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PAPERS AND PROCEEDINGS

NINETEENTH ANNUAL MEETING

AMERICAN
SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

HELD AT CHICAGO
DECEMBER 29-31, 1924

VOLUME XIX

THE TREND OF OUR CIVILIZATION

PUBLISHED FOR THE
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

BY

THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS

COPYRIGHT 1925 BY
THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

All Rights Reserved

Published October 1925

Composed and Printed By

The University of Chicago Press

Chicago, Illinois, U.S.A.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

INTOLERANCE. Charles A . Ellwood i

PYSCHOLOGY AND CULTURE. Alexander Goldenweiser 15

CULTURE AND CULTURAL TRENDS. Robert E. Park 24

THE SUBJECTIVE ASPECT OF CULTURE. Ellsworth Paris 37

A BIOLOGICAL VIEW OF RACE MIXTURE. L. C. Dunn 47

DISCUSSION. F. H. Ilankins 56

THE HYBRID AS A SOCIOLOGICAL TYPE. E. B. Renter 59

AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL VIEW or RACE MIXTURE. Ralph Linton ... 69
DISCUSSION. Kimball Young 77

INTERNATIONAL ASPECTS OF THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION. Jerome Davis . 80

SOCIOLOGICAL FACTORS IN THE INTERPRETATION OF INTERNATIONAL RE-
LATIONS: WITH SPECIFIC ILLUSTRATIONS FROM SOUTHEASTERN
EUROPE AND THE NEAR EAST. Earle Edward Eubank ... 88

POPULATION DENSITIES AND THE IMMIGRATION POLICY OF THE UNITED

STATES. Niles Carpenter 97

THE NEED FOR IMPROVED CHILD-WELFARE STATISTICS. Robert M.

Woodbury 109

THE DEVELOPMENT OF AMERICAN VITAL STATISTICS. Walter F. Willcox 123

SECTION ON RURAL SOCIOLOGY: SIGNIFICANT FACTORS IN RURAL POPULA-
TION AFFECTING OUR CIVILIZATION

FARM POPULATIONS. John M. Gillette 135

VILLAGE POPULATIONS. C. Luther Fry 143

RURAL DEMOGRAPHY. Warren S. Thompson 150

THE SHIFTING BASES OF RURAL SOCIOLOGY. William L. Bailey . . 161

SECTION ON SOCIAL RESEARCH

In charge of W. F. Ogburn

CONTRIBUTIONS FOR CHARITY, RELIGION, AND EDUCATION OF THE
INCOME TAXPAYERS OF DANE COUNTY, WISCONSIN, 1922. John
L. Gillin 165

THE CHILDREN OF THE POOR. Hornell Hart 168

vi TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

RELATIVE RATE OF CHANGE IN CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS OF MODERN

JEWS. Jessie Ravitch 171

PERSONALITY AND LIFE-HISTORY DOCUMENTS. E. T. Krueger . . 176
HISTORY TEXTBOOKS AND INTERNATIONAL DIFFERENCES. Donald

R. Taft 180

SOME RESEARCHES IN RURAL GROUP ANALYSIS. /. H. Kolb . . . 183

COMMODITY DISTRIBUTION IN RURAL COMMUNITIES. C. R. Hofer . 186
AN ESTIMATE OF RURAL MIGRATION AND OTHER SOURCES OF

URBAN INCREASE. John M. Gillette 189

ASPECTS AND TENDENCIES OF THE RACE PROBLEM, Monroe N. Work 191
DENSITY OF POPULATION AND THE STANDARD OF LIVING IN NORTH

CHINA. C. G. Dittmer 196

A DEPENDENCY INDEX FOR MINNEAPOLIS. F. Stuart Chapin . . 200

REPORTS OF COMMITTEES OF THE SOCIETY

COMMITTEE ON SOCIAL RESEARCH. William F. Ogburn .... 203

COMMITTEE ON SOCIAL ABSTRACTS. F. Stuart Chapin 211

COMMITTEE ON AN ENCYCLOPEDIA OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES. H. B.

Woolston 211

COMMITTEE ON THE TEACHING OF SOCIAL STUDIES IN THE SCHOOLS.

Hornell Ear t 212

COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. H. A. Miller . . . 216
COMMITTEE ON PERSONNEL CLASSIFICATION IN THE FEDERAL GOV-
ERNMENT. Carl Kelsey, R. R. Kern, Mollie R. Carroll . . . . 217

REPORTS OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE SOCIETY

THE SOCIAL-SCIENCE RESEARCH COUNCIL. F. Stuart Chapin . . 219
DELEGATES TO THE COUNCIL OF LEARNED SOCIETIES. William F.

Ogburn 223

REPORT OF THE MEETING OF THE SECTION ON EDUCATIONAL SOCIOLOGY 223

PROGRAM OF THE NINETEENTH ANNUAL MEETING 225

REPORT OF THE SECRETARY 229

REPORT OF THE FINANCE COMMITTEE 230

REPORT OF THE MANAGING EDITOR 234

MINUTES OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE MEETING 235

MINUTES OF THE BUSINESS MEETING FOR REPORTS OF COMMITTEES . 236

MINUTES OF THE ANNUAL BUSINESS MEETING 237

MEMBERSHIP LIST 239

INTOLERANCE

CHARLES A. ELLWOOD

ABSTRACT

Intolerance. Intolerance is in abundant evidence in every phase of American
social life. The existence of a vast secret organization, numbering millions, which aims
at the control of our social, political, and religious life is ample proof. Social science is
far enough advanced to indicate the social results which we may expect from such in-
tolerance. Progress is difficult if not impossible in an intolerant society. Intolerance
breeds separation, misunderstanding, and hostility between groups. When groups have
no opportunity to settle their disagreements by discussion, they are apt to resort to
fighting. Intolerance therefore plays a leading part in fostering civic disorders, and espe-
cially in fostering revolution. ''Repression is the seed of revolution." The particular
repression which breeds revolution is the suppression of freedom in intercommunication :
for the mechanism of intercommunication is the organ of adjustment for conscious social
change. Present widespread intolerance threatens to bring on revolution. The remedy
is the conversion of our people to the scientific attitude of mind.

Some of you, at least, know that I have long stood for a larger
measure of good will in human relations than is expressed by the
word "tolerance." But it may well be questioned whether in the
present condition of our world it would not be wiser to advocate
tolerance in our social life, as a first step, before any higher form of
social good will is aimed at. Last year a public session of our Society
was devoted to discussing the question of whether or not intolerance
is increasing in the United States. While no definite conclusion was
reached, all speakers seemed to agree that intolerance was in abun-
dant evidence in almost every phase of American social life. One
member of our Society, who had traveled far and wide over the
United States to investigate the growth and ramifications of the Ku
Klux Klan, sorrowfully said, "I think we must conclude that we are
essentially an intolerant people."

I hope that we shall not be forced to reach any such conclusion.
However, no student of our social life would deny that there has
been, owing to the world- war or other causes, a great growth of many
forms of intolerance among our people within the last two decades.
In May, 1923, I talked with that veteran publisher, Mr. William

2 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Appleton, whom many of you knew and respected. Mr, Appleton,
then seventy-eight years of age, had been in intimate contact with
public men and public affairs in both England and the United States
for more than half a century. I chanced to ask him whether in his
long life he had ever known a period of greater intolerance than the
present. He thought a moment and then replied, "No, not even
during and directly after our Civil War." Then he instanced how
two textbooks in American history, written by eminent historical
scholars, had recently been excluded from the public schools of New
York City because they taught that the American Revolution was
a part of the general democratic movement among English-speaking
peoples.

Of course, the testimony of one man, no matter how wide his
experience, amounts to little. But one meets this testimony regard-
ing the intolerance of our time and country on every hand. A prom-
inent public-school teacher from one of the large cities on our Pacific
Coast has told me that the really able teachers of that city do not
wish to be in the central office for the administration of its schools,
because that office can propose nothing progressive in an educational
way, especially in the way of social and political education, without
being waited upon by representative business men protesting against
any innovation. Apparently these business men believe that social
and economic education of the children in the schools is fraught with
danger.

Similar testimony of intolerance on the part of business men
comes from the eminent Boston merchant, Mr. Edward A. Filene.
In a recent article 1 Mr. Filene has said: "Over and over again, in
organizations of business men, I have seen successful men turn
against and label as dangerous one of their fellows who was only
reasonably progressive. I have seen such men display an utter inabil-
ity to distinguish between sane social advance and revolutionary
socialism."

But the worst examples of intolerance are to be found, not in our
business and industrial world, but in the religious world. The revival
of religious bigotry and intolerance in American society is, indeed,
one of the most startling and disturbing phenomena of our time.

1 Harper's Magazine, December, 1923,

INTOLERANCE 3

Twenty years ago many of us believed that religious intolerance
was rapidly disappearing. The Fundamentalist and kindred move-
ments in the religious world, however, have shown us that we were
mistaken. During the past year one of my graduate students investi-
gated the teaching of the social sciences in sixty-two colleges of a
prominent Protestant denomination in our southern states. It is
perhaps sufficient to say that he discovered that there was little free-
dom in these colleges, in the teaching of those sciences, when they
were tolerated at all. Not only was the pressure of social, political,
and economic orthodoxy in evidence, but religious orthodoxy prac-
tically forbade the teaching of organic evolution, and hence, of loyal-
ty to modern science. It was with difficulty that these facts were
gathered, because members of faculties were loath to talk about con-
ditions in their institutions, and especially about the ban of the
church on the teaching of evolution. One teacher, who at first re-
fused to say anything, finally wrote as follows: "All right. This is a
graveyard. We are all evolutionists. Isn't it awful ? If any member
of our faculty is not, I don't know it. Those whose subjects touch

evolution are theistic evolutionists But we are not fools and

do not have it served up to us in the classroom, except when the
textbook expresses it." And he added despairingly: "When will this
blind antagonism to Christian evolution die out ? I hope that it is
decreasing, but I fear not."

Surely this is the voice of a soul in prison, as truly as any that we
find in the darkest ages of the world's history. Here is a man suffer-
ing for conscience's sake as clearly as did any of the heroes of the
Renaissance or the Reformation. I am inclined to believe from the
facts that have come to me that there are hundreds of such in the
colleges of this country.

Nor is intolerance confined to denominational colleges. The evi-
dence published by the American Association of University Profes-
sors shows that it is all too frequent in some of our largest and lead-
ing universities. Nor is intolerance simply manifested by those in
positions of authority. It is sometimes shown by members of the
faculty toward one another. It is even more, of course, to be found
among the mass of the people who make up the constituency of the
institution. Often what is taken to be the intolerance of authorities

4 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

is, upon investigation, found to be but their response to intolerant
public sentiment. This is a matter which directly concerns all of us;
not simply in a personal sense, but even more the development of
the sciences in which we are interested. Some careful students find
that the slow development of the social sciences in our institutions
of learning is due, in the main, to a popular intolerance among our
people, which is, at bottom, hostile to the scientific investigation of
social, political, and economic questions.

If one wished detailed evidence for the existence of widespread
popular intolerance at the present time, one would only have to
study the rise and phenomenal growth of a vast secret order among
us, said to number millions. For this organization, however lofty
its pretentions, springs from racial, religious, and political intoler-
ance, and in every community into which it is introduced it feeds
intolerance. Here is an intolerant secret organization which aims at
nothing less than the control of our political, economic, and religious
life. It is unnecessary to say that its very existence is inconsistent
with those professions of religious, political, and racial toleration
upon which our government was founded.

It is often said in defense of all these manifestations of intolerance
that science itself is intolerant; that when truth is discovered, we
cannot tolerate error; that science does not tolerate the belief that
two and two make five; that the era of toleration is prescientific, and
is past or passing. But this is surely a mistake. One has to acknowl-
edge sorrowfully, to be sure, that often men working in the scientific
field have shown an extremely intolerant spirit toward views which
differed from their own conclusions. But this is not the true spirit
of science. On the contrary, the very essence of the scientific
spirit is its open-mindedness, and so its tolerance. The scientific
spirit is simply the open-minded love of truth. Science exercises
no compulsion upon anyone to accept its conclusions, except the
compulsion of honesty and intelligence. It simply assembles the
evidence, the facts, and invites anyone to judge for himself. If any
other conclusion is warranted by the facts, science is willing to
accept it. Science exercises no authority to make anyone believe
even that two and two are four. It simply points to the experience of
life as forbidding any other conclusion. As Professor Wolfe has ably

INTOLERANCE 5

shown, 1 the scientific mind is impersonal, skeptical, critical, tolerant,
patient, and fearless in facing facts. It is unimpressed by social
prestige or authority, or by social conventions. It is honest and dis-
interested. The popular mind, on the other hand, is credulous, un-
critical, impatient, intolerant, fearful of intellectual changes, con-
ventional, and controlled by personal interest. In other words, in-
tolerance springs largely from ignorance and from the lack of a scien-
tific attitude toward social questions.

But it is not my purpose to set forth the psychological causes
of intolerance, nor do I wish even to affirm that it is increasing in the
United States. It is rather my wish to inquire into the social effects
of intolerance. Were our forefathers right in believing that political,
economic, religious, and even racial toleration is necessary in a
democratic society ? Or were they simply under the spell of that
worship of the individual, political, and religious liberty which char-
acterized the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries ? If we tolerate
intolerance, in other words, in any of the important phases of our
social life, what effects may we expect ? Social science is surely far
enough advanced to answer clearly this question.

I would like to point out at the beginning that the essence of
social intolerance is to be found in the suppression of the free expres-
sion of opinions upon social, political, and economic questions. When
people dare no longer communicate thair opinions, when they fear
to state their grievances, when they are not at liberty to educate
one another by free and open discussion, then indeed we have the
essence of intolerance; for freedom of thinking, of belief, and of com-
munication is the very essence of personal freedom. Moreover, the
studies of sociologists and social psychologists have conclusively
demonstrated that the mechanism of intercommunication is the
normal means by which a group readjusts its behavior. Through
intercommunication it is possible for a stimulus which affects only
a few members of the group to be diffused throughout the whole
group. Therefore the mechanism of intercommunication in a group
functions very much the same as the nervous system functions in
the individual. It is an organ of adaptation. If its free working is
interfered with, normal readjustment is rendered difficult, if not

1 Conservatism, Radicalism, and Scientific Method, pp. 222 ff.

6 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

impossible. Freedom of. intercommunication is not therefore so
much an individual right as a necessity for a healthy group life;
or rather, it is a precious individual right, precisely because it is a
necessity for normal social life.

That we may see that this is no mere analogy, let us outline in a
few words how intercommunication works to mediate and control
the process of readjustment in a human group. Public criticism is a
process of discrimination of whatever is wrong or whatever is unad-
justed in the habits of a group. In other words, public criticism
marks the bad working of some social custom or institution. It dis-
criminates the elements which are working badly, and these discrim-
inations are communicated to the whole group for its judgment.
Discussion of the situation then develops in the group. At first this
discussion is of a critical nature, but later the discussion, if allowed
to proceed freely, normally takes a constructive direction. In the
discussion many ideas come into competition and are tested out.
Wrong ideas have their weaknesses shown, new ideas are stimulated,
the useful, as well as the detrimental, elements in the old situation
are discriminated, and gradually constructive views get formulated
and new policies approved. Thus we have the formation of a group
opinion which becomes the basis for a new adjustment in group
behavior.

This is the mechanism of conscious social change under normal
conditions in a human group. It has characterized all human groups
from primitive times, and is slowly perfecting itself at the present
time. Probably the chief argument for democracy is that it frees
and develops this process of conscious social change through the
development of a social consciousness and a public opinion in the
whole group. Obviously freedom of intercommunication is funda-
mental in this process.

If the process of public discussion is to be effective in helping
groups to find solutions for their problems, freedom of thought and
freedom of speech must be preserved. Where public criticism of
social habits and institutions is not tolerated it is evident that their
faults cannot be brought to the attention of the group. Tolerance of
criticism is therefore the first condition of conscious social change, or
rational social adjustment. It is only through such tolerance that

INTOLERANCE ^

there can be in a group the greatest opportunity for the co-operative
working of intelligence in the building up of habits, institutions, and
policies. Only thus can grievances of individuals and classes be
brought to public attention and the richest results of experience
brought to bear upon a given social situation. Only thus, accord-
ingly, is there the greatest chance of a wise and rational solution of
public problems. It is not an accident, therefore, that those civilized
societies which have maintained the best conditions for free inter-
communication, free public discussion, and free formation of public
opinion have been, on the whole, most progressive, and have shown
the most normal, uninterrupted social development. In other words,
those societies which have been most tolerant, politically, religiously,
industrially, have shown, so far as can be judged by rational stand-
ards, the most normal social development.

Let us now look upon the other side, and notice the effects of
intolerance of public criticism and of free discussion of public ques-
tions upon the life of a group. We shall pass over its effects upon
individual character. Suffice to say that it is notorious that an in-
tolerant social atmosphere produces sycophancy, hypocrisy, moral
cowardice, and other undesirable traits of character in individuals;
for in such an atmosphere the individual cannot remain true to his
conscience, intellectually honest, and sincere, but in order to prosper
has to become a mere conformist to the order which surrounds him.
With these individual effects of social intolerance, however, we are
not now concerned, but only with its larger social aspects.

First of all, we have to note that there is little chance for progress
in an intolerant group. Progress or change in such a group can only
come through the grace of its governing class; and usually a govern-
ing class is interested in maintaining conditions as they are. There-
fore, a static condition of society is apt to result. But to understand
exactly why this is so, let us look at this matter a little more closely.
All changes in a human group, so far as we know, are initiated by vari-
ations in the reactions of individuals. In other words, changes start
in human groups with variations in feeling, thought, and behavior of
individuals. Some of these variations may, of course, be harmful
to the group, and for that matter, to the development of the social
life of humanity. But when all innovation along a given line tends to

8 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

be repressed, there is no way of testing out whether the variation
is a useful one or not. The experience of mankind has shown, there-
fore, that the variant individual should be regarded with tolerance
by his group; for only the rational consideration of his innovations
by the whole group can test out their value. Moreover, modern
societies have found that unlikeness in individuals is frequently as
valuable as likeness for purposes of division of labor, group organi-
zation, and group action. Too great uniformity in individual char-
acter, opinion, and behavior is, therefore, not desirable in a civilized
society. Moreover, sociologists would agree that the limits of differ-
ences which are socially valuable, and so should be tolerated, are
much greater than what the popular mind supposes. For these rea-
sons a society which does not tolerate freedom of thought and free-
dom of expression in individuals is bound not only to become static,
but to lessen its efficiency as a group in a number of directions. The
surest way to promote social progress, in other words, is to keep
social institutions plastic by encouraging within reasonable limits
the innovating individual, by keeping open the channels of inter-
communication and of public criticism, and by seeing that every
new idea and policy has a fair chance to be tested out in the forum
of public discussion. On the other hand, the surest way to stop all
social progress and insure a static civilization is to discourage the
innovating individual, to frown upon public criticism of established
institutions, and to close, so far as possible, channels for the spread
of new ideas. That the world has approximated this static condition
in various times and places the history of the Middle Ages in Europe
and of Asiatic civilizations abundantly attests.

Another result of social intolerance is that it tends to divide a
group into misunderstanding, hostile classes. Intolerance of any
sort bars the way to that sympathetic understanding of individuals
and classes which is the first step toward appreciation, socialization,
and voluntary co-operation. If we want to assimilate any element
into our group, as, for example, the foreign-born, we must maintain
an attitude of tolerance toward them; for any intolerance shown
them is almost certain to create in them attitudes which will hinder
their assimilation. Moreover, intolerance keeps individuals and
classes apart and breeds misunderstanding between them. They

INTOLERANCE g

have no opportunity to talk over their differences, and when men
cannot settle their differences by discussion, they are apt to resort to
fighting. Intolerance, in other words, tends to breed war within the
group and, ultimately, group disruption. I shall return to this point
again when I consider the cause of the great civil disorders of our
time.

Another result of an intolerant social atmosphere is the effect
which it has upon those who are in charge of the machinery of social
control of the group, that is, upon officials in church, in state, and
in industry. Such officials reflect, often in an exaggerated way, the
intolerant spirit of the group which they represent. They become
apprehensive and frightened at the least failure of individuals to
conform to the standards which have been set up; hence they inaugu-
rate a policy of repression, which, sooner or later, arouses resentment
and resistance in some part of the group. By repression I mean any
policy which constantly thwarts the expression of natural impulses
and tendencies on the part of individuals. If such thwarting seems
natural and inevitable, as when caused by hard conditions of
life, by famine, or by public calamity, it is usually endured by the
people with patience. This may be true even under a governmental
system, which is strongly supported by a tradition that is regarded
as more or less sacred, especially when there is comparatively little
popular enlightenment. But when institutional repression is con-
ceived of as arbitrary or unnecessary, it arouses resentment and
resistance, and in certain elements of the group the attitude of re-
sistance develops until finally the supreme end of life becomes, for
these elements, the doing away with the repression. It is in this way
that societies often make enemies for themselves. This is especially
apt to be the case if expressions against the repressing institution
and statements of grievances are not tolerated.

We are now prepared to see the full social effects of intolerance in
a dynamic society, such as ours is. As Professor Wolfe has said in
effect, 1 in a static society intolerance and a policy of repression may
result merely in submissive conformity, but "in a dynamic state
no such policy of suppression can succeed. In the long run it will
produce catastrophic revolution in the place of evolutionary readap-

1 Conservatism, Radicalism, and Scientific Method, p. 142.

io TEE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

tation." In other words, in a dynamic society intolerance which
results in a policy of repression, if long continued, produces revolu-
tion. The reasons for this are clear. A dynamic society is one neces-
sarily in constant readjustment with its environment. The law of
its life is change. Such changes, however, as we have seen, can take
place only through the initiative of individuals, through free com-
munication of stimuli and ideas throughout the group, and through
the free formation of a new group opinion. If the expression of ideas
on the part of the individuals in this process is repressed, the machin-
ery of social readjustment is interfered with, and the whole group is
apt to be thrown out of equilibrium. While the dissatisfaction at
first may be confined to a few individuals, it is bound, sooner or later,
to spread to the mass of the group. A policy of repression, in other
words, in a dynamic group, destroys the plasticity of the group, and
so destroys the basis of its security.

This theory of the origin of social revolutions was perhaps never
better expressed than when President Wilson said in one of his public
addresses, "Repression is the seed of revolution." It is not too much
to say that this pregnant phrase nearly expresses the modern psycho-
logical and sociological view. All scientific psychological study of the
effects of repression upon the individual has substantiated this
theory. Nevertheless, this "repression theory of revolutions," 1 as
we may call it, has not received widespread acceptance, probably
because it seems to throw the burden of responsibility for causing
revolutions upon the conservative and ruling classes. The spokes-
men of these classes have often said, on the other hand, that revolu-
tions are caused by the false hopes that are awakened among the
masses by Utopian thinkers, who present impossible social ideals.
Because of these ideals, people become discontented, and this dis-
content with existing institutions is gradually diffused among the
ignorant masses through the force of suggestion and imitation until
at last these ignorant masses develop an attitude of revolt. They
cite as an example the Russian revolution. It will be noted that
this theory assumes that the mass of the people are irrational, and
may be made discontented by agitators merely by suggestion and

1 This theory was outlined by the writer in his Sociology in Its Psychological Aspects
(1912), pp. 163-73, and in his Introduction to Social Psychology (1917), pp. 170-83.

INTOLERANCE II

imitation when they have no rational ground for discontent. The
theory assumes a force to suggestion and imitation in the social life
which critical psychology and sociology do not find that they pos-
sess. While it is true that the mass of men have no highly developed
rationality, yet on the other hand, men are inert creatures of habit,
and rarely manifest discontent, especially in the extreme form of
the attitude of revolt, without considerable cause. We have no evi-
dence which warrants the belief that masses of men get discontented
over vain imaginings, or can be easily stampeded by suggestions
which are not in line with the situation in which they find them-
selves. Men rarely undertake civil war between classes, any more
than war between nations, without considerable incitement to con-
flict; in other words, without serious grievances. Utopian and radical
thinkers do not cause revolutions, but rather voice discontent which
already exists. They may further revolutionary movements, but
they do not cause them. Such movements are caused by the dis-
content which naturally arises from the thwarting of human im-
pulses and desires. In other words, the real cause or stimulus which
provokes the revolution must be sought always in the system of
social control. When that system is immobile, inflexible, and especi-
ally when it becomes repressive of free expression on the part of indi-
viduals that is, when it interferes with the free functioning of the
process of intercommunication, of group discussion, with the forma-
tion of group opinion, and the determination of group policies it is
bound sooner or later to bring about dissatisfaction and revolt in the
masses of the people.

All this is clearly illustrated by the case of Russia. So far from
the Russian revolution being the work of agitators and of Utopian
idealists, the studies of President Masaryk, of Professor Ross, and of
many other careful students have shown conclusively that it origi-
nated in policies of repression which had continued for over a cen-
tury. The Russian revolution was destructive and terrible just
because the repressions which had preceded it were severe and pro-
longed. The French Revolution also illustrates, not less clearly,
the part which repression plays in causing social explosions. But it
would be a mistake to think that such repression and interference
with normal social change is always the work of a governing class,

12 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

or of a small selfish minority. On the contrary, it may sometimes be
the work of an intolerant majority. The history of our own country
illustrates this. Early in the nineteenth century there was still hope
in the United States that the slavery question might be settled
peaceably by discussion and by rational public opinion. But after
1830 popular sentiment in our South became intolerant of criticism
of the institution of slavery, opposing public discussion of the institu-
tion in any way. The result was that the institution remained
relatively unchanged, until the Civil War a war essentially revolu-
tionary in character swept the institution away. Intolerant public
sentiments and beliefs may give rise, therefore, to policies of repres-
sion, and to inflexibility in habits and institutions which may stop
normal social development and pave the way to later social disaster.
It is perhaps well to remember here that "class interest/' both of
privileged and unprivileged classes, on account of the tendency of
all groups to group egoism, is liable to give rise to intolerance and to
attempts to suppress public criticism of class policies and actions
whenever it can. Back of this mistaken policy, of course, stands the
attitude of intolerance. Social experience seems to show that if those
in power, whether they represent a minority or a majority, will seek
to keep open the means of understanding and sympathy between
classes; if they will keep untrammeled public criticism and discussion
of public policies, and all the means of forming rational public opin-
ion and of selecting authorities to carry out the same, there will be
little danger of catastrophic revolution being resorted to in any social
group.

I have now given my answer to the question as to whether our
forefathers were right in believing that political, religious, economic,
and racial toleration is necessary in a democratic society. As one
of our most careful thinkers on social theory has said, 1 in a demo-
cratic society "it is probably unlikely, taking everything into con-
sideration, that the quality of tolerance will ever be excessive." All
social experience goes to show that a democratic society can have no
safety without tolerance; for, as I have already said, when men can-
not settle their differences by peaceful discussion, they are apt to
resort to fighting. It has been the pride of English-speaking peoples,

1 Balz, The Basis of Social Theory, p, 243.

INTOLERANCE 13

from the days of Magna Charta to the present, that they have learn-
ed to settle their social and political questions by discussion rather
than by fighting. But there seems just at present some danger that
this great tradition of our democracy may be forgotten. We seem
about to lose our faith in open public discussion as a means of settling
social, political, and economic disputes. Not only in Europe, but in
the United States also, there is evidence of a trend toward thinking
that public questions can be settled by force or coercion. Hence, in
spite of the fact that modern psychology unites with social science
in demonstrating the futility and danger of this method, there has
been a growth of popular intolerance which favors repression and
coercion as a means of settling problems.

What is the remedy? The one radical remedy for the spirit of
intolerance and the dangers with which it threatens us, as Professor
Wolfe points out, is the conversion of our people to the scientific
attitude. Nothing short of the diffusion of the scientific attitude can
free our people from that control by selfish personal and class inter-
ests which renders them intolerant toward new ideas and toward
every proposed change. The impersonal open-mindedness and in-
tellectual honesty of the scientific spirit is absolutely necessary
for a people who undertake to rule themselves through rational
public opinion. If we still find evidence at times of a spirit of intoler-
ance among those who profess the scientific attitude, it must be said
that this is because they have acquired it only in part, and not to-
ward every phase of life.

It must be acknowledged, however, that tolerance helps the
development of the scientific spirit quite as much as the scientific
spirit develops tolerance. "What makes a Liberal," Professor Gil-
bert Murray has said, "is liberality toward new ideas and toward
opponents, readiness to hear reason, and anxiety not to be misled
by prejudice, nor to fall back on mere authority or coercion. Surely
such liberalism is a long step toward the scientific attitude. The
alliance of liberalism and science is, therefore, not an accident.
Science, no more than democracy, can afford to tolerate intolerance.

As scientific men, as well as patriotic citizens, we have every
reason to oppose intolerance, and to do all we can to promote toler-
ance. Hardly any of us, I imagine, would deny that the supreme

14 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

values of human life lie in intelligence, in good will toward our fellow-
men, and in the good will of others toward us. Intolerance means
the negation of all of these values. Tolerance, on the other hand,
furthers their realization. We all recognize that tolerance is a means
of developing a broader emotional life. Should we not equally
recognize that it is indispensable for the development of a truly
broad intellectual life, and so for the spread of that scientific attitude
among our people which must be the hope of the future?

PSYCHOLOGY AND CULTURE

ALEXANDER GOLDENWEISER
The New School for Social Research

ABSTRACT

Psychology and culture. All culture, in the last analysis, emanates from the in-
dividual, but the individual psyche itself owes its content to culture. This apparent
paradox has led some to exaggerate the significance of the individual, others, that of
culture. Both must be taken cognizance of in any fair analysis of culture. The individ-
ual and society. Man is the sensory factor in society, society is made possible by in-
dividuals; but the problem of the relation of the individual to society is not a fictitious
one. It is, in fact, a complex problem allowing of many solutions and presenting new
fields for investigation. Social situations can be arranged in a series representing levels
of socialization, the highest level being represented by a crowd, in the narrow sense, the
lowest by a student engaged in the study of an abstract subject. Psychology and culture
from the methodological standpoint. "Psychic unity" is imbedded in the original nature
of man. From this spring cultural features of universal distribution, which can be inter-
preted psychologically. When the features are general but not universal, both historical
and psychological interpretations remain possible, but the separation of the two often
presents insuperable difficulties. Local features can only be interpreted historically.
Historical explanations do not preclude psychology. There is reality in such concepts as
the primitive mind or the German mind which, however, rest in history, not in biology.
The modern cultural situation is a laboratory for the study of both the individual and
culture. The perplexities of the semi-detached individual reveal aspects of the original
nature, the difficulties of a hard-pressed culture make possible new insight into the
nature of culture.

The purpose of this paper is to present in a brief formulation the
relations between psychological facts and cultural facts, the approach
being analytical as well as methodological.

I. THE MOST GENERAL RELATION BETWEEN PSYCHOLOGY
AND CULTURE

To a superficial view the relation between the individual psyche
and culture seems paradoxical; on the one hand, culture springs
from the individual psyche, on the other, the individual psyche itself
is determined by culture.

If this proposition is expanded, the paradox disappears. If cul-
ture could be analyzed retrospectively every element of it would be
found to have had its beginning in the creative act of an individual
psyche. There is, of course, no other source for culture to come from,

15

16 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

for what culture is made of is but the raw stuff of experience, whether
material or spiritual, transformed into culture by the creativeness
of man. 1 An analysis of culture, if fully carried out, leads back to
the individual psyche.

The content of any particular psyche, on the other hand, comes
from culture. No individual or group of individuals can ever origi-
nate their culture it comes to them from without, in the process of
education.

In its constituent elements culture is psychological and, in the
last analysis, comes from the individual. But as an integral entity,
culture is cumulative, historical, extra-individual. It comes to the
individual as part of his objective experience, just as do his experi-
ences with nature and, like these, it is absorbed by him, thus becom-
ing part of his psychic content.

This double relationship between culture and psychology has led
to two opposite tendencies in the interpretation of cultural phenom-
ena.

If culture is psychological in essence and individual in origin, it
was argued, it should be possible to furnish an individual psycho-
logical interpretation of culture, at any given time and place, with-
out leaving any residue. The "great men" theorists of history often
fell into this error, as did almost all systems of psychology, from the
subjective analytical attempts of the classical associationists to the
semi-experimental folk-psychologists of the Wundtian variety, and
to the modern psychoanalysts. The evolutionary anthropolgists and
sociologists were similarly at fault when they represented the culture
of this or that tribe as determined by its psychological make-up.

To the same category belongs a recent work on social psychology,
in which the claim is made that all "explanations" (as distinguished
from descriptions) in culture must rest in the individual, that the
"causes" for cultural change can only be found in individuals.

All of these ideologies fail to do justice to the cumulative aspect
of culture; they ignore the fact that the individual or individuals of
a group are ever at the mercy of the precedents, patterns, styles,
fashions of culture. Nor do they pay due heed to the fact that in the
life of every people historical factors come into play which, from the

1 A branch is a bit of the physical environment. A branch used as a club is culture.

PSYCHOLOGY AND CULTURE 17

standpoint of that particular culture, must be classed as accidental.
The classical examples of this are, of course, borrowed cultural fea-
tures which come from other tribes and cultures. These features are
patently independent, not alone of the psychology of the receipient
group, but also of its culture.

In sharp contrast to the preceding stand all those theorists who
stress the historical and superindividual aspect of culture at the
expense of individual and psychological factors. They assume that
culture is wholly an objective, extra-individual entity, specific unto
itself in nature and behavior, which imposes itself upon individuals
who, at best, can only be said to reflect it.

Among the evolutionists, the economic interpreters of history,
comprising Marx and his followers, represent this point of view. To
them culture is objective, social, historical, cumulative, dynamic,
deterministic. To culture the chariot of history is harnessed. The
individual is fleeting, passive, epi-phenomenal, causally irrelevant.
He is sitting in the chariot spinning highfaluting theories about its
progress while culture drives on. Here also belong the modern in-
stitutional anthropologists and sociologists, although their fervor is
less irrational and unreal.

Those who think in this fashion do scant justice to the active
participation of the individual in cultural growth. For while it is
certainly true that the cultural content comes to the individual in a
way that is external and objective, the individual does, after all,
recreate what he receives. He does so unconsciously by dint of the
very variability of his native endowment, as well as consciously in
the overt acts of psychic originality.

Even apart from this, however, the individual cannot be ex-
plained away by culture, for his psychic content is the result of what
might be called biographical selection. The specific cultural content
which comes to the psyche is not the only thing that counts. There
is also the chronological order of the coming, as well as the emotional
setting in which each element of experience is received. 1 It is this
difference in the order and the apperceptive conditions which con-
stitutes a large part of what we call individual differences. If this

1 By way of illustration, compare two individuals familiar with strikes and economic
theory, but one lived through a strike first then studied economics, the other did the
reverse.

i8 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

were not so, individuals of approximately equal native endowment
and similar cultural setting would also be similar when clothed in
their cultural garb, whereas as a matter of fact, the opposite is
obviously true.

And finally, however objective and extraneous to the individual
culture may be, it must after all be remembered that it ceases to
count, unless it be potentially, as soon as the psychic channels
through which it can be communicated are removed. Culture,
whether spiritual or material, counts only to the extent to which it
is operative through psychic channels. Cultural features that are
neither intellectually nor practically used nor aesthetically appreci-
ated, nor are even known to exist, do actually not exist, as culture,
except potentially. 1 They thus become equivalent to the passive
elements of the physical environment, such as metallic ores in the
Stone Age, which, although objectively present, are yet culturally
impotent because they are not reacted to or otherwise made use of.

II. THE MOST GENERAL RELATION OF THE INDIVIDUAL
TO SOCIETY

Man, being part of culture, is also part of society, the carrier of
culture. This circumstance has also led to an apparently paradoxical
situation which gave rise to three different ideological solutions.
Some held that man being the locus of sensory life was therefore the
measure of all things, and that society was nothing but a grouping of
individuals. All interpretations of social phenomena must therefore
be sought in the processes of the individual psyche.

Others insisted that man came into the world a social animal;
that all there was to him was social; that man the individual was an
abstraction; and that all social as well as individual phenomena had
therefore to be interpreted in social terms. Still others pointed out
that the whole question was a fictitious one, was what the Germans
call a Scheinproblem, a "pseudo-problem," that the individual was
society and society the individual, and that the very attempt to
juxtapose the two was a bit of abstractionist futility.

All three approaches can be shown to be erroneous. It is true

1 Such may be the fate of the Bible in some modern communities or, in others, of a
Wagnerian opera.

PSYCHOLOGY AND CULTURE ig

enough that man is the locus of psychic life and therefore represents
what may be called the sensory level of social phenomena. At the
same time, social determinants implied, for example, in motor habits
or language, creep into the individual psyche surreptitiously and
unconsciously. To disentangle the "pure" individual psyche from
their meshes seems well-nigh impossible. Also, the effectiveness of
some individuals as social factors of necessity molds and determines
other individuals, so that the very significance and conspicuousness
of some persons brings with it the passivity and relative nonimport-
ance of others.

Again, the extreme social determinists err in so far as they unduly
simplify the realm of social forces faced by the individual. As a
matter of fact this realm is highly complex, consisting of many in
part contradictory social influences, some of which reinforce each
other while others cancel out, allowing for the occasional emergence
of the relatively detached or desocialized individual. 1

Those, finally, who deny the very existence of the problem of the
relation of the individual to society are once more guilty of an ab-
stractionist simplification. This relation is not a problem only in
the sense that it is many problems, for the relation of the individual
to the social varies both with the social situation and with the char-
acter and state of the individual.

This reflection brings us to our next topic.

III. LEVELS IN THE RELATIONS OF THE INDIVIDUAL TO SOCIETY

Among the bonds that tie the individual to the group, some are
complex, others simple, some categoric, others loose. This can be
demonstrated by analyzing one of the simplest forms of social situ-
ation, namely, a crowd consisting of relatively like-minded individu-
als in physical or immediate contact and subjected to a common
stimulus. In this case the psychic content and the resulting reac-

1 Perhaps the most significant contrast between modern and primitive communities
lies in this domain. Relatively speaking, the social forces or pressures in primitive
society work uniformly, so as to affect all, and along parallel lines, as it were; while in
modern society, owing to the multiplication of social subgroupings and the specialization
of functions, these social forces or pressures constitute a complicated and intertwining
network. As a result the individual is at times bewildered, but he may also slip through
the meshes unscathed and relatively desocialized.

20 TEE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

tions of the individuals constituting the crowd are so uniform that
the crowd does indeed appear but as a magnified individual and the
individual but as a reflection of the crowd. For this reason also,
while the crowd does not possess an existential soul of its own, it
acts as if it had one, and if, indeed, it were assumed that it did, our
interpretation of the crowd would not be modified thereby. On the
other hand, an inspection of the individual psyche as revealed in
crowd phenomena makes possible a fine insight into the cruder as-
pects of the original nature of man, for all that is truly individual and
specific, such as the higher intellectual and spiritual functions, are
for the time being in abeyance. 1

At the other extreme is the lone thinker solving an intellectual
problem in an abstract subject the theory of numbers, for example.
To him the social world is but an academic assumption the presence
or absence of which in no way affects the task in which he is con-
cerned.

Between these two extremes lies a vast series of levels of social-
ization which allow of more careful conceptualization and more de-
liberate study than have heretofore been accorded them. 2

1 The reason for the oft-observed phenomenon that the individual in a crowd is,
as it were, pulled down to a lower level of biological life is, of course, to be sought in the
fact that the emotional and instinctive factors are much older and basic in our make-up
and constitute for that reason the common denominator in any group of individuals.
If we were to assume, for argument's sake, that man is basically sapiens, that the in-
tellectual elements are genetically older, and that they were in later evolutionary stages
relatively thinly overlaid with irrational and emotional elements, then a crowd made up
of such individuals would indeed create an intellectual superman. It would then think
with its head, not its "bowels,"

I may add, in passing, that the above remarks are not calculated to dispose of high
minded crowds. This occurs when an idealistic cue is given to a crowd under favorable
apperceptive conditions. Instance : an appeal for funds in war time.

3 Samples of such levels may be discerned in the following situations: a crowd in the
narrowest sense, comprising like-minded persons in intimate contact and subjected to a
common emotional stimulus; a crowd of less homogeneous consistency, or one subjected
to a less powerful stimulus; then a crowd in a wider sense, such as the readers of the
New York Times or the Dearborn Independent, when subjected to a "typical" editorial;
then a group of individuals in the seclusion of their respective universities engaged in
the study of the social sciences, who, while relatively detached, are yet subject to a
variety of irrational determinants; and finally, students of mathematics or celestial
mechanics, each isolated not only physically but conceptually, alone, unemotional, de-
tached, desocialized, homo sapiens par excellence.

PSYCHOLOGY AND CULTURE 21

IV. PSYCHOLOGY AND CULTURE, FROM THE METHODOLOGICAL

STANDPOINT

The psychic unity of mankind lies, first of all, in the realm of the
original nature of man. In the present state of psychological (or
shall we say biological?) knowledge, we may be able to discern but
dimly the outlines of this original nature. It is certain, nevertheless,
that the major range of psychic unity springs from this source. The
sensory qualities of man, his amenability to the gastric, sexual, and
propagatory urges, his gregariousness and sociability, his pugnacity
and playfulness, his inventiveness and inertia, his limited but withal
marvelous capacity to " think straight, " his love of work and enjoy-
ment of virtuosity, his vanity and love of power, and any number of
other traits, are certainly lodged in the original nature of man, either
actually or potentially (whatever this may be). For this reason man
everywhere, at all times and in all cultural stages, is so much the
same. This is psychic unity. This also is the domain of psychology,
Bastian may have been exasperatingly vague in his treatment of the
Elementargedanken, but at bottom he was right, for his "elemental
ideas" of mankind is but another name for psychic unity.

Psychic unity expresses itself in cultural features of universal
distribution. Universal features can be interpreted psychologically.
Take the belief in spirits and magic. Psychologists of different
schools have tackled it the associationists, the folk- psychologists,
the psychoanalysts and each group has contributed valuable bits
of interpretation.

Features that are general but not universal constitute a more
difficult problem. Take, for instance, the clan, or the mother-in-law
taboo, or secret societies. All are common, none universal. Does
this mean that psychology must be discarded and history applied if
an explanation is to be sought? Not necessarily. There may be, in
fact, there are, perfectly good psychological or socio-psychological
reasons for all three, but such reasons are not always categorical;
they may constitute a trend, a tendency, without being an impera-
tive. Whenever such situations occur where psychological and histor-
ical factors are blended, the methodological difficulties are, of course,
tremendous, and if psychological interpretations are at all applied,
they are usually doomed to remain hypothetical.

22 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Thus we finally reach cases where the features to be explained
are in a true sense peculiarities which occur only in a particular tribe,
district, nation. Cultural traits of this sort cannot be explained psy-
chologically here history claims its own. All we can say is that
under no cultural conditions can features appear which would con-
tradict psychology, but the specific features that do appear can only
by accounted for historically.

V. HISTORICAL EXPLANATIONS AND PSYCHOLOGY

In view of the above considerations it is often assumed that
historical explanations preclude psychology. This is erroneous. To
illustrate: Modern culture differs from primitive culture, one primi-
tive culture differs from another, a modern national culture, that of
France, differs from another, that of Germany. The explanation for
all this is historical. So much being granted, there is still ample room
for psychological illumination. The differentia of modern and primi-
tive culture are determined by history, this gives the background
for what may be called the modern mind and the primitive mind;
these in turn may be used as a basis for psychological interpretations.
In other words, there is such a thing as the "primitive mind/ 7 just as
there is a French mind and a German mind, even though the ex-
planation for such "minds" must be sought in history, not in biology. 1

VI. INDIVIDUAL-PSYCHOLOGICAL AND CULTURAL ANALYSIS
AS HEURISTIC TOOLS

In conclusion, a word about individual analysis and cultural
study as tools in the ever fascinating quest of penetrating more

1 This may be illustrated by the application of two concepts recently introduced
by psychoanalysts: introversion and extra version. Introverts are those who solve their
problems and adjustments to the world in subjective terms, extra verts, those whose
terms are objective or conventional. Some psychoanalysts extend the use of these con-
cepts from individuals to societies or nations; they speak of an introverted Germany,
an extraverted England or America. Now this cannot mean that there are more
extraverts born in England or America, more introverts in Germany. Nevertheless,
the terms introverted or extraverted nation may not be absurd. In an introverted
nation, introversion is at a premium, therefore born extraverts will be driven into
introvert compensation; in an extravert nation the reverse will be true. An introvert
or extravert nation may be the product of a purely historic process, but, as introvert
or extravert, it has a typical psychic orientation. The rest follows. (The possiblity
that the concepts "introvert" and "extravert" may be invalid or imperfectly circum-
scribed need not concern us here.)

PSYCHOLOGY AND CULTURE 23

deeply into the nature of the individual psyche and into the essence
of culture. Here, the present cultural situation is our laboratory.

We are told that the burden of culture is becoming too much for
the individual, that the ever increasing complexity of culture com-
bined with the modern urge for self-expression and personal freedom
create a psychological quagmire, impassable for the average human.
Hence, an increase in criminality, suicides, neuroses. At this point
psychoanalysis steps in and, out of its intensive explorations of the
struggle of original nature against the impositions of culture, there
emerges fresh illumination of the very kernel of original nature.
Whatever may be said in criticism of Freudian and other such
mechanisms, the fact remains that we know more today about the
urge of sex, about repressions, conflicts, compensations, and sublima-
tions than we did yesterday, and we hope for even a richer harvest
tomorrow. Original nature on the warpath proves a fertile field for
psychological exploration.

And there is a parallel situation in culture. While the individual
remained subdued by institutional norms, the double task of culture
of preserving the old and ushering in the new seemed to take care of
itself smoothly enough. Now comes the call for a revaluation of
values. Less of the old more of the new; less inertia more prog-
ress; less institutionalism more creative individualism; less cul-
tural norm more personal self-expression. Under the stress and
strain of these new demands culture itself is developing a complex.
Should it give way, who will be the healer? To the thinker, mean-
while, new vistas are opened toward a deeper understanding of the
nature of culture. How much mobility will it stand? What methods
could be employed to increase its plasticity? Will the new receipe
for culture be an improvement upon the old? Thus cultural rebirth
may furnish clinical data to the social pathologist.

CULTURE AND CULTURAL TRENDS

ROBERT E. PARK
University of Chicago

ABSTRACT

Culture and Cultural Trends. Cultural traits fall into (a) form, those which are
external and visible as arts, ceremonial, and tools; and (Z>) content, those which are deep
and inaccessible as memories, tradition, and unorganized social experience. Similar to
the distinction between form and content is the contrast between technique and mores.
Folkways, which with preliteratc people are practically identical with mores, under re-
flection and experimentation lose their institutional character and become technique.
Just as culture emphasizes the mores, civilization tends to be applied to what is general
and rational in culture, that is, to technique. The harmony between the ideal and the
material aspects of culture is far more characteristic of a society like that of the Eskimo
than of modern metropolitan life, because changes in our material culture are moving
at a tempo with which our ideals and our institutions are not able to keep pace. Cul-
tural trends are those changes taking place in the mores, in law, in public opinion, and
in philosophy in the struggle to bring these into harmonious relations with social con-
ditions.

I. CULTURE AS FORM AND AS CONTENT

In a paper published in 1911 in Nature, W. H. Rivers sought to
distinguish between those elements of culture which are embodied
in external, visible, and tangible objects, and those other less obvious,
less formal aspects of culture which he called "social structure."

I shall not attempt to define social structure as Rivers uses the
term. The conception is, at best, a dubious one. Interesting and
important, however, is the distinction he has tried to make between
elements or aspects of a culture which may be transmitted, as he
says, by mere contact, and those other cultural complexes which re-
main in the background of the folk mind, invisible but active, color-
ing and modifying the overt behavior of the people of whom they
are, perhaps, a forgotten heritage.

We find in Oceania .... people wearing European clothes and European
ornaments, using European utensils, and even European weapons when they
fight; we find them holding the beliefs and practicing the ritual of a European
religion; we find them speaking a European language, often even among them-
selves, and yet investigation shows that much of their social structure remains
thoroughly native and uninfluenced, not only in its general form, but often even

24

CULTURE AND CULTURAL TRENDS 25

in its minute details. The external influence has swept away the whole material
culture, so that objects of native origin are manufactured only to sell to tourists;
it has substituted a wholly new religion and destroyed every material, if not
every moral, vestige of the old ; it has caused great modification and degeneration
of the old language; and yet it may have left the social structure in the main un-
touched. And the reasons for this are clear. Most of the essential social struc-
ture of a people lies so below the surface it is so literally the foundation of the
whole life of the people, that it is not seen; it is not obvious, but can only be
reached by patient and laborious exploration. 1

It is always easier to transmit our language than our ideas. It
is less difficult to inculcate the forms of a religious cult than it is to
translate the religious experiences in which these religious practices
originated. It is easier to sell a sewing machine in China than to
establish a parliamentary form of government. It is easier, in short,
to introduce among any people tools or technical devices the use-
fulness of which is obvious than to transplant an alien institution
which has had a history and embodies in its motives and its structure
the accumulated experience of successive generations.

The most striking illustration of the sudden and successful adop-
tion of an alien culture is Japan. And yet those observers who have
had an opportunity to know Japan intimately assure us that as yet
European culture has merely changed the exterior of Japanese life.
Japan has taken over the science, the technique, and many of the
external forms of European culture, but is, perhaps, less disposed
today than it was sixty years ago to adopt the mores of the occi-
dental world.

The adoption of Western civilization was not nearly such an easy matter as
unthinking persons imagined. And it is quite evident that the mental readjust-
ments, effected at a cost which remains to be told, have given good results only
along directions in which the race has always shown capacities of special kinds.
Thus, the appliances of Western industrial invention have worked admirably
in Japanese hands, have produced excellent results in those crafts at which the
nation had been skilful, in other and quainter ways, for ages. There has been
no transformation nothing more than the turning of old abilities into new
and larger channels. 2

In one limited sense, Western art has influenced Japanese literature and
drama; but the character of the influence proves the racial differences to which I

1 W. H. R. Rivers, "The Ethnological Analysis of Culture," in Nature, LXXXVII
(1911), 358-60.

2 Lafcadio Hearn, Kokoro (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1896), pp. 9-10.

26 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

refer. European plays have been reshaped for the Japanese stage, and European
novels rewritten for Japanese readers. But a literal version is rarely attempted,
for the original incidents, thoughts, and emotions would be unintelligible to
the average reader or playgoer. Plots are adopted, sentiments and incidents are
totally transformed. "The New Magdalen" becomes a Japanese girl who mar*
ried an Eta. Victor Hugo's Les Mistrables becomes a tale of the Japanese civil
war, and Enjolras a Japanese student. There have been a few rare exceptions,
including the marked success of a literal translation of the Sorrows of Werther*

This does not mean that changes in Japanese life are not pro-
found. It does mean that the Japanese ethos, rooted in temperament
and reinforced by tradition, will, like any other living organism, per-
sist, using the changed conditions to further and fortify its continued
existence in a changed environment. The external adventitious ele-
ments of its culture will change first and change more rapidly. What
Rivers calls the structure of Japanese national life will change also,
but more slowly.

The contrast which Rivers draws between the changing, super-
ficial aspect of culture and its relatively unchanging core, seems to
reduce itself finally to the contrast between form and content. Those
traits which are external and visible are form; those which are deep
and inaccessible are content. We know what the external aspects of
a culture are: they are its arts, its ceremonial, and its tools. But
what of the content; in what, precisely, does this thing we call con-
tent consist? It consists, apparently, in memories, that is to say,
in tradition; in a relatively unorganized social experience; something
which is, at any rate, less structure than will. 2

Rivers' discussion of blended cultures is concerned with the proc-
esses by which cultural traits are transmitted horizontally from one
cultural group to another. But cultures are transmitted vertically
from one generation to another in the same cultural group. The
process is probably much the same, but the results are different.
Children seem to take over intuitively and without resistance just
those elements of a foreign culture which an adult alien finds most

1 Lafcadio Hearn, Kokoro (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1896), pp. 10-11.

2 This will is probably related to the libido of the psychoanalyst and to the elan
mtale of Bergson. It is anything you please, so long as the term is used to describe a fact,
and is more than the name of a mystical and metaphysical entity.

CULTURE AND CULTURAL TRENDS 27

difficult to understand and assimilate. Children do not inherit the
cultural complexes of their parents, and when children of immigrants
grow up in the country of their adoption they inevitably take over
all the accents, the inflections, the local cultural idioms of the native
population. This is true of the Chinese in America, even though they
are reared as most of them are in a ghetto. Most of the native
sons among the Chinese in California are outrageously American in
their manners and in their sentiments. It is only in later life, if at
all, that they revert to the ancestral tradition and acquire a second-
ary racial loyalty.

If it turns out as it frequently does that the culture of the
second generation seems a little thin and superficial as compared
with that of the first, it is due, no doubt, to the fact that this second
generation, having lost or abandoned the older cultural heritages, is
not quite in possession of the new. In the long run this undoubtedly
affects American life as a whole. It manifests itself, I suspect, in the
proverbial restlessness of the Amercan; in the extraordinary extent
of family disorganization, i.e., divorce, desertion, as well as in the
amount of juvenile delinquency and crime.

For this and other reasons, the distinction between the form and
the content of cultures, which Rivers found useful in his studies of
his primitive folk, is even more important in the study of conflicts
and fusions of racial and national cultures in our cosmopolitan and
contemporary life.

The significant thing about the whole matter is that, with the
fusion and blending of culture, form and content tend to fall apart,
nd gain each a more or less independent existence. The signi-
ficance of this will appear later, when we come to define the changes
we have called trends.

II. TECHNIQUE AND THE MORES

The distinction between form and content, as applied to the
analysis of cultures, has a parallel and an analogy in the contrast
between technique and the mores.

Among primitive peoples, what Sumner calls "folkways" seem
to have been identical, or nearly so, with what he later describes as

28 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

mores. Folkways are not merely ways of doing all the common
things of life as they have become defined in custom and trans-
mitted through tradition, but they are the "right" ways.

There is a right way to catch game, to win a wife, to make one's self appear,
to cure disease, to honor ghosts, to treat comrades or strangers, to behave when
a child is born, on the warpath, in council, and so on in all cases which can arise.
The ways are defined on the negative side, that is, by taboos. The "right" way
is the way which the ancestors used, and which has been handed down. The
tradition is its own warrant. It is not held subject to verification by experience.
The notion of right is in the folkways. It is not outside of them, of independent
origin, and brought to them to test them. In the folkways, whatever is, is right. 1

Folkways, however, become in the course of time the object of
reflection. Crude and vague notions of societal welfare grow up in
regard to them and serve to explain and justify them. Then, accord-
ing to Sumner, folkways assume the character of mores. The mores
are not themselves a philosophy of life, but they hold a philosophy
of life in solution. But folkways are not merely customary ways of
doing things. They are, at the same time, devices and contrivances
for getting things done and for doing them effectively. The folk-
ways are practices which embody the elements of technique. Prac-
tice leads inevitably to experiment and then to reflection on these
experiments. Out of these reflections we get eventually science, i.e.,
natural science. When science has explained the arts, ceremonies,
and practical devices by which we do things and get them done,
these arts, ceremonies, and other devices assume the character of
technique.

The effect of this experimentation upon the folkways is to secu-
larize them; to take them out from under the mores that is to say',
out from under the control of custom and the group and put them
at the service of the individual man. In this way, they cease to be a
form of social ritual and become a kind of tool, a means to an end,
rather than an end in themselves.

This process of secularization begins with simple and elementary
practices like sowing and reaping, the making of gins and traps, the
manufacture of tools. It extends itself eventually to all the activities
of life.

1 W. G. Sumner, Folkways (Ginn and Company, 1906), 28.

CULTURE AND CULTURAL TRENDS 29

Furthermore, when customary practices are made intelligible in
the manner described, they are more easily transmitted from one
cultural group to another. They can be bartered and sold in the
marketplace, they lose their institutional character, and become part
of that general culture of mankind which we ordinarily call civiliza-
tion.

The history of modern civilization, viewed from one point of
view, is the history of the continued secularization and rationaliza-
tion of human activities, in the course of which ritual has become
technique.

The natural sciences, at least in the occidental world, have long
since entirely lost their local and national character. Philosophy and
art, on the other hand, still reflect temperament and the historical
experience of nations and of peoples of whose cultures they are a
peculiarly intimate expression.

The effect of these international labors has been to destroy the clearly
marked differences of national thought. At least in the domain of science, the
peculiarities of the French, the German, and the English schools are rapidly
disappearing. The characteristics of national thought still exist; but in order to
find them in the present age we should have to study the deeper philosophical
reasonings, the general literature, and the artistic efforts of the three nations.
.... The establishment of an observatory or a laboratory in our age lays under
contribution almost every civilized country in the world, and the most inter-
national of sciences that of electricity fixes its units by the names of dis-
coverers of many countries. 1

Those cultural traits which have so completely lost their local,
tribal, and national character that they have ceased to be expressive,
^ave, at the same time, lost their character as culture. They may be
regarded as a part of nature. Civilization, on the other hand, is a
more abstract conception than culture. Civilization includes both
technique and the mores.

Civilization, as we ordinarily use the term, is not a local phe-
nomenon in the same sense in which that is true of culture. It is not
a term which describes what is individual and unique in the life of
races or peoples. Civilization is the term we apply to those aspects
of culture which have been generalized, rationalized, and are gen-

1 John Theodore Merz, European Thought in the Nineteenth Century (London:
William Black wood and Sons, 1907), I, 305.

30 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

erally intelligible. So far as there is any distinction in the use of the
terms, civilization emphasizes technique as culture emphasizes
mores.

