nouvelle 
Biographie Ginirale^ Tome vi. The reference is to Botero's Relattoni 
Universalis Lib. ill, par. iii, p. 158 (of the second, revised edition, 
published in 1602 in Venice, where Teixeira may possibly have 
bought it during his stay there in 1605). — D. F. 

2 This tomb is not named on Felix Jones's map ; all the named 
tombs on which are of Muhammadan origin. [It is described, how- 
ever, by I. J. Benjamin {op. cit., p. 152); and Dr. Kayserling cites 
Teixeira's reference in a footnote. — D. F.] 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 69 

day's march hence. To see the diflference, it is enough 
to know that Babylon stood on the Euphrates, and 
Bagdad is on the Tigris. But, for better satisfaction of 
the reader, I will relate its origin and foundation, accord- 
ing to the chronicles and records of the Moors. 

In the year 145 of the Hijra, or Moorish epoch, that is, 
A.D. 763, Abujafar,^ then Kalifih, came hither from Kiifa, 
a city of Arabia, then the chief place and residence of the 
Kalifihs. Pleased with the position, and for other reasons, 
he founded this city on the western bank of the Tigris, 
whereon yet is that quarter, above mentioned as in Meso- 
potamia. So great it grew that (as I have said) for five 
miles around are found ruins of its great and fine buildings. 
And on the other side, where is now the city, that is, the 
eastern bank towards Curdestam, was then no town of name, 
but only a few farm-houses and gardens, whence it seems to 
have taken name, for Bagdad in Persia means a place of 
gardens, from baga, meaning a garden."^ In course of time, 
when it was most prosperous, there came such floods of 
the Tigris that the city went gradually and helplessly to 
ruin ; until the Caliphate of Almostazer BilAh, son of 
Almoktady Bilah, who succeeded in the year of the Hijra 
487, that is, A.D. 1095, three hundred and forty-two years 
after the foundation. He, thinking the eastern bank more 
convenient, as it truly is, transferred the city to its present 
site there.^ Yet was it much greater than now ; for within 

^ Abu Jafar Mansur, son of Muhammad, 21st Caliph, and second 
of the Abbasidc dynasty. Teixeira has the story in the Kings of 
Persia^ where he dates the foundation in a.h. 147, and a.d. 763. 
This is one of the passages showing that he had not the Kings of 
Persia before him when preparing this Voyage for the press. 

' The best old authority before me is Tabarf, who mentions Bagdad 
as an important mart, the object of a successful raid of the Caliph 
Umar's General Muthduna ; and again, as the site of Abu Jafar's 
new city (Zotenberg's translation, vol. iii, pp. 383, 384, vol. iv, 395, 421, 
etc. He says Mansur settled there in 145 of the Hijra). [On the 
foundation of Bagdad, see G. Le Strange, op. cit,^ p. 9 et seg, — D. F.] 

' Teixeira states these facts in his Kings of Persia also. (Cf. Le 
Strange, op, cit^ pp. 279, 283.) — D. F. 



* * a * " - 



70 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

it, between the houses and the wall, are many great mounds, 
standing on what is by nature a very level plain, and con- 
sisting but of the ruins of many and great buildings.^ 

Such then is Bagdad, and such was its origin. As for 
Babylon, so called for that it stood in the place called 
Babel, yet bearing that name amongst those nations, I 
have already mentioned its position. It has long been 
but a memory ; and though there be yet some traces of it, 
they are unimportant. Let this suffice in respect of the 
foundation of Bagdad, but I must add that I cannot 
remember having seen elsewhere so many and terrible 
mires as here and in Bagor^ ; for as there is none but loose^ 
earth, every shower makes the mud past belief 

The Pasha had come lately from Bagord, which he had 
left, by the desert route, three days before our arrival 
there. He was called Issuf or lugef Pasha, a eunuch, and 
a Xerquez^ by nation. His office is worth yearly 200,000 
sequins, or about 250,000 ducats, whereof he may expend 
at most thirty or forty thousand. This is the value of it 
in time of peace, but in war-time he makes what he pleases. 

When we were now set upon our departure, there came 
to this Pasha fifteen capgi^ from Constantinople, who are 
gate-wards of the Grand Turk, bringing him the title of 
Wazir, and continuance in his government for seven years, 
with a robe of brocade, a sword, and a golden chain-bridle : 
things that the Turk is wont to send to such as he raises 
to the like dignity.* 

Of all the Pashaliks to which the Turk appoints, the first 

^ This description is completely borne out by Commander Felix 
Jones's Map. [Cf. Maps iii, v, and vii in G. Le Strangers work. — 
D. F.] 

* Circassian. Teixeira, whether by accident or design, here spells 
Pasha " Paxa," instead of his usual " Baxa." 

' Turkish kapiji = porter, door-keeper. — D. F. 

* G. de S. Bernardino relates {op, cit.y p. 108) that in 1605, when he 
was in Bagdad, the Pasha had rebelled, and had almost annihilated 
a force sent against him by the Sultan. — D. F. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 7 1 

and chief is that of Mecere, that is, Cairo in Egypt, the 
second this of Bagdad, the third of Tabriz. 

When we came here the city was in fear of the Persians, 
reported as coming against it, as, not long before, had 
come Ala Verdi Khan,^ Wazir and Captain-General of 
Xi Habds, King of Persia, who took before the walls about 
three hundred soldiers in one skirmish. But next night 
he broke up thence in haste, abandoning some of his 
baggage, and the cause of his flight was never known.^ 
After that the Persians made many other inroads in 
Curdestam, a territory very near Bagdad, whose capital 
is Suster, now said to be the Sus, or Suza, where Ahasuerus 
held his court, and Esther's dealings with him and Haman 
came to pass. These lands are parted from those of 
Bagdad by the river Dialdh which flows southward at one 
da/s march from Bagdad, and joins the Tigris five or six 
leagues below the city. 

Here we were looking out for a chance of departure, for 
none durst march without news from Aleppo, which had 
been for three months beleaguered. For, by reason of 
private feud, the Pasha within the city would not give it 
up to the besieger, though he brought an order of the 
Grand Turk. And in that siege the city endured famine 
and dreadful sufferings, as I afterwards heard there from 
many people.* Meanwhile not we only, but all Bagdad, 
were in great discontent, having had no certain news how 
things went for two months. 

But it pleased God that on the 26th of November, at 

^ This is Sir Antony Sherley's friend "Oliver Dibeague" and 
" Oliver di-Can" (see his Travailes into Persia^ 1 613, p. 43 etc.). He 
was Governor of Shiraz in 1602, when Fa. Ant. Gouvea visited that 
town (see Ant. Gouvea's Relaqam .... dcLS guerras^ etc., Liv. i, cap. ix), 
and was no friend to the Portuguese {op, cit.^ caps, v, xii, xxii). — D. F. 

* Malcolm {History of Persia^ 1829, vol. i, p. 355) states that the 
Persian troops were recalled from Bagdad by Shdh Abbds to reinforce 
his army, in order to meet the Turkish General Jdghdl-'Aghli. — D. F. 

* See Rich. KnoUes's Gtnerall Hist^rie of the Turkes, 4th ed., 1631, 
p. 1 236 (see also infra^ p. 1 1 7). — D. F. 



72 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

daybreak, there came to the house of Diego Fernandes, 
the German, where I lodged, three couriers together, who 
brought him letters, with advice that now the land was at 
peace. It may well be guessed how that news rejoiced us, 
and we presently made ready for the road, and sent to 
fetch our camels, already half hired, from 05en, for thence 
they had to be brought. 



CHAPTER VII. 



How we led Bagdad, and re-crossed Mesopotamia to Anna on the 

Euphrates. 

When our start was arranged for, and the camels were 
come in, on Sunday, the 12th December, 1604, at five 
o'clock in the evening, we left Bagdad, crossing the river 
into Mesopotamia, and slept that night in the fields, 
between the houses and the rampart. 

On Monday, the 13th, at nine o'clock in the morning, 
we started on our journey. Our caravan was of one 
hundred and thirty camels, and seventy-five asses.^ After 
marching a league and a-half, we halted to settle the dues 
payable here to Mir Nacer, an Arab king of the tribe of 
Eben Emana, the same who rules Mexat Aly and Mexat 
Ogem. This we accomplished with trouble and vexation 
enough. The place is called Bax Dul^b,^ that is, " the head 
or beginning of the water-wheels," whereof are several here, 
over wells of foul stinking water, used to water some 
gardens.* 

Before I left Bagdad I had taken counsel, of such as 
seemed best fit to give it, about my conveyance. I got 
various advice, but mostly, because of the coming winter, 
and to avoid trouble and hardship, to use camel-panniers. 

* "/«w^«/tfy* perhaps including mules. * Not on any of my maps. 
5 On these water-wheels, see G. Le Strange, op. cit^ p. 321. — D. F. 



•• •. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 73 

This I approved, and did so ; as did Diego Fernandes 
and Diego de Melo. These panniers are like cradles,^ 
about four and a-half palms long and two and a-halfwide, 
hooded and lined ; so that one man can sit therein, shel- 
tered from cold and rain. They are slung in pairs, each 
forming half the camel's load, as Diego Fernandes and 
I travelled ; or one is counterbalanced by some other like 
weight, as Diego de Melons was by a chest In the seat 
of such a pannier is wont to be a secret nook, used 
commonly to hold things of value. In these one travels 
with more shelter and quiet, and without anxiety about 
a horse and his food : both ever in danger at the fancy of 
any Arab. For these will beg the loan of a horse, and 
return him or not as they please, and if they do, he is all 
out of breath. This they do without ceremony, and I have 
seen them so serve even the Turks ; of whom, if found alone, 
they make no account on the plains. And to take your 
horse's barley for their own, if they want it, is their common 
practice. This is as good as killing him, for on those 
routes IS none for sale, cheap or dear. Then, by ill 
chance, a horse may fall lame, as happened to Diego de 
Melo. But all these troubles are avoided by travelling in 
panniers, for, if a camel is weary or lame, they put the 
panniers on another. For their masters always bring with 
them some in reserve, to take turns with the loads, and 
replace such as die or go lame. And it is the custom, 
when a merchant hires camels, that he should have, for 
every ten laden, one into the bargain, for his personal 
baggage. And so, because of the season, and to save 
trouble, we chose the panniers, and travelled in them to 
Aleppo. 

^ Here I have had to translate far from literally. Teixeira through- 
out calls the panniers, in Spanish, cunas^ literally "cradles," and 
explains that "they are what the name implies," which it hardly does 
in English. The Anglo-Indian reader will recognise them as kajdwas, 
[Cf. Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. " Cadjowa." — D. f.] 



74 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

On Tuesday, the 14th, just before sunrise, we marched 
from the Water-wheels, heading west over good and level 
country, with a few little hills. After three leagues' march 
we entered the ruins of a great city, whereof are yet 
standing one tall monara or alcoratiy and two fragments of 
a thick and strong rampart of burnt brick and mortar. 
The Arabs call it Karkuf^ Shortly we entered upon 
excellent land, but desolate and waste, saving a small part, 
which the Arabs cultivate for their own support, which 
bears abundant crops. On this march we saw many flocks 
of sheep, wild swine, and gazelles, which bands of Beduine 
Arabs were hunting down. We marched continually until 
four in the evening, when we halted in a plain that the 
Arabs call Aflayah,^ the name of a town, from which the 
whole district is so called. Throughout this march we saw 
ruined canals, that once brought water from the river to 
irrigate these lands. But its floods, and those of the 
Euphrates, have destroyed most of these.* ^ 

On Wednesday, the iSth, we marched before sunrise 
north-westwards, over very level plains, where we saw some 
gazelles and swine. After mid-day we marched for a long 
way, with a dry watercourse on our right hand, which has 
a great flow of water in time of rain. As there had been 
rain of late, there were in it some pools, whereon were 
many herons and other fowl. I was told that in time of 
flood men went thereon in good-sized boats, even to 
Bagdad.* After marching about six leagues we drew level 
with a mound, some three leagues on our left, whereon we 
saw two high monaras or alcorans. At its further base, 

^ Akr Kuf of Bewsher's map ; identified with several ancient cities. 

^ I have failed in identifying this place. 

^ Felix Jones assigns these canals to the Tigris, which has, since or 
at the time of their destruction, shifted its bed a good deal eastward, 
and does not now irrigate the region of the present march {Selection 
from Records^ Bombay, No. 43, N.S., pp. 216 etseqg. : a fine memoir). 

^ Bewsher's map shows the end of this canal, or of what probably 
represents it. Some such communication still exists. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 75 

towards the Euphrates, is a settlement of most thievish 
Arabs.^ 

At 4 P.M., having come seven leagues, we halted in the 
ravine of a water-course, a pleasant place enough. The 
Arabs call it Aohenhat,* from certain water-springs that 
are there in wells. These were dry at the time, so we had 
to seek water afar, and bad enough, from other wells lying 
westward of us. 

On Thursday, the i6th, we marched one hour before 
dawn, over very level ground, but of varying quality, until 
four in the evening, more than seven leagues. We halted 
in a spot waterless and nameless ; but that, from the 
neighbourhood of another place, they call it Om Emis.' 
All the water that we found, as far as this place, was thick, 
white, foul, stinking, and ill to taste. And things had been 
worse if the weather had been hot, for we should have 
found none, good or bad. 

On Friday, the 17th, a little before sunrise, we marched 
on the same north-western course,* over very good and 
level country. Having gone two leagues we saw, about 



^ Possibly Kubr Mahmood of Bewsher's Map, but I doubt it 

' " Que es^ trae ojos^^ " Uyilin hdt^^ or something like it, would mean 
" Bring eyes" or " Bring wells" (or rather " springs"). It is difficult to 
tnthslate such a phrase ; but I conjecture that it represents an exclama- 
tion supposed appropriate to the place, and that this explanation was 
given to Teixeira by some of the party. Asiatics are very fond of such 
etymologies, and I have somewhere seen a very similar one assigned 
to Kalhdt in Om^. We use such names ourselves sometimes, e,g,^ 
when we call a naval station " Haulbowline," and a place in Malta — 
where beggars sat and whined — " Nix Mangiare Stairs." 

' Possibly 0mm ar'rash, " the mother of trickling," from the scanty 
supply of water in the " other place." Kiepert has a " Maros," which 
may represent this name. ["Aoenhat" and "Om Errus" are both 
marked on the map (" Rough Sketch of Part of Western Asia") by 
Thomas Aquila Dale, A.B., prefixed to his Campaigns of Osman 
Sultans^ 1835. They appear to have been entered on the authority of 
Teixeira, though his name is not mentioned. — D. F.] 

* " El mismo rutnbo del NoruesteJ* Here, as often, Teixeira em- 
ploys the language of navigators. For the benefit of some readers 
it may be worth while to explain that a " rhumb" is an apparently 
straight course, as shown on a map of Mercator's projection, which 
indeed is chiefly useful for that very purpose. 



76 TH£ TRAVELS OF I>Et)RO TEIXEIRA. 

three leagues on our left, a mosque with a tall alcoran^ 
which the Arabs call Mexat Sandadiah.^ After five leagues 
we found ourselves in the ravine of a dry watercourse, 
with some wells like the last Here we watered our beasts, 
and made some provision of water for our march. The 
Arabs call this place Ogolet Xeque Mahamed, that is, 
" Xeque Mahamed*s shins." For the Arabs call the leg, 
from the foot up to the knee, ogolet. Probably the wells 
were dug by some one of that name. When we had 
marched about eight leagues, at four o'clock in the evening, 
we were forced by heavy rain to halt in a waterless place, 
called by the Arabs Ogolet* el Kelb, that is, " the Wells 
of the Dog's Leg," after some that were more than a league 
thence. It was a wonder to see how level and good was the 
soil hereabouts, and a pity to see it desolate and waste. 

On Saturday, the i8th, we marched after sunrise, wet 
enough with the heavy night's rain, north-westwards over 
very level and good land, leaving not far on our left three 
wells of foul and stinking water, whence our last manzel 
took its name. The Arabs call the halting-place of a 
cafila or company manzel^ which is, in Latin, mantio,^ 
Presently we came to rough ground, ravines and bare stony 
hillocks, through which we marched a good way, until we 
entered the channel of a great dry watercourse. This and 
all its neighbourhood were of white rock, brittle, scaly, and 
very shiny, like attincar} Here we halted at three in the 
afternoon, for the sake of a well of black water, as thick, 

^ Not identifiable. [Dale's Map has " El Mesched," and Philips's 
Imp. Atlas, " El-Meshad."— D. F.] 

^ ^Aghalat. The meaning seems to be, that at Shaikh Muhammad's 
wells, above mentioned, the water was knee-deep to a man, and that 
in these it was no more to a dog. [Both these Ogolets'' are marked 
in Dale's Map.— D. F.] 

^ See Hobson-Jobsofty s, v. " Munzil." — D. F. * Sic. 

* Attincar is borax. " Quebradiza^^ above translated " brittle," also 
means " flexible." Perhaps the mineral indicated is mica, which has 
both qualities, and is also " very shiny." 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. ^^ 

foul, and stinking as could be. This day's march was of 
six leagues, and the manzel is called by the Arabs Go- 
megme.^ This night fell such heavy rain, that, in spite 
of all shelters, we and our baggage were all well soaked. 

On Sunday, the 19th, we marched after sunrise north- 
westwards, over uneven country, rugged and rocky like the 
last. Sometimes we came out on great plains, a few clear 
and of excellent soil, but mostly foul and flinty. After 
eight leagues' march, about four o'clock in the evening, we 
halted in a pleasant valley, albeit dry. The Arabs call 
it Abii rigemo, that is, " the Father of the stoned one" * ; 
from a mound of stones piled up there. The water there 
was poisonous. 

On Monday, the 20th, before sunrise, we marched north- 
westwards, over plains now fertile and again stony. That 
day we made about eight leagues up to four o'clock in the 
evening, when we halted in a dry and rugged watercourse, 
which the Arabs called Seylat.* About half a league in 
rear of it was a well of bad enough water, but tolerable 
in comparison with what we had drunk of late. 

Here, early in the night, came to us six Arabs, who, 
taking us at unawares, threw the whole cafila into con- 
fusion, and we hastily stood to our arms. Two of them, 
who were taken and questioned, said that they were 
shepherds, who, leaving their stock with others, were pass- 
ing this way to a hamlet, with some camels and eight or 
ten sheep. Some of these were bought of them, and 
henceforward we kept good watch. The company had 

^ Perhaps a corruption of some derivative of ghamr, meaning 
"the inundation" or "overflowing." Not on any of my maps. 
[Given in Dale's Map. — D. F.] 

' " Appedreado^^ which does mean " stoned." But I am not so sure 
that it is the right translation of the Arabic, which is evidently rajm^ 
or one of several very similar words, all of which have the meaning 
of " a tomb or cairn," as well as that of lapidation, and others not here 
in question. [" Abu Regimo" is entered in Dale's Map. — D. F.] 

' Perhaps a derivative of ja/7=: "flowing" ; not on the maps. 



78 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

already broken up, some bound for Hyt, others for Hadyt, 
or for luba, towns set on the bank of the Euphrates. 

On Tuesday, the 2ist, St. Thomas's Day, we marched at 
daybreak, north-westwards, over rugged and stony ground, 
about two leagues, until we entered a great ravine, in the 
bottom of which runs a very deep river in time of rain.^ 
But at this time it was dry, and after passing it we pro- 
ceeded over very wide and level plains of good soil, with 
here and there rough places and hillocks. 

After crossing these plains, whereof no small part was 
tilled and sown, we came to the bank of the Euphrates, 
and halted at four in the evening, opposite an island. On 
it was a farm-house, with some thirty palm-trees, and tilled 
fields and water-wheels. The Arabs call it Zawyhe ; but 
our halting-place and all that district they call Nageria.^ 
In this bend the river runs from north-east to south-west, 
and may be four hundred paces wide. Here we saw 
palms and other trees for the first time since leaving 
Bagdad. The soil on both banks is fat, and all along the 
road we found much wild marjoram,^ tall and bushy, and 
of extraordinary fragrance. Our march this day was six 
good leagues. Here we learnt that there was a cafila in 
Anna, bound for Aleppo, whereat we rejoiced greatly, 
thinking to make the less delay there ; and here we killed 
a sheep, which we had bought of those shepherds above- 
mentioned, and regaled ourselves therewith : our first 
flesh-meal since leaving Bagdad. 

On Wednesday, the 22nd, we marched just before 
sunrise, keeping to the river bank along its various 



^ This ravine seems to be indicated, without a name, in Macdonald 
Kinneir's route map, which shows also several nameless islands about 
the position of Teixeira's " Zawyhe," mentioned below. 

' Nasariah of Kiepert's map, which shows a desert route from 
Bagdad to Ana, probably that followed during part of this journey. 
[Philips's Imp. Atlas marks "Zawiah" and "J. Nasariah," both on the 
northern bank of the Euphrates. — D. F.] • " Oreganos^^ 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 79 

Windings, by a pass which the Arabs call Medyk^ Na^eryi, 
that is "the Strait of NaceriV' for the little space between 
the mountains and the river, which was on our left hand. 
When past this, we saw on the other bank of the river 
several towns, with orchards, palm-trees, and water-wheels. 
Presently we came to open plains of good soil, under 
cultivation. Then, after leaving the river at some distance, 
for that here it makes a bend, we struck its course again, 
passed a little more of bad road, and continued our route 
to north-west and west-north-west, over the same plains. 
At three o'clock in the afternoon, the cafila halted in the 
bed of a dry watercourse. There was no water, but we 
brought it from the river in water-skins, which are carried 
in reserve against such occasions ; and without them it 
were impossible to pass that desert, let alone others. 

On both sides of the river hereabouts are many farm- 
houses, mills, and great water-wheels, moved by the stream 
itself, watering those plains, which are mostly tilled and 
sown. From this onward, almost all the land near the river 
is mountainous. Our camping-place is called by the Arabs 
V6d Gdrabdh, that is, " the Boundary River." It seems that 
the limits of Anna, whither we were bound, extend thus 
far.- On this day we marched about seven leagues. This 

^ Probably for ^^McuUty^ a, narrow pass. 

* " Dtzen los Arabes Vid Gdrdbdh {que es) Ribera^ termino de la 
ciudad^ parece que llega Mi el de Anna hazia add yuamos^^ (sic in 
orig.^ accents, brackets, and all). This passage and the translation 
puzzle me. " V^d," in spite of the accent, is evidently wadi^ a water- 
course, which Teixeira always calls ribera^ as he does this very one a 
few lines above. According to his practice in transliteration, Gdrabdh 
would represent ^ghdrdbd^ and probably is some derivative of ^gharb. 
My modem dictionaries do not give me any such with this meaning of 
"boundary," but Golius at least suggests it (Leyden ed. 1653, p. 1698); 
and I am inclined to trust our author a good way. There is no reason 
for hunting up other possible meanings of " V^d Gdrabdh," and it is 
only just necessary to observe that it certainly does not include any 
word meaning " city.*' The boundary referred to was at least five 
leagues from the city, and must have been that of its territory, Kiepert 
has a " Wadi S^r," dotted tentatively, in a suitable position. 



8o THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

night there passed by us three horsemen, Kurdish merchants, 
going to Anna, where they had property. They had been 
complaining to the Amir, the lord of that region, of 
injuries done to them by his servants. In the morning 
watch a thief came into the midst of the company, and 
stole a pack-beast belonging to a Moor of Anna, unperceived 
but by its master, who, though he saw it taken from him, 
had not heart enough to give the alarm. The thief, to 
make his way out more shortly and quietly, cut away some 
of the ropes of Diego de Melo's tent. 

On Thursday, the 23rd, we marched before dawn, over 
varying country, until mid-day, when we descended high 
and rugged mountains to the Euphrates, running at their 
feet. On both banks of it lies the town of Anna, for which 
we were bound. This half-march may have been of five 
leagues. When we began the descent, my comrade, Diego 
Fernandes the German, and I alighted from our panniers, 
and I took the ridge of the hills, the better to see the 
position of the town, and the rest of the view thence, which 
is very extensive. This done, I followed the caravan, now 
near the river. We halted on the Mesopotamian bank all 
that evening, and for the night, which was wearisome 
enough, keeping good watch for fear of thieves, but rejoicing 
that God in mercy had brought us so far in peace. 

Immediately on our coming, my comrade crossed the 
river to procure leave for our passage over, which could 
not be made without it. After trouble enough, he could 
get none, and came back weary and ill-contented. But at 
night two officers of the Amir brought it over, got by the 
good offices of a Jew, to whom Diego Fernandes had an 
introduction. They even wanted us to cross at once, but 
we would not, because it was dark, and we feared some 
trouble or misadventure. So we put the matter off until 
the morning, and the officers went away, not without good 
pay for their undesired services. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 8 1 

In the morning of Friday, the 24th/ we crossed to the 
other bank of the river, which the Arabs call Xam, leaving 
behind us Mesopotamia, which they call Jazirey, that is, 
" the Island,"' because it lies between the Euphrates and 
Tigris, which is also the meaning of the name Mesopo- 
tamia.' 

When we had landed ourselves, our goods, and baggage 
we pitched the tents on a slightly rising ground by the 
river shore, in pretty heavy rain, and snatched some rest : 
though little, by reason of the weather, and of the ill-con- 
ditioned people. Our route from Bagdad had not been 
that in common use for cafilas, which lies higher up and 
further north, and is longer than ours. We chose the 
latter as shorter and safer, because less frequented. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Concerning the town of Ana,' on the River Euphrates. 

Ana (whose name in Arabic means "pain" or "vexation")* 
stands on the River Phorat, or Euphrates. It is a most 
ancient settlement, according to the tradition of its people. 



1 Of December, 1604. 

' Jaziroy = an island, is often applied to a peninsula ; or, as here, to 
the superior delta of a great river basin. Analogous applications of 
words properly meaning " island '' occur in Indian languages, though 
some have borrowed from Persian the more accurate dudb. One 
of the oddest adventures of jazira is the restriction of the local form 
janjira to fortified islands on the Bombay coast, and its special 
application to one oi Xhts^ par excellence ^ that of the Sidis. 

' From this onward, Teixeira spells Ana with one n^ as always 
hitherto with double-;^. I incline to take this as evidence that his 
Portuguese narrative was a real diary, kept pretty well up to date, and 
that he corrected his orthography as he learnt better ; but translated 
into Spanish from the original MS., with little or no editing or correc- 
tion. 

* Rather "groaning." But the derivation is far-fetched, and 
evidently a grim conceit at the expense of the ill-conditioned Andlis, 
who vexed our traveller. 



82 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

But we have a better authority in Scripture, videlicet, in 
the nineteenth chapter of the Second Book of Kings: 
where we read that when Sennacherib, King of Assyria, 
would threaten Hezekiah, King of Jerusalem, he demanded 
of him in his letter, " Where is the King of Emath ? the 
King of Arphat ? the king of the city of Sepharvaim, of 
Ana, and of Ava ? *' Whence we clearly see its antiquity, 
and can understand that it was this very city, since 
Sennacherib could not freely pass from Assyria into 
Palestine without first subduing these cities that lay 
between.^ I speak under correction, understanding that 
in so long a time there must needs have been great 
changes in the city. 

Ana stands on both banks of the Euphrates, in a bend 
from north-north-west to south-south-east* Now, where 
that bend begins, towards the north, in the midst of the 
river, is an island, one of many such up and down the 
stream, all cultivated. It may be a mile about, and is 
walled around, though the wall has suffered from time. 
At the north end of this is a citadel, with a garrison of a 
hundred Turks and some guns, and without this are houses, 
palm-orchards, gardens, and a market. It had a public 
bath when it belonged to the Cazelbax, or Persians, who 
held all these lands, including Bagdad. 

The river here runs between rugged and lofty ranges of 
hills, betwixt which and the water there are, on the Meso- 
potamian bank, only from one to two hundred paces, and 



^ Whether Teixeira's critical and probable identification of Senna- 
cherib's conquest be right or not, Anah is now commonly identified 
with the classic Anatho, Anathan, Bethauna (Beth- Ana), and Zosi- 
mus's " Phatusae." Tavemier (Travels in Turkey and Persia, vol. iii, 
p. 6) describes it much as our (preceding) traveller does (Smith's 
Diet, Greek and Roman Geog., sub voce\ and so does P. Delia Valle 
(Seventeenth Letter from Turkey, dated Bagdad, loth and 23rd Decem- 
ber, 1616). [Cf. also Gasparo Balbi, Viaggio dell* Indie Orientali, 
cap. ii; and Newberie (P«rfA^w ^/j P/^r/w^j, Pt. ll, p. 141 1). — D. F.J 

' West-north-west to east-north-east would be a good deal nearer. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 83 

on the west bank, in the quarter called Xam/ from two 
hundred to five hundred at most. In this narrow space 
lies the city, composed of but two streets, one on each 
bank. That of Mesopotamia, perhaps two miles long, has 
not many inhabitants, mostly working folk. The further 
or Syrian quarter must be more than two leagues long, 
and is the chief part of the city. The street runs right 
through the middle of the narrow strip of ground, with 
houses on both sides, all of one or two stories, small, 
square, and flat-roofed except the mosque, which has a 
tiled roof, sloping to one side only.* I cannot remember 
having seen any other tiled roof in all those parts. Each 
house has its own patch of ground, no bigger than a 
threshing-floor,* towards the hills on the river side, wherein 
are many palms, orange-trees, lemon, citron, and pear- 
trees, quinces, figs, pomegranates, and other of our 
European trees. The olive-trees are so many and great 
that they may be equalled to great chestnuts. And such 
is the virtue of the soil, and the help of the river-water, 
that everything grows vigorously and in plenty. One 
palm-stock will bear four, five, or six most fruitful stems ; 
and where the plain is fit they sow wheat and barley, which 
always answer well. 

The air is most pure. The houses are all of stone and 
plaster, or stone and mortar, and mud. There is a good- 
sized ditch between the foot of the mountains and the 
back-gardens, which in winter catches the drainage of 

^ '^ Sham," the West, or Syria, and especially its capital Damascus, 
as opposed generally to " Shark," = the East, and here particularly to 
Jazira or Mesopotamia. 

' " De una sola vertiente^^ or pentwise, a sound construction for a 
mosque. For its side towards Mecca should be, externally, as near as 
may be, a blind wall, and the other side, by which it is entered, as 
open as circumstances will permit. 

• " Repartimiento de Herra como exydoJ* Stevens translates exydo 
" outlet," but the context forbids this, for these patches were clearly 
back-gardens, as I have called them below. [In his Span.-Eng, Diet, 
Stevens explains exido as a piece of common ground. — D. F.] 

G 2 



84 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

the slopes, and keeps it from flooding the gardens. In 
summer it holds the water drawn from the river with 
water-wheels, to irrigate the same. There may be, in the 
whole city, up to four thousand houses, whereof one 
hundred and twenty are of Arabian Jews, who are not rich, 
but live decently, and are well looked upon by the lord 
of the land and his officers ; albeit, as usual, this costs 
them something. But they have houses and lands of their 
own, like the Moors, who make up the rest of the people. 
These are divided between two factions. Some are 
descended from the old inhabitants of the land, and 
are Moors in name and appearance. For the rest, they 
rate the doctrines of Mahoma at their true value, but are 
none the better for that. Their ancestors worshipped the 
sun, and I suspect that in secret they observe that and 
other superstitions, for that several people told me as 
much ; and further, because one, who came often to our 
tent, would always turn the conversation to the sun, and 
ask my opinion about him, and what Christians thought 
about him, his beauty, motions, and powers, praising his 
glory out of all measure.^ The other Moors are immigrants, 
settled here by various chances and at different times. 

The king and lord of this land is an Arab, called 
Amir Hamed Aburixa.^ He is the most powerful in all 

^ Perhaps this man was a Yazidi, or of some allied sect. For their 
reverence of the sun, see {inter alia) Layard's Nineveh and its 
Remains^ London, 1849, vol. i, chap, ix, especially p. 288. 

« Ahmad Abu Risha. Pietro Delia Valle savs that "Abu Rise" 
(as he spells it) means " Father of the Plume," or 'J Plumed one," which 
is possible enough. If a Prince of Wales, or a man of one of our 
Highland regiments, were to cross the desert in his proper feathers, 
he would certainly be called " Abu Rish." Delia Valle says that this 
was a family surname. He was only twelve years later in Ana than 
Teixeira, and his Amfr, "Feiid Abu Rise** was probably the very 
" Fyad " mentioned by Teixeira as " out " against nis usurping uncle, 
Ahmad {vide infra, chaps, viii and ix). He was wise enough to keep 
a Scotch doctor. [Gasparo Balbi, who was in Ana in 1 580, says {op, 
dt,^ p. 122/): " Questi Arabi tengono per loro signore Aborise." Fr. 
Caspar de Sao Bernardino [Itinerario da India^ 161 1, pp. 125, 126) 
calls the lord of Ana " Burixa," and Cesare Federici (copied by Fitch) 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 85 

that part of Arabia, yet withal subject to the Turk, who 
in this, and all other lands of that region, has granted 
possessions to a good many of his own folk. The transit 
dues on goods and merchandise are paid here to the 
Amir, and above them a small royalty to the Turk. They 
are levied by the load, and not on percentage nor ad va- 
lorem. The dues on each load should be about five 
ducats, but, with the extortions of the officers they come 
to ten, or more, — that is for goods of value, such as silks, 
cloths, indigo, spiceries, and the like. Galls, dates and 
other such articles pay one ducat per load, swollen by 
the surcharges to two.^ 

In this land there is great harvest of dates, which are 
carried for sale to Aleppo, Damascus, Tripoli, and else- 
where ; and they are a staple food of the common people. 
Other provisions are not dear, except rice, which comes 
from Bagdad. But there is a great inconvenience to 
travellers and strangers, in that there is no public market 
for necessaries, except for mutton, and there was none of 
that at the time of our arrival. Public markets are for- 
bidden by the Amir, to avoid annoyance to the folk of the 
city ; for the Arabs of the open country are so insolent 
that they fear neither God nor king when they have an 
opportunity for theft and violence. So whatever any one 
needs is found and purchased in private houses. There 
are here about thirty great boats, trading up and down 
the river, on which^ are many great mills. It has plenty of 
good fish, whereof the Moors make small account. 

The people in general are fair, and some dress decently- 
They wear commonly sheepskin cloaks, reaching down to 

speaks of " Borise, lord of the Arabs." Sir Antony Shcrlcy, who saw 
this "king'' in 1599, and had a very poor opinion of him, calls him 
" Aborisci" {Purchas his Pilgrimes, Pt. II, p. I387).~D. F.] 

* Balbi {pp. cit^ p. 1 3) also mentions the extortions of the Andiis. — D. f. 

> ^^En medio del qual^^ probably on islands, for security's sake, but 
perhaps on boats. 



86 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

their feet, open from the neck to the breast, and from the 
belly downwards, with very wide sleeves. When it rains 
they turn the wool out, and in wind and cold they turn it 
inside. This is a very common outer garment in those 
regions.^ There is plenty of white salt, brought from a 
mine, two days' march away in Mesopotamia, which they 
call Sinesela.* Wood is very scarce. 

Through this territory pass most of the cafilas or caravans 
between Aleppo, Tripoli (which they call Tarabolis), Damas- 
cus, and Bagdad ; albeit they can find other ways by paying 
the dues. On our arrival, we found two companies, who 
had waited two months for a chance of passage to Aleppo. 
One was of Kurds, with silks ; the other of MosuHs, mer- 
chants of Mosul, a part of Diarbek or Karaemit, in Meso- 
potamia, on the Tigris. These last had fine cloths,^ which 
are there abundant, and of many sorts ; and galls, which 
are exported from that country, to the amount of more 
than twelve thousand camel-loads in the year, to Aleppo, 
Tripoli, Damascus, and to Bagdad, thence to Bagora, and 
on to India and China. 

The people here are wont to send their camels into the 
Mesopotamian pastures, for those west of the Euphrates 
are scanty, remote, and dangerous. They bring them 
across on the eve of departure. These are the chief means 
of transport throughout these regions. It is the custom to 
carry, for their supply, sacks of barley meal, cotton seed, 
and other things, whereof are made for them a sort of roll, 
of the size and shape of an ostrich's egg, with which they 

1 The Anglo-Indian will recognise the /^;f^ Afghan "postfn." 
' Name rather doubtful. Kiepert shows "salt " in the desert, about 
25 " Turkish leagues" east- south-east of Ana, which is near enough to 
be "competent fSse witness" in corroboration of our traveller. [Dale's 
Map marks Sinesela due north of Ana, at the foot of a mountain range. 
In the map appended to Lord Warkworth's Notes from a Diary in 
Asiatic Turkey (1898), it is shown as " L. Sneyseleh (salt)." Andxee's 
Handatlas (1899) enters it as " Saline Hewara.** — D. F.] 

' " Muslins," if one may believe the lexicographers, are so called 
from Mosul. [See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v, " Muslin." — D. F.] 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 87 

are fed at night, in addition to what they get by browsing. 
For though they endure well the want of food and water, 
yet is not their endurance such as some writers have 
described, nor their power of bearing weight. The strongest 
and soundest bear no greater burden than six hundred 
pounds, and with that they can only travel for nine or ten 
hours, limping at every step. There is great difference 
between camels. Those of hot countries are more en- 
during than those of cold climates. They have a hump 
between the shoulders, which is of great advantage in 
loading them ; and some in some lands have two, forming 
as it were a saddle between them. They almost all lose 
their hair every winter, which begins to grow again in 
spring. Some possess great speed, but these are scarce. 
They are always loaded and unloaded kneeling on the 
ground ; and to keep them quiet at such times it is enough 
to hobble one of the bent knees. In conclusion, I may 
observe that this creature expresses his suffering with 
doleful cries and flow of tears.^ 

In all these lands men spin much wool with the spindle, 
and women with the wheel, but nowhere saw I so many 
spinning-shops* as here. 

There had come with us from Bagdad certain Moorish 
merchants of Ana, who said they were going on to Aleppo. 
But when they had got home, they thought better to spend 
the worst of winter there than shelterless in the desert, and 
would go no further just then. But they contrived that we 
should be detained to keep them company at their good 
pleasure. 

So, on the 28th of December, when we had paid the 
dues, and were in good spirits with the hope of starting in 
two or three days more, the officers of the Amir hindered 
us. For they, prompted by the AnaU merchants, would 

^ This is a sensible description of the camels and their use. 
' Or ".spinning men*^ i^'' hilandero^\ 



88 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

not let our camels cross the river, pretending that El 
Dandal lay in wait by the way to attack us. This man 
was a nephew of the Amir himself, and the rightful heir of 
those lands, but his uncle kept him out of them by usurpa- 
tion. This falsehood we disposed of by the evidence of 
some lately come from those parts, who declared that 
El Dendal,^ and a brother of his, were gone with their folk 
towards Egypt. Convicted of that lie they forged another, 
videlicety that Aleppo was again besieged. Seeing that for 
all that we would take our chance, they prayed us to await 
sixty camels gone to collect dates of the Amir's, to take 
them to Aleppo in our company. These, they said, were 
to be back at Ana in eight or ten days, and then we should 
have a speedy departure. So we must needs stay there in 
the depth of winter, in frost, rain, and snow, in the tent of 
Diego Fernandes the German, without whose favour and 
company I should have come very ill through this journey. 
We were on the bank of the river, which we thought a 
safer position than any house in the town ; fearing the 
Arabs* greed, which made us keep more anxious watch, 
exposed to the importunity of every Beduyne that chose 
to invade the tent to eat or beg. As to the latter, when 
alms come cheaper than plunder, no Arab, great or small, 
has either shame or scruple. The worst is that they beg 
as of right, and take as if conferring a favour. For all this 
there is no help but in patience and prudence ; in spite 
whereof annoyances do not fail of occurrence. 

While we were here, many Turkymanis crossed from 
Jazirey to Xam, with great flocks of sheep, which they 
take for sale to Damascus, Tripoli, Aleppo, and even to 
Constantinople. They pay here twenty ducats per thousand 
head, for ferry and transit dues. At the same time came 
more camels from Mosul, laden with galls. 

1 Sic in orig,, with the slight change in spelling, which recurs 
The brother's name appears below to have been " Fyad," P. Delia 
Valle's Feiid. (See note, supra^ p. 84.) 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 89 

Now were we almost heartbroken with our detention, 
with hope deferred of departure, the waste of our subsist- 
ence, continual cold, watchings, fears, oppressions, and the 
extortions of the Arabs ; and a little more of it had been 
enough to make an end of us. But it pleased God, at this 
time, that the Kurdish and Mosuli merchants, weary of 
long delay, agreed with us to march in company, despite 
the new objections of the Analis. Whereupon again were 
violent discussions. But, having overcome all hindrance, 
we agreed to bring our camels over from Jazirey to the 
Syrian quarter, where we ourselves were. This we did on 
Wednesday, the 12th of January, 1605, and that same 
evening came in the camels with the Amir's dates that had 
been sent for. 



CHAPTER IX. 



How we started from Ana, and took our way through the desert to 

Sukana. 

On Thursday, the 13th of January, 1605, at nine in the 
morning, already weary of new debates and squabbles, 
we turned our backs upon the river, and ascended the 
mountains, here more rugged than lofty. After about 
a league of toilsome travel, we gained more level ground, 
if not more fertile, and halted, until the cafila should pull 
itself together. The Arabs call that spot Tel Alyud, or 
'* the Jews* Hill," because these have their houses below it 
in the city, near the river, and give name to that quarter. 
In this same place, the night before, robbers had fallen on 
some Turkyman shepherds, who fed great flocks there. 
These, seeing us halt and pitch tents, thinking to be safer, 
drew around us with their stock, whence we feared some 
violence. For these shepherds are also, upon occasion, 
stout and stubborn thieves. The first watch of that night 
was mine ; as throughout that journey, by land and sea, in 



90 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

town or field, I took my watch every night, save only in the 
great cities. I kept it with trouble enough from a great 
fever that I felt come on me ; and on relief I took shelter, 
and threw myself, dressed and booted, on my bed. This 
was but a cloak thrown over a chest, and all rough with 
its knotted lashings. I had scarce lain down, and was 
beginning to feel still more fever and headache, when my 
comrade, who had relieved me, called me up in haste. I 
rose, and took my arms, seeing him in the tent-door with 
his gun levelled. Thieves had attacked the flocks by 
stealth, and at the bleating of the sheep, the shepherds and 
others had made hue-and-cry, and driven them off with the 
loss of one sheep only. 

On Saturday, the 15th, we remained here in trouble 
enough. For the others who had agreed to follow us 
failed therein, hindered by the Anales. These, after our 
departure, dissuaded the other merchants' camel-men from 
crossing the river, with their stories of a second siege of 
Aleppo, and of the roads being closed by El Dendal and 
Fyad, the Amir's nephews. 

In this affliction, whereof was left us no cure but what 
we hoped for of God and our own patience, there came 
that morning a cafila from Damascus, which passed our 
camp on its way to the city, and assured us that Aleppo 
was open and in good order, and our route safe. This 
was so true that eight or ten unarmed men brought 
hither, over its whole length, a hundred loaded camels 
without mishap. With this news we were in a little better 
heart, and hoped to get away the sooner. On Monday, 
the 17th, came eighty camels more from luba and Haddyt, 
with the Amir's dates, to go in our company ; and that 
same morning the Kurds and some of the Mosulis came 
out of Ana, and the departure of the cafila began to be 
warmly pressed forward. 

On Friday, the 21st of January, 1605, at eight in the 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 9I 

morning, the cafila began to move. We led off, and 
some followed us, to the number of one hundred and 
twenty camels in all. We marched westwards about four 
leagues, over barren and rugged hills, and presently came 
out on level ground with abundant pasture, where many 
flocks of sheep were grazing. In the midst of this plain were 
two high round mountains standing apart, from which all 
that district is called by the Arabs Rumam-hen,^ meaning 
" the Two Pomegranates" : a name most fitly derived from 
their form. 

These we passed, and after three leagues' further march 
we halted at four in the evening, in a pleasant field full of 
green grass, but waterless. The rest of the cafila had 
failed to follow us, hindered by the customs officers, for 
the dues that some had not paid. They had waited for 
that day, because these payments are used to be managed 
with least confusion in the open country, when the cafila 
is ready to march ; and as all dues are upon the load or 
bale, they are then most easily settled. Herein we find, 
amongst the Moors, a milder and easier method than that 
in use amongst Christians in Europe.^ 

On Saturday, the 22nd, we marched westwards, in 
terrible cold and tempest ; now over very level and good 
land, and again amongst broken glens and hills. After 
about five leagues we came to a mansely where caravans 
used to halt. We passed it, because there was no water, 
and that next day's march might be less, up to the river, 
short of which we should find none. This manzel is 
called lubab, that is, "the Wells of rain-water."* At 5 p.m., 



^ "Rum^ain," correctly rendered. This word "Rumdn" has 
nothing to do with Rome, occurring early in Hebrew and Syriac 
(Brandis, Forest Flora^ p. 241). These hills are not on my maps. 

' The practice described has, in fact, the advantages of a sort of 
primitive system of " bond." 

' I have translated literally from the Spanish. ^*Iubai^* probably 
represents something WVit yabas » '* a wet place that dries up.'* 



gt THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

after a march of eight leagues, we halted in a plain without 
water, which the Arabs call Meka^ar lubab.^ All along 
our route were many flocks of sheep at pasture. 

On Sunday, the 23rd, after sunrise, we left this place ; 
marching north-westwards over varying country, until we 
descended into the channel of a great dry watercourse. All 
its bottom, as far as we could see, was of living rock, white 
and hard as marble, and smooth as if paved by hand. 
Herein were many pot-holes, made, as the Arabs say, by 
the rains, and full of rain-water. We drank of it, men and 
beasts, and filled our water-skins with what remained over, 
for hereabouts is no other. Scarce was this done when 
there came two mounted Turkymanis with bows and 
quivers, stout and well equipped, who came in search of 
water for their flocks. Small joy had we at the sight of 
them, for on those ways the best security lies in meeting 
with no man. 

We wanted to go on that day to the river ; but one of 
the Kurds objected, who expected the caravan to overtake 
us. So we got out of the watercourse, and went a little 
further on, to halt at the foot of one of two hills, standing, 
like the last, in the midst of great plains, to which they give 
their name, in Arabic Aden then, or " the Two Ears" : and 
well it fits them.2 They are of the same form and equal 
height. I climbed one, whence I could see far all around, 
for the land was level. We halted here at one o'clock in 
the afternoon, having marched five leagues. That night it 
was so cold that next morning we found all the water 
frozen in the skins. 

On Monday, the 24th, we marched at dawn westwards, 



^ Our traveller does not translate Meka^ar. Probably it stands for 
maksur^ and the name means *' the rain-water pools amid the 
pasture," and, in fact, is hardly a name at ail. It reminds one of 
the marches of our own armies m Asia and Africa, fittingly described 
by an Irish private as " marches from nowhere to nowhere else, for 
nothing at all." ' AdaUy Arabic, = an ear. Not on the maps. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 93 

over country like the last, until we came to the river, 
whose current is here very gentle. Here is a manzel of 
caravans, called in Arabic Kahem, after a turret or tomb 
of that name, standing on the river bank. Probably it was 
built by, or for, some one of that name. Kakem,^ in Arabic, 
is the same as our Cayn. Here, the Arabs say, according 
to their tradition, was of old an important city, astride of 
the river, which they magnify with many words. But now 
no trace of it is to be seen. 

We had come about six leagues to this place, and two 
hours before, the Amir's date-laden camels, which were 
most of our company, had parted from us, taking another 
road ; their owners were householders of Sucana, and went 
thither to await the main caravan, and rest themselves until 
it came up. Only we and the Musulys, with under forty 
camels, came on to this place (Kahem). We thought it an 
unsafe place for so few folk, being much infested with 
thieves ; and resolved to go in search of the other party for 
their company's sake. The Musulys wanted to wait here for 
the caravan, fearing to cross the desert, that begins here, 
with so few folk, and not without reason. As each side 
persisted in maintaining their own opinion, they came to 
ill words and well nigh to blows. But my comrade Diego 
Femandes, who was chief of the merchants and strangers 
in that company, made up his mind, and, in spite of the 
Musulys, caused us to set out in search of the other party. 
At nightfall, after two leagues' journey, we found them at a 
place called Tel ul Manahyat, that is, " the Well Mounds,"* 



1 Kahem in the first passage, Kakem in the second ; the former is 
probably right. Cayn is the English Cain^ son of Adam, an unlikely 
godfather. Kiepert marks the place "El Kajim," in a position 
agreeing with the text, a little off the track from Anah to Aleppo, at a 
notable bend of the Euphrates. [Ant. Tenreiro, Itinerario^ cap. Iv, 
calls it " Racalaem," and describes the place as he saw it in 1 523. —D. F.J 

* Mani (amongst other meanings) is a pit or well, especially a tan- 
pit^ which this well seems to have resembled in quality. The place is 



94 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

because of one there which we found full of rain water, 
foul and disgusting ; but our need made it seem pure and 
sweet. The Musulys, who wanted to make us stay by the 
river, when they saw that we had really marched were 
frightened, and followed us, sore against their will. They 
came into camp when the night was well spent. 

On Tuesday, the 25th, at sunrise, we marched north- 
westward, over land of varying surface and quality, until 
five in the evening, when we entered upon great plains. 
Amidst these we found about forty tents of Turkymanis,^ 
who used those pastures, with their families and cattle, 
sheep, camels and mules.^ The tents are all round, their 
tops like half an orange cut across. Their inner frame is 
of rods or canes, and the outer covering of pieces of felt. 
They are all portable and divisible, so that they can be 
taken to pieces, and carried in balanced camel-loads. 
Some were very clean and handsome, well hung and 
carpeted^ within, especially that of the Sheikh, which was 
spacious and very well ordered. 

These Turquymanis are true Turks, of such as came 
first from Turkestam. And being content with life on the 
plains they remained on these, which had been possessed, 
before their coming, by the Arabs with their herds and 
households. They are divided into what they call tayffas^ 
the Arabs cabil^, and we cabilda, and the Tartars orda^ 



marked '' Manyat'' in Kieperfs map, in a position corresponding with 
that which one would expect from the narrative. 

^ Some readers will know these people at least as well by the 
name of "Yunik." 

« ''Mulas,'' not ''jumentos:' 

' This description of the felt tent of Central Asia, distin^ishing it 
from the southern tents of rough blankets or cotton canvas, is interest- 
ing. All have been often described, and a chiefs white felt tent 
was on show at South Kensington some years ago. I have translated 
one word, entapitadas^ as " hung and carpeted.'' The same materials 
are still often used in Asia for both purposes,in both houses and tents ; 
and the French tapis and tapisserie indicate similar usage in medi- 
aeval Europe, though now applied to two different things. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 95 

all meaning " a tribe."^ They are stout fellows, afoot and 
mounted, strong-limbed, patient of toil, and resolute in 
action. They live by their herds, but lose no chance of 
plunder. 

While the sheep are at pasture they keep the lambs shut 
up under shelter, but let them out when the flocks return 
in the evening. Then every lamb finds out his own 
mother, as if she were alone. This done, they hobble the 
ewes, that they may not stray, and the lambs suck at their 
ease. When we came there, I saw more than six hundred 
lambs come out of one pen, and their meeting with the 
ewes was a sight to see. When these are full they are 
penned up again, and the sheep return to pasture '? which 
method of stock-raising seems good to me, both for profit 
and security. 

These people live on dairy produce, and though they 
have so great stock, yet never would they sell us a 
sheep, but hung carcases of those dead of disease, or by 
accident. We did not want these, and the camel-men 
bought them. 

Here we were in fear of some mischief from the ill- 
disposition of that folk. Wherefore Mostafd, who came 
with Diego de Melo, set himself up for a chais or special 
messenger of the Amir, and him who was in charge of 
the dates for the Amir's servant. And they put me also 

^ Tdyifah^iL, tribe in Arabic^ and is not specially Turkish. '* OrM* 
is " Tartar" enough, but implies often a greater body, i)ossibly including 
many tribes. It is our ** horde" and tifie Hindustani urdA^ generally 
meaning "a camp." ^^ Cabilef^ is kabilah^ plural kabdyil, whence 
the French call tneir Algerian Highlanders " Kabyles,'' as we, some- 
times, call our own *' the Clans." 

' Presumably on a very limited area as compared to that of the 
safer day-time. This is now the custom of the wandering shepherds 
of West Indis^ on waste lands free from any special danger, and they 
reasonably think it best for the health of the sheep. But in the face 
of any special risk, as of beasts, thieves, or the pound, they fold all the 
sheep. And in arable country the cultivators give them not only 
ground free for that purpose, but also an allowance of grain for the 
sake of the manure of the fold. 



g6 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

into their tale, saying that I was a physician^ sent with 
them to Aleppo by the Amir, to look to some things he 
would have them buy there. Partly on this account they 
used us with some civility and respect, and gave us some 
of their sheep's milk, which was no small treat to us. 

Their women do not hide themselves, but, being robust, 
are foremost in the management of their stock. These 
dress somewhat after the Galician fashion. They have all 
cow-hide boots, short skirts, and tight bodices, and on 
their heads great rolled hats, like a sort of pyramid. The 
Arabs call this place Megenih, and there is no water 
there. 

We left this place on Wednesday, the 26th, and after 
about three leagues' march northwards we came into a 
very wide plain, almost surrounded by a ridge of earth, 
like a great rampart. Right across the middle of it there 
ran the bed of a watercourse, equally level and of very 
uniform width, fifty or sixty paces. Dry as it was, one 
could conceive how fine it would look when full. 

In this plain was another clan of Turkymanis, with 
great flocks of sheep, many camels, and other beasts. 
They were clean and well dressed, but not so manageable 
and easy-going as the last. They begged for dates, and 
were answered that these could not be given, being the 
Amir's goods, but that they had it in their power to take 
them. They made no reply ; but it was well seen that for a 
little they would take the dates and everything else, and 
ill-pleased were we to see their greed. 

There were here near the watercourse three wells, where 
they watered their cattle. Our camel-men filled the water- 
skins and other vessels, and then we moved off. The Arabs 
call this place Muy al Megenah, or Methenih, that is, " the 



^ " Un hombre inteligente de medicinds" a not untruthful description 
of Teixeira, even though he were somewhat of an empiric. — D. F. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 97 

water of Mesnih."^ We marched over varying country, 
mostly very fertile and level, until sunset ; meeting some 
more herdsmen with cattle and camels, and starting many 
hares. After about ten leagues' march, we halted in a very 
level plain, without water, called by the Arabs Tabakt 
Seguer.* Here we suffered fearfully from thirst, for all the 
water we had brought on was so foul and stinking that 
none would drink it. 

On Thursday, the 27th, we marched at sunrise, heading 
north-westwards, over very good and level land. After 
about three leagues, we crossed the ravine and channel 
of a wondrous great watercourse, then dry, which the 
Arabs call Sehel,* a common manzel of caravans. Here 
were some wells of good water, from which we partly 
quenched our thirst, and continued our march, until five 
o'clock in the evening, when we encamped in a very level 
plain of hard sand. Here were some wells of good water, 
and the Arabs call the place lubeba.^ This day's march 
was seven leagues. 

On Friday, the 28th, we started at dawn, and marched 
northwards, over level, clear, and fertile la,nd, albeit stony 
in some places. We met with a great herd of the Turky- 
manis' camels at pasture; and after rather more than 
seven leagues' march, just before sunset we halted in 
a place without water, called by the Arabs Ragem al 
Kayma. This means '* the Tent Cairn," and there is one 



^ Teixeira does not translate Me^enah, here or above, and there is 
no use in guessing amongst the possible Arabic words. It is not on 
the maps. 

' Not translated, nor on the maps. 

' The remarkable watercourse was perhaps Kiepert*s "Wadi 
Suwdb.'' 

* Probably " Djub Ghdnim," marked on this route as exactly four 
Turkish leagues (" Aghatsch ") from Wadi Suw^b, and in a position 
otherwise consistent with the narrative. Both these places are also 
on W. Hughes's Map of Syria, which comes into use at this point of 
the route. 

H 



98 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

there, of stones heaped up in the shape of a tent, as 
a landmark.^ 

In all this march we saw no hill, mound, nor high land, 
except, when we halted, a very distant range which the 
Arabs call Gibel el Bexar, or "the Mount of Bexar:"* the 
name of a clan that inhabits it. Perhaps it was in memory 
of this that the Arabs gave the name to Bexar in Spain 
whence the Duke takes his title.* We saw many hares, and 
coursed some with a dog that my comrade had with him, 
called Marzoko, which means in Arabic "Good Luck ;"* but 
had never enough of it to catch one. It is true that, of all 
hares ever I saw in the world, none seemed to me as swift 
as these. 

On Sunday we started half-an-hour after sunrise, and 
marched north-westwards, over very flat and good land, 
leaving the Bexar range on our right. At sunset, having 
made about seven leagues, we halted amongst ten or twelve 
tents of Turquimanis, who were pasturing their cattle and 
camels there. 

Here, when the camels were unloaded, arose a bloody 
and dangerous strife between our camel-men and those of 
the Musulis. They came from words to blows and 
broken heads, and we had enough ado to quiet them ; 
wherein we spared no pains, more for our own sakes than 
for theirs. The quarrel was over our going to Sucana, a 
village where the Amir's camel-men, who had his dates, 
had their homes ; and meant, as I have said above, to await 
therein the arrival of the main caravan at Taybd, another 

^ This translation seems to be correct. Kiepert, however, has in 
this position " Redjm-et-Chail," or " the Cairn of the Tribe," which is 
also possible. 

* " Djebel Bu Schir" of Kiepert. The traveller's comment is worth 
note. 

* D. Jos^ M. Quadrado, in his account of Bejar, in Salamanca 
{EspaHa^ Barcelona, 1884, cap. ix), says that the origin of the name is 
unknown, but that the arms of the city display five bees {abejas), — D. F. 

* Arabic warg'«^= happy, fortunate. — D. F. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 99 

village on our direct route. As it did not suit us to part 
company with them in those deserts, we had to follow them 
where they chose, against the will of the Musulys and our 
own. For they had promised to come with us to Tayba. 
The Musulys urged that we should march to Tayba with- 
out the others.^ Ours objected the danger of parting 
company, and they came to such strife that some had 
faces all bloody at their parting. In the end our men 
prevailed, and we settled to accompany the date-carriers. 
This place is called Ketef el Hel, and has no water, so we 
had provided some beforehand. Here, and on the pre- 
vious march, we saw many hares and great herds of 
wild asses. 

On Sunday, the 30th, we started before sunrise, and 
marched north-westwards over good plain country. Since 
the middle of the previous march, we had high mountain 
ranges in sight ahead.^ In the plains we saw many and 
great herds of the Turkymanis* cattle, and many of their 
tents, but each alone and far apart. These were of the 
tayfd^ or clan, calling themselves Beghdely, which alone 
of the Turkymanis using these pastures owns not the 
Amir's authority. For it has as many as eight thousand 
mounted archers, and some firearms, wherefore they are 
exempt from vassalage. We saw many hares and wild 
asses. 

One hour and a half before sunset, we began to descend 
through ravines and uneven ground, but fertile ; and one 
hour after it we came to some wells of bad water, where 
Turkymanis were watering their cattle and camels. That 
day we may have made nine leagues up to this place, which 
the Arabs call Naquib, meaning the deputy of any master. 



* /./., the Sukana men. Kiepert's map shows that the tracks to 
" Taijibb^h" and to " Es-Sochneh" diverge at " Djebel Serbin" a little 
west by north of this camp at " Ketef-el-Hel ;" so that the question 
had to be settled here. ^ Kiepert's map shows these about Tayib^. 

H 2 



ICX) THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

Here we spent the night in little safety and great fear. 
A little above us, on our left, was a watercourse, famous 
in those parts, called Gadyr i ther, at that time dry.^ 

On Monday, the 31st January, we started two hours 
before dawn, though the night was very thick and dark. 
We marched north-westwards through a very wide and 
level valley, between mountains and lower hills, at our best 
pace, for fear of robbers. At nine o'clock of the morning, 
under rain enough, we came to a village called Sukana, 
set in the gorge of two ranges, and took shelter in a kkan, 
ancient indeed, but great and strong. It is one hundred 
paces without the place. This may contain one hundred 
and fifty houses, all little and poor, of unbaked bricks, 
mud, and small stones, the abodes of Arabs and Turky- 
manis.2 

The origin of this place was a fort, yet standing amidst 
it, though in bad condition. It was set here in aid of the 
caravans, or cafilas^ passing between Damascus and Tripoli 
on one side, and Bagdad and Bagord on the other; as 
Taybdh serves those of Aleppo. A sufficient escort brought 
them hither, turned them over to the garrison, and went 
home again. This arrangement has ceased altogether 
since the Turkish conquest of these regions. I remember 
that there was on the fort's platform an iron falconet, as a 
scarecrow, I suppose, to plundering raiders. 

■" 

^ " Naquib " is perhaps meant for Ndyib ( = " a deputy "). The 
place must have been just opposite " Ghadfr-et-Tair " (= the Bird's 
Pool, or Channel), shown on Hughes's Map of Syria as a hamlet 
on the south side of a great glen leading to " Es Sikhneh," Teixeira's 
Sucana. Kiepert has "El Chidhr" (representing nearly the same 
sound), about thirty miles (English statute) E. by S. of this place, off 
Teixeira's route, and not far from Hughes's " Wady es Rami." This 
Chidhr may represent a mistaken location of the same place, or a 
correct one of another place, or the general name for the drainage 
channel. The travellers' dangers and fears were probably of floods, 
as much as of thieves. For the next paragraph shows that the night 
was threatening and the morning wet. 

2 Ant. Tenreiro (op, cit.^ cap. Ixi) describes the place under the name 
of " Cocana (for " Qocana").— D. F. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. lOI 

About two hundred paces to the south is a spring of sul- 
phurous water, hot and stinking, rising in and filling a natural 
round basin. Thence it flows southwards, and waters some 
gardens and fields thereabout. This water gives its name 
to the place ; for in Arabic sukan means " hot"^ All the 
people drink mostly of this, and bathe in it, men and 
women alike, with little modesty, and go out of it into 
a mosque thereby. Of what is left after watering the 
land, and of another water, not so bad, which joins this 
from afar in a distant salt valley, they make their salt. 

To conclude: the place is a very poor open hamlet. 
Everything is scarce and dear, especially wood, for want 
whereof they burn dry dung of camels and other beasts. 
The climate is unhealthy, provisions scanty and bad ; and, 
for all that, I saw in this town some women as beautiful as 
angels. 

We stayed here five days, not without trouble from the 
importunity of the inhabitants. For there is no village 
but hath its alcalde, and no alcalde but would be greater 
than the king -^ and in this and the like matters it is in 
Syria as in Spain. So we kept good watches, fearing 
townsfolk and plain-dwellers alike. But Diego de Melo, 
forgetting that he was not in India, where passion is wont 
to heed reason but little, lost his temper with a camel- 
man, and threatened him with a sword. This had been a 
sore game for Diego, but for our earnest entreaties and 



^ Rightly derived from sakhan =^^\ioV* The vowel pronunciation 
seems to vary, as no two maps, nor two dictionaries, render it alike. 
Kiepert identifies it with an antique " Adatha." Any place in that 
desert with a strong spring must always have a settlement of some sort. 
Kiepert suggests (by a dotted line) that the valley drains eastwards 
into the " Wady Suweid " and Euphrates. Hughes's Map neither con- 
tradicts this, nor clearly confirms it 

2 Referring apparently to a Spanish proverb. Pinelo, in his 
Spanish-English Dictionary^ quotes the following : ^^ Alcdlde de AlcUa^ 
el que lo quiirre^ esse lo sea : let him that desires to be Alcalde of a 
Village ; that is, let them that are fond of foolish Honours, which bring 
Trouble and no Advantage, enjoy them." — D. F. 



102 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

excuses. And other unpleasant things befell him during 
this journey, for that he would not consider and distin- 
guish times and places ; which if a man cannot do, he had 
better stay at home. 

Here we awaited news of our caravan's arrival at 
Taybah, where we kept one to bring us word. This came 
on the morning of the 5th of February, and we loaded up 
and marched forthwith. 



CHAPTER X. 

How we left Sucana and joined the caravan at Tayba, whence we 
started for Aleppo ; and how we were fallen upon by robbers. 

On Saturday, the 5th of February, at nine in the morning, 
we left Sucana, and marched westwards along the foot of a 
range^ for about two leagues. Then we turned north into 
it, and climbed it, and after two more leagues of rough and 
perilous road, where we had to go afoot, we came out into 
a very wide valley, abounding in pasture, and surrounded 
by mountains. On the north side, and on higher ground 
than the rest of the valley, at the foot of a mountain 
standing apart from the rest, a town of over two hundred 
and fifty houses stands amid the ruins of an older city, 
that once belonged to Frankish Christians. There is yet 
standing a belfry of cut stone and mortar, which serves for 
an alcoraUy and a dirty mosque at its foot is supported 
by fragments of beautiful marble columns, once belonging 
to a church that was on the same site.^ 



^ Marked on Hughes's Map as " J. el Lebdi." 

2 Probably before that to some pagan temple. Kiepert makes this 
the ancient Oriza. D'Anville (English edition, 1794) puts Oriza at 
" Sukne," Teixeira's last camp, and " Cholle," with no modern name, at 
or near the position of " Tayba." The later authority seems preferable. 
The mud domes, externally pyramidal, g» back to Roman and 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. IO3 

There is a tolerable fort of mud, standing on the ruins of 
an old one of cut stone, which was evidently important, 
and of good construction ; and the town is enclosed. The 
houses are of sun-dried bricks and mud, with square walls 
and vaulted pyramidal roofs. They call it Taybdh, that is, 
" the Healthy Place," from the Arabic word tayb, meaning 
" health," or " good condition," for the purity of its air and 
climate.^ There is a perennial spring of water a little 
without the town, sulphurous like that of Sucana, but much 
more endurable and better kept ; and in one part of the 
valley are gardens, likewise in better order. 

The inhabitants are Arabs, and live by stock-keeping 
and agriculture. This town and Sucana are subject to the 
Amir of Ana, who holds them under the Turk as a Sanjdk} 
And as by Sukana go the cafilas or caravans of Damascus 
and Tripoli, so Taybdh is on the route of those of Aleppo. 
In both places dues are levied of fifty or sixty maravedi^ 
on each camel, loaded or light ; for camels are taken for 
sale to Aleppo. But the tyranny of the Subaxys,* who 
levy these dues, makes them come to much more than this. 

We reached Taybdh after six leagues' march,^ just 
before sunset, and found the cafila encamped on the plain 
there. I had scarce time to look at the town, along with a 
friendly Moor. However, I did see it, and returned to the 

Assyrian days, and still exist in this region. Vide Layard, Nineveh 
and Babylon^ p. 26 (abridged edition of 1882), and Fergusson, Temples 
of the JewSf p. 146. [Cf. also Caspar de S. Bernardino, op. ciL^ 
p. 126. — D. F.J 

* Tayib^ in Arabic, means " good," or " nice," in a general way. 

* ^^ Sanjacado" ixovn sanjak=^^ a. banner;" the name came to be 
applied to a feudal tenure, and to its holder and his district. 

' Under eightpence (Stevens). 

^ Local headmen ; probably the same compared above to the 
Spanish Alcaldes. They seem to have been originally waterwardens. 

^ Hughes makes the distance twelve English statute miles "as the 
crow flies." Considering the nature of the ground, Teixeira's march 
could not have been less than sixteen, which, at twenty-five Turkish 
leagues to a degree, may be taken as not far wrong. Kiepert puts the 
two places twenty-two English statute miles apart, which is evidently 
excessive. 



I04 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

caravan on the plain. This consisted now of six hundred 
camels, counting those of our company, besides horses and 
other pack-beasts. Here we passed the night more at 
ease, by reason of our increased company, which was of 
some two hundred men of various nations ; not enough, 
withal, to save us from what was to come. 

On Sunday, the 5th of February, we started from 
Taybdh^ at sunrise, and marched northwards over very 
level plains, of good quality and abundant pasture, with 
distant mountains ever on each hand, for two-thirds of the 
day. After that the ground was rough and hilly. At 
sunset we halted in a waterless place, which the Arabs 
call Hahe oie, that is, " the Winding Way."^ The day's 
inarch was of eight leagues. In those plains the people of 
Taybah catch many gazelles in this wise : they set up over 
a wide space, amidst the plain, two rows of wands, about a 
cubit high, each with a rag pennant, forming a long and 
wide avenue. In this they make many and great pitfalls. 
Then, scouring hill and plain in bands, they rouse the 
game, and drive them to the rods. These, in terror alike 
of their pursuers and of the pennants fluttering on either 
hand, fall headlong into the pitfalls, and are taken alive 
or dead. 

On Monday, the 7th, the caravan moved off one hour 
before sunrise, and marched northwards, over country of 
varying surface and quality, until sunset, seven leagues. 
We halted at the foot of mountains, near some wells of 
very bad stinking water ; wherefore the Arabs called the 



^ Pietro Delia Valle marched from Aleppo to " Taiba," by Teixeira's 
route, or nearly, in September, 1616. But at " Taiba" he took another 
route to Ana ; and only crosses Teixeira's (through these regions) at 
that place and at Bagdad. Their itineraries confirm each other very 
closely; and so, indeed, do their remarks about the country and 
people (Pietro Delia Valle, Seventeenth Letter from Bagdad, loth 
and 23rd December, 1616). [See also Ant. Tenreiro, op, cit^ caps, liv, 
Ixi ; G. dc S. Bernardino, op, at., p. 126 v. — D. F.] 

' I cannot verify this. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. IO5 

place Abumemten, that is, "the Father of Bad Waters." 
All the plains, from Taybah to this place, were full of 
little bushes, mostly of rosemary.^ 

On Tuesday, the 8th, the caravan started after sunrise, 
and we marched northwards over very flat and good land, 
leaving afar on the left hand a range of high mountains. 
On one of these stand yet the ruins of a great and once 
Christian city, which I saw from afar, though not distinctly. 
But all the Moors and some Armenian Christians testified 
to it as a certain fact, and assured me that there are there 
altars, stone crosses, and remains of buildings wonderfully 
wrought.* 

After five leagues' march, we halted under compulsion of 
heavy and ceaseless rain. It came on in the afternoon and 
fell all that evening and throughout the night, with great 
cold until the dawn, which found us all soaked. Tents and 
coverings availed us not at all, and we suflered fearfully 
from thirst, for the place was waterless.* 

Wednesday, the 9th, dawned heavy with cloud and mist, 
wherefore the caravan did not start until nine o'clock. 
When we had gone a little over half a league, of a sudden, 
about three hundred mounted Arab spearmen charged 
yelling in upon us. So thick was the log that we per- 
ceived them not, until already amidst of the caravan, from 
which they were presently driving off* two hundred camels : 

^ ^^ Motas pequennas de que la mayor parte era vomero" I have 
followed Stevens in taking the first and last words to be misprints. 
If not, they must imply some use of the plough, which seems 
unlikely. 

* Possibly the ruins marked in Hughes's Map as " Aschika." P. 
Delia Valle has ruins somewhere about here, but the identification can- 
not be made sure of. Berghaus has " Bitter Wells " and " Ruins of 
an Ancient Greek City," in positions corresponding to Teixeira's 
narrative. 

' This may probably seem strange to some readers. But an ill- 
organised Asiatic caravan can fail of water when surprised by a rain- 
storm. The tents and other coverings are of materials unsuited to 
collecting rain-water < and the people lose their heads, and fail in 
resource. 



lo6 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

the more easily that these are wont to march in separate 
squads or parties, to avoid confusion. 

In haste we dismounted from our panniers, and stood 
each to his weapon, arquebus, bow, or sword. Speedily we 
had what was left of the caravan formed up together, and 
faced the robbers, so that they could not again break in 
amongst us, though they tried it several times. It was a 
pity to see this man robbed of his camels, that of his goods, 
and many of their miserable apparel ; for, poor as it was, 
they were stripped naked with the utmost haste and cruelty ; 
and all this when so far on our way, as it were at one's 
very hall-door, after all the inexpressible toil and trouble 
of the journey. But it pleased God that no hands were 
laid on any of our mess. When the robbers saw they 
could have no more booty but at their own evident peril, 
they drew off, and we remained in sorrow and in fear of 
their returning in greater force. 

Now it chanced that amongst their spoil were most of 
the camels and dates of the Amir, the lord of those lands 
above mentioned. A servant of his, in charge of the same, 
troubled at this mishap, made up his mind to an interview 
with the robbers. He got safe-conduct for himself and 
his horse, upon oath and in inviolable form, used amongst 
the Arabs in such cases, went to the gang, and found them 
to be of two clans, the Ebenkaiz and Eben Rabydh. The 
captain of the latter was a brother-in-law of his own, who, 
on seeing him, and hearing his story, was very sorry, and 
wished to return the camels. As for the dates, they were 
out of the question, for they had been divided instantly, and 
with great waste. The other clan would have no restitution 
at all ; and upon that issue they came to blows. The 
Eben Rabydh were victorious, broke the others, and took 
from them some lances and most of the camels. These 
they handed over to the Amir's servant, who returned 
them to our company. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA tO ITALY. I07 

On his return the galls that had been scattered on the 
ground were collected, as well as might be. For these 
robbers, in such cases, when they take a camel, break open 
his load, and, if it is of things useful to them, they take him 
off loaded ; but if not, they leave the load, and take the 
camel, it being what they care most about. So we re- 
mained until evening ; when, as I have said, the Moor 
returned, and we spent the night there, to get things into 
some order. Two Arab merchants, father and son, had 
been wounded by lance-thrusts during the attack. This 
place is called Garra, or Serige.^ 

We kept good watch, and about midnight, when I was 
on duty for our mess, I heard loud and sudden lamenta- 
tions in the rear of the camp,* or caravan, which disturbed 
all our company. It turned out that a thief had crept into 
the caravan, in the dark, and up to some camels. He had 
already loosed one to steal it, but was perceived ; and, 
though he must needs fly, would not do so empty-handed ; 
so, laying his hand on the turban of a Moorish merchant 
who slept near, he made off with that. The merchant 
woke up with an outcry, which availed him very little. 
Such thefts are very common, and sometimes serious. 



1 Either ** Es-Seriyeh " of Hughes, " Serdji " of Kiepert, or " Ain- 
es-Zerga " of the former, about 10 miles north-west of it. I think Es- 
Seriyeh the more likely place, because five caravan tracks meet here 
and thieves like cross-roads. Moreover, its distance from Tayibd 
agrees best with Teixiera's itinerary. I do not find the name " Garra " 
on any map. Pietro Delia Valle has an ancient city hereabouts called 
" Sirik " or " Serik," which may be this place, or near it ; or perhaps 
the ruins noted above (p. 105). Teixeira's weather and fortunes 
at this place were not favourable for archaeological survey. Berghaus 
helps little here. 

* "/?^«/," which is good Spanish and Portuguese for a camp, though 
the text suggests its being a foreign word. Teixeira may have had in 
his mind the Arabic rihdl^ or rahdl^ meaning the same thing, and 
perhaps the source of the Spanish word (Golius, p. 959). \Re(U is 
more probably a contraction of arraidl (camp), which is cognate to 
the English array (see New En^, Dict^s, v, * Array'). Korting's 
Lat'Rom, Wrtbch,^ however, derives real = camp, like the adj. 
real = royal, from Lat. regalis,—J>, F.] 



I08 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

On Thursday, the loth, the caravan moved off at sun- 
rise, and marched all day northwards, without any halt, 
over very good land, but uneven. A little before sunset, 
after eight leagues' march, we halted, because it began to 
rain — not for the rain itself, which was not heavy, but 
because it made the camels slip and fall ;^ — so we spent 
the night here. The place is called Drahem, after an 
ancient fortress on a hill near by, which still retains the 
name.^ 

There was no water here, and our sore need forced us to 
seek it at two leagues' distance with pack-beasts in the 
dark, and in fear enough. But at last we got it, and 
quenched our thirst, with which we were nigh worn out. 
While we were here there came up an Armenian named 
lacub, formerly known to us in Bagdad, whence he had 
started on horseback sixteen days before, making all haste 
to Aleppo. He halted that night with our party, and 
marched along with us the next day, giving us the news, 
with which we beguiled the way for awhile. 

On Friday, the nth, after sunrise, the caravan left 
Drahem, and marched a good way, over very good land, 
till we got up with the end of a range near which we passed. 
The Arabs call it Corna Zebad, that is, " the Point of Civet, 
or of the Civet Cat." Here is commonly the mansel or 
halting-place of caravans. Presently we discovered other 
ranges, and marched along their foot, leaving them on our 
left hand, skirting a great lake more than thirty leagues in 



^ This is a most serious danger with most camels. But those bred 
n marshes are as sure-footed as snipe in them ; and I have seen 
them carry men across the Little Ran of Kachh at a smart trot, when 
men could scarce walk on the salt slime, shod or barefoot. 

* D'Anville's map shows an ancient " Derrima " in a suitable posi- 
tion, on what authority I do not know. J. Vincent's Classical Atlas 
(Oxford, 1828) has the same, probably following D'Anville. This 
J. Vincent is not to be taken for Dean William Vincent, of West- 
minster, whose authority, confirming D'Anville's, would be very 
welcome here. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 109 

compass.^ This is filled by a spring rising at a town on 
its further side, called Gebul, and the spring itself is called 
Ahen Dahab, or " the Golden Fount/' by reason of the 
value of its waters.^ 

For these unite with the rainwater in that wide place, 
which by its saline quality turns them salt, and in summer, 
by the heat of the sun, they are almost all made into salt, 
so hard that men can cross it on foot and on horseback. 
This lake belongs to the Grand Turk, who farms it out at 
a great price. Hence is salt exported to Aleppo and to 
many other places. 

As we marched on we got into narrow and perilous 
places, between the hills and the lake ; here and there so 
slippery from the rain that many of our camels fell, and 
were hard to raise ; and it was wet, cold, and foggy, and 
bad weather altogether. 

We saw on this march the ruins of some towns, and 
some houses standing empty, and on the crest of a high 
mountain the foundations and remains of a great and 
elaborate building, which seemed to have been a church : 
for in old times all this region was inhabited by Christians.' 



^ Hughes's Map shows the modern caravan route as running south- 
west of the " Jebel Shbeit," and crossing the " Jebel Amiri'' to " Hikla," 
our traveller's " Acle." The latter evidently rounded the first range 
by its north-eastern side, and the second by its eastern end, marching 
on to " Acle*' between it and the great salt marsh, " Es-Sabakhah." 
'* Coma Zebad " appears on several maps, and " Zebad (ruins) " on 
Hughes's, always in correspondence with Teixeira's itinerary. 
" Shbeit " is probably some Arabic inflection or derivative of the same 
word, rightly translated alcalia by our author, and probably the 
source of our word " civet." 

' Hughes has the " Nahr Dheheb " as a long watercourse, feeding 
the salt lake " £s Sabakhah " at its north-western end, after passing 
near " Jebul," but not through it. Earlier maps have different forms 
of the same name, such as " Gabbula," closer down upon the shore of 
the lake ; and so have the " classic " atlases. " Ain Dhahab " is 
rightly translated " the Golden Fount" ; and all this part of the itine- 
rary is easily verified. 

^ Berghaus's Map has a nameless ancient city here. 



no THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

We halted not all day, until we came at sunset to an un- 
inhabited hamlet called Acle,^ standing at the foot of a 
pleasant hill, in a good meadow by the lake. It might 
have a hundred houses, small, but well built, of sun-dried 
bricks, pyramidal over vaults. Some of these were founded 
on wrought stones, remains of a more ancient and im- 
portant town. 

These had been deserted by their inhabitants, who are 
great thieves, and had gone, for fear of worse than them- 
selves, to a place two or three leagues away. There is, on 
the north side, a perennial spring of very good water, and 
here we halted, after a march of six leagues. 

On Saturday, the I2th, we set out at sunrise, and marched 
northwards along the lake shore, over very good land, 
leaving great mountains from two to four leagues on our 
left. After three leagues' march, we passed through a town 
of three hundred houses, built like the last, but better, and 
set amid the ruins of a greater, to judge from its remains. 
This is called Melhuah, or " the Town of Salt," which in 
Arabic is called mel^^ for that much salt is got here from 
the lake. 

One-third of a league beyond this we passed through 
another town, of perhaps a hundred and twenty houses 
like the last, called Safyra.' After two leagues more we 
found a little stream of clear and pure water, rising from 
two fountains, above which we passed. They are called 



^ " Achla** of Pietro Delia Valle, 1616, when it was still desolate. 

' Arabic milh, Berghaus's Map of 1835, published by Justus 
Perthes, Gotha, has a " Melluhha " here ; certainly the same place, 
though the salt lake is not shown as extending so far north-westwards, 
and very likely does not at time of low water. Teixeira was there 
in winter, and after wet weather. Hughes does not show this place 
at all, but does show the mountains on the left hand, forming an arc, 
of which the unmistakable caravan track is the chord, so as to con- 
firm Teixeira's statement of their varying distance. Pietro Delia Valle 
halted at " Melliiha," and gives the same etymology. 

^ On most maps of large scale. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. Ill 

Ahen MacubV or "the Bulrush Springs," by reason of 
some that grow there. Not far from this we found another 
village called Tal Aron,* that is "the Thorny Hill," by reason 
of one at whose foot it stands. It may have five hundred 
houses, like the last, but better and handsomer. 

Here we heard that in Gebrahin,* a large town on our 
route, were three hundred Seghm^nes, arquebusiers who 
had deserted the Pasha of Aleppo and established them- 
selves there, on the look-out for our arrival by this route. 

