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T R E A T I S H.,^
CHURCH OF
I LIBRARY. I
DESIGNED CHIEFLY
FOR THE USE OF STUDENTS IN THEOLOGY.
REV. WILLIAM PALMER, M.A.
OF WORCESTER COLLEGE, OXFORD.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR J. G. & F. RIVINGTON,
ST. PAUL'S CHURCH YARD,
AND WATERLOO PLACE, PALL MALL.
1838.
London -.
Gii-nF.:iT & lliviNGTON, Printers,
St. John's-Square.
n\
b
CORRIGENDA.
VOL. I.
Page 1 14, line 35, note, for Bossuet, t. i. p. 58, read Bossuet, GaUia Orthodoxa,
-200, — 3, for are read even. [s. xvii.
261, — 22, for more read men.
282, — 11. /o'' probable rend possible.
312, — 26, for eight read nine.
330, — 14, /or cliart^ed rcac/ changed.
332, — 17, '/or circumspection ?-fw/ circumscription.
VOL. II.
Page 26, — 10, cAitrc/j dele to o-race.
37, — 24, /or too rertrf to.
61, — 34, note, for True read Free.
171, — 12,/or680rtw/630.
— 259, — 32, note, for ecclesia read ecclesia?.
439, — 20, for immediate read intermediate.
By the same Author,
ORIGINES LITURGIC^:
Or, Antiquities of the English Ritual, and a Dissertation on
Primitive Liturgies.
In two Volumes. Second Edition.
CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
PART III.
ON SCRIPTURE AND TRADITION.
PAGE
CHAPTER I. On the Perfection of Scripture 3
Objections 22
CHAPTER n. On Deductions from Scripture .... .33
Objections 42
CHAPTER HI. On the Doctrinal Tradition of the Church ... 44
CHAPTER IV. On Traditions of Rites and Discipline .... 64
Sect. i. The Mode in which all things lawful are contained in
Scripture ibid.
Sect. ii. On the Means of discriminating variable from invari-
able Rites 70
Objections 73
CHAPTER V. On the Office of the Church in relation to Faith . 76
CHAPTER VI. On the alleged Necessity of Examination as a
Foundation of Faith 88
Objections 89
a2
IV CONTENTS.
PART IV.
ON TUE AUTHOUITY OF THE CHURCH IN MATTEKS OV FAITH AND
DISCIPLINE.
PAGK
Introduction 95
CHAPTER I. The Church is a Judge in ReUgious Controversies . 96
CHAPTER II. On the Modes of EcclesiasticalJudgments . . .102
CHAPTER III. On the Conditions of Ecclesiastical Judgments . 106
CHAPTER IV. On the Authority of Judgments of the Universal
Church 109
Objections 125
CHAPTER V. On the Notion of a perpetual Tribunal in the Church 1 33
CHAPTER VI. On the Distinction between Ecclesiastical Judg-
ments and Traditions, and mere common Opinions . . .13^^
Objections 147
CHAPTER VII. On the Nature and Authority of (Ecumenical
Synods 150
Sect. i. The infallibility of a general Synod, lawfully celebrated,
and confirmed by the Roman Pontiff alone, is only a matter
of opinion in the Roman Churches 152
Sect. ii. A general Synod confirmed by the Roman Pontiff", has
not, without the consent of the universal Church, any irre-
fragable Authority 156
Objections 158
CHAPTER VIII. General Remarks on the Decrees of Synods . . 166
CHAPTER IX. On the six (Ecumenical Synods 171
Sect. I. The Synod of Nice 173
Sect. II. The first Synod of Constantinople 177
Sect. III. The Synod of Ephesus 180
Sect. iv. The Synod of Chalcedon 184
Sect. v. The second Synod of Constantinople 186
Sect. VI. The third Synod of Constantinople 187
CHAPTER X. Councils improperly styled oecumenical, held before
A. D. 1054 180
CONTENTS. V
PAGli
Sect. i. The Synod of Sardica ibid.
Sect. II. The Synod of Ariminum, and Arianism 190
Objections 197
Sect. III. The Latrocinium of Ephesus 199
Sect. iv. The Synods of Constantinople and Nice in the question
of Images 200
Sect. v. The Synods of Constantinople in the cause of Photius 214
CHAPTER XI. Councils of the Western Church after a.d. 1054,
improperly termed oecumenical 216
Sect. i. The first, second, and third Lateran Synods . . . .ibid.
Sect. ii. The fourth Lateran Synod 219
Sect. hi. The Synods at Lyons and Vienne 226
Sect. iv. The Synods of Pisa and Constance 229
Sect. v. The Synods of Basle, Florence, and Lateran .... 234
CHAPTER XII. The Synod of Trent 237
CHAPTER XIII. On the authority of particular Synods, and of
the Roman Pontiffs in Controversies 250
Sect. I. Of particular Synods ibid.
Sect. II. The authority of Papal and Patriarchal Decrees . . 257
CHAFFER XIV. On the Articles of the Synod of London, 1562 .258
Sect. I. On the nature of the Articles 261
Sect. ii. On the right of the Church to demand adhesion to the
Articles 264
Sect. III. On the Interpretation of the Articles 281
Sect. IV. On Subscription to the Articles 285
CHAFPER XV. On the Authority of the Church concerning Dis-
cipline and Rites 290
CHAPTER XVI. On the Exercise and Sanctions of Ecclesiastical
Discipline 294
Sect. I. On Ecclesiastical Tribunals ibid.
Sect. ii. On Ecclesiastical Censures 297
Sect. hi. On Penitence and Absolution 300
Sect. iv. On Censures of Churches by other Churches . . . 302
Objections 303
CHAPTER XVII. On the powers of Universities in Theological
Questions 304
10
VI CONTENTS.
PART V.
ON THE RELATIONS OF CHURCH AND STATE.
PAGE
Introduction 311
CHAPTER I. On the original Independence of Church and State . 314
CHAPTER II. The Right and Duty of the State to protect the true
ReUgion 317
CHAPTER III. On the Extent and Nature of the Protection af-
forded by the Ci\al Magistrate to the Church 323
CHAPTER IV. On the Temporal EstabUshment of the Church . 327
CHAPTER V, On the duty of the Sovereign to defend the Chris-
tian Faith and Discipline 331
CHAPTER VI. On the Ecclesiastical Supremacy of the Christian
Sovereign 340
Appendix i. On the Expulsion of Bishops by the Temporal
Power 347
II. On Nomination to Bishoprics, and on Synods and
Convocations 352
CHAPTER VII. Certain Difficulties solved 361
CHAPTER VIII. On Toleration 363
Objections 366
PART VI.
ON THE SACRED MINISTRY.
CHAPTER I. On the Episcopate 373
Objections 392
CHAPTER II. On the Presbyterate 396
CHAPTER III. On the Diaconate 404
Appendix On the minor Orders 409
CHAPTER IV. On the Minister of Ordination 410
Objections 417
CHAPTER V. On the number of Bishops requisite to ordain . . 422
Objections 425
CONTENTS. Vll
PAGE
CHAPTER VI. On Reordinations 429
CHAPTER Vn. On the Subjects of Ordination 437
CHAPTER Vni. On the Sacrament of Ordination 440
CHAPTER IX. On the Celibacy of the Clergy 444
Objections 448
CHAPTER X. On the Vahdity of the English Ordinations . . .450
Objections 459
CHAPTER XI. On Romish Ordinations 468
PART VII.
ON THE ROMAN PONTIFF.
CHAPITER I. On the Pre-eminence of St. Peter 477
Objections 492
CHAPTER II. On the Duration of St. Peter's Pre-eminence . .493
CHAPTER III. On the origin of the Pre-eminence of the Roman
church 497
CHAPTER IV. The Roman Pontiff has not, jure divino, any ordi-
nary Jurisdiction over the Universal Church 506
Sect. I. The Roman Bishop has not, y«re c^mwo, any ordinary
Jurisdiction over the Clergy and People of other Bishops . ibid.
Sect. ii. The Roman Bishop has not, jure divino, any ordinary
Jurisdiction over other Bishops 508
Objections 518
CHAPTER V. On other pretended Privileges of the Roman See . 521
Sect. I. On the doctrine of the Papal Infallibility 525
Objections 527
Sect. ii. On the Roman Centre of Unity 528
Objections 533
CHAPTER VI. On the legitimate Authority of the Roman See . 535
CHAPTER VII. On the Patriarchate of Rome 538
Objections 543
CHAPTER VIII. On the Progress of the Power of the Roman
Pontiff 547
A TREATISE ON THE CHURCH OF CHRIST.
PART III.
ON SCRIITURE AND TRADITION.
VOL. II.'
'■' "- .i- i... "i, .:''
A TREATISE
THE CHURCH OF CHRIST.
COI..COLL.
LIBRARY.
PART III.-CII^PTEB^I.^.^j^j^^
ON THE PERFECTION OF ^^^^-"^^^^
In the preceding portion of this work, I have endea-
voured to establish and to apply briefly, the general
principles which enable us to discriminate the true
church of Christ from all other societies calling them-
selves Christian. I now proceed to consider the rules
by which the doctrines of Revelation may be ascer-
tained, and to this end, shall treat in this Part on the
perfection of holy scripture, on the use of tradition,
and on the office of the church in relation to both ;
reserving for the next Part, the consideration of another
and a briefer mode of proving Christian doctrine,
from the authoritative judgments of the church uni-
versal.
The genuineness, authenticity, and inspiration of
scripture, are proved by the same arguments against
infidels and deists by all believers : but when we pro-
ceed further to establish the perfection of scripture,
and its adaptation to the determination of Christian
B 2
4 Perfection of Scripture. [part hi.
doctrine, we are at once involved in controversy with
various sects. Tlie doctrine which I am about to main-
tain, is that of the sixth Article approved by the
English synods in 1562 and 1571.
" Holy scripture containeth all things necessary to
salvation : so that whatsoever is not read therein, nor
may be proved thereby, is not to be required of any
man, that it should be believed as an article of the
Faith, or be thought requisite or necessary to sal-
vation."
The first assertion of this Article is, that holy scrip-
ture containeth " all things necessary to salvation," or,
as the context explains it, " all things which are to be
believed as articles of faith, or thought necessary to
salvation" — i. e. all the Revelation of God to us, con-
cerning faith and morality. This will be proved in the
present chapter. We may also infer from the M'ording
of the Article, that what is " proved by" holy scripture,
may be as much an article of faith as what is expressly
" read therein." This will form the subject of the next
chapter. It should be observed further, that the Article
does not affirm that scripture contains all that is true,
and Imiful, as well as every " article of faith" or every
doctrine " necessary to salvation." Nor does it affirm,
that men ought not tobe required to acknowledge certain
truths which are not matters of faith, if such truths are
not required as matters of faith, but as truths simply.
Hence the church of England may, quite consistently
with the doctrine of this Article, for good reasons oblige
her ministers to profess, not merely doctrines' of the
faith, but historical truths, theological verities, pious
and probable opinions.
To the doctrine that scripture contains all articles
of faith, which we maintain against Roman theolo-
CHAP. 1.3 Inspiration of Scripture. 5
gians% it has been objected in limine, that one at
least of the most important articles of faith, namely,
the inspiration and canonicity of several books of scrip-
ture, is not proved to us by scripture itself, but by the
tradition of the church ^ It may be alleged, that our
own theologians confess this. Hooker says : " Of things
necessary, the very chiefest is to know what books we
are to esteem holy, which point is confessed impossible
for the scripture itself to teach. ... It is not the word
of God which doth or possibly can assure us that we
do well to think it is his word," &c. He attributes to
the church the first proof of the canonicity of scripture ".
Whitaker acknowledges it is proved by the ecclesi-
astical tradition '^. Laud ^ Field \ Chillingworth ^, and
several other theologians acknowledge the same.
Hence it is argued by our adversaries, that the assertion
of the Article is at once overthrown, because it is ad-
mitted that there is at least one essential article of
faith which is not to be proved from scripture.
I reply, that the Article only means to assert that all
doctrines actually revealed by God are to be found in
scripture, but there is no necessity to suppose that the in-
spiration of any particular book was the subject of actual
^ Stapleton, Principiorum Fid. de Eccl. torn. i. p. 299 ; De la
Demonstr, Methodica, Controv. Luzerne, Dissert, sur les Eglises
vii. lib.xii ; Bellarmin. De Verbo Cath. et Prot. t. i. p. 15 ; Milner,
Dei scripto et non scripto ; Mel- end of Controversy, p. G9, &c.
cliior Canus, Loci Theologici, lib. 106.
iii ; De la Luzerne, Dissert, sur "^ Hooker's Works, vol. i. p.
les Eglises Cath. et Prot. t. i. p. 335. 475. Ed. Keble.
321 ; Delahogue, Tract. De Ec- ^ Whitakerus adv. Stapleton,
clesia, Appendix de Tradit. lib. ii. c. 4, 5.
" Collet, Institut. Theol. Scho- ' Conference with Fisher, s. 16.
last. t. i. p. 29, 30 ; Dela- p. 75.
hogue, De Ecclesia, Appendix de ^ Field, Of the Church, book
Traditione; Bouvier,Tract.devera iv. c. 20.
Eccl. p. 15 ; Trevern, Discussion ^ Chillingworth, Relig. of Prot.
Amic. t. i. let. iv ; Bailly, Tract, chap. ii. sect. 25.
6 Perfection of Scripture. [part hi.
revelation, because it would have been sufficiently evi-
dent when the inspiration of its Author wsl^ proved \
What the apostles and evangelists wrote, cannot but be
the word of Him who invested them with miraculous
powers. Hence the inspiration of each book of scrip-
ture follows on its genuineness being established, and
we need not suppose that any special revelation was
necessary to prove that inspiration, any more than to
prove the genuineness and authenticity of scripture,
the truth of the miracles, the integrity and freedom
from imposture of our Saviour and the apostles.
I. There are four customary modes of proving that
scripture " containeth all things necessary to salvation."
From the nature and end of scripture ; from the ge-
neral sentiment of Christians ; from the inadequacy of
oral tradition ; and from the scripture itself. These I
shall consider successively.
It has been contended by the majority of Roman
theologians in modern times, that only a part of the
word of God is contained in scripture, and that the re-
mainder has been handed down by unwritten tradition ;
whence they conclude that it is lawful to require the
belief in certain doctrines as articles of faith, which are
not mentioned in scripture. In opposition to this
principle I argue thus, from theological reasons : —
1. It is an article of faith even in the Roman obe-
dience, that scripture is the word of God, and that it
was written by His authority. The Synod of Trent
" receives all the books of the Old and New Testa-
ment, because one God is the author of both '." To
'' Van Mildert, Boyle Lectures, perspiciensque hanc veritatem et
vol. ii. p. 400, 401. disciplinam (evangelii) contineri
' " Sacrosancta, oecumenica, et in libris scriptis, et sine scripto
•Tcneralis Tritlentina S ynodus .. . traditionibus,quoeabipsiusChristi
CHAP. I.] Perfection of Scripture, 7
suppose, indeed, that the scriptures could have been
written without the will of God, and yet that the church
in all ages should regard them as standards of faith,
would be altogether inconsistent with the promise of
Christ to be always with his church, and to send it the
Spirit of truth for ever. A circumstance so deeply af-
fecting the whole people of God, could not have oc-
curred without the Divine will. Scripture then was
written not casually or by the momentary impulse of
the apostles and evangelists, however apparently it may
have been so : it was really the decree of God which
caused it to be written. This should be remembered
by those who are so rash as to argue from the appa-
rently casual origin of some books of scripture, that it
was not designed to be a standard of faith K
Now, I would ask of our opponents, for what conceiv-
able end could scripture have been written by the will
of God, except for that of preserving those doctrines of
Revelation which were to be in all future ages believed
by men ? They prove that scripture was not designed
to be a judge in controversy, that it was not calculated
to teach the Gospel ^ They show abundantly that he-
ore ab apostolis acceptae, aut ab ' Trevern, Discussion Amicale,
ipsis apostolis, Spiritu Sancto die- t. i. p. 180, &c. Milner, End
tante, quasi per manus traditae ad of Controversy, p. 56. 82. These
nos usque pervenerunt ; ortho- and other writers assert that
doxorum patrum exempla secuta, Christ gave no command to his
omnes libros tarn Veteris quam apostles to write the Gospel . . .
Novi Testamenti, cum utriusque a proposition which, in a sense
unus Deus sit auctor, nee non very derivable from their use of
traditiones ipsas, turn ad fidem it, is heretical. The irreverent
turn ad mores pertinentes, tan- mode of argument occasionally
quam vel oretenus a Christo vel employed by Romanists in op-
a Spiritu Sancto dictatas, et con- posing the exaggerated views of
tinua successione in ecclesia ca- some of their opponents as to the
tholica conservatas, pari pietatis sufficiency of Scripture, cannot
afFectu ac reverentia suscipit et be too strongly censured,
veneratur." — Sess. iv. See Perce- "^ Tournely, Prselect. Theol.
val on the Roman Schism, p. 159. de Eccl. Christi, t. i. p. 28], &c. ;
8 Perfection of Scripture. [part hi.
retics have made an evil use of it, and pretended to
confirm their errors by its vrords '. The question then
recurs with still greater force : Why did God cause the
scripture to be written ? It was evidently for the pur-
pose of preserving an authentic record of his Reve-
lation. But if so, the whole Revelation of God must be
contained in scripture, because otherwise it would ac-
complish only partially and imperfectly the end of its
creation. If a legislator desires to commit his laws to
writing, in order that an authentic record of them may
remain to all future times, it is not to be suj^posed that
he will omit a portion of them. He will indeed pro-
vide some mode of interpreting and executing those
laws : but he will not designedly leave any portion of
them out of the record,
2. If tradition alone is supj)osed to convey some ar-
ticles of the Christian faith, I ask, why does it not
convey allf Why were not the inconveniences, which
you allege to arise from the existence of scripture,
avoided ? If you reply that scripture was designed to
afford a greater evidence to Christian truths, then you
admit that doctrines supported by scripture as well as
tradition have more evidence, are more certain, than
those supported by tradition only; and therefore that
God meant to establish a distinction between the ne-
cessity of those doctrines. For surely it is in the
highest degree improbable, that doctrines equally ne-
cessary should be left with totally unequal evidence,
that some articles of the faith should be delivered by
Bailly, Tract, de Eccl. Chr. t. i. ' Milner, End of Controv. let.
p. 294, &c. ; De la Luzerne, Dis- viii ; De la Luzerne, Dissert, sur
sert. sur les Eglises Cath. et les Eglises Cath. et Prot. i. 20 —
Prot. t. i. p. 25; Collet, Theo- 25 ; Delahogiie, p. 90.— Melchior
logia Scholast. t. ii. p. 499. Canus, De Loc. Theol. 1. iii. c. 2.
CHAP. I.] Perfection of Scripture. 9
scripture as well as tradition, and others by tradition
only. Such a mode of proceeding M'ould seem incon-
sistent witli the order, the uniformity, the harmony,
nay, the equity of the Divine proceedings. If indeed
it could be proved directly that God had so ordered his
Revelation, we should firmly believe that He had secret
purposes, to the accomplishment of which these appa-
rent irregularities were all conducive : but in the ab-
sence of such direct proof, we must conclude in favour
of the doctrine of the sixth Article, which asserts the
completeness of scripture for the very end for which
it was written, and which supposes the whole of re-
vealed truth to be supported by an uniform and equal
authority. All articles of faith, according to the Anglo-
catholic doctrine, are proved by scripture, and by a
universal tradition establishing the right interpretation,
and corroborating the testimony of scripture. This is
certainly a much more reasonable system, and much
more probable in the abstract, than that which imagines
that God would have left some of his Revelation to be
proved from tradition only.
3. If tradition alone had been perfectly sufficient for
the conveyance of Christian doctrine in all ages ™, it is
not to be supposed that scripture would have been
written at all; because there is no superfluity in the
works of God. His means are always adequate to their
ends, but they are never expended unnecessarily.
Hence, from the existence of scripture, we may infer
that tradition alone was insufl[icient for the preservation
of Christian doctrine in the catholic church in all ages.
™ " The Christian doctrine and church, though the Scriptures had
discipline might have been pro- not been composed; however pro-
pagated and preserved by the fitable these most certainly are,"
unwritten word, or tradition, &c. — Milner, End of Controv.
joined with the authority of the let. x.
10 Perfection of Scripture. [part hi.
Nor can this argument be retorted on us, because we
admit the necessity of both scripture and tradition to
prove every article of faith, and therefore tradition is
not superfluous.
4. Scripture comprises some things that are not es-
sentials of religion. It mentions several rites and regu-
lations such as washing of feet, the kiss of peace, the
prohibition of long hair, &c. which are acknowledged
now to be non-essential. How improbable is it that
God should permit such things to be introduced in his
word, while he willed that some articles of the faith
should not be found there.
II. From the general persuasion of Christians.
I claim the whole weight of authority in favour of the
doctrine of the sixth Article. That doctrine was gene-
rally held by the fathers and the schoolmen, and it is
even more consistent with the doctrine of the Roman
church, than the opinion to which it is opposed.
It was the doctrine of the Egyptian churches that the
scripture contains all the articles of the faith. Origen
says : " In the two testaments every word that ap-
pertaineth unto God may be sought and discussed, and
out of them all knowledge of things may be under-
stood. And if any thing remains which holy scripture
does not determine, no other third scripture ought to
be received to authorize any knowledge, but we must
commit to the fire what remains, that is, reserve it unto
God "." Athanasius : " The holy and divinely inspired
" " In hoc biduo puto duo tes- quod non divina scriptura de-
tamenta posse intelligi, in quibus cernat, nullam aliam tertiam
liceat omne verbum quod ad De- scripturam deberead auctoritatem
urn pertinet (hoc enim est sacri- scientise suscipi . . . sed igni tra-
ficium) requiri et discuti, atque damus quod superest, id est Deo
ex ipsis omnem rerum scientiam reservemus." — Orig. Horn. v. in
capi. Si quidautem superfuerit, Levit. t. ii. p. 212. ed. Bened.
CHAP. I.] Perfection of Scripture taught by the Church. 1 1
scriptures are sufficient of themselves to the discovery
of truth °." Theophilus of Alexandria : " It is an instinct
of the Devil to follow the sophisms of human minds,
and to think any thing divine without the authority of
the scriptures p." Cyril of Alexandria : " That which
the holy scripture hath not said, by what means should
we receive and account it among those things that be
true "" ?"
The doctrine of the Oriental churches was the same.
Basil says : " Believe those things which are written ;
the things which are not written seek not ^" " It is a
manifest falling from the faith, and an argument of ar-
rogancy, either to reject any point of those things that
are written, or to bring in any of those things that are
not written '." Gregory Nyssene : " Forasmuch as this
is upholden with no testimony of the scripture, we will
reject it as false ^" Cyril of Jerusalem : " Nothing at
all ought to be delivered concerning the Divine and
holy mysteries of faith without the holy scriptures ".''
Chrysostom : " The scripture, like unto a safe door,
° AvrapKEiQ fxky yap tiaiv al fit) jEypafifiiva jj,)) ^iitel. — Horn,
ctytai Kui di()TzvtvaTOL ypncbai npog adv. Calumn. S. Trinit. — Oper, t.
Tijv TrJQ aXridtlag uTrayyeXiay. — ii, p. 611. ed. Ben.
Athanas. Adv. Gent. t. i. op. p. 1. ^ (^areph 'iicirTUJfng Triarewc /cat
P " Ignorans (Origenes) quod vTrfpr/^avtac Kar-qyopia, y adere'ty
dsemoniaci spiritus esset in- n tCjv ytypafxfiivwv, i) eTreiaayeiy
stinctus, sophismata humanarum rwv fxt) yeypafinivuv. — Basil. De
mentium sequi, et aliquid extra Fide, c. 1. t. ii. p. 222.
scripturarum autlioritatem pu- '•" Cum id nullo scripturse tes-
tare divinum." — Theoph. Alex, timonio fultum sit, ut falsum im-
Epist. Pasch. ii. Bibl. Patr. 1G18. probabimus." — Lib. de Cognit.
t. iv. p. 716. Dei cit. ab Euthymio in Panoplia,
''"O yap ovK eipr]Ker j; dtlaypa- pars i. tit. viii. n. 4.
(j>t), riva Ct) rpoTroy 'Kapu.lti,6jxtQa, " Att yap irtpX rwy dtiwy Kai
Kal iv Toiq a\i]dwQ t-^ovcri kutciXo- ayiwy TiJQ iricrTewc fxvcrrripiwy, firjSe
ytoujU£0a; — Cyril. Alex. Glaphyr. to rv^^oy iiyev rwy deiwy Trapaci-
in Gen. lib. ii. p. 29. t. i. Oper. coaBaiypacptLy. — Cyril. Hierosol.
ed. 1638. Cat. iv. s. 56. ed. Milles.
■" ToTc yeypnfifxlyoiQ TTtareve, ra
12
Perfection of Scripture.
[part III.
doth bar an entrance unto heretics, placing us in se-
curity concerning all we desire, and not suffering us to
be deceived ''. . . Whosoever useth not the scriptures,
but cometh in otherwise, that is, betaketh himself .to
another and an unlawful way, he is a thief '\"
The doctrine of the Western churches was the same.
Irenseus says : " Read diligently the Gospel given unto
us by the apostles, and read diligently the prophets,
and you shall find every action and the whole doctrine,
and the whole passion of our Lord preached in them "."
Tertullian : " Whether all things were made of any
subject matter, I have, as yet, read no where. Let
those of Hermogenes' school show that it is written.
If it be not written, let them fear that woe which is
allotted to such as add or take away ^." Ambrose :
" I read that he is the first, I read that he is not the
second ; they who say he is the second, let them show
it by reading ^" Jerome : " As we deny not those
things that are written, so we refuse those things that
^ KaSctTTEp ydp nq dvpa dcrfa-
Xfjs, OVTWQ cnroKXeieiTolc alpeTiKoTg
Tr}v eicrocoy, iv acr^a\£(\t KaOiaruxra
r)}iaQ TcepL wv etc fiovKwfitda Trciy-
Twy, Kai ovK fui(ro TzXavaadai. —
Chrysost. Horn. lix. al. Iviii. in
Joh. t. viii. p. 346. ed. Ben.
"^ 'O yap /x/j 7-o7c ypn^atc XP*^"
fxtvoc, aXXa arajja'irwv aWaj^o-
Oiv' rnvTifxriv eTspav tavT<^ kol fir)
yei'O^KTiUEprji' TEfxywv vEoy' ovtoq
(cXtTrrjjc iariy. — Ibid.
" " Legite diligentius id quod
ab apostolis est evangelium nobis
datum, et legite diligentius Pro-
phetas, et invenietis universam
actionem, et omnem doctrinam,
et omnem passionem Domini
nostri prsedictum in ipsis." — Ire-
naeus, Adv. Haeres. lib. iv. c. 34.
ed. Ben.
y " Adoro Scripturag plenitu-
dinem qua mihi et factorem raani-
festat et facta. In evangelio vero
amplius et niinistrum atque ar-
bitrum factoris invenio sermonem.
An autera de aliqua subjacent!
materia facta sint omnia, nusquam
adhuc legi. Scriptum esse doceat
Hermogenis officina. Si non est
Scriptum, timeat Vae illud, adji-
cientibus aut detrahentibus desti-
natum." — Tertull. adv. Hermo-
gen. c. xxii.
^ " Lego quia primus est, lego
quia non est secundus. Illi qui
secundum aiunt, doceant lec-
tione " — Ambros. De Instit. Virg.
c. ii. t, ii. p. 265. ed. Ben.
ciiAP. I.] Perfection of Scripture tcniglit hy the Church. 13
are not written. That God was born of a virgin, we
believe, because we read it : tbat Mary did marry after
she was delivered, we do not believe, because we read
it not \" Augustine : " Whatsoever ye hear (from the
holy scriptures) let that savour well unto you : what-
soever is without them refuse ^" It would be super-
fluous to cite additional testimonies to the same truth
from Clemens Alexandrinus, Hippolytus, Cyprian,
Optatus, Hilary, Vincentius Lirinensis, Anastasius,
Prosper, Theodoret, Hilary, Antony, Benedict, Damas-
cenus, Theophylact, &c. which have been collected by
our writers ^
Nor was this merely the doctrine of the primitive
church. It was the doctrine of the most eminent theo-
logians in the middle ages. The learned Gerson says,
that " the scripture is delivered to us as a sufficient
and infallible rule for the government of the whole ec-
clesiastical body and its members to the end of the
world. So that it is such an art, such a rule or ex-
emplar, that any other doctrine which is not conform-
able to it, is to be renounced as heretical, or to be
accounted suspicious, or not at all appertaining to re-
ligion'^." Gregorius Ariminensis, speaking of "those
" " Ut haec quae scripta sunt <= See Usher's Answer to a Je-
non negamus, ita ea quag non suit, ch. ii ; Jer. Taylor's Dissua-
sunt scripta, renuimus. Natum sive, p. ii. b. i. s. ii ; Beverido-e
Deum esse de Virgine credimus, on XXXIX Articles ; Tillotson,
quia legimus. Mariam nupsisse Rule of Faith, at the end ; New-
post partum, non credimus, quia man on Romanism, lect. xiii ;
non legimus." — Hieron. adv. Gary, Testimonies of the Fathers
Helvid. Oper. t. iv. parsii. p. 141. to the XXXIX Articles (Art. vi.)
ed- Ken. ^ " Attendendum in examina-
^ " Quicquid inde audieritis, tione doctrinarum primo et prin-
hoc vobis bene sapiat : quicquid cipaliter, si doctrina sit conformis
extra est respuite. " — August. Sacrae Scripturoe .... quoniam
Sermo de Pastor, c. xi. t. v. Scriptura nobis tradita est tan-
P- 238. quam regula sufEciens et infalli-
14 Perfection of Scripture. [part hi.
things whereby the most wholesome faith that leadeth
to true happiness is begotten, nourished, defended, and
strengthened," says : " it is evident every such thing is
either expressly and in precise terms contained in holy
scripture, or is deduced from things so contained in it :
for otherwise the scripture should not be sufficient to
our salvation, and the defence of our faith, which is
contrary to S. Augustine," &c. " Scotus argues that
the scripture teaches what is the end of man, deter-
mines what is essential to that end, and explains the
nature of spiritual substances as far as is possible for
us. Hence " it is plain that holy scripture contains
sufficiently the doctrine necessary to a traveller through
this life V' The same doctrine is taught by Rupertus
Tuitensis, Ockham, Caraeracensis, Waldensis, the author
of the Destructorium vitiorum, Grosteste, Odo, De
Lyra, &;c. as our authors have proved ^. But I not only
claim the weight of traditional authority in confirmation
of the doctrine of the sixth Article, I claim the au-
thority of the synod of Trent in our favour. The doc-
trine of the church of England in this Article is more
conformable to the decree of that council, than is the
opposite opinion of Romish theologians. The synod
bilis, pro regimine totius ecclesi- lutem et nostrae defensionem fidei,
astici corporis et membrorum, &c. quod est contra August." —
usque in finem sseculi. Est igi- Greg. Arim. in Sent. Dist. i. qu.
tur talis ars, talis regula, vel ex- i. art. ii.
emplar, cui se non conformans ^ " Patet quod Sacra Scriptura
alia doctrina, vel abjicienda est sufficienter continet doctrinam
ut liaereticalis, aut suspecta, aut neeessariam viatori." — Scotus,
impertinensad religionem prorsus Prolog. 1. sent, qu, 2. Oper. t. v.
est habenda." — Gerson, De Ex- p. 1.
am. Doctrin. pars ii. con. i. 8 See Taylor's Dissuasive, p.
* " Constat quia quidlibet tale ii. b. i. s.ii. Field, Of the Church,
vel expresse secundum se conti- Appendix to book III. chapter
netur in sacra scriptura vel ex con- 2. Tillotson, Rule of Faith, at
tentis in ea deducitur, alioquin the end.
non ipsa sufRceret ad nostram sa-
10
CHAP. I.] Perfection of Scripture tavght hy Romanists. 15
declares that the Christian " truth and discipline are
contained in written books, and unwritten traditions *"."
They were well aware that the controversy then was,
whether the Christian doctrine was only in part con-
tained in scripture. But they did not dare to frame
their decree openly in accordance with the modern
Romish view: they did not venture to affirm, as they
might easily have done, that the Christian verity " was
QoniMne^ partly in written books, and partly in un-
written traditions." Their decree maintains our doc-
trine. " The Christian truth and discipline are con-
tained in written books." We admit it. " They are
contained in unwritten traditions also." We admit it :
these traditions confirm, and are identically the same
with the doctrines of scripture. Thus, to say the least,
our doctrine has just as much support from the council
of Trent as that of our opponents. And accordingly we
find even Roman theologians admitting the perfection
of scripture.
Cassander regards scripture and tradition as only
different forms of the same doctrine. " In what con-
cerns questions of faith, there is nothing which is not
in some manner contained in scriftture, since this tra-
dition is nothing else but the explanation and interpre-
tation of scripture itself, so that it might be not im-
properly said, that scripture is a sort of tradition folded
and sealed, and tradition is scrij^ture unfolded and un-
sealed '."
Cardinal Du Perron says, " To affirm that scripture
is sufficient to bring us to salvation, if it be understood
h II Perspiciensque banc veri- Sess. iv.
tatem et disciplinam (Evangelii) ' Cassander, De officio pii
contineri in libris scriptis, et viri, in principio. — Goldast. Po-
sine scripto traditionibus," &c. — litica Tmperialia, p. 1292.
16 Perfection of Scripture. [part in.
mediately, that is, with the addition of the means or-
dained for its explanation and application, i. e. the
ministry of the church ; this proposition is true and ca-
tholicK'' Veron in his Rule of Faith says, that " two
things must he united in order that any doctrine should
be an article of the catholic faith : one, that it be re-
vealed of God by the prophets, apostles, or canonical
authors (evidently referring to scripture) ; the other that
it be j)roposed by the church." And lest his meaning
should be mistaken, he says shortly after, of a certain
doctrine, " that it is neither found expressed in Scrip-
ture, nor in the General Councils, and therefore theolo-
gians freely hold a different doctrine," &c. ^ Bossuet
argues against the temporal supremacy of the Roman
bishop from its not being mentioned in scripture '. The
Jesuit White says : " It is not the catholic position that
all its doctrines are not contained in the scriptures "\"
Bailly in replying to a passage from S. Cyril on this
subject admits, that " not the smallest thing should be
taught without the scriptures, whose interpretation be-
longs to the church. ... It is true indeed that the
whole Christian faith has its force from demonstration
of the divine scriptures, or that the scriptures are the
foundation of our faith, because the doctrines of the
faith are proved by the scriptures, and because the au-
thority of the church, and necessity and truth of tradi-
j Du Perron, Lettre a M. de ritable et catholique."
Cherelles, p. 843. (Euvres, Paris, '' Veronii Regula Ficlei, cap. i.
1622. " Et partant afFermer set. 2.
que I'oscriture est suffisante pour ' Bossuet, Defensio Declar.
nous conduire a salut, si cela Cler. Gall. lib. i. sect. i. c. 6.
s'entend mediatement, c'est adire, CEuvres, t. xxxi. p. 223. ed.
avec I'imposition du moyen or- 1817.
donne pour I'expliquer et appli- "^ White, Apology for Tradi-
quer, a s9avoir le ministere de tion. p. 171. cited by Tillotson,
I'Eglise, cette proposition est ve- Rule of Faith, part i. sec. 3.
CHAP. 1.] Perfection of Scripture held hy Romanists. 17
tions are founded on scripture "." In another place he
says: "Catholics indeed acknowledge scripture to be
the rule of faith and morals, but affirm the authority of
the church to be necessary to determine controversies,
and to interpret the meaning of scripture °," &c. La
Mennais, in his Essai sur I'lndifference, written while
he was of high reputation in the Roman church, says
that the laws and truths of revelation are comprised in
scripture, though tradition and the church explain their
meaning p.
And in fine, all the theologians of the Roman obe-
dience testify involuntarily their persuasion that, after
all, scriptural proof is necessary, by attempting to prove
for themselves from scripture, every point of doctrine
or discipline, which they assure us is only to be proved
from tradition. According to Trevern, Delahogue, &c.
infant baptism, and baptism by sprinkling are only
proved by tradition '^. Bellarmine, Tournely, &c. prove
them from scripture '. According to Milner and Mel-
chior Canus, the lawfulness of praying to saints, and
vtorshipping their images and relics, rests only on tra-
dition ^ 'Milner himself and the Wallemburgs find it
in scripture \ So it is with the other doctrines and
practices which they pretend to be founded on tradition
only, and therefore I claim the inconsistencies of the
Roman theologians on the subject of tradition, as a
proof of the error of their system. I assert without
" Bailly, Tract, de Eccl. t. i. c. 8, 9. Tournely, Tractatus de
p. 337. Baptismo, p. 306.
° Ibid. p. 294. " Melchior Canus, Loci The-
P La Mennais, Essai sur Tin- olog. lib. iii. c. 3. Milner, end
difference, t. iv. p. 210. of Controv. p. 109.
^ Trevern, Discuss. Amic.t. i. ' Milner, p. 251. Wallen-
p. 176. Delahogue, de Ecclesia, burch. Tract. Generales de Con-
Append, de Traditione. trov. Fidei, t. i. p. 444. 447.
*■ Bellarminus, Lib. de Bapt.
VOL. II. C
18 Perfection of Scripture. [part hi.
fear of effectual contradiction, that the opinion that
scripture contains only a portion of revelation, is not a
doctrine which the Roman church has ever proposed as
de fide, or even declared to be true ; and that it is no-
thing but a mere theological opinion, which happens to
be supported by the majority of their modern theo-
logians. And I may add, that the doctrine of the sixth
Article may be held free from all censure in the Roman
church. How utterly absurd therefore is it in M. Tre-
vern " and other Roman controversialists, to pretend
that our catholic and apostolic churches have fallen into
any doctrinal error in this Article. Such an assertion
can only arise from ignorance of the genuine sentiments
of the catholic church, or from mere prejudice and un •
charitable feeling.
III. Arguments from Scripture.
Some of our writers argue from scripture itself in
proof that all articles of faith are contained in it. But
it seems to me that this is an argument which might be
omitted with advantage to the truth, since the texts
which are adduced, admit of a very different interpre-
tation.
The following texts are alleged. " Ye shall not add
unto the word which I command you, neither shall ye
diminish aught from if." " The law of the Lord is
perfect, converting the soul '"." The first text seems
merely to enjoin obedience to God's word or com-
mandments in general, whether they be written or un-
" Trevern, Discussion Amicale, the writings of the Fathers were
t. i. p. 174, 5. pretends that the better known to those who pro-
principle of the sixth Article was moted the Reformation than to
adopted from our ignorance of those who opposed it.
antiquity. We might with more ' Deut. iv. 2.
reason say, that the opposite prin- "' Ps. xix. 7.
ciple was. It is well known that
CHAP. I.] Perfection of Scripture. 19
written. The second acknowledges the law of God to
be a great blessing, but does not intimate that it is all
contained in scripture only. " It seemed good to me
also .... to write unto thee in order, most excellent
Theophilus, that thou mightest know the certainty of
those things wherein thou hast been instructed \"
" These are written that ye might believe that Jesus is
the Son of God, and that believing ye might have life
through his name ^." " Moreover, I will endeavour
that ye may be able after my decease to have these
things in remembrance ^" " If any man shall add unto
these things, God shall add unto him the plagues that
are written in this book," &c. ^ These four passages at
most only assert the authority of the particular books
in which they appear. The three first cannot prove
that all revealed truth is contained in scripture only,
because they would equally prove that it was contained
severally in the particular gospels of Luke and John,
and in the epistles of Peter, which no one will contend.
The last passage relates entirely to the uncorrupted
preservation of the text of the book of Revelations.
" Search the scriptures, for in them ye think ye
have eternal life : and they are they which testify of
me ^" Admitting, merely for the sake of argument,
that this translation is strictly correct, the Jews are
here directed to examine the prophecies of the Old
Testament which testified to the divine mission of
Jesus. But surely there is no reference to the question
of tradition. The Old Testament might testify of
Christ, and yet there might be also divine unwritten
* Luke i. 3, 4. * Rev. xxii. 18, 19.
' John XX. 31. ^ John v. 39.
" 2 Pet. i. 15.
c2
20 Perjedioii of Scripture. [paut hi.
traditions, which though they did not testify of Christ,
testified of other truths or duties.
" Though we or an angel from heaven preach any
other gospel unto you than that which we have
preached unto you, let him be anathema''." This pas-
sage merely speaks of the gospel in the abstract, leaving
entirely untouched the question of the mode of its
transmission. " From a child thou hast known the
holy Scriptures, which are able to make thee wise unto
salvation, through faith which is in Christ Jesus. All
scripture is given by inspiration of God, and is profitable
for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for instruction
in righteousness, that the man of God may be perfect,
throughly furnished unto all good works ^.'' St. Paul
here, apparently, refers to the Old Testament, which
alone Timothy knew " from a child," and which, in
order to dispel the notion that he contradicted Moses
and the prophets, he here pronounces to be inspired
and profitable to all teachers '. Yet the Old Testament
did not then contain all revealed truth. Therefore the
Bible generally may be inspired and "profitable for
doctrine," &c. and yet some revealed truths may have
been handed down by tradition only.
" Why do ye also transgress the commandment of
God by your tradition ?" — " In vain do they w^orship
me, teaching for doctrines the commandments of men V
Our Saviour here condemns the Jews for upholding
traditions opposed to God's commandments, and as
teaching such traditions principally, to the exclusion of
God's laws, or as matters of equal or superior obligation.
But this only refers to human traditions : it does not
'^ Gal. i. 8. Whitby, Macknight, and Slade,
'' 2Tirn.iii. 15 — 17. in loc.
* It is thus understood by ' Matt. xv. 4. 9.
CHAP. I.] Perfection of Scripture. *2l
refer to unwritten divine traditions, if there be any
such.
It appears to me that these various passages of Scrip-
ture, adduced to prove that no part of Christian truth
can be conveyed by unwritten tradition only, are in-
sufficient for the purpose. In the Objections I shall
prove that the opposite doctrine is equally without
proof from Scripture.
IV. From the insufficiency of Tradition.
It is sometimes contended that unwritten tradition
is liable to be corrupted, and that it would be impro-
bable that God should consign his Revelation to so un-
certain a mode of conveyance. If Christian tradition
were indeed entirely unwritten, that is, if uninspired
writings did not remain, which attest sufficiently the
universal belief of Christians from the apostolic age : it
might readily be admitted, that tradition only would be
an uncertain proof of Christian doctrine. But there
does not seem to be any impossibility, from the nature
of tradition, that some truths of Revelation might be
handed down by it, with the assistance of Divine grace.
In fact, if we urge the uncertainty of tradition ge^ie-
rally, it may cause very serious inconveniences, for the
authenticity and genuineness of the books of Scrij^ture
rest in no inconsiderable degree on the testimony of
primitive tradition. This is affirmed by Hooker,
Whitaker, Field, Laud, Chillingworth, Lardner, Paley,
Marsh, &c. But though tradition might possibly suf-
fice for the delivery of a creed containing very Jew
articles, like that of the patriarchs till the time of
Moses, it does not by any means follow, that it would
be sufficient to convey a widely-extended revelation
like Christianitv.
22 Perfection of Scripture, [p. hi. c. i.
From what has been alleged above from theological
reasons, and the general persuasion of Christians, and
on the assumption that our opponents cannot prove
their position (w^hicli v\^ill be shown in replying to Ob-
jections), I conclude that the doctrine of the sixth
Article, which affirms all matters of faith to be con-
tained in scripture, is true.
I also conclude that the contrary assertion of Roman
theologians is a serious error, because it is apparently
inconsistent with the Divine attributes, and is calcu-
lated to cause unnecessary difficulties. But as it does
not actually subvert revelation, and is not directly op-
posed to Scripture, it need not be regarded^ as abso-
lutely contrary to faith.
OBJECTIONS.
I. Religion was preserved among the patriarchs till
the time of Moses by unwritten tradition only, and
tradition alone conveyed Christian doctrine at first, till
the books of the New Testament were written. There-
fore it is sufficient for the conveyance of Christian
doctrine. (Delahogue, Milner, &c.)
Answer. (1.) Religion was preserved in the time of
the patriarchs not only by tradition but by repeated
revelations to Enoch, Noah, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob,
Job, &c. (2.) I admit that oral tradition alone was
sufficient to teach Christian doctrine to the first con-
verts, but it does not follow that it was sufficient to
carry it down for 1800 years. (3.) If it be meant that
the whole Christian faith might have been j^reserved
with sufficient security without scripture, then it fol-
lows that scripture was given in vain, which w^ould be
an impious and detestable assertion. If it be meant
OBJECT.] Tradition the Oi'iginal Rule. 23
that a part of the Christian faith might have been con-
veyed by tradition, then I deny the analogy of cases in
which there were no scriptures, to that in which the
scrii^ture exists.
II. Tradition was the original rule of faith in the
Christian church. Yet this original rule you suppose
to have become useless as soon as God deigned to add
a second. (Trevern, Bossuet.)
Answer. We teach that Scripture and tradition to-
gether were designed by God to sustain the truth.
Our opponents regard tradition alone as sufficient :
therefore they detract from the value and necessity of
scripture.
III. Christ only commanded his apostles to preach
the gospel ; he did not command the Scriptures to be
written. The apostles before their separation made no
arrangements for committing the gospel to writing. The
gospels and epistles were written fortuitously, under
the pressure of circumstances, and not generally with
the avowed purpose of preserving the Christian faith.
Some apostles wrote nothing at all ; and in fine, had
the sacred writers designed to commit all Christian
doctrines to writing, they would have composed some
one book systematically arranged, (Trevern, Milner,
Delahogue.)
Answer. It is an article of the catholic faith that
scripture was written by the will and inspiration of
God. Therefore however apparently fortuitous the
immediate origin of its books may have been, it is de
fide that they were not written merely by the will of
man, or fortuitously, or without a profound counsel.
Hence all the above objections are worthy of censure,
as manifestly erroneous, and tending to infidelity, be-
cause they all lead to a denial of the divine inspiration
24
Perfection of Scripture.
[p. III. CH. I.
of scripture. In fine, it is rash and presumptuous to
affirm that systematic arrangement was necessary, in
case God had designed to convey the whole of his
revelation in scripture ; for we see no system in the
discourses of Jesus Christ, and whatever course God
adopts in making his revelation, must be the best for
his divine purposes.
IV. The authenticity and genuineness of scripture
rest entirely on the infallible authority of the existing
catholic church, therefore you are bound to receive her
testimony to all doctrines, even without scriptural proof.
Ansiver. We positively refuse to make any answer
to this argument, until those who advance it shall
affirm that all the arguments by which Bellarmine,
Bossuet, Huet, Bergier, Duvoisin, Hooke, Fraysinnous,
Bouvier, La Mennais, and all their own theologians^
§ Bellarmine himself proves
scripture to be the word of God
not by the infallible authority of
the church, but by testimony, De
Verbo Dei, lib. i. c. 2. Driedo
also proves the scriptures from
the succession of the fathers, and
not from the testimony of the ex-
isting church. — De Eccl. Script,
et Dogmat. c. i. Lovanii, 1556.
See also Bossuet, Histoire Uni-
verselle, part. ii. chap. 27. Huetii
Demonstratio Evangelica ; Ber-
gier, Certitude des Preuves du
Christianisme ; Hooke, Relig.
Nat. et Rev. Principia, t. ii ;
Fraysinnous, Defense du Chris-
tianisme, t. ii. — That the books
of Scripture are only proved
genuine and authentic by un-
written tradition, which we are
therefore bound to receive even
without scripture in proof of
catholic doctrine, is asserted by
Eckius, Enchiridion, p. 7; Hosius,
Oper. t. i. p. 22 ; Peresius de
Divin.Trad.p. 14—21 ; Alphons.
a Castro, Advers. Haeres. lib. i.
c. 5. p. 25 ; Petrus Canisius,
Opus Catecheticum, De Pras-
cept. Eccl. qu. 16. p. 161 ; Lin-
danus, Panoplia Evangelica, Col.
Agrip. 1575, p. 3, 34, 70, 72, 79,
81,480,488; Cardillus,Disputat.
adv. Protestat. xxxiv. Haeret.
fol. 149, Venet. 1564; Rutlan-
dus. Loci communes, fol. 18 ;
Pighius, Hierarch. Eccl. lib. i. c.
2. The first part of their argu-
ment (which is styled by Eckius
" Achilles pro Catholicis") could
not have been objected to, if it
merely went to show that the
tradition of all ages should not
be rejected by Christians, and
that the existing tradition, so far
as it agreed with the universal
tradition, was binding; but it does
not thence follow that such a
tradition is to be received without
OBJECT.] Variations of Texts and Versions. 25
jjrove the authenticity and genuineness of Scripture
against infidels, and which are our arguments, are in-
valid. If they affirm this, we shall know the principles
of our opponents : if they refuse to aflfirm it, their argu-
ment is at an end.
V. The variations of texts and versions of scripture
render it necessary to rely entirely on the existing
church for the meaning of scripture, therefore its doc-
trines must be implicitly received without any proof
from'^cripture.
Aiiswer. Bossuet replies to this objection as em-
ployed by infidels : " Qu'on me dise s'il n'est pas con-
stant que de toutes les versions, et de tout le texte
quelqiCil soit, il en reviendra toujours les memes lois,
les memes miracles, les memes predictions, la meme
suite d'histoire, le meme corps de doctrine, et enfin la
meme substance. En quoi nuisent apres cela les diver-
sites des textes ? Que nous falloit-il davantage que
ce fond inalterable des livres sacrees, et que pouvions-
nous demander de plus a la Divine Providence ^ ?"
VI. There is nothing but the unwritten tradition to
prove several doctrines and practices which the British
churches admit, such as the Trinity, the Divinity of
Christ, the Divinity and the Procession of the Holy
Ghost from the Father and the Son, the perpetual
virginity of the Mother of " God manifested in the
flesh," the validity of infant baptism, and of baptism
by heretics, and baptism by sprinkling, the non-obliga-
tion of the precept concerning blood and things stran-
gled, the observation of the Lord's day instead of the
Jewish sabbath.
Scripture as a proof of Christian proof also.
doctrine, because we deny that ^ Bossuet, Histoire Universelle,
any doctrine, so universally re- t. ii. p. 193.
ceived can be without scriptural
26
Perfection of Scripture.
[p. III. CH. I.
Answer. The fathers and the theologians of the Roman
church prove the Trinity, the Divinity of Christ, and
the Divinity and Procession of the Holy Spirit from
scripture '. The perpetual virginity is gathered from
scripture by some writers J. The validity of infant
baptism, and by sprinkling, is deduced from scripture
by Bellarmine, Tournely, and other Roman theologians \
The validity of all heretical baptism has never been de-
cided by the church ', and it is admitted at all events
by those who maintain its validity, that it does not con-
fer grace. It is a very different thing to allow that the
church need not repeat this rite administered in heresy,
on the conversion of heretics ; and to affirm that when
conferred by heretics with the usual form it must neces-
sarily be acknowledged™. With regard to the precept con-
' Athanasius, Epiphanius, Gre-
gory Nyssene, and others proved
the Divinity of Christ and of the
Holy Ghost, and the Trinity, from
scripture. Athanasius asserts
that it aifords sufficient evidence
against the Arians, Oper. t. iii.
p. 720. The Roman theologians
themselves always argue from
scripture in their controversies
with heretics. Therefore we deny
their right to make this objection.
The heretics who deny these arti-
cles of the catholic faith, have no
resource except to corrupt and to
mutilate the text of scripture.
J Jerome, Epiphanius, Am-
brose, Augustine, adduced scrip-
ture in proof of the perpetual
virginity. See Bp. Taylor's Dis-
suasive, part ii. b. i. s. 2. p. 211.
Oxford ed. See also Fearson on
the Creed, Article III.
^ Bellarminus, Lib. de Bap-
tismo, c. 8, 9 ; Tournely, Tractat.
de Baptismo, p. 306, &:c.
' The authority on which mo-
dern writers allege that the church
condemned the re-baptizing of
heretics is that of St. Augustine,
who affirms that it was condemn-
ed by a general council ; but it is
impossible to determine exactly
what council St. Augustine means.
See Tournely de Sacramentis in
genere, 463, &c.
"^ Heretical baptism was dis-
allowed in the churches of Africa,
Alexandria, and the East, by St.
Cyprian, Firmilian, Basil, Athana-
sius, Optatus, Cyril of Jerusalem,
and by the apostolic canons and
the canonical epistle of Basil,
which are still received by the
whole Oriental church. On the
other side is the tradition of the
Roman church, of St. Augustine
and other fathers. The general
councils of Nice and Constan-
tinople admitted the baptism of
some heretics and rejected that of
others. Altogether it seems that
OBJECT.] Infant Baptism — Precept concerning Blood. *27
cerning blood and things strangled, it would seem that
the tradition of the catholic church is rather in favour
of its continual obligation. Certain it is, that Tertul-
lian, Origen, and the early fathers generally, accounted
it binding. The canons of the Eastern and Western
councils for many ages enforced it ; the Oriental church
observes it strictly to the present day ; and if the West
seems to have not adherred generally to it, there has
been no definition of the church abroofatinff it. The
contrary custom may have arisen from abuse °. With
regard to the sabbath it may be observed, that though
all Gentile Christians from the beginning have agreed
in regarding the religious observation of the Lord's
day as obligatory, and the Jewish sabbath as not obli-
gatory, there have been disputes as to the authority on
which the former rests. Roman theologians them-
selves are divided on the question whether the obser-
vation of the Lord's day is by divine or canonical
right ". Some hold that the Lord's day succeeded the
sabbath, others hold that the Lord's day was entirely
of apostolical institution. But these disputes cannot
affect the obligation of the Lord's day, which we learn
from scripture was constituted a feast by the apostles ^
and which the whole church received from them : and
this is sufficient to prove it binding on all Christians,
as will be shown in Chapter IV.
VII. Scripture is extremely difficult, obscure, and
the catholic church is free to con- mere custom cannot abrogate a
firm or disallow the baptism of law.
heretics as she judges most for ° See Jo. Azorii Institut.
the interest of religion. Moral, pars ii. lib. i. c. 1, 2;
" See Grotius, quoted in Pole's A. M. de Ligorio, Theol. Moral.
Synopsis on Acts xv ; Taylor's lib. iii. tract iii. n. 265 ; Dens,
Ductor Dubitantium, b. i. chap. Theologia, t. ii. p. 371.
ii. ruleii. ; see also b. iii. chap. p Acts xx. 7; 1 Cor. xvi. 1,
vi. rule vi, where he proves that 2 ; Rev. i. 10.
28 Perfection of Scripture. [p. hi. ch. i.
liable to be misunderstood ^ Therefore tradition is
requisite to determine its meaning.
I answer (1) that scripture plainly teaches the
Catholic faith, as the holy fathers Cyril of Jerusalem,
Augustine, Chrysostom, Cyril of Alexandria, believed.
(See Bishop Taylor's Dissuasive, p. ii. b. 1. s. 2.) And
as we have seen above (p. 11, 12,) S. Athanasius,
and S. Chrysostom held that scripture alone, was, in
itself, sufficient for the discovery and protection of the
truth. Romanists themselves are compelled to ac-
knowledge that the scripture plainly establishes the
authority of the Church, tlie real presence, &c. In
fine, those who deny the Catholic faith are generally
obliged to mutilate and corrupt the scripture, in order
to defend themselves. But (2) we do not deny that
tradition is requisite to confirm the plain meanmc/ of
scripture against the perversions of heretics. We only
deny that it conveys articles of faith not contained in
scripture.
VIII. It is argued from scripture itself that the
whole of revelation is not contained in it, but that part
is taught by unwritten tradition only'. (1.) "There-
fore, bretliren, stand fast, and hold the traditions which
1 The difficulties and obscu- Pighius, finding this detrimental
rities of Scripture are detailed at to his cause, invented the mode
great length by Michael Medina, of arguing on the insufficiency,
De Rect. in Deum Fide, lib. vii ; obscurity, and ambiguity of
Bellarmine, De Verbo Dei, lib. scripture, and the necessity of
iii ; de Verbo Dei Interpretatione, unwritten tradition, in which he
c. i ; and others innumerable, was followed by all the Roman
Milner, End of Contr. let. ix. theologians. — Examen Concilii
employs the same arguments. Trid. p. 13,
Chemnitz says that Eckius, Em- ' These texts are employed by
ser, and the first writers against Delahogue, Trevern, De la Lu-
the Reformatixjn, did not refuse zerne, Milner, &c.
to argue from scripture ; but
OBJECT.] Scriptural argument of Romanists. 29
ye have been taught, whether by word or our epistle*."
Anstver. It is evident there are many revealed truths
not contained in the epistles to the Thessalonians ; but
those truths ma?/ have been written in other books of
scripture before or after those epistles were composed.
Therefore there is no proof from this passage that
all the truths of revelation were not written. (2.)
"O Timothy, keep that which is committed to thy
trust" — "Hold fast the form of sound words which
thou hast heard of me *." Answer. In these passages
the apostle exhorts Timothy to preserve the doctrines
he had learned, but it does not follow that those
doctrines were not also written in scripture. The
creed is taught to catechumens, yet all its articles
are in scripture also. (3.) Christ "showed himself
alive after his passion by many infallible proofs, being
seen of them forty days, and speaking of the things
pertaining to the kingdom of God "." It is improbable
that all the things he then spoke of were afterwards
written ; and St. John says, " there are also many other
things which Jesus did, the which, if they should be
written every one, I suppose the world itself could not
contain the books that should be written." Atiswer.
Admitting, what cannot be proved, that Christ did then
or at any time teach truths which were not afterwards
vmtten, those truths may not have been necessary for
the church generally, but designed only for some tem-
porary or particular use. Therefore there is no sort of
proof from this, that the whole of revealed truth de-
signed to be believed by men in all ages, was not
written afterwards.
" 2 Thess. ii. 15. ii. 2.
' 1 Tim. vi. 20 ; 2 Tim. i. 13 ; " Acts i. 3.
30 Perfection of Scripture. [p. in. ch. t.
IX. Various passages of the fathers prove that scrip-
ture does not contain the whole of revelation.
(1.) S. Irenaeus : "Nothing is more easy to those
who seek for the truth, than to remark in every church
the tradition which the apostles liave manifested to all
the world"" — "The tongues of nations vary, but the
virtue of tradition is every where one and the same:
nor do the churches in Germany believe or teach dif-
ferently from those in Spain, Gaul," &c. — " Supposing
the apostles had not left us the scriptures, ought we
not still to have followed the ordinance of tradition,"
&c."
Answer. All these passages merely establish the
authority of tradition, which our catholic churches ad-
mit : they do not afford a shadow of proof that scrip-
ture does not contain the whole of revealed truth.
(2.) Tertullian : " To the scriptures no appeal must
be made, on them no contest should be instituted,
where victory is uncertain. . . . the question is : to ivhom
was that doctrine committed by which we are made
Christians? For where this doctrine and this faith
shall be found, there will be the truth of the scripture,
and of the interpretation of it, and of all Christian
traditions "." — " Of these and other usages, if you ask
for the written authority of the scriptures, none will
be found. They spring from tradition, are confirmed
by custom, and ratified by beliefs."
Aiisiver. In the first passage Tertullian, in order to
refute the perverse interpretations of heretics, esta-
blishes our doctrine, that the church's tradition is the
" Irenseus adv. Haeres, 1. iii. xix.
CO. ^ Tertullian, De Corona Militis,
" Lib. i. c. 3. Lib. iii. c. 4. c. iv.
" Tertullian, De Praescript., c.
15
OBJECT.] Rumish argument from the Fathers. 31
true interpretation of scripture. He does not allude to
the question whether tradition conveys any truths of re-
velation which are not also in scripture. In the second
passage, he establishes the lawfulness of certain prac-
tices from apostolic tradition as we do : but these
practices or rites were not part of the revelation made
by God.
(3.) S. Basil : " Among the points of belief and prac-
tice in the church, some were delivered in writing,
while others were received by apostolic tradition in
mystery, that is in a hidden manner ; but both have an
equal efficacy in the promotion of piety ; nor are they
opposed by any one who is but slightly versed in eccle-
siastical rites," &c. ^
A)iswer. S. Basil held our opinion, as we have seen
(page 11). He is here arguing with those who ob-
jected to the Jbrm of ascribing glory to the Holy Ghost
used in the church, because it was not ewpressly written
in scripture : against such he argues that tradition alone
is sufficient to justify /orwz^ and rites; for that this
is his meaning appears, by his referring to a number of
rites and forms which were only derived from tradition.
If this eminent writer meant to go further, we must
only say with the Romanist Delahogue : " Non semper
ad vivum urgenda sunt Patrum verba, et speciatim ubi
adversus hsereticos disputant: vehemens enim cum
adversariis contentio, inquit Theodoretus Dialogo 3",
quandoque facit ut modum excedant," &c. '^ And as
Vincentius Lirinensis says, " Whatever any one may
think beyond all or against all, though he may be holy
' Basil, De Spiritu Sancto, c. » Delahogue, De Ecclesia
27. See also c. 29. t. iii. oper. Christi, p. 436.
Ben.
32 Perfection of Scripture, [p. iii. c. i.
and learned, a bishop, a confessor or a martyr, should
be placed among peculiar, secret, private opinions, apart
from the authority of the common, public and general
doctrine *"." Now the whole weight of tradition is in
favour of the perfection of scripture.
(4.) S. Epiphanius : " We must look also to tra-
dition, for all things cannot be learned from scripture
For which reason the holy apostles left some things in
writing and others not," &c. *"
S. John Chrysostom : " Hence it is plain that they
did not deliver all things by epistle, but many without
writing: yet the latter are worthy of faith like the
former. Wherefore let us hold the traditions of the
church to be worthy of faith. It is a tradition : seek
nothing more ''."
Ausiver. S. Epiphanius alludes to matters of disci-
pline, which we admit were not all written. Chrysos-
tom, as we have seen (p. 12) maintained the perfec-
tion of scripture. He here piously urges the credi-
bility of the church in general ; but if his words be
strictly taken to mean that any part of the catholic
faith was handed down without scriptural proof,
we must consider it as an inaccuracy, which cannot
have any weight against the general sentiment of the
church.
(5.) The synod of Nice determined the consub-
stantiality of the Son both by scripture and tra-
dition, therefore the principle of the sixth Article is
wrong ^
'' Vincentii Lirinens. Com- ^ Chrysostom.^llom. iv. in 2
monitor, c. 28. Thess, c. iii. Oper. p. 532. t. xi.
•^ Epiphanii Haeres. Ixi. Oper. * Trevern, Discussion Amicale,
t. i. p. 511. t. i. p. 185.
CHAP, II.] On Deductions from Scripture. 33
Answer. Tlie Article does not deny that Christian
doctrine should be proved both by scripture and tra-
dition, which is the doctrine of our churches. Our op-
ponents hold that tradition onli/ is sufficient, therefore
they, and not we, contradict the synod of Nice.
CHAPTER II.
ON DEDUCTIONS FROM SCRIPTURE.
Having established the first truth of the sixth Article,
I now proceed to another which is of even greater im-
portance ; namely, that not only what is " read" in scrip-
ture, but what is " proved thereby," may be an article
of faith. It has been alleged that the Article merely
implies that if a point camiot be proved out of scrip-
ture, it is no truth of revelation ; but that it does not
follow that what can be proved out of scripture must
therefore be a truth of revelation ^ This objection is
equally applicable to the other assertion of the Article,
and would prove that what is " read" in scripture, may
not be a truth of revelation. The simple question is,
whether the Article does not admit " scriptural proof"
as much as the express words of scripture, to be suffi-
cient to establish articles of faith : and that it does so
is evident from the disjunction " whatsoever is not read
therein, nor may he proved thereby, is not to be required
of any man," &c.
The doctrine now under consideration involves two
questions :
" Hampden, Observations on Religious Dissent, p. 9. 2d. ed.
VOL. II. D
34 Deductions from Scripture. [part ti.
First, whether any deductions from scripture, in the
sense of i?iterpretatious, are matters of revelation and
articles of faith ?
Secondly, whether all deductions from scripture in-
terpretations are merely matters of opinion and human
speculation ?
On the determination of these questions the whole
fabric of Christian doctrine, nay the truth of revelation
itself depends. If the latter be determined in the af-
firmative, it is most true, as it has been alleged, that
the differences between the various societies of pro-
fessing Christians are unimportant ^ Socinians, Pe-
lagians, &c. cannot be regarded as heretics % for the
doctrines of the Trinity, the real divinity of Jesus
Christ, Original Sin, &c. being only "proved" by scrip-
ture, are of course to be regarded as human specu-
lations. On the same principle the doctrinal state-
ments of the Articles and Creeds in general are merely
*' pious opinions '','' which it must be uncharitable to
urge as matters of faith, or as a mark of discrimination
between Christian and Christian \ Thus the necessity
of believing the most vital truths of Christianity is sub-
verted.
If the former question be determined in the nega-
tive, that is, if no " interpretations" of scripture be
matters of faith \ then the same consequences as before
follow in a still greater degree, because ever^/ doctrine
^ Hampd. p. 4,5. " If I prove the Creation, p. 121.
my point," said Tindal the deist, " Ibid. p. 19, 20, 21. 26, 27.
" I shall, it may be hoped, in '^ Ibid. p. 14.
some measure put an end to those * Ibid. p. 5 compared with p.
otherwise endless disputes which 14. 21, 22.
divide and distract the Christian * Ibid, p. 4. 7.
world." — Christianity as old as
CHAP. II.] Interpretation of Scripture. 3.5
and duty of religion rests on the interpretation or mean-
ing of scripture, and if no particular interpretation is
necessary to salvation, no particular belief or practice
can be requisite to salvation.
This is a conclusion in which the mind cannot rest.
Either it is false ; or Christianity is a delusion.
I. If the scripture be a revelation from God to man
for his salvation, it must have a fixed meaning im-
pressed on it by God himself. For the object of the
All-merciful and All-wise Creator in presenting to us
the scripture, could not have been merely that we
might possess a book without meaning. On the con-
trary it is manifest, that the sole immediate object which
God could have had in view, in clothing his revelation
in language, was, that it might convey to us a certain
meaning which we call the interpretation. Language
would be entirely worthless in a revelation, except as a
medium for conveying the Divine meaning. Those
therefore who maintain that all interpretations of the
language of scripture are merely human, and that no
one interpretation is necessary to be held, must advance
another step, and either admit that the scriiDtures do
not contain any Divine revelation necessary to be be-
lieved ^ or else blasphemously assert that God made a
^ Morgan the infidel argues, tisfaction, &c. in different senses,
that after the most honest en- they really believe different doc-
quiries, men understand the same trines about the same thing : but
verbal propositions of Scripture is it not strange that God should
in different senses, and that " the reveal a religion -as of any ne-
doctrines doubtless consist of the cessity or use to mankind, which
sense, and not in the verbal pro- is not to be understood in any
positions abstracted from their one certain determinate sense,
meaning ; and therefore if two but may be taken in as many dif-
men believe the doctrines of the ferent senses," &c. — Moral Phi-
Trinity, Incarnation, Christ's sa- losopher, p. 18.
D 2
36 Deductions from Scrijjtitre. [part hi.
revelation consisting of language without meaning, or at
least without any meaning discernible by the very
creatures to whose belief it was proposed.
It is true indeed, that arguments from the mere
terms of scripture used to designate the Divine nature,
when taken in any sense founded on merely human
reason or experience, can add nothing to the sum of
Christian knowledge ; may even lead to dangerous
errors : but deductions from scripture in the sense of
interpretations of propositions, constitute the very sub-
stance and reality of the Gospel, of which the words
are only signs. I need scarcely dwell further on this
point : for it involves so directly the question of the
necessity of belief in any Christian doctrine, and there-
fore the necessity and truth of the whole Christian re-
velation, that a believer cannot hesitate in deciding on
which side Christianity lies.
II. In maintaining that deductions from scripture
rightly interpreted, are sufficient to establish articles of
faith, we must state the question clearly. It is not
meant that new truths not taught hy revelation, can be
deduced from those that are, by the force of human
reasoning; but that scripture may supply such pre-
mises that the conclusion is manifestly taught by scrip-
ture itself. E. g. if in one part of scripture attributes
are ascribed to a Being, which we are elsewhere told
belong to God only, it follows necessarily that this
Being is God. The conclusion is irresistible. If the
scripture teaches the premises it teaches this conclu-
sion : and to suppose that the conclusion is not true,
or that it may be held doubtful or needless to be be-
lieved, is to suppose that scripture is calculated to lead
men into error.
CHAP. II.] Deductions from Scripture. 37
The same may be observed of conclusions which
follow from a truth revealed in scripture, and from
some other truth self-evident, or supported by the tes-
timony of sense, and always universally admitted. E. g.
if scripture affirms that Christ was made perfectly man,
it also teaches that he is not without those powers or
that portion of human nature which we call the soul,
and the existence of which we know intuitively. The
reason is, because revelation is addressed to man as
man, and therefore must presuppose all those prin-
ciples and notions which are essential to human
nature.
It is not meant that every deduction from the divine
truths of scripture is a matter of faith, for there
may be different degrees of clearness in the argument ;
but I am now only speaking of the abstract possibility
of a case in which scripture shall teach a truth, by
teaching what necessarily infers it.
There is no impossibility that God should choose to
reveal some scriptural truths in this manner, and not
in express terms, because even if he intended them to
be believed explicitly by all his people, he might pro-
vide in his church, means by which those conclusions
might be taught and proved too all from scripture. He
might design by this method to excite men to the
study of scripture, and to impose an important duty on
his ministers.
If the apostles, if Christ himself, acting as we believe
under Divine inspiration, taught either by word or writ-
ing certain truths, from which others inevitably follow
according to all the rules of reason and common sense;
then, unless there was some most clear and unquestion-
able declaration made by the same authority, that the
former truths alone were binding on Christians as articles
38 Deductions f rum Scripture. [part hi.
(tf faith, it must have been the intention of Christ and
the apostles that both kinds of truth shouki be believed
equally ; for it is impossible that they could have de-
signed to oblige men to believe what was unnecessary,
and equally impossible that they sliould have deceived
them through inadvertence, or neglect. Consequently
we have a right to demand from those who assert that
conclusions which follow necessarily from the doctrine
of scripture are not binding, some distinct unquestion-
able proof of this assertion delivered in express terms in
scripture. If it be maintained without any such proof,
then the integrity, the equity, the inspiration of the
sacred writers, are denied.
I will not urge the practice of our Lord and the
apostles in arguing with Jews and unbelievers by means
of deductions made from scri})ture ''. A practice which
was adopted uniformly by all the Christian church in all
subsequent ages ', which was even employed by sects ^
which pretended to deny its validity when convincingly
directed by the church against their heresies '', has so
great a weight of authority and probability attached to
it, that the strongest evidence alone could demonstrate
its inefficiency. It is surely to the last degree impro-
bable, even humanly speaking, that the whole body of
Christians from the beginning, should have mistaken
altogether the mode of argument in proof of the articles
of their faith.
In supposing that what is necessarily, by all the rules
of reason, deduced from scriptural doctrine, w as designed
to be believed by those to whom scripture is addressed.
'' Thomas' Tracts on Scrip. Thomas' Tracts, p. 02, 63.
Consequences, p. 58.92. J Ibid. p. 82, 83.
' Spanhemii Disjjutat. Theol. ^ Ibid. 62 — 64.
pars ii. disp. xxvi. See Mr.
CHAP. II.] Deductions from Scripture. 39
we make no imjirobable assumption. We merely as-
sume that the scriptures were not designed to deceive
us, that they were addressed to man as he is by nature,
a rational being capable of perceiving certain conclu-
sions. We do not assume here that there are actually
in scripture doctrines from which others inevitably
follow : we only affirm that if there are such, the con-
clusions are bindino-.
The denial of this without clear proof from revelation
is not merely an error. It is a presumptuous and per-
nicious error, because it decides the particular mode in
which God's revelation must be made, and thus would
permit man to disbelieve whatever has not been re-
vealed in the way he judges fit. On tliis principle
infidels reject Christianity as only a partial revelation,
or as not brought home to every man's mind l)y special
illumination.
This has always been the mode in which the oj^-
ponents of the truth, when hard pressed by scriptural
arguments, have endeavoured to defend themselves.
The Arians demanded the express words of scripture in
proof of the Christian doctrine of the Consubstantiality
of the Son \ The Macedonians required the same in
proof of the Divinity of the Holy Ghost ". The Apol-
linarians, the Monophysites ", the Anabaptists, Fami-
lists, Antinomians, modern Arians, Socinians, and
Rationalists", have all in their turn sheltered their
' Vigilii Tapsensis Dialog. • Ibid. p. 49, 100, 127, 204.
contr. Arrium, lib. i. oper. p. 93. The Rationalist Bretschneider
ed. 1664. triumphantly asks where in Scrip-
" Gregor. Nazian. Orat. 5 de ture are the words trinity, atone-
Theologia. ment, original sin, &c. — Rose,
" Maximus Monachus, see State of Protestantism in Ger-
Mr. Thomas' Tracts, p. 90. many, Appendix, p. 76. I take
40 DcducLiunsfrom Scripture. [part hi.
errors from the otherwise irresistible force of scriptural
argument, by insisting on the express words of scrip-
ture. This train is approjiriately closed by Morgan the
infidel, who assailed the doctrine of Scripture Conse-
quences, early in the last century ''. It will be found
on examination, that most if not all the above sects,
themselves believed several points founded only on
scriptural argument, not on the express words of
scripture.
The Wallenburghs in their "Methodus Augustiniana"
^^a mode of contending with the Lutherans which had
been first invented by Du Perron, Veron, &c.), went
partly into this principle ^ The general outline of this
system was, to show that the onusprobandi lay with the
Protestants as accusers, reformers, and separatists'";
that they were bound by their own principles and pro-
fessions to furnish sufficient proof of their doctrines on
matters of faith from scripture alone ; that this proof
ought to be in express terms of scripture, as well from
their own principle of the sufficiency of scripture only,
as from the ambiguity of consequences, and the incapa-
city of the people to follow them \ Having yielded a
confession that the questions in debate were not decided
this occasion of expressing a deep '' Tractatus Generales de Con-
sense of the value of a work which troversiis Fidei per Adrian, et Pe-
cannot be too widely known or trum de Walenburch, t. i. p. 15,
loo highly prized. Christians can- &c. and p. 229, &c. Edit. Co-
no t fail to be inspired with greater loniae Agripp. 1670. It seems
zeal for the faith, and more watch- indeed as if some of the Lutherans
ful care of that precious deposit, had spoken injudiciously on this
by the perusal of " the State of subject. Eckius argues against
Protestantism in Germany." their mode ofrequiring the express
'' See his Letter to the Rev. words of scripture in proof of
J. Gumming, cited by Mr. Thomas doctrines. Enchiridion, p. 40, 41.
in his "Tracts on Scripture Con- "■ Walenburch, p. 16. 246, &c.
sequences,'' p. 10. ^ Ibid. p. 17. 293, &c.
CHAP. 11.] Deductions from Scripture. 41
by the express words of scripture, the adversary was
next to be required to prove it by consequences de-
duced from scripture, which were in every instance to
be objected to on some of these grounds*: 1. Because
the proposed interpretation was made without any
authority; 2. Because, if it be founded on a com-
parison of other texts, there is no assertion in scripture
that they were designed to explain that under con-
sideration; 3. Because scrijjture does not affirm the
goodness of the proposed interpretation ; 4. Because
every man may err, therefore the deduction may be
false ; 5. Because none of the fathers made this deduc-
tion ; 6. Because one of the premises in the deduction
is derived from human reasoning, and therefore uncer-
tain ; 7. Because scripture does not decide that con-
clusions, deduced from premises, one of which rests on
human reason, are matters of faith, &c. These objec-
tions were to be put in the form of questions, and the
adversary was to be obliged, in fine, to confess that the
Protestants had separated from the church on points
which could not be proved essential. The Lutherans
were involved in this net by their own thoughtless-
ness. Had they not placed themselves in a false
position, by pretending to be voluntary separatists,
when their predecessors had not separated'', the onus
prohandi could iiot have been laid on them. Had
they preserved the respect for catholic tradition which
the Reformation had so often shown ", and not exag-
gerated the uses of scripture, they could not have
been limited to rigid scriptural demonstration. Had
they remembered that the Reformation declared
' Ibid. p. 18—20. 313, &c. sect. 1.
" See above, Part I. chap. xii. " Ibid. sect. 3.
42 Deductions from Scripture. [p. hi. ch. ii.
that it did not differ in articles of faith from the
Roman church '', they could not have been required to
prove the doctrines in dispute to have been articles of
faith. The Wallenburghs themselves acknowledged
not only that conclusions derived from two scriptural
premises were de fide \ but even that one scriptural
premise, together with an evident truth of reason, was
sufficient to establish a certain truth, even a Divine
truth ^, though not an article of faith. This would have
been sufficient for the Lutheran's purposes in most
points ; but doctrines which were not actually matters
of faith, would not have sufficed to excuse the volu?ita7y
separation from the church, of which they chose to ac-
cuse themselves.
Had the Wallenburghs held that articles of faith
could not be deduced, when one of the premises
was a merely speculative truth, by no means self-
evident, and in fact disputed among men, there
would have been nothing to object to in their prin-
ciple. But they do not seem to have distinguished
between such truths, and those which were universally
admitted.
OBJECTIONS.
I. All interpretations or deductions made by indivi-
duals are uncertain, and insufficient to serve as a foun-
" See above, Part I. chap. xii. altera prsemissarum est scripturas,
sect. 1. and chap. xi. sect. 1. altera evidens, et forma argumen-
^ Walenburch, ut supra, p. 354. tationis bona ; tunc sequi conclu-
" Convenit inter oranes. . . . non sionem theologicam, prorsus cer-
esse disputandum de syllogismis tarn et veram : imo talem con-
quorum utraque prsemissarum est clusionem, ex quorundam sen-
Scripturae." tentia, non incommodo aliquando
>' Ibid. p. 334. " Pro instruc- dici divinam."
tione catholici notamus, quando
OBJECT.] Deductions from Scripture. 43
dation for faith, because no man is infallible. If,
indeed, the true interpretation of scripture were cer-
tainly discernible, it would be obligatory on men ; but
the age of inspiration, and therefore of infallibility, has
past by.
Answer. I reply that not only is scripture so clear
on many points, that an erroneous interpretation can
scarcely be forced on it, and those who wish to do so
are at last obli«?ed to mutilate it : but we have an
unerring guide to the true meaning of scrii3ture in the
doctrine of the universal church in all ages, and in the
formal and legitimate judgments made by that church
in controversies of faith. To these I maintain that
every private Christian is bound to submit his private
opinion, as to unerring and irrefragable authority, e. g.
I know the Unitarian doctrine to be heretical and anti-
Christian, not only by the clearest proofs from scrip-
ture, but by the uniform doctrine of the church in all
ages ^ and especially its unanimous legitimate judg-
ment in the Council of Nice. I know that Unitarian-
ism was from the beginning viewed and treated as a
heresy by all Christendom, therefore I cannot possibly
err in regarding it as such, and in maintaining the
catholic faith. Nor am I in the slightest degree
obliged to receive on the same principle, the errors of
Romanists ; unless it be proved that they rest on the
same authority, which cannot be done.
II. The ignorant cannot make deductions from scrip-
tural truths, therefore the doctrines so deduced cannot
be necessary to salvation.
Answer. Though they may not be able to make them
^ The weight of universal tra- even by Daille, and Whitby the
dition against heresies is not only Arian. See Waterland's Works,
admitted by our theologians, but vol. v. p. 275 — 8.
44 Doctrinal Tradition of ike Church. [part hi.
themselves, tliey may be able to see the consequence
when proposed to them by ministers authorized by the
church, and at all events believe it when presented by
the sufficient and credible authority of the catholic
church.
III. Scripture as the will of God must be so
perfect as to need no human commentary or rea-
soning.
Answer. There is no proof that scri2)ture was de-
signed to supersede the necessity of the Christian
ministry.
CHAPTER III.
ON THE DOCTRINAL TRADITION OF THE CHURCH.
Tradition sometimes means the doctrine held by
Christians, as distinguished from the same doctrine
written in the Bible. It is also used as equivalent to
" custom," as in the thirty-fourth Article. Traditions
in the former sense may be divided into those which
have been commonly maintained in some particular age
only, or which a portion of the church has maintained
without separating from the rest ''; and those which the
great body of Christians from the beginning have al-
* Such was the doctrine of the andria, Epiphanius, Jerome, Au-
Millennium as held by Papias, gustine. Even Justin Martyr
Justin, Melito, Irenaeus, Tertul- says that there " were many even
lian, Nepos, Adamantius, Victo- of those whose sentiments as
rinus, Lactantius, Apollinarius, Christians were sound and pious,
Sulpicius Severus ; and rejected that did not recognize it." — See
by Origen, probably by Clement of Mr. Greswell's interesting dis-
Alexandria, Dionysius of Alex- quisition on this subject. Expo-
CHAP. III.] Relations of Scripture and Tradition. 45
ways held to be articles of the faith. The former class
of traditions may be certainly true, but the ecclesiastical
authority which supports them can only render them
probable. The latter sort of traditions afford an irre-
sistible confirmation of the doctrine of scripture, and a
certain test of the correctness of scripture interpre-
tation.
It is not here meant that the real sense of scripture
is obscure in any points of faith, or that it is essential
for each individual, in order to understand the scripture
aright in such points, to consult previously the tra-
ditions and judgments of the universal church. Even
the members of the Roman Obedience do not univer-
sally assert any such necessity, though it is too com-
monly taught by them *". Cardinal de la Luzerne says
" our assertion is not that all the passages of scripture
are so obscure, that in order to explain and fix their
meaning, it is indispensable to recur to a judge. We
say that there are some which ignorance, carelessness,
bad reasoning, passion, party-interest, may pervert, and
in fact have perverted, to a meaning contrary to sound
doctrine \" The holy fathers St. Cyril, St. Augustine,
St. John Chrysostom, St. Cyril of Alexandria, &c. taught
that the scriptures were plain and clear in many
things ''. Scripture ought to be of itself suflScient for
sition of the Parables, vol. i. 196, Oxford ed. 1836; Crakan
chap. xxi. part ii. This truly thorp, De loco arguendi ab Au
learned writer, who adopts the thoritate. Logicae, p. 323. S
opinion of the majority of the above p. 26. 28.
early writers, regards it as a ques- " De la Luzerne, Dissertation
tion in which " great latitude and sur les Eglises Cath. et Prot. t.
diversity of sentiment may be in- i. p. 59.
nocently and safely allowed to •* Taylor's Dissuasive, p. 217,
different minds." — Preface. &c.
^ See Taylor's Dissuasive, p.
ee
46 Relations of Scriptia'e and Traditiun. [part in.
the overthrow of all errors against faith ; but since men
are liable to be misled by the evil interpretations of
others to misunderstand the divine meaning of scrip-
ture, the doctrine or tradition of Christians in all ages,
i. e. of the catholic church, is presented to us as a con-
firmation of the true meaning of scripture. It is not
meant that this tradition conveys to us the exact inter-
pretation of all the particular texts in the Bible. Its
utility is of a simpler and more general character. It
relates to the interpretation of scripture as a whole, to
the doctrine deduced from it in general. That doctrine
which claims to be deduced from scripture, and which
all Christians believed from the beginning, must be
truly scriptural. That doctrine which claims to be
deduced from scripture, and which all the church from
the beginning reprobated and abhorred, must be
founded on a perversion and misrepresentation of scrip-
ture.
The difference between the Anglo-catholic and the
popular Romish doctrine of tradition is this. The
former only admits tradition as confirmatory of the true
meaning of scripture, the latter asserts that it is also
supplementwy to scripture, conveying doctrines which
scripture has omitted. " We hold," says De la Lu-
zerne, " that unwritten tradition is an irrefragable rule
of faith in two ways : '■'■first, by itself, because there are
truths which have only been given to the church by this way:
secondly, because it is the most certain interpreter of
the holy scripture, and the infallible means of knowing
its meaning "."
That such a universal tradition, as determining- the
o
De la Luzerne, t. ii. p. 321
CHAP, in.] Autlwrity of Universal Traditio7i. 47
meaning of scrij)ture, must be true, is evident. I am
not here arguing with infidels ; and therefore may as-
sume that Christianity was a revelation, that no reve-
lation has superseded it, that it was to be proposed to
men in all ages as the means of salvation ; in fine, that
some truth was actually revealed. If then any given
doctrine was universally believed by those Christians
who had been instructed by the apostles, and the dis-
ciples of the apostles : if this doctrine was received
by all succeeding generations as sacred and divine, and
strictly conformable to those scriptures which were read
and expounded in every church : this belief, one and
uniform, received in all churches, delivered through all
ages, triumphing over the novel and contradictory doc-
trines which attempted to pollute it, guarded with
jealous care, even to the sacrifice of life in its defence,
and after a lapse of eighteen hundred years, believed as
firmly by the overwhelming mass of Christians among
all nations, as when it was first promulgated : such a
doctrine must be a truth of revelation. It rests on
evidence not inferior to that which attests the truth of
Christianity. Is it possible that the infinite majority of
Christians in all ages can have mistaken, or adulterated
their own religion, a religion which they held to be
divine, and on which they believed their salvation to
depend ? And this, while the scriptures were in their
hands, and the care of God was (as Christians believe)
extended over His church — the people whom He chose
for himself. If so, then they may have been equally
deceived as to the authenticity of scripture, as to
the truth of the mission of our Saviour; and the
whole fabric of revelation totters to its base. Hence
I maintain, that Christians cannot possibly admit
that any doctrine established by universal tradi-
48 Proofs of Universal Tradition. [part in.
tion can be otherwise than divinely, infallibly,
TRUE.
The existence of such a tradition from the beginning
is a matter of fact, which is to be established on the
same sort of evidence as proves any other historical
fact. The question is, what were the tenets of the re-
ligious community called Christian, from the beginning?
This is evidently to be proved only by authentic docu-
ments, monuments, and facts : and we accordingly ad-
duce the creeds or professions of faith acknowledged by
the universal church, in proof of her faith on certain
points up to the period when she made them, the creeds
and liturgies of particular churches, as evidence of their
belief as far back as those creeds and liturgies can be
traced. We produce the attestations of particular
fathers and councils of bishops to the contemporary and
former belief of the church, either by direct assertions
to that effect, or by the silent testimony to the same,
afforded by the fact of their own express belief, and the
approbation of that belief by the church generally. We
adduce ancient customs and rites to the same end ; and
even the objections of infidels, and of sectaries, concur
in establishing what was the real faith of the catholic
church in all ages
If proofs like these be rejected on the ground of the
uncertainty of all human testimony, then there can be no
certainty of any of the facts of history, and we are re-
duced to believe only facts which have come under the
cognizance of our own senses. If the testimony of the
early Christian writers in this question of fact be re-
jected, the external evidences of Christianity are sub-
verted. The authenticity of primitive tradition and its
records, of scripture and its doctrines, and of Christ-
ianity as a revelation, stand or fall together. It is not
CHAP. III.] Connexion of Religion and Tradition. 49
the defence of any particular doctrine which is involved
in the question of the credibility of tradition : the whole
fabric of Christianity is vitally connected with it.
In former ages infidelity openly assailed the truth of
Christianity : in later times it has assumed the name of
Christianity itself, in order to pursue with more success
its plans for the subversion of faith *. The English
deists were the predecessors from whom sprang the
Rationalists and the Unitarians ^. These sects are in fact
and essentially infidel ; for whatever relics of christian
doctrine may still linger among some of them are
purely accidental, and are only preserved for a time by
inability to carry out the principles professed, and at all
events are viewed as mere matters of opinion, and re-
ceived only on the authority of human reason '\ But
what is their line of argument ? Tindal the deist com-
mences his attack on revelation by professing to
" build nothing on a thing so uncertain as tradition '."
He charges the primitive christians and their writers
with superstition, intolerance, bigotry \ The holy fa-
thers from the earliest times, according to him, were all
guilty of falsehood, forgery, fraud, interpolation of scrip-
''Magee, on Atonement, vol. ii. leaders of the former, confessed
Append, p. 71; and Rose, Pro- that the Unitarian creed was the
testantism in Germany, p. 145. same as that of the French Theo-
237 — 240. Append, p. 34. 95. philanthropists or Deists, except
justly remark on the dishonesty in the single point of the mere
of the Socinian and Rationalist fact of a man's resurrection. —
infidels, in using the language of Magee on Atonement, vol. i. p.
Christianity as if they believed 175. See also vol. ii. p. 411.
its mysteries. 489.
s See Rose's Protestantism in ^ See Rose, State of Protest-
Germany p. 51, &c. and the re- antism, p. xxiii, xxiv. for some
marks of Dr. Pusey there cited, valuable observations on this
See also p. 164, and Appendix subject.
p. 76, for the identity of the ' Tindal, Christianity as old as
English Socinians and the Ra- the Creation, p. iii.
tionalists. Belsham, one of the J Ibid. p. 89,90. 101.
VOL. II. E
50 Connexion of Religion and Tradition. [part hi.
ture, &c. ^ The further back M^e go, the more frauds
we find K Hence he conchides that e.vternal evidence
of a revelation is of no value : internal alone is worthy
of attention, and that must be judged by human
reason in opposition to all authority "". This reason
leads him to judge that scripture is full of absurdities
and contradictions; that it has been corrupted; that it is
not a rule adapted to mankind generally ; in fine, that
it is not a revelation ". Morgan adopts the same prin-
ciple. The first disciples, according to him, invented
tales about Christ, interpolated passages in the scrip-
tures which seemed to represent him as God, ascribed
miracles to him, united Judaism and Christianity °. The
catholic church of the first three centuries was perse-
cuting, idolatrous, antichristian, &c.p. Semler affirmed
that the writings of the early fathers were forged at
Rome by a set of men " who entered into combination
to falsify history and corrupt the scriptures''." Of course
he was bound to reject their testimony: and accord-
^ Ibid. p. 158. 161 — 4. science, lorded it over God's lieri-
1 Ibid. p. 162. tage, and claimed and exercised
ni Ibid. p. 184 — 194, a power absolutely inconsistent
° Ibid. p. ^Q>. 158. 195. 216, with private judgment, rational
&c. Tindal argues that the scrip- enquiry, and free choice in reli-
tures must have been corrupt- gion." p. 383. He observes that
ed, because of the 6/go<r?/ of those the truly primitive christians in
to whom in all ages they were those ages who constituted the
chiefly committed, p. 158. Even minority, were styled Heretics,
the Protestant writers, according Gnostics, &c. and that the pro-
to him, are full of calumnies, teslanls are their successors!
impostures, &c. p. 160. (380, 381) as the Roman ca-
° Morgan, Moral Philosopher, tholic church is the true suc-
p. 440. cesser of the catholic church of
P Ibid. p. 378—381. Accord- the three first centuries, 378, 9.
ing to him, even from the age of Morgan styles his opponents
the apostles, the hierarchical bi- " Judaizing clergy," p. 357, 8.
shops and clergy, with their '^ Bishop Kaye on Tertullian,
party the catholic church, " as- p. 71.
sumed a dominion over con-
CHAP. HI.] Connexion of Religion and Tradition. 51
ingly the only proof which he admitted of the divine
orig-in of the books of scripture was, their " utility, or
tendency to promote virtue '." On this principle he
proceeded to reject the Old Testament, and whatever
portion of the New he pleased ', In the same manner
Schulthess, the deistical professor of theology at Zurich,
assails the veracity of the early fathers, imputes to
them fraud, ignorance, errors, &c. Hence he infers that
their testimony to the genuineness, authenticity, and
canon of scripture is of no weight ; that scripture has no
external evidence whatever ; that it must be subjected
to a judicious criticism founded only on reason, by
which it is easily perceived to be interpolated, and full
of errors ; and its authors are convicted of gross and
intentional mistakes, anachronisms, and inventions '.
Hence he glories in the hope that the day will come
when men will not appeal to scripture, but re-
ceive doctrines simply as they approve themselves to
reason ".
It may be observed in general indeed of the various
denominations of deists, whether Freethinkers, Theo-
philanthropists, Socinians, Rationalists, or Unitarians,
that, if they unite in treating the body of the early
christian writers of the universal church with contempt
or abuse ; the scripture itself meets no better treat-
ment from them ''. The testimony of the early christians
*■ Rose, State of Protestantism Preefat. and ^. 76.
in Germany, p. 82. 2d ed. " Prajfat. j). xiv.
' Ibid. p. 83, &c. Semler held " Middleton (Free Enquiry, p.
that " the prophets may have de- Ixxvi — Ixxxvi.) accuses the early
livered the offspring of their own fathers of recording and solemnly
brains as divine revelations " attesting falsehoods, charges them
See Magee on the Atonement, with forgery, &c. The early ages
vol. i. p. 174. of the church, according to him,
* Symboloe ad internam crit. were any thing but pure, heresy
Librorum Canonic. &c. ab Jo. abounded, &c. In fine, the opi-
Schulthess, Turici, 1833. t. i. nions or practice of the i)rimi-
E 2
52 Connexion of Religion and Tradition. [part hi.
must be got rid of by any means, because it is diame-
trically opposed to deism. When this has been accom-
plished, the field lies open. Reason emancipated from
all other contradiction, is left to deal with the bible as
a human production, and to reject or receive whatever
portion it pleases. Hence, as the reasoning- powers of
men vary, some mutilate, others add to the canon of
scripture. The text is represented to be full of inter-
polations, errors, absurdities. The sacred writers are
accused of ignorance, contradictions, and deceit : and
the leo-itimate and irresistible conclusion follows, that
Christianity was not a revelation, that Christ was only
a philosopher, and that man is left to his own reason
and his own merits for his hopes and his salvation.
But these men forget their reason and consistency in
their haste to subvert the authority of universal christ-
ian tradition. If the early writers of Christianity were
all ignorant, bigotted, credulous, enthusiastic, design-
ing, persecuting ; if they were guilty of fraud, falsehood,
foro-ery, priestcraft, &c, it is inconceivable that all should
have united in testifying to the same doctrine, unless it
had been absolutely and infallibly true. A multitude of
false witnesses, writing at various times, and in different
countries, could not have borne united testimony to
falsehood. Their testimony must have varied : it must
have been contradictory '". Besides this : the utter
tive fathers are to be viewed serted the right of every man to
with perfect indifference. Mid- deny the doctrines of christ-
dleton, in perfect consistency ianity. Blackburn assailed the
with these notions, represented fathers (Confessional, chap, viii.);
the fall of man as a mere fable ; but he asserted the right of each
thereby undermining the whole individual to separate from all ex-
fabric of Christianity, Hoadly istingreligions,and disbelieved the
also contemned the tradition of orthodox doctrine of the Trinity,
the universal church, but Hoadly " The apophthegm of Tertul-
declared that original sin was a lian would apply with still greater
contradiction in terms, and as- force in this case. " Quod apud
CHAP. III.] Utility of Catholic Tradition. 53
contradictions of deists show that they are led merely
by prejudice and hatred to assail the credit of the
christian MTiters, and the character of the universal
church. One asserts that the writings of the fathers
are forged, another that they are interpolated, while a
third assails them e7i masse, admitting their genuineness,
and charging them with every abomination that can be
invented.
It may be concluded on the whole, that those who
believe in the christian revelation cannot reject the
universal tradition of christians : and by such a tra-
dition are the doctrines of the real divinity and per-
sonality of the Son and the Holy Ghost, the incar-
nation, sufferings, resurrection, atonement, and medi-
ation of Jesus Christ, the necessity of divine grace, the
obligation of good works, together with all the other
articles of our faith, defended and supported. For as
to the few heretics who have disputed them in different
ages, " no more account is to be had of them in religion,"
as Bishop Beveridge says, " than of monsters in nature \"
Their opposition served only to prove the universality
and the immoveable firmness of the faith which they
contradicted. Concerning the articles of the catholic
faith thus supported by universal tradition, and equally
testified by the holy scripture, we may reasonably feel
so certain, that no argument, no difficulty should for an
instant shake our conviction, and that if an angel de-
scended from heaven and denied any one of them, we
should be prepared to say, " Let him be anathema ^,"
multos unum invenitur, non est those who despise the testimony
erratum sedtraditum." — DePrae- of the catholic church to Christ-
script, c. 27. ian doctrine, generally either for-
^ Beveregii Codex Can. Eccl. sake the ti'uth or have no settled
Prim, vindicatus, &c. Praefat. belief. Episcopius (Oper. t. i.
^ It may be observed that part ii. p. 127, 128. 132.) and
54 Tradition accessible to all [part hi.
An objection may be raised to this mode of confirm-
ing christian truth by tradition, as exacting too minute
and extensive examination into questions of fact, and
therefore unsuited to mankind generally. But it may
be replied, that, setting aside the case of those who have
sufficient opportunities to make these researches for
themselves, the great mass of christians have as much
evidence of the fact of such a tradition as they have of
the authenticity and inspiration of scripture, or of the
antiquity and universality of the church. It is only on
credible testimony that they are assured that scripture
is now, and always has been received by christians as
the word of God, and that it has descended perfect and
uncorrupted to the present day. They are incapable
of instituting the critical researches which would enable
them to dispense on these points with the testimony of
their church, their pastors, their acquaintances, and
every thing around them. If it be said that the doc-
trines of scripture carry their own evidence along with
them to a heart influenced by divine grace, I reply that
the doctrines of catholic tradition, which are identically
the same, have exactly the same evidence.
But there is another mode in which men may, with-
out any difficulty or research, distinguish the party in
whose favour tradition gives its testimony. If on the
one side there be a manifest respect for the doctrine of
the church in all ages ; if there be a willingness to ap-
peal to that doctrine in controversy ; if there be a perpe-
tual and confident appeal to it in fact ; if this be so noto-
Curcellseu3(0per.p. 32,33, 694.) Curcel. Oper. p. 19. 29.). The
disregarded the fathers: but they infidel Rationalists of Germany,
also held the doctrines of the who also despise the fathers,
trinity and the divinity of Christ boast that they alter their belief
tobe mattei's non-essential (Episc, "os ojien asany new views require
Oper. t. i. part i. p. 338, &c. it" — Rose, State of Protest.p. 24.
»^iiAP. III.] Tradition accessible to all. 55
rious, that the opposite party judge these men excessive
in their respect for tradition : if on the other side there
be an evident anxiety to refuse such an appeal ; if there
be perpetual efforts to prevent it, by exciting prejudice,
and by misrepresenting the simple and rational principle
on which it is made ; and if the christian writers are
the subject of continual abuse or contempt; then there
cannot be any rational doubt that tradition is in favour
of the former party, and opposed to the latter. Such,
on the one hand, is the position of our catholic and
apostolic churches ^ : such, on the other, is that of the
sectarians and of those who have been discontented
with the great doctrines and creeds of the church ''.
On the one side we find congregated the overwhelming
mass of professing christians in ancient and modern
times, the fathers, the councils, the theologians of all
ages. On the other we find Arians, Socinians, Sabel-
lians. Anabaptists, Unitarians, Deists, Rationalists, Pe-
lagians, Antinomians, &c. who, differing between them-
selves on every article of religion, all agree in refusing
any appeal to the tradition of the universal church.
The various methods which these men employ in en-
deavouring to prevent any appeal to the tradition of
the church, may be classed under the following heads :
I. Systematic misrepresentation.
We do not appeal, in proof of christian doctrine, to
the ancient christian writers as in any way infallible.
Our sentiments on this head are well known : they
have been repeatedly explained ^ We hold that the
doctrine of any father, however great or learned he may
' See above, Part II. Chapter ^ See Waterland, Works, vol.
VI. V. p. 313, 314, and Thorndike
* Such as Socinus,Biddle, Tin- and Sherlock referred to by
dal, Morgan, Clarke, Hoadly, him.
Middleton, Blackburn, Semler,&c.
56
Tradition accessible to all.
[part hi.
have been, e.g. that of Augustine, Athanasius, Ambrose,
or Basil, is to be rejected in any point where it con-
tradicts scripture. We consider all these writers as
uninspired men, and therefore liable to mistakes and
errors like other theologians. Therefore it involves a
studied misrepresentation of our meaning and prin-
ciple, when we are met by assertions or proofs that
particular fathers have taught errors in faith or mo-
rality"; that they were credulous; that their writings
are in some points obscure '^ ; that their criticisms or in-
terpretations of scripture are sometimes mistaken " ;
that they invented scholastic doctrines, and were tinged
with false philosophy *^; that the later fathers were better
theologians than the earlier ^ ; that there are fathers
against fathers, and councils against councils, on some
points ^. This is all calculated merely to excite pre-
•= Whitby, Dissert. Prsef. s. iv.
p. 15, &c. For replies to this,
and all the succeeding objections
against the fathers, see Water-
land on the importance of the
doctrine of the Trinity, chap, vii,
Melchior Canus de locis Theolo-
gicis,lib. vii, and Scrivenerus adv.
Dallaeum, and others cited by
Waterland, Works, vol. v. p. 294.
" Daille of the Right Use of
the Fathers.
^ Whitby, Dissert, de Script.
Interpret.
^ Hampden, Scholast. Philo-
sophy, passim. The imputation
of acholasticism to the doctrines
of the catholic faith, is a mere
hackneyed artifice of deists and
misbelievers. Under this pre-
tence Steinbart the deist, pro-
fessor of theology at Frankfort,
assailed the christian doctrine
(Rose, State of Prot, p. 70). He
had been preceded by the Soci-
nian Dr. Bury, who was ex-
pelled from the University of
Oxford for his heresies ; by Mor-
gan the infidel, &c. The same
pretence is common in the writ-
ings of Socinians. — See Mr.
Thomas, Tracts on Script. Con-
seq. p. 6 — 11.
s Hampden, Scholastic Philo-
sophy, Lect. viii.
^ Chillingworth's rash and un-
guarded assertion to this effect, is
employed by the infidel Tindal
to show that there is no certainty
in revelation. — Christianity as
old as the Creation, p. 291. It
would be a matter of some in-
terest to ascertain what propor-
tion of the heretic and sectarian
writers have made this statement
of Chillingworth's the basis of
their attacks on the orthodox
doctrine. It stands conspicuous
in almost every writing of that
kind which I have seen.
CHAP. III.] Tradition accessible to all. 57
judice against an appeal to the doctrine of the church, by
misrepresenting onr design and principle in making it.
Our answer to all these arguments is, that we do not
appeal to the fathers as inspired and authoritative
writers, but as competent witnesses of the faith held
by christians in their days. If they are not to be
trusted in this, they are not to be trusted in their tes-
timony to the facts of cliristianity, and the external
evidence of revelation is subverted.
II. Pretended respect for religion.
Under this head may be classed that mode of argu-
ment which rejects any appeal to the doctrine of the
christian church, under pretence that the word of
God alone ought to be the rule of our faith in opposi-
tion to all the doctrines of man ; that the scripture
constitutes a perfect rule of faith, needing nothing else ;
that it must necessarily be plain in all essential points,
and that it is its own interpreter '. The end of all this
pretended reverence for scripture is, to obtain an un-
limited liberty of interpreting it according to our own
reason and judgment, even in opposition to the belief
of all christians from the beginning ^ But in asserting
' Whitby, Dissert, de Scriptur. ion and practice is to be brought
Interpret.-^, Praef. (p. 8, 9, 10, to the test of God's word,'' i.e. to
19. Socinus boasted that he ac- the exclusion of councils, synods,
knowledged no master; " Sed bishops, presbyters, &c. Together
Deum tantummodo praeceptorem with this he teaches that the true
habui, sacrasque literas." — Ep. doctrine began to be corrupted
ad Squarcialupum, App. t. i. p. very soon by heathen inventions,
362. Accordingly he''strenuously even from the times of the apos-
denies the authority of the fathers ties ; and that " Luther and Calvin
and councils,^theprimitive church, left the dregs" of the Roman anti-
&c. t. ii. p. 617, 618. christ "behind." Evanson, an-
•• See Waterland's just remarks, other Socinian praised by Bel-
Works, vol. V. p. 282. Oxford ed. sham, declares, that the gospels
Lindsay the Socinian, in his pub- "contain gross and irreconcileable
lication entitled the Catechist, as- contradictions." Priestley regards
serts, that " every religious opin- the Mosaic narration of the crea-
15
58
Tradition accessible to all.
[part III.
this liberty to all men, it follows inevitably that no
particular interpretation of scripture is necessary to
salvation ; that scripture has no divine meaning ; that it
is not a revelation. In short, tradition is thrown aside,
under pretence of veneration for the scripture, in order
that men may be enabled to distort, to misinterpret,
and to destroy that very scripture.
The same may be observed of that pretended zeal for
the defence of the Reformation, which infidels, Unita-
rians, and other enemies of the doctrine and discipline of
the church, allege, as a plea for rejecting all appeal to the
doctrines of the universal church \ "The doctrines of the
tion and fall of man as a lame
account. Belsham holds that the
gospel teaches only the Deism
of the French Theophilan-
thropists, except in the single
fad of the resurrection of a hu-
man being ; and engages that
Unitarians shall show that what-
ever supports anything else is
either " interpolation, omission,
false reading, mistranslation, or
erroneous interpretation." — See
Magee on Atonement, vol. i. p.
174, 175. ii. 437. Yet who are
more loud than these Deists in
decrying catholic tradition? The
same may be observed of the Ra-
tionalist infidels. They all regard
scripture as interpolated, treat the
gospels as spurious productions,
&c. — Rose, p. 100, &c. Some
of them hold that the scriptures
contain pious frauds and decep-
tions,— lb. 117. Some impute
to our Lord and his apostles de-
ceptions for evil purposes. — lb.
119. Others affirm that the apos-
tles, as low and ignorant men,
natives of a barbarous country,
had not the power of relating
every thing as it really happened :
— lb. 1 20. and that the only me-
thod of getting at truth, is to
subject what they had written to
a critical examination, to sepa-
rate the " wheat in scripture from
the chaff:'— Ih. 121. This is Dr.
Hampden's method with St. Paul.
— Scholastic Philosophy, p. 375.
All these writers reject the doc-
trine of the fathers.
^ Tindal the infidel declares
that what he says is in defence of
the Protestant religion, (p. 212.)
that they who do not allow rea-
son to judge in matters of opinion
or speculation, {i.e. as to the
truth of any doctrines, &c. al-
leged) are guilty of as great ab-
surdity as the papists; (p. 178.)
that if we do not allow reason to
judge scripture in opposition to
all authority, we cannot show the
absurdity of the plea of the pa-
pists to implicit faith, p. 211. He
cites " Hoadly, the strenuous as-
sertor of our religious as well as
civil rights" as saying that " Au-
thority is the greatest and most
irreconcileable enemy to truth
and argument" — that " against
authority there is no defence" &c.
CHAP. III.] Tradition accessible to all. 59
Reformation" they say, " cannot be defended if this ap-
peal is allowed : popery must triumph." Excellent men !
They will maintain the Reformation at all hazards : all
evidence shall be pronounced worthless, if it be opposed
to the interests of that sacred cause. But what is the
end sought by all this pretended devotion ? It is that
every man may be permitted without any check, to
interpret scripture in such a manner as to subvert all
the doctrines of the Reformation whether positive or
negative, to prove the Reformation itself needless,
erroneous, bigotted, equally absurd as the system to
which it was opposed, and more inconsistent. I charge
these men with the grossest hypocrisy. Never was
there a more daring attempt to palm an imposture on
the credulous and unthinking, than this effort of Deists
and heretics to set aside tradition under pretence of
zeal for the Reformation. They are the opponents of
the Reformation. They are the representatives of those
whom the Reformation condemned. They reject its
doctrines, they charge it with ignorance, bigotry, in-
tolerance, errors as gross as those of popery. They
have separated from its reformed institutions, as anti-
christian, and only exist by a perpetual attack upon
them. The Reformation has no connexion with these
men : its defence belongs exclusively to those who
maintain its doctrines, and adhere to its institutions :
and they alone are the proper judges of the mode of
argument suited to its interests.
III. Statements directly untrue.
Under this head may be included the palmary argu-
— p. 215. The assumption of p. 300. This hypocrisy cannot
authority by Protestants accord- deceive any one possessed of com-
ing to Tindal is inconsistent with mon penetration,
the defence of the Reformation. —
C50
Tradition accessible to all.
[part III.
ment employed by all sects against any appeal to the
tradition of the church universal, namely, that it was
the ])rinciple of the Reformation to reject any such
appeal ; that its principle was, " the bible alone is the
religion of protestants ^" Nothing can be more untrue
than this assertion: the Reformation as a whole ac-
knowledged and appealed to the authority of catholic
tradition, though it denied the infallibility of particular
fathers and councils '". With equal veracity it is as-
' Heretics seem never weary of
attributing to the Reformation
principles which it abominated.
Wegscheider, Clarke, and others
have pretended that it is essen-
tial to a " Protestant" church to
possess the power of varying her
belief ; and this, notwithstanding
that the whole Reformation re-
ceived the Athanasian Creed,
which declares that the catholic
fciith there taught is necessary to
salvation, and that' unless it shall
be kept whole and undefiled by
every man, he shall perish ever-
lastingly.
"" See Part I. Chapter XII.
Sect. 3. See also Mr. Rose's
State of Protestantism, p. 35, &c.
2d ed. He observes that " it is
this very circumstance (J. e. re-
verence for the fathers,) which
has been made a subject of re-
proach against the early refor-
mers by the modern school of
theology," — p. 37, and that this
rationalist or infidel school assert
that " down to the eighteenth cen-
tury," " appeals were made only
to the writings of the fathers
whose ignorance, prejudices, and
want of philosophical illumina-
tion, deprived their evidence and
opinions of all value." — p. 39.
If Luther and others occasion-
ally opposed themselves to the
opinions of particular fathers, and
used strong expressions on the
subject ; we must in reason sup-
pose that they viewed those fa-
thers then only in their capacity
of theologians or writers, and not
as witnesses of catholic tradi-
tion. It is certain that we are
not bound to adopt the senti-
ments of any father merely on his
own authority, Luther, however,
was far from rejecting them even
as theologians. He recommend-
ed the works of Augustine, Ber-
nard, Ambrose, and Peter Lom-
bard to students, though he dis-
approved of those of Origen,
Jerome, and Basil. — Walchii
Bibliotheca Patrist. cap. xv. s.
1 2. Even the Roman bishop Tre-
vern admits, that Calvin, Beza,
Grotius, Leibnitz, and other dis-
tinguished adherents of the Re-
formation respected catholic tra-
dition.— Discussion Amicale, t.
i. p. 196—206. The Wallen-
burghs cite sixteen Lutheran and
reformed theologians, to prove
that the Reformation allowed the
authority of the early church. —
Oper. t. i. p. 237. The Roman
theologians themselves treat the
fathers with too little ceremony
where their sentiments are op-
posed to those of Rome. Medina
accuses Jerome, Ambrose, Au-
CHAP. III.] Tradition accessible to all. 61
serted that the Church of England rejects tradition bj
lier sixth article of religion ", when it is manifest that
her object is simply to maintain the necessity of scrip-
tural proof for articles of faith ; while our canons, our
ritual, and the whole body of our theologians, have so
notoriously upheld the authority of tradition, that it is
a subject of unmeasured complaint on the part of those
w^ho disbelieve the doctrines of the church °.
The nature of these various arguments testifies suffi-
ciently that the doctrine of the universal church is
opposed to those who employ them. It could be no-
thing but a feeling of despair on this point, which could
have induced men to resort to perpetual misrepresen-
tation, to false pretences, and to untruths. The em-
ployment of these weapons by all sects, in order to
prevent any appeal to universal tradition, proves two
l)oints. First, as the sole fundamental principle on
which they all agree is, the rejection of an appeal to
the doctrine of the church as a check on the interpre-
gustine, &c, of holding Arian own, that its divines have been
sentiments. Maldonatus charges apt on all occasions, to join the
Chrysostom with Pelagianism. — authority of the primitive church
See many instances collected by to that of sacred writ ; to supply
Crakanthorp, Logicas, lib. v. cap. doctrines frcm the ancient coun-
xvi. Reg, xix.p.340. SeealsoMr. cils, on which the scriptures are
Newman's valuable observations, either silent or thought defective
Lectures on Romanism. p.59 — 99. to add the holy fathers to the
" Whitby, Dissert, p. 4. college of the apostles ; and by
^ " 1 have already (Part II. Chap, ascribing the same gift and powers
VI.) cited the words of Walchius to them both, to advance the pri-
and of Blackburn IMiddk-ton, the mitive traditions to a parity with
author of the True Enquiry, who apostolic precepts." — True En-
resolved the Mosaic account of quiry, Introduct.p.xcviii. Hethen
the fall of man into a fable, and traces the prevalence of this evil
is supposed to have been an in- principle in the reigns of Henry
fidel, says, "Though this doctrine VIII., Edward VI.', Mary, (wheu
of the sufficiency of the scriptures Cranmer and Ridley xmhapji'dij
be generally professed through all appealed to it) Elizabeth, James,
the Reformed churches, yet it has Charles, &c. Page xli, he corn-
happened, I know not how, in our plains of " the prejudice in favour
62 Tradition accessible to all. [part hi.
tation of scripture, and the assertion of an unlimited
right of private interpretation; this principle is the
source of all their divisions and contradictions, and
therefore must be radically false. Secondly, the doc-
trine of the universal church from the beginning must
condemn that of all modern sects, in every point in
which they differ from our catholic and apostolic
churches ; and therefore on every such point they are
in error and misinterpret scripture, and the church is
in the right.
But what if two opposite parties both appeal to
primitive tradition as in their favour? Some of the
Unitarians, &c. do so. I answer that they appeal to
some insignificant sect of heretics which the universal
church rejected, and which utterly perished many ages
ago P. They accuse the great body of christians from
the beginning of the grossest errors, and do not appeal
to their doctrine ; or if they do occasionally cite some
of the early fathers, they take care to assure us at the
same time that they have no respect for their autho-
rity''. With regard to controversies between the
of primitive antiquity which pre- tended to tradition in favour of
vails in this protestant country." their errors, but when they were
P See Waterland on the Im- asked whether they woukl admit
portance of the Doctrine of the the common doctrine of the an-
Trinity, Works, vol. v. p. 327. cients, and be concluded by it,
The Ebionites were rejected as they refused the trial — Socrat.
heretics. — See Bull's " Primitiva Hist. Eccl. v. 10; Sozom. vii.
and Apostolica Traditio." The 12; see Waterland ut supra, p.
ancient heretics Basilides, Valen- 323 — 325. As for the modern
tinus, the Marcionites, pretended Arians and Socinians, Whiston,
to a private tradition contrary to Clarke, Whitby, Hoadly, &e.
that of the catholic church. The they either rejected and despised
Artemonians pretended that their the writings of the fathers, or
doctrine had been formerly held else admitted them only partially,
by the church, though it had been rejecting such writers as they
long ago condemned and exe- pleased. — See Waterland ut su-
crated by all christians. The pra, p. 327, 328.
Arians too and Macedonians pre- i It is related of Biddle the
CHAP. III.] Tradition accessible to all. 63
churches of England and Rome, it may be observed
that while both parties a}3peal with equal confidence to
catholic tradition, the former usually prefer to limit
the appeal to the earlier centuries, while the latter are
anxious to introduce the testimonies of later times.
The natural inference is, that our doctrines have more
support from the earlier tradition, and the Roman
opinions from that of subsequent ages; that neither are
without support from tradition ; that the differences are
not concerning matters of faith or things necessary to
salvation; and therefore that we are perfectly secure
in following the doctrines and practice of our own
churches, and Romanists were not justified in separa-
ting from them^
These are conclusions which may be drawn from
facts, by those who are themselves unable to examine
the monuments of catholic tradition. The more learned
will of course know from actual investigation, that the
faith of the universal church which we maintain, is
supported by universal tradition.
founder of the English Socinians, the first two centuries, not that
that " he gave the holy scriptures he regarded them himself, but
a diligent reading ; and made use " for the sake of the adversaries
of no other rule to determine con- who continually crake, the fathers,
troversies about religion than the the fathers." — Life by Toulmin,
scriptures, and of no other au- amongst the Unitarian Tracts,
thentic interpreter, if a scruple '' See Part II. Chapters II. and
arose concerning the sense of IX, where it is shown that the
scripture, than reason." After- Romanists separated from our
wards, indeed, it is said that he orthodox churches,
adduced some of the fathers of
64 Traditions of Rites and Discipline. [part. hi.
CHAPTER IV.
ON TRADITIONS OF RITES AND DISCIPLINE.
Tradition is sometimes used in the sense of " custom"
or " practice," as in the thirty-fourth Article : " It is not
necessary that traditions and ceremonies be in all
places one and utterly like ; for at all times they have
been divers, and may be changed according to the
diversities of countries, times, and men's manners, so
that nothing be ordained against God's word." This
leads me to consider the rules for determining what
traditions of the church are lawful and changeable,
and for discriminating them from those which are
unchangeable and necessary.
SECTION I.
THE MODE IN WHICH ALL THINGS LAWFUL ARE CONTAINED
IN SCRIPTURE.