It has been a frequent observation of students of society that
social groups, although consisting of individuals each with his own
private opinions and purposes, frequently acts as if each group had a
mind of its own, a group mind. We may, as James Harvey Robinson
says we must, have to "reconcile ourselves to novel and revolution-
ary conceptions of the mind, for it is clear that the older philoso-
phers, whose works still determine our current views, had a very
superficial notion of the subject with which they dealt." 1

Without venturing to discuss the question as to whether the
group mind is "real" entity in any such sense as the mind of the
individual is supposed to be, we may at least use the analogy to de-
scribe the way in which social groups do actually behave.

We are already familiar with such expressions as the "rural
mind," "the urban mind," "the medieval mind," "mind in the mak-
ing," etc. What we look for in the materials which the study of
cultures offers us is something which enables us not merely to esti-
mate their mentality, but to know their minds, using the term
"mind" as Henry Osborne Taylor does when he speaks of the
"medieval mind," or as Bliss Perry does when he speaks of the
American mind.

That is what is meant by saying that cultural materials must be
expressive. We can only know the minds of peoples, as we know a
work of art, in so far as we are able to re-create, in our own minds,
the experiences which have made them what they are. *

Lafcadio Hearn, who was an adept in the art of "feeling him-
self," as the Germans say, into the lives of strange people, speaks
with authority on this topic:

Sympathy is limited by comprehension. We may sympathize to the same
degree that we understand. One may imagine that he sympathizes with a Jap-
anese or a Chinese, but the sympathy can never be real to more than a small
extent outside of the simplest phases of common emotional life, those phases in
which child and man are at one. The more complex feelings of the Oriental have
been composed by the combinations of experiences, ancestral and individual,

1 James Harvey Robinson, The Mind in the Making (New York: Harper & Bros.,
, P- 36-

CULTURE AND CULTURAL TRENDS 31

which have had no really precise correspondence in Western Life, and which we
can therefore not fully know. For converse reasons, the Japanese cannot, even
though they would, give Europeans their best sympathy. 1

Whether the distinction between technique and the mores, with
which I started out, or the distinction between culture and civiliza-
tion, with which I ended, are wholly tenable or not does not greatly
matter for the purposes of this paper. It is at least true that civiliza-
tion is the broader term, and that within the wide embrace of a
civilization, local, tribal, and even national, cultures may be found
to exist. It is perhaps only when we consider civilization and culture
in this relation to each other that the significance of the distinction
between them becomes impressive. Using the terms with this defini-
tion, we might say of America today that it has, to be sure, a civiliza-
tion, but not a culture. This is, in fact, pretty nearly what Horace
Kallen does say in defense of his program of cultural pluralism.

Decidedly, the older America, whose voice and whose spirit were New Eng-
land, has, by virtue of business, of communications, of the immigrant, gone
beyond recall. Americans of British stock still are prevailingly the artists and
thinkers of the land, but they work each for himself, without common vision
or ideals. They have no ethos any more. The older tradition has passed from a
life into a memory, and the newer one, so far as it had an Anglo-Saxon base, is
holding its own beside more and more formidable competitors, the expression
in appropriate form of the national inheritances of the various populations con-
centrated in various states of the Union, populations of whom their national
self-consciousness is perhaps the chief spiritual asset, as their labor-power is
their chief economic asset. 2

I am not defending the view here expressed. I do not accept it;
\ merely quote it. But the fact that this view has been uttered and
defended by a mind of unusual perspicuity and intelligence is itself
significant.

in. CULTURAL TRENDS

The unifying element in every cultural complex is, in the lan-
guage of Clark Wissler, "a core of ideas and beliefs, actuating a peo-
ple and in a large measure controlling their career." The core of
ideas and beliefs and the material objects in which these ideas and

x Lafcadio Hearn, Kokoro (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1896), pp. 11-12.

3 Horace Kallen, Culture and Democracy in the United States (Boni and Liveright),
p. 105.

32 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

beliefs are embodied mutually interact upon one another to pro-
duce a harmonious whole. We are constantly remaking the world in
accordance with our desires, but that world, once created, inevitably
reacts back upon our desires to reshape them and define them in
conformity with itself.

"Our experience with the world/' says Wissler, "indicates that
whenever we find sharp contrasts in such homely affairs as housing
and feeding, we are certain to find equal, if not even sharper, con-
trasts in beliefs, social ways, ideals, and ethics, and in fact all mental
attitudes toward things of whatever sort."

This admirable harmony between the ideal and material, be-
tween the subjective and objective aspects of culture, is probably a
good deal more characteristic of the Eskimo, which is the illustration
Wissler uses, than it is to take an extreme case of the hobo, or
in fact of any other representative of our modern, cosmopolitan,
urban life. Between the material objects of the hobo's cultural world
and his beliefs and wishes the contrast is so great as to amount to
conflict. The same is true, however, of almost every other class in
modern society.

It is not merely true that the hobo as an individual is not always
able to make ends meet, but the hobo's ideals of life are out of har-
mony with the general scheme of things. His life lacks form, and he
is restless, migratory, and unsettled in his mind.

But this is characteristic of every class in modern society. Even
our most solid citizens have a sense of insecurity which probably
rests finally upon a sense of incongruity between our material cul-
ture and our aims and ideals of life. ,

The reason seems to be that the changes in our material culture
are moving at a tempo with which our ideas and ideals have not
been able to keep pace. This lack of congruity manifests itself not
merely in our art and in our religion, but in our politics. Our institu-
tions we hear it repeated on all sides are out of touch with life.
Our art and architecture, like the hobo's career, is free, but lacks
form. As Von Ogden Vogt has put it, our art is nondescript.

The arts constitute the description of the world as an age or a people ap-
prehends it. The spiritual life of a time is depicted with unescapable exactness
in its artistry. A spiritual movement that does not find expression in the arts

CULTURE AND CULTURAL TRENDS 33

cannot attain self-consciousness or dominance or survival. An age or a people
that does not reach any self-realization or any unity of thought or feeling that
breaks forth into artistic expression is nondescript. 1

And then he adds:

Rebels, prophets, protestants, are in every time and place, but if they are
in the majority, the community is nondescript, and the voices of the arts are
mute, for they have no great thing to say *

This is a nondescript age in which we live. The old isolations
within which the older cultures grew up have broken down. "No
race can again form so separate a culture and artistry as that of Siam
or Japan. The world is one as never before. And it is nondescript
as never before." 3

On the other hand, religion, as it has found institutional expres-
sion in the church, is likewise out of touch with modern life and
thought. Science and practical life have moved on and left the church
with its creeds behind.

The crisis in the religious world has been brought about by the failure of
existing religion to adapt itself to the two outstanding facts in our civilization

science and democracy Of these two, science is the more outstanding

and dominant. It is the foundation of our views of life and of the universe, as
well as of our material progress, and so it has largely created the conditions
which have favored the rise of modern democracy. Yet the maladjustment of
religion with science remains pronounced. 4

Roscoe Pound has made similar observations in regard to our
political and judicial institutions:

To understand the administration of criminal justice in American cities
today we must first perceive the problems of administration of justice in a homo-
geneous, pioneer, primarily agricultural community of the first half of the nine-
teenth century, and the difficulties involved in meeting those problems with
the legal institutions and legal doctrines inherited or received from seventeenth-
century England. We must then perceive the problems of administration of
justice in a modern, heterogeneous, urban, industrial community, and the diffi-
culties involved in meeting those problems with the legal and judicial machinery
inherited or received from England and adapted and given new and fixed shape
for pioneer rural America. 5

1 Von Ogden Vogt,Art and Religion (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1921), p. 9.

3 Ibid., p. ii. 3 Ibid., p. 16.

* Charles A. Ell wood, The Reconstruction of Religion (New York: The Macmillan
Company, 1922), p. 2.

s Roscoe Pound, Criminal Justice in Cleveland (Cleveland: The Cleveland Founda-
tion, 1922), p. 590.

34 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Disease has been described as an evidence and an effect of a
lack of adjustment between the organism and its environment. So-
cial disorganization may, with probably equal justice to the facts,
be described as an evidence of conflict or incongruity between the
subjective and objective aspects of culture, between the group mind
and the instrumentalities through which that mind acts.

It is the thesis of this paper that what we ordinarily call cultural
trends are changes that take place in the mores, in law, in public
opinion, and in philosophy in the struggle to bring these into some
sort of consistent and harmonious relations with social conditions
and, as we so often say, actual life.

There is a fashion in public opinion, in law, in the mores, and in
culture generally, as there is in all things that express the life and
the will of the social group. The general direction which fashion
takes is what I should like to describe as a cultural trend.

The classic illustration of such a trend is Dicey's account of the
changes in public opinion in England in the period beginning with
the end of the eighteenth century and ending with the twentieth. 1
Dicey speaks of law and public opinion, but the public opinion that
he describes includes what Sumner calls the mores. It is the change
in the mores, as they were reflected in law, with which he is mainly
concerned.

What he says, in effect, is that from the end of the eighteenth
century to the end of the nineteenth, changes in English law, with,
to be sure, many divagations and shif tings, took one general direc-
tion. On the whole, these changes represented a shift from a more
individualistic to a more communistic conception of government
and human relations. The direction which this change took was a
trend.

Similar changes have been taking place in our own society.
Without intending to do so, without clearly realizing that they are
doing so, our legislatures, in seeking to regulate the railways and
other public or quasi-public corporations, have been steadily under-
mining the conception of private property inherited from England.
The labor organizations, in their struggles with the employers of
labor, have worked, consciously and unconsciously, in the same

1 A. V. Dicey, Law and Public Opinion in England.

CULTURE AND CULTURAL TRENDS 35

direction. The latest and most radical expression of the labor move-
ment is embodied in the phrase "citizenship in industry." Citizen-
ship in industry is an assertion of labor's right, in conjunction with
its employers, to fix wages and define the conditions under which
industry should be carried on.

The expression, "boring from within/' is simply a description and
a rationalization of the process by which labor has actually under-
mined the institution of property upon which the employer's right
to control the industry rests.

If now we consider causes, the systematic character of these
changes and the apparent failure of both parties to understand their
fundamentally subversive character seem to preclude the notion that
they were the result of design, or consciously intended by the persons
who brought them about. The causes were deeper and more imper-
sonal.

When we review what actually has taken place in the nineteenth
century, we observe that with the growth of cities the multiplica-
tion of the means of transportation and communication, and the
consequent division of labor, the interdependence of individuals and
of peoples has been vastly extended. And this extension of the divi-
sion of labor, with the consequent economic interdependence which
it involves, has undermined not only the independence of the work-
ingman, but of every one of us. Under conditions of modern life
the workingman bears, or did at one time, most of the economic
costs of the fluctuations of industrial production. Every new indus-
trial machine puts the hard-won skill of a group of workers on the
scrap-heap. Every fluctuation in trade threw large numbers of men
out of work. With this increasing extension of economic interde-
pendence of all individuals and classes, it was inevitable that eventu-
ally laws should be passed that recognized this interdependence and
sought to control it.

In general, one may say that changes in what Rivers calls the
less material culture always and inevitably reflect changes in the
more material culture. In other words, technique and the mores are
so related that any change in the former inevitably brings corre-
sponding changes in the latter. The relation is, however, probably
not reversible. This is, perhaps, one explanation of the fact as well

36 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

as the illusion of progress, progress being a cultural trend in which we
see social conditions constantly in process of amelioration in one
direction while they are just as steadily deteriorating in others.

Nothing inspiring or uplifting seems to follow from the cleavage
I have attempted to point out between the core of the cultural com-
plex and its expression in physical objects; there is no immediate
practical significance, either, to the fact that what we call cultural
trends seem to arise out of the struggle for coherence among ele-
ments, subjective and objective, within the cultural complex.

It is significant, however, that these distinctions have in every
case arisen, not merely in an attempt to analyze primitive cultures,
but in the effort to deal practically with the problems of racial and
cultural conflicts as they manifest themselves, among people with
whom we are brought in everyday contact, within the limits of what
Henry James calles the "American scene."

What does strike one as hopeful, is that further investigation on
the lines here indicated, will throw a new and a more searching light
upon the whole cultural process, so that in the future we may hope
to study it empirically, rather than discuss it philosophically, as this
paper has been compelled to do.

THE SUBJECTIVE ASPECT OF CULTURE

ELLSWORTH PARIS
University of Chicago

ABSTRACT

The present trend of opposition to instinctivism implies a rejection of evolutionism
as a tool of analysis for social psychologists. Behaviorism and all similar efforts to
interpret personality in terms of reflexes involves the unjustifiable assumption that
culture is added to the human animal and that the two can separately be investigated.
Heredity and cultural environment are not separate forces, they are merely tools of
analysis. They are justifiable abstractions but are too often conceived as independent
forces. Social psychology, defined as the study of the subjunctive aspect of culture,
includes the study of groups and the study of individuals. The most important fields
in which data can, at present, be found seem to lie in the realms of ethnology, history,
and biography.

The efforts of astronomers to signal to the planet Mars on the
occasion of the last opposition, were, unfortunately, not rewarded
with success, but the Martians, who are more advanced than we,
did succeed in landing an expedition of scholars on the North
American continent. In a recent conversation with one of the mem-
bers of the expedition, I found it very difficult to convince him that
we still have a large group of students of psychology who seek to
explain and understand human nature by collecting anecdotes about
the ants, bees, and the wild oxen of Patagonia. The Martian was at
first incredulous. He, too, had been interested in zoology and had
studied the fishes, insects, birds, and quadrupeds of the earth, but
he had thought it necessary, before venturing any conclusions about
the terrestrial featherless bipeds who have built cities, erected mon-
asteries, built palaces and temples, and practiced institutionalized
torture, to draw the facts from the behavior of the human animals
themselves. The Martian was very insistent. No aspect of life, said
he, was so interesting or so various in its manifestations as the
human animals, and none interested him more. But the behavior of
the different varieties of the species were so different that he felt he
was under the necessity of spending some months to get at the facts
of human life in their variety before he could venture any conclu-

37

38 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

sions. I tried to explain to him that we had been at it more or less
continuously for sixty-six generations. He was amazed. "Is it possi-
ble?" was all he could say.

I tried to defend our clan. "You see, we have evolution, we have
instincts, we have neurones, synapses, and reflexes." Evolution he
had heard that word, but he had been under the impression that it
referred to anatomical structures and their relations, which I had
to admit. "Then how can you apply it to societal sequences?" Well, I
squirmed, it was a beautiful idea, and we thought we should like to
apply it to human society. "But that does not appear defensible," he
said. "It seems, pardon me, almost indolent to take over the gen-
eralizations of one field and apply them in advance to another." I
quickly changed the subject.

"But we have human instincts?" The celestial visitor smiled.
"What are you trying to put over one me, anyhow? I have been in
the libraries long enough to know that the instincts of the human
being are listed in the most chaotic fashion. Three eminent writers
agree in listing just one human instinct, one gives just two, several
give four, others ten, some twelve, sixteen, twenty-three, and on to
a hundred or more."

"Well," I conceded, "there has been a recent revolt from the
instinct doctrine, but at least we have behaviorism."

"It sounds bad to call a scientific doctrine an ism, but go ahead."

Behaviorism, I tried to explain, is a method of understanding
and investigating human nature by external observation.

"But what about the imagination can they observe that?"

"Hush!" I said, "you must not mention imagination, some be-
haviorist might hear you it is taboo."

"You mean that they do not try to consider the internal aspect
of men?"

"0, yes, the neuroses and synapses."

"Ah! that sounds interesting," he said. "I have often wished
there were some technique for observing the working of the nervous
system, for obviously it is of the utmost importance in behavior.
And what technique have the behaviorists developed for observing
the working of the nerve currents?"

"Well, we have books and pictures about them."

THE SUBJECTIVE ASPECT OF CULTURE 39

"But I mean the working of the synapses!"

"Well, we dissect the brain."

"0, I see, and how do you manage to dissect the brain without
injuring the individual?"

"You don't understand; we only dissect him after he is dead."

"But then he has ceased to act."

"Yes."

"But you perhaps dissect the different types of men and observe
the different nerve-end connections?"

"Well, no. We usually dissect paupers and the unclaimed bodies
of human derelicts."

"Are their synapses the same as those of gifted and successful
people?"

"I don't know."

"Don't know! See here, why don't you know?"

"Well, the synapses are not really facts of observation."

"Do you mean to say," said he, "that you build your science on
hypothetical assumptions? Now in Mars, our psychology is far more
advanced. We begin by "

Unfortunately, just then I awoke.

The study of human nature goes back very far in the history of
thought and has taken so many false leads that new starts have to
be undertaken whenever the old efforts have proven misleading. The
older structures have to be wrecked and new buildings planned in
their stead. At the present time the wrecking crew is very busy and
very happy. The young men who are demolishing the instinct
hypothesis remind one of the Irish Catholic laborer who was rejoicing
at the best job in the world: "Tearing down a Methodist church and
getting paid for it." The instincts must go.

The instinct hypothesis arose out of the effort to apply the con-
cept of evolution to the facts of human behavior, and it is the doc-
trine of evolution that must next be overthrown as a starting-point
for social psychology. I do not mean that any concession is to be
made to Mr. Bryan and his fundamentalism, but I do mean that,
whether applied to individual behavior or to social change, the con-
cept of evolution has been not only sterile of results but has been

40 TEE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

positively misleading and has operated to obscure the real facts. He
who will read the two books of W. H. R. Rivers, the monograph on
the Todas and his masterpiece on the Melanesians cannot hope to
find a more eloquent commentary on the new light and added insight
that comes when the concept evolution has been discarded and the
notion of history and contacts substituted.

All this is disconcerting to some of our number, but the rejection
of McDougallism was made necessary in most cases on account of
the earnest effort to apply the doctrine. And the same thing can be
said about the doctrine of the evolution of society, with its separate
stages and successive ages. We accepted it as good and tried to
work it, but it would not work, so we had to abandon it.

Whence came the facts referred to? Speaking generally, they
came from a widened view of space and a lengthened view of time
in short, from ethnology and from history. He who will go round
the planet, considering one by one the peoples and the cultural or-
ganizations, and he who will consider the mere tithe that our histo-
rians and archaeologists have furnished to us of the weary road along
which the race has traveled, often to its doom he, I say, who will
consider these facts will find the conceptions of instincts and evolu-
tion incumbrances and not helps.

Let us then consider evolutionism and instinctism dead and
buried (or perhaps buried alive). Is the ground clear? Well, hardly.
Physiological psychology and animal psychology have descended
upon us in the form of behaviorism, and social psychology is to be
written in terms of reflexes. The wrecking crew will have a harder
task just here, for it is harder to wreck a new building than an old
one. Moreover, it is not yet finished, and the wreckers will have to
contend with the builders, and yet it must be done. If it is not done
we shall not ever get a science of human nature. Now human nature
is different from animal nature, and the neurological approach not
only has no technique for distinguishing human nature from the
nature of the lower animals, but tends to deny that there is any
essential difference. But we are interested in just that difference and
are determined to study it as it is.

Some years ago it was a common practice to assume a primitive

THE SUBJECTIVE ASPECT OF CULTURE 41

man, a hairy cave man who went abroad alone, hunting and killing
in solitary predaciousness, doing his wooing with a baseball bat and
dragging his unconscious bride to his lair. The picture strikes us
now as a bit inaccurate. We think of the cave man as probably hav-
ing been born, and presumably born young, with a mother and a
period of infancy. We think of his bride as probably not always and
everywhere reluctant to be married. We feel superior to the men
who wrote about the cave man in the traditional way, and yet some
of our assumptions are open to the suspicion of an analogous error,
for much of current writing takes the form of an inquiry into what
the individual is, apart from his social influences. It would be as diffi-
cult to talk about what brandy is apart from its alcoholic content.
It would not be brandy. What the individual would be apart from
his environment is forever impossible to state.

It is physiological psychology and neurological psychology which
is so largely responsible for the misleading statement of the problem
of heredity and environment.

Heredity and environment are not forces operating upon a pas-
sive individual. They are not forces that compete within an individ-
ual. They are not forces at all. Heredity and environment are tools
of analysis, necessary and useful abstractions like weight, color,
impenetrability. Chromosomes are concepts which the biologists
have developed, increasingly fruitful in guiding their researches,
but it cannot be too clearly understood that the social psychologist
must do his work in interpreting the phenomena in his field without
a microscope. President Coolidge opposes a competitive naval pro-
gram, while Secretary Wilbur actively and aggressively insists that
we should spend one hundred million dollars a year for the next
twenty years to make our battleships many and deadly. Far be it
from me to deny the existence of chromosomes in Secretary Wilbur
and President Coolidge; but if I am gracious enough to admit the
existence of their chromosomes, I shall be willing to do so only on
condition that our biological psychologists shall speak of their
chromosomes subsequent to, and not before, a microscopic examina-
tion of them.

It is environment when we cannot account for a divergence by

42 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

an appeal to heredity. It is heredity when we cannot account for it
by reference to the environment. It is neither heredity nor environ-
ment when we do not have to account for it at all.

The study of human personality has witnessed more than one
particular divergence from sound method. Descartes was not an
environmentalist. At least the central and most important ideas
were to him inborn. Men gave up this notion because the divergence
of innate ideas brought on too rich a variety for this explanation to
satisfy. John Stuart Mill, on the other hand, was an environmen-
talist. To him ideas came into the mind from without, being formed
from the sensations that the environment provided. Men gave up
this notion because of the stubbornness of youth against the efforts
of their schoolmasters. McDougall is again an instinctivist a mili-
tant apostle of heredity: although ideas are not inherited, yet in-
stincts are native. The British Empire is to him the result of the
instinctive curiosity which is so highly developed in the insular Nor-
dics, while African slavery is the consequence of an exaggerated in-
stinct of submission among those who have kinky hair. Men are
giving this up because the changing trends which history reveals
and the divergent customs which ethnology discovers have made it
unworkable. Barnard is again an environmentalist; habits formed
under the pressure of the environment determine the nature and
development of personality.

It seems that we are ready for another stage in our thinking on
this problem. Like many other such problems, we shall not settle
it; we shall outgrow it. There are situations in which it is of no
value to regard either heredity or environment. Some facts of lifp
can only be explained as due to heredity; others must refer to social
influence. But the separation of heredity and environment can only
be done by an act of abstraction. They never occur separately, nor
do they ever occur together. They do not occur at all save where the
investigator analyzes the concept and selects a single aspect to aid
him in his puzzle.

There is at the present time a lively but useless controversy as
to the nature of social psychology. Social psychology is the study
of group behavior, cries one. Nay, says another, it is the study of
the individual modified by social influence. Who is right? Neither.

THE SUBJECTIVE ASPECT OF CULTURE 43

The problem belongs not in psychology but in lexicography. In the
Oxford dictionary there are fourteen pages devoted to the definition
of the preposition "of." Social psychology can perhaps be defined
in a shorter space, but the facts are that men are studying groups
and men are studying individuals, and if they can speak a language
sufficiently common to enable them to communicate, it should not
appear quixotic to hope that some day they may be of service to
each other. One would have thought that Professor Cooley had
settled this question for us long ago. If I read him aright the differ-
ence between the individual and society does not always exist, but
it may exist whenever a problem of their relationship appears and
when it appears the individual is seen to be one aspect of the whole.

They tell of a Russian Jew who came to the hospital for an
operation on his face. He was told that it would be necessary to
shave his beard off, a statement which produced in him the greatest
distress. He appeared on the appointed day, his face perfectly
smooth, having pulled every hair out by the roots. This was clearly
the act of an individual. Here were obviously involved chromo-
somes and nerves and reflexes. But his behavior was the subject
aspect of an ancient culture. The rabbis of the Middle Ages pulled
their hair out.

McKay, a Negro poet, wrote a few years ago a defiant poem
which millions of Negroes have read and memorized, called, "If
We Must Die." He belonged to the race which was assumed to
have an exaggerated instinct of submission. But there is no sub-
mission here, and the point is that in one sense McKay did not write
if. His race wrote it. He was the concentrated point with the wit
to give expression to what millions were feeling before he wrote
and felt more strongly when he wrote it.

John Dewey once said facetiously of the Germans: "Other na-
tions are proud of their great men; but the Germans are proud of
themselves for producing Luther and Goethe." But in one sense the
Germans are right. They did produce their great men, and they
have a right to be proud of them and we of ours.

I am seeking in this paper a formula of reconciliation. To me the
concept of a group mind or over-soul is untenable and emotionally
distasteful, and yet groups exist. Groups are always composed of

44 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

members, and phenomena go on in terms that can be described, if
one needs to do so, from the standpoint of individual psychology.
Nevertheless, groups exist in the sense that we can identify them,
study them, get information about them and learn to handle them.
This is the only helpful sense in which anything may be said to exist.
From the standpoint of our problem, the institutions of society, our
customs, our language, our art, morals, religion, and social organ-
ization are the objective phenomena about which facts can be gath-
ered and generalizations made and tested.

But in all these groups there are members, and in each of these
members the objective aspects of culture have a corresponding sub-
jective side, and the subjective aspect of culture is one way in which
the object-matter of social psychology might be defined.

A lieutenant was drilling his men. After each command he said
in a low voice, "You too/' To his colonel, demanding an explana-
tion, he replied: "I myself came up from the ranks, and know what
those men are thinking. Whenever I give a command, every one of
those men says in his heart, 'You go to hell.'" The lieutenant was a
social psychologist. He was interested in an aspect of culture which
is not easily accessible to strictly behavioristic methods.

Social psychologists should rejoice at the lively interest in the
field, and at the activity which characterizes the students of the
subject. But we are still too disconnected in our points of view,
and can hardly be said to have a universe of discourse. I wonder if
we all read each others' books! It matters little what definition you
give to social psychology, but it does matter much what method
and standpoint we take.

Social psychology is defined as study of groups. It is just that
as some men pursue it. Social psychology is defined as the study of
individuals, and some are doing that. But the important matter to
be grasped is that both are partial, and each a different aspect of
the whole.

Personality is the subjective aspect of culture and the problem is
not how personality is modified by culture, but how personality
results inside the process of culture.

There is doubtless a crowd fallacy and yet groups exist. They
exist in the same sense that storms exist, or waterfalls, or stampedes.
Groups exist in the sense that we can deal with them, study them,

THE SUBJECTIVE ASPECT OF CULTURE 45

get information about them, and learn about life by studying them.

And persons exist, and in the same way, and in no other way.
For existence can only be apprehended by us as a function.

Consider language. Language has its subjective aspect and facts
about language, which can be apprehended in no other way. But
language has its objective aspect, and there are facts that can be
obtained only by an objective consideration. No one understands
the subjective aspect of language without some conception of the
other, and vice versa.

Why do we study social psychology? There is the mere urge of
curiosity for some, but I freely confess that my own motivation is
the hope that we shall get some of the principles of behavior so well
formulated that we shall be enabled to control our life better. War,
crime, poverty, vice, delinquency, and inefficiency these are the
drives that make us eager to perfect our method and cultivate our
field.

And what should our method be? I am convinced that the study
of the concrete facts of observation, experience, including intro-
spective experience the taking into account of ethnological dif-
ferences and cultural and historical changes these will be far more
fruitful than any other, at least for the present. In short, our method
must be frankly analytical, and we must be content to seek patiently
the facts and to build on surer foundations.

The conception of social psychology as the study of the subjec-
tive aspect of culture, if taken wholeheartedly, will mean more than
a mere recognition of individual and social facts. Many writers can
repeat Cooley's phrase about society and the individual being dif-
ferent aspects of the same phenomenon without either grasping the
real significance of the statement or adding anything to their own
competence in investigation. The conception of personality as sub-
jective culture will seem to lead to very real changes of stress and
emphasis, among which we may venture to include the following:

1. Abandonment of the neurological and physiological approach,
since anatomy and physiology may be assumed to be constant in any
given series of cultural changes.

2. Abandonment of anecdotes of animals as material, since ani-
mals have no culture.

3. Abandonment of hypothetical elemental infantile behavior as

46 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

significant, and a renewed enthusiasm for careful study of children.
Children have culture; infants are mere animals.

4. Renewal of emphasis on imagination, since images and sym-
bols are the essential material for the formation of social attitudes,
and since images are essential components of wishes. As Cooley
says, we must imagine imaginations.

5. Increased emphasis on, and study of, emotional behavior, and
the location of the central problem in those crises where old habits
break up and new objects and new attitudes are formed.

6. A renewed emphasis on communication and gesture, and the
development for objectively studying these, since culture results
from interaction and is transmitted in the interpenetration of at-
titudes and gestures.

These will, it seems certain, make more significant certain types
of data which have recently been relegated to a subordinate place,
but which ought to be more fruitful than ever. The chief of these
are: ethnological facts, historical facts and changes, culture contacts,
and individual life histories.

A BIOLOGICAL VIEW OF RACE MIXTURE

L. C. DUNN

Storrs Agricultural Experiment Station

ABSTRACT

A biological mew of race mixture. After a brief survey of certain general principles
of inheritance, a few cases of race mixture are discussed. Reasons for the paucity of
admissible data are noted, and a few tentative conclusions drawn. Popular assumptions
[>f hybrid inferiority are shown to lack support. Biological evidence indicates that
neither inbreeding nor outbreeding have uniform effects, and that each case of crossing
may have to be considered as a special problem.

BIOLOGICAL FUNDAMENTALS

Before examining the evidence on race mixture we should pre-
pare ourselves by recalling the present status of the general prin-
ciples of inheritance in animals. I think we may say with safety that
but one method of inheritance has been established with certainty
in the higher animals. This is the method first outlined by Mendel.
The essence of the Mendelian discovery consists in the hypothesis
that the heritable characters which differentiate individuals act as
though they were influenced by separate and discrete units which
segregate sharply from one another during the formation of the re-
productive cells, and retain their identity throughout the processes
of inheritance and development. The organism, according to the
modern Mendelian view, is a mosaic of separable traits resulting
from the interaction of a vast number of inherited units with each
other and with the environment. The remarkable constancy of these
units, and the manner in which they are distributed among the
reproductive cells and the progeny in accordance with orderly sta-
tistical laws is now common knowledge. It has become so common,
Indeed, as to have invaded the popular literature of such Streitfragen
as racial purity, immigration, race antagonism, etc.

It is true that the Mendelian units of inheritance do appear to
be relatively permanent and unchangeable, and that they are dis-
tributed by fixed mathematical laws. But, as Jennings has recently

47

48 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

insisted, the characters of organisms are not completely determined
or fixed by these Mendelian units. It has become more and more
apparent that these units represent only a certain type of reaction
to a given set of conditions. Under different conditions the identical
hereditary constitution may produce a different set of characters.
Moreover, these inherited units or genes interact not only with the
environment but with each other. Each character of the organism
is the resultant of the activity of many units, and likewise each unit
probably affects not only one but many parts or characters of the
animal body. This more modern view of heredity, which is in accord
with the most recent biological research, is more flexible, less dog-
matic and lends less countenance to the fatalistic philosophy which
either sponsored or was invoked by hasty conclusions from a partial
knowledge of Mendelian inheritance.

In any discussion into which inheritance enters as a determining
factor, as it undoubtedly does in the biological characters of races
or hybrids, it is important to remember that genetics has contributed
little to the settlement of the old question of "heredity or environ-
ments" nor has it answered the question whether acquired characters
are inherited. The most that can be said at present is that the first
question is no longer "heredity or environment," but "heredity and
environment how do they interact?" While concerning the second
it is apparent that fundamental changes (mutations) in the heredi-
tary material occur very rarely, if at all, under the direct influence
of environmental stimuli. All attempts to generalize the unsatis-
factory evidence on the acquired-characters dispute have collapsed,
although not all of them in so lamentable a fashion as the recent
efforts of Kammerer.

The most important contributions of genetics consist in the
demonstration that inheritance is particulate, and in the description
of the behavior of the particles or genes under given conditions. The
evidence is now strongly in favor of the hypothesis that the genes
are discrete material entities located in the chromosomes, and that
their distribution among the progeny is conditioned by the behavior
of the chromosomes and their parts during the processes of matura-
tion and fertilization. Usually in matings between any two animals
such as man, a large number of hereditary differences mental, mor-

A BIOLOGICAL VIEW OF RACE MIXTURE 49

phological, and physiological are involved, and many of these seg-
regate from one another at random according to the original Men-
delian view.

The widespread occurrence and regularity of this process by
which each visible character of the organism appeared to be inher-
ited independently of every other at first led to rather sweeping but
erroneous generalizations, and it is from this era that many of the
popularized notions of Mendelian heredity date. For it was soon
discovered that complete independence of traits in inheritance is
only a special condition to be encountered by chance in certain traits
and in certain animals or plants. Two correlating agencies are known
by which several characters may be inherited together, or as a block.
The first of these is the occurrence, in close proximity in the repro-
ductive material, of the genes or units of the several associated
traits, so that they tend to be transmitted to the progeny more often
together than separately. The second is the occurrence in the animal
body, at least of various centers of correlation, such as the ductless
glands which influence through such media as the circulation, diverse
parts and characters of the body and mind. A hereditary variation
in one of these structures is known to have a general effect, and ex-
presses itself in many ways, so that all changes due to this source
appear to be inherited together rather than separately. This, of
course, is only a special case of a broader truth: that each hereditary
unit has not merely a specific, but a general effect as well on many
characters of the organism. This is an especially important concept
at this time when the endocrines are invoked to explain so many of
the differences between men, and especially between races. Of the
actual inheritance of endocrine variations, aside from a few patho-
logical defects, almost nothing is known.

It is unnecessary to discuss at greater length the details and
complexities of modern genetic theory. These add little to the gen-
eral conception of unit inheritance, the interaction, association, and
manifold effects of the inherited units, and the reciprocal interplay
between heredity and environment as outlined above. The data
on human inheritance and race mixture are as yet too meager in
amount to require more than the elementary general ideas of
genetics.

50 TEE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

THE DATA OF RACE MIXTURE

The first important observation to make concerning the biolog-
ical data of race mixture is that they are both few and fragmentary.
There is no dearth of scattered observations, but most of them can-
not be admitted because of the non-critical nature of the evidence.
The rise of physical anthropology with its insistence on exact meas-
urements statistically analyzed, and the new knowledge of inherit-
ance with its present emphasis on specific traits rather than on the
body as a whole have quite altered the nature of the evidence re-
quired. The data on which the conclusions of the last century rested
no longer satisfy the cautious and impartial student of today.

The nature of the human material itself also explains in part the
paucity of material. The present human race is a biological unit.
All crosses are fertile and result in fertile hybrids. Moreover, man
is an anciently domesticated and a widely distributed species. These
conditions favor intercrossing between different groups. On the
other side and working toward dose breeding are the circumstances
of geographical isolation and the feeling of race prejudice. Each of
these latter is in the life of a species of relatively temporary duration,
although they may be operative for sufficiently long periods to pro-
tect groups from outcrossing, and thus enable variability within the
group to be reduced and group peculiarities to develop and become
relatively fixed. The absence of sterility is, however, a continuing
and permanent aid to crossing, and the movements of peoples sooner
or later provide the opportunity. That crossbreeding has taken place
from the earliest times is evident to the biologist who has come to
ascribe to the inherently variable types a history of crossbreeding,
and to the pure and less variable types a degree of antecedent in-
breeding. And in turning from animal to human material he is at
once impressed with the enormous variability in evidence. In the
absence of anything resembling pure types, the investigator must
work in a complex and fluid medium which contains no datum points
or bench marks, conditions which impede the progress of racial in-
vestigations.

The evidence on which we may rely for tentative answers to our
purely biological questions must also be as little complicated as
possible by the complex social environment which results when hy-

A BIOLOGICAL VIEW OF RACE MIXTURE 51

brid types live in continuing contact with the parent types, particu-
larly if these happen to be of the so-called civilized type. The type
of evidence fulfilling these requirements is such as that which Fischer
obtained in the interesting hybrid community which he investigated
in South Africa. Some material has been obtained from Hawaii,
where hybrids between the chief racial groups of the world are found
in a single environment, and most recently Shapiro has obtained
valuable observations on the hybrid population of Norfolk Island
in the Pacific, and has very kindly given me access to parts of his
data. In addition to the above purely racial evidence, there are
numerous systematic observations on the inheritance of specific
human traits, some of which throw light on racial inheritance. As
an example of the type of evidence which is not entirely acceptable,
may be mentioned the observations of Mjoen as presented in a recent
paper at the Second International Congress of Eugenics. The bio-
logical conclusions of Mjoen have been severely criticized by Castle,
but his evidence from human hybrids appears to partake of the
nature of the experimental evidence from animal hybrids.

The evidence from Fischer's study of Boer-Hottentot hybrids
has been published for some years and is well known. The evidence
from Hawaii relating to Hawaiian- Chinese hybrids has been partially
recorded, and the other observations on race mixture between
Hawaiians and Europeans are in process of publication. Perhaps
the most interesting material of all, that of Shapiro on the Tahitian-
English hybrids of Norfolk Island, is in process of analysis, and is
not yet available. The latter case has been known for many years
as an exceptional opportunity for the study of race mixture uncom-
plicated by contact of the hybrids with parent stocks. A century
and a half ago ten English sailors who had mutinied from the ship
"Bounty," together with six Tahitian men and twelve Tahitian
women, escaped from Tahiti to the tiny island of Pitcairn in the
mid-Pacific, and there founded the hybrid race which now occupies
both Pitcairn and Norfolk Islands.

The data on the physical characteristics of these diverse types
of hybrids are in substantial agreement. When considered together
with the results of studies in human inheritance they afford partial
answers to some of our general questions.

52 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

In the first place, they leave little doubt that human traits, even
those which differentiate races, are inherited in accordance with the
Mendelian conception of inheritance. This conclusion rests in part
on the general results of studies in human inheritance, and to a lesser
extent on the data from racial crosses where the complex and quan-
titative character of most of the differences has prevented an exact
analysis. Such traits as head-form and bodily proportions differ
among the races of the world on a quantitative scale with overlap-
ping variability. The inheritance of such traits in man, as in animals
and plants, is apparently complex. Usually the hybrids are inter-
mediate in any such character between the parental conditions, and
increased variability and combinations in one individual of traits
from both parental races are the only evidence that these traits rest
on a genetic basis similar to that which obtains in other animals.
This evidence, however, is usually accepted by geneticists as an
indication that such traits are influenced by many factors which
differ in number rather than in kind from those which affect simpler,
qualitative traits.

The intermediate nature of the hybrids indicates that such char-
acters do not usually show dominance. This is not an unfailing cri-
terion of Mendelian inheritance, since in most animal crosses the
complete disappearance or non-expression of one of the contrasted
parental traits in the hybrid offspring can no longer be regarded as
the rule.

Few racial traits show dominance, but when it does happen that
some prominent racial character of a given race does appear in the
majority of its hybrid progeny it is sometimes concluded that this
indicates a greater general prepotency on the part of that race,
which means, I suppose, a greater ability of this race to stamp its
characters on the progeny. Thus the negro skin-color and the Mon-
golian type of eyelid appear to be partially dominant; that is, they
are expressed in the hybrid condition. But this means only that
traits which because of their uniformity within the parent race have
come by long experience to be accepted as the hall mark of the race
do happen to show dominance. Other elements in the racial com-
plex do not show dominance, as, for example, the head-shape of the
Chinese, which appears to be partially recessive to the broader head-

A BIOLOGICAL VIEW OF RACE MIXTURE 53

form of the Hawaiians. It may happen that one of the races par-
ticipating in the cross possesses more visible or measurable dominant
traits than the other, as, for example, the South Chinese as compared
with the Hawaiians; but the behavior of these traits in inheritance
shows that the chance association of dominance with noticeable
traits is sufficient without invoking a mysterious racial prepotency.

That segregation and recombination of parental characters does
take place is, however, unquestionable even in the meager data at
hand. Diverse combinations occur as early as the second generation
and one finds, for example, in the second generation from a cross of
Hawaiian by Chinese, individuals with the stature of the Hawaiian
parent, the hair-form of the Chinese, the head-form of the Hawaiian,
the peculiar Mongoloid eye of the Chinese, etc. There is in the data
from Hottentot-Boer, Negro-white, Hawaiian-white, Hawaiian-
Chinese, or Tahitian-white crosses as observed by Shapiro on Nor-
folk Island no evidence of permanent blends of racial traits. An
intermediate condition of certain traits may become established if
assortative mating of special types takes place, but the rule is that
the single characters tend to segregate from the cross in different
combinations in later generations.

This segregation is the basis of the universally observable in-
crease in variability of hybrid populations in generations beyond the
first. The variation curves of the characters of Fischer's Boer-Hot-
tentot hybrids furnish good examples of this fact. It is unquestion-
ably true that variability is increased by crossing.

Do new traits either advantageous or disadvantageous arise as
a result of crossing? The evidence does not establish that they do.
But there is no question that new and unique combinations of traits
arise. Superficially this would appear to produce the same result as
the genesis of entirely new traits. But its evolutionary significance
is quite different, for combinations are limited by the number of
single traits, and are found to resolve again into their elements by
independent inheritance; while a new trait, if heritable and not dis-
advantageous, increases by a calculable amount the number of po-
tential combinations. In animal experimentation there is no evi-
dence that new inherited units arise any oftener under crossbreeding
than under any other system of mating.

54 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Are human hybrids more vigorous or less than the parent types?
Are they under any biological handicaps such as infertility? Are the
new combinations of characters in hybrids disharmonious or incom-
patible? Dogmatic answers can certainly not be given from the hu-
man data. The Boer-Hottentot hybrids and the Norfolk population
are certainly at least the physical equals of either parent race. In
Hawaii the physical measurements of hybrids, while they do not in-
dicate a pronounced hybrid vigor, show that the hybrids are not
inferior. And in the opinion of more than one observer some of the
hybrid groups, e.g., the Hawaiian-Chinese, represent a physical im-
provement of the parent types.

Disharmonic types undoubtedly do exist among hybrids, but
only in the sense that combinations of traits occur which are not
normal or frequent in purer types. As far as can be ascertained from
physical measurements these new combinations are not injurious,
and no derogatory significance need be attached to disharmony. It
is a normal occurrence after crossing.

With regard to fecundity, the evidence is fragmentary and diffi-
cult of interpretation. There is a lack of good biological evidence on
human fecundity in general, in the absence of which it is impossible
to say how much of the often-noted differences in this respect be-
tween races and their hybrids rest on a biological basis and how much
is due to economic and social causes. The birth-rate itself is an ex-
pression of the interaction of these several factors and of another
item by no means negligible, i.e., the amount of mortality among the
unborn offspring. The last may be somewhat lower in mixed than
in pure matings. Little, for example, found a greater proportion of
still births from intraracial or intranational matings than from mat-
ings of different race or nationality. There is some evidence from
animals which shows that crossing tends to prevent the expression
of factors having an adverse effect on embryonic development, while
pure matings allow greater scope for the combination and expression
of such factors. In regard to fecundity itself, or the number of poten-
tial offspring produced in the absence of social and economic checks,
we can draw no conclusions. A lowered gross fecundity has not been
established for cross-matings, and the hybrid groups considered are
experiencing no difficulty from biological causes in reproducing and
increasing in number.

A BIOLOGICAL VIEW OF RACE MIXTURE 55

A survey of the few general characteristics of racial hybrids
which have been mentioned does not lead to the conclusion that
mixed races are in any biological sense inferior to purer types. The
kinds of deterioration which are often alleged to follow race-crossing
may be shown to follow many intraracial matings, and to be due to
social and environmental factors. One can see scant comfort for
any hypotheses of racial deterioration based on hybrid inferiority as
a biological postulate. On the other hand, the extreme examples
cited, such as Fischer's Rehoboth hybrids and the hybrid groups of
Hawaii and Norfolk, show that mixed races even of recent origin
may be biologically quite as successful as unmixed types which have
undergone a longer period of selection in a given environment.

It is quite possible, however, that general statements concerning
the effect of race mixture are quite beside the point, and that the
biological characters of races or hybrids are determined by factors
which are in a measure independent of the conditions of purity or
mixture. Such a view has become more and more prevalent among
biologists as a result of the work of the last two decades on the effects
of different systems of mating in animals and plants. Continued
close breeding is now known to lead generally to reduced variability,
while in some cases vigor and stamina decline, and in others is main-
tained. Crossing results generally in increased variability, and fre-
quently in increased vigor. These general results have been recon-
ciled and brought into line with current genetic theory by the
assumption that both kinds of effects are due to the dominance,
segregation, and recombination of separable factors. The system of
mating, whether close or crossbreeding, produces its results only by
virtue of its effect on the distribution of the specific inherited units,
which assume the role of first importance. According to this view,
the specific inheritance received is of greater effect than the inbred
or crossbred nature of the individual or species. If this is correct,
and the bulk of the evidence is in its favor, then the effect of race
mixture will depend in each case on the specific inherited units re-
ceived from each parent race, and it is to be expected that different
results will be obtained from different crosses. Crossing between
races becomes then a special case of crossing between individuals, in
which it has already been established that the inherent nature of the
offspring depends on the genetic constitution of the parents. The

56 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

peculiarity of the special case consists in the greater number of in-
herited differences involved in racial crosses rather than in the kind
of differences. These differences in number only make the biological
study of race mixture more complex; they do not set it apart as a
problem to be studied and interpreted with a new or peculiar set of
symbols or hypotheses. The large problem of race mixture will be-
come progressively broken up into single problems which will deal
with each case of race mixture as a special case.

The present evidence in regard to mental differences between
races leads to the same conclusions as that in regard to physical
traits, that is, that races are unlike, and probably innately so. There
is no good evidence on the behavior of these differences following
race mixture, but there is no reason to expect that, if they are as
real as the physical differences, they should behave differently.

All that has gone before is an implicit plea for an objective view
of racial problems. This can only be gained through the recognition
of the reality and of the biological and social significance of race.
Striking racial differences exist, which are not abolished, but com-
bine and endure through cross-matings. These diverse combinations
and the variability which results may be one condition of evolution-
ary progress in man as in the lower animals and plants. It may be
suggested that in a complex civilization which rests on division of
labor, variability is even more essential than in more primitive soci-
eties. Real racial differences may then be the raw materials needed
for an enlarging society.

DISCUSSION

F. H. HANKINS

Smith College

Some points in Professor Dunn's paper will bear reiteration and others ex-
pansion. In the first place, it cannot be too often repeated nowadays that pure
races, in the sense in which the experimental biologist or animal breeder uses
the term, do not exist in the human stock, though some groups are, obviously,
purer than others. All the great groups represented by the terms white, black,
or yellow, are highly complex from the standpoint of genetic composition. The
same is true of such ill-defined racial groups as the Nordics or the Anglo-Saxons.

Those who, therefore, claim that the so-called Nordic race may be likened

DISCUSSION 57

to a high-bred strain of domestic animals are drawing heavily on their will to
believe. In such animal strains there has been a great deal of selective breeding,
whereas in the populations among which the Nordic element has existed for
many thousands of years there has prevailed an approximation to panmixia.
In his study of the Old Americans, who may be taken as representative of the
so-called Anglo-Saxon race, Hrdiicka found that mixed types greatly predom-
inate, and that pure brunets are more frequent than pure blonds. It is safe to
say that all the populations of civilized countries are not only hybrid, but
multi-split hybrids.

Secondly, not the least interesting disclosure of recent genetic experimenta-
tion is the fact that the same inherent constitution may react differently to
different environments. In technical terms, the same genotype, or inherent
constitution, may give rise to different pheno types, or actual organic forms,
under different environmental conditions. Such changes involve no change in
genotypic or idiotypic nature or possibilities and are not to be confused with
mutations. But it would be a mistake to imply that an organism as resistant
as the human is likely to show measurable differences in phenotypic responses
to ordinary variations in environment. Boas' famous investigation of changes
in the head-form of immigrants cannot be accepted unequivocally, and even if
accepted shows such differences to be small.

Another point that will bear re-emphasis is the tendency toward blending
in the first hybrid generation and toward segregation of traits in succeeding
generations, but with little evidence of clear-cut or complete dominance. This
matter is greatly complicated by the fact that the unit characters of the popular
textbooks are much less simple on the human level than in four-o 'clocks. Some
lists of such characters have been given by Davenport, Conklin, and Holmes,
but they are certainly not very reliable. The complicating factor appears often
to be of a quantitative sort, as illustrated by degrees of pigmentation. This makes
possible a retention of a blended condition even after some segregation has
occurred. White children from mulatto parents are extremely rare. Neverthe-
less, segregation occurs in complete form for specific traits and, together with
assortative mating, tends to preserve the superficial aspects of the original
parental types.

It was this fact that led many of the racial determinists of a generation ago
to the conclusion that certain combinations of traits were stable and tended to
restore themselves amid a mixed population, while other combinations were
unstable and hence tended to be eliminated. A full determination of the matter
would require a measure of the extent of dominance and of the influence of
assortative mating. But even when these are given all possible weight the older
views appear out of joint with the facts. Thus, when certain blond traits, say
blond features, segregate out from a blond-brunet hybrid stock, there is no
ground for supposing that other traits originally associated with blond hair and
eyes in one of the parent stocks will also segregate out. The genes segregate in
independent fashion, except for certain closely related traits. One must con-

58 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

elude that in such populations as those of Western Europe and the United
States there is no general tendency to revert to the original stocks, but that an
endless diversity of mozaic combinations of the original unit elements occur,
like the endless variety of an infinite kaleidoscope.

Here a word may be said about the so-called disharmonic combinations.
Because of them numerous writers warn against racial crossings. In writers of
the Lapouge school the disharmony consists for the most part in the unusualness
of the combination. The usual is considered the normal. But this does not
warrant the conclusion that the unusual is abnormal in any derogatory sense.
Professor Castle concludes from genetic experiments against the whole doctrine.
In any case broad generalizations, as Professor Dunn states, must give way to
a consideration of individual cases.

Many other points might be discussed; we limit ourselves to the question of
variability. Hybrids show a wider variability because they permit a reshuffling
of the genetic elements. The Gobineau-Grant school of racial determinists have
cultivated the dogma that civilizations die because the pure race that creates
them is mongrelized and its talent polluted by race crossing. The opposite argu-
ment is more plausible. Civilizations arise only in areas of race mixture and
only in such areas long after the mixing has begun. So far as biological factors
play a part in this result they do so because race mixture produces an increased
diversity of human talents. A single pure-bred race cannot produce geniuses of
the highest order in all the highly diversified lines of human achievement which
are necessary for a complex and colorful civilization. Such a distinctive racial
type would of necessity have the limitations of its own special gifts. In other
words, a population possesses a richer genetic basis than a race.

THE HYBRID AS A SOCIOLOGICAL TYPE

E. B. REUTER
The University of Iowa

ABSTRACT

The hybrid as a sociological type. There are no ethnically unmixed groups in the
modern world, and all persons are, in consequence, hybrid. These hybrids, being for the
most part the offspring of parents of nearly related racial types, are not markedly dif-
ferent in appearance from individuals of the parent races and are not sociologically sig-
nificant. But in some cases the hybrids are the offspring of individuals of physically
divergent racial groups. In such cases the hybrids are in appearance unlike the members
of either parent race and are unable to pass as members of either the one race or the
other. The physical appearance thus determines a social type by determining the social
status of the hybrids in the biracial situation. In all cases these hybrid groups resulting
from the amalgamation of physically divergent races are superior in social position and
in intellectual achievement to one racial element of their ancestry. This superiority can-
not be explained in biological and ancestral terms, but is readily amenable to explanation
in terms of mobility and social contact.

There are few questions of behavior more heavily freighted with
emotional content than that of racial amalgamation. It touches the
two points at which Western peoples most frequently run amuck:
the violation of womanhood, and the integrity of the social group.
The attitudes at each point are so completely imbedded in the under-
lying mores as all but to preclude discussion of related topics. Also,
there are many persons who harbor an uneasy fear that candid dis-
cussion of racial intermixture would bring into the light facts not
wholly flattering to a revered ancestry. There are others who regard
any objective treatment as an attempt to challenge the validity of
beliefs essential to the stability of the existing racial order. To cer-
tain persons of delicate sensibilities the idea is personally distasteful;
they are physically nauseated by the imagery of the intimacy in-
volved.

By simple rationalization of these emotional attitudes men derive
opinions concerning the phenomenon that stirs their tribal fears.
They see in the amalgamation of races a violation of the divine pur-
pose manifest in the fact of racial dissimilarity; they see the decline
of civilization and the recrudescence of barbarism through the con-
tamination of the Nordic stock; they see the downfall of nations as

59

60 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

a result of the dilution of the political genius of peoples; or they fore-
tell some other type of major disaster according as the individual
run of attention determines the specific form of the rationalization.
To forestall a train of anticipated evils men resort to external con-
trol in its varied forms: the state denies to mixed marriages the
protection of organized society; the church withholds her divine
sanction; public sentiment ostracizes the participants; and unregu-
lated mobs discipline persons violating the racial taboos of the group.

Yet, regardless of the moral indignation aroused and of its ex-
pression in ill-considered legislation and in acts of personal violence,
the process of racial fusion goes on wherever individuals of divergent
racial ancestry come into personal contact.

While we may not assert that the fusion of races has always
aroused the disapproval of the group, we may assert the universality
of the process itself. The skeletal remains of fossil man leave no
doubt that the blending of divergent stocks was in process some
millenniums before the historic era. Examination of the various ex-
istent backward-culture peoples shows an endless mixing of stocks
and blending of cultures. Knowledge of historic peoples of both the
ancient and the modern world reveals invasion and conquest, the
fusion of cultures, and the amalgamation of the conquered with their
conquerors as characteristic elements in the formation of states.
Every modern marriage continues the process of hybridization of
nearly or remotely related racial types; virtually every child is the
hybrid offspring of a hybrid ancestry.

The hybridization of stocks, continuous in the phenomena of
marriage in the ethnic mosaic of modern nationalities, gives rise to
offspring not differing in any outstanding way that would interfere
with mobility and social contacts in a cosmopolitan society: each
hybridized individual is a unit with a unique combination of physical
and probably of mental traits, but sufficiently within the group
range of variation to live an individual and unmolested life. This
intermixture has no sociological consequences, and interests the
social theorist only to the extent that it facilitates cultural contacts
and contributes to the spread, acceptance, and fusion of culture
heritages.

But in the recent centuries, particularly since the period of the

THE HYBRID AS A SOCIOLOGICAL TYPE 61

discoveries, and increasingly as science through the development of
means of transportation and communication has made possible
world-wide trade and commercial relations, people hitherto widely
separated have been brought into contact in ever increasing numbers.
These ethnic contacts incident to trade, colonial, and military ac-
tivities, have been in certain cases with peoples of distinctive physi-
cal appearance and of retarded or divergent culture.

When such has been the case, the sex relationships of individuals
of the unlike races have resulted in hybrid offspring more or less
distinctive in appearance. In America the white pioneers and settlers
associated with and sometimes married the Indian girls. At present
every Indian tribe contains numerous individuals of biracial ancestry
who obviously are neither Indian nor European. In some tribes no
individuals of pure Indian ancestry remain, and in many the half-
breeds are more numerous than the persons of unmixed Indian an-
cestry. Incident to the Spanish colonial policy, large numbers of
individuals of Spanish-Indian ancestry appeared. In the Spanish
West Indies, in Central America, and in various South American
republics these Spanish half-breeds are elements of numerical im-
portance in the populations. Other hybrid groups owe their origin to
the contact of the Portuguese and Indians in South America; to the
contact of the French and Indians in Canada; to the contact of the
Chinese with the native races of the Philippines. In the West Indies,
on the continent of South America, and elsewhere the Spanish came
into contact with Negroes and left a numerous mulatto progeny.
Other mulatto groups have appeared in South Africa and the United
States and indeed in every situation where Negro women have en-
countered white men. There are various half-caste groups in the
Indian Coast cities and elsewhere in the Orient which resulted from
the contacts incident to the trade and commercial relations between
the East and the West and to the colonizing activities of the Euro-
pean world.

In each of these cases, and in various others, the mixed racial
ancestry is plainly evident in the physical appearance of the hybrids.
The marriage of the hybrid individuals with each other as well as
their crossing with each of the parent races has produced an endless
variety of types intermediate between the contrasted racial extremes.

62 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

We are not here concerned with the physical effects of these race
crossings with hybridization in the biological sense. But the dis-
tinctive appearance resulting from the biological fact of intermixture
affects the mobility and so limits the degree and conditions the type
of social interaction. We are concerned with the sociological con-
sequences of the intermixture of racial stocks that are sufficiently
divergent in physical characters to give rise to an offspring readily
distinguishable by external and ineradicable marks from the mem-
bers of either group.

A thing that inevitably impresses itself upon the student of com-
parative racial phenomena is the striking similarity in social status
and achievement of different hybrid groups. In every biracial situ-
ation the hybrids form or tend to form a distinctive class, and to
occupy a more or less distinctive social position. In every situation
they have erupted a percentage of intellectually capable men far in
excess of that furnished by the native element of their racial ancestry.
Everywhere they have risen to positions of leadership and relative so-
cial success in larger numbers than have the full-blooded individuals.

A study of four or five thousand American men of Negro blood
who have achieved in any degree that would distinguish them even
locally from the great mediocre group shows a great preponderance
of men of biracial ancestry. If attention be limited to the small
group of men of Negro affiliation who have shown a type of ability
that would be marked and exceptional in any group, the percentage
of mixed-blood men very greatly increases. In spite of the fact that
the Negroes of relatively unmixed Negro blood outnumber the mixed
bloods three or four to one, they have not produced one prominent
man to ten men of equal ability developed by the mulattoes. The
disproportion holds in all fields of endeavor, though it is less marked
in poetry, oratory, preaching, and other lines in which ignorance is
not a serious handicap than in science and in scholarly and profes-
sional pursuits where achievement is more largely conditioned by
adequate training. The disproportion has prevailed throughout the
history of the Negroes in America, though it is perhaps less today
than at earlier periods.