On this news, all of us, fearing some mischief as sure to 
happen if wc should fall into their hands, with one consent 
made haste to cross the fields for some two leagues ; 
leaving that route to seek another, and already in fear of 
their observation and pursuit. But, having gained the 
latter, we followed it to a hamlet, one of many thereabouts, 
called Tel Axardb.* Here the caravan halted, to let the 
already outworn camels come up. 

It may have been four o'clock in the evening ; and when 
those of our mess considered how much daylight remained, 
our insecurity in respect of those mutineers, and that the 
city was less than three leagues distant, we determined not 
to halt short of it. So, with such as joined us, including 
eight armed men and six-and-twenty camels, we pushed 
on for Aleppo, marching hard, on foot, and under arms, 
especially after entering the gardens, which extend for 
about two leagues on this side of the city. We made such 
speed as to enter it at sunset, after a day's march of more 



^ On no map of mine. I cannot verify the translation, and am 
tempted to conjecture a mistake for Maisada/^Si bed of reeds or 
bulrushes. 

* Apparently from khar—2i thorn. Berghaus shows this place near 
the route, but m a position inconsistent with the narrative, as nearer to 
Aleppo than his ** Djebrin." I do not find it on my other maps. 

' " Djebrin " of Berghaus ; not on my other maps. Pietro Delia 
Valle made it his first camp out of Aleppo in 1616. 

* This may be represented by Berghaus's " Scherbid," though he 
puts it too far from Aleppo to suit the narrative. 



112 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

than nine leagues : a year and a day after sailing from the 
bar of Goa, and just two months out of Bagdad. 

We passed through the city almost to its centre, and 
entered a khan^ where were then two Venetian merchants. 
The goods in my comrade's charge were consigned to one 
of these, loan Battista Bagozzy. Having delivered these, 
he went off to take up quarters with another friend of his, 
loan Domenico Ruspini. But first he begged of Bagozzy 
that he would entertain me until I could seek out a lodging 
for myself. This the latter and his companion did, giving 
me a room to myself, well furnished, and provided with all 
things needful. And they used me so kindly, with such 
hospitality and courtesy, for two days that I stayed there, 
as to put me under a great obligation. 

Albeit such usage of all strangers is the common prac- 
tice of those Venetian gentlemen. 



CHAPTER XL 

Of the City of Aleppo. 

The Frank Christians call this city Aleppo, but the Greeks 
and Armenians, like the Turks and Moors, Hhaleb, and 
the Hebrews of old called it Aram Sobdh.^ It is the chief 
town of Camogena,^ in Siria, now Soria, and is a most 
ancient city. It stands amidst four hills, and partly 

1 " Hhaleb," " Chalybon," and perhaps the Homeric " Alybe," 
represent some old native name. It is in favour of the last conjecture 
that the " Halizones " came a long way from " Alybe, birthplace of 
silver," to help Priam. Now, there was a river " Chalus," near Chaly- 
bon, which is generally identified with the modem " Kuweik," 
Teixeira*s " Singa" and " Kykan." At first sight these names suggest 
" Cycnus," but there is apparently only a chance resemblance. Vide 
Iliad^ II, 856, for Alybe ; and Smith's Diet, of Greek and Roman 
Geography^ s, v. " Bercea " (the Macedonian name of the place), 
"Chalus," and "Chalybes." "Aram Sobdh" seems to rest upon 
tradition (?). [Ant. Tenreiro {of, cit.^ pp. 83, 84, 99) calls Aleppo 
" Calepe" and ^* Calepo."—D. F.J 

2 Commagene. But geographers do not allow this province to have 
extended so far south. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. II3 

« 

upon them, and has a mild climate and pure water. Be- 
side what is brought from the Euphrates by aqueducts, 
for a distance of two days' march, and distributed through 
the city to many public and private fountains, some very 
finely wrought, there flows around it a bend of the river 
Singa, called by the natives Kykan, and by the Hebrews 
Kykanos. This river, lending its aid to the natural excel- 
lence of the soil, makes it most fruitful. Therefore, the 
city is all girt about with gardens and orchards over a good 
space, and these, by their number and variety of position, 
form a glad and grateful prospect. For all this, the city 
sometimes suffers from the plague;^ whether it spring 
from the climate of the land itself, or be imported by the 
foreign merchants — Venetians, French and English — 
presently to be mentioned. 

Within the walls it is nearly round in plan, and these 
are ancient, built of cut stone after the Moors* fashion.* 
Without are the much more extensive suburbs, whose 
outskirts also are fortified in a fashion, and have gates. 
There are forty-five wards — twenty within the walls, and 
twenty-five greater without There may be in all twenty- 
six thousand good houses, mostly of well-wrought stone. 
Many are as great, fair and costly as heart could wish, and 
these not only of Turks and Moors, but the Jews, Greeks, 
and Armenians have many fit to harbour princes. Aleppo 
has three hundred mosques, of which seven are very 

^ "Za»/r<?"=a swollen gland or "bubo." The suggestion just 
below, that the Prankish merchants might import this disease, seems 
superfluous in respect of a city resorted to by caravans from a quarter 
of Western Asia, if not a little malicious. But I am inclined to think, 
that, as soon as Teixeira had got to the mention of foreign commerce, 
his pen ran away with him, and the plague remained forgotten. The 
disease referred to might be t^en for the " Aleppo button " ; but I 
think the plague is meant. 

* Cf. the descriptions of Aleppo by Fr. Caspar de Sao Bernardino 
(Itinerario da India por Terra^ 161 1, pp. \2% et seq,\ John Cartwright 
{The Preacher's Travels^ 161 1, p. 8), and William Biddulph {Purchas 
his PilgrimeSy Pt. li, pp. 1338 et seq,), — D. F, 

I 



114 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

splendid. Most of these, and almost all the alcoranSy some 
of which are of wonderful height, have their roofs covered 
with sheet lead. This, as they are generally domes, in the 
form of half an orange, looks very well. 

There are in the city many khans such as I have men- 
tioned, like cloisters, where the foreign merchants shelter 
themselves and their goods. The natives also warehouse 
merchandise in these, because they are strong and safe 
buildings, all of cut stone, with strong gates and great iron 
chains to them. In the midst of some, and at the mosque- 
gates, are marble fountains, very clean and well-wrought, 
with good and abundant water. Some have cocks of bronze, 
that no water run to waste, and the surplus runs off by 
pipes underground. 

There is a royal hospital, well endowed, though its 
officers do not keep it up as the king would have it : a 
failure too common in other lands, despite the duty of 
Christian charity. There are many succos^ or marts,^ all 
enclosed, built of cut stone and vaulted, strong and fair, 
full of shops and workshops of various trades. 

The city streets are all paved with marble slabs. In the 
midst is a high mound, standing clear of all the rest on 
every side, and round as a heap of wheat. On this stands 
a fortress, which, according to the tradition of the Moors 
and Jews, was founded by King David's captain-general 
Joab, though it may be supposed that it must have been 
somewhat improved in course of time. Moreover, they 
affirm that the patriarch Abraham dwelt awhile there, and 
that his charity gave the place its name. For that holy 
man was wont to divide the milk of kine amongst the poor, 
who, in enjoyment of that privilege, came to seek their 
regular ration at the accustomed hour, and, as they came 



^ Sak = a market or " bazar f a street or quarter devoted to any 
trade or trades. [See supra^ p. 49, note. — D. F.] 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. II5 

lip, would say " Hhaleb." This, in Syrian, meant " Have 
they milked yet ? " from which cry that name was given to 
the place ; and I tell the tale as it was told to me by 
many.^ 

To return to the castle : the position is naturally strong, 
and appears, by remains yet visible, to have been improved 
by art ; yet it is not as defensible as might be. It com- 
mands the city, indeed, and has some artillery, and all 
around the mount is a deep wet ditch, with a bridge. But 
the walls are not very strong ; their plan is very simple. 
And it contains no water, but in one well rather salt than 
brackish. It is commonly held by an Aga, with one com- 
pany of Janissaries, and the Pasha lives below in the city, 
in his private house. 

There is a mint for gold and silver coin in the castle. 
The silver coins are xays^ ten to one real of eight, and 
fftadines, of five to one xay? This mint and the custom- 
house were in my time farmed and managed by Jews ; the 
custom-house, by reason of the late war, only yielded to 
the king 200,000 sequins per annum clear, each worth 
thirteen reales? 

The inhabitants of this land are native Moors and Turks, 
and their two tongues, Arabic and Turkish, are those in 
common use ; but in trade many speak Italian, French, 
and English, and some Spanish. Besides the Moors and 
Turks, there live here as natives many sorts of Christians — 

^ Halab is " to milk," sure enough, in Axabic ; but I can find no 
better comment on the etymology than my traveller's. [Couto {Dec, 
IV^ Liv. V, cap. vii) gives the same legend, on the authority of Bishop 
D. Ambrosio, former Penitentiary of Pope Julian the Third, who came 
out to India by way of Turkey and Arabia. Wm. Biddulph (Joe. cit) 
says : " The Turkes . . . call Aleppo at this day, Halepy which signifieth 
Milke, because it yeeldeth great store of Milke." — D. F.] 

* Cf. notes on pages 30 and 56, supra, — D. F. 

' This passage is somewhat obscure. I have made the best I 
could of it. The figures of revenue are clear enough, and that they 
were affected by the war. This might be expected to affect the 
Customs as much as the Mint, if not more, 

I 2 



Il6 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

Armenians, Maronites, Chaldees, and Greeks. There are 
also Jews, of whom there are a thousand good houses in a 
ward of their own, within the walls. They have a great 
synagogue, which they affirm to be of fifteen hundred 
years' standing. Many of them are rich, most are mer- 
chants, some brokers or craftsmen, such as lapidaries, 
silversmiths, and of the like trades. 

Of the native Christians, there may be fifteen hundred 
houses. Most of them live without the walls, and have 
every nation its own church. But all these are crowded 
together, little, poor, and ill-built. And if any stone or 
timber fall, or other matter, it may not be mended under 
pain of death. They have secular priests, to whom marriage 
is permitted, and celibate friars of the Orders of St Gregory 
and St. Basil. They have a patriarch and an Armenian 
bishop. The bishop, at the time of our visit, was commonly 
held for a man of holy and exemplary life, and seemed 
3uch to me, on several occasions of conversation with 
him. 

There resides in the city a Pasha, whose term of office 
is not fixed. He has a garrison of three thousand Janis- 
saries, and many other troops, especially Segmenes. These, 
on account of their modern training and great number, 
have in those parts somewhat overshadowed the valour 
and honour of the Janissaries. This Pasha is supreme in 
peace or war. 

There is a kadi^ with civil and criminal jurisdiction. The 
kadi of our time was said, by both Moors and Christians, 
to be not only an accomplished natural philosopher, but 
a most upright judge. 

The spiritual administration is in the hands of one whom 
they call mofty, answering to a bishop amongst us, which 
office is of great esteem and authority. It was held, when 
I was there, by a brother of that same Moor, my friend, 
concerning whom I have formerly related the case of his 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. II7 

camel's lame fore-foot* He had come from Mexat O^en 
by another route, without a cafila^ and reached Aleppo 
long before us. When he learnt of my arrival, he came at 
once to look for me, and showed me much affection, paying 
frequent visits, and between them sending delicate presents, 
and ever wishing to do all he might for me. Whereby 
I might perceive what a good bargain it is to do well by 
one's neighbours, without distinction of persons; seeing 
that for trifling service once rendered to him I had so 
great favour of him, in places where it might much avail 
me in case of need. 

The people of Aleppo are for the most part fair and 
well-favoured. The women, indeed, wear silken or sendaP 
veils in the streets, so that they can see and not be seen. 
But for all that, there are chances given to judge of their 
beauty by that of their daughters. Both sexes are generally 
well dressed, and the men go mostly on horseback. 

There are in the city many public baths, very clean and 
handsome. There is abundance of all necessaries, except 
fish, which are scarce so far inland. Yet I have seen some 
Venetian gentlemen give splendid feasts of fish brought 
from Escandarona.' When I was there prices were high, 
because that very lately the city had been long and 
closely blockaded by the same Pasha whom I found in 
command.* He had been commissioned thither by the 



* Anti^ p. 45. 

* Cf. Chaucer, Cant, TaUs^ Prologue, 11. 439, 440 : — 

" In sangwin and in pers he clad was al, 
Lyned with taffata and with sendalJ^ 

The word meant fine, gauzy stuft, either linen or silk. (For the 
history of the word, see Skeat*s Etym. Diet, of Eng, Lang.).—!). F. 

' Teixeira was in Aleppo during Lent^ when the orthodox Venetians, 
if they were to give good dinners at all, must have fish of some sort. 

* Sec supra^ p. 71. Teixeira's story does not agree with that of 
Knolles, who {loc, cit) says that it was the Pasha of Damascus that 
besieged Aleppo ; and he states later on (p. 1258) that in 1605 the 
same Pasha, with the Pashas of Tripoli and Ghasir, set out once 



Il8 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

Grand Turk. But the Pasha holding the town would not 
hand it over, alleging reasons of State. And there was 
much in what he said, videlicit — That his intended suc- 
cessor held lands of his own near by, and that it was not 
expedient for the Turk to give him this government close 
to them ; that the appointment might have been made 
upon bad information, and so he would not hand over 
charge until the King should have better. But in the end 
he had to do so, on a second order, and went to Constanti- 
nople, carrying with him, from that government, which 
he held for a matter of two years, five hundred thousand 
ducats, or sequins, which come to even more.^ So I was 
assured by credible persons. 

The Frank merchants here are Venetians, French, and 
English. They live in kanes for convenience sake, and 
for the security of their persons and goods. Each of these 
nations has its own consul, who serves as a chief, to settle 
differences amongst themselves, and to transact all needful 
business with the Pasha, on behalf of his nation. Each 
has his turgimany or interpreter, paid from common funds. 

The Venetians had, at the time of our visit, fourteen 
merchants' houses, besides their consul's. Each house, 
besides the necessary mercantile establishment, has two 
chiefs, either of whom acts in the absence of the other. 
If the senior dies, or goes away, the second succeeds him : 
a good plan, I thought, to keep the thread of business 

unbroken. The trade here of that nation is worth from a 

1 

million to a million and a-half in gold every year, in the 



again to besiege Aleppo, but that all three were defeated by the Pasha 
of the latter place. (See also G. de S. Bernardino, op, cit^y, 129.) 
A third version is given by George Sandys (in Purchas his Pilgrimesj 
Ft. II, p. 1331), who calls the Pasha of Aleppo "Ale Bassa."— D. F. 

^ Meaning that the Venetian sequin (the original ducat, or " duked " 
coin ?) was worth more in exchange than the Spanish ducat (see p. 121). 
This Pasha was probably Nasuh, afterwards Grand Wazfr, who was 
put to death in 1614. (Pietro Delia Valle, Letter No. 2, from Con- 
stantinople, 25th October, 161 4.) 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. II9 

way of imports from Venice ; five or six thousand pieces of 
woollen cloth, as many more of silk and brocade, much 
cochineal, and the rest in silver coin. The returns are in 
raw silk, indigo, galls, cotton and cotton yam, cinnamon, 
cloves, nutmegs, mace, pistachios, precious stones, seed 
pearls, gold coin, and many other articles. On all this 
property is levied a certain percentage, on behalf of what 
they call the Cotimo} From this fund they pay the 
physician, apothecary, barber,* and the chaplains, Francis- 
can friars, who are well established in a chapel in a kan^ 
where they meet for mass and sermon. The same fund is 
charged with the cost of presents made to the pashas and 
other captains ; the turgimaris salary, and the pay of the 
couriers, who are sent monthly by Constantinople, three at 
a time, lest one or two fail. 

To sum up, the consul will spend in three years, his 
usual term of office, from seventy to eighty thousand 
sequins or ducats. But this is not spent without consent 
of all the merchants, voting by ballot in the Venetian 
manner. The consul is always a noble, and the guardian 
of the friars is an ecclesiastic of authority, with full power 
from the Pope to grant absolution in all reserved cases, 
except of forged Letters or Bulls. Such is the custom 
and government of the Venetian gentlemen in Aleppo. 

Their manner of life is liberal and noble, and their 
equipment not only decent but distinguished. From 
many of them I received frequent favours during my 
residence ; and so are they ever wont to use strangers, as 
to whom they are well assured. 

The French likewise have their consul, appointed for 



^ The tax was two per cent, levied by Venetian consuls in the 
Levant, in London and Bruges, on goods exported by Venetian mer- 
chants ; levied also, in Constantinople, on goods imported from the 
Levant, Bruges, or London (see note on p. 284 of Calendar of State 
Papers — Venice^ etc,^ vol. x, 1603- 1607). — D. F. 

' Doubtless a " barber-surgeon.'' 



120 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

life by their king. He lives in France, and sends hither 
a deputy, who pays him every year about three thousand 
ducats. He, too, has a chapel in his house, which is in a 
kan ; and a chaplain who says mass, which some of them 
attend. Their houses, in my time, were five in number ; 
but the number of them who come and go is much greater 
than that of the Venetians. Their trade to Aleppo may 
be worth eight hundred thousand ducats, on which they 
pay, over and above the Turkish dues, four per cent — 
videlicet, two to the consul and two to the ambassador of 
France at Constantinople. Their imports consist almost 
entirely of silver bullion. 

In other matters they are far from equalling the order, 
rule, and policy of the Venetians. The French consul 
has, by special privilege from the Turk, the protection of 
all foreign Christians whatever, not being of the nations 
admitted to a regular trade. Whoever avails himself of 
this enjoys the same exemptions as the French, and of 
such there are some traders, Flemings* and men of Lucca. 

There are three English houses, whose consul is a 
private merchant.^ Their trade may be worth three 
hundred thousand ducats. They import little coin, but 
London caryseas^ and other cloths, lead, tin, copper, 
weapons, and the like.^ 

^ These " Flemings " were very probably Hollanders. In the 
thirteenth chapter, though there is a ship, " de Holanda^' taking in 
cargo at Salinas, there are no " Holandezes^^ but '''' Flamencos ^^ ashore ; 
where Spanish subjects were then liable to be treated as enemies. 
The Dutch were often called " Flemings " for many years after this. 

2 William Biddulph, who visited Aleppo a year or two before 
Teixeira, says {loc, cit) that he and his companions ''were kindly 
entertayned at Cane Burgol by the worshipfuU Richard Colthurst^ 
Esquire, Consull for the English nation there." — D. F. 

' That is, kerseys. See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v, " Kerseymere." (Cf. 
also Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant^ p. i «). — D. F. 

* In this year (1605) the Turkey Company^s twelve years' charter 
expired, and was renewed in perpetuity by James I ; a great increase 
in trade thereupon ensued (see Causton and Keane's Early Chartered 
Companies^ P- 75 et seq.y and Calendar of State Papers — Venice^ etc.^ 
vol. X, Preface, p. liii et seq,). — D. F. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 121 

The ships annually employed in the Aleppo trade are 
usually four or five Venetians, two or three English, 
and more than twenty French bottoms. There were also 
here two houses of Flemings, doing business with about 
a hundred and fifty thousand ducats on an average. It 
may be more, or much less, according as times may go. 

This city is eighty miles from the Mediterranean Sea, 
and all sea-borne imports and exports use the port of 
Alexandreta, which the Turks and Moors call Scandarona. 
The importance of these can be understood from this, that 
one year with another the hire of camels to and fro, though 
commonly at very reasonable rates, comes to eighty thou- 
sand sequins, worth about ninety thousand ducats : a sum 
which I should doubt if I had not made up the account 
thereof minutely, with certain gentlemen there, to make 
sure of my matter. 

There are woven in Aleppo many and good silks of all 
sorts ; and in the suburbs much white hard soap is made, 
and greatly exported in all directions. The people use 
commonly vessels of tinned copper, very bright and clean, 
and the poor use earthenwa,re, of which much is made, but 
not fine. They use also glass, which is much made in 
the neighbourhood, but of indifferent quality. The coffee- 
houses^ are well built and furnished, adorned with numerous 
lamps, for that their chief custom is at night, though they 
have enough by day also. There are public places for 
archery and musketry, and for the practice of horseman* 
ship. For every sabbath^ evening there turn out many 
horsemen, sometimes a thousand strong, and play with 
the jarfd^ for pastime and practice. 

^ " Casas de KaoiUC^ (see supra^ p. 62). William Biddulph (jLoc, cit) 
describes these " Coffa houses'^ and the " Coffd^* drink. — D. F. 

' Meaning here, probably, Friday, the Musalman sabbath. Vide 
supra^ p. 34, for the same custom at Basra. 

' ^^ luegan las cannas^^ the well-known javelin-play of Oriental 
horsemen. 



\22 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TElXElRA. 

Every year, after the Ramedon of the Moors (their 
season of fast), there leaves Aleppo a cafila for Meka. It 
joins another at Damascus, whence they inarch together. 
One set forth during my stay, on the 4th of March. It 
was a sight to see the assembly of the people, and the joy 
and acclamation of countless men, women, and children, 
of every age, sex, and condition, who escorted the pil- 
grims for two miles forth of the city. The Pasha and the 
Mofty, and all the great men came forth on that escort, 
and there was a fine jarfd-play, and great music. All 
which they did in zeal for their false religion, for that they 
think they win pardons and indulgences by escorting those 
pilgrims who go to Meka or Medina. 

There were in that caravan about three thousand camels, 
many horses, and a great number of other pack-beasts. 
There may have been eight hundred souls — men, women, 
and children ; and there was much merchandize, and a 
great deal of money, which passes on to India by that 
way. 

The town of Aleppo has ten gates* around it, all shut 
at night. In one of these, which is under a tower, is 
a dark place fenced with gratings, wherein is a tomb held 
in veneration by the Moors, and around it are constantly 
burning lamps and candles. The Franks calls this the 
Gate of St. George, whose body some think to be within it, 
because the Moors say that a holy knight lies here. But 
probably he was one of their own people, held for such 
by them.* 

Four days* journey east of Aleppo, that is, two to the 
river Euphrates, and two more beyond it in Mesopotamia, 
is the very ancient city of Orfa. It was of old called Ur, 

^ Fr. Caspar de S. Bernardino {loc. ciL) says that there were twelve 
gates, and gives the names of the six principal ones.— D. F. 

' William Biddulph says {loc. cit.) that this was the shrine of a 
naked madman named " Sheh Boubac." — D. F. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 123 

and there the Chaldees wanted to burn Abraham. There 
is yet a place in it known by that name, and held in great 
respect. They show also a fountain wherein breed good 
fish, but to eat them is held for sacrilege ; because, as they 
say, the spring burst forth by miracle to quench that fire 
wherein the people would burn the holy Patriarch. 
Without that town is seen a well, which they affirm to be 
the same whereat Rebecca (whom they call Rafka) gave 
water to Abraham's servant and his camels, when he came 
to seek a bride for Izach. 

Now I will make an end of the matters in Aleppo, on 
which I have dwelt at too great length, and resume my 
route in the next chapter ; winding up with the remark 
that the country is good, though ill-wooded, but its folk 
are of bad character, and of little courtesy. 



CHAPTER XII. 

How I left Aleppo, and came to Scandarona. 

I WAS about two months in Aleppo, awaiting the chance 
of a ship for Venice, which does not happen every day. 
At last, we heard that one then loading in Scandarona 
had taken in well nigh all the cargo that she was to carry 
thence. Whereupon all we who meant to take passage in 
her made ourselves ready, and, being duly provided for the 
way, left Aleppo on Holy Tuesday, the Sth of April, 1605. 
I joined company with two Venetian gentlemen, Piero 
dal Ponte* and Dominico Calegary, from whom I received 
many and special favours in Aleppo, and in the course of 



^ The Delia Pontes of Venice were a noted family of engineers, 
several of whom served under the Portuguese in India (see SewelPs 
A Forgotten Empire^ p. 364, n^ Piero was probably a relation of 
Agostino dal Ponte, the capture of whose ship by a Dutch privateer 
s referred to on pp. 63 and 129 of Calendar of State Papers — Venice^ 
etc.^ vol. X. — D. F.). 



124 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TElXEIRA. 

our voyage. Diego de Melo also came with us ; and, beside 
our mess, there came many other Franks, to take passage 
for Venice in that ship. 

We left the city at four in the evening, escorted by the 
whole Venetian nation, and by most of the French. Two 
miles on the way is a hamlet, by modern custoni the limit 
of this compliment ; and here we parted from them with 
expressions of brotherly love, and feelings of lasting grati- 
tude for their kindness. We took the northern road, and, 
passing many hamlets, halted for the night in one called 
Nibtil,* with more pleasure than convenience, for little we 
found there.* It may be four or five leagues from the 
city. 

On Wednesday, the 6th, we got to saddle and started 
before dawn, through rough, stony, and barren mountains, 
where we saw the remains of many old towns and castles, 
and of some churches.^ At midday we descended the 
range into a low, wide plain, where we dismounted to rest 
awhile, and to eat a mouthful, for we had not yet broken 
our fast But there was no shade, and the sun beat down 
on us so hot as to make us move on. We had to cross a 
river of good and clear water, called the Afrin, about sixty 
paces wide, flowing from east to west, and fordable in places ; 
so that most of us forded it on horseback. But at last one 



^ Not on my maps, but apparently near a place marked by Hughes 
as " Tokdt," which, it seems, may possibly mean " The Cross-Roads." 

' What is meant is that the travellers, after a march of about five 
hours, latterly in the dark, were glad to halt, but found little accom- 
modation. It is not much to the Aleppo merchants' credit that they 
laid out their first march so ill. Our author, of course, had to fall in 
with their arrangements. The courteous reader will have noticed 
that all Teixeira's previous first marches, arranged by competent 
Asiatic Kafila-Bashis^ were short, as those of all caravans not under 
strict military disciplme should be. Most of this party seem to have 
been on horseback. The word translated below *' got to saddle " is 
" cavalgamos,^^ 

^ These mountains are marked on Hughes's Map " Amguli Tagh," 
with a "Ruined Convent of St. Simeon." The Afrin (ancient Ufrenus) 
is shown on most maps without a name, but named on Hughes's. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 125 

mule, laden with my bed and a hamper* of Diego de Melo's, 
lost the ford, and all its load was soaked, and the beast in 
peril of drowning. Now Diego had in his hamper some 
papers, which, he said, were of importance to him. And 
when he saw it getting wet, he ran up storming and scream- 
ing and bewailing their loss. The merchants had engaged 
in Aleppo two Segmenes — a petty officer and his brother 
— to escort us to the gate of Scandarona ; for without such 
escort travel is unsafe in those parts, especially for Frank 
Christians. Now, one of these, witnessing the distress and 
clamour of Diego de Melo, jumped into the water and took 
some trouble with the hamper, which he had much better 
have left alone ; for it bred us as much vexation as up to 
that time we had pleasure in our journey. When the Seg- 
mene had got the hamper ashore, he asserted that its 
owner had said it was worth ten or twelve thousand ducats, 
and that he should be paid accordingly for his trouble. 
Hereupon arose a thousand disputes, settled in the end 
with cash, which is everywhere the surest and speediest 
cure of such ills, when a man knows how to use it aright. 
Later on, we heard that the officer had said in Aleppo that 
they were underpaid for their escort at twenty ducats, but 
would seek occasion to add something to their wage on the 
road ; and so it happened that this trouble served his turn 
best. For my part, I was little surprised, bearing in mind 
how I had seen a good deal worse done, by such as had 
the power, when travelling in our own land of Spain. 
When this squall had blown over we marched on, and 

^ I have translated canastro " hamper," following the dictionaries. 
But the thing was certainly what is called in Western India a pitdrd. 
It is a bamboo hamper covered with leather, and closed with a short 
chain, staple, and padlock. Such pitdrds are still used for the 
carnage ofrecords by district officers on tour. Pietro Delia Valle men- 
tions them in the 6th Letter from India (dated 9th December, 1623); 
and, though Havers seems to have bungled the translation, there can 
be no doubt of what the traveller meant. He says that the Portuguese 
called them canes tri. Pitdrds are excellent trunks, and very durable. 
No doubt Diego de Melo's had come with him from Goa. 



126 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

halted for the night on a great meadow, where many horses 
were at pasture. For the Turks are wont so to use them 
in the spring, before taking the field. Our camp was 
pitched by two streams, one sulphurous,^ and one as good 
as may be, not four paces apart. We kept good watch 
until dawn. 

On Thursday, the 7th of April, we broke up camp two 
hours before sunrise, and marched off over very good land 
albeit hilly. After that we got into marshy ground, in 
whose waters breed many fish, thought unwholesome. In 
the fields were many wild swine, which, as the folk there- 
abouts do not eat them, live unmolested and breed in 
great numbers. 

Presently we came out on another very wide plain, and 
as we crossed it we came in sight of a long chain of lofty 
mountain ranges. After crossing two stone bridges, made 
where needful, one over good running water, and one over 
mud and bog, we halted at mid-day, to rest in the shade of 
the parapet of a third, very great and famous. This is 
called the White Bridge, and gives that name to the river,* 
which may be fifty paces wide. It has a greater flow than 
the last, though it be less clear, and in both good fish are 
taken. 

After resting here until two in the afternoon, we marched 
off, and it was half-past four when we crossed the remain- 
der of the plain, and began to ascend the mountains. 



* This "sulphurous" stream must be represented by the name 
" Hammam" on Hug^hes's Map, which therefore marks the halting- 
place. 

* This river of the White Bridge may be Hughes's Akpunar, or 
White Springs. Berghaus calls it " R. Ein-ak Stadt" (Rums of the 
town of White Springs). The position of the Kara Su would suit 
better with the narrative ; but that means Black River. I suspect 
some error, either of our traveller or of the maps. " Ein Ak " is half 
Arabic and half Turkish, and, if this is Teixeira's place and river, he 
has omitted all notice of the much more important Kara Su, which 
he must have crossed. 



L 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 1 27 

Before proceeding with our journey, I will observe 
shortly that it were hard to say what was best worth note 
on that day's march. The surface and quality of the land, 
the scenery, the various flowers and their fragrance, the 
several birds and their songs, the springs and rivers, the 
lakes, and the cattle at pasture, all demanded our admira- 
tion. It was spring-time ; the climate temperate, the air 
pure, and the land good and fertile; so one may con- 
ceive our pleasure, and how much we had to praise God 
for.i 

We now began to climb the range, which is nothing 
inferior to the plain. Its abundance of springs and streams 
is a wonder, and it is covered with laurels, myrtles, plane- 
trees, wild-olives,* fig-trees, almonds, pistachio-trees, pines, 
and firs, and with a thousand herbs and flowers. And the 
sight and smell of these lighten the toil of the ascent, 
which is severe, for the pass is lofty and the way rough. 
The peaks are covered with deep white snow, and wreathed 
in clouds, above which their crests can be seen ; and amidst 
their hollows, many of them very precipitous, are some 
glens of excellent soil and pasture. 

As we ascended the range, we saw all the plains that we 
had crossed, and all in them, as if upon a map; and 
especially that the two rivers, the springs and streams that 
we had passed, formed a lake.^ I supposed it to be five 
or six leagues around. It lies near a hill, on which was 
once the city of Antioch, whose ruins yet remain there. We 



* An unusual flight for Teixeira ; and one to which, I fear, the 
translation does little justice. The excuse is, that passages of this 
nature cannot be fairly rendered from Spanish into a Northern tongue 
— nor vice versd. 

2 " Olivastro^^ — ^apparently an old word. Oliveras is the modem 
dictionary word. 

* The Lake of Antioch, or of Ufrenus, now the " Bahr-el-Abiad ." 
The pass is that of Baildn, the old " Syrian Gates," and its elevati on 
on Hughes's Map, here not very clear, seems to be 4584 feet. 



128 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

ascended the range until half-past six o'clock in the 
evening, when, finding a convenient nook, we halted there 
for that night. 

On Good Friday, the 8th of April, we started two hours 
before dawn; and after one hour's further ascent, over 
good ways and bad, we began to descend the range on its 
northern side. With the first smile of the morning we 
entered a town called Bildn,* from which all the range is 
called Gibel Bilan, or the Bilan Mountain. It stands on 
the sides of a great glen, and the site is not as fertile as 
others thereabouts. Yet, by favour of a river that flows 
through it from the mountain, the crops are equal to those 
of the best land. There is so much water, that, though it 
is diverted into seven canals, every one of them is itself a 
fine stream, besides an eighth, which enters a conduit- 
head, and flows from it by three great pipes into a 
reservoir built all of well-cut stone. Its waste forms a 
stream, which, after a course of five or six paces, falls by 
a gap through a building of public use built over it, which 
has three separate apartments, with their doors ; the 
cleanest, best contrived, and most convenient thing for the 
use of the Moors that ever I saw amongst them. 

There was in this town a large khan, well-built of cut 
stone and lime, for the use of the cafilas when they halt 
there; also a coffee-house, and a court for the kady, or 
justice, some other public buildings, and a mosque with an 
akorauy all of cut stone. Besides these, there may be 
about four hundred little houses, each with one story, one 
room, and a flat roof, built of small stones, clay, and 
earth.* This town was much ruined, and half deserted, 



^ William Biddulph {loc, ctt) gives the rhyming inscription on the 
tomb of a Henry Morison buried here. — D. F. 

* "Clay" and "earth" really are two different 'things here. Well 
mixed and wrought clay is used in some parts of such houses, and 
loam in others. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 1 29 

by reason of the frequent passage of the soldiers called 
Segmenes. For wherever soldiers come, be their discipline 
and manners the best they may, all over the world they are 
worse than locusts. 

We only stayed here until our baggage-mules came up, 
which was in about half an hour. Then we continued to 
descend the range, and the lower we got the better and 
brighter was the land. The day was young ; a fresh breeze 
bore abroad the scent of flowers and sound of falling waters, 
arousing many nightingales and other song-birds to the 
praise of their Creator. So, though all the march was toil- 
some, we felt it not ; but ever beguiling our way with some 
new sight, we made an end of the descent, and came out 
upon the plain. 

Now came in view the Mediterranean Sea, and the ships 
in the road of Scandarona. This is at one end^ of a gulf 
that lies between Comag^na, in Syria, and the plains and 
ranges of Caramania, which last lay before us, at a distance 
of about ten leagues northwards. 

As we entered the plain, there came out on us from 
an ambush five mounted lancers, whom by their dress 
and hail we took for Turks ; and so they made us un- 
comfortable enough. But they were presently known 
for Venetian merchants of the port, friends and cor- 
respondents of our comrades, come on advice of our 
arrival to meet and bring us home. Hereupon our 
alarm was changed into double joy ; and after kindly 
greetings we rode all together across the plain, which is 
mostly marshy, and so very unhealthy, to the gate of 
Scandarona. 

So is this place called by the Moors and Turks, meaning. 



^ That is, at one heel of the horse-shoe curve of the coast, forming 
the Gulf of Alexandretta, the old Issicus Sinus, On modem maps the 
curve is prolonged some way to the south-west, forming an outer gulf. 
But Teixeira's description is not inaccurate. 

K 



I30 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

in European tongues, Alexandreta, or Little Alexandria. 
In old time it was a city, begirt with great and strong walls 
of cut stone and lime ; whereof are yet standing some 
fragments, and within them the ruins of some houses of 
like construction.^ Of this ancient city there are told a 
thousand legends, which I omit, as of little value or 
authority. 

We rode on to the shore, where are some houses of the 
Franks, who live here to look after their trade. Formerly 
this passed to Aleppo, eighty miles hence, by the port of 
Tripoli, in Syria. But, having trouble with the pashas 
there, they withdrew hither about fifteen years ago. They 
are but ill pleased with the place, because it is inconvenient 
to send the goods so far by land.^ There are here a few 
houses, built all of wood, and roofed with the same,* 
or else thatched. Only three are of cut stone and lime, 
with terraced roofs ; and on one of these are two or three 



^ Cf. the descriptions of Thomas Dallam, who was there in 1 599 
{Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant^ Hakluyt Soc, p. 30), 
and William Biddulph, who visited the place a few years later (Purchas 
his Pilgrimes^ Pt. II, p. 1337). — D. F. 

^ As Tripoli is at least twice as far from Aleppo as Alexandretta, 
the passage must mean that Tripoli was not only a port but a mart, 
where at least part of the goods could be sold off. Alexandretta, per 
contra^ was nothing but the port of Aleppo ; and the Franks had to 
trouble themselves with land transport of all their goods to that mart. 

[On February ist, 1616, the Venetian ambassador in Constantinople 
wrote to the Doge and Senate that the Turks " have decided that, as 
Alexandretta is an open roadstead, it is a veritable temptation to 
pirates, and that its business shall be removed to Tripoli in Syria, 
where it first was established" {Calendar of State Papers^ Venice^ etc, 
vol. X, p. 318). George Sandys, writing in 16 10 (in Purchas his 
Pilgrimes, Pt. II, p. 1330) of Tripoli, says: — "Hither of late the 
Grand Signior hath remoued the Scale which was before at Alex- 
andretta, . . . Notwithstanding, the merchants doe offer great summes 
of Money to haue it restored vnto that place, as more conuenient for 
their Traffick with Aleppo (the principal! Mart of that part of Asia for 
Silkes, and sundry other Commodities), from thence but three daies 
iourney, being eight from Tripoly : which the Turke will not as yet 
assent to, for that divers ships have beene taken out of that Rode by 
Pirats, there being no Forts for protection, nor no fit place to erect 
them on." — D. F.] 

' Presumably " shingled." 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 13! 

bronze guns, for defence against some loose banditti, who 
sometimes try to molest the merchants. Among the 
houses there are two churches: one Latin, belonging to 
the Franks, and served by an Italian Franciscan friar. 
The other is Greek, served by a caloyro} or monk of the 
Greek Church. There are here three vice-consuls, Vene- 
tian, French and English, serving under the consuls at 
Aleppo.^ 

This is the Gulf of Layaga, which Lodovico Ariosto 
describes in his 19th Canto,' and to this day there stand 
the two castles. One, called Castel Marquez, is to the 
northward at the foot of the mountain, sea-beaten, and 
almost in ruins. The other, on the south side, is yet in 
good condition. These are on the horns of the half- moon 
which the port resembled, as it still does.^ But, because 
the sea has thrown up new sands on the shore, this 
southern castle now stands back a little from the water's 
edge. The name of Gulf of Layaga is derived from a 
maritime city of that name, very ancient, standing 
opposite, on the coast of Caramania.^ 

^ That is, a caloyer (see New Eng, Dict^ s, v, ; and see also infra^ 
p. 142.). — D. F. 

* " Thare is but 3 houstile [hostelries], one Itallian, one Franche, 
and one Inglishe," says Dallam (op, cit,, p. 31). — D. F. 

' Of his Orlando Furioso; the 54th stanza of which commences : — 

" Nel golfo di Laiazzo in ver Sorfa 
Sopra una gran cittk si trov6 sorto, 
£ si vicino al lito, che scoprfa 
L 'uno e V altro castel che serra il porto." 

It is possible that Teixeira made his first acquaintance with the 
Orlando during his stay at Venice, in one of the many editions printed 
there. He refers to Orlando in Bk. I, chap, xviii, of his Kings of 
Persia^ in a passage with which Stevens has taken considerable 
liberties. — D. F. 

* This is not the "horse-shoe" of the Gulf of Alexandretta, but a 
lesser curve, forming the mere harbour of the place. 

^ " Ayas Kald," ancient Aegae of Cilicia, near the mouth of the 
Pyramus, or Jihtin. Distinguish "AyasaMk," the ancient Ephesus, 
far westwards ; also called " Layas '' by the mediaeval Franks. The 
" L " is the Itsilian defmite article, and we shall see more of its use 
before we put our traveller ashore for good. 

K 2 



132 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

There is great resort of ships to this port.* For, besides 
the Venetians, French, and English, who come regularly, 
there use it many caramusales} which are vessels very 
like our Portuguese caravels. They come hither from 
Egypt, Alexandria, Tripol, Cypro, Candia, Constantinople, 
and many other ports, with merchandize and provisions.' 

Here we kept Easter,* which fell on the loth of April, 
with joy enough. And, as the ship waited but for us, we 
departed next day, as I shall tell in the next chapter. 



CHAPTER XHI. 

How we sailed from Scandarona, and came to the Isle of Sypro. 

On Tuesday evening, the I2th April, 1605, we went aboard 
a Venetian ship which had lain ten months here, delayed 
by reason of the wars of Aleppo. If she had sailed when 
due, I must have waited some months after for another, or 
taken passage on a French or English ship, which are 
always to be found here ; but that did not suit me. For, 
besides that I held them less safe for passengers, I had 
special business in Venice, which made that my proper 
port. The ship was called Rizarda^ because she belonged to 
Franciso^ Rizardi, a citizen of Venice.^ She was of over 



^ Alexandretta, not hy2J& Kald. 

* Turkish karamusal (cf. Calendar of State Papers^ Venice^ etc.^ 
vol. X, pp. no, 136, 137).— D. F. 

3 "Egypt" here means the Nile ports, Rosetta and Damietta. 
"Tripol" is the Syrtic Tripolis, more probably than the Syrian, already 
referred to in this chapter. 

^ Evidently including Easter Monday, the nth. The passage runs : 
" Aqui tuuimos la Pascua de Resurrection,^ que fue en dies de Abrily 
celebrada con harto gusto y contento'^ This is perhaps the most 
Christian phrase in the Voyage^ and is itself little more than con- 
ventional. 

^ Sic in orig. 

' Possibly a relative of Giovanni Rizzardo, the Venetian Ducal 
Notary. — D. F. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 1 33 

five hundred tons burden; on her first voyage, well 
officered and armed, mounting twenty-three bronze guns ; 
and was very handsome and roomy. 

We made sail at the end of the middle watch ;* but 
presently cast anchor again, the wind heading us. After 
sunrise, on Wednesday, the 13th, we made a fresh start, 
beating out against light head-winds, until Friday morning. 
Then we got a little of a pretty fair east wind, and ran 
down the coast of Syria to Cape Canzir, that is " the Boar's 
Head," which lies seventy miles, or twenty-four leagues, 
from Scandarona.^ The coast-line was all of high ranges 
covered with deep snow. On our right, at twenty odd 
miles* distance, lay Caramania, also a very mountainous 
country, whose hills are inhabited by many races. It was 
pleasant at night to see the numerous lights about their 
houses. On that coast is the fortified city of Layaga, 
whereof I have already spoken : once great, now unim- 
portant 

The wind not serving us on one tack, we went about 
and stood on the other, until the pilot thought that we 
were between Cypro and the mainland.^ Whereupon he 
altered the course to the southward, and on that we sailed 
for a day and night. On Wednesday morning, the 20th, 
we made the eastern point of the Isle, short of the southern 
promontory, which was on our right course.* Here we got 
a fair wind, and ran all day down the coast of the Isle, for 
the port of Salinas.^ We were within twenty miles of it 
when the wind shifted to seaward, so that we could not 

1 ''MadorraP 

* The distance, as the crow flies, is about twenty-seven English 
statute miles, on Hughes's Map, so the Venetians may have misin- 
formed Teixeira. But this sentence and the next seem to be corrupt. 

» Of Syria. 

* The eastern point must have been Cape Andrea of our charts. 
The " southern " was probably Cape Kiti, but may have been Cape 
Griego. The baffling winds were evidently south-westers. 

^ The " Salt-pans " near modem Larnaka whereof more presently. 



134 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

make it before eleven in the morning of the next day ; 
where with some trouble, for want of wind, we anchored 
near three ships in the road. Two of these were Vene- 
tian and one Dutch. They were taking in the staple 
produce of the Isle, that is, cotton, with which our ship also 
was to complete her lading. 

The nearest point of this Isle is two hundred miles from 
Alexandretta. It is two hundred and eighty miles long,^ 
and seven hundred all about ; it lies fifty or sixty miles 
south of Caramania, but has no important port on the 
north coast. The land is not very mountainous ; it is 
fertile, and its produce all of excellent quality, but none of 
great amount, nor at all equal to what it yielded to the 
Venetians.^ It has plenty of cotton, exporting more than 
five thousand bags a year, every one of least twenty 
arroba^ of Castille. It exports also three thousand bags 
of very fine wool, for the sake of which the Venetians trade 
here, and have a consul ; and so also the English, French, 
and Flemings.* There is some export of silk and sugar, 
plenty of excellent wine, and of cheeses, and of some other 
produce. The trade was great in former days, but has 
much fallen off since the Turkish conquest. 

The natives are Christian Greeks, and use Greek customs.* 
Here only does one see Christian subjects of the Turk 
wearing hats. In no other province are they allowed more 



^ This group of distances is all wrong, and cannot be reduced to 
any scale that I can think of. 

' Expelled by the Turks, 1571. 

' The arroba is given in the dictionaries as of twenty-five libras^ 
each a little more than our pound avoirdupois, and rather less than the 
old French livre. Whi taker's Almanac gives one arroba of weight, that 
of the Philippine Isles, as 25.360 lb. avoirdupois. So the cotton bale 
of Cyprus was of about 307 /^., roughly. Captain Stevens, however, 
puts it at 500 cwt. in his time. 

* It is not quite clear that these nations had consuls. The passage 
is rather obscure. 

• ^^Grtes^os ChristianoSy perS hazen d. la GriegiaJ^ Stevens takes 
" la Griegia " to mean " the Greek rite," which seems likely enough. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. I 35 

than a cloth hood, usually trimmed with fur, or a cap, 
which is blue, or trimmed with blue, for the Greeks, and 
red for the Armenians. The Jews, in out-of-way places, 
wear blue and red, but near the capital they have tawny or 
violet bonnets, which conceal the face, like those of the 
the Portuguese secular priests ; and these are instead of the 
yellow cap which they formerly wore. None may wear the 
white turban but the Moors and Turks ; nor of them may 
any wear green, except the xaryfes. These are of the kin 
of Mahamed, and that badge is restricted to them ; that 
so they may be known for Seydes, and of that race. If a 
man of any other were to wear it, he would be well 
punished. If any of these cannot afford a green turban, it 
suffices him to wear a green patch in a white one, and no 
other can wear green except the soldiers, whose law is 
their own good pleasure. 

To return to Cipro : the natives call it in their tongue 
Chipro, like the Portuguese. The Italians, as in Latin,^ 
call it Cipro, the Turks and Moors, Kabros. Whence, it 
appears, the golden cruzados are there called kobrasy. 
There are several ports on the southern coast ; the best is 
that of the Salinas, to which we came. It is named from 
its salt-pans, which export much salt to Venice on account 
of the Signory ; a trade not permitted to any subject.^ 
The freight is set off against the advance of 10,000 ducats, 
granted by the Signory to any one building a ship of 500 
tons or more. 

This port, though open, is good, safe, and has good 
bottom. Great ships anchor about half a league from the 
shore in twelve and fifteen fathoms. The Isle has two 

1 " Con el latino'' / 

* Of Venice ; nor, within Venetian waters, to one of any other 
power. [From a curious document translated in Calendar of State 
Papers^ Venice^ etc.^ vol. x, p. 95, it appears that in 1603 the salt-pans 
were farmed by an Englishman named Pervis. — D. F.] 



136 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

capitals, Nicosia and Famagosta, now not a shadow of their 
former selves. There are many towns and hamlets. 

When we came to the port of Salinas, the Pasha of the 
Isle was there, building a sea-fort, for fear of the Spanish 
and Maltese fleets then in those seas. It was not great, 
but strong, and well planned for the defence of the port. 

About a league inland is the town of Arniqua,^ where 
dwell the local Frank merchants. It may have three hun- 
dred houses, poor and small, built of stone and mud, with 
terraced roofs. But, in proof of its importance before the 
Turkish conquest, there stands yet a square stone belfry, 
now used as an alcoran^ but once belonging to a Franciscan 
convent. One side of the cloister also survives, with its 
pillars and cells, turned into a Turkish barrack. Opposite 
this, the remains of the magistrate's palace are yet to be 
seen. 

On our arrival, the Venetian gentlemen went ashore, and 
with them Diego de Melo. 

I held it safer to stay aboard ; for Spanish subjects can- 
not there trust themselves freely amongst the Turks with- 
out imprudence. When they do, it is with fear, and with 
precaution, that they be not known and accused of some 
treason. Least of all is it safe for such, like that hidalgOy 
as know not how to serve the time. 

In short, when they got ashore, his own company forced 
him to return aboard ship that same day, lest he should, by 
his bearing, draw notice, and breed them some trouble — 
the more as the Pasha was on the spot. He went no more 
ashore ; but after two days the Venetians sent me a note 
to say, that, if I cared for what little was there to be had,* I 
could come ashore, for they were looking out for me on the 



^ Now Lamaka^ the Italian definite article having become part of 
the name, as we saw in the older case of Layasa. It represents 
ancient Citium. 

^ We shall see below that there was dearth in the Isle. 



JOtJRNEY FkOM INDIA TO itALV. 13^ 

beach. I did so at once, and went with them to Harniqua, 
where we took shelter in the house of Juan Battista dc 
Francisco, a friend of theirs, who used us nobly. They 
had assembled to address the Pasha, who was walking on 
the wall of his fort under construction. I went with them, 
and saw and took good note of the work, and of the Pasha's 
conversation, which to my mind showed him ill-disposed 
enough, to judge by his answers.^ 

The Venetian gentlemen had there a chapel, and for its 
chaplain a Franciscan friar : a good monk, as his conduct 
showed. Without any desert of mine, from pure kindness, 
he showed me a thousand favours while I was there ; and 
when we embarked he presented me with some holy relics, 
and some provisions out of a garden that he tilled with his 
own hand. 

In the course of our various conversations, he told me 
that upon information from some of the natives he had 
more than once taken earth from a certain part of the Isle 
and assayed it, and that very pure gold could be extracted 
from it in a reasonable proportion. He told me this on his 
credit as a monk, and that the Turks had no knowledge of 
it, nor would the natives tell them of it. All which I be- 
lieve, because that monk told it to me, who could get 
nothing by doing so.* 

I saw here on the beach some heaps of a very fine earth, 
of various colours : grey, green, and dark or bright red, 
which is dug in some parts of the Isle. I was told that the 
Flemish ships carry it to Flanders as dye-stuff.^ 



1 Small blame to the Pasha, when he saw Pedro " taking good note" 
of his new fort, though he knew him not for an enemy's subject. 

* There is nothing improbable in the story. The mineral wealth of 
Cyprus is of old fame, and the Cypriots had every reason for saying 
and doing nothing about it : while the Turks were not likely to find 
anything for themselves. 

' " Para tintas,'^ [It is curious that Teixeira speaks of an " earth" 
for dyeing, and says nothing of madder, of which Cyprus used to 
grow and export a large quantity. — D. F.] 



138 tHE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

The land bears terebinths, which yield the perfect tere- 
bintine ;^ and much very pure ladanum is obtained from 
certain bushes like wild sage.^ It is collected by running 
over these a taut rope, to which the gum sticks. For they 
say that the touch of hands or tools enfeebles the plants, 
and makes them infertile: which has probably been learnt 
by experience. There is here also a good trade in storax,' 
calaminta,* opium, agaric,* and saffron, all brought from 
the mainland of Caramania, which produces them of the 
best and in plenty. 

Although this isle is by nature fertile, and all things 
plentiful and cheap, we found here nothing but dearth and 
high prices, by reason of a murrain amongst cattle, which 
had hindered ploughing. In the summer it is very hot, 
and the sun dangerous to men unused to that climate. 



CHAPTER XIV. 



How we sailed from Cipro, and what befel us until we came to 

the Isle of Zante. 

When our ship had taken in the cargo that was here for 
her, and was ready for sea, we went aboard. The Vene- 
tian gentlemen would not let me do so but in their com- 

* " Mastic," the gum-resin of certain Pistacia. 

' Gum cistus, gum-resin of Cistus ladanifera. There have been 
from ancient times, and are yet, such beliefs about this plant, and such 
ways of collecting the gum. Something of the sort is said to be done 
in respect of ckaras (the gum-resin of hemp) in Central Asia 
(Fluckiger and Hanbury, Pharmacographia^ 1874, p. 495). 

3 Liquidambar orientalis^ of the Hamamelideee, a tree of Asia 
Minor, yields liquid storax, or styrax ; or " Rose Malloes," a resin. 
{Pharmacographia^ s, v,) 

* Sic in orig. Probably Mentha sylvestre. But perhaps a misprint 
for " calamitay" an inferior storax produced by some reed {caiamus), 
whence this name. The other is good Gre ek — ka/a minth^, 

* Two agarics were used in old practice : (a) the white, or larch 
agaric, emetic and purgative ; (b) the oak agaric, or amadon^ used to 
staunch wounds by mechanical action (Littrd). These are so little 
used now that they are not in the Pharmacographia, 



JOURNEV FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 1^9 

pany. This was on Sunday evening, the ist of May, and 
on Monday, the 2nd, we made sail in the morning watch. 
We had baffling winds at first, and they were changeable 
until the morning of the nth, when we saw in the north 
the high mountains of Caramania, all covered with snow. 
We were then off Castel Rosso, a place in the middle of 
the Gulf ^ That day we ran westwards, our right course, 
before a good east wind, until, about five in the evening, 
being up with the Isle of Rhodes, we sighted four galleys. 
The ship was cleared for action, having good guns and 
gunners, plenty of ammunition and firearms. 

The galleys were soon near us, and, although our captain 
knew them for galleys of Malta, he did not want them to 
close, knowing of the unjustifiable doings^ of Christian 
ships and galleys upon Venetian ships from Syria, like 
ours.' They made signal of safe-conduct, namely, by 
making a certain smoke.* But our people, knowing from 
their formation that they meant mischief, kept aloof from 
them. So they chased us all the rest of that day under 
sail,* engaging us astern ; and in so short a time they fired 
twenty-four shot at us from their bow-chasers,* without 
effect, and the ship answered them with her two six- 
pounder stern-chasers.^ 

With nightfall the wind rose, and lasted all the night 

* This, I think, is the " Kastelorizo" of our charts, a corrupt Levan- 
tine name. It is not in the middle of the Gulf of Adalia, the nearest 
shown on modem maps, but in that of a great bight, formed by Cyprus 
on the east, Rhodes, Carpathus, and Crete on the west The moun- 
tains were probably the Ak Digh, or Western Taurus, 10,000 feet 
high, and the ship was somewhere near 35 deg. N. lat, and 30 deg. 
£. long. 

' " Sin roMones" a favourite phrase of our traveller's. 

• On Maltese and other privateers (including English), which 
abounded in the Mediterranean at this period, see Calendar of Statt 
Papers^ Venice^ etc, vol. x, passim, — D. F. 

* ^^ Humo,^\ A dictionary meaning is "black gauze." But the 
smoke signal is very ancient and widespread. 

• "i?« alaP • " Croxia^' French coursier, 
^ ^^ Dos cafiones gruesos de seys que traya por popa. 



140 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TElXElRA. 

in which we made about eighty miles. But though it was 
strong, and the sea ran high, the galleys chased us until 
morning. At sunrise they were close aboard, and it fell 
calm. They took in sail, which they had not done all 
night, and made another signal, which the ship answered. 

On better advice, they now sent us a boat, with a Knight 
of Malta, and the flagship's pilot, who came alongside and 
asked leave to come aboard ; which given, they did so. 
They wanted the clerk^ to come with them, to have 
speech of their chief captain, but he could not, being sick, 
and so sent an assistant clerk, such as they carry in those 
ships. 

He went and excused himself, saying that they had not 
recognised the galleys, and had orders to trust none, for 
fear of wiles and stratagems, which the Moorish and 
Turkish corsairs are wont to use (and that's true).^ With 
this, and with a not very costly present of pistachios and 
soap,^ the commodore was content, and warned us against 
certain corsairs cruising on that sea ; and especially of one 
great ship, wherein was a Genoese named Spindola [szc],"^ 
a Knight of Malta, who had fitted out in Sicily (whence 
ships commonly sail for plunder),* in disobedience to his 
Order. Diego de Melo, who had come so far in the ship, 
now left her in some discontent, and took passage with the 
galleys.® 



* *^ Escrivano," Stevens translates "purser," but "supercargo 
would be better. 

' Brackets tn orig. ^ Xabonetes, 

* Very probably "Francisco Spinola, the Genoese," referred to in 
a letter n'om Don Pedro de Valdes to the King of Spain, dated 
Brussels, 29th March, 1593, translated in Spanish State Papers^ 
vol. iv, p. 598. — D. F. 

' Author's brackets. 

* " And for this relief much thanks," or some such sentiment, one 
would have expected from a less philosophical writer than our placid 
Pedro. That Diogo de Mello was an arrant swashbuckler is evident, 
not only from what Teixeira tells us, but from contemporary official 
documents. In Doc, Rem.^ torn, i, is a royal letter of 28th March 1613, 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. I41 

On Friday, the 13th, we had sight of the Isle of Scar- 
panto/ and next day of the eastern headland of Candia 
sixty miles from it* This is counted to be four hundred 
miles from the western point of the isle, whereof we sailed 
along the southern coast at about twenty miles off shore, 
with baffling winds, until the 23rd of May, when we cleared 
it We saw well the famous Mount Ida, and others no 
less lofty, all covered with snow.* The Isle is about as 
great as Cyprus, and has many harbours on both shores, 
but chiefly on the northern.* The people are Greeks, 
subject to the Venetians, who maintain here a strong 



dealing with petitions, etc., from a number of persons, the first 
mentioned being this very man. We read : '' Diogo de Mello de 
Sampaio, fidalgo of my household, came to this kingdom to ask for 
satisfaction of his services and commutation of his banishment to the 
south [/>., to Malacca], and I thought well to commute it to two years 
in Ceylon, with a declaration that for the services that he might there 
perform he should ask for no reward nor satisfaction ; wherefore I 
enjoin on you and charge you positively that in no case whatsoever 
shall you pardon him the said two years of deportation, which I have 
commuted for him to Ceylon, and you shall cause that he proceed to 
serve them on arriving in India, bearing this in mind, so that thus it 
may be carried out and observed." VfhaX Diogo de Mello's offence 
was, we learn from the Archivo Portuguez-Oriental^ fasc. 6, where is 
recorded an " alvard [royal decree] of His Majesty's commuting to 
Diogo de Mello de Sampayo, to two years at the conquest of Ceylon, 
the four that he had been ordered to serve in the south, by reason of 
the pardon that was granted to him for the riot and death of Diogo 
Machado Cameiro." This decree, of which only the last part is 
extant, is dated Lisbon, 2nd August, 161 2. Whether Diogo de Mello 
had returned to India after his parting from Teixeira, I cannot say ; 
nor do I know his subsequent history. — D. F. 

^ Carpathus. The Venetian corruptions of old names, so long pre- 
valent in the Levant, are now slowly giving way to the classic Greek 
names, which have, indeed, survived on the spot in many cases. But, 
for English use, the Latin names are most generally convenient, and 
the use of language is to be understood, " and not to show how clever 
one is," as the Colonel said on the Examining Board. 

^ Probably some point near Cape Plaka of our charts, and not 
Cape Sidero, which lay off our traveller's southern course. It is clear 
that he knew little about Crete. 

• Mt. Theodoro, in Sphakia, 8,100 ft. ; Psiloriti (Ida), 8,080 ft. ; 
Apheute Christo (?), 7,100 ft. ; and many less lofty (Dietrich Reimer's 
KriezsschauplatZy Berlin, 1877, which follows the English (Hydro- 
graphic Office) work of Spratt and other officers of our Navy). 

^ The southern ports are now insignificant. 



142 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

garrison, and are ever fortifying the Isle, for fear of such 
another misfortune as that of Cyprus, which the Turks won 
of them. 

The baffling winds and the current forced us off our 
course almost to Barbary ; whence, with a strong west 
wind, we shaped our course northwards, to make a landfall. 
After three days on this course, on Saturday, the 28th, in 
the morning watch, we made an islet called Strival. It 
may be five miles about, and is flat and uninhabited, but 
for a monastery of caloiros with some cattle. There 
is good water, for which both Christian and Turkish galleys 
frequent it.^ 

Presently, as the light grew, we saw the Isle of Zante, 
for which we were bound, and continued our voyage 
thither. We rounded it by the east,* and at six in the 
evening we cast anchor in the port, which is on the 
northern coast.' 

This Isle of Zante is sixty miles about, and as it were 
fenced around with high mountains, amidst which lies a 
spacious plain, full of vineyards, olive groves, and corn- 
fields. These last yield only four months* supply, and for 
the rest of the year the island depends on imported grain. 
Wherefore the Signory of Venice, who own the Isle, keep 
there at all times a great store of millet,* so that in case of 
urgent need they can help the people. But as to the 
vineyards and olive orchards, the produce of so little land 



^ This is the larger of the Strovathi Isles, the ancient Strophades, 
familiar to Peninsular and Oriental passengers vid Brindisi. It has 
now an important lighthouse, and is as good a landfall as could be 
made on the course indicated. [Dallam (op, cit., p. 26) calls the 
island " Travallie." — D. F.] The " caloiros^" of course, arc Greek 
monks ; KaXoyc/>oc, Byron's caloyers. [See also supra^ p. 131, «. 
— D. F.] Pietro Delia Valle's notice corresponds with Tcixeira's 
(Letter I, from Constantinople, 23rd August, 16 14). 

* By Cape Teraki. • Really north-eastern. 

^ Probably as a cheap grain, which stands keeping. In India I 
have found the millets the best of famine grains. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. I43 

seems past belief; for of dried Corinthian grapes,^ one 
year with another, they gather from fifteen to twenty 
thousand arrobas. Their wine comes to between sixteen 
and eighteen thousand pipes, of the best quality, and the 
olive oil to over five hundred pipes. 

On this account the Isle is much frequented by French, 
English, and other ships.^ The climate is indifferent, but 
there is plenty of good fruit and herbs, of flowers, useful 
or fragrant, and of honey. But wood is scarce, and must 
be imported, and there is no great plenty of fish. 

In and about the city there is plenty of water, but in 
the rest of the Isle it is scarce ; and I was told by credible 
persons — though I saw it not myself — that in some places 
they sometimes knead their bread with wine, for want of 
water. 

There are two ports, the better in the north, where is the 
chief town of the Isle. It may have three thousand 
houses of cut stone and lime, with tiled roofs, at the foot of a 
high mountain, whereon is a citadel. This is the residence 
of the Governor,' impregnable by its position and fortifica- 
tion, well armed and garrisoned, and provided with all else 
needful for its defence. 

The natives are Greeks, and there are amongst them in 
the city thirty or forty houses of Jewish merchants, 
besides others in the towns and hamlets, whereof the Isle 
has several. I was invited to one of these, called Gayetan, 



* Our grocers' " currants." 

^ See the description of Zante by Thomas Dallam, who visited it in 
1599 (Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant^ Hakluyt Soc, p. 18, 
et seq.). On the troubles of English merchants over the Zante currant 
trade, see Calendar of State Papers^ Venice^ etc.^ vol. x, passim, 
— D. F. 

^ Maffio Michiel was Governor of Zante at the end of 1604, but was 
succeeded some time in 1605 by Girolamo (or Giacomo) Corner, or 
Comaro. (Regarding Maffio Michiel, the " hanging Governor,'' see 
Calendar of State Papers, Venice, etc, vol. x, Preface, pp. Ixiv et seq., 
and XtXXtxs, passim.) — D. F, 



144 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

to see certain games in honour of a Greek saint's feast 
These were attended by most of the folk of the city, only 
three miles away. As soon as we got into the town, we 
found in the streets great fires at which were roasted whole 
from three hundred to four hundred sheep, for the purchase 
and entertainment of the visitors. 

After that, the guests from the city and from other towns 
Joined those of the village in messes, and danced together, 
to the music of their own voices, having a precentor to 
whom the rest answered. After that they had jousts,^ 
and other very pleasant pastimes. 

The other port on the southern coast is called Chery,* 
and lies five miles away from this, by the level way through 
the valley above mentioned. There is here a town of the 
same name, and near it a pond, from within which arises 
constantly and abundantly a black and fine bitumen like 
tar. Salt also is made in the Isle, enough for its own 
needs, and some is exported. Those who come here for 
trade export, besides local produce, silk, wax, hides, saffron, 
galls, and other goods, imported in great abundance from 
the Morea. This, the old Peloponnese, lies only ten miles 
east of the Isle, and on a hill thereof one can see a fine 
castle, commonly called " Castel Torneze."* All this was 
lately Venetian territory, but now the Turks possess it 



* ^^Justas*^ What these were is not clear : perhaps some sort of 
wrestling. "Jousts" on horseback were not very likely to come off 
well on a Venetian-Greek island. [The "jousts" were probably 
similar to the "traverses or sportes" witnessed on May Day, 1599, by 
Dallam, who says that on that day there met "at the toune of Zante 
all the able men of the Greeks with their best horsis and artillerie, 
which is nothing but staves to Rvne at the Ringe, or at quintan" 
{op, cit^ p. 26). — D. F.] 

' Modem Chieri, or Kieri. The distance from Zante seems to be 
underrated, but the bitumen springs identify the place. Edward 
Giflfard makes them ten English miles from Zante (Ionian Isles^ etc., 
p. 392). 

' Apparently the ancient " Chelonites," marked on our Admiralty 

Charts as " Cape Trepito," but by D'Anville and Bartholomew as 

Cape Tomese." It is just possible that the castle referred to may 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 145 

The night after our arrival a Turkish galley entered the 
port, in flight, as they said, from two Christian galleys that 
had chased her. Next morning there came in seven, 
belonging to the Signory of Venice, and three more joined 
them later on. Upon the Turkish galley's entrance, 
inquest was speedily made as to the rights and wrongs of 
her case ; and after much debate they let her go free, on 
condition of instant departure, finding that she had aboard 
the King of Argel,^ bound for Constantinople on a sum- 
mons from the Grand Turk. But most men thought this 
was but a pretence. 

By the terms existing between them, no Turkish galleys 
may enter the ports or waters of the Signory without their 
express permission ; and, if found therein, these are fair 
prize, and their companies, if they resist, subject to military 
execution, provided that it be done within twenty-four 
hours of capture. After that term they may neither be 
slain nor held captive, but must be set free ; and he who 
should trangress these rules would be' subject to severe 
punishment 

Upon our coming into port we . stayed aboard for the 
night, and all went ashore in the morning. Though we 
had clean bills of health great difficulties were made about 
granting pratique, wherein the Signory are most vigilant. 
As a great favour, and on special interest made, we were 
detained in a warehouse whilst the health officers took 
counsel how to deal with us. 



be that of Chiarenza or Clarenza, on the next headland northwards, to 
which a legend quoted by Giffard attributes the origin of our English 
title " Duke of Clarence." 

* The potentate best known in English as " the Dey of Algiers." 
[On November 25th, 1604, the Governor of Zante wrote to the Doge 
and Senate that on the i8th had arrived an English ship, having on 
board Ismail, a son of the late King of Morocco, accompanied by the 
Viceroy of Algiers, who held a commission from the Sultan to place 
Ismail on the throne. — D. F.] 



146 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

The Governor, the praveedor^ of the squadron, and 
other distinguished friends of our comrade, Piero dal Ponte, 
did all they could for us. Yet we could get no release 
until three o'clock of the afternoon ; so strictly is the 
business managed amongst those nations. During this 
delay and confinement, I wondered at the abundance of 
presents and refreshments sent to Piero dal Ponte. We 
were about forty in number ; yet we never stopped eating 
and drinking of the same all day; to say nothing of 
plenty that was given to our guards, though these were not 
paid at our cost, as is the practice here.* 

On our release, Piero dal Ponte carried Domenico 
Calegary and myself to visit the proveditot^ of the squad- 
ron, and there to the citadel to the Governor, both of 
whom used him with much honour and favour. The 
rest of our time we spent in seeing whatever was worth 
it, while our ship took in cargo. Her arrival was incon- 
venient enough to some others already loading in the 
port. For it is the law, in all ports of the Signory, that 
no other ship may take in cargo while a Venetian bottom 
is available. 

There is in this port a fishery which I noted as remark- 
able. In July and August there come to this and other 



^ I have here used the original word, because, though my diction- 
aries, both Italian and Spanish, translate " purveyor," etc., I take the 
proveditore to have been an officer of rank, like an admiral, superin- 
tendent, or perhaps a port admiral. [See Dallam's narrative, p. 18, 
from which it appears that the Governor was also the proveditore. 
— D. F.] The words translated "distinguished friends' are '^personages 
amigos" 

^ ^^Acd" ; whether Antwerp or Spain is doubtful, but probably Tei- 
xeira meant Spain. The quarantme arrangements of Zante were a 
marvel of rigour until 1837 (Giffard, op. cit^ chap. xvii). [It was 
only after six days that Thomas Dallam and his companions, on their 
first visit to Zante, "had proticke, which is, Leve to com a shore ; " while, 
on their return thither, they only got out of the lazaretto after ten days' 
confinement (pp. city pp. 19, 89).— D. F.] 

• Sic in orig.y varying from the Spanish ^^ proveedor^^ of the last 
reference to this officer. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. I47 

isles, from the archipelago, great shoals of savalos} Of 
these the fishermen picket a living female to a stake or 
cane, set in the harbour bottom with good scope of horse- 
hair line. The male fish, seeing the decoy, resort to her at 
once, and the men strike them without intermission. Yet 
the heat of desire will allow no warning way into their 
silly brains ; and so, with many such decoys, the men take 
innumerable fish. They salt the flesh and roe, which last 
are called butargaSy and much esteemed in all those 
regions. 

I saw in this Isle great use of negro slaves, some of whom 
were brought direct from Africa ; but most by the English, 
who had got them in past years by plundering the Portu- 
guese ships from Guyn^a and Angola. 

Twelve land miles^ north-west of this port is the Isle of 
Safalonya, also Venetian territory ; and at twenty miles to 
the northward are clearly seen some islets called Scorso- 
lary, where was the sea-fight between the Turk and the 
League, wherein the Senor Don John of Austria was 
captain-general.* 

To conclude, the women of this Isle are mostly good- 
looking, and ride in men's fashion when they go into the 



^ Savalos are shad, and this word (originally Barbaresque Arabic) 
has become " chee-chee'' English in Madras, where a shad is called 
" sable-fish." Two species, Clupea alosa and C. finta^ occur in the 
Gulf of Venice. As these are never " ripe " for spawning in salt water, 
the sexual passion described is very improbable. But mere sociability 
or curiosity will constantly lead free fishes to the side of a captive. 
It has to be noted that Teixeira does not here speak as an eye-witness. 

2 ^^ Millas de tierraP It is impossible to know what /j Teixeira's 
" millaJ^ But in this case he guards himself from being supposed to 
use the Italian or navigator^s mile of sixty to the degree on the Equator, 
which we call a " knot," or " geographical mile." The latter term is 
objectionable, as a// miles must be " geographical " ; and it is actually 
used in German to mean a German mile of 15 to the degree, which 
has been in some cases literally translated into English. The distance 
from the port of Zante to the south point of Cephalonia is about 10 
** knots." 

' The fight of Lepanto, of course. 

L 2 



148 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA 

country. Both men and and women live, and sing, and 
dance very much like our Portuguese of the province 'twixt 
Duero and Minho. » 



CHAPTER XV. 

How we sailed from Zante and came to Venice. 

We stayed here eight days for want of a wind, which we 
would not lose when we got it, sailing at noon on Sunday, 
the Sth of June. But it headed us in the evening, and as 
we could not clear the sound betwixt Zante and Safalonya, 
we must needs put back into port. It is worth considera- 
tion that, from Harmuz to this place, I never left port with- 
out being forced so to put back, and could make no fair 
start. The wind that drove us back brought into port a 
ship of Venice from Naples, bringing, amongst other news, 
that of the birth of our Lord the Prince of Spain, and of 
the creation of the Holy Father, Pope Paul the Fifth, of 
which we were all glad.^ The same day we had word that 
the corsair Murat Arrays^ was in the Gulf of Venice with 
seven galleys. 

On Tuesday, the Sth of June, the wind began to favour 
us, and we sailed again with two other ships. One of these 
was a Venetian, homeward bound from Cypro, and the 
other a little English ship, also bound for Venice. I 
thought that as she was lighter and swifter, she might make 
a better voyage, and committed to a friend of mine, of 
Zante, who took passage aboard her, a packet of papers 
for Venice. But it is ill to count on what may chance at 

1 Philip IV, bom [8th April] 1605 ; and Paul V (Camillo Borghese), 
elected i6th May of that year, vice Leo XI. It is difficult to acquit 
our author of malice in associating these events so closely with the 
cruise of " Murat Arrays." 

2 Mur^d Reis (see supra, p. 16), — D. F. 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. I49 

sea ; and this ship, after suffering much trouble, and being 
forced into Coifu to water, got into Venice twenty days 
later than we did. 

We ourselves, sailing with that favouring wind, made 
but twelve miles through the Sound, and could not get 
out of it with our best endeavour. For the wind headed 
us, and drove us back. Without returning into port, we 
rounded the Isle southwards, and after three days* beating 
against head winds, on Thursday, the i6th of the month, 
we saw Corfu far in the north. Next morning we found 
ourselves within fifteen miles of Cape Santa Maria,^ and 
presently were up with that of Otranto, lands of Apulia 
in Italy, at the entrance of the Gulf of Venice. When we 
had got twelve miles within it, the favouring wind shifted 
against us, and for some days we had trouble enough, 
beating up from between shore and shore, and measuring, 
more often than we would, the width of the strait, which 
may be seventy miles. 

It pleased God that the contrary wind died away ; and, 
with some puffs of a better, we followed our course along 
the coast of Val6na, the old Macedonia. We passed 
Cataro, a fortress thereon of the Signory of Venice, not 
far from which stands Castel Nuevo, and presently follows 
Raguzea, a republic that exists by paying tribute both to 
the Turk and to the Venetians, who appoint its governor 
once a month. 

We sailed by many isles and islets that lie there along 
the coast of Esclavonia, called by the ancients Dalmacia. 
On the 30th of June we sent our boat ashore for water at 
one of these isles, called Lecena.^ Next day she returned 



* Santa Maria di Leuca of our charts. It is to be noted that 
Teixeira makes the Gulf of Venice begin here, so that his old bugbear, 
" Murat Arrays," was now for the second time embittering the end 
of his voyage. 

^ Probably Lesina, possibly Lussin. 



150 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. 

With it, and with plenty of bread, fruit, and vegetables. 
At that time there were in the island a chais and a saniacd^ 
of the Turk, sent in his name and by his command to hand 
over to the Signory of Venice certain lands in Dalmacia, 
which he was pleased to bestow upon them. 

Still beating up against the wind, which had headed us 
again, we sighted the mountains of Ancona ; and on Satur- 
day, the 9th of July, at four in the afternoon, we came to 
Istria.^ When we were near the shore, Piero dal Ponte and 
the rest of the passengers went ashore in the boat, to take 
passages in small craft to Venice. For the great ships 
must go about to get to Malamocco, which is their harbour 
in Venice ; but the small craft have a shorter course from 
this place. So it is the custom, when the ships come to 
Istria, to leave them and make the passage of a hundred 
miles to Venice in these barks, and so did we. Our com- 
rades brought off a bark, and we went aboard her on Sun- 
day, the loth, and started in high spirits. But that night 
came down upon us so frequent and fierce north-easterly 
squalls' of wind and rain, that no man there hoped to get 
off with his life. 

After a whole night spent in suffering and fear, and 



1 Sanjdk = a banner, and hence an officer entitled to colours, and 
his charge, so that the word has come to mean a district, and here 
means the officer in charge of one. ChawUsh and kawds are now 
well-known words in Europe, and would need little remark here, were 
it not that it is not quite clear which is represented by Teixeira's 
^^ chaiis,^^ Probably it is the former. Our author's contemporary, 
Ben Jonson, records (in The Alchemist) how one of these gentlemen 
introduced a new word for cheating into the English language. The 
Chawush^ moreover, is the other's superior in rank and roguery — less 
of an orderly and more of a bailiff— yet not of such rank that his mis- 
sion to the Signory was any better than one of the covert insults dear to 
the Asian diplomatist. 

' It is not clear what port is meant, but I am inclined to think that 
it must have been Pola, or some other place near the point of the 
Istrian peninsula, and not Capo d' Istria, near its base. [Or possibly 
it was at Cittanuova, in Porto Quieto, that Teixeira's ship anchored. — 
D. F.] 

^ ^^ BorrascasJ^ 



JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 151 

ceaseless tempest, it pleased God that the weather mended 
a little. And on Monday, the i ith, at eight in the morning, 
we got to Venice. By eleven o'clock, having passed the 
health office, we made every man for his own quarters, 
praising God, who had brought us so far in peace and in 
health, to whom be gratitude and glory for ever and ever. 
Amen ! 

I rested a while in Venice, and saw somewhat of the 
many wonders of that city, of which a wise man has wisely 
said, that it is an impossible work in an impossible place. 
Then I visited no small part of Italy, and came to Pied- 
mont, whence I crossed the Alps, and saw Savoy ; crossed 
France, and came to these States.^ I settled at last in 
this city of Antwerp, whence I offer to thee, O Reader ! 
this short story of my journey, which might have been 
longer had I not been careful to abridge it 

^ The Spanish Netherlands. 
END OF THE VOYAGE. 




APPENDICES. 



APPENDIX A. 

A Short Narrative of the Origin of the Kingdom of Harmuz, 
and of its Kings, down to its Conquest by the Portu- 
guese: extracted from its History, written by TorunxaJ- 
King of the same. 

ToRUNXA, King of Harmuz, was pleased to deal, in Persian 
prose and verse, with the foundation of that kingdom, and the 
doings of the kings, his predecessors. He called his book the 
Xa noma, that is, " the History of the King, or Kings" ; and started 
with Adam. But I nill abridge, upon a few pages, what he wrote 
in no small volume, and relate, with my wonted brevity, the origin 
of the kingdom, the number of its kings, their succession in due 
order, and as much more touching the same, as may be of most 
use, and may not be omitted. 

Torunxa gives two very different accounts of the foundation of 
that realm of Haimuz, and of the rise of its first king. And 
he leaves every reader free to choose that which best may square 
with his humour." 

He says,^ then, that there was an Arab prince called Mahamed 



* Teixeira has several forms of this name. Sir Henry Yule, in the 
notes and index of his Marco Polo, spells it " Thuran Shah," and he 
is good company to go astray in, if stray we must. [In his article 
" Ormus" in the Encyd. Brit., 9th ed., however. Yule spells the name 
"TiirSn ShSh." — D. F.] But our charts have "Turumbagh" for 
Teixeira's " Torunpaijue," on the site of the old royal gardens 
mentioned by Teixeira, and Mr. Gray calls a later prince of this 
family, who came to a bad end in Goa, "Turun Shah" {vide his 
Pyrard, voL ii, p. 243, el seq.). 

^ " Lt) que mas le quadrmre." 

* Cf. what follows with the commencement of the Dominican friar's 
version given in Appendix D, it^ra, which is here much fiiller in 
detail In Nieuhof's Travels {C/mrchilPs ColUction, vol. ii, p. 23^ 



154 APPENDIX A. 

I>ram Ku, descended by old and direct succession from the kings 
of Siil>dh, which is a province of Arabia, whereof she was queen 
who came to see Solomon. This prince, wishing to increase his 
realm (as is the usual desire of rulers), marched out of his own 
territory, and overran and possessed those of his neighboois ; not 
ceasing until he came to the shore of the Persian Gulf, which is 
that narrow sea which we now call in Portuguese the Stiait of 
Harmuz.^ 

Having got so far, he persuaded his folk to follow him across 
the sea, with the promise of good luck on the Persian shore, 
where he was minded to found a bandel^ that is, a port, which 
should have more fame and trade than Sodr.' This is a port of 
Arabia on the same strait, then much frequented ; and though it 
be now brought to little by wear of Time, yet still do the site and 
ruins, as I saw them,' bear witness that it was once an important 

city. 

After counsel taken, he and all his people went to Kalayat,^ a 
port of Arabia in the Persian Gulf, near the Cape of Rocolgat 
Thetite he embarked, with all his followers, and what they 
nK)utrt}d) And made his passage to lasques,^ a well-known port on 



^ v^t) ii^ given a slightly abridged version of Turdn Shih's history, 
e^Hi^tl f though not acknowledged) from Teixeira. Sir Thos. Herbert 
\^VfikVnSy 4th ed, 1677, p. 108) gives a very brief summary of the 
hl^tt^ry Of Hormuz, also apparently taken from Teixeira. Valentyn also 
{Ond en Nieuw Oost-Indien^ d^ v, p. 231) gives a very incorrectly- 
l^elt list of the Kings of Hormuz. — D. F. 

* The particular waters meant are not the Persian Gulf in general, 
but its narrow entrance, at and eastward of Hormuz, forming what we 
now call the ^ Sea of Omdn." [It is more probable that the Gulf of 
Om^n is meant ; for, according to the Dominican friar's version, 
Muhammad and his company marched to Kalhit, whence they 
look ship to the coast of Persia. This is also stated below in Teixeira's 
account ; so that the exact meaning of the above passage is somewhat 
doubtfuL— D. p.] 

' Sohir. It has now 4,000 to 5,000 inhabitants {Persian GulfPiht). 
[See description in Ccmment. of Af. Dalb,^ voL i, pp. 91-92. Cf. 
also Imdms of ^Omdn^ p. iii, n. — D. F.] 

^ *^ Y ial me parescio d my." [In 1587, doubtless, after leaving 
Miskat for Hormuz (see Introduction). — D. F.] 