The Puritans, and many of the more modern sectaries,
have asserted that no rites or discipline can be lawful for
Christians, except those which are expressed in scripture;
and for this reason objected to several traditions which
our churches have received from the remotest ages ; as
the use of sponsors, the sign of the cross, the ministerial
vestments, the offices of archbishop, dean, chancellor,
CHAP. IV.] Rites, when Laivful. 65
&c. These were according to them unlawful, because
they were not mentioned in scripture ". Hooker has
argued well against this principle in his second and
third books. The church has always admitted, that
rites and discipline which can be proved contrary to
scripture, directly or indirectly, are unlawful : the Arti-
cle above-cited, and the twentieth, both recognize this
principle. The latter says that the church "ought not
to decree any thing against scripture." We also admit
that some general principles are laid down in scripture,
from which every thing that is lawful may be justified.
The question then is, whether every thing that is
simply laivfal in worship and discipline must be ex-
pressly mentioned in scripture. This I deny for the
following reasons.
1 . There is no assertion to that effect in scripture it-
self, as will be seen in the answers to objections.
2. Every thing is lawful which is not forbidden by
the law; which is not contrary to the law: as the scrip-
ture says, "Where no law is, there is no transgression ''."
" Sin is the transgression of the law "." Therefore what-
ever is not directly or indirectly contrary to the divine
law of scripture is lawful.
3. The scripture lays down certain general rules for
the guidance of the church in regulating externals :
such as, " Let all things be done decently and in
order V "Let all things be done unto edifying ^"
" Whatsoever ye do, do all to the glory of God V'
"Give none offence, neither to the Jews, nor to the
Gentiles, nor to the church ^." Therefore the scripture
* See the objections of the Puri- '^ 1 John iii. 4.
tans in Hooker, and those of the ** 1 Cor. xiv. 40.
modern dissenters in Towgood on * Ibid. ver. 26.
dissent. * 1 Cor. x. 31.
''Rom. iv. io. « Ibid. 32.
VOL. II. F
G6 Traditional Rites and Discipline. [part in.
recognizes a power of regulating- externals which is
guided by general scriptural rules, not by specific scrip-
tural enactment or precedent.
4. Every church and every sect from the foundation
of Christianity has practised a number of rites and
matters of discipline which are not in scripture. Bing-
ham, in tracing the rites of the primitive church in the
administration of the sacraments and public worship,
exhibits a multitude of various rites, ceremonies, and
disciplines, in the churches of the East and West,
which cannot be traced in scripture*'. Tertullian says,
" Let us then enquire whether no tradition (in this case)
should be admitted unless it is written. We will allow
that it should not, if no examples of other practices
prejudge the case, as being maintained on the title of
tradition only, and the strength of custom, without any
authority of scripture. To begin with baptism ; when
entering the water, and a little before in the church,
under the bishop's hand, we protest that we renounce
the devil, his pomps, and his angels. Then we are
plunged three times, replying something more than our
Saviour in the gospel has prescribed. Received thence,
we taste a mixture of milk and honey ; and from that
day we abstain from the daily bath during the whole
week. The sacrament of the eucharist ordained by
our Saviour, both at the time of repast, and for all, we
receive in our assemblies before daylight ; nor from the
hands of others than those who preside. We offer for
the dead, and on an annual day for the martyrs' birth-
days, &c. ' " The day would fail me," says St. Basil, " if
*> See Bingham's Antiquities of eipi? Plane negabimus rece-
the Christian Church. piendam, si nulla exempla prae-
' " Ergo quaeramus an et tra- judicent aliarum observationum,
ditio nisi scripta non debeat re- quas sine ullius scripturae instru-
CHAP. IV.] Traditional Bites universalhj received. 67
I were to relate to you all the rites transmitted to the
church without scripture. I omit the rest : this pro-
fession of faith in God the Father, the Son, and the
H0I7 Spirit (the creed), from what scripture have
we it ' ?"
I adduce these passages, merely to show that the
primitive church practised many rites which are not
contained in scripture. Such also it is plain, has
been the invariable custom of all the Oriental, all the
Roman, all the British churches, down to the pre-
sent day. The Lutherans and the Calvinists also fol-
lowed the same rule, as might be instanced in their
use of liturgies, organs, surplices, and other ministerial
vestments, lights, crosses, kneeling at the eucharist,
cross in baptism, observation of holy days, fonts, creeds,
use of the ring in marriage, churching of women, burial
of the dead with hymns and prayers, titles and offices
of antistes, prsepositus, archbishop, dean, chancellor,
provincial and national synods, moderators, &c. ' These
mento, solius traditionis titulo et Oblationes pro defunctis, pro
exinde consuetudinis patrocinio natalitiis annua die facimus. Die
vindicamus. Denique ut a bap- Dominico jejunium nefas duci-
tismate ingrediar, aquam adituri, mus.veldegeniculisadorare. Ea-
ibidem, sed et aliquanto prius in dem immunitate a Die Paschae in
ecclesia sub antistitis manu con- Pentecosten usque gaudemus.
testamur nos renuntiare diabolo, Calicis aut panis etiam nostri ali-
et pompae, et angelis ejus. De- quid decuti in terram anxie pati-
hinc ter mergitamur, amplius mur. Adomnemprogressumatque
aliquid respondentes, quam Do- promotum, ad omnem aditum et
minus in evangelic determinavit. exitum, ad calceatum, ad lavacra,
Inde suscepti, lactis et mellis con- ad mensas, ad lumina, ad cubilia,
cordiam praegustamus, exque ea adsedilia, quaecunquenos conver-
die, lavacro quotidiano per totam satio exercet, frontem crucis sig-
hebdomadam abstinemus. Eu- naculo terimxis." — Tertull. De
charistiae sacramentum, et in tem- Corona, c. ii, iii, iv.
pore victus, et omnibus manda- '* Basil, De Spiritu Sanct. c.
turn a Domino, etiam antelucanis xxvii. n. 67- t. iii. oper. p. 56.
ccetibus, nee de aliorum manu ' See Durel 011 the Reformed
quam prsesidentium sumimus. Churches.
F 2
68 Traditional Rites approved hy the Reformation, [part iir.
rites were practised by some or all branches of the
foreign Reformation. Indeed all their confessions of
faith or doctrine expressly approve of the continuance
of such human traditions or rites, as are not contrary to
the word of God. The Confession of Augsburg says, "that
those rites are to be observed, which may be observed
without sin, and are conducive to quietness and good
order in the church, as certain holydays, feasts, and the
)>ke." " Nor is it necessary that human traditions, or
rites and ceremonies introduced hy men, should be alike
everywhere "\" The Apology of the Confession says :
" We M illingly observe the ancient traditions which
were constituted in the church for the sake of utility
and quietness," &c.° The Tetrapolitan Confession, drawn
up by Bucer in 1 530, observes, "The opinion of our party
concerning the traditions of the fathers, or those which
the bishops and churches approve now, is this : they in-
clude no traditions among the human traditions which are
condemned in scripture, except such as are repugnant to
the law of God. . .Those which agree with scripture and
were instituted to promote good manners and the public
utility, even though they be not expressly written in
scripture, yet since they arise from the precept of
charity, are to be accounted divine rather than hu-
man "." The same views are taken by the Bohemian p,
the Polish "", the Helvetic"" Confessions, the Formula
Concordiae^ &c. Calvin expressly defends the obliga-
tion of human traditions *, and amongst the rest ap-
"* Confessio August, pars i. '^ Declaratio Thoruniensis, art.
art. XV. and vii. v, vi.
° Apologia Confessionis, viii. "■ Confessio Helvetica, cap.
De tradit. humanis in Ecclesia. xxvii.
" Confess. Tetrapolitana, cap. ^ Pars i. art. x.
xiv. ' Calvini Institut. lib. iv. c. iii.
P Confess. Bohemica, art. xv. sect. 27 — 32.
CHAP. IV.] Traditional Rites practised hy Sectaries. 69
proves of the constitution of the primitive church, of
synods, patriarchs, primates, archbishops, metropolitans,
bishops, archdeacons, subdeacons, readers, acolytes,
and in short the whole hierarchy. This system he re-
garded as scarcely in any respect dissonant from the
word of God". In fine, the dissenters themselves
adopt a number of rites and matters of discipline which
are not mentioned in scripture. One of the chief
foundations of their dissent is the right of the people
to elect their own pastors, yet they admit that there is
not an instance in the Bible of a particular church
electing its own pastor". They administer the eucha-
rist to women ; exact from candidates for baptism, for
"church-membership," or for the ministry, confessions
of their " experience" and their doctrine ; constitute
members of the church by a ceremony different from
baptism ; give the titles of " reverend" and " divine" to
their ministers, who are also styled "doctors of divinity
and law," " masters of arts," &c. ; constitute congrega-
tional and baptist unions, conferences, &c.; build chapels
and colleges, and establish trustees, committees, and
professors. None of these things are mentioned in
scripture, nor do we read there any such expressions as
"congregational" or "baptist" churches ; and therefore
we claim the whole mass of dissenting communities as
effective, though reluctant, witnesses in favour of our
position.
Hence I conclude that it is lawful, it is not anti-
christian, to continue, or even institute rites and dis-
cipline not mentioned in scripture, provided they be
not opposed to the truths or the principles of scripture.
For if it be otherwise, all christians from the begin-
" Ibid. cap. iv. "^ .Tames, Church Memb. Guide, p. 12. 2d ed.
70 Variuhle and Invariable Discipline. [PAiir ui.
ning must have mistaken their own religion, and acted
as enemies of Christ, until at last in the sixteenth or
seventeenth century, a handful of Puritan and Anabap-
tist schismatics discovered the truth : a supposition
which is too absurd to merit a serious refutation.
SECTION II.
ON THE MEANS OF DISCRIMINATING VARIABLE FROM IN-
VARIABLE RITES.
Having proved that traditions of rites and discipline
not taught by scripture, may be lawfully adopted and
continued in the church, it now remains to examine, by
what rule we may discriminate those traditions or cus-
toms of the church in general which are unchangeable,
from those that are changeable?
Rites are found in scripture, which every one admits
to be changeable, i. e. the institution of deaconesses,
the kiss of peace, feasts of charity, the use of long hair
and of a covering for the head by women. In the same
manner rites appear to have been universal in the
earliest ages which were relinquished afterwards ; such
as trine immersion in baptism, the administration of
confirmation at the same time, the administration of
the eucharist in both kinds, &c.
Are then all rites and points of discipline contained
in scripture and tradition non-essential and variable ?
I reply that they are not.
First, there can be no doubt of the perpetual obliga-
tion of those rites which Christ declared necessary to
salvation, and which all christians from the bednnins:
believed to be so : I mean baptism and the eucharist.
And we are bound by a sense of the importance of
those rites, to adhere to that form of administering-
them which is found in scripture, and which the uni-
CHAP, i v.] Vai'iable and Invariable Discipline. 71
versal church has always practised. All other forms and
ceremonies concerning these sacraments are variable.
Secondly, any rites which may be traced in scripture
as means of grace, and which the wJiole church appears
evidently to have received from the apostles, cannot be
considered as changeable by the church, for it is to be
presumed that such rites were instituted by the Holy
Ghost for the whole church. Why otherwise should
the apostles ha\e ordained them everywhere? Such
are confirmation, ordination, episcopacy, matrimony,
reading of scripture in the churcli, absolution, adminis-
tration of the eucharist in both kinds, the observance
of the Lord's day, &c. These are customs and rites,
which cannot without extreme rashness and danger be
changed or omitted ; and which, if neglected at any
time ought to be restored again.
Thirdly, if any rite mentioned in scripture was not
given as a means o^ grace, or appears plainly either not
to have been delivered in all churches by the apostles,
or to have been generally held non-essential and
changeable in primitive times, then it must be re-
garded as designed only for temporary purposes, and
only enacted by the authority of some apostles as chief
ministers of the church, and not by all the apostles
under the express direction of the Holy Ghost. For
had it been designed for the whole church, it would
have been universally received by the church. Hence
we may infer that the feasts of charity, the kiss of
peace, the wearing of long hair, the order of deacon-
nesses, as not being connected with grace; and the
unction of the sick, as not universally received ^ were
changeable rites.
"' The first writer who clearly is Innocentius, bishop of Rome,
mentions this rite as customary who lived in the fifth century :
72 Variahle and Invariable Discipline. [part hi.
Fourthly, if any rite or discipline be not traceable
in scripture, it cannot be essential or invariable ; for it
is not credible that scripture, which contains some rites
that are changeable, should omit all mention of what
was unchangeable. Therefore all rites which are sup-
ported by ancient tradition only, might be omitted by
the church for special reasons. Such are trine im-
mersion in baptism, the administration of the eucharist
to infants, the mixture of water with wine in the
eucharist, the use of leavened or unleavened bread in
the same, prayers for the saints who are at rest, the
time of keeping Easter, the fast of Lent \
Fifthly, still more may those rites and disciplines be
omitted, whose early prevalence may be accounted for
without apostolic institution, or which were only re-
ceived by a portion of the church, or which were not of
any great antiquity. Such were various rites suppressed
by our catholic and apostolic churches at the Refor-
mation, as being inconvenient and burdensome ; the
rebaptizing of heretics or the ojjposite practice ; the
Roman jurisdiction over other particular churches^,
the earlier testimonies are dis- whether St. James's words are
puted by Romanists themselves, not to be understood as advice,
If it were supposed that the sick not as precept. — Tournely, p. 74.
might receive some consolation by * Melchior Canus observes that
this rite, it is plain that what the Lent fast, though apostolical,
Romanists regard as its principal is changeable. — De loc. Theol.
object, the remission of sin, is lib. iii. c. 5.
previously obtained by repen- ^ Though the precedence of
tance, absolution, and the recep- the Roman church above the rest
tion of the holy eucharist. In- wasearly and universally acknow-
deed it is disputed among them- ledged, and does not appear to
selves whether the unction remits have been originally instituted
any but venial sins (Bellarmin, by any council ; still in this case
I)e Extr. Unct. lib. i. c. vii ; the rule of St. Augustine, "Quod
Tournely, De Extr. Unctione, universa tenet ecclesia, nee con-
p. 68.) or whether the faithful ciliis institutum, sed semper re-
are bound by any divine or eccle- tentum est, non nisi auctoritate
siaalical precept to receive it, and apostolicatradilumrectissime ere-
CHAP. IV.] Variable and Invariable Discipline. 73
administering milk and honey after baptism, standing
at prayers between Easter and Pentecost. In fine,
those rites which are not mentioned in scripture, and
which having after some ages been admitted into the
church, are found by experience to be injurious to
christian piety, in consequence of the extreme abuses
connected with them, ought to be removed by the
church. Such were the celibacy of the clergy, the in-
vocation of saints, and the use and honouring of images.
The practical evils of such rites afford an abundant
reason to justify their removal : but it should be ob-
served, that piety as well as prudence would prevent
us from aflSrming, that even in such cases, the divine
protection had been so far withdrawn from the catholic
church, as to permit it to sanction any practice which
was in itself idolatrous or antichristian. The church
universal might not always be aided to perceive what
was most ejepedient for the promotion of piety ; but this
is very different from approving or instituting what was
in itself gross and manifest sin.
OBJECTIONS.
I. "Whatsoever is not of faith is sin ^" Now faith
can only be founded on the word of God ; therefore
whatever is not done by the word of God is sin.
Answer. The word faith here means o. full persuasion
that what we do is laivful, as appears from the context.
But this persuasion or faith is immediately attained, on
observing that the law of God does not forbid that
ditur," does not apply ; because stitution. See Part VII.
the origin of this precedency may ^ Rom. xiv. 23. See Hooker,
he reasonably accounted for with- vol. i. p. 368. ed. Keble, for the
out supposing any apostolical in- puritan use of this text.
74 Puritan Objections. [p. m. CH. iv.
action: for "sin is the transgression of the lawV
Therefore there is no necessity that the " faith" here
meant, should rest on the express institutions or prece-
dents of scripture.
II. " My son, if thou wilt receive my words, &c. . .so
that thou incline thine ear unto wisdom. . . . then shalt
thou understand righteousness, and judgment, and
equity : yea, every good path ^" Therefore no action
is good which is not contained in scripture.
Answe7\ I admit that the wisdom here spoken of,
and which enables us to understand every good path, is
contained in scripture : but with regard to certain good
works, ^. e. those of variable rites and discipline, it fur-
nishes general rules only.
III. "Whatsoever ye do, do all to the glory of
God ^" Now no man can glorify God except by obe-
dience, and obedience has respect to the word of God.
Therefore every action of man must be directed by the
word of God.
Ansiver. I admit that every action of man ought to
be directed by the word of God, but this direction, in
the case of rites and discipline, is by general rules, not
by specific enactments.
IV. Several passages from Augustine, Tertullian,
Jerome, Hilary, &c. are cited "^j in which the absolute
necessity of scripture proof is insisted on : but these
passages relate to articles of faith, with which we are
not here concerned.
V. Tertullian, in arguing against the lawfulness of sol-
diers wearing garlands, asks, " where it is commanded in
scripture" ; in reply to his adversaries' question, " where
* 1 John iii. 4. "^ 1 Cor. x. 31. Hooker, p. 365.
'' Prov. ii. 1, &c. Hooker, p. ^ See Hooker's Works, vol. i.
363. p. 378, &c. ed. Keble.
OBJECT.] Puritan Objections. 75
it is forbidden in scripture '." Therefore both parties
appealed to scripture as conclusive in the question.
Ansiver. Tertullian concludes that though scripture is
silent on the point, tradition establishes his position.
His adversaries' appeal to scripture did not imply that
every lawful custom must be expressed there, but that
every unlawful custom must be proved unlawful by its
opposition to the word of God, which is exactly our
principle.
VI. It is injurious to the dignity and perfection of
scripture as the word of God, to suppose that it omits
any thing which may be convenient or profitable to the
church.
Answer. The dignity and utility of the scripture
would have been less, if all rites and disciplines which
might be useful to the church had been expressly men-
tioned. For the universality of the church in respect
of time and place, would render the expediency of
things exceedingly variable. Consequently, scripture
Avould have contained many things obsolete or useless,
and instead of comprising scarcely anything but the
unchangeable word of God, would have been made up
in a great degree of details concerning changeable and
non-essential rites. The New Testament in this case
would have apparently resembled the Mosaic law ; and
the liberty of the church from the law of ceremonial
observances, which is so admirably reconciled with the
order and peace of Christianity, by leaving her free to
make and vary her rites and disciplines, could scarcely
have been preserved perfect, without permitting a licen-
tiousness of private judgment and action that would
have filled the church with confusion.
'' Tertullian, De Corona Militis, see Hooker, p. 387, &c.
76 Belation of the Church to Faith. [part. iit.
CHAPTER V.
ON THE OFFICE OF THE CHURCH IN RELATION TO FAITH.
The instruction of the existing church is, in its own
age, an ordinary and divinely-appointed external means
for the production of faith. This is the position which
I am about to maintain, avoiding on one side the error
of those who would found faith solely on the examina-
tion of each individual, and on the other, that which
would represent the infallibility of the existing church
as the only ground of our faith.
In speaking of the church, I refer not only to the
ministers of Jesus Christ but to all the brethren. That
the former were commissioned to instruct the people
of God, we know from scripture ; " Go ye, therefore,
and teach all nations. . . . teaching them to observe all
things whatsoever I have commanded you : and lo, I
am with you always, even unto the end of the world **."
"He gave some apostles, and some prophets, and
some evangelists, and some pastors and teachers, till we
all come, in the unity of the faith and of the know-
ledge of the Son of God, unto a perfect man," &c.''
"The things that thou hast heard of me among many
witnesses, the same commit thou to faithful men who
^ Matt, xxviii. 19, 20. " Eph. iv. 11, 12.
CHAP, v.] Relation of the Church to Faith. 77
shall be able to teach others also ''." " Remember
them which have the rule over you, who have spoken
unto you the word of God, whose faith follow**." ....
" Obey them that have the rule over you, and submit
yourselves : for they watch for your souls, as they that
must give account ^" Many similar proofs might
be adduced : and the apostle Paul expressly connects
faith with christian instruction ; " How shall they be-
lieve in him of whom they have not heard ? And how
shall they hear without a preacher? And how shall
they preach except they be sent ? . . . . So, then, faith
Cometh by hearing, and hearing by the word of God ?'
Thus the instructions of the ministers of God are de-
signed to produce faith.
Besides this, christian parents are to teach their
children the gospel, to " bring them up in the nurture
and admonition of the Lord":" all christians are to
love their neighbours as themselves ; and on this prin-
ciple, " Let no man seek his own, but every man
another's wealth ''," they are to " comfort themselves
together and edifi/ one another '." In fine, the gospel is
equally the privilege of all the faithful; and all in com-
mon, according to their degree, are exhorted to " con-
tend earnestly for the faith which was once delivered
to the saints \"
The church, then, is a society, in which by the divine
institution, a great and complicated system of instruc-
tion is always to continue. The admonitions of preach-
ers, the words of parents and friends, the conversation
and acts of all the brethren, all combine to impress the
<= 2 Tim. ii. 2. e Eph. vi. 4.
'■ Heb. xiii. 7- ^ 1 Cor. x. 24.
« Ibid. 17. '1 Thess. v. 11.
*^ Rom. X. 15 — 17. ' Jude o.
78 Relation of the Church to Faith. [part hi.
Christian's mind (even before his reason is yet able to
exert itself,) with the truths of revelation.
This has always been the doctrine of the church.
Irenffius says : " It is necessary to hear the presbyters
of the church who have succession from the apostles,
as we have shown ; who with the succession of the epis-
copate have received the certain gift of truth according
to the Father's wilP." Tertullian : "To know what
the apostles taught, that is what Christ revealed to
them, recourse must be had to the churches which
they founded, and which they instructed by word of
mouth, and their epistles,' " &c. Origen : " If the law
of God be received according to the meaning which
the church teaches, then truly it transcends all human
laws, and will be believed to be truly the law of God'"."
Cyprian : " Christ says to his apostles, and through
them to all ministers who by a regular ordination suc-
ceeded to them, He that heareth you heareth me, and he
that despiseth you despisetli meV Augustine: "The
authority of the scriptures themselves commends the
church ; therefore since the holy scripture cannot de-
^ Irenaeus, Adv. Haereses, lib. Prsescript. c. xxi.
iv. c. 26. " Quapropter eis qui '" "Si vero secundum banc in-
in ecclesia sunt, presbyteris obau- telligentiara, quam docet ecclesia,
dire oportet, his qui successionem accipiatur Dei lex, tunc plane om-
habent ab apostolis, sicut osten- nes humanas supereminet leges,
dimus ; qui cum episcopatus sue- et vere Dei lex esse credetur." —
cessione charisma veritatis certum Origen, Horn. vii. in Levit. t. ii.
secundum placitum Patris acce- p. 226. ed. Benedict,
perunt." " " Qui dicit ad apostolos ac
' " Quid autem praedicaverint, per hoc ad omnes praspositos,
id est quid illis Christus revela- qui apostolis vicaria ordinatione
verit, et hie praescribam non aliter succedunt : qui audit vos, me
probari debere, nisi per easdem audit; et qui me audit, audit eum
ecclesias quas ipsi apostoli condi- qui me misit. Et qui rejicit vos,
derunt, ipsi eis praedicando, tam me rejicit, et eum qui me misit."
viva, quod aiunt voce, quam per — Cyprianus, Epist. ad Florent.
epistolas postea." — Tertull. De Pupian. Ixix. ed. Pamel.
CHAP, v.] Relation of the Church to Faith. 79
ceive, let him who fears to be misled by the obscurity of
the present question (concerning baptism) consult con-
cerning- it the same church, Avhich without any ambi-
guity the holy scripture demonstrates °."
By preaching, the apostles converted heathen nations
before the scriptures were written, and Irenseus testifies
that in his time, some nations believed the gospel with-
out being able to read the scriptures ^ So it has been
even to the present day, for the majority of christians
have at all times been unable to institute an exact
examination into scripture, or the doctrine of the
church universal. Their faith is, and must necessarily
be founded to a great extent on the testimony of their
pastors, of the learned, and of their brethren generally.
For they have ordinarily no other external evidence
of the history of Christianity, of the authenticity, in-
spiration, and uncorrupted preservation of scripture, of
the accuracy of translations, of the universality and
antiquity of the church, of the nature of its belief in
all ages. It is true that those who have more informa-
tion are able to search the scripture, and the tradition
of the universal church ; but perhaps no man can have
leisure to trace out all the evidence on each doctrine
of religion : so that in fine the faith of every christian
rests more or less on the testimony or instruction of
the church. This instruction is the first external means
° " In hac re a nobis tenetur contr. Cresconium, lib. i. c. 33.
Veritas, cum hoc facimus quod t. ix. p. 407.
universse jam placuit ecclesias, '' Irenseus, Adv. Haeres. lib,
quam ipsarum scrijjturarum com- iii. c iv. '* Cui ordinationi as-
niendat auctoritas ; ut quoniam sentiunt multae gentes barbaro-
sancta scriptura fallere non po- rum eorum qui in Cbristum cre-
test, quisquis falli metuit hujus dunt, sine cbarta et atramento
obscuritate quaestionis, eamdem scriptam babentes per spiritum in
ecclesiam de ilia consulat, quam cordibus salutem, et veterem tra-
sineullaambiguitate sancta scrip- ditionem diligenter custodientes,
tura demonstrat." August, in unum Deum credentes," &c.
15
80 Human and Divine Faith. [part hi.
of faith in the mind of a christian : it accompanies and
influences his opinions imperceptibly : and he is never
finally disengaged from it but by scepticism. Nor may
this be affirmed only of the church: the very same
thing occurs in every sect which exists as a society.
Such is the mode in which God has willed that faith
should generally take its rise. He founds it universally
on sufficiently credible testimony, and in proportion as
the intellect is expanded and cultivated, it is enabled
to perceive a wider range of evidence : but the cer-
tainty of faith does not vary with the amount of the
understanding: the evidence which an unlettered man
has of christian truth is sufficient to produce the
firmest faith.
We are here met by two opposite parties, who unite
in asserting that faith supported only by the testimony
of fallible men cannot be firm or divine faith ; and that
such faith must either be founded solely on the infal-
lible authority of the existing church, or else solely on
the infallible authority of scripture ''.
I reply first, that divine faith is determined by the
object on which it rests, that is to say, the authority of
God himself. Human faith rests on the veracity of
men. If therefore christian truth is believed because
God hath s'poken it, that belief is divine, by whatsoever
QYieans it may have been produced. The patriarchs and
apostles had this faith by means of immediate inspira-
tion, the early christians by means of the apostles' in-
structions, others by means of the church's testimony,
some perhaps, in remote regions, only by means of
their parents' instruction, some by means of the scrip-
tures only ; but in all these cases, divine faith exists
■i This argument was common their opponents in the 16th and
to Roman controversialists and 17th centuries.
CHAP, v.] Sufficiency of Human Testimony. 81
whenever the doctrines of revelation are believed/wa%
on the ttuthoTity of God.
Secondly, the testimony of the church, though given
by fallible men, is a means sufficient to produce the
firmest conviction that certain doctrines were revealed
by God.
Those professing Christians who rashly and incon-
siderately deny this position, and who set aside human
testimony as uncertain, in order to establish some sys-
tem of their own, do not suppose that this mode of
reasoning tends to the subversion of Christianity itself:
but it does so very plainly. If all human testimony be
uncertain, then all the external evidence for the genu-
ineness, authenticity, and uncorrupted preservation of
scripture is uncertain : if all human testimony be un-
certain, then all the evidence of the perpetual eojistence,
miiversalitt/, belief, and judgments of the church, is un-
certain. Thus there is no external evidence of religion
left, except the assumed infallibility of the existing
church, which itself can only be known to exist univer-
sally, or to give any particular evidence on any point, by
hitman testimony ; and therefore on this principle there
is no foundation for religion at all. But the principle
does not stop here, it would render all the facts of
history doubtful, would lead us to doubt whether Caesar
or Alexander the Great ever lived, whether -any coun-
try which we have not visited ourselves exists, whether
there be a sovereign if we have not ourselves seen him,
or magistrates if we have not witnessed their appoint-
ment '.
Such a principle then is opposed to common sense.
■"See the very able argument Christianisme.ou Conferences sur
of M. Fraysinnous, bishop of la Religion." (Sur leTemoignao-e,
Hermopolis, in his " Defense du torn, i.)
VOL. II. G
82 llesolution of Faith. [part hi.
It is evident that liiiman testimony in all these in-
stances is capable of prodiicing so high a degree of
certainty, and is really so credible, that he who disputed
it would be justly regarded as insane. Hence I con-
tend that human testimony is a sufficient means of
conducting us to divine faith, by assuring us infallibly
of the fact that God has revealed certain truths.
It must be observed, that while the instruction of
the existing church as far as it is exercised on indivi-
duals, is an ordinary means of producing faith ; that
faith does not rest entirely or finally on the authority
of the existing church'. This authority assures us
most credibly that God revealed certain truths, that the
scriptures which we have, may be relied on as his
word, that the christians have always believed as we
do. Nor are we prevented, but encouraged, according
to our opportunities, to confirm our faith and enlarge
our knowledge, by consulting the word of God and the
records of the church. The learned will at last rest their
faith on the word of God, that is, on the true mean-
ing of scripture, established by the consent of all ages
and the irrefragable judgments of the universal church*.
'" By experience we all know, duction, to bring us to the dis-
that the first outward motive cerning and perfect apprehension
leading men so to esteem of the of divine things, but is not the
scriptures" (that they are the ora- ground of our faith, and reason
cles of God) " is the authority of of believing." — Field, Of the
God's church. For when we know Church, book iv. c, 8.
the whole church of God hath that 'Michael Medina (one of the
opinion of the scripture, we judge theologians at Trent,) attempts
it even at the first an impudent to prove that the ultimate resolu-
thing for any man bred and tion of faith is into the authority
brought up in the church, to be of the church. — De recta in Deum
of acontrarymind without cause." Fide, lib. v. c. 11. Melchior
— Hooker's Works, vol. i. p. 475, Canus denies this, and teaches
ed. Keble. " The authority of that our faith rests finally on the
God's church prepareth us unto authority of God. — De locis
the faith, and serveth as an intro- Theol. lib. ii. c. 8. Stapleton
CHAP, v.] Resolution of Faith. 83
It is therefore in vain objected, that if the testimony
of the existing chnrch be the ordinary means of faith,
Luther and the reformers were unjustifiable in disput-
ing any point of doctrine, which they had been taught
by the existing Roman church : for we deny that faith
is founded on the testimony of the existing church as
supernatural or infallible ; and if in any point the more
common oj^inion be found on attentive examination in-
consistent with scripture and the opinion of former
ages, it may be rejected ; because the testimony of the
existing church derives its vahie only from its faith-
fully representing the doctrine of scripture and of an-
tiquity. I do not affirm, however, nor is it to be be-
lieved, that the whole existing church would unani-
mously teach what was contrary to the articles of the
faith certainly revealed by Christ; and the Reformation
professed that it did not differ in any such points from
the catholic, or even the Roman church, but only con-
cerning matters of opinion and practice. It would
also be in vain to object to our doctrine, that we can-
not make an act of divine faith before we first open
the scriptures to the following effect: "As I believe
that God is, so I believe that this scripture is his
word;" and that such an act can only be made by
those who receive the scripture on the authority of the
church as infallible " : for it has been already shown
that the testimony of the church when unanimous, as
it is in this case, is capable of producing the most per-
fect conviction, though it be supposed nothing more
than human testimony.
also says : " Ecclesiae vox non mens fidelis." — Lib, viii. Princ.
est ultima fidei resolutio, ita ut cap, 20,
in ea tanquam in authoritatem " Bossuet, Conference avec M.
supremam desinat in eaque sistat Claude, CEuvres, t. xxiii. p, 300.
G 2
84 Argument in a Circle. [part m.
We are not guilty of arguing in a circle when we
prove the church from scripture. We believe that
a falsehood cannot have obtained universal currency
among the learned and the good, among contradictory
sects and parties. We think it rational to believe the
testimony of all men to that which most men can have
no interest in supporting if it be not true. We be-
lieve on that testimony, that the Bible is genuine, au-
thentic, uncorrupted, that it has always been received
by christians as we find it, that it is fairly translated.
And from the plain language of that record we deduce
the spiritual authority of the church. Our adversaries,
in their eagerness to establish that authority, assume it
to be the only proof of scripture, and then prove it
from scripture, thus finally resting the proof of the
church's authority on the church's authority : a mode
of argument which is perfectly absurd, and which
Roman theologians are obliged instantly to relinquish,
when they attempt to defend Christianity against infi-
dels. They are then compelled to adopt our course, to
commence with the testimony of the church as morally
certain, but not as infallible by the assistance of God ;
and having established revelation on this most firm and
rational basis, to employ it in proof of the church's
divine privileges ^.
" Cardinal de la Luzerne, in their authenticity as a matter
replying to the charge of arguing agreed on both sides. // we had
in a circle, observes : " It is false to prove this authenticity, we
that we prove the authenticity of should indeed argue from the tes-
the books and the true meaning of timony of the church, 7iot of the
the texts we employ, only by the chiirch as an infallible judge, but
infallible authority of the judge as a constant and perpetual wit-
of controversies. With regard to ness since the publication of those
authenticity, we only employ, to books ; and as having always re-
prove infallibility, passages taken garded them as her law. It is
from books which the protestants thus that we are sure that the
receive as we do. We suppose Alcoran was truly the work of
15
CHAP, v.] Controversy between Bossuet and Claude. 85
The controversy between Bossuet and M. Claude,
Calvinist minister of Charenton ''j in which the for-
mer had evidently the advantage, turned very much
on two points ; first, whether belief founded on human
testimony must necessarily be human and uncertain :
secondly, whether it is essential to true faith to be
founded on personal ejoamination. Claude incautiously
admitted the former : whence Bossuet inferred, not un-
reasonably, that the Protestants have nothing but an
uncertain faith in scripture, which is the very founda-
tion of their whole religion. Claude also maintained
the latter in the affirmative, which enabled Bossuet to
argue that protestants must begin by examining, and
therefore doubting the authority of the scripture ; that
they must still examine after the universal church has
decided ; and in fine, that a private person, a woman,
or any ignorant person, may and ought to believe that
he may happen to understand God's word better than
a whole council, though assembled from the four quar-
ters of the world, and than all the rest of the church.
It is curious however to observe, that Bossuet evaded
for a long time any reply to Claude's objection, that
Mahomet. It is thus we know committed to writing what they
the authenticity of all books what- were commanded by God to
soever." — Dissert, sur les Eglises teach everywhere." — (Tract, de
Cath. et Prot. t ii. p. 263, 264. Eccl. p. 107.) After this, the
This is precisely our mode of church, he says, is proved from
argument. In the same manner scripture, and here certainly is no
Delahogue says: "When we have vicious circle : but how absurd is
to do with adversaries who deny it then to turn upon us, and call
both scripture and the church on us to admit doctrines solely
we argue differently. First me on the infallible authority of the
prove the authenticity of the scrip- church, because we have no other
tures in the same way as it is cus- proof of the authenticity of scrip-
tomary to prove the authenticity of ture except that infallible autho-
other works : then we prove that rity.
their authors were inspired, who " Ut supra.
86 Artifices of Roman Controversialists. [part hi.
Romanists themselves are obliged to rest their faith in
the church on human testimony. At last he appeals to
the fact of the church's "perpetual and uninterrupted
existence," as alone sufficient to give her an "inviolable
authority ;" forgetting that this very fact is only proved
by human testimony.
It is time that these disputes as to the credibility of
human testimony should cease between professing
christians. Those who deny its credibility must deny
every fact of history. Those who act on it in all the
concerns of life, cannot, without inconsistency, reject the
overpowering mass of evidence which attests equally
the truth of Christianity, of the scriptures, and of all
the articles of our faith. The opponents of human tes-
timony should only be found amongst the followers of
the infidels Tindal and Hume.
In controversies with professing christians w^e have
a right to assume the truth of revelation, the authenti-
city, genuineness, and inspiration of scripture : if these
be denied, we no longer argue with christians. Ro-
manists, who in controversies concerning christian
faith, call on us to 'prom the authenticity, genuineness,
and inspiration of the scriptures, should be met by a
positive refusal; because this is not a point in contro-
versy between us, and because their own authors adopt
precisely our arguments in proving scripture against
the infidels. Romanists themselves prove scripture
exactly as we do: and it is contrary to the rules of
grave and honest controversy, to question or deny
what both parties have already unanimously proved
and agreed on. Let Romanists admit that the
whole line of argument employed by Bossuet, Huet,
Bergier, Hooke, Fraysinnous, La Mennais, &c. in
CHAP, v.] Artifices of Roman Controversialists. 87
proof of scripture is invalid, and we may then meet
them, but not as members of the Roman Obedience,
not as believers.
The mode of argument adopted by too many Roman-
ists after Petavius, the Walenburghs, and others, is, to
throw doubt and uncertainty on every proof of the
catholic faith, except those which are founded on the
infallible judgments of the church. Thus they dispute
all the usual proofs of the authenticity, inspiration, and
uncorrupted preservation of scripture, in order to esta-
blish the necessity of believing the church. With the
same intention Petavius denied that the fathers before
the synod of Nice taught the doctrine of the Trinity " ;
and if Romish theologians of this school followed out
their own principle, they would dispute the genuineness
and uncorrupted preservation of all the monuments of
catholic tradition ; would suggest that the decrees of the
oecumenical synods may have been corrupted, and thus
in fine, rest the faith of christians on an authority
whose judgment there is no means of ascertaining.
As I have already said, the scriptures, the monuments
of tradition, and therefore the catholic faith and the ca-
tholic church stand or fall together. If the scripture be
uncertain, tradition, the fathers, the councils are equally
so : if tradition be uncertain, so is scripture.
"^ It is stated on the authority Works, vol. v. p. 257. Oxford
of Bossuet that Petavius retract- edit,
ed this opinion. — Waterland's
88 The Principle of Examination. [part hi.
CHAPTER VI.
ON THE ALLEGED NECESSITY OF EXAMINATION AS A
FOUNDATION OF FAITH.
It has been maintained by some persons among the
opponents of the Roman ehnrch, that faith, in order to
be real and saving, must be founded solely on indivi-
dual examination of scripture. Hence they would send
every individual to the scripture to form his own reli-
gion from it, without in any degree prejudicing his
mind by human creeds and systems, as they call them.
We do not doubt that it is desirable for all christ-
ians to read the scriptures, for the confirmation of their
faith and the increase of their knowledge : but I deny
that it is essential to faith, that it be founded on per-
sonal examination of scripture ; it is sufficient if by any
testimony, the mind be convinced that the doctrines of
revelation were in fact revealed, and believe them on
the authority of God.
I have already proved that the testimony of the
church is an ordinary means by which faith is pro-
duced : therefore personal examination of scripture
cannot be the only essential means ''. If it were, the
^ See some most just obser- versity of Oxford, Sermon III. on
vations on this subject in Dr. the Authority of the Church.
Hook's Sermons before the Uni-
CHAP. VI.] Principle of Examination. 89
majority of mankind must at all times have been
beyond the possibility of believing. The children of
christians could have no faith until they were of age
to read and examine the scriptures ; they could not
even believe the divine authority of the scriptures, be-
fore they had examined them. The christian ministry
instituted by God himself, would be not only useless
but injurious; because their instructions could not fail to
interfere with the perfect freedom of each individual's
examination. Creeds and articles of faith, and even
the association of men in any christian society, must
be also regarded as prejudicial ; because the current no-
tions of a society cannot fail to exercise an influence on
the opinions of its members. It were easy to point out
other evils and absurdities which would follow from
this principle ; but they will readily suggest them-
selves. I now turn to the proofs on which this error is
sustained.
OBJECTIONS.
I. Christ recommended to the Jews to found their
faith on the scriptures only. " Search the scriptures,
for they testify of me ""."
Answer. Our Lord admonished the unbelieving Jews
to search the scriptures, that is, to examine the prophe-
cies which spake so plainly of him. But besides theses
he had just referred to other proofs of his mission ; the
testimony of John, his own miracles, and the Father's
voice ^ Would not the Jews have had true faith, if
witJiout seao^ching the scriptures they had already be-
lieved in Jesus for " his works' sake ?'' Certainly they
would : and therefore om* Lord did not mean that
^ John V. 39. '^ Ibid. 33—37.
90 Principle of Examination. [object.
" searching the scriptures" was the only means of ob-
taining faith.
II. " These were more noble than those in Thessalo-
nica, in that they received the word with all readiness
of mind, and searched the scriptures daily whether
those things were so. Therefore many of them be-
lieved ^"
Answer. (1.) We read that three thousand souls be-
lieved on the apostle's ivo7'ds% therefore it was not
essential to examine the prophecies before they be-
lieved. ('2.) The Jews of Berea might well be called
" more noble than those of Thessalonica," for the latter
had driven away Paul and Silas from their city \ They
are praised, not because they founded their faith solely
on an examination of the prophecies ; but because they
were willing to receive the word, and to employ every
means for attaining the truth.
III. " From a child thou hast known the scriptures,
which are able to make thee wise unto salvation,
through faith in Christ Jesus "." Therefore the scrip-
tures alone are a sufficient foundation of faith.
Answer. I admit that the scriptures are a sufficient
foundation of faith, and that he who has truly faith in
Christ Jesus, will be made wise unto salvation by the
scriptures ; but I deny that personal examination of
scripture is the sole and essential foundation of fiiith, so
that he who does not derive his faith from such cd'ami-'
nation, is devoid of faith.
IV. It is the principle of the Reformation that faith
is only to be founded on scripture. The Church of
'' Acts xvii. 11. f Acts xvii. 5—10.
* Actsii. 41. K 2 Tim. iii. 16.
p. Ill, CH. VI,] Principle of Examination. 91
England sends her members to the Bible, to examine
whether her religion is true or false.
Ansiver. (1.) The Reformation maintained that all
articles of faith should be proved from scripture ; but it
did not affirm that each individual must himself exa-
mine scripture, before he believed any doctrine. On
the contrary, every branch of the Reformation taught
children to believe the articles of the christian faith,
before they could possibly examine them. (2.) The
Church of England sends her members to the scrip-
ture, not because she doubts her own faith, or considers
them at liberty to doubt it ; but in order to confirm and
enlarge that faith which she has taught them. If they
misinterpret scripture and fall into obstinate heresy,
she excommunicates them*", and declares that they
shall " without doubt perish everlastingly '."
'' Canons 1603 and 1640. ' Athanasian Creed.
A TREATISE ON THE CHURCH OF CHRIST.
PART IV.
ON THE AUTHORITY OF THE CHURCH IN MATTERS OF
FAITH AND DISCIPLINE.
A TREATISE
THE CHURCH OF CHRIST.
PART IV.
ON THE AUTHORITY OF THE CHURCH.
INTRODUCTION.
In the preceding part I have treated the general doc-
trine of christians in all ages as a testimony which
cannot reasonably be rejected, and have briefly touched
on the office of the existing church in preserving faith
by her instructions : but it now remains to consider
the authority of the church properly so called ; namely,
the right of the church to judge in matters of faith and
discipline, and the obligation which those judgments
have on individuals.
I shall, in the first place, trace the right of the
church universal to judge in matters of christian faith
and morality, and the mode and authority of those
judgments ; and then descend to the various instances in
which such judgments have been made or alleged ; se-
condly, I shall examine the authority and nature of
judgments made by particular churches ; and, thirdly,
observe the authority of the church in questions of
discipline, and resolve various questions connected with
the preceding subjects.
96
The Church a Judge in Controversies, [part iv.
CHAPTER I.
THE CHURCH IS A JUDGE IN RELIGIOUS CONTROVERSIES.
In maintaining the right of the church to judge in con-
troversies, it is necessary to limit her authority to its
proper object. It is not, then, supposed by any one,
that the church is authorized to determine questions
relating to ])hilosophy, science, legislation, or any other
subjects beyond the doctrines of Revelation : her office
relates entirely to the truth once revealed by Jesus
Christ \
The position which I am about to maintain is, that
the whole catholic church of Christ, consisting of pas-
tors and people, and every portion of it, are divinely
^ This is admitted by Roman
theologians. " Requiritur ut res
sit defnibilis de fide, videlicet ut
sit mediate vel immediate reve-
lata. Unde si, praeter institu-
tionemsuara, Concilium Generale
pronuntiaret circa questiones phy-
sicas,mathematicas, ad studia le-
gum pertinentes, a prudentia, non
vero a scientia divina pendentes,
illius decreta ad fidem minime
pertinerent, quia non haberent
pro objecto aliquid revelatum.
Ita Melchior Canus, Bellarminus,
Veron, in sua regula fidei, Bos-
suet, in Defens. declar. part. i.
1. 3. c. i. Tournely, Delahogue,
p. 216, &c. Hinc etiam si con-
cederetur concilium Lateranense,
i. et iv. erravisse approbando ex-
peditiones vulgo dictas les Croi-
sades, nihil inde sequeretur."—
Bouvier, Episc. Cenomanensis,
Tract, de Vera Eccl. p. 235. See
also Delahogue, De Ecclesia, p.
210, after Veron; Melchior Ca-
nus, Loc. Theol. lib. ii. c. 7.
proposit. 3 juxta fin.
CHAP. I.] The Clnirch a ,Tialf/e in Controversies. 97
authorized to judge iu (juestions of religious contro-
versy ; tliat is, to determine whether a disputed doe-
trine is, or is not, a part of .revelation ; and to separate
from their religious communion those individuals who
oppose themselves to the common judgment.
I. It is admitted by all the opjDonents of church
authority who believe in revelation, that individual
christians are authorized by God, to judge what are
the doctrines of the Gospel ; therefore, as a necessary
consequence, many, or all christians, /. e. the church
collectively, must have the same right. Whatever texts
or arguments establish the right of individuals to judge,
establish directly that of the church. If the church be
denied the right of judging in religious controversies, it
would be absurd to suppose that individuals have it ;
and, therefore, it would follow that revelation was
given in vain, since no one was authorized to judge
what it consisted of: thus heresy and infidelity would
not merely be free from censure, but, in fact, could not
exist. I conclude, therefore, that the right of indi-
viduals to judge, directly establishes that of the church.
II. The scrii)ture says, " If there come any unto you
and bring not this doctrine, receive him not into your
house ; neither bid him God speed : for he that biddoth
him God speed, is partaker of his evil deeds ''." "If any
man teach otherwise, and consent not to wholesome
words, even the words of our Lord Jesus Christ, and
to the doctrine Avhicli is according to godliness . . . from
such withdraw thyself \" " We command you, bre-
thren, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, that ye
withdraw yourselves from every brother that walketh
disorderly, and not after the tradition which lie re-
'' 2 John, vcr. 2. '• I Tim vi :].
VOL. II. II
98 The Church a Judge m Controversies. [part iv.
ceived of us ''." " If he neglect to hear the churcli,
let him be unto thee as a heathen man and a pub-
lican '." These and many other texts establish the
rig-ht, or rather obligation, of christians to preserve
their religion, by holding no communion with open
sinners, false prophets, antichrists, heretics, and those
who teach what is contrary to the Gospel; a right,
which is most fully admitted by all opponents of the
church, and on which alone they can pretend to justify
their own dissent or heresy. If, then, all christians
have the right to separate from their communion those
who teach doctrines contrary to the Gospel, the right
of the church (which is the same tiling) is directly
established.
III. The same power is specially and peculiarly given
to the ministers of religion. They are authorized to
teach the truth, and therefore to discriminate it from
error, and to oppose themselves to false teachers, and
separate them from their communion. This appears
from the following texts : " Go ye and teach all na-
tions . . . teaching them to observe all things whatso-
ever I have commanded you V "Of your ownselves
shall men arise, speaking perverse things to draw away
disciples after them ; therefore watch '^," &c. " I be-
sought thee still to abide at Ephesus, when I went into
Macedonia, that thou mightest charge some that they
teach no other doctrine ''." " The things that thou hast
heard of me among many witnesses, the same commit
thou to faithful men, who shall be able to teach others
also '." " That he may be able by sound doctrine both
^ 2 Thess. iii. G. g Acts xx. 30.
^ Matt, xviii. 17. M Tim. i. 3.
f Matt, xxviii. 19, 20. * 2 Tim. i. 9.
CHAP. I.] The Church a Jmhje in Controversies. 99
to exhort and to convince the gainsayersJ." "A man
that is a heretic after the first and second admonition,
reject ^" &cc.
IV. "The chnrch of the HvingGod" is "the pillar and
ground of the truth ' ;" but if she were not authorized
to judge what the truth is, and to separate herself from
false teachers, she could neither teach nor support
the truth, and therefore could not be its " pillar and
ground."
V. " God is not the author of confusion, but of
peace, as in all the churches of the saints '" ;" but if
the church might not define what her own faith is,
and separate herself from the communion of a few
turbulent false teachers and heretics, "whose mouths
must be stopped, who subvert whole houses"," there
would be interminable discord and confusion within the
church.
VI. The church is a society instituted by God for the
purpose of preserving and propagating his revelation,
by which is the way of salvation. Therefore it must
be furnished with what is essential to the very object
for which it was instituted ; and consequently must, as
a society, be authorized to judge what the truths of
revelation are. I shall not multiply similar arguments
from the unity of the church and the promises of Christ,
but conclude from these, that the church of Christ is
divinely authorized to judge whether controverted doc-
trines are those of the Gospel, or contrary to the
Gospel, and to provide for the security of religion, by
separating from her communion those who obstinately
contradict the revealed truth.
J Tit. i. 9. •" 1 Cor. xiv. 23.
^ Tit. iii. 10. " Tit. i. 11.
' 1 Tim. iii. 1.").
H -2
100 The Church a Jv.ihje in Controversies. [part i v.
This conclusion is confirmed by the universal practice
of professing christians in every age. We know from
Irena3us and others, that the Christians avoided all
intercourse with heretics". Heretics themselves, in
forsaking the communion of the church, acknowledged
the same right of judgment. As soon as heresies
arose within the church itself, so soon did the church
exercise this right. The pastors of the church, either
separately or conjointly, published their judgments in
condemnation of heresies, or confirmation of the truth ;
and these being aj^proved and acted on by the faithful
and their pastors, in every part of the world ; the judg-
ment of the universal church was made known. The
decisions of many hundreds of synods, not only of the
church, but even of heretics, such as Arians, Donatists,
&c. establish suflflciently the universal conviction, that
the church was authorized to judge in controversies of
faith. This principle, indeed, has even been adopted
by all denominations of professing christians in modern
times. The Presbyterians decide controversies of faith
in their synods. The Westminster Confession declared
that " It belongeth to synods and councils ministerially
to determine controversies of faith, and cases of con-
science P." Owen, and other Independents, claim for
particular churches the right of judging in matters
of faith, and of expelling heretics ; and for the churches
collectively, the right of judging particular churches,
and separating them from communion if heretical ''. It
is the same with every other sect.
The Lutherans acknowledged the right of the church
" Irenaeus adv. Haeres. lib. iii. clu p. xxxi. art. 3.
c. 3. cited above, Vol. I. p. 96. ''Owen's Gospel Church, chap-
•* Westmiiisler Confession, ters x. and xi
CHAP. I.] The Church a Judge in Controversies. )0I
to judge in controversies: they appealed to the judg-
ment of a general council for forty or fifty years ' :
they, themselves, in councils, condemned the Calvinists,
Zuinglians, Papists, and innumerable heretics \ The
Calvinists of France arranged their church government
in successive gradations of synods, of vi^hich the highest
decided controversies in faith. Those of Holland, in
the synod of Dort, condemned the Arminians : the
reformed confessions approved of the ancient judg-
ments of the church*. In fine, it is needless to speak of
the sentiments and practice of the Oriental, Roman,
and British churches, as to the right of the church to
judge in controversies of faith. Our churches expressly
aiBrm that " the church has authority in controversies
of faith ^." They exercised this authority in framing
articles of doctrine, approving of the ancient creeds,
condemning the heresy of Socinus '", excommunicating
those who affirm the Articles to be superstitious and
erroneous "" : in fine, their constant law and practice has
been to separate from their communion all who are
convicted of heresy, according to the prescribed forms.
This universal practice of the church, and of all reli-
gious communities, renders it superfluous to adduce
the accordant sentiments of theologians in different
ages. It also renders any attempt to adduce the oppo-
site opinions of individuals perfectly futile.
The right of the church to judge in controversies,
and to act on her judgments, by separating those who
oppose them, is all I here- contend for. What the
■■ See Part I. c. xi. s. 1. "' Article XX.
' Ibid. s. 3. * In the synod, a. d. 1640.
' Ibid. s. 3. " Canon v.
10-2 Modes of Ecclesiastical Judgments. [part iv.
mdhority of those judgments is, strictly speaking, i. e.
what degree of respect individuals are bound to pay to
them, is a very different question, which I shall consider
presently.
CHAPTER 11.
ON THE MODES OF ECCLESIASTICAL JUDGMENTS.
It would be unreasonable to maintain, that the judg-
ment of the church in a controversy cannot be made
known, unless each individual declares his sentiments
by some formal and public act. In every assembly,
that resolution which is proposed in the name of all,
and which is opposed by none, or only a few, is ac-
counted to be the judgment of the remainder. If a law
be made by the rulers of a commonwealth, which, being
published to all, is notoriously approved by many within
tliat commonwealth, and opposed by none, it is evident
that all unite in giving it assent. If in any society
a sentence of exclusion is passed against certain indi-
viduals, by one or more of the members in the name of
all, the rest being present and showing no sign of dis-
approbation, but, on the contrary, receiving and acting
on the sentence, that sentence is evidently authorized
by all. In the same manner, the judgment of the church
may be abundantly made known by the formal public
acts of a few of its members ; approved, accepted, and
acted on by the remainder. The practice of the apos-
tles themselves confirms this. When " all the multitude
CHAP. II.] Modes of Ecclesiastical Judgments. 103
had given audience to Barnabas and Saul," and when
several of the apostles and elders had delivered their
judgments, a letter was written to the brethren of
Antioch, Syria, and Cilicia, in the name of the apostles,
elders, and brethren''^ concerning the matter in con-
troversy; thus declaring the approbation of the mul-
titude of the faithful at Jerusalem, though there is no
evidence that they individually expressed their judg-
ment, nor perhaps were in any way consenting, except
by silence. In the same manner the judgment of the
Council of Nice, in the case of Arius, was fairly es-
teemed the judgment of the whole church of Christ,
because it was made known to, approved, and acted
on by all christians.
But, it may be asked, are there any members of the
church peculiarly emjiowered to issue formal judgments
or decrees in controversies of religion, or is every indi-
vidual equally authorized to do so ? I reply that
The rigid of making public and formal decrees, in con-
troversies of religion, is vested in the minister's of Jesus
Christ.
I argue this from the nature of the office of the mi-
nisters of Christ, who are leaders of the church in mat-
ters of religion, " ensamples to the flock ^" . . . The office
of every pastor is to be " an eocam'ple of the believers . . .
in faith "." The duty of the faithful is to attend to
their admonitions : " Remember them which have the
rule over you, who have Sf>oken unto you the word of
God, whose faith /b//oz^ 'V ^ " Obey them that have the
rule over you, and submit yourselves, for they watch for
your souls ^" They alone are the watchmen of God's
* Acts XV. 23. ^ Heb. xiii. 7—9.
'' 1 Pet. V. 3. <= Heb. xiii. 17.
•^ 1 Tim. iv. 12.
104 Modes of Ecclesiastical Judgments. [part iv.
people, Avlio, when they see the sword coming, are to
blow the trumpet, and give warning to the peopled
They alone are the shepherds of God's flock beneath
the Chief Shepherd ^ ; and, as such, are bound to " take
heed unto themselves, and to all the flock over which
the Holy Ghost hath made them overseers 'V and to
fi-uard this flock from " wolves '." To them, and not to
all the faithful, is given the power to teach publicly
in the church: "Are all teachers^?" They are pecu-
liarly commanded to censure and rebuke gainsayers of
the truth : " Rebuke them sharply, that they may be
sound in the faith ^ ;" " A man that is an heretic after
a first and second admonition, reject '." Therefore the
ministers of Jesus Christ are authorized, above all the
rest of the brethren, to act in controversies of religion;
and their judgment ought, according to the divine ap-
pointment, to be published before that of the brethren
is known. They, alone, judge as the authorized teachers
of religion ; and the office of the brethren is evidently
to accept or reject their judgment, according to its
conformity with the Gospel, but not themselves to as-
sume the position of teachers, and to define, formally
and publicly, the matters in controversy.
When the apostles and elders at Jerusalem were
consulted in the controversy concerning legal observ-
ances, the brethren of Antioch did not think it neces-
sary themselves to go thither, and join in the decree.
Barnabas and Paul were deputed by all the church.
In the controversy about the time of Easter, in the
second century, synods of bishops judged the question
' Ezek. xxxiii. ' 1 Cor. xii. 2t).
g 1 Pet. V. 4. ^ Tit. i. 13.
h Acts XX. 28—31. ' Tit. iii. 10.
' Acts XX. 29.
CHAP. II.] Modes of Ecclesiastical Judgments. 105
ill many parts of the world. Paul of Samoyata was
condemned by seventy bishops of the Oriental diocese.
The innumerable synods of the East and West gene-
rally comprised only bishops, and the deputies of
absent bishops. Each church was represented by its
pastor, and the other believers never esteemed it neces-
sary or expedient to attend these assemblies and unite
in their decrees, though some were occasionally allowed
to be present, and to subscribe. Even the Independent,
Owen, holds that in synods, which consist of the dele-
gates and messengers of several churches, " the elders
or officers of them, or some of them at least, ought to
be the principal ; for there is a peculiar care of public
edification incumbent on them, which they are to exer-
cise on all just occasions :" and though he contends that
others (even of the laity) may be united with them, he
does not absolutely affirm it to be necessary : " Yet it
is not necessary that they (the ministers) alone should
be so sent or delegated by the churches '"."
The public judgments of Christ's ministers in con-
troversies of religion are sometimes made in oecume-
nical synods, consisting of bishops from many provinces
and nations ; sometimes in national synods, consisting
of bishops from the provinces of one nation ; sometimes
in provincial, or even in diocesan synods. Sometimes
they are made by the patriarchs or chief bishops of
the catholic church singly, sometimes by particular
bishops.
"^ Oweji's Gospel Church, p. 432.
106 Conditions of Ecclesiastical Judgments, [part iv.
CHAPTER III.
ON THE CONDITIONS OF ECCLESIASTICAL JUDGMENTS.
The judgments of bishops or councils in religious con-
troversies, are of little weight in the church, unless they
be given lawfully. If their decisions are not free, but
constrained by external force and violence, they are in
themselves of no weight, because they do not exhibit
the genuine judgment of those who made them. If
they manifestly act under the influence of prejudice
and passion, or in blind obedience to some leader, their
decrees are also devoid of authority in themselves. The
church has often rejected tli,e decisions of such synods.
Thus the synod held at Ephesus, under Dioscorus,
against Flavianus, patriarch of Constantinople, and that
of Ariminum, where the Arian party deceived the or-
thodox, W'Ore both justly rejected by the church, in
consequence of the force and violence employed to
influence their proceedings. The judgments of the
synod of Trent, also, have been justly disregarded by
several churches, as it was chiefly composed of mere
creatures of the Roman patriarch.
But, even if there has been some irregularity in the
mode of judgment, the church ultimately judges whe-
ther that judgment is in itself correct; and if the whole
church, in fact, approves and acts on it, it becomes the
judgment of the universal church : nor can any irregu-
CHAP. III.] Conditions of Ecclesiastical Judgments. 107
larity in the original proceedings be pleaded in proof
that it is not a lawful judgment of the universal
church.
Certain conditions, however, must be found in all
real judgments of the church.
I. They must be decreed and published by a sufficient
authority, and be known universally. The judgment of a
single bishop might be unknown to the greater part of
the church : it might be considered of not sufficient
weight to call for a counter decision, and circumstances
might render it inexpedient to make one. But if a
judgment be made by a great assembly of bishops,
from various parts of the world, condemning certain
doctrines as heretical, and establishing the contrary
truth, this decree must necessarily be known through-
out the whole church.
II. They must be universally received and acted on.
If the church knows of such decrees, and yet does not
receive or act on them, they are evidently not generally
approved. If the church universal acts on those decrees,
she evidently aj^proves of them. If they are only
received and acted on in a part of the church, they
represent only the judgment of that ])ortion of the
church : c. g. the Latin synods were only received in
the Latin churches.
III. There must be no ^roo/" that they are received
everywhere by a mere act of submission to authority,
by a blind impulse, without any examination or judg-
ment whatever, or by force. If there be such proof, it
reduces such decrees to be judgments of those individual
bishops only from whom they emanated. A mere pre-
sumption, however, that the church generally has not
exercised any judgment on certain decrees, would be
insufficient to reduce the authority of those decrees to
108 Conditions of Ecclesiastical Judginents. [part iv.
that of their framers, if the church has acted on them;
because it is not to be supposed, without evident proof,
that any great cliristian community would fail to exer-
cise a conscientious vigilance over the faith.
In speaking of an universal or unanimous reception
and approbation of judgments in faith, I do not mean
a physical and absolute, but a moral universality. In
this sense our Saviour said, " If he will not hear the
church, let him be unto thee as a heathen man and
a publican-;" where he speaks of " the church" as united
in judging an offender, though that offender is himself
a member of the church, and opposed of course to the
judgment. Scripture, in teaching us that heresies were
to exist, shows that a judgment, absolutely unanimous,
could not be expected at any time : but if the judgment
be that of so great a majority of the church, that there
are only a very small number of opponents, then its
unanimity cannot fairly be contested. Where parties
approach to anything like an equality in numbers,
learning, &c. there is an evident want of unanimity;
and, under such circumstances, the judgment of the
church universal is not given.
This may be illustrated by examples from the history
of the church. The Arians and Macedonians, the Nes-
torians and Eutychians, the Luciferians and Donatists,
had respectively several bishops in their favour ; but the
infinite majority of the church approved and acted on
the judgments by which they were condemned as here-
tics or schismatics, and thus manifested the moral una-
nimity of the judgment of christians.
On the other hand, when the church was considerably
divided on questions, no one would maintain that the
(question had been determined by general consent.
Thus, in the (jucstion of rebaptizing heretics, the oppo-
CHAP. IV.] Authority of Universal Judgments. 109
site decrees of the African synod, and of the Roman
see, were respectively supported by numerous ad-
herents. So in the case of the second synod at Nice
(by some called the seventh oecumenical), those who
received, and those who rejected its decrees, were
nearly balanced in number and weight ; and, therefore,
there was no Judgment of the church.
What I have observed of the unanimity requisite to
prove judgments to have been made by the universal
church, applies also to the case of national, provin-
cial, and particular churches. Their judgment is not
given in controversies of faith, unless it be morally
unanimous.
CHAPTER IV.
ON THE AUTHORITY OF JUDGMENTS OF THE UNIVERSAL
CHURCH.
Assuming that in a controversy of faith, the formal and
decided judgment of the universal church has been pro-
nounced, it now remains to enquire, what authority this
judgment is invested with ; that is, whether individual
christians, then and in all future time, are, or are not,
bound to submit to it. In order to narrow the question,
let us suppose that a judgment in a controversy of faith
has been made by a great council of bishops, assembled
from all parts of the world ; that this, their judgment,
has been transmitted to all churches, publicly approved
by many, received, accepted, and acted on by all : that
no opposing voice has been heard; or, if a few indivi-
110 Authority of UniversalJudgments. [part i v.
duals have objected, that their very fewness has. evinced
tlie sentiment of the vast majority, who also separate
them from their communion as heretics : let us sup-
pose that this judgment is not constrained by force and
violence, nor given under the influence of any authority
which destroys its freedom : the question now is, whe-
ther individuals are, after this, justified in opposing the
doctrine so defined, on the ground of their own opinion
of the sense of scripture, or for any other reason ; and
whether they are justified in subjecting themselves to
the sentence of separation from the communion, and
from the ordinances of the universal church.
I. I contend that such a judgment is absolutely binding
on all individual christians, from the moment of its full
manifestation, for the following reasons :
1. It has been already proved that the universal
church is divinely authorized to judge in religious con-
troversies, and to expel from her communion those who
teach what is opposed to her faith. But Christ cannot
have authorized two contradictory judgments or ac-
tions ; therefore, when the universal church has mani-
fested her judgment, individuals cannot be authorized
to oppose their judgment to her's.
2. It is certain, from the word of God, that the
church of Christ was never to fail, or become apostate :
but it would be apostate, if it taught, positively, what
was false in faith, or contrary to the Gospel of Christ ;
for the apostle says : " Though we, or an angel from
heaven, preach any other Gospel unto you than that we
have preached unto you, let him be anathema ^" It
would also be sinful and detestable in the sight of
God, to teach merely human theories and opinions as
"" Gal. i. 8.
CHAP. IV.] Authority of Universal Judgments. Ill
equally obligatory on the conscience of christians with
the doctrines of divine revelation ; for God himself has
said : " In vain do they worship me, teaching for doc-
trines the commandments of men." The very object for
which the church was founded, was to maintain, pure
and inviolate, the revealed truth : and it is, therefore,
called in scripture " the pillar and ground of truth ^ :"
but if the churcli universal could positively condemn
and extirpate the revealed truth, or pollute it by the ad-
mixture of merely human traditions, how could she be,
in any sense, its " pillar and ground ?" To suppose that
the universal church could determine what is contrary
to the Gospel revealed by Jesus Christ, would be incon-
sistent with the promises of Christ himself: "Lo, I am
with you always, even to tlie end of the world " ;" " The
Spirit of truth shall abide with you for ever'';" For
how could Christ be with a church which publicly and
unanimously contradicted his word ? That a large por-
tion of the church might, for a time, receive errors, from
want of enquiry, or merely by implicit obedience to an
authority supposed to be infallible, may be readily con-
ceded ; but that the whole church, with the apjmrent
use of all means, should unite in a regular and orderly
condemnation of the truth revealed, and an approbation
of what is contrary to the truth, or impose the belief of
a spurious and merely human doctrine as necessarv to
salvation, would be inconsistent Avith the promises of
Him whose word cannot fail. Hence I infer that such
a judgment as I have supposed, cannot be false or con-
trary to the Gospel ; and, therefore, individuals caimot
be justified in opposing their private opinions to it, and
•" 1 Tim. iii. 5. ^' John xiv. IG, 17.
" Matt, xxviii. 20,
15
112 Authority of Universal Judgments. [part i v.
incurring tlie sentence of excommunication from the
society and ordinances of Christianity.
3. It is incredible that any individual should be able
to judge, more wisely and correctly, as to the nature of
Christ's revelation, than the body of Christ's ministers
throughout the world, together with the great body of
believers. How can it be supposed that he possesses
superior means of ascertaining the truth ? Are the
scriptures in his hands only ? Is the tradition of past
ages known to him only ? " Came the word of God out
from him, or came it unto him only ' ?" It is manifest
that the whole christian church, which equally possesses
these means of coming to a right judgment, is infinitely
more likely to judge right, than any individual. If he
allege in confirmation of his right of judgment, those
gracious promises of the aid of the Holy Spirit to guide
and teach believers ; surely he cannot deny, that wdien
the multitude of the believers unite in a judgment con-
trary to his, the testimony of the Spirit is evidently
given against him. If he pretends that the gift of the
Spirit renders him individually infallible, let him prove
that infallibility by miracles. We may hence conclude,
that it is altogether unreasonable for any individuals to
dispute the universal judgment.
4. If each individual may lawfully oppose himself to
the judgment of the whole christian world, and esteem
himself, whether by nature or grace, wiser than all be-
lievers united, the most fatal results to Christianity
must follow. He whom the whole church cannot
teach, will contemn the instructions of the particular
pastor whom God has placed over him, will despise the
doctrine of his own particular church, and, if the bre-
'' 1 Cor. xiv. 30.
CHAP. IV.] Authority of Universal Judgments. 113
thren do not submit to his views, will separate from
their communion. Hence order, humility, peace, and
unity, must depart from the church of Christ, and in
their place must come arrogance, turbulence, division,
heresies; and, at length, when the human mind is
wearied vn.t\\ its own absurdities, universal toleration of
falsehood as equally acceptable to God with truth ; and,
finally, the rejection of Christianity, as obsolete and
useless.
5. The divisions of modern sects calling themselves
Protestant, afford a strong argument for the necessity
of submission to the judgment of the universal church ;
for, surely, it is impossible that Christ could have de-
signed his disciples to break into a hundred different
sects, contending with each other on every doctrine of
religion. It is impossible, I say, that this system of
endless division can be christian. It cannot but be the
result of some deep-rooted, some universal error, some
radically false principle which is common to all these
sects. And what principle do they hold in common,
except the right of each individual to oppose his judg-
ment to that of all the church? This principle, then,
must be utterly false and unfounded.
To this it may be objected, that God has authorized
individuals to judge in questions of controversy ; and,
therefore, the judgment of all the church cannot be
binding on them. I reply, that God has indeed au-
thorized individuals to judge, according to their means
of judging ; but their judgment is limited by the divine
will, for every one admits that it is not free to reject
any doctrine of o'evelation. Now all I contend for here is,
that their i-ight of judgment is so far limited, that it is
not entitled to reject what is manifested to be a doc-
trine of revelation, by so great an evidence as the
VOL. II. I
114 Authority of Universal Judgments. [part iv.
legitimate judgment of the universal church. They are
not entitled to oppose their own opinion, devoid of all
authority, to the judgment of the multitude of believers;
and, in so doing, to incur the sentence of separation
from christian communion ; a sentence authorized by
God himself, as I have shown \
The right of individual judgment is positive and
unquestionable, as far as it cvtends. I allow, that in-
dividuals exercise a sacred right, or rather duti/, in
examining and judging of doctrines under controversy,
according to their capacities and stations. But this
process of examination precedes the time when the
judgment of the universal church is manifested : till
that period different opinions may be held ; but after-
wards reason and piety require the sacrifice of a private
oi^inion to the judgment finally ratified by universal
consent.
II. I maintain, further, that such a judgment is irre-
vocable., irreformable, never to be altered.
First : all individuals are bound to submit to such a
judgment, as I have shown ; consequently, no one can
lawfully bring the doctrine once decided, into contro-
versy again ; and there can be no new decision on it.
Secondly : the church in one age has no greater
promises from Christ than in another ; if, therefore, any
new decision be binding on individuals, the decision
formerly made must have been equally so : if a new
decision should not be allowed to be obligator!/, it would
be superfluous to alter that which was formerly made.
Thirdly : the universal church could not reverse her
judgment, without admitting that, although to all ap-
pearance she had employed all lawful modes of attain-
^ See Chapter I.
CHAP. IV.] Authority of Universal Judgments. 115
ing to the truth, she had failed ; she would, therefore,
be obliged to admit, that not even under the most
favourable circumstances, could the promised aid of the
Holy Ghost be securely relied on : in this case it would,
at least, be just as probable that her former decision
was right, as any other which she could now make. But
the supposition that the church could not, under any
circumstances, rely securely on the actual promises of
Christ to her, would be contrary to faith ; because it
would entitle christians to doubt always whether the
church exists ; whether it has not apostatized ; whether
it does not formally teach a Gospel contrary to that of
Christ, and excommunicate those who maintain the re-
vealed truth ; whether the Spirit of Truth has not for-
saken it, and the gates of hell prevailed against it.
Finally : such a judgment as I have sui^posed, cannot
be altered or revoked; because by virtue of Christ's pro-
mises, as I have shown, it must be true and in accord-
ance with the Gospel.
The doctrine of christians, from the earliest period,
recognized the authority attached to the faith of the
universal church : " Where the church is, there is the
Spirit of God," says Irenseus : " and where the Spirit of
God is, there also the church and every grace exist :
but the Spirit is truth ^." " It is necessary to hear the
presbyters which are in the church, who have succession
from the apostles, as we have shown ; who, with the
succession of the episcopate, have received the certain
gift of truth, according to the Father's will ''." Hence,
according to Irenseus, the judgment of the whole body
8 "Ubi enim ecclesia, ibi et naeus adv. Hser. lib.iii. c. 24.
Spiritus Dei ; et ubi Spiritus Dei, '' Irenaeus adv. Haeres iv. 26.
illic ecclesia et oranis gratia. See above, p. 78.
Spiritus autem Veritas."' — Ire-
I 2
1 IG Authority of Universal Judgments. [part iv.
of the successors of the apostles, cannot be false. Cle-
ment of Alexandria says : " He ceases to be faithful to
the Lord, Avho revolts against the received doctrines of
the church, to embrace the opinions of heretics'."
Tertullian : " Every doctrine is to be judged as false,
which is opposed to the truth taught by the churches,
the apostles, Christ, and God^." "Suppose that all
churches had erred ; that the apostle was deceived in
giving his testimony ; that the Holy Spirit Avho for this
very thing was sent by Christ, sought from the Father,
to be the teacher of truth, regarded no church so as to
lead it into truth ; that the Steward of God, the Vicar
of Christ, neglected his office, permitting the churches
to understand and to believe differently from what he
himself had preached by the apostles; is it probable that
so many and so great churches should have erred into
one faith f" &c.'' Alexander of Alexandria : " We be-
lieve so as it pleases the apostolic church ...these things
we teach, these we preach, these are the apostolical doc-
trines of the church, for which we are ready to lay down
our lives'." Hilary of Poictiers: " The reason of our
' nvOpwTTOc elrot rov Qeov kcu postulatus de Patre, ut esset doc-
TTtwroc rw Kvpf'w cia/i£»'£iv aVoXw- tor veritatis ; neglexerit officium,
\tKEv, 6 a.i'a\aKTi(Tag t})i' skkXt]- Dei villicus, Christi vicarius, si-
aLaariKYiv ■Kapucoaiv, — Clemens nens ecclesias aliter interim in-
Alexandr. oper. p. 890. ed. Pot- telligere, aliter credere, quod ipse
ter. per apostolos prsedicabat : ecquid
■* " Omnem vero doctrinam de verisimile est, ut tot ac tantae
mendacio praejudicandam, quae in unum fidem erraverint?" —
sapiat contra veritatem ecclesia- Tertull. Prsescript. Haeret. c. 27,
rum, et Apostolorum, et Christi, 28.
et Dei." — Tertull. de Prsescript. ' 'H/jeIc ovrwc TnaTsvofiEi', w£
c. 21. p. 209. ed. Rigalt. ttj dwouToXiKij tKK\i]irta coi:u . . .
* " Age nunc, omnes errave- ravra Sida(TKoi.i£v, raiira ki)qvtto-
rint ; deceptus sit et Apostolus fiev, ravra rrJQ licKXtialag ra d-n-o-
de testimonio reddendo : nullam oroXtca lojixara, vwep ivy Kai
respexerit Spiritus Sanctus, uti aVoStj/o-ivO/itEj'. — Alexander Alex-
eam in veritatem deduceret, ad andr. apud Theodoret. Hist.
hoc missus a Christo, ad hoc Eccl. lib. i. c. iv.
CHAP. IV.] Authority of Universal Judgments. 117
Lord's sitting in the ship, and the crowds standing with-
out, arises from the accompanying circumstances. He
was about to speak in parables, and by this sort of pro-
ceeding intimates that they who are out of the church,
can possess no understanding of the divine word ; for
the ship is an emblem of the church, within which the
word of life being placed and preached, those who are
without, and who resemble barren and useless sands,
cannot understand it "\" Cyril of Jerusalem : " The
church is called catholic, because it teaches catholicly,
and without omission, all points that men should
know"." Maximus : " I wish you, with all your power,
to turn away from all those who do not receive the
pious and saving doctrines of the church °." Ambrose :
" How can the traveller walk in the dark ? His foot
soon stumbles in the night, if the moon, like an eye of
the world, does not point out his way. Thou also art
in the night of the world : let the church point out the
way to thee p," Pacianus : " The church hath neither
spot nor wrinkle : that is, hath no heresies ; neither the
Valentinians, the Cataphrygians, nor the Novatians''."
"^ " Sedisse Dominum in navi, " KadoXiK)) fjiep olv koXeItui . . .
et turbas foris stetisse, ex sub- ha to SicaaKtii' KadoXiKwg (cat
jectis rebus est ratio. In para- di'eXkenrQc, uirayra ra elg yvwaLV
bolis enim erat locuturus : et facti dvQpuT^wv iXde'iy 6(j)eiXovTa Soy-
istius genera significat eos, qui fxara. — Cyril. Hierosol. Cat.
extra ecclesiam positi sunt, nul- xviii. p. 270. ed. Milles.
lam divini sermonis capere posse ° Udprag wdcrri Svi'dfiei uko-
intelligeutiam. Navis enim ec- GTpefonivovQ tovq firi de-^^^ofxepovg
clesias typum prajfert : intra quam ra tvarelSij ri'ig iKfcXrfcrlac mt <rw-
verbum vitse positum et praedi- Tiipiahoynara. — Maximus, Oper.
catum, hi qui extra sunt, et i. ii. p. 284.
arense modo steriles atque inu- p " Et tu in nocte es sseculi,
tiles adjacent, intelligere non monstret tibi ecclesia viam." —
possunt." — Hilar. Pictav. com. Ambros. Enar. in Ps. xxxv.
in S. Matt. c. xiii. p. 675. ed. Oper. t. ii. p. 776. ed. Ben.
Ben. 1 " Ecclesia est non habens
118 Authority of Universal Judgments. [part iv.
Vincentius : " The church of Christ, a diligent and care-
ful ouardian of the doctrines entrusted to her, never
changes aught in them, diminishes nothing, adds no-
thing'." The practice of the church was accor-
dant with these principles. Those who op]50sed the
universal faith were always accounted heretics ; and
whenever the judgment of the whole church was ascer-
tained, the controversy was held to be decided. That
judgment was ever afterwards maintained by the church,
and those who attempted to alter it were regarded as
heretics.
If we trace the doctrine of christians in more modern
times, we shall still find the authority of the judgments
of the universal church acknowledged. The whole re-
formation professed its adherence to the decisions of the
ancient and genuine cecumenical synods ^ The reform-
ation maintained the perpetuity of the church, and the
necessity of the truth revealed by Jesus Christ * ; there-
fore its principle led to the conclusion, that the church
can never deny that truth. Calvin admits, that if the
church contains herself within the compass of that
heavenly doctrine, which is comprehended in the scrip-
maculam neque rugam, hoc est, therans and Reformed, says :
hasreses non habens, non Valen- " Non enim aspernamur eonsen-
tinos, non Cataphrygas, non No- sum catholicse ecclesise, nee est
vatianos." — Pacian. Epist. iii. ad animus nobis uUum novum dog-
Sempron. Bibl. Patr. t. ii. ma et ignotum sanctse ecclesiae
"■ " Christi vero ecclesia, se- invehere in ecclesiam, nee pa-
dula et cauta depositorum apud trocinari impiis aut seditiosis
se dogmatum custos, nihil in his opinionibus volumus, quas ec-
unquam permutat, nihil minuit, clesia catholica damnavit." —
nihil addit." — Vincent. Lirin. Confess. August, c. 21.
Commonitor. c. xxiii. ' See Part I. chap. i. sect. 2 ;
* See Part I. chap. xii. sect. chap. v. sect. 2 ; chap. xii. sect.
3. The Confession of Augs- 3.
burgh, received by all the Lu-
CHAP. IV.] Authority ofXJniversal Judgments. 119
ture, " she cannot err " ;" and he observes, when urged
with the text, " If he will not hear the church, let him
be unto thee as a heathen man," &c. that the church
ought to be heard, as "she never consents except to the
truth of God, pronounces nothing except from the word
of God ''." But he insists that it is not lawful for the
church to make a new doctrine, and to deliver for an
oracle more than the Lord revealed by his word.
Chillingworth is well known as a strong opponent of
the doctrine of the infallibility of the Roman church; but
his dehberate judgment did not permit him to dispute
the superior authority of the universal church. In his
controversy with Lewgar, the latter asked : " When our
church hath decided a controversy, I desire to know
whether any particular church or person hath authority
to re-examine her decision, whether she hath observed
her rule or no, and free themselves from the obedience
of it, by their particular judgment ?" Chillingworth re-
plied : " If ijou understand hy your church the church
catholic, probably I should answer no ; but if you under-
stand by your church, that only which is subordinate to
the see of Rome, or if you understand a council of this
church, I answer yea \" Dr. Field, speaking in the
name of our churches, says : " As we hold it impossible
" "Nos si demus illud pri- verbi Dei consentit ? Ecclesia
mum, errare non posse ecclesiam audienda est, inquiunt. Quis
in rebus ad salutem necessariis : negat ? quandoquidem nihil pro-
hie sensus noster est, ideo hoc nuntiat nisi ex verbo Domini,
esse quod abdicata omni sua sa- Si plus aliquid postulant, sciant
pientia, a Spiritu sancto doceri nihil sibi in eo sufFragari haec
se per verbum Dei patitur." — Christi verba," &c. — Calv. Inst.
Calv. Instit. lib. iv. c. viii. s. iv. cap. viii. s. 15.
13. "" Conference between Mr. Cliil-
"■" " Quid enim tandem obtine- lingworth and Mr. Lewgar, near
bunt (Romani) nisi non sper- the beginning. — Chillingworth's
nendum ecclesij3e consensum, Works,
quae nunquam nisi in veritatem
120 Authority of Universal Judgments. [part iv.
the church should ever, by apostasy and misbelief,
wholly depart from God ... so we hold it never falleth
into any heresy ^" Dr. Hammond, also, speaking the
general sentiment, declares that " We do not believe
that any general council, truly such, ever did, or ever
shall err in any matter o^ faith ; nor shall we further
dispute the authority, when we shall be duly satisfied
of the universality of any such '." Bishop Pearson ob-
serves, that the church of Christ is catholic, " because
it teacheth all things which are necessary for a christian
to know, whether they be things in heaven or things in
earth, whether they concern the condition of man in
this life, or in the life to come ;" and afterwards jn-o-
fesses belief in a universal church " to be j^ropagated to
all ages, to contain in it all truths necessary to be hnown^T
Archbishop Bramhall : " We are most ready, in all our
differences, to stand to the judgment of the truly ca-
tholic church, and its lawful representative, a free gene-
ral council ^" Dr. Sayw^ell, Master of Jesus College,
Cambridge, says : " The divine wisdom has provided a
more effectual means for removing of schism out of the
church, by erecting an authority in her, to end all dis-
putes and controversies ; and, that she may the better
demean herself in this office, he has promised her the
perpetual guidance and direction of his Spirit, till she
shall receive her perfect consummation in glory : and
thereupon our Saviour himself has pronounced of every
one that shall neglect to hear his church, ' Let him be
unto thee as a heathen man and a publican ''.' " " St.
Paul admonishes the bishops (Acts xx), that of them-
y Field, Of the Church, book " Pearson on the Creed, Art.
iv. c. 2. ix.
' Hammond, Of Heresies, p. " Bramhall, Works, p. bQ.
lf>3. <: Saywell on Schism, p. 82.
CHAP. IV.] Authority of Universal Judgments. 121
selves should men arise speaking perverse things, to
draw away disciples after them : and this may happen
even in large councils. But nothing like this can be
said of the college of pastors, or of councils truly oecu-
menical, received and approved by the catholic church : nor
may any one oppose scripture and the tradition of the
church, to the tradition of an oecumenical council uni-
^ versally received and approved : for they teach the same
thing, and equally declare the evangelical faith ; nor do
the pastors, either when dispersed abroad or collected
in a really free council, bear a discordant testimony.
The same truth is contained in scripture, in tradition,
in oecumenical synods. It cannot be that an oecume-
nical council, or the free and true testimony of the
college of pastors, should be contrary to the tradition
of the church ; nor can any doctrine be confirmed by
the tradition of the church, which is repugnant to sa-
cred scripture, since among all traditions none is more
certain than that of scripture. Therefore let the scrip-
V ture retain its perspicuity and sufficiency, tradition
its firmness and constancy, the pastors and oecume-
nical synods their authority and reverence ; nor let any
one set them in opposition to each other, since the
same faith, the same doctrine in all things necessary to
salvation, is taught ill its own method and order by
each ; and each has its own use and authority in handing
down and preserving the truth '\" Archbishop Tillotson
says : " That the whole church, that is, all the christians
in the world, should at any time fall off to idolatry, and
into errors and practices directly contrary to the christ-
ian doctrine revealed in the holy scriptures, is, on all
hands, I think, denied: only that any particular church
■* Praefat. ad Epist. Launoii, Cantab. 1G89.
122 Authority of Universal Judgments. [part i v.
may fall into such errors and practices, is, I think,
as universally granted \" He also acknowledges that
" when individuals prove perverse and disobedient, au-
thority is judge, and may restrain and punish them.
This is true ; but then a question occurs, who is to
decide whether they be perverse and disobedient ? who
is to judge whether they are heretics ? I say, of course,
authority V' Bishop Bull, in speaking of the synod of
Nice, argues as follows : " In this synod the question
was concerning a chief point of the christian religion ;
namely, concerning the dignity of the person of Jesus
Christ our Saviour ; whether he was to be worshipped
as true God, or to be reduced to the rank of creatures
and things subject to the true God. If, in this question
of the greatest moment, we pretend that all the rulers
of the church fell into total error, and persuaded the
christian people of that error; how shall the faithfulness
of our Lord Jesus Christ appear, who promised ' that
he would be with the apostles,' and therefore with their
successors, ' even to the end of the world ?' For since
the promise extends to the end of the world, and the
apostles were not to live so long, Christ is to be sup-
posed to have addressed, in the persons of the apostles,
their successors in that office ^."
It would be easy to cite many additional testimonies
of our theologians to the great truth, that the universal
church cannot at any time fall into heresy, or contradict
the truth of the Gospel '\ This, indeed, would be in-
consistent with the " godly and wholesome doctrine" of
the Homilies, which affirm that the Holy Ghost was
^ Tillotson, Sermon xlix. *> See the very valuable Preface
•" Sermon xxi. of Dr. Say well to the Epistles of
^ Bull, Defensio Fidei Nicaen. Launoius, Cantabr. 1689.
I'rooem. s. 2.
CHAP. IV.] Authority of Universal Judgments. 123
always to remain with the church : " Neither must we
think that this Comforter was either promised, or else
given, only to the apostles, but also to the universal
chureh of Christ, dispersed through the whole world: for
unless the Holy Ghost had been always present, govern-
ing and preserving the church from the beginning, it could
never have sustained so many and great brunts of af-
fliction and persecution, with so little damage as it
hath ; and the words of Christ are most plain in this
behalf, saying that " the Spirit of Truth should bide with
themfm- ever,"' that "he would be with them always (he
meaneth by grace, virtue, and power,) even to the world's
end\" And hence, our catholic apostolic churches,
resting on these promises with undoubting confidence,
declare that while particular churches have erred,
"THE CHURCH HAS AUTHORITY IN CONTROVERSIES OF
FAITH ^ : " that is to say, particular churches may fail in
faith : general councils consisting of numerous bishops
may err in faith : but the universal church, guided
for ever by the Spirit of truth, sustained even to the
end of the world by the presence of her Redeemer,
can never fall into heresy, or deny the truth revealed
by Jesus Christ. Were it possible that the universal
church could fall into heresy ; that with the use of all
means, she might have contradicted the gospel of
Christ : where would be her authority ? What atom of
authority would remain to the church in any of her
judgments ?
Whatever various modes of treating the authority of
the church there may have been, I believe that scarcely
any christian writer can be found, who has ventured
* Sermon on Whitsunday, part ^ Article XX.
ii.
15
124 Authority of Universal Judgments, [p. iv. ch. iv.
actually to maintain that the judgment of the universal
churchy freely, and deliberately given, loith the a'pparent
use of all means, might in fact be heretical and con-
trary to the gospel. If the principles of some writers
among the adherents of the reformation appear to lead
to such a conclusion, we must make allowances for
mistakes in the heat of controversy, when they were
hard pressed by wily antagonists. Men who argue in
haste, and under the pressure of most urgent dangers,
cannot always select with rigid discrimination, the
arguments by which they sincerely and honestly en-
deavour to defend the truth ; and something always
remains for future generations to do, in criticizing their
particular arguments, and retaining those only which
are free from all defects. If we observe the general
mode of reasoning practised by English theologians
since the reformation, it will not be found directed
against the authority of the universal church. Jewel
denies the infallibility of the Roman church, and the
Roman pontiff, as maintained by Hosius, Sylvester de
Prierio, Pighius, and others. He contends that the
Roman is not the catholic church, and denies that the
council of Trent was truly general, from defects in the
mode of its convocation, and in its numbers ^ Chil-
lingworth addresses himself chiefly to prove, that the
Roman church is not infallible ; that no church of one
denomination is infallible '. Leslie contends, that the
promises of Christ to his church are conditional, not ab-
solute "'. These and other writers argue, that the church
cannot invent any new article of faith ; that every
thing which is held in the church is not matter of
\ Juelli Apologia. •" Leslie, Case stated between
Chillmgworth, Religion of the church of Rome, &c.
Prot. chap. iii.
OBJECT.] Authority of Universal Judgments. 125
faith ; that our faith is not founded solely and finally
on the authority of the church now existing. All
these propositions are true, and have been of great
efficacy in controversy with Romanists : but they are
not contradictory to the authority of the universal
church properly understood ; and several of them seem
to infer, that under certain circumstances, i. e. when all
lawful conditions are observed, individuals are not jus-
tified in opposing their own opinion to the decree of
the universal church.
With reference to the doctrines actually supported by
such judgments of the universal church as I have spoken
of, it may be observed, that they are by no means nu-
merous, extending little beyond the Nicene faith, the
right doctrine of the trinity, incarnation, and grace.
These doctrines are not many, but they constitute the
very heart of the christian religion : and as such, have
been subject to the principal attacks of infidelity and
heresy in every age.
OBJECTIONS.
1. Several passages of scripture establish the right of
private judgment in christians. " Search the scriptures,
for in them ye have eternal life, and they are they
which testify of me"." Therefore it is the duty of
every christian to found his religious doctrines solely
on his personal examination of scripture, independently
of all other authority whatever.
Ansiver. (1.) Several eminent theologians maintain
that the word epivvare should be translated "ye search."
Of this opinion are Beza, Lightfoot, Erasmus, and
others cited by the Synopsis Criticoium: also Dr.
" John V, 39.
126 Authority of UniversalJudgments. [p. iv. ch. iv.
Campbell the presbyterian ", who refers to the dissenter
Doddridge, to Worsley, Heylin, Le Clerc, Beausobre,
he. It has also lately been maintained ably by Bishop
Jebb P. But if this translation be good, the objection
falls to the ground. (2.) These words are addressed to
tinhelievers, whom Christ directs to search the prophe-
tical scriptures of the Old Testament, in order that the
proofs afforded by his own miracles, the testimony of
the Father, the testimony of John, might be completed
by that from prophecy. But he does not mean that
believers in his divine mission, should receive nothing
without tracing it in the Old Testament ; because this
would have entitled them to doubt his own revelation
in several points. Therefore no argument can be
drawn from this text, in proof of the duty of believers
to receive nothing except what they derive from scrip-
ture by examination.
II. Of the Bereans it is said: "These were more noble
than those of Thessalonica, in that they received the
word with all readiness of mind, and searched the
scriptures daily, whether those things were so ''."
Answer. They searched whether St. Paul rightly al-
leged the prophecies, in proof that " Christ must needs
have suffered, and risen again from the dead ; and that
this Jesus whom I preach to you is Christ "" :" but surely
it does not follow that christians who already believe in
Christ, must imitate their example ; still less that they
are bound to believe nothing except what they indivi-
dually deduce from scripture ; and that too, in opposi-
tion to the judgment of the universal church.
III. To the Thessalonians it is said : " Despise not
" Campbell on the Gospels, in vol. i. p. 286, &c.
loc. "^ Acts xvii. 11.
" Jebb, Practical Theology, ' Ibid. 2, 3.
OBJECT.] Authority of IJniversalJudgments. 127
prophesy ings. Prove all things : hold fast that which
is good '." Therefore christians are entitled to examine
every doctrine without reference to the authority on
which it is founded, and to hold that only which their
reason approves.
Answer. (1.) This interpretation would authorize
christians to examine and dispute the doctrines re-
vealed even by our Saviour and his apostles. (2.) The
direction to " prove all things," &c. relates to the ne-
cessity of not receiving indiscriminately the doctrines
and revelations of all who pretend to the gift of pro-
phecy ; for there were " many false prophets gone out
into the world," as St. John testifies : and therefore
this passage and that other, " Believe not every spirit,
but try the spirits whether they are of God ' ;" enjoin
the duty of examining whether those who pretended to
be prophets were truly such, and whether they taught
what was conformable to the truth ; but they do not
authorize christians to oppose their own private opin-
ions to the formal judgment of the universal church.
IV. Christ saith : " If any man will do his will, he
shall know of the doctrine whether it be of God, or
whether I speak of myself"." Therefore a sincere and
honest enquirer cannot fail to be led into truth, and
consequently may oppose his opinion to that of all
other men.
Answer. I admit that a sincere desire to do God's
will is the principal means of attaining to a sound and
pure faith; but this sincere desire, must lead indivi-
duals not to hazard their salvation, by reposing ab-
solutely on their private judgment of scripture, when it
" 1 Thess. V. 20, 21. " John vii. 17.
* 1 John iv. 1.
128 Authority of UniversalJudgments. [p. iv. ch. iv.
is opposed to so great an authority as the deUberate
judgment of the church universal.
V. " From a child thou hast known the holy scrip-
tures, which are able to make thee wise unto salvation,
through faith which is in Christ Jesus. All scripture. . .
is profitable for doctrine, &c. that the man of God may
be perfect, throughly furnished unto all good works "."
Therefore scripture being sufficient to guide us into
truth, it is lawful to oppose the judgment of the whole
church, if it appears to us inconsistent with scripture.
Answer. Scripture is able to guide all christians
into truth ; and if all judge against us, the testimony of
the Spirit is apparently against us. It is far more pro-
bable that some individuals should err or mistake the
meaning of scripture, than that the whole church with
equal or superior means of information should do so.
VI. Various passages prove that there is an internal
operation of the Holy Spirit on the minds of the
faithful, by which they are infallibly taught the truth.
Therefore they may oppose their own judgment to that
of the whole church. Thus it is WTitten : " All my
children shall be taught of the Lord ''' :" " After those
days I will put my law in their inward parts, and write
it in their hearts "" :" " My sheep hear my voice ^ :"
" When he, the Spirit of truth is come, he will guide
you into all truth ^ :" " If any of you lack wisdom let '
him ask of God, that giveth to all men liberally,
and upbraideth not ; and it shall be given him ^ :"
" Ye need not that any man teach you : but as the
same anointing teacheth you of all things, and is truth V
" 2 Tim. iii. 15—17. ' Ibid. xvi. 13.
" Isaiah liv. 13. ' James i. 5.
" Jer. xxxi. 33. ^ 1 John ii. 27.
- John X. 27-
OBJECT.] Authority of Universal Judgments. 129
&c. " He that believeth in the Son of God hath the
witness in himself''."
Ansiver. I admit that all these passages prove the
influence of the Holy Ghost in leading believers into
truth : but the promises are ^\\ (leneral ; and if christians
universally, Avith all the external signs of belief, with
the use of all means, such as j^rayer, the investiga-
tion of scripture, &c. agree in their judgment, and
determine that a certain doctrine is false and contra-
dictory to the gospel ; is it not clear that they are
worthy of belief: — that the Spirit has spoken by them'' :
and that the contradictory opinion which we embrace
on our own interpretation of scripture, cannot be legi-
timately drawn from it ?
VII. " Be not ye called Rabbi ; for one is your mas-
ter, even Christ ; and all ye are brethren "." Therefore,
Christ alone being the master of the faithful, they are
bound not to submit their own individual judgment to
any other authority whatever.
Afiswer. This direction is designed to prevent the
assumption of any undue authority by pastors over
their people, or of one christian over another : as the
apostle says, " Neither as being lords over God's heri-
tage, but being an ensample to the flock ^;" and again,
" Not for that we have dominion over your faith, but
are helpers of your joy ^." But this does not authorize
individuals to oppose their own opinion, to that which
is proved to be true by the united solemn testimony
of the whole christian world.
VIII. It is admitted that we must employ our reason
to discover A\hether the church has actually judged in
" 1 John V. 10. '1 Pet. v. 3.
^ Matt. X. 20. e 2 Cor. i. 24.
* Ibid, xxiii. 8.
VOL. II. K
130 Authority of Universal Judgments, [p. iv. ch. iv.
any particular case. Why then should we not contitiue
to exercise that reason, in judging whether the decision
itself is or is not conformable to scripture ? Why
should we make use of our eyes to find a guide, and
then put them out to follow him ?
Amwer. Men were obliged to exercise their reason in
order to believe in Christ ; but when they had discovered
his divine mission they were bound not to question or dis-
pute his doctrines, or those of the ajjostles. In like man-
ner, the inspiration of scripture being once ascertained by
reason, we cannot dispute the doctrines revealed there,
nor examine them by our own reason. So also, if the
church universal be authorized to judge, we are bound
not to dispute her judgment, though we may have ex-
ercised our reason in discovering that she possesses this
authority, and in ascertaining the particulars of her
decrees.
IX- If the universal church cannot formally decide
contrary to the faith, or teach falsehood, then the
Reformation erred in maintaining that some false doc-
trines had been received in the church.
Ansiver. (1.) Particular churches, or portions of the
universal church, may receive errors, without ceasing to
be churches, provided they do so without obstinacy, or
under the influence of an excuseable mistake. There-
fore some Western churches subject to the Roman see,
may have for a time received errors, which better in-
formation enabled them to correct. (2 ) The opinions
and practices common in the Western churches, which
were objected to, were not contrary to faith, according
to the opinion of the reformation, evidenced by the
Confession of Augsburgh '\ (3.) There is a great dif-
'' Confcssio August, pars i. art. 22 ; pars ii. prolo".
15
OBJECT.] Authority of Universal Judgments. 1 .S 1
ference between common opinions and practices, which
may be received for a time without examination, and
by abuse ; and formal judgments of the catholic church'.
The errors of Romanism were never supported by any
such judgments K
X. The Articles maintain that the church and gene-
ral councils have erred in faith.
Answer. The Articles only affirm that the particular
church of Rome, like others, has erred in faith, as was
evidenced in the case of Liberius, Honorius, &c. ; and
that councils termed general, such as the Latrocinium
of Ephesus, have also erred in faith ; but they do not
affirm that the church universal has ever formally ap-
proved and acted on the decree of any council which
opposed the faith of Christ.
XI. Chillingworth says " that the Bible only is the
religion of Protestants," and that there are " councils
against councils," and " the church of one age against the
church of another age ^" Therefore it is inconsistent
with sound principle, to maintain any authority except
that of the Bible only, as binding on christiaus.
Answer. (1.) 1 maintain that the "Bible only," in a
certain sense, has always been the religion of the catholic
church ; that is, the church has always believed that the
whole christian faith is contained in the Bible : but the
church is authorized to judge whether any controverted
doctrine is taught by the Bible. (2.) " The church of
one age" has been " against the church of another" in
some points, that is, in matters of opinioti, but not in
matters of faith. Chillingworth himself does not mean
' See Chapter VT. of their opinions, is distinguished
■•See Chapters X, XI, XII, from that of the catholic church,
where the authority of the coun- "^ Chillingworth, religion of
cils alleged by Romanists in proof Protestants, c. vi. sect. 56.
k2
132 Authority of UniversalJudgvients. [part i v.
that what he calls " fundamental" doctrines, /. e. those
contained in the creeds, have been denied by the uni-
versal church in any age. Nor can it be proved, that
any article of faith, ever confessed by the universal
church, has at any other time been relinquished or de-
nied by the universal church '.
X.tl. The whole church fell into the Arian heresy
in the time of Athanasius, after the council of Nice had
established the orthodox doctrine.
Answer. I deny that the universal church ever re-
versed the decree made at Nice; though many indi-
viduals were compelled by force, or misled by artifice, to
fail in their steadfastness, and to give an apparent and
temporary sanction to what was contrary to their real
belief. But I shall consider this objection more fully
in treating on the council of Ariminum ™.
XIII. The church made contradictory decrees in
the synods of Ephesus and Chalcedon, concerning
Eutyches; and in the synods of Constantinople and
Nice, concerning the worship of images.
' See Bishop Van Mildert's as the church catholic can be
impressive remarks in his eighth deemed responsible, the substance
Barapton lecture, where he ob- of sound doctrine still remains un-
serves, that " if a candid in- destroyed at least, if not unini-
vestifTation be made of the points paired. Let us take, for instance,
generally agreed up(>n by the those articles of faith which we
church universal, it will probably have already shown to be es-
be found, that at no period of its sential to the christian covenant
history has any fundamental or , . . At what period of the church
essential truth of the Gospel been have these doctrines, or either of
authoritatively disowned. Parti- them, been by any public act
cular churches may have added disowned, or called in question ?
superstitious observances, and . . . No age of the church has
many erroneous tenets, to these ever been entirely free from at-
essential truths ; and in every tempts to spread pernicious er-
church, particular individuals, or rors ; yet at what period have
congregations of individuals, they ever received its authorita-
may have tainted large portions tive sanction ?" &'c.
of the christian community with ^ See Chapter X. section 2.
pestilential heresies. 15 ut as far
CHAP, v.] Doctrine of a Perpetual Tribunal refuted. 133
Answer. The contradictory synods were not both
approved and acted on by the universal church ".
XIV. If God has authorized the catholic church to
judge in matters of controversy, then tlie true church
must always be in a condition to declare her judgment
on whatever controversy may arise. Consequently the
true church must always be united in one communion,
and the Roman obedience, being the greatest com-
munion, must be the true church.
Anstcer. I deny that the universal church must always
be in a condition to declare her judgment, and shall
refute this notion in the succeeding chapter.
CHAPTER V.
ON THE NOTION OF A PERPETUAL TRIBUNAL IN THE
CHURCH.
It has been well observed by Bossuet, that " that alone
should be held impossible in the church, which would
leave the truth without defence ■"." On the same prin-
ciple I argue, that the universal church need not always
be in a condition to pronounce her united judgment in
matters of controversy; because the truth may be suf-
ficiently defended in many cases, without the aid of any
such judgment.
I. Some controversies, as every one admits, need no
" See Chapter X. dicimus, tutum superesset in ec-
* " Id tantum in ecclesia ha- clesiae catholicae auctoritate pras-
bendum est pro impossibili, quo sidium : non ergo ille casus est
facto, nullum superesset veritati impossibilis." — Def. Decl. Cler.
prsesidium : at in cas'i, quern Gall. lib. x. c. 36.
134 Doctrine of a Perpetual Tribunal refuted, [part iv.
decision, and may continue in the church. Some here-
sies are so manifestly opposed to scripture, and the
doctrine of the catholic church, that they require no
condemnation : as St. Augustine said, " What need was
there of a synod to condemn a manifest error ? as if no
heresy had ever been condemned except by a synod.
There are but few which need for their condemnation
any such thing ; and there are many, yea incomparably
more heresies which have been rejected and condemned
where they arose; and which have been known elsewhere,
only in order to be avoided''." Other sects, by their volun-
tary separation from the church, or their formation exte-
rior to it, are but little dangerous to the faith of christ-
ians. Even of those heresies which require to be con-
demned, very few need the united judgment of the ca-
tholic church. More than sixty heresies were suppressed
before the synod of Nice, by the arguments and authority
of the bishops and provincial synods. Bossuet himself
admits that the judgment of the catholic church is not
essential in every case of heresy "" ; besides this, new
heresies may often be manifest revivals of old ones
formerly condemned by the catholic church ; therefore
she need not always be in a condition to judge in
controversy.
II. This indeed cannot be denied by Romanists : for
during the great Western schism, the catholic church
(according to their opinion) was divided into two or
three different obediences, subject to as many rival
popes ''. Therefore a general synod could not then
''Contra duas Epistolas Pela- Eglises Prot. liv. xv. sect. 128;
gianor. lib. iv. c. ult. oper. t. x. Tournely, De Ecclesia, t. i. p.
p. 492. 331, &c. 360.
'■ Bossuet, Defens. Decl. Cler. "^ Roman theologians prove
GaU. lib. ix. c. 1 ; Variations des that none of these obediences
CHAP, v.] Doctrine of a Perpetual Trihnnnl refuted. l.'].')
have been convened at any moment; neither couhl any
bishop of Rome have made a decision in controversy
uhich wonld have been transmitted to, or acknowledged
by all the church. Consequently the church was not
at that time in a condition to determine unitedly con-
troversies in faith.
III. Besides this, it results necessarily from a belief
in the superintending care of Christ over his church,
that if at any time the church universal be divided
in communion (as it actually is at present), no new
heresies shall be permitted to arise, which would
require the united judgment of the catholic church ;
but that any which do arise, shall be capal)le of re-
futation and suppression, by the light of scripture and
tradition, and the admonitions and judgments of the
successors of the apostles, either separately, or in pro-
vincial or national synods. It may also be assumed, as
a matter of certainty, that if God should determine that
the judgment of the united catholic church is at any
time necessary to preserve the truth ; he will remove
those jealousies and misunderstandings, that ignorance,
and that exaggerated influence of the Roman see,
which have for a time impaired the harmony of the
catholic church.
were schismatical. — See Tourne- p. 643 ; Delahogue, De Eccl.
ly, Praelect. Theol. de Eccl. t. i. Christi, p. 34.
136 Judgments, Traditions^ and Opinions, [part iv.
CHAPTER VI.
ON THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN ECCLESIASTICAL JUDG-
MENTS AND TRADITIONS, AND MERE COMMON OPI-
NIONS.
Of doctrines and practices in the cliurcli, some have
been always universally received, and are matters of
catholic tradition : others have likewise been defined
and enjoined by the authoritative judgments of the
universal church : but besides these, there are doctrines
which prevail in certain times and places, without
formal judgments, and which are afterwards relin-
quished, as forming no part of the revealed truth, and
rather repugnant to it. It is now to be enquired
whether such opinions may at any particular time pre-
vail in a large portion of the church.
I. I contend that some opinion which is an error,
but not a heresy, and directly contrary to the truth re-
vealed by Jesus Christ, may for a time prevail in a
large portion of the catholic church.
1. No one pretends that individuals taken sepa-
rately, are, by the divine promises, exempt from error
even in matters of faith " : nor is there any certainty
that particular churches may not fall into error. It is
* " Episcopos seorsum exis- seoraum errare possunt." — Bel-
tentes non docet Spiritus Sanctus larmin. De Conciliis et Ecclesia,
oinnem veritatem." " Siuguli lib. ii. c. 2.
CHAP. VI.] Common Opinions not infallibly true. 137
admitted by Roman theologians, that a considerable
])art of the church may for a time be in error in a
matter of faith or morality, through some mistake
in a question o^fad : e. g, they do not deny that the
Western churches very generally rejected the decree of
the synod at Nice under the empress Irene, in favour
of honourino- imao'es ''.
o o
2. The promises of Christ to his church did not ex-
tend to a total exemption from all error, but to the
preservation of the truth revealed by himself, pure and
inviolate. If then, a large portion of the church should
receive for a time some error not contrary to the faith,
the promises of Christ would still be fulfilled.
3. It is admitted by our opponents, that the promise
of infallibility was made by Christ to the great body
of pastors teaching ^ that is, authoritatively defining
doctrine : but an error not contrary to faith, received
by a number of pastors and of the faithful, merely on
the authority of eminent theologians, as Aquinas,
Scotus, &c. without any controversy, examination, or
formal definition, is not to be viewed as any portion of
that teaching to which Christ's promise extends.
4. There is, humanly speaking, much less certainty
of the truth of an opinion commonly received without
discussion and inquiry (unless it be certain that it has
always been received by the catholic church), than of
2. judgment made by the universal church, which always
presupposes the use of all the ordinary means for attain-
ing the truth. The necessity of this use of means is
admitted by Roman theologians '\
" Bossiiet, Def. Decl. Cler. Christi, p. 148 ; Bailly, Tract, de
Gall. lib. vii. c. 31 ; Delahogue, Eccl. t. ii. p. 269.
De Ecclesia Chrisli, p. 177. '' In reply to the question on
•^ Delahoifue, De Ecclesia what conditions Christ promised
138
Cummon Opinions not infallibly true. [part iv.
5. In fact, some opinions which are generally ad-
mitted to be erroneous, have at various times prevailed
commonly in a large part of the church. Gerson says,
that the false opinions concerning the papal power
fretted like a canker, and formerly prevailed so far,
that he would have been esteemed a heretic, who had
held the doctrine of the- council of Constance ^
Amongst errors, which were at one time universal
in the Latin churches, were the opinion of the
lawfulness of burning heretics ', and that of the pope's
power in temporals. The genuineness of the decre-
tals of the early Roman pontiffs was also univer-
sally held in the Western churches for some cen-
turies ; and the error of fact in this case was most
materially connected with doctrine ; for the papal su-
premacy, and infallibility in matters of faith, are chiefly
to be with councils, Hooke says :
" Si in nomine suo congregata
fuerint, hoc est servata sufFragi-
orum libertate, invocata coelesti
auxilio, adhibita humana indus-
tria et diligentia in conquirenda
veritate .... Necesse igitur est
episcopos in conciliis omnia ad-
hibere humana et ordinaria me-
dia, industriae, diligentiae, studii,
collationis, disputationis, ad ve-
ritatem detegendam . . ; neque
enim illis nova fit revelatio, sed
quod in purissimis scripturae ac
traditionis fontibus detegunt, hoc
fidelibus proponunt," &c. — Relig.
Nat. et Revel. Princip. t. iii. p.
390. So also Tournely, De Ec-
clesia, t. i. p. 384. Gregorius de
Valentia observes, that the Ro-
man pontiff, though infallible, is
under the same obligations. —
Analys. Fid. Cathol. lib. viii. c.
4. So also Bellarmine, lib. i. de
Conciliis, c. 11. cited by Tournely,
de Eccl. t. i. p. 356.
^ " Fallor si non ante celebra-
tionem hujus sacrosanctae Con-
stant, synodi, sic occupaverat
mentes plurimorum, literarum
magis quam literatorum ista tra-
ditio, ut oppositorum dogmati-
zator fuisset de haeretica pravi-
tate vel notatus vel damnatus.
Hujus rei signum accipe, quia
post declarationem ex theologiae
principiis luce clariorem, et quod
urgentius est, post determinati-
onem et practicationem ejusdem
sanctse synodi, inveniuntur qui
talia palam asserere non paveant ;
tam radicatum, et ut cancer ser-
pens tam medullitus imbibitum
fuit hoc priscae adulationis virus
laetiferum." — Gerson, De Potest.
Eccl. consid. 12. Oper. t. i. p.
135. ed. 1606.
^ This is argued at length by
Eckius, Enchirid. p. 156, &c.
CHAP. VI.] Common Opinions not infallibly true. 139
founded on these spurious decretals by Canus ^ and
many other theologians *". The Western synod of
Constance even condemned the opinion that these
decretals were spurious ', which is however now uni-
versally received. Bailly says : "It may happen that a
false opinion is the more common among theologians.
Thus in the last century, almost all casuists held that
the less safe and less probable opinion might safely be
adhered to K" And again : " It may happen that the
common opinion is not true. Christ only promised
that he would be with the greater number of bishops in
those things which relate to faith, not in mere opinions
which are different in different times''." According to
Bossuet, " any person who does not embrace the whole
series of tradition, but merely addicts himself to modern
authors, will fall into most grievous errors '." So that
it is evident, that theologians generally, in a large ])art
of the church, may be in error : and in fact Bossuet re-
marks, that " the united opinion of all the theologians
of modern times in a grave matter, makes only a pro-
bable opinion, which may not be despised without
6 Melchior Canus, De locis — Bailly, De Ecclesia, t. ii. p.
Theol. lib. iv. cap. iv. 268.
^ See the very useful work of ^ " Christus tantum promisit
M. De Hontheim, bishop of My- se futurum esse cum majore epis-
riophyta, entitled " Febronius," coporum nuniero in iis quae ad
where the influence of the spu- fidem spectant, non in meris opi-
rious decretals in raising the pa- nionibus quae variae sunt pro va-
pal jurisdiction is considered riis temporibus." — Ibid. p. 269.
fully. ' " Id aperte incunctanter-
' Fleury, Hist. Eccl. liv. 103. que profiteor, fore ut in gravis-
s. 28. simos errores impingat, qui non
J " Fieri potest ut opinio falsa omnia saecula totamque traditi-
communior sit inter theologos. onis seriem mente complexus,
Sic sseculo proxime elapso,omnes recentioribus se addixerit."—
fere casuistae sentiebant opinioni Bossuet, Defens. Declar. Cler.
minus tutoe et minus probabili Gall. Appendix, lib. ii. c. 14.
legitime posse adhaesionem fieri."
140 Common Opinions not, infallibly true. [pa:!t iv
temerity "\" Delahogue says, that " since the promises
of Christ relative to infallibility do not concern bishops
except when they teach ; it may be that a theological
opinion, far the most common, is not true. Therefore
it would be wrong to apply to the proof of the truth of
such opinions, that saying of St. Augustine, ecclesia
quae sunt contra fidem nee approbat nee facet "."
6. Roman theologians admit that doctrines held
even by what they consider an infallible authority, and
equivalent to the universal church °, are not always de
fide, and therefore may be disputed. Bossuet says :
" It is absolutely certain that many things are said and
done in (general) councils by which catholics unani-
mously deny that they are bound '\" Melchior Canus
proves " that all things which are even absolutely and
simply affirmed in (general) councils, are not decrees of
faith ''." Veron observes, that " many things are con-
tained in the universal councils, which are not de fide.
That is, whatever is said obiter is not de fide^ And he
also remarks on the contents of the canons or chapters
of such councils, that " this only is de fide which is ac-
tually defined, or as jurists speak, the dispositivum
arresti ; but the motiviwi arresti, or its proofs, are not de
fide\" Thus it is conceded, that even general councils
which are supposed equivalent to the universal church,
may hold doctrines which are not de fide, and may be
disputed ; and the reason of this is, because there is no
discussion or examination in the case, and the promises
"> Bossuet, ibid. p Bossuet, Def. Declar. Cler.
" Delahogue, De Eccl. Christi, Gall. lib. iii. c. 1.
P- 148. 1 Melchior Canus, De Locis
° A General Council accord- Theol. lib. v. c. 5.
ing to them is the representative ■• Veron, Regula Fidei, c. i. s.
church. — See Eckii Enchirid. p. 4.
16.
CI J A p. VI.] Comviou Opinions not infallibly true. 141
of Christ to his church do not apply. Hence we might
infer on the principles of these theologians, that some
opinion even universally received, is not de fide, and mav
be disputed.
7. In fact, several theologians, mentioned by Canus,
have held without censure, that " although the church
can never want true faith or charity, yet she may pro-
bably be ignorant of something, which being unknown,
the church's faith is not lost. . . . For though she should
be deceived, yet a probable and blameless error would
not exclude the faith of the church '." This opinion
was held by the author of the Glossa interlinearis, S.
Thomas Aquinas, Cardinal Turrecremata, and Alphon-
sus a Castro. Tournely says that " the church herself
may err in all facts merely personal and historical,
whose truth depends on human testimony, in reporting
the histories of martyrs and other saints, in citing testi-
monies of the fathers as genuine which are not so '."
8. In fine, I ask whether it is certain that the Roman
church herself believes that whatever is commonly held
in the church at any particular time is de fide, and may
not be disputed ? I have never observed that any au-
thoritative declaration to this effect has been adduced
by Roman theologians.
We may infer from this, that if the Roman opinion of
transubstantiation became very common in the West
for two or three ages before the reformation, this preva-
lence could not make it an article of faith. Nor could
the adoption of this opinion afterwards by many of the
Eastern christians confer on it any binding authority.
This opinion is disputed by several churches, and is not
universally regarded as a matter of faith by Romanists.
^ Melcliior Canus, De locis * Tournely, De Ecclesia, t. i.
Theol. lib. iv. c. iv. " p. 431.
142 Common Opinions not infallihhj true. [part iv.
II. I have thus endeavoured to show that some opi-
nion which is not de fide, and which even is not true,
may prevail for a time in a large part of the church.
We are now to enquire whether such an opinion may
be not merely received in a large part of the church,
but held by some persons as a matter of faith. I reply
that it may : for the promises of Jesus Christ would
not fail, in case an opinion untrue, but not contrary to
the gospel, were received by some for a time, through a
pardonable mistake, as an article of faith. Bossuet says,
that " some, many, or even most writers of an age,
may say absolutely and certainly, De fide est : erron-
eum est : hsereticum est : with more confidence than
learning "." And we know that in the Roman church,
some of the Ultramontanes and Cisalpines, and of the
advocates of the immaculate conception, regard their
own doctrines as matters of faith, and consider their
opponents as heretics. It is admitted by Roman theo-
logians, that if national cimrches doubt on probable
grounds whether a certain cecumenical council is oecu-
menical, they are not heretical in doubting its de-
crees ''' ; and on the same principle they are bound to
" Bossuet, Def. Declar. Cleri council to the pope, is de fide,
Gallic. Appendix, lib. ii. c. 14. and cites the Coramonitorium of
The faculty of theology at Paris, Cardinal de Lorraine in 1563,
in the fifteenth century, declared where he says, " Ego vero negare
the immaculate conception of the uon possum quin Gallus sim et
Virgin to be de fide ; and in 1521 Parisiensis academiae alumnus, in
declared that the doctrine of Clic- qua Romanum pontificem subesse
tovseus, who held that Mary Mag- concilio tenetur, et qui decent ihi
dalene was a different person from contrarium, ii tanquam li(jeretici
Mary sister of Martha, and the notcvilur.''' — Launoii Epistolag,
sinner, was opposed to the doc- pars ii. ep. 6 ed. Cantab. 1689.
trine of the catholic church, and " " Quandoque baud immerito
should not be tolerated. Fleury, ac bona fide dubitatur, utrura ali-
lib, cxxvii. sect. 80. Launoy qua synodus sit vere oecumenica.
proves that the Galilean doctrine Quale dubium contigisse vidi-
of the superiority of a general nius Hispanicae et Gallicae eccle-
CHAP. VI.] lleformatiov probably requisite. 143
admit, that if national churches believe on probable
grounds that a non-oecumenical council is oecumeni-
cal, they are not heretical in holding its decrees
(though erroneous) to be matters of faith. This is
actually exemplified by the recejDtion of the synod of
Trent in the churches of the Roman obedience.