The facts are not essentially different in other biracial situations.

THE HYBRID AS A SOCIOLOGICAL TYPE 63

In Jamaica, Brazil, South Africa, and elsewhere the hybrid elements
form an intellectual, social, and economic aristocracy that has pro-
duced the vast majority of the men who have risen to prominence.
There appears to be no exception to the generalization that, in bi-
racial situations comprising two racial groups of unequal culture,
the hybrids tend to occupy an intermediate social and cultural status
and to produce a markedly higher percentage of men of prominence
and leadership than does the ethnically unmixed native group.

To understand the superior social status of hybrid groups and
the greater accomplishment of hybrid individuals it is necessary to
inquire concerning the facts of origin, development, and opportunity.

A popular explanation of the superiority runs to the effect that
hybrids, being the offspring of a so-called inferior by a so-called
superior race, will, in accordance with the popular conception of the
blending of biologically heritable traits, occupy an intermediate
position between the parent races. Recently various writers have
found experimental and statistical means for demonstrating this
independently acquired belief. This conception of the mulatto as a
halfway type is a phase and variation of the general doctrine of
racial superiority which has been apparently a cherished myth of
every human group able to observe physical or cultural differences
between themselves and their neighbors. At present practically all
sound scholarship in social phenomena assumes an essential equality
in the native mentality of racial groups and, before a scholarly audi-
ence, this sort of explanation may be dismissed without extended
discussion. The present popular recrudescence of primitive ethno-
centrism is to be understood as an inevitable protest of intrenched
privilege against the democratic drift of the modern world.

If any native superiority of the mixed-blood groups over either
parent-race appears, the explanation must be found in terms of a
selected ancestry. Assuming an inheritance of mental ability which
is probably a fact, though neither the fact nor the degree nor the
method of such inheritance has been demonstrated it must be
shown that the ancestors of the hybrid, on either, or both, the pa-
ternal or the maternal side, were individuals inherently superior in
mental capacity to the average of one or both racial groups. Selec-

64 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

tive processes must be shown to have been operative in the establish-
ment of the group. This requires an examination of the facts of
intermixture.

In origin the half-breed individuals were the result, in major
part, of extra-matrimonial relations between men of the politically
dominant race and women of the inferior group. In America the
white man fathered a mulatto offspring by both the free and the
enslaved Negro woman. In Canada the French men and the Indian
women freely intermixed. In Central and South America and in the
West Indies the Spanish reared a numerous progeny by both the
Negro and the Indian women. In the Philippines and elsewhere in
the East both the Chinese traders and the Spanish conquerors used
the native women as mothers of their half-caste offspring. On the
African continent are numerous mixed races owing their origin to
the contact of the Arab and other traders with women of the native
races. The rather numerous Eurasians of the coast cities of the East
owe their origin to the contact of Western men and Eastern women.
In every situation the mixed-blood groups are the result of extra-
matrimonial relations between the men of the politically and cul-
turally dominant group and the women of the native or culturally
retarded race.

I am not unmindful of the fact that a marriage relation some-
times obtains between individuals of such racial groups, nor am I
unmindful of the fact that women of the culturally superior groups
have from time to time married men of the culturally lower race,
and that other such women have given birth to illegitimate half-
breed children. But a rather trivial percentage of the hybrids of any
country can trace their ancestry back to regular marriage unions or
to mothers of the culture group. The almost universal rule is that
the crossing of races took place outside the socially and legally sanc-
tioned institution of marriage, and that the native or culturally back-
ward race furnished the mothers.

The inquiry thus reduces itself to a question of whether or not,
and if at all to what extent, such a situation extra-matrimonial sex
relations between men of a politically or culturally dominant race
and women of a dependent race or lower culture implies a selected
type of ancestry.

THE HYBRID AS A SOCIOLOGICAL TYPE 65

It is probably true that a polygamous sex system is eugenically
desirable. It allows the men of wealth and position to choose as con-
sorts such women and girls as please their amorous fancy, and to
leave a larger number of offspring than other men of the society. If
there exists any correlation between sexual attractiveness and men-
tal ability in women, and if mental ability be a heritable trait, there
is reason to believe that the offspring of such a selected maternal
ancestry would be mentally superior individuals. Also, if these men
of wealth and position are the innately superior men of the group as
has often been asserted, though never proved the offspring should
be innately superior persons from the paternal side of their ancestry.
Making the necessary assumptions involved that wealth and posi-
tion are evidence of superior native mental ability, or that native
ability is correlated with sexual attractiveness in women, and that
mental ability is a heritable trait it is then necessary to show only
that the hybrids are the offspring of superior men and charming
women. The problem thus reduces itself to the question: Were the
hybrids fathered by the men of wealth and position, and were their
mothers the exceptional girls of the lower-culture race?

On this point, two or three typical cases must suffice. The half-
breed stocks of South America are the descendants of hybrids re-
sulting from the association of Spanish and Portuguese traders,
priests, soldiers, functionaries, and other parasitic accompaniments
of a colonial regime. There were doubtless among these classes men
of average or superior native ability, but to assume that they repre-
sented superior biological strains of the Peninsula population would
be to make an assumption contrary to everything we know con-
cerning such classes in all societies, and contrary to what we know
historically in regard to these particular groups. If the hybrids of
these countries can make any claim to a natively superior ancestry,
it must be based upon the assumption that these white masters
selected for their mistresses the superior members of the enslaved
groups, with the further assumption of a positive correlation be-
tween mental ability and the type of native female beauty that ap-
pealed to the fancy of the Spanish colonial.

In North America the various white peoples, chiefly from North
and West European countries, mingled their blood with the Indian

66 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

groups until many of the unexterminated tribes contain more in-
dividuals of hybrid than of unmixed Indian ancestry. It may be
true that the frontiersmen and squaw men were a selected type, but
there is no present evidence that they represented the mental elite
of a race. If a case is to be made for the mental superiority of the
Indian-white hybrids over either parent race the superiority must
come from the Indian branch of the ancestry, and to support such
an assumption the necessary evidence appears to be lacking.

In the crossing of races in the American Negro-white groups the
facts are much the same. It was in part a concubinage of selected
Negro and mulatto girls by men and boys of the socially upper
classes. There is no question that white men of prominence and
presumably of ability were responsible for some part of the early
intermixture, nor is there any doubt that the slaveholding aristoc-
racy left a more or less numerous mulatto progeny. But this does
not represent all nor indeed the major part of the hybridization. For
the most part the amalgamation of the races resulted from the as-
sociation of unselected groups of both races, and did not represent
any obvious superiority on either side of the racial ancestry. Even
where the slaveholding groups furnished the fathers, the fact of
superior ancestry is not demonstrated. It simply raises the further
question as to whether and, if at all, to what extent the slave owners,
the plantation overseers, and the slave foremen were inherently
superior types of men.

From the known facts in regard to racial intermixture in this and
other countries there appears to be no sufficient evidence to justify
a belief that the mixed-blood populations are descended from men-
tally superior persons or groups. If there be any correlation between
social position and native ability, the hybrid groups in their origin
were probably below rather than above an average, their ancestry
rather downward than upward of a social mean; there appears to be
no adequate ground for a belief in a native superiority of the in-
dividuals of biracial ancestry that would account for their superior
intellectual and social status.

The explanation of hybrid superiority must be found in social
rather than in biological facts. It lies in the relative degree of isola-
tion, in the differences in mobility and opportunity of the native as

THE HYBRID AS A SOCIOLOGICAL TYPE 67

compared with the members of mixed racial origin. For the sake of
concreteness and brevity the discussion at this point is limited to the
American situation which, in general outline, is typical of the differ-
entiation process within such biracial populations.

At the time of their first contact on American soil the Negroes
and the whites represented the opposite poles of cultural develop-
ment. They differed in language, customs, and habits of life; in
moral, mental, and religious development, as well as in ethnic origin,
historical tradition, and physical appearance. A black skin, there-
fore, came early to signify inferior culture and only a little later be-
came the badge of a servile condition. Between the two races there
could be no general social equality; there was not even a possibility
of harmonious working relations except on the basis of superiority
and subordination.

When individuals of mixed ancestry presently appeared there
was manifested no disposition on the part of the whites to treat
them as essentially different from the Negroes. In large part they
were the offspring of a class of white men whose social, economic,
and political status was not at first markedly superior to that of the
Negroes; when such was not the case the bastard origin of the mulat-
toes shocked the conventional moral sense of the community and
militated against a community recognition of them as superior to
the Negroes of full blood. This attitude presently found formal ex-
pression in the legislative enactments which assigned the mulattoes
to the status of their mothers.

But the individual mulattoes were believed to be more capable
than the full-blood Negroes. Consequently, occupational differen-
tiation within the race operated to their advantage: the favored
classes among the slaves, as the number of mulattoes increased,
came more and more to be light-colored classes; and the trained
mechanics and the trusted servants were drawn from these lighter-
colored groups. Moreover, the mulattoes made a better appearance
than the black Negroes, were less offensive in close association, and
so gravitated to those house and personal duties which brought them
into personal association with the master class. The plantation
slaves and the rough laborers in the cities and the towns were largely
black men. The division was, of course, not everywhere equally

68 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

marked, and it was seldom a sharp and complete separation. There
were many full-blood black men among the favored classes and
there were mulattoes in considerable number in the lower slave
occupations, but there was a persistent tendency toward an occupa-
tional separation on the basis of color. Manumission further widened
the breach that existed in bondage. The free Negro group at all
times contained a preponderance of mulattoes; in some places it was,
to all intent and purpose, a mulatto group. Such education of the
Negro as existed before the Emancipation was almost entirely mulat-
to education; it was limited to the free Negroes and to certain favored
individuals and groups among the slaves. Throughout the period of
slavery the rational as well as the sentimental judgments of the
whites operated to make the mulattoes superior men and to make
the superior groups in the Negro population mulatto groups.

The superior achievement of the hybrids of divergent culture
races over the native element of their racial ancestry is a historic
fact too well established to admit of question. Its explanation ap-
pears to rest not in the biological fact of mixed blood as such but in
the culture contacts and personal mobility consequent upon the
mixed ethnic origin. It is the result of a differential treatment de-
termined by the biological fact, and is thus not an evidence of supe-
rior capacity but a reasonable measure of superior opportunity.

AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL VIEW OF RACE MIXTURE

RALPH LINTON

Field Museum of Natural History

ABSTRACT

An anthropological mew of race mixture. The whole question of the desirability of
race mixture is inextricably bound up with that of racial equality, for if the white man
is really superior to the dark-skinned races he should do everything in his power to keep
his stock pure. We have, as yet, no conclusive evidence of racial inequality, from the
data of physical anthropology, cultural evolution, or mental testing. A really scientific
approach to the problems of race mixture is rendered difficult by our inability to breed
pure strains together under test conditions. The little information we have does not
indicate that hybrids are inferior to pure strains either mentally or physically. The
Polynesians, for example, arc an unusually fine group. Practically all the civilization
of which we have record have been the work of peoples who were mixed in blood, while
pure groups are usually somewhat backward in culture. It seems certain that the
hybrid is as capable of preserving and adding to civilization as the pure-bred individual.
The absorption into the white population of the United States of our present Indian,
Mongol, and Negro minorities is not likely to influence our culture unfavorably.

American students are perhaps less fitted to deal with the prob-
lems of racial equality and of the results of race mixture than those
of European countries, for we find it hard to approach these ques-
tions in a spirit of scientific detachment. The color line is as old as
the United States, and we have all received impressions during our
formative years which can hardly fail to give us an unconscious
emotional bias. Perhaps we can gain some perspective by a realiza-
tion that race mixture in America is inevitable and that the most
that the anthropologist or sociologist can do is to forcast its results.
We are by no means the first group to be confronted by these prob-
lems, and all historical evidence goes to show that wherever two
races remain in contact for any length of time there will be more or
less intermixture. Indeed, it has been said that the only stock which
would have a chance of remaining pure under such circumstances
would be one all of whose women were too hideous to arouse the
passions of foreign men and all of whose men were too cowardly to
steal foreign women. Race mixture may be retarded by social pres-
sure, but it cannot be prevented by any means of control so far
devised.

69

70 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Questions of the desirability of race mixture are inextricably
bound up with those of racial equality. A belief in the innate super-
iority of the group to which one belongs is probably as old as the
human species. Most uncivilized tribes apply to themselves terms
meaning "men" or "human beings/' with an implication that all
other groups occupy a less exalted position. As a rule they make
no attempt to rationalize this feeling, but we occasionally find it
explained by myths of special favor on the part of some deity. A
good deal of the current literature on race seems to be much the same
sort of attempt at rationalization, although, in accordance with the
modern European culture pattern, it is science instead of religion
which is invoked. As the writers are Europeans, the superiority of
the white man is accepted almost without question and the discus-
sion revolves around the relative rank of the three European Cau-
casic strains, Nordic, Alpine, and Mediterranean. At the present
moment the disciples of Nordic superiority seem to have somewhat
the best of it, but their claims have not passed unchallenged, and we
may soon expect to see Alpine and Mediterranean champions enter-
ing the lists against them.

A study of the physical characteristics of the various races lends
little support to the theory of racial inequality. If it could be shown
that any one race was markedly nearer to the apes in its anatomy
than the others, it would be justifiable to conclude that that race had
lagged in evolution and was therefore lower. Racial classifications
are based on the simultaneous occurrence of a number of traits. If
we take these traits singly and arrange the races in a graded series
with the apes at the bottom, we find that their positions vary with
the criterion chosen. Thus, in the matter of hairiness, one of the most
striking differences between man and the anthropoids, the Caucasian
is most simian, with the Negro next and the Mongol last. Cephalic
index places the Mongol and Alpine European below the Negro and
Nordic, while lip-form places the Mongol lowest, with the Caucasian
next and the Negro highest. No one race shows a significant pre-
ponderance of simian traits, and we are forced to conclude that the
various human breeds are simply the color phases and varieties
which are to be expected in any mammalian species of very wide
distribution.

AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL VIEW OF RACE MIXTURE 71

The whole question of the relative mental ability of the various
races must be left an open one, for we have almost no data on which
to base conclusions. The cultural status of the different groups can-
not be taken as a criterion, for we know that the growth of culture
is dependant upon many factors. Today the Japanese are competing
with Europeans on terms of equality, yet within the memory of
persons still living they were less advanced culturally than their
Chinese neighbors. Moreover, history shows that sometimes one
race and sometimes another has been in the lead. At the present
time the Nordic European is culturally ascendent. A thousand years
ago the Chinese were probably the most civilized people in the world.
Two thousand years ago the palm would have been awarded to
peoples who were predominantly of Mediterranean race.

The only sound approach to the problem would be to make a
large series of psychological tests on representative racial groups and
analyze the results by statistical methods. Some work is now being
done along this line but it will be some time before any final con-
clusions are possible. Practically no tests have been made upon
uncivilized groups, except a few of sense faculties, and the only ex-
tensive data we have in regard to racial differences in intelligence
are those derived from the tests upon the American draft during the
late war. At their face value these tests would seem to show deep
group distinctions. Englishmen came first, then the white draft in
general, then Italians, then Poles, and last Negroes. An analysis
shows, however, that the northern Negro had ten times as many
individuals in the above-average grade and only half as many in the
below-average grade as the southern Negro. In the literate tests he
ranked above the Italian and only slightly below the Alabama white,
while in the illiterate tests he surpassed the Alabama white and the
Pole. The literate negroes of the draft, irrespective of section,
slightly surpassed the illiterate whites. The conclusion is inevitable
that the intelligence ratings given by these tests were much more
dependent upon education and social opportunity than race, and
that the differences revealed cannot be adduced as a proof of racial
inequality. Intelligence tests are still in their infancy, but it is safe
to say that very few of those now in use differentiate successfully
between innate mental ability and that which is the result of train-

72 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

ing. Moreover, they have been devised consciously or unconsciously
from the standpoint of European culture, which at once places the
non-European at a disadvantage. Further work may prove the ex-
istence of racial differences in intelligence, but it seems probable
that in these, as in physical traits, inferiority in one respect will be
compensated for by superiority in another, so that the final result
will be an approximate equality.

Although there seems to be no positive evidence of physical or
mental superiority on the part of any one race, there remains the
possibility of qualitative differences in mentality, differences in what,
for lack of a better term, may be called temperament. This is of
vital importance in the problem of race mixture, for if certain races
are temperamentally fitted for certain types of culture, it follows
that the hybrids of such races, who will not completely inherit the
psychological traits of either, will be less fitted to carry on the cul-
ture of either than individuals of pure stock. The strongest evidence
against the existence of such differences lies in the complete accul-
turation of individuals who have been brought up as members of
alien groups. American history is full of instances of white children,
adopted and reared by the Indians, who became thoroughly Indian
in culture and refused to return to their own kin. Even within the
same race we often find cultural differences so great that the tem-
perament theory becomes untenable. The psychological background
of some of the American Indian cultures differed profoundly. The
tribes of the plains and Eastern woodlands were intense individual-
ists. Even great tribal ceremonies such as the Sun Dance or the
initiation of the Arapaho Men's Societies always originated in in-
dividual vows, while all war parties were undertaken on the initiative
of some one man who usually was not a chief. There was almost no
machinery for the coercion of members of the tribe, and their chiefs
ruled by persuasion. The Indians of the Inca Empire, on the other
hand, had every detail of their lives regulated by the state. The
peasant could not leave the village of his birth unless drawn away
for government service, and was compelled to turn in all his products
to government magazines, from which they were redistributed ac-
cording to the needs of the population. There was an army of officials
each of whom had almost absolute authority over the men under

AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL VIEW OF RACE MIXTURE 73

him, while at the head of the great machine stood the Inca, an ab-
solute hereditary monarch with divine attributes. The psychological
backgrounds of these two systems have hardly a feature in common
and it seems certain that a race which could produce both of them
could also adapt itself to almost any cultural conditions.

As we have no proofs of racial inequality or of racial differences
in temperament, there is no reason to conclude a priori that racial
hybrids will be inferior to pure individuals of either of their parent-
stocks. A really scientific study of the results of race mixture
is fraught with great difficulty. The ideal approach to the problem
would be to observe hybrids of pure strains bred together under
test conditions, but social strictures render this impossible. We are
forced to fall back upon data obtained from chance hybrids the
racial history of whose ancestors is usually unknown. In the case of
American mulattoes, for example, there is hardly an instance in
which we can tell whether the white half of an individual's ancestry
was Nordic, Alpine, or Mediterranean, or the black half a pure
Negro, a Hamitic Fulah, or a Negro-Malay mixture from Madagas-
car. Under such circumstances it is not surprising that even the
physical results of race mixture are imperfectly understood. The
traits which go to make up a racial type appear to be inherited singly
or in small linked groups, their propagation following Mendelian
lines. Certain features, such as head-form and stature, seem to be
due to a presence of several factors in the heredity, and show great
variability, especially in the second-generation hybrids. Individuals
or races of mixed origin will show all sorts of combinations of the
traits of the pure ancestral strains and even with long-continued
inbreeding will fail to evolve a uniform physical type. We have no
evidence that hybrids or their offspring are physically inferior to
the pure strains, and they appear to be at least equally fertile.

At the present time it is quite impossible to establish the relative
mental ability of hybrids and pure strains along strictly scientific
lines. It has already been pointed out that most of our present in-
telligence tests fail to eliminate the influences of training and cultural
background. This places white hybrids at a marked disadvantage,
for there are few instances in which such individuals are unreservedly
accepted into white society or given equal opportunities with pure

74 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

whites. The position of hybrids between diverse civilized stocks,
such as whites and Chinese or Hindus, is especially unfortunate, for
they are usually ostracized by both. In crosses between whites and
uncivilized races, such as American Indians or Polynesians, the off-
spring are often received by the less civilized group, and in such
cases their record is usually good. Many half-breeds brought up
among the Indians have shown unusual ability and force of charac-
ter, and several of their best-known chiefs have been of mixed blood.

Perhaps the best available approach to the problem of the mental
status of hybrids lies in a study of the achievements of groups which
we know to be racially mixed. All the great civilizations of which
we have record appear to have been the work of thoroughly mixed
groups. There are probably no pure races in existence at the present
time, but relatively pure strains are nearly always backward in cul-
ture. Taken at its face value, the evidence would seem to be all in
favor of the hybrid. It must be remembered, however, that cultural
contacts are the most important single factor stimulating the growth
of civilization. Relatively pure races have remained so because they
were isolated, and their cultural backwardness seems to be primarily
due to this. The most that we can say is that racial hybridization
has not interfered with the perpetuation of culture, while the cul-
tural contacts entailed by the process have stimulated the develop-
ment of civilizations.

Believers in racial inequality and in the inferiority of hybrids
may object that in most of the historic instances of race mixture
on a large scale the stocks involved have not been very diverse. The
three European races, for instance, all belong to the Caucasic group
and have many traits in common which distinguish them from
Mongols or Negroes. To find good instances of the crossing of diverse
strains we must turn to uncivilized peoples whose racial history must
be deduced from their present physical type. The Polynesians afford
an excellent example. They appear to be a result of the crossing of
at least three stocks which were branches of the Negro, Mongol, and
Caucasic stems. These original racial types still tend to segregate
out, but the Polynesians are unconscious of their mixed origin and
have no social strictures based on physical traits. Physically they
are one of the finest groups in the world, their only weakness being
a certain lack of disease resistance, probably attributable to their long

AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL VIEW OF RACE MIXTURE 75

isolation. Mentally they are, I believe, as alert and intelligent as
Europeans. Wherever they have been given a fair opportunity they
have been quick to adopt white civilization and have competed
successfully with the whites in the professions as well as the trades.
There is nothing to indicate that they are inferior to any of their
parent stocks or that hybridization has been other than beneficial
in this instance.

The cultural achievements of hybrid groups may not prove that
race mixture is desirable, but they do destroy the main argument of
those who take an alarmist attitude on the subject. There have been
instances in which a policy of deliberate intermarriage on the part
of the socially superior race has had excellent results. The success
of the early Mohammedan conquests was largely due to the fact
that they everywhere took into their harems women of the con-
quered races. The children of such women were raised in their
fathers' language and culture and no social line was drawn against
them. The distinction between conquerors and conquered rapidly
disappeared, and what the ruling group lost in purity of blood was
more than compensated for by its gain in stability of rule. Most of
the Arab conquests were the work of very small armies; Egypt for
instance, was conquered by four thousand men, yet no other nation
has been as successful in establishing its culture over a wide area and
among racially diverse peoples.

The so-called racial problems of the present day are actually
social and political. That racial antipathies are altogether due to
training is proved by the differences in the popular attitude toward
members of the same race in different parts of the United States.
Even the relative social rank which whites assign to the other races
is often the result of accident. The North American feeling toward
Indians and Negroes is a case in point. Any impartial student must
admit that the Negro in Africa was culturally superior to the Indian
of the United States. He had made considerable advances in all the
arts, was an expert metal worker, and had developed forms of govern-
ment and methods of legal procedure not unlike those of early Eu-
rope. The African and European cultural background also had cer-
tain features in common, for both had drawn elements from the
ancient Mediterranean civilizations. The Indian was still in the
Stone Age and his cultural background was utterly alien. Under

76 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

such circumstances we should expect the white to feel a closer kin-
ship with the Negro than with the Indian, and to accord him a great-
er degree of social equality. As a matter of fact, the Indian is nearly
always ranked above the Negro socially for the simple reason that
his ancestors were free men and warriors while the Negro's ancestors,
in America, were slaves. The closer resemblance of the Indian and
white physical types may have somewhat influenced the Indians'
position, but the extent to which whites and Negroes have interbred
proves that the Negro physical type is not unattractive to the
European. If the whites had come to know the Negroes as free men
and the Indians as slaves the social position of the groups would no
doubt have been reversed.

When social distinctions on the basis of race have once become
established they may persist for a very long time, but they are not
proof against economic attacks. A rich member of the socially in-
ferior group can usually find a mate among the poorer members of
the socially superior one. The average white man has an aversion
to contracting a regular marriage with an Indian woman, but the
white demand for Osage women, who are rich in oil land, is now so
great that the Indian agent requires every prospective husband to
give a bond, submit to a physical examination, and present character
references. White husbands have become so easy to get that they
are now considered somewhat less desirable than even Indian men
of other tribes.

Culture, in the anthropological sense, is the most important fact
of man's existence. It is the one thing which sets him apart from the
animals. We have every reason to believe that the hybrid is as
capable of perpetuating and improving it as the full blood and we
may, therefore, face the fact of race mixture in America with equa-
nimity. There is no reason to suppose that the United States of one
hundred or five hundred years hence will be any the worse for the
gradual absorption into its white population of the present Mongol,
Indian, and Negro minorities. The first two are numerically unim-
portant, while the Negroes, including those who already have a
white admixture, form only about 10 per cent of the total. The
process of assimilation will no doubt be a slow one, but unless all
history is at fault it will go on until the present racial lines have been
obliterated. Even the physical aspect of these remote future Ameri-

DISCUSSION 77

cans of mixed ancestry probably will not be vastly different from
that of the present stock, for anyone who casts an anthropological
eye over a modern American social gathering will discover some sur-
prising things. He will see traits which bespeak a remote Mongoloid
or Negroid strain in many persons who believe themselves to be of
pure blood. There were Negroids in Europe as early as there were
white men, and waves of Mongoloid peoples have swept into it since
before the dawn of history. Even the pure "old American" is so
hopelessly mixed racially that a little more alien blood is not likely
to hurt him.

DISCUSSION

KIMBALL YOUNG
University of Oregon

Both Mr. Linton and Professor Reuter mention the emotional attitudes
which members of the white race, especially in this country, take toward the
amalgamation of races. On the other hand, we must not let our own interest in
cultural anthropology deflect us from an honest consideration of the facts of
race mixture. In most discussions of this problem there tends to be a denial
not only of racial but of individual differences in mental ability within the
racial groups. While it is true that there are no pure races today, biologically
speaking, the facts of long inbreeding have produced certain stabilities of type
in Mongoloid, Negroid, Malay, and white stocks. Hence we may speak of these
as races in the general sense. It is within the period of modern history, especially
since the seventeenth century, that great intermingling of these various stocks
has taken place, and within the past hundred years only has this mixture gone
on with great rapidity in certain countries where the various groups have come
into contact with each other.

We must admit the great difficulty in segregating the factors of innate
ability from those of learning, for after all the matter of cultural assimilation
comes, on the psychological level, to be a question of learning capacity. And
learning capacity, with its central features of attention and imagination, is
really what is meant by intellectual ability. It is a fact, too, that so far we
possess no adequate criterion of racial differences except the statistical evidence
based on the percentages of members of culturally comparable racial groups
who reach or exceed the median performance of another group. Perhaps this
statistical criterion is the only one we shall ever have. Let us examine from this
angle some of the recent studies which have been made on individual and racial
differences.

Ruch has recently made an extended investigation of the learning capacity
of three groups of persons of varying intelligence levels as measured by the best

78 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

mental tests available. Using three types of learning material, he found that
in perceptual-motor learning all three groups of persons, superior, average, and
inferior, made good progress; that in perceptual-memory learning the superior
and average groups moved, relatively, much faster than the inferior; and that
in handling abstract, symbolic material only the superiors made any marked
progress at all, the average group making some slight advancement and the
inferior group practically none whatsoever, even after forty days' practice. This
study furnishes pretty conclusive defense for individual differences.

Peterson, working with different white, mulatto, and colored children with
a rational learning test which lies intermediate between Ruch's second and third
type of learning material has revealed marked differences in the performances
of the different groups. He finds a high correlation, moreover, between the re-
sults of his learning problem and tests of general intelligence. Both Peterson
and Ferguson have shown a close correlation between the percentage of white
blood in Negro-white crosses and the tests. Cultural conditions have been taken
into account and an honest effort made to secure comparable cultural and
educational backgrounds. Ferguson has worked with block-design tests which
operate independently of language and formal training, and Peterson's rational
learning and other tests are relatively free of such language factors as are frankly
related to education.

It may still be said, of course, that the mulatto groups have superior op-
portunities to the pure Negro. But if, as Professor Reuter asserts, the mulattoes
are forced to the general status of the negro rather than being allowed to partake
of the white man's culture, then one inquires if the psychologist has not some
point in asserting that the superiority of the mulatto over the pure-blood Negro
is at least in part due to superior strains of white blood as well as to cultural
factors. It must be questioned, parenthetically, whether it be true that over the
whole period of Negro-white crossings in this country it has been the most
mentally inferior groups of white men who have consorted with negro women.
Certainly, up to a generation or so ago, this was not so. Furthermore, the bi-
ologist and the psychologist may with impunity raise the query as to whether
or note the inherent factors of superior ability may not account for the facts
given by Professor Reuter when he says: "In every situation they [the mixed
stocks] have erupted a percentage of intellectually capable men far in excess of
that furnished by the native element of their racial ancestry . . . ." Especially
does one question the completeness of the cultural theory when he remarks
further: "In spite of the fact that the Negroes of relatively unmixed blood out-
number the mixed bloods three or four to one, they have not produced one
prominent man to equal ability developed by the mulattoes." This query, I
say, is pertinent when the culturalist admits that the mulatto is, by and large,
forced into the social-economic status of the lower-culture group.

The same question may be raised about the Indian-white mixtures. Surely,
whether it be true that "all sound scholarship in social phenomena assumes an
essential equality in the native mentality of racial groups" or not, the facts of

DISCUSSION 7.9

marked individual differences coupled with the facts of racial amalgamation
raise problems which the culturalist can scarcely ignore.

Mr. Linton maintains that all higher cultures result from hybrid races,
while the pure races do not produce the same high level of culture. We have, of
course, a number of factors here. These include matters of the relative size of
the groups, of large numbers versus small numbers, of the wider variability of
ability in mixed groups and the possible biological values of outbreeding fol-
lowed by partially selective inbreeding. There are, of course, the cultural in-
ventions and contacts in relation to these features. Thus biological as well as
cultural forces may well play a role in this phenomenon.

Before concluding this review, I wish to mention some other studies which
have been made of racial and subracial groups. In my own studies of Italian,
Portuguese, and Spanish-Mexican children in comparison with children of the
same age from parents of North-European ancestry, I found by correlations of
language and non-language tests that not all the alleged differences in the abil-
ities of these groups is due to language handicaps, as is so frequently claimed.
The work of Miss Thomson and of other students of Terman upon Latins and
upon Orientals bears this out. Recent studies by Yeung, Borncamp, Darsie,
and others on Chinese and Japanese children in California, and the work of
Smith in Hawaii indicate that the language handicap is a factor in the learning
of the Oriental in English-speaking schools, but that this handicap only touches
materials where language is of decided importance. In arithmetic and subjects
where language does not operate, the Orientals equal and even excel the white
children of older American (North-European) ancestry. On the contrary, the
Italians and other Latins fall down in both language- and non-language-
learning materials.

In spite of some disagreements, as in studies by Kirkpatrick in this country
and Gordon in London, it cannot be gainsaid that there is much evidence for
individual differences which operate independent of cultural status, and that,
moreover, the mixture of persons of one group with low intelligence scores with
persons of a group who possess higher ratings makes for fixing the intelligence
or learning capacity of the mixed-blood group at an intermediate position be-
tween these extremes.

To conclude, I wish to maintain that we have in the study of social phenom-
ena to take into account three factors: (i) Those of individual differences in
racial groups and social classes. (2) The fact of what Thomas is wont to call
"the run of attention," or the direction of the interests and habits of the mem-
bers of the group in question. This, in turn, depends in the first instance upon
the learning and attending capacity of the persons concerned, and here we find
innate differences. In addition, this run of attention depends upon what I shall
term the third major factor in the social process : (3) This is the cultural level
of the group, that is, the arts, crafts, sciences, folkways of the race or class.
Until the culturalist takes the facts of individual variation into account and
until the biologist or psychologist recognizes the tremendous place of culture in
the development of personality and group life, we shall get nowhere.

INTERNATIONAL ASPECTS OF THE RUSSIAN
REVOLUTION

JEROME DAVIS
Yale University

ABSTRACT

International Aspects of the Russian Revolution. A scientific gauge for measuring
the international aspects of the Russian Revolution would require the overcoming of
the following obstacles: (i) its extreme complexity, (2) compartment thinking, (3) the
bias of class and of our social heritage, (4) nationalism, (5) propaganda, (6) the warping
incident to news transference, and (7) surface thinking with its concomitant "praise or
blame" attitude. Eliminating secondary testimony and also primary testimony from
those with a motive to falsify and with a habit of stereotype thinking, there is agree-
ment on certain significant facts: (i) in the circular process of stimulation, reaction,
and restimulation between soviet Russia and foreign countries, the policies and at-
titudes of both have been changed, (2) the international instrumentalities established
by the bolshevists appear much more formidable than they really are, (3) the soviet
government has been successful in securing recognition from other governments, and
(4) the results of this unique social experimentation have been both negative and
positive.

Revolutions are, next to world-warfare, the most dangerous
social explosions known to human experience. They involve such a
tangled skein of forces that it is extremely difficult scientifically to
appraise them. The Russian Revolution is exceptionally compli-
cated because the reaction itself took place in the midst of a still
more violent international metamorphosis, the world-war, when
group minds were so inflamed by the sentiments and passions of the
conflict that they had neither the patience nor the mechanism to
appraise the situation with scientific accuracy. We now know that
in every modern war truth is the first casualty. We have not yet
achieved a scientific gauge for measuring the international effects
of violent social change. Yet the social scientist painstakingly exper-
imenting, counting and measuring, has reached the place where he
sees clearly certain of the obstacles which he must overcome if he is
to solve this problem. As applied to the Russian problem this would
involve among others :

i. Its extreme complexity. Tsaristic Russia was a gigantic coun-
try over twice as large as all Europe, with a population speaking one

80

TEE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION 81

hundred different languages or dialects, changing during a revolu-
tionary period with kaleidoscopic speed. How can the truth be
sorted out of the jumble of conflicting testimony?

2. Compartment thinking. We give different weights to similar
facts. We explain away injustice in America, such as lynching or
negro disfranchisement, because we are familiar with it; we feel that
terror or dictatorship in Russia is in an entirely different category.

3. The bias of class and of our social heritage. Our opinions are
refracted by the colored glasses of our experience. To judge Russian
institutions by American concepts is completely to misconceive the
situation.

4. Nationalism.- We are unwilling to face the truth that our
nation may have been just as stupid in its treatment of the Revolu-
tion as the Revolution has been in treating us.

5. Propaganda. The Bolsheviks have received more free ad-
vertising in a shorter space of time than any other political party
since world-history began, but it has largely been false. Dr. E. A.
Ross dedicates a book, "To my fellow-Americans who have become
weary of being fed lies and propaganda about Russia." Once an anti-
Bolshevik complex was firmly established in the public mind, Ameri-
cans have enjoyed having their prejudices played upon. Hence it be-
came profitable to retail every sort of slander about the Bolshevik
government from "their deadly and dangerous red propaganda" to
the "nationalization of women" story.

6. The warping incident to news transference. While we have
annihilated distance today by making communication instantane-
ous, in so doing we have enormously increased the chances of group
misunderstandings. If the Bolsheviks should be overthrown to-
morrow, the world would hear of it instantly and be powerfully af-
fected by it. On the other hand, few people would know much of
what actually happened. A piece of news has to run the gamut of a
good many hands, each of which may unconsciously remake the item.
As far as the scientific appraisal of the facts of the occurrence is con-
cerned, we are still cut off by an Atlantic Ocean of prejudices and
misinformation. This is just as true of the news Soviet Russia re-
ceives about America as of what America receives about Soviet
Russia.

82 TDE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

7. Surface thinking with its concomitant emotional "praise or
blame" attitude. Because of mental superficiality we tend to moral-
ize about particular revolutionary actors instead of understanding
the situations which produced them.

It is but a short step from emotional astigmatism to rationali-
zation and unconscious deception. In the material world if something
is radically wrong with a manufactured product, we do not destroy
the article or burn the factory. Similarly, with serious social defects
we should scientifically investigate rather than use blockades or
armies. As a matter of fact, the cooler scientific judgment of the
world now recognizes that the cause for the violent social explosion
in Russia was the terrible maladjustment within the Tsar's empire.
Conditions had been sociologically unsanitary and dangerous for a
long age-span. Ever since the warning revolutionary stimuli of 1905,
the world was apprised of the situation.

In spite of the difficulties it is possible to reach certain conclu-
sions regarding the international effects of the Soviet experiment.
In making such a searching scientific analysis it is necessary first to
sort out agreements between all those witnesses who are competent.
As Dr. Giddings has so admirably reminded us in his Scientific Study
of Society, this involves eliminating the following:

1. Hearsay or secondary testimony. As regards Russia this
throws out all those Russians, such as Ambassador Bakmetieff, who
have not been in Russia since the Bolsheviks assumed the power
over seven years ago.

2. Those who have a motive to falsify. This eliminates all those
who lost position or property in Russia or who have been expelled
from the country, as well as the individuals belonging to the Com-
munist party.

3. Those who are controlled by a complex, stereotype, or mastering
idea. This eliminates certain "parlor" socialists both pro- and anti-
Bolshevik.

Eliminating all of the above testimony and including only those
who are intellectually competent, we find agreement on certain very
significant facts:

First, there was a circular process of stimulation, reaction, and re-
stimulation between Soviet Russia and foreign countries, and both
were being changed by the process, Soviet Russia probably more

THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION 83

than the rest of the world. One international effect of the policies of
the Soviet government was intervention by the Allies. There was
the attack from the north with American and Allied soldiers; from
the east with American, Japanese, and Czecho-Slovak soldiers;
from the south by Denikin with Allied aid; from the south by Wran-
gel with Allied aid; from the west by Udenitch with Allied aid; and
again from Poland with French bayonets. All of these processes
changed the policies and action of Russia, and again these same re-
actions changed the policies and attitudes of the foreign countries.
The Bolshevik government at first tried to keep peace with the Allies
and secure recognition from them, as the testimony of the American
ambassador, Francis, and Colonel Robins shows. Failing in this,
after intervention had set in, the Bolshevik government enacted new
and more radical decrees which markedly changed its behavior.
Similarly in America, public sentiment against intervention grew
to overwhelming proportions in those states which had a large num-
ber of American soldiers fighting in Russia against the Bolsheviks.
Here we have clearly the familiar phenomena of interstimulation and
response, of imitation, of suggestion, and of new group-reactions to
a new stimulus.

Second, the Bolsheviks have established international instru-
mentalities:

a) The Union of Socialist Soviet Republics. Composed of White
Russia, Ukraine, Transcaucasia, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia, and
Soviet Russia, which itself includes ten autonomous republics and
eleven autonomous areas.

V) The Communist International.- This organization would wel-
come within each state "an armed struggle for the overthrow of the
international Bourgeoisie and the establishment of an international
Soviet republic as a transition to the complete abolition of the capi-
talist state. " As time has gone on, the Russian governmental au-
thorities have been less and less inclined to interfere in the internal
affairs of other countries and more inclined to center all their efforts
on holding and strengthening their position in Russia. At the Fourth
Congress held in Moscow in December, 1922, there were delegates
from all the leading countries of the world. The total membership
was supposed to be over one million.

c) The Red International of Labor Unions. An organization of

84 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

all the trade unions throughout the world who believe sufficiently
in Communism to join. They claim a membership of over twelve
millions.

d) The Communist Youth International.- This apparatus is de-
signed to bind together the youth of the world who believe in Com-
munism. It apparently has not had much success outside of Russia,
for the total membership does not exceed 800,000, composed almost
exclusively of Russians.

These agencies used by politicians to terrorize the gullible, ap-
pear very much more formidable than they actually are. For exam-
ple, one outstanding leader of the Japanese trade unions privately
stated that although they send representatives to the Red Inter-
national they do not believe in Communism, and they also send dele-
gates to the non-Communist international trade-union conferences.
Their total membership is included as within the Moscow fold, but
actually very few of their members believe in Communism. The
fact is that as far as the world-branches of Communism are con-
cerned they are largely a paper organization. They have members in
every country, it is true, but little real strength. Their actual threat
to the rest of the world lies chiefly in the extent to which, either with-
in a nation or in its treatment by powerful outsiders, there exists
such gross injustice and stupidity as to drive members into the
Communist ranks on any terms. The extent to which Communism
thrives in India, Germany, or elsewhere is to some degree a barome-
ter of maladjustment, and hence of utility value.

Third, the Soviet government has been successful in securing
recognition from other governments. Practically every important
nation in the world has accorded such recognition except the United
States, which cannot permanently maintain its exclusiveness. It
seems probable that recognition has been accorded because in the
complicated interdependence of our "great society" the isolation of
such a large division as that of Russia is extremely difficult and even
damaging to our interrelated and delicate financial mechanisms.

Fourth, as is true in the case of nearly all unique and startling
social experimentation, there has been both a negative and a posi-
tive result. Any appraisal must still be largely subjective. It is im-
possible in a brief compass to list all the effects. On the debit side of

THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION 85

the ledger, among others, we have the age-long familiar practices of
dictatorship by the few, suppression of freedom of speech and of
press, still utilized in every country at times. The execution of polit-
ical prisoners has ceased. There is the hostility of the government
to religion, which no doubt has both a good and a bad effect. Al-
though primarily an internal problem, this has its international
ramifications and consequences. The Roman Catholic church has
only recently taken cognizance of this policy by a strong declara-
tion. There is no important governmental party outside of the Bol-
shevik which proclaims itself as frankly atheistic, nor is there any
other group which attempts so vigorously to oppose certain of the
religious values and superstitions and to substitute for these sci-
ence, morality, and its own brand of culture. Within the nation
there has also been the application of untried theories on a large
scale by untrained and consequently incompetent administrators,
with a consequent social wastage.

It is frequently charged that the Bolsheviks advocate peace and
then maintain a colossal army. This accusation is unfounded. In
proportion to population her army has only one soldier for every 200
inhabitants, whereas Poland has one for every 100, Roumania, one
for every 82, France, one for every 60, and Finland including her
civic guards one to every 28. When we recall that Russia must be
prepared to face attack from all these countries, not to mention
Japan, and that just two nations alone Poland and France with a
population half as great as Russia, together maintain a larger stand-
ing army, it can readily be seen how difficult it is for the Soviet to
reduce her army further unless other nations do likewise.

On the positive side, we have the fact that the Bolsheviks have
so far completely prevented the return of the Tsar's autocracy, one
of the most dangerous foes to democracy which the world faced in
1914. The land has also irrevocably been distributed to the peasants.
The Bolsheviks have largely prevented the dismemberment of Rus-
sia and have recreated a great federated nation. Such a patriotic
Russian as General Brusiloff, formerly commander-in-chief of the
Russian armies, in talking to me in Moscow in 1921, reiterated time
and again that while he was opposed to the Bolsheviks, he knew that
they had prevented foreign countries from seizing her resources, and

86 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

that as between Russian Bolshevism and foreign exploitation he
would choose the Soviet government every time. Russian propaganda
undoubtedly helped to bring on the German revolution. I myself
made a study of some of their propaganda work at first hand when,
at the request of the American government, I sent into the German
lines from Russia a million copies of President Wilson's Fourteen
Points of Peace, a work which necessitated receiving official permis-
sion from the Bolshevik war minister. General Ludendorff of the
German staff says that Bolshevik propaganda was the chief factor
in bringing on the collapse of Germany. General Hoffman says, "It
was Bolshevik propaganda that routed Germany from the East and
then broke her morale and gave us this defeat and this revolution
you now see ruining us." In the publication of secret treaties the
Soviet government did the world an inestimable service, and may
have helped to sound the death knell of that ancient device. While
it is popular to point to the damaging effects of the Bolshevik advo-
cacy of violence, we must not overlook the stimulus which the So-
viet government gave, perhaps unconsciously, to the positive forces
in the labor world. A number of the labor leaders in England have
said that the consciousness that in Russia the workers had seized
the power enormously helped the English labor party in appealing
to the workers for support. It has certainly caused labor leaders in
both England and America to examine carefully their program and
tactics, to see that they were not committing the mistakes of Bol-
shevism. Recall the statements of Ramsay MacDonald and Samuel
Gompers. We can safely conclude that there has been both a good
and a bad influence of Bolshevism, and that we are not yet in a posi-
tion to draw up the balance sheet.

Finally, we cannot appraise the Russian Revolution without
comparing the motives of her leaders with those of our own. We
have seen that while the Communist International does want to de-
stroy capitalism, capitalism in its turn desires to destroy the Com-
munist International. We should recognize that there are real dif-
ferences in economic theory between the Russian rulers and the rest
of the world. The Soviet government desires to build a nation in
which all factories, mines, railways, and other means of production
and distribution are owned by the people. Nevertheless a great deal

TBE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION 87

of their differences are a mere matter of words and revolutionary
formulae. The international practices of Bolshevism are not as bad
as some of their phrases and may be worse than others. We should
get down below mere verbiage to the genuine likenesses and differ-
ences. When we do this we find that Russia no less than other na-
tions desires the economic and intellectual well-being of her people.
Americans should be no more alarmed over red language in the
Communist International than of the bombastic language at a na-
tional political convention in our own land. A considerable amount
of politics is to be found in both. We should distinguish also between
the violently radical Bolsheviks and the rest of the party. The num-
ber enrolled in the various third internationals are like those in a
third political party; many of them are merely liberals. The large
majority do not even understand the real economic theory of Com-
munism. In the early days of the Russian Revolution, the Bolshe-
viks may have been primarily interested in a world revolution; they
now know that if Bolshevism is to endure, it must first make a suc-
cessful demonstration in its own territory. In order to be successful,
the problem of economic production must be solved. As Americans
we are interested in the same problem; we should be able to co-
operate at this point. The fact is that millions of dollars' worth of
international trade is going back and forth between Russia and the
rest of the world now.

In conclusion, while recognizing that we are not yet ready to
pronounce historic judgments, we should endeavor as sociologists to
look at the Russian Revolution from the long-range point of view.
We are tempted to consider it in the light of the period since the
Revolution. This inevitably warps our perspective. In reality we
should remember that Bolshevism, including its international activi-
ties, is the logical reaction of the stimuli arising from the centuries
of oppression under the Tsar's autocracy. It is too early to appraise
the international effects of the explosive compound which has re-
sulted, but it is safe to say that it has both constructive and destruc-
tive features. In the light of history it may well be that the phe-
nomena of the Russian Revolution will be considered among the
major developments of the twentieth century.

SOCIOLOGICAL FACTORS IN THE INTERPRETATION OF
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: WITH SPECIFIC IL-
LUSTRATIONS FROM SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE AND
THE NEAR EAST

EARLE EDWARD EUBANK

University of Cincinnati

ABSTRACT

Sociological Factors in the Interpretation of International Relations. Science, so far
as it has gone, indicates that the forces of the cosmos fall into two classes: those that
make toward unification, and those that make against it; and that on the whole the
trend has been toward the triumph of the former. This has been manifested in human
society as well as in the physical world. Mankind has progressed from the primitive
family as the unit of sovereignty to the modern nation, at each transition stage success-
fully solving the problems of adjustment peculiar to it. We are now in the stage of
transition from nationalism to internationalism. This paper undertakes to indicate the
problems peculiar to this transition stage by analysis of the factors geographic, bio-
logic, and social responsible for international disunity as illustrated in Southeastern
Europe. The conclusion is reached that the likenesses of men throughout the world are
primary, and constitute a rational and fundamental basis for ultimate human unity;
that their unlikenesses are secondary, and must not be regarded as constituting in-
evitable and permanent grounds for division.

A law of polarity seems to pervade the known world. The nega-
tive electrode stands over against the positive. The radiant ten-
dencies of matter run counter to those which are gravitational. For
every action there is an equal and an opposite reaction. The ten-
dency to withdraw is matched by the tendency to approach. Kata-
bolism vs. anabolism; dominance vs. recessiveness; repulsion vs.
attraction; disintegration vs. integration: in every realm of science
we recognize the conflict between the forces which make for unity
and those which make for disunity. From one point of view the
whole great general process of nature has been one of gradual sub-
ordination of the disunifying forces to those which unify.

Of the many trends discernible in the development of that cur-
ious thing we call civilization, one of the most striking is that of the
increasing integration of its parts: group life tends toward enlarge-
ment. From the family to the clan, to the tribe, to the nation, to

INTERPRETATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 89

federations of nations, the process of enlargement has gone on,
marked at every step by the integration of a larger and larger num-
ber of constituent segments, and by their closer correlation.

This tendency is not peculiar to the social world. Long ago nat-
ural science pointed out that a principle of aggregation upon some
basis of selection inherent in the aggregating particles is operative
in the cosmosphere and the biosphere. Aggregations of correlated
atoms compose molecules. Aggregations of correlated molecules
compose masses. Aggregations of protoplasmic units under certain
conditions compose life-cells. Aggregations of cells under certain
conditions compose morphological bodies which, in their highest
form, are human beings. The same general principle carried into
the sociosphere accounts for that group life which it is the especial
province of sociology to study.

Every stage in the long journey in social development from
Pithecanthropus Erectus until our own day has been marked by
certain constantly recurring features. Among these have been (i)
the breaking down of former isolations; (2) the discovery of mutual
likenesses, and an emphasis upon them rather than upon differences;

(3) the discovery of the practical advantages of co-operative effort;

(4) the discovery of consensual methods of adjustment, and their
substitution for conflict methods; (5) the development of group
structural forms competent to accommodate the enlarged body;
(6) the development of a technique of action suitable to the inter-
play of the larger number of functional parts. The whole of these
together may be characterized as an increasing movement toward unity
of larger and larger masses. Wherever along the line a stable group
life comes to prevail it means that some affective basis of unification
has been found. Where it does not prevail the elements of division
are still paramount. The smallest possible social grouping, that of
two persons, must be accompanied by these features, as must the
largest; and all the stages in between, if it is to endure.

At every juncture in group life of any kind the ultimate social
problem is that of living together. This has been clearly pointed
out by Professor Ellwood in his volume The Social Problem. Group
life is at its best where this problem is most fully met. Other things
being equal, the adequacy of group life for the needs of its members

9 o THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

varies in the degree with which this problem has been mastered. And
obviously where the social integers (be they nations or individual
persons) cannot live together, they cannot have group life. In other
words, a social grouping of any sort is possible only when its con-
stituent members have mastered this problem to some practical ex-
tent. The growth of human organization itself one of the most
conspicuous trends of civilization is a constant progression in the
discovery of larger effective bases of unity.

All of this, simple as it is when stated, is vital to an understand-
ing of international relations. Herein reside the sociological factors
whose comprehension is essential to an analysis of situations between
nations as between persons. For the first thing to be pointed out in
approaching such a question is this: that sociologically international
problems are nothing new nor different from those already familiar
in the smaller and more easily studied human groups. Their differ-
ences from those of smaller groups are not of kind, but wholly of
degree. They are more involved and intricate, because the machin-
ery is more complex. They are sometimes more subtle, being hidden
in a larger mass. They are more difficult of control by reason of
their dimensions and momentum. But intrinsically they are the
same.

The object of this paper is to present certain of these sociological
factors as they are found in relations between nations. The field of
illustration which has been selected is that of Southeastern Europe
and such of the Near East as focuses about the Balkan area. Per-
haps no other part of the world could better serve as an exhibit for
the purpose. Not merely of recent years, but from time immemorial
this arena has been one of unimaginable hatreds and strife. Herein
have been concentrated factors of confusion little comprehended by
$ie Western Hemisphere, whose variety and intensity make this an
exhibit of unusual sociological value.

In this disturbed part of the world the divisive elements have so
far had the ascendancy over those making for cohesion. Both intra-
nationally and internationally this is strikingly true. We may ex-
amine the bases of the disunity of the Balkan peoples under three
familiar headings: the geographic, the biologic (including ethnic),
and the social.

INTERPRETATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 91
I. GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS OF BALKAN DISUNITY

Both by geographic location and by topography the Balkan
peninsula seems to have been predestined to conflict. Separated
from Asia only by the silver thread of the Bosporus and the Dar-
danelles, it has formed a natural bridge for the surging waves of
migratory movement between the two continents. Although it is
integrally a part of Europe, its great rivers and their wide-mouthed
valleys have stood as open and inviting doorways to the restless
Asiatic populations. At the same time her mountain walls have
separated her from her own European hinterland. What more nat-
ural, therefore, than that the fierce hordes of Asia, restive from
famines and pressure of rival peoples, from long before the days of
Attila should have accepted her geographic invitation to enter? And
having entered, that they should be met by resistance from the
equally fierce mid-European peoples who resented this invasion?
Furthermore, the internal structure of the region, intersected in
every direction as it is by mountain ranges, has formed natural
pockets and corners, which, once occupied, isolated its inhabitants
from each other, and so led to the accentuation of their differences.
Therefore the tendency has been in the direction of separation of
life, with each group living in a world of its own, hostile to all other
groups, and averse to any unification.

II. BIOLOGIC FACTORS OF BALKAN DISUNITY

The ethnic diversity in this part of the world is a Chinese puzzle.
European has crossed with Asiatic at a dozen ethnic juncture points;
Nordic has crossed with Mediterranean, and Slav has interpenetrated
both in innumerable combinations, till any racial designation what-
ever has ceased to have meaning. The Bulgar is Alpine Slav mingled
with Asiatic, Finnish, or Turkish blood. The Greek is Hellenic mixed
with Nordic, changing to Mediterranean strains. The Roumanian,
who claims to be Latin (something racially non-existent), is in reality
Slav grafted onto Mediterranean and overlaid with Asiatic. The
Hungarian is Magyar, which is Alpine plus Nordic plus Slav plus a
dominant Asiatic element which almost conceals the first two. The
Turk, who colors so many of the groups, is Mongolo-Tartar. While
the Slavic element itself a mixture is the one most prominent

92 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

throughout the region. A census would reveal a greater conglomerate
than that noted on the day of Pentecost: Armenian, Bulgar, Croat,
Dalmation, German, Greek, Gypsy, Jew, Magyar, Montenegran,
Roumanian, Russian, Slav, Slovene, Turk, each in itself an inextric-
able composite of still other composites.

The evidence shows overwhelmingly that there exists little bio-
logical basis for national distinctions, yet there exists in every group
mind an almost ineradicable notion that it is a sharply defined race,
and, of course, superior to all other racial groups in its very physical
essence.

III. SOCIAL FACTORS OF BALKAN DISUNITY

Many different parts of the world have contributed to the kalei-
doscopic social background of the Balkans. Each people that has
entered the territory has brought in its own language and culture
and traditions as well as its racial self. These have been intensified
by the isolation enforced by topographic barricades. Where there
has been enough contact to allow interplay, these have produced
other combinations, which have still further contributed to diversi-
fication of social heritage. Linguistically, they are represented by a
score of tongues. Religiously, they pray in the name of Moses, of
Mohammed, and of Jesus. Of the Christian group, those whose an-
cestors came most under the influence of Rome give allegiance to the
Vatican, those whose forefathers were under Byzantine influence
belong to the Greek Orthodox church, while those reaching nearest
to Central Europe reflect the Reformation in various Protestant
sects. Culturally, Rome and Byzantium still divide this part of
the world between them, except where the scimitar of Mohammed
has expelled both.

Sharper than the differences of language, religion, and culture
are those produced by a historic past filled with mutual injuries,
antagonisms, and strifes which give to the present generation a
legacy of hatreds long since become traditional. In the many and
dramatic turns of fortune's wheel a part, at least, of each of these
states has at some time or other been under the domination of some
other of these states. In a series of wars and their subsequent treaties
which even a trained historian finds it hard to follow, shifts in boun-

INTERPRETATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 93

dary lines have followed one another so rapidly as to be a map-
maker's despair.

Every shift of borderline is a new Alsace-Lorraine to breed bitter
dreams and plans of vengeance on the part of the loser, no matter
how just may be the basis of transfer. Bulgaria mourns Dobrudja
to the northeast and Macedonia to the south. Greece, although en-
larged at the expense of Turkey and Bulgaria, mourns Epirus. The
diminished remnant of Hungary can never forget that two-thirds of
her territory and people were torn from her side. And Turkey, once
the overlord of most of Southeastern Europe, considers its redistri-
bution as robbery.

Furthermore, each territorial alteration has placed under the
authority of the winning nation a minority population taken from
some other. These minorities, despite the assurances of the treaties,
have suffered the usual fate of minorities at the hands of their con-
querors. Overt abuse, above and beyond the commonplace denial
of ordinary justice, has been the lot of these border-zone residents.
Thousands have had no recourse but to abandon homes and prop-
erty indemnified only to a fractional part of the true value and
seek refuge in what Venizelos of Greece calls "voluntary migration,"
beyond the shifted frontiers. Homeless by the change, impoverished
to the point of starvation, angered to desperation by what they have
undergone, these "voluntary" migrants constitute a perpetual seed-
bed of international disturbance along the boundaries, their feelings
shared by their nation as a whole. (In Bulgaria alone nearly loper
cent of the population is composed of refugees from beyond her
present borders.) Those who have not migrated and it is impossible
for all to do so remain as unassimilated portions of a country to-
ward which they are alien and hostile. (Roumania, for example, now
has a total population of about seventeen millions, six millions of
whom are non-Roumanians, chiefly from enemy countries. Another
five million are "redeemed" Roumanians, who were subjects of
other countries before the treaties added them to the revamped
territory, but whose background of life and experience there was so
different as to make them practically foreigners upon restoration to
their own land.)