^ Kalhdt, a little north-west of Ris-al-Had, the eastern point of 
Arabia. It is now only " a little village," with reported " anchorage 
for small craft auite close in" {Persian Gulf Ptloi), Its place has 
been taken by Sur. But this part of the coast of Om^, with a good 
position, plenty of water, and a bold and enterprising people, has 
always been more important than it looks on a map. [See description 
of Kalhdt in Comment of Af Dalb,^ vol. i, p. 66. See also Imdms oj 
*Omdn^ p. 37, n, ; Yule's Marco PolOy voL ii, p. 449. — D. f.] 

* Jashk of the Persian Gulf Pilot, [See Hobson-fobson^s.v, ''Jask, 
ja*i|ucf», Cape."— D. f.] 



KINGS OF HORMUZ. 1 55 

the Persian coast. Thence coasting northwards, he entered 
Kostek,^ another port of the same shore. Now, Xa Mahamed 
had left in Kklayat a son of his, with a wise wazir, that, if he 
should have ill success over sea, he might here have safe harbour 
and passage. 

When he had come to Kostek, he disembarked his men, and 
sought a convenient place for his settlement. Hearing that fur- 
ther on there lay a place called Harmuz,^ very fit for his enter- 
prise, he went thither with his force. On examination he approved 
of the site, and established himself there ; laid out and founded 
a city,^ allotted the land, which was ill-peopled, at his discretion, 
and struck money, whence he had the surname of Dramku.^ 

He had with him a son of his, named Soleyman, by whose en- 
deavours the city grew and prospered notably. And Xa Maha- 
med dwelt and ruled there, in peace and with justice, and by 
reason of his high character, wisdom, and valour, was held in close 
alliance by his neighbours, the governors of Xyraz and Kermon. 
He died some years after the foundation of Harmuz,* and left it, 
greatly increased, to his son Soleyman. 

Turonxd's alternative story of the rise of this kingdom of Har- 
muz is as follows. The father of Xa Mahamed was a king in 
Arabia, who, warring on another, was beaten in battle and fled ; 
and because he held himself in peril in Arabia, he passed over 



^ Kohistug and Kuhistak of modern maps. [Barbosa (p. 36) calls it 
" Goxtaque." See also infra^ Appendix D. — D. F.] 

2 The site of Old Hormuz has been for some time assigned to Khor 
Minaw (=Minaw Creek), on the authority of Sir Lewis Pelly, accepted 
by Sir Henry Yule. The port was later on represented by " Gom- 
broon," as that is now by Bandar Abbas, standing almost on its ruins 
(vide Persian Gulf Pilots 9. v., and Yule's Marco Polo), [See also 
Yule's article on " Ormus," in Encyclopadia Britannica^ and Hobson- 
Jobson^ s, V. " Ormus ;" and J. R. Preecc's " Journey from Shiraz to 
Jashk,*' in Royal Geographical Society s Supplementary Papers^ vol. i, 
pp. 423, 425.— D. F.] 

^ Adam Olearius, in one of his annotations to chap. ix. of Man- 
delslo's Travels (see p. 13 of Bk. in. of English trans.), misquotes 
Teixeira as saying that Mahmud founded the city of Hormuz on 
the island afterwards called by that name. — D. F. 

* The possession of a mint and special coinage being a royal privi- 
lege throughout the East, this was an assertion of independent sove- 
reignty. The etymology given is correct. [Sec infra^ Appendix D. — 
D. F.] 

* No dates are given in connection with the first eleven rulers of 
Hormuz ; but assuming as correct the date (1278) given for the death 
of the twelfth, and allowing to each of his predecessors an average 
reign of thirteen years, the foundation of the kingdom of Hormuz 
would fall in A.D. iioo. Yule (2/^1 supra) places the founding some- 
what earlier ; and Valentyn {ubi supra\ on what authority I know 
not, gives a.d. 700 as the date of the founder Muhammad. — D. F. 



156 APPENDIX A. 

the Persian Gulf, landed in Mogostam,^ a part of Persia, and 
settled there with Mahamed, his son, who had come with him. 
Now the ruler of that land was a tyrannous lord in all his 
doings 2 

Xi Mahamed Dramkil, first king of Harmuz, was succeeded on 
his death by Soleymon, his son. He was kindly, and beloved of 
all for his virtue and justice ; whereby his fame and state were 
much increased. He died after a long and peaceful reign.^ 

Igd, son of Soleymon, the third king, succeeded on his father's 
death. He was a good prince, and in his time his folk had peace 
and prosperity. He encouraged them to till the fields, and plant 
palm orchards, with bounty and favour. In gratitude whereof 
they did often risk life and goods in his service ; so that he much 
increased his dominion, and, dying there, left his son in possession. 

Laxkary, son of Igd, succetded his father as fourth king. He 
was good and just, a protector of the poor, and so much beloved 
of his people. He had, amongst others, a son named Kaykobad, 
to whom, for his princely qualities, he handed over the kingdom 
and retired into seclusion, wherein he died some years later. 

Kaykobad, son of Laxkary, the fifth king, fell not away from the 
virtue of his fathers. He did justice, protected the poor, and 
repressed the pride of the nobles. 

On Kaykobad's death, succeeded lq& his son, second of that 
name, and sixth of the dynasty. This king was warlike, and 
undertook several wars which he brought to good end. The 
kingdom of Harmuz throve greatly in his day. 

Mamud, son of Ig^, inherited the state on his father's death. 
He was a good prince, and had many children. Now the kings 
of Harmuz, for peace and safety's sake, were wont to keep all of 
their blood royal, who might pretend to the throne, in separate 
places and fortresses, and there they dwelt, unless upon other 
command of the king. And so this Mamud held his nephew, 
Mir Xabadin Molongh, in the fortress of Gat, which is in Persia, 
in the lands of Brahemy and Mogostam, with many others, which 
the kings of Harmuz yet hold in Persia, subject to the Portu- 
guese.* 



^ Mogistan, the district of Persia east of the Strait of Hormuz. 

2 Here follows the widespread folk-tale of the " Mercheta mulie- 
rum." The prince disguises himself as a bride, and stabs the vicious 
tyrant. The people, of course, make him king. With the foregoing 
very probable narrative before us, it is unnecessary to consider the 
choice so naively offered by Thuran Shah and Teixeira. 

' Here, and from this onward, I take the liberty of curtailing the 
mention of each succession, which Teixeira always gives doubly : at 
the end of each king's reign, and at the start of his successor's. 

* " Brahemy^' may be represented by Bandar Ibrahim of some maps, 
Khor Minaw of our charts and Piiotj on the Persian mainland east of 



KINGS OF HORMUZ. 1 57 

Now Mamud had warning that his nephew plotted his death, 
and gave orders to confine him, meaning to slay him if that 
treason should be proven. But Mir Xabadin Molongh, getting 
word of this, fled to the fort of Seugon. The captain there 
used and served him well, and gave him to wife a daughter of his 
own, who bore him a son called Nocerat Requebdar, and a 
daughter called Setalkatun (daughter of) Xabadin. Meanwhile, 
Mamud died in Harmuz. 

On Mamud's death, his son Xdxanxd succeeded him, and kept 
up the pursuit of Molongh, but could not lay hold on him with 
all his efforts. In this way passed several years, and then great 
hosts out of the land of Hyr^ invaded Harmuz and its territories, 
and Xdxanxi marched out to fight them, albeit much out- 
numbered. Mirxabadin Molongh, hearing of his kinsman's^ 
peril, thought the time fit to make his peace. So he took leave 
of his father-in-law, gathered what force he could, and marched to 
reinforce the king, to whom he submitted, and followed him with 
his men. But Xdxanxd, with many tokens of his affection, called 
him up to his own side. So they joined battle with the enemy, 
wherein Xdxanxd was slain, and Xabadin Molongh presently 
hailed king in his place. 

This king prosecuted the war against the men of Hyr, and in 
the end he beat them outright, and returned to Harmuz, where he 
ruled with great success. He gave his daughter. Set Alkatun 
Xabadin, in marriage to Amir Seyfadin Aben Azar, son of Aly his 
brother,' king of the Isle of Keys.^ Shortly after this marriage 
Aly died, and the men of Keys, at Abadin's instance, took 
Seyfadin for king, who went thither with his wife. But not long 



Hormuz. If so, its lands would be those about Minaw. [Barbosa 
(op, cit^ p. 36) has " Ebrahemi."— D. F.] "Gat" is perhaps "Gatan" 
or " Gez," and " Seugon" (infra) may be taken to be " Sekui," all on 
the Royal Geographical Society's Map, a little to the north of Rds- 
al-Kuh. 

^ I do not know what " Hyr" represents. The " great hosts" were 
doubtless Mongol hordes. — D. F. 

^ " 7/V?"= usually "uncle." But as that relationship is impossible 
upon any construction of the foregoing text, I have preferred the 
vaguer term. 

' "//<?rwa«^"= brother, viz., of the king of Harmuz. One cannot 
be sure of the exact relationship, but this construction is rendered 
likely by the Musalman custom of giving a girl to her father's 
brother's son, if possible and convenient. 

* "Keys" is marked "Kenn" on some modem maps, and lies 
within the Persian Gulf, about three degrees west of Hormuz Island, 
and half a degree south of its latitude. We shall hear a good deal 
more of it presently. It is the " Kais" of our charts and The Persian 
Gulf Pilot, 



158 APPENDIX A. 

afterwards Mir Xabadin Molongh, king of Harmuz, died, and a 
certain Rex^ Xarear, his wazir, assumed the kingdom. 

When the men of Keys heard of Molongh's death and Xarear's 
doings, they dethroned Amir Seyfadin ; and he, fearing for his life, 
fled from that isle to Harmuz, where all men made him welcome. 
The usurper Xarear was then in the fortress of Kaream,* whither 
Seyfadin marched. Xarear, who held it with ten of his kinsmen, 
took arms, and bade every man shift for himself, or sell his life 
dear. But he and they were all slain, and Amir Seyfadin remained 
in possession of the kingdom. 

The first thing that the new king Seyfadin did, was to give 
three daughters of Rex Xarear to three chief men of his court in 
marriage. Then, not forgetting how the men of Keys had used 
him, he made war upon them, invaded their isle, beat them with 
great slaughter, and carried away captive some of their chiefs. 
He anchored at the Isle of Gerun, which now we call Harmuz,^ 
then a desert, where he slew his prisoners on a hill, called thence 
Kuy Kostaron, that is " Dead Men's Hill," and so it is called 
to-day.* Thence he went to Harmuz, and spent the rest of his 
life in peace, and Xabadin Mamud, his nephew, succeeded him. 

Xabadin Mamud, son of Ig^ second of his name, and eleventh 
king, had peace in his realm during his lifetime. 

On his death^ succeeded his nephew,* Amir Roknadin Mahmud, 
son of Hamed, in whose time Harmuz throve greatly. He kept 
many and good soldiers, with whom he won some great victories. 



^ For " Rais," a captain or commander, in civil life a ruler, or one 
who takes precedence amongst men of practically equal rank, as in 
the abolished " Raisships " of Sind, mere matter of seniority amongst 
the Amirs. This title has now come down in the world. 

• Possibly represented by Khamir, half-way through Clarence Strait, 
on the Persian shore. It has a big fort, a little port, and a trade in 
brimstone and millstones. [Or perhaps Karian, south-east of Minab 
(Old Hormuz) is the place meant. — D. F.] 

• This, it will be observed, is the first mention of the Insular 
Hormuz in the story. 

*"Kuy" certainly represents the Persian /Co A-{="ii'i\\ of" — 
" Kostaron " I cannot clearly identify, as no doubt any good Persian 
scholar could. The likeliest word seems to be khasrdn = " perishing." 
[More probably Pers. kusktdrdn=-s\2i\x%hx&ct6. ones. Nieuhof {op. cit, 
p. 232) says that on the top of this hill the Portuguese built a chapel 
called " Our Lady of the Rock." This is entered in the plan in Asde/s 
Collection as " N. S. de la Pena." The hill is shown in Capt. Stiffens 
view of Hormuz, and the ruins of the chapel are marked in his plan 
(see note p. 164, infra), — D. F.] 

^ In A.D. 1243, if the length of the reign and the date of the death 
of his successor, as given below, be correct. — D. F. 

• " Sobrinoi^ possibly a nephew of his predecessor, so I have trans- 
lated literally. 



KINGS OF HORMUZ. 159 

and new dominions as far as Zafdr. He reigned thirty-five years, 
and died in the year of the Hyxara 676, that is, a.d. 1278. ^ 

Amir Seyfadin Nocerat, son of Roknadin Mamud, and thir- 
teenth of his line, inherited the kingdom from his father. But his 
succession was opposed by two of his brothers, Amir Kodbadin 
Thahantan and Amir Moehzadin Fulad, or Pulad. Most of the 
soldiers favoured Nocerat, yet could he not prevail over his brothers, 
who forced him and his mother, Bibi Banek, to fly the kingdom. 

Bibi Banek went to Kermon, then governed by a Sulton Gela- 
ladin Suraget Mex. He received her with much honour, and 
supplied troops, by whose aid Seyfadin Nocerat was reinstated in 
his kingdom. His brothers ceased not yet from disturbing him ; but 
he got Amir Moehzadin Fulad into his hands, and put him to death. 

But the other, Mir Kodbadin Tahamtan,^ with a certain Malek 
Seyfadin Abubakra Hhaony, marched on Harmuz, and fought 
with Noceret in Demi, and beat him. He fled to Komzara, and 
thence in a tarranquy^ or light bark, to Lapht, a seaport in the 
Isle of Broct, which isle we Portuguese call commonly Queixome.* 
After his flight, the two allies agreed so ill, that Malek Seyfadin 
slew Kodbadin, and the citizens and soldiers in disgust recalled 
and reinstated Amir Seyfadin Nocerat, and cast Malek forth of 
the kingdom. After Nocerat's restoration, two more of his 
brothers. Amir Masaud and Amir Turkonxa, slew him by treason, 
with his sisters, Bibi Banek^ and Bibi Neyty. He had reigned 
twelve years, and died in a.h. 689, a.d. 1291. 

^ This the first date in the Kings of Hormuz^ and we are getting 
near the time of Marco Polo's visit or visits. Unfortunately, it cannot 
be certainly known to what period, or to what king, his remarks 
refer. (Vide Yule's Marco Polo^ sub vv, "Ormuz," and "Thuran 
Shah.") I cannot identify "Zafdr." It may be Dhofar, now the south- 
west boundary of Mdskat, on the coast. [Ibn Batuta calls Dhofar 
"Zafdr.''— D. F.] 

• As is mentioned in a footnote further on, the ruler of H ormuz, at 
the time of Ibn Batuta's visit, is called by that traveller " Kutbuddfn 
Tahamtan,'' the latter appellation meaning " powerful" or " intrepid." 
— D. F. 

' See infra, Couto {Dec. F/, passim) spells the word tarranquim 
and terranquim. I cannot trace the origin of the name. — D. F. 

* I cannot identify " Denii " ; the most tempting names on the maps 
are probably mere misspellings. But " Komzara," a rather recognisable 
name, is still that of a port, " Kumzdr," near Rds Musanddm, whose 
" inhabitants are fishermen, and possess fifty or sixty boats of different 
sizes. They take salt-fish, shark-fins, etc., to Kishm, with which place 
they have much intercourse^ Now Laft, although it is not Kishm, is 
on the Isle of Kishm, and was easily accessible from Kumzdr (vide 
Persian Gulf Pilots s, v.). [" Dend" is probably Deh Na of the Indian 
Survey Map of Persia, on the mainland, nearly due north of Hormuz 
Island ; and " Komzara" is, I think, Khamir (referred to in the note on 
p. 1 58X which is just opposite to Lapht. — D. F.] 

^ Bibi Banek, a little above, was his mother. She may have had a 



bUmM4, bitviag ^a^»m hi$ brothec, poffiesied immelf of -tie 
rti^i^.^ H>e w«$ W9riil(je aiMi bold, but k> cmt^ and Ukamditianftd 
t^^ be ^re$eot|y found bim^lf abiiorFad of all men, in ieaa of 
w\u>^ U^^ b^ i>b^ manXf ^><^ gentJe and sizQiIe ; and liie 
f^M>A^ i^iMi t;)M^ Utii^i betook th^nsdvef to Asaor Baliadin .^»z Sc^f- 
d/^. 't'))j^ mmy Im4 t><eeti a ^lare of ti^ laie King Xoc^iat, ^mho 
\}^ #Mc(i iri4i)i in him a^ to make iiini wazir of Kalafat, tiie 
4f*bmn l^ori mentioned abore. He now, feeling fior Hbt trosMci 
^n4 Mli^^ri^^^ of Hftrmu^i rai^ a foix^e, uniii idndi be passed die 
^fefi^j^^n UMlf, ^t^^k^ Amir Maaand, and beat bim in fig^ 
|^4^j^m4 fl^4 to K^rmon, and theace to Sjnan,^ ivbeie be died 
\mw\ yM^ft) ^fMsrward^, baying tiifpsd but llnee. 

Jl^jf g^h^jn Ayaz Seyfin, tiae ionner slave of lOr S^rfsufin 
^ppMRt; having l>«aten Maaaod, pc^aoied liie kizigdam, and 

f)f MPM^dc4 to reduoe it to order, bat not wiliiont fbrtber oppoa- 
jun. (nif two brotben; of the exiled Masand, ]£iT Turkon ILi and 
D^ji S^iiuk, (Corresponded vitb bim, plotting his lestondion. Kyzz 
I)e4r4 of thiS; t>eized and beheaded them, after which he had a 
iJUle moffi peaoe.' But in the year 700 df the Moon, which fefl 
in i^Qz 4.P.; there cam« out of Torkestam great hordes of Turks, 



cl^ugbter or step-daughter of her name, but it is quite as likdy that 
there h ^nu^ mistake, and that the mother is the lady meant here. 
" Masaud/^ \n modem scientific transliteration, is Masiud, atrisyllahle. 

^ Yule thinks that it was on his return journey (probably in 1492; 
that Marco Folo visited Hormuz ; and that therefore by '* Ruomedan 
Ahomet/' the name he gives to the then reigning sovereign, is meant 
Ma$aud, and not Ruknuddfn Mahmdd, as might be easily inferred. It 
is quite possible that Masaud had several names in addition to the 
single one that Teixeira records, and that it was by these that he was 
known to Marco Folo,— d, p, 

^ This stands for Sirjin, an alternative name of Kermin, the capital 
oi the province (sec Yule's Marco Polo, voL i, p. 92) ; Royal As. 
Soc. Joum., N. S,, vol, xiji, p, 492). 

' Hammer- Purgstall (G$$chichte der Ilchane, bd. ii, p. 50) says, on 
the authority of Abdul Wassdf :— " Hormus was, under the rule of 
the Salghur Atabegs of Fars, a governorship of the latter's ; after the 
fall of this famous dynasty Mahmud Kalhati, the governor of Hormus, 
took possession of the island for himself. His son Nussret put to 
death his brother Rokneddin Mesud, and the latter's wife. Melik 
behaaddin Ajas, one of her Mameluks, raised an army to avenge the 
death of his mistress, He was assisted by Dschelaleddin Sijurghut- 
mlsch, the ruler of Kerman ; but Behaeddin fled to the island of 
Kisch, where the mufti Dschemaleddin of Fars received him with 
open arms, and granted him from the Crown revenues twelve thousand 
piepes of gold yearly for the maintenance of the army. After he had 
defeated Mesud, he proceeded to the islands of Larek and Dscherun, 
and levied more than two hundred tomans in gold and silver and rich 
stuffs, went to Hormus, and caused state prayers to be offered in the 
name Qi Fachreddin Ahmed ben Ibrahim Et«thaibi. The mufti 



KINGS OF HORMUZ. l6l 

and conquered many lands in Persia.^ They attacked the king- 
dom of Kermon, and next that of Harmuz, and wasted it all ; and 
well if the mischief had stopped at that. For the wealth that 
they had found in those lands induced them to return so often, 
that the Harmuzis, unable to withstand such troubles, made up 
their minds to abandon their lands, and so they did.^ 

The Isle of Queixome, or Broct, lies along the Persian coast, 
parted from it by a narrow sound. It is five-and-twenty leagues 
long, and from two to three wide.^ Ayaz ordered the Harmuzis 
to cross into this isle, and they obeyed him willingly ; bringing 
with them all that remained to them, saved from the force and 



Dschemaleddin of Schiras, who has already been referred to above as 
the farmer-general of Fars, betook himself to Hormus, where dissen- 
sions arose between him and Fachreddin, the lord of the island, 
which had to be decided by arms. Behaeddin Ajas proved himself 
not ungrateful towards his former benefactor, and after the latter had 
een defeated in an engagement with Fachreddin, Behaeddin facili- 
tated his flight from the island. In the following year [the date 
" 15 July 1296" is given in the margin], when Dschemaleddin acquired 
the farm-general of Fars and all the coasts and islands appertaining 
thereto, he went at the head of an army to Hormus, with the 
mandate that Bahaeddin should vacate the island. Rukneddin Mesud 
had won to his interest the King of Islam, /.^., the mufti farmer-general, 
and he supported this demand with an army. Behaeddin Ajas 
pursued the warships of the King of Islam, which had approached 
the island, with his, defeated them, landed on the island of Kis or 
Kisch, and sacked it ; the King of Islam (Dschemaleddin) was uneasy 
over the consequences of his loss by land and sea, especially because 
the time of the monsoon was at hand, in which the ships from the 
Indian coast, which is called Mooter^ /.^., the West, should arrive. 
He therefore sent to Behaeddin Ajas, and by his means concluded a 
treaty with Fachreddin et-Thaibi." Yule, who justly terms the above 
account " frightfully confused," has attempted to explain some of the 
statements therein, and I would refer the reader to his note on the 
subject (Marco Polo^ vol. i, p. 125 ; see also vol. ii, p. 316 «). — D. F. 

1 These invaders were certainly subjects of the Mongol " Ilkhan " 
dynasty, of which Ghazdn Khdn and, after him, his brother Uljaitu 
(sons of Arghun, son of Abaka, son of Haldku, son of Tuli, son of 
Chinghiz) were the heads at that time. Thuran Shah and Teixeira 
are probably right in calling them " Turks." For, though the dynasty 
was Mongol, most of the tribes attached to it were Turkish. It is 
not unnatural that they should have been some time about working 
their way down to the hot south coast. But we cannot assume Thuran 
Shah's dates to be very precise. It will be evident, as we go on, that 
the Mongol raids should be spread over several years previous to 
A.H. 700, A.D. 1302, and that that was the date of the settlement of 
"Harmuz," conse(][uent on the raids {^ide Yule's Marco PolOy s, v, 
" Ormuz"). [In his Kings of Persia Teixeira says nothing of any 
Turkish invasion in A.D. 1302. — D. F.] 

3 It will be seen that the abandonment was not total. 

* See p. 19, supra, — D. F. 

M 



1 62 APPENDIX A. 

fury of the Turks.^ When they had got shelter in the island, after 
some days' rest therein, Ayiz set forth, in search of an isle, 
amongst several thereabout, wherein he and his folk might settle. 
He came to one that was desert, two leagues from that of 
Queixome ; on a point whereof dwelt an old man called Gerun,* 
with his wife, who lived by fishing, and sold his catch to the ships 
bound from India to Queis, or from Keys' to India, receiving in 
exchange rice, cloth, and other food and apparel. 

This Gerun, hearing from Aydz to what end he sought the isle, 
gave him counsel to come thither, for that he would find none so 
fit for his purpose. Aydz surveyed it, and, being content there- 
with, proceeded to ask for it from the king of Keys, who owned 
it, and all the other isles in the Persian Gulf. Keys, so called of 
the Arabs and Persians, but by the Portuguese Quays,* is a little 
isle in the midst of the Strait of BasorL^ It is well watered and 
wooded, and was of old the chief place of a kingdom ; but now 
desolate since the loss of its trade, for fear of the Noutaqui 
and Nicheld robbers, two breeds of pirates that ever infest that 
sea.^ It had once that sea-borne trade that Harmuz now has, but 
all that is lost in the wars, and scarce can it keep its own name. 

Neyn, who was then king of Keys,^ ruled also over Gerun, to 
which, during Ay^'s visit, there had put in a Muldh, or man of 
religion, called Xeque Ismail, a native of a village near Lara,^ a 

^ Barros {Dec, II, Liv. 1 1, cap. ii) and Couto {Dec, V, Li v. x, 
cap. i) both ascribe the founding of the kingdom of Hormuz in the 
island of Janin to " Gordunx^ " or " Groduxi," and date the migra- 
tion of the Hormuzis from the mainland in a.d. 1273 and circa 1250 
respectively. The Dominican, whose version of Turin Shih is given 
in Appendix D, below, attributes the transference to "Cabadim." The 
author of the Comment of Af. Dalb. says that he could not learn the 
history of the foundation of Hormuz (vol. iv, p. 18O. — D. F. 

2 Barros («. s.) also speaks of this old man " Gerun " : but the 
Dominican, it will be seen, says that the island was called " Janin," 
on account of its desert condition. — D. F. 

8 These two names undoubtedly refer to the same island, and I have 
transcribed them and translated the passage literally, to show our 
author's methods of spelling. 

* A third spelling, within one paragraph oi iYi^ ecUtio princeps. 

* That is, the inner or proper Gulf west of Hormuz. Kais is far fi-om 
the middle, near the Persian coast, to which it belongs, and is now a 
prosperous little island enough, though by no means metropolitan. 
The reader will have noted above that the dynasties of Kais and ot 
the continental Hormuz were closely related. 

* Regarding whom, see supra, pp. 20, 21. — D. F. 

T We shall, once or twice, find again this name of " Neym" in con- 
nection with " Keys." And it is worth while to remember that the 
" Banu Naim" are still a great clan on the Persian Gulf. 

® For the name of this "village near Lara" see next note. From 
the authorities there quoted it would appear that the Shaikh's name 
was Ddnidl, and not Ismail, as here given. — D. F. 



KINGS OF HORMUZ. 163 

city of Persia. This man was wont to come annually at a certain 
season, on tour amongst those isles, to beg alms for himself, and 
for the poor of his town. Aydz, having conversed with him and 
found him capable, thought fit to employ him to obtain that 
island from the king of Keys, whether by gift or by sale, so that 
himself and his folk might go thither. He promised the Mulah 
a good fee for his trouble, and the latter managed so well that he 
obtained the isle ; and though it was offered as a free gift, yet he 
would not take it but on fair purchase for cash. In memory of 
this service, it remained the custom of the kings of Harmuz to 
pay yearly to the descendants of that Mulah a certain fee, for 
which I have myself seen them come more than once.^ 

Aykz, having obtained possession of the Isle of Gerun, pro- 
ceeded to settle there with his people, and gave it the unforgotten 
name of his own land, that is Harmuz.' But the Persians and 
Arabs yet commonly call it Gerun ; nor has the ancient Harmuz^ 
on the mainland lost its name, but retains it to this day. Indian 
navigators are wont to divide the Persian Gulf into two parts, 
namely, the Strait of Harmuz, beginning between Guadd in 

^ Barros (Dec, //, Liv. il, cap. ii) gives a somewhat different version 
of the transaction. He says that the King of Cdez was willing to sell 
the island of Gerum to Gordunxd, but that several of his courtiers, 
and especially his queen, strongly opposed the sale, on the ground 
that the island was the key to the Strait. These objections led to strained 
relations : but, through the intervention of a caaz (priest) named 
Xeque Doniar, Malec C^ez, after an angry altercation with his queen, 
let Gordunxd have the island. Barros, who states that bribes played 
no small part jn the transaction, adds that, at his own request, the 
caaz was granted by Gordunxd a perpetual alms for a house of prayer 
on the island, " which alms the kings of Ormuz who succeeded to this 
Gordunxd at this present day pay to a mosque that this cactz built in a 
district called Hongez of Xeque Doniar, near the city of Lara, which 
will be some forty leagues from Ormuz." Couto (Dec, V, Liv. x, 
cap. i) records the transaction briefly, ascribes the opposition to the 
mother of Malec Cdez, and says not a word of any intermediary. The 
Dominican's account (infra^ App. D) is silent regarding any negotia- 
tions whatsoever in connection with the migration to Jarun. In 
connection with what Barros says of "Xeque Doniar," I quote as 
follows from Ibn Batuta's narrative (op, city torn, ii, pp. 241-242) : — 
" We left L^r for the town of Khonjopdl : the khd of this word is 
sometimes replaced by a hd (Honjopdl). It is there that the shaikh 
Abu Dolaf dwells, whom we wished to visit. . . . In his hermitage 
is found the tomb of the pious shaikh, the friend of God, the saint 
D^ni^, whose name is famous in this country, and who enjoyed a 
high rank among contemplatives. This sepulchre is surmounted 
by a high cupola, erected by the sultan Kutbuddfn Tamahtan 
(Tahamtan), son of Ttirdn Shdh." The name of the place seems to 
represent Persian khdnaga or hangdh = dervish monastery 4- 
pahlaw = saint. — D. F. 

2 See Linschoten, vol. i, p. 46 and notes. — D. F. 

• See supra^ p. 155. 

M 2 



l64 APPENDIX A. 

Persia and Cape Rozalgate in Arabia -^ and the Strait of Basord, 
from Harmuz or Gerun inwards to Basork^ itself, standing at its 
head, where it receives the united flood of the historic Tigris and 
Euphrates.* 

Now betwixt these — though not fairly in their midst, for the 
first is about a hundred leagues long, and the other two hundred 
— this Isle of Harmuz or Gerun stands like a gate-post or beacon. 
It is some six or seven miles about ; five miles from the nearest 
place in Persia, that is, from Do9^r,^ and nine leagues from 
Arabia, on which coast the fairway is not as good for great ships 
as on the Persian shore, but yet navigable. 

This little isle contains some things worthy of note, whereof I 
shall briefly relate a few, for the reader's pleasure.* 

This Isle of Gerun was of old volcanic, for which reason it 
remains so rugged as to amaze the explorer of its interior. It has 
a lofty range of hills running east and west from the sea to sea.^ 
From the foot of this to the northern promontory, whereon stands 
the fortified city, there is a less rugged plain. But beyond^ the 
main range, there is nothing but lesser ranges, separate hills, and 
a rugged wilderness. There is plenty of good rock-salt, and very 
pure sulphur f whereof, during my stay, there were found mines, 
and much got out of them. During the rains, which are very 
heavy, the storm-water from the hills flows over the plain around 

1 The modem " Gulf of Omdn." 

'^ Modem "Persian Gulf," proper. Yet we still talk of ships 
employed at Mdskatas on service **in the Persian Gulf." The "Straits 
of Ormuz " of to-day are the narrows, between Hormuz and Ri,s Mu- 
sanddm. » The Shat-al-Ardb. 

* Further on " Do9ar" is described as " a stream." It is not on 
modem maps ; but Valentyn's map of Persia has a " B. dosar." 
Couto (Dec, Xy Liv. ii, cap. xii) mentions " Dogar," and Barros 
(Dec. Ill, Liv. VI, cap. iv) has " Ducar" (for " Duqar")-— D. F. 

^ With the description that follows compare that of the Dominican 
writer given in Appendix D, infra, and those of Barbosa (pp. 41-46) ; 
Linschoten (vol. i, chap, vi) ; Pyrard (vol. ii, chap, xviii) ; Comment of 
Af DcUb. (vol. iv, chap, xliii) ; P. Delia Valle ( Viaggi, Pt. 11, p. 524 
et seq.) ; and Nieuhof {Churchill s Voyages, vol. ii, p. 232 ei seq.), the 
last being largely copied from Garcia de Silva y Figueroa (see 
L Ambassade de D, Garcias de Silva Figueroa, pp. 31-46). See also 
Capt. A. W. Stiflfe's account, with map and plans, m the Geographical 
Magazine, April, 1874 ; and Mr. Wm. Foster's " A View of Ormus in 
1627 " (with curious sketch by David Davies) in Geographical Journal, 
Aug., 1894 ; and the plan and views in Danvers's Portuguese in 
India, vol. ii, pp. 211, 298 ; vol. i, p. 330. — D. F. 

• The central peak is 690 feet high (Persian Gulf Pilot), 
^ I.e,, south of. 

^ Cf. Barbosa, p. 41. In the Lembranga de Cousas da India 
(Lisbon Acad, of Sciences ed., p. 46) " o emxofre d'oramuz'* is given as 
one of the articles of trade at Cambay. The Comment, of Af Dalb, 
(vol. i, p. 188) also mention the sulphur mines. — D F. 



KINGS OF HORMUZ. 165 

the city, and thereof is made much salt, by the mere operation of 
nature and the heat of the sun, which is very great there. And it 
is a thing worth wonder, that though this isle stands in 27^^ deg. 
N. lat., its summer heat is almost past bearing, and such as only 
on trial could well be believed. There are in the isle three 
perennial springs, in different places at the foot of the hills, whence 
flow three streams of clean and clear water, but as salt as the sea. 
And this salt gathers and hardens so under the sun, that I have 
often ridden over it, the water yet flowing below. 

All this salt, as well as the rock-salt, which is clearly seen to 
increase like the rest, is very medicinal. But only that won from 
the wat^r by the sun's help is used in victuals and condiments. 
For the rock-salt is so strong that, instead of preserving meat, it 
wastes the same, or any other provisions on which it may be strewn. 
Nevertheless some ships, and specially those from Cochin, take 
it in as ballast, and carry it to Bengal, where scarcity gives it a 
value. For in all the lands thereabouts is no salt made, but in 
the Isle of Sundiva alone.^ There must be a like dearth of salt in 
many provinces of China, where it furnishes the chief of the royal 
customs. And this would seem to be the reason why most of the 
hams which the Portuguese bring thence are cured with alum.* 
Now we will drop the salt, as not necessary to our narrative. The 
Isle of Gerun, or Harmuz, has two bandels^ or bays, the eastern 
and western, so hollowed out of the coast that their heads lie close 
together,* in a sandy point, where now stands the Portuguese 
fortress/ one of the finest in all the East in importance, and in plan 
and construction. On this spot dwelt the old man Gerun, from 
whom the isle has its name. 

There is no fresh water, but rainwater caught and stored in 
many cisterns,* which are of great relief to the poor in summer. 

^ Sic in orig, 

' For a description of this island, and a summary of its history 
since the sixteenth century, see Hunter's Imperial Gazetteer of India, 
s. V. " Sandwfp." A letter, dated 29th Dec, 1610, from the Viceroy of 
India replying to one from the King of Spain, refers to the revenue 
from salt in Sundiva, which, Filippe de Brito reported, "was of 
importance, and might become considerable." — D. F. 

^ Rock-salt has not been found in China ; alum is abundant. A 
large revenue is still obtained from the gadei (see Wells Williams's 
Middle Kingdonty vol. i, pp. 308, 443). — D. F. 

* ^^ Juntas J* As a matter of fact, they were united by an artificial cut 
in later years, but not when Teixeira was there, nor when his book 
was printed, nor at this day, 1898 {Persian Gulf Pilot), 

^ See the plans of Hormuz referred to in the note on p. 164.— D. F. 

* Cf. Linschoten, vol. i, p. 52. In 1583 the captain of Hormuz, 
Mathias de Albuquerque, fearing that in a siege the water-cisterns in 
the fort might be breached, caused to be made twenty-seven large 
" tanks " of teak, like those used on board ship, to hold water (Couto, 
Dec, Xy Liv. VI, cap. x). The remains of the water-cisterns are 
still to be found, scattered over the island. — D. F. 



l66 APPENDIX A. 

Only in Torunpaque, which is a patch of salt white soil on the 
point of the isle, there is one well which the king and the wazir 
use to water their gardens there.^ In these all plants of those 
parts grow in perfection. But, contrariwise, in all the rest of the 
isle is no tree or plant to be seen, except that on the plain 
there are some thorny evergreens called conar^ which bear a 
berry like the jujube, and on the ground a few little mallows 
may be seen in spring time. And there is purgative senna, which 
they call senna of Mecca.^ 

Of this salt mud they make water-vessels on the spot, which, 
when once sweetened, keep the water cool and pure. And I 
remember now that in 1596, when I happened to be at Harmuz,^ 
the then king, Ferragut Xi,* a pretty old man, fell in love with the 
cash of one Bi Fatima, an old lady, the widow of one of his 
subjects called Rex Bradadin,^ who had been wazir of Mogostam 
on the Persian mainland. She was said to be very rich, and the 
king proposed marriage to her. But she, to put that idea out of 
his head, told him that he might do so when he had made a new 
garden in Turiinpaque, and found a new freshwater spring. This 
she thought impossible, but the old man, doubtless spurred by 
his greed, was no laggard. He planted a new garden better than 
his old one, and found a good sweet spring ; but not for all that 
did he get hold of the money. 

Near this Torunpaque, among some rocks not far from the sea, 

^ " Torunpaque " can hardly be said to survive, nor do its wells and 
gardens. But, on the east point of the isle, our charts show " Turum- 
bagh (Ruins)," which can hardly represent any other place than this : 
the less so, as the hills above this part of the shore are the only hills 
on the island that are not salt. Probably the original name of the 
garden was " Tiirdn Bdgh," and indicates its plantation or renewal 
by the royal historian. At least, one would like to think so. (Vide 
Persian Gulf Pilots sub voce " Hormuz," and charts.) [On " Turum- 
baque" ana its wells, see Comment, of Af, Dald,, vol. i, pp. 138-140, 
175-178 ; also Nieuhofs description of the place as he saw it in 1662 
(pp. cit^ p. 233).— D. F.J 

' The ^^ conar^^ certainly was a jujube (Zizyphus), I cannot find the 
name in either dictionaries or botanical books, as one of that genus 
of plants. But Thevenot gives it as the name of a tree, abundant in 
this very region of Persia, with a description and drawing, and his 
tree was pretty surely Zizyphus Spina Chris ti (Lovell's translation, 
London, 1686, Pt. 11, p. 1 17). The " Sena Maky^^ was probably Cassia 
halo sericca^ which grows even on the barren rock of Aden. But it 
may have been C, angusiifolia, which also bears that name. Quaintly 
Indianized by Hindus into sonamukhi = " golden-face." [Johnson's 
Persian-ArabiC'English Dictionary has " kundr^ the lote-fruit," which 
is the fruit of Zizyphus lotus^ and the supposed food of the Lotophagi. 
— D. F.] ' See Introduction. — D. F. 

* See note at end of this Appendix, and also Appendix B. — D. F 

* Cf. infra. This is probably the " Rax Lardadi" (read " Bardadi") 
mentioned by Couto {Dec, X^ Liv. 11, cap. xi).— D. F. 



KINGS OF HORMUZ. 1 67 

is a spring which the native Harmuzfs call Abdarmon, that is to 
say, " the medicinal water."^ It is very purgative, and at a certain 
season many come here and drink it, quant suff. And when they 
feel relieved, they eat a little of an orange or lemon. If they pass 
the pips presently, they think the cure complete, and go to dinner. 
There is plenty of game taken on the isle, namely gazelles, 
adibes (which are a sort of foxes), partridges, turtle-doves, and 
other birds. And it is matter of marvel what these creatures can 
drink, seeing that there is no fresh water in the isle but what I 
have mentioned. Some pretend that they drink salt water, and 
others tell other equally ill-founded stories.^ 

The city is not now very great, though it has been. But the 
most and best part of it was removed to clear a great esplanade 
in front of the fortress.^ The houses are well built, of an indiffer- 
ently good stone, quarried on the island, and of that fished out 
of the sea, as has been related already,* which is light, and best 
endures the earthquakes from which the isle suffers. The cement 
is made of white gypsum, abundant on the mainland, which they 
call gueche^ and of a local sort, red, and not so good. They 
use another cement for buildings set in the water, which I will 
describe briefly, as here unknown. They call it char&y^ and it 
is made of the oldest and best cured dung collected on the 
middens. They take the upper stuff off this, and make cakes of 
it, and dry them in the sun. When they are quite dry, they 
make a mound of them, and burn them for a while, and keep 
the remaining ash. Of this they take a certain quantity, and lay 
it on a hard clean place ; and around it stand seven or eight 
Arabs, men of that trade, every one with a staff in hand, who set 
to work to thresh it, striking all together. And one of them sings 
out, from one up to a settled number, the rest answering at each 
stroke in the same tone. And so it is brought to perfection, and 
used up at once ; for if it be left to cool, and kept over a day, it 
goes bad, and is useless. This stuff is especially proof against 
water, and resists it for many years."^ 

^ From ^ = " water " and ddru = " medicine." The spelling is 
evidently corrupt. 

2 There is not space here for an essay on the desert fauna of Persia. 
It is enough to say that the creatures mentioned are by no means 
impossible inhabitants of Hormuz. The adibes^ according to the 
dictionaries, should have been either wolves or hyaenas, but were pro- 
bably jackals. \Adibe=PiX3}a\c ad'dib^^^xYiQ wolf," from zib^violi, — 
D. F.] 

' Cf. the plans referred in the note on p. 164. — D. F. 

* In the Kings of Persia^ Bk. i, chap, xxxiii (see infra^ Appendix B) 
^ Gachy Persian, = cement or mortar. 

• Probably sarugh = cement (Persian). 

^ The mixture of good ashes with cement is well known throughout 



l68 At>PENt>lX A. 

The people of Harmuz are mostly white and well-conditioned, 
the men courteous, and the women good-looking. They all 
speak Persian, though not of the best^ and all the natives are 
Moors, some Xyays who follow Aly, and others Sunys, who follow 
Mahamed, of which last is the king. Besides these there are 
many Christians, Portuguese, Armenians, Georgians, Jacobites, 
and Nestorians, and many heathen, Baneanes, Bangasalys, and 
Cambayatys,^ and about a hundred and fifty houses of Jews. 

Although the isle produces nothing of its own, all supplies are 
imported in abundance, and everything fetches a fair price, and 
is sold by weight. The climate and air are healthy, and disease 
is rare in summer, because the terrible heat and profuse sweat 
dispose of all ill-humours. But in autumn one pays for any 
irregularities of the summer. To conclude, Gerun is a place of 
general resort and open mart^ for all the world ; and there are 
exchanged all sorts of goods, and as much of them as any could 
wish, brought from many lands by merchants of various nations f 
of which matters I will treat no more in particular, but return to 
my narrative of its foundation, which happened, as has been 
said, in the year 700 of the Moors' calendar, being a.d. 1302, 
when it received the name of the ancient city, which it keeps to 
this day.* 

It throve exceedingly for the next two hundred years, so that 
it dominated the most part of Arabia, and much of Persia, and 
all the Persian seas as far as Ba9ord. And so it lasted until 
its conquest by the Portuguese, whereupon it began to decline, 

the East, and Asiatic masons love to mix in it ingredients dictated by 
fancy or tradition, such as galls and sugar. But I think that some- 
thing more than ashes must have been used in the cement described, 
the manufacture of which was apparently a trade secret, confined to 
" Armbes que son officiates de aquello^^ />., to a trade guild. [A very 
similar description of a building material used at Gombroon is given 
by Mandelslo (Travels^ Bk. Ill, p. 10). — D. F.] 

* These are all Indian. The Banians (properly Wdnfs) of Gujarat 
are well known. " Bangasdlys " is not the name of any race or sect, 
and it is probably a slip for " Bangdlys ;" at least there is some 
confusion. A " Bangasdly " would be a warehouseman, or the super- 
intendent of a government warehouse, more or less " bonded," which 
is a very old mstitution in the East. The derivation of the word 
seems a little doubtful, but it survives in Calcutta as " Bankshall " 
{^vide Hobson-Jobson under that word). A merchant called loghei 
Bangsaly is mentioned below. Appendix B. Cambayatys are men of 
Khambayat, which we call " Cambay." 

' This must not be taken to mean that it was a '^free port" in the 
modem English sense, but only an " open door." 

^ Cf. the Dominican's account in Appendix D, infra ; Barbosa, 
p. 41 ; Castanheda, Liv. 11, cap. 58 ; Linschoten, vol. i, p. 47 ; Pyrard, 
vol. ii, p. 239. — D. F. 

* " Con el nombre del antiguoy como oy se llamaJ* 



KINGS OF HORMUZ. 169 

by reason of the oppression and violence of the Portuguese captain 
and his officers, lying too far away from such as might have 
amended the same.^ 

Aydz Ceyfin reigned ten years in Gerun, or Harmuz, and some 
say that he died at the end of that time, in the year 7 1 1 of the 
Hyxdra, a.d. 131 2. Others relate that when he had set all 
things in order in that new dominion, he handed it over to Amir 
Ayzadin Gordonx^, son of Salhor and Biby Zeyneb, and de- 
scended of the ancient kings, and returned to his wazirate of 
Calayat, in Arabia, where, after a while, he died, The title " Bibi," 
which I have mentioned several times, is Persian for " Lady." 

Amir Ayzadin Gordon Xd, sixteenth on the list of kings of Old 
Harmuz, and second of the New,^ proceeded on his accession to 
confirm his peace and amity with Neim, king of Keys, of whom 
Aydz had had the island. So he sent ambassadors thither, but 
dealt in such conditions and reserves, that Neim, finding him 
bent upon some change, determined to anticipate him, and raised 
troops for an invasion, using the aid of Malek Ayzadin, governor 
of Xyrdz.3 Now, of various causes of quarrel by him set forth, the 
chief was that his customs were wrongfully diminished by Gor- 
donxi, who detained at Harmuz the ships of India bound for 
Keys.4 

The governor of Xyraz joined him with many and good troops, 
and they sailed together for Harmuz, whence Gordonxd came 
forth with his people, and awaited them at Sirmion,^ a place in 
the isle of Broct or Queixome, with intent to hinder them from 
watering. Here he heard that ten laden ships of India, bound 
for Keys, were in the channel between Harmuz and Larek, which 
is an isle four leagues south of Harmuz, towards Arabia. He 
sailed out with his fleet, engaged and took them, and carried them 



* This seems to be pretty plain speaking,and would probably have got 
the writer into trouble had he written in his own country and language. 
However, it entitles him to the more credence when he gives a good 
character to Diego Munis Barreto, captain in 1604 {Voyag^e, chap. ii). 
[But see my note thereon, supra, p. 19. Ant. Gouvea {op, cit., p. 15) 
speaks in similar terms regarding the malpractices of the captains of 
Hormuz, details of which will be found in Barros, Couto, Correa, &c. 
Cf. also Pyrard, vol. ii, p. 241 ; and White way's Rise of Portuguese 
Power in India, p. 296. — D. F.] 

' The kings of Insular Hormuz never quite relinquished their terri- 
tories on the Persian and Arabian mainlands. [As mentioned above, 
p. 162, n, Barros and Couto ascribe to this man the founding of 
the island kingdom of Hormuz. — D. F.] 

^ Cf. what follows with the details given by the Dominican trans- 
lator in Appendix D, infra, — D. F. 

* Cf. Ifndms of 'Otndn, p. 416. — D. F. 

* This port of Sermion seems to be represented by the modem 
Basidu, or Bassadore. [See supra, p. 19. — D. F.] 



I70 APPENDIX A. 

into Hannuz. Meanwhile the forces of Keys and X^Taz, a 
hundred and twenty ierradas (which are vesseb of moderate sizeX* 
ftill of men and well fitted out, were caught, near Sirmion, in a 
temble storm, such as are conunon in that strait Thdr fleet was 
broken up, and the commanders, with what few ships remained 
to them,' took shelter at Angam,^ a httle island which hes close 
against that of Broct, and forms a safe and spacious harbour. 
Here the king of Keys heard that Gordonxa had made prize of 
the India ships; by which news aroused, he landed his men, 
meaning to pass over into Harmuz the next night* 

Gordonxi, hearing of this, made ready with his men, perhaps 
twelve thousand, and posted the best of them^ on a beach called 
Karri,* about a thousand paces from the city, fittest for the enemy's 
landing. And there they attempted it, but were beaten off with 
heavy loss of ships and men. They drew off seaward, and the 
men of Keys made overtures of peace, but the Harmuzis would 
have none of them. And Gordonxi, advised by Sangor Rokna- 
din, his chief captain, determined to attack his unwary enemies, 
who took to flight when they heard of his intent, yet not so timely 
but that the Harmuzis made a great slaughter of them ; and after 
this defeat they returned to Keys. 

But in the year of the Hyxira 714, that is in a.d. 1315, they 
invaded Harmuz again, with many more men and ships, and 
blockaded the isle for four months, so straitly that Gordonxa must 
have surrendered, if he had not foreseen the case, and laid in so 
much provision that there was no dearth, nor any rise in prices. 



1 See supra, p. 22, n, — D. F. 

* ^La Ppca que Us quedd, " Stevens has " the ten ships that escaped ;" 
which 1 give as a sample of the misprints in his translation. ["Ten" 
should, of course, be *'few."~D. F.] 

» " Angam " is the modem " Henjam" (Persian Gulf Pilot), [C£ 
supra, p. 19.— D. F.] 

* ** Echdsu getUe en tierra, con animo de d,la noche siguiente passar 
en Harmuz,** Why he should land his men in one island, in order 
to take them to another the next night, is not clear. The distance 
from Angam (Henjam) to Kishm, which is the nearest point of the 
island to Hormuz, is at least thirty^five miles by land, so nothing was to 
be gained by a land march. Perhaps they only landed for refi-esh* 
ments, and " to stretch their legs " for a few hours. 

' " El mejor tercio.*^ There is evidently no use in arguing about 
the Spanish military slang of the i6th and 17th centiuies, when the 
subject is an Arab militia of the 14th. 

* This beach is mentioned again further on. Nieuhof (op, cit,, 
p« 232) says : " The Western part of the Island, extending along the 
Sea shoar, where Mountains end, is calPd Karu, where you see a 
few houses scattered up and down belonging to the Moors. " Kani " 
is apparently connected with Persian karan = shore. Couto (Dec, VI, 
Liv. X, cap. iii) spells the name " Chauru." — D. F. 



KINGS OF HORMUZ. 171 

When the king of Keys saw how little he could do, he betook 
himself to making the peace, but with ill design. Messages were 
exchanged, and it was agreed that the two kings should meet on 
the beach. The king of Keys came thither in a boat, and leapt 
ashore ; and when the king of Harmuz came to embrace him, 
•being a mighty man, he took Gordonxd up in his arms, and carried 
him aboard the boat, and then into his own terrada^ and set sail 
with all his squadron, before the Harmuzis could do anything to 
hinder it ; and so carried him off to Keys. 

When Bibi Sultan, wife of Gordonxa, knew what happened, she 
called on Malek Guayacadin Dindr, son of her brother Xanxa, to 
assume the government of the land. After five months, the king of 
Keys came once more against Harmuz, and brought Gordonxa with 
him, confined aboard a terrada. But when they had come more 
than half-way, there fell on them so fierce a storm that the fleet 
was scattered, and most of the ships were lost. That in which 
was Gordonxd was driven ashore on the beach of Harmuz, 
whither came a multitude of people, and brought him into the 
city with acclamation. 

But Malek Guayacadin Dindr, who by this time took on himself 
the state of a king, would not obey Gordonxa, who therefore took 
shelter in the house of one Koaia Mamud Kateb, his own secre- 
tary ; and, not feeling safe there, went the same night to the Persian 
mainland, and dwelt in the fortress of Minab, which name means 
" the Blue Fort."^ Dindr feared his return, and found that all men 
were deserting himself for Gordonxd, wherefore he fled from the 
isle to Makron, a kingdom lying between Persia and Send. Amir 
Ayzadin Gordonxa came to the Isle of Harmuz, and was received 
in peace ; and two years later he died there, in the year of the 
Moors 717, A.D. 1 318.2 

His son. Amir Mobarezadin Baharon Xi,^ succeeded him, and 
was seventeenth king of Harmuz. But the troops in garrison of 
the mainland chose for king a brother of his, Xa Kodbadin, and 



^ Presumably the Blue Fort, named from some blue-tiled building, 
or blue water, therein or thereabouts. Possibly only the Glazed or 
Enamelled Fort ; but even in that case probably owing its name to blue 
glazed tiles. 

2 Barros and Couto {ubi supra) record very briefly the conflict between 
the kings of Hormuz and Kais, resulting in the defeat of the latter 
and the annexation of Kais by Gordun Shdh. They add that the 
latter became a vassal to the king of Persia, and that he enjoyed 
peace for the rest of his reign, which lasted thirty years. — D. F. 

' Barros and Couto {ubi supra) say that Gordun Shdh was succeeded 
by his eldest son " Torunxd," who reigned thirty-four years (Couto has 
"twenty-four" by a lapsus penna). They record no events in his 
reign. It will be seen from the footnote further on that Ibn Batuta 
describes Kutbuddfn as son of " Tdrdn Shdh."— D. F. 



172 APPENDIX A. 

brought him from the fort of Barkamin,^ where he then was, to 
Minab. Baharonxa, hearing of this, made ready and went in 
search of him, whom he found with Malek Nazomadin, another 
brother ; engaged them, beat them, and returned victorious to 
Harmuz. 

His chief captains were Mir Xabadin Isuf and Mir Taiadin 
Zanguyxd, one by sea and the other ashore. They grew to be 
very jealous about his favour, and much disturbed the kingdom ; 
wherefore the king arrested both of them. Just then the men of 
Keys invaded Harmuz, but had no better luck than before, and 
retreated in disgust. On this occasion the king set free the two 
imprisoned captains. But Mir Xabadin Ysuf resented his usage 
and sought vengeance. Now the king wanted to make an end of 
the business of his brothers, who yet troubled him, wherefore he 
embarked with his people for the mainland. But, as the wind 
was against him, he could not set sail, and went home again for 
the night. At midnight Mir Xabadin Isuf, with some horse and 
foot, came to the king's gates, and called him out, saying that Bibi 
Sultan Salgor had invaded the isle in arms : which he believing 
came forth, and after him his mother, and his brother Nazomadin 
Agem Xd, who had lately been reconciled to him. Mir Xabadin 
Isuf took them and cast them into prison, and proclaimed him- 
self king in the year of the Hyxdra 718, a.d. 1319.^ 

Now there arose two factions in Harmuz, one that followed 
Mir Xabadin Isuf, and the other that of Mir Kodbadin, brother 
of the captive king, and formerly defeated by him on the main- 
land. Malek Dinar, above mentioned as having fled to Makron, 
returned to Harmuz with a strong force, giving out that he came 
to help Mind Kodbadin. But on his arrival, finding that Mir 
Xabadin Isuf s side prevailed, he made friends with him. Bibi 
Sultan, the sister of Dindr, and Bibi Nazmalek, the wife of Mir 
Xabadin Isuf, united their efforts for this reconciliation. But 
Xabadin, to make himself safe, cut the heads off the imprisoned 
king, his mother, and his brother. 

Xakodbadin went over to Kalayat,^ with Bibi Mariam, wife of 
Ayaz Ceyfin. At this time Xabadin Isuf heard that the men of 
Keys were invading him, and went forth against them. But 



^ I cannot identify this fort. [The Survey of India Map of Persia 
marks a number of "Birkets" on the mainland north of Kishm, 
Birket Bandar and Birket Mirzai being the nearest to Hormuz. — 
D. F.] 

' Barros and Couto {ubi supra) state that "Torunxd" was succeeded 
by his younger brother " Mahamed X^" the events of whose reign of 
twenty-nine years they pass over in silence. — D. F. 

• See Marco Polo's statement as to the rulers of Hormuz escaping 
to Kalh^t when any trouble arose, and Yule's note thereon {Marco 
Polo^ vol. ii, pp. 448, 449). — D. F. 



KINGS OF HORMUZ. 1 73 

when he had taken a post on their route, he took fright and came 
home again ; nor did they do any more than on former occasions. 
But after one year, Xakodbadin came from Kalayat, with Malek 
Gelaladin Queyzy and Koaja lamaladin Neym ; surprised and 
seized Harmuz, and made Mir Xabadin Isuf prisoner. 

Mir Xakodbadin, son of Gordonxi, having possessed himself of 
the isle and kingdom of Harmuz,^ presently did slay Mir Xabadin 
Isuf, his wife Bibi Nazmalek, his two sons, Mir Emadadin 09en, 
and Amir Agen, who were confined in the fort of Gat.^ It was 
not long before Malek Gelaladin Queyzy, and Koaia Gemaladin 
Neym, who had established Xa Kodbadin in his kingdom, plotted 
to slay him and keep it for themselves. He heard oif it and 
sought to take them, but they fled. Gemaladin Neym was 
drowned at sea. His ally took refuge in Keys, with a small 
following, and Kodbadin and his kingdom enjoyed peace for ten 
years. 

Now the old king of Keys was dead, and Malek Guayagadin 
had succeeded him. This king invaded Harmuz with a good 
fleet, while Kodbadin was in Mogostam, on the mainland, for the 
hot weather, which is insupportable in the isle. And he had 
surely taken it but for the defence of Mahamed Sorkab and 
Ebrahem Salgor, Kodbadin's captains of the gates, to whom he had 
committed the guard of it 

These drove away their enemy much discouraged. And when 
Xdkodbadin heard of it he came to the isle, and shortly fitted out 
a fleet, invaded Keys, and took it by surprise, with great slaughter 
of the Keysis, and capture of King Guayacadin and some of his 
kindred, whom afterwards he put to death. He left a strong 
garrison in Keys, and on his way back to Harmuz he conquered 
the Isle of Barhen,^ world-renowned for the precious pearls of its 
sea, and for the perennial springs of fresh water at the bottom of 
the same : of all which, since we are come to the said island, it 
will be proper to give some short account.* 



^ Barros and Couto {,ubi supra) s2Ly that to " Mahamed X^ " suc- 
ceeded his son " Cobadim " or " Cobadixi," who reigned thirty years. 
— D. F. 

^ Perhaps Gez or Gatan of the Royal Geographical Society's maps. 
[See supra, p. 157, n, — D. F.] 

• Kutbuddfn did not take the shortest way home. Bahrein is 
about 3 deg. west of Kais, and Hormuz about 2^ deg. cast. The 
direction is, roughly speaking, from west and by south to east and by 
north. 

* Cf. descriptions in Barros {Dec. Ill, Li v. vi, cap. iv) ; Comment, of 
Af. Dalb. (vol. iv, p. 187) ; Nieuhof {pp. cit., p. 243). For a modem 
account of Bahrem, see Palgrave's Central and Eastern Arabia, 
chap. xiv. On the antiquities of the place, see Royal As. Soc. Jour., 
vol. xii, N. S., p. 189, et seq. — D. F. 



174 APPEKDCC A. 

The Isle of Barhen stands within die namnrseaof Bacofi, 
between that port and the Isle of Genm, or Harmnz, and aboat a 
hundred leagues distant from each of these. It lies dose against 
the Arabian shore, opposite the port of Katiia, in the prorince of 
Lacih, one of the Turkish possessions in that region. The 
people are Arabs, excepting a Persian wazir and garrison.^ It 
belongs to the kii^dom of Harmuz, bat ever since a.d. 1602 the 
Kif^ of Persia has po^essed it by treason.^ The soQ is good and 

^ Thos, Keridge, in ^A note of the ports of Persda, obsenred from 
Sir Robert SheHey," dated Oct 1614 (printed in Letters Received hy 
the East India Company^ voL ii), sa^rs : — ^ Bareyne is an island upon 
the coast of Arrabya, 40 leagues oflf the coast of Perscia. It 3rields 
no profit for commodity^ except only the fishing of pearis, whidi are 
esteemed to be the richest and best in the world. This island the 
king of Perscia took from the Portingals and keepeth a garrison of 
800 horse therein* This place is environed with shoab in such sort 
that small fustoes very often run aground and is not navigable 
with vessels of burden" (see also Letters Received^ voL i, p. 307, voL ii, 
p. 99,) — D. F. 

^ Thos. Boys, writing to Lord Salisbury from "Spahune" on 
loth^une, 1609, refers to ^the Barren, . . . taken by the King of 
Persia some six years past" (Calendar of State Papers^ Colonial 
Series^ vol. i, No. 446). Ant Gouvea, who was in Hormuz shortly after 
the seizure of Bahrein by the Persians, gives details of the occurrence 
in his Rela^am^ Liv. I, cap. v. The guazil of Bahrein, having put to 
death a wealthy Moor whose pearls he coveted, was in turn assassi- 
nated by the Moor's brother, who then seized the fort for the Persians. 
The captain of Hormuz, D. Pedro Coutinho, dispatched a fleet 
under D. Francisco de Sotomayor to retake the place, the gucusil of 
Hormuz being sent with a large force to besiege it by land. 
Thereupon, Alaverdi Khdn, governor of Shirdz, sent an army under 
Adam Sultdn to lay siege to Gombroon, in order to divert the Portu- 
guese from Bahrein. Nevertheless, says Gouvea, the Portuguese 
would have recaptured the latter place, had not the Viceroy of India, 
Aires de Saldanha, misled by certain persons, replaced Pedro Cou- 
tinho by Diogo Moniz Barreto, owing to whose illness and the 
sickness among the Portuguese, as well as to the enem)r's being 
reinforced, the efforts of Gaspar de Mello de Sampaio to retake 
Bahrein were of no avail. In cap. xxii Gouvea relates how, in 1603, 
on a rumour that D. Jorge de Castelbranco was coming with a fleet 
from India against Bahrein, Alaverdi Khdn again beseiged Gombroon, 
and seized the territories of the King of Hormuz. By command of 
the Shdh, he retired once more to Shiriz, and Bahrein was ordered to 
be restored to the Portuguese ; but this order was never ftilfilled. In 
a letter of 25th Feb., 1605, the King of Spain expresses his fear lest 
Bahrein be occupied by the Turks, and commands the Viceroy, if the 

{)lace be not restored by the Persians, to make war on it by sea and 
and, and also to bribe the captain of the fort to give it up. In sub- 
sequent letters the King continues to urge the matter on the attention 
of successive Viceroys, the latest printed one (in Doc, Rem,^ torn, iv) 
being of date 21st March, 1617. With the loss of Hormuz, in 1622, 
disappeared PortugaPs hopes of regaining Bahrein. — D. F. 



KINGS OF HORMUZ. 175 

fruitful, especially of dates, which are most abundant. There is 
little wheat, but some barley. Rice, the staple food after dates, 
is brought from India through Harmuz. There is water in plenty, 
rather brackish than sweet. The best is that of Nanydh, the 
name of certain very deep wells in the centre of the isle. The 
next is that got from the bottom of the sea, as follows. The 
chief town of the isle, Manamk, is on the sea shore, and near it, 
in the depth of three or three and a-half fathoms, are several 
great springs of fresh, clear, and wholesome water. There are 
some men who make their living by bringing it up from below in 
waterskins, which they do very cleverly and easily, where it bubbles 
up, and sell it cheap.^ 

Certain of the oldest Moors of the isle, with whom I spoke of 
this, told me that these springs were once far inland ; but the sea 
broke in and overflowed them, as we see at this day. And I think 
it likely that from this the isle took the name of Barhen, which in 
Arabic means " the Two Seas " : from bar^ meaning sea, and hen^ 
that is two, namely, the salt and the fresh. Yet it might be 
derived from two abundant watercourses which run across the 
island, but the first derivation sounds more probable.^ 

This Isle of Barhen is famous for the number and quality of 
the pearls fished up in its sea and thereabouts, which matter I 
shall touch on briefly, as well known. There are in the East two 
great fisheries of pearls and seed-pearls,* namely, this of Barhen, 
in the Persian Gulf, and that of Manar. The latter is in India, 
in the sea between the Isle of Seylan and that part of the conti- 
nent which we call Tuto Kory, or more properly, Tutan Kory, 
from the Cape Cory, so-called by the natives, but by us Portu- 
guese Comory. Inwards,* this coast is continuous with that of 
Choromandel, or Choro Bandell, which is to say the Port of Rice, 
for that much is exported thence. 

The fishery of Barhen^ begins in some years in June, but more 

* All this description is confirmed by many other writers, ancient 
and modem. But this is no place for an article on so considerable a 
subject. [See Linschoten, vol. i, p. 52. — D. F.] 

2 The name, Bahrein, seems to have firstly and rightly belonged to 
the neighbouring peninsula, and afterwards been applied to this island, 
the ancient Tylus and modern Awil. Close to it lies Arad, the 
classic Aradus. " Bahrein" certainly does mean " two seas" or " two 
waters." 

3 « Aljofar:' 

* /.^., northwards, further into the Bay of Bengal. The quaint ety- 
mologies in this passage are out of favour now (vide Hobson-Jobsotiy 
J. w,), Tutan Kory, naturally, is our Tuticorin. 

* I (d. f.) append the following recent report on "The Bahrein 
Pearl Fisheries" : — " In the centre of the broad V-shaped bay that 
separates El Katr from Turkish El Katif, lies the object of much soli- 
citude, viz., the Island of Bahrein, famous throughout the world for 



1 76 APPENDIX A. 

usually in July, and goes on during that month and August A 
fleet is formed of about two hundred terradas^ more or less — a 
hundred from Barhen, fifty from Julfar, fifty from Nihhelu. They 
commonly go to fish at Katar,^ a port of Arabia, ten leagues south 
of the Isle of Barhen. When the oyster is fished up, it is presently 
opened, and the seed pearls are taken out. The pearls of that sea 
exceed all others in quality and weight I say in weight, because, 
of two pearls, alike in size and shape, one of Barhen will always 
outweigh one from elsewhere. The known value of the yearly 
trade of the isle, in pearls and seed pearls, is five hundred 
thousand ducats ; to say nothing of a hundred thousand more 
which may represent those smuggled away, for fear of the wazir's 
extortions. The farm of this land is worth more than four 
thousand ducats a year to the captain of Harmuz, exclusive of the 
profits of offices therein.^ 

its pearl fisheries, which rank with those of Ceylon. The island is 
thirty miles long, and from six to nine miles broad. The pearl fishing 
at Bahrein lasts, according to an Indian report, from June to October, 
and it is pursued not only at Bahrein, but along the entire Arabian 
coast. The Bahrein banks, stretching for a length of four to five 
leagues are, however, the richest and most certain. At the season of 
the fisheries some 4,500 boats of every size and rig may be seen, all 
busily employed. They carry from five to fourteen men each, and the 
total number of hands engaged is said to be 30,000. The scene is 
one of the greatest picturesqueness and animation. Like most of the 
gulf ports and trading settlements, it was taken early in the sixteenth 
century by the Portuguese, who established a station there and at El 
Katif, to ensure a monopoly of the pearl trade. When the pearls have 
been picked out of the shells, they are handed to the master of the 
boat, who proceeds to sort them by the manipulation of a triple set of 
brass sieves, pierced with holes of different diameter. The pearls that 
are unable to pass through the lar^^est sieve are called * Ras,' the resi- 
due of the second sieve are * Batm,* while the resulting contents of 
the third sieve are known as * Dzel.* Made up into separate batches, 
according to their classification, the assorted pearls are then sold to 
the pearl merchant upon an intricate scale of values, depending upon 
the shape, colour, specific gravity, and size. The merchant rearranges 
them in small packets and despatches them to the Indian market, 
whence a great many go back again to Arabia and Persia. Generally 
speaking, the Bahrem pearls are not so white as Ceylon pearls, but 
are larger and more regular in shape ; while they are said to retain 
their lustre for a longer period. The Ceylon banks require to be care- 
fully watched, and fishing is only permitted by Government at various 
periods. On the other hand, the Gulf banks give no indication of a 
failing s\x^^\yJ^ ^Journal of the Society of Arts^ March 15, 1901. 

^ There is now no port called Katar on our charts. But it is the 
name of the whole peninsula east of Bahrein. I cannot identify 
Julfar ; Teixeira says elsewhere that it was an Arabian port {Kings 
of Persia^ Bk. i, chap, xxvii). [See infra. Appendix B. — D. F.] 

2 Either there is some confusion here between the past and (the 
writer's) present ; or the captain must have managed to bargain for 



KINGS OF HORMUZ. 177 

In the sale and weighing of pearls they use querates^ or quilates^ 
adas, of which three make a quirafe, and tnaticals^ each of twenty- 
four quiiafes} The small pearls are classed for sale as of 20, 30, 
40, etc., to the matical. The Barhenis fish with a diving stone, 
in from twelve to fifteen fathoms of water. Besides the general 
fishery at Katar, during the season mentioned above, there are 
separate fisheries in September at Nihhelu, Barhen, and Julfar, 
and others at Mascate, Teve, and Ro9algate, all within the 
narrow sea of Harmuz. But these last are not very productive, 
though sometimes important enough to such as undertake them. 

The second fishery that I have mentioned is called that of Chilao, 
because it took place formerly^ in a port of that name in the isle of 
Seylan, in the same region.^ And this port is so called because 
" Chilao " means " fishery " in the Chingala tongue,* which is that 
spoken in the Island. It is carried on in April, and early in May,^ 
a month, and sometimes two, earlier than that of Barhen. For that 
is about the difference of time in the approach of the sun; this place 
being nearer the Equator, and the summer beginning earlier f and 
at that time the sea is most calm. 

The fleet is of four hundred to five hundred boats, each bearing 



this farm with the Persians — a thing not improbable in 1610, when 
the Portuguese were still in power on the Persian seas. 

' 2i///<fl;/^=" carat," Arabic kirdt, ^^ Matical" = PiXdib miskal (pro- 
perly mithkal)y an Arabian weight — about 73 gr. (see Hobson-Jobson^ 
s. V. " Miscall").— D. F. 

' A royal letter of February 20th, 1610, in Doc, Rem.^ mentions that 
no pearl fishery had taken place off the Ceylon coast for six years, 
owing to the tyrannous Ndyak of Madura's preventing the divers 
(Catholics) from coming. Joao Rodriguez de Si e Menezes, in his 
Rebelion de Ceylan (cap. vi), says, that when his father, Constantino de 
Sd, arrived in Ceylon, in September, 16 18, as captain-general, the 
pearl fisheries " for many years had become extinct, because of the 
great poverty into which the Paravas had fallen, for they made no 
profit for want of accommodation and of boats." — D. F. 

^ /.^., as Man^r. Chilaw is about forty-eight miles north of Colombo. 

* Teixeira makes the same statement in chap, xxxv of Bk. i of his 
Kings of Persia. It is almost as erroneous as that of Barros, who in 
Dec. III^ Liv. II, cap. i, says that Chilao means "perils or loss of the 
Chijs [Chinese]." Yule, in Hobson-Jobson, says that Chilaw " is a 
corruption of the Tamil saldbham^ the diving." The Sinhalese name 
is Haldvata or Saldvata (the ^^ Bandar Saldwat " of Ibn Batuta), which 
appears to be derived from j^i/4z/«=eddy, whirlpool (Sansk.^Vi/^z/ar/ii). 
The Tamil word ^0/4^^^=" pearl fishery" seems to be a corruption 
of Sansk.ya/i?v4^=** diver, diving." — D. F. 

^ A fuller description of the Ceylon pearl fishery is given by Ribeiro 
(Fatalidade Historica da Ilha de CeilaOj Liv. I, cap. xxii). — D. F. 

* Mandr lies in 9 deg., and the centre of Bahrein Island in 26 deg. 
N. lat. 

N 



1/8 APPENDIX A. 

from sixty to ninety men. One third of them are karoas} that is, 
divers, and the rest are called mandecas^ and attend them, two to 
each diver. The boats are all divided into certain compartments 
called peitacas^ wherein every diver throws his catch of oysters 
separately. They call the oyster chipo,^ They may not open 
these until the day fixed by the officers of the camp,^ after the 
fishery is over. This is generally of two balyos^ of eight working 
days each. They reckon up every day's catch, as one hundred, 
two hundred, or a thousand oysters of each boat, separately, in 
order to know when there has been fishing enough. For they wish 
to keep the production pretty close to a mean, lest they cheapen 
the pearls. When two balyos are not enough] they allow half a 
baiyo more, or even a whole one. The fishermen or divers are 
regularly paid, and have also their own catch ; save that every day 
they must give one dive each to the owner of the boat, at his 
choice ; and at the end of each week, one whole day's fishing. 

The Nayque of Madureh, who is the lord of their land,^ 
receives the whole fishery of one day in the season.® Another 
used to be given to shoe the wife of the captain of Manar, a Por- 
tuguese officer in charge of that sea. But this has been put a stop 
to by the good order of the Fathers of the Company,® who manage 
everything here.^^ The fishing takes place in from six to eight 



1 Sinh. kdrdva (pi. kdrdvS)™^*" a, man of the fisher caste," which was 
the one that engaged in diving. Ant. Gouvea {op. «'/., p.i^v) applies 
the term cored to a diver of Miskat. — D. F. 

' Tamil mandakkan^ mandakdl^^'' one that draws up the divers " 
(Winslow's Tarn, Diet). — D. F. 

' G. de Orta (f. 223 v) says that at Malacca the spaces in the interior 
of the durian were called /«Air<w. Dom. Vieira's Dice. Port, explains 
the word as meaning the room in a junk. It is Jayaniesepetak, which 
has various meanings, one being " a compartment or subdivision in 
the hold of a ship" (Crawford's Malay Diet), — D. F. 

* Tam. i/'^/= bivalve shell-fish or shell (see Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. 
" Chipe").— D. F. 

' ^''Real^^ the temporary settlement on the beach, from which the 
Ceylon pearl fishery is conducted. 

• I cannot explain balyo^ unless (as Mr. H. Beveridge suggests) it 
represents Sanskrit ^4/«= a turn of work. — D. F. 

^ " Aquellas tierras de su habitacion.^^ The " lands " referred to are 
those on the mainland, whence the fishermen come. [See foot-note, 
supra, p. 177.] On the Ndyaks of Madura, see J. H. Nelson's The 
Madura Country, Ft. in, pp. 82-86, and Caldwell's History of 
Tinnevelly, p. 55 et seq.—'D. F. 

8 After the Dutch had ousted the Portuguese from Ceylon, the 
claims of the Niyak of Madura and others formed the subject of 
much dispute and correspondence for many years. — D. F. 

» The Jesuits. 

^<* The spiritual care of the inhabitants of the north-western coast 01 
Ceylon, and the rents of certain towns therein, were allotted to the 



KINGS OF HORMUZ. 1 79 

fathoms of water, and diving stones are used. There are usually 
two Portuguese galeots to convoy the fleet, by reason of the 
Malabars, who have sometimes plundered or injured the fisher- 
men. The people who resort to the fishery, merchants, public 
and private servants, and fishermen, may be fifty to sixty thousand 
in number. Of these is formed a camp, where it may be conve- 
nient to the fishery. For that is not always in the same place ; 
but now in one, and again in another ; and the trade comes 
probably to more than a million and a half in gold every year. 

When the fishery is over, proclamation is made that the oysters 
may be opened. When this has been done, the flesh removed, 
and the pearls extracted, the people go over to Tutan Cory, where 
there is a fair which begins in the middle of June, and lasts 
through July, August, September, and sometimes all October.^ 
All dealings take place in ihtpatare,^ which is a building like a 
custom-house, by means of brokers appointed by the Nayque. 
He levies four per cent from the seller, but nothing from the 
buyer. The latter has forty-eight hours' time allowed him, within 
which he may cancel the bargain if he repent of it : which is done 
easily and honestly. There is much trade in smuggled pearls 
outside of the pafare, free from such hindrances as customs or 
return of the goods. They balance their accounts by numbers 
and weight, with some difficulty, but very cleverly and closely. ^ 

There are pearls in China also, but not of the highest value, 
except those of unusual form,* which we call here fopos -^ by the 
exportation of which to India the Portuguese have more than 
once made fortunes. So much has been written about pearls and 
seed-pearls^ that nothing remains to say. Yet, with due respect 
to all writers on the subject, I must say that it seems to me 



Jesuits when, at the beginning of the seventeenth century, they were 
permitted (much against the wishes of the Franciscans) to establish a 
regular mission in Ceylon. From contemporary official documents, it 
appears that the captain of Mandr was guilty of levying blackmail 
from the natives ; hence the loss of his wife's privileges referred to. 
— D. F. 

1 Cf. CaldwelPs History of Tinnevelly^ p. 73 et seq, ; Nieuhof s 
Travels^ op, cit,^ p. 295 et seq, — D. F. 

' I cannot explain this word, unless it is intended to represent 
Tamil dyatturai = " custom-house." — D. F. 

' Lit : " the reckoning and weight is by chegos^ by a method not 
easy [Stevens has *very easy* !] but very subtle and ingenious." Dom. 
Vieira's Dice. Port, explains chego by quilate = carat.— D. F. 

* " BarrocoSf* including drop-formed pearls, fit for pendants. 

6 Lit. "tops."— D. F. 

^ " Perlas y Aljofar^^ with the usual distinction. But Teixeira 
constantly uses aljofar as meaning full-sized pearls, and I have had 
to translate according to the context. 

N 2 



l8o APPENDIX A. 

unreasonable to assert that pearls are engendered of dew- 
drops.^ To this there are a thousand objections ; for instance, 
that the oyster itself, which is heavy and clumsy, cannot come to 
the surface to receive the dewdrop ; still less can it reach him 
pure at the bottom through so much of salt water. More- 
over, we know by experience that the deeper the water where the 
oyster is obtained, the more and finer are the pearls and seed- 
pearls, and those of the shallows less, in number and in size. 

Now it would not be thus if they came of the dewdrops, for 
those oysters nearest the surface would get most and purest dew, 
and be most influenced by the sun, acting more strongly on what 
is nearest him than on more distant objects. But the contrary is 
the case. And my opinion is favoured by what I have often seen 
and tried, both by myself and in company of Christians, Moors, 
and heathen, well skilled in pearls. That is, that we took out of 
the oyster-shells, with tools made for that purpose, pearls and 
seed-pearls produced by the shells themselves. These, whether 
for want of time, or from defective arrangement of their material, 
or from any natural or other cause, had not come to perfection, 
and yet remained united to the oyster-shell, of whose substance 
they were formed. But when they had been detached, polished, 
and set in order, they looked as if they had been bom apart like 
the perfect pearls, and fetched very good prices. 

Wherefore I hold it for certain that pearls are born and formed 
of the very matter of the shell, and of nothing else ; since this is 
very likely and the objections to the other opinion so great. And 
this is supported by the great resemblance of the pearl and the 
oyster-shell in substance and colour. Further, it is a thing 
observed and well vouched for, that whatever oyster contains 
pearls has the flesh unsound and almost rotten in those parts 
where the greater and less pearls are produced, in proportion to 
their quantity. And those oysters that have no pearls, or so few 
and small as not to be worth reckoning, are sound and clean- 
fleshed.^ And this is no weak argument in favour of my opinion, 
subject always to correction of better judgment. Yet I wonder 
at those doctors-'* who even now prescribe pierced or entire pearls 
in their recipes, making much of the difference, and their error is 
inexcusable. For they cannot be acquitted on the plea of 

1 A very old belief, embodied by Moore in his Lalla Rookh ; 

" And precious their tears as that rain from the sky. 
Which turns into pearls as it falls in the sea." — D. F. 

2 On the vexed question of the origin of pearls sec the Paper by 
O. CoUett on " Pearl Oysters and Pearl Fisheries," and the discussion 
thereon, in ihit Journal of the Ceylon Astatic Society for 1900. — D. F. 

' " SeHores DotoresJ' But one cannot describe a sixteenth-century 
doctor of physic by so very modem a phrase as " medical gentle- 
man." 



KINGS OF HORMUZ. l8l 

ignorance, not admissible in this matter, nor on that of precedent, 
which is inequitable : knowing that all pearls are of the same 
medicinal value, whether entire or drilled through, for none are 
naturally perforated.^ 

And now we will go on with Xa Kodbadin. He, when he had 
taken Barhen, as we have said, took also Katifa, Karga, and 
Derab, and mastered all the shores both Persian and Arabian,^ 
whence every year he drew great tribute. 

Xa Kodbadin had a brother named Nazomadin, whom he 
loved and honoured greatly, in return for which the other plotted 
his murder.3 Kodbadin went to the mainland to hunt,* and being 
in the Rudxur^ for that purpose, Nazomadin and his fellows, 
under pretence of chasing a hare towards Moridon, left the king, 
and went to the beach of Doc^r, a stream of the mainland, which 
lies opposite Gerun, or Harmuz, only five miles away. Here he 
embarked himself and his company, who were awaiting him, in 
terranqutSy and passed over to the isle. As all the chief of the 
people were away in the king's company, it was easily subdued, 
and when he had won it he called himself king. 

When Xakodbadin heard what road his brother Nazomadin had 
taken, he followed him at full speed. But by the time he got to 
the beach of Dosar, his brother had reached the isle. As he 
could do nothing else at once, he remained on the mainland, and 
secured himself in Kolongon,^ whence he sent out posts with 
letters to all his territories, calling for men and aid against his 
brother. This happened in the year of the Hyxaray 745 : a.d. 

1345- 
Malek Nazomadin, having taken possession of the Isle of Har- 



^ Cf. Garcia de Orta, Colloquios^ f. 140. — D. F. 

' This should not be taken to mean, necessarily, that his power 
extended even to Aden, still less to the Red Sea. But the modem 
history of the Imdms of Mdskat shows that such a maritime empire 
was easily established over a very much greater extent of the coasts 
of the Indian Ocean, by a similar dynasty, acting from a similar base. 
Katifaand Karga (Karak) retain the same or similar names. Derab 
seems to be an isle at the eastern mouth of the Shat-al-Arab. 

' A good example of our author's occasional style, translated ver- 
batim, 

* Compare what follows with the account by Ibn Batiita, given in 
a note infra (p. 183).— D. F. 

^ " Rudxur " = " Salt River." Probably this is the " Rudkhaneh-i- 
Shur " of the Royal Geographical Society's Map, near Bandar Abbas. 
I cannot find Moridon, nor Dockr, or Dosar, though there can be little 
doubt as to where the latter was, behind where salt marshes of later 
growth now lie opposite Hormuz. [See supra^ p. 164 «. — D. r.] 