III. May the church generally adopt a rite or cus-
tom which is liable to abuse, which is actually abused,
or which tends to disturb the order and peace of the
brethren ? I answer that she may, because Christ only
promised to protect the majority of his church from
falling into errors contrary to faith or morality ; but
this does not necessarily infer the gift of wisdom to
perceive the tendencies of particular institutions, or
the abuses to which they are subject ; and besides,
abuses may vary in different places. If, therefore, the
church for a time universally adopted the custom of
honouring images, and invocating saints to pray for us ;
these customs might be afterwards accounted very in-
expedient and even unlawful to be continued, when a
fuller light was thrown on their tendency and abuses.
Hence we may infer altogether, that consistently
with the promises of Christ to his church, several
erroneous opinions and superstitious practices might
have been received more or less commonly for some
time before the reformation ; especially in ages when
scripture and tradition were less consulted by theolo-
gians, than mere philosophical reasonings. Bossuet, in
observing on the absurd doctrine that bishops are merely
counsellors of the Roman pontiff, and that as they derive
siae, circa synodum sextam et shewn that several general synods
septimara, ad quas vocati non were not received by particular
essent." — Bossuet, Defens. Decl. churches, which were neverthe-
Cler. Gal!, lib. viii. c.ix. See also less free from heresy. See also
lib, vii. c. 29, 31, where it is Tournely, De Ecc. t. i. p. 401.
144 Heformation probably requisite. [part. iv.
everything from him, they can do nothing against his
will, says, " This doctrine falls of itself, on this account,
that being unheard of in early times, it began to be
introduced into theology in the thirteenth century, that
is to say, after they preferred for the most part, to pro-
ceed on philosophical reasonings of the worst descrip-
tion, rather than to consult the fathers ^T Even those
who cited the fathers, most commonly did so, either
from the Book of Sentences of Peter Lombard, or from
the Canon Law : comparatively few seem to have stu-
died the originals. The schoolmen continually cite
the Canon Law as decisive in matters of doctrine :
and no one thought of disputing the genuineness of the
early papal decretals, which are now universally ac-
knowledged to be spurious. Fleury says ; " It was the
misfortune of the doctors of the thirteenth and four-
teenth centuries, to know but little of the works of the
fathers, especially the more ancient; and to be deficient
in the aids necessary for well understanding them. It
is not that their books were lost : they existed, for we
have them still : but the copies of them were rare, and
hid in the libraries of the ancient monasteries, where
little use was made of them. There the kinof S. Louis
caused them to be sought for, and transcribed, and
multiplied to the great advantage of learning ; and
thence arose the great work of Vincent of Beauvais,
where ^\e see extracts from so many ancient authors.
In the preceding centuiy we see a 'great number cited
in the works of John of Salisbury : but this was the
curiosity of some individuals. The generality of stu-
dents and even of doctors, limited themselves to a few
books ; chiefly to those of modern authors, which they
" Bossuet, Defensio Declar. Ckr. Gallic, lib. viii. c. xi.
CHAP. VI.] Reformation probably requisite. 145
understood better than the ancients \" " I do not cease
to wonder, that in times so calamitous, and with sucli
small aid, the doctors so faithfully preserved to us the
deposit of tradition, as far as relates to doctrine ^." The
Abbe Goujet observes that the study of scripture had
"been extremely neglected" when letters began to re-
vive. " They did not engage in the study of it, even in
schools of theology, except with great lukewarmness ;
and they often contented themselves with imperfect
extracts from it, found in the writings of some theologian
of little solidity, which they put in tlie hands of those
who wished to apply to theological science. Hence the
ignorance which reigned in the clergy; the few de-
fenders which the church found among them to main-
tain her doctrines against heresies The study of
holy scripture at length caused men to escape from
this lethargy, which would have destroyed the church,
if the church could have perished. When it was
read in its original, men soon perceived the crowd
of errors and false opinions which had inundated
the whole church, and which, like a dangerous tare,
had nearly choked the good seed." He remarks after-
wards, that "the theologians who preceded the 14th
century, and were after the time of St. Bernard or St.
Thomas, had deprived themselves of an advantage
essential to know well the doctrine of the church, in
abandoning, or at least neglecting so much the study
of the fathers, both Greek and Latin"." Hence we
need not wonder at the account which Melchior Canus
gives of the state of theology at the period of the refor-
" Fleury, Cinquieme Discours nouvelleraent des Etudes, printed
sur I'Histoire Ecclesiastique. with Fleury's Discourses on EccL
'' Ibid. History.
'"■ Goujet, Discours sur le Re-
VOL. II. L
146 Beformation probably requisite, [p. iv. ch. vi.
mation, " Would that we ourselves had not known by-
experience, that in the present age there were in the
universities many, who carried on almost every theo-
logical disputation by sophistical and absurd reasomings.
The devil caused, (what I cannot say without tears,)
that when it was necessary that the scholastic theolo-
gians should have been armed with the very best
weapons against the invading heresies of Germany,
they were absolutely destitute of any, except long
reeds, the trifling arms of children. Thus they were
generally laughed at, and justly too, because they pos-
sessed no solid image of true theology, but employed
its shadows; and would that they had even followed
them, for they are drawn from the principles of sa-
cred scripture, of which these men did not reach even
the shadows. Wherefore, being merely verbally doc-
tors of theology, they contended indeed against the
enemies of the church, but most unhappily." He after-
wards says, " Wherefore we may account it sufficiently
evident, how badly men can dispute or write concern-
ing theology, who either reject, or are ignorant of the
scripture, the apostolical traditions, the doctrines of
councils, the decrees of pontifical law, and the doc-
trine of the ancient saints"." In 1530, the faculty of
arts of the university of Paris addressed to the parlia-
ment a complaint on the manner in which theology
was taught. " The study of sacred scripture, they said,
is neglected, the holy gospels are no longer cited, the
authority of St. Chrysostom, St. Cyprian, St. Augus-
tine, and the other fathers, is not employed; theology
is nothing more than a sophistical science," &c. The
parliament accordingly ordered that no one should be
licensed, who had not studied holy scripture, the holy
" Melchior Canus, De locis Theol. lib. ix. c. 1.
OBJECT.] Reformation probably requisite. 147
doctors of the church, and the master of the Sen-
tences ^ All these circumstances render it highly pro-
bable that several opinions may have grown up during
the middle ages in the Latin churches, and obtained
more or less prevalence, which the church might reject
afterwards, when scripture and the testimony of the
fathers were more attentively examined.
OBJECTIONS.
I. The faith of the church cannot fail. The church
being the body of Christ, must be moved and governed
by its head : if, therefore, the church erred, its error
must be referred to Christ. (Canus.)
Answer. (1.) Admitting that the church's faith can-
not fail, I deny that there would be any failure in faith,
if an opinion was commonly held, which was an error
not contrary to faith. (2.) I admit that the church is
governed and moved by Christ, in what concerns the
preservation of the faith ; but maintain that it is not
exempted from the temporary prevalence of some erro-
neous ojjinions not contrary to faith.
II. If any thing false was maintained by the church,
as a dogma of the catholic faith, the Spirit of Christ
would not always remain with the faithful, and teach
them all truth according to his promise.
Answer. I do not suppose that the catholic church,
defining formally and collectively, could do so at any
time : it has never yet done so : but the Spirit of
Truth w^as given for the preservation of the truth re-
vealed hy Jesus Christ, which is the meaning of the
expression " all truth," here used ; and, therefore, if the
majority of the church received for a time some error
not contrary to faith, and if some in the church held
'' Fleury, Hist. Eccl. lib. 133. seel. 91.
L 2
148 Reformation prohahhj requisite, [p. iv. en. vr.
that error as a matter of faith, the promise of Christ
would still be fulfilled.
III. The church is " the pillar and ground of the
truth;" therefore she cannot propose a false dogma,
even through ignorance.
Answer. The catholic church cannot do so by a formal
judgment, because all men would be bound to believe
her ; but particular synods, and many members of the
church dispersed, may do so, because the doctrine may
still be examined by the light of scripture and catholic
tradition.
IV. If the majority of the church might err on some
point, it may have erred in receiving the Gospels as
canonical.
Answer. We do not receive the Gospels merely on
the testimony of the church at this time existing ; but
on that of the church in all ages from the beginning.
V. If every doctrine generally received by the mem-
bers of the existing church be not infallibly true, we
may doubt all doctrines which have been taught us.
Answer. Though it be abstractedly possible that some
prevalent opinion may be incorrect, yet we should not
hesitate to believe generally what is received in the
visible church ; because the promises of Christ assure
us, that the church, on the whole, teaches the truth
revealed by him ; and the authority which teaches us
christian doctrine is so probable in itself, that we can
never be justified in doubting it on any point, unless
there be clear evidence that scripture and catholic tra-
dition do not support, but are rather repugnant to it in
that point.
VI. If individuals may generally hold an erroneous
opinion, they may perhaps be in error in holding the
doctrine of the Trinity, Incarnation, Atonement, &c.
OBJECT.] Reformation probably requisite. 149
Answer. These doctrines have been amply discussed
long ago, and approved by formal judgments of the
church ; and it is as notorious that they have been so
ai)proved, and always received in the church as matters
of faith, as it is that they are so received at this mo-
ment. But doctrines which the universal church has
not defined, or matters held by many individuals with-
out discussion and judgment, are not equally certain.
VII. If individuals may at a particular time com-
monly hold an erroneous opinion, and through that
opinion maintain an error in doctrine, then there can
be no binding authority in the tradition of the church,
which may have been corrupted at some time.
Answer. Divine Providence would not have per-
mitted any error, even one which is founded on ig-
norance or on a mistaken opinion, to prevail always in
the church ; because it would, in this case, have M'orn
so strongly the appearance of truth, that it could never
have been relinquished. It is also impossible, from the
nature of things, that any error could always have pre-
vailed generally in the church ; because the apostles
taught nothing but truth, and error could not have been
immediately received universally without opposition.
But, notwithstanding this, an erroneous opinion might
be received commonly at a particular time, considerably
after the apostolic age, because it would be always
liable to be relinquished when enquiry and discussion
arose. Therefore, while I deny that the mere present
opinion and doctrine of individuals generally is abso-
lutely infallible, but affords only a probable reason,
which may be relinquished when enquiry discerns evi-
dently that a received opinion is only modern ; I
maintain, that universal apostolical tradition is of irre-
fragable authority, as I have elsewhere said.
150 On (Ecumenical Synods. [pari' iv.
CHAPTER VII.
ON THE NATURE AND AUTHORITY OF CECUMENICAL
SYNODS.
(Ecumenical, or universal synods, are those assemblies
of bishops which are supposed to represent, in some
way, the church universal. They may be divided into
two classes: those which have been approved and termed
oecumenical by the universal church, and which alone
are properly accounted oecumenical councils ; and those
which the universal church does not so approve and de-
signate. Of the former, there have been only six ; the
latter are more numerous : and though some of them
are received as oecumenical by different parts of the
church, their authority is much inferior to that of the
former.
Theologians endeavour to lay down several rules for
determining whether a council be oecumenical or not.
Some contend that all the bishops of the universal
church must be summoned by the Roman patriarch ;
that he alone presides, by himself or his legates ; that
the decrees of the council need his confirmation. Others
dispute the necessity of these conditions, and require
tlie previous consent of the Eastern patriarchs, or of
CHAT. VII.] On (Ecumenical Synods. 151
temporal princes ''. These various opinions, as to the
conditions essential to constitute an oecumenical coun-
cil, are discussed by Launoius, doctor of the Sorbonne ^ ;
and those Romanists who affirm, as a matter of cer-
tainty, that the oecumenical synods are neither more
nor less than eighteen, would do well to consult his
epistle, in which it is shown that some writers of the
Roman obedience only admit nine or ten synods, while
others admit various larger numbers. In fact, it is now
generally affirmed, by Roman theologians of respect-
ability, after Bossuet ", that the only final proof of the
oecumenicity of a council, is its acceptance by the uni-
versal church as oecumenical ; and that this acceptance
confers on it such an authority, that no defects in its
mode of celebration can be adduced afterwards to
throw doubt on its judgments.
The final authority of proper oecumenical synods does
not arise merely from the number of bishops assembled
in them, but from the approbation of the catholic church
throughout the world ; which, having received their de-
crees, examines them with the respect due to so consi-
derable an authority, compares them with scripture and
catholic tradition, and by an universal approbation and
execution of those decrees, pronounces a final and irre-
fragable sentence in their favour.
Romanists, however, still most commonly contend
^ For the various questions Gallicane, part iii. c. 2 ; De Hon-
concerning general councils, and tlieim, Febronius, c. vi ; Launoii
for a refutation of the papal Epistolae, pars vi. viii ; Tourne-
claims, see Field, of the Church, ly, De Ecclesia, t. i. p. 380, &c.
book V. c. 48 — 53 ; Barrow on ^ Launoii Epistolae, pars viii.
the Pope's Supremacy; Crakan- ep. 11.
thorp, De loc. arg. ab author. '^ Bossuet, Def. Decl. Cler.
Logicse, c. 16 ; Bossuet, Def. Gall. lib. viii. c. ix. ad fin.; Re-
Cler. Gallic, lib. vii ; De Barral, ponse a plusieurs lettres de Leib-
Defens. des Libertes de I'Eglise nitz, let. xxii.
152 Infallihility of General Synods, [p. iv. ch. vii.
that an oecumenical council confirmed by the Roman
patriarch is in itself infallible ; so that the approbation
of the catholic church does not add to its authority, but
merely proves that the council was truly oecumenical ^.
Against this doctrine I shall first prove that it is only
a matter of opinion, even in the Roman obedience ; and,
secondly, that it is an erroneous opinion,
SECTION 1.
THE INFALLIBILITY OF A GENERAL SYNOD, LAWFULLY CELE-
BRATED, AND CONFIRMED BY THE ROMAN PONTIFF ALONE,
IS ONLV A MATTER OF OPINION IN THE ROMAN CHURCHES,
It is necessary to jjremise that I here speak only of
such a synod as consists of the clear minority of the
whole body of catholic bishops, as has been the case in
all synods hitherto ^ I do not speak of a synod in
which the great majority of bishops were assembled,
and decreed unanimously. Having stated this, I argue
thus :
1. According to the universal doctrine of those Ro-
man theologians who admit the infallibility of a general
council confirmed by their pope, their infallibility, when
united, arises not from their union, but solely from that
of one or other of the parts, i. e. either from the coun-
cil (as the Galileans hold), or from the pope (as the
Ultramontanes hold) '. But the infallibility of either
^ " Subsequeas ecclesise dis- Jos. Hooke, Religionis Nat. et
persae approbatio est tantum sig- Rev. Principia, t. iii. p. 394.
num, quo illius oecumenicitas * " Quisquis sit numerus epis-
ita declaratur, ut de illius su- coporum adstautium nuinquam
prema et infallibili autoritate constituit majorem omnium uni-
iiullum moveri possit dubium, versi orbis episeoporum partem."
sub quocumque pra^textu con- — Delahogue, De Ecclesia, p.
ditionum quae in illo desiderari 166.
dicerentur." — Delahogue, De ' " Ex quo apparet totam fir-
Ecclesia, p. 166. See also L. niitatem conciliorum legitimo-
SECT. I.]
Not a Matter of Faith.
153
part, is not matter of faith (as Roman theologians
admit) ^ ; therefore that of the whole, founded on it,
cannot be matter of faith.
2. No proofs from scripture or tradition have been
adduced to prove the infallibility of this united authority,
except as proving the infallibility of one or other of its
parts ; but these passages are not sufficiently clear to
render the infallibility of either part a matter of faith
amongst Romanists ; therefore they cannot render that
of the whole a matter of faith.
3. According to Bossuet, "that only is to be held
impossible in the church, which being done, there
would no longer be any safeguard for the truth '' ;" but
if a general council, confirmed by the pope, were liable
to error, the authority of the catholic church, dispersed
throughout the world, would still constitute a sufficient
rum esse a pontifice, non partim
a pontifice, partim a concilio."
— Bellarm. De Romano Pon-
tifice, lib. iv. c. iii. So also
Turrecremata, Summa, lib. iii. c.
58 ; Gregor, de Valentia, Ana-
lysis Fidei Cathol. lib. viii. c. 7.
On the other hand, Tournely
holds, with the Galilean theolo-
gians, that the papal confirmation
is not essential to the authority
of a general council's decrees ;
observing, " Absque tali confir-
matione . . . suam concilio ce-
cumenico .... stare firmitatem
et auctoritatem, quain habet a
Christo immediate, non a S. Pon-
tifice, cui proinde omnes chris-
tiani obedire tenentur cujuscum-
que conditionis sint, etiam pa-
palis, ut declarat synodus Con-
stantiensis." — Tourn. de Eccl. t.
i. p. 419.
s Delahogue proves from the
Walenburghs, Veron, Du Perron,
the synod of Trent, &c. that the
papal infallibility is not de Jide,
— De Eccl. p. 386, &c. Bellar-
mine, Valentia, Canus, and the
Ultramontanes generally, profess
to prove that the infallibility of
councils, apart from the pope's
authority, is so far from being
de fide, that it is an error.
^ "Id tantum in ecclesia ha-
bendum est pro impossibili, quo
facto, nullum superesset veritati
praesidium : at in casu quem di-
cimus, tutum superesset in ec-
clesise catholicae auctoritate prae-
sidium : non ergo ille casus est
impossibilis. Quae cum ita sint,
ecclesia catholica sola est, quae
nunquam deficere, nunquam er-
rare possit, ac ne momento qui-
dem." — Bossuet, Defensio De-
clar. Cleri Gallicani, lib. x. c.
36.
154 Infullihility of General Synods, [p. iv. ch, vii.
guard for the truth, aud therefore it is not impossible
that such a council may err.
4. La Chambre, and other Roman theologians, have
maintained, without any censure, that the catholic
church herself cannot define whether a disputed gene-
ral council was really general. This opinion is said by
Delahogue, to lead to no serious inconvenience, because
its authors admit that the consent given by the church
to any council, confers on it all the authority of a gene-
ral council '. Nor is there any greater inconvenience in
our doctrine, which supposes that the approbation of
the church dispersed, gives to the decrees of any coun-
cil a final and irrefragable authority; therefore it is
equally free from censure.
5. In fact several theologians of the Roman churches
have taught this very doctrine. Bouvier says : " some
theologians are of opinion, that this approbation of the
church confers all its authority on a general council ^"
This doctrine is taught by DeBarral, archbishop of Tours,
and by Trevern, bishop of Strasburgh, after Bossuet.
The first says, " There are facts which prove in an invin-
cible manner that neither the decrees of popes, nor even
' " Quidam theologi ultra pro- alicui concilio cujus decreta ap-
gressi sunt et dixere ipsam ec- probat, illi omnem tribuere au-
clesiam definire non posse aliquod toritatem concilii oecumenici sive
concilium de cujus oecumenicitate tale sit, sive non, ex hac opinione
dubitaretur, re vera oecumenicum non videtur grave sequi incom-
fuisse : quia quod iiiquiunt, ibi modum." — Delahogue, De Ec-
agiturde /acfo de quo nihil statui clesia, p. 175.
potest nisi innumer^expendantur J " Quid am tamen theologi
circumstantise ex quibus pendet opinantur banc ecclesiae appro-
illius Veritas. Ita inter alios D. bationem omnem auctoritatem
La Chambre in Gallico Tractatu concilio generali tribuere." —
de Ecclesia, t. iii. p. 16 et seq. Bouvier, Tract. deVera Ecclesia,
Cum autem isti theologi admit- p. 234.
tant consensum datum ab ecclesia
15
SECT. I.] Not a Matter of Faith. 155
those of councils, acquire an irrefragable authority, ex-
cept by virtue of the consent of the universal church ^"
Trevern cites the following passage from Bossuet, which
very plainly teaches that the final authority is in all
cases vested in the whole catholic church. " The last
mark," he says, " of any council or assembly's repre-
senting truly the catholic church, is when the whole
body of the episcopate, and the whole society which
professes to receive its instructions, approve and receive
that council : this, I say, is the last seal of the authority
of this council and the infallihility of its decrees." — " The
council of Orange . . was by no means universal. It
contained chapters which the pope had sent. In this
council there were scarcely twelve or thirteen bishops.
But because it was received without opposition, its de-
cisions are no more disputed than those of the council
of Nice, because every thing depe^ids on consent. There
were but few bishops of the West in the council of
Nice, there were none in that of Constantinople, none
in that of Ephesus, and at Chalcedon only the legates of
the pope : and the same may be said of others. But
because all the ivorld consented then or afterwards, those
decrees are the decrees of the whole world. . . If we go
further back, Paul of Samosata was condemned only by
a particular council held at Antioch : but because its
decree was addressed to all the bishops in the world,
and received by them (for in this resides the whole force,
and without it the mere address would be nothing) this
decree is immoveable'." Hence I conclude that the
doctrine of the infallibility of a general council con-
"^ De Barral, Defense des Li- plusieurs lettres de M. Leibnitz,
bertes de I'Eglise Gallicane, p. — Lettre xxii, cited by Trevern,
284. Discussion Amicale, t. i. p. 222,
' Reponse de M. Bossuet a 223.
156 General Synods not infallible. [p. iv. ch. vii.
firmed by the pope, independently of the consent of the
catholic church, is only an opinion in the Roman
churches ; and though it be the more common opinion,
I have shown in the last chapter that the common
opinion may not be true. And though some Roman
theologians may esteem the contrary doctrine which
I shall maintain, as heretical, their opinion by no means
proves that this doctrine may not be lawfully held by
members of the Roman churches ".
SECTION II.
A GENERAL SYNOD CONFIRMED BY THE ROMAN PONTIFF,
HAS NOT, WITHOUT THE CONSENT OF THE UNIVERSAL
CHURCH, ANY IRREFRAGABLE AUTHORITY".
1. The authority of the Roman pontiff is not that of
the catholic church. Bossuet, and many other theo-
logians have ji roved convincingly that he is liable to
error and heresy, and that his decision alone affords no
infallible ground of faith ".
2. Assuming still that the synod consists of the mi-
nority of the episcopal body, its judgment cannot be
final and irrefragable, because Christ has committed
the public and authoritative judgment of controversies
of faith to all the successors of the apostles in common
and equally '' : but it is contrary to all reason that the
"" See the second division of rationis cleri Gallicani" is the
the last Chapter. best work against the exagge-
" This subject is well treated rations of the papal power. See
by Ockham, Dialogus, part i. lib. also Ockham, Dialogus, part i.
V. c. 25 — 28, and lib. iii. prim, lib, v. c. 1 — 24, where the papal
tract, iii. part. c. 5 — 13. infallibility is refuted. Dela-
" See Bossuet, Gallia Ortho- hogue shows that the papal infal-
doxa, c. liv, and Defens. Decl. libility may be lawfully denied by
Cler. Gall. lib. vii. c. 21 — 28, Romanists.— DeEcclesia, p. 386,
where he shows that Honorius &c.
erred though speaking ex ca- f This is admitted by the theo-
thedra. The " Defensio Decla- logians of Rome. " Verba qui-
SECT, ir.] General Synods not. infalUhle. 157
minority of a tribunal so constituted, should be em-
powered to decide controversies finally without the aid
of the majority ''.
3. The authority which is not common to all final and
irrefragable judgments in faith is not itself final and irre-
fragable. Now decrees are received as such by Romans
which have not been made in general councils con-
firmed by a pope ; e. g. those of the j)rovincial synods
of Orange, Gangra, Antioch, and Milevis against
various heretics '. The only authority which is common
to all decrees received as final and irrefragable, is the
consent of the catholic church dispersed : and hence we
may infer, that this authority alone is final.
4. The infallibility of such general synods is not es-
sential to the preservation of the truth and the termi-
nation of controversies, for it is undeniable that many
heresies have been condemned by bishops in provincial
and national synods, and even by individual bishops^;
and the doctrine that heresy could not be condemned
bus Christus ecclesiae docenti pari episcoporum promissa est :
inerrantise donum pollicitus est, at minor numerus majori opposi-
spectant ad corpus seu ad collec- tus corpus illud non reprgesentat,
tionem episcoporum." — Bailly, ut evidens est." — Bouvier, De
De Ecclesia,t. i. p. 592. " Pri- Eccl. p. 198. " Uua est sola ec-
vilegium infallibilitatis non indi- clesia militans quae contra fidem
viduis sed corpori episcoporum errare non potest. Quia de sola
fuit promissum ; ita omnes sen- universali ecclesia militante inve-
tiunt." — Bouvier, De Ecclesia, p. nitur in scripturis authenticis quia
189. errare non potest. Concilium
"I " Collegium quodcumqueju- autem generale licet sit pars ec-
dicum nunquam minore illorum clesise militantis universalis, ta-
numero repraesentatur, et auto- men non est ecclesia universalis,
ritas quae definit semper est pe- Igitur temerarium est dicere quia
nes raajorem numerum." — Dela- concilium generale circa fidem
hogue, De Eccles. p. 148. "Cer- errare non potest." — Ockham,
turn est viinorem numerum epis- Dialogus, part i. lib. v. c. 25.
coporumcaeteriscontradicentibus, "" See Bossuet, quoted above,
sententiam infallibilem proferre p. 155.
non posse : nam infallibilitas cor- ^ E. g. the Pelagians, Sabel-
158 General Sj/nods not infallible. [p. iv. ch. vii.
except by a general synod, was expressly censured by
the faculty of theology at Paris, in 1662, as it had been
rejected by St. Augustine \ Therefore these assemblies
are not essential absolutely, and supposing that under
certain circumstances they may appear highly expe-
dient or morally essential, yet their infaUibility is not
so, because the subsequent consent and approbation of
the cathohc church dispersed would furnish a sufficient
safeguard for the truth : and hence we may reasonably
infer that such councils are not in themselves infallible,
because there is no superfluity in the works and gifts
of God.
5. I have before proved that the infallibility of such
synods is only a matter of opinion even in the Roman
churches, whence it follows that there can be no certain
proofs of it either in scripture or tradition, and there-
fore that Christ cannot have instituted it for his church :
and besides this, an opinion cannot serve as a foundation
for certain faitb, therefore Romanists can have no cer-
tainty of the truth of doctrines defined merely by a
synod whose infallibility is a matter of opinion.
OBJECTIONS.
I. The bishops in a general council represent the uni-
versal church, and as in a commonwealth the repre-
sentatives of the nation have the national authority, so
lians, Apollinarians, Aerians, nisi synodicongregationedamnata
Eustathians. — See Melcliior Ca- sit : cum potius rarissimae inve-
nus, lib. V. c, 4. Many were sup- niantur, propter quas damnandas
pressed by individual bishops. — necessitas talis extiterit ; multo-
See Tournely, De Ecclesia, t. i. que sint atque incomparabiliter
p. 331. plures, quae ubi extiterunt, illic
' Bossuet, Gallia orthodoxa, improbari damnarique meruerunt,
c. Ixxxiii. Tournely, De Ecclesia, atque inde per cajteras terras devi-
t i. p. 361. Augustine says: tandae innotescere potuerunt." —
" Quasi nulla liaeresis aliquando Aug. lib. iv. ad Bonifac. c. ult.
OBJECT.] General Synods not infallible. 159
the representatives of the church have the church's
authority ".
Answer. I deny that bishops can properly or perfectly
represent other bishops in deciding questions of faith,
so as to render the consent of the latter unnecessary.
It is admitted that all catholic bishops ought to be
summoned to general councils", and if any of them
have a lawful impediment, they are not bound to de-
pute other bishops to represent them ; they are allowed
by the canons to depute deacons or presbyters as their
procurators. But these deputies have not the authority
of those who sent them. It is uncertain in the Roman
church whether they have any right to sit even in pro-
vincial synods. Gregory XIII. replied to the provincial
synod of Rouen in 1581, that the deputies of absent
bishops might have a deliberative not a decisive voice, if
the synod judged it expedient '''. In the synod of Trent
the procurators of absent bishops were not permitted
to have any voice ". Nor is the idea of bishops being
represented perfectly by others in questions of faith and
morality, consistent with the divine institution. Each
successor of the apostles is bound to watch over the
faith personally, and cannot depute this office and its
" Bellarmin. DeConcil. etEccl. Vera Ecclesia, p. 224. See
lib. ii. c. 2. Ockham replies to Tournely, De Ecclesia, t. i. p.
this argument. — Dialog, part i. 382.
lib. V. c. 25. Tournely, De Ec- " Labbe, Concil. t, xv. p. 873.
clesia, t. i. p. 370. 376. '' " Constat hujusmodi dele-
" " Omnes episcopi qui catho- gatos non nisi ex speciali con-
lica communione inter se et cum cessione vocem deliberativara in
Romano Pontifice devinciuntur, conciliis habuisse. Concilium
convocandi sunt; nam jure di- Tridentinum banc facultatem ipsis
vino omnes aequalem habent po- denegavit." — Bouvier, De Vera
testatem de controversiis circa Ecclesia, p. 187. So also Dela-
fidem judicandi ; ergo nullius con- hogue, p. 182. See Paolo Sarpi's
vocatio negligi potest quin jus History of the Council of Trent
divinum laedatur." — Bouvier, De by Coui'ayer, vol. i. p. 221.
160 General Synods not infallible. [p. iv. ch. vir.
resiionsibility to others. Therefore bishops cannot be
represented in a synod except in an imperfect manner,
and such a synod consisting of the minority of bishops,
together with some deputies of absent bishops, does not
represent the catholic church so perfectly as to need no
subsequent confirmation.
It is true that the decrees of a great synod of bishops
from all parts of the world, made after due examination
and deliberation, have an exceedingly great authority
in themselves ; but until they are accepted and exe-
cuted by the universal church, they are not to be con-
sidered as judgments of the universal church.
II. If general councils approved by the pope may
err, all heresies formerly condemned by general councils
will be free from censure and will revive. The autho-
rity of the Nicene creed, and even the canon of scrip-
ture, will be doubtful ^
Ansiver. If those ancient decrees were approved by
the universal church they are unchangeable ; if they
were not, the doctrines condemned are not heresies.
The Nicene faith rests firmly on the approbation of the
universal church : the canon of scrij^ture is not proved
by the decrees of general councils, but by catholic
tradition.
III. If a council be liable to error, and the people be
bound to obey it, they must be led into error ; which
would be inconsistent with the divine design. But
they are bound to obey them, for " He that heareth
you heareth me," and " the Scribes and Pharisees sit in
Moses' seat," &;c. ""
Answer. I ask, in the words of Bossuet, " should they
^ Melchior Canus, Loc. Theol. min. De Concil. et Eccl. lib. ii.
lib. V. c. 4 ; Turrecremata, Sum- c, 4.
ma de Eccl. 1. iii. c. 58 ; Bellar- '' Ibid.
OBJECT.] General Synods not infallible. 161
obey if" the synod " enjoins what is contrary to the di-
vine commands?" Surely not. It may be further
objected, that if men are allowed to judge the decrees
of a general synod, it must be useless and powerless ;
which would be contrary to the doctrine and practice
of the church. I reply that its authority cannot fail to
be very great, in proportion to the numbers, piety, wis-
dom, and national variety of the bishops present, even
supposing that it is still inferior to that of the whole
catholic church dispersed throughout all nations. The
passages of scripture cited above, relate to the whole
body of pastors, and not to a feeble minority of them
assembled in council,
IV. If such a council may err, then in any important
controversy all will be uncertain, or there will be im-
minent danger of schism.
Answer. I say with Bossuet, " Neither : for the
learned will be held by tradition, as Augustine says
happened in the time of Stephen ; and the unlearned,
if they are true sons of the church, will wait most obe-
diently for the judgment of their pious mother'."
V. The decrees of general synods are prescribed to
be received under pain of anathema : we must, there-
fore, blame the fathers who composed them, if any
subsequent approbation of the catholic church was
requisite ^.
Answer. The decrees of provincial synods, as that
of Gangra, have also been prescribed under pain of
anathema, yet no one deems them infallible. The
anathema is rightly added from the absolute conviction
which enables the synod to decide certain questions ;
^ <= Bossuet, Def. Decl. Cler. '^ Bellarniin. deConcil. et Eccl.
(iiall. lib. X. c. 36. lib. ii. c. 4.
VOL, II. M
162 General Synods not infallible, [p. iv. ch. vii.
but it should be always understood as being only in-
tended to take effect under the supposition that it
agrees with the judgment of the universal church. To
imagine otherwise of any synod, would be to esteem it
presumptuous and impious.
VI. Such an authority would be most useful and
convenient, so that something might seem wanting to
the splendour of the church if general councils were
liable to error ^
Answer. Bossuet says truly that " we must not rely
upon mere reasonings or wishes, but on certain pro-
mises and certain tradition. If it be our pleasure to
wish, or rather to dream, we may certainly expect that
the Roman pontiff should be not only free from error,
but from sin, ignorance, negligence, or cupidity. We
might ask why, when Christ said to his apostles,
' Lo ! I am with you always, even unto the end of the
world,' the bishops were not, like the apostles, to enjoy
the promise of unfailing faith ' ?"
VII. Ambrose calls the decrees of general councils
" hereditary seals to be broken by no temerity ^" Leo
styles them " the judgments of the whole christian
world '\" Gregory the Great received the four first
general councils, " as the four books of the Gospels '."
Vincentius Lirinensis attributes whatever is done in
general synods to the catholic church: "This, and
nothing else, did the catholic church ever perform by
the decrees of her councils ; namely, to consign in
writing to posterity, what she had received by tradition
^ Melchior Canus, ut supra. ^ Leo, Epist. Ixiii. ad Theo-
Delahogue, Tract. deEdcl.Christi, doret. Labbe, Cone. t. iii.
p. 173. ' Gregor. Epist. ad Joan. Con-
^ Bossuet, Defensio Decl. Cler. stantinop. Episc. Epistolar. lib.
Gallic, lib. x. c. 36. i. c. 24.
s Ambros. de Fide, 1. iii. c. 15.
OBJECT.] General Synods not infallible. 163
from antiquity J." Therefore these fathers believed such
councils to be invested with the authority of the whole
catholic church.
Answer. They only spoke of synods universally re-
ceived and approved by the church, which we fully
admit to be invested with the authority of the catholic
church.
VIII. Several pasages of scripture prove the in-
fallibility of general councils, e. g. " Tell it to the
church, and if he will not hear the church," &c. " The
Spirit of truth shall lead you into all truth." " Lo ! I
am with you always, even to the end of the world."
" The church of the living God, which is the pillar and
ground of the truth ''."
Ansiver. (1.) None of these passages can prove the
point in question, because I have already shewn that
it is nothing more than a matter of opinion even in
the Roman churches. (2.) These passages, in pro-
mising inerrancy, relate to the church universal, or to
the successors of the apostles collectively, not to a
small minority of them assembled in synod.
IX. It may be objected that our Saviour seems to
attribute infallible authority to a minority. " Where
two or three are gathered together in my name, there
am I in the midst of them '."
Answer. (1.) Were this interpretation correct, it
would prove provincial synods infallible and equal in
authority to general synods, which no one admits
Besides that every thing would be thrown into con-
fusion, if in the tribunal of the church a minority could
issue a final judgmemt. (2.) The promise of our
J Vincent. Lirin. Commonitor. Ecclesia, lib. ii. c. 2.
c. 13. 28. ' Tournely de Ecclesia, t. i.
'' Bellarmin. de Conciliis et p. 378.
M 2
164 General Si/nods not infallible. [p. iv. ch. vti.
Saviour in these words only relates to the ordinary aid
and protection of divine grace, which does not infer
exemption from all possibility of error.
X. The apostolical synod held at Jerusalem on the
question of legal observances was only attended by
four apostles, Peter, James, John, and Paul, and yet
their decrees commenced with these words, " It hath
seemed good to the Holy Ghost and to us," in which
the supreme and infallible authority of general councils
according to Tournely is inscribed as it were " in sun-
beams "."
Answer. This meeting does not correspond with the
description of a general synod, inasmuch as all the
apostles do not seem to have been summoned to it.
Nor has it ever been accounted a general council by
the catholic church, which reckons the synod of Nice
as the fast general council. Melchior Canus says that
this apostolic synod was not general but provincial ".
It is in fact a model for all synods which are to decide
matters of controversy, and would prove the infallibility
of provincial synods, as well as that of general synods.
Besides this, the apostles possessed the miraculous
assistance of the Holy Ghost ; and consequently might
decide absolutely and infallibly, without any need that
their decree should be confirmed by the authority of
the church dispersed °.
XI. The synod of Constance decreed in their fifth
session that a general council represents the universal
church ; and that obedience is due to it by all persons,
" Tournely de Ecclesia, t. i. provinciale concilium fuit." Melc.
p. 387. Delahogue, Tract, de Canus, Loc. Theol. lib. v. c. 4.
Eccl Christi, p. 167. conclusio 5.
" " Quod enim ibi congrega- ° Melchior Canus, Loc.Theolog.
tuin legittir, hoc non generale sod lib. v. c. 4.
OBJECT.] General Synods nut hifallihle. 165
even by the Pope ; and this decree was confirmed by
Pope Martin V. The same was decreed by the synod
of Basil. Therefore he ^^'ho denies the authority of a
general council denies that of the universal church p.
Answer. (1.) I admit that a general council repre-
sents the universal church, but not so perfectly as to
be able to dispense with the confirmation of the univer-
sal church dispersed. (2.) Bellarmine affirms that the
council of Constance was not oecumenical at that time,
being only attended by a third part of the Latin
church ; and that Martin V. did not confirm its decree,
because it had not been made conciliariter, and after
examinations The same objections are urged by
Gregorius de Valentia "" from Cajetan, and by Ligorio ^
The synod of Basil is rejected by the same writers as
not oecumenical when it made its decision.
P See Ockham, Dialog, lib. iii. ' Gregor. de Valentia, Analys.
1 tract. 111. partis c. 5. Fid. Cath. lib. viii. c. 7.
"■ Bellarminus de Concil. Aug- ^ Ligorio, Theol. Moral, lib
tor. lib. ii. c. 19. i. art. 129—133.
166 Remarks on Decrees of Synods. [part iv.
COT..COT>l.?^
LIBRARY
N.YORK^
CHAPTER VIII.
GENERAL REMARKS ON THE DECREES OF SYNODS.
With respect to the definitions of synods concerning
faith and morals, it may be observed first, that when
the catholic church approves the judgment of any
council, she does not necessarily declare the validity of
the proofs adduced in that judgment to support it ; nor
does she authorize every thing which may be intro-
duced in explanation, in reply to objection, or even
cursorily and incidentally. The church only approves
the substantial doctrine which has been defined : and
she offers no opposition to incidental positions advanced
iti connection with such doctrine, though she may
judge them less probably true ; provided that they do
not endanger the articles of her faith.
Secondly, the church cannot decide questions beyond
her province ; that is, she has no authority by divine
right, in questions of politics, general law, physics, or
any other science : and had the universal church ever
made any definition in such matters it would not be
obligatory on any individual.
The principles stated above, are acknowledged by
Roman theologians, and are of great use in contro-
versy, by enabling us to discriminate the real definitions
CHAP, viii.] Remarks on Decrees of Synods. 167
of the catholic church from extraneous matters which
others may attempt to mix up with them, to the dis-
advantage of the cause of revealed truth, and of our
catholic and apostolic churches/
Melchior Canus, whose doctrine in. this, point has
been followed by all subsequent Roman theologians,!
says, " If all things in councils are-not Ge|-tain^(for the
Holy Spirit does not assist tkgm in every thing) by
what method shall we discover those decrees of coun-
cils which are certain in matters of faith ?" In reply
to this question he observes : " The doctrine of pontiffs
and councils is a judgment of faith, if it be proposed to
the whole church, and if it be also proposed with an
obligation to believe it. But we should carefully re-
mark both the nature of the things about which the
judgment is made, and the due meaning and weight of
the words : for all ecclesiastical doctrine which we are
bound to embrace, is not of the same degree, nor are
all judgments to be accounted equally important
We say, that all matters contained in the volumes of
the canon law or of the councils, are not judgments of
christian doctrine ; nor again are all judgments of doc-
trine decisions oi faith : for many things pertain to the
sound discipline of the church, which are not decrees
of faith." " Is there any mark then, by which the
judgments of councils concerning faith may be dis-
tinguished ? Certainly. The first and most manifest
is, when those who assert the contrary are adjudged
heretics. . . . Another mark is, when a synod prescribes
its decrees in this manner : If any one be of this or
that opinion, let him be anathema A third is,
when the sentence of excommunication is denounced
ipso Jure against those who contradict a doctrine
A fourth, when it is expressly and peculiarly declared
168 Remarks on Decrees of Synods. [part iv,
of any thing, that it ought to be firmly believed by the
faithful, or received as a doctrine of the catholic faith :
— declared I say, not merely from opinion, but by a
certain and firm decree Moreover those things
which are introduced into the decrees of councils or
pontiffs, either by way of explanation, reply to objec-
tions, or even obiter and in transcursu, beyond the
principal design, the matter actually in controversy ;
such do not belong to faith, that is, are not judgments
of catholic faith *."
Veron observes that in the decisions of a general
council, it is only the decision itself, not its motive or
proof, which is dejide: — that what is said incidentally
by synods is not de fide, much less what is said by
particular prelates in the sessions of synods ; still less,
what is proposed by doctors for the discussion of
matters about to be defined ^. These principles are
generally admitted by Roman theologians, as by Bos-
suet *■, Delahogue '', &c.
The second principle above mentioned, is also main-
tained by Melchior Canus, Bellarmine, Veron, Bossuet,
Tournely, Bouvier^ he. Delahogue says, " Veron, in
his ' Rule of Faith,' c. 4. p. i. no. 8, says. The object
ouofht to be definable as a matter of faith : therefore
doctrines relating to law or philosophy, are not definable
as matters of faith.'" He then cites Bellarmine, who (lib.
iv. de Roman. Pontif.) allows " that John XXII. was in
error, when he taught that use could not be separated
from dominion in things consumable by use ; but not
* Melchior Canus, de Locis '' Delahogue, de Eccl. Christi,
Theol. lib. v. c. 5. p. 213, 214.
•* Veron, Regula Fidei, c. i. * Bouvier, Episc. Cenomanen-
s. 4. sis.Tract. de veraEcclesia, p.235,
■^ Bossuet, Defens. Declar. where he cites these theologians.
Cler. Gall. lib. iii. c. 1. See above, p. 9G.
CHAT. VIII.] Transuhstantiation. 169
in error cowcei-ning faith, for this question did not per-
tain to faith ?'
Hence it follows that the church could never have
defined as a matter of faith the common Roman
opinion of transubstaijtiation, which supposes that the
appearances and accidents of bodies have a real exist-
ence, and can in the nature of things be separated
from the substances in which they are inherent ; and
that the matters of different bodies are really different.
Such questions belong not to the church to decide : nor
can any decisions concerning them be matters of faith.
This seems to have been felt indeed by several mem-
bers of the Roman obedience. Cassander, having
asserted the doctrine of such a conversion as renders
the bread and wine the eucharist of Christ's body and
blood really present, says : " Would that, content with
such an explanation, we might abstain from superfluous
questions, in no respect pertaining to/afifA and piety ^"
thus intimating his persuasion that the opinion of tran-
suhstantiation was not a matter of faith. The learned
Benedictine Barnes says, that " the assertion of tran-
suhstantiation or substantial change of the bread,
although the more common opinion, is not the faith o^
the church ''." Des Cartes was charged by the doctors
of Louvain with advancing philosophical principles,
which subverted altogether the doctrine of transuh-
stantiation '. In fact, though he laboured at first to
prove the consistency of his views with that doctrine,
in reply to Arnauld ; he ultimately taught that the real
presence in the eucharist consisted in the union of the
^Delahogue, p. 210. pacificus, s. viii. in Brown's
g Cassander, Consultatio de Fasciculus Rerum, t. ii. p. 849.
Artie. Relig. Oper. p. 939. ' Doctorum aliquot Lovan.
•" Barnes, Catholico-Ronianus Judicia, a.u. 1653.
170 Transuhstantiation. [part iv.
matter of bread with the soul of our Lord Jesus
Christ \ This doctrine, which was entirely contrary
to the common Roman opinion of transuhstantiation,
was also publicly maintained by Pere Des Gabets, De
Viogue, De Clerselier, Rohault, and other members of
the Roman church ''. Early in the last century the Pere
Cally, in a work entitled Durand commente, maintained
the opinion of Durand, that transuhstantiation con-
sisted in the conversion of the substantial form of
bread into that of our Lord ; the matter of bread re-
maining. The doctors of the Sorbonne, in their cor-
respondence Avith Archbishop Wake, were willing to
relinquish the term transuhstantiation altogether, and
only to retain the doctrine of a real conversion and
presence ' ; and M. Courayer, canon regular of
S. Genevieve, publicly taught that the doctrine of
transuhstantiation, as defined by the synod of Trent,
Avas only the common opinion of the schools at that
time ; and that it was a point purely philosophical,
which they chose to erect into a dogma "". In fine,
we may observe, that Roman writers generally, in the
present day, avoid as much as possible the question of
transuhstantiation, and wish only to engage in con-
troversies on the real presence : and there are other
reasons for believing that some of them do not view
the former doctrine as an article of faith.
With regard to the canons or decrees of discipline,
made by oecumenical synods, it may be observed, that
they are of a different authority from their decrees on
J La Vie de M. Des Cartes, which contains the above pro-
part ii. p. 520. posal, was, it seems, read and
^ Ibid. 521. approved in the Sorbonne.
• See Maclaine's third Appen- "' Courayer, Hist, dii Cone, de
<lix to Mosheim's Eccl. Hist. Trente, from Sarpi, t. i. p. 547
The Commonitorium of Du Pin,
CHAP. IX.] The (Ecumenical Synods. 171
faith ; and that generally they are not binding on
churches, except by their own consent. But of this 1
shall speak more fully when the authority of the
church in matters of discipline is under consideration.
CHAPTER IX.
ON THE SIX CECUMENICAL SYNODS.
The catholic church has never received or approved
more than six synods as oecumenical, which are as
follows: ]. The synod of 318 bishops at Nice in
Bithynia, a.d. 325; 2. the synod of 150 bishops at
Constantinople, a.d. 381; 3. the synod of 200 bishops
at Ephesus, a.d. 431 ; 4. the synod of 680 bishops at
Chalcedon, A.D. 451: 5. the synod of 165 bishops at
Constantinople, a.d. 553; 6. the synod of 170 bishops
at Constantinople, a.d. 680. The oriental church admits
one other synod as oecumenical ^ the Roman churches
now also acknowledge several others, but are not
agreed as to their number. The six synods alone have
been universally received by the catholic church.
Some of our theologians, as Hooker and Andre wes,
seem to acknowledge only four oecumenical synods ;
but they are then to be understood as speaking only of
those which are the principal and most important, and
which virtually include the others : for the fifth and
sixth synods were supplementary to the third and
fourth, and did not, jDroperly speaking, condemn any new
heresy. Field says : " Concerning the general councils
of this sort, that hitherto have been holden, we confess,
" The synod of Nice under Irene, 787.
172 The (Ecumenical Synods. [p. iv. ch. ix.
that in respect of the matter about which they were
called, so nearly and essentially concerning the life
and soul of the christian faith, and in respect of the
manner and form of their proceeding, and the evidence
of proof brought in them, they are, and ever were,
expressly to be believed by all such as perfectly under-
stand the meaning of their determination. And that
therefore it is not to be marvelled at, if Gregory pro-
fess that he honoureth the first four councils as the
four gospels, and that whosoever admitteth them not,
though he seem to be a stone elect and precious, yet
he lieth beside the foundation and out of the building.
Of this sort there are only six V &c. He seems,
however, to allow the second Nicene 787, and the
fourth of Constantinople 869, as general ; though dis-
approving the former. Dr. Hammond teaches that
there are only six oecumenical synods, and that the
rest so called, are of no binding authority '". The same
is shewn by Saywell ^, Crakanthorp \ and others.
The six oecumenical synods were also received by
the Polish confession \ and generally acknowledged by
the Lutherans and reformed ^.
Tieldjof thechurch, b.5.c. 51. remurque ut sacrosanctas, quan-
* Hammond, of Heresy, c. iii. turn attinet ad fidei dogmata :
s. 7 — 11. nihil enim continent quam puram
'^ Saywell on Schism, p. 211. et nativam scripturae interpreta-
* " Sex fuisse generalia legi- tionem, quam sancti Patres,spiri-
timaconcilia nemini est dubium." tuali prudentia, ad frangendos
Crakanthorp, de loco arguend. religionis hostes, qui tunc emer-
ab Authorit. Logicae, c. xvi. serant, accommodarunt." — Calv.
reg. 12. S. Ward, Determinat. Institut. 1. iv. c. ix. s. 8. He
Theol. p. 103 cited by Saywell, rejects the error of the Monothe-
Praefat. Epist. Launoii. lites, condemned by the sixth
^ Declaratio Thoruniensis, I. oecumenical synod. — Inst. ii. if),
s Calvin says, " Sic priscas illas 12. The Helvetic confession
synodos, ut Nicaenam, Constan- 1566, cap. xi. receives the creeds
tinopolitanam, Eph^sinam pri- and doctrines of the first four
mam, Chalcedonensem,ac similes, and principal councils, and all
quae confutandis erroribus habitas others like them. The Cen-
bunt, libenter amplectimur, reve- turiators of Magdeburg admit
SECT. I.] First (Ecumenical Synod. 173
SECTION I.
THE SYNOD OF NICE.
The first oecumenical synod of 318 bishops, was
assembled at Nice, a.d. 325, by order of the Emperor
Constantino ^ to terminate the controversy raised by
Arius, presbyter of Alexandria, who denied the divinity
of the Son of God, maintaining that he was a creature
brought forth from nothing, and susceptible of vice
and virtue '. Though the authors of these blasphemies
had been condemned by a synod at Alexandria, under
Alexander, bishop of that church in 320 \ and by
another larger synod at the same place shortly after-
wards, which addressed a synodal letter to all churches'';
yet the Arian party, headed by Eusebius of Nicomedia,
having also held a meeting in Bithynia ^ and addressed
a letter to all churches in favour of Arius, the judg-
ment of an oecumenical synod became necessary.
The synod was held in a hall of the imperial palace*".
Its presidents were, Alexander pope of Alexandria,
Eustathius bishop of Antioch, and Hosius bishop of
Corduba". The presbyters, Vitus and Vincentius,
the six oecumenical synods. — doret, i. c. 4. 7.
Saywell, Praefat. Epist. Launoii ' Sozomen. Hist. Eccl. lib. i.
juxta fin. cites the reformed c. 15.
divines, Chamier, Alsted, Daille, ™ Eusebii Vita Constant, lib.
as of the same sentiment. iii. c. 10; Theodoret, i. 7.
^ Socrates, Hist. Eccl. lib. i. " Richerius, (Histor. Concil.
c. 8 ; Sozomen. lib. i. c. 17 ; General, pars i. c. 2.) proves that
Theodoret, Hist. Eccl. lib. i. Alexander and other patriarchs
c. 4. 7. presided. Launoius (Epist. ad
* Socrates, i. 56, 59. Theodoret, Raimund. Formentin. Epist. p.
Hist. Eccl. lib. i. c. 9. Fleury, 701. Ed. Cantab.) proves
liv. X. s. 39. from the synodal epistle, Euse-
j Socrates, i. 6 ; Athanas.or. 1. bins, Proclus, Felix III. Facun-
cont. Arianos ; Fleury, liv. x. dus Hermianensis, Athanasius,
c. 38. Theodoret, Sozomen, &c. that
'' Socrates, lib. i. c. 6 ; Theo- Alexander of Alexandria, Eusta-
15
174 First (Ecumenical Synod. [p. iv. ch. ix.
attended as representatives of the Roman bishop, but
none of the ancient writers, except Gelasius of Cyzi-
cum, who wrote about 476, state that they presided in
the synod, or that Hosius was a legate of the bishop
of Rome. These fables were propagated about the
ninth century".
Arius was permitted to state his doctrines before
the synod p, which after much disputation and inquiry
condemned them as heretical, and declared the faith
of the church in that celebrated creed or confession,
which has ever since been received and venerated by
the universal church, and even by many sects and
heresies "•.
The synod also made several regulations in matters
of disciiDline. It determined that the feast of Easter
should be always held on the Sunday after the full
moon which occurs next after the vernal equinox";
and that the Meletian schismatics should be reunited
to the church on certain conditions ^ In fine, twenty
canons were made '.
The decrees of the synod were published to all the
church by a synodal epistle addressed to " the church
of Alexandria, and the beloved brethren throughout
Egypt, Pentapolis, Lybia, and all others under the
heavens ;" in which the fathers informed them that
they had anathematised " Arius and his impious doc-
trine, by which he had blasphemed the Son of God,
saying, that he was brought forth fi'om nothing, that
he did not exist before he was ingendered, and that
there was a time when he did not exist ; that by his
thius of Antioch, and Hosius of Eutychians, Monothelites, Pela-
Corduba, presided. gians, &c.
" Launoii Epistolae, ut supra. "■ Fleury, liv. xi. s. 14.
^ Socrates, lib. i. c. 9. * Ibid. s. 15.
•^ E. g. by the Nestorians, * See Dr. Routh's Opuscula.
SECT. I.] First (Ecumenical Synod. 175
free will he is capable of vice and virtue, and that he
is a creature. The holy council has anathematised all
this, scarcely enduring even to listen to such blasphe-
mies "." The emperor also addressed a letter to all
churches exhorting them to receive the decrees of the
synod, and imposed penalties on the Arian sect ^
Gelasius of Cyzicam states that the principal bishops
of the synod were deputed to convey its decrees to all
provinces \ Marius Victorinus also states that they
were sent throughout the whole world, and approved
universally \ Sulpitius Severus remarks, that the
Arians themselves " not daring to utter anything
against the sound faith, returned to their churches, as
if acquiescing, and holding nothing else'." And in fact,
when Eusebius of Nicomedia and the Arian party urged
the readmission of Arius to the catholic church in 336,
the latter professed that he followed the Nicene faith '^ :
nor did the Arian party venture to compose any new
formulary of faith until their synod of Antioch in 341,
full sixteen years after the Nicene Creed had been
universally professed, even by themselves.
The Nicene faith was therefore universally re-
ceived, approved, and acted on by the church through-
out the whole world, and thus expressed evidently
the judgment of the universal church. And though
afterwards the Arian party, supported by the Emperor
Constantius, troubled the church for nearly thirty
" Theodoret, Hist. Eccl, lib i. ^ Sulpitius Severus, Hist. Sacr.
c. 9. lib. ii.
" Eusebii Vita Constant, lib. * See Socrates, i. 26 ; Fleury,
iii. c. 14, &c. ; Theodoret, lib. i. liv. xi. s. 58. In his confession
c. 10 ; Socrates, lib. i. c. 9. of faith he protested that he used
/^ Gelasius Cyzicen. Hist. Cone, the words in the sense of the
Nic. lib. ii. c. 35. church. See Harduini Concilia,
''Marius Victorinus, lib. ii. t. i. p. 551.
contra Arium, Bibl. Patr.
176 First (Ecumenical Synod. [p. iv. ch. ix.
years, expelling from tbeir sees the most ortho-
dox bishops, and constructing various confessions of
faith; the Nicene doctrine was always held by the
great majority of the church, and finally triumphed
over all opposition : it was received by the council of
Milan 347 ', by the council of Sardica of 100 bishops
in 347 % by the council of Jerusalem ^ and by the
synod of Ariminum of 400 bishops in 359 % while that
synod was free.
S. Athanasius informs us that in 363 the Nicene
faith was approved by all the churches in the world,
in Spain, Britain, Gaul, Italy, Dalmatia, Dacia, Mysia,
Macedonia, Greece, Africa, Sardinia, Cyprus, Crete,
Pamphylia, Lycia, Isauria, Egypt, Lybia, Pontus,
Cappadocia and throughout the east, except a few
which followed the heresy of Arius \ S. Basil accounted
the 318 fathers to be inspired by the Holy Ghost ^.
Gregory of Nazianzum held that the Nicene fathers
were assembled by the Holy Ghost ^ : and several
synods held in Gaul, Spain, and Rome, sent synodical
letters everywhere, declaring that " henceforth no synod
ought to be received in the church, but only that of
Nice '." In fine, the Nicene faith was confirmed by
the oecumenical synod of Constantinople, a.d. 38 1 \ by
those of Ephesus ^ Chalcedon ', and a multitude of
others. The Nicene faith has ever since been firmly
held and believed by all Christians ; and therefore, as I
»• Fleury, 1. xii. s. 33. iii. p. 207- Ed. Ben.
' Ibid, 35. ^ Greg. Naz. Orat. 21. t. i.
^ Socrates, ii. 24. ' Athanasii Opera, p. 901.
* Sozomen, Hist. Eccl. 1. iv. J Canon I.
c. 17- Socrates, ii. 37. '' Harduin. Concilia, t. i. p.
* Athanasii Epist. ad Jovian. 1362.
Imper. Oper. p. 781. Ed. Ben. ' Definitio Fidei apud Routli.
s Hasil. Epist. 114. Oper. t. Opuscula, p. 427, &c.
SECT. II.] Second (Ecnrnenical Sijnod. 177
have already shewn, it is to be accounted an irrefraga-
ble, unalterable rule, which cannot be disputed without
heresy, and for which, as the Egyptian synod wrote,
" we should be ready even to lay down our lives."
The authentic monuments of this council are the
creed "", twenty canons ", and the synodal epistle °.
SECTION II.
THE FIRST SYNOD OF CONSTANTINOPLE.
The second oecumenical synod of 150 oriental
bishops was assembled by the Emperor Theodosius "
the elder, in 381, to appease the troubles of the east.
Timothy of Alexandria, and others, successively pre-
sided '' : and no one was present on the jDart of Dama-
sus bishop of Rome and the other western bishops.
The heresy of Macedonius, who blasphemously taught
that the Holy Ghost was a creature, as Arius and
Eunomius had blasphemed the Son of God ", had been
condemned, and the orthodox doctrine of the consub-
stantial Trinity had been taught in the synods of
Alexandria 362 \ Illyricum 367 % Rome 367 \ and
Rome 381 or 382*^. The synod of Constantinoi^le
'" Routh, Opuscula, p. 351. Heeres. haer. Ixxiv.
Socrates, Hist. Eccl. i. 8. '^ Harduini Concilia, t. i. p,
° Routh, Opuscula, p. 354, 731. Athanasii Opera, t. ii.
&c. Beveregii Pandect. Justelli p. 770.
Bibl. Jur. Can. "^ Theodoret, Hist. Eccl. lib.
° Socrates, i. 9. Theodoret,i.6. iv. c. 9.
" Natalis Alexander proves "^ Harduin. Concil. t. i. p. 773;
that it was assembled without Theodoret, lib. ii. c. 22.
consulting Pope Damasus. Hist. * Theodoret, Hist. Eccl. lib.
Eccl. Ssecul. iv. Dissert, xxxvi. v. c. 11. Their decree ran as
Richerius treats of this synod, follows : " Quia post concilium
Hist. Cone. General, lib. i. c. 5. Nicaenum hie error inolevit, ut
** Natalis Alexander, ibid. Art. quidam ore sacrilego auderent
II. dicere, Spiritum Sanctum factum
* Theodoret, Heretic. Pabular, esse per Fiiium ; anathematiza-
lib. iv, c. 5 ; Epiphanius, adv. mus eos, qui non tota libertate
VOL. II. N
J78 Second CEcumenical Synod. [p. iv. ch. ix.
now anathematized the Macedonians or Pneumatoma-
chi, as well as the Eunomians and other sects of
Arians, the Sabellians, and other heresies "^ : and in
opposition to the Apollinarians, and the Macedonians,
enlarged the Nicene creed by some passages concern-
inof the orthodox doctrine of the Incarnation, and of
the real divinity of the Holy Ghost *. Six canons also
were made concerning discipline.
The synod addressed an epistle to the Emperor
Theodosius informing him of their decrees, and re-
questing him to authorize them '^ ; and he accordingly
published an edict commanding all churches to be
delivered to bishops who held the orthodox doctrine
of the Trinity'. Thus the decree of the synod of
Constantinople could not fail to be known to the
whole church, and from the date of its publication, the
Macedonians were always regarded as heretics; and
the divinity of the Holy Ghost, consubstantial Mdth
the Father and the Son, was universally acknowledged.
It is not clear, however, that the synod of Constanti-
nople was immediately acknowledged everywhere as
equal in authority to that of Nice. The Egyptian
churches seem not to have accounted it as such. In
the synodal epistle of the council of Alexandria to
Nestorius, the synod of Nice only is spoken of"': and
the Nicene creed alone was approved by the third
oecumenical synod of Ephesus in 431 ° : but the greater
proclaraant, eum cum Patre et Saec. iv. Dissert, xxxvii. traces
Filio unius potestatis esse atque the reasons for the additions
substantige Anathematiza- made to the Nicene Creed.
mus Macedonianos qui de Arii '' Fleury, liv. .xviii. s. 8.
stirpe venientes, non perfidiam * Ibid. s. 9.
mutavere, sed nomen." "^ Harduin. Concil. t. i. p.
h Harduin. Cone. t. ii p. 809. 1439.
'NatalisAlexandei', Hist. Eccl. " Canon vii.
SECT. II.] Second (Ecumenical Synod. 179
part of the church seem to have accounted the synod
of Constantinople oecumenical then, or shortly after.
Flavianus of Constantinople, in his profession of faith,
acknowledged the three synods of Nice, Constantino-
ple, and Ephesus ". Eusebius of Dorylseum in his
profession of faith made at Rome in presence of Pope
Leo received the same ^. Socrates and Sozomen also
speak of this synod as they do of the synod of Nice "",
and in fine the oecumenical synod of Chalcedon in
451, consisting of 630 bishops, approved the Constan-
tinopolitan creed, which it caused to be read after that
of Nice \ From this time the council of Constanti-
nople was acknowledged by all churches to be oecume-
nical ; as appears by the answers of the bishops of the
whole world to the encyclical letters of the Emperor
Leo, in 458, in which they universally received the
four oecumenical synods '. The Constantinopolitan
creed was even received by all churches into their
Liturgies and other offices, in preference to that of
Nice. It was only rejected by the Eutychians because
it expressed more fully the orthodox doctrine of the
incarnation *. Hence, this creed, having been received
and approved by all churches, and never disputed for a
moment by any catholic, cannot teach any error in
faith, but must be irrefragably true, and binding on all
churches, even to the end of the world.
The authentic records of the council of Constanti-
nople are, its seven canons, creed, and synodal epistle
to the Emperor Theodosius ".
° Fleury, liv. xxvii. s. o3. ^ Harduin. Concil, ii, 691 —
Harduin. Concil. t. ii. p. 7. 768.
p Fleury, liv. xxvii. s. 49. ' See Natalis Alexander, Hist.
•i Socrates, Hist. Eccl. lib. v. Eccl. ut supra,
c. 8. Sozomen, 6, 7. " See the creed and canons in
*■ Synod. Chalced. Definitio Routh's Opuscula, p. 372, &c.
Fidei, Harduin. ii. 451, 452.
N 2
180 Third (Ecumejiical Si/nod. [r. iv. ch. ix
SECTION III.
THE SYNOD OF EPHESUS.
The third oecumenical synod of 200 bishops, was
assembled by the Emperor Theodosius the younger ^
to determine the controversy raised by Nestorius,
bishop of Constantinople, who declaimed against the
title of Theotokos, which the church had long applied
to the Virgin Mary as the mother of Him who was
both God and Man ; and taught that the Son of man
and God the Word were different persons, connected
only by a moral or apparent union ; contrary to the
scripture, which declared, that " the Word was made
flesh, and dwelt among us," and that God " purchased
the church with his own blood." (Acts xx. 28.) When
the people of Constantinople and all the east, together
with Cyril of Alexandria, Celestine of Rome, and many
other great bishops, declared their alarm and disap-
probation at this doctrine, Nestorius endeavoured to
defend himself by charging his opponents with errors
which they did not maintain, and by offering to employ
the term Theotokos in a sense which afforded no
security for the orthodox doctrine. The councils of
Alexandria under S. Cyril ", and of Rome under Celes-
tinus '', condemned the doctrine of Nestorius in 430,
and the oecumenical synod of Ephesus also condemned
it in 431 ^ The judgment of this synod was at once
approved by the whole western church, and by far the
greater part of the East ; it was subsequently con-
'' Richerii Hist. Cone. General. ^ Ibid. s. 14.
t. i. c. vii ; Natalis Alexander, * Harduin. Cone. t.
saec. V, Dissert. 7. 1359—62, 1387 — 95.
'^ Fleury, liv. xxv. s. 21.
SECT. III.] Tliii-d CEcumenical Synod. 181
firmed by the oecumenical synod of Clialcedon of 630
bishops \ and ever afterwards acknowledged to be
legitimate by the whole catholic church. Hence it is
not to be supposed that the council of Ephesus un-
justly condemned Nestorius ; though his ambiguous
expressions, and his attempts to palliate his original
doctrine, for a short time deceived John patriarch of
Antioch, and several bishops of that patriarchate, into
a belief that he was in reality orthodox ^ Theodoret,
bishop of Cyrus, for many years maintained the ortho-
doxy of Nestorius, but was obliged by the oecumenical
synod of Chalcedon to anathematize him as a heretic ^
John of Antioch and the eastern bishops very soon
agreed with the synod of Ephesus *.
The want of regularity, which is alleged against the
proceedings of this synod, cannot throw any doubt on
the case of Nestorius, because it is not credible that
there should have been any real injustice in a decree
which the universal church deliberately ratified and ap-
proved. And if the synod, consisting of tivo hundred
bishops, after waiting sixteen days in vain for the arrival
of John of Antioch and his bishops (about twenty-five
in number), proceeded without them to judge the cause
for which they were assembled, shall it be said, that so
great a synod was not competent to do so? Many
bishops had arrived from a much greater distance at
the time appointed. Nestorius, it is said, was con-
demned unheard ; but the council summoned him three
^ Definitio Fidei, Routh Opus- some modern writers.
cula. " Concil. Chalced. Act. VIII.
8 See Natalis Alexander, Hist. Fleury, Hist. Eccl. liv. xxviii.
Eccl. V. Sasc. Dissert, vi. where s. 24.
Nestorius is convicted of heresy, ' Fleury, liv. xxvi. s. 21.
in opposition to the pretences of
182 Third CEcumenical Synod. [p. iv. ch. ix.
times to defend himself; and on his refusal, condemned
him after examining- his writings, and hearing com-
petent witnesses as to his sentiments ''. There never
was a cause more fully discussed by the church ; for the
violent opposition offered to the decrees of the synod of
Ephesus at first by John of Antioch and his party,
caused the judgment of the church to appear suspended
for a time ; and then, after mature examination, the
emperor' and all the church united in ratifying the
condemnation of Nestorius.
The doctrine approved by this synod and received by
the universal church, is contained in the epistle of St.
Cyril of Alexandria to Nestorius, which was read in
the synod, and approved by every one of the bishops "\
This epistle was also approved universally in the church.
The synodal epistle of St. Cyril to Nestorius, con-
cluding with twelve anathemas against the several Nes-
torian errors, was also read in the council ", and autho-
rized, as well as the former, by the synodal letter to the
emperor ° ; and though some persons pretended that it
was incautiously worded, it was afterwards approved,
together with the former epistle of St. Cyril, by the
great council of Chalcedon *". The fifth oecumenical
synod afterwards condemned the writings of Theodoret
against St. Cyril's epistles ''.
The doctrine of the incarnation taught by the epistles
of St. Cyril, and approved by the catholic church, is as
follows : " The great and holy synod (of Nice) said,
'' Harduin. Concil. t. i. p. Harduin. Cone. t. ii. ji. 451.
1359—1362; 1387—1395. Natalis Alexander, Saec. v. Dis-
' Fleury, liv. xxvi. s. 34. sert. 8. defends the epistles of St.
>" Harduin. i. 1363—1387. Cyril from all charges of error.
" Harduin. i. 1395. ^ Collat. viii. Harduin. iii. 188
" Ibid. 1439—1443. —202.
" Definitio Fidei, Syn. Chalc.
SECT. III.] Third (Ecumenical Synod. 183
that He ' who was begotten of the Father as the only-
begotten Son by nature ; who was true God of true
God, Light of Light, by whom the Father made all
things ; that he descended, became incarnate, and was
made man, suffered, rose on the third day, and ascended
into the heavens.' These words and doctrines we
ought to follow, in considering what i's meant by the
Word of God being ' incarnate and made man.'
" We do not say that the nature of the Word was
converted and became flesh; nor that it was changed into
perfect man, consisting of body and soul : but rather,
that the Word, uniting to himself personally flesh, ani-
mated by a rational soul, became man in an inefliable
and incomprehensible manner, and became the Son of
man, not merely by will and affection, nor merely by
the assumption of one aspect or appearance ; but that
different natures were joined in a real unity, and that
there is one Christ and Son, of two natures ; the diffe-
rence of natures not being taken away by their union.
.... It is said also, that He who was before all ages,
and begotten of the Father, was ' born according to the
flesh, of a Avoman :' not as if his divine nature had taken
its beginning from the holy Virgin . . . but because for
us, and for our salvation. He united personally to himself
the nature of man, and proceeded from a woman ; there-
fore He is said to be ' born according to the flesh.' ....
So also we say that He ' suffered and rose again,' not as
if God the Word had suffered in his own nature the
stripes, the nails, or the other wounds ; for the Godhead
cannot suffer, as it is incorporeal : but because that
which had become his own body suffered. He is said to
suffer these things for us. For He who was incapable
of suffering was in a suffering body. In like manner
we understand his ' death.' . . . Because his own body,
184 Fourth (Ecumenical Synod. [p. iv. CH. ix.
by the grace of God, as Paul saith, tasted death for
every man, he is said to suffer death," &c. ^
The acts of the synod of Ephesus are extant in all
the collections of the councils. It accounted the Pela-
gians to be heretics S and made eight canons of dis-
cipline \
SECTION IV.
THE SYNOD OF CHALCEDON.
The fourth oecumenical synod, of 630 bishops, was
assembled by the Emperor Marcian in 451, at Chal-
cedon ''. The legates of Pope Leo of Rome presided at
the emperor's desire. This synod published a con-
fession or definition of faith, in which the doctrine and
creeds of the three preceding councils of Nice, Con-
stantinople, and Ephesus, were confirmed ; the epistles
of St. Cyril of Alexandria, and that of Leo of Rome, on
the incarnation, were approved : and the orthodox doc-
trine of the existence of two perfect and distinct
natures, the divine and human, in the unity of the per-
son of our Lord Jesus Christ, was clearly defined ^
Eutyches, and Dioscorus bishop of Alexandria, who
maintained that there was only one nature in our Lord
Jesus Christ after the incarnation, or union of the di-
vinity and humanity, were condemned as heretics by
this council. Eutyches had been already condemned
by the synod of Constantinople under Flavianus bishop
of that see *" ; who was in his turn deposed by Dioscorus
■■ llarduin. Concilia, t. i. p. '^ Harduin. Cone. ii. 451 — 455.
1 274. On the authority of the Epistle of
^ Canon i. iv. St. Leo, see Natal. Alexander,
• See Routh's Opuscula. sasc. v. Dissert. .12. See the
* "Richer. Hist. Cone. General. Epistle itself. Harduin. Cone.
t. i. c. viii. Natal. Alexander, ii. 290, &c.
ssec. V. Dissert. 11. '^ Harduin. ii. 110, &c.
SECT. IV.] Fourth (Ecumenical Si/nod. 185
and tlie pseudo-synod at Ephesus '', called the Latro-
ciniiim, from the violence of its proceedings. The
oecumenical synod of Chalcedon annulled the decree of
this pseudo-synod, and though a few bishops of Egypt
and Palestine, of the party of Dioscorus, opposed the
orthodox doctrine, and founded the JNIonophysite sect ;
the infinite majority of the catholic church throughout
the world received the doctrine of the oecumenical
synod. This appears especially from the epistles of the
bishops of all provinces which were obtained by the
Emperor Leo seven years after the council, when all
unanimously received and approved the doctrine of the
synod of Chalcedon and the other oecumenical councils ^
The doctrine taught by the synod of Chalcedon is as
follows : " We confess, and with one accord teach, one
and the same Son, our Lord Jesus Christ ; perfect in
the divinity, perfect in the humanity ; truly God and
truly man ; consisting of a reasonable soul and body ;
consubstantial with the Father according to the God-
head, and consubstantial with us according to the man-
hood ; in all things like to us, without sin : who was be-
gotten of the Father before all ages, according to the
Godhead ; and in the last days the same born according
to the manhood, of Mary the Virgin, Mother of God,
for us and our salvation : who is to be acknowledged
one and the same Christ, the Son, the Lord, the only-
begotten, in two natures, without mixture, change, di-
vision, or separation ; the difference of natures not being
removed by their union, but rather, the propriety of
each nature being preserved, and concurring in one
aspect and one person," &c. ^
^ Ibid. p. 71, &c. ' Definitio Fidei apud Routli,
* Harduin. CoMC. ii.691 — 768. Opuscula, p. 425.
186 Fifth CEcujneJiical Synod. [p. iv. ch. ix.
The acts of the synod of Chalcedon still remain. Its
canons of discipline were twenty-eight in number ^
SECTION V.
THE SECOND SYNOD OF CONSTANTINOPLE.
The fifth oecumenical synod of 165bishoi3S, was con-
vened by the Emperor Justinian ^ in 553 to determine
the controversy concerning the three chapters, or certain
writings of Theodorus, Ibas, and Theodoret, which sup-
ported the Nestorian heresy. This synod received and
confirmed the decrees of the four first oecumenical
councils, and condemned the person and writings of
Theodorus of Mopsuestia ; the writings of Theodoret of
Cyrus against the twelve chapters of St. Cyril of Alex-
andria, against the council of Ephesus, and in defence
of Theodore and Nestorius ; and the impious letter said
to be written by Ibas to Maris the Persian, in which
he denied that the Word became incarnate and was
made man of the Virgin Mary, charged St. Cyril with
heresy, accused the council of Ephesus of deposing Nes-
torius without examination, and defended Theodorus
and Nestorius and their impious writings. The synod
also added fourteen anathemas against these and other
Nestorian errors ^ It appears then, that this synod is
to be viewed as a supplement of the third ; both being
engaged in establishing the orthodox faith against the
same errors.
It was received generally in the East, but some of
s Routh, p. 401, &c. cil. t. iii. p. 188—202 ; Fleury,
^ Fleury, liv. xxxiii. s. 43. liv, xxxiii. s. 50; see Nat. Alex.
See Natalis Alexander, ssec. vi. saec. vi. Diss. 4. in proof of the
Dissert. 3. De V synodi convo- justice of the sentence against
catione, praeside, auctoritate. the three Chapters.
'' Collatio viii. Harduin. Con-
SECT. VI.] Sixth (Ecumenical Synod. 187
the Western bishoj3s in Africa, Tuscany, lUyricum, and
liiguria, rejected it at first, under the persuasion that
its condemnation of the writings of Theodoret and Ibas
was derogatory to the synod of Chalcedon, in which
those prelates had been received as orthodox. How-
ever the greater part of them soon concurred with the
majority of the catholic church in acknowledging the
synod as oecumenical ; and the remainder were viewed
as schismatics.
SECTION VI.
THE THIRD SYNOD OF CONSTANTINOPLE.
The sixth oecumenical synod of 170 bishops, was
assembled by the Emperor Constantine Pogonatus ", in
680, to terminate the divisions in the church which had
been caused by the heresy of the Monothelites, who
held that in our Lord Jesus Christ, after the union of
the divine and human natures, there was but one will
and one operation. This error evidently was connected
with the Eutychian heresy condemned by the fourth
oecumenical council, and like it, was inconsistent with
the revealed doctrine of the co-existence of the divine
and human natures perfect and distinct, in the person of
our Lord Jesus Christ. The synod of Constantinople
having fully examined the controversy, published a de-
finition of faith, in which they received the preceding
five oecumenical synods, and the creeds of Nice and Con-
stantinople ; condemned the authors and supporters of
the Monothelite heresy, viz. Theodore of Pharan, Ser-
gius, Pyrrhus, Paul and Peter of Constantinople, Ho-
norius bishop of Rome, Cyrus of Alexandria, Macarius,
*= Fleury, liv. xL s. 10. Nat. Alex. saec. vii. Diss. 1.
188 Sixth (Ecumenical Synod. [p. iv. ch. ix.
and Stephen ; approved the synodical letters of pope
Agatho and a synod of 125 bishops assembled at Rome
from Italy, France, and Britain ; and in conclusion de-
clared that in Christ are two natural wills, and two na-
tural operations, without division, conversion, or confu-
sion*^. The decree of this synod was universally received
and approved in the catholic church.
The acts of the sixth oecumenical synod are still
extant.
These are the only synods which the universal church
has ever received and approved as oecumenical. The
decrees of other synods, called oecumenical or general,
are of very inferior authority, as will be presently
shown.
The doctrine of these genuine oecumenical synods,
having been approved and acted on by the whole body
of the catholic church, and thus ratified by a universal
consent, which has continued ever since ; this doctrine
is, according to the principles laid down in Chapter IV,,
irrefragably true, unalterable, irreformable ; nor could
any particular church forsake or change this doctrine
without ceasing to be christian.
'' Actio xviii. Definitio Fidei. doctrine of two wills and two
— Harduin. Cone. iii. p. 1395 — operations, was entirely ap-
1402. The general tenor of the proved by the bishops. — Harduin.
two Epistles of Agatho and the iii. 1158.
Roman synod, which taught the
CHAP. X.] Synod of Sardica. 189
CHAPTER X.
COUNCILS IMPROPERLY STYLED OECUMENICAL,
HELD BEFORE A.D. 1054.
I AM HOW to speak of various synods sometimes styled
oecumenical, and held before the year 1054, when the
existing divisions between the Eastern and Western
churches commenced. Of these synods some are
simply deficient in authority, others are to be rejected,
as unjust, or injurious to the catholic faith.
SECTION I.
THE SYNOD OF SARDICA.
The synod of Sardica was assembled in 347, by the
emperors Constantius and Constans ", to re-estabhsh the
union of the Eastern and Western churches, which had
been disturbed by the violent proceedings of the Arian
party, who had expelled from their sees St. Athanasius,
and other orthodox bishops. This synod, which con-
sisted of 100 bishops of the western provinces (the ori-
ental bishops under the influence of the Arians, having
retired from it), restored St. Athanasius and the or-
thodox bishops to their sees, confirmed the Nicene
** Socrates, Hist. Eccl. lib. ii, c. 20.
190 Synod of Ariminum. [p. iv. ch. x.
creed ^ and made several canons of discipline, in one
of which they conferred on the Roman bishop the pri-
vilege of desiring a rehearing of the causes of bishops
condemned by their provincial synods '. This novel
privilege however, did not take effect until some cen-
turies afterwards '^. This synod was orthodox and always
approved by the church, but as it made no new defini-
tion in faith, so it was never accounted an oecumenical
synod, nor esteemed of the same authority as the synods
of Nice, Constantinoj^le, &c.
SECTION II.
THE SYNOD OF ARIMINUM, AND ARIANISM.
The questions concerning the synod of Ariminum are
of the highest importance in controversies concerning
church authority. Those who are desirous of over-
throwing that authority, affirm that the synod of Ari-
minum apostatized to Arianism, and that the whole
church fell along with it. I maintain that neither the
one nor the other fell into the Arian heresy, or decided
in its favour.
The Arian party, which at first only existed in the
east, did not for many years dare to assail the Nicene
faith to which they had subscribed ; but persecuted on
various false pretences, its sincere defenders ^ Arian
bishoj^s were unlawfully intruded into several of the
Eastern sees, and thus the heresy gained ground among
the chief rulers of the church ; Avhile the great body of
the faithful remained attached to the truth. The West
was sound in faith: synods at Rome 341, Milan 346,
'' Socrates, ibid. Discipl, Dissert, ii s 3, 4.
'■ Canons iii. iv. v. ^ Socrates, i. 23, 24. 32. 35,
" See Du Pin, De Antiq. Eccl. 36 ; ii. 7.
SECT. II.] Synod of Ariminum. 191
and Sardica 347, confirmed the catholic faith, and re-
stored to his see the holy confessor Athanasius, who
had been unlawfully expelled by the Arians with the
aid of the emperor. Their example was followed by the
synod of Syria and Palestine, under Maximus archbishop
of Jerusalem ^ Ursacius and Valens, Arian bishops,
had even openly renounced their heresy ^ and been
received into communion by the Western bishops
assembled at Milan ^.
The emperor Constantius designed to convene an
oecumenical synod to terminate the existing contro-
versies in a manner favourable to Arianism ; but con-
sidering the difficulty of assembling the bishops in one
place, he ordered the eastern bishops to meet at Se-
leucia in Isauria, and the western at Ariminum ^ The
synod of Seleucia was divided in sentiments, and the
semi- Arians, who formed the majority, and whose sen-
timents were substantially orthodox, approved of a creed
made at Antioch, in which the word consubstantial
alone was omitted \
The synod of Ariminum comprised about 400 bishops,
only eighty of whom were Arians, headed by Ursacius
and Valens, who had again apostatized. These bishops
presented to the synod a formulary of faith which had
been recently agreed on privately by their party at Sir-
mium, and required that all former confessions of faith
should be abrogated, and this alone be received ^. The
proposed formulary asserted in the strongest terms the
divinity of Christ, but prohibited the use of the term
which the Nicene fathers had used to designate it. The
"" Socrates, ii. 24. ^ Socrates, 1. ii. c. 37.
•^ Ibid. 12. ^ Ibid. c. 40.
'' Fleury, Hist. Eccl. liv. Hi. e Ibid. 1. ii. c. 37; Sozomen,
s. 44. 1. iv. c. 17.
15
192 Synod of Ariminum. [p. iv. ch. x«
council however declared that they did not need any
new creed, called on Ursacius and Valens to pronounce
anathema against Arius, and on their refusal deposed
and excommunicated them, and sent deputies to the
emperor to notify their decision, and their resolution to
maintain the Nicene creed; and to request his protection
for the orthodox faith, together with his permission to
retire to their respective churches \
The orthodoxy of the synod when acting freely was
thus most fully manifested. But Ursacius and Valens
having been sent by their party to Constantius, by
whom they were received with great distinction ; and
having returned with orders to the imperial prefect
Taurus not to permit the bishops to depart till they
had signed the creed : several of the more obstinately
orthodox bishops, having also been sent into banish-
ment; and the Arian party having urged that the adop-
tion of the proposed formulary would restore harmony
and peace between the Eastern and Western churches' ;
and in fine, having anathematized the heresies imputed to
them ''j and thus deceived the orthodox into a belief that
the creed was to be understood in an orthodox sense^ of
wliich it was perfectly capable : the bishops, worn out by
a delay of seven months, and misled by these various
motives, received the formulary proposed to them'.
It does not appear however that they annulled the
Nicene creed further than by abrogating the use of the
word " consubstantial ""."
^ Socrates, ut supra. n. 41. t. i. p. 755, observes that
' Sozomen, iv. 17- those who merely objected to the
^ Hieronymus, Dial. adv. Lu- use of this word, but really be-
eifer. t. iv. p. 299, 300. ed. Ben. lieved the doctrine it was in-
' Sulp. Severus, Hist. Sacr. tended by the church to convey,
lib. ii. were not to be regarded as ene-
'" Athanasius Lib. de Synodis, mies or heretics.
SECT. II.] Synod of Ariminum. IS**^
It appears plainly from this, tliat the bishops of the
synod of Ariminum were really orthodox in their be-
lief, and that they did not design to approve the Arian
heresy. They were indeed deceived, for the Arians,
who had anathematized their own errors in order to
induce the bishops to subscribe a creed which was or-
thodox in ai:)pearance, asserted presently that the creed
was to be taken in the Arian sense, and that Arianism
had been approved by the council. The bishops of the
synod of Ariminum were certainly blameable for per-
mitting themselves to be deceived by the craft and sub-
tilty of the Arians ; but the church did not believe them
to have designed any sanction of heresy. St. Jerome
clears them of the charge of Arianism on several
grounds". St. Gregory Nazianzen also excuses many
of them from any intentional error °. Damasus bisho])
of Rome said that it was through ignorance and sim-
plicity they were deceived ^ and the synod of Paris tes-
tified the same "• ; and Sulpicius Severus attributes it to
the ambiguity of the terms employed by the Arians,
which deceived the bishops '.
The synod of Ariminum, consisting of 400 bishops,
was not the universal church, for I have already shown
that there were upwards of 2000 episcopal sees in the
east and west \ Hence the Arians felt it necessary to
procure the subscription of the bishops generally to the
creed of Ariminum, before they could pretend that
their heresy was sanctioned by the catholic church.
Accordingly the emperor Constantius commanded all
° Hieron. Dial. adv. Lucifer. '' Fleury, Hv. xiv. s. 27.
t. iv. ■" Sulp. Sever. Hist. Sacr. lib.
" Gregor. Nazianz. Orat. 21. ii.
t. i. p. 387. ^ See above, Vol, I. p. 204,
" Theodoret, Hist. Eccl. ii. 22. &c.
VOL. II. O
194 Synod of Ariminiim. [p. iv. ch. x.
bishops to subscribe it; and those who refused were ex-
iled and persecuted *. Amongst those who raised their
voices against the Arian perfidy, were Liberius of
Rome, Vincent of Capua, Gregory of Elvira, the great
Athanasius, Hilary of Poictiers, Lucifer of Cagliari.
Many bishops subscribed from want of information ;
others, as St. Athanasius intimates, by a questionable
prudence, lest heretical bishops should supersede them
in the government of their churches, and corrupt their
people ". In fine, this subscription of bishops, exacted
hy force, and opposed by many eminent bishops, could
not be considered as any real judgment of the universal
church in favour of Arianism. It does not appear that
the majority of the bishops ever condemned the Nicene
doctrine, or received the creed of Ariminum in an
Arian sense : and as soon as the perfidy of the Arians
was made fully manifest, and the question had been
really examined and discussed, the whole church so-
lemnly confirmed again the Nicene faith, rejected the
creed of Ariminum, and expelled the Arians from its
communion.
Hilary of Poictiers, having returned to Gaul from his
exile, about 360, held many synods in that country to
extirpate Arianism and annul the proceedings at Ari-
minum \ The synod of Paris shortly after revoked
what had been done there through ignorance ; excom-
municated the Arian leaders, and transmitted their
resolutions to the Eastern bishops "^ Hilary even passed
into Italy, where the bishops assembled in synod, and
annulled the synod of Ariminum ". At the same time
' Socrates, Hist. Eccl. ii. 37 ; v. 13 ; Sulpitius Severus, Hist.
Sozomen. iv. 17. Sacr. lib. ii.
" Athanasii Epistola ad Rufi- ™ Harduin. Concilia, t. i. p.
nianum. p. 964. ed. Ben. 727-
" Socrates, iii. 10 ; Sozomen. ^ Fleury, liv. xv. s. 30.
SECT. II.] Arianism not approved hy the Chvrch. 195
another synod at Alexandria confirmed the Nicene
faith ^. In 363, only three years after the synod of
Ariniinura, Athanasius testified that the Nicene faith
was received by the churches of Spain, Britain, Gaul,
Italy, Dalmatia, Dacia, Mysia, Macedonia, Greece,
Africa, Sardinia, Cyprus, Crete, Pamphylia, Syria,
Isauria, Egypt, Lybia, Pontus, Cappadocia, and the
East \ In the same year a synod of eastern bishops at
Antioch proposed the Nicene creed as the faith of the
church". Synods of semi-Arians in Smyrna, Pam-
phylia, Isauria, and Lycia, acknowledged and received
it ''. Synods, in quick succession in Asia, Cappadocia,
Sicily, Illyricum, &c. "" confirmed the catholic faith. So
that it is plain that the universal church had not ap-
proved the Arian heresy, though many bishops had
either fallen for a time, or been deceived by their crafty
opponents into an apparent sanction of their errors.
So strong was the attachment of the christian com-
munity at all times to the original and apostolical doc-
trine of the proper divinity of our Lord Jesus Christ ;
that the Arians who were intruded into bishopricks,
were obliged almost always to employ language on the
subject, which in its simple obvious meaning conveyed
the orthodox doctrine. St. Hilary of Poictiers in de-
scribing the arts of these men, says : " They attribute
the name of ' God' to Christ, because it is also given to
men: they acknowledge 'the Son of God,' because every
one is made ' a son of God' by baptism : they confess
that he 'was before all times and ages,' because the
same cannot be denied even of angels and the devil.
y Ibid. s. 26. " Socrates, Hist. Eccl. lib. iv.
"' Athanas. Epist. ad Imper. c. 12.
Jov. t.i. Oper. p. 781. "^ Sozomen. lib. v. c. 11, 12.
* Harduin. t. i. p. 742. Theodoret. iv. 9.
o 2
196 Synod of Ariminum. [p. iv. ch. x.
Thus they attribute to Christ our Lord only that which
may be attributed to angels or to ourselves : but what
rightly and truly belongs to Christ as God, that is, ' that
Christ is the true God,' or, 'that the Godhead of the Son is
the same as that of the Father,' is denied. And through
this impious fraud it is, that even now, the people of
Christ do not perish beneath the priests of Antichrist ;
since they believe that what is avowed merely verbally,
is to be really believed. They hear of ' Christ the God :'
they suppose him to be so. They hear him called ' the
Son of God,' they suppose that in the generation of God
is inferred the reality of the Godhead : they hear ' before
times :' they suppose that before time is eternity. More
holy are the ears of the people than the hearts of the
bishops '^." Even when Arianism was most prosperous,
Lucifer bishop of Cagliari thus addressed the emperor
Constantius : " If thou couldst in a short time traverse
all nations, thou wouldst find christians every where to
believe as we do. . . . Thy new preaching not only can-
not as yet pass the Roman border, though thy efforts
are certainly sufficiently great ; but even wherever it
endeavoured to fix its roots, it has withered away \"
Bishop Bull observes that " in the time of Con-
stantius, and somewhat after, many persons, chiefly in
the east, received the Arians to communion ; but very
few comparatively embraced Arianism itself. For
those most false men, except when they had a fitting
auditory, concealed their impious doctrines, and professed
their faith almost always in language which apparently
conveyed the ancient and catholic doctrine : and hence
it occurred, that they were generally held and acknow-
"■^ Hilar. Pictav. Lib. cont, riendum sit pro Filio Dei. — Bibl.
Auxent. p. 126G. ed. Benedict. Patr. t. iv. p. 1200.
^ Lucifer. Calar. Quod mo-
OBJECT.] Arianism not approved by the Church. 197
ledged as catholics, even by those who heartily de-
tested their genuine doctrines ^."
We may conclude, therefore, that neither the synod
of Ariminum, nor the catholic church apostatized to the
Arian heresy, or even sanctioned or tolerated it.
OBJECTIONS.
I. Gregory Nazianzen says, that, except a few, " all
the bishops went with the times, and the only difference
between them was, that some fell sooner, and others
later into the fraud ^."
Answer. He does not mean that they really fell into
the Arian heresy ; but that they yielded successively to
threats or artifices, so as to afford an apparent sanction
to it. Besides, they did not fall at once, so that the
truth had always defenders.
II. Hilary says : " The danger of the oriental churches
is so great, that it is rare to find either bishops or
people of the catholic faith. . . . Except the bishop
Eleusius, and a few with him, the ten provinces of Asia,
in which I dwell, for the most part really know not God.
Every where there are scandals, schisms, perfidies \"
A7iswer. This relates solely to the provinces of the
Asiatic diocese, which M'ere peculiarly infected with
Arianism : but St. Hilary himself testifies (as we have
seen above) that the faith was preserved even under
Arian bishops : and in the synod of Seleucia held
shortly after, it appears that out of 150 bishops, there
were but 37 real Arian s \ The remainder, soon after,
adopted the Nicene creed.
' Bull, Defensio Fid. Nicaen. *> Hilar. Pictav. Lib. de Sy-
— Works by Burton, vol. v. p. nodis, n. 63. p. 1186.
804. > Sozomen, iv. 22.
^ Gregor. Naz. Orat. 21. t. i.
198 Synod of Ariminum. [p. iv. ch. x.
III. Jerome says, with reference to the synod of
Ariminum : " Then it was proclaimed that the Nicene
faith was condemned, and the whole world groaned,
and wondered to find itself Arian ''."
Answer. He means that the Arians pretended falsely
that the Nicene faith had been condemned by the
synod : and the very wonder of all the church to find
Arianism imputed to themselves, proves that they were
not really of Arian sentiments. St. Jerome proves in
the same work, that the fathers of Ariminum were de-
ceived, and that they did not act heretically.
IV. St. Augustine says : " Who is ignorant that
many persons of small understanding were at that time
deluded by ambiguous words, to suppose that the
Arians believed as they themselves did : and that
others yielded to fear, and gave a feigned consent. . . .
Those who were then most firm, and who were able to
understand the insidious words of the heretics, were
few indeed in comparison of the rest : but yet even
they, some of them, bravely went into exile, others lay
in concealment throughout the workV." Therefore the
majority adopted the Arian heresy.
Answer. St. Augustine says that they were deceived,
or that they pretended to agree. In either case they
did not fall into heresy but into infirmity or sin.
V. Vincentius Lirinensis says: "When the poison
of the Arians had contaminated not merely a small
portion, but almost the whole world ; so that, nearly all
the Latin bishops being deceived, partly by force, partly
by fraud, a sort of darkness fell over the minds of men,
as to what was to be especially followed, in circum-
^ Hier. Dial. adv. Lucifer, t. Rogatist. c. ix. n. 31. t. ii. p.
iv. pars ii. p. 300. 244.
' August. Ep. ad Vincent.
SECT. III.] Pseudo-Synod of Ephesus. 199
stances of such great confusion : then, whoever was a
true lover and worshipper of Christ, by preferring the
ancient faith to the novel perfidy, escaped the defile-
ment of that contagion "'." Therefore the church ap-
jiroved Arianism.
Answer. Vincentius says the bishops were deceived,
he does not affirm that they really adopted Arianism.
The obscurity which fell on the minds of men at the
time of the synod of Ariminum, arose from the tem-
porary appearance of contradiction between the church's
judgment then, and at the synod of Nice : and during
such a temporary difficulty the faithful would of course
follow the light of ancient tradition. A very short time,
however, sufficed to show that the church had really
never contradicted herself; and the Nicene faith was
acknowledged to be the divine, the eternal, the un-
changeable truth of Christianity.
SECTION III.
THE LATROCINIUM OF EPHESUS.
This synod was assembled by the emperor Theodosius
in 449, and consisted of 130 bishops. St. Leo of Rome
sent his legates, and Dioscorus of Alexandria presided ".
In this synod the heretic Eutyches was absolved from
the censure of a synod at Constantinople: and Flavianus
who had condemned him was deposed, and treated with
such violence, that the synod for this, and its other
irregular proceedings, was styled the Latrocinium. No
decree in faith was made here, and the synod was im-
mediately rejected and annulled by the oecumenical
synod of Chalcedon and by the universal church.
'" Hist. Sacr. lib. ii. found among those of the fourth
" The acts of this synod are cecumenical synod.
200 Pseiido-Syjiod of Constantinople, [p. iv. ch. x.
SECTION IV.
THE SYNODS OF CONSTANTINOPLE AND NICE IN THE
QUESTION OF IMAGES.
The synod of Constantinople was assembled by the
emperor Constantine Copronymus "" in 754, to suppress
the use of images. It consisted of 338 oriental bishops,
and assumed the title of oecumenical. The patriarchs
of Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch, took no part in it.
The use of images had been already prohibited by tlie
emperors Leo'' and Constantine Caballinus^ The
iconoclast party, in their zeal to prevent an idolatrous
use of images, which had arisen in later times, and
which was contrary to the intention of the catholic
church ; blamed the use of all images in such terms
as implied a condemnation of the ancient practice
of the universal church in permitting the use of pic-
tures, and a charge of heresy and idolatry against all
who retained them ^. This was an uncharitable and
censurable proceeding : and hence, it is not to be won-
dered at, that the Western church, which permitted
images, but prohibited any bowing or other worship to
them, rejected the synod of Constantinople, and never
accounted it oecumenical.
The synod of Nice was assembled in 787 by the
empress Irene, to reverse the decrees of Constantinople.
It consisted of 350 oriental bishops, and was attended
by the legates of pope Hadrian ^ In this synod the
judgment formerly made against images was condemned,
^ The acts of this synod are '' Goldastus, Imperialia De-
extant among those of the se~ creta de cultu imaginum, jj. 19.
cond Nicene synod. — Hardiiin. "^ Harduin. Cone. t. iv. p. 355,
Cone. t. iv. p. 327, &c. &c. 426, &c.
'' Fleury, liv. xlii. s. 1. 5. *■ Fleury, liv. xliv. s. 29.
-ECT. IV.] Pseudo-Synod of Nice. 201
and their worship was established in the following
terms : " We define . . . that like the image of the
I)recious and life-giving cross, the venerable and holy
images be set up . , . for according as they are conti-
nually seen by image representation, so they who be-
hold them are excited to remember and to love the
prototypes, and to pay these images salutation and re-
spectful honour : not indeed that true worship, which
is according to our faith, which only befits the divine
nature . . . but to offer incense and lights to their ho-
nour, as has been piously ordained by the ancients V'
The decree of this synod was not universally re-
ceived in the east, and did not terminate the contro-
versy ; the iconoclasts having the preceding decree at
Constantinople in their favour. Considered in itself,
this synod was fully equal in authority to that of Nice ;
while both were alike rejected by the western church ;
and hence, though the party who adhered to the council
of Nice, obtained a temporary predominance by the
aid of the Empress Irene, who enforced its decree with
the strong arm of the law, the party who rejected the
use of images did not cease their opposition ^, and in
815 another council assembled at Constantinople, con-
firmed the former synod held at the same place, and
anathematised the synod of Nice *" ; which from this
* Act. vii. Harduin. Concil t. Decreta, " cites the following
iv. p. 456. decrees of the eastern Emperors
s Du Pin, Eccl. Hist. Cent, against images after the pseudo-
viii. c. 3, says that the Emperor synod. An edict of Leo IV. in
Constantine, whose reign ended 814, commanding them to be
only ten years after the council, destroyed, p. G04. An edict of
abrogated it. The Emperor Theophilus in 830, against image
Nicephorus, who succeeded in worshippers, p. 758, Another
802, deprived the defenders of edict in 832, against the same,
image worship of all power to p. 760.
molest or injure their adversaries. ^ Fleury, liv. xlvi. s. 17.
Goldastus, in his " Imperiulia Theodore Studita says, that all
202 Pseudo-Synod of Nice. [p. iv. ch. x.
period till 842, a space of nearly thirty years, remained
rejected by the emperors and a large part of the
eastern church. At the latter epoch its decree was
again restored by another council '. It is not to be
inferred from this, however, that it was yet received as
an oecumenical council even by its advocates : in 863
it was still not reckoned as such in any of the eastern
churches, except Constantinople and its dependencies ;
as we find by a letter addressed by Photius in that year
to the patriarchs of Antioch, Alexandria, and Jerusa-
lem, in which he intimates, that, though the synod of
Nice was held in great reverence, yet it was not
reckoned among the oecumenical councils ; which, he
argued, it ought to be\ What may have been the
effect of this exhortation we know not, but in a great
council held under Photius in 879, it was recognized as
" the seventh oecumenical synod." It has been latterly
admitted as oecumenical in the eastern church "", but
the facts are undeniable, that, for a space of sixty years,
the decree of Nice was not approved by the east ; that
for ninety years at least it was not generally admitted
to be cecumenical ; and in fine, even in the time of
Barlaam, abbot of St. Saviour, (a.d. 1339,) nearly six
hundred years after its celebration, some of the ori-
except a few fell away. Epist. habeant venerationem." Baronii
lib. ii. ep. 15. Ed. Sirmond. Annales ad an. 863.
See Baronii Annal. ad an. 814. '' See Acta et Scripta Theolog.
^ Fleury, liv. xlviii. s. 6. Witeberg. et Patr. Hieremise, p.
J " Fama enim et rumor qui- 56. 255 ; Methodii Archiepisc.
dam ad nos pervenit, quod nullae Twer, Liber Hist. p. 173;
ecclesiae earum quae vestrse apos- Summary of Christian divinity
tolicae subjiciuntur sedi, usque by Plato, archbishop of Moscow,
ad sextam generalem synodum published by Pinkerton in his
annumerantes, septimam prceter " Present state of the Greek
eas non agnoscunt, licet ea quae Church."
in ipsa sunt decreta, magnam
15
SECT. IV.] Pseudo-Synod of Nice. 203
entals still reckoned only siw general councils ', thus
denying the authority of this synod.
Let us now turn to the west. It is a matter of
certainty that (with the exception of the Roman see
which always supported and approved it,) the churches
of the west generally condemned and rejected the
synod of Nice as illegitimate. Roman theologians
have endeavoured to account for this conduct, by
supposing that the western churches were misled by
an erroneous translation of the acts of the council,
which, they deemed, prescribed divine worship or latria
as due to images ; but that their doubts immediately
vanished when its acts were accurately translated, and
when they knew that it was confirmed by the Roman
pontiff".
A statement of facts will afford a conclusive reply to
this. The acts of the synod of Nice having been sent
to Rome in the year 787, Pope Hadrian himself,
according to Hincmar ", transmitted them into France
to Charlemagne, to be confirmed by the bishops of
his kingdom ; and the emperor also received the
' Barlaam, Abbot of St. Sa- quia quod sit determinatum a
viour, was sent by Andronicus, generale concilio, rectum et sa-
emperor of Constantinople, to num est," &c. Leo Allatius,
Benedict XII. in 1339, to treat De Perpet. Consens. p. 790 ;
of the union of the eastern and Raynald. Annales, an. 1339. n.
western churches. He said to the 21 ; Bzovii Annal. Eccl. an.
Pope : '* Q,uis ergo est modus, 1339. c. xxiv.
qui et plebem et sapientes simul '" Strange is the mistake of
adducet ad unionem vestram ? Delahogue, " Sensum (Actorum)
Ego dicam. Audiendo com- non apprime percipientes, errore
munis populus, quod sexies fac- facti crediderunt in illis reprohari
turn est generale concilium, et imaginum cultum." De Eccl.
quoties factum est, ad perfectio- p. 177. See for much valuable
nem ecclesia; factum est, et ad information concerning this synod,
correctionem errorum, qui erant Basnage, Hist, de I'Eglise, liv.
in illis temporibus ; opinionem xxiii. c. o.
receperunt omnes ad animas suas, " Cited below innote("),p.206.
204 Pseudo-Synod of Nice. [p. iv. ch. x.
acts directly from Constantinople, according to Roger
Hovedon. These prelates, thus furnished with an au-
thentic copy, and not a mere translation, composed
a reply to the synod, in which they absolutely con-
demned any adoration or worship of images. " We
object," they said, " to nothing about images but their
adoration, for we allow the images of the saints in
the churches ; not to adore them, but for historical
remembrance, and ornament to the walls °." They did
not attribute to the synod of Nice itself the open
avowal that divine worship or latria was due to images,
though they did, through a mistranslation, attribute
this error to Constantine of Cyprus, a bishop of the
synod '' ; but they distinctly rejected every act and
kind of worship as paid to images. They prohibited
" service," " adoration," " honour exhibited by bending
the neck or bowing the head," " the oblation of in-
cense and lights ^" In fact as the learned Benedictine
Mabillon allows, " the Galilean bishops admitted no
worship whatever, whether positive or relative, to be
given to images ^ ;" and one of their reasons for this
*• " Diim nos nihil in imagini- ' He observes that the author
bus spernamus prseter adoratio- of the Caroline books, the synod
nem, quippe qui in basilicis of Paris, and Agobard, object to
sanctorum imagines, non ad all adoration of images. Jonas
adorandum, sed ad memoriam of Orleans rejects their wor-
rerum gestarum et venustatem ship, but without any charge
parietum habere permittimus. " of idolatry. Walafrid Strabo,
Carol, Mag. adv. Imag. lib. iii. and Dungalus the monk, teach
c. IG. that they are to be loved and
■^ Ibid. c. 17, 18. honoured. — " Ex lis quae hucus-
■" They rejected, " colla deflec- que dicta sunt, intelligimus
tere," (lib. ii. c. 1), " thuris et qusenam fuit Gallorum sententia
luminaribus honorem," (ib. c. 2), de cultu imaginum ; et qua
" observationem, adorationem, " ratione explicari debeat honos
(ib. c. 27), " servitium, obse- ille divinus, quern Scriptor Caro-
quium," (lib. iii. c. 18), as ap- linus, libellus Synodi Parisiensis,
plied to images. Agobardus, et Jonas, picturis
sF.cT. IV.] Pseudo-Synod of Nice. 205
was, that it was impossible practically that the honour
paid to the image should pass to, and be paid to the
original. "For," they say, "though what the Greeks
do in adoring images, may be avoided by all learned
persons, who venerate not what they are, but what
they represent ; yet they are a cause of offence to all
the unlearned, who venerate and adore in them nothins"
else but what they see'."
This work was published by the authority and in the
name of the Emperor Charlemagne, and with the
consent of his bishops in 790. Pope Hadrian com-
posed a reply, in which he maintained the decision of
the Nicene synod; but, though the Gallican bisho})s
must by this time have been well aware that the pope
had approved it ; their opinion remained unchanged.
Charlemagne had received at least one copy of the
authentic acts direct from Constantinople, which he trans-
mitted to the bishops of England in 792, requesting
their judgment on them. These prelates, abhorrino-
the worship of images, authorized Albinus to convey
in their name a refutation of the synod of Nice to
Charlemagne '.
sacris abrogant. Nempe sentie- tainen quibusque scandalum ge-
bant Galli imagines honore mode- nerant, qui nihil aliud in his
rata coli posse, eas scilicet decenti praeter id quod vident, veneran-
in loco collocando, ornando, cu- tur et adorant. Unde cavendum
randoque ut quam mnxime nite- est ne evangelicam sententiam
rent et ne pulvere sordibusve hifi- subeant, qui tot pusillos ad scan-
cerenlur. " Mabill. Act. SS. dalizandum impellant qui
Benedict, saec. 4. Praefat. p. pene omnemChristi ecclesiam aut
xxiv. This honour no one could ad imagines adorandas impellit,
with reason object to, if expe- aut imaginum adorationem sper-
rience had not shewn its great nentes anathemati submittit."
liability to abuse. Car. Mag. adv. Imag. lib. iii.c.G.
' " Etsi a doctis quibusque, " Roger Hovedon, who lived
vitari possit hoc quod illi in ado- about a.d. 1204, says, ad an.
randis imaginibus exercent, qui 792 : " Carolus Rex Francorum
videlicet non quid sint, sed quid misit synodalem librum ad Bri-
innuant, venerantur ; indoctis tanniam sibi a Constantinopoli
206 Pseudo-Synod of Nice. [p. iv. ch. x.
At length, after due deliberation, and with the fullest
means of ascertaining the truth by a controversy con-
tinued for seven or eight years, the bishops of the
west, to the number of 300, from Gaul, Aquitain,
Germany, and Italy, assembled at Frankfort at the
desire of Charlemagne in 794 ; and there formally and
synodically annulled and rejected the council of the
Greeks, declaring that it was not to be acknowledged
as the seventh general coimcil '\ The synod of Frankfort
does not affirm that the Nicene convention actually
enjoined the same honour to be given to images as to
the Trinity ; but that this principle was contained in
the acts of that convention, being avowed by one of its
bishops.
Perhaps it may be imagined that this proceeding of
the western church was rescinded, or in some way
speedily relinquished. The learned Du Pin says :
" the French and Germans persisted in their custom a
long time, and did not acknowledge till very late the
council of Nice, instead of which they put that of
directum, in quo libro (heu proh confringendas, quidam autem
dolor) multa inconvenientia, et adorandas dicebant . . non longe
verse fidei contraria reperieban- ante tempora nostra Constantino-
tur ; maxime, quod pene omnium poli est a quamplurimis episcopis
orientalium doctorum, non minus habita, et Romam missa. Quam
quam trecentorum, vel eo am- etiam Papa Romanus in Fran-
plius, episcoporum, unanimi ciam direxit; unde tempore Ca-
assertione confirmatum fuerit, roli Magni Imperatoris, jussione
imagines adorari debere ; quod Apostolicse sedis, generalis est
omnino ecclesia Dei execratur. synodus in Francia, convocante
Contra quod scripsit Albinus prsefato Imperatore, celebrata ;
epistolam ex authoritate divina- et secundum scripturarum trami-
rum scripturarum mirabiliter tem, traditlonemque majorum,
afRrmatam ; illamque cum eodem ipsa Grascorum pseudo-synodus
libro ex persona episcoporum ac destructaest etpenitus abrogata."
principum nostrorum regi Fran- Hincmar. Rem. Opusc. Iv. c.
corum attulit." xx. contra Hincm. Laudun.
" "Septimaautem apudGraecos, N.B. This synod of Nice com-
vocata universalis, pseudo-syno- menced at Constantinople,
dus de imaginibus, quas quidem
SECT. IV.] Pseudo- Synod of Nice. 207
Frankfort \" In proof of this it appears that in 824,
(thirty years afterwards,) the Gallican bishops and
divines assembled at Paris agreed in condemning again
the doctrine of the Nicene synod, and the epistle of
Pope Hadrian in favour of image Avorship ^.
But what is still more remarkable is, that even the
Roman 'pontiffs themselves, though they always received
and strenuously defended the synod of Nice, did not for
a long time include it in the number of oecumenical
synods. In 859, Pope Nicholas I. in his reply to a
letter of Ado, bishop of Vienne, asking the pallium,
requires his assent only to six general councils —
omitting that of Nice '^ : and, lest it should be alleged
that this arose merely from that Pope's toleration of
the error of the Franks who rejected that council ; in
the year 863 or 866, he held a synod at Rome, and in
the decree against Photius there unanimously made,
six general councils only are again acknowledged ;
excluding as before, the synod of Nice "". In this case
there can be no conceivable reason for such an omis-
sion, except that the church of Rome did not at this
period reckon it among the general synods. Even in
871, Pope Hadrian in a letter to the Emperor Charles
the Bald, still only speaks of six general councils ^,
" Du Pin, Eccl. Hist. Cent. ^ " Venerandorum sex univer-
viii. c. 3. Launoius Epist. Pars salium conciliorum auctoritate. "
viii. Epist. ix. says of the writers Nicolaus P.Ep.adlmj) Michael,
of the Western church, " Septi- Harduin. Cone. t. v. p. l^S.
mam enim synodum veteres, et Baronius, ad an. 863.
cum primis Galli, pro cecumenica '' " Sed de his nihil audemus
non habuerunt." judicare, quod possit Nicaeno
'' See the Acts of this synod Concilio, et qimique cceterormn
in Goldastus, Imperialia Decreta conciliorum regulis, vel decretis
de cultu Imag. p. 626, &c. nostrorumantecessorumobviare."
' " Et sub omni celeritate Hadr. P. Ep. xxxiv. ad Caro-
dirigatis, qualiter vos de ipsis lum Calvum.
qu'inta et sexta synodis sentiatis."
208 Pseudo-Sijnod of Nice. [y. iv. CH. x.
though before this time the eicjhth, (as it has since been
styled by the Romans,) had been approved and con-
firmed by that Pope. At length, hoM^ever, the church
of Rome held the synod of Nice to be the seventh
oecumenical synod, as appears from Cardinal Humbert's
excommunication of Cerularius, a.d. 1054'.
The several chronicles of France and Germany during
the ninth and following centuries, uniformly speak of
it as a " pseudo-synod." The Annales Francorum,
written a.d. 808, say, that at the synod of Frankfort,
" the pseudo-synod of the Greeks, which they falsely
called the seventh, and which they had made in order to
sanction the adoration of images, was rejected by the
bishops''." It is also termed "pseudo-synod" in the
Annales Francorum, continued to 814 % and in the
anonymous life of Charlemagne written after 814*;
and it is condemned in the annals written after 8 1 9 ^
Eginhard, in his Annales Francorum, MTitten in 829,
says that at Frankfort, " the synod which had been
called by the Greeks not only the seventh, but univer-
sal, was entirely annulled by all, as of no force ; that it
might neither be held nor spoken of as universal ''."
In 824, the Gallican bishops again condemned it at
Paris*. Hincmar, archbishop of Rheims, about 870,
*^ Canisii Thesaurus, t. iii. paucos annos itl Const, sub Irene
p. 327- et Constantino filio ejus congre-
^ " Pseudo-synodus Grseco - gata, et ab ipsis non solum sep-
tum, quam falso septimam voca- tima, verum etiam universalis
bant, pro adorandis imaginibus erat appellata ; ut nee septima
fecerant, rejecta est a pontifici- nee universalis haberetur dicere-
bus." — Annal. Francorum, Du turve, quasi supervacua, in totum
Cliesne, Hist. Franc. Script, t. ab omnibus abdicata est. " —
ii. p. 17. Eginhard. Annal. Franc. Du
*= Du Chesne, ibid. p. 38. Chesne, t. ii. p. 247.
^ Ibid. p. 57. ' Harduini Concil. t. iv. p.
8 Ibid. t. iii. p. 141. 1258. Goldastus, Imp. Deer.
•^ " Synodus etiara, qune ante
SECT. IV.] Pseudo-Synod of Nice. 209
speaks of the "pseudo-synod" of Nice as entirely
destroyed and annulled by a general synod in France ^
Ado, bishop of Vienne, who died 875, in his chronicle
speaks of the "pseudo-synod," which the Greeks call
the seventh \ Anastasius, librarian of the Roman
church, translated the synod of Nice into Latin, when
he was at the (so called) " eighth general synod,"
A. D. 870 ; and, in his preface to it, observes that
the French did not approve the worship of images '.
The chronicles of the monastery of S. Bertinus, writ-
ten after 884, speak of the synod of Constantinople
870, in which that of Nice was approved, and the
worship of images authorized, as " ordaining things
concerning the adoration of images contrary to the
definitions of the orthodox doctors ""," &c. The An-
nales Francorum written in the abbey of Fulda
after the year 900, speak of the synod of Nice as
"a pseudo-synod of the Greeks, falsely called the
seventh"." Regino, abbot of Prum, a. d. 910, calls it
" a pseudo-synod °." The chronicle of S. Bertinus,
J "Septima autemapud Grsecos thematizantes, et Ignatium resti-
vocata universalis p5ei<f/«-s^H0f/H5 tuentes. In qua synodo de
de imaginibus, quas qnidam con- imaginibus adorandis aliter quain
fringendas, quidam autem adoran- orthodoxi doctc rej antea diffinie-
das dicebant." — Hincmar. in rant, et pro favore Romani Pon-
Opusculo, Iv. c. 20. Contra tificis, qui eorum votis de imagi-
Hincmar. Laudun. See p. 206. nibus annuit ; et qusedam contra
'' Ado Vien. Chronic, ^tat. antiquos canones, sed et contra
vi. " pseudo-synodus, quam sep- suam ipsam synodum constitue-
timam Graeci appellant." runt, sicut qui eandem synodum
' Anastas. Biblioth. Pragfat. in legerit patenter inveniet. " —
VII Synod. Harduin Concil. t. Annales Bertin. Du Chesne,
iii. p. 20. Hist. Franc. Script, t. iii. p. 244.
™ •' Et synodo congregata, " Ar«nal. Franc. Fuldenses,
quam octavam universalem syno- Du Chesne, t. ii. p. 538.
dum illuc convenientes appella- ° Cited by Dorschseus, Collat.
verunt, exortum schisma de ad Concil. Francoford. Argentor.