94 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Perhaps this illustration (which might be interminably con-
tinued) has been carried far enough to drive home the point it was
intended to convey.

The Balkans constitute an example par excellence of internation-
al disunity. Geographically, ethnically, linguistically, religiously, cul-
turally, traditionally, politically, they stand apart from one another.
Not only that, but in the realignment of boundaries, sections which
would seem to belong together have been sundered; others have been
unwisely wedded and seem already promising candidates for divorce.
The treaty-makers, who declared themselves determined to remake
Europe along lines of "natural" cohesion, were not equal to the task.
Mr. Lloyd George himself is quoted as confessing the failure in saying
recently, "We have Balkanized all that part of Europe."

Now if sociology has any message for the field of international
relations which should be emphasized more than another, it is one
that may be expressed in terms of the familiar geometric axiom:
The whole is greater than any of its parts. And correspondingly, the
interests of the whole are superior to the particular interests of any
of its subdivisions. Hence, adjustment among human beings can
never be considered final until it includes all men who have knowl-
edge of one another. Nationalism, therefore, cannot be considered
the final word in the Balkans or anywhere else in the world, because
it thinks in terms of parts rather than of the whole. Any thinking
we do in this field is incomplete which fails to include all mankind.

This carefully reasoned conclusion of sociology is tantamount to
saying that there exist among all men fundamental bases of unity. This
sociology firmly believes. It points to the logic of history, which
reveals the unmistakable trend in this direction. It is a far cry from
Cro-Magnon to a modern nation; but every step of the enlargement
of the unit of political sovereignity has been the result of the dis-
covery of mutual interests and likenesses that transcend the more
immediately obvious differences and unlikenesses. Accepting the
witness of the age-long human record, sociology says to all nations:
The likenesses of men throughout the world are primary and constitute
a fundamental basis for unity; their unlikenesses are secondary, and
must not be regarded as constituting inevitable and permanent grounds

INTERPRETATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 95

for division. This applies to international, as well as to lesser, re-
lationships.

Let us clearly understand wherein human unity really resides.
It is not found in geographic, nor biological, nor social conditions
per se. It does not intrinsically reside in ties of kinship, nor in iden-
tity of language, nor religion, nor culture, nor territorial proximity.
These things are not unity. They are merely conditions which, under
certain circumstances, may give rise to unity. Unity itself is a psych-
ic thing, a mental kinship. In the last analysis it is a harmonious
mutual social attitude. Sociology must therefore tell the makers of
treaties that they cannot create enduring states by a mere shifting
of boundary lines. Even the deeply imbedded idea that ethnic iden-
tity constitutes in itself a "natural" basis of nationality must be
discarded in the light of such facts as Southeastern Europe exhibits.
The effective power to bind together the members of any group must
come from within not from without.

The substance of the foregoing pages may be epitomized in a
series of statements:

1. The known forces of the universe fall into two divisions: (a) Those mak-
ing toward harmonious unification of parts, and (b) those making against it.

2. On the whole, a distinctly discernible trend is noted toward the predomi-
nance of the former.

3. This same fact in human society manifests itself in the form of the con-
stant enlargement of sovereign groups. Larger and larger masses of people are
finding effectual bases for co-operative relationships.

4. The politico-social ideal should be that of all mankind harmoniously
united and working consciously toward common ends. The necessary subdivi-
sions of human kind should be merely those of differentiated parts properly
geared into an effectively working whole, and not those of conflicting minor parts.

5. The larger the groups to be united, the more difficult is the solution of
the problem, because the elements involved are more numerous, diverse, and com-
plicated (Southeastern Europe has been offered by way of graphic illustration
and partial explanation of this fact). But except in matter of complexity the
stage of international unity, still ahead of us, does not differ from the simpler
stages which we have already attained. Therefore, this problem however dif-
ficult is not insoluble.

6. But human unity, whatever the group, is essentially a psychic thing. It
must rest upon the mutually recognized mental kinship of its members.

96 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

This mental kinship cannot be wrought mechanically by accident
of territorial proximity. Ethnic and cultural similarities, important
as they are, do not automatically constitute it. Mere political ag-
glomeration will not, in and of itself, achieve it. The methods to be
employed in its creation are not new. They are the ones made long
since familiar in developing a national consciousness in our own
heterogeneous American population: viz., (i) universal education,
in order that the population may have a cultural basis of likeness;
and (2) universal intercommunication, in order that people may
become aware of that likeness.

Any method which leaves these out of account is foredoomed to
failure.

POPULATION DENSITIES AND THE IMMIGRATION
POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES

NILES CARPENTER
University of Buffalo

ABSTRACT

Population Density and the Immigration Policy of the United States^. A comparison
of the density of population in various countries shows that the United States has a
much smaller population than other regions, as Southeastern Asia and Western Europe,
which are in the same zone of optimum climatic conditions, and relatively to climate and
resources, is less densely populated than those other regions in Europe and Asia outside
the zone of optimum climatic conditions. So long as this condition continues, there will
exist, as between the United States and the rest of the world, a state of unstable popula-
tion equilibrium arising from the human tendency to move from more densely crowded
to those less densely crowded regions which are as well situated as the more densely
populated regions or better situated than them a condition which the United States
fulfils. Moreover, the multiplication of economic opportunities offered by a relatively
sparsely populated area in the present industrialist period adds a powerful incentive
for migration toward the United States.

Nevertheless, this unstable population equilibrium is being deliberately maintained
by the present immigration policy of the United States, which by means of quota limita-
tions and exclusion acts, seeks to maintain its favorable position by restricting or barring
migrants from countries that are, absolutely or relatively, more densely populated.

Interference with the social forces controlling migration is bound to react profoundly
upon the populations affected. In the present case, such a reaction would almost cer-
tainly give rise to widespread resentment, possibly to diplomatic and economic reprisals,
and conceivably to conflict, provided the countries concerned could achieve unity of
action. In such a conflict the relatively sparse population density of the United States
would not prove an advantage, for it would be overwhelmingly outnumbered by those
countries whose populations were affected by its immigration policy.

It is possible, but not probable, that a world-wide slackening in the birth-rate
might indefinitely postpone the friction arising out of the American immigration policy.
It is also possible that a "safety valve" might be provided by emigration to the Southern
Hemisphere, or even to the polar and subpolar regions, but such an event would have
to wait upon scientific discoveries, particularly relating to health and energy in tropical
and polar regions, which are not at present in sight. An increased birth-rate in the
United States would restore equilibrium, but friction would arise before this became
effective. The situation would, of course, also be altered by a modification of the immi-
gration policy of this country.

On July i, 1924, the United States, after four years of experi-
mentation and controversy, definitely embarked upon a restrictive
immigration policy as regards Europe, the Near East, and Africa,
and extended its policy of exclusion as regards the Orient. A sum-
mary review of the trend of immigration before and after the adop-

97

98 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

tion of this new policy serves to demonstrate how drastic it is and
how profoundly it already has begun to react upon the migratory
tendencies of the world's population. During the decade igoo-igio, 1
the net immigration to this country the bulk of it from Europe
was about 5,365,000, or slightly under 55 per cent of the natural
increase of the native population. During the three months follow-
ing the beginning of the operation of the present immigration law,
the net immigration was at the rate of 3,244,320 per decade, of which
over half, or 1,898,310, represented immigration from Mexico, Can-
ada, and other portions of the Western Hemisphere which are not
now quota-limited, but which as the Secretary of Labor has re-
cently pointed out 2 will presently have to be put under a quota to
make the new restrictive policy completely effective. The total, ex-
clusive of the immigration from the Western Hemisphere, was at
the rate of only 1,346,010 per decade, or but about 13 per cent of
the natural increase of the native population during the decade
1910-20.

There seem to have been two general motives underlying the
very widespread popular sentiment to which this new policy gave
expression. On the one hand, there was a belief that various nation-
ality and racial groups were unsuitable for amalgamation with the
American stock, and should, therefore, be restricted, or as in the
case of the Japanese altogether excluded. On the other hand, there
was the opinion that it was necessary drastically to reduce the in-
crease in the American population attributable to immigration, in
order to forestall the onset of an overcrowded population and the
social and economic evils resulting therefrom. It is with this second
feature of the American immigration policy that this paper is con-
cerned.

The discussion falls under three heads: first, the population den-
sity of the United States as compared both absolutely and relatively
with that of Europe and Asia; second, the effect of the comparative

1 The decade 1910-20 was so affected by the world-war that it is valueless for com-
parative purposes. The figures for net imigration 19001910, and for population increase
1900-1920 are from Rossiter's Census monograph, Increase of Population. The data on
net immigration since July, 1924, are calculated from the current bulletins of the
United States Commissioner of Immigration.

2 Associated Press dispatch, December 8, 1924, summarizing Annual Report.

POPULATION AND THE IMMIGRATION POLICY OF U.S. 99

population densities of the United States and these other regions
upon the population equilibrium of the world; and third, the re-
action upon the populations of these regions of the new American
immigration policy.

Before proceeding to the development of the first topic, it is
necessary to distinguish between absolute and relative population
density. Absolute population density refers simply to the number of
people dwelling in a given unit of land area thus, so many per
square mile or per square kilometer. Relative population density
refers to the number of people dwelling in a given unit of land area
compared with the number of people whom that area is capable of
supporting. Thus, Arabia, with an absolute density of 4.1 per square
kilometer, probably has a greater relative density than Iowa, whose
absolute density is 16.5 per square kilometer. It need scarcely be
added that absolute population density can be computed exactly,
whereas relative density can be estimated only within broad limits.

Examination of the data relating to population density makes it
clear that the United States has an absolute population density very
much below that of similarly circumstanced regions in Europe and
Asia, and that it probably also has a relative density lower than that
existing in many of the less favorably circumstanced areas of these
continents. Before proceeding to an examination of the statistical
materials, however, it is necessary to indicate what countries are
similarly circumstanced to the United States and what countries
are less favorably circumstanced. To do so requires an excursus into
the domain of climatology. 1

The United States is situated in what might be termed the belt
of optimum climatic endowment. This belt includes all of the United
States excepting the gulf coast and the arid West and Southwest;
Southern Canada; West-Central Europe, excepting Northern Scan-
dinavia; Southeastern Asia, particularly Japan; and, in the Southern

1 The writer is relying here chiefly upon Huntington and Cushing's Principles of
Human Geography, and Huntington's Civilization and Climate. The maps are taken
from these works, and also from Bartholomew's Atlas of Economic Geography, and from
Howarth's A Commercial Geography of the World, excepting the maps on population
density which is from the Annuaire Statisque. The tables on population density and
total population are from the Aperqu Annuel de la Demographic for 1922, while those
on production are from the Commerce Yearbook for 1923. The writer is indebted to
Professor F. W. Willcox of Cornell University for the loan of the Annuaire Statistique
and the Aper$u Annuel de la Demographic.

ioo THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Hemisphere, New Zealand, parts of Argentina and Chile, and the
southeastern tip of Australia.

Three major factors enter into the superior climatic endowment
of the United States and these other regions: first, temperature;
second, precipitation and humidity; and third, variety. They affect
human life, and, pari passu, population density in two ways: first,
in the type and amount of agricultural products yielded; second, in
the health and energy attainable by man for the prosecution of his
daily tasks and for the adaptation of the environment to his needs.

As regards precipitation and humidity, the belt under discussion
is provided with a moderate amount of rainfall spread fairly evenly
throughout the year. Moreover, as contrasted with the Asiatic mon-
soon area, this region is assured of a fairly certain supply of moisture
from year to year. As regards temperature, this belt, while experi-
encing great differences in heat and cold, does not suffer such ex-
tremes of either as do the equatorial and tropical regions on the one
hand, and the polar and subpolar on the other. Variations of climate
are of two sorts: those associated with seasonality, and those asso-
ciated with the succession of cyclones and anticyclones that is a
distinguishing feature of these regions. Seasonality allows, as just
implied, wide differences of temperature, yet provides against un-
duly protracted periods of either heat or cold. It also makes possible
interseasonal periods of moderate temperature. The succession of
cyclones and anticyclones is not only the means by which this belt
is provided throughout the year with moderate precipitation inter-
spersed with intervals of clear weather, but is also the agency through
which there proceeds an unceasing daily, and even hourly, variation
in temperature, humidity, atmospheric pressure, and cloudiness.

The beneficial influence of these conditions upon agricultural
production is so obvious as to require no detailed explication.

The influence of these climatic conditions upon human health
and energy is less easily perceived. It is, of course, self-evident that
the tropical, equatorial, and polar climates are less healthful than
the temperate. The protracted cold and darkness of the arctic cli-
mate are hostile to human life, and the almost complete absence of
vegetable life and of domestic animals forces upon the arctic dweller
a scanty and badly balanced diet. On the other hand, in the equa-

POPULATION AND THE IMMIGRATION POLICY OF U.S. 101

torial and tropical regions, where bacterial and insect life, abound,
the human system is liable to attack by any one of a dozen deadly
diseases. Again, the protracted heat and the excessive humidity of
the equatorial rain-forest and tropical jungle are powerful depres-
sants to the vitality, while the foods to which man most frequently
must resort are so lacking in protein and so swelled with water as to
leave the body deficiently nourished and the digestive system seri-
ously impaired.

Climate has, however, more subtle and far-reaching influences
upon human life than those denoted by the presence or absence of
positively deleterious elements, and it is to these less tangible factors
that certain portions of the so-called temperate zone owe much of
their climatic pre-eminence. As the investigations of Huntington
and others have shown, there are certain optima of temperature and
humidity that are most favorable to the maximum expenditure of
human energy. For example, the optimum winter temperature is
about 40, and the optimum summer temperature about 64. Refer-
ence to the temperature map shows that, in January, the 40 iso-
therm, and, in July, the 60 isotherm, run through the central por-
tion of the United States, pass through West-Central Europe, and
cross the northern portion of the Japanese archipelago. Again, mod-
erate humidity such as these regions enjoy is favorable to nerve tone.
Finally, the variability in these regions greatly increase energy po-
tentiality. The cold of winter favors mental activity; the warmth of
summer favors physical activity; and the moderate temperature of
spring and fall promotes an all-around heightening of vitality. Again,
the daily and hourly changes of temperature, cloudiness, and the
like, have a powerful tonic effect on physical and mental energy. In
sum, the regions of optimum climatic endowment not only make
possible the largest yields of the best sort of agricultural products,
but they also provide man with a capital of health and energy suf-
ficient to enable him to make the most of the agricultural and other
resources open to him.

One further observation must be made concerning these regions
of optimum endowment. They are fairly restricted in area. The
Southern Hemisphere in general is very badly off in this respect.
Africa is for the most part athwart the equator or the dry sub tropics.

102 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

South America bulges in its equatorial belt and tapers sharply to-
ward its temperate belt. Most of Australia is either equatorial rain-
forest or subtropical desert. Again, even in the so-called north tem-
perate zone, there are extensive mountain and continental desert
areas both in the United States and in Asia, particularly in the
latter, the bulk of the interior of which is deficient either in food-
yielding or energy-producing qualities. There are left as really well-
endowed countries only the regions named above, namely, most of the
United States, Southern Canada, West-Central Europe, Japan, New
Zealand, and fractional portions of South American and Australia.

The extent of the favorable endowment of these regions may be
inferred from a rapid survey of their economic productivity. The
production maps for wheat and cattle all reveal a striking concen-
tration of production in these regions. More remarkable is the com-
posite map for wheat, maize (or corn), and rice, which allows for the
variations in agricultural methods and dietary standards in different
regions of the world. Turning from maps to tables, one obtains
much the same impression as to the superior productivity of these
regions. Thus in 1909-13, the nine regions United States, Russia
in Europe, Canada, Hungary, Argentina, Germany, Roumania, Aus-
tria, and the British Isles, all of them included in the belt of optimum
climatic endowment produced 2,308,242,000 out of a world-total
of 3,705,604,000 bushels of wheat, or about 62 per cent of the world-
crop. In passing, it might be observed that wheat is not native to
this belt, but originated in the semi-arid and subtropical regions; its
extensive cultivation in the regions under discussion being an evi-
dence of their superior crop-producing capacities. The world potato-
crop is a yet clearer example of this tendency. Out of an average
world-crop for the years 1909-13, of 5,407,033,000 bushels, these
same nine countries together with France raised 4,449,839,000 bush-
els, or 83 per cent of the total.

Mineral production shows even greater concentration. For ex-
ample, in 1920, the six regions United States, United Kingdom,
Germany, Japan, France, and Belgium raised 1,160,235,509 metric
tons of coal and lignite out of a world-production of 1,319,100,000
metric tons; that is, 87 per cent of the total. The accident of location
of the coal deposits has had something to do with this concentration,
but the superior energy available for the mining of the coal in these

POPULATION AND THE IMMIGRATION POLICY OF U.S. 103

regions, and, above all, the more advanced civilization arising from
this superior energy and from their superior agricultural productivity
have probably had an even greater influence. In this connection, it
may be observed that Huntington and Gushing point out that, al-
though iron ore is one of the most widely distributed of all mineral
deposits, yet the actual production of iron is confined almost entirely
to the United States and to West-Central Europe.

Since an abundant population is a natural consequence of high
agricultural productivity and advanced industrialization, these same
regions of optimum climatic endowment are among the most densely
populated in the world. Thus, the three continents containing the
three best favored regions, namely, Europe, Asia, and North Ameri-
ca, lead in population density, albeit North America, for reasons to
be discussed later, trails as a very poor third. It is within the con-
tinents, however, that the pre-eminent population density of the
better-favored regions is most strikingly revealed. In Europe, with
an average density of 45.0 per square kilometer, thirteen of the fif-
teen regions having a density of more than 60.0 per square kilometer,
lie squarely in the belt of optimum climatic endowment. Of the two
remaining, one, Portugal, is on the edge of this belt, while the other,
Italy, has its northern portion well within it.

In Asia the situation is not quite so well defined. Of the four
regions with a density of over 60.0 per square kilometer, only one,
namely, Japan, is clearly within the optimum belt. The other three
are in the monsoon area where, particularly under the leadership of
governing classes from the more energetic peoples of West-Central
Europe, considerable population density may be achieved, although
the quality of agricultural products raised and the climatic conditions
yield insufficient health and energy for a progressive civilization.
Moreover, it is to be noted that, excepting for the semi-urbanized and
territorially insignificant Straits Settlements, none of these monsoon
regions can compare in population density with the better-endowed
West-Central European regions. In Oceania, leaving out of account
islands of less than 50,000 square kilometers, New Zealand shows
the greatest density. In Central and South America and Africa ter-
ritorial divisions are so unequal in size and so arbitrary in nature
that detailed comparisons are valueless.

North America shows the same tendencies as Europe, the United

104 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

States having a density of 13.5 per square kilometer, as against 7.0
for Mexico and 0.9 for Canada. Furthermore, if the arid and semi-
arid mountain states are left out of account, the density of the
United States rises to 18.8. Moreover, within the United States it
is the better-endowed Middle and South Atlantic and North-Central
states which show the highest density, and this despite the priority
in settlement and early development enjoyed by certain of the New
England states.

Of far greater significance, however, than the correspondence be-
tween population density and climatic endowment in the United
States is the sparsity of its population as compared with similarly
endowed portions of Europe and Asia. The absolute density of the
United States, leaving out of account the mountain states, is smaller
than all of Europe and all of Asia, the figures being 18.8, 45.0, and
24.2 per square kilometer, respectively, and this in spite of the fact
that Europe contains extensive subpolar areas and Asia both sup-
polar and desert areas. An even greater discrepancy appears when
the United States is compared with the fifteen amost densely popu-
lated regions of Europe whose climatic endowment is most similar to
that of this country. Their average is 104.9 P er square kilometer,
while that for the United States, less the mountain states, is 18.8.
Again, if the five most densely populated areas of Europe, Asia, and
America are compared, Europe is seen to range from 251.4 for Bel-
gium to 124.2 for Italy; Asia, from 213.2 for Straits Settlements to
38.6 for China; but the United States, only from 186.9 f r Rhode
Island to 74.6 for Pennsylvania. Let it be repeated, the United
States is one of the best-endowed regions, climatically reckoned, in
the world. It is, in all probability, capable of supporting as many
persons per square kilometer as Germany or Switzerland, or Hun-
gary, if not England or Belgium or Holland, and is almost certainly
capable of supporting a denser population than Japan. But its actual
density, not counting the arid and semi-arid states, is less than that
of European Russia, and only slightly more than that of Siam. Even
when the ten most densely populated states of the United States are
taken together, their aggregate density comes only to 51.1 per square
kilometei, which is less than that of Lithuania and only slightly
above that of Bulgaria, and, while higher than that of China, is still

POPULATION AND THE IMMIGRATION POLICY OF U.S. 105

below that of India. That is to say, the absolute population density
of the United States is very much lower than that of equally, or even
much less well, endowed regions in Europe and Asia. Putting the
situation in terms of relative density, it would seem that, if the
relative density of West-Central Europe were taken as 100, the rela-
tive density of the United States would be somewhere between 25
and 50. As stated above, it is impossible to assign exact magnitudes
to relative population density with any accuracy. Nevertheless, it
appears certain that, compared with West-Central Europe and
Southeastern Asia, the relative density of population in the United
States is low; and it is more than probable that compared with the
remainder of Europe and Asia it is also low. 1

This survey of the comparative population density of the United
States, Europe, and Asia, may, therefore, be summarized as follows:
Although possessing a climatic endowment ranking with the two or
three best in the world, and, therefore, capable of supporting one of
the densest populations in the world, the United States has a popula-
tion density that is only moderate and that is very much below that
of similarly endowed countries.

It might be objected here that undue attention has been paid to
climatic endowment as compared with soil fertility, mineral wealth,
and the like. To this it may be replied that, considering the agricul-
tural and mineral productivity of this country during the past hun-
dred years, there can be little doubt but that it is at least as well
endowed in these respects as the regions with which it is being com-
pared; and if, as is likely, it is better endowed in some of these re-
spects, the discrepancy between its potential and actual population-
density is even greater than has been indicated.

The effect of this situation upon the population equilibrium of
the world may be readily perceived. It may be taken as a general
principle that population tends to flow from regions of relatively
high population-density to those of relatively low population-den-
sity. It may be taken as a second general principle that, so long as
any considerable area of the earth remains in which the relative

1 Pearl assigns about 200,000,000 as the upper limit of American population growth.
This would agree roughly with the estimate of 50 for its present density, made in the
text. Cf. East, Mankind at the Crossroads : p. 151.

io6 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

population density is low, the population equilibrium of the world
will be unstable, and will remain unstable until migration from the
relatively more densely populated regions shall have brought its
density up to a level close to, if not equal with, their own. In more
concrete terms, the original settlement of this country and the sub-
sequent immigration to it are largely explicable as the response of
the populations of Europe and to a lesser degree of Asia to the
unstable population equilibrium growing out of the relatively low
population-density of this country. And in the future this tendency
must continue; the people of Europe and Asia must continue to de-
sire and to seek homes in the United States until it is about as thickly
settled as the similarly circumstanced countries in the older conti-
nents.

Nor must it be forgotten that the United States is the largest
single factor in the present unstabilized condition of the world-
population. There are plenty of regions in South America, Africa,
or even Asia where the absolute population density is low, but it is to
be doubted if their relative density is lower than, or even as low as,
that of the United States. True, Southern South America, New
Zealand, and Southeastern Australia are probably relatively as
sparsely populated as this country, but their area is very restricted;
Southern Canada, which is also of high potential and low actual
density, is greater in extent, and is, in fact, practically a part of the
United States population area. The United States and the adjoining
Canadian provinces constitute, therefore, the area toward which the
bulk of migration pressure is directed.

Brief reference may be made here to the alleged dominance of
economic motives in immigration to the United States. It has long
been asserted that the higher wages, better standards of living, more
rapid industrial expansion, and in an earlier generation greater
amount of available land in this country than in Europe and Asia
have been the leading factors in American immigration. All this is
true enough, but these factors themselves are only the reflection of
a low relative population-density. Easily available land depends
directly on this condition; high wages and standards of living depend
upon the high margin of cultivation due to this condition; and rapid
industrial expansion is largely the result of the exploitation of abund-
ant natural resources by a relatively sparse population. In short,

POPULATION AND THE IMMIGRATION POLICY OF U.S. 107

America has offered favorable economic opportunities to prospective
settlers simply because it is relatively less crowded than the countries
from which these settlers have migrated.

The reaction of the new immigration policy of the United States
upon the populations of these more densely peopled countries may
now be considered. A restrictive immigration policy opposes a fun-
damental and irrepressible one might almost say, irresistible ten-
dency on the part of these populations to improve their condition by
migrating to this, the outstanding region of high natural endowment
and relatively low population-density remaining in the world. If
this policy is long maintained, it is bound to react unfavorably upon
the economic and social welfare of these peoples, and to arouse their
resentment.

One further point must be noted in this connection. So long as
European immigration was merely regulated and not restricted, a
policy of drastic restriction of Oriental immigration could be carried
on without much friction. The country was rapidly being filled up,
and the world population equilibrium was in the way of being
brought into balance; only the process was being carried on by one
rather than another set of peoples. Now, however, that the policy
of Oriental exclusion has been extended to Japan at the same time
that severe restriction has been imposed upon Europe, the friction
resulting from Oriental exclusion may be expected to increase. That
is, the United States has put up the bars against all of Europe and
Asia, albeit the bars are higher toward Asia than toward Europe;
and all of Europe and Asia, in so far as they are relatively more
densely populated than the United States, have a common grievance
against it. The United States is, in effect, fencing off a portion of
the earth's surface and one of the fairest portions and is saying
to the rest of the world that it intends to maintain indefinitely the
favored economic and social conditions which its inhabitants enjoy
because of their relatively low population-density, the rest of the
world getting along as best it may, so long as its inhabitants keep
away from the United States or arrive in just such numbers as the
United States may choose. Legally and ethically, the United States
may or may not find justification to adopt such a policy. The fact
remains that such a policy adversely aflects the vital interests of
millions of people in the relatively more densely populated portions

io8 TEE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

of the globe, that those people are bound to resent it, and that they
are more than likely to take measures to break it down.

Are there any other courses of events that may ensue than the
one just outlined? There are two, though neither appears to be
within the limits of present possibility. First, science might devise
ways of rendering the less-endowed regions capable of supporting
a fairly dense population, and so converting them to areas of high
potential and low actual density. If such a transformation were to
take place, a part, at least, of the pressure of migration would move
toward these regions and away from the United States. Yet science
must not only improve the healthfulness of these regions, but must
also increase their food-raising and energy-yielding capacities to
bring this about, and there is no immediate prospect that this three-
fold task is near accomplishment.

In the second place, the birth-rate of this country might adjust
itself to the slackened immigration, and so increase as to cause the
country to be filled up, and the unstable population equilibrium re-
moved about as rapidly as if no restriction had taken place, the only
difference being that the increasing population density would come
almost altogether by excess of births over deaths, and not merely
in part from this cause, as at present. In the long run, this might
very well take place, always provided that artificial limitation of
families does not become so widespread as to upset the normal
tendencies of population growth. But, on the other hand, before
this change could come about, the reactions to the American immi-
gration policy might well have assumed serious proportions. Also, it
must be remembered that the excess of births over deaths is showing
no diminution, to say the least, in Asia, whose absolute density
increased by 3.5 per square kilometer in the decade 1910-20.

It goes without saying that a modification of the new immigra-
tion policy of the United States, or even the failure to apply it to
migrants from the Western Hemisphere, would once more release
the forces tending to restore the population equilibrium of the world,
and so resolve the conflict of interests discussed in this paper.

NOTE. This paper in slightly expanded and altered form, together with
the maps, charts, and tables shown on the stereopticon screen during its original
reading, have been printed by the University of Buffalo, and may be obtained
by application to the Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences.

THE NEED FOR IMPROVED CHILD-WELFARE
STATISTICS

ROBERT M. WOODBURY
Institute of Economics, Washington, D.C.

ABSTRACT

The progress of child welfare depends upon adequate statistics with which to define
problems, analyze causes, and test results. Complete birth statistics are needed to throw
light upon the growth of population, the problems connected with illegitimate births,
the quality of confinement care, and upon the conditions which affect infant mortality.
Data are needed to show pathological and underlying causes of deaths in infancy and
early childhood, and to indicate progress in prevention not only of mortality but also of
morbidity and of physical defects. Statistics of accidents to children in the home, on the
streets, and in industry are needed for use in guiding prevention. Data on the extent of
delinquency and dependency, on their causes, and on methods of care of dependent and
delinquent children are needed for an understanding of these social problems and of the
changes which are taking place in them. Statistics of the prevalence of child labor and
of the evils which it causes are needed to show the urgency of measures for its control.

The past fifteen years have seen a great improvement in child-
welfare statistics. This improvement has not been confined to any
one phase of child welfare, but characterizes to a greater or lesser
degree all aspects of the subject. The present paper is designed to
take account of stock, as it were, of these statistics. Are our present
statistical resources adequate, what gaps are there which need to be
filled, and in what directions do we need more data?

Fundamentally, we need such resources not for their own sake
but for use in the solution of our social problems. What are the
principal problems of child welfare in regard to which we need statis-
tical data? What data do we need in order to be able to control these
problems? These are the fundamental questions to be answered; and
in the light of their answers we must determine whether our present
statistics are adequate, and how they should be developed so as to
approach more closely to our requirements.

The problems to the solution of which statistics should be directed
concern the welfare of some forty million children under eighteen
years of age, taking a fairly broad definition, in the United States.
Any complete consideration of all such problems would far exceed

109

no THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

the limits of a single paper. We shall select, therefore, for discussion
certain aspects of the statistics relating to a few outstanding topics:
births, mortality, health and physical condition, accidents, defects,
dependency, delinquency, and child labor. We shall omit entirely
from consideration education, physical, mental, and moral growth
and development, family statistics, mothers' pensions, and many
other specific problems as to which adequate statistics are equally
necessary.

Problems which are directly concerned with the number and dis-
tribution of births include those associated with the decline in the
birth-rate, its causes and consequences, with differential birth-rates
in different social and economic classes, with size of family, with the
eugenic development of the population, and many others. Child
welfare is closely bound up, for example, with the economic condi-
tion of the families into which children are born, and with the num-
ber of children in the family. The circumstances surrounding births
may give rise to problems which vitally affect the welfare of children.
Whether a child is legitimate or illegitimate affects not only his
chances of happiness but also his chances of life. The problems of
survival or death of children are among the most important for
which statistics of births are needed.

With regard to this subject it will be agreed that we ought, first
of all, to know the number of births that occur each year. We do not
know this number exactly, though we can estimate it roughly at
2,500,000. Such an estimate is based upon records for the birth-
registration area, which comprises states in which registration is
accepted by the Bureau of the Census as at least 90 per cent com-
plete. This area now includes thirty-two states and the District of
Columbia, and three-fourths of the population of the country.

Remarkable progress has been made in statistics of births during
the past ten years. Beginning with the year 1915, the birth-registra-
tion area has grown from ten states and the District of Columbia
with 31 per cent of the population in 1915 to thirty- two states and
the District of Columbia with 75 per cent of the population in 1924.

But even today we are ignorant of the number of births in six-
teen states, comprising one-fourth of the population, for which regis-
tration fails to come up to the standards set for admission to the

NEED FOR IMPROVED CHILD-WELFARE STATISTICS in

area. We can be satisfied with nothing less than complete birth
registration. It is a disgrace that a nation which considers itself
civilized should have such defective records of births.

Not only do we need to extend the birth-registration area, but
even within the area we need more complete and accurate statistics.
The acceptance of a state by the Bureau of the Census does not
mean that the data are complete, but merely that the omissions
are judged, on the basis of more or less satisfactory tests made at
the time of admission and in some cases also later, to be less than
10 per cent. At the present stage of development we need data to
show the accuracy of these statistics, to test the proportion of omis-
sions. These tests should be made annually. A comparison of birth
registration in 1919 with the results of the census enumeration of
population under one year of age at the close of that year, in con-
junction with statistics of infant deaths and with a special test made
in the District of Columbia, leads to the conclusion that in 1919 the
omissions of births averaged 8 per cent for the entire registration
area, and in the different states varied, so far as could be judged by
the evidence at hand, from nearly zero to 19 per cent.

Such tests are needed to check up and to correct conclusions
which may be based upon these statistics, for example, conclusions
as to the decline in the birth-rate, as to relative rates among white
and colored, as to relative rates in different sections of the country,
and as to relative rates of infant mortality. In 1920, for example, the
birth-rates for the colored population, compared state for state with
those for the white population, indicated that the rates for colored
were, on the average, below those forwhites. Was this due simply to a
larger percentage of omissions or of errors affecting the statistics of
colored births? Birth registration, in general, probably improves
from year to year. Since registered births are used, for example, in
calculating infant-mortality rates and since an improvement in regis-
tration appears in an apparent decrease in these rates, it is important
to know how great this improvement is in order to correct the appar-
ent trend in the rates of infant mortality. The improvement of
registration in the birth-registration states of 1915 during the period
from 1915 to 1921 may be estimated, for example, at 2.9 per cent.

Three items on which information is now available from birth

H2 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

records but which have not hitherto been tabulated on any compre-
hensive scale offer possibilities for immediate development. Whether
or not the birth occurred in a hospital is a question the answer to
which is contained on the birth certificates, but no statistics on this
point are available except for a few localities. In some cities for
which the data have been tabulated, for example in Minneapolis,
the statistics show a marked change during recent years in the pro-
portion of births in hospitals. During this period a decided improve-
ment has taken place in hospital facilities for confinement cases. The
statistics throw light, therefore, upon a very significant change af-
fecting the quality of confinement care, which directly influences the
health and chances of life of children as well as of the mothers.

A second question which bears upon the same problem is whether
the birth was attended by a physician. On this point, also, the avail-
able data have been tabulated for a few localities and states; they
show interesting contrasts between different races and nationalities
and between different sections of the country; over a period of years,
in certain communities, important changes have taken place in cus-
toms regarding attendance at birth. Such data ought to be made
available for the entire country in order that the nature of the prob-
lem, its local variations, and the changes taking place in it may be
more fully appreciated.

Other items needed for statistical purposes should be added to
the original records. Among these may be mentioned that of whether
the child was born prematurely an item which throws light upon
the physical condition at birth and the interval of time since the
preceding birth or, in case of a first birth, the interval since marriage.
Information on this latter point would be invaluable in a study of
the spacing of births, which appears to have an important effect on
infant mortality, and statistics of the spacing of births would be of
great interest also as an indication of the prevalence of voluntary
control over the birth-rate.

The high mortality during the first year of life has been and still
is one of the major problems of child welfare. In 1915, according to
the statistics for the birth-registration area, 10 per cent, or one hun-
dred out of every thousand of all children born died under one year

NEED FOR IMPROVED CHILD-WELFARE STATISTICS 113

of age. Although this proportion has been greatly reduced, the rate
is still 76 per 1000. In an estimate of the future prolongation of life
which might be achieved by making universal the results which have
been obtained in some localities, Dr. Dublin uses the figure of 38 per
1000 as an attainable infant-mortality rate. This figure is exactly
one-half the rate of the birth-registration area in 1922. In passing,
it may be noted that New Zealand's rate in that year was 42, only
four points higher than Dr. Dublin's estimate.

Death statistics in this country are somewhat better developed
than birth statistics, although in comparison with the mortality
statistics of other countries they must be regarded as backward.
Eighty-two per cent of the population is included in the death-
registration area, for which annual statistics are published. But so
far as infant mortality is concerned the statistics are limited, in
effect, to the area for which adequate birth statistics are available,
since to calculate infant-mortality rates deaths under one year of
age must be related to births.

As in the case of birth statistics, we need complete and accurate
data on mortality if we are properly to appreciate our problems.
Statistics showing the rates of mortality in different localities and in
different nationalities indicate where the problem is most acute and
hence where preventive measures are most needed. Data showing
the causes of infant mortality and the conditions and circumstances
which accompany high and low rates are also invaluable as showing
the specific evils which methods of prevention should be designed to
attack, and to study the effect of preventive measures.

Possibilities of immediate development are offered by two items
which are at present available on the original death-records but
which have hitherto not been utilized. We ought to have informa-
tion in regard to the quality of certification of the causes of death
whether by a physician or by some other person. Probably in most
cases the certificate is signed by a physician, but we ought to know
not only the proportion of cases in which it is signed by someone
else, but also a point not now included in the records whether a
physician was in attendance prior to the death. This information
would assist us in appraising the statistics of causes and at the

H4 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

same time would give us valuable data on the medical care of young
children.

A second point which should be tabulated is the year of birth. If
death statistics were analyzed both as to age at death and as to the
calendar year of birth, it would be possible to follow in the statistics
each annual cohort of births through life, and thus to obtain accurate
probabilities of dying at each year of age. Any other method is sub-
ject to errors arising from fluctuations in the number of births occur-
ring in each year.

Much valuable data on the conditions which produce infant
mortality could be obtained by linking up information on birth cer-
tificates with that on death certificates of infants under one year of
age, either by matching the records and transferring the data from
one to the other prior to tabulation or by providing spaces for original
entries on the death certificate in the same form as those on the birth
certificate. Among such items may be mentioned legitimacy, inter-
val since preceding birth, order of birth, single or plural birth, pre-
maturity, data relating to the physical condition and care of the
mother before the confinement, and data in regard to the economic
environment into which the child was born.

In regard to legitimacy, for example, the statistics of mortality
would yield data bearing upon the influence of conditions to which
illegitimate children are exposed in contrast to those which surround
legitimate children. The mortality rate forms, as it were, a criterion
by which to test and judge these conditions. With accurate data on
this subject and there are difficulties, it will be agreed, in obtaining
such data it would become possible to trace the influence of pre-
ventive measures adopted in order to better the lot of the child
born out of wedlock. The United States is one of the few countries
without comprehensive statistics as to the mortality of illegitimate
children.

Special statistical studies, such as those made by the Children's
Bureau, of the influences which affect the chances of life of illegiti-
mate children, are, of course, also necessary. The separation of the
child from his mother, for example, is, in case of illegitimate children,
a very important factor in infant mortality among them.

In connection with the subject of infant mortality, the need for

NEED FOR IMPROVED CHILD-WELFARE STATISTICS 115

statistics showing the scope and effect of preventive work should be
emphasized. It should be possible to measure, by means of statistics
of the changing proportions of children artificially fed, the results
obtained through educational work directed toward decreasing the
prevalence of artificial feeding. We need statistics showing the pro-
portion and the ages of children who are reached by infant-welfare
centers in order to test whether such centers are adequately meeting
the situation. We need to know what proportion of children are
actually brought under the influence of the measures designed to
protect them; what proportions of mothers receive adequate care
before and at birth; what proportion of mothers receive instruction
in child care. Data on these points would prove of great value in
evaluating the work already under way and in stimulating to greater
efforts.

The problems of mortality among older children are less serious
than those of mortality among children under one year. But we
need statistics in regard to the extent and causes of these deaths. We
ought to know what proportion of them are preventable and how
they can be prevented. The available data indicate the great im-
portance during this age period of communicable diseases as causes
of death. They suggest also the importance of "external causes/'
accidents, as a factor in mortality. This subject leads, therefore,
directly to the consideration of statistics of morbidity and of acci-
dents.

The problems which arise in connection with morbidity can be
stated very simply. We ought to know the extent of disease and its
consequences, and the character and extent of preventive work and
its effectiveness. In the first place, we need data to show the inci-
dence of each of the important contagious diseases and the fatality
rates at different ages. One source of such statistics is the compul-
sory reports of these diseases made to local health officers; unfortu-
nately these records are, in most places, far from complete. Another
source of information concerning illness from these and other causes
is the records of absences from school in conjunction with the records
of medical inspections of school children; the United States Public
Health Service has in progress an extensive study of morbidity
among school children in Hagerstown, Maryland. Another possible

n6 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

source is a sickness census; the scope of such a census, however, is
distinctly limited. Hospital records also offer possibilities for study.
The administrative statistician who attempts to obtain accurate
data on these subjects, it will be conceded, has some knotty prob-
lems to solve. Fortunately, in testing preventive methods reliance
need not be placed wholly upon statistics of sickness, since changes
in prevalence or in the fatality of diseases are reflected also in statis-
tics of mortality.

Of no less importance are statistics relating to the scope and
effectiveness of methods of prevention. We need information in re-
gard to vaccination; unfortunately within recent years less and less
attention appears to have been paid to vaccinating children against
smallpox, with the result that a recent press release of the Public
Health Service asserted that the United States ranks third among
the principal countries in prevalence of this serious disease. We need
data, not only as to the proportion of children who are vaccinated,
but also as to the ill effects of vaccination, if any, and new data con-
cerning its effectiveness, in order that there may be available for the
doubters fresh and convincing evidence. In the new methods for
preventing diphtheria, we need data on the number and proportion
of children who are subjected to the S chick test and to the immun-
ization procedure, in order that the possible results of the general
introduction of these measures may be properly evaluated.

We need to know more than we do about the physical quality of
our child population. But the statistician who desires to assess the
physical fitness of children has serious difficulties to overcome; for
example, difficulties in establishing uniform standards of diagnosis.
It may prove impossible to obtain such data accurately. Yet even
data subject to a considerable margin of error, such as the draft
records of men called to service, or the records of physical defects
found in children under six years of age who were weighed and meas-
ured and whose defects were noted by physicians during the "Chil-
dren's Year" campaign may prove invaluable in awakening the pub-
lic mind to the need for remedial work. Except for such general
surveys as may be feasible in connection with some such campaign,
statistics of minor physical defects have to be based largely upon
the records of school physicians. Records of physical examinations

NEED FOR IMPROVED CHILD-WELFARE STATISTICS 117

made, in some states, as a preliminary to granting employment cer-
tificates, if standardized and if not perfunctory, might also be util-
ized for statistical purposes.

Statistics relating to the remedial measures taken for these defects
would be valuable as indicating the scope of preventive measures.
Among such defects are defective teeth. A very large proportion of
children of school ages it is estimated as high as 95 per cent have
one or more decayed teeth. We need data showing not only the
prevalence of these defects but also to what extent they are being
remedied, and how adequate or inadequate are our resources for
remedying them; in other words, statistics concerning their correc-
tion.

Passing over the broad fields of normal growth and development,
physical, mental, moral, including such data as those relating to
heights and weights at different ages, we turn to the statistics of
accidents. We need statistics of accidents, fatal and non-fatal, ac-
cidents at home, in the streets, and in industrial establishments. We
have a fairly complete record of deaths from accidents in the regis-
tration states; it shows that about one- third of all fatal accidents
occur to children. But only fragmentary data are available in regard
to non-fatal accidents, such as those for New York City, for ex-
ample, where over ten thousand accidents to children under sixteen
are reported to the police each year. There is a general impression,
gained from newspaper reports, that a large number of children are
killed and injured in traffic accidents. We need to know more about
the causes of these, and about why the children were in the streets
where they could be injured; whether, for example, it was because of
lack of playgrounds. We have almost no data on home accidents
except such as relate to deaths from poison, from burns, and from
other causes.

Industrial-accident statistics for the most part do not distinguish
ages, so that we are practically without information as to whether
in industry in general the risk of accident is greater or less to child
than to adult workers in the same occupations. In regard to these
accidents information is needed in order to provide a statistical basis
for protective legislation. Accidents to children, if found to be par-
ticularly serious, may be prevented by limiting the ages at which

n8 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

children may be employed, and by restricting their occupations in
such a way that work on dangerous machinery or in dangerous
processes is prohibited. Such legislation should, of course, be based
upon an analysis of the statistics of industrial accidents.

Many social and economic problems arise in connection with the
care of defective, dependent, and delinquent children. In regard to
these classes we ought to know how numerous they are, how they
are cared for, and whether the care provided is adequate and satis-
factory.

With regard to the so-called dependent and neglected children,
the principal problem is that of insuring that they do not suffer in
their physical, mental, or moral development because of the handi-
caps to which the breakdown of family responsibilities on the part
of the father, mother, or both, has exposed them. We need statistical
evidence to show the number of such children, the reasons why they
are dependent or neglected, and the methods of care. More and
more the child-care societies are turning away from the idea of plac-
ing children in orphanages or other institutions, and are placing them
in carefully selected and supervised family homes.

The need for more adequate statistics of dependent children is
illustrated by our very ignorance of the magnitude of the changes in
social policy which are being carried out. We need statistics to show
accurately the scope of these changes in methods and the advantages
and disadvantages of each mode of care. Some interesting researches
have been made, for example, into the relative physical development
of children living in institutions as compared with that of children
living in family homes. A comprehensive study to show the relation
between the type of care and the physical, mental, and moral de-
velopment of dependent children would be a most valuable addition
to our statistics of this subject.

A hopeful development in the statistics of dependent children is
the adoption by a number of state boards of control of a system of
compulsory reporting of children received in institutions or by child-
care societies. Such a system, if successfully developed, would result
in a continuous registration record of all dependent children in the
state. Such records should furnish invaluable data, not only in re-
gard to the numbers of such children, but also in regard to many

NEED FOR IMPROVED CHILD-WELFARE STATISTICS 119

other points age, cause of dependency, condition of family from
which received, type of care, and type of placement. Information in
regard to the ages at which children are brought to the attention of
an agency or institution, in conjunction with whether the cases are
first or later applications, would furnish evidence concerning the
incidence of dependency.

Statistics are also needed to show the history of dependent chil-
dren over a period of years. What becomes of them? What influence,
if any, do the conditions of dependency exert over their later develop-
ment? In such studies the records of central boards would prove a
valuable point of departure.

The development of these records of central agencies in the differ-
ent states suggests immediately the importance of having their sta-
tistics analyzed and tabulated by a federal agency. In time a regis-
tration area for such statistics might be established similar to the
birth- and death-registration areas. In this way uniformity could be
secured and the statistics would grow more and more comprehensive
and would more and more adequately fill our needs.

With regard to delinquency the need for statistics is obvious.
How many juvenile delinquents are there? Are they mostly in cities
or are they equally distributed between city and country? In what
types of courts are their cases heard juvenile courts or other types?
What kind of delinquencies bring children before the courts? What
are the causes which tend to produce delinquencies? What kind of
parental control do the parents of juvenile delinquents exercise? Are
special conditions, such as divorce, unhappy family life, or the men-
tal or moral unfitness of one or both parents, responsible for juvenile
delinquency?

Special emphasis should be laid upon the fact that the most im-
portant point in connection with statistics of juvenile delinquency is
not the number of cases but the number of children concerned. First
offenses, therefore, should be carefully separated from all other of-
fenses. Statistics of first offenses, if accurately compiled, show the
number of different children concerned in juvenile delinquency, and
furnish a basis for a sound conclusion as to whether it is increasing
or decreasing. Such data should be analyzed to show the age in-
cidence of juvenile delinquency.

120 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

In the treatment and care of delinquent children, as in the case
of dependent children, a great change in methods has been taking
place during the past quarter of a century. More and more, especial-
ly in the larger cities, children's cases are brought before special
juvenile courts. Probation service has been developed. Placing of
delinquent children in family homes is increasingly adopted as a
method of caring for them. We need comprehensive statistics by
which we may trace the progress of these developments, showing
the proportion of cases which are treated according to approved
methods.

Furthermore, we need statistics by which the results of these
various methods can be tested. Are they successful? What propor-
tion of the juvenile delinquents whose cases are handled according
to approved methods fail to become useful members of society? We
need data based upon the histories of juvenile delinquents subse-
quent to the first offense, and compiled in relation to the character
of treatment which their cases received and the conditions which
surrounded them. In this connection statistics of offenses other than
first furnish evidence upon which, in part, the treatment of juvenile
offenders may be judged.

Statistics of juvenile prisoners and of children sentenced to re-
formatories and other penal or correctional institutions have been
collected in connection with censuses of the population of jails, pris-
ons, and other similar institutions. We have also data with reference
to the number of courts hearing children's cases, and an estimate
of the number of cases heard. But we are greatly in need not only
of comprehensive statistics of the annual volume of juvenile delin-
quency, but also detailed studies of its causes and of the conditions
which produce it.

Many social and economic problems arise also in connection with
child labor and its regulation. Perhaps the chief problem is that of
the effect of early employment of children upon their educational
opportunities. Other problems are concerned with the child's health
and development, his liability to accident, and the effect of early
labor upon his later industrial career.

We need statistics, first of all, to show the extent of child labor
at different ages and in different occupations. We have census sta-

NEED FOR IMPROVED CHILD-WELFARE STATISTICS 121

tistics on this subject showing by age groups the numbers of children
from ten to twenty years of age reported to be engaged in gainful
occupations. These statistics are probably subject to considerable
margin of error, since the decision whether or not the child is em-
ployed is left to the individual enumerator. The census bureau ig-
nores any reports of employment of children under ten years of age.
Intensive studies made by the Children's Bureau have indicated the
extent of child labor in selected occupations and in selected localities.
These studies have emphasized the close connection between early
child labor and lack of education and have sought to trace its effects.

Between intercensal periods statistics relating to the granting
of employment certificates should be available for use in studying
changes in the proportions of children employed. The systematic
compilation of such certificates would be of great value, since they
usually require a statement of the child's education and frequently
of his physical condition. On the basis of these records, therefore,
it should be possible to study the education and physical condition
of children to whom employment certificates are granted.

We also need statistics to show the extent to which vocational
guidance is available for children entering industry. Statistics of
placement are needed to show what occupations are open to children.
Do children enter occupations which offer a definite industrial future,
or do they enter blind-alley occupations, or during their early years
in industry do they perform merely children's work? Are their early
years in industry valuable or valueless for training purposes?

We need to know more about the adaptation of children to in-
dustrial conditions. How soon and how completely do children be-
come adjusted to their industrial environment? How long do they
hold their positions? What opportunities are open to those who are
handicapped physically or mentally? These are but a few of the
questions upon which more adequate statistical evidence is required.

In conclusion, three points should be emphasized. In the first
place, it is obviously impossible in a brief paper to make any com-
plete statement of our needs for child-welfare statistics. Time re-
strictions prevent a full development of the subjects touched upon,
and many subjects have had to be left out altogether. Secondly, it
has been quite impossible to give adequate attention to the history

122 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

and development of such statistics, an interesting subject which is
in need of comprehensive treatment. The third point follows nat-
urally: that, since the forward-looking point of view seemed most
important, the emphasis in the paper has been placed upon our needs
rather than upon our accomplishments. Though this emphasis upon
needs, in connection with the limitations of time, has precluded any
adequate discussion of our achievements, they are none the less real
and substantial, and in closing I wish to refer to the splendid pioneer
work that has been accomplished in many lines of child-welfare
statistics by the Bureau of the Census, the Children's Bureau, and
other agencies which have devoted time and energy to the gathering
of statistics with the aim of advancing the solution of the problems
of child welfare.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF AMERICAN VITAL
STATISTICS

WALTER F. WILLCOX
Cornell University

ABSTRACT

The legal and administrative basis for a good system of registering births and
deaths has been laid since 1900 in every American state except South Dakota, Arizona,
and Nevada. To the results of this system is being added the nation-wide registration
of marriages and divorces. Statistical details about marriages are almost entirely
lacking. We may look forward, accordingly, to the completion in a very few years of a
unique nation-wide system of vital statistics based on purely voluntary co-operation
between the states and the federal government. Unfortunately the completeness of
registration, especially in states newly added to the registration area and in the rural
districts of many states earlier admitted, leaves much to be desired. In constructive
criticism and interpretation of the vital statistics thus published scholars now have a
large field for important and remunerative work.

Vital statistics include those statistics which deal with the pro-
cesses whereby society perpetuates itself notwithstanding the brief
life of each member. They embrace the statistics of births and
deaths, of marriages as the normal and usual antecedent of births,
and, hi addition to the deaths of married persons, divorces and de-
sertions as other ways of ending a marriage union. Before 1900 the
United States ^tlone among civilized countries was without a national
system of vital statistics and had no prospect of soon developing one.
Since that date a unique system has been growing up by voluntary
co-operation of the federal government with the states and cities.

In 1900, American citizens interested in the public-health move-
ment and in the statistics of deaths as a cornerstone, if not indeed a
much larger part of the foundation, of that movement were much
more numerous than those who cared about any other branch of
vital statistics. Many states and cities acting independently had
gone far toward building up good systems, many others had made
valiant efforts toward the same end, but, especially when they relied
upon the county which has proved to be an unworkable registration
unit, they had almost completely failed. Thus the statistics of deaths

123

124 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

were indicated as the starting-point. The laws, ordinances, and sta-
tistical forms used in any part of the United States for the registration
of deaths were collected and compared. On this basis an outline plan
suited to American conditions was drafted. It included the points
that ought to be covered in any satisfactory law or ordinance and a
model form of death certificate. The American Public Health As-
sociation aided in the work and indorsed the result. At this stage the
subject was laid before Congress together with a specimen form of
law. Congress, at the suggestion of the Bureau of the Census, passed
a joint resolution approving the effort and requesting the states to
consider and act upon the subject. The great majority of the states
which at the beginning of the century were registering deaths im-
mediately adopted the new form of certificate and thus laid the basis
for uniform federal statistics. The movement was indorsed a little
later by the Conference of State and Provincial Boards of Health and
the American Medical Association. It spread rapidly and its success
soon aroused a demand for similar federal leadership in the matter of
registering births. A model law and certificate for the registration
of births were prepared by the same agencies and quite widely
adopted.

The states and cities, it will be noticed, have retained all their
authority unimpaired, and the federal government with its occasion-
al conferences, its steady stream of correspondence, and its expert
secretariat has played somewhat the role of the League of Nations.
The only power exercised by the federal government was that vested
by Congress in the director of the census to collect, tabulate, and
publish at its expense and in his discretion the statistics of deaths
and births in the registration area; that is, those parts of the country
in which deaths or births were registered with completeness enough
to give value to the statistics. After a state had enacted a satisfac-
tory law usually the model law had provided for its proper ad-
ministration, and was getting at least 90 per cent of its deaths or
births recorded, it was admitted to the registration area. The de-
velopment of this area is shown in Table I.

Only three states remain, South Dakota, Arizona, and Nevada,
in which the law is unsatisfactory because it does not and cannot
secure a good registration of births and deaths, and those three

THE DEVELOPMENT OF AMERICAN VITAL STATISTICS 125

states are among the most sparsely settled. In a number of other
states, especially those in which the registration law is of recent
enactment, it is the appropriation which is inadequate or lacking, or
the administration which is ineffective. In seven states the registra-
tion of deaths, and in fourteen the registration of births, are thus on
trial. If the recent rate of progress should continue, all states would
be in both registration areas by 1930, and then for the first time we
would know the American birth-rate and death-rate at least ap-
proximately as we know those of almost every other civilized
country.

Annual reports upon marriages and divorces in the United States
began in 1922 and seem likely to be continued. These statistics also
are gathered, wherever possible, from state offices. But many states

TABLE I

DATE

NUMBER OF STATES ADMITTED
TO REGISTRATION AREA FOR

PERCENTAGE OF POPULATION
INCLUDED IN REGISTRATION
AREA FOR

Deaths

Births

Deaths

Births

IQOO . . .

II

21

25
35
39

40-5
58.3
67-5
82.2

87.7

IQIO

ii

25
32

IQIC

3I.I
59-8
74-5

IO2O

IQ24.

do not require returns of manages and divorces. In them the statis-
tics are obtained by the Bureau of the Census directly from the coun-
ties, either by correspondence or, in the few cases in which that fails,
by special agents in the field. The statistics of marriages thus secured
are confined to the total number registered. It would be appropriate,
I believe, for organizations like the Sociological Society to urge that
a model law for the registration of marriages like those for the regis-
tration of births and deaths should be prepared and laid before the
states. Indeed, if requested, it might co-operate in drafting such a
law. Until such a uniform law for the registration of marriages,
specifying the indispensable statistical details, is enacted in a number
of states no adequate statistics of marriages can be obtained. If that
were done the Bureau of the Census might continue its present work
of gathering the mere number of marriages from the entire country,

126 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

but in addition prepare statistics showing the age, race, birthplace,
previous marital condition, etc., of the parties for those states in
which the uniform registration law was in force, an area which might
then be called the marriage registration area.

Existing statistics about divorce are more detailed and uniform.
The need for a model law for the registration of divorces, therefore, is
less clear, but I believe that if one for marriages were widely adopted
a demand for a uniform law for the registration of divorces would
quickly arise, just as a demand for a birth-registration law followed
upon the adoption of a death-registration law.

The Bureau of Immigration now reports the number of depart-
ing emigrants as well as the number of arriving immigrants. Prob-
ably in the near future methods for registering immigrants entering
from Canada or Mexico and for preventing clandestine immigration
will be improved. By 1930, then, we may hope to possess the ele-
ments of a complete system of vital statistics obtained in most cases
by a unique form of voluntary co-operation between the federal
government and the states. This progress should give much satis-
faction to the sociologists of the country. They, as much as any
organized body of men and women, represent the public which de-
mands and uses the information thus furnished. It should gratify
especially those who agree with me in deploring the tendency to
increase federal power and functions at the expense of the states.

The members of the Sociological Society will wish, also, to know
something about the quality and significance of American vital sta-
tistics. Let us turn, then, to the far more difficult topic, the com-
pleteness and trustworthiness of these records and of the rates based
upon them. I pass by the problems of estimating post-censal pop-
ulation, upon which I have recently spoken before another assem-
bly, 1 and that of the correctness with which causes of death are as-
signed by the attending physicians or other persons charged by the
law with that difficult and delicate task. The latter is of interest
primarily to physicians, and is easily separable from the question I
desire now to raise: What proportion of all deaths in the death-
registration area are registered? I will limit it more narrowly by

x International Mathematical Congress held at Toronto in August, 1924. See
"Methods of Estimating the Population of the U.S.,' 1 in Metron for 1925.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF AMERICAN VITAL STATISTICS 127

phrasing it thus: What proportion of the deaths which occurred in
the death-registration states in 1920, the year of the most recent
census, were registered?