• This is evidently the " Kulaghan " of the Survey of India Map, on 
the mainland north-east of Hormuz Island. — D. F. 



1 82 APPENDIX A. 

muz, proclaimed himself king,^ and sent speedy notice of his 
accession to all its dependencies, calling on the wazirs and 
governors to acknowledge him, and promising them his gratitude 
for their homage. But none came into him, except some towns 
of Hirahistan,^ who received his message. And even these, in 
the summer, sent to ask for troops to defend their palm-orchards 
against Kodbadin's men, who harassed them, so that they could 
not gather in their dates, the staple food of those lands. And 
they gave him warning that if he made any delay they must 
needs submit to Kodbadin. Nazomadin, advised of their mind, 
made up his own to pass over to the mainland; and first he 
tempted all the wazirs and chiefs who were with Kodbadin. But 
none of these accepted his promises, except one Homer Soiadin, 
chief gateward, and one of Kodbadin's commanders.^ When 
Nazomadin had secured this officer in his interest, he crossed 
over to Persia and marched towards Kolongon. Kodbadin 
marched to meet him ; they fought a drawn battle, and Homer 
Soiadin, with the most and best of his troops, went over to 
Nazomadin. Xa Kodbadin, seeing this, retreated towards 
lasquez, a place on the Persian shore, forty leagues from where 
he had lost the battle. 

Thence he crossed the narrow sea to Arabia, and landed in 
Kalayate, where he stayed for a year, and the port gained much 
by his presence, for he detained there the ships bound from 
India to Harmuz.* Here he received news of the death of 
Nazomadin,^ and that in his will he had strictly ordered the elder 
of his two sons, Xambd and Xadi, to go presently to Kalayate, 
submit to Xd Kodbadin, and deliver to him the kingdom, as his 
by right. But the young men did much the contrary. 

^ According to Barros and Couto {ubi supra\ " Cobadim" or " Coba- 
dixi " was succeeded on his death by his elder son " Ceifadim" or 
" Ceifadix^," who reigned twenty years. — D. F. 

' There seems to be little evidence as to these towns, but probably 
they were on the Persian mainland, east or north of the Strait of 
Hormuz, and west or north of Jask. 

' " Maestre de campoJ^ The translation may seem to exaggerate 
this officer's rank, but the sequel shows his importance. 

* Ibn Batuta {op. cit,^ tom. ii, p. 200) says that when he was at 
Dhofdr he was told " that the Sultan Kutbiaddfn Tamahtan (Tahamtan), 
son of Turdn Shdh, lord of Hormuz, once attacked it by land and 
sea ; but that God most high unchained against him a violent wind. 
His vessels were shattered ; he thereupon abandoned the siege of the 
town, and made peace with its king." If this incident actually 
occurred, it may have taken place at the time when Kutbiiddfn was 
staying at Kalhdt, as above mentioned. — D. F. 

* Nothing is said here of the poisoning of Nizdmiiddfn, as related 
by Ibn Batuta {infra^ p. i84«.). If the latter's story be true, Kutb- 
laddfn's expressions of sorrow must have been mere hypocrisy. — D. F. 



KINGS OF HORMUZ. 1 83 

Kodbadin showed much grief at his brother's death, and cele- 
brated funeral rites^ very handsomely after their fashion, putting 
himself and all his people into mourning. And he wrote to his 
nephews most affectionate letters of condolence, offering to hold 
them as his own sons. But they paid no attention to him, and 
managed their government in such fashion, that their follies and 
oppressions were a scandal to the whole kingdom. When 
Kodbadin understood them ill-disposed, he made ready to invade 
them, and sailed with his fleet to laguin, a town and port on the 
Persian coast,^ then inhabited by Arabs, like many others there- 
abouts. Here he was opposed by the very numerous and well- 
appointed fleet of his nephews, which he engaged and destroyed, 
with great slaughter of the crews. 

After this victory he sailed to Costek, whence came out to 
meet him Amir Aieb Xamgadin, a captain of his own, who had 
come from Old Harmuz with a considerable reinforcement for his 
expedition. Thence he sailed for Harmuz, or Gerun, and anchored 
off Karu, a beach of that isle,^ on which he landed and took 
possession of it by force of arms. When his nephews saw that 
they were ruined, and could neither fight nor fly, they used 
influential mediators and put themselves in their uncle's hands, 
asking only that some convenient arrangement might be made 
for their living. The king agreed to this, and gave them the 
Isle of Barhen for a residence for themselves and their depend- 
ents. 

With Kodbadin's return matters were greatly mended in Gerun, 
which had been in great misery and vexation under the rule of the 
brothers. The peace was kept, and justice administered ; and the 
price of provisions, till then scarce and dear, went down. Those 
who had been banished by order of the tyrants, or had fled for 
fear of them, were reinstated in their houses and property. 

Meanwhile, the brothers Xambd and Xady had gone to Barhen, 
and once there — for they could not be quiet — set about raising 
men and ships to invade Harmuz. King Kodbadin, when he knew 
of this, embarked and went against them, with all the force he 
could muster.* On arrival at Keys, where Xady then was, he 



1 These, of course, were only ceremonial. It does not appear where 
Nizdmiiddin was buried, but it certainly was not at Kalhdt. 

' Jaguin, or Jegfn, is still on our maps, a few miles east of Jask. 

' See note on p. 170, supra, — D. F. 

* Ibn Batiita, who calls the Sultan of Hormuz Kutbiiddfn Tamahtan 
(Tahemtan), son of Tiirdn Shdh," and describes him as an old man, 
dirtily clad, but very pious, says : " When we entered his island, we 
found him prepared for war, in which he was engaged against the two 
sons of his brother, Nizdmdddfn. Every night he made ready for 
battle, although scarcity reigned in the isle. His wazir, Shamsuddfn 
Muhammad, son of 'Ali, his kddi, Im^ddddfn Achchewank^i, and 



1 84 APPENDIX A. 

landed his men, but met with some resistance, and the matter 
promised to be tedious. The men of the island were now hard 
pressed, and the king's men impatient that these held out so 
long. Some of the men, thinking to make an end of the 
business, offered battle, without orders, to Xady. He, seeing his 
advantage, accepted it, and beat the Harmuzis with great slaughter. 
The king, with the remnant, embarked in disorder, and at once 
made sail for Harmuz. 

When the king got his forces into proper order again, he returned 
to the attack on Keys. Xady, who thought it not safe to await 
him there, went over to Barhen, where his brother Xambe was. 
The king came to Keys, took it easily enough, and allowed his 
soldiers the sack of it. Then, leaving a strong garrison, he 
returned to Harmuz, meaning presently to go against his nephews 
in Barhen. But they, seeing that he was gone, raised what forces 
they could, and led them against Keys, thinking to recover it. 



many distinguished men, came to visit us, and excused themselves on 
account of the occupations in which the war involved them. We 
passed sixteen days amongst them." After describing his interviews 
with the king, and his sister's son, 'Ali Shdh, son of Jaldliiddfn Alkfji, 
the traveller says : "This is the motive of the war that existed between 
the Sultan and his two nephews. The former embarked one day on 
the sea, at the new city, to go on a pleasure trip to Old H or muz and 
its gardens. The distance that separates these two cities by sea is 
three parasangs, as we have said above. The Sultan's brother, 
Nizdmdddfn, revolted against him, and arrogated to himself the 
power. The inhabitants of the island took the oath of allegiance to 
him, as also the troops. Kutbuddfn entertained fears for his safety, 

and embarked for the town of Kalhdt, of which I have spoken above, 
and which forms part of his dominions. He stayed there several 
months, equipped vessels, and set sail towards the island. The 
inhabitants of the latter engaged him, in concert with his brother, and 
obliged him to flee to Kalhdt. He renewed the same attempt on 
many occasions ; but he had no success until he had recourse to the 
stratagem of sending to one of the wives of his brother an emissary, 
who persuaded her to poison him. The usurper being dead, the 
Sultan proceeded once more against the island, and made his entry 
into it. His two nephews fled, with the treasures, the goods, and the 
troops, to the island of Kais, where are the pearl fisheries [sic]. From 
this place they set themselves to intercept the road to those of the 
inhabitants of India and Sind who were going towards the island, 
and to make incursions into the districts of the littoral, so that the 
greater part were devastated" {op. cit., torn, ii, p. 233 et seq,). The 
above, it will be seen, agrees to a great extent with Teixeira's version ; 
and, if we could rely on the dates he gives, Ibn Battita's visit must 
have taken place in 1346 or 1347. But, a little later, the traveller says 
that he left Ydman for Mecca in a.h. 732, i.e., a.d. 1332. It is true 
that he visited Hormuz some years later (on his way home from 
China), apparently, from his own statement, in A.D. 1347 ; but of his 
three days' stay there on this second occasion he gives no details 
{op, cit.y tom. iv, p. 311). — D. F. 



KINGS OF HORMUZ. 1 85 

However, when they were half way across, most of their captains 
and soldiers deserted them, and went over to the king. Amongst 
these were Xamcadin Mamud,^ Kamaladin Ismael, and Naceradin 
Moceleh, all chiefs of note. These, passing by Keys, warned the 
king's governor, Mir Tagdh, of the coming of the brothers. 

Sailing next to Lapht, in the Isle of Broct or Queixome, where 
Mir Sabekadin was in garrison, they took him on with them to 
Harmuz ; lest he, with his weak force, should be suddenly attacked 
by the brothers, and come to some misfortune. 

Xambd and Xady would not give up their enterprise for the 
desertion of their captains and soldiers. But, sailing past Keys, 
where they were not allowed into port, they came to Lapht. 

The king, forewarned of their arrival, had sent his forces into 
Broct, who encamped at Dargahon, near to Lapht,^ where the 
brothers heard of their arrival, and determined to attack them. 
So they stood to arms through the night, and fell on at break of 
day. But the king's men beat them off handsomely f and as they 
had attacked by sea and by land, so on both were they broken, 
and retired to Barhen with no light loss. When they had landed 
on that isle, the brothers were at discord, for each laid their ill- 
success at the other's door. And the matter went so far that 
Xady threw Xambd into prison, and would have slain him ; but 
their mother hindered him, and had Xambd released. 

He, once free, left Barhen, and went to the Persian mainland, 
and settled near Xyraz, in a village called Fal.* This is the place 
of origin of all the wazirs and ruling men of the kingdom of Har- 
muz, Reizes, Xarafos, Noradins, and Bradadins.* The governor 
of Xirdz heard of Xamb^'s being in Fal, and who he was ; invited 



1 This can hardly be the man described by Ibn Batiita as Kutbiid- 
dfn's wazir (see note supra), — D. F. 

* Laft and Darguwdn still keep their places on our chart. They are 
ports of the Isle of Kishm, on Clarence Strait. 

' " Gailardamenfe." 

* I cannot find on the maps any place of this name near Shir^, 
but there is a Falman a little to the north-east of that town. Johnson's 
Persian Dictionary^ however, has " Fal, name of a place in Persia." 
— D. F. 

^ This I take to mean that the kings of Harmuz chose most of their 
higher servants out of a clan or family of Persian khwdjas, originally 
resident in Fal, and keeping up a connection with that place. 
" Reizes," as we say " Raises," are rulers of almost any sort or size. 
" Xarafos " were probably treasurers. The two last words seem to 
represent " Nur-iid-din " and " Burh^-tid-dfn," which are often per- 
sonal names. I suspect them to have been, in this case, names of 
religious or legal dignitaries. [" Bradadin" (cf. sufra, p. 166) more 
probably represents Badr-tid-dln. — D. F.] "Ayzadm Gordonxd," the 
sixteenth king, may probably have been of this family by one side. 



1 86 APPENDIX A. 

him to his presence, and used him very honourably and liberally, 
for the sake of an old friendship with his family. 

Meanwhile, the summer came on, and the king Xd Kodbadin 
chose to pass it in Nakelstam, a district of Mogostam on the Per- 
sian mainland, cool and full of good water and fruit, which are 
not in Harmuz. So he and his court went there, and a few days 
later he fell sick and died, in the year of the Hyxara 747, and 
A.D. 1347. 

Turon Xd, son of Xa Kodbadin, succeeded to the kingdom of 
Harmuz by the death of his father.^ He it was who wrote in 
Persian the lives and doings of the kings that went before him, 
in prose and verse : not briefly, as I do, but in a great volume, 
whence I have extracted this short narrative. He was a good 
king, beloved and much honoured by his people. On his acces- 
sion he sent, as governor to the Isle of Keys, one Mamud Homer, 
a man of courage and experience. Xady, who was in Barhen, 
though knowing him for a good captain, yet desisted not from 
his design of invading Keys. When he got there, after some 
skirmishes and small success, he bargained secretly with a kins- 
man of Mamud Homer's for his betrayal at the first opportunity. 
This agreed on, Xady made pretence of a wish for some reason- 
able peace, and desired an interview. Mamud Homer agreed too 
easily and trustfully, and the meeting took place. Xady, who 
came well knowing what to do, managed to separate Mamud 
from his followers, captured him when defenceless, and deprived 
him of his eyes — or rather, of sight. 

This was a common practice, before and since that time, of the 
kings of Persia and of Harmuz, when they would assure them- 
selves against those whom they might fear, who were commonly 
their own kindred. At this day there are seen in Harmuz, on a 
hill near the Hermitage of Santa Lucia,^ rather over a mile from 
the city, the ruins of certain towers, wherein the kings used to 
keep relatives so blinded. The method was this : they took a 
brass basin, as hot as fire could make it, and passed it several 
times before the victim's eyes. And so, without any other in- 



1 Bancs and Couto («. s.) state that " Ceifadin" or " Ceifadixd** was 
succeeded by his younger brother " Torunxd," whose reign lasted 
thirty years. Castanheda (Liv. 11, cap. lix) speaks of this king as 
" Tuxura" (for " Turuxa"), but says nothing of the length of his reign. 
None of these writers mentions the fact of this king's bein^ the 
historian of Hormuz. The Dominican translator (see Appendix D, 
tn/ra) calls the royal historian " Pachaturunxa," and, by a curious slip, 
credits him with having reigned " ^kree hundred years, a little more 
or less" ! — D. F. 

* See the plan of Hormuz in Astley's Collection^ u. x., and Nieuhof s 
Travels, op» cit, p. 232. — D. F. 



KINGS OF HORMUZ. 1 87 

jury, the sight was destroyed by the effect of the fire on the 
opt'c nerves, the eyes remaining as clear and bright as before.^ 

After the blinding of Mamud Homer, Xady remained master of 
the Isle of Keys. The news came to Turonxd, who at once sailed 
in search of him. Xady had early advice of this, and wanted to 
fly from the isle, but could not, so close was the blockade. But 
it was winter, and though the king's men kept good watch by sea, 
it was not so strict but that Xady managed to get away, one very 
cloudy night, in a light tarranquin^ to Lapht, in the island of 
Queixome. The king, who had early news of this, pursued him, 
and anchored at Dargahon, near Lapht. Xady's companions 
heard of it, left him to himself, and betook themselves to the king. 
He, finding himself deserted, went at once aboard the tarranquy^ 
and sailed for Barhen with such expedition that, although the 
king without delay sent vessels in chase of him, they did not 
catch him. 

Xady, when he reached Barhen, soon died of pure despite,^ 
leaving a son, a minor, to whom King Turonxd gave his father's 
office. But Xambd, the deceased Xady's brother, whose flight to 
Xyraz we have mentioned, having heard of his brother's death, 
betook himself in all haste to Barhen. Here he found the state 
of affairs in his favour,* and took cruel vengeance on all who had 
taken sides against him in his former disputes with Xady, his 
brother. Many of these he slew, not sparing even the child, his 
nephew ; and many fled in terror from the isle. 

But there was one Mir Ageb, a chief, who ill endured such 
tyranny and insolence ; and he, with the help of his own family 
and some other followers, stormed and sacked Xambd's house, 
and slew Xamb^ himself. He had lately confined one Aly 
Mahamed Palaon,^ a captain of importance, who was now 
presently set free. Mir Ageb proposed, with this man's support, 
to usurp the lordship of the isle. He would not give it, but passed 
over to the mainland of Arabia, to the fortress of Katifa, taking 



1 The above passage is quoted by Lord Stanley of Alderley in a 
footnote on p. 45 of his translation of Barbosa, who mentions this 
custom. See also Varthema, p. 96 ; Linschoten, vol. i, p. 46 and 
note ; Pyrard, vol. ii, p. 242 and note ; Comment of Af, Dalb,^ vol. iv, 
p.. 1 79. — D. F. 

* See note on p. 159, supra.— "D, F. 

' "Z?^ pura passion J^ I have some authority for the rendering : 
" Gwenwynwyn fell sick with alarm and despite ; Died, and went to 
the Devil, the very same night " (Peacock, Crochet Castle), At any 
rate, I like using hard words about " Xady," who is no favourite of 
mine. 

* " Cosas dispuestas^^ 

* " Palaon " probably represents " Pahlwdn," meaning, in its highest 
sense, '*a hero," though often applied to a mere athlete or wrestler. 



1 88 APPENDIX A. 

with him another captain, an Arab of the tribe of Ben Izafaf, 
called Xeque Hamed Raxet. 

Xeque Maged was then captain of Katifa, and Palaon begged 
troops of him, wherewith to make head against Mir Ageb. But 
Maged, suspecting that they wanted to take Barhen themselves, 
not only refused their request, but seized them, gave them in 
charge of a captain named Aly Maxady, and sent them, with all 
due care, to Harmuz, to Turonxd. He, when informed of what 
had happened, sailed for Barhen, taking them with him. On his 
arrival, Mir Ageb asked him for the lordship of the isle, in reward 
for his alleged service rendered in the killing of Xambd. The 
king refused it, and thought rather of punishing him. Ageb, hear- 
ing this, left Manama, the chief port of the isle, and took refuge 
in another on the further side of it,^ called Thiar. Here the king's 
men sought him out and took him to their master^ who had his 
head cut off. The two prisoners he set free and rewarded, as he 
found that their arrest was undeserved. 

When the affairs of Barhen were settled, Turonxd wished to 
see Katifa, which lies on the shore of the Arabian mainland over 
against that isle, divided from it by a narrow sound. He went there 
with his people, and was well received and served by Xeque Maged. 
When he had seen the land, and taken a few days' pleasure in it, 
he returned to Barhen, and thence to Gerun, or Harmuz. 

To this point our authority is Turonxd himself,^ who had peace 
for the rest of his days, and died, after a reign of thirty years, in 
the year of the Hyxdra 779, a.d. 1378.^ 



^ " A las espaldas" meaning probably in the south of the island 
as Manama is at the northern ena. 

' We miss Thurdn Shah at once. After his death in 1378^ we have 
not a date until Albuquerque's invasion in 1507. During this period, 
we are told, five kings, of only two generations, were busy doing 
nothing, which seems unlikely in every way. The matter-of-fact style 
of this fragment must be Teixeira's, but its reliability must be Thurdn 
Shah's ; and if any critic thinks his statements unreliable, he has 
only to study the modem history of Mdskat and Zanzibar for a 
parallel. 

^ From the statements that follow, it is clear that the death of Tiirdn 
Shdh must here be antedated by nearly a century (the preceding 
dates being thereby affected), or else the names of some of his 
successors must have been omitted. The latter seems the more 
probable. Abd-er-Razzdk, who spent two months in Hormuz in the 
early part of 1442, calls the " prince" of the island " Melik-Fakr- 
Eddin-Touranschah" (Major's India in the FifUenth Century^ Hakluyt 
Soc, p. 5). Now, as this cannot possibly nave been the historian 
king (presuming that the dates given above for his reign be correct), 
we may well assume that it was this Fakhr al-Dfn Turin Shih, and 
not the royal chronicler, who was the father of the four sons whose 
reigns are recorded below. Unfortunately, we have no means of 
ascertaining the length of this king's rule ; but if his son " Massud" 



KINGS OF HORMUZ. 1 89 

Turonx^'s sons succeeded him in the kingdom of Harmuz, in 
order as follows : First, Massud, the eldest, who possessed it in 
peace all his life. Then Xabadin,^ the second son, in whose time 
were some unimportant disturbances, soon settled. The third 
son was Salgor Xd,^ in whose time arose in Persia the Suphy 
Hhalila, of whom we have spoken in the narrative of the Kings of 
Persia.* He possessed all that country, and overran it as far as 

reigned ten years, and was succeeded by his brother " Xabadin" in 
1465 (as suggested in the note infra\ the close of Fakhr al-Dfn Turdn 
Shah's reign would fall in 1455, which cannot be very far out. — D. F. 

^ It must have been during this man's reign that Josafa Barbaro, 
the Venetian, visited Hormuz ; for he says ** The Lorde" of the island 
** is called Sultan Sabadin ;" he also states that " Ormuos" " yeldeth 
tribute to the King Assambei" ( Travels in Tana and Persia^ Hakluyt 
Soc, p. 79). Now, as "Assambei" (Uzun Hasan Bey Ak-Koyunlii), 
the Turkman ruler of Persia, died in 1478, it is evident that Barbarous 
visit took place circa 1475. If " Xabadin" reigned eleven years, as 
Barros asserts (see injra\ we may fix his reign at about 1465- 1476. 
But it is plain that the figures given by Barros cannot be relied on as 
entirely accurate. — D. F. 

2 Barros («. s,) says that at his death "Torunxd left these sons, 
Magdpud, Xabadim, Sargol, and Xavez, and all reigned, each in 
default of sons of the others : the first ten years, the second eleven, the 
third one year and a half {sic). Couto (u. j.), more intelligibly, says 
that "Torunxd" left "four sons, Magcudxd, Xabadi, Xargol, and 
Xau^s, all of whom reigned by violence, except the eldest Magcudxa, 
who reigned ten years, Xabadi eleven, and Xauds, who was the 
last, one year and a half ; as Xargol, who was the elder, had fied to 
Lasac, because his brother rose against him, and took the kingdom 
from him ; and from there, with the help of that king, came against his 
brother, and dethroned him, remaining as king, in which position he 
lived thirty years." Barros gives full details of the doings of " Xargol," 
who, he says, was governor of Kalhdt when his younger brother 
usurped the throne ; whereupon he fled to " Lasah," and later, with 
the assistance of " Raez Nordim" and " Raez Camal" of " Xilau," 
succeeded in defeating " Xauds," whom he promptly blinded. Casta- 
nheda (Liv. 11, cap. lix) has a similar account, but confused and 
erroneous in details. He names only " Corgol," and says he was the 
eldest son of " Tuxura." — D. F. 

' In his Kings of Persia^ Bk. i, chap, xiv (cf. Appendix B infra\ 
Teixeira, after explaining how Shaikh Haidar and Shaikh Ismail 
came to be called '* Suf f," adds : " A little before him had risen up in 
Persia Hhalila, whom for the same reason they called Sufy Hhalila." 
Again, in Bk. II, chap. Ivii, in describing the reign of " Baysangor 
Mirzdh" (A.D. 1492- 1493), our author says that the king, " being young, 
was under the tutelage and governance of Sufy Kalil Musulii, one of 
his captains ;" and goes on to describe various battles in which 
" Sufy Kalil" commanded the king's troops, and his defeat and death 
in 1493. I am doubtful if the same person is referred to in these two 
passages ; and it is curious that in the first passage Teixeira states 
that £e Sufi rose up " a little before" the time of Shdh Ismafl, while 



I90 APPENDIX A. 

the shore opposite Gerun, or Harmuz, and was very desirous to 
pass over to it, but could not for want of vessels. 

It is said that, in his mad rage, he wanted to level the moun- 
tains to fill up the sea. And there is a story that Salgor, who 
knew of Hhalila's trouble and fury, went about the isle and city, 
singing at the top of his voice some Persian verses : — 

"Dele Duzman baraman Kabab hast. 
Ke aguerd Aguerd man dariah hast. 

Which is as much as to say : — 

" Mine enemy's heart is hot within him, because he sees 
me girt about by the sea." ^ 

In the end, Sophy Hhalila went away without doing any harm 
but on the mainland, where the kings of Harmuz had possessions, 
and have yet, though not with the free sovereignty of old times. 
They hold the Gulf coast for seventy leagues, and all the terri- 
tories for twenty-eight leagues landwards. In their dominions are 
the Amadizes and Gaules, warlike and formidable tribes.' But I 
know not if hence sprang the tale of Amadis of Gaul.^ For these 
territories the kings of Harmuz pay to the King of Persia a cer- 
tain tribute, called mokararias, because they are not let run into 
arrear, as sometimes happens with tributes.* It should be noted 



here he emphasises the fact that " Sophy Hhalila lived long 

before Ismael Sophy." The first of the two statements appears to be 
the correct one. — D. F. 

1 The Persian distich is in Teixeira's phrase and spelling (though 
both be open to c[uestion), and the rendering as close as English can 
be got to Castilian. A somewhat macaronic translation would run : 
" My foeman's heart is broiled for me, Who stand encircled by the 
sea." The point or joke lies in comparing the enemy's heart to the 
funny (and excellent) little bits of broiled goat which are " common 
objects" of most Eastern cities, and which we usually call " kaybobs." 
So the late Prince Bismarck is said to have condemned his foes to 
" simmer in their own juice." But Salgor Shdh had the start of him. 

' Couto {Dec, X^ Liv. ii, cap. xi) describes the "Amadizes" as "a 
tribe that live in Magostao, brave and determined men." In two 
letters, of 13th February, 1610, and 15th March, 161 1 (printed in 
Doc, Rim,\ the King of Spain, writing to the Viceroy of India 
regarding the proposed re-capture of Bahrein, refers to " the Amadazes 
of Catif^ who were always loyal to my service," as prepared to assist 
in the enterprise. Of the " Gaules" I can find no mention elsewhere. 
— D. F. 

* A not very obvious joke. But the Spanish world was alive with 
the lately published Don Quixote when this was written. 

* The passage is obscure ; but makarar = " fixed " in Arabic, and 
is applied, in Indian revenue business, as here translated. [Couto 
{JDec, Vy Liv. x, cap. iii) explains " mocarraria^^ as certain sums paid 
annually by the King of Hormuz to the rulers of Persia and other 
countries of the continent as far as *' Moscovia," to ensure safe transit 



KINGS OF HORMUZ. IQI 

that this Sophy Hhalila, whom we have mentioned, lived long 
before Ismael Sophy, who was King of Persia when the Portu- 
guese went to Harmuz. Salgor had no other war of importance 
to wage, and ended his reign in peace. 

On Salg6r's death, Xawes^ succeeded him in the kingdom, 
which throve greatly in his days, enjoying peace. He had no 
trouble in all his reign, and left the kingdom to his brother, 
Seyfadin.2 

Seyfadin, on the decease of Xaw^s, inherited the throne of 
Harmuz; and he was king in a.d. 1507, when the Portuguese, 
under Alfonso de Albuquerque, took possession of that king- 
dom,^ which they hold to this day.* And though it was won and 

of merchants and goods through their territories (blackmail, in fact). 
Several royal letters in Doc, Rem,^ torn, i, refer to these " mocarr arias ^'' 
which are there explained as ** a certain pension that was paid from 
the customs [at Hormuz] to the kings of Lara for franking the cafilas.^^ 
The word mukarrari^ meaning a fixed rent or revenue, is still in use 
in India (see Wilson's Glossary of Judicial Terms^ and Whitworth's 
Anglo Indian Dictionary^ s. v,). — D. F.] 

^ Sic in orig,^ with the unusual " w." The name represented is 
probably Shdh Wais. His relation to Salgor is not stated. 

* As will be seen by the note above, these statements differ entirely 
from those of Barros and Couto, who say that on the death of 
" Xabadim" (who, Barros states, was murdered by some Abyssinian 
slaves in the island of Kishm) his youngest brother, " Xavez" or 
" Xau^s," was, in the absence of " Xargol," raised to the throne ; from 
which he was ousted by the latter after a reign of only a year and a- 
half, " XargoP' then reipiing thirty years. Both these writers, more- 
over, state that " Ceifadim" was the son of " Xavez." The statements 
of Castanheda («. s.) are here again evidently erroneous. — D. F. 

' Barros («. s,) says that on the death of " Xargol," who left no son, 
" they chose as king Ceifadim, a son of his brother Xavez, who was a 
youth of twelve years at the time that Affonso d'Alboquerque came 
there" (that is, in 1507). On the other hand, Couto {u. s.\ after giving 
the details quoted in a previous note regarding " Xargol," continues : 
" The latter was reigning when Affonso de Alboquerque, being captain- 
major of that Strait, amved at Ormuz in the year 1507. This king 
died without leaving sons, and the people chose as king Ceifadim, 
son of Xau^s (the one whom his brother dethroned), who was then a 
youth of ten years. The latter was reigning when Affonso de 
Alboquerque, being Governor of India, in the year 15 14 took that 
kingdom, and made him a vassal to the King of Portugal." Here 
Couto seems to be in error (cf. Comment, of Af, Dalb,^ vol. i, p. 127). 
Castanheda, in describing the first visit of the Portuguese to Hormuz, 
does not give the king's name, but says (Liv. 11, cap. lix) that he was 
sixteen years old at the time of his accession. Later on (Liv. v, 
cap. Ixxxviii) he calls this king " Raix C^afardim.*' Correa (tom. i, 
p. 836, etc.) calls him " C^afardim." In the Comment, of Af Dalb, he 
is called " Ceifadin,'' and is said (vol. iv, p. 109) to have died by 
poison. — D. F. 

* /.tf., 1608 or 1609. A few years later, however (in 1622), the island 



192 APPENDIX A. 

is held by better right than some other kingdoms in the world, 
yet our kings, with Christian scrupulosity, do not fail to maintain 
undisputed therein tl?e legitimate succession of the native kings 
to this very day. And the sons succeed their fathers as of old, 
but with this difference : that, whereas they once enjoyed free and 
independent sovereignty, they now hold under written grant of 
our Lord the King, whereby he allows of their succession in that 
kingdom. 

There rule is not^ absolute, except in respect of the Moors, 
their subjects, and even in that case there are limits to it. They 
cannot leave the isle without permission of the Portuguese cap- 
tain, who used to grant it in former years, but does not now let 
them go. 

Now all that happened since in that kingdom has been written 
at large, not only in the Commentaries of Alfonso de Albuquerque,* 
but in the second book of the Second Decade of luan de Bayrros.^ 
So I do not undertake it* But if any inquirer, finding himself at 
Harmuz, should wish to ask about the deeds of Alfonso de Albu- 
querque (which indeed were and are worthy of perpetual memory), 
let him ask the Moors about Malandy. For they know him by 
no other name, and use that when they mention his transactions.^ 
This puzzled me for awhile, until I understood that he had that 
name because he sailed thither from Melinde, which they call 
Maland, and a man or thing coming thence Malandy. Herewith 
I hope that the friendly reader will be content, making allowance 
for my deficiencies. 

END OF THE KINGS OF HORMUZ. 



was captured from the Portuguese by a combined Persian and English 
force, and the glory of Hormuz came to an end (see LAmbassade 
de D. Garcias de Silva Figueroa^ p. 457 et seq. ; Purchashis Pilgrimes^ 
vol, ii, p. 1787 et seq, ; Sir T. Herbert's Travels^ ^^11 1 p. 109 et seq, \ 
Calendar of State Papers^ Col, Ser,y East Indies, etc, 1 622-1 624, 
passim, ana Preface, pp. Ixv-lxix ; Capt. Stiffens paper in Geog, Mag,, 
April 1874, pp. 15, 16; Malcolm's History of Persia, vol. i, p. 362 ; 
Yule's art. "Ormus," in Encycl, Brit,, 9th ed., vol. xvii ; Burton's 
Camoens : Life and Lusiads, vol. iv, p. 508). — D. F. 

1 " Nos," a. misprint. 

' The first edition of which appeared in 1576 (see Hakluyt Soc. 
trans,, vol. i, Introduction, p. iv). — D. F. 

8 Cf. Teixeira's introductory note to the reader, supra, after Intro- 
duction. — D. F. 

* For the later history of Hormuz, see, in addition to the works 
mentioned by Teixeira, Barros's Dec, III, Couto's Decs, IV-XII, 
Bocarro's so-called Dec, XIII, and Doc, Rem,, torn. i-iv. — D. F. 

* I have found no confirmation of this statement ; and the explana- 
tion that follows seems rather far-fetched. — D. f. 



KINGS OF HORMUZ. 1 93 

[Though after the capture of Hormuz by the Portuguese its " kings" 
became mere puppets in their hands, it may be useful to give the 
names of those who bore nominal rule, until the final ejection of the 
Portuguese by the Persians in 1622. According to Couto [Dec, V, 
Liv. IX, cap. x), " Ceifadim reigned ten years, and was succeeded by 
his brother Torunx^ who reigned nine years.** It was in 1515, 
apparently, that this change of rulers took place ; and Correa (tom. ii, 
p. 420), who calls the new king " Turuxa," says he was then twenty- 
two years of age, and that his mother was an Abyssinian. The 
Comment, of Af. DM. (vol. iv, p. 109) calls him "Terunxa." 
According to Barros [Dec. III^ Liv. vii, cap. v), Castanheda (Liv. v, 
cap, Ixxxviii), and Correa (tom. ii, p. 699), this " king'' was poisoned 
by his wazir, who substituted in his place " a youth of some thirteen 
years, by name Mahamud X^ son of the late King Ceifadim" 
(Barros : Castanheda calls him " Patxd Mahmetxd"). This took place 
in the early part of 1522. Couto {u. s.) simply says that to " Torunxd" 
succeeded " Mahamed X^ who reigned nme years, and was son of 
Ceifadim." (The Comment, of Af Dalb., vol. iv, pp. 174, 190, speaks 
of two sons of "Ceifadin," who in 15 15 were boys of eight or nine.) 
In 1532 a brother of the king's, a youth of eighteen, named ** Rayx 
Ale" or " Rexealle," was deported to Goa on an accusation of plotting 
to poison Muhammad Sh^h (Castanheda, Liv. viii, cap. xlix ; Correa, 
tom. iii, p. 460). The latter died in 1534, and in his place the 
Portuguese captains at Hormuz elected a son of his., only eight years 
of age. He, however, was poisoned soon after by order of his uncle at 
Goa, " Rayx Ale," who, being the next heir, succeeded to the throne 
(Castanheda, Liv. viil, cap. Ixxvi). But in 1541 the latter was again 
deported to Goa on charges of madness and drunkenness (Correa, 
tom. iv, pp. 160, 210, 270, ff.) ; but two years later he was restored to 
his position (Correa, tom. iv, p. 338). He did not long survive, 
however. Couto (u. s.) says that on the death of " Ceifadim" there 
succeeded " Xargol X^ son of Torunxd, who was the one that Nuno 
da Cunha ordered to be deported from Ormuz to avoid divisions in 
the kingdom, and kept him in Cochin, where he had a son named 
Torunx^, by an Abyssinian mother named BibigazeM, because they 
say she had eyes like a gazelle's. This Xargol was afterwards sent 
by Nuno da Cunha to succeed to the throne, on his receiving news of 

the death of King Ceifadim He died in the past November 

of 1543," by poison, says Correa (tom. iv, p. 399). His son, "Torunx^'' 
a boy of twelve, was sent from Goa to succeed him (Couto, u. s. ; 
Correa, u. s.\ and arrived in Hormuz in March 1544 (Couto, Dec. V^ 
Liv. X, cap. iii). Owing to the loss of Couto's Eighth, Ninth, and 
Eleventh Decades^ the dates of the accessions of the succeeding rulers 
are somewhat difficult to ascertain. In Dec. VII^ Liv. x, cap. vii, 
Couto states that the two princes deported by Nuno da Cunha (as 
mentioned above) were the father of " Torunxa" and the latter's uncle, 
" Babuxa,*' the last of whom married in Goa a Moor woman of Dabul, 
by whom he had a son, " Ferragoxa." After an exile of " nearly forty 
years'* (really thirty-three), and being ninety years old and decrepit, 
" Babuxa," wishing to lay his bones in his native island, obtained 
leave to accompany D. Pedro de Sousa, who was going thither as 
captain in 1 562, and to take his son " Ferragoxa" with him. From 
what Couto says, it is evident that soon afterwards (probably in 1 563) 
" Turuxa" died, after a reign of nearly twenty years, and the aged 
"Babuxa" was elected to succeed him. Naturally, at such an 



194 APPENDIX A. 

advanced age his reign could not be a long one ; and in 1564 or 
1565, on his death, his son, "Ferragoxa," succeeded to the throne. 
Cesare Federici was present at the ceremony, which he describes 
( Voyage and TrauaiU [of M, C. Fredericke^ p. 4). In the Archil/o 
Portuguez-Orientaly fasc. 5, p. 693, is an alvardy dated i8th March, 
1569, granting to King " Faragoxd" the rights accorded to " Turuxd f 
and on pp. 758-760 of the same fasciculus is another alvardy dated 
loth February, 1571, embodying the translation of a farmdn of 8th 
April, 1565, issued by "Faroquoxd," who refers to his father 
**Mamux4" and cousin "Turuxd." This "Faragoxd*' reigned for 
many years. Gasparo Balbi, who visited Hormuz in 1 580, gives the 
name of the king as "Siafirusia Gielaledi" {Viaggio dell* Indie 
Orientally p. 47). Teixeira refers to him as "Ferragut Xd" and 
" Ferrogotxa" (see supra^ p. 166, and infra^ Appendix B). Couto, in 
Dec, XII^ Liv. ii, cap. 1, tells us that at the beginning of 1598 
" Ferugoxa,",being old and decrepit, wished to abdicate in favour of 
his second son, " Mamedexa," whose mother was a sister of the 
wazir. This, however, was not permitted by the Viceroy in Council, 
and the old king was informed that he must allow his elder son 
" Feruxa" to reign in his stead, and that he was to try and arrange a 
marriage between this son and a daughter of the wazir. The second 
part of this Decade never having been written, we learn no more of 
this matter ; but from royal letters to the Viceroys of India, printed in 
Doc, Rent.^ tom. i (pp. 16, 53, 382), it would appear that the old king 
continued to govern until his death, apparently at the end of 1601, 
when " Mir Firruxa'' was appointed to succeed him. One of those 
letters (p. 382) informs us of the death of "Ferruxd" in February, 
1609, and the elevation to the throne of a brother of his. who, we learn 
from later letters in tom. ii (pp. 388, etc.), was named ^' Mamede Xi^ 
evidently the same as the one referred to by Couto above. From this 
and other letters (tom. i, pp. 14, 53, 80, 365 ; tom. ii, pp. 38, 148, 406), 
however, it seems that, on the death of " Farracoxd" and the procla- 
mation as his successor of " Mir Firruxd," the right of the latter to 
the throne was challenged by his younger brother " Mirturuxd" (called 
also " Turruxd"), on the grounds that he was a bastard, and that his 
father, when he married the daughter of " Raix Nordim," had executed 
a deed whereby he constituted their eldest son his heir. This 
"Turruxd," who was residing at Goa, and professed a leaning to 
Christianity, petitioned the King of Spain, and the matter was referred 
to the hi^h court ; but in 1606 or 1607, during the governorship of 
the Archbishop D. Fr. Aleixo de Menezes, the prince was convicted 
of sodomy and burnt at the stake (see Pyrard,vol. ii, pp. 91, 243-244). 
For some reason, the elevation to the throne of " Mamede Xd" did not 
meet with the approval of the King of Spain, and he issued a decree 
granting to the two sons of " Turruxd" authority to prosecute their 
father's claim to the throne {Doc, Rem.^ tom. i, pp. 363, 383 ; tom. ii, 
pp. 38, 148, 406 ; Archivo Portuguez-Oriental^ fasc. 6, p. 841). From 
a letter in Doc, Rem,^ vol. ii (p. 360), we find that " Farracoxd" left 
two other sons by the sister of the wazir " Rais Nordim," their names 
being given as " Mir Farracoxd" and " Mir Samgolxd f but they do 
not appear to have laid any claim to the throne. From other docu- 
ments, however {Doc, Rem.^ tom. ii, pp. 381, 406 ; tom. iii, p. 428 ; 
tom. iv, p. 356; Archivo Portuguez-Oriental^ fasc. 6, pp. 11 19, 1163X 
It seems that the eldest son of "Farracoxd," who is called " Miramofe- 
lisxd" and *• Miramofles," had been passed over in the succession, and 



KINGS OF HORMUZ. I95 

he put in a claim to the sovereignty, at the same time bringing serious 
accusations against the wife of " Mamede Xd" (who was the widow of 
" Torruxd" and " Ferrux4")> and also against that king himself. (Ant. 
Gouvea, in his Reiagam, Pt. i, p. 9, speaks of a " Dom Hieronymo 
Joete" as a grandson of " Turuxk" and the rightful heir to the throne, 
which he had renounced in order to enter the Church. This " Dom 
Jeronimo" and his father, " Xeque Yoette," " Xeque Joette," or " Coje 
Zoete," are referred to in several royal letters to the Viceroys of India, 
printed in Arck, Port Or,^ fasc. 3, pp. 172, 212, 482, 586, 678. I cannot 
identify this man.) All these claims, however, were solved by the 
termination of the Hormuz dynasty of kings, on the capture of the 
island in 1622 by the Anglo- Persian force, as stated above. ^' Mamede 
Xd" was still " reigning" when that event took place ; and in Purchas 
his Pil^rimeSy vol. ii, p. 1802, will be found the translation of a letter 
from him to the King of Spain, dated February 12th, 162 1, complain- 
ing of the misdeeds of the Captain of Hormuz. The King of Hormuz 
and all his suite were deported to the mainland as captives by the 
Persians {L Ambassade de G, de Silva Figueroa^ p. 470) ; but in 1624 
the king was reported to be " still living at Ormuz" {Calendar of State 
Papers^ East Indies^ etc^ 1625- 1629, p. 60). Whether this were so or 
no^ need not concern us : the " kingdom'' of Hormuz had gone for 
ever. — D. F.] 



Q Z 



APPENDIX B. 



Extracts from the " Relation of the Kings of Persia'*^ 



BOOK I.— CHAPTER I. 

[In connection with the election of '* Kayumarras" as first King 
of Persia, Teixeira digresses on the subject of the Persian tage^ 
or cap. Then, having referred to an error held by " the gentues 
of Persia,'' viz., that Kayumarras was identical with Adam, our 
author says : — ] 

In Persian they call these gentiles^ by one of three names, 
Mayucy, Maurigy, or Ga6r Yazdy^ whereof the last is most 
common. 

[Then follow remarks concerning cow- worshippers, and explana- 
tions of GaOf GadTy etc.] 

Yazdy means of Yazd, a city in Persia, wherein 

chiefly survive and dwell those Persians who follow their ancient 
national religion, and have not yet chosen to receive the creeds 
either of Mahamed or of Ally.* They serve the sun, and fire, 
which they preserve with great care, so that in more than three 
thousand five hundred years it has not been extinct for an instant. 
This is on a mountain one day's march from Yazd, called Albors 
Kuyh, or Mount Albors, and sdso Atfex quedah, or " the House of 
Fire." And there are always many people attending on it* 



^ As Mr. Sinclair has translated only portions of Teixeira's 
numerous digressions, I have thought well to note briefly the 
subjects of those omitted. For the paragraphs within square 
brackets and in smaller type, therefore, it must be imderstood that 
I am responsible. — D. F. 

* The surviving Zoroastrians of Persia. 

* That is, either the Sunni or the Shiah form ot Islam. The dis- 
tinction is not very accurate, but Teixeira always uses it [Cf. supra^ 
pp. 47, 51.— D. F.] 

* Here our author seems to have got well outside of his own 
observation, and to be ill-informed ; the rest of the account of the 
Zoroastrians is little better than mere Persian gossip — a little malicious. 
There is now no " Elburj" near Yazd on the maps, though there are 
several elsewhere. But at about one hundred English miles, south 
and by east from that city, our maps show a mountain 9,500 ft. high, 
still called Nar Kuh, or " Fire Mountain" (?), which may be Teixeira's 



KINGS OF PERSIA. 1 97 

[From the Zoroastrians' method of disposing of their dead, our 
author proceeds to describe the practices of the Hindus on the 
Ganges, the Japanese, the Indians on the Malabar coast, and 
the mhabitants of certain islands between the Nicobars and 
Tenasserim.] 



CHAPTERS II-V. 

[In Chapter II Teixeira discourses on the burning of the dead ; 
and in this connection describes (not from personal observation, 
apparently) the human holocaust that followed the death of 
the Ndyak of Madura, which event took place while our author 
was in India. This must, I think, have been Krishnappa, who 
died in 1595, or possibly Vi§vandtha II, whose death seems to 
have occurred a little earlier (see Sewell's Sketch of the Dynasties 
of Southern India^ p. 61). 

Chapters III and IV are both very short, and contain no 
digressions. 

Chapter V has some interjected remarks on the Persian and 
Arab names for the Devil ; also a brief reference to the province 
of Aderbaion, and its capital, Tabriz.] 



CHAPTER VI. 

[After referring to the antiquity of wine, and the universality of 
its use, our author proceeds : — ] 

In Persia there is much good wine made of grapes, called 
xarctb. The Persians use it immoderately, and smuggle much of 
it in bottles, packed in cases under the name of rose-water, to 
Labor, in the Grand Mogol's country. In Harmuz and Mogostam, 
and on all the Arabian shore of the Persian Gulf, there are two 
liquors made. The first is distilled chiefly of dates and liquorice 
leaves.^ It is called arequy^ from areca^ a Persian word meaning 
sweat, and used to imply its high quality. This is the strongest 
and most dreadful drink that ever was invented, for all which it 
finds some notable drinkers.^ 

The second is made by infusion of dried grapes in cold water, 
in proper proportion, which ferments of itself, and is fit for use 



" At^x quedah." His translation is correct. Burj is a tower or any 
lofty building like one, stouter than a mindr. [On " Albors" and its 
fire-temple, see Sir T. Herbert's Travels^ p. 197. — D. F.] 

^ Hojas de regalisy probably meaning the roots, 

' Arak is Arabic for sweat, and has become a common name 
throughout the East for distilled spirits in general. In English we 
have It in " arrack" and " rack punch," as we have shardb in " rum 
shrub." 



198 APPENDIX B. 

when it has settled down. It is thought very good and whole- 
some, and I have seen it in use in Syria. 

In India wine is made of the substance of the tree which bears 
the cocoSy called palm, because it is like the true palm,^ and it is 
of two sorts. Sura is that kind which is got raw, dropping of 
itself into vessels set to receive it. The other, called araca^ is 
distilled by fire from this sura^ and is very strong. Into this they 
throw dried grapes, which takes off its roughness and sweetens it ; 
and it improves with age, which is not the case with that made of 
dried grapes and water.^ 

Other wine is made of another palm called nipa^ growing in 
watery places. This is distilled like the last, but is softer and 
sweeter, transparent as pure water, and said to be very whole- 
some. A great deal of it is made and shipped in Pegii, Tanasarim, 
Malaca, and the Phelipines or Manilla. That of Tanasarim is 
much the best of all.* 

In Orracam and Pegii there is made of rotten* rice a certain 
drink os^tA patnplis. This is also used in Manilla and in China,^ 
where they have many sorts of wines, but none made of grapes. 
The best is that made of lechyas^ a fruit very like that of the 
Arbutus^ but larger. This is distinguished as " mandarin's wine," 
from the common term for the magistrates of China. 

In Cafraria, the land of the negros about Mozambique, wine is 
made of millet, and called huyenbcy or petnbe,^ In Bengal, that 



^ Date-palm. The date-tree itself and many other palms yield 
sweet saps (toddy), which are fermented and sometimes distilled. 

^ Araky vide supra^ p. 197, note. The sura is " fresh toddy." 

• With the foregoing compare Garcia de Orta, Colloquios^ f. 67 ; 
Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 49. — D. F. 

• Nipa fruticans of our botanists, who now separate it from the 
true palms, which it superficially resembles. It grows in tidal waters, 
from Bengal eastwards, and still produces toddy. [See p. 8, supra, — 
D. F.] 

^ Cf. Linschoten, vol. i, p. 103 ; vol. ii, p. 49.— D. F. 

^ Arros podre^ probably meaning only that it was fermented. 
Orracam has here nothing to do with arak^ but represents our modem 
province of Arakan. 

^ I cannot trace the word ^^pamplis" Rice wine and rice spirit are 
in common use throughout a great part of Eastern Asia, under a 
variety of names.— D. F. 

• Arbutus unedo^ Sp. madrono, A wine or spirit is said to be 
made of this fruit too, m the Mediterranean, which may have suggested 
the comparison. Lechyas are Uchis^ an excellent fruit of Bengal, and 
the tropical regions eastward ; not good in Western India {Nephelium 
Liichii nat. ord. Sapindacect). 

' Probably the pombe of modem travellers, which seems to be a 
sort of beer. 



KINGS OF PERSIA. I99 

is, the lands watered by the Ganges, there is made another sort of 
wine of rice, called modo} 

In Mexico wine is made of maguey^ a plant much like the 
slimy plant which produces the aloe or azivar^ but greater and 
coarser ; and other Indians^ make it of the yuca. 

In fine, the wines and drinks of various nations are almost 
countless. And besides these they use other things : the failure of 
which, by reason of their long use and wont, would come very 
hard upon them.* A case in point is the betle^ used through all 
the East, and known by that name in Malabar, but in Canary 
and Guzarate as pam. In Persian and Arabic it is called 
tambuly in Malay sirt^ and in Manilla buyo.^ The leaf is well 
known, and not unlike that of a plantain.^ 

This they chew, with a fruit called areca^ and in Persian and 
Arabic y^/, and a little mild lime made of oyster-shells. It is 
in the common use, day and night, of all sorts of men, from 
princes to poor sailors. It is served to welcome the coming 



^ In all the Aryan dialects of India, some form of the Sanskrit 
w<?/fo= intoxicant, spirituous liquor, is found. — D. F. 

* The maguey is Agave Americana^ of the order Amaryllideoe, 
The genus is American, but the Portuguese and Spaniards have 
carried it round the world in the warm regions, and it is generally 
known in English by the name of "aloe." The true aloes, as 
Teixeira says, are smaller and slimy, and herva babosa is a Portu- 
guese name for them even now. The fermented juice of Agave 
Americana is ^^pulque^ liquor divino. Los angeles lo beben en el 
serend^ (!), and there is a spirit distilled from this. 

' These " Indians" were probably American, as is the yucca. It is 
now cultivated in all warm countries, and I have seen it in bloom in 
the open air in the county Donegal. Natural order, Liliaceoe, 

* " Seria muy donosa^^ for " daftosa^^ an odd misprint. 

* Cf. what follows with Garcia de Orta's Colloquio^ ^^ Do Betre^^ and 
Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 62, et seq. " Canary" is of course Kanara. — d.f. 

^ The names for betel mentioned by Teixeira are, respectively : 
Malayalam vettila^ Hindustani p&n^ Persian- Arabic tambuly from 
Sanskrit tdmbiila (see Hobson -Jobson^ s. w, " Betel," " Pawn," 
" Tembool"), Malay sirih (which name the Dutch have adopted), 
and Tagal buyo (see Noceda and Sanlucar's Vocabulario de la Lengua 
Tagalay j. v, ; also Morgans Philippine Islands^ Hak. Soc. ed., p. 280). 
The first four names are given by Garcia de Orta («. J.) ; the last 
Teixeira doubdess picked up on his visit to Manila in 1600 (see supra^ 
p. 6). — D. F. 

^ Plantago major y the common European plantain, whose leaf has a 
sort of superficial resemblance to that of Piper betle^ the betel-leaf 
vine. 

^ Areca catechu, the betel-nut palm, generally called in India 
pophaly and the nut supdri. The name areca is Malayalam of 
Malabar, not Malay of the Peninsula and Eastern Isles. The nut, in 
that language, is pinang, and there is a Sanskrit name, guvaka. It 
is brought to Europe as a vermifiige. 



200 APPENDIX B. 

guest, and in farewell at his going. Princes make it the sign of 
their fayour, and lovers of their affection. It is good against all 
disorders of the stomach arising from cold, strengthens and 
preserves the teeth and gums, and sweetens the breath. For 
these and many other virtues it is highly valued, and exported to 
the lands where it does not grow. 

Next comes opium, commonly called afion by Orientals, the 
use whereof is most common amongst Mahometans. The Persians 
distinguish it especially as teriaca?- So great is the value they 
set upon that gum, which drops naturally from the stem of the 
poppy plant, and needs no mixture or preparation. Poor people 
use the husks, and a decoction thereof, instead of opium, and as 
the husks are called pust^ those who do so go by the name of 
pustys^ as men who use opirm are called afiony^ which, when 
used in anger, are terms of reproach and insult.^ 

The Persians hold that the use of this gum was discovered by 
princes and great captains, who used it to obtain the sleep of 
which their many cares deprived them.^ The people, who ever 
stnve to copy these, soon followed their example, and so the drug 



^ Gr. drjpiaKa ((f>apfiaKa) = antidotes against injuries caused by 
animals, especially venomous reptiles. The word presently came to 
include antidotes against poisons in general, and still later was 
applied to nostrums of professed universal virtue. Some of these 
were made even in Europe under this name, well into the nineteenth 
century, and may still be, in some places. Many of them were little 
more than preparations of opium, and in Persia, in the seventeenth 
century, " the best sorts" (of opium) " were flavoured with nutmeg, 
cardamom, cinnamon and mace, or simply with saffron and amber- 
gris," and called Theriaka (FluckigeranaHanbury,/*^irw«^d?^dr/^/a, 
p. 41, ed. 1874). Greek words, more or less disguised, are very 
commonly in use amongst Oriental druggists and physicians, and 
C2^<t^ yundnL 

• Persian /><w/=low, mean, vile, etc. This can scarceiy be the 
origin of the iexva pusties (formed on the analogy of mestiesy casties — 
Portuguese ntestiqoy castiqo\ applied by the Dutch in the East to a 
certain class of the population. According to Wolf (see Life and 
Adventures of J, C. Wolf p. 267), in Ceylon, in the eighteenth 
century, " a child whose father and mother are both Europeans, 
belongs to the class called Pustiz ;" and he puts the ccistiz and mestiz 
next in order. On the other hand, Haafner, writing of Batavia at the 
same period, says {Lotgevallen en Vroegere Zeereizen^ p. 179) : " The 
Poestieses so called. are those that are bom of a European and a 
Kasties woman ;" and he places the order thus : Eiuopean, mesties^ 
kasiieSypoestieSy topaZy and black Portuguese. (On mestiz and castiz 
see Linschoten, vol. i, pp. 183-184 ; Pyrard, vol. ii, p. 38 ; Hobson* 
Jobsony s. V. " Castees.")--D. F. 

^ Fliickiger and Hanbury suggest that opium-eating originated in 
Persia, They describe the modern Persian drug as of varying 
quality and value ; the strongest, Teriak-i-Arabistdnf, being produced 
in Irak {Pharmacographiay pp. 45, 46). 



\ 



KINGS OF PERSIA. 201 

was introduced, and there are few who do not eat it. I have 
seen men die in various places for want of opium, and others from 
taking more than they were used to, in which case it is a deadly 
poison. There are two chief sorts of opium in the East: malwy^ 
made in Malue, and mecery^ brought from Mecere, which is 
Cairo in Egypt.^ 

There is another beverage called kaohh^ much used in all 
Turkey, Arabia, Persia, and Syria. It is a seed, very like little 
dry beans, and is brought from Arabia. It is prepared in houses 
kept for the purpose. The decoction is thick, nearly black, and 
insipid. If it has any flavour this inclines to bitterness, but very 
little. All those who want it assemble in these houses, where 
they are served with it very hot in Chinese porcelain cups, 
that may hold four or five ounces. These they take into their 
hands, and sit blowing on it and sipping. Those who are 
accustomed to drink it say that it is good for the stomach, 
prevents flatulence and piles, and stimulates the appetite.^ 

After the same fashion is the Chinese cha^^ and is taken in the 
same way, except that cha is the leaf of a little herb, a certain 
plant brought from Tartary, which was shown to me in Malaca. 
But, because it was dry, I could not well judge of its form. It is 
proclaimed to be very beneficial, and prophylactic of those 
disorders which Chinese gluttony might provoke. 

Nor is there any great difference between these and the 
chocolate of New Spain, made of the kakaoy a fruit not unlike 
kaoiih} 

In the kingdom of Guzarate and Cambaya the natives use to 
flavour all their food with ingu^ that is, assafcetida, of which I 
shall say more hereafter.* No savoury dish finds favour with 
them without that gum, and they rub the inside of their cooking 



^ Cf. Garcia de Orta, CoL XLlj Linschoten, vol. ii, pp. 112- 114. — 
D. F. 

* Coffee. [What follows is practically a repetition of the details 
given in chap, vi of the author's Voyage (see supra, p. 62). — D. F.] 

^ The pre{)arat!on, use, and service of coffee have changed a good 
deal since this was written, even in the East, probably with increase 
of supply and improvement of science. It had been for little over 
half a century in use in Constantinople in our author's time. [Cf. with 
Teixeira's description the note by Paludanus in Linschoten, vol. i, 
p* 157.— -D. F.] 

* Tea. The remarks which follow are part of the evidence sug- 
gesting that Teixeira had not visited China or Japan. [Cf. Linschoten, 
vol. i, p. 157.-— D. F.] 

• This statement would seem to show that Teixeira had never 
seen the fruit of the cacao. — D. F. 

• In chap, xxii (see in/ra^ p. 209). Cf. what follows with Garcia 
de Orta, f. 21 v, — D. F* 



202 APPENDIX B. 

pots therewith. And though to those unused it is distasteful, and 
the smell a dreadful stench, yet has it a pleasant flavour to men 
who have learnt its use, and they feel the want of it much, as of a 
thing very important to their health.^ 

Others habitually drink hot water, as on the coast of Choro- 
mandel and in China, where they have certain vessels of tin, with 
cases and cloth wrappings, wherein the water remains hot all day 
and longer.2 

Others commonly chew mastic, especially in Persia, where 
they call it mastaquy^ and perfume with it their drinking water. 
The rich for this purpose use ambar,' which they call by the 
same name. A great deal of this is used in Persia and Arabia, 
whither it is brought from India, but far more from the coast of 
Melinde, and that of the African negroes on the Indian Ocean. 
This they call Zanguybar or Black Men's Sea, from zanguyy mean- 
ing black, and bar^ the sea.^ The Portuguese corrupt this into 
2^zibar. At Brava,^ a port of that coast, there was found in 
the year 1593 a mass of ambar so great, that a man on one side 
of it could not see a camel standing on the other.^ 



^ Only a few Europeans know how much assafoetida is used in 
Western India, even by themselves, especially in the pdpadatns or 
wafers used with curry and rice. There is rather a curious trade in 
the drug, conducted by Afghan pedlars on foot, who find an article so 
light in proportion to its price easy to carry. The common Indian 
name is hing [see Hobson-Jobson^ s. v. — D. f.]. That employed in 
Indian cookery is of very fine quality, and used in tiny quantities. 
Homoeopathists* globules are coarse to them. Vide Pharmacographia^ 
sub voce, for more about this drug. 

* Cf. Linschoten, vol. i, p. 157. — D. F. 

* This perfume (Arabic anbar) is the " ambergris " of Europe, the 
fragrant secretion of the sperm whale. The name belongs of right to 
it, and seems to have been first misapplied to fossil amber by the 
Latin races, during the Musalman ascendency in the Mediterranean. 
Ambergris is said to have been used in giving bouquet to claret ; and 
I have known Europeans to like it in sherbet. The quantities used 
are almost microscopic. The whale is in process of extinction, and 
the genuine drug of disappearance. 

* Here there is a confusion between bar, or barr, = a region, and 
bakr = a sea. The " Zanguy " is right enough, and Zang-bar means 
•* negro-land." [Cf. Garcia de Orta, f. 13 z/.— D. F.] 

* Brava is in modem Somali-land. [See Hobson-Jobson, s. v, — 
D. F.] 

* The man was perhaps short-sighted, or the camel short-le^ged« 
But masses of ambergris expressible in terms of hundredweights 
have several times been recorded. Fossil amber has not, I think, been 
found in masses of more than a few pounds. [It looks as if Teixeira 
wanted to "go one better" than the piece weighing fifty quintals, 
found near Cape Comorin in 1555, teste Garcia de Orta (f. I2z/). (See 
also Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 93.)---D. F.] 



KINGS OF PERSIA. 203 

In Santo Domingo, Peru, Mexico, Manilla, in France and 
England, and many other parts of the world, tobacco is much in 
use. This is the dried herba sancta^ whereof some are found to 
praise and approve the smoke. To conclude, it would be hard to 
reckon up all the meats and drinks that people have invented, and 
go on daily inventing, for their pleasure ; without all which life 
might be better spent, and more safely. Our own Spain, indeed, 
is free of this fault ; albeit she hath others even less endurable. 

[In another digression Teixeira treats of the name of Persia, 
and the identity of that country with Parthia ; of Shir^ and its 
inhabitants ; of the three dialects of Persian ; and of the produc- 
tions and exports of Shir^.] 



CHAPTER VII. 

[Digressing on the subject of sashes and girdles as badges of 
honour, Teixeira flies off to China, and relates two stories to show 
how justice was done in that country ; ultimately returning to the 
subject of girdles.] 

{Parenthesis^ serving as we use a note,) 

This city of Hrey^ is famous, as much for its size as for some 
things found therein, of which I will mention only the mana, as 
the best and purest yet known. ^ It is taken hence in great quan- 
tity to Harmuz, and exported thence to all the East. Mana is 
called in Persian xir quests that is, "milk of the quest treo," from 
jc/r, which is Persian for milk (though it also means a lion), and 
quest, the name of the tree that yields it.* There is also plenty 
of it in another city of Persia, called Rey Xarear, but not so 
good.^ Another sort of mana, called toraniabin, is found in 
many parts of Persia. It is very like dry coriander seed, and is 

1 " Yerva santa seca,^^ " Herba sancta " seems to have been a recog- 
nized name for the plant. But I am not aware that it was ever so 
called in English. 

2 Ancient Rhagae, the scene of Tobias's remarkable courtship, now 
called, on different maps, Rhd, Rd, Rhey, Rdi. The ruins are a short 
way south by east of Tehrdn, and a modem village amidst them is 
called Shih-Abdul Azfm. Teixeira mentions it again in his list of 
provinces as a city of " Karason" : " Hrey, which produces much and 
good mana ; whose walls the cool river Habin bathes." [See infra^ 
Appendix C. — D* F.] Tehran may be said almost to represent 
Rhagae. 

* Cf. what follows with Garcia de Orta, f. 132 et seq, ; Linschoten, 
vol. ii, p. 100. — D. F. 

* The tree here in question^ one of many that produce "mannas, 
is probably khishty Cotoneaster nummularia {Pharmacograpkia. 
p. 372). Sher does mean a lion, and shir, milk ; and the actual 
letters of the words are identical. 

^ See infra. Appendix C. — D, F, 



204 APPENDIX B. 

produced on certain herbs like wild thistles.^ It is very delicate, 
and a safe drug, wherefore the Persians used to give it to children 
and pregnant women, in double the dose used of the other sort. 
On the African coast of the Indian sea, near Mozambique, there 
are two islands called Aniza and Querinba,^ wherein much mana 
is obtained, but of comparatively the lowest quality. For that of 
Persia is white, soft, sweet, and mild, in grains hke those of in- 
cense^ or mastic. But that of the isles is hard, splintery, of a 
grayish-red colour, of pungent taste, and less laxative, although 
by no means inert. There is also brought from Basork a sort of 
mana, packed in leather sacks, looking like coarse honey. All 
mana is gum produced by one tree or another, like other gums, 
and the stories of its coming of dew, et cetera^ are inventions, or 
based on bad evidence. 



CHAPTERS VIII-XIII. 

[Chapter VIII contains a digression on the origin of the Turks ; 
the names Rumy and Frangue, etc. 

Chapters IX-XIII contain no digressions.] 



CHAPTER XIV. 
This city Mazandaron^ .... In a.d. 1597, when I found myself 

^ The Camel-thorn, Alhagi maurorum^ a little shiny leguminous 
plant, well known in India as jawdsa^ and used in making rough 

tatties," hung up wet to keep tents cool. I am not aware that manna 
is got from it in India. [" Toraniabiti^ represents Arab, taranjubin 
(Pers. tarangubin)=msLnn2i, — D. F.] 

* Amiza (not "Aniza") or Wamisi Island lies a little to the south 
of Cape Delgado, and is one of the most northerly of the chain of 
coral islands known under the name of Querimba, of which Querimba 
Island itself, lying off the mouth of the Mtepwcsi River, forms one of 
the southernmost. As to their producing manna, I can add nothing 
to Teixeira's statement. — D. F. 

* " Enciensio^^ meaning probably olibanum, a substance then, as 
now, much used in the preparation of ceremonial incense, and likely 
to be familiar to many of Teixeira's readers. 

* There seems to be now no city Mazandaran, if ever there was. The 
city referred to may probably have been Sari, possibly Balfarush. It 
does not much matter, and the passage omitted does not matter at all. 
[Don Juan de Persia (Ulugh Beg), in his Relaciones^ says (f. bv) that 
the capital of the province of Mazandaran A\as " Mazandaran, a city 
of fifty thousand innabitants." Sir T. Herbert's map of " The Persian 
Empire" (p. 153 of his Travels) shows both " Barfrush" and "Mazen- 
dram ;" and, if the position of the places entered in the map could be 
depended upon as correct (which it certainly cannot), " Mazendram" 
should represent Mashad-i-Sar on the Caspian Sea, at the mouth of 
the Babil river. But there can be little doubt, I think, that " Mazan* 
daran" was an alternative name for Sari, the ancient capital of the 
province (see Curzon's Persia^ vol. i, p. 379). — D. F.] 



KINGS OF PERSIA. 20$ 

there,^ the governor of the city and province was one Malek Sultan 
Mahamed, a Persian of uncommon might in war. He had one 
arm notably longer than the other, insomuch that it reached 
below his knee. And about that time he showed a good sample 
of his spirit. For, as he made tour of his lands, there came against 
him an enemy with seven thousand men, whom he faced with 
three hundred ; forced him into the field, engaged and beat him 
killing most of his men. 

In connection with this matter, I remember that there dwelt in 
the city of Cochim a citizen, with whom I have often spoken,* 
whose right arm was very much the longer; and the gentiles of 
Choromandel, whereof he was a native, born in the city of Santo 
Thome, did him reverence, as being out of the common. For the 
eastern gentiles are wont to venerate as supernatural everything 
beyond the usual limits of nature : such as trees of unusual size, 
a two-headed ox^ as I saw in Goa, or an oddly-shaped stone. For 
this reason, and to give them the less excuse, this citizen had 
orders not to travel in those lands without special permission.' 

[In a later digression Teixeira refers to the province of Ardabel, 
or Ardavil, and explains the origin and meaning of Sufy.*] 



^ As mentioned in the Introduction, Teixeira seems to have made a 
journey in the early part of 1 597 from Hormuz to the north of Persia 
(with what object he does not say). The engagement he speaks of 
was probably the suppression of a local rising, the provinces of Gildn 
and Mazandaran havmg only a few years previously been conquered 
by Shdh Abbds (see infra^ p. 208). It could hardly have any connec- 
tion with the invasion of Khorasan by the Uzbegs under Talfm Khdn, 
who were entirely defeated by Shdh Abbds, near Herat, in 1597 (see 
Malcolm's History of Persia^ vol. i, p. 346 ; Markham's History of 
Persia^ p. 274). I have found no other reference to the long-armed 
governor, Malik Sultdn Muhammad. — D. F. 

2 As mentioned in the Introduction, Teixeira would appear to have 
made a stay in Cochin during the years 1590 and 1 591 (see infra^ 
chap, xxxiii). The long-armed citizen, of whom he here speaks, may 
possibly be the Matheus Vaz (a native of Sao Thom6, but resident in 
Cochin) referred to in royal letters to the Viceroy of India, of March 
3rd, 1594, and March 8th, 1596; from which it seems that he had 
petitioned the King to confer on him the " habit of Christ" in reward 
for his many services (seeArcA. Port,-Or,y fasc. 3, pp. 447, 608). — D. F. 

' There is a ^ood deal of this feeling in Western India still. Mere 
stature makes little impression, and the people are now used to see 
races of Upper India quite equal in that to the average of Europeans. 
But a hump-back, or one long arm, is still something more than human 
to many. It must be remembered in considering all cases of attribu- 
tion of supernatural quality to human beings, including European 
officers, that the belief is not necessarily a compliment to the manners 
or morals of the gentleman so revered. 

* CL supra, p, 189, n. — D. F. 



206 APPENDIX B. 



CHAPTERS XV-XVII. 



[At the end of Chapter XV, Teixeira speaks of Lokman, whom 
he identifies with Aesop. 

In Chapter XVI, he parenthetically mentions that he had, when 
in Hormuz, seen King Ferrogotxa^ and his nobles on several 
occasions engage in jousts on horseback. 

In Chapter XVII, our author indulges in a short etymological 
disquisition in connection with Aderbaion and other place-names. 
In another short digression, he contrasts the habit of the Persians 
of carrying their jewels with them everywhere, even into war, with 
that of the Uzbegs.] 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

[Teixeira mentions in a brief digression the fact of the Persians' 
possessing the works of various Greek writers on philosophy and 
medicine. 

Further on, our author parenthetically compares certain Persian 
books with the Orlando epic.^ 

In a longer digression Teixeira treats of Kabul, and then 
proceeds : — ] 

From this city [of Kabul] comes the name of one sort of that 
medicinal fruit called myrobalan, which the Arabs and Persians 
call generally alildhf and the natives of India corrupt this (as 

^ See supra^ p. i66, and infroy chap. xxxv. — d. f. 

* ^^t supra, p. 131, «.— D. F. 

* Halilahy one of several Arabic and Persian names for myrobalans. 
Hcdilah zard in Persian would mean " Yellow myrobalan," though 
I do not find it in dictionaries. [It is given in Johnson's Pers.-Arab,- 
Eng, Diet. — D. F.] Teixeira's word for "yellow" is citrina^ which is 
now the "specific" name of a Bengal variety (?). Brandis gives a 
Hindustani name, karara^ which is evidently Teixeira's ^^arare" But, 
as all the myrobalans are Indian, the Indian names are the originals, 
and the Persian and Arabic derivatives. 

The three principal myrobalan trees, all well known to me as forest 
trees, are — 

(i) TermincUia Chebula (nat. ord. CofnbretacecB\ the chebulic my- 
robalan, arare^ Hind., as above mentioned, hirda in Marathi. This 
is by isx the most important of all. 

(2) T, bellericuy the belleric myrobalan, for which Brandis rather 
vaguely gives a name " Balra," in what lan^age is not clear {Forest 
Flora^ sub voce) ; but it is, perhaps, a variant of the Marathi name 
bheda^ which has one in every district. An Arabic name is balilah. 
This nut is of no great value, and the fruit is often allowed to rot in 
heaps under the tree. 

(3) Phyllanthus emblica (nat. ord. EuphorbiacecB\ the emblic 
myrobalan, Sanskrit dmalaka^ whence several Indian vernacular 
names, the Arabic amlah^ and eventually our " eniblica^^ This is a 



KINGS OF PERSIA. 20/ 

they treat many other names) to arare. Thus the bitter or 
yellow myrobalans are called alildh zard^ and those from Kabdl 
kabuly^ which our doctors call Kebulos. The Doctor Garcia 
Dorta deals sufficiently with these and all the rest.^ But he did 
not know one variety of those Kebulos, of great size, as I am 
witness. For I saw, in the possession of a gentile merchant 
named loghe^ Bangasaly,* a myrobalan weighing sixteen ounces, 
and in that of a Portuguese hidalgo one of twelve ounces ; nor 
was there any difference between these and the common Kebulos, 
but in size only. They would have me believe of these large 
specimens, that if one would only hold them tight in one's hand 
for a little while, they would purge the bowels. This I tried, and 
found it untrue ; but further, that an infusion or decoction of the 
the same, as a draught, was aperient, and very useful against 
fevers and dysentery. So much for the Kebulos. 



CHAPTERS XIX-XX. 

[In Chapter XIX, Teixeira explains, parenthetically, that in the 
East the washing of clothes is done by men, who are called 
tnaynatos f and a little further on gives the etymology of Darab, 
which name, he says, the Latins turned into Darius. 

Chapter XX contains no digressions.] 



very different plant from the others, much smaller ; and the pulpy 
fruit, besides its uses as an astringent, is pickled and eaten. 

Upon the derivation of " chebulica^^ see an interesting note of Sir 
James McNab Campbell's (in Bombay Gazetteer^ vol. xi, p. 25), who 
is inclined to trace it to an old name of the modem Chaul (ancient 
Semylla), rather than to Kabul. 

As to the myrobalans of twelve and sixteen ounces weight, it is 
difficult to imagine what they were, but certain that they were not 
the fruit of any Terminalia or Phyllanthus, Such a fruit, weighing 
even an ounce avoirdupois, when dry, would be a very remarkable 
specimen indeed. 

[In Hobson-Jobson^ s, v. "Myrobalan," will be found a mass of 
valuable and interesting details. — D. F.] 

^ In his Colloquio XXXVII (see also Linschoten, vol. ii, pp. 123- 
126). — D. F. 

^ loghek Bangasaly was probably either a Bengdlf or a warehouse- 
man. Teixeira's confusion of bangasdla (= a warehouse) with Ban- 
gala has been noticed by Yule and Bumell {Hobson-Jobson^ s, v. 
" Bankshall''), and above, p. 168, n, 

* Malayalam matndttu « washerman (see Hobson-Jobsony s, v, 
" mainato,'' where " Tamil" is an error ; also Linschoten, vol. i, p. 260, 
«., and vol. ii, p. 340). The Portuguese adopted the word into their 
vocabulary, as the English have adopted dhobi, — D. F. 



208 APPENDIX B. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

[Teixeira digresses first on the subject of Cairo and Damascus. 

A little afterwards he again digresses regarding Gueylon in 
Persia ; and after some introductory remarks proceeds 



;"-!}' 



Of the five governments^ contained in Gueylon [Gildn], the first 
is called after its chief town, Raxt. In 1595, when I made this 
note,2 the Governor was lamxed Khan. The second is named 
from the city Gaxkhar, then governed by one Syauex, and both 
of these were chiefs of great account. The third is called Laion, 
which also is the name of its capital ; . . . and its lord and governor 
was Khan Hamed, whom the Turk Selim made prisoner when he 
won Tabriz, and put in ward at Bagdad. The fourth province or 
government, called Langar Kanon, from its chief city, was then 
governed by Amir Amza Khan, a man of great endowments and 
courage, with whom dwelt his eleven brothers, all knights of fame. 
The fifth government, called, for the same reason as the rest, 
Kuddm, was held by Komron Mirza. Next comes Mazandaron 
already mentioned, which, in alliance with some of these govern- 
ments of Gueylon, rebelled against Xd Abdz, King of Persia, in the 
year 1593; and he, to reduce them, marched hastily against them 
in 1594, with twenty thousand horse. ^ 



^ These, or rather their chief towns, appear on the Royal Geographi- 
cal Society's Map, 1892, as Resht, Keshkan, Lahijan, Lenkoran, and 
Kudum. [See infta^ Appendix C. — D. F.] 

• Quando esto iua escriuiendo, " when I was writing this." I think 
" this " refers to the Kings of Persia^ which Teixeira translated and 
condensed from Mfr Khwdnd's work, during his stay in Hormuz (see 
Introduction). — D. F. 

* Here comes an account of the Shdh's victorious campaign, especi- 
ally of how he passed a river at the head of his horsemen. It is not 
de visUy and indeed the passage already extracted is chiefly interesting 
because its dates give some chance of checking other accounts of these 
transactions. [On the reduction of GiMn and Mazandaran see Sir 
Anthony Sherley in Purchas (Pilgrimes^ Pt. ll, p. 1392 etseq,) ; Sir T. 
Herbert ( Travels^ p. 198 et sea,) ; Malcolm {History of Persia^ vol. i, 
P- 345) ; Curzon (Persia and the Persian Question^ vol. i, p. 372). The 
capture of Tabrfz by Selim II (1566-74) during the reign of Shdh 
Tamasp (1525-76) is referred to by Teixeira in chap, v of the First 
Book of his Kings of Persia; and its recovery by Shdh Abbds is 
mentioned at the end of same work (cf. Emoassy of Sir T, Roe^ 
pp. 356, 400, and notes). Of the governors of the five places named 
by Teixeira I have found no mention in any of the works that I have 
consulted. — D. F.] 



KINGS OF PERSIA. 209 



CHAPTER XXII. 

[This chapter, covering twenty-four pages of the original, con- 
sists chiefly of lengthy digressions. 

Teixeira's first excursion (a short one) is in regard to Hyerak. 

Then follows a very long digression on India, in which the 
writer first refers to the Indus and its affluents, and then enumer- 
ates various kingdoms in the north-west of India. Particularising 
Utrad, he mentions that thence come rock-salt and spikenard. 
He then adds : — ] 

There comes also from Utrad^ the perfect ingOy which our 
physicians call Assa fetida.^ This gum is obtained from three 
sources : the best, very pure and least bitter, from Utrad, as I 
have said. The second sort is collected in Duzgun, in Persia, a 
town near Lastan, between Komron and Lara, a city about thirty 
leagues from Harmuz.^ The third comes from the province of 
Karagon, in the same land of Persia** The plants producing this 
gum are of two sorts. One is a tall shrub with small leaves, some- 
what like those of rue, and produces little. The other is a root 
like a radish, which sends up tall and tender shoots, with leaves 
much like those of the castor-oil plant. In some places the plants 
are cultivated, and elsewhere they grow wild, loving mountams 
and rugged places. Most of the gum^ is collected at the end of 

autumn I had in Harmuz, in the year 1596, four roots 

that I obtained from Duzgun. They were very like the great 
ynnnames^ that come from Guynd ; and so strong was their smell 

1 " Otrar " of modem maps, on the Jaxartes. 

^ See supra, p. 201. Cf. what follows with Garcia de Orta's Collo- 
quio VII. — D. F. 

3 Duzgun and Lastan are not now to be found, unless the latter is 
represented on the Royal Geographical Society's Map by Latitun or 
Raristan, both on the route from " Komron" (" Gombroon" or Bandar 
Abbas) to Ldr, which route is clearly marked. [" Duzgun" must be 
the " Dashgun" of the Survey of India Map, a place about half-way 
between Bandar Abbas and Ldr by the coast road, vid Khamir, Jena, 
and Bastak. '* Lastan" I cannot identify, unless it represent Bandar 
Hasan, which is the immediately preceding town (cf. " Lasdn" for 
Al Hdsa, supra, p. 29). In his Brief Account of the Provinces of 
Persia (Appendix C, infra) Teixeira does not mention " Duzgun," 
but names * Lastam" as yielding the ingc. — D. F.] 

* See infra, Appendix C. — D. F. 

* Engelbert Kampfer saw the gum collected near Disgun, or Duz- 
gun, in 1687, and his specimens are in the British Museum, or were 
when the Pharmacographia was published in 1874. For many inter- 
esting details, see that work, and Hobson-Jobson, which is a later pub- 
lication, s. vv, "Asafoetida" and **Hing" respectively. [See also 
supra, p. 202, «. — D. F.] 

* Yams. The third " n " is probably a misprint. 



2IO APPENDIX B. 

that in all the house was none who could abide it In eight 
months that I kept them they decayed not, nor lost any of their 
fragrance. The Arabs call this gum by several names, of which 
the chief are haltit^ samaktrey hhilhheis^ zdefa ; and the Persians 
call it inghza. The Baneanes of Cambaya call that of Utrad 
inguhy and that of Persia ingdra, 

[Teixeira then proceeds to speak of the kingdoms of Cache 
(Kacch) and Cambaya, and their animal, vegetable, and mineral 
products ; and deals at some length with the religious beliefs of 
the inhabitants of the latter kingdom, especially as regards the 
taking of life. 

Then come references to the kingdoms of De Kan {sic\ Cun 
Kan {sic\ and Canark of the Chatins.^ 

In another digression, the supersession of the old Persian 
characters by the Arabic is mentioned ; and the writer states that 
he had often seen metal plates with writing on them which none 
could read, but which, he was told, was ^^forg kadin^ of the old 
style" (? Arab, fursiy kadim = " ancient Persian"). This digression 
ends with the citation of a number of Arabic words adopted into 
Spanish and Portuguese. 

Further on, Teixeira digresses to speak of the Brahmans ; and 
this leads him to treat of the calenders and jogis, one of whom, 
named Ralu, he saw, who lived in a cave for ten days and nights 
without food. He proceeds to describe more fully another per- 
sonal experience, as follows : — ] 

In the year 1588 I was bound from the Isle of Seylan to 
Goa, in the company of one^ who soon after became Viceroy of 
India, and our fleet cast anchor before Barselor.^ I wanted to 
see the Portuguese fortress, and the city of the same name, which 
they call Upper Barselor, the capital of Canar^ and of the king- 



1 See foot-note infra, — D. F. 

2 Manoel de Sousa Coutinho, returning from the relief of Columbo, 
March, 1588. He succeeded Dom Duarte de Menezes as Governor 
(not Viceroy) on the 4th of May (see Introduction).— D. F. 