Ignatii depositione et Focii ordi- 1649. p. 8.
natione scdavcrunt : Focium ana-
VOL. II. P
210 Pspiido-Sijnod of Nice. [p. iv. ch. x.
written in the tenth century by Folquinus, a learned
monk, speaks of the " seventh synod of Constantinople
of 384 bishops ^ ;" (a synod held under Photius in 879,
and not acknowledged as oecumenical by the universal
church ;) shewing that the synod of Nice was not yet
considered the seventh oecumenical council. In 1025,
Gerhard, bishop of Cambray, in a synod held there,
tauffht the doctrine of the western church, that the
church does not use images to be adored, but to excite
us to contemplate inwardly the operations of divine
grace, &c. "^ Hermannus Contractus, a. d. 1054, speaks
of the council of Nice as a " pseudo-synod '." The
author who continued Aimon's books de Gestis Fran-
corum to the year 1165, reprobated the (so called)
eighth synod, which approved the doctrine of this
Nicene synod '. Nicetas Choniates says that, when the
Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, after the year 1190,
entered Philippopolis on the crusade, the Armenians
alone remained there, because they agreed in the prin-
cipal points of religion with the Germans, and the
adoration of images was forbidden in the two nations *.
Roger Hovedon, A. d. 1204, says that in the synod of
Nice were found " many things inconvenient and con-
trary to the true faith ; chiefly that it was confirmed,
p Martene and Durand, Anec- — Synod. Atrebat. c. xiv. Spici-
dota, t. iii. p. 527. The note of leg. t. i. p. 622.
Martene is : " Pseudo-synodus "" Cited by Dorschaeus, ut
Photiana octava et genci-alis falso supra,
a multis nominata." ^ De Gestis Francorum, lib. v.
•I " Ideo in sancta ecclesia c. 28.
fiunt, non ut ab hominibus adorari ' 'Aputvioic ydp koX 'AXufxa-
debeant, sed ut per eas interius volg kniarjq »/ tCjv ayiwy etKovwy
excitemur ad contemplandam TrpoaKvyqfng dir^yopEvrai. — Nice-
gratiaj divinge operationem, atque tas Choniates, Annales Isaac,
exeorumactibus aliquid in usum Angel, lib. ii. p. 258. Ed. Paris,
nostrae conversationis trahamus." 1647.
s E CI'. IV.] Psi'ii(lo-Si/u<n] of Nice. 211
that images ougJit to he adored, wliich the church of God
altofjether e.vecrates "." Conrade a Lichtenau, abbot of
Urspurg-, about 1230, speaks of the synod of Nice as
being rejected by the bishops at Frankfort, and as not
being the seventh general synod ''. Albertus Staden-
sis, about 1260, mentions its rejection by the great
synod of Frankfort ^ . JNIatthew of Westminster, about
1375, employs nearly the same language as Roger
Hovedon ^
I shall not pursue this investigation further, having
now proved that for at least five centuries and a half,
the council of Nice remained rejected in the western
church ; which amounts to a demonstration that it is
not to be viewed as a legitimate cecumenical council,
possessed of the same authority as those six which the
church has always venerated : for had the Roman see
and the east considered it as such, they would not
have remained, as they did, in full communion with
those who rejected it ^. In fact the doctrine of the
adoration of images was never received in the west,
except where the influence of the Roman see was pre-
dominant ; and hence it is, that even to this day
France and Germany are less infected with super-
stition in this respect than Italy. A modern French
theologian explains the worship of images to " consist
'princi'pally in their being 'placed decently and honourably
in the churches, to the memory and honour of those
"' See above, note (^), page 205. dicata. " — Albertus Stadensis
" See Dorschaeus, ut supra. Chronicon, ad an. 794.
w " Magna synodus est col- " Matthaei Westmonaster.
lecta et legati Adrian! papse Flores Historiarum, ad an. 793.
adfuerunt Synodus etiam p. 283. Ed. 1570.
quae ante paucos annos ab Irene "^ Bossuet admits that commu-
et Constantino filio ejus septima nion existed. — Defens. Decl.
et universalis dicta est, quasi Cler. Gall. lib. vii. c. 31.
supervacua est ab omnibus ab-
p 2
•212
P.seudo-Si/nud of Nice.
[p. JV. CH. X.
whom tliey represent \" This is precisely the doctrine
held by the western church in opposition to the synod
of Nice.
It is not disputed that in later ages, many private
theologians, even in France, began to speak of it as
the seventh general council ; but this was merely their
l»rivate opinion, and can have no authority. It arose
from three causes : first, from exaggerated notions of
the authority of the Roman see, which had been accus-
tomed to admit this as a general council : secondly,
from its being included among the general councils by
Gratian in his " Decretum," or com] ilation of canons,
completed in 1 150, and which was immediately received
as a text-book in all the universities of Europe "" :
^ Collet, Theologia Scliolastica,
I. i. p. 635.
* The modern canon law was
first reduced to a system, in
the "Decretum" of Gratian,
who included in his collection
all the spurious decretals, and
a number of other unauthentic
pieces. Long before the end of
the century, the Decretum was
taught with great applause and
profit in the Universities of Bo-
logna, Oxford, Paris, Orleans,
and many others. It became the
fashionable study ; and led the
way to the highest honours. In
the fourteenth century it is said,
that almost the whole multitude
of scholars applied to this study,
(R. Holcot apud Ant. Wood, lib.
i. p. 160,) and with so much
eagerness, that Matthew Paris
(Hist. Angl. an. 1254) says, they
neglected the languages and phi-
losophy. Alexander of Hales,
and other schoolmen, commonly
cite the canon law as a sufficient
proof of doctrine. Stephen, bishoj)
of Tournay from 1192 to 1203,
in his epistles, part iii. ep. 251,
(cited by DuPin), complains to the
Pope, that the study of the Fathers
was neglected, in order to follow
the study of scholastic divines,
and the decrees or canon laws.
Pope Innocent IV. was obliged
to publish a bull to prevent the
clergy from neglecting philoso-
phy and theology, and to prevent
bishops from appointing to bene-
fices and dignities, those who
were only skilled in canon laws.
(Bulasi Hist. Univ. Paris, t. iii.
p. 265.) See Fleury, Discours
iv, V. sur I'Hist. Eccl. ; and Hist.
Eccl. liv. 70. s. 28, for further
observations on the authority of
the canon law in the middle ages.
It is not to be wondered at, that,
when the Scriptures and the
Fathers were, in some degree,
superseded by such studies, seve-
ral erroneous opinions should
have become common.
SECT. IV.] Ps€7ido-SyHod of Nice. 213
thirdly, from a cause alluded to by the learned Launoy,
who having observed and proved that all the ancient
Latin writers, and especially those of France, did not
hold it as oecumenical, says : " In later ages the
Gallican Avriters, as occasion offered, held the seventh
synod to be universal and oecumenical. The reason
why they did so, in my opinion, was, that the wo7'shij>
of holy images decreed by that synod pleased them.
Therefore they admit it, and hold that Hadrian the
First presided in it by his vicars ''." As superstition
increased, even the synod of Nice began to find advo-
cates; and it was styled general by the synod of Con-
stance : but since this latter is itself of doubtful autho-
rity, as I shall prove ; and since it is questioned by
Roman theologians whether the church has the power
of determining whether a disputed synod is really
oecumenical ' ; there is no presumption that the western
church ever admitted the Greek synod of Nice to be
the seventh oecumenical synod. Even if it had done
so, however, and if the whole church had thus finally
acknowledged it, still it must always remain of dubious
authority, and can never be received except on mere
opinion ; because the church can only vary in matters
of opinion, not in matters of faith.
Even in the sixteenth century it seems not to have
been much known, or to have been still looked on with
suspicion by some. Longolius j)ublished at Cologne, in
1540, the Nicene synod with this title: "Synodi Ni-
csenge quam GrcBci septimam vocant," &c. Merlinus
published an edition of the councils in 1530, containing
the six general councils, but omitting the synod of
Nice. Bellarmine says : " It is very credible that St.
'' Launoii Epistolae, pars viii. '^ Delahogue, De Eccl. Christi,
ep. 9. p. 175.
•214 Pseadu-Synod of ConsfantiiKiple. \\\ iv. en. x.
Thomas, Alexander of Hales, and other scholastic
doctors had not seen the second synod of Nice, nor
the eighth general synod ;" he adds, that they " were
long in obscurity, and were first published in our own
age, as may be known from their not being extant in
the older volumes of the councils ; and St. Thomas and
the other ancient schoolmen never make any mention
of this Nicene synod''." This silence is very remark-
able, because the Decretum Gratiani, which was then
universally received, mentioned it as an oecumenical
synod. In the fifteenth century, however, it is referred
to by Thomas Waldensis as a general synod \
SECTION V.
THE SYNODS (IF CONSTANTINOI'LE IN THE CAUSE OF
PHOTIUS.
A synod was assembled at Constantinople in 869 by
the emperor Basil, which was attended by about 100
eastern bishops. The legates of Adrian II. of Rome
presided. They acknowledged seven preceding synods,
condemned Photius patriarch of Constantinople as
having been unlawfully appointed, and confirmed the
worship of images ^ This is now generally accounted
the eighth oecumenical synod by Roman theologians.
Bailly says : " It was confirmed by the pontiff and the
whole Western church ^" Delahogue says : " The
cecumenicity of this council is certain and undoubted.
The schismatical Greeks alone do not acknowledge it ^"
These are strange assertions, when it is remembered
^ Bellavminus de Imagin. ^ Bailly, De Ecclesia, t. i. p.
sanct. lib. ii. c. 22. 463.
'■ Thomas Waldensis Doctri- '' Delahogue, De Eccl. Christi,
nale Fidei, t. iii. tit. xix. c. 150. p. 444.
•^ Ilaiduin. Concilia, t. v.
SECT, v.] Pseudo-Synod oj Constantinople. '215
that pope Hadrian in 871 only acknowledged sid' ge-
neral councils ^ ; that cardinal Humbert, the Roman
legate at Constantinople in 1054, only admitted seven
general councils " ; that the chronicles of St. Bertin in
the tenth century reject this synod ^ ; that the conti-
nuator of Aimon's books de Gestis Francorum to the
year 1165, also reprobates it^; that it was annulled in
879 by a synod of 384 bishops at Constantinople, and
has always since been rejected by the Eastern church ;
that in 1339, according to Barlaam, but sLv oecumenical
synods were commonly received in the East '' ; that the
synod of Florence, 1438, was styled the eighth oecume-
nical synod by its own acts, and in the papal licences '.
It is manifest from all this, that this synod has never
been received by the catholic church.
A synod was assembled at Constantinople in 879 by
the emperor Basil, on occasion of the restoration of
Photius to the patriarchal throne of Constantinople. It
was attended by the legates of John VIII. of Rome,
and by 384 bishops. Photius was in this synod declared
legitimate patriarch, and the synod of 869 or 870 under
Ignatius, was abrogated, rejected, and anathematized ■■.
The second Nicene was acknowledged as the seventh
oecumenical synod. This synod was rejected in the
West : the Chronicle of St. Bertin alone describes it as
the " seventh synod of Constantinople ^" Launoy says
that some of the Eastern writers called it the eighth
<■ Hadr. Ep. xxxiv. ad Carol. '' Leo Allatius de perp. Con-
Calv. sens. p. 790.
^ Canisii Thesaurus, t. iii. p. ' Launoii Epistolae, pars viii.
327. eP: xi.
'^ Martene & Durand, Anec- J Harduin. Concilia, t. vi. pars i.
dota, t. iii. p. 527. ^ Martene & Durand, Anec-
s Aimon, De Gestis Franc, dota, iii. 527.
liv. V. c. 28.
216 Western S?/nods. [p. iv. ch. xi.
oecumenical, but that others considered it a pseudo-
synod '. To this day, however, it has not been reckoned
at any time by either the Eastern or tlie Western
churches among the oecumenical synods.
CHAPTER XI.
COUNCILS OF THE WESTERN CHURCH AFTER A.D. 1054,
IMPROPERLY TERMED (ECUMENICAL.
Of the synods held in the West since 1 054, when the
patriarchs of Rome and Constantinople separated mu-
tually from communion, none have been received by
the Eastern church as oecumenical or binding in
matters of faith or discipline. These synods were
therefore merely national or general synods of the
West, and are not invested with the authority of the
catholic church. More than one of these synods have
advanced propositions which are very questionable and
even erroneous ; but it would be impossible to prove
that the whole Western church has ever decreed what
was contrary to faith. I shall reserve the synod of
Trent for separate consideration.
SECTION I.
THE FIRST, SECOND, AND THIRD LATERAN SYNODS.
The first Lateran synod was assembled by pope
Calixtus II. in 1123. Three hundred bishops are said
to have attended. There was no decree in faith made
' Launoius, ut supra.
SECT. I.] First, Second, Third, Latrran Synods. 217
by this synod, which only confirmed the agreement
about the investitures of prelates made between the
emperor Henry and the Roman pontiff. This synod is
generally called the " ninth oecumenical" by modern
Roman authors.
The second Lateran synod was convened by pope
Innocentius in 1139. Otho Frisingensis says, that
1000 bishops were present*, but this is evidently a
mistake, and it is to be understood that 1000 prelates
of all sorts were present, including bishops, abbots,
deans, &;c. In this synod the heresies of the Mani-
chgeans were condemned ''. These heretics rejected
the sacraments, infant baptism, holy orders, and lawful
marriao-e. Arnold of Brescia was admonished and si-
o
lenced for his excessive declamations against the
elergy^ Several canons of discipline were made.
Nothing except what was laudable was done in this
synod in matters of faith. It is styled by modern Ro-
man theologians, the " tenth oecumenical synod."
The third Lateran synod was assembled by Alex-
ander III. in 1 179, and was attended by 280 bishops.
There were no decrees on faith, except that the heretics
called Cathari, Patarini, or Publicani, were for very
good reasons excommunicated '^. The principal act of
the synod consisted of a regulation concerning the
elections of the bishops of Rome. Some modern
writers call it " the eleventh oecumenical synod."
These three synods 'were not oecumenical by convo-
" Otto Frisingensis, lib. vii. '' Canon xxiii. Harduin. p.
c. 23. cited by Harduin. Concil. 1212.
t. vi. p. 1215, who says, that " Harduin. Cone. vi. p. 1215.
Urspergensis testifies the same. ^ Can. xxviii. Harduin. vi. p.
Were this true, this Lateran sy- 1683. Fleury, Hist. Eccl. liv.
nod would have been by far the 73. s. 18, 19, 20.
greatest ever held.
218 Firsts Second, Third, Lateran Synoda. [p. iv. ch. xi.
cation, the Latin bishops only being summoned ; nor
were any bishops of the oriental churches present in
either of them. In the last a few of the Latin bishops,
whom the crusaders had placed in their districts, at-
tended. The decrees of these synods were never sent
to the oriental churches : nor have they ever yet been
received or acknowledged in the East as oecumenical
synods. In the fourteenth century the Eastern church
acknowledged only six synods ^ The council of Con-
stance in the profession which was to be made by the
newly-elected bishop of Rome, only spoke of one La-
teran spiod as general \ which must be referred to the
fourth synod of Lateran, as this was much the greatest
of the synods held there. In the synod of Florence
the Greeks only received seven or eight synods ^. That
synod was styled by its editor the " eighth oecumenical,"
and is so termed in the papal licence ''. The historians
Platina and Nauclerus do not term either of these La-
teran synods general. Albertus Stadensis speaks of
the last as a " celebrated synod," but does not call it
general or oecumenical. Cardinal Gaspar Contarenus, in
his " Summa of the most famous Councils," dedicated
to pope Paul III. in 1562, does not include these La-
teran synods among the oecumenical councils, as he
styles the synod of Florence, the " ninth oecumenical '."
Thus these synods have merely the authority of the
Western church, and as such they are not to be ac-
counted equal to the genuine oecumenical synods.
^ See Barlaam cited above, ' " Post banc synodum Flo-
note ('), p. 203. rentinara nonam oecumenicam,
^ Cone. Const. Sess. xxxix. teraporibus nostris sub Julio et
Harduin. t. viii. p. 859. Leone Pontificibus fuit synodus
s Synodus Florent. Sess, v, Lateranensis." — Opera Contare-
vi, vii. Harduin. Cone. t. ix. ni, p. 5G3. ed. 1571. This edition
^ Launoius, Epistolar. pars is formally approved by several
viii. epist. xi. doctors of the University of Paris.
SECT. II.] Fourth Ijatcran Synod. 219
SECTION II.
THE FOURTH LATERAN SYNOD.
Innocentius III. convened this synod (which some
modern authors style " the twelfth oecumenical") in
1215 : it consisted of 412 bishops, including some of the
Latin patriarchs of the East : and a number of ambas-
sadors of various princes were present. Pope Inno-
centius published in this synod a series of decrees,
the first of which is a confession of faith directed
against the errors of the sects who held the Manichacan
heresy. These heretics denied the Unity and Trinity ;
maintained that there were two principles ; denied the
authority of the Old Testament as the work of the evil
principle ; rejected the incarnation of Christ, the re-
surrection, the sacraments of baptism and the eucha-
rist, and marriage K
The confession of faith published by Innocentius ac-
cordingly confesses the doctrine of the triune God, the
only principle and author of all things ; the authority
of the Old Testament ; our Lord's incarnation, suffer-
ing, bodily ascension into heaven ; the resurrection of
the body ; the importance and use of the eucharist, the
necessity of baptism, and lawfulness of marriage \
This synod consisting only of Latin bishops, and
having never been received by the Oriental churches,
cannot be considered as invested with the authority of
the catholic church. It was not acknowledged as
oecumenical by the first edition of the synod of Flo-
rence, nor in the license of pope Clement VII. for
' See Mosheim's Eccl. His- Maitland on the Albigenses, p.
tory, cent. xii. part ii. c. 5. In 237. 308. 319, 347. 355.
proof of their denial of the real "^ Fleury, Hist. Eecl.liv. Ixxvii.
presence in the eucharist, see Mr. s. 45, 46.
220 Fourth Later an Synod. [p. iv. ch. xi.
publishing that synod \ nor by cardinal Contarenus %
nor by the historians Platina, Nauclerus, Trithemius,
or Albertus Stadensis. The general doctrine of the
decree on faith was, however, orthodox and laud-
able : it was directed against heretics who denied all
that was most sacred in Christianity. But this decree
has not the authority which might have been expected,
because it appears not to have been made co7iciliariter,
with synodical deliberation, discussion, and giving of
suffrages ; but Innocentius caused it to be read with
many others in the presence of the synod, and the bi-
shops seem to have remained silent ".
Du Pin remarks, that " no canons were made by the
council, but some decrees were composed by the Ro-
man pontiff, and read in the council, some of which
appeared burdensome to many." He says before, that
they were not made conciliariter, and that "many histo-
rians testify that nothing could be concluded on in that
council: thus Nauclerus (generat. 4 ad an. 1215)
speaking of the council, observes, ' Many things were
consulted of, but yet nothing could be agreed on,' and
again, ' Yet some constitutions are found to have been
published.' Platina, in the life of Innocent III., says
the same. ' Many things were consulted of, but yet
nothing could be manifestly decreed, for both the
people of Pisa and Genoa were engaged in warfare by
sea, and the Cisalpines by land,' &c. Godefridus Viter-
biensis (ad an. 1215) says: 'In this council nothing
was done worthy of mention, except that the Oriental
church submitted herself to the Roman.' Certainly if
' Launoii Epistolse, liv. viii, '" Opera Contareni, p. 563.
ep. xi. This edition styled the " Matthagi Paris Hist. Angl.
synod of Florence the eighth ad an. 1215.
synod.
SECT. II.] Fourtli Lateran Synod. 221
canons were promulgated in that council, those which
are i)roposed under its name were made by Innocent
III., not by the whole council. Hence in the title of
this council by Jacobus Middemportius (in the works of
Innocent III., published at Cologne, 1607, apud Cho-
linum), is the following : ' Sacri Concilii Generalis
Lateranensis, sub Domino Innocentio Pontifice maximo
hujus nominis tertio, celebrati, anno Domini 1215.
Decreta ab eodem Innocentio conscripta.' The same
appears from Matthew Paris in his History of England
(ad an. 1215). 'A universal synod was celebrated at
Rome, the Lord Pope Innocent III. presiding, in which
were 412 bishops, &c. All being assembled, the pope
having first delivered a word of exhortation, sixty
canons were read in full council, which appeared tole-
rable to some, burdensome to others ; then he com-
menced a discourse on the business of the crusade ".' "
Du Pin therefore justly concludes that the decrees of
this synod were not made conciliariter.
This objection alone would render the authority of
such decrees very dubious according to Bellarmine,
Bossuet, Delahogue, &ic.^ for the promises of Christ to
aid his church in determining the truth, always sup-
pose the use of ordinary means. These decrees were
indeed known in the Western church afterwards,
rather under the name of pope Innocentius, than of
the Lateran synod ''.
° Du Pin, De Antiqua Eccl. ones Innocentii III. Papae, &c."
Discipl. Dissert, vii. p. 572,573. — Harduin. Cone. t. vii. p. 15.
'' Delahogue, De Eccl. Christi, In the Decretals of Gregory IX.
p. 212. 278. tit. i. de sum. Trini. & fid. cath.
•i One MS. referred to by we find the first canon headed
Harduin does not give these de- " Innocentius III. in concilio ge-
crees any title, the other is thus nerali." In the next title we
headed : " Incipiunt constituti- find " ex concilio Meldensi."
222 Fourth Ldferan SipioiL [i\ iv. ch. xi.
Hence, even if we admitted that it was the intention
of this synod to define the modern Roman opinion of
transnbstantiation as " de fide," it would not follow
that its definition was binding on the church : but
there are very reasonable grounds for doubting that the
synod had such an intention. The Roman doctrine of
transnbstantiation supposes the ivhole substance (in the
Aristotelic sense, as distinguished from the accidents) of
bread and wine, to cease, by conversion into a different
substance : so that the eucharist cannot be called bread
after consecration, except in some figurative or tropi-
cal sense. The decree made at this synod uses indeed
the term " transnbstantiation" to express the fjnTaciToi-
yj^iioaiq^ or transelementation, by which the sacramental
elements become the body and blood of Christ "^ : as the
fathers had used the words mutatio, transitio, migratio,
transfiguratio, /uErapoXi), /.i^TappvOfxiaiQ, ni:Ta(TKiva(JiJ.6g,
/LiiTaaTOiyj^iwaiQ, /neraTroirftriQ, &C. ^: but though the term
" transnbstantiation," as Bossuet observes, naturally
implies " a change of substance V this by no means
settles the question ; for it does not determine whether
" substance" is used in the Aristotelic or the popular
sense ; whether the change is physical ", and in itself
■" " All the nE-a(TToi^Eib}(nc. of nem, potestate divina." — Har-
the sacramental elements maketh duin. Concilia, t. vii. p. 17.
them not to cease to be of the ^ Bishop Taylor's Dissuasive,
same nature which before they p. 664. Oxford ed. by Cardwell.
were." — Bishop Pearson on the ' Bossuet, Variations, liv. iii.
Creed. Article III. Note on s. 16.
Eutychian heresy. The decree " " Ecclesia Catholica Orien-
of the Lateran synod was as fol- talis atque Grseco-Russica, ad-
lows : "In qua (ecclesia) idem mittitquidem vocem transubstan-
ipse sacerdos et sacrificium Je- tiatio, Greece /ierovatwctc, nun
sus Christus, cujus corpus et physicam illam transiihstantlati-
sanguis in sacramento altaris sub onem et carnalem, sed sacramen-
speciebus panis et vini veraciter talem et myslicam ; eodemque
continentur, transubstantiatis pa- sensu hanc vocem, transubstan-
ne in corpus, et vino in sangui- tiatio, accipit, quam quo anti-
SECT. II.] Transnhstantiation. 22-3
corresponding to other changes whether natural or
miraculous, or entirely sacramental, spiritual, and inef-
fable ; in fine, whether it be partial or total. Hence
those who employed the term transubstantiation with
reference to the mystical change, might quite consis-
tently hold that the substance of bread was not phy-
sically changed, or that it was only partially changed,
or that it did not cease to exist, or that it was changed
by union with the substance of Christ's body, or M'ith
his soul, or with the Divine nature. All these opinions
are consistent with the use of the term transubstan-
tiation, and all are contradictory to the common Roman
doctrine on the subject.
In fact pope Innocentius himself, in one of his books,
having asserted that " the matter of bread and wine . . .
is transubstantiated into Christ's body," continues thus:
" but whether parts change into parts, or the ivhole into
the ivhoIe, or the entke into the entire. He alone knows
who effects it. As for me, I commit to the fire what
remains ; for we are commanded to believe ; forbidden
to <liscuss "." Thus Innocentius declares that the total
change of the substance is not a matter of faith ; and
he mentions, without ciny condemnation, the opinion of
some who held that the bread and wine remain after
quissimi ecclesise Groecse patres vel sanguis, sed materia panis et
has voces lueraWayi), fierddEaLc, vini mutatur in substantiam car-
fXETueTToi^diodiQ accipiebant." — nis et sanguinis, nee adjicitur
Plato Archbishop of Moscow, in aliquid corpori sed transulistan-
reply toM. Dutens, ffiuvres me- tiatur in corpus. Verum an par-
lees, part ii. p. 171. This re- tes in partes, an totum in totum,
ply is referred to as of authority an totale transeat in totale, novit
by Methodius, Archbishop of Ille qui facit. Ego quod residu-
Twer, in the Preface to his urn est, igni comburo. Nam cre-
" Liber Historicus," Mosquae, dere jubemur, discutere prohi-
1805. bemur." — Innocentius III. De
'' " Non enim de pane vel de Myster. Missa^, lib. iv. c. 7, 8.
vino materialiter formatur caro
10
2-24 Fourth Lateran Synod. [p. iv. ch. xi.
consecration together with the body and blood ". He
reserves the charge of heresy for those who held the
bread to be only a figure of Christ's body \
This renders it very probable, that Innocentiiis in
the synod of Lateran did not intend to establish any-
thing except the doctrine of the real presence. In fact
the question was not then with those who denied the
modern doctrine of transubstantiation : it was with the
Manichseans, who denied the real presence of Christ's
body in the eucharist. Nor M^as the term transubstan-
tiation introduced specially into the decree to meet any
particular heresy; as the term " consubstantial" had
been introduced into the creed at the synod of Nice,
expressly to exclude the heresy of Arius. No one
objected to this term at the council of Lateran : no one
had objected to it before : nor does it appear that it was
disapproved of by any one till centuries afterwards,
when it had been abused by some persons. Hence I
conclude that the term was employed, not with any
intention of establishing a specific view of the real
presence ; but simply as equivalent to " conversion,"
" transformation," " change," &c. which had been em-
ployed before, and continued to be employed afterwards
to express the same thing.
That this was so, and that the whole Western
church believed the conmion opinion of transubstan-
tiation not to be a matter of faith, may be inferred ab-
solutely and conclusively from the fact, that while this
opinion was held by the majority of scholastic theo-
logians till the period of the Reformation, several other
opinions, entirely inconsistent with it, were openly
held and taught by writers of eminence, without any
" Ibid. c. 9. " Ibid. c. 7.
SECT, n.] Tnois/i/jsf(nifi(//i(/N. 2'2.)
condemnation or censure. Durandus a S. Porciano,
about 1320, taught that the matter of bread aud wine
rejnahi after consecration \ Nevertheless he was so
far from being censured, that the pope made him bishop
of Annecy, and afterwards of Meaux ; and lie is praised
by Trithemius and Gerson, the latter of whom recom-
mended his writings to students in the University of
Paris '. Cardinal d'Ailly who presided at the council
of Constance, a.d. 1415, says, that "although catholics
agree that the body of Christ is in the sacrament, there
are diiferent opinions as to the mode. The first is, that
the substance of bread is Christ's body ; the second, that
the substance does not remain, but is reduced into
matter existing by itself or receiving another form,
&:c. ; the third, that the substance of bread remains ;
the fourth, and more common, that the substance does
not remain, but simply ceases to exist "." Thus we see
that the common opinion of transubstantiation was
only an opinion, and that different opinions were held
by " catholics." In fine, the scholastic theologians ge-
nerally mention the different opinions, without imputing
jieresy to those that received them. From this it ap-
pears evidently, that the common doctrine of transub-
stantiation was not defined by the synod of Lateran or
by the Western church : but at all events, as Bouvier,
bishop of Mans, says, after Melchior Canus and many
y Durand. Commentar. in Sent. * See the preface to Durandi
lib. iv. dist. xi. qu. 3. He says, Comment, in Sent. Pet. I,om-
" praedictus autem modus con- bard. Antwerp. ir)G7.
versionis sul)stantiae panis in cor- * Cardinalis de Alliaco in t
pus Christi constat quod est pos- dist. 6, art. 11. citedby Tournelv,
sibilis. Alius autem modus qui De Eucharistia, t. i. p. 2G5. See
coramunius tenetur est intelligi- also Field, Of the Church, Ap-
bilis, nee unus istorum est magis pendix to Part iii. c. 17 ;
per ecclesiam approbatus vel re- Bull's Works by Burton, vol. ii.
probatus quam alius." p. 257.
VOL. II. Q
226 First. Si/nod of Lyona. [p. iv. ch. xi.
other of the best theologians, " When, all circumstances
considered, it remains doubtful whether a council
really intended to define any doctrine, then the decision
is not dejide; for in order that any jiroposition should
pertain to the catholic faith, and be binding on all the
faithful, it is not sufficient that it be revealed and enun-
ciated in ani/ manner ; but it is requisite that it be pro-
posed clearly and without any doubt, by an infallible
authority ^" On this principle the common Roman
opinion of transubstantiation can never be proved a
matter of faith by the decree made in the Lateran
synod.
The decree beginning " Omnis utriusque sexus ","
enjoining annual confession to a priest, and Easter
communion, was merely in a matter of changeable disci-
pline, which a synod of the western church could not
render always obligatory on national churches.
SECTION III.
THE SYNODS AT LYONS AND VIENNE.
1. Innocentius IV. of Rome assembled the first
synod of Lyons in 1245, at which 140 bishops were
present. The pontiff, in the presence of the synod,
which listened in astonishment, pronounced a sentence
of deposal against the emperor Frederick ^. He also
enacted several regulations of discipline. No decisions
in matters of faith seem to have been made. This
synod was not attended or received by the oriental
'' Bouvier, De Ecclesia, p. 236. '' Matthsei Paris Hist. Anglic.
•^ Canon xxi. Harduin. Cone, ad an. 1245, cited by Harduin.
t. vii. p. 35. t. vii. p. 401.
SECT, in.] First Synod of Ijyoiis. 227
bishops and churches, consequently it cannot be ac-
counted oecumenical. It was also not acknowledsfed
as such by the first edition of the synod of Florence ' ;
by the historians Platina, Flavins Blondus, Trithemius,
Albertus Stadensis ; or by cardinal Contarenus*^ in the
sixteenth century ; and although some modern writers
pretend that it was the " thirteenth oecumenical synod,"
" many catholics," as Tournely says, have doubted its
oecumenicity for the following reasons : " First, because
the council of Florence, according to the papal diploma,
is entitled the eighth general council ; so that whatever
councils were celebrated from the time of the seventh
general synod, which was the second Nicene, to the
time of the council of Florence, were held not to be
oecumenical by whoever wrote the title of the council
of Florence, or confirmed it." He also observes that
bishops were not present from all christian provinces,
or even all western provinces, which Bellarmine (Lib. i.
de Conciliis, cap. 17.) regards as the last condition ne-
cessary to a general council when celebrated in the
west. So far from this being the case, no bishops
were present from Germany, Hungary, Italy, Brittany,
Spain, Sweden, Poland. The council of Constance, in
the formulary which it appointed to be subscribed by
the pontiff elected, enumerates the general synods to
that time, but only mentions one synod of Lyons,
which must have been the second synod in 1274, as
being a much greater synod than this. And in fine,
" the authors who speak of it, as Matthew Paris, Al-
bertus Stadensis, Trithemius, and Platina, do not
call it general. Onuphrius, who lived in the six-
• Lauiioii Epist. I. viii. ep. xi. *" Contareni Opera, p. 5G,3.
q2
228 Second Synod of Lyons, [p. tv. ch. xi.
teenth century, first gives it that title ^" Delahogue
also observes that the oeeiimenicity of this synod is
disputed ''.
2. The second synod of Lyons was convened by
Gregory X. bishop of Rome, in 1274 : it was attended
by 500 bishops of the Latin churches. In the fourth
session of the council, the embassadors of the Eastern
emperor, viz. Germanus, formerly bishop of Constan-
tinople, and Theophanes of Nicsea, George Acropolita,
&c. were present; when a letter was read from the
Greek emperor Michael, professing the doctrines of
the Roman primacy, purgatory, transubstantiation, and
seven sacraments. A letter from thirty-five Greek
bishops was also read, in which they expressed their wish
for union, and admitted the primacy of the Roman see '.
The council did not examine or formally approve these
letters, but not judging them to be contrary to faith,
permitted the union of the churches without requiring
the Greeks to add filioque to the creed. The only
decree in faith made by Gregory in this synod was a
definition that the Holy Ghost proceeds from the
Father and the Son as from one principle, and a con-
demnation of the contrary doctrine ''.
This synod was never accounted oecumenical in the
east, the eastern patriarchs and bishops not having
sent any deputies to it ; and whatever consent some of
them gave to the union, having been extorted by the
violence of the Emperor Michael Palseologus, who was
desirous of obtaining the political assistance of the
8 Tournely, De Ecclesia, t. ii, ' Harduin. Concil. t. vii. p.
p. 435, 436. See also Bailly, 694—698,698—701.
Tract, de Eccl. t. ii. p. 379. ^ Constitutio i. Harduin. t. vii.
^ Delahogue,De Eccles. p. 278. p. 705.
Sect. IV.] Synods of Vienne, Pisa, Constance. 229
Roman see '. This synod was not reckoned oecumeni-
cal by the editors of the synod of Florence "\ by Cardi-
nal Contarenus", or by Platina, Nauclerus, or Flavins
Blondus.
3. The same observations apply to the synod of
Vienne of 300 bishops, assembled by Clement V. in
1311 : none of the oriental bishops were present, nor
was it ever acknowledged in the eastern church. This
synod condemned the errors of Peter de Oliva and the
Beghards, and made decrees of doctrine concerning the
nature of our Lord and some other points, which seem
to have been generally laudable " : but it cannot have
any just claim to be accounted "the fifteenth oecume-
nical synod," as it is by some modern theologians. It
was not styled oecumenical by Platina, Blondus, Trithe-
mius, the synod of Florence, or Contareuus.
SECTION IV.
THE SYNODS OF PISA AND CONSTANCE.
1. The synod of Pisa was assembled by the cardinals
in 1408, to terminate the schism in the jDapacy. It
consisted of twenty- two cardinals, eighty-three bishops,
and the deputies of eighty-five more. No decrees were
made in matters of faith or discipline. It is not
usually accounted oecumenical by Roman theologians,
and was never known in the east.
2. The synod of Constance assembled by John
' Barlaam declares that this synod are contained in the liber
■was the opinion of the Greeks. Clemen tinorum, but are mixed
See Raynald. Annales ad an. up with others, which were not
1339, n. 21; Bzovii Annales, made by the synod of Vienne. —
ibid. c. xxiv. Harduin. vii. p. 1359. There
'" Launoii Epist. viii. xi. seem considerable difficulties in
" Contareni Opera, p. 563. ascertaining what the precise de-
° The decisions made in this crees of the synod actually were.
230 Synod of Constance. [p. iv. CH. xi.
XXIII. in 1414, consisted of about 250 Latin bishops.
It decreed that a general council was superior to the
pope% deposed one of the rival popes, obliged the
other to relinquish his office, and elected a new pope.
The only decrees of importance concerning religion
are those condemning Wickliffe and Huss, and approv-
ing the administration of the eucliarist in one kind
only.
In the eighth session (1415,) forty-five propositions
taken from the writings of Wickliffe, were censured as
heretical, erroneous, scandalous, blasphemous, offensive
to pious ears, rash, and seditious ^ The first of these
propositions was, that the substance of material bread
remains in the sacrament of the altar, the second, that
the accidents do not remain without a subject in tlie
same sacrament. Amongst the other doctrines con-
demned are many very erroneous, and even absurd,
positions " ; some however are not so, e. g. the 38th,
* " Ipsa synodus in Spiritu et blasphemos, quosdam piarum
Sancto congregata legitime, gene- aurium ofFensivos, nonnullos
rale concilium faciens, ecclesiam eorum temerarios et seditiosos,"
catholicam militantem reprassen- — Sessio viii. Harduin. t. viii.
tans, potestatem a Christo imme- p. 302. They also condemned
diate habet, cui quilibet cujus- 260 other propositions selected
cumque status vel dignitatis, by the University of Oxford, as
etiam si papalis existat, obedire heretical, seditious, erroneous, te-
tenetur in his quae pertinent ad merarious, scandalous, or insane,
fidem, et extirpationem dicti — Ibid.
schismatis, etreformationemgene- ' Wickliffe certainly taught
ralem ecclesise Dei in capite et in several serious errors. The
membris." — Sess. iv. Harduin. Apology of the Confession of
Cone. t. viii. p. 252. Augsburgh reckoned the Wick-
^ The decree of condemnation liffites as much in error as the
says, " quibus articulis examina- Donatists, " Satis clare diximus
tis, fuit repertum (prout in veri- nos improbare Donatistas
tate est) aliquos et plures ex ipsis et Wicleffistas qui senserunt ho-
fuisse et esse notorie hsereticos, mines peccare accipientes sacra-
et a Sanctis patribus dudum re- menta ab indignis in ecclesia. "
probatos ; alios non catholicos, — Apol. Conf. August, (iv.)
sed erroneos ; alios scandalosos
SECT. IV.] Synod of Constance. 231
" that the decretal epistles are apocryphal." This
article is now generally received as true in the Roman
obedience. The condemnation of these propositions in
globo, without affixing any particular mark to each pro-
position, renders it impossible to affirm that the synod
of Constance meant to condemn this or that particular
proposition as heretical. They may have only judged
the two first propositions scandalous, that is, likely to
excite disturbance in the church ; and propositions are
scandalous at one time which are not so at another.
The same observations apply to the condemnations of
the thirty-nine propositions of Huss in the fifteenth ses-
sion. In the thirteenth session (1415,) the synod made a
decree that, " since it is necessary to believe firmly that
the whole body and blood of Christ is contained in the
species of bread ; the custom of communicating in that
species only having been long observed, should be
regarded as a law which men should not reject or
change according to their taste, ivithout the authority of
the church^ r The doctrine here somewhat crudely
laid down by the synod of Constance, was derived
from the doctrine of the real presence, combined with
that of the indivisible unity of the person of our Lord
Jesus Christ ; whence they concluded that where hii*
flesh truly existed, there his whole body and blood
could not be absent. Nor has this doctrine been at
any time reprobated by our catholic churches : indeed
it might perhaps be gathered from those words of our
Liturgy, " He hath given his Son otir Saviour Jesus
Christ, not only to die for us, but also to be our spi-
ritual food and sustenance in that holy sacrament," and
from the words of the Article : " In no wise are they
* Sess. xii. Ilarduin. Cone. I. viii. p. 381.
23*2 Synud of Constance. [P. iv. cil. xi.
partakers of Christ ;" thus teaching us, that we receive
in the eucharist, not merely the flesh or the blood of
Christ, but Christ himself, in the unity of his person.
Hence it would seem rash to affirm absolutely that the
reception in one kind rendered the sacrament invalid.
But, this does not affect the question of administer-
ing in one kind only, an abuse which was introduced
throuo-h a misdirected devotion for this sacrament, and
which, in order to obviate certain imagined irreveren-
cies in its use, abrogated the practice which had been
instituted by our Lord himself, and received univer-
sally in the catholic church for twelve centuries. If
such an institution be not obligatory on the church, it
is impossible to prove anything obligatory : and as it
is even still disputed in the Roman churches, whether
more grace is not derived from reception of both kinds \
the church is certainly bound to take the safer side.
It is important to observe also, that the synod of
Constance only prohibited the restoration of the ancient
custom by private individuals, without the authority of
the church : thei-efore national churches are entirely
free from censure, in putting an end to the custom of
receiving in one kind.
These are the only decrees made in the synod of
Constance which concern religion : but we are now to
consider its title to the appellation of an " oecumenical
synod."
This is at once subverted by the fact that the orien-
tal churches were not represented at this synod, nor
* Toumely observes, from Pala- is maintained by Vasquez, in 3
vicini, lib. xii. c. 2. that the part, disput. 215. qu. 80. art. 2.
affirmative was maintained at the and others referred to by him.
synod of Trent by Melchior Tournely, De Euchar. t. ii. p.
Canus, Antonius Ugliva, and 34.
Si^ismuud Fedrius ; and that it
SECT. IV.] Synod of Constance. '233
did tliey ever acknowledge it as oecumenical. The
editor of the synod of Florence, and the pope who
licensed it, also excluded Constance from the title of
oecumenical, as did Cardinal Contarenus. But I pro-
ceed to adduce additional proofs from Alphonso de
Ligorio, bishop of St. Agatha, who is accounted a saint
by the Roman church.
The fathers of this synod, as we collect from him,
were only those of the obedience of John XXIIT, and
did not include those of Gregory XII, and Benedict
XIII. The suffrages were not given separately, but
by nations, which John XXIII. objected to, and Car-
dinal D'Ailly, who was present, proposed a doubt in
the synod whether its acts would not be questioned
hereafter as null on this account. Hence Cardinal
Turrecremata (lib. ii. de Eccl. c. .99, 100), and Cajetan
(p. 1. de auct. Papoe. c. 8.) absolutely assert that those
decrees are of no moment, because the church did not
interfere in making them \
Bellarmine ^ Gregory de Valentia ^ and the ul-
tramontanes generally, only admit the last sessions
of this synod as oecumenical, that is, after the elec-
tion of Martin V. in the forty-first session, a. d. 1417.
It should be observed that the objection of the ul-
tramontanes to the oecumenicity of the early sessions,
on the ground of their comprising the prelates of only
one obedience, affects those sessions in which the doc-
trines of Wickliffe and Huss are condemned, and com-
munion in one kind authorized ; for, as Bailly says, " the
two obediences spoken of were not then united with
^ Alph. de Ligorio Tlieologia tor. lib. ii. c. 19.
Moralis, lib. i. art. 129 — 131. ^ Gregor. de Valentia, Analys.
8 Bellarminus de Concil. Auc- Fid. Cath. lib. viii. c. 7.
234 Synod of Basle. [p. iv. CH. xi.
the third '." Hence the decrees on these matters are
of most dubious authority.
SECTION V.
THE SYNODS OF BASLE, FLORENCE, AND LATERAN.
1. The synod of Basle was assembled in 1431, by
Martin V. of Rome, and continued by Eugenius IV.
It persisted to hold sessions till 1443. This synod
declared the superiority of a general council over a
pope, and in 1437 Eugenius published a bull trans-
lating it to Ferrara, which the synod of Basle refused
to obey, and continued its sessions, in which the prac-
tice of communicating in one kind was again confirmed.
This took j)lace in the 30th session % and Bailly says
that no catholic admits the latter twenty sessions, (out
of forty-five) as oecumenical. The Gallicans admit the
first twenty-five or sixteen as oecumenical. The ultra-
montanes, who reject the entire council ^ receive
none, Alphonsus de Ligorio says, " Louis Du Pin,
who is followed by some other Gallicans, did not blush
to call this conventicle of Basle an oecumenical synod.
To refute their most false suppositions would
require a long and entire dissertation, .... but I reply
briefly, that this convention of Basle by no means
deserves the name of a general council ; and this
appears manifestly from circumstances which are be-
yond doubt. The number of bishops was so small,
that it never could by any means represent the univer-
sal church The decrees were not made by bishops
' Bailly, Tract de Eccl. t. ii. p. t. viii. p. 1244.
289.^ " Bailly, Tract, de Ecclesia,
* Sessio XXX. Harduin. Concil. t. i. p. 471.
10
SECT, v.] Si/nach of Basle and Florence. 235
only, as they ought, but by a multitude of people of
little value, and no authority ^neas Sylvius said,
' Among the bishops in Basle we saw cooks and
stable-boys judging the affairs of the world' Papal
legates were not present, as was essentially necessary.
besides, Eugenius had revoked the council after
the first session, .... the suffrages given in the said
synod were by no means free, as Cardinal Turrecremata
and Euffenius asserted St. Antoninus called this
synod of Basil, ' a conventicle devoid of power, and a
synagogue of Satan.' S. John de Capistrano termed it
' a profane synod, excommunicated, and a den of basi-
lisks.' The bishop of Meaux called it ' a troop of
daemons,' &c. &c. '^ The synod of Basle can hardly be
viewed as oecumenical after all this : besides it was
never known or approved by the oriental churches."
2. The synod of Florence was first assembled at
Ferrara by Eugenius IV. who attempted to translate
the council of Basle thither in 1437 ; but ineffectually,
for only four of the bishops left Basle, and the ambas-
sadors of the christian princes still remained there ''.
The synod of Basle still continued to be recognized as
oecumenical by France, Germany, and other countries.
The rival synod of Ferrara was transferred to Florence,
A.D. 1439, where several Italian bishops assisted. The
Greek emperor, and some bishops of the east, having
arrived for the purpose of uniting the churches, a
decree was made in the tenth session, declaring that
the Holy Ghost proceeds from the Father and the Son ;
that the sacrament is validly consecrated in unleavened
as well as leavened bread ; that there is a purgatory ;
« Alpbons. de Ligorio, Episc ^ Fleury, Hist. Eccl. liv. cvii.
S. Agathse, Theologia Moralis, s. 71. cviii. s. 50.
lib. i. nrt. l;J2, 133.
236 Synod of Florence. [p. jv. ch. xi.
and that the Roman pontiff is the primate and head of
the whole church. This decree was signed by about
sixty-two Latin bishops, including some not yet conse-
crated, and by eighteen eastern bishops, some of whom
signed as deputies of other bishops ^ Thus the whole
number amounted to about eighty — a small number
for a synod pretending to be oecumenical.
The synod of Florence was immediately rejected in
the eastern churches, and has never since been recog-
nized by them. It the west its authority has always
been doubtful, because the rival synod of Basle was
holding- its sessions at the same time, and acknow-
ledged by France and Germany as oecumenical. Car-
dinal de Lorraine declared in the synod of Trent, 1563,
that the university of Paris did not hold the synod of
Florence as oecumenical, because it consisted only of
Italian bishops, and Greeks who were schismatics at
the beginning of the synod \ Launoi says that the
Galilean church does not number it among the general
councils, and cites Cardinal Lorraine to this effect ^.
Hooke and Tournely admit that it is doubted by
some ''.
The decree for the reunion of the Armenians was
made by Eugenius IV. after the departure of the
* Fleury, liv. cviii. s, 39, 40. sum quin Gallus sim, &c. Apud
^ Fleury, liv. clxiv. s. 74. Gallos Constantiense concilium
s " Gallicana ecclesia nee Flo- in partibus suis omnibus ut gene-
rentinum nee Lateranense conci- rale habetur. Basiliense in auc-
lium, quod Leo X. habuit, uni- toritatem admittitur. Florenti-
versalibus conciliis adnumerat. num perinde ac nee legitimum,
Id testati sunt in Tridentino nee generale repudiatur : atque
concilio Gallicani antistites de idcirco Galli de vita potius, quam
Florentine, et Pio IV. Caroli de sententia decedent." — Launoii
Cardinalis Lotharingii opera, Epist. lib. viii. ep. xi.
significavere." He adds the fol- '' Hooke, Relig. Nat. et Rev.
lowing words of Cardinal de t. iii. p. 373. Tournely, De
Lorraine, " Ego negare non pos- Ecclesia, t. ii. p. 309,
SECT, v.] Synods of Later an ami Trent. '2M
Greeks, and teaches the doctrine of seven sacraments,
the character impressed by three of them, the necessity
of the intention of the minister, transubstantiation, and
auricular confession. This decree is held by many
Roman authors not to possess much authority, as it
was not approved by the oriental bishops '.
3. The synod of Lateran assembled by Leo X. in
1512, and attended by 114 Italian bishops, made no
definitions in matters of faith ; and though the nltra-
montanes call it oecumenical, Bellarmine says that it
remained in his days a question among catholics,
whether it were truly so K
CHAPTER XII.
THE SYNOD OF TRENT.
In reviewing the clear and undoubted decisions of the
western synods previously to the reformation, we do not
observe any which compelled the Latin churches to
receive doctrines at variance with those taught by our
catholic and apostolic churches. The synod of Florence
alone, in the year 1439, made a definition of faith, in
which the doctrine of purgatory and the papal supremacy
appeared ; but as I have shown, the oecumenicity of
this synod was doubtful even in the western church.
The synod of Trent, however, in its various sessions
from 1545 to 1563, defined several doctrines as matters
' This is the opinion of Natalis J Bellarminus, lib. ii. de Cone.
Alexander, and many others. — c. 13.
See Fleury, liv. c. viii. s. 103.
238 Synod of Trent. [part iv.
of faith, which we cannot approve ; and although many
of its judgments are laudable, and others admit of a
catholic interpretation ; still there are some which
render all accommodation impossible, while this synod
is acknowledged by the members of the Roman obe-
dience, as oecumenical and infallible.
It is admitted generally now by Roman theologians,
that the only final proof of the oecumenicity and in-
fallibility of any synod is its reception by the universal
church ^ On this ground Bossuet concludes that who-
ever does not acknowledge these qualities in the synod
of Trent is to be accounted a heretic, because all the
bishops, and the whole catholic church, approve and
receive it''. Denying the conclusion, 1 most fully
admit the principle of Bossuet, properly understood ;
and on this principle proceed to prove,
First, that the decrees of the synod of Trent were not
judgments of the catholic church.
Secondly, that they icere not judgments of the Roman
obedience.
If these points are established, it will appear evi-
dently that the decrees of the synod of Trent are not
obligatory as matters of faith on any part of the
catholic church, except in those points where they are
supported by scripture, by the decrees of oecumenical
synods, or by catholic tradition.
I. The synod of Trent was not oecumenical and in-
fallible, because it was not received or approved by
the catholic church : for although it was acknowledged
by the christian churches in Italy, Spain, Portugal,
France, Flanders, part of Germany, Poland, Hungary,
* See above, Chapter VII. Bossuet, in the works of Leibnitz
^ See the correspondence of by Dutens,
CHAP. XII.] S//nod of "J rent. 239
Austria, Dalmatia, and by the Maronites in Syria, and
by some few in South America ; it was rejected or not
approved by the churches and brethren throughout
England, Scotland, Ireland, Sweden, Norway, Den-
mark, part of Germany, Russia, Siberia, part of
Poland, Moldavia, Wallachia, Servia, Turkey, Greece,
the Archipelago, Crete, Cyprus, Asia Minor, Georgia,
Mingrelia, Circassia, Syria, Palestine, Egypt ; nor has
it yet been received by any of these churches. Hence
the synod of Trent cannot possibly have the authority
of an oecumenical synod. If a Romanist reply to
this, that the churches of Britain, and of the east, and
the Lutherans, were schismatics and heretics ; I deny
the fact, for they never separated from the communion
of the rest of the catholic church, nor did they ever
dispute any decrees of the , catholic church " : and if it
be alleged, that they were separated from the Roman
see, the centre of unity, I reply that it was not their
fault ; and if communion Mdth the Roman pontiff be
simply and absolutely necessary under all circum-
stances, then he must be not only infallible, but im-
peccable, which Romanists themselves do not admit.
Therefore as these brethren always constituted a great
portion of the catholic church, their approbation was
essentially necessary in order to render the decrees
of any synod truly binding on the church.
II. The reception of the synod of Trent and its
decrees by the churches of the Roman obedience,
affords no evidence of the judgment of those churches
on the questions then in controversy : for it is certain
that theological opinions were tiniversally prevalent at that
time in the Roman churches, which obliged them to accept
•^ See Part I. ch. ix, x. and Part IT. ch. ii. vi.
•240 Sijnod of Trvnt. [part iv.
ivithout any eicamiiiation or judgment, the decrees of the
synod of Trent.
The synod of Trent possessed all the essentials of a
general synod according to Roman theologians. It
was summoned by a pope: all the bishops of the
Roman obedience (which, according to the opinion then
beyond all doubt universal in the Roman churches,
comprised the whole catholic church), were summoned
to attend. The papal legates presided : the council
proceeded conciliariter, examining and discussing the
various controversies, and deciding by the plurality of
votes : if in most of the sessions the number of bishops
was not large, the latter sessions in which the former
were approved, comprised nearly two hundred bishops.
In fine, the decrees of this synod were formally ap-
proved by the Roman pontiff. Assuming then, what
every member of the Roman obedience believed, that
the catholic church was limited to the papal com-
munion ; the synod of Trent was apparently oecumenical,
according to all the received opinions.
Now it is certain that, during the whole of the six-
teenth century, and till long afterwards, it was the
doctrine maintained by all members of the Roman
churches, that a general council confirmed hy a pope was
infallible ; that its decrees could not be submitted to
examination, or disputed without heresy. It was taught
by the most leading theologians, without any hesi-
tation, that whoever denied the infallibility of such a
synod was a heretic.
I might be content to appeal in proof of this, to the
well known and indisputable fact, that in the sixteenth
century the whole Roman obedience was divided into
two parties ; one of which, the Ultramontane, held the
infallibility of the pope and denied that of general
CH A P. X I f .] Synod of Trent. 24 1
councils independently of the pope ; while the other,
the Galilean, maintained the infallibility of general
councils even without papal confirmation, and denied
the infallibility of papal judgments except when they
were approved by the universal church. But, what-
ever were the differences of these parties, both were
bound by their principles to acknowledge the infalli-
bility of a general council confirmed by a pope ; and thus
all members of the Roman obedience were obliged to
receive the synod of Trent as indisputable and infallible.
They could not, consistently with their belief, doubt
whether its decrees were really conformable to scripture
and tradition : they could not examine them, except
under an invincible prejudice. Therefore their recep-
tion of the synod of Trent was neither an approbation
nor a judgment, properly speaking ; it was a mere im-
plicit submission to the synod, a silent registration of
its decrees.
Every bishop and theologian of the Roman obedience
during the sixteenth century, whose opinions I have
been able to ascertain, held either that the pope or a
general council was infallible. Not a single instance
of a contrary opinion amongst them have I ever seen
even alluded to by writers of any party whatever.
1. The infallibility of a general synod confirmed by
a pope was held at that time to be a matter of faith,
so that he who denied it was accounted a heretic.
Bellarmine says : ''All catholics agree in two things,
not indeed with heretics, but among themselves ; the
first, that the pope with a general council cannot err in
making decrees of faith '^." In speaking of various
'' " Catholici omnes in aliis se. Primo, pontificem cum ge-
duobus conveniunt, non quidem nerali concilio non posse errare
cum haereticis, sed solum inter in condcndis fidei decretis, vel
VOL. H. R
242 Synod of Trent, [part iv.
doctrines as to the authority of councils, he says : " The
first is, that the pontiff even as pontiff, although he
should define any thing icith a gene^xd council, may be
heretical, and teach others heresy, ,&c. ... Of these
four doctrines, the first is heretical^" He says else-
where, " All catholics constantly teach that general
councils confirmed by the chief pontiff cannot err,
either in explaining the faith, or in delivering moral
precepts common to all the church It is to be
held with catholic faith, that general councils confirmed
by the pontiff cannot err either in faith or morals ^"
Cardinal Fisher said : " If any council be assembled in
the Holy Ghost, by the authority of the pontiff, all
persons being admonished whom it concerns to attend ;
I firmly hold that such a council cannot err in matters
of faith ^." Melchior Canus says : " A general council
confirmed by the authority of the Roman pontiff, ren-
ders the faith in catholic doctrines certain : which con-
clusion it is necessary to hold as so undoubted, as to
believe the contrary heretical '\" Gregorius de Valentia
affirms, that when the Roman pontiff has confirmed a
generalibus prseceptismorum," — Fide catholica tenendum est con-
Bellarmin. De Romano Ponti- cilia generalia a Summo Pontifice
fice, lib. iv. e. 2. eonfirmata, errare non posse."
*" Prima (sententia) est, Pon- s Fischerus KofFensis, Asser-
tificem, etiam ut Pontificem, eti- tionis Lutheranae Confutatio, fol.
amsi cum generali concilio defi- 160.
niret aliquid, posse esse hsereti- ^ Melchior Canus, De loc
cum in se, et docere alios hsere- Theol. lib. v. c. 4. " Tertia
sim Ex his quatuor sen- conclusio. Concilium generale
tentiis prima est haeretica." — confirmatum auctoritate Romani
Ibid. Pontificis, certam fidem facit Ca-
' Bellarmin. De Conciliis et tholicorum dogmatum. Quam
Ecclesia, lib. ii. c. 2. " Catho- quidem conclusionem ita explo-
lici vero omnes constanter docent ratam habere opus est, ut ejus
concilia generalia a summo Pon- contrariam haereticam esse cre-
tifice eonfirmata, errare non posse, damus."
nee in fide, nee in moribus. . . .
CHAP, xii.] Spwd of Trent. 24'^
council, the whole church ought to receive its decrees :
" For when will there be any end of controversies in
the church, if when they have been decided by the
church, and the pastor of the church, the Vicar of
Christ, in an oecumenical synod, it may still be lawful
for a private individual to judge the decrees of the
synod by the rule of scripture, that is by his own
dreams of scripture ? . . . Whoever does not acquiesce
here, but chooses to arrogate to himself a further judg-
ment on his judges, and to dispute whether the defini-
tions made by the rulers of the church, by whom the
Holy Spirit willed us to be instructed, are true ; such a
man does not follow, but proudly and contumaciously
transgresses the mode of " trying spirits" prescribed by
the divine law, and is evidently proved to be a heretic^
unless it be altogether denied, that there were ever
any heretics in the woi^ld '." Such has always since
been the prevalent doctrine of the Roman schools.
Launoius cites Bannes, Duvallius, and other theologians,
as affirming that the doctrine of the infallibility of a
council confirmed by the pope is unwersally JieldK Bos-
suet, in replying to a passage from St. Augustine adduced
by the Ultramontanes against the authority of general
councils, asks what is meant by the objection : " Is it
meant that oecumenical councils can err in faith ? Im-
pious ! Heretical ! To be detested by all catholics ** !"
In more modern times Dr. Milner said : " Let me ask
. . . whether he finds any catholic who denies or doubts
that a general council with the pope at its head ... is
' Gregorius de Valentia, Ana- in fide errare possunt? Impium,
lysis Fid. Cathol. lib. viii. c. 7- haereticum, omnibus catholicis
J Launoii Epistolae, p. 156. detestandnm.J" — Bossuet, De-
ed. Cantabr. fens. Decl. Cler. Gall. lib. viii,
'' "An lit concilia oecumenica c. 18.
R 2
244 Synod of Trent. [part i v.
secure from error ? Most certainly not : and hence he
may gather where all catholics agree in lodging infal-
libility '."
The infallibility of the pope was maintained in the
sixteenth century by the following theologians of the
Roman obedience : Melchior Canus, bishop of the Ca-
naries, regarded it as de fide""". Cardinal Bellarmine
affirms that it is the opinion of almost all catholics ".
Gregory de Valentia says it is to be believed with cer-
tain faith °. Suarez maintains that it is a matter of
faith P. Pighius held that it was irrefragable ^ The
infallibility of the pope was also taught by cardinal
Cajetan \ cardinal Hosius bishop of Warmia ', cardinal
Contarenus *, John Eckius ", John Hessels a Lovanio \
Ruard Tapperus ^ James Naclantus bishop of Chi-
ozza ^ Dominic Bannes, Duvallius, Coriolanus, Comp-
tonus ^ cardinal Fisher, Stapleton ', Harding, Coch-
Iseus % Sylvester de Prierio, Gretser ^ besides pope
Leo X. ' and the Lateran synod, which taught this doc-
trine, at least by inference.
' Milner, End of Controversy, '' Jo. a Lovanio Liber de perp.
Lett. xii. Cathedrae Petri potest. &c. c.
"" Melchior Canus, Loo. Theol. 1 1 .
lib. vi. c. 7. "' Tapperus, Oratio iii. Theo-
° Bellarminus, De Rom. Pont, logica.
lib. iv. c. 2. " Naclantus Clugiensis, Tract.
° Gregor. de Valentia, Ana- de Potest. Papae et Concilii.
lysis Fidei Cathol. lib. viii. c. 2. '' Cited by Launoius, Epistolae,
''Suarez, De Fide, disput. v. p. L56. ed. Cantab,
s. 8. n. 4 ' Stapleton, Oper. t. i. p. 706,
^ Pighius, Hierarch. Eccl. &c. ed. Paris, 1620.
lib. iv. * Cochlaeus, De Canon. Script.
■■ Cajetan, De Comparat. auc- et Eccl. Auth. c. xi.
tor. Papae et Concilii. '' Gretser, Def. Bellar. lib. iv.
' Hosius, lib. ii. cont. Brent. c. 2.
' Contarenus, De Potestate " Leo X. Bull. adv. Luther.
Pontificis. art. 28, referred to by Gregory
" Eckius, lib. i. de Primat. de Valentia, Analys. Fid. Cath,
Petri, c. 18. lib. viii. c. 2.
CHAP. XII.]
Synod of Trent.
245
The infallibility of a general council was held in the
sixteenth century by the following theologians. Cardinal
de Lorraine and the university of Paris held it to be a
matter of faith, and the Ultramontane opinion to be
heretical ''. This doctrine was also firmly taught by the
faculty of Theology at Paris ^ by the provincial synod
of Sens in 1528^, by the doctors of Paris, and all the
bishops and churches of France in 1543^; by pope
Adrian VI. ^ Almain ', Alphonsus a, Castro^ archbishop
of Compostella, Jodocus Clictovaeus ^ Thomas Illyricus ',
cardinal Campegius "", Andradius, Driedo ", Matthias
Ugonius, Victoria, Celaia, and the bishop of Bitonto in
the council of Trent °. Of all the Galilean theologians
in this century, John Major alone held that the in-
fallibility of general councils was a matter of pious
opinion ■".
Thus the whole body of Roman theologians in the
^ Launoii Epistolae, p. 158.
ed. Cantabr.
* " Certum est concilium ge-
nerale legitime congregatum,
universam reprsesentans eccle-
siam, in fidei et morum determi-
nationibus errare non posse." —
Sacr. Facult. Paris, in censura
Luth. art. xxii. See Hooke,
Relig. Nat. et Rev. t. iii. p. 394.
^ Harduin. Concilia, t. ix. p.
1936.
^ See Bossuet, Gallia ortho-
doxa, c. xxvii, xxviii.
'' Bossuet, Appendix ad Def.
Declar. lib. i. c. 1.
' Almain. De Auctor. Eccl. c
10. Tract.de Potest. Eccl. c. 15,
16.
J Alphons. a Castro, lib. 1 adv.
Hseres. c. vi.
^ Jod. Clichtovaeus, Anti-Lu-
therus, Paris, 1524.
' Illyricus, Tract, de Potest.
Summi Pontificis, 1523.
^ Campegius, De Auctor. SS.
Conciliorum.
" Andradius, De General. Con-
cil. Auctor. lib. i. Driedo, De
Eccl. Dogmat. lib. iv. c. 4.
° Paolo Sarpi's Council of
Trent, by Courayer, t. i. p. 208.
P Job. Major, Commentar. in
Evang. S. Matthaei, referred to
by Tournely, De Ecclesia, t. i. p.
363, where he also says that
some seem to have doubted the
infallibility of general councils
formerly, as we may collect from
Cardinal de AUiaco, in quaest. in
Vesperiis agitata, t. i. oper. Ger-
son postr. edit. p. 622 et 3 part,
de Eccl. Auctor. c. i ; also from
Joannes Breviscoxa, Doctore Pa-
risiens. Tract, de Fide Ecclesiae,
Rom. Pont, et Cone, general, t. i.
oper. Gerson, p. 898. He also re-
fers to Waldensis.
246 Si/nod of Trent. [part i v.
sixteenth century, held the infallibility of either the
pope or a general council ; and these different opinions
were not then first invented, but had been held by the
majority of the Latin theologians for two or three
centuries. The Ultramontane opinion had been re-
ceived by St. Anselm '', Robertus Paululus, J. Semeca
the author of the glossa ordinaria on Gratian's De-
cretum \ by Jacobus de Thermos \ Augustinus Tri-
umphans \ Alexander Halensis ", by Thomas Aquinas
" the angelical doctor %" cardinal Turrecremata ^, Tho-
mas Waldensis% Antoninus of Padua (who held it to
be de fide), John Capistran, and many others. The
Gallican opinion had been held by Michael de Csesena^
in the fourteenth century, by cardinal Peter d'Ailly,
Gerson ', Dionysius Carthusianus ^ Nicholas de Cle-
mangis, ^Eneas Sylvius before he was raised to the
papal throne, Alphonsus Tostatus, Nicholas de Cusa.
'I Anselm. p. 41. 391. 430. pertinet editio symboli, ad cujus
oper. ed. Paris. 1675. authoritatem pertinet^wa/i/er c?c-
•■ Glossa in 24 qu. 1, voce terminare ea quce sunt jidei ut ah
quotiens ratio fidei. omnibus inconcussa fide tenean-
^ Tissier, Biblioth. Cisterc. t. tur : hoc autem pertinet ad au-
iv. p. 261, thoritatem sumnii Pontificis, ad
' Augustinus Triumphans, quern majo'es et difficiliores ec-
Summa qu. i. art. i. qu. vi. art. clesife quaestiones referuntur, ut
vi. qu. X. art. i. iv. dicitur in Decreto, dist. 17. c.
" " Apud Summuni Pontificem multis," &c. — Aquinas, Secunda
est authoritas plena : cujus sane- Secundse, qu. i. art. x.
tioni contradicere npn licet: sicut * Joh. de Turrecremata, Sum-
habetur 11 di. . . Anathemate in- ma, lib. ii. c. 109, 110. lib. iii. c.
nodatur, qui dogmata, mandata. 58.
interdicta, sanctiones, vel cjetera "" Thomas Waldensis, Doctri-
pro Catholicafide, vel ecclesias- nale Fidei, lib. ii. c. 47, 48.
tica disciplina ... a Sedis Apos- ^ Michael de Csesena, Trac-
tolicEe prgesule salubriter promul- tatus contra errores Papae, c. 12.
gata contemnit. 25 qu. 2. Si quis ' Gerson, Considerationes de
dogmata.'" — Alexander Alensis, Pace, cons. 4.
Summa Theologiae, pars iv. qu. '■" Dionysius Carthus. Tract, de
32. art. 3. auctor. Papse et Concilii, art.
'■ " Ad illius ergo authoritatem xxxii. fol. 342.
CHAP. XII.] Synod of Trent. 247
It was established by the great synods of Constance"
and Basle ^ and by the parliament of France assembled
at Bourges in 1438 ^
Such were the authorities on which the opinion of
the supreme authority and infallibility of popes and
general synods respectively rested : and hence it is not
to be wondered at that in the sixteenth century the
whole Roman obedience embraced either one or the
other of these opinions.
The opinion that a general council confirmed by a
pope was not infallible, but needed the subsequent
confirmation of the universal church, had been held by
Ockham in the fourteenth century \ and apparently by
Waldensis ^ and Picus Mirandula " in the fifteenth ; but
in the sixteenth, it was only avowed on one occasion
by the parliament of Paris '', and by the Lutherans and
others who were esteemed heretics by those of the
Roman obedience.
Under these circumstances, I deny positively, that
the decrees of the synod of Trent can be regarded
as judgments of the churches of the Roman obe-
dience. They are at the utmost nothing but the
decrees of the pope and 196 bishops assembled at
Trent, not those of the majority of the Roman bishops
and churches. The majority of those bishops and
churches cannot justly be accused of heresy in ac-
'■ Concil. Constant. Sess. iv. etiam concilium generale potest
•^ Sessio ii. errare contra fidem." — Ockham
^ Fleury, Hist. Eccl. lib. cvii. Dialogi, lib. iii. i. tract, iii. partis,
s. 104. Bossuet, Def. decl. cler. c. 5.
Gall- * Thomas Waldensis, Doctri-
* " Ex his, aliisque pluribus nale Fidei, lib. ii. c. 27.
colligitur quia Concilium gene- s Picus Mirandula, Theor. iv.
rale Papa confirmat, et ei aucto- *" Paolo Sarpi,ConciledeTrente
ritatem prsestat. Papa autem par Courayer, t. i. p. 518.
potest errare contra fidem : igitur
248 Sijnod of Trent. [part i v.
cepting the decrees of the synod. The opinions uni-
versally prevalent, prevented them absolutely from
exercising that right, or rather that solemn duty of
judgment and examination, which would alone have
made them fully responsible for the errors which they
received. What the amount of those errors may be
I do not here decide. Many things which appear to
us to be unwisely expressed, and to convey heterodox
meanings, have been explained by eminent Roman
theologians in a tolerable sense. Nor do I here de-
termine whether any thing contrary to the faith be
found in the decrees of that synod : but at all events,
we may believe, that the churches of the Roman obe-
dience did not obstinately and heretically receive the
errors of Trent ; but were compelled to do so by opi-
nions, which though unfounded, were not in themselves
contrary to faith; that they submitted to what they
conscientiously and not absurdly believed an infallible
authority ; that they were only restrained by a reve-
rential though mistaken principle, from investigating
the truth : and while we do justice to their general in-
tention, we may wish that with the spread of more
enlightened and discriminative views of the authority
of the catholic church, they may be enabled to separate
their own genuine and catholic faith, from the opi-
nions which the synod of Trent unwisely intermingled
with it.
The bishop of Mans informs us that " some" of the
Roman theologians " are of opinion that the appro-
bation of the church confers its whole authority on a
general synod ' :" were this opinion generally maintained
' " Qiiidam tamen theologi auctoritatem concilio generali
opinantur haiic ecclesiae (dis- tribuere." — Tractatus de vera
pel See) approbalionem, oninem Ecclesia, p. 234. Cenomani, 1826.
CHAP. XII.] Synod of Trent. 249
by Roman theologians, and were the " approbation" un-
derstood in the sense of a real approbation, a real
judgment with that authority which Jesus Christ has
conferred on the successors of the apostles and the
whole church : and were this principle applied by our
estranged brethren to the synod of Trent and its re-
ception among themselves ; the happiest results to
religion and to the church could not fail to ensue.
Catholic truth could never be impaired by such an in-
vestigation, because even if the synod of Trent were
not regarded as infallible, the great fabric of the faith
would always rest securely on the basis of scripture, of
catholic tradition, of the genuine oecumenical synods
and universal judgments of the church.
Such results however must be rather the object of
wishes and prayers, than of hopes. The creed of pope
Pius IV. which every Roman bishop and priest is
obliged to profess on his appointment to any benefice,
and which comprises an acknowledgment of the synod
of Trent as oecumenical, and a profession of obedience
to its decrees, forms an obstacle to the progress of more
enlightened opinions, so great, that it appears almost
insurmountable. It is this formulary which really
binds on the Roman churches those opinions of which
so many among them would gladly free themselves.
*25() Authority of Provincial St/nods. \_\\ iv. tH. xiii.
CHAPTER XIII.
ON THE AUTHORITY OF PARTICULAR SYNODS, AND
OF THE ROMAN PONTIFFS IN CONTROVERSIES.
I HAVE already shown from scripture % that the suc-
cessors of the apostles in the ministry of the holy
church, are peculiarly authorized to judge in contro-
versies of religion. This power, which belongs equally
to all bishops, is to be exercised not merely in oecu-
menical synods, but in provincial and national synods,
and even by particular bishops.
SECTION I.
OF PARTICULAR SYNODS.
I shall first consider the authority of provincial and
national synods. No one supposes that such synods
are, by virtue of our Lord's promises, exempt from the
possibility of error, even in faith: but it cannot be
doubted that they have a considerable authority, when
they decide questions regularly, and in the mode which
ouffht alwavs to be observed in Christian synods ; that
is, with invocation of the Holy Ghost, prayer for divine
* See above, p. 98. 103, &c.
SFXT. I.] Authority of Provincial Synods. 251
assistance, diligent examination of the question pro-
posed, and perfect freedom of suffrage. There is a
great probability that such synods, consisting of bishops
of the catholic church, will be guided into truth ; for
the Lord declared to his disciples, "Where two or
three are gathered together in my name, there am I in
the midst of them ;" and since " the Holy Ghost hath
made them overseers to feed the church of God, which
he hath purchased with his own blood," it ought to be
piously held that the same Spirit will assist them to
maintain the truth.
Such ought to be the persuasion of christians gene-
rally : but on those who are more immediately related
to the bishops of a synod, as sheep to their shepherds,
as children to their spiritual parents, a special obligation
devolves. For they are not merely bound to view
such a synod with respect, and to extend the best and
most charitable construction to all its proceedings, but
they are obliged to hear and obey its instructions ; for
it is written, " Obey them that have the rule over you,
and submit yourselves ; for they watch for your souls,
as they that must give account '' :" and, as the martyr
Cyprian observes : " Christ saith unto his apostles, and
through them to all ministers who succeed them by
vicarious ordinations, 'he that heareth you heareth me,
and he that despiseth you despiseth me '.' " The faith-
ful are therefore bound to hear and believe their
spiritual pastors assembled in a synod ; and though it
be true, that this does not prevent them from com-
paring the decrees of that synod with scripture and
tradition, and in case of its being in error, from respect-
fully remonstrating; and in case of obstinate error
"" Hob. xiii. 17. * Cyprianus, epist. Ixix. ed. Ben.
252 Authority of Procincial Synods. [i'. iv. CH. xiii.
against faith, from appealing to the catholic church
elsewhere ; yet this opposition is to be undertaken only
under a sense of the peril of grievous sin, if it be not
justified by most clear proof that the synod has taught
what is contrary to the revealed truth. If this be
manifestly proved, there is no obligation in the decrees
of the synod : if it be not, there is no excuse for oppo-
sing them.
The brethren owe obedience to their own pastors,
more than to the pastors of other churches, because the
latter are not commissioned by God to be their ordi-
nary teachers. The apostles, under the influence of
the Holy Spirit having established particular churches,
and given power to presbyters over each church, esta-
blished a special relation between those people and their
own pastors, by which the latter were to " give account"
for the "souls'*" entrusted to their care. Hence it
was obviously contrary to the divine will, that any
pastor should intrude himself on the sphere of another's
vocation. " God is not the author of confusion but of
peace, as in all the churches of the saints ^ :" but all
must be confusion, if each pastor might instruct and
guide the flock of another at pleasure, and each flock
be thus in doubt who was its real pastor whom it
should hear and obey. For this reason the universal
church decreed, that no bishop or presbyter should dare
to interfere with the clergy or people of another juris-
diction, under pain of being deposed or excom-
municated ^.
From this special relation between the faithful and
their own pastors^ it follows, that the decree of a pro-
•> Heb. xiii. 17. Nicen. 16; Sardic. 14. 18, 19;
* 1 Cor. xiv. 23. Antioch. 13. 22 ; African. 54 ;
^ Concil. Ancyr. can. 18 ; Apostol. 16. 36.
SECT. I.] Authority of English Synods. 253
vincial or national synod in matters of religion, ought
to have more weight Math the churches which it re-
presents, than a contrary decree made by a foreign
synod, even though that foreign synod be rather rnore
numerous. For the obligation to hear and obey our own
pastors is certain and imperative, w^hile it is only pro-
bable that a larger synod of bishops may judge more
correctly than a smaller ; since the promises of Christ
to preserve his chui-ch from error, can only be abso-
lutely reckoned on where there is a judgment of the
universal church, morally unanimous ; but do not con-
cern a small minority of bishops assembled in synod.
Hence the decisions of the English synods in 1 562 and
1571, by which the Thirty-nine Articles of doctrine
were made and confirmed, and which were approved by
nearly sixty bishops of our provinces ; these decisions,
I say, ought to have had more weight with the catholics
of these churches than any rival decisions said to have
been made at Trent by a larger synod, especially since
most of those decrees were actually made by a con-
vention of forty or fifty bishops only ; and since there
was much probability, that the bishops who attended
in greater numbers in the last sessions, and who then
confirmed the decrees of the former sessions, did so
without any synodical examination of the question.
And the decrees of the English synods having been
ever since received and professed by all the pastors of
our churches, they still retain their special obligation
on us.
The obligation of the faithful in our churches to
revere the doctrines taught by their synods, appears
from the admissions of our opponents. Delahogue
says, that " the assent which the faithful in every
diocese give to the doctrinal judgments of tlioir l)ishop,"
15
254 Authority of Provincial Synods, [p. iv. ch. xii.
" may and ought to be called/^-w and absolute, although
revocable, because even the deepest persuasion may be
diminished and vanish away, when it is not founded on
an evident motive or an infallible authority ^." Bel-
larmine says : " It is plain that a particular council,
not expressly confirmed by the pope, causes an argu-
ment so probable, that it is rash not to acquiesce
therein''." Tournely, having shown that Bellarmine
and Maldonatus found the authority of provincial
synods on the words of our Saviour, " Where two or
three are gathered together in my name," &c. remarks,
that " it is not lawful for any one to resist provincial
synods on the pretext that they are only particular
councils, and of no infallible authority. Petrus Aure-
lius well explodes this device in his Defence of the
Epistle of the bishops of France, in these words:
* Which of the heretics ever eluded councils of bishops
only on the pretence that they were not infallible ?
When did Novatus, Pelagius, and the many other
heretics who were first condemned in provincial sy-
nods, argue thus ? No one employed this subterfuge,' "
&c.'
II. We are now to enquire into the authority of the
ancient provincial synods, as affecting the universal
church ; that is, whether any of their decrees are
binding on us as judgments of the whole catholic
church. Bossuet, and some other Roman theologians
allege, that the synod of Antioch against Paul of Sa-
mosata, and the synod of Orange against the semi-
pelagians, were approved by the universal church, and
thus are of equal authority with the oecumenical
s Delahogue, De Eccl. Christi, et Ecclesia, lib. ii. c. 10.
p, 108. ' Tournely, De Ecclesia, t. i.
^ Bellarminus, De Conciliis p. 357.
SECT. I.] Heresies condemned hy Provincial Synods. 255
synods^. It seems to me, that the decrees of the
ancient provincial synods are of more authority as di-
rected against heresies, than as positively defining the
truth.
If any doctrine was condemned as heretical by pro-
vincial synods, or even by particular churches ; and the
whole church immediately, and ever after, accounted
those who maintained that doctrine as heretics : the
judgment of the universal church was manifestly
opposed to that doctrine. Thus Victor and the Ro-
man church expelled Theodotus, Artemon, and their
followers, who blasphemously taught that our Lord
Christ was a mere man. Cerdo the Gnostic was
rejected by the Roman church. Praxeas, who first
taught that there was no distinction of persons in the
blessed Trinity, was condemned in Rome and Africa.
Noetus, who held the same heresy, was rejected from
the church at Ephesus. Sabellius, who followed in
their footsteps, was condemned by a council at Rome,
and in Egypt. Paul of Samosata, for teaching that
Christ was only a man, was expelled from the church
by the synod of Antioch ; as were the Novatians, who
denied repentance to the lapsed, by another synod at
the same place. The Eustathians, who blamed marriage
and the use of meats, were condemned by a synod at
Gangra : Photinus of Sirmium, who followed the Sa-
bellian heresy, by councils at Antioch, Milan, and
Sirmium : Apollinaris, who denied that our Lord
possessed a human reasonable soul, by councils at
Rome and Antioch : the Messalians, who esteemed the
whole of religion to consist in prayer, who rejected the
sacraments, and maintained the doctrine of sinless per-
j See above, p. 155.
256 Authority of Pi'ovincial Synods, [p. iv. <:ii. xiii.
fection, by councils at Antioch and in Pampliylia.
The Pelagian heresy, denying original sin, and the need
of divine grace, was rejected by the synods of Carthage,
Milevis, and several in the East ; as the semi-pelagian
was by the synod of Orange.
All these sentences were so far ratified and acted on
in the universal church, that those who held the con-
demned doctrines, were accounted heretics by all chris-
tians : but it does not appear that the i30sitive defi-
nitions of these synods concerning religion, were ever
included by the universal church among those which
authentically and authoritatively represented her faith.
This privilege was reserved to the decrees of the oecu-
menical synods, which have always possessed a single
and undivided authority in the catholic church. When
Gregory the Great professed his adherence to the cecu-
menical synods as to the four gospels, he added nothing
of provincial synods. Vincentius Lirinensis only ap-
peals to the oecumenical synods in proof of the doctrines
of the church. The oath taken by the bishops of
Rome professes obedience only to the oecumenical
synods : nor do the oriental bishops receive any other
at their ordination. In fine, the oecumenical synods
themselves appeal only to the authority of preceding-
oecumenical synods. It appears to me altogether very
evident, that the catholic church has always viewed
the decrees of provincial synods, however laudable and
orthodox they may be in themselves, yet as of an autho-
rity altogether different from that of oecumenical
synods.
With regard to synods rejected by the universal
church, as all the synods of the Arians and other
heretics were, it is needless to say, .that they are of no
weight. Councils also which were met by counter de-
SECT. II.] Papal and Patriarchal Judgments. 21)7
cisions are not of irrefragable authority ; as for instance,
the synods of Carthage, of Iconium, and Synnada, in the
question of heretical baptism, were counteracted by the
decrees of a Roman synod, by the council of Aries,
and by an African synod ; and the question has remained
in some degree disputed ever since. It should be ob-
served also, that no synod held in the east or west
since the division in 1054, can even pretend to repre-
sent the judgment of the universal church.
SECTION II.
THE AUTHORITY OF PAPAL AND PATRIARCHAL DECREES.
The archbishop of Rome being one of the successors
of the apostles, had by divine right the power of
making judgments in faith ; and being bishop of the
principal church in Christendom, and patriarcli of
several provinces, his judgment could not fail to have
more weight in the universal church than that of
any bishop or metropolitan. The patriarchs of Alex-
andria, Antioch, and Constantinople also were so
nearly, if not entirely, equal in dignity and power to
the patriarchs of Rome, that it is difficult to draw any
distinction between the authority of their judgments. It
is clear that no judgments in faith made by the
Roman, or by any other patriarch, since the division of
the Eastern and Western churches, can be in any
degree binding, as representing the judgment of the
catholic church. Previously to that time the decrees
of the Roman pontiffs were, with few exceptions, made
in provincial or patriarchal synods ; and as I have
already observed, such synods have never been held
equal in authority to the oecumenical synods. But at
all events, the decrees of the several patriarchs of
VOL. II. s
258 The XXXIX Articles. [part i v.
Rome, Constantinople, &c. in matters of faith, how-
ever they were made, were never included by the
universal church among those high and sacred decisions
which exhibited the judgment of the whole christian
world. The church indeed viewed with respect what-
ever emanated from such great bishops; examined
their judgments by the light of scripture and tradition ;
approved those that were good, without making them
rules of her faith ; rejected those that were heterodox ;
and, in fine, reserved to scripture, to catholic tradition,
and to the decisions of the oecumenical synods, the
supreme and undivided sway over the belief of all
nations.
CHAPTER XIV.
ON THE ARTICLES OF THE SYNOD OF LONDON, 1 562.
The Thirty-nine Articles of religion were, as it is well
known, agreed upon by the metropolitans, the bishops,
and the whole clergy in the synod of London, 1562.
In the first session (January 19), the most reverend
Archbishop of Canterbury, as Me learn from the Acts,
" proposed that the articles published in the synod of
London in the time of king Edward VI. should be
given to certain select theologians of the lower house
of convocation, to be diligently viewed, examined,
considered, and, as they may judge fit, corrected and
reformed, and to be presented in the next session ^"
* " Ulterius proposuit, qiaod clam aliis viris ex coetu dictae
Articuli, in synodo Londinensi domus inferioris ad hoc etiam
tempore nuper Regis Edwardi electis, ut eos diligenter perspi-
sexti editi, traditi sint quibus- ciant, examinent, et considerent,
CHAP. XIV.] The XXXIX Articles. 259
"These articles concerning the holy religion of Christ,
were treated of, always with previous prayer, on the
20th, 22d, 25th, 27th days of the month of January,
in the collegiate church of St. Peter, Westminster,
and in St. Paul's church, London ; until, on the 29th
of the same month, certain articles of orthodox faith
were unanimously agreed on by the bishops, whose
names are subscribed to them ''." The articles them-
selves are then inserted in the acts, after which
the subscriptions of the bishops follow in this form:
" These articles of christian faith, containing in the
whole nineteen pages, &c. . . . We the archbishops and
bishops of both provinces of the realm of England,
legitimately assembled in provincial synod, do receive
and profess ; and, by the subscription of our hands, do
approve, as true and orthodox ; on the 29th day of the
month of January, in the year of our Lord mdlxii,
according to the computation of the church of Eng-
land ; and the fifth year of the most illustrious princess
Elizabeth ^" Then follow the signatures of both arch-
bishops and all the bishops. The clergy afterwards
ac prout eis visum fuerit, corri- nores sequuntur," S:c. Ibid. p.
gant et reforment, ac in proxima 233.
sessione etiam exliibeant. " — •" " Hos articulos fidei Christ-
Wilkins, Concilia, t. iv. p. 232. ianse, continentes in universnm
^ " De hisce articulis sacro- 19 paginas, &c Nos archi-
sanctam Christi religionem con- episcopi et episcopi utriusque
cernentibns, 20. 22. 25. 27, provinciae regni Anglite, in sacra
diebus niensis Janiiarii tarn in synodo provinciali legitime con-
ecclesia coUegiata D. Petri West, gregati, recipimus et profitemur,
quam in ecclesia D. Pauli Lon- et ut veros, atque orthodox os,
don. domo capitulari, prgemissis manuum nostrarum subscriptio-
semper precibus, tractatum fuit : nibus approbamus 29 die mensis
donee 29 die ejusdem mensis Januarii a.d. secundum compu-
tandem super quibusdam articu- tationem ecclesiae Anglicanae
lis orthodoxse fidei inter episco- mdlxii. et illustrissimas prin-
pos, quorum nomina eis subscri- cipis Elizabethoe quinto." — Ibid,
buntur, unanimiter convenit ; p. 234.
quorum quidem articulorum te-
s2
260
The XXXIX Articles. [p. iv. ch. xiv
subscribed in this form : " Those whose names folloM',
have subscribed with their own hands to the book of
articles transmitted by the most reverend Archbishop
of Canterbury, and the bishops of the province of Can-
terbury, to the lower house of convocation, February 5,
MDLXII."
In 1571 the book of articles was examined, cor-
rected, and subscribed in the synod '' ; and the arch-
bishops and bishops of both provinces enacted canons,
by which all persons obtaining faculties as preachers,
were bound first to subscribe the articles approved in
the synod, and promise to uphold and defend the doc-
trine contained in them, as most accordant to the
truth of God's word^ Another canon enjoined the
same subscription on all persons to be admitted into
holy orders ^ : a regulation which was also made at the
^ Wilkins, Concilia, t. iv. p.
261, 262.
* " Episcopus quisque ante
calendas Septembris proximas,
advocabit ad se omnes publicos
concionatores. . . . deinde delectu
illorum prudenter facto, . • . illis
novas facultates ultro dabit ; ita
tamen ut prius subscribant arti-
culis Christianas religionis publice
in synodo approbatis, fidemque
dent, se velle tueri at defendere
doctrinam earn, quae in illis con-
tinetur, ut consentientissimam
veritati verbi divini." — Ibid,
p. 263. " Inprimis vero vide-
bunt, ne quid unquam doceant
pro concione, quod a populo re-
ligiose teneri et credi velint, nisi
quod consentaneum sit doctrinse
Veteris aut Novi Testamenti,
quodque ex ilia ipsa doctrina
catholici patres et veteres epis-
copi collegerint. Et quoniam
articuli illi religionis christianae,
in quos consensum est ab epis-
copis in legitima et sancta sy-
nodo, jussu atque auctoritate
serenissimse princijiis Elizabethae
convocata et celebrata, baud
dubie selecti sunt ex sacris libris
Veteris et Novi Testamenti, et
cum coelesti doctrina quae in illis
continetur, per omnia congruunt.
Quoniam etiam liber publicarum
precum, et liber de inauguratione
archiepiscoporum, episcoporum,
presbyterorura, et diaconorum,
nihil continent ab illaipsa doctrina
alienum ; quicumque mittentur
ad docendum populum, illorum
articulorum auctoritatem etfidem,
non tantum concionibus suis, sed
etiam subscriptione confirma-
bunt. Qui secus fecerit, et con-
traria doctrina populum turbave-
rit, excommunicabitur." — Can.
de Concionatoribus. Ibid. p. 267.
"^ " Quivis minister ecclesiae
antequam in sacram functionem
SECT. I.] Nature of the XXXIX Articles. 261
same time by the act of the civil legislature^. The
synod of London, in 1603 or 1604, again solemnly
confirmed and subscribed these articles '' ; and enacted
that every person to be ordained should subscribe a
declaration of his approbation of the articles '. In
1634, the national synod of Ireland also adopted them ;
and they were subsequently accepted by the synods of
Scotland and of America, as the profession of those
catholic churches.
The principal questions concerning the articles may
be reduced to four. I. The nature of the articles ;
II. the right of the church to demand a profession of
them from her ministers ; III. the rule by which they
are to be interpreted ; and IV. the meaning of sub-
scription.
SECTION I.
ON THE NATURE OF THE ARTICLES.
In considering the nature of the articles, we must
guard equally against the opposite errors of supposing
that none, or that all of them are matters of faith.
The former error would involve a denial of the neces-
sity of belief in some of the most holy doctrines of
Revelation ; for although the articles be human com-
positions, the doctrine itself which some of them convey
is divine. For instance, the doctrines of the Trinity,
the incarnation, the sufferings, death, resurrection,
atonement of our Lord Jesus Christ, original sin, and
ingrediatur, subscribet omnibus sentiat." — Ibid. p. 265.
articulis de religione Christiana, ^ Act 13 Eliz. c. 12.
in quos consensum estin synodo; "^ Bennet's Essay on XXXIX
et publice ad populum, ubicum- Articles, p. 358 ; Wilkins, Con-
que episcopus jusserit, patefaciet cilia, t. iv, p. 379,
conscientiam suam, quid de illis ' Canon xxxvi.
articulis et universa doctrina
262 The XXXIX Articles. [p. iv. ch. xiv.
other doctrines manifestly contained in the articles, are
matters of faith, taught by Scripture, by the decrees
of oecumenical synods, and by catholic tradition, and
which it would be heretical to dispute or deny. There-
fore to assert that none of the articles contain matters
of faith, would be pernicious and anti-christian.
On the other hand, if it were asserted, that all the
doctrines of the articles are matters of faith, so that
whoever held a different opinion in any point, is to be
viewed as a heretic ; we should not only be obliged to
condemn rashly and uncharitably a large part of the
christian a\ orld, but should be unsupported by the prin-
ciples of the church of England herself, and opposed
to the sentiment of our theologians generally. The
articles comprise not only doctrines of the faith, but
theological and historical verities, and even pious and
catholic opinions.
1. It is historically/ and theologically true, that the
particular churches of Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch,
have erred in faith. It is theologicalli/ true, that the
book of consecration of bishops, priests, and deacons,
contains all things necessary to a valid ordination ;
that the bishop of Rome has no jurisdiction in the
realm of England ; that the Homilies contain sound
doctrine. All these are absolutely certain truths ; but
they are not properly articles of faith, necessary to
salvation, because they all involve questions of fact
and of human reasoning, which are not self-evident,
and on which men may be divided, without doubting
the doctrine of Revelation itself. E. g. If some mem-
bers of foreign churches doubted whether the book of
Homilies does in fact contain sound doctrine, through
some mistake of its meaning in some point ; and even
supposed that it contradicts the revealed truth ; this
SECT. 1.1 Catholic Opinions in XXXIX Articles. 263
would be an error, not a heresy, because the revealed
truth itself would be still believed. It would also be
a scandalous error to deny that our bishops are validly
consecrated, and one which the church could not
permit any of her members to advance ; but if some
persons, over whom she had no jurisdiction, should for
a time fall into this error, imagining, from want of
sufficient information, that some essential rite was
omitted in the English ordinations, there would indeed
be every reason to lament their very injurious error,
but not to esteem them absolutely heretics. In the
same way we should not account the oriental churches
heretical in refusing to approve the expressions in our
creeds of the procession of the Holy Spirit from the
Son as well as from the Father, because, through a
mistake of fact, they suppose that these expressions
interfere with the doctrine of one Principle in the ever-
blessed Trinity.
2. It is a pious, probable, and catholic opi?iion, that
the wicked eat not the flesh of Christ in the eucharist,
because our Lord himself said, " He that eateth my
flesh and drinketh my blood, hath eternal life :" but
since these words may possibly refer to a imrthy par-
ticipation of the Lord's Supper, and since many in the
church have held that the wicked do in ftict receive
the body of Christ, though to their condemnation;
this doctrine is taught by the church of England as
the more pious and probable opinion, not as a mat-
ter of faith, necessary to be believed by all men ; for
this would amount to a condemnation, not only of
the Roman churches, but of the Lutherans, as hereti-
cal ; which has never been the doctrine of this church.
Thus the articles comprehend not only doctrines of
264 The XXXIX Articles. [p. iv. ch. xiv.
faith and morals, but historical and theological verities,
and pious, catholic, and probable opinions.
This is the sentiment of our theologians, Hall %
Laud ^ Bramhall ', Stillingfleet '', Sparrow % Bull ^,
Burnet % Nicholls ^ Randolph ', Cleaver \ &c. who
maintain that all the doctrines of the articles are not
fundamental or necessary to salvation, or articles of
faith.
SECTION IL
ON THE RIGHT OF THE CHURCH TO DEMAND ADHESION
TO THE ARTICLES.
I shall consider first the right of the church to
demand from those who are to be ordained, the ac-
knowledgment of articles of faith ; secondly, her right
to demand from them the profession of the other truths
and opinions comprised in the Thirty-nine Articles.
I. The common obligation imposed on all christians
of " contending earnestly for the faith once delivered
to the saints ^ ;" and their duty of " observing all things
which Christ commanded them ^ ;" of " remaining sta-
blished in the faith as they have been taught " ;" and
of holding no communion with those " who bring not
* Hall, Catholic Propositions, s Burnet, Exposition of
cited by Bull, Works, vol. ii. p. XXXTX Articles, p. 7. ed. 1737.
212. ed. Burton. ^ Nicholls, Commentary on the
^ Laud, Conference, s. 14. Articles.
•^ Bramhall, Schism guarded, ' T. Randolph, Charge on the
Works, p. 348. Reasonableness of requiring Sub-
'' Stillingfleet, Grounds of Pro- scription, 1771.
testant Religion, part i. ch. 2. J Cleaver, Sermon on the de-
' Sparrow, Preface to Collec- sign and formation of the Arti-
tion of Canons, &c. cles, 1802. p. 1.
^ Bull, Vindication of the * Jude 3.
Church of England, Works, vol. ^ Matt, xxviii. 20.
ii. p. 211. ed. Burton. ^ Col. ii. 7.
SECT. 11.] Snhscription to Articles justly required. 265
the doctrine of Christ ** ;" infer the necessity of sound-
ness in faith on the part of those, who are appointed
to be their teachers. The very office of " a minister of
Christ, a steward of the mysteries of God '," " a pastor
and teacher" of Christ's flock \ implies, as one of its first
requisites, a belief in the doctrine of Christ : " It is
required in stewards, that a man be found faithful ^."
He who is to be " an example to the believers in
faith'';" he whose "faith" they are to "follow';" he
whom they are to "obey" as their " ruler ^" in things
spiritual ; ought to be able and willing to witness sound
and uncorrupted doctrine. Accordingly the direction
of the Apostle Paul to Timothy is : " The things thou
hast heard of me . . . the same commit thou to faithful
men, who shall be able to teach others also ^ :'"' and his
direction for the choice of a bishop includes the con-
dition of his " holding fast the faithful word as he
hath been taught ; that he may be able by sound doc-
trine both to exhort and to convince the gainsayers '."
For which reason among others, St. Paul enjoined
Timothy to "lay hands suddenly on no man '"." Hence
arises the right or duty of examining the faith of those
Avho are designed for the sacred ministry ; a duty
which has always been actually fulfilled by the church,
and which all sects likewise acknowledge and act on.
The principle of examination being once admitted,
the particular method is of minor importance. Verbal
or written declarations or professions of faith made by
the candidate ; his personal examination by way of
question and answer ; or the presentation of a formu-
'^ 2 John 9, 10. ' Heb. xiii. 7.
^ I Cor. iv. 1 J Heb. xiii. 17.
* Eph. iv. 11. ^2 Tim. ii. 2.
e 1 Cor. iv. 2. ' Tit. i. 9.
^ 1 Tim. iv. 12. ■" 1 Tim. v. 22.
266 The XXXIX Articles. [i\ iv. CH. xiv.
lary by the church to be subscribed by him, are merely
different modes of attaining the same object, any one of
which the church may adopt as she judges most
expedient.
Thus the church is justified in demanding from can-
didates for orders a subscription to the doctrines of
faith contained in tlie Thirty-nine Articles.
II. Besides the duty of preserving the faith revealed
by Jesus Christ, the church is also bound to maintain
peace and unity among her members.
The prayer of Christ, that his disciples might be
" perfectly one "," and the apostolic injunction, " that
ye all speak the same thing, and that there be no
divisions among you ; but that ye be perfectly joined
together in the same mind, and in the same judg-
ment °," obviously render it desirable that controver-
sies on points which are not articles of faith, and which
generate party-spirit and mutual alienation among the
faithful, should not be permitted to continue always in
the church, diverting the attention of the brethren
from the sacred duties of religion to superfluous and
interminable wranglings. The church has a duty to
christian peace and harmony, as well as to revealed
truth : and in points where the catholic faith is not
compromised, she is bound to adopt measures to pre-
vent, as far as possible, any disturbance among the
brethren. In such cases the church may impose silence
on opposite parties under pain of excommunication, or
if she judges it more conducive to peace, she may
adopt the opinion she judges more probable, demand
acquiescence from her ministers, and suppress all open
maintenance of the contrary opinion, without con-
" John xvii. 11—23. " 1 Cor, i. 10.
SECT. II.] Subscription to Articles justly required. 267
demning those who privately hold it. This power of
suppressing needless disputes is certainly vested in the
church, for otherwise she would be exposed without
remedy to the most imminent danger of destruction
from ignorant and fanatical incendiaries, who, proud of
their imaginary wisdom, and secretly excited by the
evil spirit of earthly ambition, might, in their frenzy,
consummate the most irreparable mischiefs. The
church cannot be without authority even to expel from
her communion those who should obstinately offend
against charity, by maintaining as articles of faith what
are only matters of probability or opinion, and by
charging with heresy those brethren who do not sub-
mit to their ignorant or fanatical dogmatism. But if
she judges it more advisable, in such a case, to adopt
the milder measure of requiring from those who are
admitted to sacred orders, a sincere adhesion to the
opinion she judges most pious and probable ; no one,
except he who is inveterately prejudiced, can deny that
she exercises a laudable and pious discretion. If in-
deed that opinion were contrary to faith, it would be
unlawful either to impose or to adhere to it : but if it
be not opposed to faith, then the church is amply justi-
fied, in case of protracted and dangerous controversies,
in acting as I have described.
Thus the church of England is justified in exacting
from her ministers a sincere adhesion even to matters
of opinion in the Thirty-nine Articles.
Such a proceeding ought to be altogether free from
any imputation of an undue assumption of authority,
or of being calculated in any degree to impair the
unity of the catholic church, or to divide our churches
from those in which different opinions may prevail.
Members of the Roman obedience especially should
15
268 The XXXIX Articles. [p. iv. ch. xiv.
not impute any fault to us in this conduct, because it
has been adopted with much utility among themselves.
Thus the controversies concerning predestination and
grace, which had violently disturbed the Roman
churches, were prudently suppressed by Sixtus V. in
1588, who forbad any disputation on those points
whether in public or private, leaving the contending
parties in possession of their respective opinions. In
the following century, the disputes on the same
subject between the Jesuits and Dominicans, were also
suppressed by Paul V.
The proceedings in the Roman churches on the con-
troversy concerning the immaculate conception, or
freedom of the holy Virgin from original sin, afford a
direct justification of the church of England in the
present point. It is admitted by all Roman theolo-
gians, in accordance with the several decisions of the
Roman pontiffs and of the synod of Trent, that the im-
maculate conception is not a point of faith, but a pious
and catholic opinion. Nevertheless, in consequence of
the violent disputes and disturbances on this subject,
the Roman pontiffs adopted this opinion, and imposed
silence on all who did not believe it, while various
universities and churches exacted from their members
an adhesion to the doctrinCc Thus Sixtus IV. in
1483, having approved the doctrine of the immaculate
conception, imposed excommunication ipso facto on all
who taught that either that or the contrary opinion
was heretical. Pius V. in 1570, decreed that who-
ever should dispute publicly on this question on either
side, should be susi)ended ipso jure, and ipso facto
deprived of every degree, dignity, and administration,
and for ever disabled from the like. Paul V. in 1616,
forbad any one under the same penalties to assert in
SECT. II.] Subscription to Articles justly required. 269
public lectures, sermons, conclusions, or other public
acts, that the Virgin was conceived in original sin.
Gregory XV. in 1622, extended the same prohibition
to discourses and writings. Alexander VII. in 1661,
again approved the opinion of the immaculate con-
ception, which, he says, is adojjted by many celebrated
universities, and by almost all catholics. He renewed
the decrees of Sixtus IV., Paul V., and Gregory XV.,
published in favour of it ; and in addition, declared
that all persons who should interpret them so as to
frustrate the favour shown by them to the said opinion,
or who should dispute against it, or in any way, di-
rectly or indirectly, by word or writing, speak, preach,
or discourse against it, either by assertion, by bringing
arguments against it, and leaving them unanswered, or
in any other imaginable way, should not only suffer
the penalties denounced by Sixtus IV., but be deprived
ipso facto of all power to preach and publicly teach,
and of all voice, active or passive, in any elections ^
Yet the doctrine thus firmly upheld, was admitted
all along to be only a matter of pious opinion. The
obvious justification of these proceedings was, that they
were necessary for the peace of the church. On the
same principle alone, is it possible to justify the uni-
versity of Paris for its continual practice even in the
time of Bossuet, of exacting an oath from every person
who was to be received into the faculty of theology, to
uphold the doctrine of the immaculate conception ^ :
* See Hoornbeeck, Examen Scholastica, Tract, de Peccat.
BullEeUrb. VIII. p. 250, &c. ed. Origin, t. vii. p. 142—160. ed.
1631. All the above particulars 1752.
are stated by Ligorio, Theologia '' See Richerius, Hist. Coiic.
Moralis, lib. vii. c. ii. n. 244 — Gen. lib. iii. p. 124, 125. 129 ;
263 ; and by Eusebitis Amort, Bossuet, Q^uvres, t. xv. p. 20.
Theologia Eclectica, Moralis, et
270 The XXXIX Articles. [p. iv. ch. xiv.
a rule which in the Spanish universities is extended to
every graduate, and which is even enforced in all cor-
porations and guilds, civil and religious, on the admis-
sion of new members \ The Roman churches in sanc-
tioning these practices, evince their belief that it is
lawful to require assent to a pious and probable opi-
nion, provided it is not imposed as an article of
faith. Bossuet justifies the oath prescribed by the
faculty of theology at Paris, only as implying a pro-
mise to hold the opinion of the immaculate concep-
tion as tJie more probable, or at most, as theologically
certain '^.
Hence altogether it is evident, that the Romans
cannot object to the princii^le of requiring adhesions to
pious and catholic opinions, when the peace of the
church would otherwise be endangered.
III. If the church has a right to suppress disturb-
ances within her borders, by exacting adhesions to
pious and catholic opinions, she has still more right to
prescribe the adoj^tion of theological verities certainly/
true : more especially, if the denial of those verities in-
volves condemnation of herself as heretical or sinful,
ojiposition to her legitimate regulations for the welfare
of religion, denial of her rightful authority, or infringe-
ment of those liberties which she holds immediately
from our Lord Jesus Christ. If the denial of certain
truths, not actually revealed, lead to these results ; and
if there be imminent danger of the growth of doctrines
so injurious, then the church is bound to take effectual
•^ See Doblado's Letters from ther discussion of these difficul-
Spain, p. 25. ties see Launoii Prsescriptiones
'' Bossuet, CEuvres, t. xxxviii. de Conceptu B. Marise Virg.
p. SIT) — o20, where he meets Opera, t. i. ed. Colon. Allobr.
the difficulties as to this oath 1731.
raised by M. Bertin. For a fur-
SECT. II.] Subscription to Articles justlij required. 271
measures for the suppression of controversies on these
points within her own borders, in order that the cause
of equity, of truth, and of enlightened piety may be
sustained, and that the souls of the faithful may not
be needlessly disturbed, and their piety scandalized by
rash and dangerous disputations. And still more is
she bound to see, that those who are weak and infirm
in the faith, and who have not their senses exercised
to discern good and evil, shall not be caused to fall
away from the catholic church into schism or heresy,
by the unsettled doctrine of any of her own ministers.
To apply this to our articles of religion. If any one
asserted the infallibility of the Roman church, he
would necessarily condemn these catholic churches as
heretical, because they do not receive all points which
the Roman church has decided. If he asserted the
jurisdiction of the Roman pontiff over the church of
England, he would infringe the rights of that church,
besides condemning her for resuming the powers
which she had delegated to the Roman patriarch. If
he asserted the doctrine of purgatory, the worship of
images, &c. he would render nugatory the regulations
of these catholic churches in such points ; besides
charging them with error or heresy, and doing an in-
jury to sound and pure religion. If he denied the
power of national churches to ordain and change rites
and ceremonies, he would deny the lawfulness of our
existing worship, &c. If the validity of the form of
ordination was disputed or doubted, the minds of the
faithful would be needlessly disturbed. I might pro-
ceed to show that the same evil results arise from con-
tradictions to the other theological verities contained in
the articles : and it is plain that these are results of
such a kind as no branch of the catholic church could
27-2 The XXXIX Articles. [i'. iv. CH. xrv.
permit her own ministers to bring about. For this
reason the church of England most justly requires all
who are to minister in sacred things, to profess sin-
cerely the theological verities contained in the Thirty-
nine Articles, which are essentially necessary to her
own peace, security, and liberty. And on the same
principle she denounces excommunication ipso facto
against any even of her lay members, who shall pre-
sume to disturb the peace of the church by asserting
that any of her articles are superstitious or erroneous '.
It is not from any hostility to other churches, nor
from any fretful jealousy of her rights, that she provides
against foreign aggressions on her liberty ; but in obe-
dience to the apostolic precept, " stand fast therefore
in the liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free V
and admonished by the apostle's conduct to those
" false brethren unawares brought in, who came in
privily to spy out our liberty which we have in Christ
Jesus, that they might bring us into bondage." " To
whom," says the apostle, " ive gave place hy subjection,
no, not for an hour, that the truth of the gospel might
continue with you ^T We are fully persuaded by ex-
perience, of the W'isdom of the holy synod of Nice,
which decreed that " ancient customs should be re-
tained," and " the privileges of churches be preserved ^ ;"
and of the accordant judgment of the holy synod of
Ephesus, that " every church should preserve the rights
which it possessed from the beginning" ..." lest the
® Canon v. a.d. 1603. Du ostendi posset exemplis." — De
Pin says: "Siprivatus quispiam Antiq. Eccl. Discipl. p. 268. ed.
adversus plurium ecclesiarum l(i86. ,
aut etiam adversus ecclesiae suae ^ Gal. v. 1.
eonsuetudinem insurgat, merito s (Jal. ii. 4, 5.
punitur et excommunicatur, ac '' Canon vi. Harduin. Cone. t.
schismaticus audit, ut sexcentis i. p. 32o.
SECT. II.] Siihs^criptioii to Artlch's jiiHth/ rcfpdred. 27o
canons of the fathers be transgressed, and the pride of
worklly domination shoukl come in under the guise of
the sacred ministry ; and lest we should imperceptibly
lose the liberty which our Lord Jesus Christ purchased
for us with his own blood '."
But I proceed to show, that the principle of exacting
adhesions to doctrines such as I have mentioned, is
also adopted by the Roman churches. The Ultra-
montane churches required their instructors to main-
tain the Ultramontane doctrines : the Galilean im-
posed the Galilean doctrines on theirs. De Barral
archbishop of Tours says, that Almain, who lived at the
end of the fifteenth century, testifies that, "as at Rome
no one was permitted publicly to sustain the doctrine
of the school of Paris, so in the Sorbonne it was not
allowed to defend that of the Ultramontanes ^." He
afterwards speaks thus : " At the end of the fifteenth
and the beginning of the sixteenth century, the laws of
a strict and rigorous policy prohibited at Rome the
maintenance of the doctrine of the school of Paris,
Mdiile at the Sorbonne it was not permitted to sustain
the Ultramontane opinions. I say laws of policy, and
of a policy purely temporal, although at Rome they
emanated from the authority of the sovereign pontiff;
for the laws of the church permitted equally the main-
tenance of the two opinions, neither of which was re-
garded as contrary to the dogmas of the catholic
church. These laws of temporal policy are known to
us by the uniform testimony of the contemporary
theologians, particularly James Almain and John
Major, from whom passages have been cited. The
' Decretum de Episcopis Cypri. bertes de I'Eglise Gallic.ine, p.
—Harduin. t. i. p. 1619. 77. ed. 1817.
J De Barral, Defense des Li-
VOL. II. T
'274 The XXXIX Articles. [p. iv. ch. xiv.
canonist Navarrus informs us, that at the end of the
sixteenth century these laws subsisted in all their
force, since, in his time, one of these opinions was
maintained e.vcluswelij at Paris, and the other at Rome.
In good faith, does the anonymous writer think, that
under the pontificate of Innocent XI. it would have
been lawful for a Roman theologian to teach or sustain
publicly that the popes are not infallible nor superior
to general councils? Let him only recollect the in-
terdict signified to the Pere Buhy by this inflexible
pope, for having sustained at Paris propositions incon-
testibly true, or at least evidently tolerated by the
church *"."
There cannot be any doubt of the truth of these
statements : and thus we find that while in the Roman
church no one was permitted to infringe the supposed
privileges of the Roman pontiff by denying his infalli-
bility, his superiority to general councils, &c. ; the
opposite doctrines were equally prohibited in the Gal-
ilean church, lest her rights and liberties should be
exposed to invasion by the popes. Therefore the
church of England is equally justified in prohibiting
the maintenance of doctrines which tend to the sub-
version of her liberties or maxims : and whether this
be done by simple injunction, or by demanding the
profession of the true doctrine on these points, is
merely a question as to the mode of effecting her ob-
ject, not as to the object itself.
But the conduct of the Galilean church in the se-
venteenth century affords a precise parallel to that of
the English in the preceding century. The Roman
pontiffs having shown a disposition to infringe on the
" De Barral, p. 171.
SKCT. II.] Gallican Articles. 275
liberties of France, in 1681, f(n-ty bishops, after a
lengthened investigation of all the circumstances,
petitioned king Louis XIV. to assemble a national
council, or general convocation, " in which the church
of France represented by her deputies, might examine,
and adopt resolutions suitable to the important matters
in debate '." " The king, in deference to the request
of the bishops, permitted the general assembly or con-
vocation of all the clergy of the kingdom, and in
consequence ordered the convocation of the provincial
assemblies, in order to give ' the necessary powers to
those who should be deputed to the general assembly,
to examine and deliberate on the matters contained in
the proces-verbal of the assembly of bishops held pre-
viously.' Thus all the ecclesiastical provinces were
assembled, and gave to their deputies, as well of the
first as of the second order, procurations conveying
power to deliberate on all the subjects mentioned.
We see, in effect, by the discourse of the president, on
the day of the first session of the general assembly,
that the deputies are assembled for three things, ' 1° for
the promotion of peace, 2° for the observance of the
canons of the church, 3° to maintain our maxims ; and
that this plan is traced out for them in the procurations
of the provinces.' The desire of all the clergy of the
kingdom for the maintenance of the maxims of France,
was even so formal, that the provinces, ' by an unani-
mous consent, borne in all the procurations, demand
that tlie assembly should labour to confirm the maxims
and the liberty of the Gallican church "'.' "
Thus solemnly convened, and vested with these spe-
cific powers, the general assembly of the Gallican
' De Barral, p. 123. >" Ibid. p. 124, 12.5.
T 2
•276 The XXXIX Articles. [p. iv. ch. xiv.
church met in 1682 ", and after due deliberation agreed
on the celebrated declaration comprising four articles^
which formed the doctrine of their churches ; viz. that
the pope has no power over princes in temporal matters ;
that princes are not subject in temporals to any eccle-
siastical power ; that they cannot by the authority of
the keys directly or indirectly be deposed ; nor their sub-
jects absolved from their faith and obedience, or their
oath of allegiance ; that the decrees of the synod of
Constance concerning the superiority of a general synod
to the pope shall remain in force and unshaken ; and
that those who infringe their authority, or wrest their
meaning only to the time of schism, are disapproved by
the Gallican church ; that the exercise of the papal
power is to be regulated by the canons of the universal
church ; that the ancient customs and institutions of
the Gallican church shall remain unshaken ; in fine,
that the judgment of the Roman see in matters of
faith is not infallible °.
The general assembly having agreed on these arti-
cles, addressed an encyclical letter to all the bishops
of France, informing them of the result of their delibe-
rations, and transmitting the " Articles of their doc-
trine,^' in order that by the unanimous approbation of
all the bishops of France, they may " become to the
faithful, venerable and imperishable canons of the
Gallican church p." The assembly, of which the great
Bossuet was a conspicuous member, thus evidently
expressed its belief that the general consent of the
" " Nusquam visus est in Bouvier, De Vera Eccl. p. 367.
Gallia coetus episcoporum et " See Bouvier, De Vera Eccl.
presbyterorum numerosior, vir- p. 369 ; De Barral, p. 40, &c. ;
tutibus ac scientia commenda- Leslie, Case stated between the
tior, inquit D. de Bausset, in Church of Rome, &c.
historia Bossuet (t.ii. p. 121)." — •" " Rogamus porro fraterni-
SECT. 11.] Gallican Articles. 277
churches of France, would in fact invest these articles
with canonical authority. And those churches, thus
fully aware of the result of their conduct, did in fact,
without any opposition, unanimously approve the four
articles. As the bishop of Mans observes : " All the
Gallican clergy morally subscribed to them ''." Thus
they were invested with the authority of the whole
Gallican church ; and as such all the Gallican theolo-
gians defended them up to the French revolution, and
in 1765, the assembly of the clergy caused them to be
reprinted and sent to every diocese in France '.
Thus far we have seen the ecclesiastical authority of
these articles, let us now see their confirmation by the
state. In 168'2, Louis XIV. issued an edict commandinfi-
them to be registered in all parliaments, universities,
faculties of theology and canon law in the kingdom,
forbidding all clergy, secular and regular, from teach-
ing or writing anything contrary to the doctrine of
these articles, ordering that all persons chosen to teach
tatem pietatemque vestram, re- Romanae synodi patrum consen-
verendissimi praesules, lit quon- tione Constantinopolitanauniver-
dain concilii Constantinopolitani salis et oecumenica synodus
primi patres rogabant Romanas effecta est, ita et communi nos-
synodi episcopos, ad quos syno- trum omnium sententia, noster
dalia sua gesta mittebant ; ut de consessus fiat natlonale totius
iis quae ad ecclesise Gallicanas regnl concilium, et quos ad vos
perpetuo sartam tectam conser- mittimus doctrince nostrce arti'
vandam pacem explicuimus, no- culi, fidelibus venerandi et nun-
bis congratulemini, et idem nobis- quam intermorituri ecclcsice Gal-
cum sentientes, earn quam com- licance canonex evadanl." — Epis-
muni consilio divulgandam esse tola Conventus Cler. Gall, ad
censuimus, doctrinam, in vestris Univers. Eccl. Gall, prsesules.
singulis ecclesiis, atque etiam De Barral, p. 423, 424.
universitatibus et scholis vestras "^ " Omnis clerus Gallicanus
pastorali curse commissis, aut moraliter ei (declarationi) sub.
apud vestras diceceses constitu- scripsif." — Bouvier, De Vera
tis, ita procuretis admitti ut nihil Eccl. p. 372.
unquam ipsi contrariuin docealur. ■" De Barral, p. 3G0.
Sic eveniet ut, quemadmodum
278 The XXXIX Articles. [p. iv. ch. xiv.
theology in universities, shall subscribe the same pre-
viously, and teach the doctrine explained there ; that
where there are several professors, one of them shall
every year teach the said doctrine, and where there is
but one, he shall be obliged to teach it every third
year ; that no one shall be admitted to degrees in
theology or canon law unless he sustains the said doc-
trine in one of his theses. In fine, he exhorts and
enjoins all the archbishops and bishops to employ their
authority to cause this doctrine to be taught through-
out the whole extent of their dioceses ^
Such was the authority of the articles of the church
of France in 1682, presenting a perfect parallel to that
of the English articles in the ])receding century. Both
were made and confirmed by a national church : each
comprised the doctrine and maxims of a national
church : each sustained the liberties of a national
church : each was designed by its authors to be a rule of
doctrine : each was confirmed by the temporal power,
made a part of the law of the land, and to be sub-
scribed by those who were to teach theology. It is
true that the Gallican church did not oblige all the
clergy to subscribe their articles : but she sanctioned
their subscription by those who were to teach the clergt/^
which was in fact accomplishing the same object in-
directly.