In this field I am more skeptical than most students and my
arguments should be weighed with a presumption against accepting
them, because I speak for what is probably a small minority among
those in touch with the situation. In no community on either side of
the Atlantic, I believe, do all deaths get recorded. Perhaps the larg-
est class of omissions is in the group of very young children who
breathe for only a few days, hours, or even minutes, after birth. In
some such cases no entry appears; in others the death is registered
as a stillbirth, either contrary to the law which defines a stillborn
child as one dead at birth, or in conformity with it in jurisdictions
which allow a birth to be registered as a stillbirth if the child is dead
before registration. Other classes among which omissions are likely
to occur are the group of accidental deaths, for example by drowning,
in which the body is not recovered. According to the theory of the
American registration law, no corpse can be buried, cremated, or
transported without a permit, and that permit is to be issued only
in exchange for a certificate of death containing the required personal
description of the deceased and a medical or verified statement of
the cause of death. In surveying the evidence for my claim that
many deaths in certain of the registration states are not registered,
I shall be frankly personal, because that appeals to me as the most
cogent and also the most interesting way of arguing.

Nearly thirty years ago the citizens of a small city in central New
York were faced by the question of whether they should instal a
city sewerage system. Some of the taxpayers objected to the city's
assuming the heavy cost, and urged that its low death-rate, 13,4 per
1,000, proved the city to be an unusually healthy place, which had
accordingly little need to spend money on the projected improv-
ment. A careful study of the local situation carried on for weeks by
several members of a university class in statistics proved that the
number of unrecorded deaths in the year, 1896, was equal to one-
third the number of recorded deaths, and that the true death-rate
of the city was 16.5, instead of 13.4, per 1,000. This evidence may
have had some influence on the voters; at any rate the plan for a

128 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

sewerage system was adopted. In 1920 the death-rates of Ithaca,
New York, Ann Arbor, Michigan, Bloomington, Indiana, and Colum-
bia, Missouri, to speak only of university towns, were 15 per 1,000,
or more, and thus not intrinsically improbable. But the rates in
Urbana, Illinois: n.6, Madison, Wisconsin: 11.5, and Berkeley,
California: 10.3, were so low as to arouse skepticism and to invite
examination. One would like to see in them a careful test made like
that described in Ithaca. Our best source for checking registration
proved to be the deaths mentioned in the file of the local daily paper.
If we turn to the group of small cities which were not university
centers, we find Hibbing, Minnesota, with a death-rate in 1920 of
8.8; Revere, Massachusetts, with a rate of 7.2; Clifton, New Jersey,
with a rate of 7.1; and Cleveland Heights, Ohio, with a rate of 6.9.
These rates are not impossible, but they are so improbable as to
shift the burden of proof to the office responsible for them.

Turn for a moment to the conditions in a larger city than Ithaca.
The death-rate of Buffalo as reported by the city department of
health, dropped, between 1891 and 1897, as follows: 23.5, 20.0, 19.0,
16.7, 14.0, 12.7, 12.4: a decrease in six years of 47 per cent. About
this record the mayor said in one of his annual messages: "The
death-rate is now lower than that of any other large city in the coun-
try. The city of Buffalo probably has no prouder distinction than
the pre-eminent place it occupies among the cities of the country in
point of public health." In a public address which I gave in Buffalo
early in 1898 I ventured to question the accuracy of the rate of 12.4
per 1,000 for 1897. The evidence I had consisted of these items:
(i) an opinion from our first American expert, J. S. Billings, that the
chances were at least 50 to i that the death-rate in Buffalo had not
been below 16 per 1,000; (2) a statement from the statistician of the
Prudential Life Insurance Company that their experience showed a
mortality among their policyholders in Buffalo of between i and 2
per 1,000 above the average in all the cities of New York State;
(3) the serious omissions in Ithaca and the identity of its law and
ordinances with those of Buffalo. In my address I claimed not that
this evidence was conclusive, but only that it shifted the burden of
proof and warranted a public expression of skepticism. No omissions
of deaths from the record were demonstrated in Buffalo as they were

TEE DEVELOPMENT OF AMERICAN VITAL STATISTICS 129

in Ithaca, and as a result neither position was established to the
satisfaction of its opponents. The annual report of the New York
State Board of Health for 1897, which appeared later in 1898, gives
for each month about the same number of deaths in Buffalo as were
reported by the city department of health, but in another part reports
5,013 deaths for the year, an excess of 541. No explanation of the
discrepancy is to be found in the volume, and letters of inquiry
recently sent to each office yielded no clue. The large figure can
hardly be a misprint, because it is consistent with the total for the
county. The only conjecture I can make is that the larger total
included belated returns of deaths of non-residents subtracted by
the city authorities, or deaths occurring outside of Buffalo, but of
persons who resided in the city.

At the Census of 1900 the federal authorities obtained returns of
deaths from enumerators wherever the registered deaths indicated
a death-rate of less than 15 per 1,000, and checked the results with
the local registration. In Buffalo the registration records showed
5,528 deaths, the enumerators 3,135, of which 207 could not be found
in the registration. Accordingly, these were added. If the result be
accepted it indicates that in 1900 between 93 and 94 per cent of the
deaths were registered. After the Census of 1900 it appeared also
that the estimate of Buffalo's population in 1897 had been seriously
exaggerated. The result of these combined corrections was to raise
the Buffalo death-rate in 1897 from 12.4 to 15.5 per 1,000.

I will not discuss the Chicago death-rate in 1900, over which a
vigorous argument arose between the city department of health and
the federal Bureau of the Census. But in 1904 the Weekly Bulletin
of the Chicago health department, after showing that the average
age of Chicago decedents in 1872 was 15.2 years, and in 1903 was
32.1 years, went on to say: "These figures show an increase in the
average duration of human life in Chicago in thirty-one years of
in per cent." This is an admirable example of the hoary fallacy
exploded in Europe in the eighteenth century that the duration of
life is measured by the average age at death. The average age at
death depends on two variables, the average age of the living and
the average duration of life. The average age at death in 1872 was
low because the population of Chicago then consisted mainly of two

130 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

classes: young children with a high death-rate, and persons 3 to 55
years of age with a low death-rate. By 1923 the group of persons
over 55 years of age with a high death-rate had become numerous
enough for the deaths among them powerfully to affect the average
age at death. The figures on which the city health department relied
furnished no proof that life in Chicago had lengthened. For that
death-rates by age leading up to a life-table are required.

In 1915 I had occasion to examine the population statistics and
vital statistics of the Pacific Coast states and concluded that the
death records of Washington and the birth records of California were
vitiated by serious omissions. In subsequent articles the former were
defended by the health officer of Washington and impeached again
at greater length. I took the position that a death-rate of 10, which
was the published rate of Washington in 1910, no more deserves
serious statistical analysis than does the claim that vaccination does
not diminish the danger of contracting smallpox. The death-rate of
Washington was defended mainly on the grounds that the population
was young and healthy and infant mortality very low. To meet these
arguments the death-rates in Washington in 1910 for each sex at
each of eighteen age-periods were applied to a stationary or life-
table population, yielding a death-rate of 14.2 per 1,000. This meant
that if the state of Washington had had for a generation a population
without immigration or emigration and with a constant yearly num-
ber of births and an equal number of deaths, all other conditions
remaining identical with those of 1910, the death-rate, instead of
10.0 per 1,000 would have been 14.2, or 42 per cent higher, the in-
crease measuring the effect of the favorable sex and age composition
of the population in 1910 in lowering the death-rate. It meant also
that under the 1910 conditions, if the death-rate of 10.0 was correct,
the average length of human life in the state of Washington would
be 1,000 divided by 14.2, or 70 years, and its median length about
80 years. In other words, if its true death-rate was 10 per 1,000,
one-half of all the persons born in the state would live to be more
than 80 years of age.

The population of no American state probably is so healthy or so
peculiarly constituted in the matter of age distribution or both as to
warrant accepting without careful inquiry a death-rate of less than

THE DEVELOPMENT OF AMERICAN VITAL STATISTICS 131

10. In a sparsely settled district it is difficult to secure a record of
every death, and, in additon to a good law such as all the registration
states now possess, years of painstaking, intelligent, and tactful ad-
ministration are required to secure trustworthy results throughout a
state, including as most states do, extensive sparsely settled districts.

New York State has in Hamilton County the most sparsely set-
tled county east of the Mississippi River; for years that county had
the lowest death-rate recorded in New York State. Its death-rate
during the first decade of the twentieth century was 10.1 per 1,000
or three-fifths of the average rate for the state. But during the
second decade its rate rose to 13.2 per 1,000 while that for the whole
state fell to 15.6, so that the difference between the state and the
county was reduced by two-thirds. This change should be ascribed
to an improvement in the completeness of Hamilton County regis-
tration, not to an actual increase of sickness and death.

If my contention that a death-rate of 10 per 1,000, or less, in
any part of the United States is probably an erroneous rate and
points to a failure to register all the deaths be approved, it will be of
interest to ask where such rates occur. Let us confine our attention
to the sparsely settled rural districts where a death is more likely to
go unregistered, and ask: What proportion of the area of each death-
registration state in 1920 was included in rural districts having a rate
of less than 10? In New England, New York, Delaware, and Mary-
land every county had a death-rate of more than 10 in its rural dis-
tricts; one or two sparsely settled counties in New Jersey, Pennsyl-
vania, and Ohio had a recorded rate of less than 10; those areas in
Illinois, Michigan, Virginia, South Carolina, North Carolina, Wash-
ington, and California occupied between one-tenth and one-fourth
of the state; those areas in Florida, Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri,
Colorado, Mississippi, and Louisiana occupied between one-half and
three-fourths of the state, and in Nebraska nearly four-fifths.

It is not necessary to accept a death-rate of 10 per 1,000 as the
limit which divides presumably complete from presumably incom-
plete registration. No matter how low the limit is set, provided it
is above zero, a number of counties in the registration area will be
found to fall below it. Thus Colorado contains three counties with
a combined population in 1920 of nearly 12,000, and those counties

132 TEE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

together reported two deaths for the year. They have about two
persons to a square mile. At the other end of the country is Monroe
County, Florida, which includes, in addition to the city of Key West,
800 persons living on 1,100 square miles of mainland and reporting
two deaths for the year.

There were 2,011 counties in 1920 within the death-registration
states, and of these 617, or three-tenths, had a death-rate in the rural
districts of less than 10 per 1,000. The evidence I have summarized
leads me to believe that in the great majorityof these 617 counties
the unregistered deaths were numerous enough to make the pub-
lished rates incorrect and misleading. What I plead for, however,
is, not that you accept this opinion, but that if possible you study
the problem in your own state and form your own conclusion about
the official rates.

Let us turn now to the similar question about the completeness
with which births are registered. Perhaps the best compendious
test of the accuracy of birth registration comes from a comparison
between the number of births registered during the year before the
census day and the number of living children under one year of age
reported in the census. If both were accurate the number of births
during the year would exceed the number of children living at its
close by about the number who had died. If fewer births were reg-
istered than children enumerated, probably many births were not
registered. Indeed an excess of about 10 per cent in the births over
the children living is needed to allay suspicion. Unfortunately this
test can be used only once in ten years. There were three states,
South Carolina, Kentucky, and Oregon, in which more children un-
der one year of age were found living on January i, 1920, than the
number of births registered in 1919. Two of these three were ad-
mitted to the birth-registration area in that year. There were six
others in which the excess of registered births over children living was
less than 5 per cent, and in which registration was almost certainly
defective. There were eight in which the registered births exceeded
the children living by 5 to 10 per cent, and in these the registration
was open to suspicion. There were six with an excess of births
amounting to more than 10 per cent. I am disposed to conclude that

THE DEVELOPMENT OF AMERICAN VITAL STATISTICS 133

not more than these six states, namely, New Hampshire, Massachu-
setts, Connecticut, New York, Maryland, District of Columbia, had
reasonably complete birth-registration. All these states, except
Maryland, had been in the birth-registration area from the start in
1915, and Maryland was admitted only a year later. The same
method of analysis might advantageously be carried into the coun-
ties, since with births, as with deaths, the sparsely settled districts
are those in which registration is presumably least satisfactory. In
nearly every birth-registration state the excess of births registered
in 1919 over children living January i, 1920, was two or more times
as great in the large cities as in the rest of the state. Yet if registra-
tion of births were as complete in the country districts as in the
cities one would expect the excess in the country to be greater, be-
cause infant mortality is probably less.

The subject of the accuracy of registration in sparsely settled
districts was discussed at the 1923 meeting of the International Sta-
tistical Institute in Brussels. At the end of the discussion it was
decided to appoint a committee to examine into the question and re-
port upon it at the meeting to be held at Rome next October. As I
am a member of that committee I am especially anxious to get any
light upon the problem which my colleagues here may be able to
throw.

Thus the United States is within sight of a complete system of
vital statistics developed by a unique method of voluntary co-opera-
tion between the federal government and the several states and
cities. I congratulate the Sociological Society, many of whose num-
bers have aided wisely and effectively in reaching this result. The
greatest immediate need is for a better popular understanding and
support of a system which might easily be wrecked, as it has once or
twice been endangered, by a failure of co-operation. A need hardly
less pressing is for men and women trained in vital statistics and
able and eager to interpret the figures thus made available. Is it too
much to say that we never have had in the employ of the United
States or of any of the states a person who has rendered to vital
statistics anything like the service rendered by Farr in England, the
Bertillons in France, Boeckh in Germany, or Korosi in Hungary?

134 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Now the material is becoming available and I felicitate especially the
rising generation of scholars on the prospects thus opening before
them.

Possibly a larger opportunity may grow from the success of this
modest experiment. Many citizens deplore the present tendency to
magnify the functions of the federal government at the expense of the
states. We are in serious danger of carrying that shift to a dangerous
excess. May not the development to which I have called your atten-
tion this morning point out a path whereby the government at Wash-
ington may furnish leadership without authority, and thus slowly
educate local opinion and guide local action?

At the present moment, for example, our citizens are hesitating
between a desire to reduce the evils of child labor and a desire to
retain state autonomy. Would it be possible to get a uniform law for
the state regulation of child labor and the state registration of child
laborers drafted by the groups especially interested in the subject,
and Congress petitioned to urge the states to adopt the draft? If a
few states should adopt it and require child laborers to be registered,
the federal government might build up a registration area for child
laborers under the leadership of the Bureau of Labor Statistics or
the Children's Bureau in the Department of Labor, and thus focus
public opinion and produce the statistics needed to elucidate the
problem.

Whether the illustration I have chosen be a happy one or not the
unique social experiment to which your attention has been invited
suggests a way for harmonizing state action, in fields where harmony
is needed, under guidance which no state and no group of private
citizens, however well organized and familiar with the subject, can
furnish.

SECTION ON RURAL SOCIOLOGY

SIGNIFICANT FACTORS IN RURAL POPULATION
AFFECTING OUR CIVILIZATION

FARM POPULATIONS

JOHN M. GILLETTE, UNIVERSITY OF NORTH DAKOTA

ABSTRACT

Farm Populations. The relative decline of rural population is an established fact
for most advanced nations, including the United States, (i) The assumption that this
relative decrease in our nation is bad because it proportionally diminishes an inherently
superior biological stock is unfounded, any such seeming superiority being proved to be
contingent. (2) The assumption that the effects of this relative decline are bad because
it proportionally diminishes an inherently superior moral stock is unfounded because
any seeming moral superiority of rural people is the outcome of a peculiar situation.
(3) The rapid growth of world-population and the relatively fixed limits of ultimate food
production bode a crisis sometime in future. A relative decline of rural population might
conceivably seriously threaten the food supply, however, before that crisis is reached.
Our nation has already reached the point of marginal agricultural production and needs
to consider the relation of farming population to food supply. However, the rate of
natural increase of rural population is approximately double that of urban districts.
As a result between six million and seven million persons shifted over from rural to
urban communities during the last census decade, something like 70 per cent being from
farms. Such a mighty shift must involve serious effects on both city and country be-
cause, (a) population conditions social life, but not because (6) the shifting population
is superior or inferior inherently, biologically, or morally.

This particular subject I am set to discuss is a good example of the presence
of assumptions and theories in the field of the sciences. The writers on popula-
tion often disagree in the conclusions they draw from their facts because they
come to the study with such widely diverging viewpoints. There are those who
are influenced by the dogma of race superiority, others by that of Nordic super-
iority, others by that of rural superiority, others by that of the superiority of the
inherited biological factors over cultural factors. As a result, otherwise excellent
works are vitiated by unproved assumptions and the conclusions of the various
authors are divergent and contradictory.

In this paper I shall assume that the term civilization refers to our present
society, that the term population connotes group members in their biological
aspects, and that our civilization is worth promoting and, therefore, discussing.
I shall confine my attention to the quantitative aspects of farm populations
because they are more tangible, statistically measurable, and consequently more
subject to warranted conclusions. But I hasten to confess that my conclusions
are likely to satisfy no one who expects certitudes. For I find the situation is

136 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

this. If I throw away all assumptions I can reach no, or few, conclusions. If I
adopt assumptions, all my conclusions may well be doubted and rejected. What
is left, then, is to point out that if such and such an assumption is true, the result
will be so and so; but if another assumption is made, then some other conclusion
must be drawn.

We might take as our beginning and basic proposition the sociological con-
ception of the interdependence of the parts of society. According to this con-
ception we would expect that, since all parts of our world-society are related to
each other by reason of their functional interdependence, rural society and
rural population are in vital and effective touch with all parts of the world and
are therefore sending their currents and shocks to every part of the world-sys-
tem. This of course means that nothing in rural society itself or in the conditions
which determine what that society shall be can be without its influence upon the
world-system. And since population in its biological aspects and individuals
making up the population in their psychophysical aspects are such fundamental
conditioning factors of social acitivities and social life, it is seen that, when viewed
in general terms, they must be of great moment in affecting the character of
our world-society.

There are several features of population viewed quantitatively which deserve
attention. The first to be considered is the relative decline of farm populations.
The relative decline of rural population is well known to be a world-phenom-
enon. During the last century the shifting of the population center of gravity
from rural to urban districts has proceeded with constantly accelerated rates.
In 1800 about 97 per cent of the people of Europe were rural, but by 1900 only
about 25 per cent were classed as rural. In 1800 there were only 14 European
cities having as many as 100,000 inhabitants, while in 1900 there were 136 such
cities.

The population of the United States has undergone a similar shifting be-
tween 1790, the date of the first census, and 1920. The amount of this shift
varies according to the criterion of what we regard as city and country popula-
tions, but the story is always impressive. Using 8,000 as the differential, we
find 96.7 per cent of the population rural in 1790, and 56.2 per cent in 1920.
With 2,500 as the criterion, the percentages in 1790 and 1920 were 95.2 and
51.4. With incorporation as the differential, the percentages are 95 and 40.2.
Not only is there a relative decline of our national rural population, but an
absolute decline in sections of the nation. During the last census decade, 25
per cent of the 48 states, about 70 per cent of the 3,000 counties, and probably
50 per cent or more of the scores of thousands of townships had fewer rural in-
habitants in 1920 than in 1910.

Having established the fact of relative decline of rural populations, let us
consider the import of a relatively declining rural population for the world. But
of the many possible effects, let us notice three.

First, the influences arising from lessening the proportion of a certain kind
of physical stock. We might make two assumptions here in order to further the

FARM POPULATIONS 137

discussion: (a) The rural stock is a superior stock physically and, (b) this
superiority is due to hereditary causes. We should like to know whether or not
these assumptions are true.

Let us cite Professor East as an example of those who believe the rural
people of the United States are inherently physically superior to those of cities.
His evidence is based on the army examinations for admission to service during
the recent war and the mortality and morbidity records. We can substantiate
his facts. In the army tests, according to the Surgeon General's report, the pro-
portion of urban recruits rejected was 15 per cent greater than that of rural
recruits. The average urban death-rate for the ten years, 1910-19, is about 15
per cent above the average rural rate. Mr. East's explanation of this physical
superiority is that the rural white inhabitants are dominantly natives of native
parents, whereas this element in urban populations is in the minority. He
further concludes that this preponderating native rural stock is almost entirely
Nordic, since for the first century our immigration was, he says, almost wholly
British, Scandinavian, and Teutonic. Further, this writer classifies as ignoramus
or joker those who believe that this physical superiority is due to the conditions
under which rural people live.

It appears to me that Mr. East has placed himself in the joker class by
ascribing the favorable rural mortality differential to the predominance of the
so-called Nordic stock. He has evidently ignored some important facts. First,
the tendency manifested among our states for the urban death-rate to become
and remain lower than the rural rate. Several states have established and main-
tained an urban death-rate below that of rural districts: Massachusetts since
1910; New York since 1911 ; New Jersey and Washington since 1915; California
since 1916. Thus we have five states in which the death-rate is considerably
lower in city than in country. Neither city nor country have changed their
proportion of foreign-born materially since this has been true. The predomi-
nance of so-called Nordics in the country have not prevented the occurrence of
the higher death-rates in the five states alluded to, nor has the absence of pre-
dominance of the Nordic element in cities debarred the more favorable mortality
rate there.

Second, it seems to be an established fact that urban populations possess a
greater resisting power to the attacks of pathological germs than do rural popu-
lations when exposed to the same conditions. Thus when men are drawn to-
gether in large groups, as in the army, the rural recruits are much tess resistant
than men from cities. Recent statistics from South America indicate that city
children have greater resistant power to tuberculosis than rural children. It is
indicated that the fatality from tuberculosis varies inversely with the prevalence
of that disease in populations.

Third, the so-called Nordic stock is a very shadowy and uncertain thing in
America. To say that rural people are Nordic because they descended from
British, Scandinavian, and Teutonic stocks is to overlook the fact that the
majority of those stocks are non-Nordic, if dolichocephaly and brachycephaly

138 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

are dependable criteria. Mr. East has inferred a biological fact from a cultural
fact.

It seems safe to conclude then that any advantage in mortality rates rural
inhabitants possess is due rather to the conditions under which they live than to
racial stock. Any loss civilization may sustain from this relative decline arises
from shifting the center of gravity of population farther toward a higher mor-
tality rate. But the bow of promise is that cities may more than compensate for
this by improving their housing and sanitary conditions.

It may be said that the rural population is made of better moral stuff, so
that its relative decline decreases the world's supply of this highly desirable
element. This statement has been made by various writers and deserves ex-
amination.

Statistics do show that rates of crime, especially relating to property, and
of divorce are much lower in rural than in urban districts, and that the marriage
rates are higher. Seemingly competent studies also indicate that vice, at least
of the institutional sort, is less rampant in the country. But again we must
assert that these advantageous characteristics are contingent rather than in-
herent. To say that there is less crime and divorce in the country because the
rural inhabitants are inherently superior morally is like saying that because
there are nine times as many male as of female convicts in our prisons, women,
by nature, are nine times as good as men. We can admit that boys and girls
reared in the country develop habits of industry and honesty that may stand the
strain of urban life at some later date better than those reared under urban con-
ditions; but we are without proof that the inherent character or moral fiber of
farming people is superior.

Any loss to civilization sustained by relatively diminishing this kind of
population is due to the fact that it is always a misfortune to decrease our sup-
ply of persistently upright individuals whether they have been made so by
nature or by the conditions under which they develop.

The relative decline of rural population may be conceived to be significant
for the food supply of nation and world. It is difficult to shut our eyes to the
fact that the growth of populations generally realizes the spirit if not the letter
of the Malthusian law that populations tend to increase geometrically and sub-
sistence arithmetically. It is estimated that the population of the world was
850,000,000 in 1800, and about double that a century later. Another century,
at the same rate of increase, would yield a world-population of approximately
3,000,000,000. Professor East makes an elaborate and seemingly fair estimate
of the possibilities of the ultimate food-producing capacity of the planet, in-
cluding all land areas and the sea, and arrives at the conclusion that the world
can produce enough food, by the employment of present known methods of
production, to supply a population of 5,200,000,000 souls. No one can say when
this limit will be reached, but we can see that should the rate of increase of the
past century be sustained, it would be overtaken in about 175 years.

It may be objected that we of today need have no concern over a possible

FARM POPULATIONS 139

food shortage some two centuries hence; that in the past society has always been
able to make mother earth produce more food when the need arose and that
doubtless such will be the case in future. Even our social scientists are likely to
exercise a noble self-restraint and manifest almost as slight emotional excitement
in the face of this contingency two centuries removed as over the secular ap-
proach of the moon toward the earth which promises to land that satellite in
our unwilling lap a few hundred million years hence.

It may also be objected that the lowering of birth-rates in the more ad-
vanced nations promises to postpone the arrival of the saturation point of popu-
lation and that as outlying peoples rise in the scale of social development, they
too will come under influences making for lower birth-rates. Were birth-rates
alone concerned in the increase of population, this contention would have more
weight than it possesses. But death-rates also fall as social development takes
place and the increase of population does not decline as rapidly as decreasing
birth-rates alone indicate. The estimates of increase of the world-population in
future are based on recent years where lowered birth-rates and lowered death-
rates alike obtain. With the exception of France, the populations of the ad-
vanced nations increase at a rapid rate, while the chief check to an enormous
increase among outlying and backward peoples is an exceedingly high death-rate.

The first ground of optimism, the fecundity of civilization in discovering
improved methods of producing food, needs scrutiny. According to the best
methods of agriculture now used, it is estimated that on the average the world
cannot realize a greater supporting power of production than one person to each
2.5 acres. The saturation point of 5,200,000,000 inhabitants rests on this figure.
There is not much likelihood that improved agricultural methods can greatly
exceed this limit. It may be said that in future industrial chemistry will be able
to produce sufficient foods without recourse to agriculture. It is unquestionably
true that many high-grade chemists look forward with great assurance to such
a time. But it is one thing to be able scientifically to produce foodstuffs from
inorganic matter and another thing to do so so cheaply that such food can be
put within reach of all. Gold can now be produced from other metals, but it is
not commercially advantageous to do so. Further, it may be questionable if
chemically produced food would be adjusted to the human organism. Osborn
has shown that unless the animal stomach is supplied with from 1 8 to 20 amino
acids it is incapable of producing proteids for its own digestive system. So far
plants have been able to transform the energy of the inorganic into the organic
far more effectively than man. However, we are merely saying that science has
far to go before it can supply life-giving food from the inorganic in commercially
available quantities, not that science cannot do so ultimately.

This matter of food supply becomes more serious when we consider the
situation confronting the most populous nations. With the most intensive cul-
tivation possible, China has reached its limits of production, and were it not for
its prodigious death-rate which eliminates a half or more of the children, millions
would starve annually or be forced to migrate. India is in almost the same fix,

140 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

and Japan has become so populous and is growing so rapidly that the necessity
for finding a place outside its own territory in which to settle its excess popula-
tion is making it a disturbing factor in the council of nations. The Western in-
dustrialized nations of Europe and Great Britain only keep their populations go-
ing by great importations of food. Only their ability to draw upon the food sup-
plies of non-industrialized peoples enables them to avert famine and disaster. Our
own nation seems to be moving toward this same position of dependence. This is
denoted in the ratios between the average value of foodstuffs imported and
exported for various sets of years since 1840. These ratios tell a story. About
1840, we imported twice as much food in value as we exported, one and a
half times as much by 1860, one and a fourth times as much by 1870, and
about half as much by 1890. Then we began to return to the prior condition of
dependence on the outside world for foodstuffs, until by 1920-22 we imported
almost three-fourths as much as we exported. It might seem that we will con-
tinue the tendency toward greater proportionate importation of foodstuffs.

It is rather difficult to determine whether our rate of agricultural production
keeps pace with the growth of our population. The difficulty is in discovering
the common denominator for the various food-products. Perhaps the best
method is to convert the various forms of products into food calories. This was
done for the average amounts produced for the last three decades and the results
placed on a per capita basis. The per capita amounts of farm food-products in
millions of calories were 5.6 for 1890-1900, 6.4 for 1900-1910, and 5.9 for the
decade 1910-20. We thus find that our food production has somewhat more
than kept pace with the growth of population. How long we can continue this is
a question.

We have much unimproved land in farms to be put under production and
also considerable areas to be incorporated into farms. By improving all lands in
farms and by bringing all reclaimable lands into farms and by improving our
methods of cultivation we should be able comfortably to feed twice or thrice our
present population. Just when our population will reach the 200,000,000 mark
is problematical. Pearl's estimate places the date at about 2100. My own cal-
culations, based on the decrease of our rates of decennial increase, places the
point at 1970.

About all we can say today is that sooner or later the world and our nation
will meet the problem of producing sufficient foodstuffs for their teeming popula-
tions. The relative decline of farming populations, at least when the point of
diminishing returns is reached, means a somewhat proportionate reduction of
food production. Our nation is passing into the condition of being dominantly
industrial and so is joining the ranks of older nations in being dependent upon
outside food-supplies. Farmers will not continue to farm if farming is unprofit-
able. It is the business of states to understand the issue and to see to it that
farming is sufficiently remunerative to attract and retain the needed farm popu-
lations on farms.

FARM POPULATIONS 141

So far we have noticed some of the possible influences upon our present
society from the relative decrease of rural populations. Now we shall consider
another phase of the quantitative aspects of such population. And because our
time is limited, I shall confine attention to our own rural people.

The rural population of the United States actually is increasing at a very-
rapid rate and because of this is able to contribute vast numbers of people to
cities. This is due to its large rate of natural increase. I have tried to estimate
the rate of natural increase for the last two decades. The figures for the decade
1900-1910, for the nation and for the nine divisions, have been published in the
Journal of Statistics. Of course, I recognize that these rates are only very rough
approximations due to the meager data existing at that time.

But recently I have worked out rural and urban rates of natural increase for
the nation which I believe are much less approximate and fairly near the actual
situation. The greater degree of accuracy is due to the fact that the registration
area for some years has covered the major portions of the population. The cen-
sus data in other particulars also have been greatly improved, so that not only
can a more accurate rate of natural increase be secured, but a more correct esti-
mate of the force of the various factors making for increase or decrease of rural
and urban populations can be made.

Without going into a discussion of the methods by which the results are
secured, and the various checking devices applied making for accuracy, the
results will be given. Perhaps we can best picture the situation by presenting
the facts relating to the sources of increase of urban population in the United
States for the last two decades.

It is to be noted that rural migration, or migration from what the Census
calls rural districts, represents 45 per cent of urban increase for the last decade,
and less than 31 per cent for the previous decade; that immigration furnished
only about 23 per cent of such increase for the last decade, but 41 per cent in the
previous one; and that natural increase supplied over 23 per cent in the decade
ending 1920, in comparison with our 20 per cent ten years earlier.

Put in terms of numbers, rural districts sent nearly 5,500,000 persons to
cities during the last census decade, and over 3,500,000 in the previous decade.
We can enlarge these numbers by including what is represented in incorporation,
nearly a million for each decade. Thus nearly 6,500,000 souls shifted over from
rural to urban districts in the decade ending 1920. This is a population about
the size of New York City. It represents more than ten such cities as Pittsburgh
or San Francisco. That is, the rural districts contribute the population equiva-
lent of a city a year the size of Pittsburgh or San Francisco.

What does the rural side of the ledger show as to the source of supply of this
vast contribution? According to my estimate, the natural increase of rural
population during the last census decade amounted to 7,100,000, and immigra-
tion supplied 754,000 inhabitants, a total of approximately 7,850,000. But the
census credits rural districts with an increase of only 1,600,000. The difference

142 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

between 7,750,000 and 1,600,000, that is, about 6,150,000, represents the shift
to cities covered by rural migration and incorporation. Probably 65 to 70 per
cent of the difference is from farms.

When we compare the rates of natural increase of city and country, we find
that the latter is about twice the former. This seems an exaggeration, but my
estimates make such a difference for both decades, and I have sufficient checks
on my estimate for the last decade to assure their being conservative. The esti-
mated urban and rural birth-rates for the last decade were 23.2 and 27.4, the
death-rates were 15.6 and 13.0, leaving rates of natural increase of 7.6 and 15.2.

We may say then that the immediate and perhaps greatest influence our
farming districts are having on modern society consists of this tremendous addi-
tion of numbers to urban populations. If Professor Hayes is right in holding
that the form and distribution of population is a technic condition and that tech-
nic conditions are determinative of social activities, then we must conclude that
the vast shifts of population indicated exercise a profound effect upon civiliza-
tion.

But there are some possible effects of a special nature to be noticed. The
first is the possible influence on the physical stock of cities. We have previously
discussed the assumption that because the rural stock, at least the white portion,
is predominantly native-born of native parents, and because this native stock
is supposedly Nordic, it is by that fact inherently superior to the urban popula-
tion physically. Were this assumption true, the urban population of our nation
would undoubtedly be greatly strengthened by the additions from the country.
But as we have seen, any physical superiority the rural population possesses is
likely contingent. It may be that this contingent superiority carries over and
strengthens the urban population in some directions. On the other hand, as
was suggested, these rural emigrants may be inferior to urban populations when
subjected to the toxic infections of intense group life. Second, the rural migrants
to cities are selected quite largely from the age groups lying between fifteen and
sixty. In this respect the urban populations are being enriched by the most
vigorous portions of the rural peoples. This is an undoubted contribution of
importance and does much to account for the drive and progress of cities. On
the other hand, our rural population is greatly weakened by the same process.
Nationally, we may be robbing Peter to pay Paul.

Third, there is the possibility that rural people are superior to urban people
in inherent moral fibre. In our previous discussion of this suggestion it was
regarded as an assumption. We viewed any superiority of morals on the part of
rural populations as the product of conditions contingent to rural life. Even so,
it might be that the addition of contingently superior inhabitants to cities would
be advantageous. No doubt the habits of industry, steadiness, and thrift are
real contributions. It may be also that devotion to family ties holds over and
proves contributive. But we have no evidence that those from farms who move
to cities conduct their business, professions, and political life on higher ethical
planes than do those native to urban life. And again we have to remember that

VILLAGE POPULATIONS 143

rural populations sustain a decided injury in the removal of their most vigorous
inhabitants.

Fourth, the migration of vast populations from farms often results in rural
depopulation. This, in turn, involves increased rural isolation. In this we have
a devitalization of neighborhood and community life which cannot but be highly
detrimental.

VILLAGE POPULATIONS

C. LUTHER FRY, INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS RESEARCH,
NEW YORK CITY

ABSTRACT

Village populations. As part of a comprehensive study of American village life,
the Institute of Social and Religious Research recently made a special inquiry into the
number and distribution of American villages and also a detailed tabulation of the 1920
Census data for 177 representative villages. This Census analysis of 177 villages, which
was the first tabulation of its sort ever made, leads to the following tentative con-
clusions: (i) The more rapidly the villages of an area are growing, the more nearly
normal is the age distribution of the population. (2) The friction which so often exists
between village and open country populations can partly be explained from the fact that
such a relatively small proportion of villagers are engaged in agricultural occupations.

(3) There is reason to believe that the differences between village and open country
populations are so great that in reality the term "rural" as used by the Census had
better be divided into two distinct subcategories the village and the open country.

(4) The Census data leads to the hypothesis that certain sections of the country have
been left with an oversupply of villages by the recent changes in methods of transporta-
tion which give people in the country easy and quick access to the larger centers.

The Institute of Social and Religious Research is now engaged upon a com-
prehensive study of American village life. In addition to actual field work, the
Institute has undertaken, as a part of this inquiry, a detailed tabulation of the
1920 Census data for 177 representative villages. It also has undertaken a
special inquiry into the number, size, and distribution of the villages of the
United States. Although the field work is still incomplete, it is possible at this
time to present a few important results of the special village count and of the
Census analysis of 177 villages. Because the Census analysis was the first tabu-
lation of its sort ever made, I will indicate to you in a general way not only
certain conclusions from this study, but also the method of obtaining the data
from the Census.

An analysis of village populations is important from many different stand-
points. It is important merely because of the number of people living in vil-
lages. It is even more important because village populations are intimately in-
volved in certain great national problems. The cityward migration of rural pop-
ulations is one of these problems, since many of the people now moving into our
great industrial centers are from villages. Town and country relationships cre-
ate another problem involving village populations. Just as the respective atti-
tudes of capital and of labor are vital to industrial peace, so the attitude of

144

THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

village to open country and of open country to village are vital to agricultural
peace. Yet all too often these rural contacts are characterized by friction and
hostility.

Probably the most obvious index that comes to mind when considering the
importance of any population problem is the number of people involved. Un-

Per G?sjt
M I DOLE

f A<
[PEH

iC

*

*

1.5

60

7O

5 3

5

i

50

60

<

3 5

e

.2

AO

50

7 I

e

*

30-

.40

7 1

6

i

' t v

fi -20-

". .?

> J

7.3

7..

[

/'

1 0-

**tl

'

i"

7.6

i

uNOr

R IO

76 .

| . , PEP

lOO

; .2.6 eo-

TO; 2 3 .' *

3. 50-

-co- 35' ; -

: 5?| . *-

-so : | 5 . 6

6.0- ! ! 30-

-o; . :- 57 .^ ;

62.' V. 2. > -

-30- ^ | 9 .7

.e| ; ^' . o-

20 f^; : . |,o. 6

: . . r"

' . jlO:6

IO fl 6 -*

ATLANTIC

SOUTH

MIDDLE WEST

;

AG

E .

55 o

TO' 2.7

' 5

?-

6* ^43

t

6.' 6

v o-

-50-

S 6'

76

- 30-

40-

lz :3

73 1

^5 ,20-

3 ' /'

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I

, 5 | ^

f . :, .

20 f^

9,2

98

1

UNOE

R lO .

96

FAR WEST

FIG. i. Age and sex distribution of the populations in the 177 villages classified
by regions.

fortunately, there is no official count of the total number of persons living in
the villages of the United States. The Census, of course, gives the population of
every village that is incorporated, but does not list separately the number of
inhabitants in unincorporated villages. In order, therefore, to ascertain the
number of villages throughout the country, the Institute counted, state by state,
all the villages listed in the Rand McNally atlas. Following the definition em-

VILLAGE POPULATIONS 145

ployed in all of the Institute's rural studies, the term "village" was limited to
places with populations ranging between 250 and 2,500. In making the special
count of the villages listed in the atlas, no effort was made to estimate the size
of villages whose populations were not actually reported in the atlas because it
was felt that the village populations thus omitted would tend to neutralize any
tendency on the part of the atlas to overestimate the size of the villages included.
This tabulation reveals that the atlas lists 16,434 villages which have an aggre-
gate population of 11,186,185 persons. 1 This means that slightly more than one
out of every ten inhabitants in America lives in a village.

This special tabulation of atlas villages affords an opportunity to determine
the proportion of American villages that are incorporated. For the United States
as a whole the number of incorporated villages between 250 and 2,500, as given
in the Census, is 10,225. If our special count is correct, this means that 62 per
cent of American villages are incorporated. This ratio, however, shows decided
regional variations. In the New England states only 7 per cent of the villages
listed in the atlas are incorporated. This very low ratio is owing to the fact that
in many parts of New England it is not the custom, as in other states, for vil-
lages to incorporate as separate municipalities. Figures for the Middle West 3
show, on the other hand, that 82 per cent of the villages in this region are incor-
porated, while the South and Far West show 58 and 61 per cent respectively.

As might have been expected, the larger villages are the ones that are incor-
porated. This is demonstrated by the fact that although only 62 per cent of
the villages of the United States are incorporated, nevertheless 8,500,000 people,
or 76 per cent of America's village population, live in incorporated villages.

Despite the importance of the village problem, the available information
about the composition and characteristics of village populations of the United
States has been quite meager. Although the federal government has been ac-
customed regularly to collect its census data separately for each incorporated
village, nevertheless it has never published this information in any detail except
for places having more than 2,500 inhabitants. For incorporated villages below
this size it prints only a single figure the total population of each village. To
say the least, this is not very rich sociological material with wjiich to work.
As a result, social scientists have been compelled, in analyzing village popula-
tions, to rely almost entirely upon the findings of individual surveyors. The

1 These figures confirm to a remarkable extent the estimated village figures pub-
lished in Morse and B runner's Town and Country Church in the United States, where
the total number of villages was computed to be 16,981 and their total population as
11,460,849.

3 Following the procedure of the Census, the term Middle Atlantic was limited to
the three states of New York, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey. The South was used to
include the three Census divisions known as the South Atlantic, the East South Central,
and the West South Central. The Middle West comprises the two Census divisions,
East North Central and West North Central, while the Far West covers the Mountain
and Pacific divisions.

146 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

difficulty with these individual surveys, however, is not only that the number
of villages studied has been small, but also that nearly every investigator has
followed his own particular method of research.

Because the information about villages has been so meager, the Institute
of Social and Religious Research decided to undertake, under the direction of
Dr. Edmund de S. Brunner, a rather elaborate study in this field. From the
outset it was agreed to limit the inquiry to "agricultural" villages. By an agri-
cultural village was meant one that was located in a strictly farming area. This
distinction was made to avoid the complicating factors that would arise if in
addition to agricultural villages there were included in the same study sub-
urban villages, cotton-mill villages, mining villages, lumbering villages, etc.

The original plan of the inquiry provided for the sending of trained investi-
gators into approximately 150 villages scattered over the country. It was agreed
that these surveyors should be sent out in teams of two, and that each team
should spend from two to three weeks in studying each village. It was proposed
to ask the Institute's field workers not only to write up in detail the particular
situation and problems they found in every village surveyed, but also to fill
out a rather elaborate questionnaire calling for precise quantitative facts about
many aspects of village life. It was hoped in this way to gain insight into the
distinctive problems of each village and in addition to get data that would be
strictly comparable for all the villages. It was also proposed in a few villages
to undertake more detailed and intensive studies.

This in brief was the village project which the Institute approved in prin-
ciple in January, 1923.

But the project had hardly been approved before it was suggested that the
scope and plan of the study be materially expanded. In a word, the change pro-
posed was that the data collected by the Institute's field workers be supple-
mented by an analysis of the 1920 Census figures for the same villages. The
obvious argument in favor of this plan was that it would supply far more ac-
curate information about the composition and characteristics of village popula-
tion than could possibly be obtained by the Institute's field workers. Since the
field work of the village study is still incomplete, the rest of this paper has nec-
essarily been limited almost entirely to an analysis of the Institute's special
tabulation of the 1920 Census data for 177 villages.

Before the findings of this Census tabulation are presented, a description
of the method of obtaining the material may be of interest, particularly as this
tabulation represents the first analysis of its kind ever undertaken by a private
agency, and because it should, therefore, be of help to other organizations inter-
ested in special tabulations of Census findings.

To Dr. Charles J. Galpin, in charge of the Division of Farm Population and
Rural Life of the Department of Agriculture, belongs the major credit for mak-
ing possible the Institute's special tabulation. When the idea first occurred to
me of supplementing the Institute's field study by an analysis of Census data,
I went to Washington and saw Dr. Galpin. He encouraged me to go into the

VILLAGE POPULATIONS 147

matter further, and sent me to see the director of the Census, Hon. William M.
Steuart. Mr. Steuart was very sympathetic toward the proposed analysis, but
during the course of my interview with him it developed there was one outstand-
ing obstacle in the way of carrying out the idea. This difficulty arose through
the fact that the Census Bureau uses special machines for tabulating census
data, and that the Institute could not do its own tabulating without incurring
a prohibitive cost. As soon as Dr. Galpin heard of the difficulty that had arisen,
he worked out a plan by which, at the request of his division of the Department
of Agriculture, the Census Bureau did the tabulating work for the Institute.
This arrangement was satisfactory to the Department of Agriculture because
it was agreed that the department should receive a complete set of all tabula-
tions.

I have mentioned this matter not only because Dr. Brunner and I wish to
take this opportunity publicly to thank Dr. Galpin for his co-operation in this
matter, but also because it was felt that such a statement might help to make
concrete the splendid service that Dr. Galpin, through his Division of Farm
Population and Rural Life, is rendering research projects in this field.

The Institute's special tabulation of village data includes a total of 177
villages scattered widely over the country. Because the Census does not collect
its data for individual villages that are unincorporated, the study was nec-
essarily limited to villages which in 1920 were incorporated. This fact, in turn,
meant that it was impossible to include villages from certain New England
states, particularly from Massachusetts and Rhode Island, because in those
states it is not the practice to incorporate villages as separate municipalities.
All New England villages were for this reason entirely excluded from the study.
Any person wishing further details about the Institute's special tabulation is
referred to A Census Analysis of American Villages which has just been published
as a series of four regional monographs, but which, because of the general in-
terest in the material, is about to appear in book form.

Without attempting to summarize the findings of our Census tabulation, I
should like to point out certain facts revealed by this study which would seem
to lead to four important conclusions. The first is that the regional variations
among villages indicate that the composition of their populations is closely cor-
related with the rapidity of their growth. For purposes of this analysis the vil-
lages studied were classified, on the basis of their location, into four main groups
known as the Middle Atlantic, the South, the Middle West, and the Far West.
The regional variations among these four groups are quite remarkable. For
instance, the proportion of old people living in the thirty-four Middle Atlantic
villages is so high that someone aptly characterized these places as old people's
homes. More than a third of both the men and women living there are forty-
five years of age and over. In the forty-four southern villages, on the other
hand, the age distribution of the population is remarkably normal, only 20
per cent of the men and of the women being over forty-four years of age, which
is almost identically the proportion found for the United States as a whole.

148 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

In view of the complex character of village life, it is not reasonable to
expect that a single explanation will account for all the regional differences
among villages, nevertheless it is significant that the more rapidly the villages
of an area are growing the more normal is the age distribution of the population.
In the Middle Atlantic and the middle western regions, where villages over the
last twenty years have grown relatively slowly, we find that the age distribution
of the inhabitants is decidedly distorted. In the South and Far West on the
other hand, where villages are growing rapidly, we find the distribution of the
population to be relatively normal.

The reason why villages in rapidly growing areas have populations whose
age distributions are relatively normal probably is that in such villages there is
a real opportunity for young men to build up new enterprises. Therefore it is
but natural to find a relatively normal number of young people living in these
villages. In slowly growing villages, on the other hand, economic opportunities
are relatively scarce. As a consequence, it is but natural that many of these
village boys and girls, as soon as they reach maturity, go off to the city to make
their fortune

The second outstanding fact revealed by our Census analysis is the relatively
large proportion of villagers who are engaged in manufacturing and trading en-
terprises and who, therefore, have interests quite different from those of the
people of the countryside. In each area the Census found the largest group of
villagers employed in manufacturing. In the South 3 1 per cent of the gainfully
employed men ten years of age and over were classified under manufacture,
while in the Middle Atlantic villages this ratio reached 47 per cent. Agriculture,
on the other hand, only employed from 9 per cent in the Middle Atlantic region
to 23 per cent in the far western villages. The fact that from 75 to 90 per cent of
all villagers are employed in other than farming occupations is especially sig-
nificant because of its bearing upon town and country relationships. Since the
economic interests of the two populations are different, we have here a partial
explanation of the friction that often exists between villagers and their neigh-
bors in the surrounding countryside.

It may be argued that the differences in occupation between village and
open-country populations are not so important as we have indicated, since even
the village industries are based largely upon agricultural products. To a certain
extent this contention is entirely valid; but it should be borne in mind that the
farmer is interested in the actual price of farm products, while the village
manufacturer and trader is interested in a differential price. For example, the
wheat farmer wants high prices, because if the price of wheat is high his return
is large, while if it is low his return is correspondingly small. On the other hand,
the manufacturer of wheat products is interested in buying wheat at the lowest
possible price. In other words, the village manufacturer of agricultural products
is interested in paying the farmer the lowest possible price for his products,
while the farmer is interested in securing the highest possible price. Clearly we
have here a point of friction between village and open-country populations.

VILLAGE POPULATIONS 149

This brings us to the third point which is very closely related to the one
just discussed. Are the differences between the open-country and the village
populations so great that in reality the term "rural" as used by the Census had
better be divided into two distinct subcategories the village and the open
country? Our evidence, as analyzed thus far, indicates an affirmative answer.
In addition to the occupational differences just considered, the most important
Census facts bearing upon this point are probably that of age and sex distribu-
tions, because so many social and economic conditions are largely determined by
these. The data show that there are wide variations between the village and the
open country in both age and sex distributions. For example, the Census reveals
that in the Middle Atlantic region the ratio of men to women in the farm popu-
lation is as in is to 100. In our sample villages, on the other hand, there are
only 88 men to every 100 women. In other words, the proportionate number of
men is 25 per cent greater in the farm population than among villagers. A
preliminary study of the marital conditions also shows decided differences be-
tween the populations of the two areas. While our inquiry has not yet pro-
ceeded far enough to warrant final conclusions, the material seems to support
the view that there are fundamental differences between the village and the
open-country populations. A complete analysis of this whole subject is being
made by Luther S. Cressman of Columbia University to be submitted as his
dissertation for a doctor's degree. His study will appear as a part of the final
volume for the village study.

The fourth and concluding fact I wish to submit is that the number of vil-
lages within a given area is so large as to indicate that in certain old established
sections of the country recent changes in our methods of transportation have
brought about a condition amounting to a virtual oversupply of villages. Take
the case in the Middle Atlantic states. The data show that in these three states
there is a village for every forty- three square miles of territory. In other words,
the villages in this part of- the country are on the average only six and one-half
miles apart.

The very large number of villages in this region can be explained from the
fact that this area was settled long before the coming of the railroad and the
automobile. In a civilization where the universal means of communication was
oxcart or the horse and wagon, it was but natural for agricultural villages to
spring up at very frequent intervals. With the development of modern methods
of transportation, however, the whole situation has been changed. A farmer in
his Ford can now travel many miles where before he could only have gone one.
As a result, open-country populations are traveling farther in order to trade at
the larger centers. This is but natural since the larger towns are in a position,
as Professor Kolb has so clearly shown, to render better and more varied serv-
ices. As a result, many agricultural villages in the Middle Atlantic region have
had the economic basis for their existence virtually cut out from under them.
Here, then, we have an explanation of the fact that the villages in this part of
the country are growing at only about one-third the rate for the country as a

ISO THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

whole, In addition, it accounts for the relatively small proportion of young
people living in these villages. Because the economic opportunities are so lim-
ited, many village boys and girls in this region leave home and go to the cities
as soon as they reach maturity.

If this analysis is correct, it leads to the belief that in the future we can
expect a decline in the proportion of people living in agricultural villages. In
New England and the Middle Atlantic states, as well as in certain parts of the
Middle West where farm populations are either static or declining, this may
involve not only a relative but an absolute decline in the number of agricultural
villages. This condition will not be true for the South, since in this region there
is apparently no oversupply of agricultural villages. The explanation for this is
probably to be found in the fact that up until the Civil War the South was
organized on a plantation basis. Even after the War, the old system through
force of habit was perpetuated for nearly a generation. As a result, there are
not nearly so many villages in the South as in the older areas farther north. The
Census shows that there is only one southern village for every 167 square miles,
compared with a village for every 43 square miles in the Middle Atlantic area.
Irrespective of the future conditions in any specific area, we believe that because
of modern transportation methods the rural areas of the future will need rela-
tively fewer villages than such areas have needed in the past.

RURAL DEMOGRAPHY

WARREN S. THOMPSON, SCRIPPS FOUNDATION, MIAMI UNIVERSITY, OXFORD, OHIO

ABSTRACT

Rural demography. The lack of certain basic demographic data relating to rural
communities makes it impossible to study their vital statistics in the thoroughgoing
way students of rural life would like to do. As a consequence we are compelled to try-
to get at the facts regarding marriage, death, and birth in a roundabout way which is
far from satisfactory. The results of our studies are, therefore, often unconvincing and
sometimes the inferences drawn from the data by different people are quite opposed.

In spite of these difficulties, however, it seems to the author that several important
facts can be established beyond reasonable doubt. They are as follows: (i) A larger
proportion of the rural population than of the urban population marries. Farming is
still a family occupation. The farm women also marry a little younger than city women,
thus having a longer period during which they are likely to bear children and they marry
at a time of life when they are more likely to bear children. (2) The death-rate of the
rural population is lower than that of the city population. This is particularly marked
when the rates are refined in such ways that the differences hi age and sex constitution
of these communities no longer exercise an influence upon them. The city exerts a cer-
tain positive check on population which the country does not. (3) The birth-rate is
higher in the rural districts than in the cities. Just as the cities exert a greater positive
check on population growth they also exert a preventive check which leads to a lower

RURAL DEMOGRAPHY 151

birth-rate. The only classes of the city population who have a high birth-rate are the
newer immigrants who still retain their rural vigor and standards of living.

The result of these differences in vital rates is naturally a more rapid rate of in-
crease in the rural population in spite of the almost complete lack of scientific health
work in the rural districts.

Statistically, rural communities have been grossly neglected by official agen-
cies, both federal and state. Consequently it is much more difficult to get any
adequate view of the vital conditions of rural communities than it is of urban
communities. This dearth of basic data is my excuse for the lack of precision in
the treatment of my topic.

MARRIAGE AND MARRIAGE RATES

There are no adequate data on marriage and marriage rates in the United
States. Little can be said, therefore, regarding marriage in rural and urban
communities. The 1920 Census shows that the proportion of married women in
the child-bearing ages is somewhat greater in rural communities than in urban
communities. Of all women 15 to 24 years of age, 34.6 per cent of those in rural
communities are married, while only 30.4 per cent of those in urban communities
are married ; for the age group 25-34 the percentages are 82.0 and 72.6 respective-
ly, and for the age group 35-44 they are 85.8 and 76.0. Unfortunately these
age groups are so broad that they do not permit even of a rough comparison of
the effects of female celibacy and delayed marriage upon the fecundity of these
groups. It must be considerable, however, for Knibbs, in his study of fertility
and fecundity in Australia, has shown that the average number of children born
to women decreases more rapidly than the duration of marriage as the age at
marriage increases. This is also shown by the number of wives who become
mothers in different age-groups: whereas about 40-45 per cent of all wives aged
20 to 24 will become mothers annually, the percentage will be about 8 less in
the age group 25-29, and only about 22-27 per cent in the age group 30-34.
Thus it is abundantly clear that late marriage, as well as failure to marry, very
greatly affects the increase of population. Knibbs has also shown that the like-
lihood of sterility increases rapidly as the age of the woman at marriage in-
creases. Of women married at 17.11 years of age and who have been married
25 years, thus having generally passed the child-bearing period, only 2.5 per cent
will be sterile; of those married at 22.9 years of age and who have been married
20 years, 5.0 per cent will be sterile; of those married at 27.6 years of age and
who have been married for 15 years, 10.0 per cent will be sterile; of those married
at 31.6 years of age for ten years, 20 per cent will be sterile; and of those married
at 37.1 years of age for 5 years, 50 per cent will be sterile.

So far as I am aware, we have no comprehensive data in this country on the
age at marriage of urban and rural women nor upon the duration of their mar-
riages, but the percentages given above show that more rural women marry,
and the probability is that they marry somewhat earlier. A New York report

152 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

recently issued gives the percentages of brides marrying at given ages for urban
and rural areas (outside of New York City) in Table I.

TABLE I

PERCENTAGES OF BRIDES IN NEW YORK (OUTSIDE OF NEW

YORK CITY) MARRYING AT GIVEN AGES IN

URBAN* AND RURAL COMMUNITIES

Age at Marriage

Urban

Rural

ic in

21. <

27. 3

2O 24.

3O O

37 O

2<J 2O

IQ 8

17 3

3034

8.3

6 6

3 <? 3Q .

4 8

4r

4O44. . . . .

2 8

2 <J

* Urban communities are certain cities listed in the Report, rural
communities are all other places; the dividing line is at about 10,000
population.

These data indicate that the proportion of all brides marrying under 25, and
particularly under 20, is somewhat greater in the rural districts. If this should
be true for the rural population of the country as a whole it would help to ac-
count for its more rapid rate of increase which I shall discuss later.

DEATH-RATES

A discussion of rural death-rates must be prefaced by the statement that all
cities and villages having less than 10,000 inhabitants (8,000 in Life Tables for
1 901) are classed as part of the rural population in the recent mortality reports
of the census. In my opinion, however, the error in the rural death-rate thus
introduced is less than that due to the differences in age and sex constitution in
different types of communities. That this latter error is considerable is brought
out very clearly in the United States Life Tables prepared by Professor Glover.
In Table II, I have abstracted a few of the significant facts for urban and rural
communities in 1901 and 1910, and also for two large cities. These data show
how many males and females would be left alive at given ages out of 100,000 born
alive at a given time.

At every age given, the rural communities have a larger proportion living
than the cities, and Boston and New York City have a still smaller proportion
living than cities as a whole. Unfortunately similar data based on the 1920
Census are not yet available. The best we can do with the Life Tables thus far
issued is to group together certain states which are distinctly alike and compare
these groups. For this comparison I have chosen the four following groups:
Group I, the aggregate for fourteen large cities; Group II, Connecticut, Massa-
chusetts, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, representing states highly
industrialized and urbanized; Group III, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Michigan, and

RURAL DEMOGRAPHY

153

Wisconsin, representing states about midway between Group II and the follow-
ing group (IV), consisting of Kansas, Kentucky, Minnesota, North Carolina,
and Tennessee, representing states distinctly rural, although they, of course,
have considerable city population.

Table III shows the number of survivors at the different ages out of 100,000
born alive at a given time.