^ On Barcelor see Hobson-Jobson^ s, vv. " Bacanore and Barcelore." 
Faria y Sousa's statements (see next note) regarding the republic of 
" Chatins" at Barcelor are copied (abbreviated) from Couto, Dec, X^ 
Liv. Ill, cap. xvi (see also Dec, F/, Liv. viil, cap. iv). In Faria y Sousa's 
Asia Portuguesa^ tom. II, p. 476, is a plan of the Portuguese fort of 
" Barcalor ;" and at a little distance is shown a bit of " Barcalor de 
si ma," i,e.y Upper Barcelor, and a " mesquitc^^ (mosque) within walls, 
which may represent the temple spoken of by Teixeira. Across a 
river, or arm of the sea, is shown the town of " Cambolim" (? Kumbla). 
There is also a plan of the fort, with description, in the Ressende MS. 
in the British Museum {Sloane 197, f. 284). Valentyn {Malabar^ 
p. 6) gives a plan of the Dutch logie at " Barsaloor," drawn in 1686. 
Regarding the situation of the place, see Lieut. H. S. Brown's 
Handbook to the Ports on the Coast of India^ 1897, p. 158. (Cf. also 
Linschoten, vol. i, p. 66 ; Barbosa, p. 82.) — D. F. 



KINGS OF PERSIA. 211 

dom of the Chatins above mentioned.^ I obtained leave and 
went ashore. The city is a league and a half by a pleasant road 
from the fortress ; of good size, girt with a wall and ditch pro- 
vided with artillery. It is well placed, on a plentiful river of 
fresh water. The houses are of well-wrought timber, and the 
numerous temples of cut stone and mortar. The greatest of 
these is in the midst of the city, and is square, like a cloister of one 
of our monasteries. There was a sort of oratory just within the 
gate, and built in the form of a charola^ with an idol therein. 
All the rest was a square, with passages and sleeping-rooms or 
cells around it, wherein lodge the Bamanes, or Bragmanes, the 
priests and servants of the temple. Six or seven paces without 
the gate, and opposite to it, there stood in a level place a square 
pedestal' of cut stone masonry, about thirty palms high. The 



1 In the passage referred to, " Chatin" is mentioned as a style of 
certain merchants or tradesmen, the modem " chetties'* of the Madras 
Presidency ; and they are described, with rather less probability, as 
governing Canara as a Republic. The truth was, doubtless, that the 
city had a strong municipal administration, extending a little way 
outside the gates. But the " commonwealth " is also mentioned by 
Faria y Sousa : at least he is quoted to that effect, in both editions of 
the Imperial Gazetteer — let him verify who list. Both of these put that 
place in the position of Kolur, which is impossible, as Pietro Delia 
Valle was at least forty hours in getting from one to the other. The 
South Kanara District Manual^ 1895, puts the matter right ; and the 
true name of the latter is given as " Kadachadri," or " Kollur," " a 
magnificent sugar-loaf peak," 4,400 feet high, apparently somewhere 
near the " Barkalur Nagar or Kollur" of Bartholomew's Map of 
1 89 1. This place is too far inland to be the town visited by Teixeira, 
and sacked by Raja Sivaji in 1665 (Grant Duff, Hist, of the Marathas^ 
edition of 1873, P« 9o)> on what is now called the Kundapur (or 
Kandapur ?) river : a conclusion which the present writer had arrived 
at before seeing that work. But the district officer is now the only 
real authority on such points, where maps are bad. 

2 The sort of litter used to carry images in procession. What is 
meant is that the little shrine was shaped like the god's palanquins, 
or perhaps like a chariot (ratha\ both very common forms for such 
buildings. 

' " Pedestal" in original, and, a little lower down, ^^ pedestal pira- 
mideP It is probable that "pillar or obelisk" would have expressed 
the facts of the case better, but the translator is not at liberty to 
amend a clear text. The thing meant is evidently a dipdatiy or 
dipmal^ a very common object throughout India, in such places as 
that described, and often a very beautiful one. It is a pillar of cut 
stone or brickwork, with niches or brackets for countless lamps, to be 
lit up at festivals. I take the "/«/w<w" to be great palms, or "spans," 
of about 9 ins. each, which would make the height of the pillar about 
22^ ft., a very common height, and expressible in Hindu cubits of 
18 ins. to 19 ins. I suppose I have seen a thousand such dipmals^ 

P 2 



212 APPENDIX B. 

four sides of this were full of niches, to put the lights in that 
they burn there by night, and at the top was a very great and 
well- wrought metal lamp-stand.^ 

1 came into the city at dawn, and saw at the foot of that 
pedestal, or pyramid, a loguy — a man of great stature, robust, 
black, and ugly — seated on the ground, stark-naked but for a 
dirty little rag by way of fig-leaf. He had in his hand a forked 
stick two palms long, on which he rested now one arm and then 
the other, and sometimes his legs.^ He was all covered with 
ashes, which he took now and then in his hand and strewed on 
his head.^ This was in the end of March, when the heat is 
already very great in those countries. 

When I had observed this, I went to look at the rest of the 
city, and came back at noon, and found the loguy in the blazing 
sunshine, as quiet and patient as if he had been in a very cool 
shady house, and there he stayed until evening. After sunset 
there came others* to join him, whom he arose to receive. They 
lit a fire of branches that these had brought, made new ashes, and 
strewed them on their heads, facing westward. Then, having 
offered up a certain prayer, they saluted each other, and went 
every one his own way, and he returned to his post. I asked how 
long he had been there, and was told that it was some years ; 
and that neither sun nor rain could drive him away ; nor would 
he leave that spot but on his natural occasions. I relate what I 

and pictures of as many more, very various in plan and proportion, 
but never stumpy enough to be called in English "pedestals" or 
"pyramids." 

* " Candelero^^ probably a brass stand for many small lamps, 
certainly not what we now call a " chandelier." Hindu sacristans do 
not even yet like candles. 

2 Crutches like this are in common use, though not universal, 
amongst Hindu and Musalman ascetics in India, and (I am told) 
amongst Western dervishes. They are often of very curious form, 
natural or artificial, and sometimes of metal. A man of Ahmadabad, 
calling himself a fakir (with doubtful claim), but well known as a bad 
character, came before a magistrate with a petition, holding a steel 
crutch in a manner that attracted attention. The magistrate suddenly 
stepped forward, and drew from it a very effective blade, as of a sword- 
cane, over a foot long, to which the crutch-head formed a haft, like 
that of a Malay kris. The whole length of the crutch is usually 
about eighteen inches, which confirms my conjecture that Teixeira's 
^^paltno " was of about nine — our " span." 

' I have frequently been assured by respectable Jogis and Gosais 
that wood ashes are very comfortable wear. They are certainly {as 
properly prepared for that purpose) " very clean dirt ;" much less offen- 
sive to the " Europe nose " than the vegetable oils used by many 
natives, and not a little antiseptic. Good ascetics are usually healthy. 

* It appears that the first " loguy " was the chief, and that the others, 
who came to him and brought him fuel, were his ckelas, or disciples. 



KINGS OF PERSIA. 213 

saw as an instance of the usual practice of those poor wretches, 
and what pains they take to go to hell, while we trouble ourselves 
so little to win heaven.^ .... 

[In another digression Teixeira says that the name Chin (China) 
was used by the Persians, in a general way, for the countries to 
the East (Tartary, etc.). He then proceeds : — ] 

The most and best of the rhubarb^ comes from Gax Khar,^ or 
Kax Ghar, a city of Usbek, a province near Kethao Kothan ; they 
call it reuandchiny^ that is, "rhubarb of China," to distinguish it 
from that collected in Persia and Karason. This they call reuand- 
aspyy or "horse rhubarb," because they doctor horses with it. The 
Portuguese also bring it from China, and I have seen some of 
this very good, but not equal to the other, nor does it keep good 
so long. Some say that its inferior quality and durability are 
caused by the Chinese boiling it, to use the decoction themselves. 
But they are wrong, for the truth is, that this drug is naturally 
inferior. Moreover, it comes from China by sea to India, whose 
regions, and especially those where dwell the Portuguese, are 
very damp ; and, however short be its time there, before re-export 
to Portugal, perforce it suffers, and loses much of its quality and 
effect. The rhubarb plant is like a turnip. It produces, from a 
short stem, some little leaves near the ground.* It is dug up 
when ripe, and cut in pieces, which are the lumps^ brought 
hither to us. These are strung up on threads through the 



1 It is only fair to the Indian ascetics to observe that a good many 
of them are men of genuine piety and decent habits, according to 
their Hghts ; and this is as true of Hindus as of Musalmans. Some 
are men of ability and energy, and even of learning. Their general 
ill-repute amongst Englishmen is due partly to our prejudice against 
asceticism in general, and partly to the extravagances and insolence of 
some of their number ; but most of all to the criminal habits of their 
worst specimens, and to the use of their profession, as a disguise, by 
common criminals, who have never been members of any regular 
order whatever. 

* Cf. what follows with Garcia de Orta's Colloquio XL VIII, and 
Linschoten, vol. ii, p. loi. — D. F. 

3 This is the modern Kashgar in Turkistan ; by no means the 
" Gax Khar" of " Gueylon" mentioned above (p. 208). 

* " Hojas menudas y poco llevantados.^^ Perhaps Teixeira had not 
seen even the Persian plant in leaf. It is clear that he had not seen 
anything but the prepared form of Rheum officinale, "a perennial 
plant resembling the common garden rhubarb, but of larger size" 
{Pharmacographia, sub voce). But the stress which he lays upon the 
durability of rhubarb brought overland from Northern Asia is justified 
by Mr. Hanbur/s notice of specimens "eighty years old, and still 
sound and good" {ibidem). Garden rhubarb is Rheum rhaponticum. 

6 ''Boletos:' 



214 APPENDIX B. 

middle, and put to dry in the open air. Some one has written 
that the people string them so as to hang them round their 
cattle^s necks, and so smuggle them from one kingdom to another, 
the export being forbidden. But he was ill-informed; for it is 
not forbidden now, nor ever was ; and there is such plenty of 
rhubarb where it is collected that one man^ a weight of about 
thirty-six ounces, is commonly worth a sady^ that is, just half a 
real.i 

[Then follow some more remarks on the Tartar Empire, where, 
says the writer, much pure gold is found. He continues : — ] 

Also there is brought thence [from Western China, Mongolia, 
etc.] most of the almiscar^ which the Arabs and Persians call 
mexk^ mesky or mosk, A rat, too, is called moxk in Persian.^ 
But this is not because the perfumed rats of India, who smell 
most sweetly of musk, are any kin of the animals which produce 
the same. For these last are gazelles, large animals like a sort of 
deer, and the others are very little rats, like those that we call 
musaraneus,^ All the musk brought from places outside China, 
as from Bengal, Pegu, and other occasional sources, is better 
[than the Chinese]. The reason is that it has not come into 
the hands of the Chinamen, whose spirit suffers them not to let 
anything pass them in its purity.* 

[The Mongol peoples are then referred to ; and the writer 
mentions the calanbd (calumba), and says : — ] 

It is a wonderful thing that in one trunk of one tree^ are found 
very often the calanbd and the aguyla, or lign aloes, and another 

* From the Lyvro dos Pesos da Ymdia^ by Ant. Nunez (printed in 
Subsidios para a Historia da India Portugueza^ Lisbon, 1868), we 
learn that at Hormuz (in 1554) rhubarb was sold by m&os da tara (/.^., 
maunds with a tare or allowance), each mdo having a picota^ or 
additional allowance, of 28 Hormuz maticals^ making (according to 
Nunez) 2 lb., 5 oz., ij mat (see pp. 12, 52). According to the same 
authority (see pp. 25, 63), the Hormuz qadi was worth 100 dinars^ or 
in modern Portuguese currency, as computed by the editor, Sr. R. J. 
de Lima Felner, nearly 1 5 nis (say 3 farthings). — D. F. 

2 Mush, mushchah, practically the same word as the Latin mus^ 
our mouse, etc. Teixeira very critically proceeds to point out that 
we must not confuse mice and rats, particularly " musk-rats," with 
musk deer. His compliment to the rats (which are shrews, Crocidura 
murina, and C. carulea) will scarcely be echoed by the Anglo-Indian 
public, by whom the flavour is found a trifle too strong. 

' That is, shrew mice ; a sound scientific observation, marking our 
author as a naturalist. 

* A rather lame but literal rendering. The original is well worth 
giving : " Chinas, cuyo animo no sufre dexar alguna cosa eh su 
pureza^^ [Cf. Garcia de Orta, ff. 74, 184 v. — D. F.] 

* Aquilaria agallocha. [Cf. Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 95. — D. F.] 



KINGS OF PERSIA. 21 5 

wood different from both,^ as I frequently found by proof. The 
reason is, when those trees are cut they are thrown into the mud 
by the rivers, wherein the useless wood rots away, but the good 
remains. This wood is found also in the forests of Malaca, and 
of the neighbouring kingdom of Pan, which the Portuguese call 
Pa5.2 The Arabs and Persians call the aguila^ or lign aloes, ud^ 
and the kalambd kalumbuk.^ And now that I have briefly 
dealt with this precious wood, I will digress just a little* about 
sandalwood,^ whereof the white is of no less virtue than the 
yellow. This is no separate species, only the white turned a 
little bitter by some cause or chance.^ It is got in Thimor, an 
island five hundred miles from Malaca, and is called in the 
Thimor language chandaua^ which the Persians and Arabs 
corrupt a little to sandal^ and the Latins after them to sandalo. 

[Then follows a description of how the trees grow and the wood 
is obtained ; and some stories are told to exemplify the guileless- 
ness of the inhabitants of Timor. The writer proceeds : — ] 

There are in this isle [Thimor] other woods of much virtue, but 
less thought of, as not articles of trade. Such are viddre pute^ 
meaning " white apple," and viddre lahor^ that is " sea-apple," both 
which names are Malay, and the plants very medicinal.^ And in 



^ See Garcia de Orta's Colloquio XXX \ Linschoten, vol. i, pp. 122, 
1 50, and footnotes. — D. F. 

2 Represented by modern Pahang. 

3 I cannot find kalumbuk^ or anything like it, in Persian, Arabic, 
or Hindustani. [Johnson's Pers.-Arab.-Eng. Diet, has " P. kalambak^ 
A fragrant kind of wood.— D. F.] Ud means lign aloes in all of them. 

* " Dire sin mucho error,^^ 

^ Cf what follows with Garcia de Orta's Colloquio XLIX^ and 
Linschoten, vol. ii, pp. 102-105. — D. F. 

® The whole of this passage might be written to-day by people not 
stupid, nor ill-educated, but having had just about Teixeira's chances. 
He goes on to tell second-hand yams about the sandalwood trade in 
Timor. One thing clear is, that Teixeira knew little or nothing about 
the sandalwood of Peninsular India, though it is the same plant. 

^ Sic: a misprint for chandana^ which is the Sanskrit name. — 
D. F. 

^ Garcia de Orta (f. 33) says of the ber or bor fruits (fruits of 
Zizyphus jujuba^ var.) that the Malays call them vidaras. The names 
mentioned by Teixeira are, as he says, Malay, or rather Javanese, the 
correct spelling being widara putih and widara laut {^^lahor^^ being 
a misprint for " lahot^^ and the h being silent as in " taheis,^^ infra, p. 
226). His translation of the names is correct. Crawfiird's Malay 
Dictionary explains bidara (Malay), or widara (Jav.) as "name of an 
esculent fruit, Zizyphus jujubc^^ \ and ^^ bidara la/tut" 2is^*na.me of 



2l6 APPENDIX B. 

Solor, a neighbouring island, is a wood which we call in Portu- 
guese " Solor wood " ; no less efficient ; and an antidote against 
poisons, called belyla^ after a Mahometan who discovered it. It 
is just like cobbler's wax, and much valued.^ 

[Then come some more remarks on the habits of the people of 
Timor, and on the sandalwood trade ; the digression ending with 
an explanation of dibd (a rich kind of silk), and mad (maund).] 



CHAPTERS XXIII-XXVI. 

[Chapters XXIII-XXVI are very short (the first occupying only 
eight lines), and the only digression is a small one in Chapter 
XXV, explanatory of the title Babakhon,'] 



a plant." In] Forbes's A Naturalists Wanderings in the Eastern 
Archipelago^ pp. 497-523, will be found a pretty full Prodromus Florce 
TimorensiSy from which it appears (p. 502) that Timor possesses 
three varieties of Zizyphus^ viz. Z. celtidifolius^ DC. ; Z. timoriensis^ 
DC. ; and Z.jujuba, Lam. Probably two of these are to be identified 
with the "white" and "sea" jujubes of Teixeira. — D. F. 

1 Solor is the small island between Timor and Flores, and must not 
be confounded with the island of Salayar off the south-west arm of 
Celebes (see Linschoten's " Map of the Eastern Seas " in The Voyage 
of John Saris y and the footnotes on pp. 11 and 205 of that book, the 
latter of which is, I think, erroneous). Ribeiro (Fatal, Hist, de Ceildo^ 
p. 232) gives a very brief description of the island, in which, when he 
wrote his work (1685), the Portuguese still had a footing; and he 
couples it with Timor as producing sandal. A detailed description of 
Solor and Timor, and events in their history down to 1721, will be 
found in Valentyn's Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien^ deel III, stuk ii, 
pp. 120-127 (see also map at p. 37). For further information on the two 
islands, see Crawfurd's Diet, of the Indianjslands^ s. w.\ Stanford's 
Compendium of Geography and Travel^ Australasia^ vol. ii, pp. 368, 
369 ff. ; Forbes's A Naturalists Wanderings in the Eastern Archi- 
pelagOy p. 415 ^/ seq,\ A. R. Wallace's Malay Archipelago^ p. 141 ^/ seq. 
The ''''pao de Solor ^^ (Solor wood) was, I believe, the same as the 
^^pao da cobrc^^ (snake-wood) of which Garcia de Orta treats in his 
Colloquio XLII (see also Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 104), and of which 
he mentions three kinds. Prof. V. Ball says: "The identity of these 
is very doubtful, as the descriptions are rather vague. It is possible, 
however, that they may be identical with the following : — Cocculus 
acuminatuSy D'C. ; Hemidesmus indicus^ R. Brown ; Strychnos colu- 
brina^ Linn." (Proc. of Royal Irish Acad., 3rd ser., vol. i, p. 656). 
I cannot identify ^^belyld^\ but it is curious that in Malaysia one 
of the commonest names for beeswax, which has always formed a chief 
article of export from Timor, is Malay lilin. This, with a prefix, may 
be the origin of " belylaP I doubt the existence of Teixeira's alleged 
Muhammadan discoverer. — D. F. 



KINGS OF PERSIA. 2l7 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

[This chapter consists chiefly of a lengthy digression, beginning 
with a reference to Kermdn, in connection with which the writer 
says : — ] 

In four parts of Persia there is much [rose-water] made ; the 
best is distilled in Xyraz and Yazd. Inferior sorts are made in 
Kermon and Duzgun,^ by infusion and decoction, for which reason 
they are easily spoiled. In Persian, it is called either gulab^ 
which means simply " rose-water," or areka gul^ that is, " sweat of 
roses," a name fit enough for the distilled sorts. The decocted 
sorts are exported from Kermon yearly to all the East, in great 
quantities. 

[Teixeira then takes up the subject of carpets, and, after giving 
some facts thereanent, goes on to say : — ] 

The name of Al Catifa^ which we give in Portuguese [to carpets], 
arose before the kings of Harmuz settled in the isle of Gerun, 
where now they dwell, and call it after their ancient seat. The 
fairs and trade that are now there were then managed on another 
isle named Keis, as I have said in treating of Harmuz.' The 
Arab merchants who frequented it came and went by Katifa, a 
port on the Arabian mainland, in the province of Lasah,^ and 
opposite the Isle of Barhen, and carried their goods thence to 
various parts. The carpets were among the chief articles of this 
trade, and when asked whence they brought these, they would say 
"Al Catifa,"^ that is," from Catifa," and hence the name would seem 
to have stuck to them. So, because seed-pearls are chiefly fished 
on the coast of lulfar, a port in Arabia in the same Persian Gulf, 
they came to be called Al lulfar — that is, " of lulfar" — and we 
corrupt this a little into aljofar,^ 

^ On " Duzgun," see supra^ p. 209, n, — D. F. 

^ See supra^ p. 162, et seq, 

3 El Hasa, El Ahsa, of different maps. [See supra^ pp. 29, 174. — D. F.] 

* An ingenious and not unscientific bit of etymology. However, 
katifa is now Arabic for velvety and Persian carpets have a pile, like 
velvet, — in some cases of silk. The etymological reader can form his 
own opinion. 

* This derivation seems doubtful. [It is copied from G. de Orta, op. 
cit.^ {. 1382/. — D. F.] Yox jawhar is Arabic for a pearl, and quite as 
near the Portuguese aljofar^ as Julfar is. I cannot find this port on 
any modern map or chart. It sent fifty boats to the pearl fishery in 
Teixeira's time (see above, p. 176), which was half the strength of the 
Bahrein squadron, and equal to that of Bandar Nakhalu. I am inclined 
to conjecture that it may have been on the coast near Ras-al-Khaima. 
It is to be remembered here, that Teixeira's initial I probably repre- 
sents the Arabic "Yd," «^/"Jim." [Regarding Julfar, see Barbosa, 
p. 34 ; Varthema, p. 93, n. ; Comment. ofAf Dalb.^ vol. i, p. 246, «., 
and Map of Arabia at p. 80 ; Hist, pflmdms of^Omdn, p. 322, n. — D. F.] 



2l8 APPENDIX B. 

Kermon also produces tutia^ whi(ih the Persians in their own 
language call tutyah. It is found in that province alone, and 
there only in one mountain-range, distant from the city about 
twelve farsanghes, that is, six-and-thirty miles, whence it is 
exported to all the world in great quantities. It is made by 
kneading up the earth of the mountain with pure water, and 
covering therewith certain clay moulds. Next they bake these in 
furnaces like a potter's, draw them out when well baked, and 
strip them. What is stripped off is the tutia^ which is after- 
wards carried in boxes to Harmuz, for sale. Those who buy it 
class it as stone tutia^ whereof much is brought, or as dust. 
These are sold separately, but both are used and both effective.^ 
The Doctor Garcia Dorta was ill-informed, who, in his Dialogues 
about the simples of India, says that tuiia is made of the ashes 
of a tree and fruit called gune.^ There is indeed a fruit in 
Persia which they call gaon^^ of the size and shape of cherry- 
stones, covered with a green and yellow skin, which the natives 
eat as we do pine seeds. They say that its effect is very different 



1 Cf. what follows with G. de Orta's Colloquio LVL See also 
Yule's Marco Polo^ vol. i, p. 130 ; and Royal Asiatic Societys Journal, 
vol. xiii, N. S., p. 497. — D. F. 

2 " Tutty " does not seem now to be the name of any ore of zinc, 
but of a by-product of the brass-foundries. In this passage I take 
it to be either " blende " or " calamine stone," probably the latter. It 
is not now, I think, exported from Karmdn by sea. 

3 G. de Orta {op, dt.^ f. 216) spells the word goan. Dr. V. Ball, in 
Proc, of the Royal Irish Acad,^ 3rd Series, vol. i, p. 678, says, 
referring to Garcia de Orta's statement : — " Its preparation from the 
ashes of wood is absurd. The sulphate may have been collected as 
an efflorescence from rocks in Persia, as it is known to be in 
Afghanistan now, and the oxide prepared from it by roasting." — D. F. 

* This, by the description, should be the pfstachio, Pistacia vera, 
I cannot verify this in the dictionaries, but Brandis has " Gewdun " as 
a vernacular name for P, Khinjak^ a closely-allied tree of the same 
regions : it may be a local name for P, vera, [Mr. A. Houtum- 
Schindler, in his " Notes on Marco Polo's Itinerary in Southern 
Persia," in the Royal Asiatic Society's Journal^ vol. iii, N. S., p. 497, 
says : — " The name Tutfd for collyrium is not now used in Kermdn 
. . . The lampblack used as collyrium is always called Surmah. . . . 
In the high mountains of the province . . . Surmah is the root of the 
Gavan plant (Garcia's goan). This plant, a species of Astragalus, 
is on those mountains very fat and succulent ; from it also exudes the 
Tragacanth gum. The root is used dry, as an eye-powder, or mixed with 
tallow, as an eye-salve. It is occasionally collected on iron gratings. 
Tutfd is the Arabicised word diidhd, Persian for sn>okes. . . . Teixeira's 
Tiitfd was an impure oxide of zinc, perhaps the above-mentioned 
Tutfd-i-saffd (white Tiitf^ apparently an argillaceous zinc ore), baked 
into cakes ; it was probably the East India Company's Lapis Tiitfd, 
also called Tutty."— d. f.] 



KINGS OF PERSIA. 219 

from that of tutia^ which is produced and prepared in Kermon as 
above said. 

Kermon produces another thing no less useful, and found in 
no other country, that is, wormwood,^ which we call in Portuguese 
lonbriquerc^ and the Persians in their tongue dram nah Kermony^ 
meaning both a medicine of Kermon and a medicine against 
worms. For dram nah is the proper name of that drug,^ and 
Kermon is equivocal, meaning either the kingdom of that name, 
or worms. Hence we call a dye kermezy^ because of the worms 
that make the grain. 

[Here follows a story of a prince and a skull, told by a 
famous Persian poet, Coaia Yafez, in which the word kermon is 
played on. Teixeira then proceeds : — ] 

Kermon also produces surmah^ which is a certain stone, black 
and translucid, as if sprinkled with black sand. There are two 
sorts, one brought from Kermon and Karazon, which is the best 
and most esteemed ; and another called moky^ as coming from 
Meka or Moka, in the Red Sea.* The Arabs, Persians, and 
Indians all use this surmdh much against diseases of the eyes, to 
which they apply it, mixed with other simples ; and also for mere 
ornament, both men and women, and they think themselves to 
look the better for it. 

But not such was the opinion of a Persian lover, who saw his 
dear with her eyes so painted — no doubt fine dark eyes, as nearly 
all Persians have them, men and women. For he said to her, 
amongst other compliments, " Chesm Siah dary Surmah che 



* Some species of Artemisia, or " southernwood." The restriction 
of this drug to Karmdn is very odd, as the genus and several efficient 
species are very widely distributed. 

2 5/V, for lombrigueira, — D. F. 

3 This I cannot verify, but karm (Pers.) does mean a worm or 
maggot, and Teixeira's derivation of kermes (a red dye) is one 
generally admitted. The "grain" in question is the little round 
lump produced on Quercus coccifera by the insect. Qohnson's Pers, 
Diet gives i//>7««««»= wormwood. As regards the dye, see New 
Eng, Dict^ s, vv. "Alkermes," "Cramoisy," "Crimson," "Grain," 
and " Kermes." — D. F.] 

* The confusion of these two very distinct and distant cities is rather 
odd, and is one of a good many bits of evidence that one cannot depend 
much on Teixeira but as an eye-witness. [See also tn/ra, Bk. il, 
chap. xxxi. — D. F.] The surma in question is the black antimony 
used throughout the East as an application to (or rather around) the 
eyes ; and Teixeira's remark about Queen Jezebel is quite sound, and 
has been echoed by a good many who did not owe their opinions to 
him. The Spanish word that he uses for " painted " {cUcaholadas) is 
itself derived from an Arabic word for the same drug, though he does 
not notice the etymology. 



» , 



1 1 



f 



I , 



220 APPENDIX B. 

tacony /" as it were : " What dost thou with surmah^ whose 
black eyes need none?*' This must have been the cosmetic 
used by the perverse lesabel, the wife of Achab, when she 
showed herself at the window with her eyes^ painted, to please 
the captain who bade slay her 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 
[Chapter XXVIII contains no digression.] 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

[This chapter contains two digressions. The first, a very 
lengthy one, commences with a reference to the practice of hunt- 
ing in Persia, and some remarks on the word^r. The writer 
then continues : — ] 

The commonest form of the chase, in Persia and other parts of 
the East, is the use of birds and four-footed beasts. With the birds 
they pursue other birds, as here, and also other creatures, such 
as deer, gazelles, hares, etc. And the way of it is this : that 
a trained falcon, or other bird of prey, cast off after such a creature, 
perches on its head between the horns, and pecks at its eyes, 
worrying and delaying it until the greyhounds come up and catch 
it. And with beasts they have several ways. They have onsas^ 
or tame leopards,^ which they take with them in their following 
in carts for that purpose. Private men carry them on their 
horses' croups, on steel plates, so that their claws may not hurt 
the horses. They have also many very good and swift grey- 
hounds. 

They have the same game as here, and some different, such as 
gazelles. These are a sort of deer, but more slender. Their 
horns are sharp, not forked,^ but twisted like a screw. They have 



^ "Face" in our English "Authorised Version," "eyes" in the 

Revised, as here. European men are not easily reconciled to this 

sort of ornament ; but, after all, it is neither very ugly nor very 
dangerous. 

* These, of course, were chitas (CyncBlurus jubatus\ and not 
" ounces" proper. From the mention of their having been carried 
on the horses' backs I suppose some to have been lynxes {Felis 
Caracal)^ lighter beasts, and so fitter for that position. Both are 
natives of Persia. 

3 " Derechos^^ which can only mean here that they are not forked. 
The usual meaning of " straight " is forbidden by the context, and 
untrue to nature. Teixeira's "gazelle" probably stands for several 
species that he must have seen, including perhaps the Indian black 
buck, which really has spiral horns. Those of gazelles are lyrate, more 



KINGS OF PERSIA. 221 

great eyes, wonderfully expressive ; and when a Persian boasts the 
bright eyes of a lady, he says that they are like a gazdPs^ for so 
they call the creature.^ The flesh is very wholesome, and of good 
flavour. 

There are some wild sheep, which the Persians call pdgenP' 
These, like the gazelles, wander always in rugged places, and are 
not very unlike our common sheep, but bigger and stouter, and of 
wonderful strength. I saw one harnessed to a bronze demi-falcon, 
which he drew without difficulty. They have horns like our sheep, 
but each as great as half the hoop of a wine pipe, thick, and 
reaching back so far as to cover their haunches. This is a pro- 
vision of Nature, who has made them so that when chased by men 
and dogs they can safely jump down from cliff" or crag, seeking 
ever the most perilous. And so they jump down horns foremost, 
roll over them, and escape in safety from their pursuers.* 

[The hunting of deer with deer is then described : wild cows are 
mentioned, from whose tails are made cotnbalas (chdmaras or 
chowries) ; then the writer passes to elephants, describes the 
method of catching them, and relates other particulars concerning 
them; stating that in 1590, when Joao Correade Brito was captain 
of the fortress of Columbo in Ceylon,* a female elephant at Seita- 
vaca,^ the court of Raiu, the last heathen king of that island, 
developed a pair of tusks, which the monarch regarded as a great 
token of luck. Teixeira then proceeds : — ] 

It is not true of the rhinoceros, which we call bada^ in Portu- 
guese, that he conquers the elephant,^ for I have several times 
seen one to flee from the very sight of an elephant. These 



or lefs, but ringed with ridges, which may have suggested the idea of 
the screw. G. subgutturosa is the Persian species par excellence. 
[See Eastern Persia^ vol. ii (by W. T. Blanford), p. 91. — D. F.] 

^ Cf. supra, p. 193. — D. F. 

2 Cf. Appendix C, and see next footnote. — D. F. 

' This is a very old story, told in many lands about many sheep and 
goats, and few authorities venture altogether to discredit it. But we 
may be allowed to suppose that even the most acrobatic of goats would 
go rather on his heels than on his head. I do not find ^^pagen^^ in 
dictionaries, but pdsang is a long-known Persian name of this ibex, 
and Blanford gives pdchin as a Baluch synonym (Fauna of India, 
Mammalia, Capra cBgagrUs), [See also Eastern Persia, vol. ii (by 
W. T. Blanford), p. 89.— D. F.] 

* He was appointed to this post in 1581, but did not take it up until 
the end of 1583. He defended Columbo successfully against the 
successive attacks of" Raju" (Rdja Sinha I), until 1590, when 'he was 
succeeded by Simao de Brito. — D. F. 

^ See footnote, infra, chap. xxxv. — D. F. 

^ See Hobson-Jobson, s, v. " Abada." — D. F. 

'^ Cf. this and what follows with Garcia de Orta, ff". 88 v and 128 ; 
and Linschoten, vol. ii, pp. 8- 11. — D. F. 



222 APPENDIX B. 

animals are sometimes hunted in the East. Their horns are really 
of great virtue against poisons and other ills/ and especially 
those of animals killed in Bengala, Orracam, and Siam. Those 
of Africa, though greater, are not held as good. 

[Then come some observations on tigers in Malabar, Bengal, 
and Malacca, with a description of how they were killed in the 
island of Manndr, off Ceylon. (There are, as a fact, no tigers 
in any part of Ceylon.) Fishing is the next subject dealt 
with ; and the methods of catching fish and waterfowl on the 
River Indus are described. Our author then proceeds : — ] 

In^ the strait of Sincapura and Romanya,^ which is between 
Malaca and lor, toward the south, the Seletes,* which are a cer- 
tain people that are born, bred, and live on the sea in very little 
boats, gaining their living sometimes by fishing and at others by 
robbing ; sell the fish that go swimming under the water ; and, 
having settled the price, get it out and deliver it to the buyer, 
being so dexterous and sure thereat that they never miss. The 
same is said to take place in China, at Canton. These Seletes, 
when they give a daughter in marriage, give her as a dowry one 
of those little boats, with two oars and a gaff; and the bride and 
bridegroom being placed therein, they commit them to the 
current of the tide, by which they let themselves be carried until 
they come to land ; and there where they touch is the place of 
their habitation when they are on land : that is, if it be not occu- 
pied by others, which if it is, they continue to follow the waves 
until they pitch upon a free spot 

[Fishing in Japan is then referred to ; after which comes the 
following : — ] 

In the Bay of Mascate there is great plenty of fish. This place 
is an Arab settlement, with a Portuguese fortress, on the Arabian 
coast, within the Persian Gulf; standing in 23 J degrees north 
latitude, that is, right under the Tropic of Cancer.^ The fish are 

1 See Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe (Hakluyt Soc), p. 290 and foot- 
note.— D. F. 

2 I am responsible for the translation of this paragraph, which Mr. 
Sinclair intended to insert here, as a note left by him shows. — D. F. 

3 See supra, p. 3. — D. F. 

* The " Cellates " of Barros, who describes them in much the same 
language as that of Teixeira {Dec. II, Liv. VI, cap. i). Our author 
refers to these sea-dwellers in his Voyage (p. 3, supra). The name 
appears to be derived from Malay 5^/«/=strait, or j^/«/«« = south, 
southern. They are now known by the name of ^r^«^-/dr«/="men 
of the sea," or " sea people" (see Crawfurd's Dictionary of the Ind, 
Islands, s. v.). — D. F. 

^ Not quite : " Fisher's Rock " is in 23 deg. 38 min. N. lat, 58 deg. 
36 min. E. Ion., and is " the bench mark." 



KINGS OF PERSIA. 223 

dried and sent over all India, and so abundant and easy to catch 
that often a hungry cat will come down to the beach and lay 
her tail in the water, to which the little fishes come and take hold 
of it. When she feels them fast, with a whisk of her tail she lays 
them high and dry, and satisfies her appetite. This seems strange, 
but less so if one considers what curious means of providing for 
themselves many animals have discovered. And this may be 
found the more credible from what befell myself in that very bay in 
the year 1587, when I was there in a fleet. ^ I happened to see 
the galley-slaves fishing, with no more tackle than their hands, 
which they dipped in the water, and pulled out the fish. I 
wondered, and on asking I learnt that they tied a little bit of fish 
within the thumb, which the fishes came to nibble at, and so 
were seized in the hand and pulled out. To make sure, 1 did so 
myself, and caught several.^ 

There are in the East the hypopothamos, the ox-fish, the pig- 
fish, and one called the woman-fish, for that it much resembles 
one in the shape of the sexual organ. 

[Teixeira then refers to the abominable use of this fish by cer- 
tain Moors on the coast of Melinde, the truth of which he vouches 
for from his personal inquiries when in those parts.' He con- 
tinues : — ] 

Of the bones of this fish they make, commonly, rosaries, rings, 
and other trinkets, much valued in India because they are said to 
be of great virtue in checking any flow of blood. But I for many 
years made careful trial of this, and of other things that the 
Indian people put forth as miraculous, and had no profit of it ; 
though I confess that there are in the East many drugs of admir- 
able virtue and strange properties.* 



1 As to how he came there, see Introduction. Teixeira visited 
Mdskat again in 1604 (see supra, p. 18). — D. F. 

2 Mdskat has always been famous for the multitude of its sea-fish, 
and still exports a good deal. The story of the galley-slaves is proba- 
ble enough, especially if we temember that they must have been 
negroes or Asiatics, and mostly of maritime races. I have myself 
seen and done such things, but the fish caught were mere fry. As for 
the cats, I know that fish are sometimes foolish enough for this story 
to be true, but I doubt the cat's being clever enough. [Cf. Ant. 
Galvao, p. 102. — D. F.] 

3 Antonio Galvao makes the same assertion (see Hakluyt Soc. ed. 
of Discoveries of the World, p. 43, where the translator of 160 1 and 
the editor of 1862 have conspired to misinterpret ludicrously the 
original). — D. F. 

* Of these four " fishes " the hippopotamus requires no notice, and 
I cannot identify the ''^pesce buey^^ or ox-fish ; possibly a " homed 
ray." [Perhaps Osiracion quadricorne (see New Eng. Diet, s, v. 
" Cow-fish").— D. F.] The pig-fish may be supposed to be a porpoise. 



224 APPENDIX B. 

There are many and terrible crocodiles in various Eastern 
countries, as in Africa in the rivers of Cuama and many others ; 
in the Ganges in Bengal; in Pegu and Tanasarin ; and much more 
and greater in Malaca, where there is scarce a day that they do 
not carry off people in the river.^ For as the natives use the 
river much, are constantly in it to wash themselves, or for other 
purposes, the crocodile comes quietly, and catches his man by 
the legs, and carries him off without anyone being able to inter- 
fere, because the victim is dragged under water, and no more 
seen of him. A few crocodiles are caught sometimes, but in no 
proportion to their great number. 

When Don luan de Gama, brother of the Count of Vedigueyra, 
was Governor of that fortress of Malaca,* there was there a native 
of that country who would sometimes betake himself to the river 
San Geronimo, that bathes the walls of the city, and repeat certain 
words, upon which the crocodiles came to him. Then, with more 
words, he would take one or two of them, put ropes about their 
necks, and lead them off through the city. When they had come 
to the Captain's house he bade them salute, and they did so ; and 
then he took them back to the river, and turned them loose, and 
they went away harmlessly and quietly. This he did several 
times ; but at last he probably made some mistake in his incanta- 
tion. For, as he turned loose a crocodile, of a pair that he had 
brought down to the river, it took leave of him with a stroke of 
its tail over the head, and laid him dead on the spot.^ 

The royal Prophet^ assures us that such witchcrafts are possible ; 
and, besides his word for this, we see them commonly in India. 
For the Gentiles there are wont to carry through the streets and 
houses bewitched serpents, some of them very great and dreadful. 
These they make dance to the sound of a flute, and coil them 



[See New En^, Dict^ s. v. " Hog-fish." — D. F.] And the woman-fish 
must be the dugong {Halicore). The belief that various bones and 
stones can prevent bleeding is still current in the East, with a lot of 
similar kabala, or mystic " hocus-pocus," about which Asiatics are 
usually very shy of talking to Englishmen, for fear of mockery. Vide 
our own Comment, of Af. Dalb,^ vol. iii, pp. x, 62, for another 
etymology. 

1 Cf. Linschoten, vol. i, p. 93 ; vol. ii, p. 1 5. — D. F. 

2 He held the post from 1580, or a little earlier, until December, 
1582.— D. F. 

3 There is probably some foundation of fact for this story, absurd as 
it appears in its present dress. It will be noticed that Teixeira does 
not speak as an eye-witness. But there is no kind of humbug that 
people will not practice and believe about such matters, and no limit 
to the growth of the stories. As a matter of fact, a half-mad fakir did 
once bring a young crocodile before myself, and make it " saldm," by 
force. 

* In Psalm Iviii, 4, 5. 



KINGS OF PERSIA. 225 

around their own necks, and do other posturings with them, 
handling them unhurt. And though some say that this is because 
the snakes have no fangs, which are drawn while they are young, 
experience shows the contrary. For several times, when provoked, 
or not fully bound by the spell, they have been known to do 
much harm amongst the spectators.^ 

Having said so much about the crocodiles, there occurs to me 
the case of one, worth knowing, which at the reader's pleasure may 
pass with the rest, for that it is true. Francisco de Silva de 
Menezes, who was Captain and Governor of Malaca,^ sent to Don 
Francisco Tello de Menezes, Governor of the Felipinas,* a present 
whereof one item was a little young elephant with his cornaqua^^ 
that is, the Indian who managed him. This elephant out at 
pasture in the Isle of Manilla felt thirsty, and went to drink at the 
river of Parannaque,^ which was near. When he went into the 
water, there came a crocodile, and took him by one fore-foot so 
tight, that with all his strength, do what he might, the elephant 
could not get rid of him ; until, in great pain and wrath, he put his 
trunk under water, and about the crocodile, and dragged him 
ashore, where he had enough to do with him. But at last he held 
the crocodile down, with one fore-foot on his breast, and quartered 
him, pulling off the legs with his trunk. A few days after this 
happened, in June, 1600, 1 found myself in that very place, on the 
river of Parannaque.® 

[The author adds that he had been told of another fight between 
a tiger and a crocodile in the river of Cuama.] 

In the kingdom of Champa, which lies between Comboia and 



^ In India, west of the Ganges, the performing snakes' fangs are 
usually drawn, but grow again ; and as the poison is always there, and 
the ordinary teeth can scratch, the extraction does not make the snake 
" safe" to handle. The Burmese snake-charmers are said never to 
meddle with the fangs ; and such accidents as Teixeira mentions, 
though uncommon, are still quite possible. 

2 To the beginning of 1 599, when he was succeeded, apparently, by 
Martin Affonso de Mello (see Couto, Dec, XII^ Liv. I, cap. xvi ; and 
p. I, «., suprd). From a royal letter of 1605 (in Doc. Rem,^ torn. I, 
p. 41), it appears that he got into trouble for not looking after the China 
fleet on the voyage from Malacca. — D. F. 

' Couto {Dec, XII^ Liv. il, cap. xi) mentions him as Governor of 
Manila in 1598. — D. F. 

* See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. " Cornac." — D. F. 

^ Parannaque is on modem maps, as a southern suburb of Manila* 
The expression, " Isle of Manilla," probably refers to the fact that part 
of the coast, including Paranaque, is isolated by creeks, more or less. 

• See Introduction. — D. F. 



226 APPENDIX B. 

Cochin China, and all along the coast of the Indian South Sea,* 
there are bred certain birds, not unlike swallows, which breed at a 
certain season, and during their nuptials cast forth from their bills 
a sticky saliva ; whereof, taught by provident Nature, they make 
nests on the steep rocks and crags, with wonderful skill, casting it 
one after the other until it comes, when dry, to be a nest, of 
the shape of a great ladle, with unusually high sides. Their love- 
making and their nest are finished at about the same time, and 
they lay their eggs in it, and hatch their young. 

These nests are so abundant that there are gathered of them 
yearly many picoSy or quintals, which are exported to China, 
where the Chinamen buy them to eat, at fifty taheis^^ which 
make about one hundred ducats for the quintal, or more than 
that. For they say that they are very good for the brain and 
belly ; and some Portuguese who have eaten of the same do not 
speak ill of them, but praise them highly. 

In the year 1597, when I was sailing from Goa to Malaca,^ in 
the waters whereof we experienced great calms, I wished to see 
an islet to which we lay near, called Pulo larra, that is, the 
Isle of larra.* I landed there, and saw and noted, amongst 
other things, these birds and their nests. Of these last I brought 
away a good lot to the ship, and to Malaca, where I gave them 
to the Chincheos,^ who valued them much. 

Nor can I think less wonderful the matter of some hens, in 
the parts of Maluco, whose eggs, if set in a box or closed place, 
hatch out chickens in a few days, with no help but of their 



^ " The text runs " Comboiay Cochin China en el mar del sur de la 
India por toda la costa del Mardel^^ etc. " Comboia" is " Cambodia," 
and Champa was the region between Saigon and Cochin China, but 
the French have probably rechristened it. [See Hobson-Jobson, s, v, 
" Champa." — D. F.] " Mardel " is no place at all, but simply a writer's 
or printer's error, beginning to repeat " mardelsur^^ etc, and stopping 
short. The passage as rendered states the facts as they are, and as 
the traveller {who was better informed on the subject than many great 
naturalists of later days) clearly meant* to state them. The cSiblc 
nests are found on the whole Southern coast of the East Indies, from 
British India, north of Goa, to the China Seas, and they are built as he 
describes the process. The birds are species of Collocalia. 

^ That is, taels. The usual Portuguese plural form of iael is iaeis ; 
Teixeira's interjected h does not alter the pronunciation (cf. note on 
p. 215, supra). — D. F. 

'See Introduction. — D. F. 

* Probably Pulo Jarak, near the middle of Malacca Strait, in 3 dcg. 
59 min. N. lat, 100 deg. 5^ min. E. long. It is "precipitous, thickly 
wooded," and in a general way just the island for the birds, and for 
the little adventure (China Sea Directory ^ vol. i, p. 166, 4th ed., 1896). 

^ Japanese ? [Rather, Chinese of Fuh-kicn (see supra, pp. 3 and 7). 
Stevens has " Chineses" — D. F.] 



KINGS OF PERSIA. 22; 

natural virtue. And if they are not looked to, when their place 
is opened they fly away.^ 

[Teixeira then returns to his history ; but after a few pages 
again digresses on the subject of Arabia, the most valuable product 
of which he speaks of as follows : — ] 

Incense,^ which the Persians call kondoruch, and Arabs loban. 
From this last name comes that of Benioyn, which they call 
ioban laoy — that, is, " incense of laoa" — and we corruptly 
Benioyn.3 This is found in various places, as Pegu, in the king- 
dom of Olanion, where it is abundant and of good quality, Siam 
and Camboia, where the Javans do a great trade in it; in 
Sunda, and in Samatra, where it is very white, and highly 
valued ; [and it might be gathered in the forests of Malaca if they 
looked for it, since there is no lack of it there.] 

But the incense comes only from Arabia, and Dofar* is the 
district where it is best and most plentiful. 

There is also carried by the Red Sea from Arabia to India and 
the East much of that gum which we call amber, and physicians 
xarabe^ both rough and made up. The last name is taken from 
the Arabic karobah^ and that from kaf^ meaning straw, and 
robahy to lift or attract. It is a very fit name, for the amber has 
that power. On the coast of Melinde there is got a gum very 
like this, called sandaroz.^ Arabia produces some myrrh, though 
most of it is collected on the other side of the Red Sea, in 
Ethiopia of Africa. There is no want of it on the coast of 
Melinde, where they call it commonly bolo^ and the Guzurates of 

^ This is rather an odd story, and the traveller is justified in his 
wonder. But it seems to be based on some observation of the eggs 
of a megapode, probably Megacephalon maleo. This bird lays its 
eggs in the sand of the shore, like a turtle, and doubtiess they could 
be hatched as described, as I have often hatched out turtles' eggs. 

2 Cf. what follows with G. de Orta's C^lloquio L F, and Linschoten, 
chap. 72. — D. F. 

3 See Hobson-Jobson, s, v. " Benjamin." — D. F. 

* Probably the modern Dhofar, the south-western extremity of the 
State of Mdskat. [See jw/r^, p. 159, n. — D. F.] There is now more 
got from Somaliland. The subject is too big for a note, and has been 
amply treated of by others. 

^ Kdhrabd, This derivation is in modem dictionaries, with slight 
alteration from Teixeira's statement. The amber was probably of 
northern origin. 

^ Garcia de Orta (f. 43) speaks of " a gum called chamderros^ which 
resembles crude amber ;" and Ribeiro {Fatal, Hist de Ceildo^ Liv. I, 
cap. xi) says : "There is another [resin] that is produced in the low 
lands, very clear and transparent, of the colour of amber ; the natives 
use it in many medicaments, and throughout the whole of India it 
fetches a good price, where they call it chandarriisJ^ The substance 
referred to by Ribeiro is the dummala^ or resin of Ceylon, possibly 
that dug out of the earth. The name he mentions, however, of which 

Q2 



22^ AP?E3rDrx a 

Ctmhay rq^zU^i" fMia. The .Vram call it marra . zsat x 3 

much V), rhey have rlv^m :t ±ac name;, which die \jkm9^ 
fiXXfA to their ^^wn language.- Toe Persians call it. mifvmui 
1.% " hitters, j^fvyi against the windy colic'' Oar canmuBx peopie 
^/vnfiMe myrrh with 3fConiia, hot the Arabs and Posans make cfie 
proper dintinrtion : the Arabs call VComia mumyakf jod die 
Persian?; mAmttaky.^ 

^\lthrillgh 1 jr«»at part of Ambia is sterile, die remainder :s 
fi^Ttile ami well vipolicd.; Throughout Arabia is found, diar 
famo*x<i mi^icine which physicians call schenu antkas^ and we 
f^mei'i Straw, or Meica Straw.* Either name ^nits it wdL fiir 
Mitka is in Arabia, and the grass is forage for camels.^ 

[Then ^r>me v>me facts regarding Arabia, the dry. hot wind 
*'ji\\^A turim, that in summer blow^ on the coast opposte so 
Persia : th«* inhabitants on the ^^a coast, a cniserably poor people. 
living on drierl fish, dates and lime juice, and consequendy affifroed 
with li*prr>sy ; and the statement thiar Arabia prodoces an incredible 
qiianti c/ of dat^ and very fine horses. The history is then resomed. 
and the chapter ends.] 



CHAPTERS XXX-XXXII. 

Chapters XXX-XXXII contain no digressions, but Chapter 
XXX I f I consists of little else.] 

f >arcia de Orta and Teixeira give variants, is Arabic and Hisdostazu 
iindarHs^ sandarot^ sundaros^ and is known in Europe as ^gnm 
iandarach.^ — U, F. 

* Possibly this represents ** Raghat^ or rakkta^ that is ** bloody,' or 
^ rtf\,** Bol is still Persian, and found in several Indian langixages^ 
including Dujar^f, [Cf. G. de Orta, f. 214 ; Linschoten, vc^ ii, pu 99L 

^ This derivation is so far supported by modem Arabic dictionaries 
that tnurr docs mean bitter Compare Hebrew Afdra, 

^ All these words mean Egyptian mummy, or rather its drugs and 
dressings. Afum prof^bly means ** wax," and such substances, in 
Pf!rsian, and in mrxlern Indian languages. 

* A (lungent grass, Andrapoj^on laniger, growing throughoat the 
northern sub-tropical region of the old worl^ and long used in even 
European pharmacy. [The facts given by Teixeira are virtually copied 
from (j. de Orta, f 197.— D. F.] 

* As a specimen of the liberties taken by Stevens with his original, 
and of the absurdities Cmany due to the pnnters) that are found in his 
translation, I (juote his version of the above paragraph : — " Tho* a 
great Part of Arabia be barren, all the rest is fertil and plentiful, and 
every when! abounds in that famous Medicine, our Physicians call 
Sf/ienu Ant/ios, and vulgarly Squinend^ or Camels Meat, because the 
(darnels feed on it, and the Spaniards %\s^ it the name of Paja Mecca 
Stravy, as growing about Mecca in Arabia,^^ I need only add, that 
paja is the Spanish for '* straw," a fact of which Captain Stevens was, 
of rotirse, awnrr, n. y. 



KINGS OF PERSIA. 229 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 

[The first diversion is on the province of Nixabur, producing 
the Turkish stones (turquoises), the mention of which leads our 
author to speak of bezoar stones. He says : — ] 

The Persians call any stone sangh^ and the Arabs ager} But 
the Persians distinguish the bezar stone^ as pd zahar, meaning "an 
antidote against poison," from zahar, poison, and/«, a cure. In 
Arabic there is no letter P, but B or /^ takes its place, sofazahar 
becomes bazahar^ which M^e corrupt a little more into bezar. 
This is the real meaning, and not that the stones are sold in the 
bazar or market, because they never are sold there. 

There is in the province of Pare or Persia^ a well-known dis- 
trict called Sthabanon, from a city of that name therein, three 
days* march from Lara."* Its pastures abound in a plant like 
saffron, and feed many sheep, in whose stomachs these stones are 
produced. They arc the best of all, and of such cost that Xd 
Abds, King of Persia, keeps guards there, to secure for himself 
all above a certain size, as the King of Pegu doth in his land 
in respect of gems. These sheep are somewhat different from 
ours, and it is known when they bear the stones, because, accord- 
ing to the number and size of these, they suffer and are sluggish, 
or are active.^ The chief cause of the stones is that pasture, for 
the same sheep do not bear them on other lands. 

[Then comes a statement that all the inhabitants of the pro- 
vince of Sthabanon are bald-headed : of which fact a servant of 
Shdh Abbds took advantage, by obtaining the royal permission 
to levy a poll-tax on every bald pate.] 

Besides those Persian bezar stones, there are some also in 

^ Hajar: the pronunciation of Teixeira's ^^ ager^^ would be the 
same in his phonetic system. The Persian word appears in the twtr- 
lasting"j««;f«j" of Indian border war, which are stone breastworks, 
and the Arabic in a rather odd place, the West African coast, where it 
characterises the " aggry bead." 

2 Cf. what follows with G. de Orta, Colloquio XLV, and f. 2252/ ; 
Linschoten, vol. ii, pp. 142-145. See also Baldaeus, Malabar and 
Coromandel^ chap. xxiv. — D. F. 

' Now usually called " Fars." [See p. 240, infra, — D. F.] 

* Not now identifiable. The saffron plant, of course, is a crocus. 
[" Sthabanon," its ^^pagens'^ and bald inhabitants, are again mentioned 
by Teixeira in his Brief Account of the Provinces of Persia (see infra^ 
Appendix C). The province and town in question are entered in the 
Survey of India Map as " Savonat" and " Savonat or Istabonat" 
respectively. The town lies in about 54 deg. E., 29 N., to the south- 
east of Lake Niris, and is about 100 miles in a direct line north-west 
of Ldr (rather more by the road vid Darab). I cannot find any con- 
firmation of the statements our author makes in connection with this 
province. — D. F.] 

^ I.e., when not suffering from the stone. 



230 APPENDIX B. 

India, and the second best are those of the Isle of Cows, near 
Manar, between Seylan and the coast of Choromandel.^ These 
are produced in goats, and sometimes there are as many as 
thirteen in one goat, and those not very small. Here in this 
isle it was well seen that the pasture is the cause of the stones. 
For when, in 1585 a.d., there was a terrible sea-flood all along 
the coast, that Isle of Cows was drowned outright, and the 
pastures ruined by its remaining water-logged with salt water.^ 
The goats, carried elsewhere to graze, produced no more stones ; 
but after some years the soil recovered its quality, the salt wasted 
away, and good pasture sprang up ; the goats came back to the 
isle, and they produced stones as before. 

The third quality of these stones includes those from the south, 
that is, from Malaca, Pam, Patane, Sunda, Borneo, Maniar 
Macem,^ et cetera^ where they abound. But the best are the 
Persian, and I have seen wonders wrought with them in cases of 
poisoning. 

These stones are sometimes counterfeited, but it is easy to 
know them, by either of two tests. The first is to take in one's 
hand a little lime worked up with water, and sprinkle the stone 
therewith, and if the lime turns yellow, and the stone is not 
wasted, it is genuine. The second test is better and surer, that 
is, to weigh the stone, put it into a vessel of water, leave it there 
six or seven hours, take it out, and weigh it again. If it keeps its 
form and weight, it is good, but if it breaks up, or melts, or gains 
weight, it is counterfeit. 

The pazar stone is used with good effect in all cases of internal 
poisoning and of poisoned wounds, and in short against all ills. 
The Persians take it as a preventative, in March, beginning on the 
20th, which they call Neu Rus^ meaning New Day, because their 
solar year is counted from that day.* I have seen many bezares 

1 The Ilha das Vacas referred to (not to be confused with the one 
off Cambay) is Neduntfvu, or Delft (as the Dutch named it). See 
Baldseus, Ceylon^ chap, xliv (of English translation in ChurchilPs 
Collection, vol. iii), Malabar and Coromandel^ chap, xxiv ; also Garcia 
de Orta, ff. 169 z/, 225 v. The horse-breeding experiment begun by the 
Portuguese on this island, and continued by the Dutch and British, 
has, after a long period of neglect, been recently revived by the 
Ceylon Government. — D. F. 

2 These islands off the north-west of Ceylon are liable to such 
inundations. Baldaeus («. s.) records one that occurred in 1658. I 
have found no other reference to the overflow mentioned by Teixeira. 
—D. F. 

^ " Pam " is now Pahang, celebrated by Mr. Clifford, and Maniar 
Macem is generally called on our maps "Banjarmasin," with varia- 
tions. [See supra^ p. 4. — D. F.]. 

* This is quite independent of the religious chronology of Isldm 
starting from the Hijra, or Flight, in which the year is so short that 
any given festival works steadily backwards on our calendars. 



KINGS OF PERSIA. 23 1 

in the city of Mexico in America, which the natives call Tenus 
Titian, meaning " the city of prickly pears, "^ the fruit of that bush 
on which the cochenilla is bred. If these were of quality equal to 
their size, they would be almost priceless, but they are all nearly 
inert, and so of no value. The largest perfect pazar stone, of 
many that I saw in Persia, weighed seventeen meticals and a half, 
or two ounces and a half, a little more or less. 

[Teixeira then says that from a mountain in the province of 
Sthabanon issued a liquid called by the Persians momnahy kony^ 
or " precious mummy produced by the earth," and highly prized 
for its healing properties. Another antidote, pazar khony^ from 
Masulipatam, is mentioned, and our author continues : — ] 

Many other medicinal stones are produced in the bellies of 
beasts, as that of monkey, very like the pazar^ that of the deer, 
which is brought from Solor, as big as a tennis-ball,^ crusty and 
scaly without, spongy and fibrous within, and rather bitter. 

Above all, there is the stone of the porcupine,^ which grows in 
his belly, of such excellent virtue that only such as have tried it 
can believe it without a doubt. Whereof I am a good witness, 
having seen its effect at different times and in various places, and 
especially in the city of Cochin, in the years 1590 and 1591- 
The Governor* there used up two such stones in the service of the 
poor, working wonders against a disease more dangerous and 
violent than the plague, which lasted for two whole years, and 
carried people off in four or five hours.** This was a choleraic 
complaint, which the Indians call morxy^ and the Portuguese 



^ Original, Tunas. — D. F. 

Ji " PelotaflamencaP I have followed Stevens's translation. 

3 Regarding the pedra do porco^ or hogstone, see Garcia de Orta, 
f. 225 V ; Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 144 ; Baldseus, Malabar and Coro- 
mandely chap. xxiv. — D. F. 

* The original has ^Ul govemador que alii erc^^ ("the Governor who 
was there"). There was only one " Governor" in India at the time, 
viz., Manoel de Sousa Coutinho, who vacated the office on the arrival 
of the Viceroy Mathias de Albuquerque, on May 15th, 1591. But, as 
Teixeira wrongly describes Manoel de Sousa Coutinho as " Viceroy" 
(see supra^ p. 210), so, I think, in this place by "Governor** he means 
the Captain of Cochin. The holder of that important post at the 
period mentioned was, apparently, Dom Jeronimo Mascarenhas, 
nephew of a former Viceroy, D. Francisco Mascarenhas (see Arch. 
Port. Or.y fasc. 3, p. 261). If so, the incident recorded of him by 
Teixeira is in pleasing contrast to the picture drawn by Couto, whose 
history reveals him as a man of a violent temper, and arrogant of his 
rank (see Couto, Dec. X^ Liv. 11, cap. xi ; Liv. iv, cap. xii ; Liv. vii, 
caps, iv-vi ; cf. also Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 172). — D. F. 

^ I can find no reference in any of the contemporary documents to 
this epidemic (Couto's Decade covering this period is, unhappily, lost). 
— D. F. 



232 APPENDIX B. 

mordexim} An infusion of this stone in water is effective in all 
maladies, and may be safely given in all, except to pregnant 
women, in whose case some inconvenience may result from its 
extreme bitterness. These stones are produced in Syaka, a realm 
very near that of Malaca ; * and are sold, like pazars of those 
parts, by mazes^ each of three-sixteenths of an ounce, a grain or 
so more or less. In order to see whether the beasts which pro- 
duce these stones agreed with their name, I procured one from 
Syaka while I was in Malaca, and found it to be a porcupine, 
just like the common sort."* 

[Another medicinal stone, Teixeira says, is called "of the 
islands," or " of Cananor." He then speaks of diamonds, describ- 
ing the method of obtaining them in the kingdom of Lave (in 
Borneo), where the fine rota (rattan) and the pure camphor are 
found.* Then other precious stones are spoken of, including 
rubies, cat's-eyes, and coco-stones. In connection with the hard- 
ness of diamonds, Teixeira says : — ] 

I remember, on the coast of Choromandel, and in Malaca, a 
little weed of no esteem that grows in the streets. If its tender 
roots be chewed, so that the teeth remain moist with its juice, 
and any stone, however hard, be chewed after it, the stone is 
reduced to dust so easily as not to hurt the teeth, or do any 
harm ; as proved many times in my own person, and by means 
of others ; which surely should make us all praise the Creator, 
who has granted such power to a weed.^ 

No less wonderful is another plant, which was given in the Isle 
of Seylan to a Captain of Columbo's wife.*^ It was like an ear of 
barley, but black and hairy. Such was its effect in facilitating 
childbirth, that if good care were not taken to remove it from 



^ Asiatic cholera. [See Hobson-Jobson^ s. v, " Mort-de-chien." 
— D. F.] 

* In Linschoten's Map of the Eastern Seas, "Siaqa" is shown on 
the east coast of Sumatra, opposite to Malacca. Barros calls it 
" Ci^ca." It is the Malay state of Siyak.— D. F. 

' The mdsd or mdshd of India. 

* Hystrix cristata is the European and North African porcupine. 
It may well have been more abundant in Spain in Teixeira's day than 
now. The Malacca species is now distinguished as H, longicauda, 

* See supra^ p. 5. — d. f. 

* I cannot identify this " weed." — D. f. 

' The captain of Columbo, whose wife is here spoken of, was 
probably Joao Correa de Brito, referred to above (p. 221). Ac- 
cording to Teixeira's own statement further on, the incident here 
recorded took place before his visit to Ceylon, which, as we have seen 
(p. 210), occurred at the end of February, 1588. It must, therefore, 
have happened between October, 1587, and February, 1588.— D. F. 



KINGS OF PERSIA. 233 

the thigh^ at the moment of birth, the bowels would follow the 
babe. 2 This has been proven a thousand times ; and I am 
witness of the case of that very lady who owned it. When she 
was with child, she got it back from a borrower and put it in a 
box, which her slave put under the lady's bed. It happened 
that she miscarried, with such a flow of blood as could not be 
checked, and she was like to die, and prayed for the sacrament. 
In preparation for this, something was wanted out of that box, 
which was opened, and the herb found in it. They thought 
that its power might have been such as to affect the patient, and 
took it to another house. The bleeding ceased at once, and the 
lady was cured completely without any return of it. This 
happened in Goa, and I was present.^ I have not named these 
herbs, because the first has none, and the possessor of the other 
knew none for it ; and though I made inquiry afterwards when 
I was in Seylan, none could tell me about it. I pass by another 
which, if thrown into a vessel of water, curdles it f and yet more 
of wonderful qualities, found in the East, as foreign to the matter 
in hand. 

[The lapis judaicus and the lapis lazuli are then spoken of ; 
and the writer proceeds : — ] 

In the Gulf of Persia, near the Isle of Gerun or Harmuz, 



^ Muslo, 

2 The Abb^ Le Grand, in his Addition to chap, iii, Bk. I, of Ribeiro's 
History of Ceylon^ says : — "Texeira \sic\ dit qu'il croit dans Flsle de 
Ceylan une herbe qui porte un dpi semblabe \5ic\ k I'dpi d'orge, 
mais plus noir & plus barbu, qui dtant appliqud sur le ventre d'une 
femme grosse, la fait accoucher aussi-tot ; & il ajoiite que si on I'y 
laissoit trop long-tems, Fenfant tomberoit par morceaux, & que la 
femme auroit une perte de sang que rien ne pourroit guerir. Feu 
Monsieur Hermans [j/^] Docteur en Medecine, & qui k son retour de 
Ceylan a donnd au public une description exacte des plantes, herbes 
& fleurs que Ton cultive, ou qu'on tiche d'dlever dans le Jardin de 
Leyde, a fait graver une plante, que les Chingulais appellent Adhatoda^ 
& qu'il pretend ^tre VEcbolium des Grecs ; laquelle a presque la 
m^me vertu que Texeira {sic] attribue k cette herbe qu'il ne nomme 
point." It will be noticed that Le Grand does not quote Teixeira 
quite correctly. His reference, as he shows in a footnote, is to 
Hermann's Hortus Acad. Lugduno-Batav.^ p. 642. The virtue attri- 
buted by Hermann to Adhatoda vasica is imaginary. — D. F. 

' " Yo me haJld prezente.^^ The thing was probably ergot of rye, 
or some other gram ; and ther^ is no reason to doubt the truth of 
this narrative, though the conclusion is a funny abuse of the ** post 
hoc ergo propter hoc." 

* This property of some drugs is known to modem chemists. 
Possibly that in question was a scUep. These form a thick jelly, with 
even forty parts of water, and are still great favourites in the East. 



234 APPENDIX B. 

much stone is quarried from under sea,^ which the inhabitants 
use in building, because it is very light.^ They call it sangh 
may^ that is, fish stone,* because it grows at the bottom of the sea, 
and is light. But the wonder about it is that it grows again as 
fast as quarried. The same is found in the Sea of Malaca, where 
the Portuguese use it, less as building stone than to make lime, 
which they report to be very good. 

Before I close this chapter, I would like to mention three or 
four things worth noting. The first is of a monkey that I saw, 
in whose thigh was found a pazar stone, and on breaking up this, 
to see its centre or nucleus, an iron arrow-head : for all those 
stones are built up around some central object, such as a straw, 
weed, twig, or sometimes a date-stone. A similar case was that 
when in Harmuz I would examine a xamama of amber, that is 
a natural ball of it,* and pricked it with a hot needle ; it split in 
two, and in the middle I found a little bird's beak and some 
feathers, and fragments of shells : which amazed not only me, but 
others of much experience in such matters.^ 

[Teixeira here harks back to the hog-stone, Apropos of which he 
relates two more of his " medical " stories, and in connection with 
the second says : — ] 

In all India there is but one tree that is leafless in the rains, 
and it and its fruit are called ambare.^ 



CHAPTER XXXIV. 
[Chapter XXXIV contains no digressions.] 



* See supra^ p. 167. — D. F. 

2 Or *' free in working " (" livianaparafabricd^), Stevens translates 
" soft." 

' Sang mahiy rightly translated. Presumably coral, but the Portu- 
guese used the produce of reef-building annelides in the same way on 
the Thana coast, where there are few corals, and none massive. [The 
Dutch fort at Jaffna, in the north of Ceylon, like the Portuguese one 
that preceded it, is built of coral stones. — D. F.] 

* According to Johnson's Pers.-Arab.-Eng. Dict.y Pers. shamdma^ 
" a perfumed pastile." — D. F. 

^ This is a little beyond a mere "fly in amber." It has to be 
remembered that perhaps Teixeira' s,drug was ambergfis, 

* Spondias mangifera^ sometimes called in English "hog-plum," 
the West Indian name of another plant. Ambdra is a Marathi name 
for it, and it comes into leaf much later in the rains than other 
trees. [Garcia de Orta, on f. 26 of his Colloquios^ describes the fruit 
under the name of ambares, but says nothing of the tree. — D. f.] 



KINGS OF PERSIA. 235 

CHAPTER XXXV. 

[Chapter XXXV contains a number of digressions. 

The first, in connection with Samarkand, treats of Teymur 
Langh, or Tamerlane, and the Grand Mogul. Our author then 
speaks of Boaly or Avicenna ; and this leads him to the subject of 
physicians in the East, of whom he writes as if himself one of the 
fraternity. 

He then resumes his history, but presently goes off on the sub- 
ject of Selandyve or Ceylon, beginning by repeating the old fable 
about the Chinese colonization of Ceylon, and the origin of the 
Chingalas.^ The ports of Gale, Chylao, with its pearl fishery, 
and Columbo, whose fort the Portuguese had bravely defended 
against the native kings,* are mentioned ; and the writer con- 
tinues : — ] 

Seylan bears no gold, silver, nor any valuable metal, nor precious 
stones, except the very finest cat's-eyes and a few rubies, as to 
which it is doubtful whether they be native or imported. It has 
ivory, great cardamoms, and much areka, which is Avicena's 
fufel; but is chiefly famous for its cinnamon, far excelling that of 
all other lands, and of very various quality within the isle itself.* 
The best is that of the jungles of Columbo and Seytavaca, a 
principal seat of the old native kings, but now mostly possessed by 
the Portuguese.* That of the forests of Candia, a kingdom of 
the same isle, is worth less. Next comes what the Portuguese 
call the jungle cinnamon,^ the best of which comes from that of 
Coulan,^ and an inferior sort from that of Cochin. 

There is also cinnamon in the Isle of Thimor, whence the white 
sandalwood is brought ; in Cochin China, whence comes the eagle- 
wood; and in the Isle of Mindanao, near the Malucos [(where 



^ See Barros, Dec. III^ Liv. li, cap. i. — D. F. 

* See foot-note supra, p. 221. — D. F. 

' Cf. what follows with Garcia de Orta's Colloquio XV, and Lin- 
schoten, vol. ii, pp. 76-78. — D. F. 

* Cf supra, p. 221. Sftdwaka — the legendary jungle fastness to 
which the ravished Sfta was conveyed by Rdvana — the royal city 
of the latter half of the sixteenth century, and the scene of many a 
contest between the Sinhalese and Portuguese, has disappeared from 
the maps ; and all that remains of its former grandeur are some ruins, 
which have recently been cleared by the Ceylon Archaeological Com- 
missioner (see his Report on the Kigalla District, 1892, pp. 62-65 > 
and H. White's " Sftdvaka and its Vicinity," in the Orientalist, vol. ii, 

P- 33 ff. )•—!>• F- 

' Canela do mato, a name adopted by the Dutch as a commercial 
term from the Portuguese. — D. F. 

^ Quilon. — D. F. 



236 APPENDIX B. 

is no gold, as Cotto writes,^ but only arms, which cost the 
Spaniards so many lives, together with that of Esteval Rodrigues 
de Figueiroa, the Portuguese governor, who died in its conquest, 
that they thought well to abandon it')]. 

While I was in Malaca, I expressly procured all these sorts from 
their own countries, except that of Mindanao, which I saw after- 
wards in the Phelipinas. All of them are much inferior to that 
of Seylan ; and it may be that this arises from their being less 
skilfully collected and cultivated. For the shrub is all one, 
resembling a laurel in form, leaf, and berry. ^ 

The Persians and Arabs call the cinnamon of Seylan dar 
Chiny Seylany^ that is, "wood of the Chinamen of Seylan;" 
because, when the Chinamen sailed those seas, and held that 
trade, they brought it from Seylan to Harmuz or Keis, and to 
Persia. They call our jungle cinnamon kerfah^ and what we call 
China wood, the Persians call chub Chiny ^ that is, " China root ;" 
though lately they have begun to adopt from the Portuguese the 
term China Pao. 

To clear up what the Doctor Garcya d'Orta has written rather 
confusedly about cinnamon, I will say that the Malays call 
liquorice and cinnamon by one name, that is, kayo maniz^ 
meaning " sweet wood" : from kayo^ wood, and maniz^ sweet. To 
prevent mistakes, they call cinnamon kayo maniz Selan, as 
brought thence, and liquorice kayo maniz Chin^ for that it 
comes to Malaca from China. And because hamatna^ or dove^s- 
foot, which is the amomum, was a medicine highly esteemed for 
its virtue, considering the fragrance, sweetness, and excellence of 



* The reference is to Couto's Dec. /K, Liv. vil, cap. viii. This 
Decade was published in 1602. Teixeira's contradiction of .Couto's 
statement appears to be unwarranted, for, according to Dr. Guille- 
mard (in Stanford's Compendium of Geography and Travel^ Austral- 
asia^ vol. ii, p. 87), "it is probable that gold exists in tolerable 
quantities" in Mindanao. (See also Gemelli Careri in ChurchilVs 
Collection^ vol. iv, p. 464,) — D. F. 

* A description of this disastrous expedition, which took place in 
1596, is given by Morga {^Philippine Islands^ Hakluyt Soc. ed., 

PP- 53-54).— D. F- 

' The regular cultivation of Ceylon cinnamon {Cinnamonum zeylani- 
cum) dates from 1770, nearly two centuries after Teixeira's observation 
of the plant. [There is some doubt as to the exact date. — D. F.] And 
he expressly states that all his sorts came from jungles (" matos'^). But 
it still is the custom in India for people to protect and even plant 
valuable trees in the forests, especially in the Bombay Presidency : 
the mahwa and hirda {Bassia lon^ifolia and Terminalia chedula\ the 
mango, and some palms. Oddly enough, the Pharmacographia 
suggests the same explanations of the differences in quality of modem 
cultivated cinnamons, as Teixeira for the wild sorts of his day (p. 472). 
Some of his specimens may have been what we now call '* cassia 
bark," that of Cinnamomum cassia. 



KINGS OF PERSIA. 237 

cinnamon, they called this Chin hamama^ or Chinese amomum, 
of which the Latins made cinamomum ; and that explains what 
Doctor Dorta said of the cinnamon.^ 

[N.B. — A^ this point Mr, Sinclair's translation ends. For 
all that follows I am responsible. — D. F.] 

[Teixeira then proceeds to describe how the Pachas, a wild 
people in Ceylon, preserve flesh by putting it in honey in hollow 
trees.* He next refers to the eating of raw fish by the Nicobar 
islanders ; the food of the Arabs already described ; the eating 
of human flesh by the Javanese, and by the Zinbas of Africa, 
whose disastrous expedition, "ten or twelve years ago,"' is 
mentioned. Our author then says : — ] 

In this connection, I remember a very pleasant custom of 
certain* blacks, natives of those parts, who, following the exercise 
of arms, cannot be made knights after their manner, until they 
have presented to the king one or more genital members of 
enemies whom they have slain, as a testimony of their valour ; 
and thereupon they are rewarded with cattle and lands. Of this 
I was an eye-witness. They are called Mocegueios.* 

[This, says Teixeira, reminds him of the story of Saul, David, 
and the Philistines. He adds, that, when he was in India, the 
people of Pegu were reduced by famine to selling human flesh 
publicly.* He then goes on : — ] 

To conclude with the Chingalas, I would say that they are 
naturally inclined to arms, in the which they have performed, 
and continue to perform, incredible feats, some of which I saw.® 



^ Amomum in all modem times has meant cardamoms, of one sort 
or another. What spice the Greeks and Romans called by that name 
is not settled {Pharmacographia^ sub voce). 

' This is the earliest reference I know of, by a European writer, to 
the Vedd^s of Ceylon and their well-known custom (see Royal Asiatic 
Society s Journal, 1899, p. 133). The Pachas are frequently referred 
to by Couto and other writers as a degraded, fierce people, living in 
the forests of Ceylon. We find, also, that Pachas were employed by 
the Portuguese in the defence of Columbo on several occasions, 
including the siege of 1586-88, when Teixeira probably met them 
(cf. Couto, Dec. Xy Liv. ix, cap. v). The name seems to be from 
Sinh. /a;V?= low-caste, degraded. — D. F. 

3 It was really in 1589. Details (taken, apparently, from the 
Ethiopia Oriental of Joao dos Santos) are given in the makeshift 
Decada XI (Couto's being lost), caps, vi-xi. See also TheaPs Be- 
ginning of South African History, p. 269. — D. F. 

* Cf. Dec. XI, p. 94 ; Linschoten, vol. i, p. 274. 

* Circa 1596 (see Couto, Dec. XII, Liv. v, cap. v ; Bocarro, 
Dec. XIII, p. 121). 

* Doubtiess when he accompanied Manoel de Sousa Coutinho's 
expedition for the relief of Columbo in 1588 (see Introduction, and 
supra, p. 210). 



238 APPENDIX B. 

They work most skilfully in ivory and crystal, of which the island 
produces some, and many and very neat firelocks.^ 

[Teixeira then resumes his history of Persia, but soon breaks 
off to speak of the game of chess, the original home of which he 
thinks, judging by the names of the pieces, to have been Persia. 
Taking up the thread of his history again, our author presently 
enters upon a digression that lasts to the end of the chapter. 
His subject is the titles of Eastern potentates, a number of which 
he explains. He concludes his remarks thus : — ] 

In that part of Africa which the Portuguese in India call 
Cafrarya, the princes are called by one of two common names. 
The first of these is Mufie, and is very like that in use in Congo 
and Angola, where they say to their prince " O Lord Manni." 
The other is Mongana; and I recollect that I knew in 'those 
parts, when going through them, one Mongana Bolay Agy ; he 
was of royal family, and therefore was called Mongana ; Bolay 
was his proper name. Agi is as much as " sanctified. "^ And I 
relate the following, as it is a pleasant matter, and shows a blind- 
ness worthy of laughter, or more truly of tears and pity. All the 
Moors hold and believe, as a certain and indubitable fact, that 
those of them who go on pilgrimage to their house of Medina, or 
as we say to Meka,^ and are present at that solemnity which is 
celebrated in September, whatever they may be, become sanctified 
and safe, and that to reach Paradise they have no need to take 
any more pains. And such they are wont to name Agy, many of 
whom I knew, and amongst others one, a gate-keeper of the King 
Ferragut Xd,^ called Amir Hamed Agy, who, relying on his 
pilgrimage, lived very contentedly, holding his salvation for 
certain. I asked him why, if he believed this, he still wearied 
and troubled himself, by going to the mosque, performing the 
sal^ and namaz (that is, the prayer), and fasting during their 
ramedon. He replied, that for himself he could well omit it ; 



1 Cf. Linschoten, vol. i, p. 81. 

2 The "two common names" mentoned by Teixeira are thus ex- 
plained in the Glossary (p. 204) to Ravenstein's Strange Adventures 
of Andrew Battell (Hakluyt Soc.) : — " Mwana, in Kongo, a title, son ; 
mwana, a ntinu, prince ; synonyms are Muene, Muata, Ngana. 
Mani is a corruption." " Bolay" I cannot explain. The " Bo" may 
perhaps represent Arab. {a)bu =■ " father of" (cf. " Boaly," supra^ 
P- 235). "Agy" or " Agi " = Arab, hdjji (see Hobson-Jobson^ s,v, 
" Hadgee"). 

' In chap, xxxi of the Second Book of his Kings oj Persia, Teixeira 
discourses on this subject. 

* See supra, pp. 166, 193, 194, 206. 

' Arab. j^/^/= prayer ; Pers. ««;«^2' = prayers : Arab. ramazdn^=s. 
the fast season of Ramadan (cf. supra, p. 122). 



KINGS or PERSIA. 239 

but that he did it for others who had not the same privilege as he, 
nor had acquired that merit. Such are the darkness and obscurity 
in which those wretches live. 



CHAPTERS XXXVI-XLVII. 

[In Chapter XXXVI there is a short digression regarding Nineveh ; 
and in Chapter XXXVII a longer one respecting " Mahamed, the 
infernal instrument," as also an explanation of the Persian word xerin 
{s/i{r/n = sweet). 

Chapters XXXVI 1 1 -XLV 1 1, which conclude the First Book, contain 
no digressions. 



BOOK II. 

In the Second Book of his History of the Kings of Persia^ Teixeira 
rarely digresses (for the reason given in his Prefatory Note). 

In Chapter I occurs a short parenthetical explanation of the title 
kalefdh; but in the next fourteen chapters he sticks to his text. 

In Chapter XVI a short account of the province of Khordsan is 
interpolated ; but the succeeding fourteen chapters run on almost un- 
interruptedly. 

In Chapter XXXI Teixeira offers some observations on Medina 
and Mecca, which latter place, he says, is on the shore of the Red 
Sea, " and not on the Persian Gulf, as writes a grave historian of our 
times." He himself, however, confuses it with Mocha.^ 

Chapters XXXII-XXXIV are free from interruptions; but in 
Chapter XXXV is a short digression regarding the famous Black 
Stone of Mecca. 

Chapters XXXV I -XXX IX are occupied solely with the history ; 
but in Chapter XL the record of the ransoming of the Black Stone 
tempts our author to describe the destruction at Goa of the so- 
called tooth of Buddha, carried off by D. Constantino de Braganga, 
in 1560, from Jaffna, in Ceylon.* 

This is Teixeira's last digression ; Chapters XLI-LIX (with which 
the Second Book ends) are confined entirely to the historical 
narrative.] 

1 As he had previously done (see supra, p. 219). 

' As narrated by Couto, Dec. VII, Liv. ix, cap. xvii (cf. also 
Linschoten, vol. i, pp. 292-294 ; Pyrard, vol. ii, p. 145, and footnote). 



APPENDIX C. 



A Short Account of the Most Notable Provinces and those 
that have continued longest under the dominion of 
Persia} 

Persia, which the natives thereof call Parg or Agem (whence 
the inhabitants are commonly called Pary^ or Agemy'), being 
one of the great monarchies of the world, and of such fame and 
note, cannot be described with certain boundaries, on account of 
the varying extent of its territory, comprising sometimes more 
and sometimes less kingdoms and provinces. Of these I shall 
mention briefly those that have continued longest under this 
rule and have suffered less change ; and of those the chief towns 
only, for the sake of clearness ; leaving a description of their 
situation to the professors of cosmography. 