Another striking point of resemblance is, that as
the church of England was slandered and traduced as
schismatical, under the false pretence that she put
forward all her articles as matters of faith ; so the
Gallican clergy were styled heretics and schismatics,
and incurred the most furious opposition from the
^ Ibid. p. 419, 420.
SECT. 11.] Galilean Articles. 279
pope and all the Ultramontane party, under the very
same pretence. Bossuet and the Galilean theologians
justified themselves by declaring that " the clergy do
not propose the articles of their declaration as dogmas,
which it is necessary to believe: they propose them
because they believe them certain, conformable to the
common and ordinary doctrine of the Galilean church,
useful to the universal church, and drawn from ancient
sources *." This justified them in the opinion of all
reasonable members of the Roman obedience : but it
is in vain that all our most eminent theologians have
again and again protested the very same thing of our
articles : the old calumny is perpetuated against us by
a spirit of ignorance or malevolence, which seems in-
capable of amelioration. One reason of this distinc-
tion perhaps may be, that the church of England has
not been intimidated or deluded by the outcries of the
papal party, so as to waver in her resolution to uj^hold
her own liberties and the truth : Avhile in France
symptoms of apprehension and concession were mani-
fested. Thus in 1692 Louis XIV. wrote to the pope
Innocent XII. to inform him that he had directed the
execution of the clauses in his decree which had given
offence, to be suspended ". Several of the clergy named
to bishoprics by Louis XIV., and to whom the popes
had refused institution unless they retracted the arti-
cles of the assembly of 1682, at which they had been
present, addressed a letter to Innocent XII. in which
they declared that the articles of that assembly should
be held as ''7iot decrecd\" The expression is equivocal,
* Bossuet, Append, ad Defens. tives, n. ix.
Decl. Cler. Gall. lib. i. c. 1. De * " Quidquid in iisdem comi-
Barral, p. 127. tiis circa ecclesiasticam potesta-
" De Barral, Pieces Justifica- tern et pontificiam auctoritatem
280 The XXXIX Articles. [p. iv. CH. xiv.
and may imply as Bossiiet '", De Barral ^ Bouvier \
and others assert, that the Gallican articles were " not
defined as matters of faith ;" still it was apparently a
concession to the papal power, and has been repre-
sented by the Ultramontanes as a recantation.
Notwithstanding the complimentary expressions of
Louis XIV., however, the four articles " were taught by
professors in all the universities of France, and almost
all theologians who treated of the church in their
writings, maintained them ^" They have ever since
remained the law of France. Bouvier says that, as the
edict of Louis XIV. in 1682, "was not expressly re-
voked, the jjarliaments always considered it as a law
properly so called, even to the beginning of the French
revolution ; and strictly attended to its observance ^."
In the organic articles enacted by the French govern-
ment in 1801, there was an express provision that the
four Gallican articles should be acknowledged by all
heads of seminaries. The same provision was made by
the Emperor Napoleon in establishing the university
of France in 1808^. An imperial edict in 1810,
declared these articles the law of the empire, and
ordered them to be observed by all archbishops, bishops,
universities, directors of seminaries, and schools of
theology ". The Bourbons, on their restoration, or-
dered them to be taught. The French ministers of
the Interior obliged the directors of seminaries to sub-
scribe a promise to teach the doctrine contained in
decretum ceiiseri potuit, pro non ^ Bouvier, De Vera Eccl. p.
decreto habemus et habendum 373.
esse declaramns. . . Mens quippe ^ Ibid, p. 375.
nostra non fuit quidquam de- * Ibid.
cernere." — Bouvier, p. 373. ^ Memoires Eccl. de France,
* Bossuet, Gallia Orthodoxa, t. ii. p. 268.
s. 6. ' Ibid. p. 363.
^ De Barral, p. 354.
SECT. 111.] Interpretation of the Articles. 281
these articles. In 18*26, the royal court of Paris,
declared that they formed part of the fundamental
laws of the kingdom '*. Such in fact was the judgment
of the civil power ; thougli Bouvier, bishop of Mans,
did not see how the Gallican declaration could have
the force of a civil law *■. However, this prelate in
reply to the question, " whether it is lawful to subscribe
this declaration," observes : " First, it is certain, as we
have said, that it is altogether lawful to hold and
teach the doctrine contained in it : it does not appear
therefore, why it should be unlawful to subscribe to it,
not as a doctrinal judgment, but as an exposition of
opinions. . . . Secondly, it is certain that those who
subscribe to it, merit no censure," &c. ' This most
fully justifies the clergy of England for subscribing to
some doctrines which are not matters of faith.
SECTION 111.
ON THE INTERPRETATION OF THE ARTICLES.
That the meaning of a great part of the articles is
clear, is not denied, I believe, by any one : but as some
parts of them are understood differently, it is a matter
of some ijnportance to ascertain by what general rules
we should be guided in their interpretation. It has
been suggested by some writers, that the sentiments of
the compilers of the articles furnish the true key ; but
this view seems to involve us in very considerable
diflficulties. First, it would not be easy to say who
really compiled the articles. The convocation of 1562
may lay a fair claim to this office, because, although
^ La Mennais, Affaires de 379.
Rome, p. 52, 53. ' Ibid. p. 379, 380.
' Bouvier, De Vera Eccl. p.
282 The XXXIX Articles. [p. iv. ch. xiv.
they adopted certain articles of 1552 as their basis,
they examined, corrected, and reformed those articles %
and thus in fact made them their own ; and though
they doubtless agreed in general with those who com-
piled the former articles, they may not have held the
same views on every point. On the other hand, those
who wrote in 1552, certainly composed the ground-
work of the existing articles ; and it may be said that
where their work was not altered, their sense was pre-
served ; or that their sense in general was approved by
the convocation of 1562, and the corrections were
merely in the modes of expression, not in the doctrine
itself. But this is not all : for the articles of 1552
appear to have been based on a body of thirteen
articles, agreed on in 1538, during the reign of Henry
VIII. by some of the English bishoj^s, together with
certain Lutheran theologians, who were engaged in
a negotiation for a more perfect union with our
churches ^ The views of the compilers of these arti-
cles, if known, might probably give a new complexion
to the discussion. Besides this, it is a matter of
extreme difficulty, if not totally impossible, to pro-
nounce what the sense of these respective bodies of
compilers was mdividualli/, when they composed their
articles. We have reason to believe that they were
not all perfectly united in opinion. The majority of
the synod of 1562 probably have left no record of
their individual sentiments on any one doubtful point
in the Thirty-nine Articles. Besides, those individuals
whose books remain, may not have been exactly in
the same mind when they composed the articles, as
* Wilkins, Concilia, t. iv. p. kyns, vol. iv. p. 273. See also
232, 233. Mr. Jenkyns' Remarks, vol. i.
'' Cranmer's Works by Jen- p. xx — xxiv.
SKCT. in.] Interpretatiun of the Articles. '283
when they wrote their books. In fine, it is uncertain
who actually composed the articles of 1552. Several
bishops, as Crannier, Ridley, and Latimer, are said to
have had a considerable share in it, but various other
theologians (we know not how many) were also con-
sulted, and aided in the work \ There is the same
uncertainty as to the compilers of the articles of 1538.
Hence it appears to me, that there can be nothing but
a mere vague probability attained, by deriving the ex-
position of the articles from the sentiments of one or
more theologians in the sixteenth century.
It has been said with more reason, that the true
sense of the articles is that designed by the imposers,
or by the authority which proposes them for adoption
and subscription : and in this opinion, rightly under-
stood, I concur. The question first arises, ' By whom
are the articles thus proposed V First : it is not the
individual prelate who receives subscriptions to the
articles, for he only discharges an obligation imposed
on him by the spiritual and temporal powers. Se-
condly, the clergy are obliged to profess the Thirty-
nine Articles by the act of parliament made in 1571,
which being unrepealed, the power of the state im-
poses the articles : but the state then and now could
not have had any intention of imposing them in a
sense different from that of the church of England.
Thirdly, they are imposed by the church of England ;
for the canon of the synod of 1571, renewed and con-
firmed by that of 1(304, has always since remained in
force ; and therefore the articles are proposed for sub-
scription by the whole church of England. The sense
of the church of England, therefore, is the sense in
•^ Todd's Cranmer, vol. ii. p. kyns, vol. i. p. cvii.
288 ; Cranmer's Works by Jen-
284 The XXXIX Articles. [p. iv. ch. xiv.
which the articles are to be understood, and the church
has always understood them as she did in the sixteenth
century, because she has never, by any act whatsoever
since that time, expressed any change of interpreta-
tion. In still continuing, without remark, the same
law which she enacted in the sixteenth century, she
has afforded a pledge of her retaining the same
sense she then had. How then is this sense of the
church to be ascertained ? I reply first, that the arti-
cles being designed to produce unity of opinion, the
meaning of a large part of them is doubtless plain and
clear, as every one admits it to be. This will, in itself,
furnish one rule for the interpretation of the remain-
der : viz. that it shall not be contradictory to what is
elsewhere clearly stated in the articles themselves.
Secondly, the formularies of public worship, comprising
creeds, solemn addresses to God, and instructions of
the faithful, which have been also approved"^, and
always used by these catholic churches, furnish a suffi-
cient testimony of their doctrine: for they could never
have intended that their articles should be interpreted
in a sense contrary to the doctrine clearly and uni-
formly taught in their other approved formularies.
Thirdly, since it is the declaration of the church of
England, that " a just and favourable construction
ought to be allowed to all human writings, especially
such as are set forth by authority %" it is apparently
her desire, that where any doubt shall remain of her
'^ Synod, 1571. Can. de Con- defiance of the clear and mani-
cion. Wilkins, Cone. t. iv, p. fest orthodoxy, not only of those
267 ; Synod, 1604, Can. iv. formularies, but of our creeds
xxxvi. This rule was violated and ritual. — See Waterland's
by Clarke and the Arian party, case of Arian subscriptions,
who attempted to force an Arian * Preface to Book of Common
interpretation on the Articles, in Prayer, &c.
SECT. IV.] Iiderpretatum of the Articles. 285
real sense, that sense may be always understood to be
the best, i. e. the sense most conformable to scripture
and to catholic tradition, which she acknowledges as
her guides. The very convocation of 1571, which
originally enjoined subscription to the articles, declared
at the same time the principle of the church of Eng-
land, that nothing should be taught as an article of
the faith, except what was supported by the authority
of scripture and catholic tradition ^.
In fine, it appears to be the persuasion of the most
learned men, and it is consistent with the practice of
these churches to suppose, that they have in some
disputed points, especially in the article on predestina-
tion, employed language wdiich is designed to teach
simply the doctrine of scripture, without offering any
decision on certain differences of private opinion : and
this should lead us carefully to avoid imposing on the
articles, any doctrines except what they actually teach,
either expressly or by necessary consequence ; and to
view with charity and forbearance those who may
differ from us on points which have, for many cen-
turies, been debated in the universal church.
SECTION IV.
ON SUBSCIUPTIGN TO THE ARTICLES.
I have above shewn the right of the church to
demand a sincere adhesion to her articles of faith,
doctrine, and opinion. The particular mode in which
this is effected, is by suhscriptmi. It remains to
examine the lawfulness and meaning of this practice.
The meaning of subscription to a body of articles, in
^ See above, p. 2(50.
286 The XXXIX Articles. [p. iv. ch. xiv.
the case of a person at the age of reason, is an acknow-
ledcpnent that the doctrines comprised in them are sin-
cerely those of the subscriber. As the signature of a
letter implies that the letter conveys the sentiments of
the person signing ; as the subscription of a prince to
an edict or a proclamation, attests that it is the act of
that prince; so subscription to articles implies their
entire adoption as the profession of the subscriber. If
any person should accidentally discover a confession of
faith and doctrine formally subscribed by some other
individual, he would infallibly regard it as the confes-
sion of that individual's own belief and persuasion.
The inscription of each apostolical epistle, com-
prising the name of the apostle, and the particular
subscription which was sometimes added % testified
that that epistle contained the doctrine of the apostle.
Thus also the prefixing of the names of bishops to the
synodical epistles of the early synods ^ expressed their
union in those acts. Wherever we find instances in
subsequent ages of subscriptions to articles, the mean-
ing always, either expressed or understood, was that of
a real adoption and approbation of those articles, not a
mere submission to them as articles of peace. At the
first oecumenical synod of Nice all the bishops, accord-
ing to Eusebius, confirmed the faith by their subscrip-
tions ^ Socrates says that they approved and adopted
it ^ and that at length Eusebius of Caesarea agreed
" 2 Thess, iii. 15 ; 1 Cor. ra kqivy) ltloyp.ii'a.
xvi. 20. ^ TavTTjy rip' Ttriariv rpiaicomot
^ E. g. the Synods of Car- p.ii' Trpog toIq cekuoktu) tyinocrav
thage and Antioch in the third re icai 'la-rep^av K-at wc <pr]fTiy 6
century. Evcr£/3toc, ofiofoJi'i'icrayTiQ nal
*= Euseb. Vita Const, lib. iii. ofxocoHiaavTtQ (.ypacpoy. — Socrat.
c. 14. 'EKvpoiiTO h" if^T] Kdi h Hist. Eccl. lib. i. c. 8.
ypcKpij ^i vTro(7T)f^£iu)rreiog etcaarov
SECT. IV.] Import of Suhscription. 287
with the others and subscribed '. The Emperor Con-
stantine had exhorted all to be of one mind and subscribe
the doctrine '. In all these instances subscription is
understood as equivalent to confirmation, agreement, or
assent to the doctrine subscribed. Subscription was
viewed in the same light by those who refused to sub-
scribe to the condemnation of Athanasius, and to the
creed of Ariminum. They believed that it would iden-
tify them with proceedings which they disapproved.
Several persons went into exile rather than subscribe
the decree of the oecumenical synod of Ephesus,
against Nestorius, which was enjoined by the civi)
power ^. In the oecumenical synod of Chalcedon, the
bishops, having approved the epistle of S. Leo, said,
"He who does not subscribe the epistle to which the
synod has consented, is a heretic ^" Flavianus, patri-
arch of Constantinople, was obliged to excommunicate
several monks who refused to subscribe the con-
demnation of Eutyches by the synod at Constantino-
ple '. Subscriptions were exacted to the decrees of
the fifth oecumenical synod against Theodore, &c., when
Facundus Hermianensis complained of the demand of
subscription, " as if," he says, " no one could be a
catholic without pronouncing anathema against Theo-
dore of Mopseuestia ''." In those ages subscription was
always considered equivalent to a real approbation and
adoption of what was subscribed, and therefore who-
* Ourwc "/^a To'iQ TzoXkoiq iraai &c. Baluzii Coll. Cone. t. i.
avvrivtaiv re Kal irvvviriypaypEi'. ed. 1683.
Ibid. '' Actio iv. Hard. Cone. t. ii.
' Ilu^Tac crvyKaTadeffdai Kal p. 418.
vTToypa^fiv To'iQ SoyfxatTi, Kal ' Harduin. Cone. t. ii. p. 234.
<TV[ji(j)(i)ruv TovToii- avToiq irapEKe- ^ Facundus Hermianens. lib.
XevETo. Ibid. iii. c. 1. ed. Sirmond. p. 472.
sSynodicon c. 148. 179. 183,
288 The XXXIX Articles. [p. iv. cri. xiv.
ever objected to the doctrine, refused to subscribe. 1
shall not multiply similar instances.
The forms of subscription to the decrees of councils,
and to formularies of doctrine generally, testify the
same thing. We find, intermingled with the signa-
tures of bishops who subscribed simply, those of many,
who expressed in the very form of subscription their
approbation of the preceding formulary. According to
Socrates, Hosius subscribed the Nicene decree thus :
" I, Hosius, believe as is above written '." A frequent
form is : " Ego N. consentiens subscripsi." The same
form is observed in the signatures to the confessions
of the Reformation. The articles of Smalcald are suc-
ceeded by subscriptions in this form : " All consenting
profess that they think according to the articles, &c.
and that they approve the article, (Sec. Therefore they
subscribe their names ""." The Formula Concordiae ter-
minates thus, " In the sight of the omnipotent God,
and before all the church of Christ, &c, we openly and
expressly testify that this declaration ... is truly our
doctrine, faith, and confession. Sec. ... In it, the Lord
helping us, we will jDersevere constantly to the end of
our lives. Tn assurance of which, with mature delibera-
tion, &c. ... we have subscribed this declaration with
our own hands "." Those who objected to the doc-
trine of such articles refused to subscribe them : thus
^"OfTiog tTTiaKOTvoQ Kovdpovjii^Q sentientes profitentur, se juxta
'unrat'iag, oiiTdjQ ttkttevu) cjq Trpo- articulos . . . sentire. .. . Profiten-
yiypaTTTai. ■ — Socr. Hist. Eccl. tur etiam se articulum de pri-
lib. i. c. 13. matu papse . . . approbare. Ideo
■" De mandate illustrissimo- nomina suasubscribunt." — Artie,
rum principum, &c. . . relegimus Smalcald.
articulos confessionis exhibitaj " " Clara voce et diserte testa-
imperatori in conventu Angus- raur, quod declaratio ilia nostra
tano, et Dei beneficio, omiies de omnibus commemoratis con-
concionatores qui in hoc Smacal- troversis articulis, et nulla pror-
densi conventu interfuerunt, con- sus alia, revera sit nostra doc-
SEcr. IV.] Intport of Suhsrripfioii. '289
Peter Martyr and Zanchius were obliged to leave
Strasburg, because they would not subscribe the con-
fession of Augsburgh, at least, without some limitation.
The Arminians Mxmt into banishment rather than sub-
scribe the doctrines of the synod of Dort, which they
disbelieved. The puritans refused to subscribe the
English articles which related to discipline.
The forms of subscription to the English articles by
the convocations in 1562, 1571, and 1604, all equally
and formally expressed their assent, approbation, and
adoption of those articles as true and consonant to the
word of God. The form subscribed by all the clergy
in obedience to the synod of 1603 — 4, and practised
ever since, even to this day, declares that all the
Thirty-nine Articles are agreeable to the word of God,
and that the subscriber allows them all ". This form
evidently implies an approbation and adoption of all
the Thirty-nine Articles.
It may be concluded, therefore, from the reason of
the thing, and the universal sense of christians from
the earliest ages, that the subscription to the articles
given by the clergy, implies a real and sincere pro-
fession and adoption of the doctrines contained in
them, and an undertaking to profess those doctrines
on all fitting occasions : but it by no means implies
the adoption and inculcation of all these articles as
matters of faith, or obliges us to consider as heretica
members of other churches, who may in some points
differ from them : for that only is matter of faith, which
is clearly proved by scripture and catholic tradition.
trina, fides, et confessio ... in ea, timore Dei et noniinis ipsius
Domino nos bene juvante, usque invocatione, propriis manibus
ad vitas finem constantes perse- huic declarationi subscripsimus."
verabinuis. In ejus rei Jidem, — Formula Concordiae.
matura cum deliberatione, in " Canon xxxvi.
VOL. II. U
290 Autliority of the Church [paut iv.
CHAPTER XV.
ON THE AUTHORITY OF THE CHURCH CONCERNIXG
DISCIPLINE AND RITES.
I HAVE elsewhere shown the lawfulness of instituting
discipline and rites which, though not expressed in scrip-
ture, are not contrary to its precepts ''. It only remains
to consider more particularly the power of the church
to make regulations on such points, and the obligation
of those regulations on individuals and churches.
I. I am now speaking of catholic churches as distinct
from all heresies, and therefore assume all the essentials
of rites and discijiline, transmitted from our Lord and
his apostles, to be preserved. We also suppose that
other general and lawful regulations of discipline have
been transmitted from former times. Supposing that
at any time alterations, not affecting essential points,
are proposed : the first question is, by what members
of the church they may be enacted : that is, whether
by bishops alone, or conjointly with others ?
I reply that bishops are invested with the right of
making regulations in such points, w^ithout the addition
of any other members of the church : for being chief
pastors of the church, and succeeding to the place of
the apostles, it is virtually said to them, as it was to
the apostles themselves, " Whatsoever ye shall bind
on earth, shall be bound in heaven :" " He that hear-
» See Part HI. Ch. IV.
CHAP, XV.] Concerning Discipline and Rites. 291
eth you heareth me:" and "As my Father hath sent
me, even so send I you." And, therefore, as the apostles
were commissioned not only to teach, but to make
regulations of good order : and as they not only exer-
cised this power, but transmitted it to others, (" For
this cause have I left thee at Ephesus, that thou
mightest set things in order '' :") this power was to
descend to all the successors of the apostles. The
same is confirmed by the practice of the universal
church in her oecumenical and particular synods, when
bishops alone most commonly made enactments con-
cerning rites and discipline.
But since the authority of bishops is paternal, and
is not designed to be of the same nature as an earthly
domination, because the apostle says, that they should
not " lord it over God's heritage %" nor have they
" dominion over our faith ** ;" it has always been held
both wise and right, that in making regulations for their
particular churches, they should, if possible, act with
the advice and consent of discreet and holy brethren,
in order that all things might proceed with more grace-
fulness and facility. The faithful in each particular
church are bound to obey their bishop in all lawful
regulations, that is, in those which are not contrary to
the word of God ; by the apostolical rule " Obey them
that have the rule over you and submit yourselves, for
they watch for your souls, as they that must give
account \"
II. May particular bishops and churches make and
adopt regulations in matters of discipline and rites ?
I reply, that this power is originally inherent in
every particular church : and has been repeatedly exer-
ts Tit. i. 5. ^ 2 Cor. i. 24
'^ 1 Pet. V. .3. - * Heb. xiii. 17.
U 2
•292 Authority of the Church [part iv.
cised in all ages, as we may see by the canons of
diocesan synods, and by the various rituals and litur-
gies which still exist in all parts of the church. But
while this power is inherent in particular churches,
they often, by ancient custom or formal enactment,
are united by provincial or national association, and
agree, for many good reasons, to refrain from exercis-
ing their inherent powers, and to adopt uniformity of
rites and discipline. And where this custom has been
long continued, and no valid reason can be assigned
for altering it, there is an obligation of charity on
particular bishops and churches to obey the ancient
rule, lest jealousies and schisms might be excited
by their transgressing it. But where no such rule
exists, particular churches may exercise their natural
liberty.
III. Are provincial and national churches bound by
the regulations concerinng discipline and rites made by
the bishops of more numerous churches, and accepted
by those churches ?
I reply that they are not bound, except when those
regulations are essentially necessary to maintain the
divine and apostolical institutions, to reform abuses
prejudicial to piety, or to preserve the peace of the
church without compromising the christian truth. In
such cases there is, indeed, an obligation to adopt re-
gulations, whether made by general, national, or pro-
vincial synods ; and on this ground we might easily
show, that some regulations adopted by our national
church, are obligatory on the churches of the Roman
obedience. But where there is no such special reason,
the regulations, even of oecumenical synods, in rites
and discipline, are not obligatory on national or parti-
cular churches. Some canons of the synods of Con-
CHAP. XV. J Concerning Discipline and Rites. 293
stantinople, Ephesus, and Chalcedon, were not adopted
by the western churches. In the code of canons of
the universal church, approved by the oecumenical
synod of Chalcedon, are many regulations which were
not practised in the west. More recently we have
seen several of the Roman churches not accepting the
discipline of the synod of Trent, which they acknow-
ledge to be an oecumenical synod. Therefore it is
clear, that the regulations of oecumenical synods con-
cerning variable rites and discipline, are not binding
on national churches except by their own approbation
and adoption of them.
IV. It is very true that the power of making re-
gulations concerning rites and discipline may be injudi-
ciously exercised. God does not always vouchsafe,
even to men of good intentions, the gifts of wisdom
and moderation, and an insight into the practical con-
sequences of things ; and thus He did not interfere to
prevent the introduction of several rites into His
church, which, though arising in some instances from a
spirit of devotion and humility, yet were found by
experience to be prejudicial to piety, and as such were
removed by the authority of our catholic churches. It
is also true that this power may be too largely exer-
cised : and that the multiplication of rites, in themselves
harmless, may become tso great, that the church may
be obliged to prune away their redundancy. This also
was done by our churches in the sixteenth century, as
the preface to the Prayer-book teaches us ^ : for we
should be greatly mistaken, if we supposed that the
church of England meant to censure or condemn as
superstitious, all the rites which she dispensed with at
* " Some are put away, be- in these latter days, that the
cause the great excess and mul- burden of them was intolerable ;
titude of them hath so increased whereof St. Augustine in his
294 Exercise of Discipline. [p. iv. ch. xvi.
that time. Vague and general charges of this kind
would be equally inconsistent with christian charity,
and with the truth.
CHAPTER XVI.
ON THE EXERCISE AND SANCTIONS OF ECCLESIASTICAL
DISCIPLINE.
In examining the general principles of practical disci-
pline in the church, or the mode in which transgres-
sions against faith and morality are to be treated, I
shall first consider the tribmials in particular churches
for the judgment of offences ; secondly, the censures
wdiich they are empowered to inflict ; thirdly, restora-
tion by penitence and absolution ; and fourthly, the
censure of churches by other churches.
.SECTION I.
ON ECCLESIASTICAL TRIBUNALS.
The oiFences of christians against the divine laws of
brotherly love, holiness, and faith, were by our Lord
and his apostles placed under the cognizance of their
particular churches in the first instance ; as we may
easily gather from the following texts. " If thy bro-
ther shall trespass against thee, go and tell him his
fault, &c. And if he shall neglect to hear them, tell
it unto the church ; but if he neglect to hear the
church, let him be unto thee as an heathen man and a
time complained, that they were counselled that such yoke and
grown to such a number, that burden should be taken away,
the estate of christian people was as time would serve quietly to
in worse case concerning that do it."
matter than the Jews. And he
SECT. I.] Ecclesiastical Tribunals. 295
publican ^" " Do not ye judge them that are within f
But them that are without God judgeth. Therefore
fut aimy from among yourselves that wicked person ^"
" Brethren, if a man be overtaken in a fault, ye that
are spiritual restore such an one in the spirit of meek-
ness '." " Of some have compassion, making a diffe-
rence : and others save with fear, pulling them out of
the fire ; hating even the garment spotted by the
flesh ''." These precepts were addressed to the church in
common, consisting of both pastors and people. And
accordingly we find from Tertullian and Cyprian, that
the judgments of causes in the church were attributed
not only to the clergy, but to the brethren also \
The error of the Independents in this point con-
sists in their vesting the whole authority in the laity,
and in insisting on the necessity of their judging per-
sonally in every case. The scripture lays down no
such rule : on the contrary we find that the apostle
sanctioned the appointment of one individual to judge
in a church. " If then ye have judgments of things
pertaining to this life, set them to judge who are least
esteemed in the church. I speak to your shame. Is
it so that there is not a wise man among you ? No
not one that shall be able to judge between his bre-
thren?' Thus churches were empowered to delegate
their power of judging to individuals : and on whom
could this power more properly and reasonably de-
volve, than on those pastors who were made overseers
of the church of Christ by the Holy Ghost : whom the
faithful were bound to obey in all spiritual matters ;
and who were invested with peculiar powers above all
the rest of the brethren.
* Matt, xviii. 15— 17. ' See Uu Pin, De Antiqua
b 1 Cor. V. 12, 13. Eccl. Discipl. Dissert, iii. c. 1.
' Gal. vi. 1. ^1 Cor. vi. 4, 5.
" Jude 22, 23.
'296 Exercise of Discipline. [p. iv. CH xvi.
Since the ministers of Christ, and stewards of the
mysteries of God, were commissioned to teach, and to
be an example of all believers, it is plain that they
were, by the very nature of their office, given the chief
and leading part in all judgments concerning religion.
But it seems that their power went further than this ;
and that they were invested with the inherent right of
judging and censuring, independently of the people,
when ihey judged it necessary. Thus our blessed Saviour,
not only said to the church, consisting of his ministers
and people, " whatsoever ye shall bind on earth shall
be bound in heaven ^ ; but he said to the apostles only,
and through them to their successors in the sacred
ministry, " whosesoever sins ye remit they are remitted,
and whosesoever sins ye retain they are retained *'."
Hence St. Paul alone " delivered Hymenseus and
Alexander to Satan, that they might learn not to
blaspheme ' :" and to Timothy he said, " A man that is
a heretic, after the first and second admonition, re-
ject ''." It was probably by observing these circum-
stances, that christians were induced universally to
devolve the judgment of all causes on their chief
pastors, the bishops of the catholic church, who, how-
ever, usually judged with the advice of their clergy ',
and at length deputed a portion of their power to
their vicars, chancellors, and archdeacons.
The cognizance of the causes of the clergy was
specially reserved to the ministers of Jesus Christ, by
St. Paul, who MTites to Timothy : "Against a presbyter
receive not an accusation, but before two or three wit-
nesses ""," thus constituting him the judge of the pres-
s Matt, xviii. 18. ' Du Pin, De Antiq. Eccl.
" John XX. 23. Discipl. Dissert, iii. p. 249.
' 1 Tim. i. 20. '" 1 Tim. v. 19.
" Tit. iii. 10.
SECT. II.] Ecclesiastical Tribunals. 297
byters at Ephesus. It would not have been decorous
indeed, that the sheep shoukl judge their shepherds,
the children their spiritual parents, those who are
ruled their rulers : and the same principle of fitness and
decency requires that those who preside in every
church should not be judged by the inferior clergy
and laity of their churches, but by those who, like
themselves, succeed to the principal and apostolical
power.
The judgments of particular churches in the causes
of laity and clergy, were not final ; an appeal was
allowed to provincial synods ", and in later times from
the bishop to the metropolitan.
For many ages the judgments of the church were
conducted according to fixed rules indeed, but without
the formality of juridical proceedings. It was not
until the twelfth century, that ecclesiastical jurisdic-
tion in courts proceeding according to the forms of the
Roman law, was introduced into the church °.
SECTION II.
ON ECCLESIASTICAL CENSURES.
The ecclesiastical censures mentioned in scripture
are public rebuke, or admonition, and the greater
excommunication, or anathema.
The former is authorized by the following passages,
" A man that is a heretic, after the first and second
admonition, reject ^" " Rebuke them sharply that they
may be sound in the faith ^" " Them that sin rebuke
before all, that others also may fear '." These passages
" Du Pin, ut supra, p. 248. " Tit. iii. 10.
See also vol. i. p. 66. *" Tit. i. 13.
" Van Espen, Tract, de Cen- "^ 1 Tim. v. 20.
suris, cap. ii.
y**^e^y*.
298 Exercise of Discipline. [p. iv. ch. xvi.
41' authorize not only verbal admonitions, but formal epis-
ir«^ copal censures of books, propositions, and persons.
/i The second censure is mentioned in the following
;^ texts : " If he neglect to hear the church let him be
unto thee as an heathen man, and a publican. Verily,
J I say unto you, whatsoever ye shall bind on earth
' shall be bound in heaven; and whatsoever ye shall
^^ ' loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven ^" " Whoseso-
^^^ ever sins ye remit they are remitted unto them, and
^^/ '^ whosesoever sins ye retain are retained ^" " I verily,
v'** as absent in body but present in spirit, have judged
'- /i*^ already . . . concerning him that hath so done this deed,
^-W/' in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, when ye are
t^ ^ti. gathered together, and my spirit, with the power of
/^^^ our Lord Jesus Christ, to deliver such an one unto
^u Satan for the destruction of the flesh, that the spirit
/^^^, may be saved in the day of the Lord Jesus Purge
/ out therefore the old leaven . . . put mvay from among
' " ' yourselves that wicked person *." " A man that is an
heretic, after the first and second admonition, rejecter
' ^^ « WTq command you, brethren, in the name of our Lord
^ ^*^ Jesus Christ, that ye withdraw yourselves from every
?n.fL^ brother that walketh disorderly, and not after the
/(.^ . tradition which he received from us ''." " I would they
^ were even cut o^that trouble you '." " Some concern-
ing faith have made shipwreck, of whom is Hymenseus
^ and Alexander, whom I have delivered unto Satan,
■ that they may learn not to blaspheme ." From these
passages we learn that the judgment of the church
against an obstinate and impenitent offender, declaring
' z/^^' i him to be as an heathen man and a publican, is ratified
/irf/^i^ ^ Matt. xvii. 17, 18. •> 2 Thess. iii. 6, 7.
^ John XX. 23. ' Gal. v. 12.
y^<i. ^ . 1 Cor. V. 3, &c. '' 1 Tim. i. 19, 20.
; jU^iC ' Tit. iii. 10.
SECT. II,] Ecclesiastical Censures. 299
by God himself: and that he who is rightly excommu-
nicated, clave non errante, is cut off from the way of
salvation : so that unless he receive the grace of re-
pentance, he will certainly perish. The awful nature
of this censure obviously renders it necessary, not only
that the most conscientious diligence be employed in
investigating any case to which it may be applied, but
that its use be sparing, and only in extreme cases '.
The external effects of anathema are, an exclusion
from the sacraments, from all christian privileges, from
all religious intercourse with christians, and from all
other intercourse as far as possible, except between
relations, whose reciprocal duties are imposed by the
Divine law ; as rulers and subjects, parents and chil-
dren, &c.
Since the church is empowered to inflict these penal-
ties collectively, on great and obstinate offenders against
the Divine law, she has also the power of inflicting a
portion of them when the offence is inferior : the
greater power including the less. Hence arose the
other censures, viz. the lesser excommunication, inter-
dict, suspension, irregularity, degradation, all of which
are partial exclusions from christian privileges. The
lesser excommunication consists in a suspension from the
sacraments or offices of the church, in order to bringf
the offender to repentance. It is the opinion of some
persons, that excommunications latce scntentice, or to
be incurred ipso facto, (introduced in the middle ages "",)
are always to be understood of the lesser excommuni-
cation ". Interdict Mas a censure introduced in the
' See August, lib. iv. c. 1. suiis, c. i. s. 4.
Contr. Epistolam Parmeniani ; " Taylor's Ductor Dubitan-
Fleury, Instit. au Droit Eccl. tium, book iii. c. 4. Rule ix.
p. iii. c. 20. p. 618.
'" Van Espen, Tract, de Ccu-
300 Exercise of Discipline. [p. iv. ch. xvi.
middle ages, prohibiting the celebration of public ser-
vice °. Suspension is an interdiction to a clergyman to
exercise ministerial functions for a limited time, and
does not seem to have existed very early in the
church ^ Irregidariti/ is incurred by any clergyman
under suspension who performs any ministerial act : it
consists in an incapacity to receive superior orders, or
to obtain benefices \ Degradation, or deposition, is the
perpetual deprivation of all right to exercise minis-
terial functions, or to possess any privileges or emolu-
ments attached to them '. These are, as I have ob-
served, partial exclusions from christian privileges ; and
the church, which is given the power of the greater
excommunication in cases of obstinate sin, is reason-
ably believed to be invested with the power of inflict-
ing milder censures where there is a probable hope
of amendment. Accordingly the church universal has
exercised the discipline of the suspension of penitents
from the sacraments, and deposition of the clergy,
apparently from the time of the apostles.
SECTION III.
ON PENITENCE AND ABSOLUTION.
The object of the church's censures, being " edifica-
tion and not destruction %" the recovery, not the mere
° See Van Espen, Jus. Eccl. c. 4. the modern canonists
Universum, pars iii. tit. xi. c. reckon only three sorts of cen-
ix ; Tractatus de Censuris, c. sure, suspension, excommunica-
ix ; Fleury, Institut. au Droit tion, and interdict.
Eccles. part iii. c. 21. ■" See Gibson, Codex Tit. xlvi.
P Van Espen, Jus, Eccl. According to Fleury, c. 19, the
Univers. pars ii. tit. x ; Tract, solemn degradation of ecclesias-
de Censuris, c. x ; Fleury, c. 19. tics, which required the assist-
■i Irregularity is rather an in- ance of several bishops, has long
capacity than a censure, but it is been disused in France.
a consequence of ecclesiastical " 2 Cor. xiii. 10.
censures. See Fleury, part i.
SECT, in.] Absolution frmn Censures. 301
punishment of sinners, she must be willing to receive
those who sincerely repent. Accordingly the apostle
exhorted the Corinthian church to receive him whom
she had excommunicated : " Ye ought rather to forgive
him and comfort him Wherefore, I beseech you,
that ye would confirm your love toward him. ... To
whom ye forgive any thing, I forgive also *"."
The sincerity of the offender's repentance was the
only condition essentially necessary to readmission to
the church and its privileges. It was as a test of this
sincerity, that the primitive churches adopted such
lengthened courses of penitence, which, however, were
gradually diminished, and various other tests intro-
duced. Whenever the church judges repentance to be
sincere, she is to restore the penitent to christian
privileges.
To deny the church the power of absolving the peni-
tent, w^ho had fallen into sin after baptism, was the
heresy of Novatian, which the catholic church con-
demns. The power of absolution is proved by the
words of St. Paul above cited, and by the following :
" Brethren, if a man be overtaken in a fault, ye which
are spiritual restore such an one in the spirit of meek-
ness ^" When our Lord Jesus Christ, speaking of the
power of the church to remove an obstinate offender
from her communion, adds, " Whatsoever ye shall loose
on earth shall be loosed in heaven," &c. and where He
declares to His ministers, " Whosesoever sins ye remit
they are remitted, and whosesoever sins ye retain they
are retained," we see the power of absolution and
remission conveyed. And this absolution being the
reversal of excommunication, it brings an individual
who has been anathematized rightly as far as we can
'' 2 Cor. ii. 7, 8. 10. * Gal. vi. i.
302 Exercise of Discipline. [p. iv. ch. xvi
judge, from the state of a heatlien man and a publican,
into the visible kingdom of God.
SECTION IV.
ON CENSURES OF CHURCHES BY OTHER CHURCHES.
Since all particular churches are but portions of one
body, and are not by their constitution designed to be
independent of each other, but to co-operate in bro-
therly love, it is certain that no church can, on pre-
tence of its independency, teach a strange doctrine
different from that of Jesus Christ. In case any
church becomes heretical, the rest of the church is
bound, after due admonition, to reject it from the
christian community by anathema. But when the
offence is not so great, churches have been content to
rebuke and admonish other churches, by withdrawing
one or more of the signs of fraternal communion, with-
out denouncing the extreme sentence of the greater
excommunication.
The sims of external communion between churches,
o
from the earliest period, were chiefly the transmission
of letters of communion, the fraternal reception of
brethren who came with commendatory letters % the
assembling together in councils, and in later times, men-
tion in the diptychs of the principal bishops to whom
many churches were subject. When churches have had
serious contentions, not actually concerning the christ-
ian faith, they have sometimes imitated, in some
degree, the example of Paul and Barnabas, when " the
contention Mas so sharp between them, that they de-
parted asunder one from the other '' ;" and have with-
» Du Pin, De Antiq. Eccl. ^ Acts xv. ;^9.
Discipl. Diss. iii. p. 25.'5.
OB.JFXT.] Censures of Churches. 303
drawn several of the signs of external communion,
without actually pronouncing anathema. It is in this
manner that communion has been interrupted between
the eastern and western churches ^
OBJECTIONS.
I. The tares are to be left " until the harvest '' :"
therefore it is unlawful for the church to expel offenders
from her communion.
Answer. Our Lord speaks not in this place of those
who are manifest offenders, but of those who are false
and hypocritical members of the church, and do not
openly resist God's law. The church cannot excom-
municate such : but when the offence is manifestly
proved, the scripture empowers her to excommuni-
cate.
II. Our Lord did not excommunicate Judas Iscariot.
Answer. He was not a manifest, but a secret offen-
der : and the church was not fully established till after
the death of our Lord.
HI. The church at first could discover miraculously
the truth of any alleged crime ; therefore her acts
then can afford no precedent for later ages, when this
power of discerning has ceased.
Aiisiver. There is no proof that all churches had this
power at first ; and the church may be suflficiently
assured of the truth of any alleged fact by good tes-
timony.
IV. Ecclesiastical excommunications are injurious
to the authority of the civil magistrate. They may in-
terfere with the laws of the land.
Answer. Excommunication, as such, does not affect
temporal rights, properties, privileges, kc. but merely
*^ See above, Part I. c. iv. s. 2, 3. '* Matt. xiii. 30,
10
304 - Exercise of Discipline. [p. iv. ch. xvii.
spiritual or christian privileges, which are not at the
disposal of temporal magistrates.
V. " Ye know that the princes of the Gentiles
exercise dominion over them, and they that are great
exercise authority upon them. But it shall not be so
among you," &c. ' Therefore all authority in the church
is unlawful.
Ansiver. The assumption of authority in the sense
of domination or earthly jurisdiction is unlawful : but
authority, in the sense of power conferred by Christ
himself, is lawful ; and Christ Himself gave His church
the power of excommunicating or expelling obstinate
offenders.
VI. The ecclesiastical courts inflict excommunica-
tions for insufficient causes, or in order to support
their own authority in matters essentially temporal !
Ansiver. It is probable that such excommunications
are null in point of internal effect, because the greater
excommunication should never be inflicted, except in
case of disobedience to the law of Christ.
CHAPTER XVII.
ON THE POWERS OF UNIVERSITIES IN THEOLOGICAL
QUESTIONS.
The right of universities, which possess a faculty of
theology, to determine theological questions, and cen-
sure theological propositions, arises from the very fact
* Matt. XXV. 26. whenever they can be enforced
'' The council of Trent pro- by temporal constraints. See
hibited all ecclesiastical judges Fleury, Inst, au Droit Eccl.
from employing excommunica- part iii. c. 20.
tions to enforce their ordinances,
CHAP. XVII.] Powers of Universities. 305
of their being authorized to teach theology, and confer
degrees in that faculty. This privilege at once invests
them with the right of determining what doctrines
shall, and what shall not, be taught by their members,
and of enforcing their determination, either by refus-
ing: decrees to those who will not undertake to main-
tain the doctrines approved by their university, or by
censuring, degrading, or expelling from the society
those who assert doctrines contrary to its decrees.
These are privileges and powers which have been
exercised for many centuries by all the universities of
Europe, which possessed theological faculties. Nor is
there any unreasonable assumption of authority in
exercising them ; for the bishops, and all the western
church, from the thirteenth century, approved, sanc-
tioned, and recommended such proceedings : and uni-
versities did not pretend by their censures to determine
controversies with the authority of the church, or to
expel offenders from christian communion ; but to
declare their own judgments, and to remove offenders
from their own societies and peculiar privileges, leaving
them finally to the judgment of the church.
Thus we find in 1277, the bishop of Paris, with the
advice of the masters in theology at Paris, condemn-
ing various errors in faith *. Du Boulay mentions
other censures of the university of Paris, in the thir-
teenth century, made either conjointly with the bishop
of Paris or separately ^ In the succeeding centuries
these censures were very numerous, and were held of
^ Bulaei Hist. Univers. Pari- out the bishops, became common
siensis, t. iii. p. 397. 433. in the fourteenth century. Vet.
^ Ibid. p. 24. 548, &c. Tho- et Nov. Ecclesiae Disciplin;i, pars
massin says that the doctrinal ii. lib. i. c. lOi.
judgments of the university with-
VOL. n. A
300 Powers of Unirorsities. [i'art iv.
SO much authority in the church, that tliey ahnost
supplied the place of the judgments of provincial
synods. The censures of the university of Paris are
found in the Avritings of Du BouJay and Du Pin \ and
have been published in several volumes. According
to Launoy, this university exercised invariably the
right of judging in questions of doctrine, and of imposing
its judgments under the penalty of loss of degrees in
case of refusal to recant errors or to sustain the oppo-
site truths '*. They also obliged those admitted to
degrees to subscribe previously articles defined by the
university ^ The same sort of power was exercised
by all similar universities. Thus the writings of Luther
were condemned by the universities of Louvain, Co-
logne, and others, in the sixteenth century.
Universities were also frequently consulted by princes
and others in diflficult questions of doctrine or mora-
lity. Philip the Fair, king of France, consulted the
university of Paris, previously to the suppression of the
order of knights-templars. The duke of Orleans con-
sulted them in 1410, concerning certain theses pub-
lished against his deceased father \ In the same
manner king Henry VIII. consulted the universities
of Oxford, Cambridge, Paris, Bologna, &c. on the
question whether marriage with a deceased brother's
wife was contrary to the divine law. He also con-
sulted the universities of Oxford and Cambridge, whe-
ther the bishop of Rome has, by divine right, any
jurisdiction in England, and they determined in the
negative. The universities were invested with such
" Du Pin, Biblioth. des Aut. ' Ibid. c. Ixi. art. 7.
Eccl. Cent, xiv, xv, &c. ' Bulaei Hist. Univ. Paris, t.
'' Launoius, De Scholis Cele- iii. p. 570.
brioribus, cap. lix — Ixi.
CHAP, xvii.] Powera of Universities. 307
great prerogatives by the vvesterji eliurclies, that their
authority, in all religious questions, could not fail to
be very considerable. They sent representatives to
general synods of the west ^ ; and the universities of
Oxford '' and Cambridge, were empowered to licence
preachers throughout England.
The university of Oxford has exercised her un-
doubted privilege of censuring errors in doctrine, at
least, from the fourteenth century. In 1314, eight
articles of false doctrine were censured by the univer-
sity'. In 1368, several articles were condemned by
the order of the archbishop of Canterbury'. The doc-
trines of Wickliffe were censured by the chancellor
and doctors in 1371, and forbidden to be taught under
pain of incarceration and suspension from university
acts^ In 1411, delegates were appointed to examine
the books of the Wickliffites and select propositions
from them, which were condemned'. In 1425, the
university censured the doctrine of Russell against
personal tithes, and prescribed an oath against it, to
be taken by all persons admitted to degrees'". In
1482, some persons having maintained the errors of
the Mendicants, were deprived of their degrees, and
expelled from the university". In 1530 and 1534,
the questions concerning king Henry's marriage, and
the Papal jurisdiction were determined °. In 1609,
Edmond Campian, having taught that subjects might
^ Launoius, ut supra. ' Ant, Wood, Hist. Univ.
^ The university of Oxford Oxon. p. 152.
received from the pope the pri- J Ibid. p. 183.
vilege of licensinj;^ preachers ia ^ Ibid. p. 189.
1490. — See Wood, Hist. Univ. ' Ibid. p. 206.
Oxon. p. 235. Fuller's history of "' Ibid. p. 21 '- .
the University of Camln-idge, is " Ibid. p. 232.
too brief to enter into such par- " Burnet, llist Reformation,
ticulars,
X 2
308 Powers of Universities. [fakt iv.
lawfully take up arms against their sovereign for the
cause of religion, was comj3elled to retract p. In 1 609,
a person was forced to recant some Popish errors ''. In
1622, many erroneous propositions were condemned'.
In 1647, the solemn league and covenant was cen-
sured. At the end of the same century, Dr. Bury's
Socinian writings were condemned by the university
and publicly burnt, and he was himself expelled ; and
in 1836, Dr. Hampden was suspended from certain
privileges in consequence of the theological errors ad-
vanced in his writings '.
Thus there cannot be any doubt that universities
which possess a theological faculty, have a just and
prescriptive right of censuring the writings, proposi-
tions, and persons of their members, and if needful, of
enforcing their judgments, by demanding subscription
to articles and declarations, or by exacting recanta-
tions, under the penalty of suspension, degradation,
or expulsion.
p Wood, Hist. Univ. Oxon. Vice-Cancellario in qusestionem
p. 315, vocetur, secundum Tit. xvi. §
"I Ibid. p. .317. 11 '• quum vero qui nunc pro-
"■ Ibid. p. 327. fessor est, scriptis quibusdam
^ The decree in this case was suis publici juris factis, ita res
as follows : " Quum ab Universi- theologicas tractaverit, ut in hac
tate commissum fuerit S. Theo- parte nullam ejus fiduciam ha-
logiae professori regio, ut unus beat Universitas : statutum est,
sit ex eorum numero, a quibus quod munerum praedictorum ex-
designantur selecti concionatores, pers sit S. Theologiae professor
secundum Tit. xvi. § 8 ; nee- regius, donee aliter Universitati
non ut ejus consilium adhibea- placuerit."
tur, si quis concionator coram
A TREATISE ON THE CHURCH OF CHRIST.
PART V.
ON THE RELATIONS OF CHURCH AND STATE.
A TREATISE
ON
THE CHURCH OF CHRIST.
PART V.
ON THE RELATIONS OF CHURCH AND STATE.
INTRODUCTION.
Amongst the various questions connected with the
church, few are of more intricacy than those which
concern her relations with the civil magistrate, and
few are of more importance, at least theoretically. In
the present day we need scarcely prepare ourselves to
combat the doctrine of Augustinas Triumphans, Al-
varns Pelagius, Hostiensis, Panormitanus, Sylvester,
Hugo S. Victor, Durandus, Turrecremata, Pighius, Sta-
pleton, Bellarmine, and the modern Ultramontane
party, that the pretended spiritual monarch of Rome
is invested with a superiority in temporals above the
kings and princes of the world ; that he is entitled to
judge, depose, create sovereigns, to exact homage from
them, and to absolve subjects from their allegiance.
This doctrine has been so completely refuted by Bos-
suet % and by all the great writers of the Galilean
''III his gi'eat work, the Defensio Declarationis Clcri Gallicani.
312 Relatio/is of Church and State. [part V.
church, and is so little likely to come into controversy,
that we may lay it aside.
There is more danger in the present day from the
principle of Hobbes, Tindal, and other enemies of
Christianity, who pretend, that religion may be dictated
by the civil power, and that the church is the mere
creature of the state. A learned bishop has observed,
that " Infidelity in later times has been em])loyed in
endeavouring to subvert Christianity, by first merging
its authority in that of the state. Hobbes, in the
seventeenth century, made this the foundation of his
grand attack upon the christian religion ; which he en-
deavoured to subvert, by inculcating that all religion
depended on the civil power, and had no other claim to
respect and obedience than as being sanctioned by the
will of the magistrate. The deists of the last century
almost all argue upon the same principle, though not
so openly avowed. The French revolutionists effected
their diabolical purpose by similar means : and to this
day, scarcely any attack is made upon revealed religion,
which does not proceed upon the implied principle that
religion is purely a creature of the state, a political
engine for keeping mankind in subjection, and which
may be lawfully upholden or overthrown at pleasure,
by the civil power ^"
Another principle equally dangerous and untrue, is
that of Locke, Hoadly, and the modern dissenters,
that the office of the christian magistrate has nothing
whatever to do with religion : that he cannot, without
interfering with the office of Christ himself, either sup-
port the church by law, or protect its doctrine and dis-
cipline : that he ought to treat all religions with a ju^t
^ Van Mildert, Boyle Lectures, vol. i. p. 50-1. 3(1 ed.
iNTROD.] Helatlons of C/itirch ami State. 313
and impartial indifference, and permit the propagation
of heresy even within the churcli.
The doctrine of Warburton and Palej, that the civil
magistrate is bound to establish the largest sect, without
reference to the truth of its faith, is also a very dan-
gerous and erroneous position, which is derived from
the principles of Locke and Hoadly, that the civil ma-
gistrate has nothing to do with religion, and that all
opinions are equally acceptable to God. In fine, the
doctrine maintained by the Ultramontane party amongst
the Romanists, and by the Presbyterians % and too
much countenanced by some of the non-jurors, divests
the civil magistrate of his reasonable privileges in the
church, renders him the mere executor of its decrees,
and is inconsistent with the principles of the Reforma-
tion, the existing constitution, and therefore the general
interests of the catholic and apostolic churches esta-
blished in these realms.
Such are the different opinions between which we
must endeavour to trace the path of truth : a task pe-
culiarly arduous, because, as the learned De Marca,
archbishop of Paris, says, " By the constitution of
things, these powers (of church and state) are in such
close proximity, that it is difficult even for a very wise
man to discriminate in each case their disputed boun-
daries. Certain qeneral rules indeed may be assigned,
by which they may be separated, but many things hap-
pen to be specifically laid before us, which may deceive
the most skilful judges ''."
" Taylor, Ductor Dubitaiit. '' De Marca, De Concordia
p. 545, ed. 1676. mentions their Sacerdotii et Imperii, Prsefatio.
principal writers.
314 Indcpaidcna' of the State. [i'AKT v.
CHAPTER I.
ON THE ORIGINAL INDEPENDENCE OF CHURCH AND
STATE.
I. That the sovereign power in every state is esta-
blished by the divine ordinance, and that it is in all
civil and temporal matters to be obeyed by every wor-
shipper of the true God, is a doctrine most continually
inculcated by holy scripture, as in the following pas-
sages. " By me kings reign and princes decree jus-
tice "." " He removeth kings and setteth up kings ^"
The prophet Daniel says to the king of Babylon,
" Thou O king, art a king of kings : for the God of
heaven hath given thee a kingdom, powei', and strength,
and glory. And wheresoever the children of men
dwell, the beasts of the field, and the fowls of the
heaven, hath he given into thine hand, and hath made
thee ruler over them all "." And our Lord Jesus
Christ in no degree diminished the dignity or power of
temporal rulers, in the establishment of his spiritual
kingdom ; but testified as well by his precept and ex-
ample, as by the mouth of his holy apostles, that it is
the will of God that the faithful should be obedient to
the temporal powers. Thus we find our Lord de-
'" Prov. viii. 15. *> Dan. ii. 21. ' Dan. ii. 37, 38.
CHAP. I.] Independence of the State. 315
daring that " his kingdom is not of this world ^"
refusing to be " a judge or a divider'" of inheritance,
forbidding his disciples to assume the authority and
domination of earthly princes ', or to take the sword in
his own defence ^ and enjoining us to " render unto
Caesar the things that be Csesar's, and to God the things
that be God's ^" And the doctrine of the apostles
was exactly the same. " Submit yourselves to every
ordinance of man for the Lord's sake ; whether it be to
the king as supreme ; or unto governors, as unto them
that are sent by him ''." " Let every soul be subject
unto the higher powers ; for there is no power but of
God ; the powers that be are ordained of God. Who-
soever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordi-
nance of God; and they that resist shall receive to
themselves damnation. ... He is the minister of God,
a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil.
Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for
wrath but also for conscience sake '." " I exhort
therefore, that first of all, supplications, prayers, inter-
cessions, and giving of thanks, be made for all men ;
for kings, and for all that are in authority : that we may
lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and
honesty ^"
It is needless to add to these passages the accordant
testimony of catholic tradition in proof of the universal
duty of obedience to the temporal rulers in all civil and
temporal matters. It is evident that every one is
bound to obey the temporal rulers, and therefore that
they are in all civil matters supreme, and not subject
«* John xviii. 36. " 1 Pet. ii. 13.
* Luke xii. 14. ' Rom. xiii. 1 — 5.
f Mark x. 42, 43. J 1 Tim*, ii. 1, 2.
s Matt. xxvi. 52.
316 Independence of the Churcli. [part v.
to or dependant on any ecclesiastical power, whether in
their own dominions or elsewhere. And this is con-
firmed by the fact, that the state with its proper go-
vernment existed in the world before the Christian
church was founded ; and that it remained for centuries
afterwards unconnected with the Christian religion, and
in some parts of the world continues so to the present
day.
II. The church was originally and essentially inde-
pendent of the state. For it was not founded by any
human power, but by the Son of God, and by his
apostles under the guidance of the Holy Ghost. All
that is essential to this spiritual society was of Divine
institution. The doctrines which were to be believed,
the duties to be performed, the system and mode of
association, its ministry, and rites, were all dictated by
God himself, by whose will and commandment this
divine religion was to be propagated amongst all nations,
as the way by which men should attain his favour.
The church therefore was not originated by the state ;
on the contrary it was propagated for several centuries
in opposition to the will of the temporal government,
which in its ignorance attempted to suppress a religion
calculated to confer the highest l^lessings on humanity.
It is certain however, that the church even while in a
state of persecution, possessed every essential character-
istic of the true church. Its divine doctrine and disci-
pline were sustained, heretics and schismatics were ex-
pelled, councils were held, offences against the divine
law judged, the succession of its legitimate pastors pre-
served, and the promise of Christ, " Lo, I am with you
always,'' verified. It may be added, that in every sub-
sequent age, the church in some part of the world has
been unprotected by the temporal power, nay even
CHAP. II.] J^iif'l of Magisfratcx to Rclifjion. 317
persecuted ; and therefore, tliougli it is admitted that
the protection and assistance of the civil government is
of very great advantage to the cause of religion, it is
evident that the church does not derive its origin, its
religion, its powers of spiritual jurisdiction, its general
laws, or in fact any part of its essential characteristics,
from the state. To assert that it does so, would be to
contradict the plain f^icts recorded in holy scripture,
and the promises of our Lord himself; and therefore no
christian can admit such a position.
CHAPTER II.
THE RIGHT AND DUTY OF THE STATE TO PROTECT THE
TRUE RELIGION.
The end of civil government is not only the preserva-
tion of life and property, but the general welfare of the
communiti/ entrusted to its care. This is proved by the
universal sense of mankind, and by the practice of
governments, which have never held themselves limit-
ed to the mere duty of punishing offences or remedy-
ing evils, but have adopted such regulations as were
calculated to promote virtue, intelligence, order, wealth,
and population.
In furtherance of such objects, it is undoubtedly the
right of the state to encourage societies which are
established with a particular view to the inculcation of
virtue and religion, and which have efficient means for
accomplishing their end. If a state may encourage
and protect associations for the increase of education,
literature, wealth, it has surely a right to protect those
318 Duti/ of Maf/istrafcs to Religion. [part v.
which promote virtue and religion, on which alone the
fabric of society is securely based, and which tend
beyond all others, to the happiness and welfare of a
community.
It is certain that Christianity is eminently qualified
to promote such ends. Even its enemies admit that
the morality inculcated by the Gospel is exceedingly
pure and exalted ; while the motives and sanctions
which it conveys, are peculiar to itself, and calculated
to have a powerful effect on the conscience. Its con-
stitution, as a society, enables it very effectually to
promote habits of virtue and religion ; it has a decided
superiority in these respects over false religions : and,
in fine, christians universally believe, that the aid of
divine grace is given to assist their feeble efforts after
godliness.
Christianity, therefore, being, in its essential consti-
tution, as a religious society, eminently qualified to
sustain and encourage virtue and religion, and inculca-
ting, as it does, a most faithful obedience to the law of
the civil magistrate, it vas evidently for the interest of
the state, it was within the duties of the temporal
government, to protect and encourage the christian
society by all just and equitable means : and under
this view, even an unbelieving prince might undertake
the care of religion. This reasoning, however, would
afford an inadequate view of the duty of the state to
support religion, and of the special duty of a christian
prince to support the christian religion. It would be a
narrow and a contracted theory of government to say
the least, which left out of its calculations the fact
that this world is under the supreme government of its
Creator ; and that the fates of nations, exemplified by
CHAP. II.] Duty of Maf/istrates to Religion. 319
the history of many apces, are ultimately subject to the
disposal of the Almighty Author and Governor of the
universe. No people, however ignorant, has failed to
believe in this Supreme power, and to endeavour to
propitiate His favour, by all the means which religion,
whether true or false, has dictated. And hence too,
blasphemy, and impiety towards God, have been in all
ages, regarded as crimes against the state, being cal-
culated to draw down the Divine vengeance on those
who permitted and sanctioned them.
Since this world, and all that is therein, is governed
by an Almighty Being, the favour of that Being ought
to be an object of the highest moment to every indi-
vidual, and therefore to every nation ; and consequently
the religious means by which this favour is to be
attained, ought to be adopted and cultivated by each
individual and by each nation in their respective capa-
cities, in the one case by personal efforts, in the other
by public and legal encouragement. It is the especial
duty of nations to act thus in their collective capacity,
and to endeavi)ur that irreligion may be suppressed in
the state, because according to the rule of God's moral
government, the virtuous are sometimes involved in
the temporal punishments of the wicked, and therefore
it is the real interest of the community, that all its
members shall be virtuous and acceptable to God.
Those to whom God's Revelation and true reli-
gion are made known, Avill find these truths delivered
by the unerring authority of holy scripture. The
supreme power of God, his actual government of the
world, and his especial interference in the affairs of
nations, are alluded to in the following passages, " The
Lord looketh from heaven : he beholdeth all the sons
of men. . . . He fashioneth their hearts alike ; he con-
10
320 Diifi/ of Mnt/istrafcs to Rdk/ion. [part v.
sidereth all their works. There is no king saved by
the multitude of an host : a mighty man is not de-
livered for much strength. . . . Behold the eye of the
Lord is upon them that fear him, upon them that hope
in his mercy : to deliver their soul from death, and to
keep them alive in famine ""." " In whose hand is the
soul of every living thing, and the breath of all man-
kind. Behold he withholdeth the waters, and they
dry up : also, he sendeth them out, and they overturn
the earth. AVitli him is strength and wisdom, the
deceived and the deceiver are his. He leadeth coun-
sellors away spoiled. . . He leadeth princes away spoiled,
and overthroweth the mighty. . . .He encreaseth nations,
and destroyeth them : he enlargeth the nations, and
straiteneth them again ^'." " He turneth rivers into a
wilderness, and the water-springs into dry ground ; a
fruitful land into barrenness, for the wickedness of
them that dwell therein "." " At what instant I shall
speak concerning a nation, and concerning a kingdom,
to pluck up and to pull down, and to destroy it ; if
that nation, against whom I have pronounced, turn
from their evil, I will repent of the evil that I thought
to do unto them. And at what instant I shall speak
concerning a nation, and concerning a kingdom, to
build and to plant it ; if it do evil in my sight, that it
obey not my voice, then will I repent of the good
wherewith I said I would benefit them '^."
Religion, and obedience to God's commandments,
are therefore the means of obtaining his favour to
nations ; and as it is the will of God that the doctrine
of Jesus Christ should be preached to, and observed
» Psalm xxxiii. 13—19. "^ Psalm cvii. 33, 34.
'' Job xii. 10 — "25. '* Jerem. xviii. 7 — 10.
CHAP. II.] Duty of Maglslratcs to Religion. 321
by, " all nations " ;" and as those who reject it are
subject to the wrath of God, for " he that believeth
not shall be damned V it is the most bounden duty of
the christian magistrate, as well from a sense of sub-
mission to the will of the Supreme Ruler, " by whom
kings reign," as by the obligation of promoting the
welfare of the community, and obtaining the divine
protection and blessing for it, to protect, to uphold,
and, as far as sound policy permits, to propagate the
divine system of Christianity amongst his people.
The word of God says to all princes, and especially
to those who have received the true religion of His
Son : " Be wise now, therefore, O ye kings ; be in-
structed ye judges of the earth. Serve the Lord with
fear, and rejoice w^th trembling," on which St. Augus-
tine observes, " How do kings serve the Lord in fear,
but by forbidding, and, by a religious severity, punish-
ing those things which are done against the Lord's
commandments ? For he serves Him in different re-
spects as a man, and as a king. As a man, he serves
Him by living faithfully : as a king he serves Him by
establishing laws commanding righteousness and for-
bidding the contrary. So did Hezekiah serve God, by de-
stroying the groves and the idol temples, and those high
places which were built against the commands of God.
In the like manner king Josiah served God," &c. ^
The example of the godly kings in the Old Testament
was also referred to by the Emperor Charlemagne, in
the preface to his Capitulare, where he says to the
bishops, " Let no one, I pray you, think this admoni-
tion presumptuous, which arises from piety, and by
which we endeavour to correct errors, to remove super-
^ Matt, xxviii. 19. ^ August. Epist. 50 ad Bonifac.
* Mark xvi. 16.
VOL. II. Y
322 Duty of Magistrates to Religion. [part v.
fluities, and to establish what is right ; but rather let
him receive it with benevolence and charity. For
we read in the Book of Kings, how the holy Josiah
endeavoured to restore the kingdom given to him by
God, by going through it, correcting and admonishing ^"
Bellarmine himself, argues the duties of christian
princes from the "godly kings" mentioned in Scrip-
ture '; and, in short, this appears to have been the
general opinion of the church, until De Marca, in the
seventeenth century, objected to arguments drawn
from the conduct of the Jewish kings, in order, as he
said, to deprive the English of their principal argument
for the royal supremacy.
The christian magistrate is bound to protect Christ-
ianity, because he knows it to be the only true religion,
the only method by which God wills that men should
serve him, and gain his favour. I am not here engaged
in examining the duty of heathen, infidel, and hereti-
cal magistrates to religion, or how far they are bound
to support the false religion which they may judge to
be true. It is certain that no false religion can have
the same proofs of a divine origin as catholic Christ-
ianity. It is not to be admitted as possible by any
christian. But in so far as it is possible that any per-
son can be excused for not believing Christianity to be
true, and in preferring some other religion to it ; in so
far only is he excused for upholding and propagating
the latter.
Hence the doctrine of Warburton and Paley, that
the civil magistrate is bound to support and establish
the largest sect, is to be rejected : because it can never
^ Harduin. Cone. t. iv. p. ' Bellarminus de Membris
825. Eccl. Militantis, lib. iii. c. 18.
CHAP. III.] Nature of Protection afforded by Magistrates. 323
tend to the welfare of the community to estalilish a
false religion, a heresy, or a schism, which being no
portion of the christian church, and inheriting no pro-
mises from God, but rising in impious opposition to
the divine will, is so far from drawing down the divine
blessing on its professors, that it is rather calculated
to bring evil on the people amongst whom it prevails.
CHAPTER III.
ON THE EXTENT AND NATURE OF THE PROTECTION
AFFORDED BY THE CIVIL MAGISTRATE TO THE CHURCH.
In order to determine the extent of the protection to
be afforded to Christianity by the christian magistrate,
we must remember the object with which this protec-
tion is given. It is because the church of Christ is
best qualified to promote the ends of civil society, and
because the divine blessing rests on it alone, that the
church ought to be supported by those princes who
know its divine origin. Therefore, the protection
aiforded by the state rests on the fundamental con-
dition of maintaining all that is essential to the church,
and not depriving it of any one of those characteristics
which Christ willed never to be separated from it.
Hence a prince would violate the very principle on
which he is bound to support the church, if he obliged
her to profess doctrines contrary to those revealed by
God, or to relinquish any of her essential rites or dis-
cipline. In so doing, he would deprive her of the
character of a divine institution, would impair, if not
destroy, her influence in promoting morality and reli-
y2
324 Nature uf Profcitum afforded hy Magistrate, [part v.
gion, and thus disqualify her from bringing the divine
blessing on the nation.
The christian magistrate originally, in becoming the
protector of the true church, could only lawfully have
undertaken this office, with the intention of preserving
the definite system of religion which God had revealed,
and which the catholic church had received. And
from the office of protection, thus limited, may be de-
duced the supremacy and all the powers of the christian
maofistrate in the true church.
These powers may be, in some degree, gathered
from those which the state exercises with regard to
any society whatever, whose constitution and ends it
judges to be of high importance to the public wel-
fare, and to which it is desirous of giving effectual
support and encouragement. The first and most ob-
vious act of protection is, to give security to the per-
sons and property of its individual members, so that
the fact of their membership shall not induce legal
penalties or any other danger. Further encourage-
ment is afforded, by giving facilities for the increase
of that society by pecuniary assistance if necessary
to extend its operations, by protection to the funds
destined to its uses, or even by conferring special
marks of favour and confidence, on some or all of its
members. This protection relates to the external con-
dition of the society ; but it may also be extended to
its internal condition. In this respect it infers the
legal establishment of all the essential principles and
features of the society, and therefore the suppression
of any attempts to introduce innovations subversive of
those essential principles. It also infers the legal
enforcement of the established rules and practices on
all the members of the society, so that its peace may
CHAP. III.] Oriyiii of Estaldishincid.) and Supremacy. 325
not be disturbed, or its salutary action injpeded by
internal disorganization. It infers the remedying of
abuses inconsistent with the laws or customs of the
society, or abuses in those laws themselves, calculated
to impair the perfection and efficiency of the whole
system. And, in fine, it implies the exercise of these
various powers by means and in modes consistent with
the preservation of the essential constitution of the
society itself.
The protection of the state, thus exercised in rela-
tion to the christian society, gives rise, at once, to that
state of things, which is commonly called the " estab-
lishment," and "the supremacy" of the civil magis-
trate. The christian magistrate relieves the church
from legal persecution ; gives security to the persons
and property of its individual members ; aiFords legal
protection to the property devoted by pious individuals
to the maintenance of the christian ministry, guards
the churches from violation, affords the necessary pecu-
niary assistance for the spread of religion, and in some
countries confers temporal power and dignity on its
chief pastors. Thus the church becomes " established."
The ecclesiastical supremacy of the christian magis-
trate consists in his general right of protection to the
church and to its essential principles.
He is to defend the faith of the catholic church,
and therefore to repress all attempts to introduce here-
sies and errors. He is to enforce and execute the
discipline of the church, and to prevent any of its
members from resisting the spiritual powers constituted
by Jesus Christ. He is to preserve the peace and
unity of the church, procuring the termination or sup-
pression of controversies. He is to see that the minis-
ters of the church fulfil the office of their vocatior..
326 Origin of Royal Supremacy. [part v.
that ecclesiastical tribunals do not themselves trans-
gress the laws of the church ; that abuses and imper-
fections injurious to the efficiency of the church be
removed.
In effecting these objects, he is to act in such a
manner as does not violate the essential characteristics
of the church. He is invested with the power of
summoning synods to deliberate on the affairs of the
church, and to judge questions of doctrine. He has
the right of making injunctions or ecclesiastical laws
confirmatory of the catholic doctrine and discipline,
with the advice of competent persons; and he may
enforce his decrees, not by the spiritual penalty of
excommunication % but by temporal penalties.
On the other hand, as the magistrate may abuse his
power, the church has the remedy of refusing obe-
dience when her essential constitution is infringed.
These are the points which are now to be considered
more in detail.
^ All our writers deny the 1825. The Necessary Doctrine,
power of excommunication to the p. 278, also ascribes the right of
prince. The Institution of a excommunication to the sacerdo-
Christian Man, approved by the tal office. Dean Nowell says,
bishops of England, 1538, says, that in all sermons and writings,
" We may not think that it doth we make a distinction between
appertain unto the office of kings the functions of kings and priests,
and princes to preach and teach, not giving the former the power
to administer the sacraments, to of administering the sacraments,
absolve, to excommunicate, and preaching, excommunicating, ab-
such other things belonging to solving, and such like. Reproof
the office and administration of of Mr. Dorman's book, 1565.
bishops and priests. " Formula- fol. 123.
ries of Faith, p. 121. Oxford,
CHAP. IV.] Temporal Establishment of the Church. 327
CHAPTER IV.
ON THE TEMPORAL ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CHURCH.
The temporal establishment of the church by chris-
tian magistrates, consists very much in the protection
of its property, and in conferring on it certain tempo-
ral powers and privileges. But it is disputed by some,
whether the church may lawfully receive any property
or exercise any of the rights of property towards those
who are without her pale, and whether her ministers
may receive any temporal jurisdiction.
I. It has been pretended by some modern sectaries,
that the ministers and the offices of religion ought
always to be supported by the temporary contributions
of the faithful, and that all permanent endowments are
inconsistent with scripture. This seems to be founded
on a view of the original condition of the church as
represented in the New Testament, and in the history
of the first two or three centuries, during which time
the church seems to have possessed no permanent
endowments. But this affords no valid objection to
their lawfulness, because the church was, at that
time, persecuted by the civil magistrate, and was
therefore unable to possess endowments. And since
there is no precept whatever in the New Testament %
* See Part iii. chap. iv. for the not forbidden in Scripture,
lawfulness of rites and discipline
328 Temporal Establishment of the Church. [part v.
forbidding- the faithful to provide perinanently for the
maintenance of religion, by donations of their lands or
other property ; (and " Avhere no law is, there is no
transgression ;") since in the church of God under the
former dispensation, lands and tithes were given in
perpetuity to the sacerdotal tribe ; since the church,
from the moment in which it received the protection
of the civil magistrate, universally and without scruple,
received endowments : and, in fine, since all sectaries
which support a ministry, and preserve an external
face of religion, gladly and joyfully avail themselves of
any endowment for their own religion : it is obvious,
that the acquisition of temporal property by tlie church
is perfectly lawful, as tJie christian church has always
believed it to be. The contrary error was long ago
advanced by Wickliffe, and was most justly condemned
by the western cliurches.
From the right of the church to possess endow-
ments or property, it follows that she may exercise
her right even with respect to persons, who, under
the pretence of dissenting from her doctrine or commu-
nion, would relieve themselves from discharging their
pecuniary obligations to her. For were this pretext
to be allowed, her possession of property would be
merely nominal ; and an encouragement would be held
out to forsake her communion, which she believes to
be the way of salvation ^. Therefore, she could not,
without sin, admit the validity of any such plea.
If it be alleged that it is the duty of christians to
take patiently the spoiling of their goods, by those
texts, " I say unto you that ye resist not evil," " charity
sufferetli long . . . seeketh not her own . . . endureth all
'' See Part I. chap, i. sect. iii.
CHAP. IV.] Temporal Establishment of the Church. 329
things," &c. ; I reply that these precepts refer to the
general temper and spirit in which true christians
should act towards their enemies : they are not to
employ force against force, not to contend eagerly for
every point of their rights and properties, but to resort
in case of great oppression to the constituted tribunals
for relief. It Avas not the intention of our blessed
Lord, that those who pretended to be His disciples,
should use violence to the brethren, and then hypo-
critically exhort them on the duties of christian charity.
Our Lord Himself prescribes a mode of obtaining re-
dress in such cases ", and St. Paul again mentions it ;
intimating, at the same time, that the reason for which
christians were not to go to law before the civil tribu-
nals, was only because those tribunals were heathen '^.
If individual christians are justified in seeking redress
of their private wrongs before the civil tribunals, much
more is the church entitled to plead for the mainte-
nance of that property which is set apart for the sup-
port of public worship, and of the ministers of religion.
II. That the church has not herself by the divine
institution, any temporal jurisdiction, or any power
of coercive force, has been already observed : but it
has been alleged, that she cannot lawfully receive
earthly dignities or jurisdiction even by the gift of the
state : because our Lord declared that " his kingdom is
not of this world." If this argument were well
founded, it would prove, not merely that the ministers
of religion ought to refuse such temporal privileges, but
that they are unlawful for evcri/ christian, which is uni-
versally denied. If it be alleged that " no man that
warreth entano-leth himself with the affairs of this life,"
"O'
<■ Matt, xviii. 15, &c. '^ 1 Cor. v. 1, &c.
330 Temporal Establishment of the Church. [part v.
and therefore that tlie ministers of Jesus Christ ought
to avoid secular occupations, I reply that they certainly
ought to do so as much as possible, and only to engage
in those which neither entangle them in the affairs of
the world, nor prevent them from discharging the
duties of their high and sacred mission, but which are
reasonably supposed to contribute to the influence of
religion on the community. And such appear to be
the tendencies of the temporal dignity and privileges
enjoyed now and for so many ages in this country, by
the chief ministers of the catholic and apostolic
church.
III. The state is therefore perfectly justified in per-
mitting the endowment of the church with permanent
property, in protecting that property, and in case of ne-
cessity, in contributing by its liberality to the general
establishment and maintenance of christian worship.
The protection of ecclesiastical property is indeed so
important a duty of the civil government, if it possess
the means of doing so, that its neglect would at once
prove the absence of any real desire to uphold the
church. On the same principle the state would be
justified in declaring the ecclesiastical tribunals to be
established courts of law ; in attributing to their cogni-
zance certain temporal causes, such as those relating to
testaments, and to the property of the church ; some
causes of a mixed nature, as those of marriages ; and in
adding temporal penalties to the excommunications
which they denounce. I do not mean to affirm that
the protection of the church by the state necessarily
infers these privileges, or that they are all useful to the
church under all circumstances, but only that they are
lawful for the state to give and for the church to
receive.
c;hap. v.] Temporal Establishment of the Church. 331
It may be added, that as all temporal jurisdiction
emanates from the state ; as all courts of judicial pro-
ceedings recognized by the state derive at least their
external and coercive power from it ; as all legal right
to property emanates from the state ; as every thing
which has civil obligation or authority is in some sort
derived from the state ; therefore ecclesiastical courts,
ecclesiastical jurisdiction, even the powers of order in
the ministers of the church, may be said in a certain
sense to be given by or derived from the prince ; that
is, in so far as they are legally established, and externally
coercive ; not as they are internal, spiritual, and binding
on the conscience only.
CHAPTER V.
ON THE DUTY OF THE SOVEREIGN TO DEFEND THE
CHRISTIAN FAITH AND DISCIPLINE.
I NOW proceed to prove that it has been always held by
the catholic church, that christian princes are bound to
defend the faith and to enforce the canons by the
" civil sword." Christian princes and states from the
time of Constantine have invariably acted on this
principle : heretics and schismatics have always imitated
their example whenever they were able to do so.
Therefore it is certain that christian princes have a
right and a duty to protect the christian faith and dis-
cipline by temporal power.
The sentiments of the christian church and of
christian princes on this point are no where more
clearly manifested than in the history of the (ecumenical
10
33'2 Princes Defenders oftlie Church. Fpart v.
synods. The first oecumenical synod was convened by
the emperor Constantine, who was himself present
during its proceedings, and who, at the close of them ad-
dressed a letter to all churches, exhorting them to
receive the decrees of the council ; and enacted laws
that Arius and his followers should be accounted in-
famous and bear the name of Porphyrians ; that their
writings should be burnt ; that whoever concealed
those writings should suffer capital punishment ; and
that the Arians should pay ten times the usual amount
of taxes". The second oecumenical synod of 150
bishops, in their synodical epistle to the emperor Theo-
dosius, having informed him of their decrees in faith
and discipline, said, " We therefore entreat your piety
to ratify the decision of the synod, that as you have
honoured the church by letters of convocation, so also
you would seal the definition agreed on '' ;" and accord-
ingly the emperor made laws commanding all the
churches to be delivered to those bishops wdio confessed
the doctrine of the Trinity, and were in communion
with Nectarius bishop of Constantinople, Timothy of
Alexandria, Pelagius of Laodicea, and other orthodox
prelates ; that all who did not agree with them in faith
should be driven from the churches as manifest heretics ;
that no assemblies of heretics should be permitted, and
that they should not build churches anywhere under
pain of confiscation of their goods''. The third oecu-
menical synod of Ephesus, of 200 bishops, in their
synodical epistle to the emperors Theodosius and Va-
lentinian, applauded those princes for commanding the
metropolitans and bishops to assemble in synod ; and
* Fleury, Hist. Eccl. liv. xi. '' Harduin. Concil. t. i. p. 808.
s. 24. * Fleury, liv. xviii. s. 9.
CHAP, v.] Prhicps DrfouJers of the Clrurch. 333
having announced to them their approbation of the
Nicene faith, and of the epistles of St. Cyril, and their
deposal of Nestorius, they conclude thus : " We en-
treat your majesty to command all his (Nestorius)
doctrine to be banished from tlie holy churches, and his
books, wherever found, to be burnt ; in which books he
endeavours to render of none effect the grace of God,
who became man through his love towards man, which
Nestorius regards not as such, but as an insult to the
Divinity. And if any one despise your sanctions, let
him apprehend the indignation of your majesty. For
thus the apostolic faith will remain unhurt, confirmed
by your piety, and we all shall offer earnest prayers for
your majesty," &c. '' Accordingly the emperor Theo-
dosius, having confirmed the council, passed a law com-
manding the Nestorians to be termed Simonians, order-
ing their books to be suppressed and burnt publicly,
and forbidding them to assemble under penalty of con-
fiscation of their goods ^ John, patriarch of Antioch,
also obtained orders from the emperor, that those
schismatical bishops who refused to communicate with
him, should be expelled from their churches by the civil
power, and driven into exile ^
The sixth session of the oecumenical synod of Chal-
cedon furnishes a remarkable proof of the doctrine of
the church, with reference to the powers and duties of
christian princes. The emperor Marcian with his con-
sort, attended by all the great officers of state, were
present ^. ]\Iarcian having made an allocution to the
council, declaring his intention in assembling it to have
been the confirmation of the catholic faith against all
'' Ilarduin. Concilia, t. i. p. * Ibid. liv. xxvii. s. 28 — 33.
1444. s Ilarduin. Cone. t. ii. p. 463.
* Fleurv, liv. xxvi. s. 31.
334 Princes Defenders of the ChurcJi. [part v.
heresies ; the archdeacon of Constantinople, by order of
the emi^eror, read aloud the decree of the synod, with
the subscriptions of 470 bishops. The emperor then
demanded whether the council unanimously approved
of that definition ; and having heard the acclamations
of all the bishops to that effect, he decreed, in the pre-
sence of the synod itself, that since the true faith had
been made known by that holy oecumenical synod, it
was right and expedient to remove all further conten-
tion: and therefore that any person who should collect
assemblies to dispute concerning faith, should be ba-
nished from the city, if a private individual, and if a
soldier or a clergyman, should be in danger of losing
his office, besides being subject to other penalties''.
This decree was received by all those holy bishops with
the loudest acclamations of gratitude and satisfaction.
It would occupy too much space to carry this exami-
nation through the acts of other councils, which were
confirmed and enforced by the laws of christian em-
perors. The codex of Justinian comprises laws con-
firmatory of the catholic faith and discipline and the
sacred canons, enacted by all the orthodox predecessors
of that emperor from the time of Constantino ', as
well as by himself; and the Novelise comprise many
others.
The emperor Charlemagne and his successors made
laws confirmatory of the sacred canons \ The Saxon
kings of England followed the same pious example ^.
*" Ibid. p. 487. tius, patriarch of Constantinople,
' The first Book of tlie Codex where the imperial laws on eccle-
is well worthy of a perusal by siastical affairs are connected
those who wish to know the with the canons,
powers exercised by the christian ■* See their capitulars in the
emperors in the primitive church, collections of the councils.
See also the Nomo-canon of Pho- ^ Bramhall mentions the ec-
CHAP. V,] Princes Defenders of the Church. 335
The Norman kings made ecclesiastical laws '. Every
christian state from those days to the present, has sup-
ported the faith and discipline of the church by tem-
poral enactments. The Reformation universally recog-
nized this right in the civil magistrate. The Lutherans
and the Calvinists alike invoked the assistance of the
temporal power to enforce the religion of the Gospel
and repress dissentients. Even the sects which arose
at that time adopted the same principle. The Brown-
ists declared that it was the duty of the magistrate to
establish their religion and to expel that of the catholic
church "". The Presbyterians would not tolerate the
worship of these catholic churches which they had over-
thrown in the great rebellion. The Anabaptists in their
city of JNIunster forbad all exercise of a religion diffe-
rent from their own. The Independents of America
acted on exactly the same principle. As for those
small sects which deny the right of the civil magistrate
to support the christian doctrine and discipline by tem-
poral means, they are obviously influenced only by a
desire to weaken and subvert the churches from which
they have separated.
The right and duty of the prince to employ the civil
sword in defence of the faith and discipline of the
catholic church, is most fully admitted even by those who
limit his authority in ecclesiastical matters so far, as to
render him rather the servant than the protector of
the church. The papists of the ultramontane party
allow that kings are bound to do so. Thus Champney
clesiastical laws of Ercotnbert, See Wilkins, Concilia Mag. Brit.
Ilia, Withred, Alfred, Edward, t. i.
Athelstan, Edmond, Edgar, ' Bramhall, ut supra.
Athelred, Canute, and Edward '" See Vol. I. p. 403.
the Confessor. — Works, p. 73.
336 Princes D<^enders of the Church. [part v.
says : " No one denies that kings in their own order
and degree govern ecclesiastical affairs ; that is to say,
in making laws for the church, according to the tenor
of the canons and the judgment of bishops ; indeed this
is their chief office, for which they are given the power
of the sword by God °." Stapleton says, that a prince
has the power " of making laws for the yeace of the
church ; of proclaiming, defending, and vindicating
doctrines against violation °." Bellarmine proves at
length, that magistrates are bound to defend religion,
and to do their utmost to cause the faith of the catholic
bishops and the Roman pontiff to be held p. The same
doctrine was maintained by the puritans. Cartwright
said, that the civil magistrate hath to see that the laws
of God touching his worship, and touching all matters
and orders of the church, be executed and dulv ob-
served ; and to see that every ecclesiastical person do
that office whereunto he is appointed, and to punish
those which fail in their office accordingly ''. Tenner,
another puritan, acknowledged that " the magistrate
may lawfully uphold all truth by his sword," &c. "" The
non-jurors, though little favourable to the regal supre-
macy, did not deny this power to the magistrate.
Leslie says it was not his meaning that " temporal
governments , . . should not exercise the civil sword
for the good of men's souls \" Hickes approves the
doctrine of certain Presbyterians, that " it pertains to
" Champngeus de Vocat. Mi- c. iv.
nistr. c. 16. "J T. C. lib. i. p. 192. cited in
° Stapleton, Princip. Doctrin. Hooker's Works, vol. iii. p. 443.
lib. V. c. 17- ed. Keble.
P Bellarminus de Membris ■" Fanner's Defence of the
Eccl. Milit. lib. iii. c. 18. See godly Ministers. Ibid,
also Richerius de Eccl. et Polit. * Leslie, Supplement to the
Pot. p. 76. ed. 1 683 ; De Marca, Regale and Pontificate, p. 4.
De Concord. Sac. et Imp. 1. iv. 2d ed.
CHAP, v.] Princes Defenders of the Church. 337
the office of a christian magistrate to fortify and assist
the godly proceedings of the church ; to assist and main-
tain tlie disci2:)line of it," &;c. '
In fine, the doctrine and practice of these catholic
and apostolic churches, and of our christian sovereigns
from the earliest ages, have always been conformable to
that universally received. The Anglo-Saxon and Nor-
man kings, as I have said, made laws in defence of re-
ligion and ecclesiastical discipline. The church was
united to the state, and the christian religion became a
part of the law of the land ", and when in the sixteenth
century the church of England withdrew the jurisdiction
which she had for a time delegated to the bishop of
Rome, and, resuming her original liberties, reformed the
abuses which had been suffered to increase amongst
us, the state lent the benefit of its support to these
salutary and catholic proceedings. The doctrine of the
church at that time is shown by the " Institution of a
Christian Man," approved by the bishops of England in
1538 ; in which it is declared that christian kings have
a special right by God's commandment " to defend
the faith of Christ and his religion, to conserve and
maintain the true doctrine of Christ . . . and to abolish
all abuses, heresies, and idolatries, which be brought in
by heretics and evil preachers, and to punish with cor-
poral pains such as of malice be occasioners of the
same ; q,nd, finally, to oversee and cause that the said
' Hickes, Christian Priest- imperii unionem ac coiifoederati-
hood, p. 256. ed. 1 707. onem manifestum est at confes-
" So it was also in other chris- sum ; tamque esse intimam uni-
tian countries. The relations of onem hanc, ut evangelium sit lex
church and state in France be- regni, et religio catholica sit re-
fore the Revolution are thus de- ligio Gallorum nationalis." — Re-
scribed by Hooke, doctor of the lig. Nat. et Rev. Princip. t. iii.
Sorbonne : " Existove in Gallia p. .593.
ecclesiae christiana^ catholicas et
VOL. II. Z
338 Princes Defenders of the Church. [part v.
priests and bishops do execute their said power, office,
and jurisdiction truly, faithfully, and according in all
points as it was given and committed unto them by
Christ and his apostles : which notwithstanding, we
may not think that it doth appertain unto the office of
kings and princes to preach and teach, to administer
the sacraments, to absolve, to excommunicate, and
such other things belonging to the office and adminis-
tration of bishops and priests," &c. " The very same
expressions are repeated in the " Necessary Doctrine,"
approved in 1543 by the bishops of England ^ It is
the doctrine of the church of England at this moment,
that " the king's majesty hath the same authority in
causes ecclesiastical that . . . christian emperors of the
primitive church'' possessed ; the denial of this position
involving excommunication ipso facto ". The same
doctrine is taught by the thirty-seventh Article, which
declares that godly princes have the power to " rule all
estates and degrees committed to their charge by God,
whether they be ecclesiastical or temporal, and restrain
with the civil sword the stubborn and evil doers.'" And
the law of England most certainly recognizes this
principle, since, by existing acts of parliament, temporal
penalties are imposed on any persons who, professing to
be members of the church, either establish a worship
different from hers, or dare to violate their obligation
as her ministers by teaching doctrines contrary to those
which she approves. The conclusion which I draw
from all these facts is, that christian princes, members
of the true church, have a right, and are bound in duty
when necessary, to defend the faith and discipline of the
" Formularies of Faith, p. 121. " Ibid. p. 287.
Oxford ed. "^ Canon ii.
CHAP, v.] Princes Defenders offhe Church. 339
true churcli existing in their dominions, by obliging- its
professing members to acquiesce in the one and to sub-
mit to the other, by means of temporal power.
It is no objection to this conclusion, that several
persons of note in modern times have held a contrary
opinion. Those who do so are obliged to admit that it
M^as never heard of till the seventeenth century after
Christ: nor should we regard the authority of JiOcke
and Warburton in this matter ; for it is plain that they
omitted in the theory of government on which they
based their doctrine, the great truth, that this world
is subject to the supreme government of God, and that
he disposes and determines the fate of nations accord-
ing to His good pleasure ^. These writers overlooked
a truth, which even the heathens themselves remem-
bered ; and framed their theories as to the duty of civil
government towards religion, not on an examination of
the word of God, or of the universal sentiment and
practice of men of all ages, but on merely abstract phi-
losophical reasonings from the laws of nature, of policy,
or of expediency.
^ See Locke's Letter on Toleration, and Warburton's Alliance of
Church and State.
z 2
340 On the Regal Siipremaci/. \ PAirr v.
CHAPTER yi.
ox THE ECCLESIASTICAL SUPREMACY OF THE CHRISTIAN
SOVEREIGN.
It lias been shown above that christian princes have a
right to protect the catholic faith and discipline. Let
us now consider more particularly the means and
ends of this ])rotection, which will at once develope
the doctrine of the regal supremacy in ecclesiastical
affairs ^.
It is necessary to premise, that since the duty of the
christian magistrate is to protect and not to subvert
the church ; to enforce, not to derange the discipline
* The regal supremacy and the Eccl. Supremacy, 1698. See
relation of church and state are also De Marca, De Concordia Sa-
treated of by Nowell, Reproof of cerdotii et Imperii; Edmund.
Mr. Dorman's book, 1565. fol. Richerii Tract. De Eccles. et
123; Hooker, book viii ; Whit- Polit. potest. Colon. 1683 ; Rech-
gift, Defence of Answer to Ad- berger, Enchiridion Jur. Eccl.
monition, tract, xx ; Bancroft, Austriaci ; Van Espen, Tractatus
Survey of pretended holy disci- de Recursu ad Principem, Tract,
pline ; Bilson, True Difference De Promulgatione Leg, Eccl. ;
between Christian subjection, &c. Hooke, Religionis Nat. et Revel.
1585 ; Andrewes Tortura Torti, t. iii ; De Hontheim, Febronius
p. 162, &c. ; Mason, De Minister, de Stat, praesenti Ecclesiae. Tay-
Anglic. ; Field, Of the Church, lor, in his Ductor Dubitantium,
b. V. c. 53 ; Bramhall, Schism furnishes considerable informa-
guarded, &c. ; Stillingfleet, Of tion ; but his views of the royal
Eccl. Jurisdiction, Works, vol. iii; prerogative in church and state
Wake, Appeal on the King's apparently exceed the truth.
CHAI'. vj.J On the Tteffal Supremacy. 341
established in it by Jesus Christ ; it follows that he is
not entitled to intrude on the duties of the christian
ministry. He has no right to make definitions in faith
or morals, to administer the sacraments, to excommu-
nicate or absolve, or to perform any act whatever
reserved to the christian ministry by scripture or by
the universal and immemorial ecclesiastical discipline,
because this would be in violation of the very principle
of ])rotecting the church.
1. The first immediate end of this protection is to
preserve unchangeably the existing catholic faith and
discipline of the church. Hence the prince has the
right to repress heresies and schisms contrary to this
doctrine and discipline. iVnd in consequence he is
entitled to convene synods for the determination of con-
troversies, to confirm and execute their decrees, to make
injunctions or ecclesiastical laws derived from the canons
and decrees of councils ; and in fine, to repress the
attempts even of clergy or of particular synods, to alter
the orthodox doctrine and discipline.
Accordingly, christian emperors and kings have al-
ways exercised the right of convening national synods.
The genuine ojcumenical councils even were all
assembled by command of the christian emperors ^
The kings of France assembled national synods ^ The
canons of the churches of England and Ireland acknow-
ledge the right of the king to call national synods ''.
Christian kings have also confirmed synods. The
general synods were confirmed by the emperors. The
•^ See Part IV. chaijter ix. See Bramhall, Works, p. 318,
" E. g. the synod of Frankfort 319.
convened by Charlemagne. See "^ Synod 1603-4, Canon 139;
Pari IV. chapter x. section iv. Synod of Dublin, 1634, Canon
Also those of Tours, Cabilon, and 100.
others, assembled by that prince.
342 On the Ihijal Supremacy. [part v.
Spanish synods were confirmed by the Gothic kings of
Spain. The decree of the Gallican synod of 1682 was
confirmed by Louis XIV. Those of the English synod
in 1562 and 1571 were confirmed by queen Elizabeth:
the synod in 1603-4 by James the first: the synods of
Ireland in 1634 and 1711 by Charles the first, and
queen Anne. And this power of princes may also be
exercised in rejecting the decrees of a synod if it be in-
jurious to the catholic discipline, to the privileges of the
church, or to the laws of the state \ Accordingly the
kings of France, Spain, Germany, he. refused to permit
the publication of the decrees even of general synods in
their realms, except with such qualifications as were
necessary to secure the liberties of the church and
state.
The right of making ecclesiastical laws I shall pre-
sently notice further. The power of repressing inno-
vations was exercised by the great queen Elizabeth
Avlien some of the clergy, sanctioned by some of the
prelates, established irregular meetings called " prophe-
cyings ;" and when certain persons attempted to publish
articles of doctrine on predestinarian points.
2. Another end of the state's protection of the
church, is the preservation of unity and subordination
in the church. Hence it is reasonable that the prince
should have a right to command superfluous controver-
sies to cease, a power which was abused by the empe-
rors Heraclius and Constans in issuing the Ecthesis and
Typus ; and which the emperor Charles V. exercised at
* This privilege, which is exer- Van Espen, De Promulg. Legum
cised by all the princes of the Eccl. See also Hooke, Relig.
Roman Obedience is called the Nat. et Rev. t. iii. p. 596. 598 ;
royal Placet. See Rechberger, Febronius, cap. v. s. ii.
Enchir. Jur. Eccl. Austr. § 271 ;
CHAl'. VI.] On the Reyal Supremacy. 343
one time during the Reformation, as Joseph II. did in the
eighteenth century ', and king James the first in the early
part of the seventeenth century, in that royal procla-
mation which still is printed at the beginning of the
Thirty-nine Articles. Of course the prince has also a
right to urge the prelates of the church to suppress
superfluous controversies, and to give them any tem-
poral assistance requisite for the purpose. The guard-
ianship of the church's peace also renders it fit that the
christian prince should receive appeals from the tribunals
of the church, when it is alleged that the laws of the
church have not been adhered to, and that the ecclesi-
astical judge has abused his powder. This right has
been acknowledged from the time of Constantino the
great, who received the appeal of the Donatists, or-
dered their cause to be reheard by a different tribunal,
and at last condemned them himself. In almost every
state of Europe under the Roman dominion, the tem-
poral courts or the state take cognizance of appeals
" ab abusu" and compel the ecclesiastical judges to
correct their proceedings by means of temporal pe-
nalties °. The parliaments of France fined and impri-
soned those who refused to administer the rites of the
church to the appellants from the bull Unigenitus *".
Thus also, the sovereign of England receives ajDpeals
from the highest ecclesiastical courts, and delegates
judges ecclesiastical and lay to rehear the cause, and do
justice.
3. Another end of the sovereign's protection of the
church is the reformation of abuses and defects which
render our discipline less perfect, or which are in any
' See Vol. I. p. 4/4. Droit Eccl.
8 Van Espen, Tract, de Re- '' Vol. I, p. 327.
cursu ad Principem. Fleury,
344
On the Regal Supremacy.
[part v.
respect prejudicial to christian piety or religion. This
again shows the right of the sovereign to assemble
synods, and to exhort the bishops and clergy to cor-
rect these evils, as the emperor Charlemagne and his
successors did in France and Germany, when disci-
pline was so far collapsed : a proceeding which they
justified by the example of Josiah and the other pious
kings of Judah. It also infers the right of sovereigns to
make ecclesiastical injunctions', as Justinian ^ Charle-
magne, Charles the Bald ^ Sigismund ', Charles V."', the
kings of France, St. Louis", Philip IV.^ Charles Vl.f,
Charles VII.^ Charles IX/, Henry VIII. of England,
and Elizabeth did, in times when their interposition was
eminently called for by prevailing abuses. They have
' Rechberger, chancellor uf
Lintz, says tliat christian princes
have not only frequently con-
firmed the canons of the church,
" but have also of their own ac-
cord enacted laws on disciplinary
matters in any way connected
with the welfare of the state,"
&c. — Enchir. Jur. Eccl. Austr.
§ 38. p. 28. See also Febronius,
c. V. s. 2 ; c. ix. s. 6.
J Justinian's Novelise were re-
ceived with great approbation by
the church. — See De Marca, 1. ii.
c. 11.
^ See their Capitulars in the
Collections of the Councils.
' See his Reformation contain-
ing 37 chapters respecting the
pope, cardinals, and bishops, suf-
fragans, abbots, monks, friars,
nuns, &c. made in 1436. — Gold-
ast. Const. Imp. part i. p. 1 70.
"^ The Interim, published in
1548.
" His Pragmatic Sanction,
1*268, related to elections, promo-
tions, collations of benefices, &c.
— See the Table Chronologique
des Loix Eccles. at the end of
Fleury, Droit Eccl. ed. 1767-
° On the union of benefices in
his gift (1330). lb.
'■ That ecclesiastics shall not
take cognizance of the crime of
adultery (1388). lb.
1 That no strangers can pos-
sess benefices in France (1431).
The Pragmatic Sanction, made in
the parliament at Bourges in
1438, established various points
of discipline of the synod of
Basil, lb.
"■ The ordonnance made by this
king and the assembly or parlia-
ment assembled at Orleans, 1560,
contains 29 articles relating to
ecclesiastical discipline. In one
of them the payment of Annates
is prohibited. — See Fleury, Hist.
Eccl. liv. civ. s. 12. Other ec-
clesiastical regulations were made
in the parliament at Moulins,
1566.
CHAP. VI.] On the lleyal Supraiiucy. 345
even reformed abuses and made regulations in public
worship '. On the same principle the sovereign may,
if necessary, urge the bishops and clergy to resi-
dence, and to a more zealous discharge of their sacred
duties.
4. Since the state is bound to give the greatest
efficiency possible to the church, a christian king-
may, with the advice of bishops, found and endow new
bishoprics, and call on the church to consecrate pastors
for them, and to assign them a suitable jurisdiction.
The right of erecting sees was exercised by the em-
perors Charlemagne ' and Louis ", by the Greek empe-
rors, (who were even held by the oriental canonists to
have the sole power of erecting new sees") by the
English kings Henry I.'", Henry VIII., and Charles I." ;
and it is vested by law in the emperors of Austria ^
&c. The power of ordering a new circumscription of
ancient dioceses when necessary, seems to be a proper
exercise of this same power ^ It can seldom be neces-
' Thus Justinian, in his 137th vigils, and also appoint public
Novella, cominanded that the prayers in calamitous times. —
canon of the Liturgy should be Sect. 279. p. 219.
repeated aloud by the officiating ' See Bramhall, Works, p. 236.
minister. Charles V., in the In- " He erected the archbishopric
terim, reserves to himself the of Hamburgh. — See Adam. Bre-
right of making such regulations mens. Hist. Eccl. c. 17.
as he may judge fit, where abuse * Thomassinus de vet. et nov.
has crept into the administration Eccl. Discipl. P. i. 1. i. c. 56.
of the sacraments. The empe- " " Rex Henricus abbatiam
ror Charlemagne, and the kings Eliensem in episcopalem sedem
of Spain introduced the Roman commutavit." — M. Paris, 1119.
liturgy into their dominions. The "^ See his charter founding the
emperor Joseph II. made several see of Edinburgh, in Keith's Scot-
regulations concernmg public tish bishops,
worship. — See vol. i. p. 330 — "^ Rechberger,Jur. Eccl. Austr.
832. Rechberger says, by the § 274. p. 214.
Austrian law the emperor may ^ Ibid. Joseph II. exercised
limit religious rites, such as feast this power. — See vol. i. p. 'd'3'2.
days, processions, pilgrimages,
•346 On the Reyal Supremacy. [v. v. ch. vi.
sary to suppress sees, because it is not often that the
number of the faithful is so reduced in any church as
to render it expedient to unite them with another
church ; but if such a suppression be really calculated
on the whole to confer benefit on the catholic church,
it seems that the christian prince may M'ith the advice
of qualified advisers unite churches, and call on the
church to confirm the act by their future proceedings ".
We may now see how reasonable and catholic was
the oath of regal supremacy prescribed by the parlia-
ment of queen Elizabeth, and still subscribed by the
clergy of England. This formulary declares that " the
king's majesty under God is the only supreme governor
of this realm, and all other his highness's dominions
and countries, as well in all spiritual or ecclesiastical
things or causes as temporal ''." Now it is certain that
the christian kings of England have, like other christian
princes, the right of protecting the church's faith and
discipline, making laws conformable to them, convening
synods, presiding in them, confirming them, and obliging
by the civil sword all members of the church, both
clergy or laity, to profess its doctrines and remain in
unity and subordination. This is a power which may
most justly be called government, and it is this power
to which the oath of supremacy refers. The thirty-
seventh Article also ascribes to the prince the " chief
government of all estates of this realm, whether they
"^ The suppression of bishoprics which might have arisen from the
in Ireland some years ago, being want of unanimity in the church
obviously intended not for the herself on that occasion, could
welfare but for the injury of the have imposed on that church any
church, was an act to which this obligation of yielding to so un-
rule could not apply. Nothing just an act.
but the apprehension of still '' Canon xxxvi.
greater evils, and especially those
APPKNo. I.] On the Regal Supremacy. 347
be ecclesiastical or civil, in all causes ;" and the riglit
to " rule all estates and degrees committed to tlieir
charge by God, whether they be ecclesiastical or tem-
poral ; and restrain with the civil sword the stubborn
and evil doers." This is the whole doctrine of the
church of England, as to the authority of the christian
magistrate in reliction ; in which she does not teach us
that the prince may impose on his people false doc-
trines, or discipline injurious to religion ; or deprive the
churches of their ancient rights ; or abrogate the
canons ; or make definitions in faith ; or usurp the
sacerdotal office ; or do any thing else injurious to the
sanctity, the purity, and the efficiency of the church.
She gives him only the power of befriending religion,
and of exercising an external government by temporal
means, which cannot fail to be of great use in repress-
ing the disorders of those who would otherwise neglect
or despise the sacred discipline. And this indeed is a
power which could not be refused even to a monarch
not united to the church. So that, even if the throne
were occupied by a heretic or schismatic, as James the
second was, the church might still very justly admit his
ecclesiastical supremacy, that is, his right to protect
the faith and discipline of the catholic church esta-
blished amongst us, and to use the civil sword to oblige
all its members to unity and obedience.
APPENDIX I.
ON THE EXPULSION OF BISHOPS BY THE TEMPORAL POWER.
The civil magistrate not being invested with the
power to punish by spiritual censures, as all our theo-
logians hold, he is only to use the " civil sword" in pro-
tecting and supporting the church as above. It has
348 Expulsion of Bishops by the Prince, [p. v. ch. vi.
been disputed whether under any circumstances he may
expel bishops from their sees. This question was
argued with mucli warmth in the reign of king Wil-
liam, when several bishops were expelled from their
sees by the temporal power, in consequence of their
refusal to take the oaths to the new government, en-
joined by law.
It appears to me on the whole, that though the only
regular and ordinary mode of removing a bishop is by
an ecclesiastical judgment, there are particular cases in
which the temporal power is justified, even without any
previous sentence by the ordinary ecclesiastical tri-
bunal, in expelling a bishop from his see. First, the
right will not be denied in a case where the occupant of
a see is a usurper or intruder, uncanonically appointed.
Secondly, the practice of the church seems to favour
the opinion, that when a bishop is manifestly heretical,
when he manifestly and obstinately opposes the judg-
ment of the catholic church, when he is manifestly and
notoriously guilty of any crime which by the law of the
catholic church involves his degradation, and when
there is urgent necessity for his immediate removal,
or difficulty in assembling a synod ; then a christian
prince may justly ecVj^el and drive him from his see by
temporal force, and procure the ordination of another
bishop in his place. This however is a temporal punish-
ment, and is not to be understood as an usurpation of
the spiritual office of degradation, which can only be
performed by bishops according to the immemorial
custom of the catholic church. Indeed the New Tes-
tament does not exactly prescribe the tribunal which is
to deprive unworthy ministers of the gospel. The Old
furnishes us with the case of Solomon " thrusting out
APPEND. I.J Expulsion of Bishops hit the Prince. '349
Abiatliar from being priest unto the LorcP," in conse-
quence of his treasonable practices : " and Zadok the
jmest did the king put in the room of Abiathar''."
Whatever explanation he offered of this, the fact re-
mains, that Solomon expelled one who had been priest,
and put another in his place. Whether the christian
emperors in the primitive church were influenced by this
example I know not ; but certain it is, that the eccle-
siastical laws of the emperor Justinian and his prede-
cessors, repeatedly threaten expulsion or deprivation
of their offices, to those bishops and clergy who should
transgress the canons ^ The emperor Marcian de-
clared in the presence of the council of Clialcedon, that
any clergy who disputed further after the decision of
that synod, should lose their offices*. The emperor
Theodosius, at the request of John, patriarch of Antioch,
gave orders to expel by temporal force from their sees,
those schismatical bishops who refused to communicate
with that patriarch ^. In subsequent ages the eastern
emperors exercised this power continually, and some-
times most scandalously abused it \ The archbishops
and bishops of England in the " Necessary Doctrine"
published a. d. 1543, held this doctrine; admitting that
christian kings have the right to see that bishops and
priests execute their pastoral office truly and faithfully,
&c. " and if they obstinately withstand their prince's
kind monition, and will not amend their faults, then
' 1 Kings ii. 27. '' See Hody's " Case of sees
d Verse 35. vacant by an unjust or uncanoni-
* Justinian. Novella 123. See cal deprivation," 1693, the tract
also De Marca, De Concordia by Nicephorus Callistus, piib-
Sacerdot. et Imperii, lib. iv. c. i. lished by Hody 1C91, and that of
art. vi. c. 18. Methodius in the third volume of
^ Harduin. Concilia, t. ii. p. the Ancient Remains by Angelo
487. jNIaio, p. 247, &c.
s Fleury, liv. xxvii. s.28 — 33.
350 Expulsioyi of Bishops hy the Prince, [p. v. ch. vi.
and in such case to put other in their rooms and
places '."
These facts seem to me to furnish very probable
reasons for thinking-, that in the case of manifest offences
which merit degradation, and where there is a great ne-
cessity, the christian prince may justly expel bishops
from their sees. It is true that this power may be
abused : so may every other branch of the ecclesiastical
supremacy without exception: and so also may the
power of the church itself. But the safeguards to the
church in this and similar matters are first, the obli-
gation of the catholic prince to have only in view the
welfare of the catholic church, and therefore his bounden
duty to consult the most learned and orthodox prelates,
before he takes any important steps in ecclesiastical
affairs ; and secondly, the right of the church to remon-
strate, and finally, in case of extreme danger to religion,
or extreme injustice, to disobey the will of the tem-
poral prince.
If there were so extreme an injustice in the expulsion
of bishops by the temporal power, that christian charity
would forbid the church to lend her countenance to it,
and that the security of religion were at stake ; the
church would neither consecrate new bishops for the
sees thus vacated, nor communicate with any who might
be intruded into them by temporal force. Where she
does not offer any such opposition, she judges that the
act is either laudable or tolerable, and dispenses with
any irregularity.
It is most highly improbable, if not impossible, that
any case should occur in which a catholic prince, with
the advice of bishops, should make regulations which
' Formularies of Faitli, p. 287.
APPKND. 1.3 Expulsion of Bishops hy the Prince. 351
the catholic church of his country woukl judge to be
subversive of, or dangerous to the cliristian faith or dis-
ciphne : but if such a case should occur, the church
woukl be bound to suffer any temporal penalties rather
than yield to the commands of the prince. When
there is no such manifest danger, the church ought to
exhibit a willingness to comply with the injunctions of
the temporal sovereign, "not only for wrath but for
conscience sake," who on his part would act most wisely
by avoiding even the appearance of arbitrary domination,
or of needless interference in spiritual affairs, which
could not fail to diminish the influence of religion, and
to excite dissension and dissatisfaction in the com-
munity.
If it be objected that by claiming for the church the
right to disobey the command of the temporal ruler,
in any case, an ' impernmi in imperio is established, I
reply, that even by the English law no one of those
bodies in whom the power of the state is vested, ought
to attempt to annihilate the essential powers and pri-
vilege of any other. The king is bound to preserve the
powers of his parliament : the commons cannot right-
fully invade the privileges of the lords. In case of any
such attempt each estate would be entitled to maintain
its essential rights even against the regal authority. If
this bo the case in a temporal constitution which is
based only on human custom and human law ; how
much more right has the church to retain and defend
those sacred institutions which God himself has en-
trusted to her care, which the Almighty King of kings
has commanded her to observe even to the end of the
world.
It should be remarked however, that the church is
by no moans bound to insist on every occasion on the
10
352 Royal Nvmination to BisJwprics. [p. v. ch. vi.
full exercise even of her undoubted rights and privi-
leges : still less is she bound to oppose the will of
christian sovereigns because there may be some infor-
mality in the mode of proceeding, some apparent want
of respect for her constituted authorities. Many things
have been done irregularly in various ages, wliich the
church has tolerated, and even approved afterwards:
and the truth is, that she has not unfrequently been
obliged to submit patiently to invasions of her rights,
which she much lamented, and would gladly have
avoided.
APPENDIX II.
ON NOMINATION TO BISHOPRICS, AND ON SYNODS AND
CONVOCATIONS.
1. It may be reasonably questioned whether the
right of nomination to bishoprics is enjoyed by the
kings of England and most other catholic monarchs by
virtue of their ecclesiastical supremacy. It is certain
that for a long time the church elected her own pas-
tors : nor does it seem that if she had continued to do
so, the general supremacy of the christian prince would
have been in any degree afFectedc However, tiie
church has certainly very frecjuently consented that the
prince should nominate bishops^ ; reserving of course
her own right to decline accepting any persons of un-
sound faith or morals, or in any respect disqualified by
the law of God. Nor perhaps would it be easy to find
J The kings of England have point to all archbishoprics and
for many ages nominated to bi- other dignities. — See Bramhall,
shoprics. The Saxon and early Works, p. 75. Therefore the
Norman kings certainly did so. — Statute in the reign of Henry
See vol. i. p. 464. The Statute VIII. was only declaratory of
of provisors, 25 Edward III. en- the ancient law of England,
acted that the king should ap-
APPEND. II;] Engliah Synods. 353
a more convenient system under existing circumstances,
though it could never be just or righteous to force
bishops by the penalties of prcemimire to consecrate
persons against whose faith or character just exceptions
might be taken. " A bishop must be blameless^ and
this scriptural rule ought to be recognized by the law
of every christian state, as well as practically and in
fact.
2. It may also be most reasonably questioned, whe-
ther the supremacy of the temporal power infers not
merely the right of assembling synods, but the ea^clusive
right of calling them. The universal practice of the
church for many centuries is opposed to the notion that
all synods must be convened either by the Roman
pontiff or by the temporal sovereign. The canons re-
quired provincial synods to be held twice every year :
it is plain that the emperors and kings were not
troubled with requests to hold such synods, but that the
metropolitans of every province assembled them by
their own writ. Such was certainly the case in Eng-
land, where, as archbishop Wake says, " the provincial
synod was held by the sole power of the metropolitan :
the king might sometimes approve of, or advise the
calling of it ; but I believe it will be hard to find out any
one instance wherein he required the archbishop by any
royal writ to assemble such a council ''." To these pro-
vincial synods the bishops alone were of necessity sum-
moned ', and they only had a decisive voice. Their
office was to take cognizance of appeals from particular
dioceses, to judge bishops and metropolitans, and to enact
canons for the province. This latter power, which had
■^ Wake, State of the Church 202.
and Clergy, p. 27. See also ' Ibid. p. 107, 108. lll,&c.
Kennett, Eccles. Synods, p. 201,
VOL. II. A a
354 English Synods. [y. v. ch. vi.
frequently been exercised by provincial synods without
seeking the permission of the crown, was in the reign
of Henry the eighth relinquished by the clergy so far as
related to enacting new canons without the royal consent :
a submission which was only consistent with the har-
monious co-operation of church and state, and which is
in fact enforced by every sovereign in Europe, with or
without the consent of the clergy.
But it is a different question, whether provincial
synods may not meet simply by the writ of the metro-
politan, and proceed, without making new canons, to
act on the old canons. It is true that Coke '" and other
lawyers assert that no such synod can meet without
the king's writ, basing themselves on the submission of
the clergy in the reign of Henry VIII., and on the
common law or ancient customs of England evidenced
by authentic history ; but I doubt not that a constitu-
tional lawyer, less anxious to extend the prerogative of
the crown than to give due consideration to justice, and
to the genuine voice of history, might be able to prove
that the right of the English metropolitans to assemble
provincial synods without the royal writ, is still in fact
the common law of England.
With regard to the submission of the clergy, in
which they declared that " all convocations had been,
and ought to be assembled by the king's writ, and pro-
mised i7i verho sacerdotii never for the future to enact
any new canons in their convocations without the
king's license ^" it appears to me that this submission,
and the act which comprises it, relate to convocations
only, not to provincial synods, because it is as notorious
that the former have always been summoned by the
"» Coke, 4 Inst. 322, 323. " Act 25 Hen. VIII. c. 19.
APPEND. II.] English Synods. 355
king's writ, as it is that the hitter were not so. The
whole clergy and the whole parliament of England could
scarcely have been so devoid of information or of ve-
racity as to affirm, that provincial synods had always
been assembled by the king's writ ; it would seem
therefore that they must in this submission and act
have only meant to refer to convocations properly so
called ". In Ireland the clergy made no such sub-
mission, and provincial synods have continued to be
held by the metropolitans without the king's writ even
to the present day ''.
The church never flourished more, nor was the au-
thority of christian princes ever more revered, than
when provincial or national synods of bishops assembled
every year to enforce the discipline of the church. Yet,
strictly speaking, the assembly of such synods is not
absolutely essential to maintain ecclesiastical discipline,
or even to the introduction of reforms and improve-
ments in the church : for the former may be effected by
each bishop in his own diocese, while the bishops
themselves may be responsible to the metropolitan and
other bishops, and to the king : and the latter may be
effected by means of royal injunctions or ecclesiastical
laws made with the advice of bishops, and accepted by
*' Atterbury limits it to parli- years, to exercise the right ; and
amentary meetings of the clergy, that he had himself held such a
— On Convocation, p. 82. ed. synod, which in his opinion even
1700. If the term " convoca- possessed the power of making
tions" were taken to mean any canons. Bishop Bedel made ca-
meeting of the clergy, it would nons in the diocesan synod of
be illegal even for a bishop to Kilmore, a.d. 1638, for which
hold his visitation. see Wilkins's Concilia, t. iv. p.
P I learned from the late emi- 537. The lord deputy of Ire-
nent metropolitan, archbishop land, it seems, was unable legally
Magee, that the provincial synod to prevent this or to trouble the
of Dublin has usually been as- bishop. — See Burnet's Life of
sembled at intervals of 30 or 40 Bedel.
A a 2
356 Eiu/lish Convocations. [p. v. ch. vr.
the church dispersed. For as the bishops and pastors of
the church have always the authority of successors of
the apostles, whether they be assembled in synod or
not : as particular churches may accept and act on the
decrees and regulations of synods in which they have
not been actually represented : as the authority of the
oecumenical synods themselves rests finally on their
acceptance by the church dispersed ; it follows that regu-
lations of discipline in themselves lawful, and made by
the authority of the crown, whether with or without
the confirmation of parliament, may be adopted and
executed by the church ; and if they are so accepted,
they are invested with the canonical authority of other
ecclesiastical laws and customs.
3. The convocations or assemblies of the clergy in
England, France, Germany, Sweden '^, were called to-
gether by the king for temporal purposes, chiefly in
order to furnish pecuniary aids to the crown.
The English convocations seem to have arisen in the
o
following manner. After the Norman conquest the na-
tional councils, styled variously conventus, placihmi, con-
cilium, syfiodus, colloquium, and in the thirteenth cen-
tury parlamentum, consisted of bishops, abbots, earls,
and barons ; the commons and inferior clergy being not
yet summoned by the king's writ.
It was in the thirteenth century when the Roman
pontiffs began to demand taxes on ecclesiastical bene-
fices, that the convocation, comprising the inferior
clergy, took its rise \ Taxes were now to be imposed
not only on lands, but on tithes and oblations, to which
the consent of their owners was necessary. In 1246
"1 See this subject discussed by ' White Kennett, Eccles. Sy-
Thomassin. Vet. et Nov. Eccl. nods, p. 124.