TABLE II

NUMBER OF WHITE MALES AND FEMALES LIVING AT A GIVEN AGE IN URBAN* AND

RURAL COMMUNITIES IN THE REGISTRATION AREA, 1901 AND 1910; ALSO FOR

ALL CLASSES OF THE POPULATION IN NEW YORK AND BOSTON

YEAR OF AGE

WHITE MALES

WHITE FEMALES

BOSTON (ALL
CLASSES)

NEW YORK CITY
(ALL CLASSES)

Urban

Rural

Urban

Rural

Males

Females

Males

Females

o-i

JOOI

100,000

100,000

76,124
79,783

73,420
77,469

68,112

73,277

61,142
66,970

52,320
57,976

40,299
45,080

34,484
27,154

100,000

100,000

83,803
85,288

81,306
83,031

76,896
78,915

72,303
74,305

66,589
68,435

58,003
59,375

42,648
42,994

100,000
100,000

79,122
82,390

76,601
80,268

71,745
76,438

65,547
71,075

58,045
63,936

47,023
52,658

31,128
34,769

100,000
100,000

85,868
87,398

83,254
85,321

78,228
81,191

73,012
76,53i

67,250
70,964

58,874
62,316

44,688
46,845

100,000

100,000

73,926
79,464

71,000
77,097

64,967
72,846

57,665
65,673

48,817
55,683

36,752
4i,9i3

21,211
24,207

IOO,OOO
100,000

76,799
82,367

73,915
79,8l6

68,659
75,694

62,033
70,109

53,996
62,017

42,542
49,879

26,903
31,846

100,000

100,000

73,618
78,652

71,032
76,389

65,311
72,114

56,947
64,868

46,617

54,342

33,784
40,275

18,973
22,814

IOO,OOO
100,000

76,620
80,932

74,223
78,875

69,209
75,o63

62,288
69,278

53,890
61,372

4i,733
49,io5

25,593
30,739

IQIO

9-10

IQOI

1910 .

19-20

1901

1910 .

29-30

IQOI

IQIO

39-40

IQOI

IQIO

49-50
IQOI

IQIO

59-60

1901

1910

69-70

IQOI .

IQIO . . .

* Urban includes all places of 8,000 or more in 1901 and of 10,000 or more in 1910; all other places
are rural.

The cities have the lowest survival rate, the highly urbanized and indus-
trialized states come next. These are followed by the semi-industrialized states,
and the rural states have considerably the highest rate. 1 wo other ways, both of
them roundabout and unsatisfactory, of showing that preponderantly rural
states have a lower death-rate than those with larger urban populations are
shown in Table IV.

In the last column of this table the relative adjusted rates of these different
groups are shown, using the rate for the big cities as 100. We see here that the
rates for all the other areas are considerably below that for cities, about 10 per

154

THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

cent in the case of the highly industrialized states, about 18 per cent in the case
of the group which is next in industrialization and urbanization, and about 25 per
cent in the distinctly rural states. Certainly these differences must be due large-
ly to the degree of industrialization, although there are, of course, other factors
entering which need consideration before one can say exactly what proportion
of this difference is due to the fundamental differences between country and

TABLE III

NUMBER OF PERSONS (MALES AND FEMALES) LIVING AT GIVEN AGES, OF 100,000
BORN LIVING, FOR CERTAIN CITIES AND THREE SELECTED GROUPS OF STATES.
LIFE TABLES FOR UNITED STATES, 1920. ALSO INDEX NUMBERS SHOWING PRO-
PORTIONS OF SAME. WHITE POPULATION ONLY

Group No.

Males

Females

Males

Females

Males

Females

Males

Females

E

i

2

2

2

3

2

I (14 cities) . . .

oo 4.76

O2 4l6

84,. 100

86.760

81 103

83,814

78 382

78 ?77

II

QO. <84

02. <OO

8?. 147

87, SQ2

82. 243

84,878

77. ^17

7Q 8o2

Ill

oi .643

03, 380

86,716

88,912

83,660

8^,014

7O.3O8

8o,6ic

IV

Q7 l6l

04. 33O

88,720

oo 326

8c 7O4

87 286

81 146

81 627

I (14 cities)

1,000

I ,OOO

1,000

1 ,000

I,OOO

I,OOO

1,000

i ,000

II

I OOI

I OOI

I OI2

I OIO

I OI4

I .OI4

I O2O

I OI7

HI

I .OI3

I ,OII

I O3I

i .02^

1 .032

I O2 "

I O4O

I O27

IV

1 .020

I ,O2I

i .o^t;

i .042

1 .0^7

1 .042

1 .063

I .O4O

4

2

5

2

6

2

7

2

I (14 cities)
II

70,031

71 , 57Q

73,042
74,417

60,959
63,665

65,351

67,402

46,395

^O, 727

52,557
cc,386

26,260

31 .2^

32,4H

3";,6i8

Ill

74,146

75,266

67,642

68,932

56 , 702

^8,643

31,71"?

40 , \oo

IV

7 "s . QQQ

7<.67Q

60 Q<?3

60.463

CQ. 7QI

<O 743

41 . 486

42 <I2

I (14 cities)
II

I,OOO
I ,O2 1

I,OOO
1 .010

1,000

i .04 s ;

1,000
1 ,032

1,000
I ,O04

I,OOO
1 ,O<?4

I,OOO

1,186

1,000
I , IOO

Ill

i,o<>8

1 ,030

I , IIO

I,O<<

I, 224

1, 117

I, 204

I . 2"?4

IV

1,084

1,037

1,149

1,064

1,289

1,137

I,'?74

1 . 312

city. We need detailed life-tables for strictly rural and urban communities be-
fore we can get at the fundamental differences between them in the matter of
healthfulness.

In 1915 Professor Willcox prepared a special report on vital statistics for
the New York State Department of Health. In this report he prepared standard-
ized rates for New York City and the rest of the state. He found that for every
year for which this rate was calculated (1898-1915), New York City had a con-
siderably higher standardized rate than the rest of the state, although for six
years, beginning in 1910, the crude rate in New York City had been lower than
in the rest of the state. To find out just what the strictly rural death-rate was,

RURAL DEMOGRAPHY

155

a study was made by the Department of Rural Social Organization at Cornell
in conjunction with the state department of health of the data on deaths in the
rural part of one county. This study was made in great detail, and the area
selected was believed to be typical of much of agricultural New York. This
study showed that, whereas the crude rate for the rural part of this county for
the ten years ending in 1920 was 15.13, the standardized rate was 10.66. The
standardized rate for New York State outside of New York City, worked out by
Professor Willcox for 1915, was 13.6. Since this was the lowest rate in any year
for the five years beginning in 19*1 1, it seems unlikely that the average for the ten
years ending 1920 would be much below the rate for 1915. We see then that the
standardized rate for this rural area was only a little over two-thirds that of the
crude rate, and about 3.0 below that for the state (exclusive of New York City).
This study also contains data on deaths from specific diseases, which show in

TABLE IV

DEATHS PER 100,000 FROM CERTAIN DISEASES IN SAME GROUPS AS GIVEN

ABOVE; ALSO ADJUSTED DEATH-RATES AND INDEX BASED ON

ADJUSTED RATES (WHITE POPULATION)

Group No.

Deaths per 100,000 of
Population, from 9
Diseases Constituting
63.3 per cent of All
Causes of Death
(1920)

Adjusted Death-rates
per i ,000 of Popu-
lation(iQ2o;

Index

I (12 cities)*

Q3O

M7

IOO O

II

878

13. 1

OO 2

Ill

74.6

12 I

82 2

IV

711

II I

7 e <

* Only twelve of the fourteen cities given in the preceding table are included here.

what respects this rural community differs from the state as a whole and from
the cities. Such data are indispensable in formulating a health program for any
rural district.

Enough has been said here to show that although such death-rates as we
now have do not give us a true picture of the mortality situation in rural com-
munities and do not enable us to make the comparisons between different types
of communities which are needed, yet they do clearly indicate that rural death-
rates are considerably below urban death-rates. Furthermore, it is well to point
out that such advantages as rural communities possess in this respect are not
due, except in rare instances, to any organized health-work. The advantage in
this respect is all in favor of the cities, so that more favorable mortality rates in
the country must reflect conditions naturally more favorable to human living.
In other words, even such meager information on this point as we now possess
points to the city as bringing into operation some positive checks to population
growth not present in the rural community.

156 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

BIRTH-RATES

When we turn to the consideration of birth-rates, we find even more meager
information than in the case of death-rates. For one thing* birth registration
is newer than death registration and is harder to enforce, especially in the rural
districts. Furthermore, for only one year (1920) has the Bureau of the Census
given us any data enabling us to compare the size of family in rural and urban
communities. As these data now stand, they are of comparatively little value,
because they show us only the average number of children born to mothers
according to the occupation of the father. However, I shall give these averages
for several large groups for what they are worth. The group of workers having
the highest average number of children ever born to mothers in the year 1920
was mine operatives with 4.3 ; next come farmers with 3.8; laborers in manufac-
turing and mechanical industries follow with 3.7; the semi-skilled workers in the
same industries average 3.0, while the managers, superintendents, etc., of these
workers average only 2.5. Bankers, brokers, money-lenders, and professional
men as a class average about 2.3. Thus we see that the two groups which are
distinctly rural farmers and miners have the highest average, and those
which are most completely urbanized the managerial and professional groups
have about the lowest average.

The crude birth-rates given for the white population in the latest report on
births are 22.1 for cities and 22.4 for rural districts (including all places of
10,000 or under). In my opinion, for purposes of comparison these rates are
largely useless because there are several ways in which they are not representa-
tive of the groups we are trying to compare. This is manifestly the case when
we find that in 1920 there were 5,378,644 children under five in a rural white
population of 44,200,831, and only 4,995,277 children of the same age in an
urban white population of 50,620,084. The percentages which these children
form of their respective populations are 12.2 and 9,9.

In view of our inability to tell much about rural birth-rates from the pub-
lished reports I will attempt to bring together in brief form certain other data
which I believe will throw some little light on the relative rates in the city and
the country, without attempting to express the results in definite rates.

Baber and Ross found in their study of the size of families from which
college students come, and collateral lines of the same families (chiefly Wisconsin
students), that farmers had an average of 4.24 children; business men, 2.91;
clerical workers, 2.61; and professional men, 3.19, when only fertile completed
families are included. Unskilled laborers had 3.75, but the data for them are
too meager to be of much value. Thus we see that farmers had much larger
families on the average than the other classes adequately represented by stu-
dents attending college.

A study upon which we are engaged at the present time agrees with these
findings in general, but being somewhat more extensive shows that there are
marked differences between farmers in different parts of the country. We found

RURAL DEMOGRAPHY 157

that in the northern states the average for professional men was about 3.3; for
those engaged in agriculture it varied from 3.6 in New England to 5.3 in the
west North-Central states; for those engaged in trade and in managerial posi-
tions (probably almost identical with business above), it averaged about 3.3 to
3.4. In the southern states the figures for whites are: farmers or those engaged
in agricultural occupations, about 6.2; professional workers, almost 5; trade and
managerial positions, about 4.4.

It should also be borne in mind in considering these averages and in trying
to see what they mean in terms of the natural increase of the different classes
that a larger percentage of rural women than of city women marry, as was
pointed out above, and that fewer of them are sterile after marriage. Baber and
Ross found about 10 per cent of the farmers' families childless, while Von
Tungeln, in his study of an Iowa county, found only 8.1 per cent of farm owners*
families childless, while 24.1 per cent of their wives were still under 35. It would
seem a safe assumption that not over 5 or 6 per cent of these families will
ultimately be childless. Several studies giving us data on this point show that
the average percentage of childless families for the clean-handed occupations
varies from 13 to 22, probably averaging more than twice as high as for farmers.
In the study of the Immigration Commission about i\ to 3 \ times as many white
women of native-born parentage were sterile in the cities as in the rural counties.
This difference between the cities and the rural districts is not so great for the
foreign-born nor for the children of the foreign-born. Taking the country as a
whole, therefore, it seems quite conservative to say that the proportion of sterile
married women is twice as great in the cities as in the rural districts.

Still other evidence supporting the position here taken is to be found in the
proportion of children to women in the cities as compared with the rural dis-
tricts. There is no state in the union in which the proportion of children to
women is not higher in the rural districts than in the urban districts, with the
exception of Rhode Island, where the rural population is so small as to be
negligible. In the white population of the United States as a whole in 1920 there
were 391 children under five to 1,000 women aged fifteen to forty-four in the ur-
ban communities, and 580 in the rural communities. If we take only married,
widowed, or divorced women of the same age the proportions are 629 and 873,
respectively. The excess in the rural districts being 48.3 per cent in the case of
all women, and 38.8 per cent in the case of married, widowed, or divorced women
only. The second proportion is more significant if we are considering size of
family, the first if we are trying to get some idea of the relative rates of growth
of the two classes.

The differences between rural and urban communities may be shown still
more strikingly by comparing the large cities those having over 100,000 pop-
ulation in 1920 with the rural population of certain states and with rural
counties in other states.

As was said above it is not possible to get as detailed information for the

THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

rural districts as for cities, hence certain omissions in Table V. It shows con.
clusively, however, that on whatever basis the comparison is made the people
who live under more open conditions have more children than the city dwellers.

TABLE V

THE PROPORTION OF CHILDREN o~6 TO 1,000 WOMEN 18-44; ALSO OF CHILDREN

0-4 TO 1,000 WOMEN 15-44, AND TO 1,000 MARRIED, WIDOWED,

AND DIVORCED WOMEN 15-44 (1920)*

Class and Locality

Proportion of
Children 0-4 to
i, ocxj Married.
Widowed, and
Divorced Wo-
men 15-44

Proportion of
Children 0-4 to
1,000 Women
15-44

Proportion of
Children 0-6 to
1,000 Women
18-44

United States (white only)
Urban

620

7,01

Rural

877

180

All cities of 100 ooo or more

581

363

113

White

770

Negro . .

1 80

Farm population of 8 selected counties

GOO*

104

Maine
Urban . .

64.2

178

Rural

74.6

101

Pennsylvania
Urban . . .

601

4.17

Rural

04?

621

9 rural counties

016

25 counties not including places of 10,000
or more

04,7

20 counties having no city of 10,000 or
more

960

Ohio
Urban

r 7 6

4O3

Rural ... . ...

781

127

15 rural counties

844

34 counties not including places of 10,000
or more

8<i

39 counties having no place of 10,000 or
more

740

West Virginia
Urban

607

4OO

Rural

068

7l6

6 mining counties not including places of
10,000 or more

1108

12 rural counties . ....

1208

Kentucky
Urban

/no

^8

Rural

870

610

7 rural counties

ITT 1

7 mining counties

IX 33

Kansas
Urban

116

166

Rural

700

no

* All classes of the population are included here unless otherwise specified.

RURAL DEMOGRAPHY 159

I will not attempt to discuss the reasons for this in any detail at this point, but
will mention what I believe to be the most important factors in the situation.

1. Children are of greater economic usefulness on farms than they are in
towns and cities, thus being less of an economic burden.

2. Country girls are better trained as home-makers than city girls and have
less opportunity to enter other kinds of work, consequently they marry earlier
with the expectation of raising a family.

3. "Keeping up with the Joneses" is not as likely to be regarded as essential
by country women as city women. It is too easy to find out a farmer's real
economic status for his wife to be able to pull the wool over the eyes of her
neighbors.

4. Farming requires a settled life, and children do not constitute the sole
tie of the farm woman to her home as they often do in the case of the city woman.
Most farmers have to be at home 365 days in the year whether there are children
or not.

5. Farm people are constantly working with the natural generative processes
of nature. They regard reproduction in plants and animals as natural, and it
would be strange if they took any other attitude towards human reproduction.

6. It is possible that there has been a selective influence in cityward migra-
tion, leading the less philoprogenitively inclined to seek the city. One wonders,
in this connection, whether love of comfort and safety is a "linked' ' trait with a
weak philoprogenitive tendency.

7. It seems probable that country people are less affected than city people
by the numerous causes which lead to involuntary sterility.

NEGROES

Before summing up what has been said I wish to compare very briefly
negroes with whites in respect to their vital statistics. Negroes show about the
same marital conditions as the white population, except that the women marry
somewhat younger. In regard to their death-rate, however, they vary markedly
from the white population. On the basis of every comparison possible the negro
has a death-rate considerably in excess of the white population. This excess,
which in crude rates in the cities generally runs from 50 to 70 per cent, fails to
about 30 to 40 per cent in the rural districts. It shows up in the complete ex-
pectation of life at time of birth in an astonishing manner. Whereas this is 55.53
years for all white males in the registration area in 1920, it is only 40.46 years
for negroes living in states having less than 4 per cent negroes and 46.39 years
in states having over 5 per cent negroes. In general this contrast in the two
classes of states is between negroes in the cities of the North and the rural dis-
tricts of the South. The life-expectation of negro males is still less in large cities,
being only 38.45 years. For females the differences are about the same, although
the expectation of life is greater for females in both cases.

The birth-rate of negroes generally exceeds that of the whites in the rural
districts and often in the cities, but when one comes to measuring the increase

160 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

of the two groups by the proportion of children to women one finds a different
situation. In cities of over 100,000 population the proportion of children under
five to i ,000 women 15-44 is only 189, or only one-half that of the whites; in
smaller cities it is 326, and in the rural districts it is 555. This proportion is
probably too low in all cases, but particularly in the rural districts, due to errors
in reporting age, but when the 555 of the rural negroes, most of whom live in
the South, is compared with the 632 of the rural whites in the same area it is
quite clear that the latter are increasing more rapidly. This conclusion is, of
course, in complete agreement with what the regular census enumerations have
shown for several decades, viz., that the negro population was not increasing
as rapidly as the white population with which it lived, by excess of births over
deaths, and that as a consequence the negro population was becoming steadily
a smaller proportion of the whole.

CONCLUSION

If the data regarding deaths and births given above are reasonably accurate,
the natural increase of population is considerably greater in the country than in
the city. The birth statistics for the registration area show this to be the case
to a certain extent, but I do not believe they do so adequately for reasons al-
ready indicated. For the first time a vital index for certain groups of women has
been calculated in the 1922 report on birth statistics. In this, however, the con-
trast is between native and foreign-born women by states, so that it throws but
little light on the question we are discussing. Furthermore, as a vital index of a
whole population living in a given area it seems to me to be open to several ob-
jections, the most serious of which is that it is based upon only a small part of
the population living there. If this fact is borne in mind it will be interesting to
note that six states which are largely agricultural have an average vital index
of 2723.0 for native white women 15-44, and 2418.4 for foreign-born white
women; while six states which are quite highly industrialized and urbanized
have 1739.1 and 2501.7 for these two groups, respectively. The average rates
for the entire United States are 2040.9 for native women and 2395.3 for foreign
women. Thus we see that the rural native women have the highest rates. It
would seem clear beyond contradiction that from the standpoint of population
growth, the rural communities stand at the top of all groups in the United States,
and the incontrovertible conclusion is that rural conditions more nearly meet
the vital needs of human life than urban conditions. If this is true now, how
much more significant it is that sanitary and medical science have scarcely
begun to minister to rural needs. It seems probable to me that the next genera-
tion will see even greater differences in the vital conditions of rural life, and
because the new immigrants who are contributing most, if not all, of the city
increase are being shut out.

The deadliest enemies of man at the present time are not disease, war, and
famine, but the -industrial conditions of the cities. They not only take their
heavy toll in deaths, but prevent their victims from participating in the future
because they sterilize them.

THE SHIFTING BASES OF RURAL SOCIOLOGY 161

THE SHIFTING BASES OF RURAL SOCIOLOGY

WILLIAM L. BAILEY, NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY

ABSTRACT

The shifting bases of rural sociology. The trend of our civilization has been con-
ditioned by two great population movements the rural, the urban. These two fields
traditionally contrasted have under modern conditions and especially in this country
been vitally related through population movements. Rural migration to cities and the
suburbanization of the cities are now active. The rural sociologist must now emphasize
the relation of city and country, and pass from the urban to the suburban concept.
Rural sociology is still obsessed of the open country and the agricultural village, but
recently has given attention to town and country relations. The new and only profitable
agriculture that is assuming importance in the regions about large cities provides the
basal conditions for attractive rural life. Attention is turning to progressive and growing
rural districts, and away from the traditional emphasis on decadence and depopulation.
Current studies in rural sociology indicate recognition of gradations within the field and
of the complex and growingly vital relationships of rural and urban.

The general topic of the Conference, "The Trend of our Civilization," is
particularly timely. Current fundamental social changes are no longer being
regarded as "reconstruction" problems, but rather as evidences of basal and
persistent tendencies of Western civilization. The limitation of treatment large-
ly to American conditions is less limiting than might appear. For this country
is a veritable sociological laboratory for modern life. Probably no other coun-
try even as the result of war conditions is experiencing fundamental social
change in the degree that this country has been in the last decade.

This is alike true of urban and rural life. The papers under discussion are
suggestive of the fact that our civilization has been conditioned by two great
population movements, not only as a whole but within each national unit
the pioneering of new rural areas, and the growth of cities in its wake. American
life is the outstanding instance. The papers have not treated trend so much as
conditions but throughout the categories of urban and rural have been em-
ployed, and many evidences of the close and vital relationship of these have been
brought out.

Perhaps this latter is their chief contribution.

Their approach, emphasis, and tendency in comparison has been rural.
This is especially justifiable under American conditions. For our urban popu-
lations are still largely externally recruited, and mainly from the still preponder-
ant rural element in the national life. We are still only in process of transition
from the rural to the urban stage of national evolution. Background and fore-
ground are in balance.

There should then be no trace of prejudice in favor of the rural arising from
a possibly less complete understanding and appreciation of the urban phase of
American life. For the relationship between rural and urban has been altogether
unique in this country from the first; they have developed together. The very
magnitude of the population movements still connecting the two is evidence

162 TEE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

that they must be thought of together. This relationship is increasingly inti-
mate and far-reaching as we are passing over into what may be called a "sub-
urban" stage in which the centralizing urban movement begins through various
forms of decentralization to urbanize the rural as for long the rural did the
urban. So that under American conditions it is imperative that the rural so-
ciologist be almost as conversant with city conditions as of those in his own
special field. The recognition of these facts will safeguard judgments on the
trends detected in the analysis of the rural field.

Such safeguarding is especially necessary when the data are relatively lim-
ited and the bases of their collection so various. Considerable is left necessarily to
assumption and probable conclusion, and comparisons are likely to be invidious.

In few, if any, countries of the Western world are limitations of fundamental
social data so great as in our own. Basal demographic or vital statistics are
naturally difficult to secure where population movements have been so great
and where social agencies, such as the church and the school, leave to political
governmental agencies the entire and well-nigh impossible task.

Students of rural demography are indeed handicapped as compared with
those of the larger cities. But this relative disparity of information may have
its compensations for the ruralite. For combined with the fact that the country
phase of the rural has been musch better known through surveys than the
village phase, and that the larger industrial cities represent urban conditions in
their extreme form, the resulting judgments are liable to prove unduly favorable
to the rural.

Too great stress cannot be laid on the immediate necessity of representative
local studies, and on the establishment in connection therewith of systems of
local record on the part of other than governmental agencies. A flood of light
on the neglected village phase of the rural has resulted from the recent studies
of the Institute of Social and Religious Research, made possible by the co-
operation of Dr. Galpin's office in the Department of Agriculture in securing
available but hitherto unutilized materials from the census. The recent publica-
tion of corresponding data for eight selected counties, isolating farming popula-
tion and displaying their social characteristics, is another case in point. But
rural social agencies could contribute local records, such as many countries
abroad afford, that would place rural sociology upon a sound scientific footing.

This is significant in view of the fact that the control and direction of vital
and demographic conditions in all probability ultimately depend on cultural
factors which are not largely within the sphere of government as such, nor even
in the realm of health alone.

The cardinal question may also be raised as to the continued legitimacy of
the terms and categories "urban" and "rural." As these spheres of life inter-
penetrate, the significance for social interpretation of these terms changes. They
cannot certainly be employed as traditionally they have been, but may only be
used for purposes of distinction, not separation. Comparisons of spheres of life
so related by population movements are scarcely valid.

The bases of rural sociology have been rapidly shifting. Less than a decade

THE SHIFTING BASES OF RURAL SOCIOLOGY 163

ago the rurban concept was developed, and still largely persists. A town and
country terminology became common, recognizing more and more fully the
interrelationship of countryside and center. Open-country life of the traditional
American type begotten of pioneer expansion was recognized to be passing, and
the various grades of centers, especially those of rural size and type, were real-
ized to have a growing significance for rural life. Growing knowledge of rural
civilizations in other parts of the world and in other historical periods combined
with intensive studies of American localities conduced to this. It would seem,
however, that at the present time there is need for attention being directed upon
a new phase, what might be called the "suburban rural," noting especially the
relationships of the entire rural field, including open-country hamlet, village, and
town, to the larger centers of city grade and type.

For American life is undoubtedly moving quickly into a third stage the
suburban superseding, in a sense, the rural and the later urban stages. And
rurban rural life will more and more be recognized to be suburbanized, as the
urban, and especially the larger cities, render the rural districts tributary eco-
nomically, socially, and culturally. This influence has already transformed very
considerable regions in all parts of the country. It cannot but be otherwise as
the urban preponderates in the national balance.

The scope of what may broadly be called the suburban sphere is by no
means comprehended in the census data for cities and their suburbs, though the
tenth of our people there indicated as living within ten miles of the borders of
the large cities is impressive enough, considering its ratio of increase and its
comprising nearly half as many people as the cities themselves, in several locali-
ties more than the centers. It may legitimately be extended to lesser cities which
have active suburban developments, and its definition broadened to include
other than commuting elements. Naturally such suburban life is largely urban;
in fact, only some 10 per cent is rural, and only a fraction of this is probably
farming population. But the recent census indication that there are a quarter
of a million of farming population within municipal limits would indicate that
for the lesser cities at least, the rural suburban will be a considerable number,
and quite largely farming population. This "No-Man's-Land" phase of the rural
problem has often been hinted at but never explored. It probably represents
the most intense and active rural conditions in all phases, and situations toward
which more and more of American rural life will approximate.

For there is an even broader and wholly legitimate phase of the rural which
this same "sub-urban" may connote. Open country and even hamlet or village
life weakens when subjected to contacts with urban centers within a rapidly
increasing range of distance. Kolb's Wisconsin studies are complete evidence.
With few exceptions for industrial "pockets" the urban places have tributary
country and village population, whose contribution to the total community life
is lessening relatively. One-half of all the counties have such an urban place
within them. There are less than one-tenth of the counties that have no incor-
porated place (generally 250 people and up), indicating that little more than
three-quarters of a million are beyond ten miles from a village. On the other

164 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

hand there are more than one-tenth of all the counties in which a single city con-
tains more than half the county's population. These are almost always cities of
more than 10,000 people, and may be presumed to exert determining influences
over their counties. The detailed nature and variety of the suburbanizing in-
fluences of the rural have not been studied, but their scope seems to warrant it.

Rural sociology has been advancing steadily toward a sense of the complex-
ity, the relations, and the gradations with its field. Where the line should be
drawn for urban and rural is very uncertain, and even whether it is really worth
while drawing it at all as things are coming to be, is an open question.

The importance of this "twilight zone" makes the contribution of Fry's
village studies all the more significant, for the preliminary report of findings
greatly affects many phases of the treatment of Significant Factors in Rural
Populations affecting Our Civilization and also The Vital Statistics of Rural
Communities.

Any treatment or analysis of rural and urban as wholes necessarily ignores
the community concept, and is so far forth invalid.

Rural sociology must, as Professor Gillette points out in the beginning of
his paper, recognize, and that fully, the functional interrelationship of rural and
urban. It may be questioned if Professor Thompson's very pointed closing in-
dictment of the vital conditions of the cities does so. The differences between ur-
ban and rural are fully displayed, but these are presented rather as mere condi-
tions than as functional adjustments to life-needs alike in country and city.
The economic and social, and therefore the vital, functions of the two spheres
of life may be different.

Our American cities are still largely cases of urban pioneering and hardly
cities yet. They are what they are vitally and demographically largely because
the country is what it is. Conceivably the cities will be better off when they
are more largely recruited from within, as they tend more and more to be.

Calculations of the possible effects of rural depopulation need not alarm us
when it is seen that despite retarded production the food value of what is pro-
duced is maintained and advanced. This result is only another evidence that
the new agriculture, which is at its best in urban regions and constantly expand-
ing, may be counted upon for the future.

As usual, the lament is still made over the areas of rural decline. Yet if the
obverse of the figures presented to maintan that tradition be taken it is readily
seen that there are very considerable, and even more important, growing areas
of American rural life. In the main, too, these are in these same urban or sub-
urbanized regions above referred to. And there is sufficient evidence that in spite
of widespread agricultural depression these areas are and have been prosperous
to a degree far above the average.

Rural sociology must, it would seem, get away from a preoccupation with
rural life as it has been to the forms of it which are rapidly assuming importance
and suggesting the forms of the near future.

It must get onto the firing line where urban and rural are most closely re-
lated and interpenetrating.

SECTION ON SOCIAL RESEARCH

CONTRIBUTIONS FOR CHARITY, RELIGION, AND EDUCA-
TION OF THE INCOME TAXPAYERS OF DANE
COUNTY, WISCONSIN, 1922

JOHN L. GILLIN, UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN

The Wisconsin income-tax law provides for exemptions on account of con-
tributions to charity, education, and religion. A recent study of 27,000 state
income-tax returns in Dane County, Wisconsin, shows 5,317 in which a definite
contribution was listed. There were others in which only the total to these
three purposes was indicated and hence were not used in this study.

The total taxable income of these 5,317 taxpayers amounted to $6,709,932;
the total contributions to $358,810. Of the contributions, 72 per cent was given
to religion, 18 per cent to charity, and 10 per cent to educational organizations.

Of the amount given to religion ($258,476), 92 per cent was contributed to
the churches, and 8 per cent to other religious organizations. Of the $64,127
given to charity, over one-third (37 per cent) was given to the hospitals, the
remainder to the organizations listed as charitable. Thirty-six thousand, two
hundred seven dollars, or 10 per cent of the total, was contributed to educational
organizations. This seems a surprisingly large amount, but when it is remem-
bered that the financial drive for the Memorial Union at the University was
carried on in 1922, it is not surprising that 43 per cent of this amount was con-
tributed for that purpose. Perhaps in a normal year not more than one-half this
amount is given to educational purposes, largely parochial schools.

The law allows a deduction of 10 per cent of one's income to contributions
to these three objects. From the figures already given it is apparent that these
more than 5,000 taxpayers were much less generous than the law allows, for
they did not average more than about 5 per cent.

A comparison of the different vocational and professional groups throws
some interesting light upon the philanthropic interests of the respective groups.
Do the groups with the highest taxable income contribute the most? They do
not. Farmers who had 6 per cent of the taxable income in Dane County gave
1 6 per cent of their income to these three purposes. Salesmen, on the other hand,
who had 12 per cent of the total taxable income contributed only 3 per cent.
Table I shows the relationship of the different classes.

Contributions per person in each of these groups of occupations varies from
$35 for students to $393 for manufacturers. This table indicates also the amount
each member of the various occupational groups should have given had he con-
tributed the maximum amount permitted by law exempt from taxation. In the

165

i66

THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

column beside these amounts is the average sum actually contributed by the
individuals in this occupation.

A comparison of the givers in the various occupations is interesting. The
only groups which contributed more than 10 per cent of their taxable incomes
were farmers, laborers, clergymen, and those whose occupation was unknown.
Does that situation suggest the superior generosity of these classes? Perhaps.
But may it not indicate that the farmers had become accustomed to a scale

TABLE I

COMPARISON OF TAXABLE INCOME AND DONATION FOR EACH
OCCUPATIONAL GROUP*

OCCUPATIONAL GROUP

AVERAGE PER PERSON

PER CENT

I

Taxable
Income

II

Donations

III

Ten Per Cent
of Taxable
Income

IV

Taxable
Income to
Total Taxab
Income

V

Taxable
Income to
Total
Donations

Manufacturers

6,408
5,107
4,302
1,322
2,718
2,509
1,143
2,733
2,490
2,078
1,136
1,400

2,193
750
i,234
296
928
779
358
617
734

393
190

185
164
144

120

118

98

91

85

77
72

59
58
54
47
44
45
37
36
35

640
510
430
132
271
250
114
273
249
207

H3
140
219

75
123

29
92
77
35
61

73

3
4
7
I

5
3
3

2

18
7

2

3

12
I

6
6

9
i
i

5

i

6
6
4

12

5

5

10

4
4
4
7
5
3
7
4
16

6

10

6
5

Lawyers

Professors . . .

Clergymen

Doctors

Bankers

Unknown

Public officials

Merchants

Other professions

Retired

People in service to public
Salesmen

Housekeepers

Teachers

Farmers

Mechanics

Public-utility employees. .
Laborers

Office employees

Students

* Based on Wisconsin income-tax returns for 1922, for Dane County.

of giving when times were good which they continued for social reasons when
they could not so well afford it?

If, however, one takes into account the ratio of the total donation of the
class to the taxable income of the class, fanners stand at the top and salesmen
at the bottom.

The percentages of taxable income given by the different occupational
groups was as follows: fanners, 16; clergymen, 12; unknown, 10; laborers, 10;
retired, 7; housekeepers, 7; lawyers, 6; office employees, 6; public-utility em-
ployees, 6; manufacturers, 6; doctors, 5; people in service to public, 5; students,
5; bankers, 5; mechanics, 5; professors, 4; teachers, 4; other professions, 4
merchants, 4; public officials, 4; salesmen, 3.

CONTRIBUTIONS OF INCOME TAXPAYERS 167

Manufacturers, clergymen, lawyers, and those whose occupations are un-
known are the only groups which gave above the mean for both actual amounts
and percentages of gifts to taxable income.

Those who gave more than the average 5 per cent of their incomes were:
farmers, 16 per cent; clergymen, 12 per cent; unknown, 10 per cent; laborers,
10 per cent; housekeepers, 7 per cent; retired, 7 per cent; lawyers, 6 per cent;
office employees, 6 per cent; public utility employees, 6 per cent; manufacturers,
6 per cent. Those who gave less than this average of 5 per cent were: pro-
fessors, 4 per cent; teachers, 4 per cent; other professions, 4 per cent; merchants,
4 per cent; public officials, 4 per cent; salesmen, 3 per cent.

Doctors, people in the service of the public, students, bankers, and mech-
anics gave just the average of 5 per cent.

Is this study at all significant of the philanthropic spirit of people in the
various occupations? On the face of the returns, farmers, clergymen, and those
of unknown occupations, and laborers gave 10 per cent or more of their taxable
incomes; retired individuals and housekeepers, 7 per cent; lawyers, office em-
ployees, public utility employees, and manufacturers, 6 per cent; doctors, peo-
ple in the service of the public, students, bankers, and mechanics, 5 per cent;
professors, teachers, those in other professions, merchants, and public officials,
4 per cent, while salesmen trail along with 3 per cent. This looks like a descend-
ing scale of generosity. Probably it is not a just measure of either generosity or
stinginess. Standards of living, the mores of each group, and demands made
upon some groups not deductable under the law, such as support of dependents,
expenditures for self-improvement, etc., would have to be considered in this
connection. However, the figures do make clear that there are wide discrep-
ancies in actual practice of giving.

It is clear from these figures that religion commands much larger contribu-
tions than education or charity. That is easy to explain in the case of the farmer,
since the religious institution is the only one making any large appeal in the
country. Professors in the university gave the lowest percentage to religion.
Bankers, doctors, lawyers, and public officials gave a much lower percentage
than did laborers, mechanics, public utility employees, and students.

Charity ranks ahead of education in these gifts. Exceptions to this were
to be found in the case of professors, public officials, students, and those whose
occupations are unknown. The drive for the Memorial Union at the University
would explain this. Naturally doctors gave the largest share to hospitals. It
is quite plain, however, that in spite of these exceptions, the church as the oldest
of these institutions commands more of the financial support of these taxpayers
than all others combined. Out of a total of $358,810, the church got $237,029,
while all other religious activities got from this group only $21,447.

In summary, four times as much was given to religion as to charity, and
nearly twice as much to charity as to education. These more than 5,000 tax-
payers gave on the average about 5 per cent of their taxable incomes to these
philanthropic purposes.

1 68 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

THE CHILDREN OF THE POOR: SOME STATISTICAL
OBSERVATIONS IN DAVENPORT, IOWA

HORNELL HART, Bryn Mawr College

Social workers have long known that children from poor families differ
markedly from children of normal families in their intelligence, school progress,
energy, age of leaving school, and size of family from which they come. These
matters of common knowledge have, however, rarely or never been reduced to
a definite basis by comparing accurately the children in families known to be
dependent with children in other families. The Iowa Child Welfare Research
Station recently made an investigation in Davenport, Iowa, with a view to
determining the relationship between size of family and certain mental and
social characteristics of the children of those families. A total of 589 families
having children born in the year 1908 who were attending public schools in
Davenport in December, 1923, were investigated. Mental tests were given to
the children and information was secured as to their school progress, and their
elimination from school, and teachers' opinions as to certain of their character
traits.

Search was then made, through the records of the confidential exchange,
juvenile court, school dental clinic, and indigent book list for 1923, to find what
families had received charitable relief. When the confidential exchange showed
that a family from the group studied had been on the records of the county poor
relief or of the leading private charity organization (the Ladies' Industrial Relief
Society) the original records of these agencies were consulted. The families
were then classified into four groups: (i) independent families, who had not
appeared during the periods covered in the records of any of these relief agencies;
(2) occasionally dependent families, who appeared only once and in the records
of only one agency; (3) intermittently dependent families, who had appeared on
the records of two or more agencies, but who had not more than one contact
with either the county or Ladies' Industrial Relief agencies; (4) chronically
dependent families who had more repeated relief contacts than the above groups.
Of the 589 families studied, 23, or 3.9 per cent, were chronic dependents; 23, or
3.9 per cent, were intermittent dependents; 69, or 11.7 per cent, were occasional
dependents; and 474, or 80.5 per cent, were independent. Table III summarizes
the relationship between poverty and size of family.

Chronic dependency is over four times as great among families with seven
or more children as it is in smaller families. (Data on this point are summarized
in Table III.) In addition to having numerous brothers and sisters, children
from poor families tend to be stupid, retarded, and lazy, and tend to leave school
early. Data on these points for the children from the dependency groups are
shown in Table IV.

The difference in average mental-test quotients of children from dependent
and independent families is 8.9^1.65, leaving no doubt as to the relationship

THE CHILDREN OF THE POOR

169

between poverty and mental-test inferiority. Of the children tested who had
quotients of no or over, only 8.1 2. 2 per cent came from dependent families;
of the children who had quotients of less than 90, the percentage from dependent
families is 44. 2 2.0.

Similarly striking is the relationship of poverty and retardation. The age-
grade residuals of children from the chronically dependent families are 6.35^.84

TABLE I

Number of Living Children
per Family

Percentage of 1908
Children Attending
Part-Time School

Difference from
Families with One
and Two Children

One and two

3. 0=*= I. 3

Three and four

8 0=*=! 4

e 6=*= 2 O

Five and six

i6.9=*=2. i

I3.9=t=2.5

Seven and eight .

2C 0=*= 2. Q

22. 0=^3 2

Nine and over

y? 2d= -i n

7Q ^^/t I

All sizes

IO (X

TABLE II

Mental-Test Quotient

Percentage of 1908 Children
in Part-Time School

1 10144

2. I =*=!. 7

90-109

8. *=*=!. I

65-89

21. 2=*=1.8

Age-Grade Residuals*

IO 34. ...

I 8==2 7

o o . .

7 2=*=I 2

10 I

O. 7=*=I. 3

30 ii

2Q. 2=*= 2.

* The "age-grade residual" is an index of school progress
relative to chronological and mental age. A high age-grade re-
sidual means that the child is farther along in school than might
have been expected from his mental development; a low residual
means a greater degree of retardation than the child's mental
age justifies.

lower than those of children from independent families. This means an average
difference of over half a grade in school progress at the age of sixteen, in addition
to differences related to mental-test ability. The intermittently and occasionally
dependent families have children intermediate between the two groups.

The percentage of children leaving school prematurely is 3 7. 2 4.4 larger in
chronically dependent families than in independent families.

Children from independent families average io.4i.o in their energy
ratings, as compared with i.irfci.Q for all dependents and io.i4.i for
children from chronically dependent families.

TEE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

The average number of living children is 2.o8db.32 larger in chronically
dependent families than in independent. This means that the chronic depend-
ents are maintaining a net reproductive rate about 60 per cent higher than the
independent families.

TABLE III
POVERTY IN RELATION TO SIZE OF FAMILY

NUMBER OF LIVING
CHILDREN IN FAMILY

PERCENTAGE OF FAMILIES

NUMBER OF
FAMILIES

Chronically
Dependent

Independent

I

0.0=*=1.5

a-r^i-o

I. !=*=!. 3

S-9^1-3
i.6==i.6
3.8=4=2.6

3.1=1=0.6
14- 1*1. 5

95.7*3-2
84.0=^=2. i
84.0=1=2.7
77.5=4=2.6
81.0=1=3.4
73.0=4=5.2

83.3*1.2

6O.6=4=3. 2

71
162

94

102

63
26

518
71

2

2

4.
tj

6

6 and under

7 and over .

Difference

ii.o==i.6

22.73.4

All sizes

3-9^0.5

8o.5=4=I.I

589

TABLE IV

POVERTY IN RELATIONSHIP TO MENTAL TEST ABILITY, RETARDATION, ELIMINATION
FROM SCHOOL, ENERGY RATINGS, AND SIZE OF FAMILY

DEPENDENCY
STATUS

FAMILIES

AVERAGE
MENTAL-
TEST
QUOTIENTS

AVERAGE
AGE-GRADE
RESIDUALS

PERCENT-
AGE OF
1908 CHIL-
DREN IN
PART-
TIME
SCHOOLS

AVERAGE
ENERGY
RATINGS

AVERAGE
NUMBER
OF LIVING
CHILDREN

PER

FAMILY

Num-
ber

Per-
cent-
age

Chronic dependents
Intermittent dependents .
Occasional dependents. . .

All dependents
Independent families

All families . ...

23

8

3-9
3 9
xx. 7

92.6*1.14

88.4*1 22

94 1*0.77

- s<7 6 =b. 82
2 09=*=. 85
-o 38=*= 54

43- 5*4 3

21 7*4-3

21 7*2 5

IO 1*4 I

5-5 sfc 44
4 0*2 6

5- 48*. 31
5-13=*= 31
4 i6*.i8

us

474

19-5
80.5

92.5*0.57
101 .4*0.31

i. 77* .40
.59=*=- 22

26.1 * I .9

6 3 o.8

1.1*1.9
10,4*1 o

4.62* 14
3. 40*. 07

589

100.

In addition to these facts as to the feeblemindedness, laziness, retardation,
and fecundity of poor families, the Davenport study brought out some very
striking results relative to conditions associated with early departure from
school. The Iowa law permits children fourteen to sixteen years of age to secure
work permits under certain conditions, but such children are required to attend
part-time schools on two half-days per week. Enrolment in these part-time
classes, therefore, is an indication of early elimination from school. The Daven-

CHANGES IN CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS OF MODERN JEWS 171

port study shows strikingly the relationship between school elimination, pov-
erty, size of family, mental-test ability, and retardation. The relationship with
dependency has been shown in Table IV; the other three variables are discussed
below.

The percentages of children born in 1908 who were attending part-time
school were, for various sizes of families, as indicated in Table I.

Of children born in 1908, from families of five or more living children, 22.0
per cent attended part-time school; of those from families with four children,
1 1.8 were in part-time school. Elimination of larger families might, therefore, be
expected to cut down premature elimination from school by nearly as much as a
half.

In addition to the correlations with poverty and with size of family, early
elimination from school is correlated with low mental-test ability and tow age-
grade residuals. The comparisons in Table II are significant.

Among children in families with five or more living children, those who
were first to fifth born had 12.1 1.5 per cent in part-time schools, while those
sixth to tenth born had 10.9 2. 3 per cent. While the difference of 1.2 2. 7 is
trivial, it is interesting to note that it runs in the opposite direction from what
would be expected in view of the fact that higher birth orders are in the larger
families.

The complete results of the Davenport survey, from which the materials
for this note are taken, are in the hands of the Iowa Child Welfare Research
Station at Iowa City, Iowa.

RELATIVE RATE OF CHANGE IN CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS
OF MODERN JEWS 1

JESSIE RAVITCH, UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA

The purpose of this study was to apply as far as possible objective and
quantitative methods to the analysis of the intangible psycho-social environ-
ment 2 as they are applied in the study of the physical and chemical environ-
ments. In other words, to state in mathematical terms psycho-social relation-
ships, as physical and chemical relationships are.

All scientifically induced laws are stated in terms of a hypothetical norm,
and variations are computed on this basis. In sociology, however, because the

1 The study of which this paper is an abstract was made under the direction of
Professor L. L. Bernard in connection with his seminar in social theory. It was awarded
the Menorah Prize of $100 donated by Mr. Arthur Harris, of Minneapolis, Minnesota.

3 For a detailed explanation of the concept of the psycho-social environment used
in this investigation, see Professor Bernard's paper on the classification of environments
to appear in the September, 1925, American Journal of Sociology.

172 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

data are so varied and complex, it has been impossible to abstract as yet such a
norm; the induction of laws, therefore, has been greatly restricted.

In the present investigation this difficulty was overcome by the selection of
Jews as subjects of study. The psycho-social environment which they have ac-
cumulated during their history furnishes an excellent basis from which to meas-
ure change. That is, it furnishes a constant from which variations can be com-
puted objectively. It contains hundreds of commands, precepts, customs, tradi-
tions, and other psycho-social elements to which the hypothetically perfect Jew
must conform. This does not necessarily mean that any Jews exist who do ad-
here to all these dictates, any more than there are any objects that actually fall
according to the law of falling bodies. The cases are exactly analogous. The
basis from which change in Jews was measured in this study, their accumulated
psycho-social environment, corresponds to the basis from which the velocity of
all falling bodies is computed, namely, a vacuum. But in this problem not every
item of the Jewish psycho-social environment could be used, since it would have
involved hundreds of questions. Only key items were chosen, therefore; those
which were considered most important from the standpoint of change. These
consisted of (a) six outstanding customs: (i) observance of the Sabbath; (2)
observance of the Passover; (3) observance of Rosh Hashonah; (4) observance
of Yom Kippur; (5) observance of the dietary laws outside of the home; (6)
fasting; and (b) five significant beliefs: (i) belief in the Deity; (2) belief in after-
life; (3) belief in Zionism; (4) belief in evolution; (5) attitude toward inter-
marriage.

Two miscellaneous reactions were also included as interesting in themselves
as well as checks upon the results obtained. They were: (i) whether or not the
individual had ever wished he were not a Jew, and (2) whether or not he had
ever denied the fact that he was a Jew.

The individual who observed all the customs, believed in the Deity, in
after-life, and Zionism, was opposed to intermarriage and the theory of evolu-
tion, who had never wished he was not a Jew nor ever denied it, was considered
as having not changed at all. This, of course, was not strictly accurate, since
he may have changed in other customs and beliefs which were not included in
this study. But since these reactions are significant ones, they do serve as in-
dexes of change.

So much for the base from which change was measured. But before I pass
on to the other data, I wish to emphasize the point that no ethical, moral, or
evaluative connotations are implied in the term change. A man who had
changed in 50 to 75 per cent of the items might consider himself as good a Jew as
one who had changed less than 10 per cent.

The degree of change in itself, however, would be of no great value unless
we knew the conditions under which it took place. To return to the analogy of
the law of falling bodies, whenever the physicist wishes to know the velocity
with which an object is going to fall, he must know the conditions of the environ-
ment in which the object is to fall. In this study, therefore, the environmental

CHANGES IN CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS OF MODERN JEWS 173

conditions in which the change occurred were also investigated. The following
environmental categories were used:

I. Physical factors of the environment
i. Geographical

a) Birthplace of self and parents (nationality)

b) Present residence
II. Biological factors

1. Age

2. Sex

III. "Psychological" factors (for lack of a better term)

1. Percentage of life spent in the United States

2. Membership in non- Jewish organizations

3. Reading of non- Jewish magazines regularly

4. Language habits

a) Read Yiddish and Hebrew

b) Speak Yiddish and Hebrew

c) Understand Yiddish and Hebrew

5. Whether or not the individual had ever been the object of anti-Semitic feeling

IV. Social

1. Economic

a) Occupation

b) Income

c) Financial status of offspring, i.e.,

(1) Wholly self-supporting

(2) Partially self-supporting

(3) Dependent on parents

(4) Helping support the family

2. Education

a) Secular

b) Religious

(1) Talmud Torah

(2) Sunday school

(3) Private rabbi

3. Familial and home conditions

a) Father living

b) Mother living

c) Grandparents living

d) Language spoken in the home

e) Home kept kosher

These, then, were the data used. The method employed in collecting them
was a combination of questionnaire and schedule; that is, it combined the con-
ciseness of the questionnaire with the completeness of the schedule. It contained
about ninety items including the material listed above. Twelve hundred of
these were distributed through organizations connected with various Jewish
institutions of Minneapolis, and a few were sent to New York and St. Paul.
Of these, 369, or approximately 33 per cent were returned. The answers were

174 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

tabulated as yes, no, vague, and blank. Only the categorical noes (in two cases
yeses) were taken to mean change. The results give therefore a minimum, rather
than a maximum, degree of change, since many of the vague answers might have
been interpretated as negative. For total change of custom observance, all the
noes were added and divided by six, because six customs were used; for total
change in belief the totals were divided by five. Belief in the Deity and observ-
ance of the dietary laws as the most fundamental indexes were carried through
the environmental categories separately and compared with the synthetic
results.

The detailed results, amounting to several hundred in number, may be
reduced to the following conclusions:

1. The total change was 25.9 per cent. This might mean either that all Jews
had changed this much, or that 25.9 per cent had changed completely, or any-
thing between these extremes. 1

2. Beliefs showed a tendency to change before custom observance, thus
bearing out the generalization of Ross to this effect.

3. Offspring change more than parents.

4. Native-born tend to change more than foreign-born.

5. Observance of customs varies inversely as the frequency with which they
must be practiced.

6. Dietary customs change more than non-dietary customs of the same
relative frequency of occurrence.

7. Yom Kippur is the most strongly adhered to of the customs.

8. Belief in the Deity is the most strongly adhered to of the beliefs.

9. German Jews (Reform Jews) change more than Jews of other nativity
or extraction, and more than third-generation Jews, who are second in order.
Russian and Roumanian Jews show equal change.

10. The greatest degree of change in Minneapolis is found in the lake dis-
trict, next greatest in the south district, and least change in the north district.
This is in inverse order to the density of Jewish population and order of Jewish
settlement.

11. Sex as such has little to do with change aside from the environmental
factors which operate to produce change.

12. At the present time the peak for change occurs between the ages of
twenty-five and twenty-nine.

13. There is a slight positive correlation 3 between increasing change and the
percentage of life spent in this country.

14. Belonging to non- Jewish organizations is correlated 2 with increased
change.

1 It is interesting to note that this figure is close to the mean of various non-statis-
tical estimates of change. These estimates have ranged from the conservative guess of
10 per cent to Zangwill's guess of 33 per cent.

2 The term correlation is here used in a non-technical sense.

CHANGES IN CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS OF MODERN JEWS 175

15. Reading non- Jewish magazines regularly is correlated 1 with trend to-
ward radicalism or change.

1 6. Ability to read Yiddish is not a marked factor in conservatism, or lack
of change; ability to speak and understand it are factors in this connection.

17. Mild anti-Semitic feeling is not an influence toward conservatism;
severe anti-Semitism is.

1 8. Occupations show a correlation 1 between order of change and the
amount of formal training necessary for their pursuance; i.e., professional,
clerical, students, salesmen, entrepreneurs, and housewives.

19. There is a very slight secular trend toward increased change with in-
creased income.

20. There is a slight correlation 1 between degree of financial independence of
offspring and change in outward practices.

21. There is a marked positive correlation 1 between number of years of
secular education and degree of change.

22. There is a marked negative correlation 1 between number of years of
religious education and change in overt practice.

23. Talmud-Torah training is the most effective type of Jewish training.

24. Living parents act as a conservative influence.

25. Mother and father are of practically equal importance in this respect;
they are more influential in the matter of practices than in beliefs.

26. There is a slight correlation 1 between the existence of grandparents and
conservatism.

27. Those who come from homes where Yiddish is spoken show less change
than those who do not.

28. Those who come from Kosher homes change less than those who do not.

29. Beliefs are less standardized than customs.

30. Face-to-face contacts influence customs more than beliefs.

31. Non-face-to-face, or derivative contacts, influence beliefs more than
customs.

32. Offspring differ from parents more in beliefs than in customs.

33. Foreign-born differ from native-born more in belief than in custom
observance.

These conclusions may be further abstracted into the following generaliza-
tions which are of more direct importance for social psychology :

1. Beliefs show less uniformity than custom observance, and they tend to
change before custom as well.

2. Language habits are influential in behavior; that is, we tend to act
according to the standards of the psycho-social environment of which our
dominant language habits are symbols.

3. Relative degree of observance of customs varies inversely with the fre-

1 The term correlation is here used in a non-technical sense.

176 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

quency with which they must be practiced, and those which interfere with eco-
nomic adjustment are discarded first.

4. Sex as such has little to do with promoting or retarding change.

5. Mild or trivial persecution of a socially inferior class by the socially
superior accelerates the degree of imitation of the superior by the inferior;
severe persecution retards it.

6. Primary or face-to-face contacts influence practices more than beliefs;
derivitive or distance contacts influence beliefs more than practices.

PERSONALITY AND LIFE-HISTORY DOCUMENTS

E. T. KRUEGER, VANDERBILT UNIVERSITY

This research is based upon documents of personal experience. A life-
history document, in the sense in which it is here used, is the record of a person,
written by himself, in which his own life is the principle theme.

While a long list of terms has come into existence in literature to designate
the effort to record the self, such as life, journal, memoir, autobiography, reflec-
tions, diary, letters, and chronicle, these can be reduced to three general types,
the life, the diary, and letters.

This research has not been made upon extant literary documents but upon
fresh materials, personally secured.

Life-history documents have not been used to any great extent for social
research. Thomas and Znaniecki in the Polish Peasant, Thomas in The Unad-
justed Girl, and Park and Miller in Old World Traits Transplanted indicate some
of the pioneers in this field. Nor has any significant study been made of the
documents themselves and their validity for scientific purposes. Several literary
studies have been made, such as Anna Robeson Burrs's The Autobiography, and
Arthur Ponsonby's English Diaries. This research project has sought to test
out the usefulness and validity of personal documents for scientific purposes.
It is therefore a research primarily in the method of the case study.

In general there are two main types of documents, One is introspective and
reflective, revealing the inner private life in terms of the fundamental motives or
attitudes and the social situations which call these attitudes into existence. The
other is the conventional document, which is highly rationalized and idealized,
and which deals mainly with external and traditional behavior in terms of social
approval.

Both introspective and conventional documents are valid sociological data.
They are behavior in the same sense as any reaction (as in physics, chemistry,
or physiology) is behavior. The technique for the use and comparative handling
of these materials is alone lacking.

Introspective and conventional documents may be further classified into

PERSONALITY AND LIFE-HISTORY DOCUMENTS 177

four types, based upon what might be called the autobiographical motive, the
confessional, the egotistical, the scientific, and the naive type.

a) The confessional document is based upon the attitude of inferiority, of
defeat, and failure incident to personal disorganization. It is always intro-
spective in character.

b) Egotistical documents may be either introspective or conventional. The
attitudes are those of superiority. The documents show a high degree of self-
appreciation and idealization of r61e. Three subtypes compose this general type:
those which reveal a defensive assumption of superiority, as in Rousseau's Con-
fessions; those in which the attitudes are conventionalized and rationalized, as
in The Americanization of Edward Bok, and those which are products of eman-
cipation and detachment, as in Pepys' Diary.

c) There is a third general group which can be called scientific. These docu-
ments are always introspective and represent a deliberate purpose to portray
life objectively and in terms of scientific analysis. They are devoid of attitudes
of superiority or inferiority. They make no emotional response to social values,
except to record the reponses which once took place.

d) A fourth type may be called the naive document. It is highly conven-
tional and represents experience in terms of persons who are submerged beneath
a relatively fixed group-culture, and who have no essentially private life.

The foregoing classification isolates the confessional document, which forms
the chief interest and contribution of this research.

What interests us in the confessional document is that the mechanism of
catharsis or release from tension which underlies it is operative in crisis or
tension situations. When catharsis occurs the effect is a pouring out of the men-
tal jam incident to personal disorganization. When socially forbidden experi-
ences become dammed up in the mind as objects of mental conflict, when defeat
and failure in the realization of wishes face the person, when habits and senti-
ments are deeply disturbed, confession as a means of relief can take place. It
is a natural outlet for mental tension. It is highly erroneous to think that per-
sons will not tell their private lives. When persons are disorganized and strug-
gling for reorganization, self-revelation is a natural phenomenon. Catharsis is
a response to the necessity of readjustment of the personality to social situations.
Disorganization is to be understood in relation to reorganization. Penitential
prayer and religious confession are cases in point.

The value of documents of the private life, and more especially of the con-
fessional type of private-life document, lies in the use of these documents as a
source for the study of attitudes. Human behavior, to be understood, must be
studied from the standpoint of the person's own attitudes toward his experi-
ences. Our efforts to be scientific have resulted sometimes in seeking to impose
upon another's experience our reactions to his experience. The facts in any
experience are the attitudes directed toward that experience by the person hav-
ing it. Behavior is conditioned and motivated by the person's attitude toward
himself and his r61e.