Par9 

is a province not of the largest of that kingdom,* the capital of 
which is Xyraz,* a large and noble city. It abounds in provisions 

^ Although the greater part of this short account of Persia was 
written evidently from second-hand information, yet, as some of the 
statements are based on Teixeira's own observation, and as the whole 
account is very brief, I have thought well to give a translation of it. 
— D. F. 

' Sic in orig.^ — a misprint for "Parcy" or "Parsy." In chap, vi 
of Bk. I of his Kings of Persia (see supra^ p. 203), Teixeira says : — 
" The natives call this kingdom Parg, and so do the Arabs, save that 
for the letter P, which they lack, they put F^ and say Far?." Then, 
after stating that he had been unable to trace the origin of the name, 
and advancing the theory that " Persia" and " Parthia" were identical, 




Spain.' " 

3 Cf supra^ pp. 51, 65, 67. On the meaning and use of the words 
ajam^ ajami^ see Notes and Queries^ 9th Sen, vol. vi, p. 356. 

* Fdrs : for a description of which see Curzon's Persia^ vol. ii, 
pp. 64-66. It will be noticed that in Teixeira's time this province 
embraced what are now the provinces of F^rsistdn and Ldristdn. 

^ In chap, vi of Bk. i of his Kings of Persia (cf supra^ p. 203), 
Teixeira records the founding of Shir^z by " lambxed," and says of it : 



PROVINCES UNDER THE DOMINION OF PERSIA. 24I 

of bread, flesh, and fruits, has much rose-water and plenty of 
hides, and a great commerce with all the kingdoms subject to 
Persia. In it are manufactured silks from that which is produced 
in the neighbourhood. 

There is also the city of Lar, or Lara as we Portuguese pro- 
nounce it,^ whence are called the laris^ a money of the finest 
silver, very well-known and current throughout all the East.^ It is 
the capital of a kingdom, and there are found the best bows for 
shooting in the whole of Persia. In the year of human redemp- 
tion 1593, in the month of September, there was in this city an 
earthquake that destroyed more than 1200 houses, and ruined the 
greater part of the walls and many cisterns (for that country has 
no water beside what is collected in these from the rain) ; and 
three thousand persons died.^ 



" This is the capital of the kingdom that is properly called Persia, the 

name of which is given to all the others that are subject to it 

It has a circuit of twelve farsanghes^ ^dich farsanghe containing three 
thousand paces. It is cold, on account of being far to the north, 
though much more so is Tabriz, the metropolis of Aderbajon, of which 
I have spoken above. The inhabitants of Shiraz are a white people, 
and for the most part handsome, and of graceful proportion and 

figure From Xyraz are carried to other parts provisions, 

woollens, hides, and other things in which it abounds, and great plenty 
of the most perfect distilled rose-water — I say distilled, in distinction 
from that which is obtained and made by decoction ; and the quantity 
is so great that from Persia the whole of the East is supplied therewith 
in abundance. In Xyraz is found that second variety of bitter costus 
that the Persians and Arabs call kost. And the Persians and Arabs 
commonly say kost talk [kust talkh\ that is, bitter costus, in distinction 
from the other ordinary kind brought from India, which they call kost 
xerin [kust sktrtn], which is sweet." Teixeira here says nothing of 
the manufacture of silk in Shir^, an industry which, if it ever existed 
in that city, seems to have disappeared. With regard to the rose- 
water, see supra, p. 217. For more detailed accounts of Shirdz, sec 
Ant. Gouvea's Relagam, Liv. i, cap. ix ; Sir T. Herbert's Travels, 
p. 127 etseq,\ and Curzon's Persia, vol. ii, p. 93 et seq, 

^ See Hobson-Jobson, s, v, " Lari (c)," and cf. supra, pp. 162, 209, 229. 
For descriptions of \Ax, see Ant. Gouvea's Relagam, Liv. i, cap. vii ; 
Sir T. Herbert's Travels, p. 119 et seq. At the end of his Kings of 
Persia Teixeira mentions the destruction by Shdh Abb^s of the king- 
dom of Ldr and the slaying of its king, " because of the robberies and 
violence to which he subjected the caravans of merchants that passed 
by there" (see also Sir T. Herbert's Travels, p. 1 19). 

' Cf. supra, p. 30, n. ; and see Hobson-Jobson, s, v. " Larin." Sir 
Thos. Herbert, in describing L^r, says {Travels, p. 120) : " Near this 
Buzzar the Larrees are coyned ; a famous sort of Money, being pure 
silver but shaped like a Date-stone, the King's name, or some 
sentence out of the Alcoran being stamp'd upon it ; in our Money 
it values ten pence." 

3 Ant. Gouvea, who was in Ldr in 1602, does not mention this 
earthquake (see his Relaqam, Liv. i, cap. vii). But Sir Thomas 

R 



242 APPENDIX C. 

There are also in this province of Parg — Tarbm, laharom, 
Kazml,^ Lastam, which grows the ingo^ that is, assafcetida ;^ 
Stahabanon, where graze the pagens that produce the pazar 
stones, the inhabitants of which are all bald-headed f Neriz, the 
mountains of which abound in mines of iron and fine steel, from 
which are wrought excellent arms and very curious things ;* Pa9dh 
and Dar-Aguerd, celebrated for abundance of provisions and 
fresh and dried fruits, and not a little rose-water f and many other 
places of less account. 

Hyerak 

is another of the provinces of Persia, large and important.* Its 
metropolis is Hisphabn, a very populous city, the seat at times of 



Herbert, who visited the place in 1628, says that it was "overturned 
by many dreadful Earthquakes. Anno Domini 1400 it shook terribly, 
when five hundred houses tumbled down. Anno 1 593 (of their account 
973) she boasted of ^vt, thousand houses ; but that very year the 
earth swelled with such a tympany, that in venting it self all Larr was 
forced to quake, and would not be suppressed but by the weight of 
three thousand houses turned topsie-turvy with the death of three 
thousand of the Inhabitants : The old Castle on the East side of the 
Town (which owes its foundation to Gorgean Melee) though built 
upon the top of a solid rock, groaned in a like affrighting downfall'' 
(Travels^ p. 120). 

^ These three places are Tarun, between Bandar Abb^ and 
Furg ; Jahrum, to the south-east of Shir^ ; and Kazran, or Kazerun, 
west of Shirdz. 

* Sec supruy p. 209, and footnote. Sir T. Herbert says : " Near 
Whormoot \sic for Hormuz] arc Duzgun^ Laztan-de^ and other Towns, 
where is got the best Assafcetida through all the Orient : The tree 
exceeds not our Briar in height, but the leaves resemble Rose-leaves, 
the root the Radish" {Travels^ p. 118). 

* See supra^ pp. 201, 209, 221, 229. 

* " Neriz" is Niriz, the town at the south-eastern extremity of Lake 
Niriz. With respect to Teixeira's statement regarding the mineral 
resources of this region, see Yule's Marco Polo^ vol. i, p. 93. 

* "Pagdh" and "Dar-Aguerd" are Fasa or Pasa, and Darab or 
Darabjird, situated respectively south and south-east of Lake Niriz 
(see Curzon's Persia^ vol. ii, pp. %T^ iii). 

* The modem Irdk Ajami. In Bk. i, chap, xxii, of his Kings oj 
Persia (cf. p. 209, supra) Teixeira says : " The Arabs and Persians 
assign this name of Hyerak to two regions, to which they give as a 
terminus and boundary the city Babilonia in ancient times, and now 
that of Bagdad in its place, situated not very far from where that 
stood. Starting therefrom it extends towards Persia, which includes 
many kingdoms and principalities subjected to it : in which also is the 
province properly called Hyerak, the metropolis of which, as I have 
already said [in chap, vii], is the famous city of Hisphaon ; and this 
part they commonly call Hyerak Agemy, that is, Persian Hyerak. 



PROVINCES UNDER THE DOMINION OF PERSIA. 243 

the Persian kings.^ It has a large trade, and is well supplied with 
every necessary. 

This province also contains Yazd, noted not for its size but for 
its pleasantness, and for the many and rich carpets made there, 
which are the best in the whole world ; also much silk, and 
excellent rose-water. ^ 

Kaxon is famous for the great plenty of silks of every sort that 
are manufactured there, and for the fertility of its soil in every 
kind of fruit, of which the quinces are particularly celebrated by 
the name of Kaxon.^ 

There are also Kom,* Saodh f Kazvin, a famous city, and at 
present the court of the kings of Persia, since the last loss of 



The other, starting from Babilonia or Bagdad, extends towards 
Arabia, the whole of which it includes, and Egypt and other provinces, 
and this is called Hycrak Araby. And the two together, com- 
prehending both countries, they call Hyerakhen, that is, * two 
Hyerakas.' " 

^ For descriptions of Isfahdn, see Ant Gouvea's Relaganty Li v. i, 
cap. xxi ; Sir T. Herbert's Travels^ p. 160 et seg.; Curzon's Persia^ 
vQ\.'\\y^,^oet seq. It was Sh^h Abbds the Great (i 585-1628) who 
raised Isfahan to the position of capital of the kingdom, and to whom 
is largely due the magnificence described by travellers of the seven- 
teenth century. 

* See supra^ p. 217. As regards the carpets of Yazd, Teixeira says 
{Kings of Persia^ Bk. I, chap, xxvii) : " In three parts of Persia are 
manufactured carpets, which in Portuguese we call cUcatiJas^ and the 
Persians call kalichey \kdHchd\t the richest and finest and most 
esteemed in Yazd, from which place I saw some, each of which, on 
account of its workmanship and perfection, was valued at more than 
a thousand ducats ; and thus, in speaking of alcatifa of Yazd, which 
in Portuguese we corruptly call dodiaz^ is understood the best, finest, 
and most perfect The second best are those from the kingdom of 
Kermon, the third from Karason ; they are also made in Agrk, 
Bengala, and Cambaya, but not fine ones." The silk industry of Yazd 
is referred to by Marco Polo and other writers. Yazd is also noted for 
its Parsi community, with their fire-altars and Towers of Silence (see 
supra, p. 196, and infra, p. 252). For a description of the place, see 
Ant. Gouvea's Relagam, Liv. i, cap. xi ; Curzon's Persia, vol. ii, p. 38 
et seq. 

' Kashan is still noted for its silks, satins, velvets and brocades ; 
but of its quinces I find no mention. For descriptions of the town, 
see Sir T. Herbert's Travels, pp. 222-223 ; Curzon's Persia^ vol. ii, 
p. 12 et seq. 

* KiSm ; for description of which see Sir T. Herbert's Travels, 
p. 219 ^/ seq. ; Curzon's Persia, vol. ii, p. 7 et seq. 

^ This is Sawah, Marco Polo's " Saba" (see Curzon's Persia, vol. ii, 
p. 6, «.). Sir T. Herbert (Travels, p. 218) describes it under the 
name of " Saway." 

R 2 



244 APPENDIX C. 

Tabriz -^ Amedom, Targazin, Damaoand, Taharon -^ Rey Xarear, 
where is gathered much manna, but not the purest ;* and many 
other places of less note. 

Aderbaion or Azarbaion 

is another large province,* the chief city of which is the famous 
Tabriz, the court of the kings of Persia before it came into the 

* For descriptions of Kasvfn, see Sir T. Herbert's Travels, p. 209 
et seq, ; Curzon's Persia, vol. i, p. 35 etseq. " The last loss of Tabriz" 
was m 1 51 5 (see supra, p. 208, and footnote infra, p. 245). 

* " Amedom" is Ramadan (ancient Ecbatana), for an account of 
which see Curzon's Persia, vol. i, p. 566 ei seg. " Targazin" may 
perhaps represent Ttisirk^, west of Kdm and Kashan. " Damaoand" 
IS Damdvand, east of Tehr^, and is mentioned by Teixeira in Bk. i, 
chap, ii, of his Kings of Persia, as being formerly in the province of 
Azarbaijdn. " Taharon" is, of course, the modem capital of Persia, 
Tehran, described briefly under the name of " Tyroan" by Sir T. 
Herbert {Travels, p. 207), and in detail by Curzon (Persia, vol. i, 
p. yx> etseq.). 

' See supra, p. 203. It will be noticed that in the passage there 
given Teixeira refers to " Hrey" as a city great and famous, producing 
the best and purest manna, and then mentions "another city of Persia, 
called Rey Xarear," which also produced manna, but not so good. 
Here our author repeats this statement regarding " Rey Xarear," 
which he classes among the cities of the province of ** Hyerak." 
That " Rey Xarear" is identical with the " Xaharihrey" ((misprinted 
" Xahariprey") of Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo (see Hakluyt Soc. ed. 
of his Embassy, p. 99) there cannot be the least doubt (see also 
Curzon's Persia, vol. i, p. 349). But then comes the question of 
the identity of " Hrey," which, mentioned in the note on p. 203, is 
classed by Teixeira as a city of Khordsan, situated on tfie "cool 
river Habin." Mr. Sinclair has, without giving any reason, assumed 
the identity of the two places, but I have, after some little trouble, 
arrived at a different conclusion, the reasons for which I give in the 
footnote on " Hrey," infra, p. 248. 

* Azarbaijdn, regarding which see Curzon's Persia, vol. i, p. 514 
ei seq. In Bk. I, chap, xvii, of his Kings of Persia (cf. supra, p. 206) 
Teixeira, happening to speak of "the sect of Zarduxt, which is that of 
fire" (of course Zarathushtra or Zoroaster is meant), says : " Referring 
above to the city of Tabriz, I said, that it is the capital of the province 
of Aderbajon, or, as others have it, Azarbajon, which in the Calange 
language, which is that of that region, means * province of fire ;* and, 
as has already been mentioned, it was here that this sect had its 
origin, the which gave its name to the district, and to him that follows 
it that of Zarduxt, which means 'friend of fire :' although zar, in the 
general Persian language (which, as I have said, differs greatly in 
particulars) means ' money,' and azar * a thousand,' and zahar*' poison' 
or * gall,' and fire is called attex,^* As a fact, zar in Persian does 
mean " gold" or " money," hdzar = " thousand," zahr «= " poison" (cf. 
supra, ^,22()), and a'a^ra = " gall-bladder," while dtisk means fire" 
(cf. supra, p. 196). But dzar or dzur also = " fire ;" and Azarbaijdn 



PROVINCES UNDER THE DOMINION OF PERSIA. 245 

power of the Turk.^ This region is full of many objects of note, 
and is well supplied with every necessary. It has a great com- 
merce with Rusia, Polonya, Moscovya, Sircasya, Gurgestam, and 
all parts of Persia. Some silver is mined there ; and a great 
quantity of alum, and madder for dyeing.' 

The inhabitants are called by the common name of Calanges.^ 

is said to mean " the guardian of fire." The explanation of " Zarduxt" 
(Persian Zirdusht=« Zoroaster) given by Teixeira, even if incorrect, 
is more poetical than that suggested by Dr. Karl Geldner {EncycL 
Brit^ s, V. " Zoroaster*')* who says that the name seems to mean 
" possessor of old camels." Curiously enough, in Bk. I, chap, vii, of 
the Kings of Persia^ Teixeira, after chronicling the reign of the cruel 
usurper Zohak, says : " Zoahk, judging by the fact that the Persians 
celebrate his great wisdom in natural sciences and his long life, and 
by the resemblance of the name, may be considered to have been 
Zoroastes." 

^ For descriptions of Tabrfz see Sir T. Herbert's Travels^ p. 208 ; 
Curzon's Persia^ vol. i, p. 518 ^/ seq. With respect to the conquest of 
Tabrfz by the Turks, see SirT. Herbert, u, s,, and cf. p. 208,;;., supra, 
as also note on Kasvfn above. According to Teixeira {Kings of 
Persia, Bk. II, chaps. Ivii, lix) Shdh Ismdfl, in 1 502, captured Tabriz 
from the Turks, who, however, in 1515, the year after the birth of 
Shdh Tdhmasp, retook it under Salim I {not Salfm II, as stated 
inadvertently m the footnote on p. 208, supra). Both in Bk. I, 
chap. V, and Bk. 11, chap, lix, Teixeira speaks of Tabrfz as having 
been captured by Salfm from Tdhmasp, but it seems evident that the 
conquest in 1 5 1 5 is meant. Our author also mentions the recapture 
of the city by Sh^h Abb^s, but gives no date : it actually took place 
in 1603 (see Ant. Gouvea's Relaqam, Liv. 11, cap. v,for an account of 
the reduction). 

* On the mineral resources of Azarbaij^, see Curzon's Persia, 
vol. ii, p. 514. Nothing is there said of silver, however (though it 
may, of course, exist) ; nor is the cultivation of madder mentioned by 
Curzon. But this is not surprising ; for on p. 524 the writer says : — 
" The introduction of aniline dyes, though strictly prohibited by the 
Government, has had a lamentable effect in causing the neglect, and 
in some cases even the loss, of native vegetable hues." 

3 Cf. note 4 on p. 244. The inhabitants of Azarbaij^n are mostly 
Kurds. Teixeira's " Calange" may possibly (as Mr. H. Beveridge sug- 
gests) be for Persian khalanj —\Aco\ox^^, piebald ; perhaps applied as 
a term of contempt by the Persians to these " mongrels" (cf. Meyer's 
KonversationS'Lexikon, Bd. 9, s, v, " Kalang"). But Curzon {op. cit, 
vol. i, p. 551) says : — "The language spoken by the majority of the 
Kurds is Kurmanju (sometimes called Kirdasi), which is generally 
accepted as an old Persian patois, intermingled with alien words." 
And Sir Henry Rawlinson, in his article on "Kurdistan" in the 
Encycl. Brit, 9th ed., vol. xiv, says (p. 1 57) : — " The present Kurdish 
language, which is called Kermdnjf — a title difficult to explain — is an 
old Persian patois, intermixed to the north with Chaldean words, and 
to the south with a certain Turanian element, which may not 
improbably have come down from Babylonian times." Teixeira's 
" Calange" may, therefore, possibly represent " Kermdnji." 



246 APPENDIX C. 

There are also Xyrvan, Nakxoan, Hordobat,^ Ardavel or 
Ardevil,^ Halkhan,^ and many others. 

GUEYLON OR GUYLAN, 

another of the provinces subject to Persia, is very extensive, 
and contains many very large districts. It borders on the 
Caspian Sea, which takes its name therefrom, for the Persians 
call it Darydh Gueylany (Sea of Gueylon). It is divided into 
five governments, the capitals of which are the cities of Raxt, 
Laion, Gaxkhar, Langarkanon, and Kudam. Gueylon is com- 
monly called End-safet, that is, White India, because it is a 
pleasant, cool, and fertile land. It confines with Moscovia, which 
the Persians call Moscau.^ 



^ "Xyrvan" represents, I think, Erivdn, through some confusion 
with the province of Shirvdn. " Nakxoan" and " Hordobat'' are 
Nakjivdn or Nakchivdn, and Ordabdd. These three places are now 
outside Persian territory. 

* In Bk. I, chap, ii, of the Kings of Persia^ Teixeira enumerates 
" Ardavel" among the places founded by " Kayumarr^." In chap, 
xiv (cf. supra^ p. 205) he says : " Ardabel, or Ardavil, for it is called 
by either of these names, is a city in Persia in the province of Ader- 
bajon, a few days' journeys distant from Tabriz, not large, but well 
known from being the birthplace of Xequc Aydar, father of Xeque or 
Xa Ismael Suphy, who ruled Persia when the Portuguese began their 
trade and conquests there." At the end of the chapter, however, he 
says that Ardabil was the birthplace of Ism^fl Suff himself; and this 
is confirmed by his account in Bk. 11, chap, lix, where it is stated that 
Haidar was bom in Diy^rbakar, and Shdh Ism^fl in Ardabfl, in 1488. 
On Ardabfl, see Curzon's Persia^ vol. i, p. 531. 

^ " Halkhan" = Khalkhal, which is a district, and not a town. 
Khalkh^n is a village in Kurdestdn, at the foot of Mount Bahisti^n. 

* In Bk. I, chap, xxi,- of his Kings 0/ Persia (cf. supra^ p. 208), 
Teixeira says : " Gueylon was of old a great kingdom, but now is 
reduced to a province, and is divided into five governments, all sub- 
ject to that of Persia. The Persians call it by the general and 
common name of Gueylan or Guylon, and the natives also call it 
Endsafet [Arab. Hind safid\^ which means ' White India,' because 
it is pleasant and agreeable, in contrast with the proper and true 
India, which they consider dreary ; and so they are wont to apply by 
metaphor the name India to any place that they wish to represent as 
dreary and dark, as our poets do of Tartary." Then comes the 
enumeration of the ^v^ governments translated on p. 208 supra^ and, 
after describing the campaign of Shdh Abbds in 1 594, Teixeira con- 
tinues : " Gueylon lies along the Caspian Sea, which takes its name 
therefrom, and thus the Persians call it Dari^ Gueylany, that is. Sea 
of Gueylan. It is salt, but has no navigable communication with the 
ocean. It is of an oval shape, and is reckoned at somewhat over 
three hundred y2irr««^i^j, that is nine hundred miles in length. It 
suffers from violent storms, and is navigated in large but fiat-bottomed 



PROVINCES UNDER THE DOMINION OF PERSIA. 247 



There follow^ running along by the Caspian Sea >— 

Mazandaron,* Strabat,^ Bostam,* Sabzabdh f Nyxdbur, which 
produces turquoises f and others, all in former times capitals of 
kingdoms and provinces, but now reduced to single governments 
cf Persia. All are very populous cities. 



vessels. It has ports in various kingdoms, in which there is great 
Iraffic of merchandise : such as that of Kefah, a very important port 
and city of the Tartars, and the river of Astrakkm, a Moscovite town, 
which with other mighty ones flows into it. In winter a great part 
of it is frozen. Much fish is caught in it." By the Tartar " port" 
and city of " Kefah," wc are probably to understand Khiva. The 
" river of Astrakkm" is the Volga. I have found no confirmation of 
the statement as |to Gfldn being called "Hind Saffd ;'* but the 
principal river that runs through Gfldn is the Saffd Riid, or White 
River. Regarding Rasht, see Curzon's Persia^ vol. i, p. 384. 

\ The places mentioned are not all "by the Caspian Sea," some 
being a long distance from it. Our author had evidently never 
visited these. 

2 On the " city " of Mazandar^, see p. 204, supra. In the passage 
omitted by Mr. Sinclair, Teixeirasays : — " This city Mazandaron is one 
of the famous ones of those parts. It is situated beyond the territo- 
ries of Gueylon towards the north, near the Caspian Sea. The 
natives are a strong and warlike people, and are reckoned among the 
Persians, subject, like the rest, to the King of Persia." On the pro- 
vince of Mazandaron, see Curzon's Persia^ vol. i, p. 354 et seq. 

' For a description of AstrabOd, see Curzon's Persia^ vol. i, p. 356 
et seq, 

* On Bostdn, see Curzon's Persia^ vol. i, p. 283. 

* On Sabzawdr, see Curzon's Persia^ vol. i, p. 268. 

* For a description of Nishdpiir, see Curzon's Persia^ vol. i, p. 261 
et seq, (the famous turquoise mines being treated of at p. 264). In 
Bk. I, chap, xxxiii, of his Kings of Persia Ccf. p. 229, supra) Teixeira 
says : — " NixObur is one of the provinces subject to the kingdom of 
Persia, situated between Karason, Uzbek and Tatdr, a ^reat territory 
and full of ^reat deserts and sandy wastes, of which it is asserted, 
and I hold it for a fact, that they are in continual motion, as if boiling. 
It is recorded in the Persian histories that in this province Teymur- 
langh, of whom I shall speak in another place [Bk. I, chap, xxxv ; 
cf. p. 235 supra\ caused to be slain four hundred thousand persons in 
one day ; nor is it much to be wondered at, considering how cruel he 
is said to have been. In this province of NixObur are produced those 

f^rcen iverdesl stones that are set in rings, which are called Turkish 
turquezas\ and not without cause, because NixObur is a region con- 
fining with Turkestam. . . . In no province of Persia are there 
found precious stones (in spite of what some have written), unless we 
choose to give that name to these Turkish ones, which the Persians 
value, but not much." 



250 APPENDIX C. 

Kermon 

is a province in Persia, lying between it and Karason, and 
takes its name from a chief city of the same.^ It has many 
other towns, but not of much importance. As I have already 
said, it produces rose-water, carpets, tutia^ wormseed, and 
surmdh,'^ 

Persia has these provinces also : — 
Sagistam,^ Tabarstam,* Kablestam,^ Nim-Ruz,® Stha-Hor,^ Sis- 



* Cf. supra^ p. 1 60, «. (the statement in which, as to the identity of 
Sirj^n with Karmdn, is incorrect). In Bk. i, chap, xxvii, of his Kings 

^ of Persia (cf. supra^ p. 217) Teixeira says : — "Kermon is a large pro- 
vince, and one of the principal in Persia, lying between it and the 
lands of Kar^^on, and is celebrated throughout the East for some 
special things that are obtained thence, of which I shall make brief 
mention. It has a city of the same name, which gives it to the whole 
province." Regarding the province and city of Karmdn, see durzon's 
Persia^ vol. ii, 243 et seq. 

* On the rose-water, tutia^ worm-seed and surma of Karmdn, see 
supra, p. 217 etseq. Regarding its carpets, see supra, p. 243, «. 

' In Bk. I, chap, ii, of the Kings of Persia, Teixeira says that Kayu- 
marras (Kaiomurs) founded " Sagiston," and in chap, vi he tells 
us that Jamshfd " resided most of the time in the provmce and city 
of Sagistam." Johnson's Pers.-Arab,-Eng, Diet has ** Sijistan, a 
kingdom to the east of Persia (the ancient Drangiana)." Markham 
{Hist, of Persia, p. 14, «.) says: — "The name of Sistan \s sdiid. by 
some to be derived from the saghes wood, much used by the Persians 
for burning. It was formerly called Saghestan, and its true etymo- 
logy is the country of the Sagan or Sacee." (Cf. footnotes infra,) 

* Tabarist^n is the old name of the Elburj region of Persia, the 
ancient Hyrcania. 

* In Bk. I, chap, ii, of the Kings oj Persia, " Kabulstan" is 
mentioned as one of the places founded by Kaiomurs. In Bk. i, 
chap, xviii, of the Kings of Persia, Teixeira says : — " Kabul is a 
kingdom that in former times was subject to that of Persia ; it con- 
fines with the territories of India." On the kingdom of K^Lbul see 
Yule's articles in Encycl, Brit,, 9th ed.. vol. i, p. 228 ; vol. iv, p. 624. 

* Johnson's Pers,'Arab,-Eng. Diet, explains nim-roz by " Mid-day. 
Name of the province of Sis tan." In Bk. I, chap, ix, of the Kings of 
Persia, Teixeira says that Manucher (Menucheher) appointed Zal 
governor of " the territories of Nim rues, that is, * Land of the South' " 
{media dia, lit. " mid-day"). 

^ In Bk. I, chap, ii, of the Kings of Persia, we are informed that 
Kaiomurs founded " Stahhar, which also served him as court." The 
place referred to is Istakhr, or Istakar, otherwise Persepolis, which, 
however, according to Markham {Hist, of Persia, p. 6), was founded 
by Jamshfd. For descriptions see Sir T. Herbert's Travels, p. 136 
et seq, ; Curzon's Persia, vol. ii, chap. xxi. 



PROVINCES UNDER THE DOMINION OF PERSIA. 25 1 

tam,^ Curdestain,^ Lorestam,^ and many others not so noteworthy, 
which I do not mention, lest I weary the reader. 

The whole country of Persia is for the most part well supplied 
with provisions — bread, flesh, fresh and dried fruit (both those of 
Europe and other kinds), all at moderate prices. 

The people are fair, handsome, and of polite disposition ; 
their garb is very like the Turkish. They follow the sect of 
Morts-Aly, which differs in some particulars from that of 
Mahamed.* They generally fight on horseback, with spear and 
shield, bows, arrows, scimitars, coats of mail, and maces ; and ride 
with short stirrups, and with their horses caparisoned. In 
warfare they are formidable, and very dogged therein. The 
Persians are much addicted to the reading of books, and pride 
themselves thereon. They are great lovers of poetry, in which 
they had and have distinguished men and erudite works.^ They 



* In Bk. II, chap, xxiii, of the Kings oj Persia^ Teixeira says : — 
" The province of Siston lies below those of Karason and Kermon 
towards the region of the Persian Gulf, and it has on one side Persia, 
to whose rule Siston is subject, and on the other the kingdom of 
Macron [Makr^n], bordering on the territories of India." From the 
footnotes above it will be seen that Teixeira, in ignorance, mentions 
the province of Sfstdn under three different names as three separate 
provinces. On Sfstdn see Eastern Persia^ vol. i, p. 395 et seq, 

2 On Kurdistdn see Curzon's Persia^ vol. i, p. 548 et seq. 

' On Luristdn see Curzon's Persia^ vol. ii, p. 273 et seq. 

* See supra^ p. 47. " Morts"=Arab. murtazo^ (chosen, approved), 
a title applied to Ali. In Bk. I, chap, xiv, of the Kings of Persia^ 
Teixeira says : — " All the sects of the Moors, which were and are 
many, are reducible to two principal ones : Suny, which is that held 
by the Arabs and Turks and all those that follow the Alcoran of 
Mohamed without any comments or expositions, and these, as I have 
said, are called Sunys ; the others Xyahys, who are the Persians and 
all those that follow Morts Aly." 

* In his Kings of Persia^ Teixeira here and there refers to one or 
other of the Persian writers or books. Thus in Bk. i, chap, xv, he 
mentions the fables of " Lokmon " (Lukm^n) as current amongst the 
Persians ; in chap, xviii he states that they possess and prize the 
works of Hypocrates, Democritus, Plato, Socrates, Aristotle, Galen, 
and other Greek authors, and also books in prose and verse recount- 
ing the exploits of Rustdm ; in chap, xxii he tells us that Alexander 
caused to be translated out of Persian into Greek three books, one on 
medicine, another on astrology and mathematics, and a third on 
philosophy ; and at the end of the same chapter he says that the 
Persians have written many books in prose and verse extolling the 
deeds of Alexander ; in chap, xxxv he speaks of the works of Boaly 
or Avicenna, and records the bringing from India to Persia of " two 
yery celebrated books of philosophy, the one called Kelilah, and the 
other Wademanii " (a curiously incorrect description of the Kalilah 



252 APPENDIX C. 

are very amorous ; are acquainted with all the sciences and 
speculative arts, the professors of which treat of them with great 
nicety and subtlety. Their common law, however, occupies no 
more codices or volumes than that of their sect ; by the which 
they are governed, intrusting the work of the administration of 
justice to trustworthy persons. The Persian men are jealous, 
and the women not over chaste. 

In fine, Persia is one of the civilised monarchies of the world, 
and not one of the least. There usually come from all the 
provinces of Persia to Harmuz large caravans or cafilas^ to trade 
with the Portuguese and other Christians, and the heathen and 
Moors that reside there, and to barter what they bring,^ namely, 
gold, silver, raw and manufactured silk, brocades, carpets, horses, 
madder, alum, tuthidth^ rhubarb, rose-water, and divers other 
commodities. They take away very fine cloths and handker- 
chiefs, cloves, cinnamon, pepper, cardamom, ginger, mace, 
nutmeg, sugar, calayn^ or tin, sandalwood and sapam^^ or brazil- 
wood, China porcelain, musk, ambergris, lignaloes, precious 
stones, pearls, indigo, lac, and many other things. The Persians 
have no shipping except on the Caspian Sea ; and some that go 
10 India do so by way of Harmuz in Portuguese ships, or in 
others under their licence.^ /- ' 

All the inhabitants of Persia are either Moors who are Xyay^ 
(and these form the greater part), or heathen Gaoryazdys who >y^ 
worship fire :^ who, though many in number, are few in comparison \ 
with the others ; or Jews, who are free to live anywhere, there } 
being some eight to ten thousand families of them throughout all 
the provinces of Persia. There are also not a few Armenian and 
Nestorian Christians."^ 



wa-Dimnah or fables of Bidpdi) ; and in chap, xxxvii he mentions a 
book of Persian poetry called " Khozrrai Xerin " {Khusrau Shirin), 
In Bk. II, chap. Iv, also, Teixeira states that in the time of Huldku 
Kh^n there flourished in Persia " Coaja Naciradin Tuffy, a famous 
astrologer, who wrote a book, called Zich el Kony, of judgments and 
figures, very celebrated among the Persians" (the astronomical 
Tables of the Ilkhdni by the famous Ndsiruddfn are meant). See 
also supra^ p. 219. 

^ Cf. supruy p. 168, and infra^ p. 266. 

* 5/V, by a printer's error probably (see supra^ p. 218). 
^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, " Calay." 

* See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. " Sappan-wood." 

^ On the navigation of the Caspian Sea see footnote supra^ p. 246. 
Regarding the Portuguese system of passports, or cartazes^ cf. supra 
p. 24. 

* See supra^ p. 196. ' Cf. supra^ p. 168. 



PROVINCES UNDER THE DOMINION OF PERSIA. 253 



Maurenahar 

is the name of those territories that lie across the river 
Gehun, which divides them from Karason.* Here are Koar- 
razm* and Gaznehen,' and then come Turkestam,* Uzbek,^ 
Tatar,^ Ketao Kotan/ and others innumerable, no less rich and 
opulent than warlike. 



^ The river " Gehun " (spelt " Jehun" above) is, of course the Oxus, 
Jaihiin being the Arabic name, and Amd or Amii Daria the local name. 
'* Maurenahar" is Arabic Ma ward V A^a^r= " beyond the river," or 
" Transoxiana " (see Lt. -General Walker's article "Oxus" in EncycL 
Brit.^ 9th ed., vol. xviii, p. loi). 

* Khwdrizm, regarding which see article " Khiva," in EncycL Brit, 
9th ed., vol. xiv, p. 62. 

* "Gaznahen" (Teixeira once only has "Gazna"=Ghaznfn, other- 
wise Ghazni, Ghaznah, etc., the famous city in Afghanistan, generally 
associated with the name of Mahmiid. For description and history 
see Yule's article in EncycL Brit, 9th ed., vol. x, p. 359 et seq, 

* In Bk. I, chap, viii, of the Kings of Persia (cf. supra, p. 204) 
Teixeira states that Tur, son of Frayhdun (Feriddn) "founded a 
city, which was called from his name Turon, and the same was given 
to that kingdom and the whole region, Turquestam as it is called to 
this day. It is situated near the Caspian Sea, above it towards the 
east, in the territories that are called those of Maure nahar." For a 
description of Turkestan and its history, see Prince Kropotkin's 
article in EncycL Brit, gth ed., vol. xxiii, p. 631 etscg. ; and on Afghan 
Turkestdn, see Yule's article in vol. i, p. 241 ei seq. 

* See in/ra, 

* In Bk. I, chap, xxii, of the Kings of Persia (cf. supra, p. 214) 
Teixeira speaks of " Tartary, as we call it, which the Persians call 
Tatir, and the inhabitants of those regions Tataron, and we Tartars, 
whose empire it is usual to divide into two parts. One lies towards 
Europe, above the Caspian Sea, whose metropolis is the city of Kefah 
on the shore of the said sea, of which I have already treated [see 
supra, p. 246 «.]. The other is the principal, situated in territories con- 
fining with Chma, called by the proper name of Khan balek, which 
means ' city of the king* or * of the lord' : from balek, * city,* and khan, 
'king,' or * lord.' I know well that there are those who write Balu, 
but the only way of saying it is Balek. This is the court of the Grand 
Tartar, whose greatness and opulence may be judged by the fact that 
he ordinarily has within the walls a garrison of sixty thousand men- 
of-arms ; and though this may appear a large number, it must be 
credited and held for certain, because, doubting thereof, I inquired 
concerning it, and ascertained it to be most true. To those parts 
belonged Chinguys Kan, the first king of those people that descended 
into Persia." Regarding Tartary and the Tartars, see Yule's Marco 
Polo, passim, 

^ In the same chapter quoted from in the previous note Teixeira 
refers to " Kethao Kothan, which we commonly call Katayo [Cathay]" 
(cf also supra, p. 213). On Kotan see Yule's Marco Polo, vol. i, 
p. 196. 



254 APPENDIX C. 



Uzbek 



is a very large province ; and, although in former times it was 
always subject to Persia, at present not only is it separate, but it 
makes war on it, and has taken some of its territories.^ This 
province is very extensive, and contains cities and towns of 
importance. Its metropolis is Balk -^ and it also contains Samar- 
kand, the birthplace of Teymurlangh -^ Damarkand ;* BokarA, the 
birthplace of Bokly or Avi^ena ;^ Kaxghar and Axkhar, whence 
comes the best rhubarb ;^ and many others. 

The inhabitants are warlike, fight on horseback with bows and 
arrows, spears, swords and shields, and coats of mail, always 
flying ; and in this way they have in our days greatly increased 
their dominion. Among others, they have taken the kingdom of 
Kandar, the king of which for some fifteen years enjoyed the 



^ From the places mentioned it will be seen that what Teixeira calls 
the " province " of "Uzbek" comprised Afghan Turkestdn, Bokhdra, 
etc., whence came the invading Uzbegs, of whom he speaks below. 

2 In Bk. I, chap, ii, of the Kings of Persia^ Teixeira records how, 
while Kaiomurs was building a city m Tabaristdn, his brother came 
to see him, the two exchanging loving embraces ; wherefore, " to 
show the pleasure he received from the visit, he called the city that he 
was laying out Balk, which means 'embrace,' as it is called to this 
day, and is one of the most famous in the province of Uzbek ; popu- 
lous, rich and warlike, as are the others of those parts." I can find 
no word in Persian or Arabic like balk^ meaning " embrace " ; and, 
in any case, Teixeira's derivation may be considered simply as an 
example of popular etymology. Shea's translation of Mir Khw^d 
(p. 58), says : " Kaiomurs recognized his brother, and said to his son, 
* Bdl Akh ! ' (' This is surely my brother ') from which circumstance 
the city was called Balkh." On Balkh, see Yule's Marco Polo, vol. i, 
p. 158. 

* In Bk. I, chap, xxxv, of the Kings of Persia {stt supra, p. 235, and 
cf. also footnote on p. 247) Teixeira says : " Samarkand, a most 
noble city, situated in the territories of Maurenahar, built, as the 
Persians hold, by Alexander the Great, son of Philip, king of Mace- 
donia, was the birthplace of the famous Teymur, whom we vulgarly 
call Tamorlam, or Tamborlan." (Then follows an account of Timiir.) 
On Samarkand, see article in EncycL Brit, 9th ed., vol. xxi, p. 246. 
Timtir made the city his residence ; but his birthplace was Kesh, 
fifty miles south of Samarkand. 

* "Damarkand" is probably only an alternative form of "Samar- 
kand," the ancient name of which was Marcandia. 

^ In Bk. I, chap, xjcxv, of the Kings of Persia (see supra, p. 235), 
Teixeira gives some account of Avicenna (who was bom near, not at, 
Bokhara). 

* Cf. supra, p. 213. "Axkhar" perhaps represents Aski Shahr, the 
name of the ancient city of Kdshghar (sec article in EncycL Brit., 9th 
ed., vol. xiv, p. 7). 



PROVINCES UNDER THE DOMINION OF PERSIA. 255 

favour of the Great Mogol, becoming his vassal ; but, although so 
powerful, he was unable to restore it to him.^ 

The Uzbekes have no hereditary king, but on the death of the 
captain who governs them they elect another. They are like the 
Chinese in face and beard, are large-limbed and strong. They 
speak somewhat through their nose like the Chinese, whom they 
much resemble in dress, manners, and pronunciation of speech.* 



^ On the history of Kandahar, see Sir T. H. Holdich's article in 
Encycl. Brif., 9th ed., vol. xiii, p. 837. 

* It is possible that Teixeira may have met some Uzbegs whilst in 
Persia. In Bk. I, chap, xxii, of the Kings of Persia (cf. su^ra^ p. 214), 
our author says : "All these peoples, Ubekes {sic]t Tartars, and those 
of Khetao Khotan, in face and dress do not differ from the Chinese : 
they are white, strongly-built, with small, puffy eyes, and sparse and 
straggling beards." In chap, xxxv of the same book Teixeira says : 
" The Mogols, who are really Tartars and offshoots from them, are a 
warlike and arrogant race ; and consider themselves among the most 
valiant in the world. They fight for the most part on horseback, 
having themselves bound thereon when they enter into battle, in 
order to go more securely. They use lance and co/o [cf. supra^ p. 5], 
which is a shield which serves as a targe, bow and Turkish arrows, 
arquebuses, artillery, coats of mail and scimitars, and such like arms. 
They are a gluttonous folk, fond of wine, and very sensual. . . . 
They are white and red, and good-tempered." 



APPENDIX D. 



Relation^ of the Chronicle of the Kings of Ormuz^ taken 
from a Chronicle composed by a King of the same 
Kingdom^ named Pachaturunxa? written in Arabic^ 
and sutnmarily translated into the Portuguese language 
by a friar of the order of Saint Dominicky who founded 
in the island of Ormuz a house of his order} 

When King Mahometh® was reigning in Amao/ which is in the 
interior of Arabia Felix, at the beginning of his reign,® desiring 
to extend his kingdom and fame, he assembled in council the 
chief men of his kingdom, and said to them, that the territories 

^ As stated in the Introduction {q, v,\ an abbreviated translation of 
this earlier version of Jurdn Shdh's Chronicle was printed in Purchas 
his PilgrimeSy Pt. II, pp. 1785-1787. In giving this complete transla- 
tion, I have indicated the parts omitted by Purchas. — D. F. 

• The writer spells the name " Hormuz," but when the preposition 
de happens to come before it he combines the two words (a common 
custom of the writers of that period) thus, " Dormuz." 

' That is, Padishdh Tiirdn Shdh. 

^ Sic, It is curious that Stevens makes the same error (see his 
title-page, in Introduction). 

^ If this was Caspar da Cruz himself^ the foundation must have 
taken place in 1565 or 1566, when he came from China to Hormuz, 
in which place, as he tells us {infra, p. 266) he spent three years. 
(For details regarding Caspar da Cruz, see Barbosa Machado's 
Bibliotheca Lusitana, tom. ii, p. 347.) 

• See supra, p. 153. 

^ 'Omdn. See History of the Imdms and Seyyids of ^Omdn (Hak- 
luyt Soc), p. i, ff. In Bk. I, chap, xiv, of the Kings of Persia, Teixeira 
tells us of Kaykaus settling the affairs of " the kingdom of Amon in 
Arabia;" and in chap, xxix he relates how Baharon passed over with 
an army into Arabia, " where, besides other territories, he subjected 
the kingdom of Hamon (which is the country of the Amanites, which 
to this day has the same name). It must, however, be noted that 
there is a difference between Hyaman and Hamon, although both of 
them are kingdoms in Arabia, near to that of Sabah, which is also 
therein." Here " Hamon" = 'Omdn, and by " Hyaman" is probably 
meant Yaman, the ancient name of the people of which was Saba. 

^ As in Teixeira's version, no date is given for the reign of the 
founder of the kingdom of Hormuz. (It will be seen that this earlier 
translator of Turdn Shah's Chronicle omits all dates.) 



CHRONICLE OF THE KINGS OF ORMUZ. 257 

on the coast of Persia had belonged to his predecessors, and 
through the carelessness of some of them had been lost, depopu- 
lated, and wasted -^ that he had determined to cross over to them 
in person with the chief men of his kingdom who wished to follow 
him, and with certain of the people, in order to found some cities 
and towns in that country, so that it might become of profit, 
since it was a good land. And thus his kingdom and fame would 
be increased ; and he would leave to govern Arabia his eldest 
son, who was a man that would rule it well. All having agreed 
that his determination seemed good to them, he at once com- 
manded to make ready a large force, many of his chief men 
following him ; and setting out from AmSo he came to Calciate,* 
which is near the sea in the same Arabia. It seemed good to him 
and to his followers to found in that port a city, inasmuch as it 
was a place suitable for those of the country to trade with the 
ships that passed that way; wherefore his son remained there 
with many people, carrying out the determination of his father 
and those of his council ; and the city went on prospering in the 
course of time to such an extent, that at the present day its ruins 
show the city of Calciate to have been a very great and noble 
one.^ 

King Mahometh, having given orders regarding the affairs of 
Arabia and those of Calciate, embarked, with the people that he 
had selected for his company, in a large number of ships that he 
had commanded to be made ready, and crossed over to the coast 
of Persia, arriving at the Cape of Jasques, which is where 
Hormuz now is,* thirty leagues outside the Strait. And seeing 
that land and its position, it did not seem to him suitable to make 
a settlement there ; wherefore he continued his journey into the 
Strait along the coast, and arrived at a tract of country that they 
then called Hormuz, which is near that which they now call 
Magostam and Braamim,^ which they now call Costeea f it is over 
against what is now called Hormuz on the coast of Persia. 

The king and his followers being pleased with the country 
determined to settle and make their residence there ; and they 
therefore at once set about building houses and improving the 

^ This statement is not found in Teixeira's version. 

' An error for " Caliate." I cannot explain how the superfluous c 
got in here, and in the other places below where the name occurs. 

^ Regarding Kalhdt, see supra^ p. 154, n, 

* These words seem to have got in here by some mistake. Cape 
Jashk being a long way from Hormuz, as the writer himself shows a 
few lines further on. 

^ The Map of Arabia at p. 80, vol. i, of the Comment of Af. Dalb,^ 
has " o brami ; " Barbosa (p. 36) has " Ebrahemi ; " and Ortelius 
(Atlas, 1570) has " Braimu." 

• See supra^ p. 155, «. 

S 



258 APPENDIX D. 

country. And because this king was very liberal, and showed 
much favour to the poor people of the country and the husband- 
men, and entertained strangers well, he was very greatly and 
universally beloved by all those who had knowledge of him. 
And the fame of his virtues and nobility spreading to all parts 
round about, much people came to live under his protection and 
rule. This was the reason why, in a very short time, this new city 
became very illustrious. The fame of his virtues and goodness 
spreading to all the kings of that Strait, both of Persia and of the 
other parts of Arabia, they all sent to seek him with great 
presents, showing the great pleasure they had at having him as a 
neighbour. This king, seeing himself prosperous in this country 
and in favour with all his neighbours, and with much people, in 
order the more to gain the love of all, commanded money to be 
coined, which was lacking in the country, the which greatly 
increased the love of all towards him, and at the same time the 
prosperity of his country. Because of this benefit that he con- 
ferred on all that country, by inventing money for it, they 
generally called him Deranquu,^ which means, " stamp of 
money. "'^ 

After the city of Ormuz had been founded on the coast of 
Persia, and had become prosperous with much people and riches, 
the king commanded his chief men to go to the territories of 
Magostam, and to take each one what seemed to him best, in order 
that he might improve it and cause it to be inhabited, by found- 
ing divers towns. This they did ; and each one took the land 
that seemed good to him, and improved it, and caused it to be 
inhabited ; and each one gave to the land that he occupied his 
own name, by which every one of those countries is called 
to-day.* 

And because the kings that succeeded Mahometh* were power- 
ful and very good in governing, they kept the country prosperous 
in their succeeding reigns, increasing in population and magni- 
ficence. And the sons that descended from these were con- 
tinuously such, that the fathers in their lifetime intrusted to them 
the government of the kingdom, they themselves becoming weary 
of it in their old age. It was a custom amongst these kings, in 
order that the memory of their predecessors might not perish, 



* Teixeira (supra^ p. 155) spells it "Dramku." It represents Pars. 
diram^monty^ and i<7^= striking, beating (cf. jarar-^<7^« goldsmith). 

' In orig, " Cello de moedaP Purchas («. s,) has " scale of money." 

' The statements in this paragraph do not appear in Teixcira's 
version. 

* The Dominican translator, it will be seen, records the names of 
only two of Mahometh's successors, viz., " Cabadim" and " Pacha- 
turunxa," and gives very few details of the history of Hormuz. 



CHRONICLE OF THE KINGS OF ORMUZ. 259 

that when they reached the tenth generation, they began their 
denominations anew, the ten following beginning to take the 
names of the ten preceding. So that the first of the ten had to 
take the name of the founder : and thus in order until the number 
of ten was completed.^ This order was preserved for some years, 
the rule going in the direct line. Afterwards this order and 
custom perished, because some, through covetousness of reigning, 
put to death the others, and many were blinded^ by others who 
wished to have the rule of the kingdom. 

But there is one great and notable thing about this kingdom, 
that although many governed tyrannically, putting to death the 
rightful kings, up to the present time there has never reigned any 
one that was not of the royal line.^ Only that, as Hormuz was on 
the coast of Persia, on the death of one who then reigned,* and 
there being in the country none of the royal family, the goazil^ 
that is, the governor of the kingdom, declared himself king.^ At 
this time a son-in-law of the deceased king, who was his nephew,^ 
had gone by command of his uncle with a large armed force 
against the island and city of Cays.'^ The news was brought to 
him that his uncle had died, and that the geazil had declared 
himself king ; whereupon he at once raised the siege of Cays, and 
with all the men that he had with him set out for Ormuz.^ 
Arriving there, he was received by all with very great manifesta- 
tions of delight and rejoicings, because they were very sorrowful 
at having for a king a man who was not of the royal family ; 
wherefore, with great rejoicings, they proclaimed as king the 
nephew of the king. He at once commanded the goazil who 
had set himself up as king, and all his followers, to be beheaded.^ 

IF After the direct line of succession to the throne had been 
broken, there was not such good rule in the kingdom, nor did the 



* Teixeira*s version makes no mention of any such custom, nor is the 
statement borne out by the names of the kings as recorded. 

* See supra, p. 186. 

' This is not consistent with the statement in Teixeira's version 
{supra, p. 160) that "Amir Bahadin Ayaz Seyfin," the fifteenth king 
of Old Hormuz and founder of the island kingdom, was a slave. 

* Mir Xabadin Molongh, the ninth king, according to Teixeira (see 
supra, p. 158). 

* According to Teixeira {ubi supra), it was the wazir {goazil or 
guazil is the Portuguese corruption of this word) Rex Xarear. 

* Amir Seyfadin Aben Azar, Teixeira {supra, p. 1 57) calls him. 

^ Teixeira's version says that he succeeded his father as king of 
Keys. 

* According to Teixeira's version, the people of Keys dethroned 
him, and he fled for his life to Hormuz. 

^ Teixeira, it will be seen {supra, p. 1 58), adds some details regard- 
ing the usurper's resistance. 

S 2 



260 APPENDIX D. 

affairs thereof prosper, but they went on falling into decay, so 
that it had no longer such power to resist its enemies. War 
among the neighbouring kings increasing, it happened that the 
king of Cremam,^ which is in the interior of Persia, came with 
many men and powerfully equipped against Hormuz to destroy it. 
King Cabadim,^ who at the time reigned in Hormuz, not daring 
to await the attack and power of the king of Cremam, embarked 
with all the people that could go, and, leaving the country 
abandoned, betook himself to the island called Queixome, which 
is near to the island of Ormuz. After he had been there a few 
months, it appearing to him that he was not safe there, on 
account of its being somewhat large, so that he could not well 
defend himself there, he thereupon crossed over with his people 
to the island that is now called Hormuz, because it was more 
convenient, thinking that he could there better defend himself 
against any foes.' 

This island was formerly uninhabited, except by a few poor 
fishermen; and they called it Jarum, which means "jungle."* For 
the whole island is as it were of salt,^ and the soil almost entirely 
impregnated with salt, because certain streams that flow through 
it, which come from a hilly range in the midst thereof, are of 
saline water, and on the edges of the water is the salt as white as 
snow ; and whoever wishes to cross the stream goes over on the 
top of the salt. The peaks of the range also are in some parts of 
salt, which the ships take as ballast to India. Nevertheless there 
grow in the soil some poor clumps of jungle, and some trees like 
jujube-trees,® which yield certain fruit that the Portuguese call 



* The " Kermon" of Teixeira, who, however, says (supra^ p. i6o), 
that it was great hordes of Turks who, in a.d. 1302, came out of 
Turkestdn, and, after conquering the kingdom of Karmdn, proceeded 
to attack Hormuz. 

' Teixeira {supra^ p. 160) calls him Mir Bahadin Ayaz Seyfin 
(fifteenth king of Hormuz). "Cabadim" may be a printer's misreading 
for " Bahadim." 

3 Teixeira {supra, p. 162) does not give any reason for the Hor- 
muzis' change of location. 

* Purchas (op, cit) has " a Wood ;" but " jungle" better conveys the 
sense of the Portuguese mato, I can find no Persian word like yar«/«, 
meaning "jungle;" hMX jaran means "coarse, uneven, and stony 
ground" (Johnson's Pers.-Arab.-Eng, Diet), It will be noticed that 
Teixeira {supra, p. 162) derives the name of the island from that of 
the old fisherman, who, he says, lived there with his wife. 

^ Cf. the following description with Teixeira's {supra, p. 164, ei seq,), 

* In orig, ^^maceiras DanafegaP Purchas has "Apple trees of 
Anafega^^ and in the margin "A place and fruit so called." (According 
to Dozy-Engelmann's Glossaire des Mots Espagnols ei Portugais 
dirivis de VArabe, anafega is from Arab. an-nadtkat=^ the fruit of the 
lote-tree.) Teixeira {supra, p. 166) calls the trees conar. 



CHRONICLE OF THE KINGS OF ORMUZ. 261 

mafads pequenas^ like jujubes, but which are bad eating, which 
obtain an existence by virtue of the rain-water.^ Wherefore, 
because of the island's being sterile, and producing only what 
I have said, owing to its being saline, they called it Jarum. More- 
over, through being uninhabited, it was in former times smaller 
and more convenient than it now is ; for even yet the people of 
the country show the places to which the sea used to come.^ 

King Cabadim then having disembarked on this island, and 
determined to settle there, began to build houses for himself and 
his people to dwell in,* and there they made shift with what they 
got by going to the countries round about. Moreover, because, 
when the king of Cremam returned to his dominions, they went 
back again to resume possession of the lands they had formerly 
held, and cultivated them ; and because the city founded in the 
island of Jarum prospered, and they made it the capital of the 
kingdom, those that succeeded gave it the name of Hormuz, 
which it retains up to the present time, which was the name of 
the chief city that they had on the mainland, and which was 
destroyed by the king of Cremam.* 

IT It is to be noted, that in this Strait of Ormuz, some leagues 
further in than Ormuz, is an island called Cays,^ in which was 
founded in those times a very wealthy and very magnificent city, 
the memory of which continues even to-day among those of the 
country ; and, though now the island is deserted, there are still 
seen the remains of the ancient buildings that existed there. 
This island and city were very wealthy, and very populous and 
prosperous, because of the great traffic of ships that came together 
there from all parts of India with many riches and very great 
quantities of merchandize ; and owing to the great concourse of 
people from Persia and Arabia who came to that place to seek 
the wares that came there from India, also bringing very rich 
goods, in exchange for which, or for the money that they made by 
them, they bought those that came there from India. So that all 
the riches that Hormuz now has, and all the trade, were at that 



1 Lit. " little apples." 

* Purchas has " for they are sustained and Hue by the raine water," 
as if that were the cause of their being poor eating. 

3 The above statements are not found in Teixeira's description 
of the island ; the Dominican writer here speaks apparently from his 
own observation. 

* Teixeira {supra^ p. 162) says, that the island belonged to Neyn, 
king of Keys, who, through the good offices of the mulld Xeque 
Ismail, was inclined to present it to Aydz, but that the latter insisted 
on paying for it. 

^ Purchas has here, by a printer's error probably, " Geman." 

® Cf. what follows with the Teixeira's statements, supra^ p. 162, 



262 APPENDIX D. 

time possessed by the island of Cays, that which is now called 
Hormuz being, as I have said, uninhabited. 

At^ the time that Hormuz was prosperous on the mainland of 
Persia the kings were at many times at war with the inhabitants 
of the island of Cays ; and they had often come against it with 
great array of battle, killing many of the people, and inflicting 
many injuries upon it.^ The lord of Cays, seeing himself ill- 
treated by the king of Hormuz, made a treaty of peace with 
him, binding himself to be tributary to him.^ The treaty was 
made and confirmed, and those of Cays paid the tribute as long 
as the kings of Ormuz were prosperous on the mainland of 
Persia.* But when these became weak and disorganised they were 
no longer willing to pay it. And because after the kings of 
Ormuz crossed over from the mainland to the island that they 
afterwards called Hormuz they continued to prosper greatly in 
people and grandeur of buildings ; and at the same time^ the 
ships that had regularly come from India to Cays now began to 
frequent Hormuz, whereby they withdrew much profit from those 
of Cays ; the latter becoming frightened on account of their 
disobedience, and because they had rebelled in the matter of the 
tribute, lest there should happen to them some evils worse than 
those they had received from the kings of Ormuz ; and also fear- 
ing that these would prosper so in the trade as to deprive them of 
the whole of it (for they saw that it was already diminishing) ; the 
lord of Cays wrote to a king of Persia to whom he was then 
subject, who was called the king of Xiras^ (which even now is a 
kingdom by itself), that by all means and without any delay he 
would come with a large army to destroy the city that was in- 
creasing in prosperity in the island of Jarum ; because if he did 
not do so Cays would lose the whole of its dominion, prosperity, 
and trade ; since it was already being deprived of it by the city 
recently founded in Jarum. The king of Xiras gave no heed to 
this embassy,^ and let it be understood that however much it 
might prosper it would not be difficult for him to destroy it at 
any time. 

^ All that follows, down to the end of the paragraph concluding with 
the words "the conquest of Ormuz," is omitted by Purchas, who 
mentions this fact in a marginal note. 

* Seesuprayp, 158. • Skin orig, 

* Teixeira does not mention this treaty until later on, when dealing 
with the reign of Amir Ayzadin Gordon Xd (see supra^ p. 169). He 
says nothing, however, of any payment of tribute. 

* Cf. what follows with Teixeira's account (supra^ p. 169 et seq,). 

^ Malek Ayzadin, governor of ^yrdz, according to Teixeira («. s.). 

^ Teixeira says nothing of the refusal of immediate assistance by 
the governor of Shirdz, and of the curious expedient adopted by the 
ruler of Kais to obtain the help he so urgently needed, 



CHRONICLE OF THE KINGS OF ORMUZ. 263 

Nevertheless the lord of Cays, seeing the danger resulting from 
delay, again wrote to the king of Xiras, that on no account should 
he tarry, as great danger would result. And in order to make 
him understand the speed with which it was necessary that he 
should come, he used this metaphor : that he would know what 
haste was needed, as he informed him that his head remained 
dirty because he could not wash it.^ The king of Xiras having 
seen this, at once got ready his forces, and proceeded to the island 
of Cays, where he prepared many boats, called by them terradasj^ 
and in these crossed over with his forces to the island of Angam, 
which is two leagues from Ormuz, where the king of Ormuz 
attacked him and gave him battle, and defeated him.' And 
having been defeated, though not utterly,* he sent a proposal to 
the king of Ormuz, that he should give up to him his treasures 
and those of his predecessors ; and he would then go away and 
leave him in peace ; and that, if he were not willing to do this, he 
would wage war on him with fire and sword until he had utterly 
destroyed him. To these words the king of Ormuz replied, ask- 
ing, how a man of such low origin as he was, who was descended 
from merchants, dared to propose such a thing to a king who 
came of such an ancient race of kings, who in Am So were always 
most noble knights, and had always been so up to their occupa- 
tion of that island which was now called Hormuz ; and that he 
did not intend to be unworthy of his ancestry, as he had nothing 
to fear from him. (Even yet the kings of Ormuz take to them- 
selves much glory in being descended from such a very ancient 
race as the kings of Amao, and give themselves out as related to 
a lord tkat lives in Arabia who is called the Catane,^ and despise 
the others, considering themselves better and nobler on account 
of antiquity than they?) 

Seeing himself thus affronted, the king of Xiras returned to 
Cays, and reinforced himself afresh with troops, and more ships, 
and returned with greater force against Hormuz;® and, not 



^ Only an Oriental could fully appreciate the significance of such a 
message. 

2 See supra^ p. 22, «. 

' Teixeira relates several antecedent events that are not recorded 
by the Dominican writer. 

* All the details that follow of the interchange of messages between 
the hostile leaders are omitted by Teixeira, who merely records the 
rejection of the peace overtures made by the Kaisis, and their second 
defeat by the Hormuzis. 

^ " Catane"=Arab. Kahtin, /.r., Joktan, from whom the tribes and 
districts of south-eastern Arabia traced their descent (see Imdms of 
^Orndfij p. vi ; Palgrave's Central and Eastern Arabia^ vol. i, p. 453 ; 
Sayce's Races of the Old Testament^ p. 65). 

• According to Teixeira {supra^ p. 170), this was in A.D. 131 5 ; the 
previous expedition having taken place, apparently, the year beforet 



264 APPENDIX D. 

daring to give battle to the king, strove cunningly to come to 
parley with him, and craftily seized him,^ and sent him captive 
to the island of Cays, and he himself proceeded to lay siege to 
the island of Ormuz.^ The siege was sustained by another, who 
had been elected king by advice that the king who was taken 
prisoner managed to send.^ The siege lasted several months. 
Then the king of Xiras, seeing that he could not take Hormuz, 
and that the winter was coming on, and that it would not be 
safe for him to go by sea, returned to Cays, with the resolve to 
come back once more against Hormuz the following year. 

He returned thence in six months, bringing with him the king 
of Ormuz whom he had captured. But on the voyage a tempest 
overtook him, which scattered and destroyed his fleet. And it 
happened in this dispersal, that the terrada in which was the 
king of Ormuz who had been captured came to land at Hormuz, 
where he who was acting as king was not willing to receive him 
with honour ; wherefore,* after having been some days in Hormuz, 
he crossed over to Costeca, where Hormuz was formerly.* Some 
days thereafter it happened, that he that was acting as king of 
Ormuz found it necessary to go to war with a people that then 
lived where now dwell the Noutaques,® who are great sea-robbers.^ 
The real king, who was in Costeca, hearing of this, crossed over 
to Hormuz, and was received by the inhabitants as their king and 
lord, with great honors and rejoicings ; and he reigned peacefully 
until his death.^ The king of Xiras did not care to tempt 
Fortune again, and departed for his kingdom, abandoning the 
conquest of Ormuz.® 

IT The king of Ormuz, ^^ seeing the evils that had come upon him 



^ Teixeira, who is fuller in detail here, describes how this was 
effected. 

* Teixeira has it, that the king of Keys carried off Gordonxd 
captive in his terrada to Keys, whence he returned after five months, 
bringing his captive with him, to besiege Hormuz once more. This 
corresponds with what the Dominican translator records further on. 

' According to Teixeira (supra^ p. 171), Bibi Sultan, wife of 
Gordonxi, had requested her nephew, Malek Guayxadin Dinar, to 
act as regent. 

* The details that follow differ in some respects from those given by 
Teixeira (see supra^ p. 171). 

* " And dwelt in the fortress of Minab," says Teixeira, 
® See supra, pp. 21, 162. 

^ According to Teixeira, the usurper, finding that the troops were 
deserting him, fled for safety to Makron (Makrdn). 

* Which took place in a.d. 1318, teste Teixeira. 
^ This is not stated in Teixeira's account. 

^^ According to Teixeira {supra, p. 173 ff.), this was Mir X^ Kod- 
badin, son of Gordonxd. The Dominican writer has here skipped 
over a number of events. 



CHRONICLE OF THE KINGS OF ORMUZ. 265 

through the goaxil of Cays,^ went against him with a large army, 
and having besieged him for some days without being able to 
conquer him, returned to Hormuz as the winter was approaching. 
He came back the following year, and took it and sacked it, and 
left in it a goaziloi his own choice, with many men. The defeated 
goazil managed to escape, and fled in a terrada to the island of 
Barem ; by favor of the goazil oi Barem he equipped himself anew 
in Barem, and returned against Cays ; and cunningly coming to 
parley with the goazil whom the king of Ormuz had left there to 
guard the city, seized him and put out his eyes, and resumed the 
government of Cays.^ 

But there succeeding to the throne of Ormuz Pachaturunxa,' 
who was the author of this Chronicle, and who reigned some 
three hundred years,* a little more or less, he brought it under his 
rule ; ^ and from that time forward it always remained subject to 
the kingdom of Ormuz. And then this Pachaturunxa subjected 
the island of Barem as a punishment for the favour that it had 
given to the goazil of Cays.^ 

And so the kings of Ormuz went on prospering in such 
manner that they became rulers of all the islands in this Strait, 
and all the country along the coast of Arabia as far as Lassa^ 
and Catiffa,® and also others on the shore of Persia, by which 
they formed a very great, rich and prosperous kingdom : princi- 
pally because the trade of Cays passed entirely to the island that 
is now called Hormuz ; wherefore Cays was utterly ruined, both 
in buildings and in wealth, so that it is now totally deserted, after 
having been the chief place of those parts.* 

And Hormuz,^® from having been a sterile and desert island, 
and a mountain of salt, is, among all the wealthy countries of 

* Purchas here inserts " (which had provoked the King of Xiras 
against him)," all the foregoing details having been omitted by him, 
as noted above (p. 261). 

* In the above account the events of different years appear to be 
confused (cf. Teixeira's narrative, jw^ra, pp. 173 ff., 183 ff., and 186 ff.). 

^ In A.D. 1347, according to Teixeira (supra^ p. 186). 

* Or " three hundred years ago." The original has " reynou auera 
trezitos AnoSy^ where I think trezetos is a lapsus penncB for " trintci^ 
(thirty). In any case, "three hundred years ago," if the correct 
rendering, would not agree with the statement of Teixeira, that Tiirdn 
Shdh reigned 1347- 1378. 

* See Teixeira, uhi supra, 

® See supra^ p. 186 et seq, ^ See supra^ pp. 29, 174. 

® See supra^ pp. 26, 188. (Cf. also p. 217.) 

* Cf. supra^ p. 261. 

^® Cf. what follows with Teixeira's fuller description, supra^ p. 164, 
et seq, ; Barbosa, p. 41, et seq, ; Linschoten, vol. i, chap, yi ; Comment. 
o/Af, Dalb.^ vol. iv, chap, xliii; Pyrard, vol. ii, chap, xviii. 



266 APPENDIX D. 

India, one of the wealthiest, through the many and rich goods 
that come thither from all parts of India, and from the whole of 
Arabia and of Persia, as far as the territories of the Mogores,^ 
and even from Russia in Europe I saw merchants there, and from 
Venice. And thus the inhabitants of Ormuz say that the whole 
world is a ring and Hormuz is the stone thereof.^ Wherefore it 
is commonly said, that the custom-house of Ormuz is a conduit 
of silver that is always running. The last year^ that I was in 
Hormuz — having been there three — the officials assured me that 
the custom-house had yielded one hundred and fifty thousand 
pardaos for the King of Portugal ; beside what it is to be pre- 
sumed is stolen by the Moors and the goazil^ who are officers 
of the custom-house.* 

And, even though this country yields no fruit, and has no water 
nor provisions, it has plenty of flesh, bread, rice, and much fish, 
and many and very good fruits, with which it is supplied from 
many parts, chiefly from Persia,^ whence come many pears, and 
peaches, plums, apples, grapes, figs, and quinces, of which they 



^ The Mongols, Moguls, or Mughals (see Hobson-Jobson^ s. v. 
" Mogul"). 

2 The writer again quotes this well-known saying further on. 
Regarding it, see Comment, of Af, Dalb.^ vol. iv, p. i86 ; Pyrard, vol. ii, 
p. 240, and footnote ; Burton's Camoens : Life and Lusiads^ vol. iv, 
p. 504. 

' 1569 probably (see supra^ p. 256, «.). 

* In Simao Botelho's Tombo do Estado da India^ ff. 76, 78, will be 
found the Hormuz custom-house returns for each year, from 1523 to 
1550. The calculations are, however, in xerafins and ^adis. In the 
"tractate of the Portugal Indies^^ by the Viceroy D. Duarte de 
Menezes, translated in Purchas his Pilgrimes^ vol. li, p. 1 506 et seq,^ 
it is stated (p. 1522) -.—^''Ormus Fortresse yeeldeth to the King euery 
yeare 170000. Pardaos de Tangas, which is 51000000. of Reys at 300. 
Reys the Pardao, and is thirtie one thousand eight hundred seventie 
fiue pounds sterling, counting one yeare with another, which is the 
rent of the Custome-house that was giuen to his Maiestie, with some 
other duties that are paid to him, as in this Title is declared, &c." 
This was written circa 1585-87. On January 2nd, 1596, however, the 
King of Spain wrote to the Viceroy of India complaining of the small 
return from the Hormuz custom-house, which used to be one of the 
greatest revenue-producers in India ; and saying that Mathias de 
Albuquerque had written that in August 1594 the custom-house at 
Hormuz had yielded only thirty thousand pardaos. With respect to 
what the Dominican writer says as to peculation by " the Moors and 
the goazil," I may mention that the alvard referred to on p. 194, 
supra (of March i8th, 1569), shows that the captain, factor and other 
officials of Hormuz were robbing the King of Hormuz of " cabayas^ 
horses, arrack rents and other things." 

* Here the translation in Purchas ends with an " &c." 



CHRONICLE OF THE KINGS OF ORMUZ. 267 

make marmalades^ to supply the whole of India. Thence also 
the whole of India is supplied with raisins^ for the sick, and with 
wine, and dried plums and almonds for the sick ; and for delicious 
dainties. There also come thither many melons at two seasons, 
which are very good, with the stripes and of the appearance of 
those of Abrantes. The first arrive from the 15th of March 
onwards, up till about the end of April. Then come others that 
last from July till September. There is also much fruit that 
comes there from Persia and Arabia, which they call mangas^ 
which is a very good fruit.' The pomegranates that come from 
Persia are not surpassed by those of Seville. And the pears and 
apples in December and January : all these fruits arriving in such 
condition that they appear freshly picked from the trees, and 
they are very good. There also come there from Persia many 
nuts, vegetables, oranges, lemons, and many other provisions. 
Of the merchandise I say nothing, because thither come all the 
riches of the whole world, and thence they go to all parts.* So 
that with just reason they say, that the whole world is a ring and 
Hormuz the stone, though in itself it produces nothing but salt. 
It is very well supplied with water, both from the mainland of 
Persia and from the islands around.^ So that, whilst having 
nothing itself, it has all riches and abundance of everything that 
is brought to it from without. 



* Cf. Pyrard, vol. ii, p. 240, and footnote (the note at p. 48 of 
vol. i of Linschoten is not quite correct). See also Garcia de Orta, 
f. 222 2/, on marmalade from the marmel or bael fruit. 

' The orig. hdiS paffas^ an evident misprint for passas, which means 
dried figs, raisins, currants, etc. 

' On mangoes, see Garcia de Orta, ColUquio XXXIV \ and 
Linschoten, vol. ii, chap. xi. The former says that those of Hormuz 
were the most extolled [gabadas), 

* Cf. the list given by Barbosa, p. 42. See also supra, p. 252. 
^ Cf. Barbosa, pp. 35, 44 ; Linschoten, vol. i, p. 52. 







M 



» 



ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA. 

Page iii, note 2, line 2, and note 4, line 6, for " vol. xvii," read " vol. vii." 
„ xiv, note i, line 3, and note 2, line 2, for " vol. xvii," read " vol. 

vii.» 
„ Ixii, note 2, add at end : — " A narrative of the outward voyage of 
the Leeuwin^ by Frederik de Houtman, appears to be extant 
among the archives at Batavia (see Gray's Pyrard, vol. i, 
p. 31, «., and vol. ii, p. 490, «.)•" 
I, note 2, line 2, for "1599," read " 1598." 

5, note 5. I find that the description of the cofo quoted from 
the Itinerario of Ant. Tenreiro is copied by the latter from 
Castanheda, Li v. 11, cap. Iviii (or else Castanheda had access 
to Tenreiro's MS.). 

6, note I, add after " Sarbatane" : — " and Hak. Soc. ed. of 
Pyrard, vol. ii, p. 165, «." 

17, note, line i, for "Vasco," read "Francisco;" last line, for 
"January," read " May 19." 
„ 55, line 18, to the sentence ending " hard'* should be a footnote : — 
** See infra^ p. 56 ; and cf. The Voyage , , , of M, Ccesar 
Freden'cke (isSS), p. 3 : 'Neere vnto the riuer Euphrates^ 
there is a citie called Ayity neere vnto which citie, there is a 
great plaine full of pitch, . . . and by this pitch, the people 
haue great benefite, to pitch their barks, which barks they 
call Daneck and Saffin? (the original has danec and sqfine). 
Ralph Fitch, who copies wholesale from this writer, says : 
* Their boates be called Danec* (Ryle/s Ralph Fitch^ p. 53). 
I am uncertain regarding the origin of daneca; but cf. 
Hohson-Jobson^ and New, Eng, Dict,^ s,vv,^ * Dingy, Dinghy, 
Dingey.' — D. F." 
„ 64, note 3, add :— "Teixeira, in Bk. i, chap. Iv, of his Kin^ of 
Persia^ records the erection of this building by *Mirzah 
Sultan Ogem' ( 1 47 1 - 1 506)." 
„ 73, note I, last line, add after " Cadjowa" : — " These panniers 
are called * muhaffees' by Henry Abbott, who depicts them in 
a plate at p. 36 of his Journal . . . from Aleppo to Bussora^ 
etc., Calcutta, 1879." 

Ill, note I, last line, add : — "[Perhaps the * Mucksoofa' of H. 
PihhoXX^ Journal^ etc., p. 32. — D. F.]" 

115, note I, lines 2-4. I find that Couto has copied the legend 
regarding the origin of the name of Aleppo from Garcia de 
Orta, f. 193. 

121, note 3, line 2, add : — "[See New Eng, Diet, s. v, * Cane,' 
3. b.— D. F.]" 



n 



» 



ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA. 269 

Page 160, note 2. Sirjdn is not " an alternative name of Kerm^n ; the 
two cities were quite distinct (see Royal As, Soc/our., 1901 
pp. 281-290 ; 1902, p. 423). 

„ 164, note 4, add at end : — " Barros, in enumerating the places 
on the Persian coast subject to the rule of Hormuz, names 
the ports of 'Cuzte' (Kuhistuk), * Chacoa' (?), * Brain/ (for 
' Braimy* = Bandar Ibrahfm), ' Ducat* (for ' Dugar'), and 
' Agon * (?) ; and adds : * at these last two ports arrive the 
cafUas of Persia' (Dec, II, Liv. XI, cap. vii)." 

„ 173, line I, for " when he had taken a post on their route," read 
" having set out" (orig., has *'^puesio en camino"), 

„ 181, note 6, add : — "Among the villages enumerated by Barros 
(Dec, II, Liv. XI, cap. vii) as paying rents to the crown of 
Hormuz is ' Queringon, which is in Mogostao,' evidently 
identical with Teixeira^s * Kolongon.' " 

„ 191, note 3, add at end : — " Varthema, who professes to have 
visited Hormuz circa 1504, relates circumstantially, as having 
occurred while he was in the island, the murder of the sultan 
by his eldest son, the latter, in his turn, being slain by an 
Abyssinian slave, who, after occupying the throne for twenty 
days, resigned it in favour of a younger brother of the 
parricide (Hakluyt Soc. ed. of Varthema, pp. 96-99). The 
whole story looks like an invention of this hare-brained 
traveller's." 

„ 202, note 6, line 5, for " fifty," read " thirty." At end of note 
add : — " Dos Santos, who devotes a whole chapter of his 
book to the subject of amber(gris), records the casting 
ashore at Brava in 1596 of a huge mass of this substance 
(Ethiopia Oriental, Pt. I, Liv. i, cap. xxviii ; Theal's Records 
of South African History, vol. vii, p. 249). This may possibly 
be the same mass referred to by Teixeira, who may have 
given the wrong date." 

„ 205, line 19, for " province," read "city." 

„ 208, note 3, lines 9 and 10, for " Selim II," read " Salfm I," and 
delete the dates in parentheses. 

„ 218, note 4, line 4, for " Mr.," read " Gen. ;" and line 6, for 
" vol. iii," read " vol. xiii." 

„ 222, note 4, line 2, insert :— " Couto (Dec, X, Liv. ix, cap. vii) 
mentions the Celetes simply as fishers." 
225, note 2, line i, for "1599," read "1598 ;" and line 2, for 

" Martin," read " Martim." 
228, note continued from previous page, line 2, for "and is 

known," read " and the resin is known." 
230, note 3, line 2, for " Banjarasin," read " Banjarmasin." 
232, note 7, last line, after " happened," insert " either between 
Septenaber, 1586, and January, 1587, or. 






INDEX. 



Abat an Arabian weight, 177 

Abbas, Shah. See Shah Abbas. 

Abdarmon, spring of, 167 

Abd-er-Razzak, 188 

Abdu-'l-Mumin Khan, 249 

Abdul Rahman, 47 

Abraham, connection with Aleppo, 
114 ; with Orfa, 123 

Abrantes, melons of, 266 

Abreu, Captain Miguel de, iv 

Abu Jafar Mansur, son of Muham- 
mad, 69 

Abumemtem, 105 

Abu Regemo, valley of, 77 

Aburixa Hamed, Amir of Ana, 84 

Abu Taleb, 52 

Acapulco, xviii, 9, 13 

A^en, Amir, 173 

Achin, kingdom of, 2 ; ambassadors 
from, xxxvi, xxxviii, Ixiii, Ixiv, 
Ixxxix ; the Dutch and, Ixii, Ixvi, 
Ixxii, Ixxvii, Ixxxv 

Acle or Achla, hamlet of, no 

Acufla, Don Pedro de. Governor of 
Philippines, 9 

Adalia, Gulf of, 139 

Adams, William, Ixxvi, Ixxx 

Adatha. loi 

Aden Then, hill, 92 

Aderbaion. See Azarbaijan. 

Adibesy foxes of Gerun island, 167 

Aesop, 206 

Afiony^ an opium eater, 200 

Aflayah, town of, 74 

Africa, Turkish depredations on N.E. 
coasts of, iv 

Afrin, river near Aleppo, 124 

Agaric trade in Cyprus, 138 

Agathius, ciii 

Ageb, Mir, chief in Bahrein, 187 ; 
put to death, 188 

Agem. See Persia. 

Agemis, 51, 65 

Aguiar, Bras d', Captain of Melinde, 
xlvii 

Aguyla, or lignaloes, 214 

A^^y or Agiy Eastern title, 238 

i^asuerus, ciii, 71 

Ahen, Hheun or Hhyuna, 38 

Ahen Macub&, fountains, in 



Ahmad Abu Risha, King of Ana, 
84 

Ahwaz, city, 26 

Aieb Xam^adin, Amir, 183 

Ain Dh^b, spring, 109 

Ain-es-Zerga, 107 

Ain Saida, ruined city, 41 

Akbar, xxvi 

Ak Dagh, or Western Taurus moun- 
tain, 139 

Akpunar, river of, 126 

Akr Kuf, ruins of, 74 

Alaverdi Khan, Captain-General of 
King of Persia, 71, 174 

Alaby, Xeque, 45 

Albors Kuyh, 195 

Albuquerque, Affonso de, captures 
Hormuz, 191, 192 

Albuquerque, EstevSo de, Ixxxvi 

Albuquerque, FernSo de, Captain of 
Malacca, Ixiv, Ixxxvi 

Albuquerque, Mathias de, xlix ; 
Captain of Hormuz, xxvi, xxviii ; 
nominated Viceroy, xi ; arrives at 
Goa, XV, 231 

Alcoratty 40, 59 

Aleppo, xxii, xxiii, xxvi, xxvii, 57, 
60, 71, 109, 117, 121, 122; de- 
scribed, 112, 113, 115; plague at, 
113; Pasha of, 116; trade of, ^Ty 
85, 86, 88, 100, 1 18-122, 130 

Alexandretta, port of Aleppo, xxiii, 
117, 121, 129, 130, 132 

Alexandria, trade with Alexandretta, 
132 

Algarve, xix 

Algiers, Dey of, 145 

Al liasa, trade with Basra, 29 

Ali Bey, Mir, Captain of Turkish 
fleet, xii ; retires to Mombasa, but 
abandons the place, xiii ; saved from 
Zimbas by Portuguese, xiv 

AU Shah, 184 

Alkay^ar, or Kay9ar, 40 

All Samts* Bay in Brazil, Ixxiv 

AlleUj Richard, xliv 

Almeida, Antonio Lopes de, Ivii 

Almeida, Fernao de, Iv 

Almoktady Bilah, Caliph, 69 

Almostazer Bilah, Cahph, 69 



INDEX. 