Discipl. P. ii. 1. iii. c. 45 — 57.
APPEND. II.] English Convocations. 357
the archdeacons were called together by the king's writ
to consult of a subsidy for the crusade, which the
council of Lyons had ordered to be paid by all the
clergy", and in 1256, on occasion of another exaction,
they were ordered by the archbishop to bring procura-
torial letters from the clergy '. It was not till about
the end of the reign of Henry III. that the inferior
clergy were called to parliament. In 1282, king Ed-
ward the first, having summoned to the parliament of
Northampton, bishops, abbots, and the proctors of deans
and chapters, they refused to grant aid unless a fuller
assembly of the clergy was called " more debito ;" and in
the meeting so called were deans, archdeacons, proctors
of chapters and of the clergy ". In 1295 they were
again summoned to parliament, and for the first time by
the clause ^^ prcEvnunientes'" inserted in the writ of each
bishop, by which he was admonished to bring certain
clergy of his diocese to parliament ".
When the bishops, deans, archdeacons, proctors of
chapters and clergy attended the parliament, and when
they sat in a congregation or chamber apart from the
rest, the convocation, properly so called, was complete
in its general outline.
For a long time the convocation formed one house.
On various occasions however from a. d. 1376, the in-
ferior clergy were desired to withdraw, while the
bishops deliberated on the grievances and other affairs
of the church. In 1415 the inferior clergy seem first
to have elected a prolocutor to be their spokesman with
the bishops and others ^. It became their custom to
withdraw at the beginning of convocation into a lower
» Hody, Hist. English Coun- " Hody, p. 378. 381 ; part ii,
cils, p. 328. p. 138, 139.
' Kennett, p. 125 ; Hody, " Hody, p. 38r)— 3f)2.
part ii. p. 108. '" Ibid, part ii. p. 256.
358 EnglisJi Convocations. [p. v. CH. vi.
house, being the chapel under the church of St. Paul'i^,
to elect their prolocutor, and consider of their griev-
ances ; but they afterwards assembled in the chapter-
house of St. Paul's, with the bishops and abbots, and
it does not seem that they formed a chamber perma-
nently apart from the greater j)relates till late in the
fifteenth century.
Though convocations were summoned for temporal
objects, still when assembled they were virtually pro-
vincial synods, as they comprised all their members,
and therefore they sometimes acted as such, and even
took the title. In fact there seems no reason why
bishops who are assembled for a temporal purpose,
should be disqualified from taking cognizance of spi-
ritual affairs if necessary, and thus acting in a synodical
capacity. It is their authority as ministers of Jesus
Christ and successors of the apostles, which gives them
a right to make decisions in a synod ; not the mere
mode or reason of their assembling. Therefore it does
not appear essential to a synod, that it should have
been formally convened as a synod. We find that a
convocation in 1400 judged in a case of heresy \
Bishop Kennet says, that no canons were made by
convocations till the reign of Henry VII ^. However
the submission of the clergy and the act of parliament
both suj^pose that convocations may make canons with
the royal permission ; and in fact, the various reform-
ations made in these churches from that time, have
been generally, if not always, effected by convocations,
which were styled by themselves and by the temporal
power, " provincial" or " national synods ^" The same
thing has also occurred in France.
" Hody, part ii. p. 247. ^ The Gallican assemblies of
'' Kennett, p. 57. df'rgy or convocations made re-
APPEND, ir.] English Convocations. 359
The power 6f the crown with regard to convocation
is very great. It is its undisputed prerogative, not only
to assemble convocation, but to prevent its delibe-
rations, prorogue, and dissolve it ^at pleasure. The
assembly of the Galilean clergy was subject to the same
influence as ours. The king of France convoked it,
prescribed the subjects of debate, and terminated it
when he pleased ^. With regard to the constitution of
convocation in England, I may perhaps be allowed to
observe, that were it desirable that so large a body
should be permitted to deliberate on the affairs of the
church generally, and that the principle of a formal
representation of the clergy of the second order should
be adhered to, it would be necessary as a preliminary,
to determine the . respective privileges of the two
houses of convocation : nor does it seem that under the
constitution of that assembly at present, the parochial
clergy are so fully represented, as the numbers, the learn-
ing, the orthodoxy, and the high principle of that admi-
rable body of men so amply entitle them to be.
In concluding these observations on the royal supre-
macy, I must again protest, that the doctrine of the
church of England on this point is not to be deter-
mined by preambles of acts of parliament, by the asser-
tions of lawyers, or by the sentiments and actions of
princes in modern times. We are not bound to admit
the soundness of all those doctrines, or the rectitude of
all those acts. We subscribe only to the truth of the
doctrine taught by the church of England in her
articles and canons, and will not consent to be tried
except by them and by the principles they lay down.
gulations in discipline and doc- 157. s. 35, 36.) and in 1682.
trine in. 1561 (see Fleury, liv. * See Vol. I. p. 464.
360 Powers of Princes in the Roman Obedience, [fart v.
Whatever we may have to complain of in such matters,
is not pecuhar to these churches. Those who claim
greater independence than we do generally, have in
fact been obliged to content themselves with less.
Bouvier, bishop of Mans, may well say, " Whoever is
not altogether ignorant of the ecclesiastical history of
the last century, cannot be unaware of the many modes
in which the civil authority injured the spiritual power
of the (Galilean) church, under the name of ' Liberty.'
The most zealous defenders of our liberties have more
than once complained bitterly of the royal officers and
magistrates, who thus transgressed their legitimate au-
thority ^" Bossuet wrote to cardinal d'Estrees, " I
have proposed two things to myself; first, in speaking of
the liberties of the Galilean church, to do so without
diminishing the real grandeur of the holy see ; secondly,
to explain them as they are understood by the bishops,
and not as they are understood by the magistrates ^" Fe-
nelon said, "The king in practice is more the head of
the church in France than the pope. Liberties with
regard to the pope, servitudes with regard to the king.
The authority of the king devolved to lay judges:
those laymen rule the bishops. The enormous abuses
of the appel d'abus,"' &c. '' Fleury says, " But the
great servitude of the Galilean church, if I may say so,
is the excessive extent of the secular jurisdiction."
" A bad Frenchman might make a treatise on the
servitudes of the Galilean church, as they have done on
its liberties, and he would not be in want of proofs '."
'' Bouvier, De Vera Ecclesia, '' Cited by Bouvier from the
p. 386. See proofs of this, Vol. Life of Fenelon by De Bausset;
I. p. 327. Pieces justific. du livre vii. no. 8.
*^ Histoire de Bossuet, t. ii. p. * Nouveaux Opuscules de
125, cited by Bouvier, p. 387. Fleury, p. 89. 97. Ibid.
CHAP. VII.] A Christian Prince and Heretical People. 361
I merely adduce this to show that our case is not, at
least, worse than that of other nations : and that what-
ever chagrin may be felt on any such points, is not
heightened but soothed by comparison with the con-
dition of other churches supported by the state. The
value of this support is of no small moment to the
church : it is not lightly to be thrown away. The
most holy bishops in every age have approved it, and
even borne with patience the defects, the faults, the
interference of temporal magistrates. It is the duty of
the faithful to pray that their princes and magistrates
may be inspired with greater zeal for the faith, and in
the mean while to hope that the Divine Head and
Governor of the church will, in due time, cause better
and happier days to arise.
CHAPTER VII.
CERTAIN DIFFICULTIES SOLVED.
In the preceding chapters I have only been contem-
plating the case of christian princes of the catholic
church : I do not pretend to deduce from the gospel the
duties of heathen or heretical princes towards the true
religion. But it remains to consider here the cases of
a christian king with a heathen or heretical people, and
of a christian people with a heretical or infidel king.
If a christian king should be placed at the head of a
heathen or heretical people, his duty should lead him
to encourage the spread of true religion without vio-
lence or compulsion, because it was not the command-
ment of Jesus Christ that his religion should be pro-
10
362 A Christian Church and Infidel Prince. [part v.
pagatecl by weapons of carnal warfare; and converts
made by temporal force are never likely to be sincere
adherents to the catholic faith. A christian sovereign
may even promise to defend the property and other
legal rights of an established sect (as our monarchs do
with reference to the presbyterian community in Scot-
land), and ought, in that case, to adhere to his promise
in good faith ; but he could not, without a violation of
his duty to God and to the nation, preclude himself
from benefitting and promoting the cause of the true
church.
If the christian church in any country, having been
neglected or persecuted by an unbelieving prince,
should receive from that prince an offer of relief and
sujDport, on condition that he was permitted to exercise
certain privileges in the church, it would be entirely in
the power of the church to decide whether the adop-
tion of such a proposal would leave an abundant secu-
rity for the catholic faith and discipline ; and if she
judged either to be endangered, she would be at perfect
liberty to reject the proposal : because her first duty is
to maintain the ordinances of God.
If a christian church which had formerly been pro-
tected by the zeal and piety of christian princes, should
in the course of ages behold the power of heretics or
infidels influencing the state, and estranging it from
her : if she beheld a weak government consenting, or
a wicked government labouring to withdraw those safe-
guards with which ancient piety and wisdom had sur-
rounded her : what should be her duty except to offer
respectful and christian remonstrance while she is al-
lowed to offer it ; to bear with patience and humility
what must be borne, in the hope of better times ; to be
cautious that injuries shall not excite her to imprudent
CHAP, viii.] On Toleration. 363
acts which might only increase her difficulties ; and in
fine, to guard with unshaken fidelity, the faith and the
discipline which she has received from scripture and
catholic tradition.
CHAPTER VIII.
ON TOLERATION.
I HAVE already observed that it was not the will of our
Lord Jesus Christ that his church should compel unbe-
lievers to unite themselves to her communion by force
of arms. He neither conferred any temporal power on
his ministers, nor willed that any but believers should
be baptized. It would be entirely alien to the christian
spirit to use harshness or cruelty to any human being,
even to idolaters or infidels. On the contrary, chris-
tians are bound to " do good to all men," and, as far as
possible, to live at peace with them. But while this is
most fully admitted, it seems not unnecessary to con-
sider briefly the question of toleration, and the principles
on which it is sometimes, indeed too frequently, advo-
cated ; because it affects not only the character of the
christian church and christian sovereigns from the age
of Constantine, but the very laws under which these
churches have so long flourished.
Let us first consider the laws now existing, which
establish the discipline and doctrine of this catholic
church. By" the act 1st Elizabeth, any minister of the
church rejecting the use of the book of common-
prayer, or employing different forms and ceremonies, is
liable to forfeit the yearly profit of his benefice, and to be
364 On Toleration. [pakt v.
imprisoned for six months for the first offence ; to suffer
imprisonment for a year and be deprived ipso facto of
his benefices in case of a second offence ; and for a
third, to suffer imprisonment for life, besides losing- his
benefices. Any person libelling the Book of Common-
Prayer, or forcing a clergyman to use any other form,
forfeits a hundred marks. On a repetition of the of-
fence, he forfeits four hundred marks ; on a third offence
forfeits his goods and chattels, and suffers imprison-
ment for life. A person absent from the service of the
church without reasonable excuse, forfeits twelve
pence. By the Act of Uniformity, 14 Car. II. every
minister of the church is bound to declare, on his ap-
pointment, his assent and consent to the Book of
Common-Prayer, on pain of deprivation. He is also
(if resident) to perform certain duties, under a penalty
of five pounds. No one, except he be episcopally or-
dained, can hold a benefice : nor can any person not
ordained a priest, celebrate the eucharist, under the
penalty of one hundred pounds. Heads of colleges are
to subscribe the Articles and Book of Common-
Prayer, on pain of deprivation. Persons preaching
without proper faculties are to suffer three months'
imprisonment. By the act 13th Elizabeth, any mi-
nister of the church teaching doctrines contrary to the
Thirty-nine Articles, is deprived of his preferments.
These are a few of the principal laws by which the state
protects the authority and unity of the church: the
number might easily be enlarged.
In accordance with the principle involved in these
laws, and in the Articles and Canons of the church of
England, I maintain firmly that the state has a right,
when necessary, to oblige the members of the church,
by temporal penalties, to submit to her ordinances, and
CHAP. VI I r.] 0« Toleration. 365
neither establish a different worship, nor teach diffe-
rent doctrines from hers. It has a right to prevent
persons from separating from her communion, and
from troubling the faithful, sowing dissension in the
community, and misleading the ignorant and weak-
minded brethren. It is not that the prince has a right
to dictate his oivn opinions to the people, nor that he is
specially bound by his otfice to save souls : but because
he is bound to believe that God is the governor of this
world, that religion propitiates His favour, that He has
revealed a relierion and established a church in which
He wills that men should seek Him ; because it is cer^^
tain that God has not left His church without signs
which distinguish it clearly from all false religions ;
and in fine, because the church in the supposed case, is
manifestly a branch of that true and divine church : it
is for these reasons that the christian prince has a right
to exercise his temporal power for the welfare of the
nation, by protecting the church from " the gathering
together of the froward, and the insurrection of evil-
doers."
But when temporal penalties are applied by the
christian prince in preventing rebellion against the
church, it should ever be remembered, that the object
is not vengeance or cruelty, but the welfare of the
church and nation. And therefore, if experience show
that penalties have in vain been employed to secure
obedience : if a schism be formed and established : if it
be obviously in vain to expect any good results from
measures of compulsion : christian charity and submis-
sion to the divine will, as well as sound policy, would
enjoin the toleration of incurable errors. Therefore
the state of England acted well in relieving papists and
other sectaries from the operation of laws which could
366 On Toleration. [p. v. ch. viii.
no longer be useful with respect to them. But though
sects may be tolerated by a christian state, they ought
never to receive from it favour, encouragement, or the
means of injuring the true church established.
Locke's theory of Toleration, which has been adopted
by Warburton and others, is built on three fundamental
errors, which pervade the entire of it. First, that the
sole concern of the civil magistrate is with civil affairs ;
and that he has nothing whatever to do with religion :
secondly, that the true religion and church are not
clearly distinguishable from heresies and schisms : and
thirdly, that the only end which the civil magistrate
can have in enforcing the doctrines and discipline of
the church, is the salvation of those who are disobedient
to them. From these principles Locke deduces con-
clusions subversive of the regal supremacy, and con-
demnatory of the existing laws in favour of the orthodox
religion. I shall briefly notice some of his principal
assertions and arguments in the objections.
OBJECTIONS.
I. He who follows Christ, embraces his doctrine, and
wears his yoke, though he may separate from the public
assemblies and ceremonies of his country, is not to be
accounted a heretic and punished.
Answer. Separation from the church of Christ is in-
ea^cusable^, nor is it possible that he who does so can
follow Christ.
II. If any one compels others by temporal force to
profess certain doctrines, or attend a certain worship,
he cannot intend to compose a truly christian church
by such means.
* See Part I. chapter iv, sect. 2.
OBJECT.] On Toleration. 367
Answer. No magistrate could intend to compose a
church by such means, but he may render those who
rebel against the church comparatively innoxious, and
even bring them ultimately into the right way.
III. Our Lord and his apostles did not use carnal
weapons, though they might easily have had them if
they desired.
Ansioer. The ministers of the church are never to
employ such weapons, but the christian magistrate is
given the power of the civil sword.
IV. The whole duty of the civil magistrate relates
to civil matters, such as life, liberty, health, and pro-
perty : it does not relate to the salvation of souls.
Therefore he has no right to interfere in matters of
religion.
Answer. It is the duty of the magistrate to consult
for the general welfare, by promoting virtue and re-
ligion, and thus seeking the blessing of God on the
nation. I admit that his office is not to take care of
souls : this is entrusted to the ministers of Jesus
Christ.
V. The magistrate cannot have the care of souls, be-
cause he cannot compel men to believe. He cannot
influence their view and persuasion.
Ansiver. He may however prevent unbelievers and
heretics from openly assailing religion, and subverting
the faith of many. St. Paul says, " There are many
unruly and vain talkers and deceivers, whose mouths
must be stopped ; who subvert whole houses, teaching
things which they ought not, for filthy lucre's sake ^."
If the christian magistrate silences such brawlers is he
to be blamed ?
^ Tit. i. 11.
368 On Toleration. [p. v. cfi. viii.
VI. There is but one truth, one way to heaven :
there would be no hope that more persons should be
led into it, if they were under a necessity to embrace
the religion of their rulers, whatever it may be. Sal-
vation in this case would depend on the place of
nativity.
Answer. There is but one truth and one church,
which God has distinguished from falsehood and error
by manifest signs. The magistrate's right only extends
to the defence and propagation of this true religion :
the subject's duty of obedience is also limited to it.
VII. The church is a purely voluntary society, for
no man is by nature a member of the church. He
joins the society he judges most acceptable to God,
and if he finds any thing wrong in it, he ought to be at
liberty to leave it.
Answer. No man can forsake the church without
committing a grievous sin. The civil magistrate may
reasonably restrain such men by temporal penalties, in
order to prevent them from disturbing the weak
brethren, and troubling the church.
VIII. From the voluntary nature of the church it
follows that its laws must be made by itself alone.
Answer. Are all voluntary societies exempted from
the authority of the state, and unprotected by the law ?
It is certain that many voluntary associations for various
objects are both protected and regulated by the state.
IX. No sect has a right to assume dominion over
another : nor is it to be said that the orthodox have
authority over the heretical ; because each asserts itself
to be orthodox, and there is no earthly judge to de-
cide on their claims.
Answer. The church never claims dominion over
those "that are without," but she has authority over
OBJECT.] On Tohrntion. 360
her own children wlien tliej rebel. God has himself
distinguished his true religion and church sufficiently
from all heresies. To assert the contrary would be to
deny in fact that God designs his church to be the way
of salvation, and to dispute whether there be any true
church.
X. The points in discussion between the church and
those who separate, are frequently matters of small im-
portance, concerning rites, habits, &c. Why should
men be blamed for omitting such trifling matters?
Answer. Because they reject them on the principle
that all human rites in religious service are sinful: and
thus condemn the church universal in all ages, and
*' spy out our liberty which we have in Christ Jesus,
that they may bring us into hondager Therefore we
are bound, in defence of the rights and liberties of
the church, not " to give place by subjection" to such
men, " no not for an hour."
XI. Since churches are free societies, and since what
is practised in them is only justifiable in so far as it is
believed by those who practise it to be acceptable to
God, the magistrate has no right to enforce any rites or
ceremonies in the worship of God. Therefore the Acts
of Uniformity are unjust.
Answer. The church only adopts such rites and cere-
monies as she judges pleasing to God, or lawful : the
civil magistrate enforces them, in order to confirm her
resolutions and to support her authority.
XII. Speculative articles of faith ought not to be
imposed on any church by law ; because it is not in
man's power to believe at pleasure, and a mere external
profession cannot put men in the way of salvation.
Therefore, the act enjoining subscription to the Articles
is unjust.
VOL. II. B b
370 On Toleration. [p. v. CH. vni.
Answer. It may be very useful to the cliurch that
evil men shall not be permitted to teach errors, espe-
cially Mithin her communion, which (if allowed) would
often involve her in great difficulties and dangers. The
repression of such men is not so much for their benefit,
as for that of the coramunitv.
A TREATISE ON THE CHURCH OF CHRIST,
PART VL
ON THE SACRED MINISTRY.
Bb 2
A TREATISE
THE CHURCH OF CHRIST.
PART VI.
ON THE SACRED MINISTRY.
CHAPTER 1.
ON THE EPISCOPATE.
I HAVE elsewhere proved ^ that the office of the sacred
ministry is essential to the christian church, and have
briefly noticed some of its characteristics : but I am
now to examine more particularly the constitution of
this priesthood, its various degrees, the qualifications of
those who are to receive and to transmit it, the rites
by which it is conferred ; and to apply these considera-
tions to existing circumstances.
The British churches, together with the infinite
majority of professing christians throughout the world,
acknowledge three ranks or degrees of the sacred
ministry as of apostolical antiquity. The preface to
the Ordinal says : " from the Apostles' time there have
been these orders of ministers in Christ's church ;
bishops, priests, and deacons ;" and a distinct form of
ordination with imposition of hands and prayer is there
" See Part I. chap. viii.
/J74 Number of Sacred Orders. [part vi.
appointed for those presbyters who " are called to the
work and ministry of a bishoji."
In this chapter I propose to prove, that episcopacy,
or the superiority of one pastor in each church, vested
with peculiar powers, is of apostolical institution ; and
that all churches are bound to adhere to this rule.
This is sufficient to establish the general discipline
of the church, and it is not necessary to contend, that
the difference between the first and second degrees of
the sacred ministry, resembles that between the second
and third ; or that there are three orders of the minis-
try equally distinguished from each other. If we divide
the sacred ministry according to its degrees instituted
by God, and understand the word " order" in the sense
of " degree," we may very truly say that there are three
orders of the christian ministry ; but if we distribute it
according to its nature, we may say that there are only
two orders, viz. bishops or presbyters, and deacons ; for
pastors of the first and second degree exercise a minis-
try of the same nature. Both are ministers of Christ
and stewards of the mysteries of God : both are in-
vested with the care of souls and the government of
the church, in their respective degrees : both are sent
to teach and preach the Gospel of Christ ; to make
disciples by baptism ; to celebrate the eucharist ; to
bless the congregation ; to offer prayers and spiritual
sacrifices in the presence of all the people ; even to
seal with the Holy Spirit in confirmation *". In the
power of ordination alone, do the ministers of the first
^ Presbyters administer confir- they have no such power, and it
mation ordinarily in the eastern is even disputed by many theo-
churches with chrism hallowed logians whether the church could
by the bishop. Habert. Pontifi- commission them to exercise it.
cale Graec. p. 709. In the west
CHAP. I.] Number of Sacred Orders. 375
degree differ absolutely from those of the second : and
therefore they may be considered, in general, as of the
same order.
On the other hand, deacons are plainly of a different
order ; their ministry being, according to the Scripture,
the practice of the church generally, and the sentiment
of the church of England in particular, limited to
duties of a temporal, or at least a very inferior cha-
racter. They are only permitted to baptize and preach :
the church has before now given the same permission
to laymen in case of necessity : they are not given the
care of souls, or any of the other higher offices of the
ministry.
If it were adviseable to enter on this question at any
extent, it might be easily shown, that there is very
considerable authority from tradition, in favour of the
identity in order of the first and second degrees of
the ministry. I mean, that the title of bishop or
presbyter might be applied to both, though the bishops
or presbyters of the first class are distinguished from
those of the second, y^re divino. We find that Clement
of Rome, Polycarp, Ireneeus, Clement of Alexandria,
Tertullian, Firmilian, and others, sometimes only speak
of two orders in the church, i. e. bishops or presbyters
and deacons ; or else mention the pastors of the first
order under the title of presbyters. Besides this, many
writers employ language and arguments, which go
directly to prove the identity of the first and second
degrees of the ministry in order. Amongst these may
probably be mentioned, Jerome, Hilary the deacon,
Chrysofstom, Augustine, Theodoret, Sedulius, Prima-
sius, Isidore Hispalensis, Bede, Alcuin, the synod of
Aix in 819, Amalarius, and others, quoted by Mori-
.')7G Nutnbtr of Sacred Orders. [part vi.
iius ''. To these may be added the great body of the
schoolmen, Hugo S. Victor, Peter Lombard, Alexander
Alensis, Bonaventura, Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aqui
nas, Scotus, Abulensis, Turrecremata, Cajetan, &c. Many
teach that the episcopate is only an extension of the
sacerdotal order, such as Durandus, Paludanus, Domi-
nic Soto, &c. ^ In fine the synod of Trent seems rather
to favour this view, since it does not reckon the episco-
pate as a distinct order from the priesthood \ though it
denounces anathema against those who deny that there
is a hierarchy, divinely instituted, consisting of bishops,
presbyters, and ministers ^. Such too seems to have
been the sentiment of the bishops of England in " the
Institution of a Christian JMan," 1536 % and " the Ne-
cessary Doctrine," 1543 ^ where only the two orders of
bishops or priests, and deacons are reckoned of divine
institution. It seems too, that many of the Reformers
in the sixteenth century entertained this opinion, and
several theolosfians of our churches in that and the fol-
lowing ages, have been cited in favour of it.
But we should greatly mistake, if we supposed that
these writers, because they reckoned only two orders
in the sacred ministry, regarded the chief presbyters, to
whom the church has limited the title of bishops, as
invested with no greater prerogatives than other pres-
byters jure divino. On the contrary they held, that
bishops were established in all churches by the Apos-
" Morinus de Sacris Ordin. matter. See also Hallier, De
par. iij. exerc. iii. c. 2. Vas- Ordin. p. 372, &c. 413.
quez, in iii part. Disput. 240, ^ Synod. Trident. Sess. xxiii.
c. 2. cap. 2.
** Morinus, par. iii. exerc. iii "^ Ibid. Can. 6, 7.
c. 1. states all the various = Formularies of Faith, p. 105,
opinions of the scholastic doctors Oxford ed.
and Roman theologians on this '' Ibid. p. 231.
CHAP. 1.] The Episcopate ApostolicaL 377
ties, with a superiority of jurisdiction to the other
presbyters ; and that tlie power of ordination was so
vested in them, that mere presbyterian ordinations
were null and void. This, I say, has always been the
general doctrine of the church, though there were some
few individuals in the middle ages, who thought that
the Roman pontiff might commission simple presbyters
to ordain '.
Having premised these general observations, I now
proceed to show that episcopacy, or the superiority of
one presbyter in each church, was established by the
Apostles ; and that it is obligatory on the whole church \
I. The authentic records of history inform us, that
from the present day, even to the time of the apostles,
every church has been governed by a succession of
bishops or chief presbyters. Every one admits that
episcopacy was universal in the fourth and third cen-
turies. Let us now trace it back from the end of the
second century to the apostles. I maintain, that as far
as it is possible to discover the state of the church in
those times, episcopacy was as universally received as
the sacraments of Christianity. Every church seems to
' Morinus de Ordin. pars iv. duties of the Clergy ; the writ-
exerc. iii. c. 3. ings of Bovvden, Cooke, and
^ Amongst the writers on this Onderdonk, in "Works on Epis^
subject may be mentioned, copacy" published at the Episco-
Hooker, Eccl. Polity, book vii ; pal press, New York, 1831. Sin-
Bilson, Perpetual Government of clair's Dissertation on the church
Christ's Church, ch. xii. and xiii; of England, (on Episcopacy).
Field, Of the Church, b. V ; Hall See also Tournely, Tract, de
on Episcopacy ; Taylor on Epis- Ordin. ; Thomassinus, Vet. et
copacy ; Chillingworth, Apost. Nov. Eccl. Discipl. P. I. lib. i.
Institut. of Episcopacy ; Leslie, c.51 — 53 ; Petavius deHierarch.
on the qualifications requisite to Eccl. ; Habertus, Pontificale
administer the Sacraments ; Pot- Grsec. ; Morinus de Ordin. ; Hal-
ter on Church Government ; lier, De Sacr. Elect, et Ordin. ;
Bingham, Orig. Eccl. b. ii ; Vasquez, Comment, in iii. part.
Skinner on Episcopacy ; Rose on S. Thomae.
the Commission and consequent
378 Tlie Episcopate Apostolical. [part vi.
have been subject to one chief pastor, and there is no
evidence to the contrary.
About A. D. J 96, Victor was " president of the Roman
church V Irenseus reminded him of " the presbyters
who had presided over that church""' before him.
Anicetus, Pius, Hyginus, Telesphorus, and Xystus,
obviously regarding each of them, like Victor, as the
chief pastor of the Roman church. We know that
about A. D. :250, the bishop of Rome presided over
iorty-four presbyters ", and no doubt the number was
large even at the end of the second century. About
the same time as Victor, " Demetrius undertakes the
ministry of the church of Alexandria. . . . Scrapie, the
eighth bishop of the church of Antioch from the apos-
tles was still known. . . . Theophilus presided over the
church of Csesarea. . . . Narcissus in like manner . . .
had the ministry of the church in Jerusalem. Bachyl-
lus, at the same time, was bishop of that at Corinth
in Greece, and Polycrates of the church of Ephesus °."
Eusebius mentions that many synods of " bishops," by
whom he doubtless means such presidents of churches
as he has spoken of, were held in Palestine, Rome,
Pontus, Gaul, Osroene, Corinth, Asia, &c. ^ At the
same time we read of " Cassius, bishop of the church
of Tyre, and Clarus of that at Ptolemais ""." Polycrates
in his epistle to Victor, mentions many Asiatic bishops
then deceased ^
Before this time, about 177, "Irenseus undertakes
the episcopate of the church of Lyons, which Pothinus
had governed ;" the latter having died in prison at the
' '0/XEv tT)q 'Pwjuai'wj' TTpotGTwc " Eiiseb. vi. 43.
B/ic-oip. — Eus. V. 24. "" Euseb. v. 22.
'" Kai 01 Trpo Sw7->7poc 7rp£(7- '' Ibid. 23, 24.
ftdnpoi 01 irpoarai'Tst; Tf/g ekk\7]- '' Ibid. 25.
(TiciQ iii: rvv ti(j)vyrj. — Ibid. ' Ibid. 24.
10
CHAP. 1.] The Episcopate Apostolical. 379
age of ninety ^ Irenseus furnishes a catalogue of the
bishops of Rome, in which he says, that " the apostles
delivered the ministr?/ of the episcopate to Linus. . . .
Anencletus succeeds him ; and after him, in the third
place from the apostles, Clemens obtains the episco-
pate. . . . Evarestus succeeds this Clemens, and is fol-
lowed by Alexander," &c. * He also says that Polycarp,
w^th whom he was acquainted, was made bishop of
Smyrna b?/ the apostles ".
About the year 168, w^hen the heresy of Montanus
appeared, we read that it Avas opposed by Zoticus,
bishop of Comana, Julian of Apamsea ", Serapion
of Antioch, Apollinarius of Hierapolis, and " many
other bishops '^" Before this, Melito was " bishop of
Sardis, and Apollinarius of Hierapolis %" Theoj^hilus
of Antioch, and Philip of Gortyna \ Still earlier,
Dionysius was " entrusted with the episcopal throne of
the church of Corinth. . . . He mentions Quadratus,
who after the martyrdom of Publius, was appointed
bishop of the Athenians. . . . He relates also how
Dioni/sius the Areopagite . . .first undertook the hishopric
of the church of Athens, . . . Writing to the church of
Gortyna, ... he commends Philip their bishop. . . .
Writing to the church of Amastris, and the others in
Pontus . . . mentioning their bishop Palm as by name,
he admonishes them," &c. There is also an epistle to
the Gnossians, in which he exhorts " Pinytus bishop of
that church ;" and another to the Romans " addressed
to Soter bishop at that time ^"
* Ibid. 5. " Euseb. lib. v. c. 16.
' Ibid. 6. " Ibid. 19.
" 'AXXa Kal viro ' ATToarokdJv " Lib. iv. c. 26.
KuTaaraQiiQ (Iq rfiv 'Atrlat' it' rij ^ Ibid. 24, 25.
iv ^jivpvT) iKicXricTif^ iTviffKOTZOQ. ^ Ibid. 23.
— Euseb. lib. iv. c. 14.
380 Tlie Episcopate Apostolical. [part vi.
About 158, Hegesippus came from the east to Rome,
and his history states that he had "conversed with
many bishops on his journey." He says, " the church
of the Corinthians remained in the sound faith even to
the episcopate of Primus in Corinth : with whom I
conversed when journeying to Rome, and spent many
days at Corinth ^" He also mentions that in the time
of Domitian, about a. d, 93, certain relatives of our
Lord, according to the flesh, having been interrogated
by the emperor and dismissed, afterwards " 7niled
churches, as being at once martyrs and relatives of the
Lord ''." He states that after the martyrdom of James
the Just, " Simon, the son of Cleopas, is appointed bishop,
whom, being a relation of the Lord, all preferred as
the second" bishop". About the same time as Diony-
sius, Polycarp, who had been appointed bishop of
Smyrna by the apostles, came to Rome to confer with
Anicetus bishop or presbyter of that city, as Irenseus
informs us ''. Justin Martyr, about a. d. 148, describ-
ing the public worship of the christians, observes, that
the commentaries of the apostles, or the writings of
the 23rophets, are read as long as the time permits ; that
wdien the reader has ceased, " the president in a dis-
course exhorts" the people ; and that when the bread
and wine are offered, " the president offers prayers and
thanksgivings ^"
With Polycarp, who had been made bishop of
Smyrna by the apostles, were in part contem2)orary,
" Euseb. 1. iv. c. 22. voxiQiaiav /cat irpoKXtfcnv rrjc rCJy
^ Lib. iii. c. 20. See Routh, kuXwv tovtwv jjifii'icTEuje ttouItcu
Reliquiae Sacrse, t. i. p, 198. ... 6 TrpoearTWQ ti^og ojuoiwg kqI
'^ Lib. iv. 22. fi/^ajtxaT-i'ac,- vari ovvajxiQ avrw,
'' Lib. iv. 14. V. 24. dianeinrti. — Just. Mart. Apol.
'■ '() TvpotaTioQ Cia Xoyov rijv 1. p. 97, 98. ed. Thirlby.
CHAP. I.] The Ejjisi'oj/afc Aposfollcai. 381
Papias " bishop of the church of Hierapolis '," who
conversed with the apostles; and Ignatius, who suffered
martyrdom about A. D. 107, and had been constituted
bishop of Antioch by the apostles ^. Ignatius, as we
learn from Eusebius, addressed epistles to several
churches, and mentioned in them " Onesimus pastor of
the church of Ephesus," " Damas bishop" of Magnesia,
Polybius " ruler of the church of Tralles," and Poly-
carp " prelate of Smyrna ''." This was very soon after
the death of St. John, who lived at Ephesus till the
end of the first century.
All the great churches preserved catalogues of their
bishops from the time of the apostles, as we may see
in Eusebius. Rome traced her succession from Linus,
Cletus, and Clement, who were appointed bishops by
the Apostles. Antioch traced hers from Evodius and
Ignatius, who were also successively made bishops by
the apostles. Jerusalem in like manner commenced
her catalogue with James the Lord's brother : Alexan-
dria traced her oi-igin to Mark the Evangelist, M'ho
constituted Anianus his successor. Athens, as we have
seen, was governed by Dionysius the Areopagite in the
time of the apostles, Smyrna by Polycarp, Ephesus by
Onesimus, probably the friend of St. Paul.
As far therefore as we are informed of the state of
the church from the time of the apostles, it appears
evident, that in every church there was one presiding
presbyter or bishop. It is not only in the greater
churches that this discipline is found : nor is it observed
' Euseb. lib iii. c. 36. Irenseus Apost. vii. 46. Burton's Lec~
adv. Haeres. v. 33. tures on Eccl. Hist. i. 367.
s Euseb. ut supra. Origen. Pearsoni Annot. in Ignat. Ed.
in Luc. Horn. vi. Chrysost. Orat. Smith, p. 1, &c,
xlii. Theodoret. Dial. 1. Const. ^ Ibid.
382 The Episcopate Apostolical. [paim' vi.
merely in some parts of tlie world. The very smallest
and most insignificant churches were governed by
bishops, and every country where Christianity then pre-
vailed, furnishes examples of episcopacy. From Osroene
in the east to Gaul in the west, from Pontus in the
north to Egypt in the south, all churches whose consti-
tution we can trace, had been subject to bishops from
the latter part of the second century up to the time of
the apostles. It was the persuasion of christians in the
second century that the apostles had instituted episco-
pacy. The history of Christianity, in short, is the his-
tory of episcopacy : they are found united from the
very first ; nor is there less evidence for the prevalence
of this form of government in the primitive church,
than there is of the reception of the scriptures, or the
use of the sacraments in those times. In fine, the
adversaries of episcopacy have never been able to pro-
duce a single instance of a church subject to a presby-
tery without a chief pastor, (except during temporary
vacancies of sees,) during the first fifteen centuries
after Christ.
II. The existence of episcopacy is mentioned in
scripture. The christian ministry was only gradually
developed by the apostles as the church required it.
We read first of the apostles instituting deacons at
Jerusalem, in consequence of a dispute between the
Greeks and Jews. The original institution of presby-
ters is nowhere recorded ; but there were presbyters
at Jerusalem about a. d. 43, and Barnabas and Paul
afterwards ordained them in all the churches of those
districts where they were labouring. In like manner
we do not find the origin of episcopacy exactly re-
corded : though there are proofs enough that it existed
in the time of the apostles.
CHAP. I.J riu' Episcopate Apostolical. 383
It is probable that the apostles at first appointed
several presbyters of equal authority in each church, re-
serving the chief authority themselves, and thus acting
as the first bishops. But as the apostles drew near the
close of their labours, we find evidences of their de-
puting this power to others, and constituting them in
their own place to preside over the churches. This is
exemjdified in the case of Titus, whom the apostle Paul
left in Crete to " set things in order, and ordain presby-
ters in every city." It is still more strongly exemplified
in his fixing Timothy at Ephesus, probably about a. d. 63
or 64, in the very latter part of this apostle's life, with
the powers given to him over presbyters. These cases,
r say, furnish a strong evidence of the provision which
the apostles were making for the government of the
church after their own departure. And accordingly,
when we next see the state of the church in scripture,
about thirty years after, we find that in every church
mentioned, there was one chief pastor, entitled in the
Book of Revelations its " Angel." Connecting this with
the testimony of ecclesiastical history already adduced,
to the fact that bishops were positively instituted by the
apostles ; there can be no reasonable doubt that epis-
copacy was really established by them.
How is it possible indeed to suppose that such a pre-
eminence could have prevailed universally in the second
century without any objection, if it had not been insti-
tuted by the apostles? We know the disturbances
which arose in the church on the time of keeping
Easter : how improbable is it, that episcopacy could
have been introduced into all churches by merely
human authority, without exciting opposition in some
quarter.
III. The weight of facts has indeed obliged many
h.
384 The Episcopate Apostolical [part vi.
opponents of episcopacy to acknowledgments fatal to
their cause. According to Blondel, the senior presbyter
had a precedence over the other presbyters even in
the apostles' time, " the apostles themselves, if not openly
favouring, at least not opposing it ' ;" he admits in fact
that this precedence existed 'from the beginning ^" He
says that from these presbyters, as " heads of the whole
clergy, the chnrches were reckoned, and the successions
were deduced '," a^^d that such a theory alone enables
us to avoid being " overwhelmed with unexpected diffi-
culties," in contemplating the records of the ancient
churches of Rome, Antioch, &c. " Salmasius, another
presbyterian, allows that the difference between bishops
and presbyters is most ancient ; only that it did not
exist in the time of the apostles ", but was introduced
after the death of St. Peter and St. Paul \ Campbell,
an opponent of episcopacy, says, " that the distinction"
between bishop and presbyter " obtained generally before
the middle of the second century^'' that is within fifty
years of the apostolic age. He even regards it as pro-
bable, not only that the " angels of the churches" in the
Apocalypse were presbyters, who had a sort of ])re-
sidency over the rest, after the example of the Jewish
sanhedrim ; but even that this distinction had prevailed
from the beginni^ig, though too inconsiderable to be no-
ticed in history ^ Accordingly, the puritans, who pro-
fessed to do nothing without the authority of scripture,
acknowledged that there might be a president or mode-
' Blondellus, Apol. pro Sent. p Campbell's Lectures on Eccl.
Hieron. p. 5. Hist. lect. vi.
^ Ibid. p. 38. ^ Ibid. lect. v. The dissenters
' Ibid. p. 6. in their Eccl. Library (Essay on
■" Ibid. p. 7. Episcopacy, 196. 198.) adopt
" Walo Messalinus, p. 7. these views of Campbell's.
" Ibid. p. 181.
CHAP. I.] The Episcopate Apostolical. 385
rator in the presbytery, though they objected to invest-
ing any one with it permanently "".
IV. It was the universal tradition that the episcopate
is of apostolical and divine institution. Ignatius says,
" It becometh you not to take advantage of the bishop's
age, but according to the iwwer of God the Father to pay
him all reverence, as I know your holy presbyters do, not
considering his age, which to appearance is youthful.
... It will therefore befit you with all sincerity to obey
your bishop, in honour of Him whose pleasure it is that
ye should do so '." Clement of Alexandria : " There
are other precepts (in scripture) Avithout number, which
concern men in particular capacities; some of which
relate to presbyters, others to bishops, and others to
deacons *." Origen : " If Jesus Christ the Son of God
is subject to Joseph and Mary, shall not I be subject
to the bishop who is of God ordained to be my father ?
Shall not I be subject to the presbyter who by the
Lord's vouchsafement is set over me " ?" Cyprian :
"The ordination of bishops, and constitution of the
church so descends through successions and ages, that
the church should be founded on the bishops, and every
ecclesiastical act be regulated by the same governors.
Since this therefore is piwided in the divine law, I
marvel that some have written to me with audacious
temerity, in such a manner," (Sec. " Athanasius : " If
■■ Hooker's Works, by Keble, Clem. Alex. Paedagog. 1. iii. c.
vol. iii. p. 181; Field, Of the 12. t. i. Oper. p. 309. ed. Potter.
Church, b. v. c. 27. " " Si Jesus Filius Dei subjici-
^ Ignat. Epist. ad Magnes. c. tur Joseph etMariae, ego npn sub-
iii. jiciar episcopo, qui mihi a Deo or-
' Mvpi'oi ^£ oaai vKoBiiKui, eiQ dinatus est Pater ? Non subjiciar
TTpoiTWTra IkXektu huxTiivovtrai, presbytero, qui mihi Domini dis;-
tyypu^arai tcuq /3//3Aotc toIq natione praepositus est ?" — Ori"-.
ay iaiQ- a'l f.uv TrpEffjivripniQ' al ce Horn. xx. in Luc. Op. iii. 956.
iiriffKOTruig' at ce ^mkovoic. — * " Tnde per temporum et suc-
VOL. 11. C C
386 Tlie Episcopate Apostolical. [part vi.
the government of the churches do not please you,
and you think the office of a bishop has no reward,
thereby making yourself a despiser of our Saviour
WHO DID INSTITUTE IT ; I beseecli you, surmise not any
such thing's as these, nor entertain any who advise such
things, for that were not worthy of Dracoutius : for what
things the Lord did institute by his apostles, those things
remain both honourable and sure ^." Hilary the deacon :
" The bishop is the vicegerent of Christ and represents
his person '\" " Because all things are from one God the
Father, he decreed that each church should be governed
by one bishop ^." Jerome : " James, after the passion of
our Lord, was immediately by the apostles ordained
bishop of Jerusalem \" Chrysostom : " Paul saith in
his epistle to Timothy, ' fulfil thy ministry,' being then
a bishoji ; for that he was a bishop appears by Paul's
writing thus unto him, ' Lay hands suddenly on no
man ^' "
cessionum vices, episcoporum or- Domini est, propter reatus origi-
dinatio et ecclesise ratio decurrit, nem subjecta debet videri." — -
ut ecclesia super episcopos con- Hilar, in 1 Cor. xi. 10. inter
stitnatur, et omnis actus ecclesise Ainbrosii Opera.
per eosdem pragpositos guber- ^ " Et quia ab uno Deo Patre
netur. Cum hoc itaque divina sunt omnia, singulos episcopos
lege fundatum sit, miror quos- singulis ecclesiis praeesse decre-
dam audaci temeritate sic mihi vit." — Comment, in 1 Cor. xii.
scribere voluisse," &c. — Cypr. 28.
Epist. 27- al. 33. ^ " Post passionem Domini sta-
" Et he Tu)v EKtcXrjmwp >/ Sia- tim ab apostolis lerosolymorum
ra^ic ovK a.pi(TK£i aoi, ovSe vo}ii- episcopus ordinatus." — Hier.
f eic TO TYJQ ETTiaicoTrfjQ XeiToiipyrjiJLci Script. Ecel. Catalogus Oper. t.
^L(rdovt')(e.Li', aWa KaTa<ppoveiv Tov iv. pars ii. p. 102.
ravTd ciara^ajjiivov (riorrjpoQ tte- ^ Aia rovro ypcK^wv ical Tifxo-
TTolrjKac iravTor . . o yap o Kuptoe Qio) tXtye' Ti}v ciaKoriav aov ttXt)-
Cih TiLv airoTToXiov T(TVTrii)K£,TUVTa pochoprirroy, £7ri(T/co7r&) im. on yap
KaXci Kcii lJEj3aia iiii'ei. — Athan. STrifTKOTrog i)v, dyrjal Trpog avrov,
Epist. ad Dracont. t. i. p. 264. ^(flpae ra')(^E(i)Q fxri^EvX eTriridti. —
" " Episcopus personam habet Chrysost. Horn. i. in Phil. Oper.
Christi. Quasi ergo ante judicem, t. xi. p. 195.
sic ante episcopum, quia Vicarius
cii-U>. I.] Bishops Successors oftlie Aposths. 387
V. It was also the general doctrine of the church,
that bishops were successors of the apostles, and
therefore supreme in the church. Irenaeus says, " We
can enumerate those who were appointed by the
apostles bishops in the churches, and their successors
even to us, who have taught no such thing, neither
have they known what is idly talked of by these
(heretics). For if the apostles had known any hidden
mysteries, which they taught apart and secretly to the
perfect, they would have delivered them to those espe-
cially, to whom they committed even the churches
themselves. For they wished those to be very perfect
and irreprehensible in all things, whom they left as their
successors, delimring to them their own place of govern-
ment^.^'' He then mentions the succession of bishops
in the Roman churcii as an illustration of his meaning.
Tertullian, speaking of heresies, says, " Let them de-
clare the origin of their churches : let them unfold the
catalogue of their bishops so descending by successions
from the beginning, that the first bishop had some one
of the apostles, or of the apostolic men who remained
united with the apostles, as his ordainer and prede-
cessor "." Firmilian says, the power of remitting sins
was granted to the apostles, " and to those bishops who
succeeded them, in a due and regular course of vicarious
succession '^." Cyprian, in writing to Cornelius of
Rome, remarks, that the bishops are successors of the
^ " Valde enim perfectos et '' " Potestas ergo peccatorum
irreprehensibiles in omnibus eos remittendorum apostolis data est
volebant esse, quos et succes- et ecclesiis quas illi a Christo
sores relinquebant, suum ipsorum missi constituerunt, et episcopis
locum magisterii tradentes." — qui eis ordinatione vicaria suc-
Iren. cont. Hasres. lib. iii. c. 3. cesserunt." — Cypr. Epist. 75.
" Tertull. de Praescript. c. 32. Routh, Opuscula, t. i. p. 233.
See Vol. I. p. 175.
c c 2
388 Bishops Snccessoj-s of the Apostles. [part vi.
apostles '. Claras, bishop of Muscula, in the synod of
Carthao-e : " The Avill of our Lord Jesus Christ is
manifest, in sending his apostles, and transmitting to
them alone the power given to himself by the Father :
to ivhom ive have succeeded, governing the church of God
with the same power ^" Jerome : " The power of
wealth, or the lowliness of poverty, renders a bishop
neither more nor less exalted ; but all are successors of
the apostles'":' Pacianus, bishop of Barcelona, also
speaks of bishops as " occupying the chairs of the
apostles '."
VI. It mil be proved elsewhere J, that according to
the universal doctrine and jiractice of the church, ordi-
nations by presbyters without bishops are null ; while
ordinations by bishops without presbyters are valid and
regular. Therefore the bishops or chief presbyters are
superior to others.
VII. We may now draw our conclusion in favour of
episcopacy and its permanent obligation. Since then,
^ " Laborare debemus ut uni- iv. pars ii. p. 802,
tatem a Domino et per apostolos ' " Episcopi apostoli nomi-
nobis successoribus traditam, nantur, sicut de Epaphrodito
quantum possumus, obtinere cu- Paulus edisserit : Fratrem et
ramus." — Cypr. Epist. 42.al. 45. commilitonem, inquit, raeum ;
g " Manifesta est sententia vestrum autem apostolum. Si
Domini nostri Jesu Christi apos- ergo lavacri et chrismatis potes-
tolos suos mittentis, et ipsis solis tas, majorum et longe charisma-
potestatem a Patre sibi datam turn, ad episcopos inde descendit ;
permittentis, quibus nos succes- et ligandi quoque jus adfuit at-
simus eadem potestate ecclesiam que solvendi. Quod etsi nos,
Domini gubernantes." — Concil. ob nostra peccata, temerarie vin-
Carthag. apud Cypr. See Routh, dicamus : Deus tamen illud ut
Reliquiae Sacrse, t. iii. p. 105. Sanctis et apostolorum cathedris
^ " Potentia divitiarum, et tenentibus nou negabit, qui
paupertatis humilitas, vel subli- episcopis etiam unici sui nomen
miorem vel inferiorem episcopum indulsit." — Pacian. Epist. 1 ad
non facit. Cagterum omnes apos- Sympronian. Ribl. Pdtr. t. iv.
tolorum successores sunt." — ■* Chapter IV.
Hier. Epist. ad Evang. Oper. t.
CHAP. I.] Kpisropary Ohlifjatonj. 389
it is morally certain, that from the eiid of the second
century up to the time of the apostles, one chief pres-
byter presided in each church ; since it was the belief
in those times that this discipline was instituted by the
apostles ; since there are manifest traces of this insti-
tution in scripture itself; since the very opponents of
episcopacy are compelled by the force of truth, to ac-
knowledge its early universality and its apostolical
oricfin ; since it was the tradition of the catholic church
that it was established by the apostles according to the
divine command ; and that it did not consist in a mere
nominal precedence, but in a sujjerior })ower, especially
in the point of ordination ; we may reasonably conclude,
that episcopacy was universally established by the
apostles, either personally or by injunction. And this
being so, it is always binding on the church ; because a
discipline which appears to have been universally
taught or established by the inspired apostles of Jesus
Christ, without any intimation that it was merely tem-
])orary or non-essential, cannot, without extreme rash-
ness, be rejected. If episcopacy, though universally
established by the apostles, were not obligatory, pres-
byters and deacons might be dispensed with ; com-
munion in both kinds would not be obligatory ; preach-
ing and reading of scripture in the church might be re-
linquished. In fact, it would be hard to say to what
extent such a principle might carry us. The perma-
nent obligation of episcopacy was not only testified by
the catholic church, which in all ages continued the
succession of bishops ; but even the ancient sects and
heresies followed her example. The Gnostics, Nova-
tiaus, Donatists, Meletians, Arians, Eunomians, Apolli-
narians, Macedonians, Nestorians, Eutychians, Mono-
390 Presbyterian Theories refuted. [part vi.
llieliteii;, Albigenses, and many other heretics, all re-
cog'iiized the episcopate in their societies.
At the period of the Reformation the episcopate was
not only venerated by all the ancient churches and sects
of the East, and by the Roman and the British churches ;
but it was preserved in the Lutheran Swedish church,
and highly approved of by the Lutherans generally, who
are not to be blamed for not instituting bishops among
themselves at first, because they were appellants to a
oeneral council, and looked forward to reunion with the
bishops of Germany. Calvin himself acted as a bisho])
at Geneva; and both he and some of his principal dis-
ciples approved of episcopacy "".
VIII. It is alleged by the opponents of episcopacy that,
even conceding- that there was some distinction among-
the presl)yters of the church, from very early times, still
this did not amount to ejjiscopacy, since it was a merely
temporary preeminence, like that of the moderators in
presbyterian synods. I reply, that the temporary nature
of the office is a matter of pure conjecture : it is not
founded on any historical evidence whatever. We oj)-
pose to it the undoubted fact, that permanent episco-
pacy, like that of the church, prevailed everywhere as
far back as we can trace it. Such a fact is sufficient
to render all modern theories of a different apostolical
institution utterly improbable, and to convict them of
inexcusable temerity. The same observation will apply
to the theory, that the primitive bishops had no juris-
diction or authority beyond other presbyters, but
" Calvin. Inst, lib. iv. c 5. croft's Survey of the pretended
approves the whole ancient hier- Holy Discipline; Dure! on the
archy. For further proofs of tlie Reformed Churches; Sinclair's
sentiments of reformers see Ban- Dissertations (on episcopacy).
CHAP. I.] Presbyterian Theories refuted. 891
merely a precedence in dignity. The whole history of
the church is opposed to this theory, for it represents
the primitive bishops as the leaders of the church, and
the principal actors in every thing that occurred. In-
deed offices chiefly honorary, would have been incon-
sistent with the characters and views of christians in
those times.
It is further alleged, that at all events the primitive
bishops were not much superior to their presbyters :
that they never took any step of importance except
with the consent of the presbytery, and even of the
brethren : and therefore that the prelacy afterwards in-
troduced into the universal church, was a corruption
and an abomination, which was to be rooted out. I
reply, that if bishops were gradually intrusted with
more exclusive power by the church than they pos-
sessed at first, this was by the act of the church herself,
which had a perfect right to make any regulations in
discipline not contrary to the law of God. And be-
sides this, the universal church having approved and
continued this discipline from the fourth century at
latest, till the Reformation, it cannot be sinful or con-
trary to the word of God ; but these prelates must
always have been ministers of Jesus ChrisU since it is
impossible from the divine promises, that the universal
church should ever contradict the divine command, or
be devoid of a true ministry.
IX. Therefore, whatever we may think of abstract
opinions, concerning the best form of church govern-
ment, there can be no doubt that those who separated
themselves from the communion of the christian
church, under pretence that the presbyterian polity was
of divine right, and that prelacy or episcopacy was un-
10
39'2 Tlie Episcopate Apostolical. [p. vi. cH. i.
lawful, or aiiti-cliristiaii ', and who covenanted together
for its destruction, were schismatics, if not heretics.
Certainly Aerius, who asserted a doctrine resembling
this in the fourth century, has always been accounted
a heretic in the catholic church. Epiphanius regarded
his doctrine as " insane beyond measure." Nor had St.
Augustine a more favourable opinion of it, since he
says, " Si quid horum tota per orbem frequentat
ecclesia . . . quin ita faciendum sit, disputare, insolen-
tissimae insanise est."
OBJECTIONS.
I. The terms bishop and presbyter are applied indif-
ferently to the same persons in holy scripture. The
" elders (presbyteri) of the church" at Ephesus had
been " made overseers (episcopi) by the Holy Ghost "."
St. Paul writes to " all the saints at Philippi, with the
bishops and deacons ''." " For this cause left I thee in
Crete, that thou shouldest . . . ordain elders in every
city ... for a bishop must be blameless," &c. " St.
Paul only directs Timothy to ordain " bishops" and
" deacons ''." Paul and Barnabas " ordained elders in
every church *." In these passages the titles of bishop
and presbyter are given to the same persons ; or two
orders only are mentioned in the church.
Answer. There may have been one amongst the
' See Bancroft's Survey of the the eighteenth century, generally
pretended Holy Discipline, p. claimed a divine right for their
123. where the language of the form of government,
puritans is quoted to this effect. ^ Acts xx. 17. 28.
See also Stillingfleet on the ** Phil. i. 1.
Unreasonableness of Separation. "^ Tit. i. 5. 7.
The presbyterians during the se- '' 1 Tim. ii.
venteenth and the early part of * Acts xiv. 23.
OBJECT.] The Epificopate Apostolical. 393
bishops or presbyters of Philippi and Ephesus superior
to the rest. Titus may have made the same distinction
among the presbyters in Crete, or was probably himself
the chief i)astor of those churches. St. Paul does not
discriminate the chief presbyters from the others in his
epistle to Timothy, because their qualifications were
the same. The elders ordained by Paul and Barnabas
may have been of different degrees ; but it is also pro-
bable that when they were ordained, and when St.
Paul sent for the presbyters of Ephesus, and wrote to
the bishops of Philippi, the presidency of one in each of
those churches had not been yet instituted by the
apostles, who reserved the supreme authority to them-
selves.
II. The early writers mention only two orders, or
know nothing of any order superior to presbyters.
Clement of Rome says the apostles ordained " bishops
and deacons." Polycarp enjoins the Philippians " to
be subject to their presbyters and deacons." Clement
of Alexandria : " The presbyters are entrusted with the
dignified ministry, the deacons with the subordinate."
Tertullian : " In our religious assemblies, certain ap-
proved elders preside." Firmilian : " All power and
grape are placed in the church, where presbyters pre-
side." Some writers also apply the terms of bishop
and presbyters to the same persons : Irenscus says ;
" Obey those presbyters in the church who have suc-
cession from the apostles. . . . We can enumerate those
who were consecrated bishops by the apostles in the
churches, and their successors even to us." Many
other passages from the fathers may be adduced to the
same effect.
Atiswer. It is not denied that there are, in a certain
sense, two orders in the church : but the order of
394 The Episcopate Apostolical. [p. vi. ch. i.
presbyters or bishops consists of two degi-ees, the
higher of which is invested with peculiar power, as all
the above writers held ; for they all acknowledge else-
where the supremacy of one bishop in every church by
apostolical or divine institution.
III. St. Jerome says that originally bishops and
presbyters were the same, and " before the Devil
caused jiarties in religion, and it was said by the people
I am of Paul, I of Apollos, I of Peter, the churches
were governed by a common council of presbyters.
But after every one esteemed those whom he baptized
to be his, not Christ's, it was decreed in the whole
world, that one chosen from the presbyters should be
set over the rest, to whom all the care of the church
should pertain, and the seeds of schism be removed."
He afterwards adds, that " the bishops ought to know
that they are greater than i)resbyters, more by custom
than by the truth of the Lord's institution '."
Answer. It is admitted that bishops and presbyters
were the same at first, and that the church was
governed by a council of presbyters under the apostles.
But as Jerome says elsewhere, that James, Polycarp,
and others, were appointed bishops by the apostles ',
he means that they did not institute the superiority of
bishops unwer sally till after the schism at Corinth ;
which is very probable. In fact the superiority of
bishops to presbyters, when he wrote, arose more from
custom than divine institution. That is to say, the
bishops had probably obtained greater jurisdiction at
that time than they jDossessed at first ; and the full
amount of that jurisdiction was not essential to the
® Hieronymus, Comment, in t. iv. p. 123, he says, " Quod
Epist. ad Titum, c. i. fecerunt et apostoli, per singulas
* Hieron. De Script. Eccl. t. provincias, presbyteros et episco-
iv. In his commentary on Tilus, pos ordinantes."
oHJKCT.] The Episcopate Apostolical. 395
episcopal order by divine institution. Besides this,
many offices which presbyters might have performed,
were at that time reserved ordinarily to the bishop,
such as preaching-, baptizing, confirming, celebrating
the eucharist. Thus the superiority of bishops was
more from the custom of the catholic church than from
the divine injunction. In the same manner we may
easily answer any similar passages from other writers.
IV. Hilary the deacon, in commenting on the epistle
to Timothy, says, "After the bishop he subjoins the
ordination of a deacon. And why, unless because the
ordination of a bishop and a presbyter is the same.
For each is a priest, but the bishop is first, so that
every bishop is a presbyter, not every presbyter a
bishop ; for he is a bishop who is the first among the
presbyters. In fine he signifies that Timothy was
ordained a presbyter ; but because he had no other
above him, he was a bishop ^." He intimates also that
the consecration of bishops was introduced afterwards
by a council.
Answer. These are peculiar opinions inconsistent
with the general sentiment of the fathers, and the
])ractice of the catholic church. This writer's judg-
ment is not much to be relied on, as he joined the
Luciferian schism, and insisted that heretics of all sorts
ought to be re-baptized. However he agreed with the
catholic church in regarding bishops as successors of
the apostles, and as constituted by divine authority in
every church. His opinion that the consecration of
bishops was introduced by some council, is contradicted
by all the records of history: and the doctrine of
Cyprian, 130 years before, that the consecration of
bishops was derived from divine and apostolical tradi-
tion, is infiriitely more probable.
s Ililarius, Comment, in I Tim. Vide Ambrosii Opera.
39<) The Prtshijtcrate. [rAifX vi.
CHAPTER II.
ON THE PRESBYTERATE.
In treating of the presbyterate, I shall consider first
its institution and its powers during the earliest ages
of the church ; secondly, the introduction of the paro-
chial system ; and thirdly, the changes in general disci-
pline and the offices of the priesthood which thence
arose.
1. The sacred order of presbyters or elders (some-
times styled bishops in holy scripture,) was properly
instituted by the apostles after the ascension, though
the powers with which they invested it, had been
previously given to themselves by Christ at the insti-
tution of the holy eucharist, " Do this in remembrance
of me ^ ;" and before his ascension : " Whosesoever
sins ye remit, &c. ^ ;" and therefore the apostles were
also presbyters, as St. Peter styles himself: "The pres-
byters which are among you I exhort, who am also a
presbyter " ;" and also St. John : " the presbyter unto
the elect lady ^" " the presbyter unto the well-beloved
Gaius \"
2. We know not the exact period at which the
* Luke xxii. 19.
^ 2 John 1
'' John XX. 23.
* 3 John 1
' 1 Pet. V. 1.
CHAP. II.] Tlie Presbyter ate. 397
apostles first ordained jiresbyters. We do not read of
their existence before a. d. 43, when the disciples of
Antioch sent their collections to " the presbyters," in
Judaea \ The term is here probably to be taken in the
ordinary sense : at least we find about a. d. 48, " the
presbyters" of Jerusalem are spoken of as distinct from
the apostles ^, and before this, Paul and Barnabas had
" ordained presbyters in every church" they re-visited ''.
About A. D. 56, Paul sent for " the presbyters of the
church" of Ephesus ' ; and we afterwards read of
bishops or presbyters at Philippi ^ : and the directions
to Timothy and Titus for their ordination in every
city "" ; the exhortation of St. Peter to " the presby-
ters ' ;" and of St. James, *' is any one sick among you,
let him send for the presbyters of the church "' :" suffice
to prove the general ordination of presbyters by the
apostles.
3. It is nowhere directly taught in scripture that
this order is of divine institution ; but we are entitled
to infer that it is so on this principle, that whatever
offices were instituted by the apostles for the ordinary
government of the church, were instituted under the
direction of the Holy Ghost ; and that presbyters (and
afterwards bishops) as well as deacons, were intended
for the ordinary ministry of the church, we reasonably
infer from their institution in every church, and their
continuance at all times in the catholic church. Ac-
cordingly we find St. Paul saying to the presbyters of
Ephesus, " take heed therefore unto yourselves, and to
* Acts xi. 30. J Phil. i. 1.
e Acts XV. 2. 4. 6. 22, 23. ^ 1 Tim. iii ; Tit. i. 5.
xvi. 4. ' 1 Pet. V, 1.
•> Acts xiv. 22. '" James v. 14.
' Acts XX. 17. 28.
398 The Presbyter ate. [part vi.
a)l the flock over the which the Holy Ghost hath
made you bishops, to feed the church of God "."
4. There were several presbyters in each church
from the beginning; at least in all churches where
there were a considerable number of the faithful. The
presbyters of Jerusalem, Ephesus, Philippi, are spoken
of in the plural number in Scripture. This was con-
tinued after the institution of the episcopal office. S.
Ignatius often speaks of a plurality of presbyters in
particular churches °. S. Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna,
addresses the Philippians, " Polycarp and the presbyters
that are with him, to the church of God at Philippi ^."
In the middle of the third century there were at Rome,
under Cornelius, forty-four presbyters '', and at the
same time there were many presbyters at Carthage
under Cyprian.
5. The office of presbyters, like that of bishops, con-
sisted in " feeding the church of God," and overseeing
it ' ; exhorting and convincing the gainsayers by sound
doctrine '. Being invested with the power of teaching,
they also possessed authority in controversies. The
church of Antioch sent to Jerusalem to consult the
apostles and "presbyters" on the question of circum-
cision : and we find afterwards that heretics were some-
times condemned by the judgment of presbyters, as
well as bishops, in councils. They possessed in their
degree the power of remitting or retaining sins by
absolution, and by spiritual censures'. They must.
" Acts XX. 28. '\ Euseb. Hist. Eccl. lib. vi.
° Ignatii Epist. ad Ephes. c. 43.
Magnes. Trail. Philadelph. Smyr. ■" Acts xx. 28. 1 Pet. v. 1.
Polycarp. = Tit. i. 9.
P Polycarp. Epist. ad Phil. ' Thomassinus mentions in-
Routh, Opuscula Script. Eccl. stances of excommunications by
t. i. p. 9. presbyters about tlie end of the
CHAP. II.] The Proshytcrate. 399
even at the beginning, have had the power of baptizing
and celebrating the eucharist, of performing other rites,
and of oiFering up public prayers in the absence of
the apostles, or by their permission; and the institu-
tion of bishops in every church by the apostles only
restrained the ordinary exercise of these powers. We
know in particular from St. James, that presbyters had
authority to visit the sick and offer prayers, anointing
them with oil for the recovery of their health.
From the time of the apostles, the office of pnblic
teaching in the church, and of administering the sacra-
ments, was always j^erformed by the bishop, unless in
cases of great necessity ". The power of spiritual juris-
diction in each church, of regulating its affairs gene-
rally, and especially its discipline, was shared by the
bishop with the presbyters, who also instructed and
admonished the people in private. The presbyters sat
on seats or thrones at the east end of the church, and
the bishop on a higher throne in the midst of them.
In some churches they laid their hands with the bishop
on the head of those who were ordained presbyters,
and in others administered confirmation ^. Thus the
fourth century, Vet. et Nov. hoc non possunt hodie, quia
Eccl. Discipl. Part I. hb. ii. c. praescriptum est contra eos. "
23, s. 10. 13 ; also in the time (Provinciale Angliae, De Consue.
of Charlemagne, Ibid. c. 24, s. 5 ; c. statutum, ver. censura eccle-
and up to the thirteenth century, siastica.) However the presbyters
c. 2G, s. 0, 7. Jo. de Athon in of our churches have still the
his Comment, (about 1290), on power of the minor excommuni-
theLegatine Constitutions of Otho cation provisionally, until the
and Othobon, says, a " Rector bishop decide in the case. See
curatus" may excommunicate. Rubric before the Communion
(Const. Otho, Quanto Scriptura- Office.
rum ver. etiam a prfelatis ; " Bingham, Antiquities, book
Const.Othob. Ad tutelamver. ex- ii. c. 3.
communicatione ligatus.) Lynd- '' For the powers of Presbyters
wood in the fifteenth century, generally in the primitive church,
says, " Simplices tamen curati see Bingham, b. ii. c. 19.
400 Origin of Parochial Presbyters. [part vi.
presbyterate was always esteemed a most high dignity
or degree in the church, and it was not much inferior
to the episcopate in most respects.
II. We next proceed to consider the changes which
introduced the parochial system now generally preva-
lent in the church ^\
The churches founded by the apostles were always
in cities of some magnitude, where several presbyters
were requisite for the guidance of a numerous people.
It remained for the church to adapt their system to
the change of circumstances, when the inhabitants of
villages and of the rural districts around each city also
became christian. Hence arose the institution of rural
presbyters and lesser parishes, included within the
greater parish or diocese. As the apostles had origi-
nally placed churches under the superintendence of
presbyters, over whom they themselves exercised juris-
diction ; so the bishop of each city ordained presbyters
for the rural districts, over whom he exercised superin-
tendence. Such rural presbyters are mentioned by
Epiphanius as existing in Mesopotamia in the middle
of the third century ; and Dionysius of Alexandria,
about the same time, alludes to them in Egypt ; as
Athanasius does in the following century, in speaking
of Ischyras. (Apol. 2.) The councils of Eliberis (c. 77)
and Neoc?esarea (c. 15), at the beginning of the fourth
century, also mention them. Bingham observes, that
these lesser parishes had their origin, not at one time
or by any general decree, but as the exigencies of every
diocese required it. In the fourth century, rural pres-
byters were commonly instituted ; and they were
'^ See Thomassinus, Vet. et ii. c. 21 — 28 ; Bingham, Anti-
Nov. Eccl. Discip]. Part I. lib. quities, book ix. c. 8.
CHAP. II.] Preshi/tcrs of Cities. 401
placed under the immediate inspection of chorepiscopi
or rural bishops, and visitors, wlio M^ere commissioned
by the bishop of the whole diocese or Trapoi/cm. The
country clergy in the diocese of Csesarea in the time of
S. Basil, M'ere under the superintendence of no less
than fifty rural bishops. Thus arose the lesser rural
parishes ; and the oblations, tithes, &c. of these dis-
tricts were in after ages assigned to their particular
clergy, instead of going to the general fund of the
church.
The institution of districts and of lesser parishes in
the cities themselves is of uncertain antiquity. In the
Roman church it is said, on rather doubtful authority,
to have been effected by Dionysius, bishop in the third
century. In the following century we read of many
churches at Rome, Alexandria, Carthage, &c. It is
observed by Bingham, that the lesser churches or
tituli in cities, were not usually at first appropriated to
particular presbyters, but were served in common by
the presbyters of the principal church ". The opinion
of Thomassin is very probable, that public baptism,
reconciliation of penitents, and the consecration of the
eucharist, were for a long time performed by the
bishop at the cathedral, and not in the lesser churches ;
though a different custom gradually prevailed \ At the
beginning of the fifth century, as we learn from the
epistle of Innocentius to Decentius, bishop of Eugu-
bium, the presbyters of all the Roman tituli or lesser
churches, received on every Lord's day the sacrament
consecrated by the bishop, and did not themselves con-
secrate ; that power being exercised apparently only by
the presbyters of the churches of the martyrs, which
* Bingham, Antiquities, book ^ Thomassin. pars i. lib. ii.
ix. c. 8. s. f). c. 21.
VOL. II. D d
402 Origin of Chapters. [part vi.
were in tlie country '\ Tlie presbyters of the city, con-
stituting the original presbytery of the church, were of
more authority and dignity than the rural presbyters,
who were forbidden by the council of Neoc?esarea to
officiate in the city unless in the absence of the bishop
and presbyters (can. 13). They had the whole cure of
souls under the bishop, either conjointly or separately,
and preserved their privileges generally. Bat in later
ages, presbyters under their direction were assigned to
the lesser churches in the city ; parochial districts were
formed, and the presbyters of the principal church, who
were finally entitled Canonici and Prebendarii, and
lived together under peculiar rules and statutes, were
gradually divested of the cure of souls, though they
still had great authority and privileges, and, together
with the great officers of the church, such as the arch-
deacon, &c. were regarded generally as the bishop's
council in all the affairs of the church ''. These altera-
tions were introduced gradually and by the internal
regulations of each particular church.
III. We are to consider, thirdly, the changes in
general discipline and in the offices of the priesthood
which resulted from these institutions.
The rural presbyters were of the same merit and
sacerdotal dignity as those of the city ; but their great
number, and the remoteness of their situations in rural
districts, rendered it impossible to consult them ordi-
narily in the general affairs of the church, or to unite
them with the original presbytery. Thus they were
invested only with a particular jurisdiction in their
" Ibid. iii. c. 7 — 10. See also Van
* For the origin and history of Espen, Jus. Univers. Eccl. pars
Chapters, see Thomassin. Vet. et i. tit. 8.
Nov. Eccl. Discipl. Part I. lib.
CHAP. II.] Dignity of the. Presbyter ate. 403
respective parishes, and were placed generally under
tlie bishop's superintendence and visitation. On the
other hand, they necessarily obtained the right of per-
forming ordinarily and publicly in their churches, almost
all those offices which were chiefly reserved to the
bishop in the city. The city presbyters of both kinds
above mentioned, themselves gradually obtained similar
privileges by the concession of the bishops ; and in
return transferred to them by a tacit consent, much of
their ordinary power of jurisdiction. Even in the time
of St. Jerome, it seems that the tendency of popular
feeling was to depress the dignity and authority of the
priesthood ; and he magnified that office to the utmost
limit in opposing himself to these errors. The bishops
of the fourth council of Carthage decreed, with lauda-
ble piety and humility : " ut episcopus quolibet loco
sedens, stare presbyterum non patiatur '' ;" and " ut
episcopus in ecclesia, et in consessu presbyterorum
sublimior sedeat ; intra domum vero collegam se pres-
byterorum esse cognoscat ^" The wealth and temporal
poM-er of bishops during the middle ages, may have
induced some of the ignorant to sup23ose that presby-
ters were exceedingly inferior to bishops ; but the
catholic church, which sees with the eye of Faith ; as she
acknowledges the same sacred dignity of the priest-
hood in every bishop, whether oppressed with ex-
treme poverty, or whether invested with princely dig-
nity and wealth, also views the greatness and the
sanctity of the office of presbyter, as little inferior to
those even of the chief pastors who succeed the apos-
tles ; and the church has never flourished more, nor
*" Carthng. iv. c. 34. Harduin. "^ Can. xxxv.
Cone. t. i. p. 981.
D d 2
404 The Diaconate. [part vi.
X //^^^^Jias the episcopate ever been held in truer reverence,
^ />txc than under the guidance of those apostolical prelates
**•''*'*** who, like S.Cyprian, resolved to do nothing without
'^,' the consent of the church, and who have most sedu-
lously avoided even the appearance of " being lords
"^ ^ 'i^over God's heritage." The spirit of a genuine Christianity
will lead the presbyters to reverence and obey the
,^ j^ bishops as their fathers ; and will induce bishops to
ct^ ^ esteem the presbyters as fellow-workers together with
^',)^^;, them, and brethren in Jesus Christ.
■■t ^
. CHAPTER III.
' ON THE DIACONATE.
P/c-^Ta;. We find deacons but rarely spoken of in scripture.
♦^«^- The first appointment of deacons is mentioned (Acts
vi.) to have been made in consequence of the mur-
,'rh.j- muring of the Greeks that they were neglected in the
daily ministrations. We do not hear of them after-
^ wards till St. Paul addressed his epistle to the Philip-
£*^X pian church, whose " deacons" he mentions''; and in
^ iri liis first epistle to Timothy, directions are given for
fj -^ the choice of deacons ^ which infer that they were then
/,t ^ as commonly established in the church as presbyters.
■rdi-^t S. Clement of Rome says that the apostles, having
Uj, i^rw preached everywhere, " ordained their first-fruits bishops
i*>t^, and deacons." Ignatius and Poly carp also mention the
'v/^f^/v deacons of the churches they wrote to. Deacons are also
;s " mentioned by Justin Martyr, Clemens Alexandrinus,
^^^' "' « Phil. i. 1. "1 Tim. iii. 8, &c.
CHAP. J II.] The Diaconate. 405
Tertullian, Cyju-iar), &c. and without doubt the order
continued always in the church *".
The office of deacons seems at first to have related
chiefly to the administering relief to the poorer bre-
thren : but scripture does not limit them to this duty :
and in fact we find Stephen preacJiing the gospel '^, and
Philip the deacon both preaching and baptizhig \ These
instances are sufficient to justify the church in per-
mitting the deacons, in case of necessity, both to preach
and to baptize. According to Bingham their ordinary
duties in the primitive church consisted in taking care
of the utensils of the altar, receiving the oblations of
the people, delivering them to the priest, reading aloud
the names of benefactors, distributing the consecrated
elements and carrying them to the absent, directing
the behaviour of the people in church, attending on the
bishops and acting as their messengers and representa-
tives in synods, sometimes keeping the doors during
the celebration of the sacred service, inquiring after
the poor and acting as almoners to them, informing the
bishop of misdemeanours, in some churches acting as
catecliists ^ It seems that for many centuries, the
ordinary/ office of the deacon related rather to such
duties as are now performed by our parish-clerks and
churchwardens, than to the higher parts of the minis-
terial office.
In the oriental churches the diaconate has always
continued to be not only an order, but an office with
distinct duties in every church : so that no bishop or
presbyter officiates without the assistance of his deacon.
•^ For ample information with c. 29 — 33.
regard to deacons in the church, ^ Acts vi. 10.
see Bingham, Antiquities, book ^ Acts viii. 5. 38.
ii. c. 20. Thomassin. Vet. et ' Bingham, ut supra.
Nov. Eccl. DiscipT. pars i. lib. ii.
40() The Diaconate a Benefice. [part vi.
Thomassin says that it was not only an order and
office, but a benefice in the churcli for twelve cen-
turies ^. It was so at Rome certainly, where, as we
learn from S. Jerome, the seven deacons had larger
revenues than the presbyters. Pope Cselestinus in the
twelfth century, had been deacon of Rome for sixty-
five years, before he was made bishop '". Gregory the
Great desired one cardinal presbyter and two deacons
to be ordained in the churcli at Populonia. Paschal
II. in giving directions to the bishop of Compostella
for the regulation of his church, after a. d. 1000, desires
him to ordain cardinal presbyters and deacons. The
council of Saumur, 1253, desired that deacons who
refused to be ordained priests, should be deprived of
sacerdotal prebends, thereby intimating that there were
prebends for deacons also'. The only benefice how-
ever originally instituted for deacons, which still re-
mains generally in the western churches, is that of
archdeacon ; but this can now be only held by presby-
ters, in consequence of the jurisdiction attached to it,
though even so late as the fifteenth century in England,
the archdeacons were often only in deacon's orders "".
It appears to me very probable, that in the west,
deacons were often not ordained in the lesser churches.
In England, at least, we find but few traces of the
order as a distinct office in parish churches. The
council of Cloveshoe (747) makes many regulations
as to presbyters, " who were placed by the bishops
throughout the places and regions of the laity ;" but
s Thomassin. pars i. lib. i. c. chidiaconus esset presbyter, quod
51. n. 1 ; lib. ii. c. 33. n. 8. esse j^otest, tunc tarn ratione or-
^ Ibid, pars i. lib. ii. c. 33. dinis quam jurisdictionis prse-
n. 9. celleret decaniim. " Provinciale
* Ibid, pars i. lib. iii. c. 9, 10. Angliae, p. 117. ed. 1679.
'' Lyndwood says, "Si tamenar-
CHAP. III.] The Diaconate in England. 407
deacons are not mentioned '. The constitutions of Odo,
archbishop of Canterbury for his diocese (943) only
contain chapters on the duty of presbyters and clerks,
not of deacons "". Hence it seems probable that even
then, it was not common to ordain deacons in the lesser
churches, but clerks of the minor orders, as was long
afterwards the custom ".
The order of deacons however was always retained
in the western churches, according to the ancient
canons, which prescribed it as a necessary qualification
for the superior orders. These deacons either exer-
cised their office of deacon in the churches to which
they were ordained, or were taken by the parochial
presbyters (called in the middle ages Rector curatus,
Vicarius perpetuus, or Parochus), as their assistants. It
appears from the annotations of John de Athon on the
constitutions of cardinal Otho, that even in 1290 the
temporary vicars, or (as we now call them) stipendiary
curates, in England, were sometimes only in deacon's
orders ". In the fifteenth century, we learn from Lynd-
wood, that the curates or rectors themselves were some-
times only in deacon's orders, and that deacons thus
beneficed might preach p.
Van Espen says, that in the Roman churches, " as
far as concerns deacons, the modern discipline has so
declined, that scarcely any office is left to the deacons ex-
cept the ministry of the altar. And even in this, the mi-
nistry of the deacons is often (especially in cathedral and
collegiate churches) supplied by presbyters : so that at
^ Wilkins's Concilia, t. i. p. " Jo, de Athon. in Lynd-
747. wood's Provinciale, p. 24. ed.
"^ Ibid. p. 213. 1679.
" Stillingfleet, Ecclesiastical '' Lyndwood's Provinciale, p.
Cases, Works, vol. iii. p. G50. 288.
408 The Diaconate. [p. vi. ch. hi.
last it has come to tliis, that deacons are not ordained to
discharge the duties of deacons, but to ascend by the
diaconate as a step to the presbyterate. Whence also
no one is ordained deacon in order that he may con-
tinue in that office, but in order that he may be pro-
moted to the presbyterate, when the canonical interval
of time has elapsed. Whether this be entirely con-
formable to the will and intention of the church, let the
bishops consider ''."
The duties ascribed to deacons by our churches, are
first, assisting the priest in divine service, especially in
the communion, and distributing the eucharist ; se-
condly, reading scripture and homilies in the church ;
thirdly, catechizing; fourthly, baptizing in the priest's
absence ; fifthly, preaching, if he be licensed by the
bishop ; sixthly, offices of charity towards the poor, &c. ^
These were exactly the duties of the deacon in the
primitive church. It does not seem, either by the
forms of ordination or by the ritual, that the church
formally invests deacons with the power of celebrating
divine service without a presbyter; or performing the
rites of marriage, benediction of women after child-
birth, visitation of the sick, or burial of the dead. Nor
does she give them cure of souls or jurisdiction. It
appears to me, that the occasional exercise of such
functions by deacons, is rather by the tacit license and
dispensation of the church than by any actual law. It
cannot be the intention of the church that parishes
should ever be left to the care of deacons, except in
cases of absolute necessity ; because they are not qua-
lified to administer the sacrament of the holy eucharist,
and other high offices of the ministry.
•i Van Espen, Jus Canouicum, "■ Ordination of Deacons,
t. i. p. 5, 6.
APPEND.] The Minor Orders. 409
APPENDIX.
ON THE MINOR ORDERS.
The minor clergy of the church were generally set
apart for offices which might have been discharged by
deacons, or by laymen. We may therefore speak of
them here. The churches which follow the Roman
rite reckon four minor orders, besides subdeacons who
have latterly been considered as one of the sacred
orders, viz. readers, acolytes, exorcists, and ostiarii.
The Greeks account as minor orders, subdeacons,
readers, singers, and ostiarii, or doorkeepers. It is
needless to detail the particular duties of these orders,
which may be seen in the works of various writers '.
These ancient orders of ecclesiastical institution, came
at length in many churches to be conferred as merely
introductory to the sacred orders of deacon and pres-
byter, while their duties were discharged by laymen.
In the seventh century the readers and singers in the
Armenian churches were laymen : in the eighth century
the readers, and in the twelfth the ostiarii and exorcists
were laymen in the Greek church. Before the year
1300, the four junior orders of acolyte, exorcist, reader,
and ostiarius, began to be conferred together in the
western churches. Not long after, it became customary
to release the clerks thus ordained from the necessity
of performing the duties of their orders, which were
confided to lay-clerks. The councils of Cologne and
Trent in vain endeavoured to alter this custom; and
laymen continue generally to fulfil the offices of the
' Field, Of the Church, book Eccl. Discipl. pars i. lib. ii. c.
V. c. 25 ; Bingham, Antiquities, 30, &c.
book iii ; Thomassin. Vet. Nov.
410 The Minister of Ordination. [part vi.
ancient orders in the Roman churches to the present
day *. In England the same custom has prevailed, and
the minor orders having become merely titular, were
disused in the reformation of our churches. It may be
observed, that all the inferior orders in the western
churches wore the surplice in church, except sub-
deacons, who durinof the eucharist used the alb and
tunicle.
CHAPTER IV.
ON THE MINISTER OF ORDINATION.
The question concerning the proper minister of ordi-
nation has been much debated between the church and
different sects : the Independents maintaining that
popular election is the only essential ; or that it super-
sedes the necessity of any other ordination : the Pres-
byterians asserting that presbyters of the second order
are the proper ministers of ordination : and the church
holding that her chief ministers alone are empowered
by divine right, at least in ordinary cases, to ordain.
I say, "in ordinary cases," because several theologians
of the church in different ages have been of opinion,
that in extraordinary cases, or by commission of the
church, even presbyters might ordain. Several of the
schoolmen held that a mere presbyter might confer
every order except the episcopate, by commission from
the church. Vasquez '^ inclines to this opinion. Mo-
rinus ^ refers to many of the schoolmen and others in
' Thomassin. ut supra. '' Morinus de Ordin. par. iii.
'^ Vasquez, in iii. par. S. exerc. iv. c. 3, 4.
Thomse, q. 243. art. 3, 4.
CHAP. IV.] The Minister of Ordination. 411
proof of its truth. Of this opinion also have been
several writers of the English church, whose orthodoxy
is unquestionable, amongst whom may be mentioned
Jewel, Hooker', and Fields The latter argues in
favour of it, and adduces the sentiments of the school-
men, Armachanus, Alexander de Hales, Durandus, &c. ^
The validity of ordinations given by presbyters in case
of necessity, has occasionally been supported by writers
in the church of England since, and without censure.
Nor does it seem that this opinion, if rightly under-
stood, and discreetly advanced, involves any conse-
quences injurious to religion, since were it even ad-
mitted that presbyters might confer a valid ordination,
this would not infer that ministers of sects and heresies
are truly ministers of God ; for no one would allow that
the priests of the Arians, or Monophysites, or Donatists,
were ministers of Jesus Christ, though they had actually
received a valid ordination as far as the external form
was concerned. And although a person should think
it possible that presbyterian ordinations may be valid,
he may also hold that episcopal ordinations are more
secure ; and that for this reason, (as well as for the sake
of a charitable accordance with the general practice and
opinion of the church,) they ought to be obtained where
it is possible. On the other hand, those who admit
that where certain external forms of ordination have
been observed in heresy and schism, the church need
not reordain h^etical ministers who embrace her com-
" Hooker, Works, vol. iii. p. it might be supposed that he
286. ed. Keble. I am not cer- judged it only permissible for a
tain that Hooker regarded such time, and under urgent neces-
ordinations as more \\vdn justiji- sities.
able. He certainly considers ^ Field, Of the Church, book
them as only conferring an " ex- iii. c. 39. v. 56.
traordinary vocation," and hence * Ibid.
412 The Minhter of Ordination. [ p a rt v i .
munion ; such persons, I say, do not, or ought not, to
allow that there are minist(u-s of Christ, or real bishops
and presbyters among those who are ordained in sepa-
ration from the catholic church ; because there is no
reason to believe that the divine commission is ever
given except in the church of Christ. And therefore I
hold that the ministers of the papists in this country,
should be regarded as equally devoid of authority and
right with those of other sectaries. And further, if it
be supposed that presbyterian ordinations are not valid,
it by no means follows that we are bound to condemn
them in every case: for instance, the appointment of
ministers by the Lutheran party in Germany during
the Reformation, was probably invalid ; and yet, con-
sidering their difficulties ; the fact of their appeal to a
general council ; their expecting to be reunited to the
church ; and therefore the impossibility of establishing
a rival hierarchy ; I think we are not bound to condemn
their apiDointments of ministers, as many learned and
orthodox writers have done, who however seem not to
have observed the peculiarities of their position, and to
have supposed that they were at once definitively sepa-
rated from the Roman churches.
That ordinations by mere presbyters are, (however
excusable and justifiable under certain circumstances,)
in fact unauthorized and invalid, is the more usual sen-
timent of theologians, and is most accordant with scrip-
ture, and with the practice of the catholic church in ge-
neral, and of our churches in particular, which do not
recognize any such ordinations.
I. We do not find in scripture any instances of
presbyters of the second order ordaining. It is true
that when Paul and Barnabas were sent to preach to
the Gentiles, certain prophets and teachers at Antioch,
CHAP. IV. j Tlie Minister of Ordination. A\^
while they ministered to the Lord and fasted, received
a command from the Holy Ghost, " Separate me Bar-
nabas and Saul for the Mork whereunto I have called
them. And vs^hen they had fasted and prayed, and laid
their hands on them, they sent them away ^" But this is
not a case of mere presbyterian ordination. We do not
know whether these prophets and teachers were pres-
byters. Certain it is that they were inspired hy the
Holy Ghost to set apart Paul and Barnabas for their
work : but no one would deny that the Holy Ghost has
the power of sending labourers at all times into the
vineyard, and that even if presbyters now should re-
ceive such a command, the mission of the person so set
apart would be divine. It is also true that Timothy
was ordained by the " presbytery ^ ;" but, as we do not
exactly know the meaning of this term, which is under-
stood by the Greek fathers to mean bishops, and by
the Latin fathers to mean the presbyterate, or order of
priesthood, so it is plain that the apostle Paul himself
formed one of this presbytery " : and therefore the ordi-
nation of Timothy affords no sanction for those per-
formed by presbyters only.
On the other hand, we find in scripture abundant
instances, in which ordinations were performed by the
apostles, and by their assistants and deputies. Thus
Paul and Barnabas ordained presbyters in every
church ''. Timothy and Titus were left at Ephesus and
in Crete, to set things in order and to ordain presbyters
in every church '. The seven deacons were elected by
the people, but ordained by the apostles K Hence it
" Acts xiii. 1—3. ^ Acts xiv. 22.
f 1 Tim. iv. 14. ' 1 Tim. iii ; Tit. i. 5.
s 2 Tim. i. 6. ^ Acts vi.
414 The Minister of Ordination. [part vi.
would seem, that the power of ordination is vested in
the apostles, their deputies, and successors.
The power of ordination was given to the apostles
and their successors, by these words : " As my Father
hath sent me even so send I you ''," which authorized
them to send others to prOach the gospel. Now the
bishops were certainly most properly the successors of
the apostles, as being supreme ministers of the church ;
and the voice of all ages has given to them peculiarly
this title '. To them therefore principally is the com-
mission of Christ directed, and consequently there can-
not be authority to ordain without them.
II. The uniform practice and doctrine of the church,
as far back as we can trace it, is opposed to the vali-
dity of ordinations performed by presbyters only.
We find several instances in which such ordinations
were declared null, but not a single case has been ad-
duced in which they were really alloM^ed. In 324 the
council of all the Egyptian bishops assembled at Alex-
andria under Hosius, declared null and void the ordi-
nations j)erformed by Colluthus, a presbyter of Alex-
andria, who had separated from his bisliop and pre-
tended to act as a bishop himself"". In 340 the
Egyptian bishops, in their defence of St. Athanasius,
alluding to Ischyras, who pretended to be a priest,
said, " Whence then was Ischyras a presbyter? Who
was his ordainer ? Colluthus ? For this only remains.
But it is known to all and doubted by no one, that Col-
luthus died a presbyter ; that his hands were without
authority; and that all who were ordained by him in
^ John XX. 21. reotae, — Athanas. Oper. t. i. p.
' See above, Chapter I. art. v. 193.
"^ Presbyteri et Diaconi Ma-
CHAP. IV.] The Minister of Ordination. 415
time of the schism, were reduced to the state of lay-
men, and as such attend the church's assemblies "."
In the first council of Seville, the ordinations performed
by the bishop of Agabra were declared null, because an
assisting presbyter was accustomed to read the prayer
of ordination, on account of the bishop's blindness, who
however laid his hands on those who were to be or-
dained °. This manifests strongly the judgment of the
church on the subject of ordinations by presbyters.
Epf[)hanius refutes the doctrine of Aerius, observing
that bishops beget fathers of the church by ordination,
presbyters beget sons only by baptism, and concludes :
" How can he constitute a presbyter, who has no right
to ordain him by imposition of hands p ?" Jerome
asks, " What, except ordination, does a bishop, which a
presbyter does not also '' ?" Chrysostom also, who
esteems the presbyterate very little inferior to the epis-
copate, holds that the power of ordination is entirely
vested in the latter ^
HI. We know also that the. rule of the church was,
that all ordinations should be performed by bishops.
The successor of Paul of Samosata, bishop of Antioch
in the third century, was ordained by the bishops of
" HoQev ovv irpeafivrepoQ 'la-)(v- tiki) Tai,iQ' TraripOQ yap ytyy^ rrf
pag ; rh'og /caraoTJ/cavroc ; upa eKK\i](Ti(f' y Se Trarepac j^i] cvvanepj]
KoWovdov ; TOVTO yap Xolttov' a\X' ytvrav, cia ti]q tov Xovrpov iraXiy-
OTi KoWovOoQ irpeal-^vTepog ioi' ETE- yEVEaluQ tekvu yEvv^ rij EKt^Xrjaia,
Xevttjcte, Kui Trdo-a x^'f avrov yi- ov fJiji' Traripag, yj SiSaffKciXovg' Kal
yoi'Ev uKvpng, koI -mivTEg ol nap TrojQOioyTEyfi'Toi'TrpEafivTEpovKaO-
avriw KaraffTatiEVTEg ev toI a^irj- icrr^y, /x)/ 'E-)(oi'Ta ■)(EipoQEaiav tov
fxUTi Xa'iKoi yEyovaai, Kai ovTiag yEipoTovElv. — Epiph. Hseres. 75.
cvvayovTai^ cijXoy, icai ovcevI dfx- Oper. t. i. p. 908 ed. 1682.
^(/joXoj'. — Athan. Oper. t. i. p. '' Hieronymus, Epist. adEvan-
134. gelum, t. iv. pars ii. p. 802.
" Concil. Hispal. ii. can. 19. ■" Chrysost. in Epist. ad Phil.
— Hardiiin. Concil. t. iii. p. 501. 1. Oper. t. xi. p. 195.
P'll ^Ei' yap icfT ITT aTf.piOv yEvyij-
10
416 Tlie Minister of Ordination. [part vi.
the synod of Antioch \ Cornelius of Rome, about a. d.
250, was ordained by sixteen bishops *. Cyprian was also
ordained by several bishops " ; and he held the custom
to be derived from divine tradition and apostolic ob-
servance"'. Sabinus was ordained by several bishops
in Spain '". In the time of Cyprian a bishop was or-
dained at Capsai in Numidia, by six bishops \ Long
before his time flourished Narcissus, bishop of Jeru-
salem, who according to Eusebius was contemporary
with Clement of Alexandria. His successor, about A. d.
200, was ordained by bishops ^. Even the schismatic
Novatian, in the time of Cyprian, procured ordination
from three bishops ^ ; and Fortunatus, who set himself
up as bishoj) of Carthage against Cyprian, was ordained
by five bishops *. The apostolical canons which repre-
sent the discipline of the East, probably in the pre-
ceding century, limit all ordinations to the bishops ''.
No difficulties induced the church to break through
this rule. Never do we read, even in the height of
the Arian persecutions, of any attempt to supply the
necessities of the churches by means of presbyterian
ordinations : no, not though it was held that in a time
of such necessity, all the ordinary rules might be dis-
pensed with. Even when the Vandals exiled the whole
body of the African bishops to the number of nearly
500% we read of no attempt to deviate from the uni-
versal rule.
While it is evident that ordinations were never per-
' Euseb. lib. vii. c. 30. 12 ; lib. vi. c. 10.
* Cypr. Epist. 52. ^ Euseb. lib. v. c. 43.
" Ibid. 55. ** Cypr. Epist. 55 ed. Pamel.
' Ibid. G8. ed. Pamel. '' Apost. can. 1, 2. — Beveregii
" Ibid. Pandect, t. i. p. 1.
" Ibid. 53. <= Fleury, Hist. Eccl. lib. xxx.
" Euseb. Hist. Eccl. lib. v. c. s. 7.
OBJECT.]' The Minister of Ordination. 417
formed by presbyters without bishops, it is equally clear
that ordinations by bishops without presbyters were
universal. In all episcopal ordinations from the earliest
period, bishops only officiated : but the custom of the
African church in the fourth century, which permitted
presbyters to lay on their hands with the bishop in the
ordination of presbyters ^ and which was afterwards
adopted by the Roman and other western churches,
was never received in the East. In all the eastern
churches from the time of the apostles to the present
day, the bishop alo7ie lays hands on the presbyters.
This custom was known and sanctioned by the western
churches, and therefore they must have held that ordi-
nation by the bishop alone was the essential and apos-
tolical rite of initiation.
IV. I argue thus in conclusion. That mode of ordi-
nation by which ministers are appointed according to
the divine will and institution to tend the flock of
Jesus Christ, must have prevailed at all times and in
all places. But episcopal ordination has so prevailed,
and presbyterian has not : therefore the former alone
confers the divine commission.
OBJECTIONS.
I. St. Jerome testifies in his epistle to Evangelus,
that presbyters and bishops were originally the same,
" but the reason for which one was afterwards chosen
to be set over the rest^ was as a remedy of schism, lest
each drawing the church of Christ to himself, it might
rend asunder. For at Alexandria, from Mark the
Evangelist down to Heraclas and Dionysius bishops,
^ Even in Africa and in Spain Gov. p. 255, 256. This in fact
bishops might ordain without was the more general custom of
presbyters. — See Bilson, Perpet. the church.— Ibid. p. 257.
VOL. II. E e
418 The Minister of Ordination. [p. vi. ch. iv.
the presbyters always chose one of themselves, and
setting him in a higher place, saluted him bishop ; as
if an army should make a general, or the deacons
should elect out of themselves one whom they knew to
be diligent, and call him archdeacon. For what office
does a bishop perform, except ordination, which a pres-
byter does not also ^" Therefore it a[»pears that the
bishop of Alexandria was elected from among the pres-
byters ivitJiout any ordination.
Anstver. If he was so, presbyterian ordinations, at
least, derive no support from this passage, for presbyte-
rians elect no bishops, and the ordination of presbyters
is here evidently ascribed by St. Jerome to the bishop
only. But St. Jerome does not say that the bishop
thus elected was not afterwards consecrated by bishops.
He merely adduces this old custom of election at
Alexandria ^ as a relic of what he believed to have
been the original episcopacy, namely, the appointment
of one of the presbyters to preside over the rest. This
*^ " Quod autem postea unus '^ The custom of the church of
electus est, qui caeteris praepone- Alexandria even in the sixth
retur, in schismatis remedium century, was for the bishop elect
factum est ; ne unusquisque ad to assume jurisdiction and sit as
se trahens Christi ecclesiam rum- bishop, apparently before conse-
peret. Nam et Alexandriae a cration. Liberatus, a. d. 553,
Marco Evangelista usque ad says " consuetudo quidem est
Heraclam et Dionysium episco- Alexandriae, ilium qui defuncto
pos, presbyteri semper unum ex succcdit, excubias super defuncti
se electum in excelsiori gradu corpus agere, manumque dexte-
collocatum, episcopum nomina- ram ejus capiti suo imponere, et
bant : quomodo si exercitus im~ sepulto manibus suis, accipere
peratorem faciat ; aut diaconi collo suo B. Marci pallium, et
eligant de se quem industrium tunc legitime sedere." — Breviar.
noverint et archidiaconum vo- c. 20. Here nothing is said of
cent. Quid enim facit excepta consecration, yet we know from
ordinatione episcopus, quod pres- history, that these bishops had for
byter non faciat ?" — Hier. Epist. a long time before, always been
ci. ad Evangelum, Opcr. t. iv. consecrated like other bishops,
pars ii. p. 802, ed. Benedict.
OBJKCT.] The Miiiisfer of OnliiKition. 419
presbyter ho miglit very well believe to have by divine
riglit a superior jurisdiction, and a peculiar right of
ordination, even though he was called to his office by
election only : because he might suppose that in the
ordination of a presbyter a power was given, which
might, by election to the episcoimte, be further deve-
loped and extended, even to the power of conferring
orders. But to return to the question of fact. It is
not credible that the bishops of Alexandria, even so
late as the time of Dionysius, who died a, d. 264,
should have had no consecration from bishops. The
primitive church which contended so earnestly on the
day of celebrating Easter, and the reiteration of the
baptism of heretics, would scarcely have passed over
in total silence a mode of appointment so unusual, so
contrary to the general rule. How is it, that among
all the controversies concerning presbyterian ordina-
tions performed by Colluthus in Egypt, even in Alex-
andria, only about sixty years after the time of Diony-
sius, there should be no allusion to a custom so extra-
ordinary and so directly bearing on the point in con-
troversy? How is it, that within forty years after the
time of Dionysius, we find all the bishops of the Mele-
tians ordained, not by presbyters, but by Meletius him-
self ? And how is it, that no one but Jerome should
notice so remarkable a custom, one certainly uni)aral-
leled elsewhere in the world in that age, and contrary
to all the rules and laws of the church. The simple
fact is, that St. Jerome only states the custom of the
church of Alexandria at the election of bishops, which
he thinks is a confirmation of his theory of the original
episcopacy ; and if his argument seems to require, for
its validity, that no consecration should afterwards have
taken place, it is easier to sup]iose that St. Jerome's argu-
Ee2
420 The Minister of Ordination. [p. vi. ch. iv.
ment was inconclusive, than that so extraordinary a cus-
tom could have existed in the church.
II. Eutychius of Alexandria, in his chronicle, says
that the bishops of Alexandria were actually ordained
by the presbyters, till the time of Alexander, who
attended the synod of Nice.
Ansiver. Eutychius lived in the tenth century, too
late to have any weight in such a question. His state-
ment seems to be derived from that of Jerome, with
abundant additions, and his accounts are to be rejected
as altogether fabulous ^.
III. Firmilian in a letter to Cyprian says, that in
the church " preside presbyters, (majores natu,) who
have the power of baptizing, laying on hands, and
ordaining ?'
Answer. The bishops were often called presbyters.
Tertullian says " Probati prcesident seniores.'"
IV. Hilary the deacon, on Ephes. iv. 2, says " in
Egypt, even to this day, the presbyters ordain (co7isig-
nant) in the bishop's absence." He also says on 1 Tim.
iii. that " the ordination of bishop and presbyter is the
same, for both are priests. But the bishop is first, so
that every bishop is a presbyter, not every presbyter a
bishop ; for he is bishop who is first among the
presbyters."
Answer. 1. The word "consignant" does not mean
" ordain," but " confirm." This custom still remains in
the east, and confirmation is usually called o-^pa-yJc or
iin(T(f>payiau6Q ^. 2. I have already observed that the
opinion of this author as to ordinations is to be re-
jected ''.
• See Pearson, Vindiciae Ignat. ^ See Smith on the Greek
c. 10. Church, p. 116, 117.
' Cyprian. Epist. 75, al. 43. ^ See above, p. 395.
OBJ r: ex.] The Minister of Ordination. 421
V. Tlie general synod of Nice permitted the clergy
appointed by Meletius the privilege of ordaining, and
of naming those who were worthy of being ordained'.
Answer. The meaning of the word TTQoy^i^lUaQai is
" electing" not ordaining. Besides, the synod is speak-
ing of bishops, as well as of presbyters ordained by Me-
letius, so that if it meant to give them the right of
ordination, this would of course be understood to relate
to the bishops.
VI. Cassianus says that the monk Paphnutius, who
was only a presbyter, ordained his disciple Daniel a
deacon, and afterwards a presbyter ^ Novatus, a pres-
byter, made Felicissimus a deacon, according to Cy-
prian ^
Afisicer. The meaning is, that Cassianus and Novatus
caused them to be ordained by some bishop.
VII. The chorejjiscopi were only presbyters, and yet
they ordained presbyters and deacons.
Answer. It has been shown by Bingham, Beveridge,
and others ', that the chorepiscopi, or rural bishops, had
e^iiscoiml consecration. These seem to be the principal
instances adduced to favour presbyterian ordinations.
' Socrates, Hist. Eccl. 1. i. ^ Cyprian, ep. xlix.
c. 9. ' Bingham, Antiquities, book
J Cassian. Collat. iv. c. 1. ii. c. 14.
42-2 Cvnsecrations inj one Bisliup. [part vi.
CHAPTER V.
ON THE NUMBER OF BISHOPS REQUISITE TO ORDAIN.
An important question has been raised, as to the num-
ber of bishops requisite to confer a valid episcopal
ordination. Several theologians have been of opinion
that in case of necessity one bishop was sufficient for
this purpose. Amongst the supporters of this opinion
may be named Beveridge, Mason, Hallier, Paludanus,
Sylvester, and others. On the other hand, theologians
of equal eminence, have regarded such ordinations as
uncertain or null. Honoratus Tournely, one of the
principal theologians of the Galilean church in the last
century, formally maintains the following conclusion :
" In consecratione episcopi plures comministros ejiisco-
pos adhibendos esse, docet apostolica traditio ac con-
stans praxis ecclesiai ; atque aliter quam a tribus vel
duobus saltem factam ordinationem, non illicitam modo,
sed etiam irritam ac nullam esse, probabilius videtur "."
Tournely wrote when the question had been amply
discussed, and his decision is the result of a careful
investigation of all that had been said. He had been
pieceded in the same opinion by Pamelius, bishop of
St. Omer ^ and Habert, bishop of Vabres, who regards
^ Tournely, Tractat. de Or- '' Pamelius in Cypr. Epist. 68.
dine, p. 453. " Accedere debebat consecratio
CHAP, v.] Consecrations hy one Bishop. 423
such ordinations as most dubious ". Hallier says, that
in his time the common and most received opinion was,
that episcopal ordinations performed by less than three
bishops, were null and void ''. Vasquez held three
bishops to be the ordinary ministers of consecrationy^re
divino *. Bellarmine \ Kellison ^, and others, regard
this number as essential : but are of opinion, as well as
Vasquez, that a papal commission could empower one
bishop to consecrate. This however seems to have
arisen from their exaggerated notions of the papal
power. Vasquez is even of opinion that a papal com-
mission could enable a presbyter to ordain presbyters
and deacons *". Alphonso de Ligorio observes, that the
opposite opinions, as to a plurality of bishops being
requisite (except in a case of necessity) to the validity
of an ej)iscopal consecration, are " both probable ; there-
fore in practice, the first," (which maintains their
necessity,) " is to be altogether followed ... for since
it is very probable . . . that the episcopate is a true
sacrament, distinct from the presbyterate, we are cer-
tainly bound in the ordination of a bishop to take the
safer part, to avoid a general injury; for otherwise priests
. , . per episcopos qui convene- nulla, irrita, et invalida sit . . .
runt, quos, ut minimum, duos quae a paucioribus tribus episeo-
esse oportebat." pis peracta fuerit. " — Hallier,
"^ " Circa hoc vero riegotium, De Sacris elect, et Ordin. p. 582.
ancipitem profecto controversiam " Prior (sententia) communis est
movere scholastici doctores ... et hocce tempore magis recepta."
Utrum videlicet ordinatio et con- p. 589.
secratio ab uno tantum episcopo ^ Vasquez, in iii. part. Thomae,
facta, quoad characterem ac ordi- t. iii. disc. 243. cap. 0.
nem ipsum qui de jure divino ^ Bellarminus de Not. Eccl.
est, sit rata et valida." — Haber- c. 8.
tus, Liber Pontificalis, p. 80. ed. ^ Kellison, Comm. in iii. par.
Paris, 1643. See also p. 83. Thomse, t. ii. p. 428.
^ " Incertum est et intra ^ Vasquez, ut supra, disp.
auctores catholicos controversum 243, c. 4.
an consecratio episcopi omnino
424 Consecrations hy one Bishop. [p. vi. cii. v.
ordained by this bisliop would remain doubtfully
ordained '."
The law and practice of the catholic church from the
remotest period are opposed to ordinations by one
bishop only. It was decreed by the synods of Aries,
Nice, Antioch, Laodicea, Carthage, Orange '\ he. that
at least three bishops should consecrate. The oecume-
nical synod of Nice only allowed this number to be
sufficient in a case of urgeyit necessity^ but desired that
all the bishops of the province should unite in the act.
We find this custom in former ages. Cornelius of
Rome, Cyprian, Novatus, Fortunatus, Sabinus, in the
middle of the third century, were all ordained by
several bishops. So also was the successor of Nar-.
cissus of Jerusalem at the end of the preceding cen-
tury. Cyprian says that this meeting of bishops to
perform episcopal ordinations, descended from divine
tradition and apostolical practice. The apostolical
canons which represent the discipline of the church in
the second century, require the ordination of a bishop
to be performed by two or three bishops, " so as that
he cannot be ordained by one \" Clement of Alexan-
dria says, that James was appointed bishop of Jerusa-
lem by three of the apostles, Peter, James the elder,
and John '. Hence we find Michael Oxita, patriarch
» " Utraque sententia est pro- ordinati." — Ligorio, Theol. Mor.
babilis ; unde in praxi omnino lib. iv. c. 2. art. 755.
prima sequenda est. . . . Et ratio J Arelatens. i. e. 1. Arelat.
est, quia cum valde sit probabilis ii. c. 5. Nicen. can. 1. Antioch.
sententia (ut diximus, n. 738,) can. 19. Laodicen. can. 12.
episcopatum esse verum sacra- Codex African, can. 13, 14 ;
mentum distinctum a presbyte- Arausic. i. c. 21. See Beve-
ratu, tenemur utique in ejus or- ridge, Annot. in Can. Apost. p.
dinatione tutiorem partem sequi 1 1 Pandect, t. ii.
ad vitandum damnum commune ; '' Apost. can. i. Bev. Pand. t. i.
nam alias sacerdotes ab hoc ' Euseb. Hist. Eccl. lib. ii.
episcopo ordinati manerent dubie c. 1 .
OBJEC'i'.] Consecrations by one Bishop. 4*25
of Constantinople, rejecting tlie ordinations of Clement
and Leontius, who had been ordained by one bishop,
contrary to the apostolical canon'".
In fact, if we look to scripture, we find that appoint-
ments to the highest offices of the sacred ministry were
made by a plurality of persons. As our Lord had said,
" if two of you shall agree on earth as touching
anything that they shall ask, it shall be done for them
of my Father which is in heaven. For where two or
three are gathered together in my name there am I in
the midst of them " ;" it might be fairly concluded, that
in so important an act as that of sending forth a
pastor into the kingdom of Jesus Christ, the pastors
ought to be united. Accordingly, all the apostles were
assembled and acted together in appointing Matthias
to the bishopric of the traitor °. Paul and Barnabas
were sent forth on their mission by the inspired " pro-
phets and teachers" of Antioch p. Timothy was or-
dained by St. Paul and the presbytery '^ : and connect-
ing these circumstances with the universal prevalence
of the rule afterwards, which required bishops always
to be ordained by more than one bishop, it does
seem probable, that episcopal ordinations, which are
only performed by one bishop, are not valid. On the
other side are alleged some instances of a contrary
practice in the church, which shall now be considered.
OBJECTIONS.
I. Paulinus bishop of Antioch, is said by Theodoret
to have ordained his successor Evagrius : yet all the
"> Joh. Cinnamus, Hist. lib. ii. ° Acts i.
Bev. Pand. t. ii. Annot. p. 10. ^ Acts xiii. 1—3.
" Matt, xviii. 19, 20. '' 1 Tim. iv. 14. 2 Tim. i. 6.
426 Consecrations by one Bishop. [p. vi. ch. v,
western church acknowledged the latter as bishop ', and
Pope Innocentius even required Alexander of Antioch
to receive in their honour and degrees, the clergy or-
dained by Evagrius ^
Ansiver. It is probable that Theodoret was mis-
informed, for Socrates, (v. 15) and Sozomen, (vii. 15)
affirm, that Evagrius was ordained bishop after the
death of Paulinus, and are silent as to the fact of his
ordination by one bishop. The reason which induced
the eastern church not to acknowledge him or his
clergy, did not arise from doubt as to the validity of his
ordination, but from their regarding him as a schismatic,
separated from Flavianus the legitimate bishop of
Antioch.
II. Synesius says that Siderius was ordained by
Philo of Cyrene alone, contrary to all the ancient laws ;
yet, since it is necessary in times of danger to dispense
with the highest laws, Athanasius, in order to cherish
and increase the spark of faith which remained in
Ptolemais, raised him to govern that metropolitan
church *.
Answer. I reply that either S. Athanasius afterwards
completed what was defective ; or else he may have
thought, that in a case of urgent necessity, where the
preservation of the faith was at stake, God would
supply what was deficient in the mode of vocation ; or
that the church could in such a case give a sufficient
commission without reordination.
III. When S. Augustine, archbishop of Canterbury,
wrote to consult Gregory the Great, whether he might
' Theodoret. Hist. Eccl. lib. p. 1010.
V. c. 23. ' Synesius, Epist. Ixvii. p.
^ Innocent. I. Epist. xiv. ad 210. ed Petav.
Bouifacium. Hard. Cone. t. i.
OBJECT.] Consecrations by one Bishop. 427
perform episcopal consecrations without tlie aicl of
other bishops, the latter replied " Qiiidem in Angloruni
ecclesia in qna adhuc solus tii episcopus inveniris, ordi-
nare episcopum non aliter nisi sine episcopis potes "."
Therefore in case of necessity, ordination by one bishop
is sufficient.
Ansiver. Habertus affirms that the reading in ancient
manuscripts is this, " Et quidem in Anglorum ecclesia,
&c. ordinare episcopum non aliter nisi cum episcopis
potes. Nam quando de Gallia episcopi veniant, illi in
ordinationem episcopi testes tibi assi stent." This read-
ing is supported by the edition of Bede, published in
Paris 1586, and it is to be supposed that Habertus had
found it in ancient manuscripts ". It would be unsafe
to rest a question of so much importance on a disputed
text. But even conceding that the passage as quoted
is correct, Gregory may perhaps have proceeded on
uncertain principles in affording this permission, as we
believe he did mistake, in affirming that the apostles
consecrated the eucharist with no other form but the
Lord's prayer.
IV. In fact it appears that Augustine acted on this
permission, and ordained several bishops, such as Justus
and Mellitus.
Answer. Even Hallier, who is favourable to the
validity of such ordinations, is " unwilling to infer that
Justus and Mellitus were ordained by Augustine alone,"
because though Bede mentions no other consecrators,
it is customary with hinx only to mention the name of
the metropolitan ordaining ^. It is more probable that
Augustine may have obtained the assistance of some
" Beda, Hist. Eccl. lib. i. p. 83.
c. 28. " Hallier, De Ordin. p. 588.
" Habertus, Pontificale Grsec.
428 Consecrations hy one Bishop. [part vr.
of the French bishops. We find that afterwards they
were so careful in England to observe the rule re-
quiring more than one bishop to assist, that when
there was only one bishop remaining in the Anglo-
Saxon church before the arrival of Theodore of Tarsus,
they called in the aid of two bishops of the British or
Irish church which was viewed as schismatical, in order
to consecrate Ceadda \ This they would scarcely have
done, if S. Augustine alone had consecrated several
bishops. It appears probable also that Theodore of
Tarsus reordained Ceadda \ thus affording an additional
proof of the doctrine and practice of the church.
V. The apostles ordained bishops alone. E. g. St.
Peter ordained Linus at Rome, St. Mark ordained
Anianus at Alexandria.
Answer. We are not certain that these apostles and
evangelists did, without any assistance, ordain bishops.
However I do not deny that the apostles might do so
sometimes : but it does not follow that they intended
the bishops in this respect to imitate their example.
" Beda, Hist. Eccl. lib. iii. catliolica ratione consummavit. "
c. 28. — Beda, Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. c. 2.
y " Ordinationem ejus denuo
CHAP. vr.J On Ifco?-(h'ii(ifi(ms. 4*29
CHAPTER VI.
ON REORDINATIONS.
I. It is unlawful to reiterate ordinations once validly
performed in the catholic church, because such reordi-
nations would throw doubt on the sufficiency of the
former ordinations, every minister of Christ lawfully
ordained being capable of administering sacerdotal
offices in all churches where he is lawfully called to do
so, though limited ordinarily to one by apostolical in-
stitution. Thus we read that Polycarp, bishop of
Smyrna, celebrated the eucharist in the church of
Rome, when he travelled there to confer with Soter ;
and the canons of the catholic church approve of this
practice, and sanction the translation of bishops (in
cases of urgent necessity and benefit to the church) al-
ways without any reordination. The sixty-eighth apos-
tolical canon exhibiting the early discipline of the East,
forbids reordinations, under pain of deposition both to
the ordained and the ordainer, unless the former ordi-
nations have been conferred by heretics *. The council
* El Tig kniaKviToc:, i) Trptajjv- alpeTiKwv i'xEi rriu x^'P"™'''"'"'
TepoQ, i) hdicoyoQ, cevripay x^'po- toi'C yap Trapd twu ToiovTUiv flaw-
Toviav central Trapci rirog, kuOui- Tierdevrag 7) -^^eipoTovrjOevrag, ovre
ptitTdiOKaiavTogicalox^ipoToyiicTag' Triarovg ovte KXrjpiKovg elrai Cv-
d fii]yt apa avcrrair}, on Trapa varuv. — Beveregii Pandect, t. i.
430 0?i Beordlnations. [part vi.
of Carthage (canon 52) forbids rebaptizations or reordi-
nations of bishops, as it had been decreed in a synod at
Capua '' ; which the learned canonists, Balsamon, patri-
arch of Antioch, Zonaras, and Aristsenus, understand
only to refer to ordinations formerly conferred by the
orthodox \ Pope Gregory I. says, that " he who has
been once ordained ought not again to be ordained to
the same degree ''." Provincial synods at Rome, and
Ravenna also under pope John IX. forbad reordi-
nations ". These are sufficient to show the general
rule of the church as to the impropriety of reordaining
those who have already received valid ordination in the
catholic church ; and indeed there is so little danger of
such reordinations generally, that it does not seem that
there is any severe penalty in the western churches
provided for tliis offence. The sixty-eighth apostolical
canon is only received by the eastern church as a rule :
it is not found among the western canons ; and Hen-
riquez says, that " even if orders be unlawfully reite-
rated, the ordainer does not incur irregularity ; because
it is not expressed in the canon law ?'
IT. This general rule against reordinations does not
ajiply in cases where ordinations have previously taken
place in sects separated from the church. The catholic
church is not bound to know anything of their ordi-
nations, or to examine into the intricate questions which
may surround them. She repudiates them in general
*" Beveregii Pandect, t. i. p. ep. 46. ad Jo. Episc. Ravennat.
574. The question tif reordi- t. ii. p. 608. Oper. ed. Ben.
nations is treated by Morinus. — *^ MorinuSj p. 87.
Comment, de Sacr. Eccl. Ordin. ^ " Si quis tamen illicite itc-
pars iii. exercit. v. p. 74, &c. raret, non fit irregularis . . quia
" Beverage, ut supra, p 514 — non est in jure expressum." —
0. Henriquez, Sunima, lib. x. de
^ Gregor. Mag. Epist. lib. ii. Ord. Sacramento, c. 14.