178 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

When situations are of the nature of a crisis, when adjustments to situations
are difficult, and personal disorganization impends, tension or mental conflict
arises. In severe cases the blocking may be complete. It is not too much to
suggest, as the result of this research, that the confessional document as herein
defined, whether in the form of a life-history, a diary, or of letters, offers a highly
satisfactory and thus far an almost undiscovered form of data by which person-
ality and social problems may become explicable.

For the description of the private life in terms of fundamental motives and
attitudes no other form of data is at present available except some form of
introspection. The confessional document is a form of introspective narrative
which has especial values for scientific purposes. The problem of the private life
is a problem of the imagination, and the measurement of the imagination does
not now appear to be a problem in physiological behaviorism, but a problem of
attitudes. In the confessional document these attitudes lie revealed.

It is a conclusion of this research that the confessional document, as does
no other form of data, provides an intimate case-study of the private life; that
as a response to the mechanism of tension and catharsis it reveals the funda-
mental motives or attitudes which underlie behavior.

Criticism of the use of personal documents as case studies tends to question
the reliability of the documents. Pathological lying occurs in response to de-
fense or self-approval. The confessional document is not defensive in character
and the attitudes are the opposite of self-approval. The facts disclosed in a
confessional document are such as to invite disparagement rather than approval.
And essentially the writer seeks relief from the burden of inner conflict.

Our position here, however, is that every document is data, the pathological
liar product as well as the confessional document. The former does not fall with-
in the latter class, but is in itself highly significant and of the utmost value in
the analysis of personality.

The merit of the confessional document "for scientific purposes lies in the
following: (i) A high degree of candor. This insures what in common-sense
terms may be called truthfulness. The confession is hot and eruptive. It is not
defensive. (2) Completeness of detail. The person writing is driven to write
comprehensively and elaborately. In the effort to make others see as he sees
and feel as he feels, completeness is a natural result. (3) A minimum of self-
idealization. The genius of the confessional document is that it is self-disparag-
ing. (4) A revelation of the fundamental motives or attitudes. These are ex-
pressed in the general cartharsis, in which the mental content set up by reflection
and brooding upon experience is set loose.

After a fundamental classification was secured which isolated the confes-
sional document, a technique was developed to secure life-history documents
from persons experiencing disorganization. The limits of this paper do not
permit a description of this technique. It is enough to indicate that the con-
fessional document is sufficiently typical so that a technique has been developed
to call it into existence.

PERSONALITY AND LIFE-HISTORY DOCUMENTS 179

The results of this research may be stated further in terms of the uses to
which life-history documents may be put.

In the study of any particular personality case, a life-history document
gives a connected account of the life. The result is a total picture of the per-
sonality, on the one hand, and on the other hand, a detailed and genetic account
of the situations and attitudes which constitute the life-experience. As in Healy's
cases of the individual delinquent, this permits an intelligent appreciation of the
forces operating in any particular person's experience, but from the sociological
point of view rather than the psychological.

Life-history documents can, in and of themselves, be used comparatively.
We have seen that the confessional document rises in response to situations
which cause mental tension. These may be called tension or crisis situations.
In that they enforce adjustments affecting life-organization they play a role in
the fixation of attitudes which determine personality. They may well be called
personality-making situations.

The following classification of situations which cause mental tensions is
quite tentative, but represents an effort to utilize the documents comparatively.
Control and prediction in personality hangs upon our ability to secure such
classifications. This study has secured the following list of tension situations:
health, mental ability, economic, vocation, affection, sex, personal attractive-
ness, religious belief, cultural heritage, status, and family. These classes seem
mutually exclusive, but probably will require both revised and additional terms.

It is characteristic of tension situations to create attitudes. The persistence
of mental conflict may result in the fixation of typical reaction patterns. Ten-
sions tend to become cumulative in their effect. In fact, severe tension can
probably never be wholly overcome. It remains latent in persons who succeed
in readjusting themselves after a period of personal disorganization. Where the
tension has been cumulative, life-history documents reveal fixed reaction patterns
in terms of attitudes of inferiority. These may be thought of as mechanisms of
inferiority. They can be stated in terms of the series a, b, c, d, e, in which (a) is a
tension situation, (b) a resulting mental conflict, (c) a feeling of isolation, (d) a
sense of inferiority, and (e) a behavior reaction pattern. The various behavior
reaction patterns thus far secured are struggle, rebellion, withdrawal, and sub-
mission. While they are called behavior reaction patterns, they are in some sense
also types of personality.

Life-history documents are rich in descriptions of groups which condition
and control behavior. The r61e of the group in personal life-organization con-
stitutes a chief contribution of sociology to the explanation of human behavior.
Our thesis is that in life-history documents one may find the attitudes which
result from the interplay of the person with other persons and with various
types of group organization. This is particularly striking in the study of the
family.

It is suggested that the life-history gives a cross-section of a particular
group or a cultural area. For example, the life-history is usually also a family

i8o THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

history. The person cannot separate his personality from the groups which have
aided or checked the satisfaction of his wishes. The slum and other natural cul-
tural areas may be in part studied in the life-histories of persons who live in
them. Cultural areas define the limits of life-organization of persons, and in-
evitably affect the organization of attitudes constituting personality.

Vocation, race prejudice, immigrant attitudes, and similar problems in-
volving the satisfaction of wishes and the organization of the personal life can
be studied through life-history documents. As a source for the fundamental
attitudes which underlie all social problems and particularly of personality, these
documents promise a fruitful source of future investigation and research.

HISTORY TEXTBOOKS AND INTERNATIONAL DIFFERENCES

DONALD R. TAFT, WELLS COLLEGE

I am reporting upon an incomplete bit of research. My conclusions are
therefore tentative. The problem is to demonstrate the importance of history
textbooks as forces molding a public opinion hostile to certain countries.

Textbooks are recognized as but one of such war-making forces. They are,
however, to some extent, indexes of other similar forces general educational
policies, for example which are less easily measured objectively.

Eventually the study aims to include the texts of representative countries
the world over. Only books now in use in secondary and upper-elementary
schools are included. At present I can only report on thirty-two American texts,
ten German, nine French, and a few Mexican. Even these collections are not
yet entirely complete.

The method has been to select critical and controversial events in history
and compare in parallel columns the treatment of the same event in the texts
of two or more countries concerned. For example, to compare the treatment of
the Monroe Doctrine in South American and Mexican books on the one hand,
and in our own books on the other. The comparisons are of two sorts: (i) com-
parisons between brief summaries giving the point of view of the books; and
(2) comparisons between more extended quotations. The quotations will enable
critics to judge of the fairness of the summaries. The method is objective. No
attempt is made to show which of two sets of texts is the more truthful. That
is the historian's task. The only aim is to demonstrate that the next generation,
if taught exactly opposite facts, cannot grow up with similar attitudes. Unless
other influences intervene, hostile attitudes must develop among them.

I have only time to present two comparisons with reference to the treatment
of certain aspects of the European war. The French-German comparison is
before you on four charts. Though taken from two of the more striking texts,
it only slightly exaggerates the tone of the majority. Shall I read a part of these
charts, reading across?

HISTORY TEXTS AND INTERNATIONAL DIFFERENCES 181

As to the causes of the war, French children read: The war was caused solely
by German aggression. The Germans have long believed they were a superior
race, and have long plotted to destroy the French. German children read:
Germany is guiltless. The war had a number of causes, but English jealousy and
French desire for revenge were the most important.

As to peace efforts at the beginning of the war, French children read:
France has always been pacific, and at the beginning of the war she did all in her
power to keep the peace, but Germany thwarted her. German children read:
Germany made every effort to localize the Austro-Serbian dispute, but the
enemy nations openly incited their peoples to war.

As to Belgian neutrality, French children read: Germany basely broke the
Belgian neutrality treaty. German children read: English and Belgian officers
planned the march through Belgium as early as 1908.

As to atrocities, French children read: Germans, and Germans alone, were
guilty of the vilest atrocities during the war. German children read: The Ger-
man activities in Belgium were justified. The English abused German residents
in England, and tried to starve Germany with the blockade. After the armistice
the French abused German residents in Alsace-Lorraine. The Allies murdered
German children by depriving Germany of cows.

As to Alsace-Lorraine, French children read: The return of Alsace-Lorraine
was an act of historical justice, and no plebicite was necessary. German children
read: Alsace-Lorraine is only 13 per cent French, and its possession gives France
the keys to Germany.

As to the Peace Treaty, French children read: The peace is a peace of
justice, whereas the Germans planned for us a peace of slavery. The Fourteen
Points are the basis of the peace. German children read: The peace is a peace
of enslavement and is a gross breach of the Allies' pre-armistice promises.

As to the future, French children read: The Germans are beasts and the
German menace will never cease. Therefore, France, beware ! German children
read: German youth, this treaty must not be permanent!

But quotations are more striking than these cold summaries. Here are two,
one French, and one German:

(German, at Versailles)

Clemenceau had now reached the goal of his life. He now could unchain his hatred
and revenge against defeated Germany. What concern of his were Wilson's Fourteen
Points! "The Fourteen Points are a few too many," he sneered, "the dear God himself
had only ten." He wished to set up the overlordship of France in Europe, and to deny
Lloyd George German trade. Wilson had a difficult task against them. Often enough
he threatened his departure. But finally Clemenceau and Lloyd George wrested his

Fourteen Points from him, one after the other A cry of horror broke from the

German people who were weakened by the hunger blockade.

(French)

The so-called German democracy is only a fiction. Only her facade has changed.
This democratic and socialistic camouflage only warns us: "Let us in our turn keep our

i82 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

powder dry." Adversity will without doubt force Germany to transform herself, but

we can never forget the evil that she has done us Up to this time Germany has

never been for France other than a cheat who deceives us; a brute who pillages and

kills The great epoch through which we have been living is in sum only an

epoch of the eternal duel of Ahriman against Ormudz, of Satan against God, of beastial-

ity against humanity The savages on the other side of the Rhine have always

menaced us.

The American books are in general more liberal than the European I have
examined, whether French or German. But with one or two possible exceptions
they all tend to create attitudes of extreme hostility toward Germany. I present
a comparison between two extreme types. It must be understood, however, that
the thirty-two texts are mostly of the type presented first the non-liberal type.
Long's book, used as the liberal example, is most exceptional. A half-dozen texts,
perhaps, should be classed as intermediate between these two extreme types.

With reference to the causes of the war, American children read in non-
liberal books such passages as the following: "That the war was made in
Germany is not a matter of dispute; it is a fact" (Elson). Germany "was fight-
ing for the domination of Europe and eventually of America" (Woodburn and
Moran). The war was the last in a series of events in which Germany had been
constantly working against our country (Stephenson).

The same books either disregard the Fourteen Point agreement altogether
or give the impression that the treaty was based upon it. Thus Thwaites and
Kendall merely say that the terms of peace were the "outgrowth of the Fourteen
Points as modified by discussion."

The two books classed as liberal are represented on the second American
chart. As to the causes of the war, American children read: Germany appears
guilty, but her plot was not a thing peculiar to her. Other nations had had plans
of conquest. The real evil was the European system. And it is impossible yet
to apportion accurately the blame for the war. The same book says of the
treaty: The Allies failed to keep the Fourteen Point agreement which included
"impartial justice with no discrimination between victors and vanquished."
And again (speaking of the results of the treaty) : "Such are a few of the typical
results of the treaty we helped to make. Some are good, others bad; some spell
freedom or justice, others spell hatred or revenge, or the greedy grabbing of
territory that has always led to renewed war."

Twelve American texts do not even mention the Fourteen Points. Only two
of them suggest that the treaty violated them. The German books, on the other
hand, naturally give much space to the treaty, and compare in detail the Four-
teen Point promises and the provisions of the treaty.

Children reading and believing Long's text will feel that America was en-
tirely right in the war, but their attitude towards its fundamental causes and
toward the treaty will not be so very different from that of liberal Germans. If,
however, they read the more typical books they will hold Germany entirely
responsible, and they will either not know that the Fourteen Points existed, or

SOME RESEARCHES IN RURAL GROUP ANALYSIS 183

they will feel that the treaty is based upon them. With respect to attitudes
toward Germany, the choice of texts will be all-important.

My most general conclusion then is, that unless some other force intervenes,
the next war is being prepared in the history textbooks of France and Germany,
and to a lesser degree in those of the United States.

SOME RESEARCHES IN RURAL GROUP ANALYSIS

J. H. KOLB, UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN

Group analysis as a method of studying rural society has been, in general,
of three kinds : the analysis of locality or ecological arrangements, the analysis
of the interest or intentional arrangements, with particular emphasis upon in-
stitutional phases, and the analysis of participation and group behavior with
attention to attitudes. These three phases of study have not been clearly dif-
ferentiated in the various research projects. Consequently, the classifications
made here will be open to argument. Time will permit only a few most general-
ized and dogmatic summaries. Attention will be given largely to results rather
than to methodology and plans.

i. The analysis of the locality or ecological arrangements of rural groups
is represented, among others, by such researches as Galpin's "Trade Area"
Communities in Wisconsin, Taylor and Zimmermann's Rural Organization in
North Carolina, Sanderson and Thompson's Social Areas in New York, Baum-
gartel's Social Study of Ravaille County, Montana, and Kolb's Primary Groups
in Wisconsin; also by Nelson's Structure of a Village Community in Utah (un-
published) and B runner's Analysis of One Hundred Fifty American Agricultural
Villages (unpublished).

A few results may be summarized by first calling attention to the types of
locality groups discovered and to their interrelations. First, is the open-country
neighborhood group which is characterized by primary contacts, simple organ-
ization, and the discharge of a few services, sometimes by social institutions and
sometimes by informal arrangements. Second, the country community group.
This is similar to the first, but larger, somewhat more complex, and more largely
self-sufficient because of the greater number and diversity of social institutions
and the larger area. Many of the major interests involving both primary and
secondary contacts receive attention. Its center is frequently an informal ar-
rangement of homes and social institutions. It is often called a hamlet. Third,
is the village or small town group which is characterized by sufficient size and
complexity to give it a certain amount of self-consciousness and sufficiency.
These groups may be scaled up or down on the basis of size and type of service
rendered. Fourth, is the small village neighborhood or primary service area,
including within its boundaries those farm families who use its name for the
designation of their own locality and who identify themselves in social and in-

1 84

THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

stitutional arrangements with the center itself. Fifth, is the larger service com-
munity, which is defined or characterized as "an area tributary to a center of
common interest." Such an area may easily include one or more open-country
neighborhoods. Its center is usually a village or small town. The contacts and
service institutions may be of a primary, secondary, or even specialized, char-
acter if the center is sufficiently equipped and the area represents a large
enough economic base.

12 16 20 24 28 3* 36 40 44

DISTANCE IN MILES

A THEORETICAL GRAPH INDICATING THE INTERRELATION OF

RURAL GROUP AREAS AND TYPES OF SERVICE CENTERS
Type I, single service (neighborhood or hamlet); type II, limited and simple
service (small village); type III, semi-complete or intermediate (village or small town);
Type IV, complete and partially specialized (town or small city) ; type V, urban and
highly specialized (city).

P. Primary service area; Sc. Secondary service area; Sp .Specialized service
area; N. Country neighborhood area.

No one of these locality groups lives to itself, but each is related to all the
others. These relationships follow fairly regular forms depending upon the
types of contacts, the service arrangements, and the " volume of business" as
represented by extent of area required to make the arrangements effective. The
accompanying graph is intended to show these interrelationships.

But changes in this set of locality group arrangements are taking place with
rapidity and with telling effect. The change of most fundamental importance,
of course, is the greatly increased mobility of rural people made possible by the
expanded facilities for communication and transportation. Contacts may now

SOME RESEARCHES IN RURAL GROUP ANALYSIS 185

be made on the basis of interest rather than locality. This tends to break down
many of the older arrangements. Local churches, schools, or clubs are no longer
strictly local and indigenous. They conform to certain standardized influences
from "higher up" sources of district conference, county superintendent, or state
conclave. But as one might expect, the locality groups, which have succeeded
in institutionalizing one or more of their interests, persist longest.

2. The analysis of the interest or intentional arrangements of groups, with
particular emphasis upon institutions, is represented by such researches as
Mumford's Social Aspects of Consolidated School Areas in Michigan (unpub-
lished); B runner's Churches of Distinction in Town and Country; Lively 's Rural
Social Agencies in Ohio; Gooden's Rural Life at its Best in Arkansas; Kolb's Four
Town-Country Service Institutions (unpublished).

The interest or intentional rural groups depend more directly upon common
choices or wishes of their members. These groups may be permanent or tem-
porary, primary or secondary in their contacts. Locality and interest groups
frequently oscillate back and forth. Interest groups, for example, may spring
up within a locality group, producing disorganization and robbing it of its
geographic significance. On the other hand, an interest group may pass over
into a group with locality characteristics, as, for example, a religious group by
some missionary or settlement policy may bring all in a vicinity within its pale.
The locality groups may be said to have lateral arrangements, and the interest
groups, perpendicular arrangements. The latter are arranged around a pole or
axis of common interests largely irrespective of geographic limitations. In
North Carolina the groups with primary contacts were found to be more defi-
nitely dependent upon institutional than upon locality arrangements. While in
Wisconsin, particularly in the rough unglaciated country, locality was the con-
ditioning factor. In Iowa, because of intentional policies of farm bureau and
extension service, the township has come to have group significance. In New
York the primary locality groups have practically lost their significance, being
replaced by larger community groups in which the social institutions are, to a
large extent, determining factors.

3. The analysis of participation and group behavior is represented by such
researches as Hypes' Social Participation in a Rural New England Town, (un-
published); Zimmermann's Study of Marketing Attitudes in Minnesota (unpub-
lished) ; Taylor's Study in the Social Psychology of Farm Organizations (unpub-
lished); Lindeman's Social Discovery (chapters based on study of marketing
co-operatives) ; Rankin's Reading in the Farm Home in Nebraska; Kolb's Service
Relations of Town and Country (one section devoted to measures of farm par-
ticipation, with reasons for the various kinds of services). The method for
study in this section has been to analyze forms of organizations which have
been deliberately projected for some purpose; then a study of customs, tradi-
tions, and public opinion. The attempt has been to get at the attitudes and
social values. This has sometimes been attempted through the stimulus-response
formula. No uniform technique has been developed, in fact, this phase of group

1 86 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

analysis is still out on the frontier, waiting upon the steadying influences of
developments in social psychology.

In the New England study, effort is made to relate participation to structural
and locality factors, to measure group participation by a family index, and to
give attention to problems involving social control. The Nebraska study has
revealed what farm families read. More study needs now to be given to how
these media controlling communication influence attitudes and group opinion.
The Wisconsin study of 787 farm families has revealed certain sets of reasons
for participation in town and country service relationships. Those services in-
volving primary contacts were dependent upon acquaintanceship, personal
control, friendship, or kinship. Those involving secondary relationships, such
as merchandizing, banking, and high school, were dependent upon accessibility.
When the quality or the price of the service in question was not widely out of
proportion, participation depended upon "nearness" or "convenience" to the
center. In the field of specialized services, represented by trade in good clothing,
hospital or clinic service, and musical productions, variety and selection as well
as the quality of the service were the reasons given. It is significant to note that
in participation of leadership as represented by office-holding and committee
work, the farmer fell far below the ratio of his general activity participation.
This immediately raises important problems which need further analysis, in-
volving the question of what is happening when larger impersonal or overhead
organizations are being slowly substituted for group behavior on the locality
and primary contact bases.

COMMODITY DISTRIBUTION IN RURAL COMMUNITIES

C. R. HOFFER, UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA

This investigation involves a detailed study of 238 stores in twelve rural
trade centers in Minnesota, though additional data are used to supplement the
detailed investigation. One purpose of the study was an attempt to construct
a quantitative expression for service in commodity distribution, service being de-
fined as the activities and benefits associated with the sale of commodities in
rural communities.

In constructing this method of quantitatively expressing service it was
necessary to select representative items of service, such as retail value of goods
sold, number of types of stores in a town, advertising quality and price, keeping
medium to high-grade merchandise, clean walls, etc. Inasmuch as the town was
considered as a unit, the percentage of stores in it offering these various services
made a satisfactory basis for recording in quantitative terms the presence of
these items. For example, if all the stores, or 100 per cent, are clean, the town
would be given a rating of 100 for this item. If only 50 per cent of the stores
were clean, then the town would be given 50 points in the rating for this item.

COMMODITY DISTRIBUTION IN RURAL COMMUNITIES 187

So in like manner all the other items would be counted. It will be noted that
this method of quantitatively expressing service does not measure the relative
importance of the various service items. To do so would involve data and study
which go beyond the limits of the present investigation. However, a ranking of
towns based on the relative ratings of service items shows that (i) in general, the
service of the town increases as it becomes larger, though size of town is not a
safe criterion of service; (2) the number of stores in a town is also unreliable as
an index of service; (3) the service which a town gives depends very largely on
the initiative of the merchants in it.

Another purpose of this study was to find out what conditions actually
existed in these 238 representative stores. Only a few points can be noted here.
It was discovered that the cost of service, that is, what the buyer would have
to pay the merchant for his services, did not vary appreciably between the large
and the small town, though the mark-up did vary for different types of stores.
It was found that efficiency of stores was more important from the standpoint
of the commnuity than number of stores. It may be stated succinctly, how-
ever, that stores which handled staple commodities, like drugs, groceries, and
hardware, tended to increase in number somewhat in a proportional manner to
the population. Jewelry stores, furniture stores, and ladies-ready-to-wear stores
did not increase in number so uniformly as the town got larger, but instead the
store increased in size. Two-thirds of the merchants balanced their books at
weekly or monthly intervals. The average age of the merchants was forty-four
years, and the average period of residence in the community where their stores
were located was twenty-six years. The average period during which the mem-
bers had been managers of their stores was thirteen years. Eighty-four per cent
had completed the eighth grade; 39 per cent had attended high school one or
more years; 7 per cent had attended business college, and 6 per cent had attended
a college or university. Three-fourths of the merchants had some kind of mer-
chandising experience before they became managers of their store. Sixty-four
per cent were members of local business men's organizations of some kind.

Turning now to a consideration of the comparative amount of service given
by small and large towns, it was found that there was a minimum-size town for
stores of different types. A count of the number of different types of stores in
603 rural towns in Minnesota showed that towns of less than 500 in population
did not average one drug-store per town. Towns below 1,000 in population did
not average one furniture store, grocery store, jewelry store, or men's clothing
store per town. Towns of less than 2,500 in population did not average one shoe-
store per town. An average of one ladies-ready-to-wear store and one variety
store were not found in towns having a population of less than 3,000. There was
no lower limit for hardware and general stores. Moreover, the small town
lacked certain services of a professional and social sort. Only 94 per cent of the
towns in Minnesota having a population of approximately 1,250 had a resident
dentist or dentists, and it was not until towns in die population group of 2,001-
2,500 were reached that every town had this type of service. Physicians were

i88 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

more commonly found, but slightly less than half of the towns of less than 1,000
in population had a physician. Weekly newspapers were published in only 84
per cent of the fifty- three towns in the 1,001-1,500 population group. However,
all towns in the 1,501-2,000 group had weekly newspapers. Civic organizations
of various kinds occurred less frequently in the smaller towns. Slightly over a
third of the 132 towns in the 501-1,000 group in Minnesota had such an organi-
zation. Only 10 per cent of these 132 towns had libraries. Such inadequacy of
services at the trade center makes the trade relations of the farmer disorganized
and complex, and in a certain measure jeopardizes the possibility of securing
effective community organization. The farmer is placed in the dilemma of favor-
ing the small town as a place to market grain, livestock, cream, etc., but when
the same farmer becomes purchaser and user of goods he is handicapped by the
small trade center. The way out of the dilemma is to establish, so far as possible,
consolidated trade-centers towns of approximately 2,500 in population keep
only those stores in a town which can offer a full quota of service for stores of
their particular type. Rural schools and churches have been consolidating. The
time is at hand when trading service must do the same thing. Data have already
been suggested which show how far this consolidating process may go at the
present time. Towns of less than 500 in population do not average one drug
store, hence the logical conclusion to reach is that towns of less than 500 should
not try to have drug-stores. There is no minimum limit for general stores and
hardware stores, but for furniture stores, grocery stores, jewelry stores, men's
clothing stores, the lower limit is a town having a population of not less than
1,000. For shoe-stores the lower limit is a town of 2,500 in population, and for
ladies-ready-to-wear and variety stores a town having a population of at least
3,000. The great waste of small competing trade-centers occurs when they try
to give a type of service which, when considered from all angles, they cannot
give so successfully as the larger trade-centers. When small towns work for
efficiency and quality of service with the stores which they can adequately sup-
port, rather than to place so much emphasis on types of service which can be
given more advantageously by larger towns, they will supplement, and not
duplicate, the service given by the consolidated trade-center.

AN ESTIMATE OF RURAL MIGRATION AND OTHER
SOURCES OF URBAN INCREASE

JOHN M. GILLETTE, UNIVERSITY or NORTH DAKOTA

Perhaps the most satisfactory way to treat this subject is to exhibit first the
results obtained in tabular form and then offer a few remarks concerning the
methods used.

TABLE I

SOURCES OF URBAN INCREASE FOR DECADES ENDING 1910 AND 1920

SOURCE

NUMBER CONTRIBUTED

PERCENTAGE CONTRIBUTED

IQIO

1920

IQIO

1920

Rural migration . .

3,637,000
2,426,000
4,849,000
924,000

5,476,000
2,842,000

2 , 830 , OOO
99O,OOO

30.7
20.5
41.0
7-8

45-2
23-4
23-3
8.1

Natural increase

Immigration

Incorporation . ....

Total

11,826,000

I2,I38,OOO

100.

IOO.O

TABLE II
SOURCES OF RURAL INCREASE AND DECREASE FOR THE DECADE ENDING 1920

Source

Contributed

Lost

Natural increase

7,087,000

Immigration

7 tjj. OOO

Incorporation

OOO . OOO

Rural migration

e. c84.ooo

Census increase (difference) .

i 600 ooo

According to Table I, the amount of rural migration is about 5,500,000 for
the last decade, as compared to about 3,500,000 during the preceding decade.
If we add the amount of incorporation in each case, we find that practically
6,500,000 persons from territory that was rural in 1910 shifted to territory urban
in 1920. This represents the population of a city as large as New York, that of
more than two cities the size of Chicago, and that of more then ten cities the
size of Boston or San Francisco. In other words, the annual drain of population
from the country is more than equal to that required to build a Boston or a San
Francisco each year of the decade.

We note that for the last decade, rural migration is the leading source of

189

190 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

urban increase, being 45 per cent of such increase. Rural migration and incor-
poration together make up about 54 per cent of urban increase. In the decade
ending 1910, immigration stood first as a cause of urban growth, then accounting
for 41 per cent of that growth. Rural migration then stood second in importance.

The country side of the ledger presents a different page. The sources of
increase in the country are only two as against four for the city. Natural in-
crease contributes 7,087,000 and immigration 754,000. The country suffers great
losses : 990,000 by incorporation and 5, 584,000 by migration to cities. The census
credits a gain of only 1,600,000 to rural districts for the period.

A few remarks concerning the methods used in making the estimates are in
order.

As a means of getting a perspective and basis for checking other operations,
a national rate of natural increase was first estimated. To do this, an estimate
of the total force of immigration of aliens and the emigration of citizens was
required. In treating immigration, the decennial balance between alien income
and outgo, as given in the reports of the commissioner of immigration, was
adjusted to census dates. The immigrant birth-rate is the weighted average
of the foreign rates of the twelve leading stocks and their proportion in total
immigration. The resulting rate was adjusted to proportion of sexes and age
distribution obtaining among immigrants and was found to be 24.7, somewhat
smaller than that for the nation. The application of our national rate would
have produced only slight variations in the final results.

The death-rate used for immigrants was that of the nation, adjusted to
their age distribution. So adjusted, it is 9.8, possibly too low a rate. I was
tempted to use the weighted rate estimated from death-rates and numbers of
decedents of foreign-born mothers given in the United States mortality rates
for 1920, but that procedure seemed unjustified.

Certain other adjustments of a minor nature were made during the course
of estimating the birth- and death-rates. The resulting rate of natural increase
for immigrants was 14.9, about 27 per cent higher than that for the nation.

The rate of natural increase of citizen emigrants for the decade was also
obtained. The total force of emigration was added to the increase of the national
population for the decade ending 1920. From this was taken the total force of
immigration. The difference represents the natural increase in the population
of 1910, the rate of increase being 11.7. This is two points below my estimated
rate for 1900-1910. It agrees with the weighted rate obtained by treating rural
and urban populations.

In estimating the rates of natural increase for rural and urban districts, the
following steps were taken. First, establishing birth-rates. To the number of
infants under one year of age in 1920 was added the number of infant decedents
during the previous year. The result was divided by the estimated population
living at the beginning of the year. Then the average of this and my estimated
rate for the previous decade was taken. This process was applied to both rural
and urban populations, the resulting birth-rates being: rural, 28.2; urban, 23.2.

ASPECTS AND TENDENCIES OF THE RACE PROBLEM 191

I employed this method rather than using the census birth-rates because by
it I secured rates for the total national population. I employed a check on these
rates by comparing their ratio to each other with that of rural to urban children
under five per 1,000 rural and urban females of the age period 15-44. My urban
birth-rate is 82 per cent of the rural rate, but the proportion of urban children
per 1,000 females is only 73 per cent of that of rural districts. Consequently the
differences between my rural and urban birth-rates must be regarded as very
conservative.

Second, ascertaining death-rates. The death-rates for rural and urban popu-
lations given in the census volume, Mortality Rates, for each year were averaged
for the decade in question. These were for the registration area only, instead of
for the total population, as was the case with the birth-rates. The consequent
rates of natural increase were: rural, 15.2, urban, 7.6. As previously remarked,
when weighted by the rural and urban populations and averaged, the resulting
national rate agrees with that obtained by another method.

From data in the census, it is learned what proportion of net immigration
of the last decade lived in city and country. Then to obtain the contributions
immigration made to city and country growth it is only necessary to apportion
the total immigration previously estimated between rural and urban districts,
the amounts being: rural, 754,000; urban, 2,830,000.

Incorporation represents the population living in that portion of urban
territory in 1920 that was rural in 1910, together with its natural increase and
less that portion of immigration resident there but already accounted for under
immigration. Incorporation so computed amounted to 990,000.

I have been compelled to identify farm population with rural population in
making these estimates, because no data exist for the former as a separate
entity. But it is likely that the farm population constitutes about 60 or 65 per
cent of what the census denominates "rural population." We might think that
some such percentage of the rural migration emanates from the open country.

ASPECTS AND TENDENCIES OF THE RACE PROBLEM

(1912-24)

MONROE N. WORK
Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute

In what follows there is given the more important results of a study of
aspects and tendencies of the race problem in the past thirteen years. I present
first what I call, for the want of a better term, some secondary aspects of the
problem.

i. There is the economic progress of the group. In the past ten years
Negroes have entered industry in a large way. The 1920 Census reports 332,249

192 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Negroes engaged in skilled and semi-skilled work. The wealth of the group in
1912 was estimated to be $700,000,000. The wealth of the group at present is
around $2,000,000,000, which is one and one-half times more wealth than it
had accumulated up to 1912.

2. There is the educational progress of the group. The total amount ex-
pended in 1912 for all phases of Negro education was $13,576,561; the amount
expended this year for Negro education is over $40,000,000. The past thirteen
years have witnessed an ever increasing demand in all lines of work for the
educated Negro. The improvement in education is reflected in the increase in
the number of students in elementary, secondary, and higher courses. This im-
provement is especially reflected in the increase in the number completing col-
lege courses. Up to 1912 about 5,000 Negroes had completed college courses.
In the period 1912-24 about 5,000 Negroes graduated from college. That is, in
the past thirteen years as many Negroes graduated from college as in all the
previous years.

3. There is the progress which, in the past thirteen years, has been made in
health improvement. The Negro now has a declining mortality rate and an
increasing life-span. In 1912 the death-rate per thousand was 22.9. In 1922, ten
years later, the death-rate was 15.7 per thousand; a decrease for the period of
31.5 per cent. A recent study of mortality among the 1,800,000 Negro policy-
holders of the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company indicates that since 1912
there has been an increase of five years in the life-expectancy of the Negro. In
1912 the average expectancy by life for the Negro Metropolitan policyholders,
male and female, of all ages from two years up, was: for males 41.32 years; for
females, 41.30 years. In 1922 the expectancy of life was for males 46.91 years;
for females, 46.10 years. In 1912 the life-span for the Negroes of the country as
a whole was about 35 years. It is now about 40 years. That is, since 1912 the
life-span of the Negroes of the country has been increased five years.

4. There is the Negro in politics. The period under consideration witnessed
an increased activity of the Negro in politics. Some striking features of this
activity were: The tendency to develop independence in politics; an increasing
number of Negroes voting the Democratic ticket. Political parties are making
efforts to get the Negro vote. In the presidential campaign which has just
closed, special Negro campaign bureaus were maintained by the Republican,
Democratic, and Third Party national campaign committees. There is an in-
crease in the number of Negroes elected to office. In 1914 there were eight Negro
members of city councils. In 1921, these members numbered twenty-one. There
were, in 1915, two Negro members of state legislatures; in 1924 there were
twelve. It is also of importance to note that, in 1915, 1 had a record of fourteen
cities with Negro policemen; in 1924 there are seventy cities which have Negro
policemen. The entry and activity of Negro women in politics also is notable,
as well as the gradual increase in the South of the number of Negroes qualified
to vote, and the increased efforts of Negroes to vote in and break down the
"white primary" in the South. With the Negro dividing his vote, and an increas-

ASPECTS AND TENDENCIES OF THE RACE PROBLEM 193

ing number voting the Democratic ticket, the maintenance of the so-called
"white primary" becomes a more difficult problem. 1

5. There are the population shifts which have taken place in the past thir-
teen years. During this period there occurred the greatest movement of Ne-
groes which has ever taken place in this country. In addition to the migra-
tion from the country to the cities and from the South to the North, 200,000
Negro soldiers were transported to Europe and back again. The net result of
the migration is that there are now almost a million more Negroes living in
cities than there were thirteen years ago, and over half a million more Negroes
living in the North than were in 1912.

We pass to the consideration of some primary aspects of the race problem.
One of these is lynching. Beginning with 1912, there has been increased public-
ity in the press of the country as a whole with reference to lynching. There has
been in recent years a striking growth of public opinion against lynching. In the
period, 1912-24, eight states passed laws designed to check lynching. A federal
bill against lynching is now pending in Congress. There has been in the past
thirteen years a notable decrease in the number of lynchings. In the period
1912-24 there were 705 lynchings. This was 40 per cent less than the number,
1,177, for the previous thirteen years, and 67 per cent less than the number,
2,137, f r the thirteen years before that time.

The second primary aspect of the problem is segregation, (i) The efforts
to restrict by law the areas in which Negroes shall live began in 1911. From
then to 1917 a number of cities in border and southern states passed segrega-
tion laws. (2) In 1917 the United States Supreme Court declared the segrega-
tion laws invalid. (3) Since 1917, two new devices have become evolved for
legalizing segregation: (a) By zoning ordinances, (b) By property-owners' con-
tract. (4) The legality of these methods is now being tested in the courts. (5)
In numerous instances bombing and other violent methods have been used in
attempting to intimidate and drive out Negroes.

The third primary aspect of the problem is riots. The thirteen years, 1912-
24, have been notable for the number of race riots which have occurred. Some of
these riots were the most serious which have taken place in the history of the
nation. Some of the immediate causes of the riots were: the migration of

1 In 1922 the supreme court of the state of Texas ruled that the Democratic party
had a right to hold a "white primary." In 1923 the Texas legislature passed a law pro-
hibiting Negroes from participating in "Democratic primaries." October 20, 1924, the
United States Supreme Court ruled out, on the ground that "cause of action had ceased
to exist," a case brought in 1921 by Negroes of Houston, Texas, to restrain the election
judges of that city from holding a strictly "white voters' primary." On July 26, 1924,
Dr. L. A. Nixon, colored, of El Paso, Texas, and a regular Democrat of many years'
standing who had voted in previous Democratic primaries, was denied the privilege of
casting his ballot. He brought suit for $5,000 damages against the election judges and
to test the constitutionality of the law. This case is being carried through the Texas
courts up to the United States Supreme Court.

194 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Negroes; an intensified housing situation; exaggerated reports concerning crimes
by Negroes; the state of the public mind with reference to the Negro and his
place; the disposition of Negroes not to recede from what they considered a just
position. Another probable cause was that, almost without exception, the wide-
spread presentation of the Negro in moving pictures was either as a buffoon or
a criminal.

The fourth aspect of the problem is the notable growth of race conscious-
ness which has taken place since 1912. Chief among the causes of this growth
are: (i) The general rapid economic and educational progress of the group.
(2) The world- war conditions. (3) The contacts which Negroes throughout the
world have established in recent years with each other. Manifestations of this
race consciousness are a growing race pride, increasing race solidarity, the de-
velopment of race literature, including hymns and poems which are national
in their expressions, and an increasing effort of the group to gain for itself those
rights and privileges which are its due.

The fifth primary aspect of the problem is the increase in efforts for the
betterment of race relations. There were, first, joint conferences of whites and
Negroes on race relations, where face to face they talked to, and not about, each
other. A second factor has been the presentation of facts rather than expres-
sions of opinion. Among the chief ageneies for the general dissemination of these
facts were the Negro Year Book, first published in 1912, the Southern Publicity
Committee, and the Hampton Institute Press Service. A third factor is the
growth of inter-racial co-operation. Whites and Negroes worked together in
the world-war period. The result of their working together in the world-war
activities brought them into a more helpful relationship. Out of the spirit of
the war co-operation, the after-war inter-racial co-operation developed. In
November, 1918, the Commission on Inter-racial Co-operation was formed and
an organized effort was begun to better race relations. The Commission has
organized state inter-racial committees of whites and Negroes in most of the
southern states, and local inter-racial committees in some eight hundred coun-
ties in the south.

A fourth important factor has been the changed attitude and the activities
of the church with respect to race relation. Some two years ago, the Federal
Council of Churches established a commission on race relations which is carry-
ing on an active campaign to assist in improving race relations. An important
feature of this activity is the annual observance of race-relations Sunday, at
which time an effort is made to have sermons on race relations preached in pul-
pits throughout the nation. A fifth important feature is the increasing tendency
of white women's organizations in the South to work for the betterment of
Negroes and to bring about co-operation of white and Negro women. A sixth
feature is the striking growth of efforts to study the problem. There are the
Phelps-Stokes Fund fellowships for the study of the Negro at the universities
of Virginia and Georgia; The Y.M.C.A. study course on the Negro in white
colleges of the South; the establishing, in 1915, of the Association for the Study

ASPECTS AND TENDENCIES OF THE RACE PROBLEM 195

of Negro Life and History; the increasing number of courses on the Negro and
on race relations in universities and colleges. In 1922 the study of the Negro
was made the home-missions study subject for mission classes in the churches
of the country. This greatly stimulated the writing of books on the study of
the Negro, with the result that in the three years, 1922-24, there have been
twenty- two race-relations study books published, five of which are for juveniles,
and seventeen for adults. 1

1 Race relations study books: (i) For juveniles: The Magic Box, Anita B. Ferris,
Council of Women for Home Missions and Missionary Education Movement of the
United States and Canada, New York, 1922; The Handicapped Winners: a Race-Rela-
tions Reader, Sara Estelle Haskins, Board of Missions (Women's Work) of the Methodist
Episcopal Church, South, Nashville (Tennessee), 1922; The Stories Of Black FolkFor
Little Folk, Bessie Landrum, the A. B. Caldwell Publishing Company, Atlanta, 1923;
A Boy's Life of Booker T. Washington, W. C. Jackson, the Macmillan Company, New
York, 1922; The Negro Boy and Girl: Study Book for Juniors, S. J. Fisher, Board of
. Missions for Freedmen of the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America,
Pittsburgh, 1923. (2) For adults: The Trend of the Races: a Home-Mission Study Book,
George E. Haynes, Council of Women for Home Missions and Missionary Education
Movement of the United States and Canada, New York, 1922; Race Grit; Adventures
on the Borderland of Liberty (for mission-study classes and also for the general reader) ,
Coe Hayne, Department of Missionary Education, Board of Education of the Northern
Baptist Convention, the Judson Press, Philadelphia, 1922; Wanted Leaders: a Study
of Negro Development, Theodore D. Bratton, Department of Missions and Church
Extension, the Episcopal Church, New York, 1922; Wanted Leaders: a Study of Negro
Development; Suggestions for Group Discussion and Individual Study (guide for the use
of Bishop B ration's book), Laura F. Boyer, Department of Missions and Church Ex-
tension, New York, 1922; In the Vanguard of a Race, L. H. Hammond, Council of
Women for Home Missions and Missionary Education Movement of the United States
and Canada, New York, 1922; The Negro from Africa to America, W. D. Weatherford,
George H. Doran Company, New York, 1924; The Clash of Color, Basil Mathews,
Missionary Education Movement of the United States and Canada, New York, 1924;
Of One Blood: a Short Study of the Race Problem, Robert E. Speer, Council of Women
for Home Missions and Missionary Education Movement of the United States and
Canada, New York, 1924; Race And Race Relations: a Christian View of Human Con-
tacts, Robert E. Speer, Fleming H. Revell Company, New York, 1924; Christianity and
the Race Problem, J. H. Oldham, Student Christian Movement, London, 1924. The
Problem of Race (a study outline based on Oldham's Christianity and the Race Problem),
Christian Student Movement, London, 1924; The Gift of Black Folk: the Negroes in the
Making of America, W. E. B. DuBois, "Knights of Columbus Contribution Series," the
Stratford Company, Boston, 1924; And Who Is My Neighbor? An Outline Study of Race
Relations in America, Part I, Association Press, New York, 1924; Racial Relations and
the Christian Ideal: a Discussion Course for College Students, Student Volunteer Move-
ment, New York, 1923; The Basis of Racial Adjustment: a Study Outline and Readings
On the Progress of the Negro, T. J. Woofter, Jr., Ginn and Company, New York, 1925;
Race Prejudice, Erie Fiske Young, Chicago, 1925; Races, Nations and Classes, Herbert
Adolphus Miller (for advanced study of race conflict), J. B. Lippincott Company,
Philadelphia, 1924.

196 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

The tendencies of the race problem in the United States since 1912 appears
to be as follows:

1. There is a tendency for the more acute and constant points of race fric-
tion to shift from rural districts to urban centers.

2. The general advance of the Negroes has tended (a) to change their
status, (b) to change their outlook, and (c) to bring them into contact with the
white group in a greater and more varied number of ways.

3. These contacts with the white group tend more and more to be contacts
with the progressive, the intelligent elements of the Negro group.

4. These newer and more numerous contacts in some instances tend to
create conflict situations which turn primarily not upon the ignorance, the
backwardness of the Negro group, but upon its progressiveness, its intelligence.
The agitation and friction now going on as to where Negroes shall live in cities
centers about the efforts of progressive intelligent members of the group to
secure better places in which to live.

5. There is a growing tendency, particularly in the South, to endeavor to
handle the problems of race relations by whites and Negroes coming together on
a basis of co-operation and working together for the best interests of both races.
The general advantage of this method is that representatives of both groups
may meet face to face and outline policies which are of mutual benefit to each
of the groups and to the whole community.

DENSITY OF POPULATION AND THE STANDARD OF
LIVING IN NORTH CHINA

C. G. DlTTMER

During the years 1914 to 1917, and 1918 to 1921, while teaching in the
American Indemnity College in Peking, China, I interested myself in the study
of population pressure in North China and its effect on the standard of living.
The study was made more difficult, but also more interesting, due to the fact
that nothing had as yet been done on the standard of living in China, that there
were no vital statistics of any value whatever, and that even the official census
reports represented little more than "pagodas of guesses."

We know that the area of China Proper (the eighteen provinces) is ap-
proximately one-half that of the United States of America, and that the various
official and semi-official estimates of the population vary all the way from
350,000,000 to 450,000,000. The 1902 Census, which is as valuable as any,
gives the population of China Proper as 410,000,000, and places the crude
density of the whole at 268 per English square mile, with provincial densities
ranging all the way from 66 for Kwangsi to 683 for Shantung.

Crude densities of this sort are of little value unless we know something of
the stage of economic development of the country and its geographical environ-

POPULATION AND LIVING IN NORTH CHINA 197

ment. It is impossible to compare American and European densities with those
of China, due to the fact that China is still supported almost entirely by a
medieval type of agriculture and without the extensive aid of supporting in-
dustries. She has not even sufficiently developed means of communication to
make effective trade and commerce possible between districts one hundred
miles apart.

China's population, aside from a small number of large cities, is one of agri-
cultural villages ranging in size from 25 to 500 families. One hundred families
seems to be the most usual size, and these are distributed at the rate of about
one to the square mile in arable sections.

My first problem was to gain some idea of the effective density of population.
This was done by the sampling process, and was facilitated by the fact that the
entire agricultural population lives in village rather than in separate farm-home
units. The following results were obtained.

The county of Tang in the province of Chihli, according to figures furnished
by the chief magistrate of the county, has an area of 900 square miles and a
crude density of 189. This seemed impossible, but then, his figures also showed
the females of the county to represent but 39 per cent of the total population.
It is not strange that we thought it worth while to gather some statistics of our
own, and in so doing marked off an area of 20 square miles and found it to
include 50 villages ranging in size from 20 to 500 families and with an effective
density of 2,600 to the arable square mile.

In Wang Tu and adjoining county we found but 956 to the square mile,
and this county was more fertile, more prosperous, and nearer the railroad.

In an industrial district where agriculture is supplemented by handicraft
weaving we found a density of 2,000.

In Shantung, with a crude density of 683 to the square mile we found
densities of 2,500, 2,700, and 3,000.

In Jao Yang County, in an area of 200 square miles there are 214 villages
and a density of population of 1,500.

In the metropolitan district to the west of Peking, destitute Manchus, who
prefer genteel starvation to manual labor, are existing at the rate of 2,000 to the
square mile.

Professor Tayler, in his post-famine studies, presents thirteen cases which
range from 290 to 6,880 to the square mile.

A group of Congregational missionaries located in the city of Paotingfu
have, with no attempt at scientific accuracy, conservatively estimated the crude
density of the 25 counties which comprise their field at 1,000. As this area is
fairly mountainous, the effective density is probably twice that amount.

As a result of these samples and other available estimates I have come to
the conclusion that we may expect in agricultural China, and that is practically
all of China, a density, varying with the fertility of the soil and other determin-
ing factors of productivity, of anything between 1,500 and 2,500 to the square
mile. We would be quite safe in striking an average of 2,000, but even the lowest

198 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

figure is bad enough. A condition of this sort means farms of between one and
two acres per family, and that farm villages are as close together as farmhouses
are here in the Middle West. The post-famine studies of Professor Tayler show
that one-third of the farms are less than one acre in size, two-thirds are less than
two acres, and that only one-tenth of i per cent are as large as 160 acres, a very
common size in America.

My second problem was that of the standard of living which might be
maintained under conditions of such density. My first findings, based on the
study of 195 families in a rural district near Peking, were published in the
Quarterly Journal of Economics of November, 1918. During the next three years
I studied 434 more families in six different provinces. My study followed the
same general lines as that of Engle in Saxony and the various similar studies
which have been made in the United States. As house and land are usually
owned by the peasants of North China I included the rent value of these items
as a part of their income. Due to the fact that much of the fuel used is gathered
in the form of twigs and stubble from the field and mountain side, I estimated
the value of such fuel gathered and included it as a part of the income. As it
will be impossible to present the entire content of my tables I will content my-
self with giving an idea of the extremes of variation and a description of the
standard of living of the modal family. Please bear in mind that all sums of
money mentioned are in terms of Chinese currency, commonly called "Mex,"
and are the equivalent of approximately one-half that amount in our money.

Families were classified in $25 income groups, and incomes were found to
range from $20 to $1,000 per year. The modal group has an income of $82 per
year, but saving does not seem to begin to take place till incomes of $100 or over
have been reached.

In the lowest expenditure group, 71 per cent of the income goes for food
alone, i per cent for clothing, 24.5 per cent for fuel, 2.5 per cent for house rent,
nothing for land, and i per cent for all other miscellaneous purposes. These are
on the basis of incomes of $20 per year, and include a deficit of $0.50. These
families live in one-room houses, have no land of their own, and gather all the
fuel they use from the fields.

In contrast to this the $1,000 families at the upper end of the scale spend
46 per cent on food, 12 per cent on clothing, 5 per cent on light and fuel, 3 per
cent on house, 5 per cent on land, and have 29 per cent remaining for various
miscellaneous purposes. This family arrives at the end of the year with a surplus
of $200, lives in a ten-room house, buys all the fuel it consumes, and has fifteen
acres of land.

These are the extremes, and of them we may conclude that the first would
not sustain life in America, and that the highest is below what we would consider
a normal minimum.

Let us turn to the modal group and see what the standard is. They have, as
we have already pointed out, a yearly income of $82. They arrive at the end of

POPULATION AND LIVING IN NORTH CHINA 199

the year with a deficit of $1.26. This family is composed of 4.4 individuals of
whom 1.6 are children. There have been numerous other children, but most of
them have died or disappeared in early infancy. They live in a house of 4.8
rooms which, if other things were equal, would indicate no evidence of crowding.
The rent value of the house is $4.15 per year, and that is all it would be worth
in any place. It is a pretty poor sort of a hovel, built about one end and part of
the side of a mud-walled courtyard. They have two-thirds of an English acre
of land from which they gain practically all of their support. For food they
spend $55.13, which is 67 per cent of their income. They eat meat but once a
year, and live on two meals per day. Meat and tea are the only luxuries they have
ever tasted, and it is a fact that they have never had what we would call a
square meal in their lives. Their clothing costs $3.09, or some 3.7 per cent of
their income. This amount is hardly sufficient to maintain their clothing in
proper repair, to say nothing of acquiring new garments. The value of the fuel
they consume is $9.82, but more than half of the amount is gathered from the
fields, and the main money expenditure is for oil for lighting. It requires a full
day's work to provide a day's fuel for the family. Thus nearly 1 2 per cent goes
for this purpose. For miscellaneous purposes the family spends the magnificent
amount of $3.89. This amounts to 4.7 per cent of their income and has to supply
everything aside from the barest necessities of life.

A standard of living like this is the price the inhabitants of North China
must pay for one of the most serious conditions of overpopulation on record. It
is a bare subsistence standard which is maintained in the face of a tremendous
birth-rate only because the death-rate is equally high. There is no evidence that
the population of China is increasing at all, and there is every evidence that the
standard of living has struck bottom; that a Malthusian balance has been at
last attained.

From these and other studies I have concluded that $100 is necessary to
keep a Chinese family in normal comfort according to local standards. Approxi-
mately one-half of my families live on less than this amount.

On the basis of a normal efficiency diet prepared at the Peking Union Medical
College for the North China family of five, it has been estimated 1 that the cost
of food alone should be between $150 and $160 when we consider that 71 per
cent of our families have less than this amount for all purposes, we have a strik-
ing indication of the problem which China is facing.

The Emperor Chien Lung anticipated Malthus by five years when he called
upon all classes of his subjects to "economize the gifts of heaven, lest, ere long,
the people exceed the means of subsistence." But the voice they have heeded
has been that of the sage which warned them that "of the three great evils, the
greatest is to die without posterity." Young China is now preaching a new gos-
pel to the effect that "of the three great evils, the greatest is to bring more
children into the world than can be properly supported."

1 By Professor J. B. Tayler.

200 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

A DEPENDENCY INDEX FOR MINNEAPOLIS

F. STUART CHAPIN, UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA

The quantitative study of social change is a subject of growing interest
among sociologists, and a matter of theoretical significance as well as of prac-
tical importance. The rise and fall of dependency with waves of depression and
prosperity, with the annual change from winter to summer conditions, and as
the aftermath of wars and famines are phenomena familiar to all history. And
yet the possibility of accurate quantitative description of these phenomena has
seldom been seriously considered.

The present paper is a preliminary report of an effort to describe changes in
the amount of dependency over a period of nine years and nine months begin-
ning January, 1915, for the city of Minneapolis. If we are successful in accurate
quantitative description of the past and present of the phenomenon, we have
taken the first step toward scientific prediction of its future course, wherein
lies the practical significance of our study.

PREPARATION OF THE DATA

This study was begun by securing the figures for total case load from the
Family Welfare Association, the Public Poor Relief Department, the University
Free Dispensary, and the total admissions to the Municipal Free Lodging House
of Minneapolis, for the period from January, 1915, to September, 1924, inclusive
by months. These gross totals were then in each case converted into a series of
relative index numbers with the average monthly total of the year 1919 as a
base. 1 The series fall into two different types: one which fluctuates violently
from high peaks to low troughs (Family Welfare, Poor Relief, and Municipal) ;
and one which shows but minor variations from month to month or year to year.

ANALYSIS OF THE DATA

These four series of index numbers exhibit four different kinds of change
which are particularly evident in the relief series: (i) A long-term upward or
downward tendency, technically known as the secular trend; (2) a wavelike
movement of two or more years, known as a cycle; (3) an annual change from
winter to summer, known as seasonal variation; (4) certain irregular fluctua-
tions. Since these four kinds of change are all superimposed upon one another,

1 This study was conducted under the direction of Dr. F. Stuart Chapin, chairman
of the Department of Sociology, University of Minnesota, in a graduate seminar in
Statistical Theory in Relation to Social Theory and Practice, and the statistical work
was done by the following graduate students: Mr. John F. Markey, Mr. Henry C.
Mohler, Mrs. Helen Kittridge, Miss Jessie Ravitch, and Miss Dorothy P. Gary.

The year 1919 was selected as the base year because in many respects it showed
fewer irregular and violent fluctuations in relief, and because hi this year the disturbing
effects of the influenza epidemic of 1918 were absent, thus making the medical-relief
series more normal.

A DEPENDENCY INDEX FOR MINNEAPOLIS 201

it becomes necessary to separate from the total complex one factor at a time if
we are to succeed in scientific analysis and description of our problem.

In attacking this problem we have utilized the technique of statistical-
mathematical analysis developed and applied by students of the business cycle.
In two of our series (Family Welfare Association and University Dispensary)
we have assumed a straight-line trend. In two of our series (Public Poor Relief
and Municipal Lodging) we were obliged to assume a parabolic movement. 1
Having measured the secular trend, it becomes necessary to eliminate it from
the complex and to measure the cycle. But since the cyclical movement is fur-
ther complicated by an overlay of seasonal variation and irregular fluctuations,
we have measured these and eliminated them from the cycles. 2 We have now
completed the preliminary quantitative description of our variables. It re-
mains to consider the practical import of these findings. Since one test of sci-
ence is its power to predict future events, we may ask whether we can forecast
with any assurance the course of dependency in Minneapolis over the year be-
ginning October, 1924. The degree with which we can satisfy this test is a
measure of the immediate practical importance of our results.

PRACTICAL APPLICATIONS

Minute analysis of the cycles of the Family Welfare index 3 shows that
the average period from crest to crest is 10.2 months, and from trough to
trough is 10.5 months, but this movement is further complicated by minor
cycles in which the average period from crest to crest is 3.76 months, and

1 The parabolic equations are as follows: Trend of Public Poor Relief series, Trend
of Municipal Lodging House series, y 364.2 g^x+^Sx*.

3 Persons link-relative method was not used in this study in the elimination of the
seasonal factor and of irregular fluctuations, since a shorter and less cumbersome
method, namely that of Falkner's ratio- to-ordinate method (Journal American Sta-
tistical Association, Vol. XIX, No. 146) was available, which seemed as effective as
Persons method in the measurement of seasonal and irregular fluctuations. Specifi-
cally, the following methods were used for the series indicated (secular trend having
been eliminated in the first place in those cases where Falkner's method was used) :
Family Welfare series secular trend linear Davies' method of monthly means for

measurement of seasonal (Davies, Introd. Economic Statistics, chap, v, pp. 100-

130)

University Dispensary series secular trend linear Davies' method of monthly means
Public Poor Relief series parabolic trend Falkner's ratio-to-ordinate method for

measurement of seasonal and irregular fluctuations
Municipal Lodging House series parabolic trend, ;y= 364. 2 9.2*-}- .078:*? Falkner's

ratio-to-ordinate method

a The Family Welfare series is the only one of our series which has been studied to
date in connection with Snyder's index. Hence only the results of this comparison are
here given. We are now studying every one of our five series (including a series based
on figures from the Visiting Nurse Association of Minneapolis) in connection with
Snyder's series as well as several local economic series.

202 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

from trough to trough, is 4 months. Clearly it is difficult to tell at the beginning
of a movement whether it is going to be a four-month or a ten-month cycle.

If we could now discover some other series in which the cyclical movement
preceded, but was associated with, our dependency cycle, we should then be in
position to anticipate future movements with an exactitude that would depend
on the regularity of the lag between the two series. After some experimentation
we have found such a series in Carl Snyder's new Clearings Index of Business. 1
To forestall misunderstanding, it should be stated at this point that although we
are interested in cause-and-effect relations, we make no assumptions or infer-
ences in this respect regarding the problem under discussion, since this is a
matter that lies beyond the scope of the data available to the present brief
inquiry.