271 



Alum, 165, 245, 252 

AI7, King of Isle of Kais, 157 

Alybe, 112 

Amadizes, warlike tribe of Persia, 

190 
Amko. See Oman. 
Amaro, Fr., Ixiv 
Ambara tree in India, 234 
Amber, 227, 232 
Ambergris, 202, 252 
Amboyna, Ixiii, Ixvii, Ixviii, Ixxxiv, 

Ixxxvi 
Amedom. See Hamadan. 
Amg^i Tagh, mountains near 

Aleppo, 124 
Amir named Agy, 238 
Amomum, a medicine, 236 
Ampaza, v, vi, xiii 
Amsterdaniy Dutch ship, xxxiv, xxxv, 

Ixxiii, Ixxix 
Amza Khan, Amir, Governor of 

Langar Kanon, 208 
Ana, on the Euphrates, 57, 78, 80, 

81, 84, 85, 86 ; description of, 82, 

83 ; fruits and olive trees of, 83 
Ancona, mountains of, 150 
Andrade, Captain Toao Gago de, iii 
Andrea, Cape, in Cyprus, 133 
Andregiiir (Indragiri), river in Ber- 

hala Strait, 5 
Andreuy, isle in Persian Gulf, 21 
Angan. See Henjam Island. 
Angola, xxxii, Ixix, Ixxviii, 147, 

238 
Ani&o, Gulf of, Ixxxi 
Aniza, island near Mozambique, 204 
Anriques, Joao Soares, Ixxxiii 
Ant&o Gil, Bay of, xlii 
Antioch, city of, remains of, 127 
Antioch, .ake of, 127 
Antonio, Dom, Prior of Crato and 

pretender to throne of Portugal, 

xxvi, xxviii, xxix 
Antonio, Miser, xxix 
Apheute Christo, mountain, 141 
Aquila, 214 
Aohenhat, 75 
Arabia, climate, people, and products 

of, 201, 227, 228 ; trade, 29 
Arabian Jews in Aiia, 84 
Arabic supersedes Persian characters, 

210 ; words adopted into Spanish 

and Portuguese, 210 
Arabs of Regh Cey&din, 24 ; heavy 

tribute exacted from, by Turks at 

Basra, 28 ; paid by caravans for 

safe-conduct, 39 ; horse-thieving by, 

43, 73 ; attack a caravan, 106 
Arad Island, 175 
Aram Sobah, Aleppo, 112 



Archery school at Bagdad, 68 ; at 
Aleppo, 121 

Ardavel or Ardevil, in Persia, 205, 
246 

Areca, 199, 235 

Arecay Arequy^ or Arrack^ wine made 
in Persia and India, 197, 198 

Argel, King of. See Algiers, Dey of. 

Ar^entarias Isles (Japan), 10 

Ariosto, Lodovico, 131 

Arissabaya, on coast of Madura, Ixvii 

Armenians, in Aleppo, rich houses 
of, 113 ; of Hormuz, 168; Armenian 
Christians, in Persia, 252 ; Ar- 
menian Christians in Bagdad, 66 

Amiqua. See Larnaka. 

Arroba, measure of weight, 134 

Artabanus, clii 

Ascension Island, Ixxv 

Aschika, ruins of, 105 

Aski Shahr, 254 

Assafoetida, 201, 209, 242, 249 

Assambei, King, 189 

Asses, trade in, 39, 67 ; wild, 36, 

42,99 
Asshar creek, at Basra, 28 

Astrabad, near Caspian Sea, 247 

Astrakam, 247 

Ataide, Pedro de, xliii 

Atex quedah, mountain in Persia, 

196 
AttincaTy borax, 76 
Audiffret, M. H., opinion on French 

version of Teixeira's book, xciii 
Austria, Don John of, fight of 

Lepanto, 147 
Avicenna, 235, 254 
Awal Island, 175 
Ayds Ceyfin, King of Gerun, 169 
Ayas Kald, ancient city, 131 
Ayaz bargains for island of Gerun, 

162, 163 
Aydar, Xeque, 246 
Ayzadin Gordon Xa, Amir of Hor- 
muz, 169 
Ayzadin, Malek, governor of Xyraz, 

169, 262 
Azarbaijan, province of Persia, 197, 

206, 244 
Azevedo, Antonio de. Captain of 

Hormuz, xvi 
Azevedo, D. Jeronimo de, ix, x ; 

Captain of Mozambique, xxxiv, 

xlvii ; Captain-major of Malabar 

coast, xxxiv 



Babakhon^ title of, 216 
Babuxa, King of Persia, 193 
Babylon, Old, remains of, 57, 70 



272 



INDEX. 



Baghdad, xxii ; description of, 60 ; 
inhabitants of, 65 ; ruins of ancient 
city, 63 ; origin of, 69 ; garrison 
and government of, 64, 71 ; citadel 
of, 63 ; climate, products, indus- 
tries, etc., of, 67, 68; threatened 
by the Persians, 71 ; trade of, 29, 
33, 67, 61, 85, 100 
Bsigozzj, loan Battista, Venetian 

merchant, 112 
Bahadin Ayaz Seyfin, King of 
Hormuz, 160, 260 

Baharon, King of Persia, 256 

Baharon Xa, Amir Mobarezadin, 171 

Bahrein Islands, and their pearl- 
fishery, 26, 29, 173-177. 183, 265 

BaiUn, pass of, 127 

Bajiif 4 

Ba/do, a rowing-boat, Ivi 

Balbi, Gasparo, 194 

Bali, Islana of, xliii, lii, 2 

Balkh, 254 

Balsas river, 13 

Balsas of canes, rafts, 13 

Bafyo, 178 

Banda Islands, Ixvii, Ixxxiv 

Bandar Abbas, 155 

Bandar Ibrahim, l^^ds of, 156 

Bandar Nakhilu, 21 

Banek, Bibi, Queen of Hormuz, 159 

Bangasaly, logheiL, 207 

Ban^asalys of Hormuz, 168 

Banians in Hormuz, 168 

Banjarmasin, 4 ; bezoar stones of, 
230 

Bantam, city of, xliii, Ixviii, Ixxxiv, 
Ixxxv ; the Dutch and, xxxv, Ixvii 

Barbary, coast of, 142 

Barbosa- Machado, Abb. Diogo, 
xxiv 

Barcelor, x, 210 

Bardistan, 22 

Barem. See Bahrein. 

Barents, William, voyages of, Ixxx 

Barkamin, fort of, 172 

Barker, Edmund, Ixi 

Barley, 19, 29, 35, 44, 49, 175 

Barreto, Diogo Moniz, Captain of 
Hormuz, 19, 169, 174 

Barreto, Jorge de Lima, li 

Barrios, Daniel Levi de, xxiv 

Barros, Joao de, Portuguese histo- 
rian, civ, 192 

Barsdor, Upper, capital of Canara, 
210 

Basidu, or Bassadore, 19 

Basra, xx, xxi, xxvii, 19, 25, 70; 
description of, 28 ; sites of, 30, 34, 
35 > government of, 28 ; products, 
etc., of, 29; caravan trade of, 35, 



100 ; trade of, 24, 29, 86, 204 ; 
explosion at, 30 ; Turks get pos- 
session of, 30 ; claimed by Mom- 
barek, 26 

Basra, Strait of, 164 

Bassein (Basaym), iii, vii, 17 

Bax Duldb, 72 

Bayona Isles, 15 

Bear, English ship, xliv 

Bear's Whelp, English ship, xliv 

Beddwin, Arabs, 36, 37, 74 

Beduynes. See Bediwfn. 

Beghdelv, clan of Turkomans, 99 

Benaedmn Ajas, Melik, x6o, 161 

Bejar in Salamanca, origin of name, 
98 

Bdyla, antidote against poisons, 216 

Bengal, xlvi, Ixxxviii, 165, 222 ; 
tiger-hunting in, 222 

Benjamin, English ship, xliv 

Benjamin of Tudela, 31 

Benzoin, 2, 227 

Berberia, ports of, xxxii 

Bermuda, xix, 15 

Betel, use of, 199, 200 

Bezoar stones, of Borneo, 4, 230 ; 
of Ceylcn, 230 ; of India, 230 ; of 
Malacca, Pahang, Sunda, etc., 230; 
of Mexico, 231 ; of Persia, 229 ; 
tests to discover spurious stones, 
230 

Biarmia, Ixxx 

Biddulph, Wm., 120, 130 

Bi Fatimia, 166 

Bil4n, town of, 128 

Biranus, Birenus, or Berenus, 57 

Birds, Isle of, 21 

Bitumen, 57, 144 

Black Stone of Mecca, 239 

Blinding of relatives by Kings of 
Persia, method of, 186 

Blowpipe {ZeruetanaC), 6 

Blyde Boodsckap, Dutch vessel, Izxviii 

Boaly, 235 

Boekhout, Captain Juriaan, Izxvii 

Bokhara, 254 

Bolay Agy, Mongana, 238 

Bom Jesus, Portuguese galleon, iii, 
XV, xvi 

Bombareka. See Mombarek. 

Borneo, island of, Ixxxii, 3 ; descrip- 
tion, 4 ; natives of, 5 ; bezoar 
stones of, 230 

Bostan, in Persia, 247 

Botelho, Jeron3niio, 11 

Botelho, SimSo, xlix 

Botero, Giovanni, treatise on Africa 
68 

Both, Pieter, Ixxxiv, Ixxxv 

Braamin in Persia, 257 



INDEX. 



273 



Bradadin, 185 

Bradadin, Rex, wazir of Mogostam, 

166 
Bragacya, 36 

Br^anga, D. Constantino de, 239 
Branemy, lands in Persia, 156 
Brahmans, 210 

Brava, xiii. See also Somaliland. 
Brazil, Ixxviii 
Brito, Joao Correa de. Captain of 

Columbo, viii, 221, 232 
Brito, Louren9o de, xvii, xxxix, xlvi, 

1, lii-lv, Ixxxv 
Brito, Roque de, v, xii, xiv 
Brito, Sim^o de, 221 
Broct, Isle of. .^ee Kishm. 
Bromefield, Thomas, xliv 
Brown, Jonas, xcv 
BmnCj Vincencio de, xlix 
Brunei in Borneo, xviii, 5 
Bricks, burnt, great stores near 

Bagdad, 58 
Bridge of boats at Bagdad, 60 
Buddha, tooth of, destruction of, 239 
Buluk bashi, Turkish captain, 66; 

duties of, 67 
Bung^o in Japan, Ixxvi, Ixxix 
Burrough, Sir John, xxx 
Bush-rats of Arabia {Jerboas\ 37 
Bussorah. See Basra. 
ButargaSf salt-fish roes, 147 
Byra, town on the Euphrates, 57 

Cabadim, King of Hormuz, 162, 

173, 258, 260 
Cabilda^ a tribe, 94 
Cabilty^ a tribe, 95 
Cabot, John and Sebastian, Ixxxi 
Cabral, Pero de Almeida, 16 
Cache, kingdom of, 210 
Caesar, palace of, Arabian fort, 40 
Caerden, Paulus van, Ixxxiv, Ixxxv 
Cairo, Teixeira's notes on, 208 ; 

opinion of, 201 ; pashalik of, 70 
Calaga, Belchior, v 
Calaminta trade in Cyprus, 138 
CalangeSi inhabitants of Azarbaijan, 

245 
Calayat, or Caliate, in Arabia. See 

Kalhat. 
Calefah's mosque at Bagdad, 64 
Caleg^ary, Dominico, 123 
Calenders, 210 
Califomias, 12, 13 
Caloiro or Caloyro, monk of the 

Greek Church, 131, 142 
Calumba wood, 214 
Camara, Ruy Gonsalves da, iv 
Cambaya, kingdom of, 201, 210, 
. 228 



Cambayatys of Hormuz, 168 

Cambodia, 3, 225, 227 

Camels and their uses, 87 ; exported 
from Basra, 29 ; great herds at Bir 
Enus, 58 ; trade at Bagdad, 67 ; 
duty on, at Tayib^, 103 ; spare 
ones in caravans, 73 ; danger of 
shipping in wet weather, 108 ; 
Arab doctoring of, 45 ; food of, 86 

Camel-hire between Aleppo and its 
port, annual cost of, 121 

Camel-panniers, description of, xxii, 

73 

Camels' milk and coloc3mths, medi- 
cine from, 36 

Camel's straw, a medicine of Arabia, 
228 

Camphor, of Achin, 2 ; of Borneo, 4 

Canals, 27, 30, 74 

Cananor, fortress of, x 

Canara, x, 210 

Candia, Isle of, 132, 141 

Candia, kingdom of Ceylon, 235 

Cane Burgol, 120 

Canes, hawsers of, 4 

Cangeatica, rebel lord of Japan, 
Ixxix 

CanialeSj da£[gers of Arabs, 43 

Cannafistola, 8 

Canto. See Kuwanto. 

Canzir, Cape, in Syria, 133 

Ctf/^", porter, 70 

Cara Bax, fighting tribe, 67 

Caramania, 129, 133, 151 

Caramusales, Turkish vessels, 132 

Caranja^ Portuguese galleon, iii 

Cardamoms, in Ceylon, 235 ; ex- 
ported from Persia, 252 

Carpathus, Isle of, 141 

Carpets, trade in Persia, 217, 243, 
249, 250, 252 

CariazeSy 24 

Carvalho, Pero Fernandes de, Ixxxvii 

Caryseas (Kerseys), imported into 
Aleppo, 120 

Casas de Kaodh^ coffee • houses at 
Bagdad, 62 ; at Aleppo, 121 

Caselbax, Persians, 67, 82 

Castanho, Simao, pilot, 16 

Castelbranco, D. Jorge de, 174 

Castello-branco, Trajano Rodrigues 
de, Ixxxvi 

CastellOy Portuguese ship, Ixxxiii 

Castel Marquez, at Alexandretta, 

131 
Castel Nuevo, on Gulf of Venice, 149 

Castel Rosso, 139 

Castel Tomeze, 144 

Castro, D. Fernando de, 9 

Castro, D. Martim Affonso de, li 

T 



274 



INDEX. 



Catane, Lord of Arabia, 263 
Cataro, fortress on Gulf of Venice, 

149 
Catella, Diogo, li 
Catififa, 265 
Cat's-eyes, 232 
Cat's method of fishing with its tail, 

22J 

CatUe, introduced into Philippines 
by Spaniards, 8 ; at Basra, 29 ; at 
Bir Enus, 58; of Sao Lourenfo, 
zlii ; large herds near Tayib^, 92 ; 
disease in Cyprus, 138 

Cavalleiro, Francisco, iv 

Cavendish, Thomas, voyage of, ii, 
xxxi 

Cavite, bay of, 6 

Cazel Bax, fighting tribe, 67, 82 

Cedars, island of, 1 1 

Ceifadlm, King of Persia, 191, 193 

Ceifadixa, 182 

Cellates (Seletes), sea-faring people 
in Straits of Singapore, 3, 222 

Cexdzaa, Isle of, 1 1 

Cephalonia, island of, 147 

Ceylon, 175, 210, 232; pearl fishery, 
177 ; products of, 235 

CAa (tea), 201 

Chaboya, Capt. Domingo Hortis de, 9 

Chaldees, living at Aleppo, 116 

Chales, 46 

Chalybon, 112 

Champa, kingdom of, 3, 225 

Ckandana^ sandalwood, 215 

Chardin, Jean, cvii 

Charu, cement, 167 

Chatins, 210, 211 

Chaii, port in Queixome, 19 

ChaudeleSy mantles, 66 

Chaul, vii, xxvi, xl 

Chaus^ officer of the Turk, 95, 150 

Cheeses produced in Cyprus, 134 

Chelonites, 144 

Chess, game of, origin of, 238 

Chieri, port in Zante, 144 

Chilao, probably Shilu, on Persian 
Gulf, 22 

Chilaw, town of, ix ; sacked by 
Portuguese, 177 ; pearl-fishery of, 

177. 235 

Child-birth, plant of Ceylon used to 
facilitate, 232 

Chiloe, fortress in Peru, Ixxviii, 
Ixxix 

China, Ixxxviii, Ixxxix ; trade with 
Philippines, 8 ; trade with Ana, 86 ; 
pearls in, 179; dearth of salt in, 
165 ; alum used instead of salt in, 
165 ; pamplis (liquor) made in, 
198 ; wines made in, 198 ; descrip- 



tion and use of tea from, 201 ; rhu- 
barb brought from, 213 ; Bishop of, 
held captive by King of Acnin, 
xxxvi ; Emperor of. Queen Eliza- 
beth's letter to, xliv 

China Poo, See Cinnamon. 

China Root See Cinnamon. 

China Wood. See Cinnamon. 

China porcelain, from Persia, 252 

Chincheo, port in China, 3 

Chincheos, Chinese of Fuh-kien, 7, 
226 ; Portuguese capture ships and 
goods of, lui; Portuguese ordered 
not to attack vessels of, liv 

Chincungu, in Japan, Ixxxi 

Chingala tongue, 177 

Chinguys Kiui, King, 253 

Chipo^ oyster, 178 

Chitasy tame leopards, 220 

Choabedeh, 36, 37 

Chocolate of Mexico, 201 

ChoUe, 102 

Christ, Order of, Portuguese honour, 

• • • 

111 

Christian city near Es Sabakhah, 
remains of, 109; Greeks, of Cjrprus, 
134 ; temple near Basra, 31 

Christianity in Philippine Isles, 7 

Christians not allowed to live in 
Mashad Ali, 49 ; living at Aleppo, 
iiq, 116; of Hormuz, 168 

Chylao. See Chilaw. 

Cinnamon, of Ceylon, 235 ; differ- 
ent names given to, 236 ; shrub, 
description of, 236 ; exported from 
Aleppo, X19; exportea from Per- 
sia, 252 

Citium, city, 136 

Cittanuova, port of, 150 

Clarence Strait, 19 

Cloths, trade in Persia, 252; dues 
at Ana on, 85 

Cloves, exported from Aleppo, 119; 
exported from Persia, 252 

Coaia Yafez, Persian poet, 2x9 

Cobadim or Cobadixa, 182 

Cobrocya in Arabic, 36 

Cocana. See Es Sikhneh. 

Cochin, X, XV, xxvii, xxx, xxxi, Ivii, 
Ixviii, Ixix, Ixxxviii ; long-armed 
citizen of, 205 ; rock-salt exported 
from Gerun by ships of, 165 ; dis- 
ease cured by use of hog-stone, 
231 ; cinnamon of, 235 ; pepper 
from, vi 

Cochin - China, 3 ; cinnamon and 
eagle- wood of, 235 

Cochineal imported into Aleppo 
from Venice, 119 

Coco-stones, 232 



INDEX. 



275 



Codring^n, Dr. O., xcviii 
Cofalla bank, Quilimane, Ixxxiii 

Coffee, description and use of, 62, 

201 
Coffee-houses of Bagdad, 62 ; of 

Aleppo, 121 
Cofost m Borneo, targets made of 

rattans, 5 
Coinage in Persia, 258 
Coins minted at Basra, 30 
Coje Zoete, 195 

Colocynths, medicine made from, 35 
Colombo, in Ceylon, viii, 235 
Colthurst, Richard, English Consul 

at Aleppo, 120 
Comms^ene, province of, 112, 129 
Comorin, Cape, ix, li, 175 
Conar, evergreen in Gerun, 166 
ConbacoTaycosama, ruler of Japan, 

10 
Concan, kingdom of, 210 
Conceif&Oj Portuguese ship, xl, Ixviii, 

Ixxiii, Ixxxiii 
CotuepcaOi Portuguese ship, iii 
Congo, titles used in, 238 
Constantinople, sheep trade with 

Ana, 88 ; trade with Alexandretta, 

132 ; Dey of Algiers' voyage to, 

145 
Consuls, Frank, at Aleppo, 118 

Contadoraj ship, 9 

Copper, imports into Aleppo from 
England, 120 

Corda, Captain Balthazar da, Ixxvii, 
Ixxviii 

Cordes, Simon de, Ixxvi-lxxix, Ixxvii 

Corea. See Korea. 

Corfu, Island of, 149 

Corinthian grapes. See Currants. 

Comer, Girolamo, 143 

Coromandel coast, 175 ; use of hot 
water as a drink, 202 

Coma Zebad, hills, 108 

Cornfields of Zante, 142 

Corvo, in the Azores, xxxii 

Cory or Comory, Cape, 175 

Costa, D. Alvaro da, Ixxxvii 

Costa, D. Francisco da, Ixxxvii 

Costa, Sebastiao da, Ixxxiii 

Costa, Simak) da, vii, ix 

Costeca. See Kohistug. 

Cotimo, tax on goods at Aleppo, 119 

Cotolendi, Charles, xciii 

Cotton, at Bagdad, 67 ; trade of 
Cyprus, 134 ; grown near Mashad 
Ali, 44 ; grown near Mashad 
Husain, 55 ; and cotton yarn ex- 
ported from Aleppo, 119 

Couriers from Constantinople to 
Aleppo, 119 



Coulinho, Antonio Pereira, 1 
Coutinho, Diogo Lopes, xvi, 4 
Coutinho, Captain-Major D. Jerony- 

mo, iii, xl, Ixiv, Ixviii, Ixix, Ixxiv, 

Ixxv, Ixxxiii 
Coutinho, Manoel de Sousa, iii, iv, 

viii, ix, X, xi, xvi, xxx, 210, 231 
Coutmho, Martim Affonso de Mello, 

Iii, Ixxxvi 
Coutinho, Pedro, Captain of Hor- 

muz, 19, 174 
Coutinho, Ruy Dias de Aguiar, 1, liii 
Coutinho, Thom^ de Sousa, xii, xiii, 

xiv, XV 
Couto, Diogo de, ii, Ixvi, Ixviii, Ixix, 

Ixxvi, Ixxvii, Ixxviii, Ixxix, Ixxxi, 

Ixxxiii, Ixxxiv, Ixxxv, Ixxxvi, 

Ixxxvii 
Cows, Isle of, 230 ; (wild) of Persia, 

220 
Crystal work of Sinhalese, 238 
Cremam. See Karmdn. 
Crocodiles, 224, 225 
Cruz, Belchior Diaz da, 32 
Cruz, Caspar da, xc, xcvii, 256 
Cuama, river of, 224, 225 
Cuba, xix 

Cumberland, Earl of, xli 
Cunha, Miguel da, Iv 
Cunha, Nuno da, xlvii, li, 193 
Cun Kan, kingdom of, 210 
Curdestam, 69, 71 
Currants of Zante, 143 
Customs officers at Bagdad, 54 
Custom-house receipts of Hormuz, 

266 
Cuyper, Jacob, Iii 
Cyprus, Isle of, 133, 134; trade 

with Alexandretta, 132 ; various 

names of, 135 ; prosperity under 

Venetians, 134 ; consuls at, 134 ; 

Pasha of, 136, 137; dearth in, 138; 

shipping trade with Venice, 148 
Cyrus, ciii 

Dabul, 193 

Daifuxama, Ixxxi, Ixxxii 
Dallam, Thomas, 130, 142, 143 
Dal Ponte, Agostino, 123 
Dal Ponte, Piero, 123, 146, 150 
Dalmatia, 149, 150 
Damarkand, in Usbek, 254 
Damascus, 122, 208 ; its trade, 67, 

88, 100 
Damavand, in Persia, 244, 248 
DanecaSf boats, 29, 55 
Danial, Shaikh, 162 
Darab (Dar-Aguerd), 207, 242 
Dargahon (Darguwan), port in 

Queixome, 19, 185, 187 



276 



INDEX. 



Dary&h Gueylany, 246 

Dates, 29, 85, 175 ; wine made from, 

197. I9» 
Davis, John, Ixii 

Deer, 36 ; medicinal stones obtained 
from, 231 

Deh Na, 159 

Deccan, kingdom of, 2x0 

Denu, battle of, 159 

Derab, 'captured by Xa Kodbadin, 
181 

Deranquu, name given to King 
Mahometh of Hormuz, 258 

Derrima, fortress of, 108 

Devil, Persian and Arab names for 
the, 197 

Dharamsalas, caravanserais, 46 

Dhofar, in Arabia, 159, 227 

Dialah, river of, 71 

Diamonds, methods of obtaining, 
etc., 232 

Diarbek or Karaemit, in Mesopo- 
tamia, 86 

Diaz, Antonio, Ixxi 

Dibat kind of silk in Persia, 216 

Dig^lah or Diguylak, the river Tigris, 

Dinar, Malek. See Gua3racadin, 
Malek. 

Diyarbakar, 246 

Djebel Bu Schir, range of hills, 98 

Djebel Serbin, 99 

Djebrin, town of, 1 1 1 

Djub Ghdnim (? lubeba), 97 

Do9ar, in Persia, 164 

Do^ar, stream of, 181 

Dondra temple, Ceylon, xii 

Doneys, iz 

Doniar, Xeque, priest, 163 

Dorak or Dawrak (Doreka), city, 26, 
29 

Doro, river, xliv 

Drahem, fortress of, 108 

Drahemya, near Basra, 34 

Drake, Sir Francis, xxv 

Dschelaleddin Sijurghutmisch, 
ruler of Kerman, 160 

Dschemaleddin, of Fars, King of 
Islam, 160, 161 

Duarte, Luis Femandes, xxxii, xxxiii 

Ducats, 70 

Dudley, Sir Robert, xliii, xliv 

Duifketty Dutch pinnace, xxxiv 

Dutch at Aleppo, 120, 121 ; expedi- 
tions to E. Indies, i, ii, xxxiv, Ixi, 
Ixvi, Ixvii, Ixxvi, Ixxxi, Ixxxii, 
Ixxxviii ; and Achin, Ixvii ; and 
Bantam, xxxv; and Japanese, Ixxvii ; 
and Portuguese, xvii, xxxxii, xli, 
Ixxxviii ; and Spaniards, Ixxxii 



Duzg^ in Persia, 209, 217, 242 
Dyestuffs, earth exported from 

Cyprus, 137 
Dyo, xxix 

Eagle-wood of Cochinchina, 235 

Earthenware made at Aleppo, 121 

Earthquake that destroyed Lar, 
241 

East India Company formed in Eng- 
land, Ixxxviii 

Eben Emana, Arab tribe, 72 

Eben Rabydh, Arab clan, 106 

Ebenkaiz, clan of Arabs, |o6 

Ebony in the Philippines, 8 

Ebranem Salg:or, 173 

Eca, D. Francisco d*, xxxvi 

Edible birds' nests of the East Indies, 
226 

Edward^ English ship, Ixi 

Edward Bonaventure^ English ship, 
xxxi, Izi 

Eggs, collected by Arabs in Hind- 
arabi isle, 21 

Eg^t, trade with A^exandretta, 132 

Em-ak, nver, 126 

El Chidhr, 100 

El Dandal, robber, 88, 90 

El Kajim (Kahem), 93 

El Katif, near Bahrein, 26; trade 
with Basra, 29 

El Meshad, 76 

Elephants, 221, 225 

Emadadin O^en, Mir, 173 

End-safet, province of Gilan, Persia, 
246 

English consul, at Aleppo, 120 ; at 
Alexandretta, 131 ; merchants at 
Aleppo, 118; trade with Aleppo, 
120, 121 ; traffic in slaves with 
Zante, 147 ; Portuguese fear of the 
fleet of, ii, iv ; vessels, Portuguese 
orders regarding capturing and de- 
feating, xxxiv ; trade in the East, 
Portuguese reference to, xxxvii; 
capture two Portuguese ships, xlvi ; 
capture of Portuguese ships at Cape 
Comorin, Ii ; ships attack Portu- 
guese vessels from Malacca, Ivi, 
Ivii ; ship of Captain Wood lost 
near Martaban, Iviii ; booty cap- 
tured from Portuguese ships, Ix ; 
attempts to discover a N.-E. pass- 
age to the Far East, Ixxxi ; blockade 
Tagus river, xli, Ixxxiii 
Erivan, in Persia, 246 
Escandarona, fish sent to Aleppo 

from, 117 
Esclavonia, coast on Gulf of Venice, 
149 



INDEX. 



277 



Esee^l. See Ezekiel. 

Es Sdbakhah, salt marsh, 109 

Es Seriyeh (Serige), 107 

£s Sikhneh (Sucana), description of, 
93, 98, 100, lOI 

Es Sochneh, 99 

Esptray a kind of cannon, Ivi 

Esther and Ahasuerus, 71 

Ethiopia, product of myrrh, 227 

Euphrates, river, 25 ; river, back- 
water at Mashad Ali, 45 ; valley 
land route to Europe, xix 

Eye diseases, use of surmah for, 219 

Ezekiel, tomb of, 50 

Fachreddin Ahmed ben Ibrahim 
Et-Thaibi, lord of Hormuz Island, 
160, 161 

Fal, in Persia, 185 

Falah Atsany, Agi Mahamed ben, 

33 
Falcons, used in hunting in Persia, 

220 
Famagosta, in Cyprus, 136 
Faria y Sousa, Manuel de, lix, 

Ixviii, Ixx 
Farracoxa, Mir, 194 
Fars, province of, 229, 240 
Farm-, isle of, 20 
Fatehpm- Sikri, xxvi 
Fayo, Joao Gomes, Iv, Ivi, Ivii 
Federid, Cesare, 194 
Fellahieh, city of, 26 
Femandes, Diego, xxii, 59, 73, 88, 93 
Ferragoxa, King of Hormuz, 193, 194 
Ferrag^t Xa, King of Hormuz, 166, 

206, 238 
Feruxa, King of Hormuz, 194 
Fig-trees, near lake of Antioch, 127 
Figueiredo, Ruy Mendes de, Iv 
Fi^eiroa, Esteval Rodrigues de, 236 
FiUppe the Prudent, King D., death 

of, Ixxxiv 
Fimmarchia, Ixxx 
Fire, religion of, in Persia, 196 
Fireballs used to fire vessels, 18 
Firelocks made by Sinhalese, 238 
Fir-trees near lake of Antioch, 127 
Fish, 29, 61, 117, 143, 222, 223 
Fish-bones, trinkets made from, 223 
Fish-teeth used for blowpipe darts, 6 
Fisher's Rock, 222 
Fitch, Ralph, xv, xxvi-xxxi 
Flax-weaving at Bagdad, 67 
Florida, xix 
Flour sent to Manila from Chincheo 

and Japon, 8 
Fop^o, Isle of, xliv 
Foists, ix, 22 
Fowls, 29, 49 



Franciscan friars, 119, 137 
Francisco, Juan Battista de, 137 
Frangue, 204 
Franks leave Tripoli for Alexan- 

dretta, 130 
Freire, Joato Pais, Ixxxiii 
French consul at Aleppo, 118, 120 ; 

at Alexandretta, 131 ; merchants at 

Aleppo, 118; trade with Aleppo, 

120, 121 
Fruit-trees of Hormuz island, 260 
Fruit and vegetables of Queixome, 

19 ; imported into Mashad Ali, 49 
Fruits of Persia, 242, 266 
Fuel used at Mashad Husain, 53 
Fufely fruit, 199 
Furdt, river, 56 
Fyad, nephew of Amir of Ana, 90 

Galle, port in Ceylon, 235 

Galls, 85, 86, 119, 144 

Gama, D. Francisco da, Viceroy of 

India, xl, xlv, xlvi, xlviii-1, lii-lv, 

Ixiii, Ixiv, Ixviii, Ixix, Ixxxiv- 

Ixxxvii, 17 
Gama, D. Joao da, 224 
Gama, D. Luiz da, xlix, Ixiii 
Gama, D. Vasco da, captain of ship, 

Ixviii, Ixxiv 
Gama, D. Vasco da, son of D. 

Francisco, Ixxxiv 
Ganges river, crocodiles of, 224 
Gaorit fruit in Persia, 218 
Gaoryazdys, Moors of Persia, 196, 

252 
Garajao, shoals of, xvi 
Garra, caravan robbed at, 107 
Gat, fortress in Persia, 156, 173 
Gatan, 157 

Gaules, warlike tribe in Persia, 190 
Gaxkhar, in Persia, 208, 246 
Gax Khar. See Kashgar. 
Gayetan, hamlet in Zante, 143 
Gazela, Bibi, 193 
Gazelles, 36, 74, 104, 167, 220 
Gaznahen, city of Afghanistan, 253 
Gebrahin (Djebrin), town, iii 
Gedida, town on the Furdt, 56 
Geese and ducks abundant on Shdt- 

el-Arab river, 26 
Gehun river. See Oxus. 
Gelaladin Queyzy, Malek, 173 
Gelaladin Siiraget Mex, Sultan, 159 
Geloqfy Putch ship, Ixxviii 
Gemelli-Careri, Giovanni Francesco, 

cvu 
Genebrardus, ciii 
George, killed by Spaniards, Ix 
Georgia, 245 
Georgians of Hormuz, 168 



2/8 



INDEX. 



Genin, original inhabitant of Island 
of Hormuz, 162, 165 

Genin, Island of. See Hormuz. 

Gez, fortress, 157 

Ghadir-et-Tair, watercourse, 100 

Ghaneiza (Geneza), caravanserai, 50 

Ghazan Khan, chief of Mongols, 161 

Gibel Bilan, mountains, 128 

Gibel el Bexar, hills, 98 

Gilan, Gueylon or Guylan, 205, 208 ; 
province in Persia, 246 ; sea of, 
246 

Ginger exported from Persia, 252 

Giralte, Antonio, xlix 

Girdles and sashes as badges of 
honour, 203 

Glass made at Aleppo, 121 

Goa, iv, vii, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, xxx, 
Ixviii, Ixix, 17,205, 210; alarm at 
arrival of Dutch ships in E. Indies, 
Ixxxv ; chamber of, complain of 
Dutch capturing their vessels in E. 
Indies, Ixxxviii ; destruction of 
Buddha's tooth at, 239 

Goats, xlii, Ixxv ; producing bezoar 
stones, 230 

Gold, in Achin, 2 ; in Borneo, 4 ; in 
Mindanao, 236; found in Tartar 
Empire, 214; exported from Manila 
to Mexico, 8 ; trade in Persia, 252 ; 
in Cyprus, monk's story of, 137 ; 
coin, exported from Aleppo, 119 

Golden Chersonese, region of, in 
city of Malacca, I 

Golasmiths at Bagdad, 68 

Gombroon, 1 74, 209. See also 'Q?iTi- 
dar Abbas. 

Gomeg^e, caravan halting-place, 77 

Gomes, Captain Antonio, iii 

Good Hope, Cape of, Ixxxviii 

Gordon Xa, founds Hormuz, 162, 
163, 171 ; captures ships bound to 
Keys, 169 ; defeats King of Ke^s, 
170 ; holds Hormuz against King 
of Keys, 171 ; captured by King 
of Keys, 171 ; driven ashore in 
Hormuz by a storm, 171 ; driven 
from his kingdom but returns, 171 

Gouvea, Fa. Ant., 71, 241 

Grain imports into Zante, 142 

Greek saint's feast, 144 ; philosophi- 
cal and medical works in hanas of 
Persians, 206 

Greeks, in Aleppo, rich houses of, 
113 ; headrgear of, 135 

Gre^and, Ixxxi 

Greville, Fulke, Ixiv 

Griego, Cape in Cyprus, 133 

Grotumdia. See Greenland. 

Guadely in Persia, 163 



Guayacadin Dinar, Malek, 171, 172 ; 

Malek, King of Keys, 173, 264 
Gueche (gypsum), in Persia, 167 
Guerreiro, Fernao, Ixxvii, Ixxix 
Guevlon. See Gilan. 
Gumestigui, Juan Martinez de, 9 
Guinea, slaves in Zante from, 147 
Gujerat, 199, 201 
Gum produced in Cyprus, 138 
Guns of bronze at Bagdad, 64 
Gurgestam, trade with Persia, 245 
Guyn^, yams from, 209 
Guzman, Don Francisco Telle de, 9 
Gypsum found in Persia, 167 

Habin, river in Persia, 248 

Hadyt, on the Euphrates, 56, 78, 90 

Hagen, Steven van der, Ixxxiv 

Hane oie, caravan halting-place, 104 

Haidar, 246 

Halkhan. See Khalkhal. 

Haluz, on the Euphrates, 56 

Hamadan, in Persia, 244 

Haman, Esther and, 71 

Hamed, brother of King of Hormuz, 

158 
Hamed Khan, Governor of Laion, 

208 
Hamed Raxet, Xeque, 188 
Hammam, sulphurous stream, 126 
Hares, 36, 37, 98, 99 
Harmus. See Hormuz. 
Hats used by Turks in Cyprus, 134 
Havana, xix, 15 
Hawizeh (? Oeza), city, 26 
Heemskerk, Jacob van, Ixvii, Ixxxviii 
Henjam, in Persian Gulf, 19, 170, 

263 
Henrique, Cardinal D., li 
Henriques, Capt. D. Francisco, 1 
Henriques, Tooo Soares, Ixxiv 
Herat, city in Khorasan, 248 
Herons in Mesopotamia, 74 
Hhaleb= Aleppo, X12 
Hhanega, stream in Arabia, 42 
Hheun, Hhyuna or Ahen, 38 
Hhynigha, 38 

Hides, commerce in, 144, 241 
Hideyoshi, Toyotomi, 10 
Hijra, Moorish epoch, 69 
Hikla (Acle), hamlet of, 109, no 
HiUah(H^la), town on the Euphrates, 

Hmdarabi (Andreuy), isle of, 21 
Hippopotamus, 223 
Hira, city of, 48 
Hirahistan, 182 
Hisphaon. See Ispahan. 
Hit (Hyt), town on the Euphrates, 
55. 56, 78 



INDEX. 



279 



Hog-stone, medicinal qualities of, 
232 ; obtained in Syaka, 232 

Hoilandia, Dutch ship, xxxiv, X20; 
at St. Helena, xxxvii 

Homer Soiadin, 182 

Honey at Zante, 143 

Hoopt Dutch ship, Ixxviii 

Hordobat See Ordabad. 

Hormuz, island of, v, vii, xx, 19, 158, 
i^Sf 197* 262, 266 ; description, 
164 ; fortress of, 165 ; city of, 167 ; 
open trade of, 168 ; prospers under 
Kodbadin's rule, 183 ; Teixeira*s 
residence in, xvi ; Englishmen at, 
xxv-xxx ; sack of, xc ; Strait of, 
vii, 163 ; sea of, pearl fisheries in, 
177 ; trade of, 17, 29, 218, 236, 
266 ; conquered by Portuguese, 168, 
191 ; decline of, 169, 192 ; besieged 
by King of Keys, 170 ; invaded by 
men of Keys, 172, 173 ; Keys con- 
quered by King of, 173 ; Bahrein 
added to kingdom of, 173 ; subdued 
by Nazomadin, 181 ; island of. 
King of Hormuz takes refuge in, 
260; King of, seized by King of 
Xyraz, 264 ; escapes and returns to 
Hormuz, 264; attacks and sacks 
Keys, 265; custom of naming the 
Kings of, 259 ; second attack by 
King of Xyraz, 263 ; defeats King 
of Xyraz, 263 ; chronicle of Kings 
of, 256 

Hormuz, Old, 155, 156, 157, 158, 
159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 169, 257, 
258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 264; 
origin of, 153, 155 ; flourishes 
under Soleyman, 155 ; conquered 
by Turks, 161 ; attacked by King 
of I^urman, 260 ; destroyed by 
King of Karman, 261 ; treaty of 
peace with Keys, 262 ; attacked by 
King of Xyraif, a63 

Horseback, jousts on, in Hormuz, 
206 

Horsemanship schools at Aleppo, 
121 

Horses exported from Basra, 29; 
great herds at Bir Enus, 58 ; trade 
at Bagdad, 67; trade in Persia, 
252 

Horsburgh Light, in Straits of Singa- 
pore, 3 

Hrey, city in Persia, 248 

Houtman, Comelis de, commander 
of Dutch fleet to the East, xxxv, 
Ixii, Ixxvii; killed by Achinese, 
Ixvi 

Houtman, Frederik de, Ixvi 

Hulaku Khan, 252 



Human flesh eaten by Javanese and 
Zimbas, 237 ; sold publicly in Pegu, 

237 
Hunting in Persia, reference to, 220 

Husain^ (Ocem's) mosque at Mashad 

Husain, 52 
Huyenbe^ wine of Kaffraria, 198 
Hyerak, province of Persia, 209, 242 
Hyr, Hormuz and territories around 

invaded by men of, 157 
Hyrcania, 250 



1 94, King of Hormuz, 156 
led II, King of Hormuz, 156 
Ida, Mount, in Candia, 141 
Ilocos, people of Philippines, 7 
Imaduddin Achchewankari, 183 
Incense, of Arabia, Pegu, Siam, etc., 

227 
India, Teixeira's digression on, 209 ; 
ascetics of, 213; ambergris exported 
to Arabia and Persia, 202 ; bezoar 
stones of, 230 ; camphor sent from 
Borneo to, 4 ; pearl trade with 
China, 179; trade with Aleppo, 
122 ; trade with Ana, 86 ; trade 
with Bagdad, 67 ; wine smuggled 
from Persia, 197 ; wines made in 
India, 198 
ndigo, 33, 85, 119,252 
ndragin (Andreguir) river, 5 
rak, opium of, 200 
rak Ajami. See Hyerak. 
ron found at Niriz, in Persia, 242 
smael Suphy, Shah, 191, 246, 248, 

249 
sma^l, Xeque, 162 ; purchases Ge- 

run for King of Hormuz, 163 
spahan, in Persia, 242 
ssicus Sinus, 129 
ssuf. Pasha of Bagdad, 70 
stakhr, province of Persia, 250 
stria, port of, xxiii, 150 
vory of Ceylon, 235, 238 
wami, silver mines of, Ixxxi 
zaak, Abraham's journey to Orfa to 
seek a bride for, 123 



abal Sinam, mountain, 35 
acobites of Hormuz, 168 
acub, 108 
afar, 89 

afifna in Ceylon, 239 
aghal-'Aghli, Turkish General, 71 
aeuin, on Persian coast, 183 
ahrum, in Persia, 242 
ama aJ Vazir, mosque at Bagdad, 
62,65 

Jambzed, founder of Shiraz, 240 
ami-al-Kasr, at Bagdad, 64 



28o 



INDEX. 



Jamzed Khan, Governor of Resht, 
208 

ianissaries in Aleppo army, 116 
apan, iii, Ixxxi, 10; opening of 
Dutch trade with, Ixxvi 
farid^ javelin play at Aleppo, 121 
Jarra, Isle of, 226 
Jarum. See Hormuz. 
Jashk, on Persian shore, 154, 182 ; 
cape, 257 

Java, 2 
avanese, eating of human flesh by, 

237 

'azira= Mesopotamia, 81 

ebel Amiri, 109 

ebel el Lebdi, range of hills, 102 
ebelShbeit, 109 
ebul (Gebul), town of, 109 
ehun river (Oxus), 248, 253 
Jerboas^ bush -rats, 37 

Jesuits of Ceylon, 178, 179 
ewels, carried always by Persians, 
even into war, 206 

Jewish synagogue at Aleppo, 116 
ews, in Persia, 252 ; of Bagdad, 65 ; 
in Aleppo, rich houses of, 113, 116; 
in Hormuz, 168 ; not allowed to 
live in Mashad AH, 49 ; head-gear 
of, 135 ; in caravan, keeping of 
their sabbath, 39, 44 
Jezebel, Queen, use oisurmah by, 220 

ioab, connection with Aleppo, 1 14 
oete, Dom Hieronymo, 195 
Jogis, 212. Island of, see Ramesvaram. 
Johor, vii, viii, xxvii, Ixv, Ixxxviii, 

222 
Joktan, Arabian lord, 263 
Josuah, High Priest, tomb of, 68 
Juba, town on the Euphrates, 56, 57, 

78,90 
Jubab, manzel of, 91 
Jubeba, plain, 97 
Julfar, port in Arabia, 176, 217 ; 

pearl fishery of, 177 

Kabul, Teixeira's note on, 206 
Kabulstan, 250 
Kadachadri, mountain, 211 
Kaffraria in Africa, titles used in, 

238 ; wine made of millet in, 198 
Kahenii caravan halting-place, 93 
Kaioamurs, 246, 250, 254 
Kais, Isle of. See Keys. 
Kalb al Sor, in Arabian desert, 41 
Kalefah, title, 239 
Kalhat (Kalayat) in Oman, 75, 154, 

169, 172, 173, 257 ; Kodbadin 

takes refuge in, 182 
Kamaladin Ismael, joins Kodba- 

din's forces, 185 



Kandahar, kingdom of, 254 

Kane, shoals of, 22, 23 

Kanis, Jewish s3aiagogue, 66 

Afl^^A = coflfee, 62, 201 

Kaoh. 248 

Kapul, Pass of, Strait of S. Bemar- 
dmo, 10 

Kara Amid or Diar Bakr, town, 67 

Kara Su, river, 126 

Karaittivu, ix 

Karason, in Persia, 209, 239, 248 ; 
rhubarb grown at, 213 ; produces 
surtnak, 219 

Karbala. See Mashad Husain. 

Kaream, fortress in Persia, 158 

Karga, captured by Xa Kodbadin, 
181 

Karkuf, ruins of, 74 

Karman, 159, 160, 161, 250 ; rose- 
water made at, 217 ; exports of 
tutty, 218 ; surmah exported from, 
219; wormwood firom, 219; ex- 
pedition against Hormuz, 260 ; 
Governor of, allies with Mohamed 
Dram Ku, 155 

Aar(7flj= pearl-divers, 178 

Karu, in Gerun, 183 

Karvez, port in Queixome, 19 

Kashan, in Persia, 243 

Kashgar, rhubarb from, 213 

Kashfi^har, city of, 254 

Kastelorizo, 139 

Katar, port of Arabia, 176; pearl 
fishery of, 177 

Katifa, in province of Lasah, Arabia, 
217 ; port, 174; fortress, 187; visited 
by Torunxa, 188 ; captured by Xa 
Kodbadin, 181 

Kaxon. See Kashan. 

Kaykaus, 256 

Kaykobad, King of Hormuz, 156 

Kayo vianiz, Malay name for liquorice 
and cinnamon, 236 

Kayumarras, first King of Persia, 
196 

Kazran or Kazerun, in Persia, 242 

Kazvin, city of Persia, 243 

Kebulos, medicinal fruit, 207 

Kenn. See Keys. 

Kermon. See Karman. 

Kerseys, imported from England 
into Aleppo, 120 

Keshkan, in Persia, 208 

Ketef-el-Hel, caravan halting-place, 

99 
Kethao Kotan, province of, 253 

Keys, Isle of, 157 ; isle in Strait of 

Basora, 162 ; (Keis), island of, 217 ; 

description of, 261 ; cinnamon trade 

with Ceylon, 236 ; Gordonxa cap- 



INDEX. 



281 



tures ships bound to, 169; King of, 
invades Honnuz a second time, 
170 ; captures Gordonxa, King of 
Hormuz, 171 ; loses Gordonxa in a 
storm, 171 ; Hormuz again invaded 
by men of, 172, 173 ; conquered 
by King of Hormuz, 173 ; defeat 
of Kodbadin at, 184 ; sacked by 
Kodbadin, 184 ; expedition from 
Hormuz against, 259 ; becomes 
tributary to Hormuz, 262 ; trade 
attracted to Hormuz from, 262 ; 
sacked by King of Hormuz, 265 ; 
ruled by King of Hormuz, 265 ; 
ruin of, 265 

Khalkhal, village in Kurdestan, 246 

Khamir, fortress, 158 

Khan Balek, city, 253 

Kharab (Karab), channel in Persian 
Gulf, 25 

Kharag (Karg), island of, xx, 24 

Khetao Khotan, 255 

Khiva, town of, 247 

Khor Minaw, 155 

Khorasan, province of. .Sl^^Karason. 

Khor Sultani, river, at Bushire, 25 

Khwarism or Koarrazm, 253 

Kini Balu, Mount (San Pedro), in 
Borneo, 6 

Kishm, Isle of, vii, xx, 159 ; people 
of Honnuz take possession of, 161 

Kiti, Cape, 133 

Koaia Mamud Kateb, 171 

Koaja lamaladin Neym, 173 

J^odrasj^= golden cruzados, 135 

Kodbadin TTiahantan, Amir, op- 
poses his brother's succession as 
King of Hormuz, 159 ; slain by 
Malek Seyfadin, 159 

Kodbadin, Xa, conquers Persian and 
Arabian shores, 181 ; brother's 
treachery against, 181 ; destroys 
fleet of his nephews and reconquers 
Gerun, 183 ; defeated by Xady at 
Keys, 184 ; captures and sacks 
Keys, 184; dies at Nakelstam, 186 

Kohistiig or Kuhistak, port in Per- 
sia, 155, 183, 264; Mahamed Dram 
Ku disembarks his force at, 155, 

257 
Kolongon. S^e Kulaghan. 

Kolur, 211 

Komron Mirza, Governor of Kudum, 

208 
Komzara. See Kumzar. 
H^or, name given to medium-sized 

river, 25 
Korea (Koray) invaded > "" Japanese, 

^ ^ ih ck 

Kostek. See Kohistug. ,j,^y 



Krishnappa, reference to death of, 

197 
Kubr Mahmood, Arab settlement, 

75 
Kudam, in Gilan, Persia, 208, 246 

Kufa, Mosque of, near Mashad Ali, 

47 ; Caliphs of, 69 
Kulaghan, 181 
Kum, in Persia, 243 
Kumzar, 159 
Kurdistan, in Persia, 251 
Kumah, Komah, or Kurna, 25 
Kuwanto, kingdom of, Ixxix 
Kuy Kastaron, hill of, 158 
Kwambaku Taiko Sama, ruler of 

Japan, 10 
Kwanto, district of Japan, 1 1 
Kykan (or Kykanos), river of, 113 
Kyoto, Ixxx 

Lac, in Achin, 2 ; from Persia, 252 

Lpa 4h. See Lassa. 

Ladanum (gum), 138 

Ladies' Sea, name given to Malay 

Sea, 5 
Ladrones Isles, 9 
Lafetd, Cosmo de, xl, xli, xlii 
Laft, 19, 159 ; evacuated by Koad- 

badin's men, 185 ; Xady flies to, 

187 
Lahijan in Persia, 208 
Lahore, xxvi ; wine smuggled from 

Persia to, 197 
Laion in Persia, 208, 246 
Lamo, island of, v, xiii, xiv 
Lamsvelt, Jan, xciv 
Lancaster, Sir James, xxxi-xxxiv, 

Ixi, Ixxxviii 
Langarkanon in Persia, 208, 246 
Langebercque^ Dutch ship, Ixviii, 

Ixviii, Ixxiu 
La Puebla in Mexico, xvii, 14 ; city, 

14 
Lar or Lara, island, xx, 21 ; city in 

Persia, 162, 209, 229, 241 
Lardadi, Rax, 166 
Larek, 169 

LarinSy silver coins, 30, 241 
Laristan, province of, 240 
Lamaka in Cyprus, 136 
Lasan, trade with Basra, 29 
Lassa, 174, 265 
Lastan, town in Persia, 209, 242 
Lastande, 242 
Laurel-trees near lake of Antioch, 

127 
Lave, kingdom in Borneo, 4, 5, 232 
Laxkary, KingofOrmuz, 156 
Laya^a, Gulf of, 131 ; fortified city 

133 



2^2 



INDEX. 



, chief village of Shaikh Shuwaib, 

21 

Lead, imports into Aleppo from 

England, 120 
Lecena, Lesina or Lussin, 149 
Leedes, William, xxvi, xxix 
LefuWf Dutch ship, Ixxxv, Ixz-lxiii, 

Ixvi, Ixviii 
Leeuwin^ Dutch ship, Ixxxv, Ixii, Ixvi, 

Ixviii, Ixx, Ixxi, Ixxiii 
Lenkoran, in Persia, 208 
Leopards used in Persia for hunting, 

220 
Lepanto, battle of, 147 
Lichis (Lechyas), wine made in China 

from, 198 
Licumbo, river, Ixxxiii 
Liefde^ Dutch ship, Ixxxii 
Lignaloes from Persia, 252 
Lima, D. Antonio de, xlix, Ixiii 
Lima, D. Paulo de, viii, ix, xi 
Lima, Jorge de, liii 
Lima, Pero Gomez d'Abreu de, Ixxi 
Linhares, Conde de, 1 
Linschoten, Jan Huyghen van, iv, 

XXX, xxxi; his ** Sailing Directory," 

XXXV, xliii 
Lions attack a caravan, 42 
Liquorice, leaves, wine made in Persia 

from, 197 ; Malay name for, 236 
Lisbon blockaded by English fleet, 

1598, xli, Ixxxiii 
Lobo, D. Diogo, li 
Lobo, D. Rodrigo, li 
Lokman, 206 
Lorestam. Set Luristan. 
Los Angeles, city of (La Puebla), 14 
Lucca, traders from, at Aleppo, 120 
Luristan, province of Persia, 251 
Lusdes, Ixxvi 
Luzon (Lugon), 6 

Macao, Ixxxix 

Mace, exported from Aleppo, 119; 

exported from Persia, 252 
Macedo, Estevao Teixeira de, 1 
Macedo, Miguel de, xl 
Machado Boto, Captain Luiz, Ixiii 
Maciejra, Sound of, 17 
Ma'^ufepatHo, Ixvi 
Madag^car, Ixxxiv 
Madder, exported from Cyprus, 137, 

245>. 252 
Madeira, island of, xli 

Madinti coin, 56, 61, 115 

Madre de DeoSy Portuguese ship, xvi, 

XXX 

Madura, Nayak of, tax on pearl- 
fishing, 178, 179 ; death of Nayak 
of, 197 



Magadosho on Somali coast, xii 
Magallanes, Fernando de, discovers 

Philippines, 7 
Magdgud, King of Hormuz, 189 
Magdom, city, 26 
Maged, Xeque, Captain of Kati£^ 

188 
Magellan Straits, Ixxviii, 11 
Maguey^ wine of Mexico made from, 

199 
Mahamed Dram Ku, Arab prince, 

154, 155 
Muiamed eben Raxet, Xeque, 31, 

Mahamed Sorkab, 173 
Mahamed, Malek Sultan, governor 

of Mozandaron, 205 
Matomed Xa, King of Hormuz, 

156, i57i 172, 173 
Mahamud Xa, King of Hormuz, 193- 

195 

Mahmud Kalhati, Governor of Hor- 
muz, 160 

Mahometh, King of Oman, 256 ; in- 
vades Persia, 257 

Mahometh, King of Hormuz, good 
rule of, 258 

Mahu, Jacques, xviii, Ixxvi, Ixxvii 

Maiar Ma^em, kingdom of Borneo, 4 

Makran, kingdom of, 172, 250 

Maktueh, city, 26 

Malabar, tiger-hunting in, 222 ; use 
of betel, 199 ; pearl thieves, 179 

Malacca, iii, vii, xvii, xxvii, xxx, xl, 
xlvi, li, Ixiii, Ixxxv-lxxxix ; city of, 
I ; description of, 2 ; nipa wine 
made at, 198 ; calumba wood found 
at, 215 ; incense abundant in, 227 ; 
bezoar stones of, 230 ; crocodiles at, 
224 ; sea of, 5 ; fish-stone quarried 
in, 234 

Malamocco, harbour in Venice, 150 

Malandy, Moors' name for Affonso 
de Albuquerque, 192 

Malaua (? Malawale), isle near 
Borneo, 6 

Malayan Archipelago, Teixeira 
stumes fauna and flora of, xvii 

Mala^ use of betel {jiiri)^ 199 

Maldive Islands, Ixxxiv 

Malec, Caez, 163 

Malindi, kingdom of, vi, xii, xiii, xiv 

Maltese privateers in the Levant^ 

139, X40 
Malwa opium, 201 

Mam O^em. See Mashad Husain. 

Mamud Homer, Governor of Keys, 

186 

Mamr. *°/^ own on the Euphrates, 56 



Man. 



ght, 214 



INDEX. 



283 



Manama, port in Bahrein, 175, 188 

Mandecasj pearl-fishers' attendants, 
178 

Mandra, island of, xiv 

Mang^oes of Persia and Arabia, 267 

Maniar Macem. See Banjarmasin. 

Manila, xviii, Ixxxi, Ixxxii, 6, 8, 198, 
199 

Manna, 203, 204, 244, 248 

Mannar, island of, ix, lii ; pearl- 
fisheries of, 175, 178 ; tiger-hunting 
in, 222 

Manniy African title, 238 

Manyat (Tel ul Manahyat), 93 

Maravedif Arab or Turkish coin, 30, 
56, 103 

Maraxak, near Basra, 34 

Mares preferred to horses by Arabs, 

43 
Mariam, Bibi, 172 

Marjoram, wild, on banks of Eu- 
phrates, 78 

Marmalades made in Hormuz, 267 

Maronites living in Aleppo, 116 

Maros, springs of, 75 

Martaban, Iviii 

Marwa in Persia, 248 

Marzoko, name of dog, 98 

Masaud, Amir, 159, 160 

Mascarenhas, D. Francisco, xxviii, 
xxix, XXX, 231 

Mascarenhas, D. Teronimo, iii, 231 

Mashad, capital of Khorasan, 248 

Mashad All, xxii ; founding of the 
city, 47, 48 ; inhabitants of, 49 ; 
products and climate of, 52 ; im- 
ports into, 49 ; salt trade with 
Bagdad, 68 ; King of, 72 

Masnad Husain or Karbala, xxii, 
51 ; King of, 72 

Masirah, Bay of, xx 

Maskat, xx, 18 ; pearl-fishery of, 
177 ; abundance of fish at, vii ; 
proposal to build a fort at, v ; Bay 
of, Arabian coast, 222 

Massud, King of Hormuz, 189 

Mastic, use in Persia, 202 

Masulipatam, pazar kkony medicine 
from, 231 

Matan or Magtan, isle of, 7 

Matelief, Cornelius, li 

Maticaly Arabian weight, 177 

Maurenahar, near Khorasan, 248, 
253 

Mauri^. See Gaor Yazdy. 

Mauritius, Ixxxiv 

Mauritius^ Dutch ship, xxxiv, lii, 
Ixvii 

MaynatoSy men who wash clothes, 207 

Mayucy. See Gaor Yazdy. 



Mazandaron in Persia, xvii, 204, 

208, 247 
Meaco. See Kyoto. 
Mecca, Teixeira's notes on, 239 ; 

caravans from Basra to, 35 ; pilgrim 

caravan from Aleppo to, 122 ; black 

antimony from, 219 ; straw, a 

medicine of Arabia, 228 
Me^enah, caravan halting-place, 96 
Mecere, Cairo in Egypt, chief pasha- 

lik of the Turk, 71, 201. See also 

Cairo. 
Medical works of Greek writers used 

by Persians, 206 
Medicinal plants of Timor, 215 ; 

stones produced from the stomachs 

of the monkey, deer, and porcupine, 

231 ; stone of Cananor, 232 
Medina, Teixeira's notes on, 239 ; 

pilgrim caravans to, 122 
Medyk Na9erya, pass of, 79 
Meka^ar Jubab, plain of, 92 
Melinde, 6, 202, 203, 227 
Mello, Martim Affonso de, v, vi, vii, 

xii, Ixxxvii, i, 225 
Melluha, town of, 1 10 
Melo, Diego de, xxi, xxii, xxiii, 32, 

33» 39, 44, 47, 5°, 73, loi, "4, 
125, 136, 140 

Melons of Hormuz, 267 

Mendo9a, Andr6 Furtado de, liv, 

Ixxxvi, Ixxxix 
Mendo^a, Luiz de, Iv 
Mendo^a, Maximiliano de, Ixxxvii 
Mendo^a, Pero Furtado de, xix, 16 
Mendo^, Simao de, Ixxxiii, Ixxxiv 
Meneses, D. Gonsalo de, xxvi 
Menezes, Affonso Telles de, li 
Menezes, D. Antonio de, 1 
Menezes, Archbishop D. Fr. Aleixo 

de, xlviii, 194 
Menezes, D. Duarte de, iii, iv, xi, 

xxviii, 210 
Menezes, Dom Francisco Tello de, 

xviii, 9, 225 
Menezes, Francisco da Silva de, li, 

lii, Iv, Ivi, Ixxxvi, i, 225 
Mendozino, Cape, 11 
Menucheher, King of Persia, 250 
Mesopotamia, 57 
Mesud, Rokneddin, 160, 161 
Mezat Aly (or Mam Aly). See 

Mashad Ali. 
Mezat O^em. See Mashad Husain. 
Mexat Sandadiah, 76 
Mexed. See Mashad. 
Mexia, Afonso, xlix 
Mexico, exports of silver, xviii, 7 ; 

journey from Acapulco to, 13 ; 

bezoars of, 231 ; wine made in, 199 



284 



INDEX. 



MezirA, Sound of, 17 

Mica, 76 

Michiel, Maffio, 143 

Mills on the Euphrates, 85 

Minab, fortress of, 171, 172 

Mindanao, Isle of, 235 ; cinnamon 

of, 236 ; no gold found in, 237 
Mint at Hormuz, 155 
Miramofalisxa, claimant to throne 

of Hormuz, 194 
Miranda, Henrique Henriques de, li 
Miranda, Nicolao Pereira de, li 
Mir Khwand's History of Persia, 

and its translation by Teixeira, xvi, 

xc, xcv, xcvi, ciii, civ 
Mizrakji Khan, 57 
Moceg^eios, natives of Africa, xv, 

237 
Mocha, island of, Ixxviii 

ModOf wine of Bengal, 199 

Moehzadin Fulad, Amir, 159 

Moelenaer, Jan Jansz. de, Ixii 

Mofty of Aleppo, 116, 122 

Mogistan, district of Persia, 156, 
166, 173, 186, 197, 258 

Mogul, Grand, the, 235 

MokarariaSf tribute paid by Hormuz 
to Persia, 190 

Mokyy black antimony of Arabia, 219 

Moluccas, the, Ixiii, Ixxvii, Ixxviii, 
Izxxi, 2, 8, 226 

Mombarek, 26 

Mombasa, vi, xii, xiii, 6 

Momia, dressings of Egyptian mum- 
my, 228 

Momnahy kony, medicine of Persia, 
231 

Mona, island near Porto Rico, Ixi 

Monara or alcoran, 74 

Monganay African title, 238 

Mongolia, exports musk, 214 

Mongol peoples, 214 

Mong^ols, territories of the, 266 

Monkey, medicinal stones produced 
by the, 231 

Monroy de Beja, Goterre de, Ixxxvii 

Montauzier, Due de, xciii 

Morais, Joao Pinto de, Ixxxv 

Morea, imports into Zante from, 144 

Moreira, Andre, 16. 

Moridon, 181 

Morison, Henry, tomb of, 128 

Morocco, xxxii 

MorrOy capture of the, xl 

Morts-Aly, sect of, 251 

Morxyj Asiatic cholera, 231 

Moscau, 246 

Moscovya, trade with Azarbaijan, 

245 
Mostafa, 33, 47, 95 



Mosul, stone found at, 62 ; trade 
with Ana, 86 

Mosulis, caravan of, 86 

Motelob, Arab chief, 26 

Mozambique, iii, xlvi, xlvii, Ixxxiii 

Muar, river near Straits of Singa- 
pore, 2 

MuhaUa, island of, 27 

Mules, trade at Bagdad, 67 

MuHCy African title, 238 

Munzil or manzely caravan halting- 
place, 76 

Murad Reis, corsair, 16, 148 

Musaib, passage on the Euphrates, 

55 
Musaib (Me^ayehb), old city, 56 

Musk, found in China and India, etc, 
214 ; from Persia, 252 

Musk-deer in Persia, 214 

Muslins, trade at Ana, 86 

Mustansiriyah, College of, at Bag- 
dad, 64 

Musulys (Mosulis), 93 

Muthauna, General, 69 

Muy al Me9enah, 96 

Myrobalan, medicinal fruit, 206 

Myrrh, production of, 227 

Myrtle-trees, near lake of Antioch, 
127 



Na^er, Mir, an Arab king, 53, 72 
Naceradin Moceleh, 185 
Nagasaki, in Japan, Ixxvi, 11 
Nanr Dhehel, water-course, 109 
Nakelstam, distiict of Persia, 186 
Nakhluwis, Arabs of Persian shore, 

21 
Nakjivan, in Persia, 246 
Nanyah, wells of, in Bahrein, 175 
Naquib, caravan halting-place, 99 
Nar Kuh, mountain, 196 
Nasariah (Na9eria), on Euphrates, 

78 
Nasiruddin's Astronomical Tables, 

252 
Nasuh, Pasha, hands over Aleppo to 

Turks, 118 
Navarrete, Dom Fernandez, xviii 
Nazmalek, Bibi, 172 ; put to death, 

173 
Nazomadin Agem Xi, 172 

Nazomadin, Malek, 172, 181, 182 

Neck, J. Comelisz. van, Ixvii, Ixxvii, 

Ixxix, Ixxxv 

Neduntivu, isle of, 230 

Ne^apatam, Ixxxviii 

Neun, King of Keys, 169, 170 

Nestorian Christians, 66, 168, 252 

Newbery, John, xxv, xxvi 



X 



X. 



INDEX. 



285 



Newfoundland, banks of codfishes, 

xix, IS 
New Spain. See Mexico. 
Neybr, Bibi, 159 
Nibui, hamlet near Aleppo, 124 
Nicobar Islands, Iviii 
Nicosia, capital of Cyprus, 136 
Nihhelu, 176 ; pearl-fishery of, 177 
Nihhelus, Arabs of Persian shore, 21 ; 

depredations of, xx, 20, 22, 162 
Nim-Ruz or Sistan in Persia, 250 
Nineveh, 62, 239 
Nipa wine, 8, 198 
Niriz in Persia, 242 
Nishapur in Persia, 229, 247 
Nizamuddin, 182, 183, 184 
Nocerat Requebdar, son of Mir 

Xabadin Molongh, 157 
Noitaques, Arabs of Persia, 21, 162 ; 

great sea robbers, 264 
Noort, Olivier van, xviii, Ixxxix 
Noraoins, 185 
Nordim, Raix, 194 
Noronha, D. Francisco de, xlix 
Noronha, D. Jeronymo de, 1, liii 
Noronha, D. JuliSo de, Ixxxv 
Noronha, D. Luiz de, 1, liii 
N, Sra. da Paz^ Portuguese ship, xl, 

Ixviii, Ixxiu 
iV. Srd. de Betancor, Portuguese ship, 

16 
N, Sra. de Vencimento^ Portuguese 

ship, xxxvi 
Nussret, 160 
Nutmegps, 119, 252 

Oaxaca Valley, Mexico, 14 

Obaid Khan, leader of Usbegs, 249 

Obeh, city, 249 

09en, 72 

Oeza (Ahwaz), city, 26 

Ogolet el Kelb, 76 

O^olet Xeque Mahamed, 76 

Oita in Japan, Ixxvi 

Olanion, incense of, 227 

Olearius, Adam, 155 

Olive-gjoves of Zante, 142 

Olive oil, produced at Zante, 143 

Oliveira, Filippe de, Ixxxvii 

Oman, Gulf of, xx, 154 

Om Emis, 75 

Onions, grown at Kharog, 24 

Opium, trade in Cyprus, 138 ; use by 

Orientals of, 200 
Orange, Prince of, Ixxx, Ixxxi 
Orda=.2i tribe, 94 
Ordabad in Persia, 246 
Orfa or Ur, ancient city of, 122 
Oriza, 162 
Ormus. See Hormuz. 



Orracam, rhinoceros of, 222 ; drink 
called /am//tf made in, 198 

Orta, Doctor Garcia de, 207, 218, 236 

Ostrich feathers, 38 

Otranto, Cape, 149 

Otrar. See Utrad. 

Ox-fish of the East, 223 

Oxus river, 253 

Oysters, origin of pearls in shells of, 
180 

Ozemkroch, Joachim, 59 



Pachas, wild people of Ceylon, 237 
Pachaturunxa. See Turan Shah. 
Pack-bullocks, used at Mashad 

Husain, 53 ; trade at Bagdad, 67 
Pagen, wild sheep of Persia, 221, 242 
Paiiang, 3 ; calumba wood found at, 

215 ; bezoar stones of, 230 
Palaon Aly Mahamed, 187 
Palawan (Paragua), island near 

Borneo, 6 
Palembang (Palinban), place on 

Banka Strait, 5 
Palm-gjoves, 19, 27 
Pam (betel), 3, 199 
Pamplis^ liquor, 198 
Panyaly (Pange Aly), street of Bag- 
dad, 66 
Papagayo river, near Mexico, 13 
Paragua (Palawan), island near 

Borneo, 6 
Parannaque, river of, 225 
Parat, river (Furat), 56 
Par^, province of Persia, 240 ; pro- 
ducts and industries of, 241 
Pardaos, Portuguese coins, xlv 
Parsi community of Yazd, 243 
Partridges in Gerun island, 167 
Pasa or Fasa, in Persia, 242 
Pashaliks, chief under Turks, 70 
Passports, used by Arabs of Persia, 

24 
Patani, 3 ; bezoar stones of, 230 

Paiariy house where pearls are sold, 

179 
Pate, kingdom of, v, xiv, 3 
Paul the Fifth, Pope, 148 
Fazy Portuguese ship, Ixxxiii 
Pazar Khonyy antidote of Masuli- 

patam, 231 
Pearls, Teixeira's theory of origin of, 
180; from Persia, 252 ; in China, 
179; of Bahrein, 173; fisheries of 
Bahrein and Mannar, 175 ; fishery at 
Bahrein, description of, 176 ; fisher- 
ies in sea of Hormuz and Ceylon, 
177 ; fishery of Gulf of California, 
13 ; fishery of Ceylon, 179, 235 



286 



INDEX. 



! 



Pedir, Ixvi 

Peg^ establishment of factories at, 
zxxii ; plundering of, 5 ; crocodiles 
at, 224 ; incense of, 227 ; nipa wine 
and pamplis made in, 198 ; selling 
of human flesh in, 237 

Pelouro, isle of, 20 

Pemba, Prince of, xiii ; restored to 
his throne, xiv 

PembCi wine of Kaffraria, 198 

Pepper, exported from Cochin, vi; 
from East Indies, xxxvii ; of 
Greater Java, xliii ; trade of Malay 
Archipelago, Ixii ; from Sumatra, 
etc., Ixxxiv ; in Achin, 2 ; ex- 
ported from Persia, 252 

Pereira, Pedro Homem, defeated by 
Nihhelus, 20 

Pereira, Roch de Mello, Ixxxvi 

Persia, description of, 240 ; people 
of, 251 ; weapons of, 251 ; trade of, 
252 ; fruits of, 267 ; rhubarb of, 
213 ; wines made and smuggled in, 
197 ; use of mastic in, 202 ; use of 
ambergris in, 202 ; cinnamon trade 
with Ceylon, 236 ; trade with Basra, 
29 ; trade with Bagdad, 67 ; moun- 
tainous coast of, 22 ; coast ravaged 
by Portu|;uese fustas, 22 ; modes of 
hunting m, 220 ; invaded by King 
Mahometh of Oman, 257 ; Mom- 
barek's territory untilled for fear of 
the Turks, 26 

Persian habits of wearing jewelry, 
206 ; characters superseded by 
Arabic, 210 ; religious beliefs, 
238; war, garrison of Mashad All 
at the, 49 ; writers and books, 
251 ; Gulf, fish-stone quarried from, 

234 
Persians, ancient national religion of, 

196 

Peru, Ixxviii ; fleet cruising for Dutch 
vessels, 12; flagship lost, 12 

Pervis, Mr., 135 

Phelur, isle of, 20 

Philip II. of Spain, proclaimed King 
of Portugal, XXV 

Philippine Isles, Governor warned 
of Dutch ships, xviii, i ; descrip- 
tion of, 7 ; Spanish trade with, 7 ; 
Japanese corsairs attack ships from, 
Ixxxi, Ixxxii ; products of, 8 ; nipa 
wine made at, i, 98 

Philosophical works of Greek writers 
used by Persians, 206 

Phorat, river (Euphrates), 81 

Piedmont, xxiii, 151 

Pig -fish, 223 

Pimentel, Vasco Fernandez, 16 



Pineda, on the Congo, sacked by 
English ships, xlv 

Pine-trees near lake of Antioch, 127 

Pintados, people of Philippine 
Islands, 7 

Pinto, Juan, 32 

Pistachios exported from Aleppo, 
119 

Pistachio-trees near lake of Antioch, 
127 

Pistachios and soap presented to 
Knight of Malta's galleys, 140 

Plague at Aleppo, 113 

Plane-trees near lake of Antioch, 127 

Plant of Ceylon used to facilitate 
child-birth, 232 ; which curdles 
water, 233 

Plate, River, Ixix 

Poison, use of bezoar stones against, 
230 

Poisons, virtue of horns of rhino* 
ceros against, 222 

PoLa, port of, 150 

Pole, river near Straits of Singa- 
pore, 2 

Polonya, trade with Azarbaijan, 245 

Polvoreira Island, Iviii 

Pomegranates of Persia, 267 

Ponte, Piero dal. Su Dal Ponte. 

Pontianak, kingdom of Borneo, 4 

Popocatepetl volcano, 14 

Porcupine, medicinal stone obtained 
from, 231 

Porto Rico, lix, Ix 

Portuguese fleet to India, 1586, ii, 
iii ; and Dutch, xvii, xxxviii, xxxix, 
Ixv, Ixviii, Ixix, Ixxxv, Ixxxviii ; and 
English, xxxii, xlv, xlvi, Iv, Ivi, 
Ivii ; of Hormuz, 168 ; capture 
Hormuz, 191 ; mode of ruling Hor- 
muz, 192 ; authority over Persian 
lands, 156 ; fustas convoy merchant 
ships in Persian Gulf, 23 ; export 
silver from Japan, 10 

Precious stones, exported from 
Aleppo, 119 ; of Ceylon, 235; from 
Persia, 252 

Priaman, Ixxxiv 

Procopius, ciii 

Psilonti, Mount in Candia, 141 

Pulo Butung, off Malay Peninsula, 
Ivii 

Pulo Jarak, in Strait of Malacca, 
xvii 

Puluparcelar, Islands of, Iv 

PustySf poor people in Persia, 200 

fuadrado, D. Jos^ M., 98 
(ueda, port of, liv, Iviii, Ixvi 
jueis or Quays, 162 



INDEX. 



287 



Queizome, isle of, 19, 159 ; products 
of, 19 ; raided by Nihhelu Arabs, 
20 ; island of. King of Hormuz flies 
to, 260 

Querinba, island near Mozambique, 
204 
)uilate, an Arabian weight, 177 
"jni'limane, Ixxxiii 
[uilon, cinnamon from, 235 

juinces, 243 

Quir (bitumen), 29, 55 

Quitangonha, island of, xxxiv, xlvii, 
xlviii 



Racalaem (Kahem), 93 

Raes Carnal, 189 

Raez Nordim, 189 

Rafizis, natives of Mashad Husain, 51 

Ragem al Kayma, 97 

Raeuza, republic of, 149 

Ranemah, lake, 46 

Raisins of Hormuz, 267 

Raja Sinha I, King of Ceylon, viii 

X, 221 
Rajale, King of Johor, vii 
Ralu, 210 

Ramesvaram Island, ix 
Ras-al-Khaima, 217 
Ras-al-Mutaf, shoals of (Kane), 22 
Ras-el-Had, Cape, xx 
Ras el Mion, now Basidu, 20 
Ras Naband (Point Vedican), 22 
Rautat-us-Safaf translations of, xcix 
Raymond, Capt. George, xxxi 
Reals, 12, 30 
Reamelah, plain, 36 
Rebecca, well of, at Orfa, 123 
Redjm-et-Chail, 98 
Regh Cevfadin, on coast of Persia, 

24 ; trade with Basra, 29 
Reizes, 185 

ReliquiaSj Portuguese ship, iv 
Resnire or Rishahr (Rexel), 23, 29 
Resht, town in Persia, 208, 246 
Rexel. See Reshire. 
Rey Xarear, city of Persia, 203, 244 
Reys MagoSf a Portuguese galleon, iii 
Reys Magos, church of, xi 
Rmigae, city of, 203 
Rhe, city in Persia, 203 
Rhinoceros, in Asia and Africa, 221, 

222 ; horns, virtue against poisons, 

222 
Rhodes, Isle of, 139 
Rhubarb, description and uses of, 

213 ; trade in, 252 
Ribera, Marshal Gabriel de, 9 
Rice, pamplis made from, 198 ; trade 

in, 8, 29, 85, 175 



Rio, Juan del, Dean and Vicar- 
General of Bishopric of Antwerp, 
cviii 

Rizarda^ ship, 132 

Rizardi, Francisco, citizen of Venice, 
132 

Rizzardo, Giovanni, Venetian Ducal 
Notary, 132 

Ro^algate, in Arabia, 17, 154, 164; 
pearl-fishery of, 177 

Rock-salt, 164, 209 

Rodenburgh, Emanuel, Hi 

Roknadin-Mahmud, Amir, King of 
Hormuz, 158 

Romanya, district in S.-E. Asia, 3 

Romanya, strait of, 222 

Rosemary bushes, 105 

Rose-water, of Persia, 217, 241, 242, 
250, 252 ; of Yazd, 243 

Rota (rattan), 4 

Rozalgate. See Ro9algate. 

Rubies, 232 

Rudkhandi-i-Shur, 181 

Rudxur, 181 

Rumanain, mountains, 91 

Rumy, 204 

Rumyah, lagoon in Arabia, 43 

Ruspini, loan Domenico, 112 

Russia, trade with Azarbaijan, 245 ; 
trade with Hormuz, 266 

Sabadin, Sultan, King of Hormuz, 

189 
Sabah, province of Arabia, 154 
Sabam, town in Sumatra, 2; strait 

of, 2 
Sabekadin, Mir, Governor of Lapht, 

185 
Sabzawar, in Persia, 247 
Sady, coin worth half a real, 214 
Sd e Menezes, Constantino de, 177 
Saffron, 138, 144, 248 
Saf}rra, town of, 1 10 
Sagistam, province of Persia, 250 
St. Basil, friars at Aleppo, 116 
St Gregory, friars at Aleppo, 116 
St. Helena, xxxi, xxxvii, xxxix. Ixiv, 

Ixix, Ixvii, Ixviii, Ixxiii, Ixxv, Ixxxii, 

Ixxxiv 
St. John, in island of Utias, Ix 
St. oimeon, ruined convent of, 124 
Sakai, in Japan, Ixxvii 
Saldt Tebrau, strait, 2 
Saldanha (Table Bay), xxxii 
Saldanha, Aires de, xl, liii, Ixii 

Ixviii, 17, 174 
Salema, Aiitonio Vaz, 16 
Salgor Xa, King of Hormuz, 189, 

190, 191 
Salim I. of Persia, 245 



288 



INDEX. 



rrt in CypruSi xxiii, 1331 

Salt, of Honnuz,, 260, 267 ; springs, 

in Gerun, 165 ; on desert plains of 

Arabia, 34; made at Mashad Ali 

and Bagdad, 46 ; made at Es Sikh- 

neh, loi ; made in Sundiva, 165 ; 

made in Zante, 134; dearth of, in 

China, 165 ; mine at Sinesela, 86 ; 

trade in, 68, 109, no, 135 
Saliuk, Mir, 160 

Salvador ^ Portuguese ship, iv, vi, 16 
Samar, Isle of, 10 
Samarkand, 254 
Samgolxa, Mir, 194 
Sampaio, Caspar de Mello de, 174 
San Bernardino, Strait of, xviii, 10 
San Domingo, Ixi 
San Francisco, River of, 13 
San Geronimo, river, 224 
San Juan de Ulua. See Vera Cruz. 
San Lorenzo (Madagascar), xlii 
San Lucar, xix, 16 
San Pedro, Mount, in Borneo, 6 
Sandalwood, description of, 215 ; 

from Persia, 252; (white), from 

Timor, 235 
Sandaroz gum, 227 
Sande, Femao Pereira de. Captain of 

Malacca, Ixxxvi 
Sandwip, island, 165 
Santa Cruz, Portuguese ship, xvi 
Santa Lucia, Hermitage of, 186 
Santa Margarita, ship, 9 
Santa Maria, Island of, xlii ; de 

Leuca, Cape, 149 
Santarem, xi 

Sangleys, Chinese from Fuh-kien, 7 
Sang ntahi, fish-stone quarried from 

the sea, 234 
Sangor Roknadin, 170 
SaniacOf Turkish officer, 150 
Sanjak, 103 
Santo Fonte, Venetian merchant in 

Basra, xxi, 32 
Santos, Father Joao dos, iii, xlvi, 

Ixix-lxxv 
S, BartkolomeUf ship, xvi 
S. Filippe, ship, iv, xxxvi, Ixxv 
S. FranciscOf ship, xxxvi, Ixiii 
S. Geronimo, ship, 9 
S. /odOf ship, Ixxxv, 16 
S. Martinho, ship, Ixviii, Ixxiv, Ixxxiii 
S, ^athet4Sy galleon, xl, Ixviii, Ixxiii, 

Ixxiv, Ixxxiii, 16 
S. RoquCf ship, xl, Ixviii, Ixxxiiii 
S. Sim&Oy galleon, xxxvi, xl, Ixviii- 

Ixx, Ixxxiii, 16 
S. Thomi^ ship, iii 
S, TiagOi ship, Ixix 



S&o Bernardino, Caspar de, xxi 

S&o Thom^ Ixxxviii, 205 

Saoah. See Sawah. 

Sappan or brazil wood, 252 

Saracens, conquest of Persia by, ci 

Saradji, port, 27 

Sargol or Xargol, King of Hormuz, 

189, 191 
Sari, city of, xvii 
SavaloSf shad-fish, 147 
Savonat, province of, 229 
Savoy, xxiii, 151 
Sawah, in Persia, 243 
Scanderoon. See Alexandretta. 
Scarpanto, Isle of, 141 
Schenu anthos, medicine, 228 
Scherbi^, hamlet, 11 1 
Scorpions at Basra, 29 
Scorsolary, islets of, 147 
Seed pearls, exported from Aleppo, 

119; of Julfar, 217 
SegnuneSf police soldiers, 54, iii, 

116, 125 
Segfura, Diego Rodriguez de, 9 
Sehel, watercourse, 97 
Sekui, fort of, 157 
Seixas, Joao de, li 
Selandjve or Ceylon, origin and 

colonization of, 235 
Sdetes. See Cellates. 
Selihhes, wooden darts or javelins, 

5 
Selim, Sultan, the Grand Turk, 48 

Selim, Turk, captures Khan Hamed 

of Laion, 208 
Semat, in Arabia, 42 
Sendal, fine gauzy stuff, 117 
Senna of Mecca, 166 
Sequins f coins, 70, 115 
Serdji, 107 

Serig^e, caravan robbed at, 107 
Sermion, port in Queixome, 19 ; 

Point, in Queixome, 20 
Serrage, port of Basra, xxi, 27 
Setalkatun Xabadin, 157 
Seville, xix 
Seydes, 135 
Seyfadm Aben Azar, Amir, 157, 158, 

259 
Seyfadin Nocerat, Amir, 159 
Seyfadin, King of Hormuz, 191 
Seylat, caravan halting-place, 77 
Shah Abbas, civ, 71, 229, 241, 243, 

245 ; rebellion against, 208 
Shah Ismail, 245, 248 
Shah Kodbadin, 171, 172, 173 
Shahnama of Torunxa, xcvi, xcviii, 

xcix 
Shah Tahmasp, 48, 245 
Shdhis, silver coins, 30 



t 



INDEX. 