CHAP. VI.] On Ueordinafions. 431
as conferring- no divine commission to minister in
sacred things, " Them tliat are without, God judgeth :"
but all the promises of God are to his church : His
grace is given in the church : the apostles and teachers
sent from God are in the church. We know nothing
from revelation of any grace, any christian ministry,
any sacraments, or any salvation beyond the church.
The church is not bound to recognize the heretical
ordinations of those who enter her communion : it has
always been a matter of special favour to receive such
orders, and ought only to be conceded for very urgent
reasons. But if the usual form and minister of ordi-
nation appear to have been continued in sects, and thus
the external part of ordination has been regularly ob-
served, the church has the power of animating this
dead form with the inward grace of the divine com-
mission ; or of removing the impediments which had pre-
vented that grace from descending : for this case being
not specially provided for by holy scripture, it is left in
the power of the church, to which Jesus Christ himself
said, " Whatsoever ye shall bind on earth shall be
bound in heaven :" " Whosesoever sins ye remit they
are remitted, and whosesoever sins ye retain they are
retained." The more general custom of the church,
however, appears to have been, to reordain those who
had been ordained in open heresy or schism.
The sixty-eighth apostolical canon above referred to,
and which is received as the law of the eastern church,
permits ordination to be conferred on those who have
only been ordained by heretics.
The synod of Saragossa decreed that presbyters who
were converted from the Arian heresy to the holy
catholic church, if of sound faith and chaste life,
10
4.3'2 On Rcordhiatfons. [fAKi vi.
" should at length receive the benediction or ordination
of priests, and minister in holiness and purity "." There
is a reply of a patriarch of Constantinople to Marty riiis,
patriarch of Antioch, a. d. 460, stating that the practice
of the church of Constantinople was to reordain those
who had received ordination in heresy ''. About 767,
Constantino was schismatically elected bishop of Rome,
being only a layman, and was consecrated after having
suddenly received the orders of subdeacon and deacon.
His successor, pope Stephen, convened a synod, to
which the king of France, at his request, sent twelve
learned bishops ; and it was determined, that all the
bishops, priests, and deacons ordained by Constantine
should be reordained by pope Stephen, if again elected
by their respective churches '. Hincmar, archbishop of
Rheims, reordained all those who had been ordained by
Ebbo a former archbishop after he had been synodi-
cally deposed, and reduced to lay communion. This
was approved by a great council of Galilean bishops,
but was rejected by pope Adrian II. on appeals For-
mosus having been made bishop of Rome contrary to
the canons, after he had been proved guilty of various
crimes, and deposed ; his successor, Stephen VI. re-
ordained the clergy he had ordained ^ The council of
Constantinople against Photius decreed, that having
been schismatically ordained he was not a bisho}) '. On
5 " Placuit sanctae et venera- trare debeant,"&c. — Cone. Caesar
bili synodo, ut presbyteri qui ex August, ii. c. 1. Morinus de
haeresi Ariana ad sanctam catho- Ordin. p. 97.
licam ecclesiam conversi sunt, ^ Morinus, p. 98.
qui sanctam et puram fidem, at- ' Ibid. p. 91.
que castissimam tenuerint vitam, •* Ibid. p. 88.
acceptam denuo benedictionem ^ Ibid. p. 85.
presbyterii sancte et pure minis- ' Ibid. p. 93.
CHAP. VI.] Oti Rear dinaf ions. 43-'}
the other hand, Photius reordained' those whom Ig-
natius his rival had ordained after his deposal "\ Leo
IX., according to Peter Damianus, reordained many
who had been simoniacally ordained ". In the council
of Quedlinburg under Gregory VII., the ordinations of
Wecilo, Sigefrid, and Norbert, who had been ordained
simoniacally and heretically, were judged to be entirely
null according to the decrees of the holy fathers". The
nullity of such orders was also decreed in the synod of
Placentia, under Urban II., who reordained a deacon
ordained by Nezilo, a simoniacally consecrated bishop p.
Lucius III. reordained the clergy of Octavian and
other antipopes ^ Theodore Balsamon, patriarch of
Antioch, in his reply to Marcus of Alexandria, said,
that heretical bishops if converted, and of approved life,
should ascend by the accustomed degrees to the epis-
copal office 'c He also denies the validity of heretical
orders in his commentary on the apostolic canons, as
do also Zonaras and Aristccnus \
It is evident that all these instances concur to esta-
1)1 ish one leading principle, that the church is not bound
to recognize orders conferred in open heresy or schism ;
and that reordinations in such cases are not forbidden.
In several of the above instances indeed, the principle
was stretched beyond its legitimate limits ; but this
does not affect the general tendency of the whole, and
it is impossible to explain away these numerous reordi-
nations, into mere rehabilitations or licenses for ex-
ercising orders.
■" Courayer, Dissertation sur •* Ibid. p. 79 — 81.
la Validite''des Ord. Angl. t. ii. "i Ibid. p. 76.
p. 109. ' Ibid. p. 98.
" Morinus, ut supra, p. 81. ^ In Canon Apost. Ixviii. —
° Ibid. Beveregii Pandect, t. i.
VOL. ir. F f
404 On Reordinations. [part vi.
III. The rule against reordiimtions does not apply
where there are uncertainties and doubts affecting the
validity of an ordination. A council held in the time
of Pepin, king of France, decreed, that " ordinations of
presbyters should not be made by certain vagrant
bishops : but if those presbyters were good men they
should be consecrated again V The synod of Cabilon
says, " There are in certain places Scoti who say that
they are bishops, and who ordain many negligent persons
without permission of their lords or masters, whose or-
dination, because for the most part it is involved in the
heresy of simony, and is liable to many errors, we have
with one consent decreed by all means to be annulled "."
The observations of Morinus are worthy of remark.
" We must," he says, " distinguish between a certain
and a dubious administration of this sacrament. A
custom formerly prevailed in the church, which con-
tinued for nearly twelve hundred years, that in case
any doubt arose in the ministration of the sacrament, it
was forthwith ministered again unconditionally, whether
the doubt affected the whole sacrament, as when it was
doubted whether any one was baptized or ordained ; or
related only to a circumstance of the sacrament already
administered. For the axiom was most commonly
adopted, ' Non est iteratum, quod eertis indiciis antea
non ostenditur peractum.' For sacraments are of such
o-reat moment, especially those which are conferred but
once, that when there is any probable doubt that they
have not been validly received or delivered, they ought
certainly to be conferred again without scruple, lest
through our hesitation any soul which Christ redeemed
should perish. . . . The crime of reordination is in no
' Hallier, De Sacr. Elect, et " Ibid. p. 829.
Ordin. p. 828.
CHAP, VI.] Ofi Beordi nations. 435
degree to be dreaded in this ease, since, as St. Leo
says, * the temerity of presumption does not intervene
where the carefidness of piety exists.' The same custom
continues even now, but that repetition which was for-
merly absolute, is now usually performed conditionally/ ""
Of this we have examples in the case of the bishops of
Seez and Avellino, mentioned by Le Quien. Du Mouli-
net, bishop of Seez, was for nearly tliirty-six years in
the habit of giving the gospel, chalice, paten, bread and
wine, to the priests and deacons whom he ordained, by
the hands of his assistant priests, and not with his own.
These ceremonies did not affect the essence of ordi-
nation; nevertheless, doubts and questions having
arisen after his death as to the validity of these orders,
pope Clement VII., in 1604, ordered the priests and
deacons thus ordained, to be reordained privately and
with a condition, which was accordingly done ""'. In
1696, a similar decree was made by the pope and the
' congregation of the holy office,' in the case of Mon-
signor Scanagata, bishop of Avellino, who presented
the instruments by means of his master of ceremonies \
" On voit," says Le Quien, " par ces exemples, et par
d'autres semblables qu'on pourroit ramasser, que sans
s'arreter aux sentimens des theologiens, en fait de doute
sur la validite d'une ordination, on prendra toujours
dans I'eglise le parti le plus sur ; et ce parti est celui
d'ordonner de nouveau sous condition \"
IV. The custoitis of the church of England prevent
reordinations, where the previous ordination has been
performed in the church ; and her law, contained in the
Preface to the Ordination Service, excepts from the
" Morinus de Ordin. p. 109. ^ Ibid. p. 393, &c.
™ Le Quien, NuUitc des ord. >' Ibid. p. 394.
Ano-l. t. ii. p. 388, &c,
Ff 2
436 On Reordinations. [part vi.
necessity of ordination according to that form, such
persons as have formerly received "episcopal ordination,"
which was probably meant to include those who had
formerly been ordained in these churches under a dif-
ferent rite : and we may reasonably suppose that it was
designed to include those who might receive episcopal
ordination in other catholic churches. By this how-
ever was not meant any episcopal ordination, (such as
that conferred by the bisho])S of Denmark, or of the
Methodists, or Moravians, who have probably no valid
orders whatever), but a valid episcopal ordination, con-
ferred with a sufficient imposition of hands and prayer ;
and by a bishop whose own ordination is in no degree
doubtful. It has even been the custom not to re-
ordain priests ordained among the papists in England
and Ireland, on their conversion to the church : but it
may be reasonably doubted whether this was intended
by those who drew up the preface to our Ordinal : such
a ease not having then arisen. However, as I have
said, the church was authorized to confirm these ordi-
nations, though not bound to do so.
tHAl\ VII,] Impcdhiienh to Ordination. 487
CHAPTER VII.
ON THE S[JBJECTS OF ORDINATION.
Of impediments to ordination on the part of the reci-
pient, some only render it irregular, others perhaps
render it null. , .
I. Those who are manifestly devoid of the qualifi-
cations required by the apostles and the church in the
ministers of religion, are styled irregular ; and this in-
capacity applies to the following cases. (1) Those
persons who have been guilty of some crime or offence
injuring their fame, voluntary homicides, simoniacs, in-
cendiaries of churches, diviners, public penitents, &c.
For " a bishop must be blameless ;" must " have a good
report of them that are without." " A deacon must
be blameless ^" (2) Illiterate persons : for a bishop
must be " apt to teach ;" holding the mystery of the
faith in a pure conscience ^ (3) Neophytes ordained
immediately after baptism, or before the canonical age,
or ordained per saltum^ or without examination. " Lay
hands suddenly on no man " :" " Not a novice '\" (4)
Heretics, excommunicated, schismatics, and all ordained
by such. (5) Those deficient in mind or body, as lu-
natics, demoniacs, confirmed epileptics, those mutilated
" 1 Tim. iii. 2. 7. 10. ^ Ibid. v. 22.
^ Ibid. 2. 9. '' Ibid. iii. 1(5.
438 Ordinatiuns icitfwut Baptism. [part vi.
by their own will, or of monstrous form, or devoid of
bodily organs essential to the ministry. (6) Those
under the command of others, and unable to give them-
selves to the ministry, as civil officers, soldiers, slaves,
&c. while they remain such. (7) Those ordained by a
bishop who has no right to ordain them, or by a bishoj?
who has resigned or been deprived. (8) Those whose
wives are of an evil character ^ There are other cases
of irregularity which do not apply to our present dis-
cipline; but these are the principal impediments which
prevent those who labour under them from being or-
dained canonically, or render them irregular.
II. We now proceed to consider the cases in which
it may be disputed whether ordination is not null and
void.
1. Is ordination null when conferred on a person
unbaptized ?
This is a question of great difficulty, and much may
be alleged on both sides. It was certainly the will of
our Saviour that those who believed should be bap-
tized. It is equally obvious, that none except believers
w^ere qualified to be his ministers, and as St. Paul forbad
even those newly baptized to be ordained, how much
more wotild he have prohibited those who were not yet
engrafted into the church by baptism. But on the
other hand, if some person ordained in the church, is
afterwards discovered by himself and others not to have
been baptized, is his ordination to be accounted null
and void ? It is generally admitted, that in a case of
necessity, a sincere wish to receive the sacraments, to-
gether with a true faith, is sufficient to produce the
effect of those sacraments. And on the same prin-
' 1 Tim. iii. 11.
CHAP. VII.] Ordinations '•'■ Per Saltumy 439
ciple it might seem, that one unbaptized, though igno-
rant of the fact, would not be less perfectly a disciple
of Christ than those baptized, and therefore not less
qualified for ordination, provided that he were in all
other respects a christian. To this it may be added,
that in the supposed case, the person unbaptized would
have been admitted frequently to partake of the flesh
and blood of Christ in the eucharist ; and this might
furnish another probability, that he was invested with
the privileges of those initiated by the sacrament of re-
generation. Dionysius of Alexandria was afraid to
baptize a man who had only heretical baptism, but who
had often partaken of the eucharist \ It seems from
this probable, I think, that such an ordination is not
null. But piety would enjoin the reception of baptism
privately; and if the case were publicly known and
caused scandal, it would be adviseable to reordain con-
ditionally.
2. Are ordinations conferred ^^ per salturn^'' passing
over the immediate orders, null ?
The practice of the church in primitive times is in
favour of their validity. Even in the particular church
of Rome, the bishops seem frequently to have been
elected from among the deacons, and ordained per
saltiim ^. The principle on which this is justified is, that
the episcopate comprises virtually all other orders in
itself. Even on the supposition that the episcopate is
an extension of the presbyterate, or rather a jurisdiction
than a new order, still in conferring it, the presbyterate
is included, because the latter is essential to the former.
Such seems to be the more probable opinion, though
^ Euseb. Hist. Eccl. lib. vii. ^ See Courayer, Defense de la
c. 9. Dissertation, liv. iv. c. x.
440 On the Sacrament of Ordination. [part vi.
many theologians have held that the episcopate con-
ferred per saltum is invalid. This was generally the
doctrine of the schoolmen : it was maintained after-
wards by Mason '' and Field ', and by Bellarmine \
Vasquez ', Gamache "', Kellison ", Hallier °, &c. These
writers speak as if there was no donbt on the subject,
and as if all theologians admitted their doctrine. No
one however disputes that according to the canons,
sacred orders should be conferred only gradually and
with the usual intervals.
CHAPTER VIII.
ON THE SACRAMENT OF ORDINATION.
We are first to consider what is the esser.tial form or
rite of ordination ; secondly, how far this rite may be
lawfully regarded as a sacrament.
I. It has been elsewhere " shown from the scrip-
tures, the councils, the doctrine of the reformation,
&c. that the imposition of hands and prayer are the
only essential rites of ordination. No other rites
are mentioned in Scripture at the ordination of the
ministers of Jesus Christ, and therefore it may be
reasonably concluded that these alone are essential.
'■ Mason, De Min. Angl. De- bitatum esse video apud omnes."
dicatio ad Ep. Paris. "' Gamachaeus, Summa Theo-
' Field, Of the Church, book i. logica, t. ii. p. 683.
c. 39. " Kelh'son, Comment, in iii.
^ Bellarmin. De Sacr. Ordinis, part. S. Thomse, t. ii. p. 398.
lib. i. c. 5. o Plallier. De Ordin. p. 392.
' Vasquez, in iii. part. S. Tho- ed. 1636.
mae, p. 738. 771. ed. 1614. He - Part I. chapter viii.
says of this doctrine, " hoc indu-
CHAP. VIII.] On the Sacrament of Ordination. 441
This is confirmed by the ancient ordinals of the church ;
for Moriniis and others have shown, that they do not
comprise the forms of delivering the instruments, which
many of the schoolmen regarded as the essential rite
of ordination, but only the laying on of hands and
prayer ^
II. The rite of ordination is not "a sacrament of
the gospel '," nor is it one of those " generally neces-
sary to salvation '' ;" but since " the common descrip-
tion of a sacrament" is, " that it is a visible sign of an
invisible grace ;" and since " in a general acceptation
the name of a sacrament may be attributed to any-
thing whereby an holy thing is signified ^ ;" since God
" of His divine providence hath appointed divers orders
in His church ^ ;" since those who are ordained bishops
and presbyters, are "by the Holy Ghost made over-
seers to feed the church of God ® :" since God Himself
gives to us such " pastors and teachers ^ ;" since it is evi-
dent that the divine grace promotes those who are duly
ordained to the oflftce of the ministry ; and since this
divine grace or commission is believed to be only given
perfectly to those lawfully ordained, when they are
actually ordained ; the rite of ordination is " a visible
sign of an invisible grace," and thus may reasonably
be considered as a sacrament of the church. In fact
the homilies of the church of England style it a sacra-
ment, even while establishing a distinction between it
and the two great sacraments of the gospel. " Though
^ Morinus de Ordin. pars iii. "^ Article XXV.
exerc. ii. c. 1. observes that the ^ Catechism,
ancient rite of laying the Gospel '^ Homily on Common Prayer
on the head of the bishop, was and Sacraments,
not practised at Alexandria, nor * Collect for Ember days,
in some churches of Gaul -and ^ Acts xx. 28.
Germany, and probably not in ^ Ephes. iv. 11.
the Roman church originally.
442 On the Sacrament of Ordination. [part vi.
the ordering of ministers hath this visible sign or pro-
mise, yet it lacks the promise of remission of sin, as
all other sacraments besides the two above named do.
Therefore neither it, nor any sacrament else, be such
sacraments as baptism and the communion are'."
Jerome, Augustine, Leo, Gregory, &c. style it a sacra-
ment ^ Calvin also regards it as a sacrament \ The
apology of the confession of Augsburgh says that if
" order be understood of the ministry of the word, we
should without scruple have called it a sacrament.
For the ministry of the word hath the commandment
of God, and possesses glorious promises. If order be
thus understood, we should not object to call the im-
position of hands a sacrament "\" The learned arch-
deacon Mason regarded order as in a certain sense a
sacrament ".
As bishop Taylor says, "it is none of the doctrine of
the church of England that there are two sacraments
only; but that of those rituals commanded in scrip-
ture, which the ecclesiastical use calls sacraments (by a
word of art,) two only are generally necessary to salva-
tion °." Archbishop Seeker says, " as the word sacra-
ment is not a scripture one, and hath at different times
' Homily on Common Prayer Inst. lib. iv. c. xix. art. 31.
and Sacraments, part i. '" Apologia Confess. VII. De
^ Hieron. lib. cont. Vigilant, numero et usu sacrament,
p. 281; Augustin. lib. ii. cont. ° "Si sacramenti vocabulum
Parmen. c. xiii. t. ix. p. 45 ; ad quodvis externum signum a
Leo, Epist. xi. al. Ixxxi. ad Deo institutum, cui divinse gratise
Dioscorum, c. i. t. i. p. 436 ; promissio annectitur, extenda-
Gregor. Mag. lib. iv. in Libr. mus, sacrum ordinem dici posse
Regum, c. v. t. iii. p. 228. unacum Sancto Augustino etaliis
' " Superest impositio ma- agnoscimus." — Mason, De Min.
nuum, quam ut in veris legiti- Angl. p. 48. ed 1638.
misque ordinationibus sacramen- " Taylor's Dissuasive, p. 240.
tum esse concedo, ita nego ed. Cardwell.
locum habere in liac fabula." —
CHAP. VII I.J On tite Sacrcmient of Ordination. 443
been differently understood ; our catechism doth not
require it to be said absolutely, that the sacraments
are tioo only ; but tivo only necessary to salvation : leav-
ing persons at liberty to comprehend more things
under the name, if they please, provided they insist
not on the necessity of them, and of dignifying them
with this title ''." And accordingly we find the homi-
lies speaking of " the sacrament of matrimony \'" and
acknowledging several other sacraments besides those
of baptism and the eucharist \ Cranmer, in his cate-
chism, considers absolution a sacrament '. The confes-
sion of Augsburgh and its Apology, hold the same
view \ and the latter adds matrimony ". In short it is
]>lain that the Reformation, in avoiding the error of
arbitrarily defining the doctrine of seveti sacraments,
did not fall into the mistake of limiting the use of
this term to two rites only, which would have ill
accorded with the ancient custom of the church
generally.
If it be objected that Romanists have abused the
term sacrament as applied to ordination, and therefore
that we ought not to employ it, I reply with Cyprian,
" Quid ergo ? quia et honorem cathedrse sacerdotalis
Novatianus usurpat, num idcirco nos cathedrae renun-
ciare debemus ? Aut quia Novatianus altare collocare,
et sacrificia offerre contra jus nititur ; ab altari et
sacrificiis cessare nos oportet, ne paria et similia cum
illo celebrare videamur " ?"
f Seeker's Lectures, xxxv. Of p. 131.
Baptism. ' Confess. August. Art. 11. 12.
1 Sermon on Swearing, part i. 22. Apol. Confess, cap. de nu.
' On Common Prayer and et usu Sacr. ad art. 13.
Sacraments, part i. See above, " Ibid.
Vol. I. p. 510. " Cypr. Epist. ad Jubaian. de
* Burnet, Hist. Ref. vol. ii. Hseret. rebapt.
441 On the Celihaaj of the Clertjy. [part vi.
CHAPTER IX.
ON THE CELIBACY OF THE CLERGY.
This subject involves two questions : first, the autho-
rity by which the law of celibacy was instituted ;
secondly, the extent of its obligation.
I. It is conceded generally by Roman theologians,
that the law of celibacy was not of divine but of
ecclesiastical institution '". The western churches, ac-
tuated by a pure and laudable desire that tlie ministers
of Jesus Christ should " give themselves wholly'" to
their sacred office, required that none of their clergy
should be engaged in the cares of the married state.
This regulation was made by many councils in the
fourth and following centuries, at Eliberis, Carthage,
Toledo, Turin, Orange, Tours, &c. and by Siricius and
other bishops of Rome ^ The eastern churches have
^ Field, Of the Church, b. v. ... Dicendum cum comniuni
c. 57- " Communis theologo- doctorum (praeciso voto), non
rum, quos longo ordiiie appellat esse de jure divino, sed tantum
Vasquez in tertiamj)artem disput. ecclesiastico, quod ministri ordi-
248. c. 3. opinio, existimat lege nati in sacris obligentur ad casti-
dumtaxat ecclesiastica injunc- tatem." — A. M. De Ligorio,
tarn esse majoribus clericis per- Theologia Moralis lib. vi. tract,
petuam continentiam. " Tourne- v. art. 807.
ly, De Sacr. Ordinis, p. G76. ^ Thomassin. Vet. et Nov.
" Qua^ritur I. An hajc obligatio Eccl. Discipl. t. i. lib. ii. c. 61.
coelibatus sit de jure divino, ita Tournely, De Ordin, p. 65G, &c.
ut Papa nequeat in ea dispensare.
CHAP. IX.] On the Cehhacy of tlie Clergy. 445
always permitted priests and deacons to continue in
the married state even to the present day, though they
prohibit marriage after ordination, and enjoined ceH-
bacy on bishops in the council in Trullo, a.d. 692 ".
From these facts it is plain, that the celibacy of the
clergy was not imposed by any law of the unimrsal
church, and therefore that it may be lawfully dispensed
with by particular churches.
II. The western churches did not exceed their power
in requiring their ministers to observe celibacy ; for in
case of marriage they only deprived them of the minis-
try, but did not declare their marriage invalid, or
resort to any means of dissolving it. If any one
undertook the sacred office, he knew the conditions on
which it was given, and if he transgressed them he
merely lost his ministry. This did not impose an un-
lawful burden on the conscience. The injunction and
admonition of holy scripture, Aid Vi. raq Tropvuag eKaarog
T?]i' iavTOv yvvaiKa f^trw % and K^eiaaov yap ecrrt yaf-ii^crni,
1] TTvpouaOai % might still be followed.
But in later ages, when the discipline of the western
churches relaxed, and married clergy were found in
numbers in Germany, England, Sweden, &c. ; Gregory
the seventh, and the following bishops of Rome, enfor-
ced again the celibacy of the clergy by regulations of
an unjustifiable severity ; for under their direction, the
councils of Rheims and Lateran in 1148 and 1176,
decreed that married clergy should be separated by
force from their wives, and that such marriages should
" Ibid. c. 60. 63. vSmith on Ordin. p. 649.
the Greek Church, p. 91. The " Ibid. 61. n. 2. Tournely,
Greek custom of aUowing mar- De Ordin. p. 665.
ried clergy hs^s never formed any '^ 1 Cor. vii. 2.
obstacle to their union with the " Verse 9.
Roman church. — Tournely, De
446 On the Celihacij of the. Clerr/y. [part vi.
be held null and void '. In addition to this, severe
penalties were imposed by law on those who trans-
gressed this regidation. These proceedings were founded
on the mistaken opinion held by many in those ages,
that the celibacy of the clergy was enjoined by God,
and that their marriage was consequently a sin.
If, under these circumstances, men, through a mis-
taken confidence in their own gifts, or of the aid of
divine grace, undertook the office of the ministry, and
discovered afterwards their error, they could not be
bound in conscience by these laws introduced by the
Roman pontiffs ; because the superior law of scripture
already adverted to, dissolved their obligation ; and
since the severity of the existing Roman laws refused
to tolerate marriages, which in such cases were sanc-
tioned by scripture itself, those clergy who adopted so
justifiable a proceeding, were most fully entitled not to
publish circumstances which might deprive them of
their christian liberty and privilege. Had the penal-
ties against the marriage of clergy merely amounted to
deposition from the ministry, those marriages ought to
have been avowed and the penalty incurred; but when
the penalties amounted to annulling their marriages
and separation, under pain of excommunication and
even death % the case was totally different. I admit
that no good man ought to have undertaken the minis-
try under such circumstances, unless persuaded of his
fitness, through divine grace, to fulfil its conditions ; but
if he found himself mistaken, he could not be bound to
risk his salvation in the attempt.
* Thomassin. t. i. lib. ii. c. sacerdotes contra canonum volun-
04, G5. tatem, nullam aliam ob causam,
s The Confession of Augsburgh nisi propter conjugium." — Pars
complains : " nunc capitalibus ii. art. 2.
poenis excruciantur et quidem
CHAP. IX.] On the Celibacy of the Clerr/y. 447
III. It may bo alleged tliat, at all evontfj, the mar-
riag-e of clergy after ordinatiou, is generally prohibited
by the ancient canons, and therefore that it can never
be lawful.
I reply that this prohibition was merely founded on
prudential motives ; and that the universal church did
not really believe that marriage after ordination was
more to be condemned than continumice in the married
state contracted previously. The council of Ancyra
gave permission to deacons to marry afterwards, if at
the time of receiving orders they professed their inten-
tion of so doing ''. The western church forbad the mar-
ried state equally, and with the same penalties, whether
contracted before or after ordination '. Their objection
was not to the time at which it was contracted, but to
the state itself. Therefore since the eastern church held
that there was nothing imlawful in continuing in the
state of matrimony after ordination, while the western
held that there was no greater fault in contractimj
marriage after ordination, we may fairly draw the con-
clusion, that the universal church never condemned
marriage after ordination.
IV. The case of second marriages comes next under
our consideration. According to the ancient canons, a
" digamus," or one who had married twice after bap-
tism, could not be ordained ^ : but this arose from the
opinion very common in those ages, that second mar-
riages were inconsistent with christian perfection. By
the canons, those of the laity who married twice were
^ Concil. Ancyr. can. x. t. i. lib. ii. c. 61. n. 2. See also
' " In occidente non magni c. 02. n. 2.
penclebant, ante vel post ordina- ^ Canon iv. Apostol. iv. Car-
tionem initum fuisset conjugium ; thag. c. 69. On this subject see
perinde uxoribus abstinere majo- Field, Of the Church, b. v.
res clerici cogebantur." Thomass. c. 58.
10
448 On the Celihacij of the Clergy. [part vi.
subjected to penance ; and the clergy were forl)idden
to attend at their weddins: feasts '. S. Jerome remarks
that even the pagan priests were not permitted to
marry a second time "'. Therefore it appears that in
those ages second marriages caused scandal ; but such
opinions having become obsolete in the universal
church many ages since, it does not seem that there
can be any necessity for adhering to a discipline, the
reason of which has ceased. And with regard to second
marriages, even after ordination, the same reasons
which would justify one marriage would justify a
second.
OBJECTIONS.
I. The purity and sanctity of the christian sacra-
ments require holy ministers. The greatness of the
ministerial office requires the whole man, as the apos-
tle says, " No man that warreth entangleth himself
with the things of this life "." The faithful married
may remain apart " with consent for a time, to give
themselves to j)rayer and fasting "." Therefore the
ministers of Christ, who are to be always engaged in
prayer ought to remain in celibacy. If the priests of
the Old Testament were required to be abstinent
during their ministration, how much more ought the
priests of the New Law who are always ministering at
the sacred altar. Since Christ was born of a virgin
mother, and was himself unmarried, it is fit that those
by whom his body is handled in the eucharist should
be perpetually abstinent.
Answer. One reply is sufficient for all these argu-
' Neocaesarea, c. 7. Laodicen. Jovinian.
1 . Ancyr. " 2 Tim. ii. 4.
"" Hieronymus, lib. i. adv. "1 Cor. vii. 5.
OBJECT.] On the Cdibacy of the Clergy. 449
.ments. The presbyters of the eastern churches, who
are equally ministers of the sacraments, and no less
honoured with the sacerdotal office than the Latins,
have always, from the beginning, with the approbation
of the whole catholic church, lived in the state of
matrimony.
II. God will not fail to bestow His gifts on those
who call on Him aright. " He will with the tempta-
tion also make a way to escape, that they may be able
to bear it p."
Answer. God having left men free, and allowed the
remedy of marriage, He cannot reasonably be expected
to give other assistance. Therefore to maintain, that
those priests, who, through a venial error, have sub-
jected themselves to this difficulty, have no resource
except in prayer to God, and fasting, &c. '', is to afford
them no sufficient remedy.
HI. A vow of celibacy was taken by every person who
received sacred orders in the Latin church ; therefore
those who married after ordination were perjured.
Ansivei'. In England, at least, there was no such
promise of celibacy as there may have been else-
1' 1 Cor. X. 13. gustata ; candelae ardentis ap-
"^ The remedies recommended proximatio dolorifica ; in hyeme
by Eusebius Amort, are prayer, palmarum ad gelida corpora, v. g,
mortification, caution, &c. — murum, ferrum, marmora, nives,
Amongst mortifications he in- aquas frigidas diuturna applica-
cludes, " ciliciorum aliquoties per tio, praesertim in actuali effer-
hebdomadam usus ; flagellationes vescentia carnis ; pedibus itine-
in tempore fortioris tentationis ratio molesta; frigoris vel asstus
aut lapsus ; cubatio in sacco stra- molesta perpessio ; per labores
mineo, vel assere ; somni ad sex fatigatio, v. g. per scriptionem,
aut septem boras limitatio ; ex- instructionem, opera manualia,
tensis brachiis oratio ; recreatio- &c." — Theologia Eclect. Mor.
num alias acceptarum v. g. lusus, et Scliol. t. xviii. p. 177. It is
cpulationis, confabulationis, &c. not every one that could main-
devitatio ; cerae liquefactae in tain this sort of mortification
partem aliquam corporis afFusio continually.
VOL. 11. G g
450 English Ordinations. [part vi.
where ' : but it is disputed even now among Roman
theologians whether there is any obligation to celibacy
from any vow. Ligorio says, " An hsec obligatio sit
immediate ex prsecepto ecclesise, vel mediate per votum
ordinatorum ? Utraque est probabilis ex eodem cap.
'9, Trident. Prima sententia, quam tenent Mastrius,
Bosco, Herinx, &c. apud Holzmann, p. 268, n. 103,
ac Scotus, Palaus, Valent. et A versa, ajDud Salmant.
cap. 6, n, 28, (qui cum Sanchez merito probabilem
putant) dicit, quod non ex voto, sed ex sola ecclesise
lege ordinati in sacris teneantur ad castitatem '."
CHAPTER X.
ON THE VALIDITY OF THE ENGLISH ORDINATIONS.
Amongst the various deceptive arguments by which
the ministers of the Romish schism have endeavoured
to pervert the weak from the communion of the
church, there is not one which has been urged with such
unwearied assiduity, art, and audacity, as that which
affects the validity of the English ordinations. It has
been since the origin of the schism, the most popular
of their devices to represent the uncertainty of our
ministry, as contrasted with the assumed certainty of
their own, and thence to argue the necessity of taking the
" safer" side. Thus Lewgar, in the preface of his book,
entitled " Erastus Senior," says, " the intent of this
treatise is only of my charity to my friends and coun-
trymen of the Protestant profession, to show them this
■■ Burnet, Reformation, t. ii. ^ Ligorio, Theologia Moralis,
p. 170. ed. 1816. lib. vi. tract, v. art. 808.
CHAP. X.] Eiu/Iish Ordinations. 451
great defect in tlieir church, the want of bishops,
thereby to invite them into ours, which (even by the
confession of her adversaries) wants them not. And
the intent of this preface is only to note to them the
greatness of this defect in their church from the
hideous consequences of it ;" which he concludes to be,
amongst other things, that the church of England is no
true church ; that salvation cannot be had in it ; that its
members can have no saving faith; that the clergy can-
not administer the sacraments, &c.; and that whenever
they attempt to do so, they and their people are in-
volved in sacrilege. Dr. Humphry Prideaux says, that
in the time of James II. the Romish emissaries made
use of scarcely any other arguments'": and Pere Le
Quien discloses the annoyance Mhich was felt at Cou-
rayer's writing in defence of our orders, interposing " an
obstacle to the conversion of many English, on whom
the defect of succession in their prelates makes its due
impression, in leading them to renounce schism and
heresy, and place themselves under the legitimate di-
rection and authority of the pastors of the catholic
church ^" According to him, M. Le Courayer " ought
himself to have feared this inconvenience, which might
render him responsible before God for the loss of those
whose conversion has been arrested by his book." The
" Protestants," he says, " are enchanted that a priest of
the catholic church should thwart the success of the
* Prideaux, Validity of the cially M. Courayer's Dissertation
Orders of the Church of England, sur la Validite des Ordin. Angl.;
1688. Preface. Amongst the his Defense de la Dissertation,
principal works on the validity and Supplement ; Bishop Elring-
of the English ordinations, are ton's Validity of English Ordi-
Mason, De Ministerio Angl., the nations.
works of Bramhall and Burnet '' Le Quien, Nullite des Ord.
on English ordinations, and espe- Angl, pref. p. Ixiii.
G g 2
452 English Ordinations. [part vi.
zeal of our missionaries. There are in Paris a good
number of catholics of the English nation, able and
judicious men, who would have better advised him,"
Courayer's works, notwithstanding the obloquy which
their author endured, could not fail to make a great
impression even on Romanists ; and we do not often
see the old fabrications of the Nag's Head Ordination,
and such other tales, now advanced. Indeed the ground
of invalidity, except on certain questions affecting the
form of our ordinations, seems little resorted to by
writers of respectability ; and the chief objections are
deduced from supposed schism and breach of the
canons.
The objections against the validity of the English or-
dinations have been almost exclusively devised and
employed by the Romanists of England and Ireland ;
who having revolted from their own churches, resorted
to every imaginable expedient to establish their new
community, per fas et nefas, on the ruins of the church
of Christ. The ckurches of the Roman communion were
in part deceived by the artifices and falsehoods of these
men ; but notwithstanding the errors and prejudice
which they created, many theologians of that com-
munion were fully persuaded that our ordinations were
valid.
The judgment of one man, whom, notwithstanding
some faults, and some injustice to the church of Eng-
land, we cannot but acknowledge to have been a great
and illustrious prelate, Bossuet, is in itself worth that
of a host of minor theologians. He wrote to the
learned Benedictine, Mabillon, in 1685, in the following
' Ibid. p. Ixv.
CHAP. X.] EnglisJi Ordinations. 453
terms : " As to the affair of England, besides the diffi-
culty of the first bishops, authors of the schism, there is
another considerable difficulty concerning the time of
Cromwell, when it is pretended that the succession was
interrupted. The English maintain that it was not :
and as for the succession at the beginning of the schism,
they maintain that there is no difficulty then, and it
seems that in this they are right '^." And his opinion
continued to be the same afterwards, for M. Riberolles,
abbot of St. Genevieve, has given his solemn attes-
tation, that about 1690, on occasion of the conversion
of M. Papin, who had received English ordination,
the judgment of this learned prelate was, " that if they
could well prove that the succession of the episcopate
had been continued under Cromwell, and not inter-
rupted, (a fact which he then doubted), their ordinations
were valid ; and that in case of the reunion of that
church to the catholic church, their bishops, priests,
and deacons would not have need of reordination ; ad-
ding, in addressing himself to me, that the succession
being supposed, the Sieur Papin was as validly a priest
as myself, and their bishops as validly bishops as he
was. In a word, this prelate never made the question
of the validity of their ordinations depend on any thing,
but the proof of the succession in the time of Crom-
well*." We have further the attestation of M. Cal-
daguez, precentor of Montferrand, that in 1699 Bossuet
said in his presence, " that if God should give grace to
the English to renounce their errors and their schism,
their clergy would need nothing except to be reconciled
to the church and rehabilitated ; and he added that he
"* Courayer, Dissert, sur la ^ Courayer, Defense de la
Valid, des Ord. Angl. — Preuves Dissert. Preuves Justif. § 1.
Justif. art. i.
12
454 English Ordinations. [part vi.
had expressed himself in this manner before the king V
It is therefore in vain that Pere Le Quien ^ adduces his
answer to M. Le Grand, who asked his opinion, whe-
ther in writing against Burnet, he should style him
bishop of Salisbury. " We know not that bishopric,"
said Bossuet : not denying the vaUdity of the English
orders, but not acknowledging the bishop of Salisbury
as of the Roman communion.
The testimony of Petrus Valesius, or Walsh, a
learned Franciscan, is also of value from the strength
of its tone, and its allusion to the opinions of others in
the Roman communion. " Were I to deliver my
opinion of that matter," he says, "or were it to my
purpose to speak thereof, I would certainly hold myself
obliged in conscience (for any thing I know yet) to
concur ivith them who doubt not the ordination of bishops,
priests, and deacons in the Protestant Church of Eng-
land, to be (at least) valid. And yet I have read what-
ever hath been to the contrary objected by the Roman
catholic writers, whether against the matter, or form,
or want of power in the first consecrators, by reason of
their schism or heresy, or of their being deposed from
their former sees, &c. But I have withal observed
nothing of truth alleged by the objectors, which might in
the least persuade any man who is acquainted with the
known divinity or doctrine of our present schools, (be-
sides what Richardus Armachanus long since writ), and
with the annals of our own Roman church, unless per-
adventure he would turn so frantic at the same time as
to question even the validity of our own ordination also
in the said Roman church ^"
^ Ibid. § 2. '' History of Irish Remons-
8 Le Quien, Null, des Ord. trance, p. xlii.
Angl. t. ii. p. 319.
CHAP. X.] English Ordinations. 455
Besides this we have the testimonies of many other
Romanists, such as Cudsemius ', Davenport a S. Clara,
a learned Benedictine ; even of many of the doctors of
the Sorbonne in the case of Dr. Gough, of M. Arnaud,
M. Snellaerts, professor at Louvain, the learned abbe
de Longuerue, Le Courayer himself, &c. ^
And even those who reordain clergy who have re-
ceived orders in our churches, do not appear to be
actuated by any real doubts as to the validity of our
orders, but probably proceed on two principles ; first,
that sustained by Morinus, namely, that orders given in
schism or heresy (such as they imagine our churches to
be in), may be repeated ; and secondly, that held by Le
Quien, that in so disputed a question it is better to take
the safe side, and repeat the orders at least conditionally.
With these principles we need not find fault, but they
do not concern the question of the validity of our orders
at all ; they relate only to disputes among Romanists
themselves ; and reordinations under such circumstances
are no proof of general objections to their validity. They
are merely prudential measures adopted as a temporary
expedient until the church shall examine fully into the
matter. Le Quien himself, after opposing these ordi-
nations in every way, at length intimates plainly that
after all the question of their invalidity is not decided
yet. " When God by his mercy shall will that Eng-
land reunite herself to the catholic church, and it shall
be required to receive her ministers with their orders,
we shall decide on grounds far beyond mere probability
or presumptiveness, and we shall require such evidence
' Sec Mason de Minister, p. Val. Preuves Justif. Defense,
14. Preuves Justijfic.
^ Courayer, Dissert, sur la
456 English Ordinations. [part vi.
for our perfect security, that all difficulties may be re-
moved by demonstration '."
It has been observed, that the objections to the vali-
dity of English ordinations have emanated entirely from
the English and Irish Romanists. It is highly in-
structive to observe the series of these objections and
their variations ; because nothing can prove more evi-
dently, that they derive their origin not so much from
real doubt, as from design, and from a resolution to
prove our ordinations invalid by any means "". In argu-
ing for the cause of the church every expedient con-
sistent with christian morality may be justly employed ;
but the Jesuits and Seminary-priests Avho assailed our
ordinations, resorted to a system of falsehood and
chicanery without parallel in the history of theological
controversy.
Immediately after the accession of Elizabeth and the
ordinations of the English bishops, Harding maintained
that they were null, as not having been performed ac-
cording to the Roman ritual ". Stapleton took another
course. He argued, that the ' Protestant ' bishops
being devoid of all legitimate authority by their ' sepa-
ration from the church of Rome,' whatever they did
was null and void, and therefore they were not to be
accounted bishops". Fitzsimon the Jesuit contended
that the fact of their marriage rendered the ordination
conferred by them null and void p. These arguments
were felt to be insufficient, and so another line of attack
was adopted.
' Le Quien, Nullite des Ord. p. 461. — ^Courayer, p. 79.
Angl. t. ii. p. 396. ° Stapleton, Opera, t. ii. p.
■" See Courayer, Def. de la 771. — Ibid.
Dissert, t. i. p. 77, &c. ** Fitzsimon, Britannomachia,
" Harding, ap. Champnseuni, p. 322. — Ibid.
CHAP. X.] English Ordinations. 457
Osorius, Weston, Bristow, Stapleton, Harding, San-
ders, Allen, and others, asserted confidently the direct
falsehood, that the English bishops had not received
any imposition of hands, and that there was no rite of
ordination whatever employed. However, as a resource
against those who might deny this assertion, they kept
in reserve the Jesuitical evasion, that they only meant a
legitimate mid canonical imposition of hands or other
ceremony ''. Such was the system pursued during the
reign of Elizabeth ; in that of James a new system was
devised.
In 1604 the Jesuit Holy wood, or iS'ttcro-Z'o.yco, devised
the story of the ordination of the bishops at the Nag's-
Head '. This fable, now heard of for the first time
after a lapse oi forty years, during which the English
ordinations had been actively assailed, was eagerly
caught up. The Jesuits Fitzsimon and Parsons im-
mediately repeated it. Kellison, who knew nothing of
it when he had composed a former work, inserted it in
his reply to Sutcliife. Champney followed his example
in his reply to Mason '. It became the popular argument
of the day ; and the impression which it was calculated
to make on the ignorant and credulous was too useful,
to permit the abandonment of a report of which the
missionaries made so good a use. Parsons the Jesuit,
embellished the story by adding that he had heard on
" good authority," that archbishop Whitgift had been
ordained by Elizabeth herself with imposition of hands * !
It was in vain that the authentic records of Lambeth
and of England generally, M^ere adduced to prove the
1 Stapleton, ii. p. 779. Wes- Courayer, Dissert, t. i, p. 83, &c.
ton, de tripl. Horn. off. p. 224. "" Courayer, p. 86.
Bristow, Mot. Antihaeret. t. ii. ' Ibid. p. 87.
p. 226. Sanders, de Schism. * ("ourayer, Def. de la Dissert.
Angl. ed. 1610. p. 340. See t. i. i)art i. p, 85.
458 Enylish Ordinations. [part vi.
utter absurdity and falsehood of these tales. It was
asserted that these records were forged ! Something
was still wanting, however, to the perfection of the
popish argument, and Champney imagined he had dis-
covered it. He was the first to deny, in 1616, the
consecration of Barlow, the principal consecrator of
archbishop Parker ". About eighty years had elapsed,
since Barlow was ordained ; and during that interval
no one had ever called the fact into question. It was
useful however to do so now ; and so, although every
conceivable proof of that ordination was supplied, (with
the exception of the very registration of the fact, which
is also wanting in the case of many of his contem-
poraries who were undoubtedly consecrated " ;) his ordi-
nation was pertinaciously denied.
Finally, in the time of Charles II. Lewgar devised
the mode of attacking our ordinations on point of form.
He objected, that even admitting the authenticity of
the Lambeth records, the form of our ordinations was
indefinite ; that there was an essential deficiency in
this respect ; and therefore that our orders were null
and void. The labours of others, as Le Quien, &c.
consisted in endeavouring to show, that at least there
was great doubt as to their validity.
The whole history leads us irresistibly to the con-
clusion, that the objections against the validity of the
English ordinations were all invented for missionary
" Ibid. p. 87. question of English ordinations.
" See Mason, De Minister. They ought to be in the posses-
Angl. lib. iii. c. 10; Elrington, sion of every clergyman who can
On English Ordinations, p. 112, procure them. It were indeed
&c. ; Courayer, Validite des Ord. much to be desired, that these
Angl. part i. c. 3, &c. It would very useful writings should be re-
be difficult to overrate the value printed, either in the original or
of Couraver's three works on the in a translation.
CHAP. X.] English Ordinations. 459
purposes ; and that they were not the result of any
genuine doubt or difficulty in the minds of those who
made them.
The objections to the validity of the English ordi-
nations divide themselves into two branches, one con-
cerning facts ; and the other concerning 7'ight. The
former includes the assertion, that the bishops at the
beginning of Elizabeth's reign were made merely by act
of parliament or by the royal patent, without any im-
position of hands or religious rites whatever ; the fable
of the ordination at the Nag's Head, when persons
unordained are said to have ordained each other ; and
the denial of Barlow's ordination. These points have
been so fully discussed by Courayer and others, and
refuted by so great a body of authentic evidence, that
no person of sufficient information can with honesty
attack the ordinations of the church of England on this
ground ; and we must decline all controversy on the
point, until the information of the opponent, and his
actual belief in the facts he advances, have been
tested.
The objections relating to right, shall be briefly
noticed and refuted here. They are derived from the
work of Lewgar, entitled " Erastus Senior," and from
Le Quien and Tournely.
OBJECTIONS.
I. The form of ordination of bishops in the ritual of
Edward VI. and Elizabeth was invalid ; for the essential
form of ordination consists in some^^ words, that is to
say, words signifying the order given ; for otherwise the
same rite which ordains a deacon would ordain a priest
and a bishoj). The imposition of hands is common to
460 Englisli Ordinatiuns. [P. vi. CH. x.
all the three orders, and to coiiMrmation, &c. There
must therefore be some words joined with it, to deter-
mine it to convey the grace of the episcopal order.
Now the whole form of ordaining a bishop in the
English ordinal, was only this : " Take the Holy Ghost,
and remember that thou stir up the grace of God which
is in thee by imposition of hands : for God hath not
given us the spirit of fear, but of power, and love, and
soberness :" and in this there is nothing but what might
be said to any priest or deacon at ordination, or even to
any child at confirmation '\
Answer. The form of ordination does not consist
merely in these words, but in the prayer which imme-
diately precedes them, and in which grace is implored
for the elect bishop after his examination, that he may
" as a faithful and wise servant give to God's family
their portion in due season," evidently alluding to his
office as ruler over God's household. (2.) The form
which accompanies the imposition of hands in episcopal
ordination in the Roman pontifical itself, is merely
this : " Receive the Holy Ghost ;" and the prayer which
follows, does not directly mention the episcopal office.
II. Admitting the imposition of hands and prayer
to be the only essential rites in ordination ; this prayer
must expressly convey the power of offering sacrifice ;
but the English forms of ordination include no mention
of such a power, and are therefore null \
That the power of sacrificing must be expressly
mentioned in the form of ordination, is argued fii'st
from the necessity of mentioning the principal end of
the holy ministry, which, it is contended, is the offering
" Lewgar, Erastus Senior. Le '' Lewgar, p. 21 ; Le Quien,
Quien, Nullite des Ord. Angl. t. t. ii.
ii. p. 80—86.
OBJECT.] Enylisli Ordinations. 461
of sacrificed This is founded on tlie decree of the
council of Trent, affirming the doctrine of a sacrifice in
the Eucliarist \
I reply, that the council of Trent in affirming a
sacrifice in the eucharist, never affirmed that the offer-
ing of this sacrifice was the chief end of the christian
ministry, w^hich is the exact point requiring proof; and
further, I deny the other position altogether ; because
the single end of the christian ministry, is the end of
the ministry and priesthood of its Divine Author — the
salvation of human souls ; to which the offering of
sacrifice is one means out of many. This is proved by
the words of scripture : " He gave some, apostles ; and
some, prophets ; and some, evangelists ; and some, pas-
tors and teachers ; for the perfecting of the saints, for
the work of the ministry, for the edifying of the body of
Christ : till we all come, &c. unto a perfect man, unto
the measure of the stature of the fulness of Christ V
And again : " Take heed unto yourselves, and to all
the flock over the which the Holy Ghost hath made
you overseers to feed the church of God, which he hath
purchased with His own blood ^" Here is nothing of
offering the eucharistic sacrifice as the end of the
ministry.
Secondly, it is argued, that the power of sacrificing
must be expressly conveyed in the form of ordination,
from the universal practice of the church, evidenced by
the various rituals and ordinals. It is contended that
this power is expressly given in the ordinations of the
Greek church : in the consecration of the Coptic patri-
arch of Alexandria, and of the Coptic priests ; in the
forms of episcopal and sacerdotal ordination in the
^ Le Quieiij I. ii. p. 13, 108. * Ephes. iv. 11, &c.
• Ibid. t. ii. c. 1. ^ Acts xx. 28.
462 English Ordinations. [p. vi. ch. x.
apostolical constitutions ; in those of the Maronites,
and in the Roman ^
I reply, that all the ancient forms of ordination do
not expressly convey this power. In the Ethiopic
ordinations published by Ludolf ; in the ancient Coptic
form of ordaining priests ; and in the rite of the Syrian
Jacobites, there is no mention of the power of offering
sacrifice. Several of the most ancient Latin manu-
scripts of the monastery of Corby, of the churches of
Sens, Noyon, Beauvais, and other sacramentaries 1000
years old, omit the prayer of the Roman pontifical,
which mentions the consecration of the eucharist in
the ordination of priests. Even the Greek eucholo-
gion and the apostolic constitutions, only employ
general terms, which do not necessarily relate to the
mystical sacrifice in the eucharist '^. Therefore the
objection against the English form is perfectly unavail-
ing on this ground.
It is further objected, that at all events the church
of England evidently did not mean to confer any power
of celebrating the sacrifice ; because she substituted
these forms in place of others which expressly men-
tioned it ; and because her articles and all her theolo-
gians deny that there is any sacrifice in the eucharist.
I reply first, that supposing the Roman forms to
have been formerly used in England, the power of
sacrificing was only given expressly in the modern rite
of delivering the instruments, which with many other
modern and unnecessary rites was removed. There-
fore the omission need not have arisen from any dis-
inclination to the eucharistic sacrifice, understood in
an orthodox sense ; and
■■■ Le Quien, t. ii. p. 112, &:c sertation, t. ii. parti, p. 21 — 27.
■^ Covirayer, Defense de la Dis-
OBJECT.] English Ordinations. 463
Secondly, the church of England has always acknow-
ledged such a sacrifice. The thirty-first article is
directed against the vulgar and heretical doctrine of
the reiteration of Christ's sacrifice in the eucharist. It
was only those " missarum sacrificia quibus vulgo dice-
batur, sacerdotem offerre Christum in remissionem
poense aut culpae pro vivis et defunctis," which are pro-
nounced, " blasphema figmenta et perniciosa^ impos-
turae ;" but not "missarum sacrificia," as understood by
the fathers and in an orthodox sense. The article was
directed against the errors maintained or countenanced
by such men as Soto, Hardinge % &c. who, by reject-
ing the doctrine of a sacrifice by way of commemwation
and consecration, and not literally identical with that on
the cross, and by their crude and objectionable mode
of expression, countenanced the vulgar error, that the
sacrifice of the eucharist or mass, was in every respect
equal to that of Christ on the cross ; and that it was in
fact either a reiteration or a continuation of that sacri-
fice. The article was not directed against the doctrine
of the eucharistic sacrifice as explained by Bossuet,
Veron, and others, with which we have no material
fault to find. Cranmer himself acknowledged that it
might be called a sacrifice \ and our theologians, such
as Bramhall, Beveridge, Patrick, Wilson, bishops ; and
Mason ^, Field, Mede, Johnson, &c. always have taught
the doctrine of the eucharistic altar, sacrifice, and obla-
tion, according to scripture and apostolical tradition ;
and the articles of the church of England recognize
' Ibid. p. 223, &c. modum commemorationis sen re-
^ See Vol. I. p. 525. prsesentationis immolamus. " —
s " Quoties eucharistiam cele- Mason, de Minister. Anglic, lib.
bramus, toties Christum in mys- v. c. i. p. 514.
terio offerimus, eundemque per
464 English Ordinations. [v. vi. CH. x»
the clergy in their various orders as mcer dotes, u^Hq,
ministers of sacrifice '\
III. The form of consecration ought not to contain
direct heresy, and to implore God to sanction what is
in itself heretical and contrary to His will ; such a form
must be regarded as an offence to God, and must
therefore be of no effect. Now the English form of
ordaining bishops contains heresies. (1.) In the oath
of supremacy, the king's supremacy is acknowledged,
and the authority of the pope and of general councils
is rejected. (2.) The question and answer concerning
vocation, " according to the order of this realm," im-
plies the recognition of laws removing the papal autho-
rity, and a promise to maintain all the heresies con-
tained in the English articles. (3.) The question con-
cerning the sufficiency of scripture, rejects the necessity
of tradition. (4.) The question " whether he will call
on God in prayer for understanding the same," refers
him to his private judgment, and not to the church for
its interpretation. (5.) The promise to "banish and
drive away all erroneous and strange doctrine," refers
to the doctrine of the Roman church. And after all
these heretical questions and promises, the archbishop
prays to God to enable the bishop elect to do these
things. " Can such a prayer," it is asked, " containing
errors so repugnant to the end and effect of ordination,
^ Article XXXII. " De con- title cannot be refused to the
jugio sacerdotum." Some per- clergy, because it is given to all
sons are never tired of asserting, christians by scripture ; for they
that the clergy are not "priests ;" offer spiritual sacrifices; and
and that there is no " priest " those who chiefly and especially
under the new covenant but Jesus offer the sacrifice of praise in the
Christ our Saviour. They would congregation, are in a peculiar
do well to remember, that this sense " priests."
OBJECT.] Enylisk Ordinations. 465
be sufficient to obtain the aid of divine grace to the
bishop elect ' ?"
Answer. 1. These questions and this prayer are
merely preliminary ceremonies which do not affect the
ordination. That is performed afterwards : therefore it
is vain to point out errors in these forms. 2. There is
not a trace of heresy in any of the questions and
answers alluded to. To the first objection I reply,
that the removal of the papal jurisdiction was legiti-
mate, and consistent with the sacred canons, as is
proved elsewhere \ I elsewhere also show that the
regal supremacy was to be approved ^ Therefore there
is no heresy in this question or answer. To the second
I reply, that the laws removing the papal jurisdiction
were right and laudable according to the discipline of the
catholic church ; and as for the heresies of the English
articles, I deny that they contain a single heresy, and
call for proof. To the third ; that tradition has always
been received by the church of England in the catholic
sense, as I prove elsewhere '. To the fourth I answer,
that the interpretation is a mistake ; since the church
of England does not admit of private judgment as op-
posed to church authority, as I have proved elsewhere "".
To the fifth I say, that the promise to banish erro-
neous doctrine is general, and relates to no particular
society or doctrine ; and if Romanists insist on apply-
ing it to themselves, they must prom that the errors
there contemplated are truly articles of faith, and taught
by the catholic church ; because otherwise it can be ;io
' Tournely, Tract, de Ordin. ^ Part II. chap, iii, iv, v.
p. 60—66. Part V.
J See Part II. chap ii. Part ' Part II. chap. vi. Part III.
VII. ■" Ibid, and Part I. chap. x.
VOL. II. H h
466 English Ordinations. [p. vi. ch. x.
heresy to promise to drive them away. But this they
cannot do.
IV. The power of ordination in the church of Eng-
land is derived not from Christ, but from the king.
This is proved in the following manner : Henry VIII.
assumed the title, and exercised the prerogative of
" supreme head of the church of England." The par-
liament acknowledged it, and gave him power to cor-
rect heresies, &c. He gave licenses to bisho^^s to
exercise their episcopal functions of ordination, &c.
Edward VI. exercised the same power, and caused the
forms of ordination to be compiled by his supreme
authority in ecclesiastical affairs. The oath of supre-
macy exj^ressed his royal power of appointing all things
concerning faith, discipline, and rites. Permission to
preach was granted by royal license, bishops were
appointed durante beneplacito : the commission to con-
secrate them emanated from the crown. Excommuni-
cations were made by the same authority. Royal
injunctions regulated not only worship, but faith and
doctrine ; and parliament reserved to itself the right of
judging in religious controversy. Queen Elizabeth by
the clause supplentes in the commission to Barlow and
others, for the consecration of Archbishop Parker,
assumed this power "".
Answer, (1.) All these assertions do not in the
remotest degree affect the validity of the English ordi-
nations, because, let them imply what they will, they
did not affect the validity of the ordinations conferred
in the reign of Henry VIII. and Edward VI. according
to the former rite. Those ordinations were all valid by
the confession of Romanists themselves. Therefore the
"* Tournely, Tract, de Ordin. p. 50 — 57.
OBJKCT.] English Ordinations. 467
claims or exercise of the king's supremaci/ cannot affect
the validity of our orders.
(2.) The church of England has never recognized
the king as being in any degree the source of purely
spiritual power, or of any except what is in its nature
temporal". And I have in another place reviewed the
facts here misrepresented, and shewn them to be free
from just blame, as relates to the church of England".
These are the chief theological objections which I
have observed, to the validity of the English ordina-
tions. Objections in points of form are easily in-
vented, and we need not doubt that further difficulties
will be started hereafter. Yet this is a species of
argument which may be employed against Romanists
as well as against the church of England. It is need-
less to do more than allude to the serious difficulty, as
to the validity of the eucharist in which the sacrament
is received in one kind ; but it might not be difficult for
a Greek or a Monophysite to adduce as strong arguments
against the Roman form of ordination, as the Romanists
have urged against the English. It may be proved
that all the ancient rituals and pontificals, including
those of the Greek church ^ the Maronites '', the Nes-
torians^ the Jacobites or Monophysites ', the canons
of the synod of Carthage ' (adopted as the rubric of all
the ancient Roman and western pontificals " ;) that all
these rituals, I say, require the imposition of hands to
be given by the consecrating bishops while the prayer
" See Vol. I. p. 255. 463. ' Ibid. p. 467, 468.
471. Vol. II. p. 346, 347. ' Ibid. p. 487.
° Part II. ' Syn. Carthag. iv. c. 1.
P Morinus de Ordin. p. 65. " See Martene, De Antiq. Eccl.
74, 75. 89, 90. 95, 96. 102, 103. Rit. t. ii. p. 340. 367. 376. 404.
125. 458. 469. 486. 508.
"i Ibid. p. 429.
H h-2
468 Eo))iish Ordinations. [f'art vi.
of consecration is repeated ; and therefore that the
modern Roman ritual, which directs that imposition
to take place before the prayer, is null and void. It
might be argued that this imion of the imposition of
hands and form of words is necessary, in order to deter-
mine the former to the grace of the episcopal order, &c.
It would be easy to make a plausible case out of this,
which could only be met by reference to the scripture,
where the imposition of hands is indifferently spoken
of as preceding and following the prayer. We might
also find a strong objection to the validity of confirma-
tion as administered in the Roman church, from the
want of a sufficient imposition of hands ; in which
alone the essence of this sacrament is founded by scrip-
ture and the fathers.
CHAPTER XI.
ON ROMISH ORDINATIONS.
The church of England has, ever since the division in
the sixteenth century, not only admitted the validity
of the orders administered by bishops of the Roman
obedience on the continent ; but she has been induced,
as an act of special favour, not to reordain those priests
who have been schismatically ordained amongst the
papists within her own jurisdiction, in order to facili-
tate their reunion to the true church. This I say was
an act of special favour, for the church is not bound to
know any thing of ordinations performed in schism or
heresy : she cannot recognize any real ministry of
Jesus Christ, in those who are ordained in enmity to
CHAP. XI.] Romish Ordhmtions. 469
his church : and if she does not always think it neces-
sary to repeat the outward form by which they were
constituted, it is not that she supposes any divine com-
mission to have accompanied it originally.
But, in not reordaining popish priests, the church
has always acted on the supposition, that the usual
forms and rules were observed. Without doubt they
were so for a long time : and still continue to be ob-
served in far the greater part of the Roman obedience ;
but certain circumstances occurred with regard to the
ordinations of papists in England and Ireland in the
course of the last century, which seem to raise very
considerable difficulties as to the validity of their ordi-
nations.
It has been shown above ", that there are serious
doubts, even amongst the most eminent Roman theo-
logians, whether the ordination of a bishop by one
bishop only, is a valid ordination.
Now it is a fact w-hich has hitherto escaped our
observation, that during the greater part, if not the
whole of last century, popish bishops were consecrated
in England and Ireland by one bishop assisted by two
priests, instead of bishops, as required by the canons.
This fact did not attract attention, in consequence of
the little publicity given to their ecclesiastical acts,
and the non-existence of any detailed history of their
proceedings.
In a book written by Mr. Plowden, an English
papist, we find a translation of a bull of Pope Clement
XIV. in 1771, nominating William Egan bishop of
Sura " in partibus" and coadjutor of Peter Crew, titular
of Waterford, with right of succession. This bull was
* Chapter V.
470 Romish Ordinations. [part vi.
in Mr. Plowden's possession. The following passage
occurs in it : " We, kindly wishing to favour you in
everything that can increase your conveniency, by the
tenour of these presents, have granted you full and
free licence, that you may receive the gift of consecra-
tion from whatever catholic prelate, being in the grace
and communion of the aforesaid apostolical see, you
choose ; and he may call in, as his assistants in this,
in lien of bishops, two secular priests, although not in-
vested with any ecclesiastical dignity, or regulars of
any order or institute, being in like grace and favour*
&c ^" The same clause, so strangely and rashly setting
aside all the canons and the apostolical tradition,
appears in other bulls for Irish titular bishops printed
by Dr. Burke ^ who observes, that " a permission of
this tenour is conceded generally to the Irish, on
account of the difficulty of assembling three bishops.
... I say generally, because sometimes those who are
on their affairs at Rome, omit to supplicate for that
clause ^ ;" that is to say, they could easily find three or
more bishops at Rome to consecrate them. It seems
from this, that the popish bishops in Ireland generally
supplicated for. this clause, and without doubt they acted
on it ; indeed Dr. Burke does not attempt to deny that
they did so.
This same mode of ordination has also been practised
among the English papists. In the reign of James
II. Dr. Leyburn was made bishop in partibus at Rome,
1685, and sent into England, where he was the
only popish bishop. Soon after, in 1687, Dr. Giffard,
chaplain of James II., was consecrated bishop m par-
^ Plowden's Historical Letter "^ Burke, Hibernia Domini-
to Dr. Charles O'Conor. Append, cana, p. .503, 509.
p. 122. "^ Ibid, p. 509, 462,
CHAP. XI.] Romish Ordinations. 471
tibus : and I presume by Lejburn only, as the conse-
cration seems to have taken place in England. Ellis
and Smith, who were consecrated in London in 1688,
of course derived their orders from this prelate \
In the life of Dr. Challoner it is stated, that he was
" consecrated on the feast of St. Francis de Sales, the
29th January, 1741, by the Right Rev. Benjamin
Petre, bishop of Prusa in Bithynia ^ ;" and that there
was no other bishop present, may be fairly inferred
from the silence of the biograjiher, coupled with his
particular mention of an assisting bishop on a subsequent
occasion, when the same Dr. Challoner is said, with the
assistance of the " bishop of Amoria, V. A. of the
northern district," to have consecrated Dr. Talbot (his
coadjutor and successor) ' bishop of Birtha '.' Again
we find, that Dr. Sharrock was recommended by the
titular bishop Walmsley " to the holy see, for his own
coadjutor in the episcopal labours. His wish was
granted, and he performed the ceremony of Dr. Shar-
rock's consecration to the see of Telmessus, on the 12th
August, 1780. The ceremony was performed at War-
dour with solemnity unprecedented since the Revolu-
tion. There were twelve assistant priests, a master of
ceremonies," &c. ^ No bishops are said to have assisted.
The same Dr. Walmsley is said to have consecrated
Dr. W.Gibson at Lullworth, December 1790'; and
what is worthy of remark, Dr. John Carroll, the first
titular bishop of Baltimore in America, from whom the
whole Romish hierarchy of the United States derive
* Dod, Church History, vol. ^ Catholic Spectator, 1825. p.
iii. p. 466, &c. 263.
* Barnard's Life of Challoner, ' Catholic Miscellany, vol. i.
p. 74. 1822, p. 387.
s Ibid. p. 105.
10
47*2 Romish Ordinations. [yxKv vi,
their orders, was consecrated by the same Dr. Walmsley
at Lullworth, August 15th, 1790 \ We have indeed
no reason to think that Dr. Walmsley himself was con-
secrated by more than one bishop. It seems as if the
Roman pontiffs had no difficulty in giving permission
for such ordinations in foreign missions. Joseph a St.
Maria, ' bishop of Hierapohs,' and ' vicar apostolic' in
India, a. d. 1 659, being obliged to leave the country by
the Dutch, consecrated Alexander de Campo bishop,
according to the powers given him by the papal bulls \
Even so lately as 1800, the Roman pontiff empowered
the bishop of Cadadre ' vicar apostolic' in China, to
select his own coadjutor and consecrate him bishoj^ of
Tabraca '". It would be easy to point out many other
instances in which the schismatical ordinations in Eng-
land, Scotland, Ireland, America, &c. are spoken of in
such a way as leads us to the inference, that conse-
crations by one bishop were but too common in the
last century. We do not know indeed the precise
extent to which this irregular practice was carried, be-
cause the accounts of such matters are very few and
obscure ; but there is evidently enough to throw a very
serious doubt on their ordinations generally.
I admit certainly that of late years their episcopal
consecrations have been attended by several bishops,
'' Catholic Spectator, 1824, p. chapelle du chateau de Lull-
119. Rom, Cath. Mag. 1817. worth, an milieu d'un concours
" II devoit se faire sacrer. II se de pretres et de fideles accourus
presenta pour cet efFet a M. pour etre temoins de cette cere-
Charles Walmesley, eveque de monie." — Memoires pour serv. a
Rama, in partibus injideliuvi, et I'Hist. Eccl. xviii siecle, t. iii. p.
le plus ancien des quatres vi- 145.
caires apostoliques anglois. II ' La Croze, Christianisme des
etoit lie depuis long-temps avec Indes, t. ii. p. 202, 203.
cet estimable et savant prelat, '" Cath. Miscellany, 1825, p.
qui lui donna la consecration epis- 207.
copale, le 15 Aout 1790, dans la
CHAP. XI.] Homis/i Ordinations. 473
apparently very much for the sake of pomp and osten-
tation ; but if there be any reason to doubt a\ hether
their bishops were vaHdly ordained in the last century,
that doubt could not be cured by their now combining
in numbers to remedy the defect. Ten or twenty
bishops, themselves in validly ordained, could not confer
a more valid ordination than one similarly circum-
stanced.
It is to be observed also, that even if we could admit
that any dispensation or any necessity could remove all
doubt from such ordinations, we could not concede it
in the case of the dispensations contained in the bulls
of the Irish titular bishops. For, to pass over the fact,
that these bulls were altogether null, from a deficiency
of jurisdiction on the part of the Roman pontiff in these
churches, (that jurisdiction having long ago been ca-
nonically and validly withdrawn by the British churches,
from which alone it had emanated ;) it can never be
allowed, that the reason assigned in that clause of the
bulls, is sufficient to dispense with the canons of oecu-
menical synods, still in full force in the universal
church. " Ad ea quae in tuce commoditatis augmentum
cedere possunt, favorabiliter intendentes," is no sufficient
reason. It does not contemplate any necessity, danger,
or difficulty which could excuse such a dispensation.
It would include any reason however trifling.
On the question of the invalidity of these orders I
would not wish to speak positively : but the general
discipline of the church with regard to reordinations,
would amply justify us in not admitting popish priests
ordained in these countries to minister in our churches,
without receiving ordination from our bishops. If the
church of England should be aware of this difficulty
affecting their orders, and yet should not adopt another
474 Romish Ordinations. [part vi.
practice with regard to them, it need not be supposed
that she acknowledges them free from doubt, but that
from a desire to promote the return of the lost sheep
to catholic unity, she would sometimes tolerate even
dubious ordinations, and supply their deficiencies by
her own supreme power.
This however I would remark in conclusion, that ac-
cording to the doctrine of the best Roman divines at
least, the ordinations of pajDists in these countries are
of dubious validity : the utmost that can be said for them
is, that they may be probably valid : but according to
Champney, one of the chief leaders of their schism,
such ordinations do not confer any real vocation to the
ministry. " An ordination," he says, " which is merely
'prohaUe, or only probably sufficient and valid, only
makes a probable bishop, or one who is merely probably
a bishop. . . . But he who is only probably a bishop, is
not validly and sufficiently appointed to the episcopal
degree and power ; nor has he true episcopal vocation :
for true and valid episcopal vocation is not merely pro-
bable, but certain and undoubted . . . for otherwise,
whatever the pastors and bishops of the church should
perform, as bishops, would be so uncertain as to be
probably null and invalid "."
° Champnseus de Vocat. Ministr. p. 424, 425.
A TREATISE ON THE CHURCH OF CHRIST.
PART VII.
ON THE ROMAN PONTIFF.
A TREATISE
THE CHURCH OF CHRIST.
PART VII.
ON THE ROMAN PONTIFF,
CHAPTER I.
ON THE PREEMINENCE OF ST. PETER.
The doctrine of the primacy of the bishop of Rome
over the universal church, is the point on which all
other controversies between the Roman and other
churches turn : for if our Lord Jesus Christ instituted
any official supremacy of one bishop in the catholic
church, to endure always ; and if this supremacy be in-
herited by the bishop of Rome, it will readily follow,
that the catholic church is limited to those of the Roman
obedience ; and that the councils, doctrines, and tra-
ditions of those churches are invested with the authority
of the whole christian world. The argument on which
Roman theologians endeavour to establish the primacy
of the Roman pontiff as jure divino, is as follows. (1)
St. Peter was given by our Saviour a primacy or supre-
macy of official dignity and power in the church beyond
the other apostles. (2) This primacy was an ordinary
office designed to be permanent in the church. (3) The
478 Preeminence of St. Peter. [part vii.
Roman pontiff alone has a just claim to this primacy,
manifested by the continual possession and exercise of
its rights from the earliest periods. The different
members of this argument will form the subjects of the
present and the three following chapters.
That St. Peter was in a certain sense the first of the
apostles may be readily conceded. His zeal, his love of
Christ, and the many and great labours to which they
l^rompted him, seem to have exceeded those of the
other apostles. This would sufficiently account for his
being generally placed first by the sacred writers, when
his name occurs with those of other apostles ; and it
would also account for our Lord's distinguishing him
above the rest, by addressing him peculiarly on several
occasions, when he intended to convey directions, or
give powers to all the apostles. Such is the opinion
of St. Augustine and St. Cyril ^ Several of the fathers
however were of opinion, that Peter had this pre-
eminence in consequence of his age, being the eldest of
the apostles. This doctrine is taught by Jerome, Chry-
sostom, and Cassianus^ Others, as Epiphanius, Cy-
prian, Hilary, Basil, Gregory the great, and Chrysostom
in another place, suppose that Peter was first of the
apostles, because he was first called". Others, as
Gregory Nazianzen, Basil, Epiphanius, Optatus, Am-
brose, suppose that he was given the preeminence in
consequence of his public confession of Christ ^. It ap-
pears from this, that catholic tradition does not enable
us to determine with certainty the reasons for which St.
* Du Pin, De Antiqua Eccle- Works, vol. i. p. 560. ed. 1722.
siae Disciplina, p. 312. ed. Paris. "^ Du Pin, ibid. Tournely, ibid.
1686. Barrow, ibid.
** Du Pin, ibid. Tournely, De ^ Tournely, ut supra, p. 12.
Eccl. t. ii. p. 11. Barrow, Trea- Barrow, ibid,
tise of the Pope's Supremacy,
CHAP. I.] Preeminence of St. Peter. 479
Peter had a personal preeminence of honour among
the apostles. But I now proceed to show that this
apostle had no official supremacy or jurisdiction over
the other apostles.
I. According to scripture the apostles were all equal
and supreme in authority. Our Lord said to all the
apostles collectively and individually, " Whosoever shall
not receive you nor hear your words ; ... it shall be
more tolerable for the land of Sodom and Gomorrha in
the day of judgment, than for that city %" " I will
pray the Father and he shall give you another Com-
forter, that he may abide with you for ever, even the
Spirit of Truth '." " He will guide you into all truth ^"
After his resurrection he said to them, " As my Father
hath sent me, so send I you. ... He breathed on them
and saith unto them, Receive ye the Holy Ghost,
whosesoever sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them,
and whosesoever sins ye retain, they are retained*"."
" All power is given unto me in heaven and earth. Go
ye therefore, and teach all nations, baptizing them in
the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the
Holy Ghost. Teaching them to observe all things
whatsoever I have commanded you. And lo lam with
you always, even to the end of the world '."
From these passages I argue, that all the apostles
were invested with equal and supreme authority in the
church. For our Lord's words were addressed to all
the apostles : no distinction was made : all were alike
addressed, and all were therefore given the same apos-
tolical authority. And the authority thus given was
SUPREME. Every apostle was to be heard under the
' Matt. X. 14, 15. ■' John xx. 21—23.
* John xiv. 16. ' Mutt, xxviii. 18—20.
*? John xvi. 13.
480 Preeminence of St. Peter. [part vii.
penalty of eternal death : every apostle was guided by
the Holy Ghost into all truth : every apostle was sent
as Jesus Christ was sent by the Father ; that is with the
plenitude of supreme power : every apostle was autho-
rized to remit sins, and to teach all nations. Nothing-
conceivable by human imagination, can surpass the
grandeur and the magnitude of this mission and these
powers ; and therefore St. Peter could not have ex-
ceeded the other apostles in power or official dignity ;
but could only have excelled them in personal respects.
And accordingly we find that St. Peter was always
superior to the other disciples in zeal and activity ; but
never do we find an instance of his exercising authority
over them. In fact scripture plainly teaches us that
" God hath set some in the church : first apostles,
secondarily prophets," &c. '' Therefore the twelve
apostles were first in the church : not the apostle
Peter alone.
II. The same conclusion is supported by tradition.
Tertullian says : " We have the apostles of Christ for our
authors '." Cyprian : " Certainly the other apostles were
what Peter \vas, endowed with ari equal plenitude both of
honour and power : but the beginning takes its rise from
unity, that the church may be demonstrated to be one ■"."
Ambrose : " When Peter heard, ' But what say ye that
'' 1 Cor. xii. 28. buntur:' tamen ut unitatem ma-
' " Apostolos Domini habc- nifestaret, unitatis ejusdem origi-
mus autores." — Tertull. De Prae- nem ab uno incipientem sua auc-
script. adv. Haeres. toritate disposuit. Hoc erant
"* "Q.uam vis apostolis omnibus utique et cteteri apostoli quod
post resurrectionem suam parem fuit Petrus, pari consortio prae-
potestatem tribuat et dicat : ' Si- diti et honoris et jjotestatis ; sed
cut misit me Pater et ego mitto exordium ab unitate proficiscitur,
vos : Accipite Spiritum sanctum : ut ecclesia una monstretur." —
si cui remiseritis peccata remit- Cypr. De Unit. Eccl.
tentur illi : si cui tcnueritis tene-
CHAP. I.] Pre-eminence of St. Peter. 481
lam?' immediately remembering his place, he takes
the precedence: the precedence indeed in confession,
not in honour ; the precedence in faith, 7iot in order "."
*' Hear him saying, ' I will give thee the keys.' . . What
is said to Peter, is said to the other apostles °." Jerome :
" John and James did not, though they sought it, ob-
tain more than the rest : and yet their dignity was not
diminished ; because they were equal to the rest of the
apostles *"." Chrysostom : " Whence is it manifest that
the apostle is before all others ; and that as the consul
amongst earthly magistracies, so the apostle hath the
preeminence in spirituals ? Let us hear Paul enume-
rating the authorities, and setting that of the apostles
in the highest place. AVhat does he say then ? ' God
placed some in the church, first apostles, secondly pro-
phets, thirdly teachers and pastors, then gifts of healing.'
See you the summit of dignities ? See you the apostle
sitting on high, and no one before or above him : for he
says, ' First apostles,' &c. ''" Chrysostom adds, that " the
apostolate is not only the first of dignities, but the root
and foundation of all others ^" He says that the apos-
" " Hie (Petrus) ubi audivit, i Kat ■KoQtv tovto S})\op' on
' Vos antem quid me dicitis?' sta- Trpo Trarrwv 6 airoffTuXog rovrcju
tim loci non immemor sui, pri- iari' icnl Kadan-ep 6 vTraroc kv toIq
matuni egit ; primatum confes- aiadrjTaiQ ap^aic, ovtojq 6 cnro-
sionis utique, non honoris; pri- (ttoXoq ev ro'ig TrvtvyiaTiKoiQ Tr}v
matum fidei, non ordinis." — Lib. irpoeSptiay e^£t ; avrov tov Wav-
de Incarn. c. iv. t. ii. p. 710. \ov aKovtjoJuev dpidfJOvpTOc rag
° " Denique audi dicentem : op^^ac, xal iu t(3 vxprjXoripu) ^u)-
' Tibi dabo claves,' &c. . . Quod plu) ti)i' cnroaroXiKriv Kadii^nyroQ.
Petro dicitur, caeteris apostolis ri ovv ovtoq iprjaiv; ovq fxev 'iQe-
dicitur." — Ambros.inPs. xxxviii. ro 6 Otug k. r. X. JLlhg Kopv(pi)y
t. i. p. 858. up-^MV ; dSec vt^rjXo;-' KaQl]fXEvov
P " Joannes et Jacobus quia tuv cittocitoXov, kuX ovSira Trpo
plus caeteris petierunt, non im- iKthov 6y-a, ovre ai'WTepny ; tt.iw-
petraverunt ; et tamen non est dig- royyap anouToXovc; (pr](Tt . — Chrys.
nitas eorum imminuta, quia re- Horn. deUtil. Lect. Script, t. iii.
liquis apostolis aequales fuerunt." Oper. p. 75. ed, Ben.
— Hieron. adv. Jovin. lib. i. "" Ovk rtp;i(»/ ^e ^oyoy ianv »;
VOL. II. I i
482 Pre-eminence of St. Peter. [part vii.
ties were " all in common entrusted with the care of
the whole world '." Cyril of Alexandria says, that the
apostles were " universal judges," and " rulers of the
whole world " ;" and in his epistle to Nestorius, approved
by the third and following oecumenical synods, he says,
that Peter and John were " equal in honour to each
other \" Victor of Carthage : " To the church, all the
blessed apostles, endued with equal feUoivship of honour
andimimr, brought multitudes of people ^T Isidore His-
palensis : " The other apostles received an equal felloic-
sliip of 'power and honour with Peter, and, dispersed
throughout the world, preached the gospel \" The
fifth oecumenical synod declares, that " tlie grace of the
Holy Spirit abounded in each of the apostles, so that
they needed not the counsel of any other in the things
that should be done ^." Nicholas de Cusa says : " We
know that Peter received from Christ 7io more power
than the other apostles; for nothing was said to Petei*,
which was not also said to the others. Therefore we
say rightly that all the apostles were equal in poiver
with Peter ^"
tiTroiTroXii twv uWmv dpywv, aWa Carthag. Epist. ad Theodor. Pap.
Kui viroOsffie Kcti (nL,a. — Ibid. Harduin. Cone. t. iii. p. 754.
* U.avTtQ Koivf] Trjv ulKovixivr]v ^ " Casteri apostoli cum Petro
tix-marevQivTEc. — Ibid. p. 77. par consortium honoris et potes-
" Kptroc ka")(i]Kafxev olKovjievi- tatis acceperunt, qui etiam in
Kovc, TovQ aylovg ^aQr]TdQ. — Cy- toto orbe dispersi, evangelium
ril. Glaph. in Gen. t. i. p. 229. prasdicaverunt." — Isidor. Hispal.
" Kat yovv Iltrpoc Tt Ka\ 'Iwdv- De Officiis, lib. ii. c. 5.
j'77C laoniioi jdev aWi'iXoic, KaOu ^ " Licet enim sancti Spiritus
Kai a-KoarokoL Koi ciyioi fxudr]Tai. gratia et circa singulos apostolos
— Cyril. Epist. ii. ad Nestor, abundaret, ut non indigerent ali-
Hard. Cone. t. i. p. 1288. eno consilio ad ea quae agenda
" " Ad quam (ecclesiam) om- erant." — Collat. viii. Harduin.
nes beatissimi apostoli, pari ho- Concil. t. iii. p. 188.
noris et potestatis consortio prse- ^ " Sciraus quod Petrus nihil
diti, populorum agmina conver- plus potestatis a Christo recepit
tentes . . perduxerunt." — Victor aliis apostolis. Nihil enim die-
CHAP. I.] Pre-eminence of St.. Peter. 483
III. Let us now briefly notice what is alleged by
our opponents from scripture, in proof of St. Peter's
official primacy of honour and ])ower over the other
apostles.
(1.) It is alleged that our Lord, having originally
given Simon the name of " Cephas," or Peter, " a stone,"
in order to signify the office to which he was to be
called, conferred that office on him, on occasion of his
confession of the true faith, in these \vords : " I say
also unto thee, that thou art Peter, and upon this rock
I will build my church, and the gates of hell shall not
prevail against it. And I will give unto thee the keys
of the kino'dom of heaven : and whatsoever thou shalt
bind on earth shall be bound in heaven ; and whatso-
ever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in hea-
ven ^" From this it is arf^ued bv Bellarmine and other
Roman theologians, that St. Peter is here represented
as the foundation on which the church is built : that a
foundation is to a building what a head is to a body, or
a ruler to a state : that " keys" signify " dominion,"
being presented to rulers in token of obedience : and
therefore that the text signifies that St. Peter was to
be head, ruler, or governor of the whole church, in-
cluding the apostles.
Opinions differ as to this interpretation : to some it
may appear probable ; to others fanciful and strained.
But all that I need do is to prove first, that this inter-
pretation is uncertain, and cannot suffice to support an
article of faith ; and secondly, that a different interpre-
tation is probably correct.
turn est ad Petrum, quod aliis testate." — Nicol. Cusanus, De
etiam dictum non sit . . . Ideo Cone. Cath. lib. ii. c. 13.
recte dicimus, omnes apostolos " Matt. xvi. 18, 19.
esse aequales cum Petro in po-
I i 2
484 Pre-eminence of St. Peter. [part vir.
First, the church is not agreed that " the rock" here
spoken of means St. Peter. Du Pin and Natalis
Alexander have shown, that some of the fathers,
as Origen, Cyprian, Jerome, Augustine, Etherius,
Beatus, Paschasius, &c. interpret it of the apostles
generally^: that others, as Jerome, Augustine, Theo-
doret, Bede, Paulinus, Rabanus, Ansehn, Lombard,
Innocent III., &c. understand it to mean our Lord him-
self : and that the majority interpret it of the true faith.
This, according to Natalis Alexander ^ is the doctrine
of Hilary, Gregory Nyssene, Ambrose, Hilary the
deacon, Chrysostom, Augustine, Cyril of Alexandria,
Juvenalis, Leo, Petrus Chrysologus, Theodoret, Euche-
rius, Felix HI., Gregory the great, Bede, John Damas-
cenus, Hadrian I., Druthmar, Jonas Aurelianensis,
Hincmar, Nicholas I., John VIII., Theophanes, Theo-
dorus Abucara, Stephen VI., Odo Cluniacensis, Rupert
Tuitensis, Innocent II., Hadrian IV., Urban HI.,
Thomas Aquinas, Stephen bishop of Paris, Alphonsus
Tostatus, Clictovseus, Eckius, Renatiis Benedictus.
It is most true also that many of the fathers under-
stand aS'^. Peter himself as the " rock." Natalis Alexan-
der mentions among these Tertullian, Origen, Cyprian,
Hilary, Basil, Ambrose, Epiphanius, Jerome, Augus-
tine, Cyril of Alexandria, Leo, Maximus, Theophylact,
Euthymius \
These circumstances prove incontestably that the
church has not received any certain apostolical tradi-
tion as to the meaning of this part of the text : it is
'• Du Pin, De Antiq. Eccl. " Natalis Alexander, ibid. Du
Discipl. p. 306. ed. 1686. Na- Pin, p. 305.
talis Alexander, Hist. Eccl. t.viii. '' Ibid. Ibid. p. 304, 305.
dissert, iv. * Ibid. Ibid.
CHAF. I.] Pre-eminence of St. Peter. 485
clear that not only have different fathers interpreted it
differently, but even the very same fathers, at different
times. In fact St. Augustine leaves it to the choice of
the reader to understand the " rock," either to mean
St. Peter or our Lord himself ^ Therefore no interpre-
tation of this term is de fide, or can suffice to support
an article of faith.
We now come to the " keys," and power of " bind-
ing and loosing." That this part of the text does not
prove St. Peter to have had a superior official dignity
and jurisdiction to the other apostles, Ave may conclude,
from the fact stated by the learned Roman-catholic
Du Pin, that the ancient fathers, " with an unanimous
consent, teach that the keys were give)i to the ichole
church in the person of Peter." This is the doctrine of
Tertullian, Cyprian, Jerome, Optatus, Gaudentius, Am-
brose, Augustine, Fulgentius, Theophylact, Eucherius,
Beda, Rabanus Maurus, Lyranus, Hincmar, Odo, Petrus
Blesensis, and others innumerable^. Hence Du Pin
concludes that " the keys in this place cannot mean,
as Bellarmine wishes, the chief power over the whole
church ;" and that " it cannot be inferred from this
place, that St. Peter received anything which was not
given to the other apostles ''."
From the preceding observations it appears, that the
^ " In hoc libro dixi in quo- es Christus filius Dei vivi. . . .
dam loco de apostolo Petro, quod Harum autem duarum senten-
in illo tanquam in petra funda- tiarum, quse sit probabilior eligat
ta sit ecclesia . . . sed scio me lector." — August. Retract, lib. i.
postea saepissime sic exposuisse c. 21.
quod a Domino dictum est, ' Tu ^ Du Pin, De Antiq. Ecclesiae
es Petrus, et super banc petram Discipl, p. 309 ; Barrow, Trea-
aedificabo ecclesiam meam,' ut tise on Pope's Sujn-emacy, p.
super liunc intelligeretur quem 587.
confessus est Petrus, dicens, ' Tu '' Ibid.
486 Pre-eminence of St. Peter. [part vii.
interpretation of this text usually given by Roman
theologians, is not supported by the universal consent
of the church ; and that it is even disputed without
censure in their own communion. Therefore it cannot
found an article of faith.
In fine there is another interpretation which seems
more probable. As a foundation then signifies that
which commences and supports the whole building ;
and as "keys" with their power of "binding and
loosing," signify the privilege of opening what has
been hitherto closed ; so St. Peter was to commence
and sustain the church, and to open its gates to be-
lievers. This is the interpretation of the ancient writer
under the name of Ambrose, who says : " he is called a
rock, because he first laid the foundation of faith
amongst the nations ' :" it is supported by Tertullian,
who says, " The event teaches us that it was so. The
church was built up on him, that is by him. He intro-
duced the key, and mark in what manner : ' Men of
Israel, hearken with your ears to what I say unto you,
that Jesus of Nazareth, a man approved of God among
you, &c.' In fine, he first, in christian baptism, un-
locked the entrance of the heavenly kingdom ""." St.
Peter was the rock on which the church was founded,
for he first preached to the Jews, and converted in one
' " Petra enim dicitur, eo quod destinatum, et reliqua. Ipse
primus in nationibus fidei fuuda- denique primus, in Christi bap-
menta posuerit." — Ambros. Ser- tismo, reseravit aditum ccelestis
mo ii. de Sanctis, ed. Rom. lo85. regni, quo solvuntur alligata
'' " Sic enim et exitus docet. retro delicta, et alligantur quae
In ipso ecclesia extructa est, id non fuerint soluta, secundum
est per ipsum. Ipse clavem im- veram salutem." — Tertull. de
buit ; vide quam ; Viri Israelitee, Pudicitia, c. 21. p. 574. ed.
auribus mandate quae dico, Jesum Rigalt.
Nazarenum virum a Deo vobis
CHAP. I.] Pre-eminence of St. Peter. 487
day three thousand men. He sustained the church by
his zealous labours, for of him alone it is said, that
"he passed through all quarters'." And he first exer-
cised the pv wer of the "keys," in baptizing three
thousand Jr vs, and (having been "made choice" of by
God to [»reach first to the Gentiles '",) in opening the
gates of the kingdom of heaven to them, by command-
ing Cornelius and his house to be baptized. Therefore
as Du Pin says, " supposing Christ to have spoken
these words of Peter personally, he meant nothing else
than that Peter should labour exceedingly in the edifi-
cation of the church, that is in the conversion of the
faithful, or administration of the churches. The utmost
then that can be deduced from hence is, that he should
be the first and chief among those who were to preach
the gospel : but it cannot be collected with Bellarmine,
that the government of the whole church urns committed to
Peter, especially in matters of faith ","
(2.) The other passage on which Roman theologians
chiefly rely to establish the supremacy of St. Peter, is
that in which our Lord thrice said to Peter, " Simon,
son of Jonas, lovest thou me ?" and when he had
replied, " Yea, Lord : thou knowest that T love thee,"
added these words, " Feed my lambs — feed my sheep °."
It is here argued, that the word " feed" means in scrip-
ture "rule or govern:" that "sheep" and "lambs"
mean all christians, whether pastors or people : and
therefore that St. Peter was by these words given juris-
diction over the whole church including the apostles
themselves.
I reply, that the very terms of this passage show
' Acts ix. 32. Discipl. Diss. iv. p. 307.
'" Acts XV. 7. " John xxi. 15—17.
" Du Pill, De Antiq. Eccl.
488 Pre-eminence of St. Peter. [part vii.
that our Lord was not here conferring a poiver on St.
Peter, but giving an admonition. " Simon, son of
Jonas, h^vest thou me? Feed my sheep." If thou
lovest me more than these, let it be proved by dili-
gently tending my flock. This is the interpretation
given by Chrysostom, who ex[)lains our Lord's words
thus : " If thou lovest me, protect the brethren, and
now show that warm affection which thou hast always
manifested, and in which thou hast rejoiced p." The
same father in many other places regards it as an
injimction to Peter to manifest his love for Christ by
his pastoral zeal "". St. Augustine appears to have un-
derstood it in the same manner ^ The Roman clergy
in the time of Cyprian, in speaking of the pastoral
care, adduce these words of our Lord as intended to
l^oint out to Peter his duty, and as also applicable to
all other apostles and pastors'. It was in fact the
general doctrine of all the fathers, that these words
were not addressed to Peter only, but to all the
ministers of Jesus Christ. Tournely \ Du Pin ", Natalis
Alexander, and Launoy ", quote Ambrose, Augustine,
Chrysostom, Basil, &c. in proof that not only Peter,
•' "On el (l>i\E'lg jut Trpma-raa-o pono animam meam,' &c. Sed
Tojv adsXipuir, ical rrfv 6£p/i»)»' et Simoni sic dicet, ' Diligis me?'
a.ya'Kr]vr)v Cut irai'Ttjjv ETrtctiKivixo, respondit, ' Diligo :' ait ei, ' Pasce
Kal e(f r] I'lyaXXidao), vvv ^eii,ov. oves meas.' Hoc verbum factum
— Chrysost. Hom. 88 in Job. t. ex aetu ipso quo cessit cognosci-
viii. p. 525. mus, et cseteri discipuli similiter
'' See many places cited by fecerunt " — Cler. Rom. Cypr.
Launoius, Epistolse, p. 91. ed. Epist. iii. ed. Pamel.
Cantabr. ' Tournely, De Ecclesia, t. ii.
"■ August, tract, xlvii. super p 9, 10.
Joh. Evangel. Oper. t. iii. p. " Du Pin, ut supra, p. 310.
607. ' Natalis Alexander, Hist.
^ " Denique et ipse Dominus Eccl. t. viii. Dissert, iv. Lau-
implens quae erant scripta in noius, Epistolas, pars ii. ep. i. .
lege et prophetis, docet dicens, p. 90, &c. See also p. 637.
' Ego sum pastor bonus, qui
CHAP. I.] Pre-eminence of St. Peter. 489
but all the apostles and tlieir successors were com-
manded to feed the flock, Barrow adds the testimony
of Cyprian, Cyril of Alexandria ^ kc. to the same
effect. Du Pin observes, that if some of the fathers, as
Leo, Theophylact, and Chrysostom, say that the sheep
throughout the whole world were committed to Peter ;
and if it be argued from this that St. Peter was superior
to the other apostles, it must be recollected that all
the apostles were, equally with him, given the power of
" teaching all nations \" As to the interpretation of
"sheep" and "lambs" as "pastors'" and "people," it is
uncertain. Theophylact understands them to mean per-
fect and imperfect christians^.
Du Pin concludes that " the primacy of Peter cannot
be collected from these places adduced by Bellarmine,
in the manner he deduces it ' :" but he thinks that
from Peter's representiuf/ the church, and being address-
ed by our Lord instead of the others, a primacy may
be collected. I have spoken sufficiently of the former
text already ; but from this text no primacy can be
deduced, because our Saviour's words imply a simple
injunction and admonition, which, though directed im-
mediately to Peter, (in order, as St. Cyril of Alexan-
dria says, to renew his apostleship after the crime of
denying our Lord \) would be readily understood at
once by all the apostles, as equally applicable to them-
selves.
(3.) As to the various instances in which St. Peter
was distinguished above the other apostles, such as his
" Barrow, Treatise on Pope's Comment, in Evangel, p. 845.
Supremacy, Works, vol. ii. p. ed. Paris, 1631.
587. ed. 1722. ' Du Pin. P- 311.
" Du Pin, ut supra. * Cyril. Alexandr. in c. xxi.
y Theophylact, in Joh. xxi. Joh. Evang.
490 Pre-eminence of St. Peter. [part vii.
being named first by the Evangelists, his speaking first,
our Lord's entering his ship in preference to the others,
his proposing the election of an apostle in place of
Judas, his speaking first in the council at Jerusalem,
&c. ; these passages concur in proving what is readily-
admitted, that St. Peter had a personal pre-eminence
among the apostles, derived perhaps partly from his
seniority, but most justly founded on his faith and love
of our Lord Jesus Christ. They are in vain alleged to
prove any oflficial superiority of jurisdiction.
IV. We are now to consider the various proofs from
tradition, brought forward to invalidate our position.
Tertullian and Cyprian say that Peter was the rock on
which the church was built ^ Origen terms Peter " the
highest summit of the apostles %" and says that " to
him principally it was delivered to feed the sheep '^."
Eusebius terms him "the first pontifii" of the chris-
tians *" :" " the most powerful and great of the apostles V'
Basil : " Peter was preferred before all the disciples.
To him greater testimonies were given than to others ;
who was pronounced blessed, and to whom the keys of
the kingdom of heaven were entrusted *'." Chrysostom
calls him the " mouth," the " prince," the " summit " of
the apostles '\ Epiphanius : " He chose Peter to be
the leader of the discij^les ?' Cyril of Jerusalem, Cyril
Alexandrinus, Optatus, term Peter the " head and
prince^" of the church. Ambrose: "Andrew did not
^ Tertull. lib. de Praescript. Dei.
Cypr. Epist. 55. Lib. de Unitate. ^ Chrysost. Horn. 87 in Joan.
'•= Origen, Horn. ii. De di- Horn. iii. in Act. Apost. Orat.
versis. viii. adv. Jud.
^ Origen, in c. 6. epist. ad ' Epiphanius, Haeres. 51.
Romanes. ' Cyril. Hierosol. Cateches. ii.
* Euseb. Chronic, an. 44. & xi ; Cyril. Alexandr. lib. xii.
' Euseb. Hist. lib. ii, c. 14. in Joanneni ; Optatus, lib. ii.
s Basil. Proocm. de Judicio contr. Parmen.
8
CHAP. I.] Pre-eTninenceofSt.Peter. 491
receive the primacy, but Peter \" Augustine : " In
Peter the primacy of the apostles is pre-eminent by so
excellent a grace ' ;" " St. Peter himself the first in
order of the apostles "." Jerome speaks in the same
manner ". The council of Chalcedon terms Peter " the
rock of the catholic church, and the foundation of the
right faith °."
I answer, that these passages merely assert the per-
sonal pre-eminence of St. Peter among the apostles,
which we admit. In this sense he may be most justly
called the first of the apostles ; or in rhetorical lan-
guage, their leader, head, summit, chief, or prince.
Therefore these passages do not afford any objection to
our principle : and it has been already proved, that
tradition, as well as scripture, establishes the equality
and supremacy of all the apostles. Therefore all the
above passages must be interpreted accordingly.
It is further objected, that St. Leo of Rome, says :
" From the whole world, Peter alone is selected to be
l)laced over the vocation of all nations, and over all the
apostles and fathers of the church : that although there
be many bishops in the people of God, yet Peter should
Avith projiriety govern all those who are supremely
ruled by Christ also ''." In reply to this, I allow that
St. Leo and other Roman pontiffs were occasionally led
to magnify the privileges of St. Peter, beyond the truth,
by a desire to honour the founder of their particular
church ; but these amplifications can only be viewed as
^ Ambros. in cap 12. epist. ii. " Hieron. Epist. ad Dam.isum.
ad Cor. " Concil. Chalced. Act. III.
' August, lib. ii. de Baptismo. '' Leo, Sermo iii. de Assump-
'" August. Sermo 1 3, al. 70. tione sua ad Pontificatum.
de verbis Domini.
492 Pre-eminence of St. Peter. [part vii.
the private opinions of those bishops, not as represent-
ing the sentiment of catholic tradition.
V. Since, therefore, it has been proved from scrip-
ture, that all the apostles were equal and supreme ;
since this position is confirmed by catholic tradition ;
since the interpretation of the texts alleged by Roman
theologians to j^rove Peter's official primacy, are not
certain or de fide, but are doubted even in their own
communion ; and since in fine the more j^robable in-
terpretation of those texts, and the passages alleged by
Romanists from the fathers, only establish the personal
pre-eminence of St. Peter : we may conclude that the
official primacy or supremacy of St. Peter cannot possi-
blv be a matter of faith, and that it is altogether
unfounded.
It is very true that Bellarmine says, that the denial
of St. Peter's primacy, according to his view of it, is
" a most pernicious heresy." It is also true that Bailly,
Bouvier, Delahogue, affirm that St. Peter's primacy of
jurisdiction over the other apostles is de fide : but I
have elsewhere shown, that assertions of this kind are
not sufficient to prove that there is either error or
heresy in holding the contrary doctrine ''.
OBJECTIONS.
In reply to the passages from St. Cyprian, and other
fathers, asserting the equality of the other apostles with
Peter, it is said by Tournely, Bailly, Delahogue, &c.
" that the other apostles were equal to St. Peter in the
intrinsic and essential apostolical authority, as to the
power of teaching every where, ministering the sacra-
1 See Part IV, chap. vi.
CHAP, ri.] Duration of St. Peter's Pre-eminence. 493
ments, ordaining pastors, &c.: but that they were not
equal in the eMrinsic and accidental authority, and as to
the mode of exercising that power."
Answer. I argue directly from this reply, that St.
Peter had no official primacy or supremacy over the
other apostles ; for if he had been endued by Christ
with an official superiority and jurisdiction over them,
either separately or collectively ; while they had no
jurisdiction over him or over one another ; there would
have been an essential and mtrinsic difference between
his authority and theirs. But this is denied. Ergo, &;c.
CHAPTER II.
ON THE DURATION OF ST. PETER's PRE-EMINENCE.
It is the next assertion of Roman theologians, that
the pre-eminence of St. Peter among the apostles, was
an ordinary office, instituted by our Lord Jesus Christ
in the church, and which was always to continue. But
if the conclusions of the preceding chapter are admit-
ted, it is clear that St. Peter's peculiar privileges could
not pass to any successors. The church once founded
by him could never be founded again. The keys with
which he first unclosed the gates of the kingdom of
heaven to Jews and Gentiles, could never be employed
in the same manner by any one else. As to his per-
sonal pre-eminence founded on his love of Christ, and
more zealous discharge of the apostolical office ; this is
not claimed by any one. We may therefore justly say
with Tertullian : " Qualis es, evertens atque commutans
494 Duration of St. Peter's Pre-eminence, [p. vii. oh, ii.
manifestam Domini intention em personaliter hoc Petro
conferentem ^ ?"
Let us consider the principal arguments adduced by
Bellarmine ^ and the other Roman theologians, to
prove the permanence of St. Peter's pre-eminence in
the church.
I. The primacy of St. Peter was to be a permanent
office in the church, because the reason for which it
was instituted was to jweserve uniti/ ; and this being a
permanent object, the office which was instituted for it
must have been so likewise.
Anstver. No scriptural proof has ever been adduced
in support of this theory of the reason of instituting
St. Peter's pre-eminence. I repeat it, there is no evi-
dence from scripture that the preservation of unity was
the reason : and this being the case, it follows from the
principles of Veron, Bossuel, and the best Roman theo-
logians ^ that this pretended " reason" cannot be a
matter of faith, and cannot found an article of faith.
I maintain that the reason of instituting St. Peter's pre-
eminence has not been revealed : it can only be con-
jectured : and though St. Jerome, and perhaps one or
two others, support the view of the Romanists ; this
cannot make their opinion a matter of certainty.
II, A chief pontiff cannot be less necessary to the
church now than at the beginning : there is even
greater necessity, because christians are more numerous
and less holy than at first. Therefore as St. Peter was
chief pontiff then, he must have successors in all ages.
* TertuUian, de Pudicitia, c. Hooke, Relig. Nat. et Rev. t. iii.
21. p. 265.
'' Bellarminus de Romano "^ See page 15 — 17, of this
Pontifice, lib. ii. c. 12 ; Bailly, volume.
De Ecclesia, t. ii. p. 174 ;
OBJECT.] Duration of St. Peter's Pre-eminence. 495
Answer. I have already shown that the apostle^vere
equal and supreme ; and that St. Peter's pre-eminence
consisted in points which were either incapable of
being transmitted to another, or which no one else
claims.
III. The church is one body and must have a visible
head ; for the apostle, in speaking of the church, 1 Cor.
xii. says, " The head cannot say to the feet, I have no
need of you." The head here spoken of cannot be
Christ, because he QuigJit say to all men that he had no
need of them : it cannot be any one but Peter : nor
should the church remain without a head after Peter's
death.
Answer. The "head" in this place signifies that por-
tion of the christian church which exceeds the rest
either in power, authority, sanctity, wealth, or any
other gift. The meaning is, that every christian, be
his station what it may, is to esteem himself a member
of one body ; and to love, and sympathize with all its
members.
IV. The succession of high-priests in the Old Testa-
ment, is a type of what was to occur in the christian
church.
Answer. The fathers teach that the high-priests were
types of Jesus Christ, and after him of the bishops
of the catholic church, who were all termed ^^ Sicmmi
Sacerdotes."
V. The church is termed in scripture a sheepfold, a
kingdom, a body. But a sheepfold infers a shepherd ;
a kingdom, a king ; a body, a head ; and admitting that
Christ is the invisible pastor, king, and head of the
church, still the visible church must have a visible
head.
Answer. The church is not literally, but figuratively,
496 Duration of St. Peter's Pre-eminence, [p. vii. ch*. it.
a slreepfold, &c. These expressions only imply that
it is an orderly, societi/ : but it is not essential to a
society to have one visible chief: many states have
subsisted without monarchy.
VI. The appointment of a chief pastor in the church
w^ould be highly conducive to its unity and order. This
has been admitted even by eminent protestants, such
as Melanchthon, Grotius, &c. Therefore God would
not have left his church devoid of so great a benefit.
I reply with Bossuet, that " we must not rest upon
mere reasonings or wishes, but on certain promises, and
certain tradition. If it be our pleasure to wish, or
rather to dream, we might expect that the Roman
pontiff should be not only free from error, but from sin,
ignorance, negligence, or cupidity. We might ask why,
when Christ said to his apostles, ' Lo, I am with you
always, even unto the end of tlie world,' the bishops
were not, like the apostles, to enjoy the promise of
unfailing faith '^ ?"
In conclusion then it may be affirmed, that there is
no evidence that St. Peter's pre-eminence was institu-
ted for any permanent object, or was to be transmitted
to others. These cannot by any means be proved
matters of faith: and therefore, even if we were to
concede that St. Peter was invested with such a pri-
macy over the apostles as is pretended, the divine right
of the Roman primacy would not be established ; be-
cause St. Peter's primacy might have been instituted
not for the unity of the church, or for any other per-
manent object, but as a reward of his own faith, love,
and zeal for Christ.
'' Bossuet, Defens. Declar. Cler. Gall. lib. x. c. 36.
CHAP. III.] Oriy in of Bomau Pre-eminence. 497
CHAPTER III.
ON THE ORIGIN OF THE PRE-EMINENCE OF THE
ROMAN CHURCH.
We have now considered sufficiently tlie two first
members of the Roman argument ; viz. that St. Peter
was given by Christ an official primacy of honour and
power over the other apostles, and that this primacy
was always to continue in the church. Let us now
proceed to the third branch of the argument, viz. that
the church has always believed the bishops of Rome
successors of Peter in this primacy by divine right ;
and that they have exercised it accordingly from the
earliest ages.
I deny both these propositions: and in the present
chapter shall prove, that the pre-eminence of the
Roman church may be sufficiently accounted for, with-
out any divine institution ; and that tradition is silent
as to any such institution. In the next chapter I shall
consider the pretended exercise of this primacy.
I. The superiority of the Roman see to all others,
was founded on the following circumstances, relating
peculiarly to the Roman church.
(1.) The number of its clergy and people. Even in
the time of the severest persecution under Decius,
Pope Cornelius wrote to Fabius, bishop of Antioch,
VOL. II. K k
498 Orif/in of Roman Pre-eminence. [part vii.
that, " by tlie providence of God, it had a rich and plen-
tiful number of clergy, with a most great and innume-
rable people %" so that he reckons forty-four presbyters,
seven deacons, seven sub-deacons, forty-two acolytes,
fifty-two other inferior clergy, and above 1500 widows
and alms people. Cyprian, in writing to Cornelius,
bishop of Rome, speaks of " the most flourishing clergy
presiding with him, and the most holy and numerous
people ^" Irenseus speaks of the Roman church as
" maaimce'' very great *".
(2.) Its wealth and charity. The opulence of the
Roman see was so great, that it is especially noted by
Ammianus Marcellinus, as having been the cause of a
violent schism, when Damasus and Ursinus contended
for that see "*. However, this wealth had been expended
in works of charity from an early period. Dionysius,
bishop of Corinth, writing to the Roman church in the
time of Soter, eleventh bishop of Rome, about the
middle of the second century, says that " it had been
customary with them from the beginning, to benefit all
the brethren in various ways ; and to send assistance
to many churches in all cities, thus relieving the poverty
of the needy ; and to supply aid to the brethren con-
demned to the mines, by the gifts which they had sent
evenfwn the beginning ; that they preserved as Romans,
the custom of the Romans delivered to them by their
fathers ; and that their blessed bishop Soter had not
^ Aia rjjc rov Qeov npot'oiac, prsesidenti, et sanctissimae atque
TfKovtTLOQ TE KOL TrXrjdvdJv clptdjxdg amplissimse plebi legere te sem-
fjEra fxeyi(7Tov Kai dvapiQjiiiTov per literas nostras," &c. Cyprian.
\aov. — Euseb. Hist. Eccl. lib. Epist. 55. ad Cornel,
vi. c. 43. ^ Irenaeus, adv. Haeres. lib. iii.
** " Et quanquam sciam frater c. 3.
pro mutua dilectione quam debe- '' Ammianus Marcellinus, lib.
mus et exhibemus invicem nobis, 27.
florentissimo illic clero tecum
CHAP. III.] Origin (if Ronion Prc-emineirce. 499
only observed this custom, but had increased it by
supplying abundantly the provision allotted to the
saints, and by comforting with blessed words the bre-
thren who came to him, even as a loving father acts
towards his children ^" The same mercy and charity of
the Roman church is mentioned by Dionysius Alexan-
drinus, in the following century, in an epistle to Stephen,
where he states that all Syria and Arabia had received
sui:>plies from Rome \ It is not wonderful that this
wealth so well applied, should conciliate universal re-
spect towards the Roman church.
(3.) Its apostolical origin. The universal tradition
of the church ascribes the foundation or first govern-
ment of the Roman church to the apostles Peter and
Paul, who were the greatest of the apostles. Thus
Irenaius speaks of the Roman church as " the very
great, ancient, and universally known church, founded by
the two glorious apostles Peter and Paul ^" The synod
of Antioch acknowledged that, in writings "all did
willingly honour the Roman church, as having been
from the beginning the school of the apostles, and the
metropolis of religion ''." The Roman church was par-
ticularly honoured, as having been presided over by
Peter, the first of the apostles, and was, therefore, by
many of the fathers, called the see of Peter.
(4) The purity of its faith. Irenreus testifies that
the true faith was continually preserved in the Roman
church by the resort of Christians from all parts to the
imperial city '. In fact we find that the Roman
church was zealous to maintain the true faith from the
* Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. iii. c. 3.
c. 23. ^ Sozomen. Hist. Eccl. lib. iii.
^ Ibid. lib. vii. c. 4. c. 8.
s Irenseus, adv. Haeres. lib. ' Irenaeus, ibid.
K k 2
500 Roman Pre-eminence not De Jure Divino. [part vir.
earliest period; condemning and expelling the Gnostics,
Artemonites, &c. And during the Arian mania, it
was the bulwark of the catholic faith.
(5) The temporal dignity of the city of Rome. The
council of Chalcedon declared that the elder Rome had
obtained privileges on account of its being the imperial
city "". Theodoret in his epistle to Leo, speaks of this
city as the greatest and most splendid, and as presiding
over the world ; abounding with a multitude of people ;
and which had produced the empire now governing \
Cyprian also assigns this as a reason for honouring the
Roman church ".
These various circumstances united and centering in
Rome alone of all churches, gave that church from the
beginning a preeminence. The bishop of Rome in the
third century possessed jurisdiction over a great part of
Italy, which was confirmed by the council of Nice".
The council of Sardica conferred particular privileges
on the Roman see in the fourth century ; and the
emperors Gratian, Valentinian, Justinian, and others,
acknowledged its primacy, and gave various powers
and prerogatives to the bishops of Rome ; but it would
be a mistake to contend that the preeminence of the
Roman church was derived altogether from the decrees
of emperors, or from the canons of councils, though it
was much increased by such causes. It was founded
on the possession of attributes which, collectively, be-
longed to no other church whatever.
Hence we may see the reason for which the bishops
of Rome were styled successors of St. Peter by some
^ Concil. Chalced. can. xxviii. sua debet Carthaginem Roma
See Routh, Opuscula. prsecedere." — Cypr. Epist. 49.
' Theodoret. Epist. 113. ad " See the Chapter on the Ro-
Leon. man Patriarchate.
™ " Q,uoniam pro magnitudine
CHAP. III.] Roman Pre-eminence not De Jure Dlvino. TjOI
of the fathers. They were bishops of the particular
church which St. Peter had assisted in founding, and
over wliich he had presided : and they were also, as
bishops of the principal church, the most eminent among
the successors of the apostles ; even as St. Peter had pos-
sessed the preeminence among the apostles themselves.
II. The circumstances above mentioned sufficiently
account for the early preeminence of the Roman church :
but I now proceed to show, that this preeminence did
not arise from its being believed, that the preeminence
of St. Peter had descended to the bishop of Rome by
divine ri(jht. It may be proved to a moral certaiiitt/,
that catholic tradition does not acknowledge the Roman
pontiff in any peculiar sense beyond other bishops, the
successor of Peter by divine right : because the pas-
sages collected from the fathers, &c. by the Roman
controversialists to establish this position, are generally
SILENT on the point. These passages may be divided
into five classes. Those which simply assert the pre-
eminence of the Roman church : those which assert
the preeminence of the chair of Peter and of the Ro-
man pontiff the successor of Peter, without reference
to any divine institution : those which refer to the
authority of the Roman pontiff as considerable in the
church, or are otherwise irrelevant : those which are not
genuine : and lastly, certain expressions of Roman
bishops and clergy anxious to honour their own church.
1. In the first class may be placed several passages
which I shall only briefly allude to, as it would take up
too much space to cite them at full length. Irenseus
says that " all churches must resort to the Roman on
account of its powerful primacy ^" Augustine says, " the
•^ Iren. lib. ill. c. 3.
502 JRoman Pre-eminence not De Jure Dlvino. [part Vii.
primacy of the apostolical chair always flourished in the
Roman church ''." Vincentius Lirinensis says that
pope Stephen exceeded other bishops " in the authority
of his place ^" Prosper calls Rome the " head of pas-
toral honour in the world ^" The synod of Constanti-
nople gave to the bishop of that imperial city the
privilege of honour after the bishop of Rome \ Ful-
gentius speaks of it as " the summit of the world V
The synod of Aquileia terms it the " head of the whole
Roman world "."
2. Amongst those passages which simply assert the
pre-eminence of the chair of Peter and of the Roman
bishop, without allusion to any divine institution, are the
following. Ignatius addresses his epistle to " the church
which presides in the country of the Romans ''." Cyprian
styles it " the chair of Peter and the principal church
where ecclesiastical unity took its rise'." Eusebius
says, " Linus was the first, who after Peter obtained
the see of RomeJ." Optatus speaks of " one chair," in
which " Peter sat first, to whom succeeded Linus . . to
Damasus, Siricius, who is now our associate ; together
with whom the whole world communicates with us ''."
The synod of Sardica spoke of the Roman see as " the
head ; the see of Peter V
3. Other passages refer simply to the authority of
the Roman see, or are otherwise irrelevant. Tertullian,
inviting an appeal to the various apostolic churches
*' August. Epist. 43. al. 162. perat. Theodos.
•= Vincent. Lirin. Common, c. ^ I gnat. Epist. ad Rom.
6. ' Cypr. Ep. 55. ad Concil.
f* Prosper, Carmen de Ingratis, •* Euseb. Hist. Eccl. lib. iii. c.
c. ii. 4.
^ Synod. Const, can. 2. ^ Optat. de Schism. Donat.
' Fulgentius, de Incarn. et lib. ii.
Grat. c.ll. ' Syn. Sardic. Ep. ad Jul.
s Synod. Aquil. Epist. ad Im- Rum.
CHAP. III.] Roman Pre-eminence not De Jure Divino. 503
says, " If you are near to Italy, you have Rome, whose
autliority is also near at hand for us. Happy church !
which the great apostles fully impregnated with all
their doctrine," &c. "' He also terms the bishop of
Rome a " high priest," an " aj^ostolic jirelate," he. "
Cyprian exhorts those sailing to Rome, to acknowledge
in Cornelius, " the root" of " the catholic church ;" and
speaks of his communion as " the unity of the catholic
church °," meaning that Cornelius was the legitimate
bishop of the catholic church at Rome, w^here at that
time there was a schismatical bishop. Basil says he
had written to the bishop of Rome, that he might see
their circumstances, and " interpose the decree of his
judgment ^" Theodoret wrote to Renatus that the
Roman see "had the leadership over all churches^;
and to St. Leo that he "waited tlie sentence of his
apostolical see '." Cyril Alexandrinus calls Cselestine
of Rome " archbishop of the whole world '." Jerome,
waiting to pope Damasus, says, " I am united to your
blessedness, that is, to the chair of Peter. On that
rock I know the church is built '." The council of
Ephesus in their decree against Nestorius, said that
they were "compelled by the sacred canons and the
epistle" of pope Coelestinus to depose him". The council
of Chalcedon wrote to pope Leo, that " the guardian-
ship of the vineyard was committed to him by the
Saviour '," (i. e. by his providence in permitting that
"' Tertull. PrEescript. c. 32. 36. ^ Cyril. Alex. Encom. in S.
" Tertull. de Monogam. Mar. Virg.
° Cypr. Ep. ad Cornel. * Hieron. Ep. xiv. ad Dama-
r Basil. Epist. 52. sum.
1 Theodoret. Epist. 110. ad " Concil. Ephes. Act. i.
j^ejjat. ' Concil. Chalced. Epist. ad
' Theodoret. Epist. ad S. Le- Leon.
onem.
504 Roman Pre-eminence 7iot De Juj'e Divino. [partvii.
bishop to occupy so eminent a position in the church) :
and that " he was their leader as a head over the
members '"," {i. e. he had been their leader in condemn-
ing heresy). The same synod, after hearing the epistle
of Leo, said, " Peter hath spoken by Leo"' (z. e. the
orthodox doctrine of St. Peter has been taught by his
successor). Chrysologus : " We exhort thee to attend
with obedience to all things written to thee by the
most blessed pope of the Roman city, since St. Peter,
who lives and presides in his own see, affords the true
faith to all who enquire of him ^."