289 



Shahpur River, 25 
Shaikh Shuwaib. See Lar. 
Shamsuddin Muhammad, 183, 185 
Shat-el-Arab River, xxi, 25, 26 
Sheep, xlii, 49, 74, 88, 229 
Sheepskin cloaks of Analis, 85 
Sheh Boubac, tomb of, at Aleppo, 

122 
Sheikh Omer Shahab - ood - Din, 

mosque at Bagdad, 65 
Shiahs, 51, 168, 251, 252 
Shilu, on Persian Gulf, xx, 22 
Shiraz, in Persia, 169, 185, 217,240, 

262, 263 ; Teixeira's notes on, 203 
Shitwar, in Persian Gulf, 21 
Siaferusia Gielaledi, King of Persia, 

194 
Siam, 3 ; incense of, 227 ; rhinoceros 

of, 222 
Sicily, pirate ships fitted out at, 140 
Sifa, port in Arabia, xx, 18 
Silk, raw, exported from Aleppo, 119; 

exported from Zante, 144 ; exports 

from Cyprus, 134; at Bagdad, 67 ; 

of Yazd, 243 ; trade in Persia, 

252 
Silks, made at Kashan, 243 ; manu- 
factured in Par9, 241, 248; trade at 

Ana, 86 ; made at Aleppo, 121 
Silver exported from New Spain, 7 ; 

mined in Azarbaijan, 245 ; trade in 

Persia, 119, 123, 252 ; mines of 

Chincungu (Japan), Ixxxi 
SilversmiSis at Bagdad, 68 
Sinesela, salt mine of, 86 
Sing^ river at Aleppo, 113 
Singapore (Sincdpurd), Straits of, 2, 

222 
Singapur, isle of, 2 
Sinhalese, industries of, 238; feats 

of arms by, 237 
Sio, king of, xiv 
Siqueira, Ruy Gonsalves de, Captain 

of Malacca, Ixxxv 
Sircasya, trade with Persia, 245 
Siri (betel), 199 
Sirik, 107 

Sirjan, town of, 160 
Sirmion, in Broct, 169 
Sistan, province of Persia, 250, 251 
Sitavaka, town of, x, 235 
Siyak, near Malacca, 232 
Smuggling of wine in Persia, 197 
Snake-charmers of India, 224 
Soap made at Aleppo, 12 if 
Socotra, island of, vi, xiv 
Sofala, Iv 

Sohar, port on Persian Gulf, 154 
Soleyman, King of Hormuz, 155, 

156 



Soli, village in Tidore, Ixxix 
Solomon, visited by Queen of Sabah, 

154 
Solor, island of, 2, 216, 231 ; wood, 

description and use of, 216 
Soma, a Japanese junk, liii 
Somaliland, ambergris found in, 

202 
Sotomayor, D. Francisco de, 174 
Sousa d' Arronches, Thom6 de, xii 
Sousa, Diogo de, Ixix, Ixx, Ixxi, 

Ixxxiii 
Sousa, D. Pedro de, 193 
Sousa, Luis Lopes de, li. Hi 
Spain, Prince of (Philip IV), 148 ; 

maritime war with England, xxv 
Spaniards, Ix, 136 
Spanish ships fight against Dutch at 

Manila, Ixxxii 
Spikenard exported from Utrad, 209 
Spilbergen, Joris van, Ixxxviii 
Spindola, Genoese pirate, 140 
Spinning shops at Ana, 87 
Spinola, Francisco, 140 
Spitzbergen, discovery of, Ixxx 
Steel manufactures at Niriz in Persia, 

242 
Stevens, Capt. John, English trans- 
lator of Teixeira's book, xciii, xciv, 

xcv, xcvi, ci 
Stevens, Father Thomas, xxvi 
Sthabanon m Persia, 229, 242 ; 

medicinal liquid called Momnahy 

Kony found at, 231 
Stha-Hor, in Persia, 250 
Stone, veiy little in Bagdad, 61 ; 

quarried from the bottom of the sea, 

234 ; troughs at Bir Enus, 58 
Storax (resin) produced in Cyprus, 

138 
Story, James, xxvi, xxvih, xxix, xxx 

Strival, Isle of, 142 

SubaxySi local headmen, 103 

Sucana. See Es Sikhneh. 

SucoSf market-places, 49, 62, 114 

Sufy, 205 

Sufy Kali! Musulu, 189 

Sugar, exports from Cyprus, 134 ; 

exported from Persia, 252 
Sukana, village of, xxii 
Sulghur AtaTOgs of Fars, 160 
Sulphur in Gerun, 164 
Sulphurous well at Es Sikhneh, loi 
Sultan Salgor, Bibi, 172 
Sumatra, xxxii, xxxvii, xxxviii, 

Ixxxiv, 2 ; incense trade of, 227 
Sunda, island of, xlviii, liii, Ixxii, 

Ixxiii, Ixxvii, Ixxix, Ixxxi, 2, 227, 

230 
Sundiva, island of, 165 

U 



290 



INDEX. 



Sunge Sung^sang river, 5 

Sunis, 47, 168, 251 

Suphy Hhalila, 189-191 

Sura, wine, 198 

Surma, black antimony, 218, 219, 

249, 250 
Sus^ SvBter or Suza, 71 
Swine in St. Helena, Ixxv, 74, 126 
Syauex, Governor of Gaxkhar, 208 
Syria, 68, 133, 198 
Syrion. See Sirjan. 



Tabakt Seg^er, plain, 97 
Tabaristan, province of Persia, 250 
Tabas, city of Persia, 248 
Tabriz, capital of Anderbaion, 71, 

197 
Tagah Mir, Governor of Keys, 185 
Tagus blockaded by English fleet, 

xli, Ixxxiii 
Tahamtan, Kutbuddin, 163, 182-184 
Tahmasp, Shah, 249 
Taiadin Zang^yza, Mir, 172 
Tujibbeh, village of, 99 
Tal Aron, village of, 1 1 1 
Tal Kasrawi, 40 
Talim Khan, 249 
Tambul, betel, 199 
Tamerlane, 235 
Tarabolis (Tripoli), 86 
Targazin, in Persia, 244 
Tarranquy, a light bark, 159 
Tartary, Ixxx, 253 
Tartars, ci 

Tanin, city in Persia, 242 
Tavemier, lean Baptiste, cvii 

on bald-headed men of Sthaba- 



non, 229 
Tayffas, a tribe, 94 
Tayibe, village, 98, 99, icx), 103 
Tea, description and uses of, 201 
Teheran, capital of Persia, 244 
Teive (Taiwa), south of Maskat, vi 
Teizeira, Antonio, xxi 
Teixeira, Pedro, native of Portugal, 
i ; family and education of, i ; 
religion of, ii ; commencement of 
travels of, ii ; arrival at Goa, iv ; evi- 
dences of hif being a physician, ii ; 
sails from India for Hormuz, v ; 
sets out for Ceylon, ix ; visit to 
fortress of Barselor, Canard, x ; 
residence at Cochin, xv ; residence 
in Hormuz, xvi ; studies Persian, 
histories of Persia and Hormuz, xvi, 
translates Chronicles of Mir Khwand 
and Turan Shah, xvi; his travels, 
xvii, Ixxxii, Ixxxvii ; settles in 
Antwerp, xxiv, xc ; his "Kings of 



Persia," xc, xci ; his ** Kings of 
Hormuz," xc, xci ; public opinion 
on his book, xcii ; Y rench transla- 
tion of his book, xciii ; English 
translation of his book, xciii, xciv ; 
Spanish preface to translation of 
" Kings of Persia," cii ; certificate 
of orthodoxy and license to print 
his " History of Kings of Persia," 
etc., cviii 

Tel Alyud, hill near Ana, 89 

Tel Axarab, hamlet, 1 1 1 

Tel ul Manahyat, 93 

Tempely, Geronimo bon, 34 

Temple of the Chatins, description 
of, 211 

Tenasserim, macareo of, Ixvi ; croco- 
diles at, 224 ; nipa wine made at, 
198 

Tenreiro, Antonio, xxi 

Tenreiro, Gaspar, Ixxxiii 

Teraki, Cape, 142 

Terceira, island of, xxxi 

Terebintine produced in Cyprus, 138 

Teriak'i-Arabistani, opium, 200 

Temate, Ixviii, Ixxix 

Terrada, small craft in Indian seas, 
22, 170 

Teve, pearl-fishery of, 177 

Theodoro, mountain, 141 

Thevenot, Jean de, cvii 

Thiar, in Bahrein, 188 

Thun, city in Persia, 248 

Tide action at Basra, 27 

Tides, strength of, in Persian Gulf, 20 

TidorCL island of, Ixxix 

Tiger-nunting in India and Ceylon, 
222 

Tigris, river, 25, 32, 60 

Timbertoe, Captain, nicknam* for 
James Lancaster, xxxiii 

Tmie, calculation of, by the Persians, 
cv 

Timor, island of, 2, 215, 235 

Tin, imported into Aleppo from 
England, 120 ; from Persia, 252 

Tirazava, Ixxvi, Ixxvii 

Tirinus, Father Jacobus, cviii 

Titangone. See Quitangonha. 

Titles of Eastern potentates, 238 

Tobacco, description and use of, 203 

Tokat, 124 

Tomamira, ciii 

Torres, Joao Rodrigues de, Ixxxiii 

Tortoise-shell in Borneo, 4 

Tortugas, Sound of the, calms in, 15 

Torunpaque, gardens in Gerun, 166 

Toninxa. See Turan Shah. 

Trepito, Cape, 144 

Trigueiros, Joao, iv 



INDEX. 



291 



Tripoli in Syria, xxv, xxvi ; trade of, 
67, 85, 86, 88, 100, 130, 132 

TrouWf Dutch ship, Ixxvii, Ixxviii, 
Ixxix 

Tut, founder of Turkestan, 253 

Turanbaeh, palace at, xc 

Turan Shah, Fakr-al-Din, 188, 189 ; 
King of Hormuz, xcv, 153, 155, 
186, 188, 193, 194, 258, 265 

Turan Shah's Chronicle of the Kings 
of Hormuz, xvi, xc, xci, xcvi, xcvii, 
256 

Turgimatty interpreter, 118, 119 

Turkestan, province of, 253 

TurkonXa, Mir, 159, 160 

Turks, head -gear of, 134, 135 ; con- 
quer Kamian and Hormuz, 161 ; 
conquest of Tabriz by, 245 ; rich 
houses of, at Aleppo, 113; lands 
held by Mombarek against, 26; 
depredations of, on N.E. coasts of 
Africa, iv 

Turkymani women, description of, 
96 

Turlmnanis, description of the, 94 ; 
traders at Ana, 88 ; herding flocks, 
98 

Turquoises of Nishapur, 229, 247 

Turtle-doves in Gerun island, 167 

Turumbagh, 166 

TutiUy 250, 252 

Tuticorin, 175, 179 

Tutty (calamine stone), manufacture 
and export from Karman, 218 

Tybus, island, 175 



Uljaitu, 161 

Upas sap for poisoning blowpipe 

darts, 6 
Usbek, province of, 213, 253, 254 
Utcela, river-bed in Arabia, 44 
Utias. island of, Ix 
Utraa, in India, 209 
Utrecht i Dutch ship, Ixxiii, Ixxix 
Uzbeg^s, 206; description of the, 255; 

control of Khorasan by, 249 



Valle, Pietro della, 58, 63, 104, 105, 

no, 211 
Valona, coast of, 149 
Vasconcellos, Matheus Mendes de, 

xii, xiii, xiv 
Vaz, Matheus, 205 
Ved Garabah, camping - place on 

Euphrates, 79 
Veddas of Ceylon, 237 
Vedican, Point, 22 
Veiga, Estevak) da, iii 



Velasco, Don Juan de, Capitan 
Mayor of Peru fleet, 12 

Velasco, Don Luis de, Viceroy of 
Peru, 12 

Velho, Diogo, xl, xli 

Venetian merchants at Aleppo, 118 ; 
trade at Aleppo, yearly value of, 
118; consul at Aleppo, 118, 119; 
consul at Alexandretta, 131 

Venice, Teixeira's impressions of city 
of, 151 ; trade with Aleppo, 119, 
121 ; trade with Hormuz, 266 ; 
Signory of, laws for loading of ships, 
146 ; Signory of, Turkish galley 
chased by galleys of, 145 ; Signory 
of, Turkish galleys not allowed into 
ports of, 145 

Vera Cruz, seaport, xviii, 14 

Verdostam, on Persian Gulf, 22 

Verdussen, Hieronymo, xci 

VexucoSf rattans, 5 

Viana, Ixix 

Vicente, AfTonso, Ixiv 

Villa, Sefior Alcasar de, lix 

Vineyards of Zante, 142 

Visvanatha II., death of, 197 



Wadi Sur, 79 

Wadi Suwab, 97 

Warwijck, Wybrand van, Ixvii, Ixviii, 
Ixxiii, Ixxix 

Water, in Gerun, 165 ; imported 
into Hormuz, 267 ; want of, in 
Zante, 143 ; springs, under the sea 
at Bahrein, 175 ; hot, drunk by 
Chinese and people of Coromandel 
coast, 202 

Water-wheels in Mesopotamia, 72, 

74 

Wax, in Borneo, 4 ; obtained in 
Philippines, 8 ; exported from 
Zante, 144 

Wazir, title of, 70 

Weapons, imports from England in- 
to Aleppo, 120 ; of Uibek, 254 ; 
of Persia, 251 

IVedf small river, 25 

Wedding-feast at Mashad Husain, 

53 ^ 
Weerd, Sebald de, Ixxviii, Ixxxviii 

Wheat produced in Queixome, 19 ; 
grown at Basra, 29; grown at 
Zubair, 35 ; grown near Mashad 
Ali, 44 ; imported into Mashad 
Ali, 49 
White Bridge, river of, 126 
White Rock, in Straits of Singa- 

Wx)ie, 3 
iana» coast of, xliv 



292 



INDEX. 



Wine, antiquity and use of, 197 ; 
distilled in and smuggled from 
Persia, 197 ; produced in Zante, 
123 ; produced in Cyprus, 134 ; 
used for kneading bread at Zante, 

143 
Wines, of China, 198 ; of Kaffraria, 

198 ; of Bengal, 199 ; of Mexico, 

199 ; made in India, 198 
Wolves in Arabia, 36 
Woman-fish, 223 
Wood, Captain Benjamin, xliv, Iviii, 

lix 
Woods found in Timor, 215 
Wool exported from Cyprus, 134 
Wool-weaving at Bagdad, 67 
Woollen cloth, imported into Aleppo 

from Venice, 119 
Wormseed of Karman, 250 
Wormwood, medicine produced at 

Karman, 219 
Wouweren, Jan van, cviii 

Xabadin, King of Harmuz, 189, 191 
Xabadin Isuf, King of Hormuz, 172, 

173 
Xabadin Mamud, King of Hormuz, 

158 

Xabadin Molongh, King of Hormuz, 

156, 157, 259 
Xady, son of Nazomadin, 182-187 
Xaharihrey, 244 

Xamb^, son of Nazomadin, 182-187 
Xam, bank of Euphrates, 81 
Xanxa, 171 

Xarab, wine of Persia, 197 
Xarafos, 185 
Xarear, Rex, 158, 259 
Xargol Xa, King of Persia, 193 
Xaryfes, green turbans of the, 135 



Xativai, in Japan, Ixxvi 
XavTes, King of Ilarmuz, 189, 191 
Xaxanxa, King of Ormus, 157 
Xeque Yoette, 195 
Xerquez, Circassian, 70 

Yams, 209 ; Arab and Persian names 

for, 210 
Yazd, in Persia, 243 ; rosewater of, 

217 
Yazdy, 196 

Yuca, wine in Mexico made from, 199 
Yunik (Mosulis), 94 

Zafar, in Persia, 159 

Zal, Governor of Nim Ruz, 250 

Zante, Island of, xxiii, 142, 143 ; 

description and trade of, 143, 144 ; 

people of, 148 ; negro slaves at, 

147 ; shad-fishing at, 147 ; Turkish 

galleys not allowed into port at, 145 ; 

Governor of, entertains Teixeira 

and his friends, 146 
Zanzibar, ambergris found at, 202 
Zawiah, island in Euphrates, 78 
Zebii, island (Philippines), 7 
Zelabdim Echebor, the "Great 

Mogul," xxvi 
Zeruetanay blowpipe, 6 
Zeyneb Salhor, 169 
Zeyneb, Biby7 
Zinbas of Africa^*«%^ng of human 

flesh by, xiv, 237 
Zohak, 245, 248 
ZoHy Dutch ship, Ixvii, Ixxviii, 
Zonaras, ciii 
Zoroaster, sect of, 244 
Zoroastrians' method of disposing of 

their dead, 197 
Zubair, near Basra, 34 



LONDON : 
PRINTED AT THE BEDFORD PRESS, 20 AND 21, BEDFORDBURY, W.C. 



THE 



HAKLUYT SOCIETY. 



1902. 



President. 
Sir CLEMENTS MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S. 

Viee-Ppesidents. 
The Right Hon. Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY. 
Rear-Admiral Sir. WILLIAM WHARTON, K.C.B., F.R.S. 



Couneil. 



C. RAYMOND BEAZLEY, M.A. 
CoMMR. B. M. CHAMBERS, R.N. 
Colonel GEORGE EARL CHURCH. 
Sir WILLIAM MARTIN CONWAY. 
WILLIAM FOSTER, B.A. 
F. H. H. GUILLEMARD, M.A., M.D. 
EDWARD HEAWOOD, M.A. 
JOHN SCOTT KELTIE, LL.D. 
FREDERIC WILLIAM LUCAS. 



ALFRED PERCIVAL MAUDSLAY. 
MOWBRAY MORRIS. 
EDWARD JOHN PAYNE, M.A. 
ERNEST GEORGE RAVENSTEIN. 
HOWARD SAUNDERS. 
HENRY WILLIAM TRINDER. 
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Hon. Secpetary and Tpeasupep. 

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Bankeps in London. 
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THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY, established in 1846, has for its 
object the printing of rare or unpublished Voyages and Travels. 
Books of this class are of the highest interest and value to students 
of history, geography, navigation, and ethnology ; and many of them, 
especially the original narratives and translations of the Elizabethan 



and Stuart periods, are admirable examples of English prose at the 
stage of its most robust development. 

The Society has not confined its selection to the books of English 
travellers, to a particular age, or to particular regions. Where the 
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More than a hundred volumes have now been issued by the Society. 
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WORKS ALREADY ISSUED. 



FIRST SERIES. 

1— The Observations of Sir Riehard Hawkins, Knt., 

In his Voyage into the South Sea in 1593. Reprinted from the edition of 
1622, and edited by Capt C. R. D. Bethune, R.N., C.B. 

(First Edition out of print. See No. 57.^ Issued for 1847. 

2— Select Letters of Columbus, 

With Original Documents relating to the Discovery of the New World. Trans- 
lated and Edited by R. H. Major. 
(First Edition out of print. See No. 43. ) Issued for 1847. 

3— The Discovery of the Empire of Guiana* 
By Sir Walter Ralegh, Knt Edited by SiR Robert H. Schomburgk, 

Fh.D. 
(First Edition out of print. Second Edition in preparation,) Issued for 1 848. 

4— Sir Franeis Drake his Voyage, 1595, 

By Thomas Maynarde, together with the Spanish Account of Drake's attack 

on Puerto Rico. Edited by W. D. Cooley. 

( Out of print, ) Issued for 1 848. 

5— Narratives of Early Voyages to the North- West. 
Edited by Thomas Rundall. 

( Out of print. ) Issued for 1 849. 

6— The Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia, 

Expressing the Cosmographie and Commodities of the Country, together with 

the manners and customs of the people, collected by William Stracney, Gent. , 

the first Secretary of the Colony. Edited by R. H. Major. 

( Out of print. ) Issued for 1849. 

7— Divers Voyages touching the Discovery of America 

And the Islands adjacent, collected and published by Richard Hakluyt, 
Prebendary of Bristol, in the year 1582. Edited by John Winter Jones. 

( Out of print, J Issued for i%^o. 

8— A Collection of Documents on Japan. 

With a Commentary by Thomas Rundall. 

( Out of print. ) Issued for 1 850. 

9— The Discovery and Conquest of Florida, 
By Don Ferdinando de Soto. Translated out of Portuguese bv Richard 

Hakluyt; and Edited by W. B. Rye. 

( Out of print. ) Issued for 1 85 1 . 

10— Notes upon Russia, 

Being a Translation from the Earliest Account of that Country, entitled Rerum 
Muscoviticarum Commentarii, by the Baron Sigismund von Herbcrstein, 
Ambassador from the Court of Germany to the Grand Prince Vasiley Ivanovich, 
in the years 1517 and 1526. Two Volumes. Translated and Edited by 

R. H. Major. Vol. i. 

( Out of print. ) Issued for 1 85 1 . 



5 

11— The Geofirraphy of Hudson's Bay, 

Being the Remarks of Captain W. Coats, in many Voyages to that locality, 
between the years 1727 and 1751. With Extracts from the Log of Captain 
Middleton on his Voyage for the Discovery of the North-west Passage, in 
H.M.S. "Furnace," in 174 1-2. Edited by John Barrow, F.R.S., F.S.A. 

Issued for 1852. 

12— Notes upon Russia. 

VoL 2. {Out of print,) Issued for i%S2, 

13 -Three Voyages by the North-East, 

Towards Cathay and China, undertaken by the Dutch in the years 1594, 1595 
and 1596, with their Discovery of Spitzbergen, their residence often months in 
Novaya Zemlya, and their safe return in two open boats. By Gerrit de Veer, 

Edited by C. T. Beke, Ph.D., F.S.A. 

(See also No. 54.^ Issued for 1853. 

14-15— The History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China and 

the Situation Thereof. 

Compiled by the Padre Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza. Reprinted from the 

Early Translation of R. Parke, and Edited by Sir George T. Staunton, 

Bart With an Introduction by R. H. Major. 2 vols. 

Issued for 1854. 

16— The World Encompassed by Sir Franeis Drake. 

Being his next Voyage to that to Nombre de Dios. Collated with an 
unpublished Manuscript of Francis Fletcher, Chaplain to the Expedition. 

Edited by W. S. W. Vaux, M. A. Issued for 1855. 

17— The History of the Tartar Conquerors who subdued China. 

From the French of the P^re D'Orleans, 1688. Translated and Edited by the 
Earl of Ellesmere. With an Introduction by R. H. Major. 

Issued for 1855. 

18— A Collection of Early Documents on Spitzbergen and Greenland. 

Edited by Adam White. Issued for 1856. 

19— The Voyage of Sir Henry Middleton to Bantam and the Maluco Islands. 
From the rare Edition of 1606. Edited by Bolton Corney. 

{Out of print). Issued for i^$6, 

20— Russia at the Close of the Sixteenth Century. 

Comprising "The Russe Commonwealth'* by Dr. Giles Fletcher, and. Sir 
Jerome Horsey's Travels. Edited by E. A. Bond. 

Issued for 1857. 

21— The Travels of Girolamo Benzoni in America, in 1542-56. 
Translated and Edited by Admiral W. H. Smyth, F.R.S., F.S.A. 

Issued for 1857. 

22— India in the Fifteenth Century. 

Being a Collection of Narratives of Voyages to India in the century pieceding 

the Portuguese discovery of the Cape of Good Hope ; from Latin, Persian, 

Russian, and Italian Sources. Edited by R. H. Major. 

Issued for 1 858, 



23— Narrative of a Voyage to the West Indies and Mexico, 

In the years 1599-1602, with Maps and Illustrations. By Samuel Champlain 
Translated from the original and unpublished Manuscript, with a Biographical 
Notice and Notes by Alice Wilmere. Issued for 1858. 

24— Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazons 

During the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries : containing the Journey of 
Gonzalo Pizarro, from the Royal Commentaries of Garcilasso Inca de la Vega ; 
the Voyage of Francisco de Orellana, from the General History of Herrera ; 
and the Voyage of Cristoval de Acuna. Translated and Edited by Clements 

R. Markham. Issued for 1859. 

25— Early Indications of Australia. 

A Collection of Documents shewing the Early Discoveries of Australia to the 

time of Captain Cook. Edited by R. H. Major. 

( Out of print, ) Issued for iSsg. 

26— The Embassy of Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo to the Court of Timour, 1403-6. 
Translated and Edited by Clements R. Markham. 

Issued for i860. 

27— Henry Hudson the Navigator. 

The Original Documents in which his career is recorded. Edited by George 

Asher, LL.D. Issued f Of i860. 

28— The Expedition of Ursua and Aguirre, 

In search of El Dorado and Omagua, A.D. 1560-61. Translated from the 

**Sexta Noticia Historiale" of Fray Pedro Simon, by W. Bollaert, with 

an Introduction by Clements R. Markham. 

Issued for 1861. 

29— The Life and Aets of Don Alonzo Enriquez de Guzman. 

Translated and Edited by Clements R. Markham. 

Issued for 1862. 

30— Discoveries of the World 

From their first original unto the year of our Lord 1555. By Antonio Galvano. 
Reprinted, with the original Portuguese text, and edited by Vice-Admiral 

Beth UN E, C.B. Issued for 1862. 

31— Marvels described by Friar Jordanus, 

From a parchment manuscript of the Fourteenth Century, in Latin. Edited 

by Colonel H. Yule, C.B. Issued for 1863. 

32— The Travels of Ludovieo di Varthema 

In Syria, Arabia, Persia, India, etc., during the Sixteenth Century. Translated 
by J. Winter Jones, F.S.A., and Edited by the Rev. George 

Percy Badger. Issued for 1863. 

33— The Travels of Cieza de Leon in 1532-50 

From the Gulf of Darien to the City of La Plata, contained in the first part of 
his Chronicle of Peru (Antwerp, 1554). Translated and Edited by Clements 

R. Markham. Issued for 1864. 

34— The Narrative of Pascual de Andagoya. 

Containing the earliest notice of Peru. Translated and Edited by Clements 

R. Markham. Issued for 1865. 



35— The Coasts of East Aft>ica and Malabar 

In the beginning of the Sixteenth Century, by Duarte Barbosa. Translate 
from an early Spanish manuscript by the Hon. Henry Stanley. 

Issued for 1865, 

36-87— Cathay and the Way Thither. 
A Collection of all minor notices of China, previous to the Sixteenth 
Century. Translated and Edited by Colonel H. Yule, C.B. Two Vols. 

( Out of print. ) Issued for 1 866. 

38— The Three Voyages of Sir Martin Frobisher. 
With a Selection from Letters now in the State Paper Office. Edited by 

Rear-Admiral Collinson, C.B. Issued for 1867. 

39— The Philippine Islands, 

Moluccas, Siam, Cambodia, Japan, and China, at the close of the i6th Century. 
By Antonia de Morga. Translated from the Spanish, with Notes, by 

the Lord Stanley of Alderley. Issued for 1868. 

40— The Fifth Letter of Hernan Cortes 
To the Emperor Charles V., containing an Account of his Expedition to 
Honduras in 1525-26. Translated from the Spanish by Don Pascual de 

Gayangos. Issued for 1868. 

41— The Royal Commentaries of the Tncas. 

By the Ynca Garcillasso de la Vega, Translated and Edited by Clements 

R. Markham. Vol. I. Issued for 1^6^, 

42— The Three Voyages of Vaseo da Gama, 

And his Viceroyalty, from the Lendas da India of Caspar Correa; accompanied 
by original documents. Translated and Edited by the Lord Stanley 

of Alderley. Issued for 1869. 

43— Select Letters of Christopher Columbus, 
With other Original Documents relating to his Four Voyages to the New 
World. Translated and Edited by R. H. Major. 2nd Edition (see No. 2). 

Issued for 1870. 

44— History of the Imtos and Seyylds of 'Om&n, 

By Salil-Ibn-Razik, from A.D. 661-1856. Translated from the original 
Arabic, and Edited, with a continuation of the History down to 1870, by the 

Rev, George Percy Badger. Issued for 1870. 

45— The Royal Commentaries of the Tncas. 

Vol. 2. Issued ^or 1871. 

46— The Canarian, 

Or Book of the Conquest and Conversion of the Canarians in the year 1402, 

by Messire Jean de Bethencourt, Kt. Composed by Pierre Bontier and Jean 

le Verrier. Translated and Edited by R. H. Major. 

Issued for 187 1. 

47— Reports on the Discovery of Peru. 
Translated and Edited by Clements R. Markham, C.B. 

Issued for 1872. 



8 

48— Narratives of the Rites and Laws of the Tncas. 

Translated and Edited by Clements R. Markka m, C.B., F.R.S. 

Issued for 1872. 

49— Travels to Tana and Persia, 

By Josafa Barbaro and Ambrogio Contarini ; Edited by Lord Stanley of 
Alderley. "With Narratives of other Italian Travels in Persia. Translated and 

Edited by Charles Grey, Issued for 1873. 

50— Voyages of the Zeni 
To the Northern Seas in the Fourteenth Century. Translated and Edited 

by R. H. Major. Issued for 1873. 

51— The Captivity of Hans Stade of Hesse in 1547-55, 

Amoncj the Wild Tribes of Eastern Brazil. Translated by Albert Tootal, 
Esq., and annotated by Sir Richard F. Burton. 

Issued for 1874. 

52— The First Voyage Round the World by Magellan. 
Translated from the Accounts of Pigafetta and other contemporary writers. 

Edited by Lord Stanley of Alderley. 

Issued for 1874. 

53— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso DalboQuerque, 

Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuguese Edition of 1774, 
and Edited by Walter de Gray Birch, F.R.S.L. Vol. i. 

Issued for 1875. 

54— The Three Voyages of William Barents to the North-East. 

Second Edition of Gerrit de Veer's Work. Edited by Lieut. Koolemans 

Beynen, of the Royal Dutch Navy. 

Issued for 1 876. 

55— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque. 

Vol. 2. Issued for 1875. 

56— The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster. 
With Abstracts of Journals of Voyages preserved in the India Office, and the 
Voyage of Captain John Knight to seek the N.W. Passage. Edited by 

Clements R. Markham, C.B., F.R.S. 

Issued for 1877. 

57— The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, Knt., 
In his Voyage into the South Sea in 1593, with the Voyages of his grand- 
father William, his father Sir John, and his cousin William Hawkins. 
Second Edition (see No. i). Edited by Clements R. Markham, C.B., 

F.R.S. Isiued for 1877. 

58— The Bondage and Travels of Johann Schiltberger, 
From his capture at the battle of Nicopolis in 1396 to his escape and return 
to Europe in 1427. Translated by Commander J. Buchan Telfer, R.N.; 

with Notes by Professor B. Bruun. Issued for 1878. 

59— The Voyages and Works of John Davis the Navigator. 
Edited by Captain Albert H. Markham, R.N. Issued for 1878, 

The Map ot the World, A.D. 1600. 
Called by Shakspere ** The New Map, with the Augmentation of the Indies." 

To illustrate the Voyages of John Davis. Issued for 1878. 



60-61— The Natural and Moral History of the Indies. 
By Father Joseph de Acosta. Reprinted from the English Translated Edition 
of Edward Grimston, 1604; and Edited by Clements R. Markham, C.B., 

F.R.S. Two Vols. Isstud for \%*i^. 

Hap of Peru. 
To Illustrate Nos. 33, 41, 45, 60, and 61. Issued for 1879. 

62— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque. 

Vol. 3. Issued for 1880. 

63— The Voyages of William Baffin, 1612-1622. 
Edited by Clements R. Markham, C.B., F.R.S. Issued for \%%o. 

64— Narrative of the Portuguese Embassy to Abyssinia 
During the years 1520- 1527. By Father Francisco Alvarez. Translated and 

Edited by Lord Stanley of Alderley. Issued for 1881. 

65— The History of the Bermudas or Somer Islands. 
Attributed to Captain Nathaniel Butler. Edited by General Sir J. Henry 

Lefroy, R.A., K.C.M.G. Issued for 1881. 

66-67— The Diary of Richard Coeks, 
Cape-Merchant in the English Factory in Japan, 1615-1622. Edited by 

Edward Maunde Thompson. Two Vols. 

Issued for 1882. 

68— The Seeond Part of the Chronicle of Peru. 
By Pedro de Cieza de Leon. Translated and Edited by Clements R. 

Markham, C.B., F.R.S. Issued for 1883. 

69— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque. 

Vol. 4. Issued for 1883. 

70-71— The Voyage of John Huyghen van Llnsehoten to the East Indies. 

From the Old English Translation of 1598. The First Book, containing his 
Description of the East. Edited by A. C. Burnell, Ph.D., C.I.E., and 

P. A. Tiele, of Utrecht. Issued for 1884. 

72-73— Early Voyages and Travels to Russia and Persia, 

By Anthony Jenkinson and other Englishmen, with some account of the first 

Intercourse of the English with Russia and Central Asia by way of the 

Caspian Sea. Edited by E. Delmar Morgan, and C. H. Coote. 

Issued for 1885. 

74-75-The Diary of William Hedges, Esq., 

Afterwards Sir William Hedges, during his Agency in Bengal ; as well as on 
his Voyage out and Return Overland (1681-1687). Transcribed for the Press, 
with Introductory Notes, etc., by R. Barlow, and Illustrated by copious 
Extracts from Unpublished Records, etc., by Col. Sir H. Yule, K. C.S.I. , 

R.E., C.B., LL.D. Vols, i and 2. Issued for 1886. 

76-77— The Voyage of Francois Pyrard to the East Indies, 

The Maldives, the Moluccas and Brazil. Translated into English from the 
Third French Edition of 16 19, and Edited by Albert Gray, assisted by 

H. C- P. Bell. Vol. i. Vol. 2, Part I. 

Issued for 1887. 

78— The Diary of William Hedges, Esq. 
Vol. 3. Sir H. Yule's Extracts from Unpublished Records, etc. 

Issued for 1888. 

B 



lO 

79— Tpaetatus de Globls, et eomim usu. 
A Treatise descriptive of the Globes constructed by Emery Molyneux, and 
Published in 1592. By Robert Hues. Edited by Clements R. Markham, 

C.B., F.R.S. To which is appended, 

Sailing Directions for the Cireumnavlgation of England, 
And for a Voyage to the Straits of Gibraltar. From a Fifteenth Century 
MS. Edited by James Gairdner ; with a Glossary by E. Delmar 

Morgan. Issued for 1888. 

80— The Voyage of Francois Pyrard to the East Indies, ete. 

Vol. 2, Part II. Issued for 1889. 

81— The Conquest of La Plata, 1535-1555. 
I. — Voyage of Ulrich Schmidt to the Rivers La Plata and Paraguai. II. — 
The Commentaries of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca. Edited by Don Luis 

L. Dominguez. Issued for 1889. 

82-83— The Voyage of Francois Leguat 

To Rodriguez, Mauritius, Java, and the Cape of Good Hope. Edited by 

Captain Pasfield Oliver. Two Vols. 

Issued for 1890. 

84-85— The Travels of Pietro della Valle to India. 
From the Old English Translation of 1664, by G. Havers. Edited by 

Edward Grey. Two Vols. Issued for iZ^i, 

86— The Journal of Christopher Columbus 

During his First Voyage (1492-93), and Documents relating to the Voyages 
of John Cabot and Caspar Corte Real. Translated and Edited by Clements 

R. Markham, C.B., F.R.S. Issued for 1892. 

87— Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant. 
I. — The Diary of Master Thomas Dallam, 1 599-1600. II. — Extracts from the 
Diaries of Dr. John Covel, 1670- 1679. With some Account of the Levant 
Company of Turkey Merchants. Edited by J. Theodore Bent, F.S.A., 

F. R.G. S. Issued for 1 892. 

88-89— The Voyages of Captain Luke Foxe and Captain Thomas James 

In Search of a N.-W. Passage, 1631-32 ; with Narratives of Earlier N.-W. 
Voyages. Edited by Miller Christy, F.L.S. Two Vols. 

Issued for 1 893. 

90— The Letters of Amerigo Vespucci 
And other Documents relating to his Career. Translated and Edited by 

Clements R. Markham, C.B., F.R.S. Issued for 1894. 

91— The Voyage of Pedro Sarmiento to the Strait of Magellan, 1579-80. 
Translated and Edited, with Illustrative Documents and Introduction, by 

Clements R. Markham, C.B., F.R.S. 

Issued for 1894. 

92-93-94— The History and Description of AfMca, 

And of the Notable Things Therein Contained. The Travels of Leo Africanus 
the Moor, from the English translation of John Pory (1600). Edited by 

Robert Brown, M.A., Ph.D. Three Vols. 

Issued for 1895. 



IT 

95— The Discovery and Conquest of Guinea. 

Written by Gomes Eannes de Azurara. Translated and Edited by C. RWMOND 

Beazley, M.A., and Edgar Prestage, B.A. Vol. i. 

Issued for 1896. 

96-97— Danish Aretle Expeditions. 
Book I. The Danish Expeditions to Greenland, 1605-07; with James Hall's 
Voyage in 161 2. Edited by C. C. A. GoscH. Issued for 1896. 

Book 2. Jens Munk's Voyage to Hudson's Bay in 1619-20. Edited by 

C. C. A. GosCH. Issued for 1897. 

98— The TopofiTPaphla Christiana of Cosmas Indleopleustes. 
Translated and Edited by J. W. McCrindle, M.A., M.R.A.S. 

Issued for 1897. 

99— The First Voyafire of Vaseo da Gama. 
Translated from the Portuguese, with an Introduction and Notes, by E. G. 

Ravenstein. Issued for 1898. 

100— The Discovery and Conquest of Guinea. 
Written by Gomes Eannes de Azurara. Translated and Edited by C. 
Raymond Bbazley, M.A., and Edgar Prestage, B.A. Vol. 2. 

Issued for 1898. 



12 



WORKS ALREADY ISSUED. 



SECOND SERIES. 

1-2— The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to the Court of the Great Mosrul, 

1615-19. 

Edited from Contemporary Records by William Foster, B.A. 

Issued for 1899. 

3— The Voyage of Sir Robert Dudley to the West Indies and Guiana in 1594. 
Edited by Geo. F. Warner, M.A., F.S.A., Assistant Keeper of 

Manuscripts, British Museum. Issued for 1899. 

4— The Journeys of William of Rubruek and John of Plan de Carpine 

To Tartary in the 13th century. Translated and Edited by the Hon. W. W. 

RocKHiLL. Issued for 1900. 

6— The Voyage of Captain John Saris to Japan in 1618. 
Edited by II. E. Sir Ernest M. Satow, K.C.M.G. 

Issued for 1900. 

6— The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell of Leigh in Essex. 

Edited by E. G. Ravenstein. Issued for 1900. 

7-8— The Voyaere of Hendana to the Solomon Islands in 1568. 

Edited by the Lord Amherst of Hackney and Basil Thomson. 

Issued for 1901. 

9— The Journey of Pedro Teixeira from India to Italy by land, 1604-05; 
Witli his Chronicle of the Kings of Ormus. Translated and Edited by W. F. 

Sinclair, with additional notes &c., by D. F. Ferguson. 

To be issued for 1901. 

10— The Portuguese Expedition to Abyssinia in 1541, as narrated by 
Castanhoso and Bermudez. Edited by R. S. Whiteway, late I.C.S. 

To be issued for 1902. 

1 1— The Principall Navifirations of the English Nation. By Richard Halcluyt, 

1 598-1600. Vol. I. Edited by Sir Clements Markham, K.C.B., and 

C. R. Beazley, M.A. 

To be issued for 1902. 



13 



OTHEK WOEKS UNDEKTAKEIT BY EDITORS. 



The Principall Navigations of the English Nation. By Richard Hakluyt. 
From the edition of 1598- 1 600. To be issued in about ten volumes. 

Raleigh's Empire of Guiana. Second Edition (see No. 3). Edited, with 
Notes, etc., by Everard F. im Thurn, C.B., C.M.G. 

The Voyages of Cadamosto, the Venetian, along the West Coast of Africa, in 
the years 1455 ^^^ ^456. Translated from the earliest Italian text of 
1507, and Edited by H. Yule Oldham, M.A., F.R.G.S. 

Dr. John Fryer's New Account of East India and Persia ( 1698). Edited by 
Arthur T. Pringle. 

The Expedition of Hernan Cortes to Honduras in 1525-26. Second Edition 
(see No. 40), with added matter. Translated and Edited by A. P. 
Maudslay. 

The Letters of Pietro Delia Valle from Persia, &c. Translated and Edited by 
Major M. Nathan, C.M.G., R.E. 

The Travels of Peter Mundy in India, 1628-34. Edited from an unpublished 
MS. by Colonel R. C. Temple, C.I.E. 

Thomas Herbert's Description of the Persian Monarchy. Edited by Major 
P. Molesworth Sykes. 

The Voyage of Robert Harcourt to Guiana in 1609-10. Edited by G. F. 
Warner, M.A., F.S.A. 

Sir Francis Drake Revived, and other papers relating to Drake. Edited by 
E. J. Payne, M.A. 

Early Dutch and English Voyages to Spitzbergen. Edited by SiR Martin 
Conway. 



H 



LAWS OF THE HAELVYT SOCIETY. 



I. The object of this Society shall be to print, for distribution among its 
members, rare and valuable Voyages, Travels, Naval Expeditions, and other 
geographical records, from an early period to the beginning of the eighteenth 
century. 

II. The Annual Subscription shall be One Guinea (for America, five dollars, 
U.S. ciurency), payable in advance on the ist January. 

III. Each member of the Society, having paid his Subscription, shall be 
entitled to a copy of every work produced by the Society, and to vote at the 
general meetings within the period subscribed for ; and if he do not signify, 
before the close of the year, his wish to resign, he shall be considered as a member 
for the succeeding year. 

IV. The management of the Society's affairs shall be vested in a Council 
consisting of twenty-two members, viz., a President, two Vice-Presidents, a 
Treasurer, a Secretary, and seventeen ordinary members, to be elected annually I 
but vacancies occurring between the general meetings shall be filled up by the 
CoundL 

V. A General Meeting of the Subscribers shall be held annually. The 
Secretary's Report on the condition and proceedings of the Society shall be 
then read, and the meeting shall proceed to elect the Council for the ensuing year. 

VI. At each Annual Election, three of the old Council shall retire. 

VII. The Council shall meet when necessary for the dispatch of business, three 
forming a quorum, including the Secretary ; the Chairman having a casting vote. 

VIII. Gentlemen preparing and editing works for the Society, shall receive 
twenty-five copies of such works respectively. 



IS 



LIST OF MEMBERS. 



1902. 

Aberdare, The Right Hon. Lord, Longwood, Winchester. 

Adelaide Public Library, per Messrs. Kegan Paul and Co., Ltd., Paternoster 
House, Charing Cross Road, W.C. 

Admiralty, The (2 copies), per Messrs. Eyre and Spottiswoode, East Harding 
Street, E.G. 

Advocates* Library, Edinburgh, per Q. W. Eccles, Esq., 16, Great James 
Street, W.C. 

Alexander, W. L., Esq., Pinkieburn, Musselburgh, N.B. 

All Souls College, Oxford. 

American Geographical Society, 11, West 29th Street, New York City, U.S.A. 

Amherst, of Hackney, The Right Hon. Lord, Didlington Hall, Brandon, 
Norfolk. 

Antiga Casa Bertrand (Senhor Jose Bastos), 73, Rua Garrett, Lisbon. 

Antiquaries, the Society of, Burlington House, Piccadilly, W. 

Armitage-Smith, Sydney, Esq., Admiralty, S.W. 

Army and Navy Club, 36, Pall Mall, S.W. 

Athenaeum Club, Pall Mall, S.W. 

Atkinson, Dr. Roger T., U.S. Navy, 14, Chestnut Street, Wakefield, Massachu- 
setts, U.S.A. 



Baer, Joseph & Co., Messrs., Rossmarkt, 18, Frankfort-on-Main, Germany, per 

Messrs. Epstein Bros., 47, Holbom Viaduct, E.C. 
Baldwin, Alfred, Esq., M.P., Wilden House, near Stourport. 
Ball, John B., Esq., Ashburton Cottage, Putney Heath, S.W. 
Barclay, Hugh Qurney, Esq., Colney Hall, Norwich. 
Basset, M. Rene, Correspondant de I'lnstitut de France, Directeiir de I'Ecole 

superieure des lettres d' Alger, L'Agha 77, rue Michelet, Alger-Mustapha. 
Baxter, James Phinney, Esq., 61, Deering Street, Portland, Maine, U.S.A. 
Beaumont, Rear- Admiral Sir Lewis Anthony, K.C.M.Q., Australian Station. 
Beazley, Charles Raymond, Esq., 21, Staverton Road, Oxford. 
Belfast Linen Hall Library, Donegall Square North, Belfast (Geo. Smith, Esq., 

Librarian). 
Belhaven and Stenton, Col. the Lord, R.E., 41, Lennox Gardens, S.W. 
Bennett, R. A., Esq., 40, Harbome Road, Edgbaston, Birmingham. 
Berlin Geographical Society, per Messrs. Sampson Low and Co., Ltd., St. 

Dunstan's House, Fetter Lane, E.C. 
Berlin, the Royal Library of, per Messrs. Asher and Co., 13, Bedford Street, 

Strand, W.C. 
Berlin University, Geographical Institute of (Baron von Richthofen), 6, 

Schinkelplatz, Berlm, W., per Messrs. Sampson Low and Co., Ltd., St. 

Dunstan's House, Fetter Lane, E.C. 
Birch, Dr. Walter de Gray, F.S.A., 1, Rutland Park, N. W. 
Birmingham Central Free Library, Ratcliff-place, Birmingham. 
Birmingham Old Library, The, Birmingham. 
Board of Education, South Kensington, S.W. 
Bodleian Library, Oxford (copies presented). 

Bonaparte, H. H. Prince Roland Napoleon, 10, Avenue d'J^na, Paris. 
Boston Athenaeum Library, U.S.A., per Messrs. Kegan Paul and Co., Ltd., 

Paternoster House, Charing Cross Road, W.C, 



i6 

Boston Public Library, U.S. A., per MeMre. Kegan Paul and Co., Lt<t, 

Patemo8ter House, Charing Cnxw Road, W.C. 
Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine, U.S.A., per MeMra. Kegan Paul and Co., 

Ltd., Paternoster Houxe, Charing Cross Road, W.C. 
Bower, ICajor Hamilton, per Messrs. Grindlayand Co., 54, Parliament St., S.W. 
Bowring, Thos. B., Esq., 7, Palace Gate, Kensington, W. 
Brewster, Charles 0., Esq., 25, Irving Place, New York City, U.S.A. 
Brighton Public Library, Royal Pavilion, Church Street, Brighton. 
Brine. Vice- Admiral Lindesay, c/o Miss Knapton, Boldre Mead, Lymington, 

Hants. 
British Ouiana Royal Agricultural and Commercial Society, Qeorgetown, 

Demerara. 
British Museum. Department of British and Mediaeval Antiquities (C. H. 

Read, Esq., Keeper). 
British Museum, Department of Printed Books (G. K. Fortescue, E!sq., Keeper, 

copies presented). 
British Museum (Natural History), Cromwell Road, S.W. (B. B. Woodward, 

Esq., Librarian), per Messrs. Dulau and Co., 37, Soho Square, W. 
Brock, Robert C. H., Esq., 1612, Walnut-street, Philadelphia. 
Brodrick, Hon. George Charles, D.C.L., Merton College, Oxford. 
Brooke, Sir Thomas, Bart., Armitage Bridge, Huddersfield. 
Brookline Public Library, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. 
Brooklyn Mercantile Library, Brooklyn, N.Y., U.S.A., per Messrs. Allen and 

Murray, 28, Henrietta Street, W.C. 
Brown, Arthur Wflliam Whateley, E!sq., 62, Carlisle Bfansions, Carlisle Place, 

Victoria Street, S.W. 
Brown, General John Bfarshall, 218, Middle Street, Portland, Maine, U.S. A. " 
Brown, Henry Thomas, Esq., Roodee House, Watergate Square, Chester. 
Brown, J. Allen, Esq., J.P., 7, Kent Gardens, Ealing, W. 
Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island (H. L. Koopman, Librarian) 

U.S.A. 
Bruce, A. M., Esq., 2, Polwarth Terrace, Edinburgh. 
Buda-Pesth, The Geographical Institute of the University of. 
Bunting, W. L., Esq., The Steps, Bromsgrove. 
Burdekin, Benjamin Thomas, Esq., The Terrace, Eyam, Sheffield. 
Burgess, James, Esq., CLE., LL.D., 22, Seton Place, Edinburgh. 
Burns, Capt. J. W., Kilmahew, Cardross, Dumbartonshire. 
Buxton, Edward North, Esq., Knighton, Buckhurst Hill, Essex. 

Cambray & Co., Messrs., 6, Hastings Street, Calcutta. 

Cambridge University Library, per G. W. Eccles, Esq., 16, Great James 

Street, W.C. 
Canada, The Parliament Library Ottawa, per Messrs. E. G. Allen and Murray, 

28, HenrietU Street, W.C. 
Cardiff Public Library, Cardiff (J. Ballinger, Esq., Librarian). 
Carles, William Richanl, Esq., C.M.G., Vines Close, Wimbome. 
Carlton Club, Pall Mall, S.W. 

Carlisle, The Rt. Hon. the Earl of, Naworth Castle, Bampton, Cumberland. 
Carnegie Library, Pittsburgh, Pa., U.S.A., per Mr. G. E. Stechert, 2, Star 

Yard, Carey Street, W.C. 
Cator, R. B. P., Esq., c o Athenaeum Club, Pall Biall, S.W. 
Chamberlain, Right Hon. Joseph, M.P., 40, Princes Gardens, S.W. 
Chambers, Commander B. M., R.N., 14, Elphinstone Road, Southsea. 
Chetham's Library, Hunt's Bank, Manchester. 
Chicago Public Library. U.S.A., per Messrs. B. F. Stevens and Brown, 4, 

Trafalgar Square, W.C. 
Christ Church, Oxford. 
Christiania University Library, c/o Messrs. T. Bennett and Sons, Christiania, 

IHiv Messrs. Cassell and Co., Ltd., Ludgate Hill, E.C. 



17 

Church, Col. George fiarl, 216, Cromwell Road, S.W. 

Cincinnati Public Library, Ohio, U.S.A. 

Clark, John Willis, Esq., Scroope House, Trumpington Street, Cambridge. 

CoJgan, Nathaniel, Esq., 15, Breffin Terrace, Sandycove, co. Dublin. 

Colonisil Oflfice, The, Downing Street, S.W. 

Constable, Archibald, Esq., 14, St. Paul's Road, Camden Town, N. W. 

Conway, Sir W. Martin, The Red House, Homton Street, W. 

Cooper, Lieut.-Col. the Right Hon. Edward Henry, 42, Portman Square, W. 

{deceased), 
Copenhagen Royal Library, c/o Messrs. Lehman and Stage, Copenhagen, per 

Messrs. Sampson Low and Co., Ltd., St. Dunstan's House, Fetter Lane, 
Cora, Professor Guido, M.A., Via Qoito, 2, Rome. [E.G. 

Cornell University, Ithaca, N.Y., U.S.A., per Messrs. Allen and Murray, 28, 

Henrietta Street, E.G. 

cl^^* H k' Esq }^/° Messrs. Bickers & Son, 1, Leicester Square, W. 

Cortissoz, Royal, Esq., Editorial Room, New York Tribune, 154, Nassau St., 
Cow, John, Esq., Elfinsward, Hayward's Heath. [New York, U.S.A. 

Cruising Club, The, 40, Chancery Lane, W.C. 

Cunningham,Lieut.-Col. G. G.,C.B.,D.S.O., Junior U.S. Club, CharleBSt.,S.W. 
Curzon of Kedleston, H.E. the Right Hon. Lord, Government House, Calcutta. 

Dalton, Rev. Canon J. Neale, M.A., C.M.G., C.V.O., The Cloisters, Windsor. 
Dampier, Gterald Robert, Esq., I.C.S., c/o Messrs. Grindlay and Co., Bombay. 
Danish Royal Naval Library, per Messrs. Sampson Low and Co., Ltd. (Foreign 

Dept,), St. Dunstan's House, Fetter Lane, E.G. 
Davis, Hon. N. Darnell, C.M.G., Georgetown, Demerara, British Guiana. 
De Bertodano, B., Esq., 22, Chester Terrace, Regent's Park, N.W. 
Derby, The Right Hon. the Earl of, K.G., c/o Rev. J. Richardson, Knowsley, 
Detroit Public Library, Michigan, U.S.A. [Prescot. 

Dijon University Library, Rue Monge, Dijon. 
D'Uliere, Herr, Strassburg, per Messrs. Kegan Paul and Co., Ltd., Paternoster 

House, Charing Cross Road, W.C. 
Doubleday, H. Arthur, Esq., 2, Whitehall Gardens, S.W. 
Dresden Geographical Society, per Herr P. E. Richter, Kleine Briidergasse, 

11, Dresden. 
Ducie, The Right Hon. the Earl of, F.R.S., Tortworth Court, Falfield. 

Ecole Fran9aise d'Extr^me Orient, Saigon, Indo-Chine Fran9aise. 

Edinburgh University Library, per Mr. Jas. Thin, 54, 55, South Bridge, 
Edinburgh. 

Edinburgh Public Library, George IV. Bridge, Edinburgh. 

Edwards, Francis, Esq., 83, High Street, Marylebone, W. 

Ellsworth, James W., Esq., 71, Broadway, New York City, U.S.A. 

Faber, Reginald Stanley, Esq., 90, Regent's Park Road, N.W. 

Fauuhawe, Admiral Sir Edward Gennys, G.C.B., 74, Cromwell Road, S.W. 

Fellows Athenaeum, per Messrs. Kegan Paul and Co., Paternoster House, 
Charing Cross Road, W. C. 

Ferguson, Donald WiQiam, Esq. , 6, Bedford Place, Croydon. 

Ferguson, David, Esq., M.I.M.E., 140, Hyndland Drive, Kelvinside, Glasgow. 

Fisher, Arthur, Esq., St. Aubyn's, Tiverton, Devon. 

Fitzgerald, Edward A., Esq., per Mr. James Bain, 14, Charles Street, Hay- 
market, S.W. 

Ford, J. W., Esq., per Mr. James Bain, 14, Charles Street, Haymarket, S.W. 

Foreign Ofl&ce, The, per Messrs. Eyre and Spottiswoode, East Harding St., EC. 

Foreign Office of Germany, Berlin, per Messrs. Asher and Co., 13, Bedford 
Street, Strand, W.C. 

Forrest, George William, Esq., CLE., The Knowle, Brenchley, Kent. 

Foster, William, Esq., Registry and Record Department, India Office, S.W. 



i8 

Fotheigill, M. B., Esq., c/o Imperial Bank of Pereia, Buehire, PerBian Gulf, 

via Bombay. 
French, H. B., Esq., 429, Arch Street, Philadelphia, U.S.A. 



Qeorg, MonB. H., Lyons, per Messrs. Sampson Low and Co., Ltd., St. Dun- 

stan's House, Fetter Lane, E.G. 
Qeorge, Charles William, Esq., 51, Hampton Road, Bristol. 
Gill, J. Withers, Esq., 109 Box, Bulawayo, South Africa. 
Gill, W. Harrison, Esq., c/o Messrs. C. A. & H. Nichols, Peninsular House, 

Monument Street, E,C, 
Gladstone Library, National Liberal Club, Whitehall Place, S.W. 
Glasgow University Library, per Mr. Billings, 59, Old Bailey, E.C. 
Godman, Frederick Du Cane, Esq., D.C.L., F.R.S., 10, Chandos Street, 

Cavendish Square, W. 
Gosch, Christian Carl August, Esq., 21, Stanhope Gardens, S.W. 
Gosling, F. Goodwin, Esq., Hamilton, Bermuda. 

Gosset, General Mathew VV. E., C.B., Westgate House, Dedham, Essex. 
Gottingen University Library, per Messrs. Asher and Co., 13, Bedford Street, 

Strand, W.C. 
Graham, Michael, Esq., Glasgow Herald^ Glasgow. 

Grant-Duff, Right Hon. Sir M. E.,G.C.S.I., 11, Chelsea Embankment, S.W. 
Gray, Albert, Esq., Catherine Lodge, Trafalgar Square, Chelsea, S.W. 
Gray, Matthew H., Esq., India-rubber Co., Ltd., Silvertown, EsseiL 
Greever, C. 0., Esq., 1345, East Ninth Street, Des Moines, Iowa, U.S.A. 
Griflfiths, John G., Esq., 21, Palace Court, Kensington Gardens, S.W. 
Grosvenor Library, Buffalo, N.Y., U.S.A. 

Gruzevski, C. L., Esq., 107, College Street, San Antonio, Texas, U.S.A. 
Guildhall Library, E.C. (Charles Welch, Esq., F.S.A., Librarian). 
Guillemard, Arthur George, Esq., 96, High Street, Eltham, Kent. 
Guillemard, Francis Henry Hill, Esq., M.A., M.D., The Old Mill House, 

Trumpington, Cambridge. 



Hamburg Commerz-Bibliothek, c/o Herrn Friederichsen and Co., Hamburg, 

per Messrs. Drolenvaux and Bremner, 36, Great Tower Street, E.C. 
Hamilton, Wra. Pierson, Esq., 32, East 36th Street, New York City, U.S.A. 
Hannen, The Hon. Henry Arthur, Holne Cott, Ashburton, South Devon. 
Harmsworth, Alfred Charles, Esq., Elmwood, St. Peter's, Kent. 
Harvard College, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A., per Messrs. Kegan Paul and Co., 

Ltd., Paternoster House, Charing Cross Road, W.C. 
Harvie-Brown, J. A., Esq., Donipace, Larbert, Stirlingshire, N.B. 
Haswell, Geo. H., Esq., Ashleigh, Hamstead Road, Handsworth, Birmingham. 
Hawkesbury, The Rt. Hon. Lord, 2, Carlton House Terrace, S.W. 
Heawood, Edward, Esq., M.A., F.R.G.S., 3, Underbill Road, Lordship Lane,S.E. 
Heidelberg University Library, c/o Herm Gustav Koester, Heidelberg, per 

Messrs. Kegan Paul and Co., Ltd., Paternoster House, Charing Cross 

Road, W.C. 
Hervey, Dudley F. A., Esq., C.M.G., Westfields, Aldeburgh. 
Hiersemann, Herr Karl W., Konigsstrasse, 3, Leipzig, per Mr. Young J. 

Pentland, 38, West Smithfield, E.C. 
Hippisley, A. E., Esq., c/o J. D. Campbell, Esq., C.M.G.,26, Old Queen St., S.W. 
Hobhouse, Charles Edward Henry, Esq., M.P., The Ridge, Corsham, Wilts. 
Horaer, J. F. Fortescue, Esq., Mells Park, Frome, Somersetshire, per Mr. J. Bain. 
Hoyt Public Library, per Messrs. Sotheran and Co., 140, Strand, W.C. 
Hubbard, Hon. Gardiner G., 1328, Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.,U.SA. 
Hiigel, Baron Anatole A. A. von. Curator, University Museum, Cambridge. 
Hull Public Libraries, Baker Street, Hull (W. F. Lawton, Esq., Librarian). 
Hull Subscription Library, per Foster's Parcels and Goods Express, Ltd., 82, 

Fore Street, E.C. 



19 

Im Thurn, E. F., Esq., C.B., C.M.G., Colonial Secretary, Colombo, Ceylon. 

India Office, Downing Street, S.W. (20 copies). 

Ingle, William Bruncker, Esq., 4, Orchard Road, Blackhcath, S.E. 

Inner Temple, Hon. Society of the (J. E. L. Pickering, Esq., Librarian), 

Temple, E.C. 
Ireland, Prof. AUeyne, c/o Dr. E. E. Thorpe, 711, Boylston Street, Boston, 

Mass., U.S.A. 



James, Arthur C, Esq., 92 Park Avenue, New York, U.S.A. 

James, Walter B., Esq., M.D., 17, West 54th Street, New York, U.S.A. 

John Carter Brown Library, Providence, Rhode Island, U.S.A., per Messrs. 

Ellis and Elvey, 29, New Bond Street, W. 
John Rylands Library, Deansgate, Manchester (H. Guppy, Esq., Librarian). 
Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md., U.S.A., per Messrs. E. G. Allen 

and Murray, 28, Henrietta Street, S.W. 
Johnson, General Sir Allen B., K.C.B., 60, Lexham Gardens, Cromwell Road, 
Johnson, Rev. Samuel J., F.R.A.S., Melplash Vicarage, Bridport. [S.W. 

Keltie, John Scott, Esq., LL.D., 1, Savile Ro>v, W. 
Kelvin, The Rt. Hon. Lord, F.R.S., LL.D., 15, Eaton Place, S.W. 
Key, John J., Esq., Colorado Springs, Colorado, U.S.A. ' 

Kiel, Royal University of, per Messrs. Asher and Co., 13, Bedford Street, W.C. 
Kinder, Claude William, Esq., C.M.G., Tongshan, North China. 
King's Inns Library, Henrietta Street, Dublin. 

Kimberley Public Library, per Messrs. Sotheran and Co., 140, Strand, W.C. 
Kitching, John, Esq. , Oaklands, Queen's Road, Kingston Hill, S. W. 
Klincksieck, M. Charles, 11, Rue de Lille, Paris, per Messrs. Kegan Paul and 
Co., Ltd., Paternoster House, Charing Cross Road, W.C. (3 copies), 

Langton, J. J. P., Esq., B,A., 802, Spruce Street, St. Louis, Mo., U.S.A. 
Larchmont Yacht Club, Larchmont, N.Y., U.S.A. (F. D. Shaw, Esq., 

Chairman of Library Committee). 
Leechman, C. B., Esq., 10, Earl's Court Gardens, S.W. 
Leeds Library, Commercial Street, Leeds. 
Lehigh University, S. Bethlehem, Pa., U.S.A. 
Leipzig, Library of the University of, c/o Herr 0. Harrassowitz, Leipzig, 

per Messrs. W. Wesley and Son, 28, Essex Street, W.C. 
Levy, Judah, Esq., 17, Greville Place, N.W. 
Linney, A. G., Esq., Bootham School, 51, Bootham, York. 
Liverpool Free Public Library, William Brown Street, Liverpool. 
Liverpool Geographical Society (Capt. E. C. D. Phillips, R.N., Secretary), 14, 

Hargreaves Buildings, Chapel Street, Liverpool. 
Loescher, Messrs. J., and Co., Via del Corso 307, Rome, per Messrs. Sampson Low 

and Co., Ltd., St. Dunstan's House, Fetter Lane, E.C. 
Logan, Daniel, Esq., Solicitor- General, Penang, Straits Settlements. 
Logan, William, Esq., per Messrs. Grindlay and Co., 54, Parliament St., S.W. 
London Institution, Finsbury Circus, E.C. 
London Library, 12, St. James's Square, S.W. 
Long Island Historical Society, Brooklyn, N.Y., U.S.A. 
Lowrey, Joseph, Esq., The Hermitage, Lough ton. 
Lubetsky, S. A. S. le Prince Droutskoy, 89, Rue Miromesnil, Paris. 
Lucas, Charles Prestwood, Esq., C.B., Colonial Office, S.W. 
Lucas, Frederic Wm., Esq., 21, Surrey Street, Victoria Embankment, W.C. 
Luyster, S. B., Esq., c/o Messrs. Alex. Denham and Co., 109, Southampton 

Row, W.C. LU.S.A. 

Lydenberg, H. M., Esq., New York Public Library, Fifth Avenue, New York, 
Lyttelton-Aunesley, Lieut. -Gen. Arthur L., F.S.A., Templemere, Weybridge. 



20 

Macmillan and Bowes, Messrs., Cambridge, per Foster's Parcels and Goods Ex- 
press, Ltd., 82, Fore Street, E.G. 
Macqueen, John, Esq., St. Mary's, Harpenden, 
Macrae, Charles Colm, Esq., 93, Onslow Gardens, S.W. 
Manchester Public Free Libraries, King Street, Manchester (A. G. Hardy, 

Esq., Librarian). 
Manierre, George, Esq., 184, La Salle Street, Chicago, 111., U.S.A. 
Margesson, Lieut. Wentworth H. D., R.N., Finden Place, Worthing, 
Markham, Vice- Admiral Albert Hastings, Admiralty House, Sheemess. 
Markham, Sir Clements Robert, K.C.B., F.R.S., 21, Eccleston Square, S.W. 
Marquand, HenryGurdon, Esq., 160, Broadway, New York, U.S.A. {deceased). 
Martelli, Ernest Wynne, Esq., 4, New Square, Lincoln's Inn, W.C. 
Massachusetts Historical Society, 30, Tremont Street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A., 

per Messrs. Kegan Paul and Co., Ltd., Paternoster House, Charing Cross 

Road, W.C. 
Massie, Capt. Roger Henry, R.A. 

Mathers, Edward P., Esq., Glenalmond, 34, Foxgrove Road, Beckenham. 
Maudslay, Alfred Percival, Esq., 32, Montpelier Square, Knightsbridge, S.W. 
McClymont, Jas. R., Esq., c/o W. McCIymont, Esq., LL.B., 103, Momingside 

Drive, Edinburgh, N.B. 
McKerrow, R. B., Esq., 22, Friars' Stile Road, Richmond, Surrey. 
Mecredy, Jas., Esq., M.A., B.L., F.R.G.S., Wynberg, Stradbrook, Blackrock, 

Dublin Co. 
Melbourne, Public Library of, per Messrs. Melville and Mullen, 12, Ludgate 

Square, E.C. 
Merriman, J. A., Esq., c/o Standard Bank, Durban, Natal. 
Meyjes, A. C, Esq., 42, Cannon Street, E.C. 

Michell, Lewis W., Esq., Standard Bank of South Africa, Cape Town. 
Michigan, University of, per Messrs. H. Sotheran and Co., 140, Strand, W.C. 
Milwaukee Public Library, Wisconsin, U.S.A., per Mr. G. E. Stechert, 2, Star 

Yard, W.C. 
Minneapolis Athenseum, U.S.A., per Mr. G. E. Stechert, 2, Star Yard, W.C. 
Mitchell Library, 21, Miller Street, Glasgow. 
Mitchell, Alfred, Esq., per Messrs. Tiffany, 221, Regent Street, W. 
Mitchell, Wm., Esq., c/o Union Bank of Scotland, Holburn Branch, Aberdeen. 
Monson, The Rt. Hon. Lord, C.V.O., Marlborough Club, S.W. 
Morel, E. D., Esq., 9, Kirby Park, West Kirby, Cheshire. 
Moreno, Dr. Francisco J., c/o Argentine Legation, 16, Kensington Palace 

Gardens, W. 
Morgan, Edward Delmar, Esq., 16, Roland Gardens, South Kensington, S.W. 
Morris, Henry C. Low, Esq., M.D., Gothic Cottage, Bognor, Sussex. 
Morris, Mowbray, Esq., 59a, Brook Street, Grosvenor Square, W. 
Morrison, George E., Esq., M.D., F.R.G.S., Times Correspondent, Peking. 
Moxon, A. E., Esq., c/o Mrs. Gough, The Lodge, Sculdern, near Banbury. 
Mukhopadhyay, The Hon. Dr. Asutosh, M.A., LL.D., 77, Russa Road North, 

Bhowanipore, Calcutta. 
Munich Royal Library, per Messrs. Asher and Co., 13, Bedford Street, W.C. 
Murray, Hon. Charles Gideon, c/o Bachelors' Club, 7, Hamilton Place, W. 



Nathan, H. E., Major Matthew, C.M.G., R.E., 11, Pembridge Square, W, 

Naval and Military Club, 94, Piccadilly, W. 

Netherlands, Geographical Society of the, per Mr. David Nutt, 67, Long Acre. 
W.C. 

Newberry Library, The, Chicago, 111., U.S.A., per Messrs. B. F. Stevens and 
Brown, 4, Trafalgar Square, W.C. 

Newcastle-upon-Tyne Literary and Philosophical Society, WestgateRoad, New- 
castle on-Tyne. 

Newcastle-upon-Tyne Public Library, New Bridge Street, Newca8tleK>n*l^e. 

New London Public Library, Coun., U.S.A. 




I-^^hS" 



21 

New York Athletic Club, Central Park, South, New York (John C. Gulick, 

Esq., chah'man of Library Committee). 
New York Public Library, per Messrs. B. F. Stevens and Brown, 4, Trafalgar 

Square, W.C. 
New York State Library, per Mr. G. E. Stechert, 2, Star-yard, Carey St., W.C. 
New York Yacht Club (Library Committee), 67, Madison Avenue, New York 

City, U.S.A. 
New Zealand, Agent-General for, per Messrs. Sotheran and Co., 140, Strand, 

W.C. 
Nicholson, Sir Charles, Bart., D.C.L., The Grange, Totteridge, Herts. 
Nijhoff, M., per Mr. David Nutt, 67, Long Acre, W.C. 

North Adams Public Library, Massachusetts, U.S.A. [Station. 

Northbrook, The Right Hon. the Earl of, G.C.S.I., Stratton, Micheldever 
Northumberland, His Grace the Duke of, K.G., c/o J. C. Hodgson, Esq., 

Alnwick Castle. 
Nottingham Public Library (J. P. Briscoe, Esq., Librarian). 

Omaha Public Library, Nebraska, U.S.A. 

Ommanney, Admiral Sir Erasmus, C.B., F.R.S., 29, Connaught Square, Hyde 

Park, W. 
Oriental Club, Hanover Square, W. 

Palmella, His Grace the Duke of, Lisbon. 

Parish, Frank, Esq., 6, Gloucester Square, Hyde Park, W. 

Parlett, Harold George, Esq., British Legation, Tokio, Japan. 

Parry, Commdr. J. F. S., R.N., 45, Kensington Mansions, Earl's Court. S.W. 

Payne, Edward John, Esq., 2, Stone Buildings, Lincoln's Inn, W.C. 

Peabody Institute, Baltimore, U.S.A., per Messrs. E. G. Allen and Murray, 

28, Henrietta Street, W.C. 
Peckover, Alexander, Esq., Bank House, Wisbech. 
Peech, W. H., Esq., St. Stephen's Club, Westminster, S.W. 
Peek, Sir Wilfred, Bart., c/o Mr. Grover, Rousdon, Lyme Regis. 
Peixoto, Dr. J. Rodriguea, 8, Rue Almte. Comandar^, Rio de Janeiro. 
Pequot Library, Southport, Conn., U.S.A. 
Percival, H. M., Esq., 14, Park Street, Calcutta. 

Petherick, Edward Augustus, Esq., 85, Hopton Road, Streatham, S.W. 
Philadelphia Free Library, Pa., U.S.A., per Mr. G. E. Stechert, 2, Star Yard, 

W.C. 
Philadelphia, Library Company of, U.S.A., per Messrs. E, G. Allen and Murray, 

28, Henrietta Street, W.C. 
Plymouth Proprietary Library, Cornwall Street, Plymouth. (J. Brooking- 

Rowe, Esq., Hon. Sec.) 
Poor, Frank B., Esq., 160, Broadway, New York, U.S.A. 
Poor, Henry William, Esq., 91, Clinton Place, New York City, U.S.A., per 

Messrs. Alex. Denham and Co., 109, Southampton Row, W.C. 
Portico Library, 57, Mosley Street, Manchester. 
Pretoria Government Library, Pretoria, Transvaal, South Africa, per Mudie's 

Select Library, Ltd., 30 to 34, New Oxford Street, W.C. 
Pringle, Arthur T., Esq., c/o Messrs. G. W. Wheatley and Co., 10, Queen Street, 

E.C. 

Quaritch, Mr. Bernard, 16, Piccadilly, W. (12 copies). 

Rabbits, William Thomas, Esq., 6, Cadogan Gardens, S.W. 

Raffles Library, Singapore, per Messrs. Jones and Evans, Ltd., 77, Queen St., 

E.C. 
Ravenstein, Ernest Gteorge, Esq., 2, York Mansions, Battersea Park, S.W, 
Reform Club, Pall Mall, S.W. 



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22 

Reggio, Andr6 C, Esq., c/o Meisrs. Baring Brog. and Co., 8, Biihopggate St., 

Within, E.C. 
Rhodes, Josiah, Elsq., The Elms, Lytham, Lancashire. 
Richards, Admiral Sir F. "W., G.O.B., 13, Great Russell Mansions, W.G. 
Riggs, E. F., Esq., 1811, Mass. Avenue, Washington, D.C., U.S.A. 
Riugwalt, John S., Jun., Esq., Mt. Vernon, Knox County, Ohio, U.S.A. 
Rittenhouse Club, 1811, Walnut Street, Philadelphia, U.S.A. 
Rockhill, H.E. the Hon. W. W., Department of State, Washington, D.C., U.S.A. 
Rodd, Sir Rennell, C.B., K.C.M.G.,c/o Foreign Office, Downing Street, S.W. 
Rohrscheid and Ebbecke, Herrn, Strauss'sche Buchbandlung, Bonn. 
Rose, Charles Day, Esq., Salisbury House, London Wall, E.G. 
Roilenheim, Herman, Esq., 62, Fitzjohns Avenue, N.W. 
Royal Artillery Institute, Woolwich. 
Royal Colonial Institute, Northumberland Avenue, W.G. 
Royal Engineers' Institute, Chatham. 

Royal Geographical Society, 1, Savile Row, W. (copies presented). 
Royal Scottish Geographical Society, Edinburgh (Jas. Burgess, Esq., LL.D., 

C.I.E., Librarian). 
Royal Societies Club, St. James's Street, S.W. 
Royal United Service Institution, Whitehall, S.W. 
Runciman, Walter, Jr., Esq., West Denton Hall, Scotswood-on-Tyne. 
Russell, Lady Arthur, 2, Audley Square, W. 

Ey& ii^-'m^n^luX.. }^'^^"^' Woodwarde Road, East Dulwich S.R. 

St. Andrew's University, St. Andrews, N.B. 

St. Deiniol's Library, Ha warden (Rev. G. C. Joyce, Librarian). 

St. John's, N. B., Canada, Free Public Library (J. R. Ruel, Esq., Chairman). 

St. Louis Mercantile Library, per Mr. G. E. Stechert, 2, Star Yard, W.C. 

St. Martin's-in-the-Fields Free Public Library, lir», St. Martin's Lane, W.C. 

St. Petersburg University Library, per Messrs. Kegan Paul and Co., Ltd., 

Paternoster House, Cliaring Cross Road, W.C. 
St. Wladimir University, Kief, per Messrs. Sotheran and Co., 140, Strand, 

W.C. 
Sanford, Charles Henry, Esq., 102, Eaton Square, S.W. 
San Francisco Public Library, per Mr. G. E. Stechert, 2, Star Yard, W.C. 
Satow, H. E. Sir Ernest Mason, K.C.M.G., British Legation, Peking. 
Saunders, Howard, Esq., 7, Radnor Place, Gloucester Square, W. 
Saxe CoBnaa and Gotha, H.R.H. the Duchess of, Clarence House, St. 

James's, S. W. 
Schwartz, J. L., Esq., P.O. Box 694, Pittsburg, Pa. 
Sclater, Dr. W. L., South African Museum, Cape of Good Hope. 
Seawanhaka Corinthian Yacht Club, 7, East 32nd Street, New York, U.S.A. 
Seymour, Admiral Sir Edward H., G.C.B., 9, Ovington Square, S.W. 
Sheffield Free Public Libraries (Samuel Smith, Esq., Librarian). 
Shields, Cuthbert, Esq., Corpus Christi College, Oxford. 
Signet Library, Edinburgh (Thos. G. Law, Esq., Librarian). 
Silver, Stephen William, Esq., 8, York Gate, Regent's Park, N.W. 
Sinclair, Mrs. W. Frederic, 102, Cheyne Walk, Chelsea. 
Smith, Frederick A., Esq., Thomcliff, Shoot- up-Hill, Kilbum, N.W. 
Smithers, F.O., Esq., F.R.G.S., Dashwood House, 9, New Broad Street, E.G. 
Sneddon, George T., Esq., 8, Merry Street, Motherwell. 
Society Geografica Italiana, Rome. 
Soci^t^ de Geographic, Paris, per Mr. L. Arnould, Royal Mint Refinery, Royal 

Mint Street, E.G. 
Sotheran and Co., Messrs., 140, Strand, W.C. 
Soulsby, Basil Harrington, Esq., Map Rroom, British Museum, W.C. 
South African Public Library, per Messrs. H. S. King and Co., 65, Comhill, 

E.G. 



23 

Southam, Herbert R. H., Esq., F.S.A., Innellan, Sutton Road, Shrewsbury. 

Springfield City Library Association, Mass., U.S.A. 

Stairs, James W., Esq., c/o Messrs. Stairs, Son and Morrow, Halifax, Nova Scotia. 

Stanley, Right Hon. Lord, of Alderley, 15, Qrosvenor-gardens, S.W. 

Stephens, Henry C, Esq., M.P., Cholderton, Salisbury. 

Stevens, J. Tyler, Esq., Park Street, Lowell, Mass., U.S.A. 

Stevens, Son, and Stiles, Messrs., 39, Great Russell Street, W.C. 

Stockholm, Royal Library of, per Messrs. Sampson Low, and Co., Ltd., St. 

Dunstan's House, Fetter Lane, E.C. 
Stockton Public Library, per Messrs. Sotheran and Co., 140, Strand, W.C. 
Strachey, Lady, 69, Lancaster-gate, Hyde Park, W. 
Stringer, G. A., Esq,, 248, Georgia Street, Buffalo, N.Y., U.S.A. 
Stubbs, Captain Edward, R.N., 13, Greenfield Road, Stoneycroft, Liverpool. 
Sydney Free Library, New South Wales, per Mr. Young J. Pentland, 38, West 

Smithfield, E.C. 
Sykes, Major P. Moles worth, H.M.^s Consul at Kerman, Persia, vid Teheran. 

Tangye, Richard Trevithick G., Esq., Coombe Ridge, Kingston-on-Thames. 
Tate, G. P., Esq., c/o Messrs. W. Watson and Co., Karachi, India. 
Taylor, Captain William Robert, 1, Daysbrook Road, Streatham Hill, S.W. 
Temple, Lieut.-Col. Richard Camac, C.I.E., per Messrs. Kegan Paul and 

Co., Ltd., Paternoster House, Charing Cross Road, W.C. 
Thomson, Basil, Esq., Governor's House, H.M. 's Prison, Princetown, S.Devon. 
Tighe, Walter Stuart, Coolmoney, Stratford-on-Slaney, Co. Wicklow. 



Toronto Public Library. " 
Toronto University. 
Travellers' Club, 106, Pal 



per Messrs. C. D. Cazenove and Son, 26, Henrietta 

Street, W.C. 
1 Mall, S.W. 
Trinder, Arnold, Esq., The Hollies, Rydens Road, Walton-on-Thames. 
Trinder, Henry Wm., Esq., Northbrook House, Bishops Waltham, Hants. 
Trinder, Oliver Jones, Esq., Mount Vernon, Caterham, Surrey. 
Trinity College, Cambridge, c/o Messrs. Deighton, Bell and Co., per Sutton. 
Trinity House, The Hon. Corporation of. Tower Hill, E.C. 
Troop, W. H., Esq., c/o Messrs. Black Bros, and Co., Halifax, Nova Scotia. 
Trotter, Coutts, Esq., Athenaeum Club. Pall Mall, S.W. 
TurnbuU, Alex. H., Esq., 7, St. Helen's Place, Biahopsgate Street, E.C. 
Tweedy, Arthur H., Esq., Widmore Lodge, Bickley Road, Bromley, Kent. 

Union League Club, Broad-street, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S. A. 

Union Society, Oxford. 

United States Congress, Library of, Washington, D.C., U.S.A., per Messrs. E. 

G. Allen and Murray, 28, Henrietta Street, W.C- 
Uuited States National Museum (Library of), Washington, D.C., U.S.A. 

per Messrs. W. Wesley and Son, 28, Essex Street, W. C. 
United States Naval Academy Library, Washington, D.C., U.S.A., per Messrs. 

B. F. Stevens and Brown. 4, Trafalgar Square, W.C. 
University of London, per Messrs. Sotheran and Co., 37, Piccadilly, W. 
Upsala University Library, per C. J. Lundstrum, Upsala, Sweden. 

Van Raalte, Charles, Esq., Brownsea Island, Poole, Dorset. 

Vernon, Roland Venables, Esq., Colonial Office, S.W. 

Vienna Imperial Library, per Messrs. Asherand Co., 13, Bedford Street, W.C. 

Vignaud, Henry, Esq., Ambassade des Etats Unis, 18, Avenue Kleber, Paris. 

Warren, William R., Esq., 81, Fulton -street, New York City, U.S.A. 
Washington, Department of State, D.C., U.S.A., per Messrs. B. F. Stevens 
and Brown, 4, Trafalgar Square, W.C.