4. Other passages are spurious. Thus, a canon of
the synod of Nice is alleged to commence with : " the
Roman see always had the primacy ^" This is an in-
terpolation which was detected in the council of Chal-
cedon. Athanasius writes to pope Felix that " Christ
had placed him and his predecessors on the summit of
the ark, and willed them to take the care of all
churches ^." Cyril of Alexandria : " We ought all as
members to adhere to our head, the Roman pontiff and
the apostolic see ''." It is rather unfortunate for Ro-
manists that these passages, (which are 'peiyetually
quoted by them,) are not genuine ; for they are some
of the best for their purposes, that have ever been
adduced.
5. The remaining proofs are from certain expressions
of Roman bishops and presbyters, who were influenced
by a pardonable desire to honour their particular
church ; but which represent merely their private and
" Ibid. lioth. Jur. Canon.
"^ Act. ii. * Athanas. Epist. ad Felicem.
y Chrysol. Epist. ad Eutych. Rejected by the Benedictine edi-
Haeret. tion of St. Athanasius' works.
^ Concil. Nicen. can. vi. Vide '' Cyril. Alex, in Libre The-
Beveregii Pandect. Justelii Bib- sauri.
CHAP. III.] Roman Pre-emhtence not De Juj'e Divine. 505
])cculiar doctrines. In the synod of Epliesus, Philip,
legate of the Roman see, said, that " Peter, the prince
and head of the apostles, the piJlar of faith, and foun-
dation of the catholic church, received from our Lord
Jesus Christ the keys of the kingdom . . . who to this
very time, and always, lives in his successors and ex-
ercises judgment "." In the council of Chalcedon, the
Roman legate Paschasinus said, that the Roman was
" the head of all churches ''." St. Leo affirmed that
" the Lord willed the see of Rome to preside over all
others \" These and similar expressions of Roman
bishops can have little weight.
Such are the chief passages selected by Tournely,
Bailly, Hooke, Collet, De le Luzerne, Delahogue, Bou-
vier, Milner, Berington, &c. in proof that the Roman
primacy is of di\ine institution, and derived from the
privileges given to St. Peter by our Lord Jesus Christ.
They concur indeed to prove the preeminence of the
Roman church, its dignity, its superiority of power, all
which we most fully and unequivocally admit that it
possessed from a very early period. But this is not the
point in debate. The point attempted to be proved
by all these quotations is, that the Roman primacy is de
JURE DiviNO ; that it is derived from St. Peter by dimne
institution : and on this point catholic tradition is pro-
foundly silent. Therefore since it cannot be proved
from tradition, as it confessedly cannot from scripture,
it is no article of faith, notwithstanding the rash asser-
tion of some modern theologians to the contrary.
^ Concil. Ephes. Act. iii. " Leo, Epist. 93. al. 62.
^ Concil. Chalced. Act. i.
506 Rome has not Universal Jurisdiction, [p. vii. ch. iv.
CHAPTER IV.
THE ROMAN PONTIFF HAS NOT, JURE DIVINO, ANY ORDI-
NARY JURISDICTION OVER THE UNIVERSAL CHURCH.
Jurisdiction, properly so called, consists not merely
ill a persuasive influence and authority without coer-
cion, but in a coercive power, to which obedience is
due, and which can enforce its acts by penalties. I
maintain that the bishop of Rome has not, either jure
divino, or by immemorial and universal exercise, any such
jurisdiction over the catholic church ; and I hope to
show, that this conclusion is legitimately deduced from
principles which are entirely free from censure even in
the Roman church itself. In speaking of this juris-
diction also, I do not mean to deny, that in extraor-
dinary circumstances, when the faith is endangered, ,
and when a great necessity exists, the bishop of Rome,
and all other bishops, may exercise their office in any
part of the church. I am now speaking of ordinary
jurisdiction.
SECTION I.
THE ROMAN BISHOP HAS NOT, JURE DIVINO, ANY ORDINARY
JURISDICTION OVER THE CLERGY AND PEOPLE OF OTHER
BISHOPS.
In maintaining this proposition I shall adopt the ar-
guments of Bailly, a Roman theologian of the highest
8
SECT. I.] Rome has not Universal Jurisdiction. 507
credit in liis own communion. He says, " Jure com-
muni ac Christi instituto, S. Pontifex immediatam juris-
dictionem in alienis dioecesibus non habet, neque in illis
episcoporiim munia ordinarie exercere potest V This is
proved from constant tradition and tlie consent of the
pontiffs themselves. Thus St. Leo (Epist. 84. Epist.
ad Jul. Coens. Epist. 77.) acknowledges that each
bishop has jurisdiction over his own people. The
council of Carthage, in 525, after the example of pre-
ceding African synods, forbad any appeals to the apos-
tolic see. St. Gregory the great (lib. ix. ep. 22. al. xi.
ep. 22.) says, " Si sua unicuique episcopo jurisdictio non
servetur, quid aliud agitur nisi ut per nos per quos eccle-
siasticus custodiri debuit ordo confundatur ? " The
councils of Salingestadt, a. d. 1022, cap. 18, Limoges,
A. D. 1031, Aquileia, in the twelfth century, Lambeth
in the thirteenth, forbad penitents and offenders to go
to Rome for absolution unless their bishops permitted
it. The council of Rheims of 200 bishops, in the
twelfth century, would not confirm the privileges
granted by Calixtus II. to the monastery of Clugny, to
the prejudice of the diocesan ; though the Roman
pontiff himself was present. John XVIII. having sent,
in 1004, cardinal Peter to consecrate a church in the
diocese of Tours, which had been built contrary to the
will of the bishop, " all the bishops of France," says
Glaberius, a contemporary writer, " detested it," since
" it was confirmed by abundant authority of old, that
no bishop should presume to do so in the diocese of
another, unless by his request or permission." Other
facts and monuments innumerable are referred to by
Bailly, in the works of Baluzius, Fleury, the Memoires
du Clerge, Proces- verbal de I'Assemblee de 1 682, to
" Baillv, Tractatus de Ecolesia Christi, t. ii. p. 310, &c.
508 Rome has not Universal Jurisdiction, [p. vii. ch. iv.
prove that these principles have been always adhered
to by the Gallican church. The Faculty of Theology
frequently declared, that the Roman pontiff had no ordi-
nary or immediate jurisdiction in all dioceses ; espe-
cially in its censure of Vernantius, a. d. 1666. Of the
same sentiment were Hincmar (t. ii. ed. Sirm. p. 608.
436, 437.), the celebrated archbishoj) of Grenada, in
the council of Trent (Palavit. Hist. C. T. lib. xv. c. 1 6.),
Petavius, Thomassinus, (t. ii. discij)l. par. iv. lib. i. c. i.
n. 19.), Fleury (Hist. Eccl. lib. Iviii. n. 51. lib. Ixxxiv.
n. 42. lib. xciii. n. 43.), the continuer of Tournely,
(t. vi. p. 607. de praec. Eccl. c. iv. de 4 prtTec). Bailly
concludes, that " the j^ontiff is pastor of the universal
church in this sense ; i. e. in urgent necessity, and in
certain extraordinary circumstances, he may provide for
various churches, and supply them with confessors or
preachers." This we fully admit : the same right is
vested in every catholic bishop in case of necessity.
In fact, if the Roman pontiff were entitled to act
episcopally whenever he pleased in any diocese, he
would be really " universal bishop," a title which Gre-
gory the great condemned as blasphemous. Such a
principle would be entirely opposed to the whole dis-
cipline of the church, which has always believed each
bishop to be invested with the immediate care of his
own flock by the Holy Ghost. We may conclude
then, not only that the pontiff has no ordinary juris-
diction over the clergy and people of other bishops,
but that this doctrine is altogether free from censure in
the Roman church.
SECTION H.
THE ROMAN BISHOP HAS NOT, JURE DIVINO, ANY ORDINARY
JURISDICTION OVER OTHER BISHOPS.
The jurisdiction claimed as of divine right for the
SECT. II.] Borne has not Universal Jurisdiction. 509
Roman pontiff over other bishops, may be distributed
into three parts, viz. legislative, judicial, and adminis-
trative or executive : under these divisions 1 shall pro-
ceed to examine it.
I. The Roman pontiff has not, by divine right, any
coercive legislative power over other bishops.
1. He cannot make any decrees of faith, morals,
and discipline, which are absolutely binding on other
bishops. This principle is maintained as relates to
questions of faith and morals, by the fourth Gallican
article of 1682, where it is said that, " In questions of
faith, the pontiff has a principal part, and his decrees
extend to all churches, and to every church in par-
ticular ; but that his judgment, is not irreformable,
unless the consent of the church be added." This
article is most convincingly defended by Bossuet, as
founded on catholic tradition ^ In fact, as Bailly ob-
serves, it has always been the doctrine of the Gallican
church, that "it is the right of bishops to judge in
matters of faith "." Delahogue proves that " bishops
alone are, Jure divino, necessary judges of controversies
of faith ''." Consequently the judgment of contromrsies
of faith cannot be amongst the " majores causcB" alleged
to be reserved to the Roman pontiff jure divino ; nor
can bishops be under any obligation to refer such
causes in the first instance to him ; nor can they be
bound to believe whatever the Roman jiontiff may
choose to decree in faith and morals ; more especially
as Delahogue proves, that " It may, with sound faith,
and without any note of error or schism, be denied,
that the Roman pontiff, even speaking e.x7 cathedra, has
'' Bossuet, Defensio Declar. 308.
Cler. Gallicani. "^ Delahogue, Tract, de Eccl.
'^ Bailly, ut supra, t. ii. p. Christi, p. 386.
510 Rome has not Universal Jurisdiction, [p. vji. CH. iv.
the gift of infallibility''." This being the case, it is
evident, that whatever respect may be due by bishops
to the judgments of the Roman pontiff concerning
faith, it is not such a respect as to prevent them from
exercising their own right as judges of faith divino jure,
and either accepting or rejecting the papal decrees, as
they are accordant or not with scripture and tradition.
The same observations may be applied to papal laws
of discipline. The second Gallican article of 1682,
maintains the doctrine of the coancil of Constance,
that the Roman pontiff's authority is inferior to that of
a general council ; and the third article concludes from
this principle, that "the exercise of the apostolical
power (of the Roman see) is to be limited by the
canons made by the Spirit of God, and consecrated by
the reverence of the whole world ; and also that the
rules, customs, and institutions received by the Galli-
can church and kingdom, are of authority ; and that the
boundaries of the fathers remain unshaken." This
proposition, which denies the right of the Roman
pontiff to make binding regulations in discipline con-
trary to the laws of general councils, or to the canons
and customs of particular churches, is defended by Bos-
suet, Tournely, &c. ; and Bailly says, that among the
liberties of the Gallican church it is reckoned that,
" It belongs to bishops to make decrees in matters per-
taining to discipline ;" that the Roman pontiff " cannot
at pleasure dispense with the canons, but only for just
causes ;" and that " he cannot derogate from the laws
or customs of jirovinces, nor even from the legitimate
privileges of particular churches ^" Bailly observes,
that " the intention even of universal synods, in making
^ Ibid. «= Bailly, De Eccl. Christi, t. ii. p. 309.
SECT. II.] I{ome has not Univerml Jurisdiction. 511
laws of discipline, is not to subvert the rules, customs,
and institutions of particular churches, which are
founded on the tradition of the fathers, and are not
injurious to the peace of the church ; and although the
exception be not always expressly made in the decree,
yet it is always to be presumed to be conceded ipso
jure, and l)y the will of the fathers themselves present
in synod '." In fact we know that many rules of disci-
pline, made by the pontiffs, have not been universally
received by their churches. Several points in the
canon law are not received in France and elsewhere.
The bull in Cmia Domini is not generally acknow-
ledged ; and even the discipline of Trent, approved by
the popes, is but imperfectly admitted in the Roman
obedience. Therefore the pontiff's laws of discipline
are not binding on other bishops, unless by their own
consent and approbation.
2. The Roman pontiff cannot annul the laws of other
hisJiops. It has been shown above, that according to
the doctrine and practice of the Roman churches, all
bishops are judges of faith and morals, and are autho-
rized to make laws of discipline ; that the Roman
pontiff cannot annul or derogate from those laws ; and
that he is even subject to the canons made by general
councils, and can only dispense with them in case of
necessity : but necessity would justify any bishop in
dispensing with such laws: for instance, Athanasius,
Epiphanius, and other holy bishops, ordained clergy
in the dioceses of other bishops, during the times of
Arianism, which was absolutely contrary to all the
canons.
II. The Roman pontiff has not, by divine right, any
coercive judicial power over other bishops. One of
' Ibid. p. 307.
512 Rome Jias nut Univej'snl Jurisdiction, [p. vii. CH. iv.
tlie most important prerogatives claimed for the Roman
pontiff is the right to judge bishops, either in the first
instance, or by appeal from other bishops. Delahogue
says, that some of the Roman theologians " con-
tend that appeals of bishops are only de jure eccle-
siastico^J' Du Pin, a Roman-catholic author of high
eminence, has treated this subject very fully. He
proves at considerable length, that from the ear-
liest period to the time of the synod of Nice, " all
causes were terminated on the spot, and that no
appeal to the Roman pontiff was permitted to those
who were condemned ^" He argues that, according to
the fifth canon of the oecumenical synod of Nice, the
definitive judgment of bishops is given to the provin-
cial synods, without any further appeal ' ; that this was
confirmed by the second oecumenical synod J ; that the
African bishops understood it to be so in the time of Pope
Caslestinus \ as did Pope Innocentius I ; that the
same doctrine was held by St. Cyprian ', and by the
synod of Antioch "" ; though in the latter there was
some change of discipline, since it was determined that
if any bishop, deposed by a provincial synod, should
petition the emperor to be restored, those who had
condemned him should call a larger synod, in order that
his cause might be re-examined there, and no excuse
be left to him", Du Pin adds, that the orientals
obstinately refused to permit appeals to the west "; and
that according to St. Ambrose, all the causes of the
east and west should be termin9,ted in their own synods
respectively p.
I. 100.
^ Delahogue, p. 382. • Ibid.
•> Du Pin, De Antiq. Eccl. '" Ibid. p. IOC
Discipl. p. 141—156. " Ibid. p. 101
* Du Pin, p. 96. o Ibid, p 102.
J Ibid. p. 98. p Ibid. p. 103.
^ Ibid. p. 99.
SECT. II.] Rome has not Universal Jurisdiction. 513
The synod of Sardica, ho says, introduced a new
discipline, permitting- a bishop deposed by a provincial
synod to solicit the bishop of Rome to examine his
cause ; and allowing the latter, if he judged the case
not to have been sufficiently examined in the province,
to send it back for a re-hearing with the assistance of
some bishops from the next province ''. According to
this rule the cause was not decided at Rome or by the
Roman pontiff. Du Pin shows that this discipline of
Sardica was never received in the east, and only very
late in the west '.
It is needless to proceed further with*Du Pin in the
history of appeals'. It is clear from this, that the
Roman pontiff has not any divine right to judge bishops
either in the first instance or by appeal. Whatever
power he acquired in these respects afterwards, was
entirely by custom and the concession of churches. If
the pontiff has no divine right to receive appeals from
provincial synods, he can of course have no right to
reverse their judgments. We may therefore conclude
that he has no judicial power over other bishops.
III. The Roman pontiff has not, by divine right,
any coercive executive power over other bishops.
Under this head may be classed his powers in refe-
rence to general synods, the appointment of bishops,
erection of sees, enforcing the canons, he.
Among the principal powers of the bishop of Rome,
claimed as of divine right, are the assembling, pre-
siding in, and confirming of oecumenical synods. It
has been proved by Launoy, Bossuet, Du Pin, &c.
that the eight first synods, acknowledged as oecumeni-
q Ibid. \\ 106. subject is also firmly supported
r Ibid. p. 113. by Fleury, Quatrieme Discours
^ Du Piii's doctrine on this sur I'Hist. Ecclesiastiquc.
VOL. 11. L I >
514 Rome has not Universal Jurisdiction, [p. vii. CH. iv.
cal by Rome, were assembled, not by the pope, but by
the emperors *. Richerius and Launoy have proved
that no Roman legate presided in the synod of Nice".
At the second oecumenical synod Timothy of Alexan-
dria presided ""; at the fifth, no one was present on the
part of the bishop of Rome. As to the papal confir-
mation of oecumenical synods, Bailly says, after Bossuet,
that the synods of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, &c.
were universally received at once ; that no confirm-u
tion of the Roman see was solicited ; that confirmation
of the decrees of synods implies only their assertion
and vindication ; and that the decrees of the Roman
pontiffs themselves were "confirmed" by general or
particular synods ^. The Gallican theologians hold that
an oecumenical council has irrefragable authority with-
out any papal confirmation, or even though the bishop
of Rome be opposed to its decrees \ Therefore the
Roman pontiffs have no divine right to summon, pre-
side in, or confirm oecumenical synods : for if they had
possessed it, they would have always exercised it, and
the church would not have allowed any one else to
have invaded their divine privilege.
It has been proved by Thomassin and De Marca
archbishop of Paris, that the election and consecration of
bishops and metropolitans, were almost universally
vested in the bishops and clergy, not in the Roman
pontiff, for at least a thousand years after Christ ^. Tho-
massin proves that for thirteen centuries the bishops in
the greater part of the west, were confirmed by their
t See Part IV. " See above, p. 153.
" See Part IV. chap. ix. ^ Thomassin. Vet. et Nov.
sect. 1. Eccl. Discipl. t. ii. lib. ii ; De
"■ Ibid, sect. 2. Marca, De Concord. Sacerd. et
" Bailly, De Eccl. t. ii. p. Imp. lib. iv. c, 4.
263, 204.
SFXT. II.] Home has not Universal Jurisdiction. 515
metropolitans ; and that the metropolitans themselves
were confirmed by provincial synods ^ The same writer
and Fleury, show that translations of bishops were
generally made by the authority of provincial synods ^
Oi i\\Q judgments and deposing of bishops I have already
spoken in the preceding article, and shown that it
belonged to provincial synods. Thomassin proves that
in the appointment of coadjutors to bishops, it was not
usual before the year 1000, to have recourse to the
Roman see, but to provincial synods ^ The same author
shows that for the first eight centuries resignations of
bishoprics were not made to the Roman pontiff, but to
provincial synods, or to emperors, kings, or metropoli-
tans ". Therefore none of these " causcB majores" of
bishops belong to the Roman pontiff dejure divino.
Thomassin and Fleury prove that the erection of new
sees and metropoles was vested for many centuries in
provincial and patriarchal synods, and in patriarchs
and monarchs ^ The second and fourth oecumenical
synods erected the patriarchate of Constantinople. The
Emperor Justinian erected the see of Justiniana into
an exarchate or patriarchate. Fleury says there is no
sufficient evidence to attribute the imion or eMinction
of bishoprics to the Roman pontiff only \
Another privilege claimed for the Roman pontiff, is
the right to oblige all bishops to observe the canons
by ecclesiastical censures. I have before shown that
he has no divine right to judge or depose other bishops,
or to make regulations binding on them : therefore he
^ Thomassin. ibid. ' Ibid. t. ii. lib. i. c. 50. 52.
^ Thomassin. t. ii. lib. ii. c. '' Ibid. t. i. lib. i. c. 54, &c.
62 ; Fleury, Disc. iv. sur I'Hist. Fleury, ibid.
Eccl. ^ Fleury, Disc. iv. sur I'Hist.
" Ibid. c. 57, 58. Eccl.
L 1 2
510 Rome has not Universal Jurisdiction, [p. vii. ch. iv.
cannot have any right in the way of jurisdiction or
coercive power, to force them to obey the canons : but
he may fraternally admonish then], and in case of their
continuing incorrigible, may separate them from the
communion of his church. The same right also belongs
to all bishops of the catholic church, and does not infer
any assumption of jurisdiction over other bishops, but
merely the common interest which every christian
pastor has in the welfare of the whole christian com-
munity.
Another privilege claimed for the Roman pontiff is,
that nothing of importance should be transacted in the
church, without referring to him. It has been shown
above, that provincial synods were competent to take
cognizance, not only of all causes relating to bishops,
but even of controversies o^ faith and morals : and that
it was the principle of the Gallican church, that bishops
are jure divino, judges in controversies of faith. There-
fore synods may act in the most important causes, as
they have done in innumerable instances, without pre-
viously consulting the Roman pontiff; and if they
inform him afterwards of their proceedings, which was
usually done out of respect to that apostolic see, and
that the chief bishop might make known their pro-
ceedings to other churches; this does not infer any
jurisdiction in the Roman pontiff, but is merely an
exercise of fraternal charity and communion : and the
same notification was often made to other churches as
well as to that of Rome.
IV. I have now shown, that according to doctrines
avowed without censure in the Roman obedience, by
the Gallican church, and by their most learned and
eminent theologians, the Roman pontiff has not by
divine right, any ordinary jurisdiction over the clergy
SECT. II.] Rome lias not Uaiverml Jurisdiction. 517
and people subject to other bishops. I have shown in
the same manner, that he has no divine right to make
laws of faith, morals, or discipline, compulsory on other
bishops ; that he cannot annul or derogate from such
laws made by other bishops ; that he has no divine
right to judge or depose other bishops, either in the
first instance, or on appeal ; no divine right to reverse
the judgments of provincial synods ; to summon, pre-
side in, or confirm oecumenical synods ; to appoint,
confirm, consecrate, translate, judge, or depose bishops ;
none to appoint coadjutors, or accept resignation of
sees ; none to erect new sees and metropoles ; none to
force bishops to observe the canons ; none to be con-
sulted on every measure of importance in the church.
And hence it follows inevitably, that the Roman bishop
has not, by divine right, any ordinary jurisdiction, pro-
jierly so called, over the universal church ; and that
this conclusion is a sound and an orthodox conclusion,
accordant with the doctrine of the Roman church
itself.
It is vain to adduce, in reply to this, any instances,
in which the Roman pontiffs are alleged to have exer-
cised jurisdiction over other bishops, during the first
five or six centuries. We do not deny that several
such cases may be pointed out, in some of which the
Roman pontiffs acted within their own patriarchate, in
others exceeded their privileges, in others were justified
by eMraordinary circumstances, such as the prevalence
of heresy ; but these do not affect our argument, which
is, that according to the most learned Roman theolo-
gians, the Roman pontiff did not generally or ordina-
rily exercise any jurisdiction over all other bishops.
This being the case, he could not have possessed any
such jurisdiction ym-e divino ; for if he had, God would
518 Rome has not Universal Jurisdictioyi. [p. vii. ch. iv.
not have permitted it to be usurped by others : the
supposition would be inconsistent with the promises of
Jesus Christ to be always with his church.
It is equally vain to allege, as the Ultramontanes do,
that provincial synods and particular bishops exercised
these powers in the first ages, by dispensation from the
Roman see, because of the difficulty of communicating
with that see in times of persecution. For not only is
it a mere assumption, a baseless theory, that the pro-
vincial synods and bishops ever had any dispensation
or permission from Rome for such acts ; but it is plain,
that the correspondence between all churches was never
more frequent than in the time of persecution, as we
may see by the writings of Cyprian alone ; and further,
that provincial synods and bishops remained in the full
exercise of that jurisdiction Mdiich is now claimed for
the Roman see, for many centuries after the church
was relieved from persecution, and protected by chris-
tian princes.
Though, as I have observed, the argument of this
chapter is not affected by the production of any instances
of the exercise of jurisdiction in other churches by the
Roman bishop, yet I shall briefly notice the principal
examples adduced by Delahogue, Milner, Tournely, De
La Luzerne, Bailly, Berington, and others.
OBJECTIONS.
Several of the Roman pontiffs at various times have
exercised various acts of jurisdiction over other churches.
(1) Victor excommunicated, or threatened to ex-
communicate the Asiatic churches, in consequence of
their adherence to their custom of celebrating Easter.
I reply, that the Asiatic churches did not obey the
OBJECT.] Rome lias not Univei'sal Jurisdiction. 519
pontiff's command, but retained their custom, until the
council of Nice ; and were acknowledged always as a
j)ortion of the catholic church. S. Irenaeus and others
blamed Victor for insisting on their adopting another
custom. (2) Stephen of Rome excommunicated Cy-
prian and the African bishoj^s for their practice in
rebaptizing heretics. I answer, that the Africans re-
tained their custom notwithstanding, and were in full
communion with all the rest of the church. Therefore
the church generally did not hold it necessary to obey
the Roman pontiff's commands. (3) Cyprian wrote
to poj^e Stephen urging him to depose Marcianus, a
schismatical bishop of Gaul, and to appoint another
bishop in his place. I answer with Du Pin % that he
only requested him to write to the people of Aries and
the Galilean bishojis, to appoint another bishop in his
stead ; and that this does not infer any peculiar pre-
rogative in the Roman bishop, but only a charitable
solicitude for the welfare of the church. (4) Basilides
and Martialis having been deposed in Spain, appealed
to pope Stephen to be restored to their sees.
Ansicer. The clergy and people of Spain paid no
regard to the judgment of the Roman see in their
favour; and were approved and encouraged by St.
Cyprian in so doing ^
(5.) When certain persons represented to Dionysius
of Rome, that Dionysius of Alexandria had taught
heresy, the latter wrote an apology to clear himself.
Therefore it was the opinion of both parties that the
see of Rome had jurisdiction over the church of Alex-
andria.
* Du Pin, De Antiq. Eccl. '' Du Pin, p. 151. Barrow,
Discipl. p. 146, &c. See Bar- p. 720.
row, Pope's Supremacy, p. 714.
520 Rome has not Universal J twisdiction. [p. vh. ch. iv.
Answer. It was common in that age for individuals
to appeal to other churches against bishops accused of
false doctrine : thus the church of Antioch applied to
Dionysius of Alexandria, Firmilian, and others, against
Paul of Samosata. Such applications only inferred the
common care of all bishops for the church of Christ ^
(6.) Pope Julius restored to their sees St. Athanasius
of Alexandria, Paul of Constantinople, Marcellus of
Ancyra, and Asclepas of Gaza.
Answer. Athanasius had been compelled to escape
from Alexandria to Rome in consequence of the perse-
cution of the Arians, and had been irregularly con-
demned. Julius of Rome and a synod assembled at
Rome, having heard his defence, acknowledged him as
the legitimate bishop of Alexandria. There is no
evidence that Julius restoredhim to his see : and it may
be added, that this act of the Roman synod was not
universally approved, and had no effect till the great
synod of Sardica confirmed it ^ Nearly the same may
be said of the other cases mentioned. It must be ob-
served also, that these circumstances occurred in times
of imminent danger to the church from the Arian
heresy ; and when the ordinary rules might be dis-
pensed with.
(7.) Eustathius of Sebaste having been deposed by
a synod of Acacians at Constantinople, and having
been afterwards sent on a mission to pope Liberius,
obtained from him letters of restoration to his see.
Answer. He was not restored to his see by Liberius,
but received letters testifying the soundness of his faith,
on which the s7/?iod of Tyana restored him to his see ^
(8.) St. John Chrysostom, having been unjustly de-
^- Ibid. p. 152. p. 721.
'^ Ibid. p. 158, 159. Barrow, « Ibid. p. 1G3.
OBJKCT.] Rome has not Universal Jar Isdlct'iuu. b'lX
posed from the patriarchate of Constantinople, was, on
appeal, restored to his see by authority of pope Inno-
cent.
Ansiver. Chrysostom wrote, not only to the bisho]) of
Rome, but to those of Milan and Aquileia, requestino-
them to declare that the proceedings against him were
unjust and null, and not to withdraw their communion
from him. Innocentius however did not pretend to
annul the sentence, but only required that the cause
should be reheard in a synod composed of eastern and
western bishojis ; and that in the mean time Chry-
sostom should be restored to his church provisionally \
This was merely an act of christian charity, not of
coercive jurisdiction.
(9.) The councils of Milevis and Carthage having
condemned the Pelagian heresy, pope Innocentius, at
the request of the African bishops, confirmed their de-
crees, and St. Augustine then said, "The cause is now
finished, would to God that the error may also have an
end!"
Answer. Tournely says that the cause was indeed
ended, for the Pelagians had been already condemned
in the councils of Diospolis, 1 Carthage, 2 Carthage,
Milevis, and Jerusalem. The bishops of Carthage and
Milevis had written to Innocentius concerning this
growing error. Cselestius himself had appealed to the
Roman bishop ; to whom also the council of Jerusalem
had sent the cause of Pelagius as being a Latin ; so that
all that was now wanting to universal consent was the
judgment of the Roman church ^ This being given
the cause was indeed ended : not by the authority of
Rome, but by that of the universal church.
^ Ibid. p. 1G7— 170. Barrow, ^ Tournely, De Ecclesia Chris-
p. 727. ti, t. ii. p. 24G.
522 Rome has not Universal Jurisdiction, [p. vii. ch. iv.
(10.) Pope Cselestinus commissioned Cyril of Alex-
andria to depose Nestorius, patriarch of Constantinople ;
thus exercising an undoubted act of jurisdiction over
the patriarchal see of Constantinople, a see only inferior
in dignity to Rome itself.
Answer. The doctrine of Nestorius had been judged
heretical by the synod of Rome '', and Cyril of Alex-
andria had written to Cselestinus, that the eastern
churches all condemned Nestorius, but did not excom-
municate him, as they desired the concurrence of the
Roman bishop '. Caelestinus in reply authorized Cyril
to act for hitu ; not in any way pretending to exclusive
authority in such matters ; but merely exercising the
right which was vested in every catholic bishop of ex-
pelling manifest heretics from communion.
(11.) When Eutyches was condemned by Flavianus
and a council at Constantinople, he appealed to pope
Leo, promising to obey his judgment. Leo wrote to
Flavianus to demand information, and the latter, in
reply, exhorted the pope to decree that the con-
demnation had been regular, and expressed his hopes
that by this means heresy would be sui)pressed. There-
fore both parties paid homage to the superior authority
of the Roman pontiff,
Ansiver. Eutyches appealed to the synods of the
bishops of Rome, Alexandria, Jerusalem, and Thessa-
lonica : not to the bishop of Rome. Seeing that his
appeal was not attended to, he wrote a letter of com-
plaint to Leo of Rome, who in consequence did require
from Flavianus information on this affiiir that he misht
judge it. " Hence," says Du Pin, "it is plain that Leo
endeavoured to bring this cause before himself; but it is
'■ Fleury, Hist. Eccl. lib. xxv. ' Ibid. s. 12. See Barrow,
s- 14- Pope's Supremacy, p. 716.
OBJECT.] Rome has not Universal Jurisdiction. 5'23
altogether false, that Flavianus suspended the effect of
the judgment against Eutjches, on that account ^" In
fact his letter to Leo supposes that the judgment of the
synod was conclusive, and that the Roman pontiff ought
not to examine the cause again, but to add his autho-
rity to the decision '.
(12.) Gregory the great exercised jurisdiction in
Africa, Egypt, Illyricum, &c. Pope Theodore, in the
seventh century, appointed Stephen, bishop of Dora, his
vicar in Palestine : Martin II. instituted the bishop of
Philadelphia his vicar in the patriarchates of Antioch
and Jerusalem.
Answer. The Roman pontiffs gradually extended
their power beyond its proper limits, and endeavoured
to bring Illyricum, Africa, and the west, within their
patriarchate. Theodore and Martin appointed those
vicars in the east in time of heresy, or when the Sara-
cens had overrun those countries. These are therefore
extraordinary cases. It would take up too much space
to refute all the instances which have been adduced in
proof of the pretended universal jurisdiction of the
Roman pontiffs during the first five centuries : but these
seem to be the most usual arguments.
'' Du Pin, p. 215, ' Ibid. p. 213—216.
524 Pretended Privileges of Rome. [p, vii. ch. v.
CHAPTER V.
ON OTHER PRETENDED PRIVILEGES OF THE ROMAN SEE.
In addition to the right of ordinary jurisdiction over
the whole church, other privileges are claimed for the
Roman pontiff by some or all of his adherents. It is
asserted that he has temporal jurisdiction over the
whole world ; that his power in ecclesiastical affairs is
absolute ; that he is the fountain of all ecclesiastical
jurisdiction ; that his judgments in matters of fiiith are
infallible ; and that he is the centre of catholic unity,
so that whoever is not of the Roman communion, can-
not be a member of the true church. The four first
principles are held only by the Ultramontane party in
the Roman churches, and are disputed by the Gallican
school : the last doctrine is commonly upheld by all
members of the Roman obedience. It would need-
lessly occupy space to enter on the question of the
temporal supremacy of the Roman pontiff, which has
been so well refuted by Bossuet % Tournely '', and a
number of other writers of their communion : nor is it
necessary to refute the notion of the absolute power of
the Roman pontiff in ecclesiastical affairs, which is
* Bossuet, Defensio Declarat. '' Tournely, De Ecclesia, t. ii.
Cleri Gallicani.
SECT. I.J Papal Infallibility. 525
denied by the Gallican declaration of 1682, and by all
its defenders ; or of his being the source of all spiritual
jurisdiction, from whom all bishops derive their au-
thority ; an opinion which, as Bossuet says, " began to
be introduced into theology in the thirteenth century,"
having been " unheard of in early times ''." I shall
therefore only briefly notice the doctrines of the papal
infallibility, and the centre of unity.
SECTION I.
ON THE DOCTRINE OF THE PAPAL INFALLIBILITY.
This doctrine is no longer the principal subject of
debate between the Roman theologians and their op-
ponents, as it was in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries. Delahogue defends the following position :
" It may, with sound faith, and without any note of
error or schism, be denied, that the Roman pontifl",
even speaking ea^ cathedra, has the gift of infallibility ''."
Bouvier, bishop of Mans, concludes on the same prin-
ciple : " The controversy as to the infallibility of the
Roman pontiff therefore leads to nothing, practically :
therefore the most learned theologians have rightly
been of opinion, that it ought to be abstained from,
e. g. the celebrated brothers Adrian and Peter Walem-
bourgh, in their controversies against the Protestants,
Peter Veron, &c. ' The best refutation of this doc-
trine is to be found in Bossuet's " Defensio Declara-
tionis Cleri GaUicani." I shall merely notice a few of
the arguments which may be brought against it.
1. It has been before proved that the Roman bishop
•= Bossuet, ut supra, lib. viii. p. 386.
c, \l, ^ Bouvier, Tract, de Vera Ec-
^ Delahogue, De Eccl. Christ, clesia, p. 360.
526 Papal InfalUhilify. [p. vii. CH. v.
did not succeed to St. Peter's preeminence by any di-
vine institution : therefore his pretended infallibility,
which rests entirely on the promises made to St. Peter,
can have no foundation.
2. Scripture attributes the promises of divine sup-
port and protection of the faith, to the church at large,
not to St. Peter only. Thus: "The Spirit of truth
shall lead you into all truth :" " Lo, 1 am with you
always even unto the end of the world :" " the church
of the living God, the pillar and ground of the truth :"
" It seemed good to the Holy Ghost and to us :"
" Whatsoever ye shall bind on earth shall be bound in
heaven," &c.
3. Catholic tradition and practice prove that the
Roman pontiff's decrees in faith were never esteemed
infallible ; but were judged by the church at large.
Thus Cyprian and the African and oriental bishops did
not receive or approve Stephen's decree in the con-
troversy concerning heretical baptism. Cselestinus
having condemned the doctrine of Nestorius, and di-
rected his decree to Cyril of Alexandria ; this did not
prevent the cause of Nestorius from being examined
afterwards by the council of Ephesus ; and the epistle
of Cselestine was read in the council, and approved. Leo
of Rome wrote to Flavianus establishing the orthodox
doctrine against the heresy of Eutyches : this epistle
was read in the synod of Chalcedon, examined, and ap-
proved. Thus the synods of Ephesus and Chalcedon
judged the Roman pontiff's writings, and did not regard
them as infallible.
Vigilius of Rome published a constitution approving
the epistle of Ibas : the fifth oecumenical synod imme-
diately afterwards anathematized that epistle as im|)ious
and heretical.
8
OBJFXT.] Papal Infallibility. 527
Martin the first, in the Roman synod of Lateran,
condemned the error of the JMonothelites : but the
decree was subjected to examination by the sixth oecu-
menical synod, and only approved when it was found
orthodox. Honorius, though speaking e^ cathedra, in
the cause of the Monothelites, erred, and was con-
demned as a heretic by the sixth oecumenical synod.
Adrian II. approved the worship of images decreed by
the pseudo-synod of Nice : but the bishops of the west
in the synods of Frankfort and Paris, rejected his
doctrine. Therefore the catholic church never be-
lieved the Roman pontiff infallible \
OBJECTIONS.
1. Christ said to Peter: "Simon, Simon, Satan hath
desired to have you, that he may sift you as wheat :
but I have prayed that thy faith fail not, and when
thou art converted, strengthen thy brethren =." Here,
according to Bellarmine (De Rom. Pont. lib. iv. c. 3.),
are two privileges given to St. Peter : first, the perpe-
tuity of his own personal faith : secondly, that he, as
jDontiff, should never teach any thing contrary to the
faith, or that no one should be ever found in his see to
teach what was contrary to faith.
A?istvc7\ Tournely says that Launoius (Epistolarum
Pars V. Ep. ad Bevillaquam,) reduces to four classes
the fathers and ecclesiastical writers who have inter-
preted this text. 1. Some say that our Lord prayed
that Peter should never lose the faith ; 2. others that
' In proof of these and similar Declar. Cler. Gallicani, lib. x ;
facts, see Du Pin, De Antiq. De Barral, Defense des Liberies
Eecl. Discipl. Dissertafio v; Lau- de I'Eglise Gallicane.
noii Epistolse ; Bossuet Defensio ^ Luke xxii. 32.
528 Rome not the Centre of Unity. [p. vii. ch. v.
the Roman church should never fall away from faith ;
3. others that the see of Peter, or the apostolical see,
should not fail ; 4. others that the universal church
should not err in faith. Tournely says : " It is suffi-
cient to impugn Bellarmine's opinion by this general
argument, viz. From that sentence of scripture which
the fathers and other ecclesiastical writers expound in
different senses, the true faith being preserved on all
sides, no firm and sure argument can be educed for
one sense to the exclusion, much less to the condem-
nation of others ; but freedom is to be left to every
opinion ^" Bailly says, it is much more probable that
our Lord in this place referred only to Peter person-
ally, since there is a manifest reference to his fall and
conversion : " when thou art converted :" and this re-
lates only to what was peculiar to Peter and personal '.
II. Many passages from the fathers have been quoted
in support of the papal infallibility, which have been
all refuted by Barrow, Bossuet, Tournely, Launoy, &c.
SECTION II.
ON THE ROMAN CENTRE OF UNITY.
It will be seen in the next chapter that I do not
deny that the Roman bishop may, under certain cir-
cumstances, have been the centre of unity : what we
deny is, that he is always the centre of unity in such a
sense, that whoever is separated from his communion
is necessarily cut off from the catholic church. This is
the doctrine still maintained by the whole body of
Roman theologians, and by all members of the Roman
obedience. Communion with the Roman see is to
^ Tournely, De Ecclesia, t. ii. ' Bailly, Tract, de Eccl. Cliristi,
p. 200, &c. t. u. p.246.
SECT. 11. J Home not the ("ciitrc of Ihiihf. .j-29
them the test of catholic unity ; whoever does not
possess that communion, is necessarily in their opinion
a heretic or a schismatic. This doctrine of the centre
of unity is even taught as de fide by their theologians ;
so that it is not permitted even to doubt, whether
the Roman communion comprises the whole catholic
church.
Certainly this evinces great determination to uphold
the doctrine in question : it is indeed a point of vital
importance to the modern Roman system, the very
key-stone of the structure which has been so ingeniously
erected. This principle being once firmly rooted, it is
impossible that the claims of any catholic churches,
beyond the Roman communion, can be investigated,
except under an invincible prejudice ; it must be in
fact superfluous to examine their claims at all : they
must be condemned without hearing, and the only
exertion must be, to convince them of the danger of
their position, and to bear down their arguments by all
means. There cannot, therefore, be a more effective
engine for sustaining the present system of the Roman
communion.
I. But, while we allow full credit to the Roman
theologians for their clear sightedness to the import-
ance of this doctrine, we cannot equally applaud their
consistency with reference to it. If communion with
the Roman see be, as they say, absolutely and simply
necessary, so that he who is separated from it, is cut
off from the catholic church of Christ, the Roman
pontilT must be infallible in defining controversies of
faith ; because it is not to be believed that God would
impose the absolute necessity of communicating with
him otherwise. It follows equally, that he nuist have
absolute power in ecclesiastical affiiirs ; for if he inforces
VOL. II. M m
530 Home not the Centre of Unity. [p. vii. ch. v.
any thing- under the jienalty of excommunication it
must be obeyed. It also follows that he cannot fall
into heresy, even when not defining- CcV cathedra ; be-
cause no one can be entitled to forsake his communion.
It follows equally, that he can do no wrong to churches
or individuals : that no churches can have a right to
dispute any mandate whatever, if enforced under the
penalty of excommunication ; even that kings and
nations must obey whatever he may please to dictate
in temporal matters. In short, the pontiff must be
invested with supreme and absolute power over the
whole church and the whole world, as the Ultramon-
tanes contend, if his communion be always and abso-
lutely the test of catholic unity. It was this principle
in fact, which enabled the Roman pontiffs to become
not merely patriarchs, but metropolitans, and even
bishops of the whole west. It was this principle that
separated the Latin churches from the communion
of the Eastern, and of the British churches. It was
this that made the Roman pontiffs, at one time, the
feudal sovereigns of half Europe, and the virtual em-
perors of the west. And with what face, with what
consistency, can those who object to these results and
conclusions, maintain the principle from which they
are inevitably derived ? There never was a greater
inconsistency than that of the Galilean church, of
Bossuet, Launoy, Tournely, Bailly, Trevern, Bouvier,
&;c. who hold that the Roman pontiff is always and
absolutely the centre of unity, so that those who are
not in his communion are cut off from the catholic
church, and yet deny or doubt that he is infallible,
and absolute in spirituals and temporals. Nor is this
inconsistency limited to these writers : for the Ultra-
montanes tolerate their opinions ; and thus admit, that
SECT. J I.] Jtovic Not till'. Centre of Unity. 5:31
tlje infallibility and absolute power of the pope is not
de fide, that it may be disputed in the catholic church ;
and yet have the confidence to assert that the commu-
nion of the Roman pontiff is absolutely necessary to
every part of the catholic church. How is it possible
that, if the pontiff may fall into error in faith, his com-
munion must always be necessary ? How can it be
always and absolutely necessary, if he may make regu-
lations in spirituals and temporals under penalty of
excommunication, which churches are not bound to
obey ? If churches are justified in refusing unreason-
able demands of the Roman pontiff; if they are justi-
fied in preserving their own liberties, and the sacred
canons ; if they are entitled to defend the christian
truth supported by scripture, tradition, and the decrees
of oecumenical synods, even against the Roman pon-
tiff; then they are still churches of Christ, although
that prelate should have excommunicated them ; and
though other churches, under an exaggerated opinion
of the necessity of obeying him, should view them as
blameable or even heretical.
II. I have already shown that there is no sufficient
proof that the Roman pontiff is by divine right the
successor of St. Peter ; but the absolute necessity of
being in his communion, rests entirely on this sup-
position.
III. The catholic church has never judged commu-
nion with the Roman pontiff ahvays and absolutely
necessary. The bishops of Asia were acknowledged
as brethren by the rest of the church, though Victor
separated them from his communion. St. Cyprian
and the African bishops did not cease to be catholics
though pope Stephen excommunicated them ; and St.
Firmilian declared to that prelate, that so unjust an
. jNI m 2
532 Ilo)ne not the Centre of Unity . [\\ vii. en. v.
excommunication only separated its author from catho-
lic unity. Meletius, bishop of Antioch, was not in
communion with Damasus, and yet he was acknow-
ledged by all the eastern church ; and was afterwards
accounted a saint by the church generally. Atticus of
Constantinople, and St. Hilary of Aries, were respec-
tively not in communion with Innocentius and Leo of
Rome, and yet no one doubts their communion with
the catholic church. And " who," says Du Pin, " would
dare to say that Athanasius and the rest were schis-
matics, and the Arians in the church, because Liberius
admitted the latter to his communion, and rejected the
former '"" V Therefore the Roman pontiff is not the
centre of unity in such a sense, that whoever is separa-
ted from his communion is cut off from the catholic
church. This in fact must be admitted after all by
Romanists. Delahogue says : " It is to be observed,
that the centre of unity, though necessary to the
church, may be interrupted, in that respect' by which all
catholics are united by the same visible bond of commu-
nion ; for during forty years of the great western
schism, various competitors for the pontificate had
their respective obediences ; and each of them excom-
municated those which did not adhere to them. But
we have proved that none of these obediences were
schismatical ''." Hence it is plain that Romanists can-
not affix the charge of schism on any church merely
from ihefact of its not being in the Roman commu-
nion. Would they in reality themselves submit to
any regulations whatever in ecclesiastical affairs, that
the Roman pontiff should choose to make, provided that
they were enforced under penalty of excommunication ?
* See Vol. I. p. 222. " Delahogue, De Eccl. Christi, p. 393.
OBJECT.] Rome not the Centre of U/iifi/. 53:3
We know perfectly well that they would not : and
therefore they cannot condemn any church from the
mere Jad of its being separated from the papal com-
munion.
OBJECTIONS.
I. Irenseus says, "To this (Roman) church, on ac-
count of her superior principality, every church must
resort, that is the faithful everywhere ; in which church
the apostolical tradition was always preserved by them^"
Therefore communion with the Roman church was
necessary.
Answer. Irenseus says the necessity of resorting to
the Roman church, arose from "the principality" or
pre-eminence of that church : but he does not say that
this pre-eminence is of divine institution : therefore he
does not teach that the necessity of resorting to that
church is of divine institution.
II. Cyprian, in writing to Cornelius of Rome, says,
that "the unity of the catholic church" is to be found
in his communion "*. ^
Answer. It was so : for Cornelius was the bishop of
the catholic church at Rome, while Novatian was
bishop of the schismatics. Therefore the communion
of Cornelius was that of the catholic church.
III. Ambrose says that his brother Satyrus, when
near his death, inquired of the bishop whom he had
sent for in order to receive baptism, "whether he
agreed with the catholic bishops, that is, with the
Roman church ^ f"
Answer. The Roman church was, at that time, the
«= Irenseus, adv. Haeres. lib. •" Atnbros. Liber de Excessii
iii. c. 3. Fratris. n. 47.
^ Cyprian. Epist. 45. 52.
,0,34 Rome not the Centre of Unify. [part vii.
principal orthodox church ; Satyrus mentioned it, not
as the centre of unity by divine institution ; but in
order to designate more particularly the faith \vhich he
ajtproved.
IV. Jerome Avrote to pope Damasus : " I am of the
communion of your holiness, that is of the chair of
Peter : on that rock I know the church is built. Who-
ever eateth the lamb beyond that house is profane. I
know not Vitalis, Meletius I reject, Paulinus is un-
known to me. Whoever gathereth not with thee,
scattereth ^"
Answer. These were three rival bishops at Antioch,
each of whom seemed not without a reasonable claim.
In this perplecvity, Jerome wrote from Syria to Dama-
sus, with whom the whole catholic church communi-
cated at that time, to enquire which of these bishops
was acknowledged by him; as this would determine
which was in communion with the catholic church, and
therefore which ought to be acknowledged ^ This is
the real meaning of Jerome's complimentary expres-
sions to Damasus.
V. Optatus argues with the Donatists that, " an
episcopal chair was first conferred on St. Peter in the
city of Rome, ... in which all should preserve unity,
lest the other apostles might each claim it for them-
selves ; so that whoever should set up a chair against
the one chair, should be a schismatic and an offender.
It was in this one chair, which is the first of the gifts
of the- church, that St. Peter first sat ;" to whom others
succeeded till Damasus, " who is now our colleague,
with whom all the world is united with us in the
' Hieronymus, Epist. xiv. ad ^ See Fleury, Hist. Eccl. liv.
Damas. ' xvii. sect. 29.
CHAP. VI.] Leyitimate Authority of Rome. .535
same communion, keejjing correspondence by circular
letters ''."
Answer. It is not denied, that S. Optatus in arguino-
against the Donatists as to the " cathedra" which they
admitted to be one of the gifts of the church, refers to
the chair of Peter at Rome as constituting the centre
of unity in the catholic church. It was so in fact at
that time, and had very long been so. But Optatus
does not affirm that it was in such a sense the centre
of unity, that whatever churches should be at any time
separated from its communion must be schismatic or
heretic. It may be added, that the argument of this
holy bishop alone, is quite insufficient to establish an
article of faith, or even to render a doctrine probable.
CHAPTER VI.
ON THE LEGITIMATE AUTHORITY OF THE ROMAN SEE.
#
Though it has been shown that the bishop of Rome
has not by divine or human right any -^Yo^ev jurisdiction
over the universal church, it would be equally unjust
to that see, to the primitive church, and to ourselves,
to deny or diminish the ancient legitimate privileges of
the chair of St. Peter.
While all bishops are alike successors of the apostles,
it cannot be denied that the bishops of metropolitan
and patriarchal sees have influence and authority in the
church generally, in proportion to the dignity of their
'' Optatus, Lib. ii. De Schism. Donatist.
■J'3G Legitimate Authority of Rome. [part vii.
churches : and therefore the bishop of the elder Rome
being bishop of the principal church, and being the
first of the patriarchs, could not fail to have more au-
thority amongst his colleagues, the catholic bishops,
than any other prelate. The exalted station in which
the providence of God had placed him, imposed on him
a special obligation of exhorting his brethren to the
observance of the sacred canons, and of resisting the
progress of heresy by formal condemnations.
These acts of the Roman bishop might extend to the
whole church. He might transmit such decrees in
faith and morals to all bishops for their approbation.
Such decrees ought to have been received with respect,
though no bishop was bound to approve or act on
them, unless they appeared conformable to the doctrine
of the universal church.
It was not unreasonable that the Roman patriarch
should make regulations in discipline for particular
churches, when consulted and requested to do so by
those churches : he might even make such regulations
unsolicited, provided it were understood that it was in
the way of counsel or admonition, not in that of precept
or command.
The authority of the Roman see rendered it fitting
that in matters of controversy concerning the doctrine
or unity of the whole church, the see of St. Peter
should not be neglected ; but that its aid should be
sought to re-establish order and peace.
In cases of extreme danger and necessity all catholic
bishops are authorized to dispense, even with the laws
of oecumenical synods. This privilege therefore could
not be refused to the Roman bishop ; and the authority
of his see would even give his dispensation greater
weight than that of other bishops. Hence would
CHAP. VI.] Leyit'unate Autliority of Home. 5.')7
follow the expediency of obtaining that disj)ensation in
some cases, where bishops desired some authority in
addition to their own.
AYhenever the bishop of Rome was actually in com-
munion with the universal church, he would naturally
be the centre of unity, because of his authority in the
universal church, which would lead churches in every
part of the world to communicate with him on many
occasions ; and thus churches remote from each other
would be united by means of their intercourse with a
common centre. But, when the universal church is
divided, and a great part is not in communion with the
Roman see, it ceases to be the centre of unity.
Such are the privileges naturally flowing from, or
connected with the precedence of the Roman patriarch
in the universal church : privileges which were not
merely honorary, but which were calculated for the
edification, not the subjugation of the church. In
these privileges there was nothing of jurisdiction or
coercive power ; they arose not from divine institution,
but were founded on reason, and on christian charity.
Happy would it have been, if this venerable and apo-
stolical see had not afterwards transgressed its rightful
authority, and assumed powers which disturbed the
unity and subverted the discipline of the church. But
on this I shall speak more fully hereafter.
538 Patriarchate of Rome. [part vii.
CHAPTER VII.
ON THE PATRIARCHATE OF ROME.
Trevern and other writers have pretended, that the
British churches formed part of the Roman patriarchate;
and therefore that the reformation of these churches
being effected without the consent of their patriarch,
was irregular and schismatical. Let us therefore con-
sider briefly the real extent of the patriarchate of
Rome.
I maintain that this patriarchate extends legiti-
mately to the regions included in the ancient Roman
suburbicarian provinces of Tuscia, Umbria, Valeria,
Picenum, Latium, Samnium, Apulia, Calabria, Lu-
cania, Brutia, with the islands of Sicily, Sardinia, Cor-
sica, and others adjoining ; and that it does not include
the northern provinces of Italy, Africa, France, Spain,
Germany, Britain, or any of the other northern and
eastern churches.
I. The controversy has turned chiefly on the sixth
canon of the synod of three hundred and eighteen
fathers at Nice ; or rather, on the version of it by
Rufl[inus, which is as follows : " That in Alexandria,
and the city of Rome, the ancient custom be pre-
served, so that the one take the care of the Egyptian,
CHAP. VII.] Patriarchate of Home. 539
the other of the mbiirbicarian churches \" Tlie ancient
Latin version published by Sirmond and Justel also ex-
plain the power of the Roman see, confirmed by this
canon, to relate to the suburbicarian provinces ''.
Benedict XIV. in his treatise " De Synodo Dio-
coesana," says, that Schelstrate, Pagius, Carolus a S.
Paulo, and others commonly, understand by the term
" suburbicarian churches," not merely the province of
Rome, but all the regions of the ivest, Mhich obeyed the
Roman pontiff as their patriarch ; " since it is clear
from the context, that the council of Nice and Ruffinus
speak not of the metropolitical, but of the patriarchal
right ^"
Since therefore it is agreed that the clause refers to
the patriarchate of Rome, let us now see its more par-
ticular meaning. To suppose that the term " suburbi-
carian" means " all the ivest,'' is an absurdity. We
might just as reasonably say that it signifies " the ivhole
world.'" Tlie etymology of the term suggests evidently
the notion of vicinity to Rome. By Gothofred, Sal-
masius, and Cave it is understood to be here applied
to the churches within the civil jurisdiction of the
" Prafcctus Urbis," that is, within a hundred miles
round the city. Sirmond, Bingham, and others, with
more reason suppose the term to signify the churches
within the district of the " Vicarizis Urbiciis,''' extending
over the ten provinces of Italy and the islands enume-
rated above "*.
It appears from the Notitia, and from other sources
" " Ut apud Alexandriam, et ^ See Bingham, Antiquities,
in urbe Roma, vetusta consue- book ix. c. 1.
tudo servetur, ut vel ille iEgypti, '^ Benedict XIV., De Synodo
vel hie Suburbicariarum ecclesi- Dicecesana, lib. ii. c. 2.
arum sollicitudinem gerat." — '' Bingham, Antiquities, ut
Ruffin. Hist. Eccl. lib. i. c. 6. supra.
540 Patriarcliute of Rome. [part vir.
consulted by Bingham, that the sees of these provinces
were very numerous, amounting- to about 240, of which
110 were immediately related to the bishop of Rome
as their metropolitan ; while the remainder, though
under their own metropolitans, were also in many re-
spects subject to the power of the Roman see. Such
is the real extent of the patriarchate of Rome, which
gave that see a great authority in the catholic church.
This conclusion is confirmed by the sentiments of the
most learned Roman theologians. Fleury, in allusion
to the extensive correspondence of Gregory the great
on matters of discipline, says, ".St. Gregory did not
enter into this detail, except for the churches which
depended particularly on the holy see, and which for
this reason they termed suburbicarian : that is to say,
those of the southern part of Italy, wdiere he was the
ionly archbishop ; and those of Sicily and the other
islands, although they had metropolitans. But we do
not find that he exercised the same immediate power
in the provinces dejjendant on Milan and Aquileia,
nor in Spain or Gaul ^" Thomassin also understands
the word " suburbicarian" to relate only to Italy and the
adjacent islands '. Dr. O'Conor says, that " as patri-
arch, the pope's jurisdiction did not interfere with that
of the patriarchs of Milan or of Aquileia, so that they
who have dubbed him patriarch of all the western
world, are quite ignorant of ecclesiastical history^."
Du Pin proves at length that the Roman patriarchate
does not extend beyond the suburbicarian provinces of
Italy and the islands, and refutes the various argu-
* Fleury, Hist. Eccl. liv. viii. s. 14.
s. 41. ^ O'Conor, Letter iii. of Co-
^ Thomassin. Vet. et Nov. Iiimbanus.
Eccl. Discipl. t. i. lib. i. c. 8.
CHAP. VII.] Patridrcliufi- of Uoini'. 541
iiieiits adduced to tlie coiitniry by many other Roman
theologians ''.
II. The Roman bishop did not, for many centuries,
exercise the powers of a patriarch in the western
churches generally. According to Thomassin, pres-
byter of the Oratory, the privileges of a patriarch were
as follows. First, to ordain all the metropolitans of
their patriarchate, and many of the bishops ; secondly,
to judge those metropolitans ; thirdly, to receive the
appeals of bishops from metropolitans, and even those
of presbyters and deacons ; fourthly, to assemble councils
of those subject to their patriarchate. From this it
may be concluded that the Roman patriarchate does
not extend beyond Italy and Sicily, for the following
reasons '.
1. There is no instance of the metropolitans of Africa
being ordained by the papal authority. On the con-"^
trary, it is plain that the bishops of Carthage were
ordained by the synod of Africa. De Marca, arch-
bishop of Paris, has proved that it was the ancient
right of the Gallican and Spanish churches to ordain
their own metropolitans, without reference to any fo-
reign authority \ Even the archbishop of Milan was
not ordained by the Roman pontiff, but by the bishop
of Aquileia '.
2. The canons attribute the judgment of all bishops
without exception to the provincial synods ; and we do
not find that the Roman pontiff during the early ages,
either claimed or exercised any peculiar right of judging
the metropolitans of the west.
*> Du Pin, De Antiq. Eccl. ^ De Marca de Concord. Sa-
Discipl. Dissert, i. § 11. 14. cerdot. et Imperii, lib. iv. c. 4.
■ Thomassin.' t. i. lib. i. c. 9. ' De Marca, lib. vi. c. 4. n. 7,
s. 12—14. 8.
542 Patriarchafi; of Rome. [p. vii. cif. vii.
3. That the patriarch of Rome had no riglit to re-
ceive appeals from Africa, appears by the case of Api-
arius, whom Zozimus pretended to absolve from the
excommunication of an African synod ; on which it was
decreed by the African church, and renewed again
more than once, that wlioever should appeal from the
African synod to Rome, should be excommunicated.
Baluzius proves that for eight hundred years the Gal-
ilean churches permitted no appeals to the Roman
patriarch "'.
4. Though the bishops of Rome assembled many
synods in the course of the first six centuries, we do
not find a single example of their summoning all the
bishops of the west to a patriarchal synod. Their
synods consisted always of the bishops of Italy ; and
were never attended by those of Africa, Gaul, Spain,
^'Germany, Illyricum, Britain ; unless by chance one or
two happened to be present in the city.
Gregory the great himself was sensible that it might
be alleged that Spain was not within the Roman patri-
archate ; for in an epistle to the Spanish bishops, having
quoted an imperial law commanding certain causes to
be referred to the metropolitan or the patriarch of the
diocese, he continues : " If against this it be alleged,
that he has no metropolitan or patriarch : it must be said,
that the cause is to be heard and decided by the aposto-
lical see, the head of all churches "."
III. We may conclude then, that the patriarchate of
Rome does not extend beyond the limits of Italy and
'" Baluzii Praefat. ad Anton, quia a sede apostolica, quae om-
August. lib. de emnndatione nium ecclesiarum caput est, causa
Gratiani. haec audienda ac dirimenda fue-
" " Contra hsec si dictum fue- rat." — Gregorius Magnus, Epist.
rit, quia nee metropolitam habuit lib. ii. ep. 50.
nee patriarcham ; dicendiim est
10
OBJFXT.] PatriarcJiatc of Home. 543
the adjoining islands^ because no patriarchal rights
were exercised beyond them by the Roman pontiffs for
many centuries. For it is in vain to allege, as the
Ui tramontanes do, that the Roman see did not ed^ercise
its rightful privileges, or that the confusions of the
times may have interfered with them. History shows
that these prelates have been always but too anxious to
exercise and to extend their jurisdiction.
With regard to the British churches in particular, it
has been shown by Stillingfleet and others °, that there
is no evidence that the Roman pontiif ever exercised
any acts of patriarchal jurisdiction in them, or that they
form any part of the Roman patriarchate : but these
proofs are needless, for if so many other provinces of
the west, much nearer to Rome, were not under its
jurisdiction, it is not credible that our provinces should
have been so.
OBJECTIONS.
1. Schelstrate P, in reply to Stillingfleet, adduces the
letter of the synod of Aries to pope Sylvester, in a. d.
314, which consisted of bishops from Africa, Gaul,
Spain, Italy, and Britain, in which it is said: " Placuit
etiam antequam a te qui majores dioeceses tones, per te
potissimum omnibus insinuari," or, as corrected by Du
Perron, " Placuit etiam, haec juxta antiquam consuetu-
dinem, a te, qui majores dioeceses tenes, per te potis-
simum omnibus insinuari," implying an acknowledgment
that the bishop of Rome held the " greater dioceses."
These greater dioceses Schelstrate says, must mean the
civil dioceses of the Roman empire. These dioceses
° Stillino-fl. Orig. Brit. See Auctoritate Patriarchali et Me-
Vol. I. p. 482. tropolitica, Romae, 1687.
i" Schelstrate, Dissertatio de
544 Patriarchate of Borne. [i'Akt vii.
were thirteen, z?/^. Macedonia, Dacia, Italy, Illyricum,
Africa, Gaul, Spain, and Britain, in the west ; and
Egypt, the Oriental, Asia, Pontus, and Thrace, in the
east ; and hence Schelstrate supposes that the greater
dioceses referred to by the synod, must mean the
western dioceses of Italy, Africa, Gaul, Britain, &c.
A?iswer. There is no proof that the word ' dioeceses'
was, so early as 314, applied to the civil dioceses, or that
Constantine had yet formed those dioceses. Schelstrate
himself produces no evidence of their existence until
about the time of the council of Nice in 325 ^ when
Constantine, having lately subdued Licinius, and ob-
tained possession of the whole empire, may probably
have instituted this arrangement.
We find, indeed, the term 'dioecesis' generally ap-
plied before the synod of Aries to the ordinary pro-
vinces of the Roman empire. Schelstrate himself
quotes Onuphrius Panvinus, saying that in the time
of the emperor Hadrian, " there were seventeen pro-
vinces or dioceses in Italy and its islands "." He might
have added that Strabo, in the time of Tiberius,
observed that Phrygia, and other regions of Asia, were
divided into 'dioceses' by the Romans ; and that the
' diocese' of Cybara was the greatest in Asia''. Cicero
mentions three ' dioceses' of Asia % and speaks of " all
the dioceses" between mount Taurus and Cilicia'. Hence
it is plain that the term had been applied long before
the synod of Aries, to the ordinary Roman province,
^ Schelstrate, p. 62. '' Id. lib. iii. epist. ix. " Quid
•^ Ibid. p. 63. enim erant, &c. . . . ut me om-
^ Strabo, lib. xiii. p, 432. iiium illarum dioecesium, quae cis
*^ Cicero, lib. xiii. ad famil. Taurum sunt, omniumque earum
Epist. Ixvii. " Ex provincia mea magistratus legationesque con-
Cilicienci, cui scis tres SioiKrjrrei^ venirent."
Asiaticas attributas fuisse."
CHAP. VII.] Pafriarr/iafe of Borne 5-1.5
or some smaller division ; so that we may most j)roba-
bly understand the expression " majores diceceses" to
refer to those Italian provinces subject to the Roman
patriarchate, the term 7?iaJores being taken positively
for "magnas," and doubtless those provinces might
well be called great, since they were the richest and
most populous in the whole world, and comprised about
240 bishoprics.
II. The British bishops, at all events, with the rest
of the synod of Aries, acknowledged the papal power
of receiving appeals from all parts of the world ^
Ansiver. I. This can have no relation to the patriar-
chal power of Rome; because no one pretends that
the Roman patriarchate extends over the whole world.
2. There was no acknowledgment of the papal power
of receiving appeals ; but the right of desiring the
cause to be re-heard, was here conferred on the bishop
of Rome ; a privilege, how^ever, which was never ac-
knowledged by the eastern church, and which did not
take effect for several centuries in the west, as Du Pin
has shown '.
III. Pelagius, after being accused of heresy at synods
in the east, permitted his cause to be referred to the
Roman pontiff, which he would not have done, if the
Roman pontiff had not had authority in Britain \
Answer. Pelagius had preached his heresies in Italy
and the east, therefore he was law^fully subject to the
cognizance of synods and bishops in those regions. He
did not appeal from a British synod to Rome, but from
an oriental synod.
IV. The bishops of Spain, Gaul, and Africa, often
consulted the Roman see in difficult cases, and re-
" Schelstrate, p. 94. Discipl. Dissert, ii.
' Du Pin, De Antiqua Keel. " Schelstrate, p. 95.
VOt. II. J^ "
54G Fafriarehatf: of Rome. [part vii.
ceived decretal epistles from them. Therefore they
must have been within the Roman patriarchate.
Atiswer. Poly carp of Smyrna, Dionysius of Alexan-
dria, and many other bishops of the east, either re-
sorted to Rome, or wrote to consult the bishop of
Rome in difficult cases : but no one pretends that any
part of the east was within the Roman patriar-
chate. Such applications merely implied respect for the
Roman see, and confidence in the wisdom of its judg-
ments.
V. Pope Siricius and his successors made the bishops
of Thessalonica their vicars in Illyricum : Zosimus and
his successors appointed the bishops of Aries vicars in
France. Leo made Potentius vicar in Africa. Sim-
plicius and his successors made the bishops of Seville
vicars in Spain. Gregory made Augustine vicar in
Britain. Therefore these provinces were all within
the Roman patriarchate.
AnMver. Pope Theodore sent a vicar into Palestine;
JVlartin commissioned another for the east. Gregory
Vri. gave the pallium to the Latin patriarchs of the
east : yet no one will pretend that these churches were
within the patriarchate of Rome. Therefore the ap-
pointment of vicars in various countries of the west is
no proof that the bishop of Rome was patriarch of
those countries ; but without doubt the pontiff's endea-
voured by these means to acquire jurisdiction, and
gradually succeeded ; though it may be most reasonably
denied that they did so under pretence of any right as
patriarch ; their claim being usually founded on their
primacy in the church.
CHAP. VIII.] Progress of the Papid Domination, oAl
CHAPTER VIII.
ON THE PROGRESS OF THE POWER OF THE ROMAN
PONTIFF.
I HAVE already spoken of the various causes which
from the beffinnino: conferred on the church of Rome
the chief place amongst christian churches. The num-
ber of its clergy and people, its wealth and charity, its
apostolical origin, the purity of its faith, the greatness
and dignity of the city of Rome, conspired to elevate
this apostolical see in the estimation of the whole
church. Hence from an early period many churches
of Italy, and the adjoining isles, acknowledged the
bishop of Rome as their patriarch ; and his patriarchal
privileges were confirmed by the oecumenical synod of
Nice. The same causes which induced so many
churches to subject themselves to the jurisdiction of
Rome, led the remainder of the church throughout
the world to regard the Roman see with great re-
verence, and to ask for its aid on many occasions.
The power of that church arose naturally from the
honour paid to it ; and extended itself gradually, while
men were ignorant of the results which would follow,
and made no sufficient efforts to prevent them, by
establishing definite principles and limits of ecclesias-
tical jurisdiction. The immense fabric of the papal
domination was established by three powers, which
were slowly developed. First, the judicial power,
N n 2
548 Progress of tJie Papal Domination. [part vii.
secondly, the legislative power, and thirdly, the execu-
tive power. It was confirmed by the temporal power
of the popes, and by the monastic orders. These points
I shall now examine \
I. By the judicial power of the Roman see, I mean
the power of acting as supreme judge in all causes.
This power arose from appeals. It was very natural
that when bishops or clergy were deprived of their
benefices by the judgment of provincial synods, they
should sometimes apply to the greatest and most
powerful bishop of the universal church, in the hope of
persuading him to advocate their cause, and to use his
influence and authority for their restoration. Hence
we find applications made to the Roman see from
Spain in the third century, and in the fourth by S.
Athanasius, and other eastern bishops. The Roman
pontiffs always befriended those who thus sought their
aid, and though their judgment was not absolutely
binding, (having been rejected by the Spanish bishops,
and the Eastern in several cases,) yet its influence was
considerable ; and the benefit which it had procured
to the orthodox cause in contributing to the restora-
tion of Athanasius, led the bishops of the council of
Sardica, a. d. 343, to give somewhat of a formal and
legislative establishment to the judicial authority of
the Roman see. They decreed, that if any bishop
condemned by a provincial synod, should appeal to the
bishop of Rome, no successor should be ordained at
once, but that the bishop of Rome should have powder
* The principal authorities on Biblioth. des Auteurs ; Fieury,
which this review is founded are Discours sur I'HistoireEcclesias-
Barrow, Treatise on Pope's Su- tique ; De Hontheim ; Febronius ;
premacy ; Thomassin. Vet. et Koch, Tableau des Revolut. de
Nov. Eccl. Disciplina; Da Pin, I'Europe, t. i ; Van Espen, Jus
De Antiq. Eccl. Discipl. ; and Canonicum, &c.
CHAP. VI II.] ProgreKs of tlie Papal Domination. 549
to revise the cause, and, if he judged it reasonable, to
direct a new trial in the neighbouring province. This
canon, indeed, did not give the pontiff the power of
himself judging any bishop in his tribunal at Rome ;
but it was a great step, as it invested him with a cer-
tain power of taking cognizance of episcopal causes ;
and though the canon was not received by the Eastern
or the African churches, or generally in the west for
some ages, it laid a foundation on which gradually a
vast superstructure was raised. The emperor Valenti-
nian, about a. d. 372, contributed still further to the
same end, by issuing a decree that the bishop of Rome
should judge all other bishops in the Roman empire,
in order that they should not be brought before the
temporal courts. The bishops of Italy, assembled at
Rome about a. d. 379, returned their thanks to the
emperors Gratian and Valentinian for this decree, little
foreseeing the chains which they were forging for their
own necks.
We find the Roman pontiffs thenceforward urging
their claims at one time on the canon of Sardica, at
another on the principle of the law of Valentinian, at
another on the precedents in the case of Athanasius and
the Eastern bishops. Yet in many instances churches re-
fused to acknowledge these claims. Thus the African
churches rejected the right of hearing appeals claimed
by Pope Zosimus. The judgment of the pontiff was
rejected by the Galilean bishops in the case of Chelido-
nius, and of Salonius and Sagittarius, bishops who had
appealed from the decrees of Galilean synods. It was
rejected by the English bishops in the case of Wilfrid,
deposed from the see of York, and who had appealed
to Rome. Still from continual exercise and perseve-
rance, the pontifical power extended itself and acquired
partisans ; and in the ninth century pope Nicholas I.
550 Proyress of the Papal Dominatiun. [part vii.
maintained that the Roman pontiff had a right to take
immediate cognizance of all causes of bishops, even to
the exclusion of provincial synods, which had always
hitherto judged bishops according to the canons of the
universal church. To these canons were now opposed
the spurious decretals forged in the preceding century,
which were brought forward as the laws of the church
during its most primitive ages. Hincmar, archbishop
of Rlieims, and the Gallican bishops, in vain attempted
to deny the authenticity of these decretals. The age
was unable to distinguish the marks of their forgery,
and they established ere long in all the western church
the principle, that the pontiff was the immediate and
proper judge of all bishops whatever, with the power of
summoning them before his tribunal.
But the principle thus established was capable of
still further extension. The pontiffs accordingly claimed
the power of judging the causes of the inferior clergy^
whether already decided by local synods or not. Ni-
cholas I. in the ninth century, assumed the power of
reversing the judgments of synods in such cases : his
successors, and particularly Gregory VII. encouraged
direct applications from the clergy, and finally from the
laity in all causes whatever to the Roman see. In
fact the spurious decretals broadly and continually as-
serted this right. Several synods endeavoured in vain
to check these innovations : the tribunals of Rome
ultimately obtained all the emolument and power
arising from the judgment of almost all the ecclesias-
tical causes of Europe. The pontiff was acknowledged
in the thirteenth century, as the immediate and su-
preme judge of every christian.
II. The legislative power of the Roman see arose
from the consultations of bishops in difficult cases, and
from the practice of fraternal admonition.
CHAP. VIII.] Progress of the Papal Domination. 551
In the dispute concerning the time of keeping
Easter, Polycarp came to Rome to confer with Anice-
tiis on the affair, as presiding over the greatest see.
In the same manner Dionysius of Alexandria wrote to
consult Dionysius of Rome, on the case of one who
had partaken of the eucharist without having been
previously baptized. These references, though occa-
sionally, were not exclusively made to Rome. The
principal reason for which they were made, was that
Rome itself, being a great apostolical church, and being
visited by christians from all parts of the world, it
might be reasonably supj^osed that the apostolic doc-
trine and discipline was there preserved more j^ure than
elsewhere.
The pontiffs, with or without these applications, soon
began to assume the tone of command rather than that
of admonition. The epistle of Clement to the Corin-
thians, on occasion of schism in their church, was full
of fraternal exhortation ; but in the latter part of the
second century, Victor threatened the churches of
Asia with excommunication, if they did not adopt the
more usual rule of keeping Easter ; and in the third,
Stephen excommunicated the churches of Africa be-
cause they differed from the Roman custom in rebap-
tizing heretics. In both these cases, however, the
churches refused to yield obedience or submit to the
mandate of Rome. The practice of consulting this
apostolical see particularly prevailed in the west. We
possess a series of decretal epistles written by the
Roman bishops from the time of Siricius (in the latter
part of the fourth century,) either in reply to the
questions of the bishops of lUyricum, Spain, Gaul,
Africa, and at length Britain ; or even without any
such consultations. These epistles generally are in a
tone of autliovHy ; but the bishops to whom they were
552 Progress of tlie. Pupal Domination. [part vii.
addressed, did not for a long time consider themselves
bound to approve or act on them, unless they were
consistent with the customs and liberties of their
churches. In fact, even in the middle ages, many of
the papal decrees were not accepted by the churches
of France, Germany, England, &c. In the synod of
Rheims, about 990, Arnold, bishop of Orleans, pro-
tested that the new constitutions of the popes ought not
to prejudice the ancient laws of the church ; and that
if, through ignorance, fear, or passion, they depart from
justice, their decrees ought not to be feared. The
decretal epistles of the pontiffs were therefore not
generally considered absolutely binding for a long
time ; but still by continual exercise this power of
legislation increased, and the authoritative decretal
epistles of the pontiffs, being accepted by many churches,
formed a body of precedents, which gradually induced
the opinion that the pontiff" had the right to legislate
for all churches, (the consultation of the churches being
forgotten,) and that disobedience w^as unjustifiable, ex-
cept in extreme cases. In the eighth and ninth cen-
turies, the spurious decretals attributed to the early
popes, confirmed this impression; and the principles
laid dow^n in these decretals tended still more to con-
centrate all power of legislation in the Roman see, by
denying to synods the power of assembling and acting
without the papal authority. Accordingly whatever
synods were held in the west from the time of Gregory
VII. were under the direction and control of the papal
legates, who promulgated the laws in them. The
collection of canons (entitled Decretum,) made by Gra-
tian in the twelfth century, and which was immedi-
ately adopted by all the schools and universities of
Europe, established finally the authority of the spurious
decretals, and with them the legislative power of the
CHAP. VIII.] Proyress of the Pupal DoDunation. i).53
popes. Gratian even maintained that the pontift's were
not bound to obey the ancient canons, (which they had
however always swam to observe at their ordinations,)
and thus arose the opinion which spread generally in
the west, that the pontiif's power was without limits ".
Hence arose a multitude of laws subversive of the
ancient privileges and customs of churches, and of the
canons of the universal church. The pontiffs assumed
the power of absolving from all censures, and dis-
pensing with all regulations. In the thirteenth cen-
tury, they issued decrees reserving to themselves the
exclusive appointment to all bishoprics, abbeys, and
priories ; all dignities in cathedral and collegiate
churches ; and finally all benefices whatsoever, which
might become vacant during eight months of the year ;
termed menses papce. Even the remainder were sub-
ject to provisions, expectative graces, &c. by which the
pontiffs endeavoured to engross these appointments.
It is true that these reservations were not universally
executed, in consequence of the resistance of the tem-
poral sovereigns, and of some prelates ; but still they
prevailed to an astonishing extent. The pontiffs in
the fourteenth century imposed taxes at pleasure on
the clergy, under the name of supplies for the Cru-
sades, annates, tenths, &c. All these pretensions and
privileges were founded on the legislative power which
'^ Le Decret de Gratien acheva ces decretales pour etendre I'au-
d'afFermir et d'etendre I'autorite torite du Pa}oe, soutenant qu'il
des fausses decretales que Ton y n'etoit point soumis aux canons :
trouva semees partout : car pen- ce qu'il dit de son chef et sans
dant plus de trois siecles on ne en apporter aucune preuve d'au-
connoissoit point d'autres canons torite. Ainsi se forma dans
que ceux de ce recueil, on n'en I'eglise Latine une idee confuse
suivoit point d'autres dans les que la puissance du Pape etoit
ecoles et dans les tribunaux. sans homes, &c. — Fleury, Disc.
Gratien avoit meme encheri sur iv. sur I'Hist. Eccl.
554 Progress of the Papal Domination. [part vii.
the pontiffs had gradually acquired through the circum-
stances already alluded to.
III. A most important branch of the pontifical
authority was the executive power : the power of
not merely hearing appeals at Rome, or of enacting
laws for the western church ; but of deputing persons
to execute those laws and decisions in all parts of the
church. This power also arose gradually. It is not
till the latter part of the fourth century that we read
of vicars or legates of the Roman see. So highly was
the Roman see reverenced, and so great was its in-
fluence and weight in the church generally, that metro-
politans, and others who were desirous of maintaining
or increasing their authority, would gladly receive that
of the Roman see in confirmation of their own. Accord-
ingly we find that the bishops of Thessalonica, who
were anxious to maintain and extend their power over
Illyricum, were declared vicars of the apostolical see by
Damasus and Siricius, in the latter part of the fourth
century ; that Patroclus, bishop of Aries, received a
similar appointment for Gaul from Zosimus, in the
fifth century ; as did the bishop of Seville for Spain :
and the following ages added to the number of these
vicars of the apostolic see. In this manner the pon-
tiffs rendered the chief bishops of each country in the
west subservient to them ; and as the temper of the
times admitted, they increased their powers, or encour-
aged them to make inroads on the liberties of churches.
A custom thus supported by the chief bishops in each
country took firm root ; and as the pontiffs, in return
for the authority they communicated to their vicars,
exacted a reference of the more difficult cases to their
immediate tribunal, it tended to increase their juris-
diction.
CHAP. VIII.] Proi/ress of the Papal Dumination. 555
To these vicars the Roman pontiffs transmitted the
})allium or pall : an ornament which appears originally
to have been conferred by the emperors on the patri-
archs about the end of the fom'th century. It was
about A. D. 500, given by pope Symmachus to his vicar
or legate Caesarius of Aries. The pallium was after-
wards conferred by the pontiffs as a matter of the
highest favour, and often only at the earnest solicitation
of kings, on the various apostolical vicars or legates of
Aries, Seville, Canterbury, Mentz. It was sometimes
refused until the consent of the eastern emperor had
been obtained. The rareness of this privilege rendered
it extremely valuable and desirable in the eyes of the
western bishops aud metropolitans. It was conferred
on Siagrius, bishop of Autun, at the earnest request of
queen Brunechilda, by Gregory the great, and on Argli-
bert, bishop of Mans, in 685 ; but, with these two ex-
ceptions, none of the western bishops, except the vicars
of the apostolic see, received the pallium till the time
of pope Zacharias, about 743, when all the metropo-
litans of Gaul obtained it through the new regulations
introduced by Boniface, archbishop of Mentz. They
were however bound to solicit earnestly for the pall, and
were obliged to strengthen their applications by the
entreaties of the emperors and kings of France, and to
promise obedience to the pontiff before they could ob-
tain this highly-valued privilege. For a long time also
the pall was only conceded to those who went personally
to Rome to entreat the pontiff for it.
Gregory VII. prohibited metropolitans from ordain-
ing bishops or*clergy, or consecrating churches, until
they had obtained the pall. He also imposed on them,
as a condition of receiving it, an oath of strict obedience
to the apostolical see. His successors made it a source
of pecuniary profit. It is stated by Matthew Paris,
556 Progress of the Papal Domination. [part vii.
that in the time of Henry I. the archbishop of York
paid a sum equal to 10,000/. for his palL The metro-
politans of the west were, however, now completely
subjects to the pontiff, bound to obedience. It re-
mained to acquire a similar power over bishops ; and
this was effected in the end of the fourteenth and be-
ginning of the fifteenth century, when the pontiffs
obtained by means of reservations the power of ap-
])ointing to all bishoprics, or at least of confirming the
appointments to all, and imposed similar oaths of obe-
dience on the bishops, who thus became entirely subject
to the Roman see. Independently however of the
oaths and promises of obedience made by the prelates
to the Roman see, the appointment of vicars or legates
in great numbers, empowered to interfere in all the
affairs of particular churches, and to form the direct
channel of communication between the pontiff and the
churches generally, greatly established and consolidated
the fabric of Roman power. From the time of Gre-
gory VII. the number of legates was vastly increased,
and they became extremely burdensome to all the
churches.
IV. The temporal power of the popes arose indeed
very late, and was derived from their spiritual power ;
but it had so great an effect in strengthening the spi-
ritual power for some ages, that it merits our conside-
ration. I do not here refer to their authority as tem-
poral princes of a part of Italy, given to the Roman see
by Pepin, and confirmed by Charlemagne : but to that
power which enabled them to appoint and depose em-
perors and kings. •
The judgment of the Roman see was called for by
the Franks, when desirous of deposing the last of the
race of Merovingian kings to make room for Pepin.
80 great was the power of that church in the eleventh
CHAP. VIII.] Progress of the Papal Domination. 557
century, that the emperor Henry III. on his death bed
in 1056, recommended his son to the protection of the
pope and the church of Rome. The famous Gregory
VII., while yet a cardinal, engaged pope Nicholas II.
to make Robert Guiscard an ally and a vassal of the
Roman church. When elevated to the chair of St.
Peter, he assumed absolute power over emperors and
kings. He addressed exhortations to them on the
manner of governing their states ; and the emperor
Henry IV., having disobeyed a citation to Rome,
and in his anger caused the pontiff to be deposed
by an assembly of bishops at Worms, Gregory VII.
deposed him from the empire, absolved his subjects
from their allegiance, and finally succeeded in com-
pelling the emperor to make a most humble submission.
The pontiff afterwards, in setting up a rival emperor, re-
quired from him an oath of faithful obedience to the
pope. Gregory deposed Boleslaus, king of Poland, for
putting a bishop to death. He granted the regal dignity
to the duke of Croatia and Dalmatia, on condition of
his doing homage for his kingdom. He addressed
letters to all the sovereigns of Europe, claiming their
vassalage and obedience to the Roman see ; and several
were actually induced to acquiesce in this extraordinary
demand. In the succeeding ages we find several in-
stances of kings and princes becoming tributaries and
vassals to the Roman see. Arragon, Portugal, Naples,
Sicily, Provence, England, Scotland, and many other
countries, received the yoke. The pontiffs pretended
to confirm the election of emperors. Lothaire II. and
Otto sought their confirmation. Innocent II. and In-
nocent HI. took cognizance of disputed elections of
emperors. Gregory VII. and his successors deposed
the emperors Henry IV. in 1076, Frederick Barbarossa
in 1160, Henry the sixth in 1191, Otho the fourth in
553 Programs of the Papal Domination. [part vii.
1212, and Frederick the second in 1245. The king-
doms of England, France, Portugal, Norway, were
visited by similar calamities. In fine, from the ele-
venth to the middle of the fourteenth century, the
pontiffs were virtually the sovereigns of the west.
They held themselves entitled to interfere in all the
proceedings of civil as well as ecclesiastical authorities ;
to issue their commands to kings ; to annul their acts ;
to judge their differences ; to elevate some to the regal
dignity, and deprive others of it ; to take them under
the protection of the Roman see ; and to lay kingdoms
under interdict or excommunication in case of disobe-
dience to their commands. Nor was this all. The
pontiffs were enabled to direct a tremendous physical
force against any sovereign who might be disposed to
dispute their commands.
The crusades had been proclaimed by the Roman
pontiffs : and the influence at once of religious zeal,
and of profound reverence for the apostolic see, were
never more remarkably displayed, than in the array of
hundreds of thousands of men at their bidding, traversing
sea and land to recover the holy sepulchre. But these
crusades were speedily directed not only against infidels,
but against heretics and schismatics, or those who were
disobedient to the Roman see. Hence those monarchs
who w^ere disobedient to the pontiffs, were not only in
danger of excommunication, and of their subjects being
absolved from their allegiance ; circumstances which in
those ages were calculated to create serious disturb-
ances; but they were also to contemplate the possi-
bility of having a crusade proclaimed against them ; the
acquisition of their dominions being held out as a re-
ward to a successful invader.
There must certainly have been some grand radical
mistake in a system of opinion which could support
CHAP. VIII.] Progressof the Papal Domination. 559
such a power. That mistake consisted in supposing
that the pontiff was by divine right Head of the church,
and that communion with him was essential to sal-
vation. This principle once acknowledged, the pontiff
might accomplish anything by threats of excommuni-
cation. Tlie enormity of this system, however, and the
extravagant length to which it was carried, at length
caused its downfal, and at the same time contributed
most materially to dispose men for shaking off the
spiritual usurpations of the Roman see also. Yet
though the pontiffs did not possess all their former
power, we find them, even in the sixteenth century, ex-
communicating and deposing king Henry VIII. and
queen Elizabeth, and absolving their subjects from
allegiance.
V. The monastic system was so powerful a support of
the Roman see during the middle ages, and until a
comparatively recent period, that it merits a distinct
notice. The ancient monks of the order of St. Benedict
were a different class of men from those to whom I
allude. Until about the twelfth century all monasteries
w^ere under the jurisdiction of the bishops. The pontiffs
then began to exempt them from this jurisdiction,
and to render them directly dependent on themselves.
In the thirteenth century the four orders of Dominicans,
Franciscans, Augustinians, and Carmelites, were founded
in the west ; and soon becoming incredibly numerous,
and being exempted by the popes from the jurisdiction
of the bishops, and invested with powers which enabled
them often to compete successfully with the parochial
clergy for the confidence of the people, they became
the most devoted and most useful of the pontifical ad-
herents, and as their privileges were all derived from
tlie pope, it engaged them to magnify his power to the
utmost degree. The disputes between the secular clergy
560 Progress of the Papal Domination. [part vii.
and the friars and monks, or regular clergy, were con-
tinual, and have not yet ceased in the Roman com-
munion, though by a compromise the bishops were al-
lowed by the synod of Trent to superintend monasteries
in the character of delegates of the pope.
VI. The effect of all these causes was a vast change
in the ecclesiastical system of the western churches,
and the result, even after the reformation eftected by
the council of Trent, and the fall of the papal power,
may well startle any one who compares the power and
privileges of the pontiff at this moment, with that which
he enjoyed during the early ages of the church.
In the early ages, each provincial synod confirmed
and ordained its own metropolitan; now the pontiff
alone confirms all metropolitans, and issues his bull for
their ordination. Then every bishop, except in the
suburbicarian provinces, was elected by the clergy and
people, and confirmed and ordained by the metropolitan
and comprovincial bishops ; but now the pontiff nomi-
nates directly to many bishoprics, and confirms the nomi-
nations to bishoprics in all parts of the world. Then
there was not even an appeal from provincial synods to
the pontiff to revise the cause ; and now it is not neces-
sary to have recourse to a synod at all, but almost every
cause may be carried direct to Rome. In the early
ages of the church the pontiif had no immediate juris-
diction, beyond his own diocese, over clergy and laity ;
now he has a number of monasteries and exempt juris-
dictions in all dioceses immediately depending on him ;
and he grants indulgences, dispensations, and licenses,
which were originally granted by the bishops only.
For many ages the bishops made no engagements at
their ordinations except to teach the word of God and
obey the canons ; now they all swear implicit obedience
to the pope. There was then no obligation on all
CHAP, viii.] Progress of the PtijHtl Domination. 51)1
clergy to promise obedience to the pope, now all clergy
are bound to it by the creed of Pius IV. All the
powers and privileges wliich anciently belonged to the
bishops of each province in common, are now vested in
the Roman pontiff. They can no longer erect new or
suppress old bishoprics, translate bishops, make canons
without reference to the pontiff, decide controversies of
faith, approve new forms of prayer, judge bishops and
even metropolitans. All these, and many other powers
formerly possessed by provincial synods are now ab-
sorbed by the popes. In fine, every Romish bishop now
styles himself episcopus gratia AjwstoliccE Scdis, thus
acknowledging his powers to be conferred by and to
emanate from the Roman pontiff.
Such is the absorbing and universal power of the
Roman see even when its influence has sunk to the
lowest ebb. The Roman j)ontiff is more than primate
of his own Obedience. He exercises more than patri-
archal, more than metropolitical power over all his
churches. He acts as universal bishop : his interference
extends to the concerns of every individual : and the
bishops are only his vicars, his assistants, invested with
a portion of that power of which the plenitude resides
in him. Such is the theory, which is supported by the
practice of the Roman obedience for nearly eight cen-
turies : a theory opposed to all the tenor of scripture ;
to all the testimony of catholic tradition and of the
oecumenical synods.
That we should have escaped from this bondage, and
resumed the enjoyment of those liberties, and the bles-
sings of that pure faith, which Christ gave to his holy
church, ought to be to us a matter of wonder and of
gratitude to the Almighty. It should lead us also to
view with respect and sympathy those human agents,
VOL. II. o o
56-2 Progress of the Papal Domination. [part vii.
through whose endurance even to death, tlie great
work of our emancipation was accomplished. Grati-
tude will prompt us to excuse their infirmities, to make
allowance for their difficulties, to do justice to their
real merits : while reason and religion will teach us
carefully to avoid the danger of adopting the senti-
ments of mere men as the ultimate rule of our belief.
Yet our sense of divine favours to ourselves,
should be mingled with the deepest regret at the
divisions and the calamities of the churches of Christ,
especially under the Roman obedience : nor should we
ever exaggerate their errors, or render the breach
greater than it is. We cannot expect indeed that the
inveterate habit of domination in the Roman church
can be exchanged for the spirit of fraternal union ; or
that the impediments which it offers to the reunion of
all churches can be removed. But, while we bitterly
lament the state of Christendom, let us remember
that for these evils the catholic and apostolic churches
of this empire are in no degree responsible : and be-
lieving as we do most firmly, that the promises, the
grace, and the authority of Jesus Christ are with these
churches, and that with them rests the responsibility
of handing doM'n pure, and unshaken, the holy faith
of Jesus Christ, let us dwell iu tranquillity, on these
high and solemn considerations, and endeavour to fulfil
our duties in the sphere which God has appointed to
us.
I N D E X.
Absolution, a sacrament, according to
tlie church of England, i. 518; its
conditions, ii. 301.
Adoration of Christ in the eucbarist, i.
313; whether idolatrous, 314. 315.
Agapte, ii. 70, 71-
America, the church there, i. 305, 30G.
Annates, rightly suppressed in England,
i. 434.
Appeals to Roman see, rightly forhidden
in England, i. 437, 438; not custom-
ary in early times, ii. 512, &c.
Arianism, never overpowered the or-
thodox faith, ii. 175, 17(). l!>0-lf>9.
Article VI., its meaning, ii.4; its prin-
ciple defended, 4-22; its doctrine on
deductions from scripture defended,
33, &c.
XV I II., i. 19.
XIX., i. 37. 44. 316.
XX., i. 37. 227.
XXIV., i. 37.
XXVI., i. 37.
• XXXIII., i. 37.
XXXI v., i. 37; explained, i.
490 ; its princij)le maintained, ii.
G4-70.
Articles, thirty-nine, ii. 258-289 ; not
drawn up on a latitudinarian \\xm-
ciple, i. 520-522 ; of the Gallican
church, ii. 274-281.
Aut/iority of church, admitted by Dr.
Miltier to be held by the church of
England, i. 228. See Church.
Athanasian Creed, approved by the re-
formation, i. 98, 99.
Baptism makes us members of the
church, i. 140, 141. 409; of heretics,
ii. 26, 27. 72 ; trine immersion not
necessary, 72.
Basire, his reception in the eastern
church, i. 184, 185.
Bedel, ii. 355.
Bishoprics, number of, in the primitive
church, i. 204.
Blood, eating of, ii. 27.
Bossuet, conference between him and
Claude, ii. 85.
British Churches, their antiquity, i. 215,
21G; succession, 217; provide for
internal unity, 218, 219, 220; and
unity with the catholic church, 221 ;
never separated from the catholic
church, 221, 222; never excommu-
nicated by it, 224; preserve unity
of faith, 225 ; revere universal tra-
dition, 226. 492--504; diflerences of
doctrine between them and other
churches no proof of heresy, 231-
233 ; their doctrine as to sanctity,
234 ; their saints, 235 ; their catho-
licity, 237 ; the name of catholic be-
longs to them, 237, 238; their mi-
nistry apostolical, 239; slanderous
tales of papists, 240 ; are the true
cliurch of Christ in these realms,
242-244 ; contrast between their re-
formation and the origin of dissent,
415, 416; not responsible for the
character and conduct of Henry
VIII., &c., 427-431; free from all
scliism in suppressing jurisdiction of
the bishop of Rome, 442, 443; never
separated from the catholic church,
443-453; not schismatical for re-
fusing to send bishops to the synod
of Trent, 448, 449; their principle
opposed to scliism, 451 ; schism re-
torted on their adversaries, 453, &c. ;
their doctrine on the eucbarist, 526-
532.
British Reformation, not schismatical,
i. 432, &c. ; its essential principle,
451, 452; not founded in Erastian
principles, 461-477; schismatically
overthrown in tlie reign of iMary,
480. 483; restored in the reign of
0 O 2
564
INDEX.
Elizabeth, 484, &c. ; its principles
with regard to tradition and churcli
authority, 492-504 ; its variations in
doctrine and discipline free from all
heresy, 505-533.
Bucer, i. 514, 515, 516.
Bulls, for ecclesiastical promotions, law-
fully forbidden in England, i. 435.
Buonaparte, his concordate with Pius
VII., and proceedings in ecclesi-
astical affairs, i. 353-356.
Burnet, his opinion of transubstanti-
ation, i. 212.
Cully, his doctrine on the eucharist,
ii. 170.
Calvinists, not properly churches of
Christ, i. 382, &c.
Catholic, name of, belongs to English
churches, i. 237, 238 ; a sin to give
it to papists, 298.
Celibacy of the clergy, ii. 444-450.
Censures, ii. 297, &'c.
Ceremonies, removed at the I'eformation,
not all to be condemned, i. 517-
Cerularius, patriarcli of Constantinople,
his conduct, i. 186.
Chapters, their origin, ii. 402.
Chivrch, not a mere voluntary associ-
ation, i. 3. 4 ; perpetuity of, 5, &c. ;
salvation in it, 13, &c. ; doctrine of
its invisibility when invented, 35 ;
separation from it inexcusable, 61 ;
its catholicity acknowledged by dis-
senters, 58 ; its communion divided,
80 ; its unity in faith, not necessarily
perfect, 111, 112; its sanctity, 132,
&c. ; its universality, 148, &c. ; it is
derived from the apostles, how, 160;
its authority revered by the reforma-
tion, 363. 367. 374 382; its autho-
rity in matters of faith limited to
its proper objects, ii. 96; has a right
to judge in controversies of faith, 97-
101 ; the modes of her judgments,
102-105; conditions of ecclesiastical
judgments, 106-109; authority of
universal judgments of the church,
109-133; church need not possess
always an organized tribunal for
judging controversies, 133-135; her
authority in discipline and rites,
290-294 ; her discipline, 294-304 ;
original independence of the state,
316 ; her temporal establishment,
327-331.
Churches, particular, do not divide the
catholic church, i. 51 ; number of,
in the early ages, 204.
Circle, argument in a, ii. 84.
Civil Constitution of the French clergy,
i. 350-353.
Claude, conference between liim and
Bossuet, ii. 85.
Clerks, ii. 409.
Communion, in both kinds, i. 450. 517-
544 ; ii. 71 ; doctrine of the synod
of Constance, 231, 232.
Concordate between Buonaparte and
Pius VII., founding the new Galil-
ean church, i. 353, &c.
Confession, not condemned by the Brit-
ish cliurches, i. 518, 519.
Confirmation, ii. 71-
Controversy, right of suppressing it, ii.
266-272.
Convocations, submission of the clergy
with reference to them, justified, i.
466. 467 ; their origin and nature,
ii. 356-361.
Council, see Synod.
Courayer, ii. I7O.
Cranmer, his veneration for tradition
and the catholic church, i. 495, 496;
his doctrine on the eucharist how ex-
cused, 512, 513; his conduct justi-
fied with respect to the oath, 535-
538 ; free from dissimulation, 538-
544 ; excused for his opinions on or-
dination, 544, 545; other unjust im-
putations, 546-548.
Creed oiViws IV., why unlawful to be
subscribed, i. 318.
Deacons, ii. 404, &c.
Deaconnesses, ii. 70.
Declaration of the Gallican church in
1682, ii. 274-281.
Degradation, ii. 300.
Departed, the, prayer for them, i. 518 ;
ii. 72.
Des Cartes, his doctrine on the eucha-
rist, ii. 169.
Des Gabets, ii. 170.
Deprivation of bishops by the temporal
power, i. 477 ; ii- 347 ; in the reign
of Elizabeth justified, i. 485, &c.
Discipline, what is lawful, ii, 64-70 ;
what is variable and what invariable,
70-75.
Dispensations from the Roman pontiff
lawfully forbidden in England, i.
439
Dissent, what it is, i. 52 ; founded in
schism and heresy, and cut off from
the church of Christ, 399-404 ; a-
dopts and fosters schism on prin-
ciple, 406 ; has no protection against
heresy, 407; is merely human, 407,
408; alters the discij)line of Jesus
Christ, 409, 410; causes hypocrisy
or vanity, 411, 412; self-condemned,
412, 413; not apostolical, 413-415;
contrast between the reformation of
INDEX.
505
the British churches, and tlic origin
of dissent, 415, 41G.
Dissenters, inconsistent in attacking
the church on the point of the regal
supremacy, i. 259, 2G0 ; and on sub-
scription to creeds and articles, 2C3 ;
and on defective discipline, 265; and
on the use of rites and discijiline not
mentioned in scripture, ii. (>!).
Donatists, their heresy, i. C2 ; schism,
67.
Doyle, his sentiments of the church of
England, i. 232.
Dii Pin, his sentiments as to the ne-
cessity of communion with Rome, i.
222. 284.
Durand, his doctrine on the eucharist,
ii. 225.
Ecclesiastical courts, ii. 297- 304.
Elevation of the eucharist, when intro-
duced, i. 311 ; its meaning, 312, 313.
Ems, synod of, its proposal for eccle-
siastical reform 1785, i. 334.
Episcopate, instituted by the apostles, ii.
377-388 I obligatory on ail churches,
389.
Errors, not always heretical, i. 104, &c.
Eucharist, see Real Presence. Idolatry.
Water.
Eutychians, see Monophysites.
Excommunication, conditions requisite
to, i. 65, C6, 67- 103; various sorts
of it, 84 ; not given to the king,
466 ; ii. 326 ; the greater, 298 ; les-
ser, 299 ; ipso facto, ib.
Eybel, condemned by Pius VI., is pro-
tected by Joseph II., i. 334.
Faith, matters of, what, i. 104; rela-
tion of the church to it, ii. 76, &c. ;
may be founded on human testimony,
79. 81 ; divine and human faith, 80 ;
resolution of faith, 82 ; act of faith
in scripture possible on human testi-
mony, 83; faith not necessarily found-
ed on examination, 88, 89.
Fasting, i. 250.
Fathers, arguments against them no-
ticed, ii. 49-63.
France, origin and progress of Janse-
nism there, i. 322-328 ; civil con-
stitution of the clergy,. 350-353.
Henry VI II., our churches not respon-
sible for his views and conduct, i.
427, S'c. ; nor for the dissolution of
his marriage with Catherine, 430 ;
nor for his suppression of monaste-
ries, 431 ; defended by bishop Tun-
stall against charge of confounding
regal and sacerdotal ])owers, 44G ;
his acts in ecclesiastical atfairs, 4G7-
477.
Hensiarchs, appear as angels, i. 102.
Heresy, what, i. 91 ; a damnable sin,
92," 93.
Heretics, their ordinations, ii. 430, &c.
Heretics, who are reckoned sucli by the
second cecumenical synod, i. 71 ; ex-
cluded from the churcli, '.Hi ; may be
excommunicated, 101-103; some-
times tolerated by the Roman church,
24«.
Holland, Jansenism in, i. 324.
Hontheim, De, his reforming principles,
i. 328.
Host, adoration of the, i. 310-315.
Humbert, cardinal, his arrogance, i. 187.
Idolatry, not to be imputed to the
whole church, i. 308; how far justly
imputed to veneration of the eucha-
rist, 310 315. 542 ; to invocation of
saints, 518.
Images, worship of forbidden in Eng-
land, i. 507; reasons for it, ib. ; re-
moved, 516, 517; their worship not
approved by tlie catholic church, ii.
200-214; lead to idohitry, i. 182; do
not render a church apostate, 211.
Immaculate Conception, ii. 142. 268-270.
Imposition of hands essential in ordina-
tion, i. 173.
Indifference in religion, its origin and
supporters, i. 266-272; not imputa-
ble to the church of England, 272,
273 ; its dreadful prevalence in the
Roman church, 348-350.
Indulgences, i. 507-
Infidelity in the Roman churches, i.
344-349.
Interdict, ii. 299.
Invocation of saints, i. 210. 315. 508.
518.
Ireland, church of, when subdued by
the Roman pontiff, i. 548; its re-
formation, 549, &c. ; imperfect in the
reigns of Henry VIII. and Edward
VI., 550, 551; reformation in reign
of Elizabeth, 551-553; approved by
the church, 552, 553; schism of the
papists, see Papists; synods in Ire-
land lawful, ii. 355.
Irregularity, ii. 300. 437-
Jansenism, its condemnation as a he-
resy, i. 320; general view of its in-
fluence in the eighteenth century,
321, 322; its progress in France and
Flanders, 322. 324; the appeal a-
gainst the hull Unigenitus, 325, &c. ;
Soanen and other Galilean bishops
favourable to Jansenism, 326 ; Nou-
566
INDI.X.
velles Ecclesi:istiqiies, 327 ; violent
proceedings of tlie Frencli parlia-
ments, 327, 328 ; Jansenism in Ger-
many, 328 ; De Hontheim and the
relormiiig theologians, 328, 32!) ; re-
forms of Joseph II., 330-335; pro-
motes Jansenism, 331-335; in Italy,
335; Naples, 336; Tuscany, 336-
339 ; Portugal, 339 ; Holland, 339,
340 ; British empire, 340-343.
Jaiisoiis/s, their pretended miracles, i.
294.
Joseph II; emperor of Germany, bis re-
forms in ecclesiastical affairs, i. 330-
335.
Jnrieu, his error, i. 72. 12G. 128.
K?ieeli7ig at the eucharist, i. 513.
La Mcniiais, his account of the irreli-
gious state of the Roman churches, i.
348, 349.
Lahre, the Venerable, a Jansenist, i.
294.
Latin patriarchs in the East instituted,
i 195.
Lord's day, observation of, ii. 27- 71-
Luther, not a schismatic, i. 362-3GG.
LiUhera7is, not schismatics, i. 300-371 ;
were not properly churches of Christ,
382, &c.
Matrimony, a sacrament according to
the church of England, i. 510. 523.
Methodius, archbishop of Twer, com-
mended, i. 182. 184.
Middlcton, his calumnies of the fathers,
ii. 51 ; his complaints of the respect
paid them by the church of England,
61.
Millennium, ii 44, 45.
Milner, his admission as to the reve-
rence of the English church for the
authority of the church, i. 228.
Ministry, christian, essential to the
church, and must always exist, i.
161, &c. ; necessity of divine voca-
tion, 165-109; internal vocation in-
sufficient, 169; popular election in-
sufficient, 170 ; apostolical succession
necessary, 17 li &c.
Miracles not the proper attestations of
sanctity, i. 142-145; not performed
by the most famous saints, 144 ;
claimed by the eastern church, 208 ;
by various sects, 294.
Missi Dominici, what, i. 468.
Mixture of the cup in the eucharist non-
essential, ii. 72.
Monastic orders, their corruption, i.
295.
Monophysites, their origin, i. 420, 421 ;
form no part of the church of Christ,
421, 422.
Naples, Jansenism there, i. 336.
National synods, their authority in mat-
ters of faith, i. 451.
" Necessary Doctrine," its authority in
the reigns of Henry VIII. and Ed-
ward VI., i. 509, 510; compared
with the Articles, 523-526.
Nestorians, their origin, i. 418, 419 ; do
not form part of the Christian
church, 420.
Notes of the church, what, i, 24 ; various
notes assigned by theologians, i. 25-
27.
Nonvelles Ecclesiastiques, a Jansenist
journal, i. 327.
Novatians, schismatics, i. 67.
Oath of bishops to the Roman pontiff", i.
535 538.
0' Conor, his opinion of diflferences
between the English and Roman
churches, i. 232.
CEctimenical Patriarch, title how ancient,
i. 209.
Opinions, common, may be mistaken,
ii. 136-143.
Ordination, its necessity, i. 161, &c. ; ii.
71 ; a sacrament, 440-443.
Ordinations of Lutherans and Calvinists,
i. 386 ; per saltum, ii. 439 ; English,
their validity, 450-458.
Oriental churches, t\\e\v eyitent, i. 179;
are christian churches, 180, &c. ; ac-
knowledge seven cecumenical synods,
182 ; their great saints, 183 ; their
opinion of other churches, 184; in-
tercourse between them and the
British churches, 184, 185; schism
caused by Cerularius and cardinal
Humbert, 186-189; communion con-
tinued afterwards, 189, &c. ; oriental
churches persecuted by the Latins,
195 ; division after synod of Lyons
caused by the Roman pontiff", 199;
oriental churches free from heresy,
202, 203; equal in extent to the
western, 204, 205, 206.
O.xford, University of, her censure of
false doctrines, ii. 307, 308.
Palls, not necessary to metropolitans,
and lawfully forbidden to be received
from Rome, i. 437-
Papal infallibility, the doctrine tends to
schism, i. 454.
Papists, of England and Ireland, in-
fected with Jansenism, i. 341-343;
infected with infidelity, 347, 348 ;
committed schism in separating from
INDEX.
5()7
tlie catholic church in Eiiglaiul, 455-
45{J ; are not clunxhos of Christ, 459 ;
commencement of their scliism in
Ireland, 553; ignorance of the Irish
people, 554 ; arts of popish emis-
saries, 555 ; schism founded by
Creagh, 556, 557 ; dangers of the
schismatics, 558 ; they break into re-
bellion, 558; treasons of )>opish mis-
sionaries, 559; the Roman pontifis
excite insurrection, 559 ; shameful
mode of propagating the new sect,
560 ; treasons of the pseudo-bishops,
561, &c. ; their cruelty, 564 ; origin
of this sect, 564 ; have no succession
of bishops, 556; form no part of the
catholic church, 568, 569 ; their chi-
canery with regard to the English
ordinations, 240; ii. 452-458; of
America no part of the church, i.
305 ; their orders probably null, ii.
468, &c.
Paris, University of, ii. 305, 306
Parker, archbishop, his ordination, i.
487.
Perpeluite de la Foi, i. 184. 190.
Peter, St., his superiority to the other
aj)ostles, ii. 478 ; not invested with
authority over them, 479-493; his
superiority strictly personal, 493-
496.
Peter Martyr, i. 514, 515, 516.
Plato, archbishop of Moscow, his writ-
ings, i. 181. 184. 211.
Prayer for the departed, i. 618 ; ii. 72.
Presbyters, ii. 396, &c.
Presbyterians, their origin, i. 575 ; their
persecution of the church, 576 ; their
ordinations, ii. 410, &c.
Pritices, christian, their duty to defend
the christian faith, ii. 318, &c. ; ori-
gin of their supremacy in ecclesias-
tical aftairs, 325 ; mode in which
they are to defend the church, 331-
339 ; branches of their ecclesiastical
supremacy, 340-347-
Private judgment, unlimited, not tlie
doctrine of the English Reformation,
1. 493, &c. ; nor of the Lutlierans,
&c., 378-382.
Procession of the Holy Ghost, i. 202,
203.
Purgatory, when rejected by the British
church, i. 506.
Rationalists, their mode of assailing
Christianity, ii. 49-52; their incon-
sistency, 52; their misrepresenta-
tions, 55, 56 ; their hypocrisy, 58, 59.
Real presence, never doubted by the
church of England, i. 508-516. 520-
533.
Ueformatiuu, its res))ect for catholic
tradition, i. 374-378 ; its principles
and practice opposed to licence of
private judgment, i. 378-382.
Ricci, see Scipio de Ricci.
/f<7c4-, what are lawful, ii. 64-70; what
are variable, and what invariable,
70-75.
Roman churches, remained christian till
the Reformation, i. 276-281 ; Luthe-
ran opinion of their Christianity, 277-
278 ; remained christian after the
Reformation, 282, &c. ; excused from
heresy, 284-286; arc now christian,
286, 287 ; tlo not exceed other
churches in unity, 289, 290; or sanc-
tity, 291, &c. ; their miracles no
proof of superior sanctity, 293, 294 ;
their present extent no proof of ex-
clusive catholicity, 297 ; "ot peculi-
arly apostolical, 299 ; their lament-
able condition, 300,301, 302; Ro-
man churches of modern foundation,
303 ; how far they are guilty of idol-
atry in the eucharist, 310-315; in
the invocation or adoration of saints,
315, 316 ; whether lawful to separate
from them, 316, 317 ; whether lawful
to unite with them, 317, 318; unity
wrongly claimed by their theologians,
3)9; prevalence of the Jansenistic
heresy amongst them, 321 ; and of
infidelity and indifference, 344-349;
and of schism, 350-356.
Romanists, see Papists.
Rome, bishops of, their exaggerated
ojiinion of their own authority, i.
194; their power, 196,197; endea-
vour to enslave the oriental churches
in vain, 197, &c. ; origin of their pre-
cedence in the universal church, ii.
497-501 ; not derived from St. Peter
jure divino, 501 -505 ; proof tliat they
have no jurisdiction over the catholic
church, 506-518; that they are not
infallible, 525 ; nor absolutely and
always the centre of unity, 528; their
legitimate privileges, 535 ; progress of
tlieir spiritual and temporal power,
547; their jm-isdiction rightly re-
moved in England, i. 432-441 ; its
removal no act of schism, 442, 443;
principles of papal authority lead to
schism, and are injurious to the au-
thority of the catholic cluirch, 453,
454 ; authority of pope not trans-
ferred to king of England, 465 ; his
authority in controversies of faith, ii.
257 ; communion with, not essential,
i. 206. 222. 284 ; patriarchate of, ii.
538.
Royal supremacy in ecclesiastical affairs
568
INDEX.
acknowledged onlywith a proviso by
the Englisli clergy, i. 401 ; their
meaning, 4G2 ; powers attributed to
the state by Roman theologians, ib. ;
no intention to approve Erastian
doctrines, 4G3, 464 ; papal power not
transferred to king, 4(J5 ; appeals to
the king justifiable, 465 ; excommu-
nication not given to the king, 466 ;
ii. 326 ; royal injunctions not to be
condemned, i. 468, 469 ; royal con-
firmation of synods free from blame,
469 ; commissions to the bishops ca-
pable of an orthodox sense, and must
be so interpreted, 470-472 ; royal
visitations excusable, 473 ; power to
repress controversy, 474.
Russia, its church, i. 179.
Sabbath, observation of the, ii. 27- See
Lord's day.
Sacranie>i(s, more than two acknow-
ledged by the church of England, i.
610. 523; ii. 440 443.
Sacrifice in the eucharist, i. 540, 541.
543 ; ii. 463.
Salvation connected with belief of the
truth, i. 89.
Schism, what, i. 52; great schism of the
West, i. 81.
Scipio de Ricci, bishop of Pistoia, his
reforms, i. 3.37, 338.
Scotland, the reformation there, 570,
&c. ; episcopacy continued, 572 ; dis-
turbed state of the churcli, 573, 574 ;
separation of the presbyterians, 575 ;
their persecution of the chiuxh, 576.
Scripture, its authority how maintained
against tradition by the reformers, i.
493; its perfection, ii. 4, &c. ; not
written casually, ii. 7 ; its perfection
defended by tradition, 10-18; inter-
pretations and deductions from it
not always merely human, 34, &c. ;
act of faith in it may be foiuided on
human testimony, ii. 83; Romanists
argue in a circle, 84 ; not to be ar-
gued with on the authenticity of
scripture, 86.
Separation, in what case justifiable, i.
64.
Socinians, a sect of deists, ii. 49 ; their
hypocrisy, ib. ; their treatment of
scripture, 51. 57, 58.
State, powers over the church claimed
by the, i. .354. See Royal supremacy.
Subscription to creeds and articles, its
meaning, ii. 285-289.
Succession from the apostles essential, i.
160. 171, ^c
Supremacy, Royal, in ecclesiastical af-
fairs, the cl)urch of England justified
for admitting it, i. 254. 259 ; freely
exercised and even abused in the
Roman churches, 255, &c. See Royal
supremacy.
Suspension, ii. 300.
Synods, of Nice, ii.l73 ; Constantinople,
177; Ephesus, 180; Chalccdon, 184 ;
second of Constantinople, 186 ; third
of Constantinople, 187 ; Sardica, 189 ;
Ariminum, 190 ; Latrocinium of
Ephesus, 199 ; Constantinople, 200 ;
Niccne, 200-214 ; Constantinople,
214 ; Constantinople, 215 ; first La-
teran, 216; second Lateran, 217;
third Lateran, ib. ; fourth Lateran,
219; first f.yons, 226; second Ly-
ons, 228 ; Vienne, 229 ; Pisa, 229 ;
Constance, 230 ; Basle, 2,34 ; Flo-
rence, 235; Lateran, 237; Trent, ib. ;
London, 258; London, 260, 261.
, cccumenical, their description, ii.
150, 151 ; authority on what ground-
ed, 151 ; infallibility of general sy-
nods not a matter of faith, 152-156;
is without foundation, 156-164 ; ge-
neral remarks on decrees o/ synods,
I66-I7I ; number of oecumenical sy-
nods, 171.
, particular, their authority, 250-
254 ; authority of ancient provincial
synods, 254-257-
, regulated by temporal power in
France, Belgium, &c., i. 464.
Testimony, its sufficiency to found faith,
ii. 81, 82.
TiUemonf & observation on miracles of
saints, i. 144.
Toleration, Act of, i. 260 ; principles of,
ii. 363-370.
Tradition, its authority acknowledged
by the Lutherans, &c., i. 374-378 ;
ii. 60 ; by the British Reformation,
i. 493-504 ; its necessity and utility
to the church, ii. 44-53 ; Romish
doctrine of refuted, ii. 0, &c. ; its
connexion with religion, 49-53.
Traditions of rites and discipline, when
lawful, ii. 64-70.
Transubstantiation , how far admitted by
Eastern church, i. 211 ; should not
prevent the communion of churches,
212, 213; Romish doctrine of, 524;
rejected by the British churches, 528;
Cranmer's and Luther's opinions of
it, 541, 542 ; perplexities of Roman
theologians with regard to it, 532 ;
not an article of faith, ii. 141. 169.
222 226.
Trent, synod of, not binding on us, i.
229, 230 ; the British churches not
bound to attend if, 448-450.
INDEX.
569
Truth, revealed by Christ, obligatory on I
christians, i. 89, 90.
TuHntall, liis letter to cardinal Pole, i.
445.
Unction of the sick, ii. 71-
Uni^ejiitus, Jansenist appeal against the
bull, i. 325.
Ihiifariniiism, how proved to be heresy,
ii. 43.
Unity of the church, in communion, i.
46, &-C.; in faith, 88, &c. ; provided
for by British churches, 218, &c.
improperly claimed for the Roman
Obedience, 319, &c.
Uiiiver.tities, their censures of theolo-
gical errors, ii. 304*313.
Variations, do not always involve heresy,
i. 245. 505 ; those of thf church of
England altogether free from heresy,
50G-533.
Voltaire, a communicant iu the Iloman
church, i. 345, 346.
Walchius, testifies the reverence of the
English church for antiquity, i. 226.
Wahnburghs, their method of argu-
ment, ii. 40, 41.
Water, mixture of, in the eucharist, a
variable rite, ii. 72.
Wicked, belong only externally to the
church, i, 4.
Wirldiffe, censured at Constance, ii.
230!
Zuinglius, and his party, did not design
separation from the church, i. 371 ••
374.
THE END.
VOL. II.
P p
I. O N IJ O N :
GILBERT & RIVINGTON, PRlNTIiKS
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