We find in brief: (i) That there is a correlation of .556 between the Family
Welfare series and Snyder's index for a six-month lag. Further analysis shows
(2) that the average period between the trough of Snyder's series and the next
crest of dependency, or between a crest of Snyder's index and the next trough
of dependency, is 5.60 months for twenty-two different periods. (3) The cor-
relation coefficient of these twenty-two selected high-low, or low-high points in
association is .6894. Finally, (4) study of periods of major rise and major
decline in the two series shows that the Family Welfare Association index tends
to rise or fall for a period longer by one or two months than the preceding fall or
rise in Snyder's index.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

We may in conclusion venture to predict that (i) if the upward rise of Snyder's
index since September, 1923, is part of an eight-month rise, then there should be
an end of the present rise of the dependency index about December, 1924; (2) if
the upward rise of Snyder's index since September, 1923, is part of a fourteen-
month rise, then we may not expect a marked turn in the high tide of dependency
till May or June, 1925. (3) The correlation coefficient for six-month lags suggest
an earlier fall in the dependency index than either of the two preceding fore-
casts. These predictions are not certainties; they are rather probabilities. Fur-
ther analysis of the data will, we fully believe, lead to the discovery of more
exact and reliable methods of prediction.

1 See Journal Amer. Statistical Assoc., Vol. XIX, No. 147, pp. 329 ff.

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON SOCIAL RESEARCH,
OF THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY, 1924

The work of the Committee consisted mainly of a survey to determine the
nature and extent of research being done by the members of the Society.
Letters were sent out to all members asking them to send to the Committee a
brief statement regarding any research upon which they were engaged. Replies
to these letters revealed 204 different reaserch projects being conducted by

TYPES OF SOCIAL RESEARCH

Rural sociology 33

Social psychology 18

Standard of living 16

Community life 16

Dependency 1 1

Educational sociology 10

Race 9

Miscellaneous and studies of social work 9

Population and migration 9

Marriage and the family 7

Social medical 7

Social change 6

Religion 6

Juvenile delinquency 6

Penology 6

Labor and industry 6

Social economics 5

Social politics 4

Mental hygiene 4

Law and sociology 3

Social control 3

Personality studies 3

Sociological theories 3

Heredity 3

Methods i

Ethics i

Social origins i

members of the society; some members being engaged, of course, upon more than
one piece of research.

From the account of these researches certain classifications were made.
About one- third (35 per cent) of these reports were on local studies, dealing
distinctly with a definite and limited area. Thirty-five per cent also were of the
survey type; that is, they were investigations or surveys of a locality or of a

203

204 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

community situation. In 36 per cent of these reports a definite statistical meth-
odology was used, sufficient to warrant calling them statistical studies. There
were a number of these researches which were not described fully enough to
make it possible to say definitely whether they were local studies, of the survey
type, or statistical in character. Between 30 and 40 per cent were thus incom-
pletely described.

We have further attempted to indicate the nature of these pieces of research
by the assortment shown on page 203.

The basis of this assortment is what appeared to the Committee to be the
major idea of the work. A number of the pieces of research might have been
allotted to more than one of the categories; for instance, a particular report
might have allocated either to the category "Social Psychology" or to the cate-
gory of "Mental Hygiene." The purpose of the foregoing list is simply one of
abbreviation, rather than a strictly accurate classification.

We have thought that the readers of the Proceedings would be interested in
seeing a list of 200 pieces of research upon which the members of the Society are
engaged. We have prepared such a list and it is submitted at the close of this
report. In regard to this list, it should be noted that in many cases the titles were
not provided by the authors but have been abstracted from descriptive para-
graphs. They will probably not in all cases be absolutely accurate, nor perhaps
those which their authors would consider most appropriate.

From this list of 200, the Committee selected eleven pieces of research for
the section program. This selection was necessarily of a somewhat arbitrary
character, the Committee being governed by considerations of variety and inter-
est as well as those of quality of the work.

Respectfully submitted,

WILLIAM F. OGBURN, Chairman
J. L. GILLIN
W. S. THOMPSON

SOCIAL RESEARCH IN PROGRESS, 1924

Rural Sociology-
Adaptation of farm families to typical regions Coon, B. F.
Advantages of farm life Saw tele, E. H.

American agricultural life Institute of Social and Religious Research.
Country life in Germany, Denmark, and France Branson, E. C.
Country town, social and economic relations of, in Ohio North, C. C.
Country town, social and economic relations of, in Minnesota Hoffer,

C.R.
Country town, social and economic relations of, in New York Melvin,

B.L.

Country town, social and economic relations of, in Wisconsin Kolb, J. H.
Farm housing and farm home conditions in Texas Garnett, W. E.

COMMITTEE ON SOCIAL RESEARCH 205

Farm housing and farm home conditions in Virginia Daggett, A. B.,and

Pierce, J. B.

Farm indebtedness Gillette, J. M.

Farm population of eight selected counties Galpin, C. J., and Larson, V. B.
Farmers' co-operative marketing, social aspects of Landis, B.
Farmers' co-operatives, psychological and social aspects of Zimmerman,

C. C.
General hospitals for farm communities, the social aspects of Nason,

W. C.

Kinsman tenant Rankin, J. O.
Part ownership, some social effects of Rankin, J. O.
Population movements to and from the farm in Missouri Morgan, E. L.
Population movements to and from the farm in Kansas Burr, Walter.
Population movements to and from the farm Larson, V. B.
Radio on Nebraska farms Rankin, J. O.
Recreation survey of two rural Ohio counties Lively, C. E.
Relation of rural community organization to type of agriculture Lively,

C. E.

Rural school efficiency in Kalamazoo County Burnham, E. W.
Rural migration and other sources of urban increase, 1910-20 Gillette,

J. M.
Sickness and death on the life of the farm family, social and economic

effect of Sanderson, D. L.

Study of the best rural institutions in New Jersey Keller, H.
Study of the best rural institutions in Illinois Whit taker, M. L.
Study of the best rural institutions in Texas Garnett, W. E.
Study of the best rural institutions in Virginia Gee, W.
Study of the best rural institutions in Washington Yoder, F. R.
Taxation and rural human welfare Rankin, J. O.
Village and town planning Mason, W. C.
Social Psychology

Attitudes of farmers toward co-operative marketing Taylor, C. C.

Creation of morals in groups Zeleney, L. D.

Differential reactions of unions to social and economic pressure, Rhode

Island and Nebraska Phelps, H. A.
Dynamic aspects of social psychology French, A. N.
Hotel life and human nature Hayner, N. S.

Investigation of the experimental modification of attitudes Sturges, H. A.
K.K.K. in different statesStewart, M. E.
Literature as a means of stimulating interest on the part of the public

Townsend, M.

Maladjusted college student, the Harper, E. B.
Order of birth and personalities Ogburn, W. F.
Psychoanalysis of the Lutheran church Snyder, H. M.

206 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Psychological causes of historical reform movements Davis, J.

Social possibilities of mental measurements Barry, A. G.

Statistical study of secondary contacts radio, newspaper, etc., in 1,000

homes in Michigan Carr, L. J.
Verbal stimuli, differential reactions to Hart, H.
Verbal stimuli, reaction to, and success in college Shuttleworth, F.
What the patrons of the C.G.W.R.R. are thinking about Hoverstad,

T. A.

What worries boys Burger, W. H.
Youth movement, the psychology of Aubrey, E. E.
Standard of Living

Cost-consumption units Brooks, M.

Cost of living in farm houses in several areas of Iowa Atwater, H. W.,

and Kilpatrick.
Cost of living in farmhouses in several areas of Kentucky, Tennessee, and

Kansas Atwater, H. W., and Kilpatrick.
Cost of living in farmhouses in Mason County, Kentucky Atwater, H. W.,

and Kilpatrick.

Farmers' standard of living in Alabama B rooks, M.
Farmers' standard of living in Connecticut Davis, I. G.
Farmers' standard of living in Iowa Von Turgeln, G.
Farmers' standard of living in Kansas Burr, W.
Farmers' standard of living in Kentucky Nicholls, W. D.
Farmers' standard of living in Ohio Melvin, B. L.
Farmers' standard of living in Missouri Morgan, E. L.
Farmers' standard of living in Nebraska Rankin, J. O.
Farmers' standard of living in New York Sanderson, D.
Rural standards of living (Andrews, B. R.) 1
Standard of living of families in dairy farms in a typical hill section of

southern New York Dickey, j . A.

Standard of living and population pressure in China Dittmer, C. G.
Community Life

City of Tacoma, survey Fyprig, C. W.

County of Kansas surveyed in the interest of child welfare Traut, G. W.

Effect of community organizations in New York City Bowman, E. L.

Functioning of rural community halls in New York State Felton, R. A.

History of Death Valley Coolidge, M. R.

Individual ascendency in rural environment Lively, C. E.

Isolated Mormon village Nelson, L.

Merchandising in rural communities Hoffer, C. R.

Progress of playground movement in Indiana since 1915 Newdon, V.

1 Names in parentheses signify part authorship, usually as part of a survey made
by some organization.

COMMITTEE ON SOCIAL RESEARCH 207

Public school in the community recreation program of Pennsylvania, place
of the Bernard, M.

Rural recreation training schools Felton, R. A.

Scoring of communities on the basis of the functioning of the social activi-
ties and organizations Elmer, M. C.

Social study of a rural New England township Hypes, J. L.

Study of recreational facilities Community Council of St. Louis, Missouri.

Utah type of agricultural village Nelson, L.

What are we doing to boys? Burges, W. H.

Dependency

Adoption of children in Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, Procedure of

Deardoff, N. R.

Care of the aged by Boston social agencies Eaves, L.
Causal factors in dependency: study in partial correlation Chapin, F. S.
Children left fatherless in Philadelphia: for a six-month period, study of

Deardoff, N. R.
Cost of public support and care of the paupers, defectives, and criminals

in Wisconsin, 1922 Gillin, J. L.

County almshouses in Georgia, study of Mathews, H. J.
Dependency index for Minneapolis Chapin, F. S.
Family desertion in Dane County, Wisconsin, study of Gillin, J. L.
Illegitimacy cases in Dane County Wisconsin, 1912-21, study of settlements

in Gillin, J. L.

Outdoor relief cases in Georgia counties Mathews, J. H.
Wage-earning women, a legacy to Eaves, L.
Education

Adult education, investigation and experiment in Kingsbury, S. B.

Consolidated school districts, social aspects of Mumford, E.

Curricular research in colleges, lack of and need for Eldridge, S.

Educational opportunity as affected by some land problems Rankin, J. C.

Endowments and foundations Clow, F. R.

Historical textbooks and international differences Taft, D. R.

Negro education in the United States, the evolution of Johnson, C. D.

School children, how they spend time out of school Clow, F. R.

Teaching citizenship in the schools of the United States. Bowden, A. 0.

Tenancy and education, relationship of Rankin, J. O.

Race

Changes in population and farm tenure in counties of the south by color

Work, M. N.

Community of Indian-negro-white crossed in Virginia MacDougle, I.
Genius by nationality groups in Who's Who Miller, A. L.
Lynching and the race problem, 1882-1924 Work, M. N.
Negro, the Dowd, J.

208 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Race relations survey Park, R. E.

Racial forces in community life Wessel, B. B.

Second-generation Orientals in America Smith, W. C.

What can the schools do in assisting the efficiency of the Negro? Work,

M. N.
Population and Migration

Americanization of the Finns Wargelin, J.

City drift and its social consequences Miller, A. L.

Demography of Champaign-Urbana Sutherland, E. H.

Ethnic factors in the population of New London, Connecticut Wessel,

B. B.

Immigrants and their children Carpenter, N.
Mexican population in a typical mid- western small city Burr, W,
Residential mobility Sutherland, E. H.
R61e of the village in New York State Melvin, B. L.
Statistical aspect of immigration and population problems Carpenter, N.

Miscellaneous and Studies of Social Work

Agencies for disabled ex-service men, work done by Community Council

of St. Louis.
Contributions of Dane County income taxpayers to charity, religion, etc.,

1922 Gillin, J. L.

Hospital beds, a study of Community Council of St. Louis.
Nurse in industry, the functions of the Moore, Mrs. S. P.
Negro housing in Dallas Scott, E.

Practical service ratios of urban social agencies Elliot, Mabel
Recreation to character building, relation of (Grady, J.)
Unit of comparison in intensive studies Sheffield, A. E.
Wealth of a county to the amount of welfare work, relation of the

Mathews, J. H.

Marriage and the Family

Case study of several hundred families as a social institution (Grady, J .)

Family adjustments, problems of Groves, E. R.

Family disorganization: an introduction to sociological analysis Mowrer,
E. R.

Family disruption, a study of Holland, W. W.

Family research (Holbrook, D. H.)

Home, social conditions of the Groves, E. R.

Marriage licenses and residence Sutherland, E. H.
Social Medicine

Adequacy of medical service social and economic factors Davis, M. M.

Cost of medical care, private and institutional, and its relation to budgets
Davis, M. M.

Crippled children in Chicago, a survey of (Loomis, F. G.)

COMMITTEE ON SOCIAL RESEARCH 209

Hospitals and clinics with non-medical charities, relationships of Davis,

M. M.
Interrelation of medical and social factors in disease, looking toward a

medical-social terminology Davis, M. M.
Prevalence of disease, especially of the non-incapacitating types Davis,

M. M.

Socialization of medicine in the United States Moore, H. H.
Social Change

Evolution of social classes Eldridge, S.

Mechanism of revolution Edwards, L. P.

Morality as a product of special evolution Hayes, E. C.

Mutual aid in social progress Miller, A. L.

Relative rate of change in custom and belief of modern Jews Ravitch,

J.S.
Synthetic study of social evolution based on objective evidences of change

in social structure Chapin, F. S.
Religion

Ethical value of belief in life after death among primitive people Wallis,

W. D.
Mormonism as a factor in the social, political, and educational life of North

America Dick, V.
Primitive religion Holland, W. W.

Relation of the Christian religion to the economic problem Carpenter, N.
Religious education as developed in colleges and universities Boyer, E. S.
Sociological study of the history of religion Aubrey, E. E.

Juvenile Delinquency

Juvenile court in Des Moines De Graff, H. O.

Juvenile courts of North Carolina Cowper, M. O.

Juvenile delinquency in Dane County, Wisconsin, 1918-21 Gillin, J. L.

Juvenile delinquency in Omaha Sullinger, T. E.

"Normal" delinquent girls Buchan, E.

Women going out of girls' reform schools, 1915-20 Kingsbury, S. B.
Penology

Attitude toward the whipping post in Delaware Crooks, E. B.

Commercialized prostitution with relation to the municipal court, and
medical measures in Cincinnati, 1920-24 Van Buskirk, E. F.

Honor system in "The Work House," Delaware Crooks, E. B.

Ontario gaol theory illustrated by Kingston gaol practice Fyprig, C. W.

Parole and probation of adult criminals in Wisconsin Gillin, J. L.

Labor and Industry

Employee-representative movement Metcalf, H. C.

I.W.W. in the United States Howd, C. R.

Rural child labor in Texas Garnett, W. E. (and others).

210 TEE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Woman without responsibility in industry Kingsbury, S. B.
Women in industry in Dallas Scott, E.
Young employed girl Kingsbury, S. B.

Social Economics

Chain store a study in the ecological organization of the modern city

Shideler, E. H.
Distribution of products and effect of advertising and selling Lewis,

E. St. E.
Fundamental factors in Euro-American and Roman imperialism Spyk-

man, V.
Relationship between a community and its chief industry, cotton Cowper,

M.O.
Women in industry in St. Paul Elmer, M. C.

Social Politics

Five hundred and fifty measures on ballots analyzed King, J.

Political measurements, their possibilities Eldridge, S.

Progress in political movements in the northwest agricultural states

Dick, V.
Rural municipalities Manny, T. B.

Mental Hygiene

Admission to mental hospitals Jarrett, M. C.
Feeblemindedness of a mid-western town of 3,500 Brooks, M. M.
Twenty-five first-year immigrant families Jarrett, M. C.
State care of mental hygiene in Illinois Burke, W. W.

Law and Sociology

Functional study of American law with particular reference to preventive

justice Pound, R.

Laws, state and federal, relating to opium Chamberlain, J. P.
Noteworthy changes in statute law Chamberlain, J. P.

Social Control

Causes and treatment of social radicalism Reed, E. F.

Facts that have a bearing on the probable future of war Hayes, E. C.

Intimate devices for social control gossip, satire, etc. Lumley, F. E.

Personality Studies

History of the women pioneers of the Pacific West Coolidge, M. R.
Personality studies from life-history documents Krueger, E. T,
Story of the rise of 100 best negro farmers Caruthers, T.

Sociological Theory

Developments hi German sociology Mez, J.

Social process Books taber, P. D.

Some social relations restated Hayes, E. C.

COMMITTEE ON AN ENCYCLOPEDIA 211

Heredity

Familial differential fecundity Hart, H.

Families of Baylor College graduates Johnson, G. B.

Intelligence tests of different races in relation to the size of family

Kirkpatrick, C. L.
Method

The map as a statistical device in sociological research Mowrer, E.
Ethics

Statistical ethics Brogan A. P.
Social Origins

The genesis of social institutions Carpenter, N.

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON
SOCIAL ABSTRACTS

The Committee on Social Abstracts recommends: (i) that the Committee
on Social Abstracts be made a standing committee of the American Sociological
Society; (2) that the Committee consider the problem of classification of the
literature of sociology which it is important to abstract; (3) that the Committee
be empowered to co-operate with the Social Science Research Council in con-
nection with its plans for a more adequate social science abstract service.

Respectfully submitted,

U. G. WEATHERLY

ROBERT E. PARK

F. STUART CHAPIN, Chairman

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON AN ENCYCLOPEDIA
. OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

Following the appointment of the committee of the Sociological Society,
conferees were designated by the Economic, Statistical, Anthropological, and
Political Science associations. Later individual representatives from the social
workers and the Historical Society were added.

At first an attempt was made to do business by letter. Several valuable
responses with advice were received. Members of the American Sociological
Society were also asked to respond to a questionnaire indicating their attitudes
with regard to the proposed work. A summary of these responses indicates that
75 per cent of those replying believe that such publication is desirable. The
responses show that a work dealing with the general principles of allied fields is
desired. A majority express the wish that the book should be published in four
or six compact volumes with a dictionary or encyclopedic arrangement of topics.
Those who expressed an opinion upon the cost of publication considered that

212 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

both subscriptions and subsidies would be necessary to put forth the work.
There was also general agreement that it should be published under the auspices
of the various societies. It was further indicated that the editors would prob-
ably have to be paid a salary and the contributors remunerated at a piece rate.

In order to secure concurrent action upon these points a meeting of repre-
sentatives in or near New York was held there on October 20, 1924. At this
meeting it was voted to recommend a handbook not exceeding six volumes to
include "non-alphabetically arranged topical articles grouped under logical
headings." It was also recommended that an effort be made to inform the Na-
tional Council of Social Research of the plans and endeavor to secure their co-
operation and financial backing.

On December 22, 1924, the New York group again met and appointed a
subcommittee consisting of E. F. Gay, A. Goldenweiser, and Mary Van Kleeck
to make recommendations of the Joint Committee for an executive committee
of seven composed of one member from each of the seven associations whose
co-operation is expected. The Joint Committee made the following recommen-
dations to each of the co-operating associations and requested action at the
Christmas sessions:

1. That each association vote to continue its co-operation either by con-
tinuing the present committee or by appointing successors.

2. If in the next few months the Joint Committee, through its executive
committee, reaches an agreement as to plan for co-operation, it is desirable that
the governing body of each co-operating association should be empowered to
ratify the plan, and action giving them such power is hereby requested.

3. In working out preliminary details modest expenditures are necessary,
and to cover them each society is asked to appropriate the sum of one hundred
dollars.

After discussing these recommendations, the Sociological Society, at its
morning session in Chicago, December 30, 1924, voted to continue the present
committee and also to empower the Executive Committee of the Society to
act upon the other two recommendations.

We have been informed that favorable action upon these points was taken
by the American Statistical Association at the same time.
Respectfully submitted,
H. B. WOOLSTON, For the Sociological Committee

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON THE TEACH-
ING OF SOCIAL STUDIES IN THE SCHOOLS

Freedom in the Teaching of Social Science

The teacher of social problems is peculiarly near to the volcanoes of emotion
which impede the erection of scientific beliefs. Religious, sexual, economic, ra-
cial, national, and political conflicts underlie almost all of the problems with
which he is concerned. If he is to fulfil his function as a pioneer of scientific

COMMITTEE ON THE TEACHING OF SOCIAL STUDIES 213

method in the study of human relations he will have to use the utmost of toler-
ance and skill in dealing with the questions peculiar to his special field.

Recent years have intensified the difficulty which confronts teachers of so-
cial studies in almost every line and in almost every school. Specific instances
of exclusion of textbooks, of dismissal of teachers because of their beliefs, and of
legislative and administrative prohibition of the teaching or discussion of cer-
tain topics have come to the attention of this committee from Pennsylvania,
South Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Oklahoma, Texas, Kansas,
Missouri, and Minnesota. These are, of course, by no means the only states
where such intolerance has been in evidence. Most of the cases noted have had
to do with evolution and with the negro problem, but the issue is far broader
than these two topics.

Antagonism to the teaching of evolution is not an isolated phenomenon, but
is allied to the general tendency toward intensely emotional attitudes toward
religious, patriotic, racial, and industrial problems as exemplified in the Funda-
mentalist movement, in certain activities of the American Legion, in the Ku
Klux Klan, in the Herrin massacre, and in kindred phenomena. The solution
demanded must be adequate not only to the issue of evolution but to cope also
with emotional prejudices involved in the discussion of the other burning issues
of our civilization.

The problem of freedom of thought and freedom of teaching is not an
ephemeral one, nor one to be ignored. Certainly the history of science gives no
ground for the belief that the conflict between emotional prejudice and dispas-
sionate research is a trivial or negligible element in human progress and retro-
gression. Teachers of social studies (who in our day must bear the brunt of this
conflict) may well endeavor to formulate and to apply sociological principles
related to the attitudes which they should take on emotionally prejudiced
topics. The presentation of even a crude statement of ideals may help to clarify
the issue and to lead many of us who are teachers of sociology to a nearer ap-
proach toward that combination of courage, tact, and pedagogical skill which
seems essential in the struggle for truth.

The true teacher must be faithful to the scientific spirit, no matter what
the cost. That spirit is the open-minded love of truth; it is intellectual honesty,
stripped of all preconceived prejudices; it is an eager, unflincing, unflagging
quest which follows wherever truth may lead. It abhors that venal opportunism
which acquiesces with popular views irrespective of one's personal conceptions
of truth and of scientific progress, so as to produce the best-selling textbooks
and so as to procure maximum personal advancement.

Yet sociologists must recognize that direct conflict is not always the best
method to achieve their end. The data of social psychology are replete with
evidence as to the dangers involved in antagonism as a means of social control.
Open conflict too often reinforces the very emotional attitudes which are being
opposed. Coercion has been notoriously unsuccessful as a method of assimilat-
ing racial and religious groups. The sociologist may well query whether his own
science justifies the attempt to conquer intolerant groups by aggressive attack.

214 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

As scientists we must adopt the objective pragmatic attitude; we must seek the
answer to this question: By what type of policy can the sociologist best promote
in the rising generation the love of truth and the fearless and dispassionate search
for it? The problem becomes not an emotional but an intellectual issue. The
seeker may arrive at some such policy as the following set of principles implies:

1. As far as is consistent with his function as a guide in the search for truth,
the teacher of sociology should adopt, in presenting the facts essential to his
subject, those methods which arouse the least emotional antagonism: (a) He
should refrain from denouncing specifically the treasured verbal formulas in
which the individuals whom he desires to influence have been accustomed to
embody their beliefs, their hopes, and their loyalties, (b) In discussing contro-
versial subjects, he should avoid making sweeping generalizations in which oc-
cur words which have become symbols for emotional conflict, such as "evolu-
tion," "God," "miracles," "socialism," "capitalistic," "Jew," "negro," "Amer-
ica," sex terms and the like, (c) The teacher of sociology should avoid implying
that persons who disagree with him are insincere, dishonest, stupid, or inferior.
(d) In the preparation of textbooks and in the presentation of courses, the so-
ciologist should avoid conflict on trivial and non-essential matters and on sub-
jects remote from the immediate problems to be dealt with.

2. In attempting to modify unscientific attitudes, the teacher should bring
to the attention of the student the facts which are inconsistent with his false
position and urge him himself without bias to account for these facts. He should
do his utmost to persuade the student to discover the truth for himself rather
than to convey to the student the teacher 's conclusions.

3. The sociologist should use his whole influence in favor of impartial dis-
cussion and freedom of speech, especially insisting upon a fair hearing for his
opponents. The teacher should present fully the facts which are favorable to
the side in which he does not believe, as well as those favorable to his own posi-
tion, and point out their possible interpretations.

4. If the sociologist finds that his subject cannot adequately be presented
without arousing emotional antagonism he should nevertheless go forward fear-
lessly and take the consequences. As a teacher he should endeavor conscien-
tiously, courageously, and ardently to encourage in his students and his readers
the eager and impartial search for truth. No consideration for his own safety,
advancement, or financial advantage should deter him from this purpose.

In the long run, who need fear for the outcome as between science and super-
stition? As dedicated servants of an invincible cause, let us never allow our
selfish interests to dilute our loyalty to truth, nor our enthusiastic impatience to
interfere with the independence of thought and the gradual wholesome growth
of the minds intrusted to our guidance.

The discussion of the foregoing memorandum at the luncheon at which it
was presented brought out some points which should be noted here. Certain
speakers felt that a direct challenge to the emotional prejudices of the students

COMMITTEE ON THE TEACHING OF SOCIAL STUDIES 215

had a valuable stimulating effect. An instance was cited in which a teacher who,
it was stated, had been attacked and left for dead by the Ku Klux Klan, had,
thereupon, a tremendous and permanent increase in the enrolment of his classes.
In connection with giving a fair hearing to the opposition some of those present
at the luncheon felt that this was likely to result in having the time of the class
wasted by verbose faddists; it was suggested that the teacher necessarily must
exercise a selective function. Still another speaker doubted whether it was ad-
visable to attempt to recommend any one method of teaching.

Can we Measure Results in Teaching Social Science?

Before scientific conclusions can be reached as to the relative merits of
various methods of teaching social science some method must be devised for
measuring the attitudes which such teaching seeks to produce.

Experiments with a test called the "personnel assay er," as administered to
525 representative fifteen-year-old school children and to delinquents in cer-
tain institutions have yielded results looking toward the measurement of
delinquency and of socialization.

The typical school child, according to this investigation, is intolerant, but
not to the extent of approving mob violence. For example, of the 525 public-
school children tested, 71 per cent agreed that "it is wicked to teach that there
are things in the Bible that are not true"; on the other hand, 83 per cent in-
dorsed the statement that "it is a very dangerous and evil practice for mobs to
take it on themselves to enforce the law."

Culture conceit and ethnic egotism characterize this sample of American
youth. That "most jews try to get the best of a bargain even if they have to
cheat to do it" was the opinion of 70 per cent, and 80 per cent felt that the lives
of the best Chinese are worth no more to the world than the lives of average
American laborers. That "no country ever had as good laws or as good a gov-
ernment, or a culture as good in any way as we people of the United States
have" was asserted by 80 per cent of the children. National isolation was the
favored policy. Dislike for war was expressed by 90 per cent, but the majority
thought that war would continue indefinitely to be as common as in the past
few centuries.

The quality of the patriotism taught these children is suggested by the
fact that the sentence "Good patriots are always loyal to their political party"
was indorsed by 75 per cent. A strong interest in "reverence for Old Glory" was
shown by 60 per cent of the children, but only 19 per cent showed a correspond-
ingly strong interest in "work for social justice."

Majorities believed that "crime can best be reduced by punishing every
criminal severely," and that "all strikes should be prohibited"; 43 per cent
favored prohibiting smoking tobacco. In the eyes of these youngsters smoking
by women and the falseness of a friend were about equally reprehensible.

Reactions of girls indicated more sensitiveness, more interest in religion, and
less interest in economic and social questions than the boys showed. Delin-

216 TEE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

quent boys rated by their teachers as brutal or unkind reacted to the test in
ways which indicated defiance of conventions and lack of sympathy and ideal-
ism. Particularly striking was their antagonism toward religious stimuli. On
the other hand, delinquents without marked brutal tendencies were likely to
pretend to be very intellectual, very sympathetic, and especially very religious.
The "pretender" group is apparently much more numerous among delinquents
than are the "defiers."

Using these reactions as a basis, a tentative scoring method has been devised
which is highly reliable for identifying the pretender type of delinquent. This
method is quite complex, however, and will not be put into circulation until
further experiments have been carried out.

HORNELL HART, Chairman
Ross L. FINNEY
H. A. MOORE

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL

RELATIONS

At the meeting two years ago a committee on international relations was
appointed with the definite commission to investigate the relation of news to
international public opinion and to undertake such further tasks as it saw fit.
As I reported last year, it seemed wise, for the purpose of carrying more weight
and perhaps more easily to secure financial support, that the news-investigation
project be submitted to the Social Science Research Council with the request
that it assume the responsibility. This was done last February and the Council
agreed to undertake the investigation through a specially appointed committee.
The project as defined and accepted by the Council is as follows: "A thorough
scientific and objective investigation of the instrumentalities involved in the
world-wide collection and dissemination of current news and opinion of inter-
national concern, and of the underlying and related problems of the formation
and expression and significance of attitudes on international affairs."

Money was secured for a preliminary conference for the careful planning
of the undertaking. At the first meeting of the committee, it was assumed that
the committee itself should create an organization for carrying out the work,
probably assigning certain portions to various institutions.

At a recent meeting of the committee it was decided that it would be more
valuable if, before such an organization were formed, the widest possible advice
and co-operation should be secured. The farther we proceed the more clear it
becomes that the ramifications of this undertaking are very extensive, and that
there are many factors which affect public opinion which need to be understood
before it will be possible to analyze the influence of news; and it may be found
that considerable work has been done on parts of this, and that there may be
special fields which individuals or institutions might be glad to undertake, and

PERSONNEL CLASSIFICATION IN FEDERAL GOVERNMENT 217

still other special aspects which individuals would be glad to finance who would
not be willing to put a very large sum into a general investigation.

At the present time a preliminary outline of the project as it is now seen is
being prepared. This will very shortly be sent out widely for criticism and sug-
gestions. After these have been received, further advice will be sought from
various foreign countries. Many of you will be asked to help with the criticism
and suggestions in the near future. It is quite obvious that this work will cover
several years, and there seems to be no difference of opinion as to its very funda-
mental and important character.

The only other activity of the committee has been to make some overtures
in the direction of international co-operation with social scientists, but since the
field of sociology is not sharply defined abroad, it seems wise to the chairman
of this committee that the political scientists and economists should join with
the sociologists for this purpose. The matter has been presented to both asso-
ciations, and something of this sort may be done at their current meetings.

Committee on International Relations,
H. A. MILLER, Chairman

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON PERSONNEL

CLASSIFICATION IN THE FEDERAL

GOVERNMENT

The American Statistical Association, the American Economic Association,
the American Sociological Society, and the American Association for Labor
Legislation at their annual meetings in December, 1923, appointed committees
to present to the President of the United States, to the Civil Service Committees
of the two Houses of Congress and to the Federal Personnel Classification Board
briefs regarding the proper classification of scientific positions in economics,
sociology, and statistics and to take such other action as might prove desirable
to bring about the proper classification of such positions.

The Budget for the fiscal year 1925 had revealed the fact that the Person-
nel Classification Board had generally classified scientific government positions
in the fields of economics, sociology, and statistics as being in the "Clerical
Administrative and Fiscal Service" as defined in the Classification Act of 1923,
and not in the "Professional and Scientific Service" as defined in that Act.

The Associations are directly interested in this action of the Personnel
Classification Board, because persons working in the social sciences are largely
dependent on government sources for the data used in arriving at decisions on
economic and social matters and because the quality of the government's work
in these fields is determined principally by the qualifications of the persons
doing the government work.

The Classification Act of 1923 recognized the necessity for paying larger
salaries for professional and scientific positions in the government service in order

2i8 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

to attract and retain properly qualified workers. Had the scientific positions
in economics, sociology, and statistics been allocated to the Professional and
Scientific Service they would have been assigned to salary grades on the basis
of the definitions prescribed by Congress to apply to professional and scientific
positions. These definitions are entirely different from the definitions for the
clerical, administrative, and fiscal services. The use of the professional and
scientific grade definitions would have resulted in offering for economists,
sociologists, and statisticians compensation more nearly comparable to that
offered by private enterprise. At the same time standards for entrance into
these positions would have been established on the basis of professional and
scientific qualifications so that the government would have derived the benefits
sought by Congress in increasing the rates of compensation for professional and
scientific workers.

Formal protest against the action of the Personnel Board is made both on
the ground that it is contrary to the letter and the spirit of the Classification
Act and that it is against the interests of the country which require more com-
plete and intelligent application of the social sciences.

The Classification Act of 1923 appeared to be a step forward for two reasons:
it provided a much needed adjustment of salaries for government employees,
more particularly for the professional, scientific, and technical employees; and
having provided more adequate salaries, it permitted improving the system for
securing properly qualified employees. It was to be the instrument for giving
full effect to the sound fundamental principles of the merit system. Recognition
of the scientific, technical nature of large numbers of governmental positions
and the establishment of proper entrance requirements for them were primary
steps in improving the service. In no fields were they more important than in
economics, sociology, and statistics. The Classification Act was to have been a
means of giving to the people a higher degree of efficiency and usefulness in the
application of the social sciences in the solution of public problems. The action
of the Personnel Classification Board to a large extent negatives the Act.

On behalf of the associations which we represent we therefore urge that the
scientific character of the work in the fields of economics, sociology, and sta-
tistics be recognized, that positions in these fields requiring technical or sci-
entific training equivalent to graduation from a college or university of recog-
nized standing be allocated to the Professional and Scientific Service, and that
the salaries of positions so allocated be fixed in accord with the definitions of the
several salary grades established by the Act for that service.

CARL KELSEY
University of Pennsylvania

ROBERT R. KEHN
George Washington University

MOLLDE R. CARROLL
Goucher College

REPORTS OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE SOCIETY
TO THE SOCIAL-SCIENCE RESEARCH COUNCIL

The Social-Science Research Council now consists of three representatives,
each from the American Political Science Association, the American Sociological
Society, the American Economic Association, and the American Statistical
Association, appointed for terms of three years.

The Social-Science Research Council was organized in 1923, in accordance
with a concurrent resolution setting up as the purpose of the organization that
of "promoting and co-ordinating research, and furthering the development of
research methods in the social studies." During the year 1924 four sessions
have been held, February 16, May 17, November 29, and December 31, and
substantial progress has been made in various directions.

1. Research Fellowships

A plan for research fellowships has been worked out by a committee of the
Council of which Professor A. B. Hall was chairman, and adopted by the
Council. This plan provides for granting opportunities for study of social prob-
lems analogous to those now given to students of natural science, and it is
believed will greatly stimulate research and make possible significant advances.
A copy of the plan is attached hereto. The Fellowship Committee of three
elected by the Council consists of Professor Wesley C. Mitchell of Columbia
University, chairman, Professor F. S. Chapin of the University of Minnesota,
secretary, and Professor Charles E. Merriam of the University of Chicago. It
is hoped that substantial support of the work of this committee will be available
for the year 1925-26.

2. Committee on Scientific Aspects of Human Migration

Early in 1924 the National Research Council's Committee on Scientific
Aspects of Human Migration requested the Social Science Research Council to
appoint a similar committee on the social aspects of the problem. It was the
intention that these two committees, while independent financially and tech-
nically, should co-operate as closely as possible in preparing a program for the
study of migration, and in the scientific study of the projects outlined.

The principal project undertaken by our committee during this year has
been the study of the mechanization of industry in relation to migration (in the
United States). This was in charge of Professor W. C. Mitchell of Columbia
and Professor Harry Jerome of the University of Wisconsin. A gift of $15,500
was made for this purpose, and the inquiry is now well under way. The Com-
mittee has worked on a series of plans for the study of migration during the year
and has made progress in the development of a significant program. Among the

219

220 TEE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

more important of the features of the program as thus far discussed are a statis-
tical survey of world migrations, an inquiry into Canadian immigration laws, a
study of the immigration problem in Argentina, a study of personality and race
differences. The members of this Committee are Edith Abbot, chairman, Pro-
fessor Ogburn, Professor Ogg, Professor John R. Commons, Professor Wesley C.
Mitchell, Professor John A. Fairlie, Professor H. A. Miller, Professor Wittke,
Professor R. M. Yerkes, Professor Wissler, Mary Van Kleek.

3. International News and Communication

During the year a project for a study of international news and communica-
tion was referred to the Committee, and after consideration the Council ap-
proved of a "thoroughly scientific and objective investigation of the instru-
mentalities involved in the world-wide gathering and dissemination of current
news and opinion of international concern, and of the underlying related prob-
lems of the formation, expression, and significance of attitudes on international
affairs."

The Committee consists of Walter S. Rogers, chairman, Mr. Franklin
Adams, Pan-American Union, Professor Willard G. Bleyer, School of Journal-
ism, University of Wisconsin, Dean Walter Williams, School of Journalism,
University of Missouri, Dr. Edwin W. Slosson, National Research Council
Science Service, Professor Harold G. Moulton, director, Institute of Economics,
Professor Jerome Davis, Yale University, Professor R. E. Park, University of
Chicago, Mr. Bruce Bliven, New York, Professor George G. Wilson, Harvard
University, Professor R. M. Yerkes, Yale University, Professor W. F. Og-
burn, Columbia University, H. A. Miller, Ohio State University. The Com-
mittee has held several sessions and is preparing a careful project for the study
of the problem as stated by the Council. The sum of $2,500 has been contributed
for the purpose of forming this plan.

4. Publication of Index and Digest of State Legislation

This Committee, of which Professor J. P. Chamberlin of Columbia is
chairman, has continued the effort of the previous year to obtain support for
the annual preparation and publication of an index and digest of all state legis-
lation by the United States government through a congressional appropriation.
In addition to the indorsement of the plan given by the constituent members
of the Council, many other indorsements have been obtained and substantial
progress has been made toward the end in view. The undoubtedly large useful-
ness of such a publication to all those interested in any form of social research
makes the advance of the Committee's work of great significance to the Council
and to all the members of the constituent societies as well as to large numbers
of other persons and organizations.

5. Committee on Social-Science Abstracts

This Committee, of which Professor F. S. Chapin is chairman, reported the
publication of short notes on three alternative plans for abstracting social-

REPORTS OF REPRESENTATIVES 221

science periodical literature which appeared during the summer in the journals
of the societies of the constituent members of the Council. The recommenda-
tion of the Committee is attached hereto.

6. Committee on Survey of Social-Science Agencies in the United States (Professor
Secristj Chairman)

This Committee plans a survey of the most significant social-science agen-
cies in the United States with a view of ascertaining types of available material
for social research, and also for the purpose of scrutinizing and comparing the
various types of method employed by these agencies. Such an inquiry would
provide basic data of the most important nature and would lead to an intensive
scrutiny of the problems of method in the field of social research. The Com-
mittee has formulated a plan of inquiry, but thus far has not been able to obtain
funds for the prosecution of the undertaking.

REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON SOCIAL-SCIENCE ABSTRACTS

TO THE SOCIAL-SCIENCE RESEARCH COUNCIL,

NOVEMBER 29, 1924

1. We recommend the restablishment of some plan of central editorial
supervision (co-operative) for social-science abstracts such as outlined in the
recent statement published in the social-science journals. Plan I is recom-
mended as desirable, but if funds cannot be obtained, Plan II is recommended
as an alternative.

Plan I. Publication of social-science abstracts for economics, political
science, sociology, and statistics, as a separate monthly or quarterly bulletin.

a) Expense to be met by subsidy from some national foundation, or by
joint-membership dues of the societies, or by contribution from the constituent
societies, (estimated cost, $14,600, at added expense per member of $2.18 to
$2.44 yearly).

b) Acceptance of guidance over abstracting by a central editorial body
representative of the whole field, with (i) common methodology of abstracting ?
(2) conformance to some objective system of classification of subjects, (3) cross-
referencing, (4) editing and abstracting paid.

Plan II. Publication of social science abstracts in separate journals as at
present with enlargement of these services to cover the field more adequately,
(a) expense to be met by dues increased by $2.08 yearly, (b) central editorial
organization as described under (b) of Plan I.

Plan HI. Publication of social-science abstracts in separate journals as at
present with enlargement of these services to cover the field more adequately;
(a) expense to be met by dues increased by $1.50 yearly; (b) no central editorial
supervision, but (i) agreement on common basis of classification of abstracts,
each journal to publish in full its own abstracts, and printing merely the scheme
of classification of each other journal; (2) abstracts to be paid for by the page.

2. We recommend the appointment of a standing committee on abstracts

222 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

of periodical literature by each constituent society, (a) to co-operate in further-
ing the plan of joint abstracting; (V) to classify the subject-matter of the special
field of knowledge of the particular science concerned.

F. STUART CHAPIN (Sociology), Chairman
DAVIS R, DEWEY (Economics)
A. C. HANFORD (Political Science)
WALTER F. WILLCOX (Statistics)

Other significant actions of the Council are the vote bringing to the atten-
tion of the Association of American Universities the desirability of the general
adoption, by universities granting the degree of Doctor of Philosophy with social
sciences, of two measures calculated to render more easily available research
work done in fulfilment of requirements for the doctorate, namely, (i) the main-
tenance, under suitable restrictions, of an interlibrary loan file of doctoral dis-
sertations in the social sciences; (2) the annual publication of abstracts of
doctoral dissertations accepted by the university during each academic year,
each candidate to be required to submit with his dissertation an acceptable
abstract of it.

With respect to the following action of the executive council of the American
Economic Association, "To refer to the Social Science Research Council the
question of the advisability of the American Economic Association changing
its status in A.A.A.S. from that of 'associated' members to that of 'affiliated'
member, and to ask the Council to consider the effect that the entrance of the
American Economic Association into the A.A.A.S. would have on the other con-
stituent associations," it was voted as follows: "It is believed that the constit-
uent associations should act only in concert in dealing with the A.A.A.S., and
that the relation of the social sciences to the A.A.A.S. should be made the matter
of further study by the Social Science Research Council and its constituent
members."

The Council voted, November 29, to request the constituent members of
the Council not to fix a time and place of meeting in 1925 without first consult-
ing the other constituent members. This request was made in the hope that it
might be possible at intervals, at any rate, to arrange for meetings of all the
social sciences at the same time and place, and possibly for one or more joint
sessions for consideration of common problems in the field of social research.
It is strongly hoped by the Council that it may be possible to bring this about.

F. STUART CHAPIN
SHELBY M. HARRISON
WILLIAM F. OGBURN

REPORTS OF REPRESENTATIVES 223

REPORT OF THE DELEGATES OF THE AMERICAN

SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY TO THE AMERICAN

COUNCIL OF LEARNED SOCIETIES

The annual meeting of the American Council of Learned Societies was held
in New York City on January 26, 1924. The chairman, Charles H. Haskins, re-
ported a grant of $6,000 from the Carnegie Corporation for a survey of learned
societies. Reports of progress were made by the Committee on a Dictionary of
American Biography and by the other committees of the Council. Edward C.
Armstrong, Waldo G. Leland, and Paul Shorey were selected as delegates to
the annual meeting of the Union Academique Internationale in Brussels, May
12-14. Waldo G. Leland was appointed director of the survey of learned so-
cieties and began active work on the survey July i. The American Council of
Learned Societies was incorporated in Washington October 28, and held an
organization meeting on October 30. A revised form of the original constitution
was submitted to the constituent organizations for ratification. At a special
meeting of the Council, December 6, an announcement was made of the gift by
the New York Times and its publisher, Mr. Adolph Ochs, of $500,000, payable
over a period of ten years, for the preparation and editing of the Dictionary of
American Biography. The permanent office of the Council was established in
Washington and Waldo G. Leland was appointed as executive secretary for the
year 1925. A subvention of $8,000 from the Carnegie Corporation for the work
of the Council in 1925 was announced.

Respectfully submitted,

FRANKLIN H. GIDDINGS
WILLIAM F. OGBURN, Delegates

REPORT OF THE MEETING OF THE SECTION ON EDUCATIONAL

SOCIOLOGY

The section on educational sociology held two meetings during the general
session. The first was a general meeting held at 9 : 30 Tuesday morning. It was
presided over by the chairman of the section, Dr. Walter R. Smith, of the
University of Kansas, and had an attendance of something over forty. Care-
fully prepared papers were read by Dr. Franklin Bobbitt, of the University of
Chicago, and Dr. Ira W. Howerth, of the State Teachers' College, Greeley.
Colorado. These papers were followed by a general discussion led by Dr. F.
Stuart Chapin, of the University of Minnesota, and Dr. David Snedden, of
Columbia University, and participated in by a number of others.

Dr. Bobbitt has been a pioneer in the field of curriculum reconstruction
and the scientific determination of educational objectives by a painstaking
analysis of social activities. His paper dealt with the contributions educators
have a right to expect sociologists to make in redirecting education into greater
social usefulness. Dr. Howerth has written freely in both sociology and educa-

224 TBE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

tion and his paper contained a critical summary of the sociological bases of a
science of education. Each of these papers will shortly be available in printed
form, that of Dr. Howerth appearing in an early issue of the Journal of Social
Forces, making it unnecessary, as it would be unsafe, to attempt a summary
from memory.

The second session was a luncheon conference of those interested in re-
search in educational sociology. It took place at the City Club with an attend-
ance of twenty-two, and was presided over by Dr. David Snedden. Numerous
reports of research projects undertaken or supervised by those present were
made. General discussions were centered upon methods of investigation, the
sort of problems available for theses, and the need of a clearing-house through
which researches may be assembled and made generally available. Plans were
also discussed for the annual meeting of the national Society for the Study of
Educational Sociology, which takes place at Cincinnati, February 25 and 26.

The section on educational sociology had its inception in a general program
of the American Sociological Society at its meeting in 1922. An evening session
was devoted to education, under the chairmanship of Dr. David Snedden. Such
was the interest aroused that a meeting was held the following February at
Cleveland during the sessions of the Department of Superintendence of the
National Education Association. At this meeting the National Society for the
Study of Educational Sociology was organized. Since then two meetings a year
have been held, one in connection with the American Sociological Society, and
the other during the sessions of the Department of Superintendence.

The value of two sessions per year is evident. Educational sociology is not
only a sub-science of general sociology, but it is a basic science of education. Its
appeal is to workers in each field, and its advancement must depend upon the
co-operation of sociologists and educationists. These groups must somehow be
made to understand each other, to realize that neither is in a position to patron-
ize the other, and that any worth-while accomplishment in educational sociology
will be mutually helpful to both. This mutuality is illustrated in the parallel
field of educational psychology. Without doubt a large share of the progress in
school work during the past half-century has been due to the searchlight thrown
upon the learning process by psychologists. In return, teachers have flocked
into psychology classrooms and students of education have made the most sig-
nificant contributions to scientific psychological advance. In a similar way, the
progress of education in the next half-century may be immensely furthered by
throwing the searchlight of sociology upon the educative process, particularly
with reference to socialization. In proportion as this is done our three-quarters
of a million teachers will provide an enormous clientele for sociology classrooms,
and students of education may be expected to make some of the most note-
worthy contributions to the advancement of general sociology. Thus educa-
tional sociologists need to affiliate themselves with both sociologists and educa-
tionists, learning from each, and hoping to contribute to each, in equal pro-
portions.

WALTER R. SMITH, Chairman

PROGRAM OF THE NINETEENTH ANNUAL MEETING,
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS, DECEMBER 29-31, 1924

MONDAY, DECEMBER 29
9: oo A.M. Registration.
10:00-12:00 A.M. Meetings of sections of the Society.

Section on Social Research. In charge of W. F. Ogburn, Columbia Uni-
versity. Ten-minute reports on research projects.

"The Contributions of the Income Taxpayers of Dane County, Wiscon-
sin, to Charity, Religion, and Education." John L. Gillin, University of
Wisconsin.

"Familial Differential Fecundity." Hornell Hart, Bryn Mawr College.
"Relative Rate of Change in Custom and Belief of Modern Jews."
Jessie Ravitch, University of Minnesota.

"Personality Studies from Life History Documents." E. T. Krueger,
Vanderbilt University.

"Historical Textbooks and International Differences." Donald R. Taft,
Wells College.

"Some Researches in Rural Group Analysis." John H. Kolb, Univer-
sity of Wisconsin.

"Commodity Distribution in Rural Communities." C. R. Hoffer, Uni-
versity of Minnesota.

"A Measure of Rural Migration and Other Sources of Urban Increase."
J. M. Gillette, University of North Dakota.

"Some Tendencies and Aspects of the Race Problem, 1912-24." Monroe
N. Work, Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute.
"Standard of Living and Population Pressure in China." C. I. Dittmer,
University of Wisconsin.

"A Dependency Index for Minneapolis." F. Stuart Chapin, University
of Minnesota.

Section on Sociology of Religion. In charge of Herbert N. Shenton, Co-
lumbia University. Club Room, Mezzanine Floor.

The raison (Tdtre of this meeting. Charles A. Ellwood, University of Mis-
souri.

"Sociology of Religion." Herbert N. Shenton, Columbia University.
"Practical Application of Sociology to Current Religious Problems."
Justin W. Nixon, Rochester, New York.

"Possibilities and Limitations of a Section on Religious Sociology." War-
ren H. Wilson, Department of Church and Country Life, Presbyterian
Board of Home Missions.
Discussion. Leading to action determining the future of the section.

225

226 TEE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

12 130 P.M. Luncheon Conferences:

Section on Rural Sociology and American Farm Economic Association.
South Room, Ninth Floor.

"Rural Income and Standard of Living." In charge of C. J. Galpin, Bureau
of Agricultural Economics, Washington, D.C.

For the economists, M. L. Wilson, Bureau of Agricultural Economics,
Washington, D.C. For the sociologists, D wight Sanderson, Cornell Uni-
versity. Discussion, Hildegarde Kneeland, Bureau of Home Economics,
Washington, D.C.

Section on the Family. In charge of Mrs. William F. Dummer. Lincoln
Room, City Club, 315 Plymouth Court.

"Modern Conditions Influencing the Family." Ernest R. Groves, Boston
University

3:00-5:00 P.M. Division on Social Psychology. In charge of Ellsworth Faris,
University of Chicago.

"Psychology and Culture." A. A. Goldenweiser, New School for Social
Research.

Discussion. L. L. Bernard, University of Minnesota.
"Cultural Trends and Technique." Robert E. Park, University of Chi-
cago.

Discussion. Emory S. Bogardus, University of Southern California.
"The Subjective Aspect of Culture." Ellsworth Faris.
Discussion. Floyd H. Allport, Syracuse University.

5:00 P.M. Meeting of the Executive Committee.

8 : oo P.M. Joint Session with the American Economic Association and with the
American Statistical Association. The Gold Room, the Congress Hotel.
Presidents' addresses:

"Intolerance." Charles A. Ellwood, American Sociological Society.
"Quantitative Analysis in Economic Theory." Wesley C. Mitchell, Ameri-
can Economic Association.

"The Statistician and the Population Problem." Louis I. Dublin, Ameri-
can Statistical Association.

9:30 P.M. Smoker tendered by the business men of Chicago.

TUESDAY, DECEMBER 30

9: co A.M. Business meeting for the reports of committees.
10:00-12:00 A.M. Division on Statistical Sociology. In charge of Walter F.
Willcox, Cornell University.

"American and European Population Densities and the Immigration Policy
of the United States." Niles Carpenter, University of Buffalo.
Discussion. Arthur J. Todd, Northwestern University.
"The Need for Improved Child Welfare Statistics." R. M. Woodbury, In-
stitute of Economics, Washington, D.C.

PROGRAM OF THE NINETEENTH ANNUAL MEETING 227

Discussion. Grace Abbott, Federal Children's Bureau; George B. Mangold,
St. Louis, Missouri.

"The Development of American Vital Statistics." Walter F. Willcox.
Discussion. G. R. Davies, University of North Dakota.
Section on Educational Sociology. In charge of W. R. Smith, University
of Kansas. Club Room, Mezzanine Floor.

"The Contribution Sociology Should Be Expected to Make to Education,
Science, and School Procedure." Ira Howerth, Colorado State College, and
Franklin Bobbitt, University of Chicago. Discussion led by David Sned-
den, Columbia University and F. Stuart Chapin, University of Minnesota.
12:30 P.M. Luncheon Conferences:

Section on Rural Sociology. "Next Steps in Rural Social Research." South
Room, Ninth Floor.

A. "Emphasis Regarding 'Knowing Your Own State' and 'Making a
Special Contribution.' " Statement: J. H. Kolb, University of Wisconsin.
Outline: S. H. Hobbs, Jr., University of North Carolina.

B. "Special Needs for a Social Psychological Emphasis." L. L. Bernard,
University of Minnesota.

Discussion. Carl C. Taylor, North Carolina State College; C. E. Lively,

Ohio State University.

Section on the Teaching of Social Sciences in the Public Schools. In charge

of Hornell Hart, Bryn Mawr College. North Room, Ninth Floor.

"Freedom in the Teaching of Social Science."

"Can We Measure Results in Teaching Social Science?"

Discussion limited to five minutes for each speaker.

Section on Educational Sociology. City Club, 315 Plymouth Court.

Round table for Discussion of Research Projects.
3:00-5:00 P.M. Section on International Relations. In charge of Herbert A.

Miller, Ohio State University.

Report of the Committee on International Relations and Co-operation.

Herbert A. Miller, chairman.

"Surveying the Press." Walter Williams, University of Missouri.

"The Background of News." Robert E. Park, University of Chicago.

"The International Activities of the Soviet Government." Pitirim Sorokin,

University of Minnesota.

Discussion. Jerome Davis, Yale University.

"The Sociological Factor in the Interpretation of International Relations

with Specific Illustrations from Southeastern Europe and the Near East."

Earle E. Eubank, University of Cincinnati.

Discussion. Herbert A. Miller.

2:45-5:00 P.M. Section on Rural Sociology. In charge of John H. Kolb, Uni-
versity of Wisconsin. South Parlor, First Floor.

"Significant Factors in Rural Population Affecting Our Civilization."

228 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

"Farm Population." John M. Gillette, University of North Dakota.
"Village Population." C. Luther Fry, Institute of Social and Religious
Research, New York City.

"Rural Demography." Warren S. Thompson, Scripps Foundation, Miami
University.

Discussion. W. L. Bailey, Northwestern University.

6:30 P.M. Annual Dinner of the American Sociological Society. In honor of
Albion W. Small and Franklin H. Giddings. Speakers: George E. Vin-
cent and James P. Lichtenberger. South Room, Ninth Floor.

WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 31

9: co A.M. Annual Business Meeting of the American Sociological Society.
10:00-12:00 A.M. Division on Biological Factors. In charge of Frank H.
Hankins, Smith College.

"Race Crossing in the Light of Modern Genetics." L. C. Dunn, Storrs
Agricultural Experiment Station.

Discussion. Frank H. Hankins. *

"The Hybrid as a Sociological Type." E. B. Reuter, University of Iowa.
"An Anthropological View of Race Mixture." Ralph Linton, Field Muse-
um, Chicago.

Discussion. Kimball Young, University of Oregon.

"On a Method for the Study of the Phenomenon of Nationalism." Max S.
Handman, University of Texas.

THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE SECRETARY FOR THE FISCAL YEAR
DECEMBER i, 1923, TO NOVEMBER 30, 1924

Membership Statement

Last year the total membership of the Society was 1,141 ; this year it num-
bers 1,193, a g a i n f 5 2 members.

Membership in 1923 ....................... i , 141

Members resigning .................... 63

Members dropped ..................... 190

Members deceased .................... 3

Total lost ........................ 256

Members renewing

ex officio ........................... i

exchange ........................... 5

paid ............................... 879

New members ........................ 308

Total members for 1924 ............... i , 193

Life Members

The life members of the Society now include the following persons : Jerome
Davis, Thomas D. Eliot, Earle E. Eubank, Ellsworth Faris, Mrs. Richard
Ford, J. C. Harper, W. Clinton Heffner, Bertha A. Irving, Shiko Kusama,
Samuel McC. Lindsay, Maud Loeber, Jane I. Newell, Jesus Rivero Quijano,
Frederic Siedenburg, Teizo Toda, Arthur J. Todd, W. Russell Tylor, Christine
Lofsted, T. C. Wang, L. D. Weyand, James O. Welchel, Frederic G. Young.

Recommendation for Membership

Among those sending in lists of applications or recommended persons are
Floyd Allport, Alice Belcher, Caroline Bengston, F. W. Blackmar, Starr
Cadwallader, Grace E. Chaffee, C. H. Cooley, E. H. Davis, E. E. Eubank, R. W.
Frank, Henry S. French, Charles J. Galpin, John L. Gillin, E. R. Groves,
June Purcell-Guild, Clara E. Howard, Susan M. Kingsbury, J. H. Kolb, D. C.
Kulp II, F. E. Lumley, R. D. McKenzie, O. O. Norris, E. B. Reuter, H. N.
Shenton, W. C. Smith, Ellwood Street, H. H. Strong, W. F. Willcox, H. B.
Woolston.

Interest of Members in Divisions of the Society

In 1924 for the first time members were invited to indicate the divisions of
the Society in which they were most interested. Of the 1,193 members of the
Society less than one-half, or 513, made a grand total of 1,740 preferences. Over

229

2jo THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

one-half of this number expressed an interest in Social Psychology, the favorite
division, while a little more than one-fifth evinced an interest in Statistical
Sociology, which stood lowest in the selection. It would be hazardous to spec-
ulate concerning the effect upon this distribution if the remaining members, 680,
had also taken part in this informal referendum:

Social psychology 279

Teaching social science in the schools 249

Social research 230

Sociology and social work 230

Community problems 200

Educational sociology 159

Rural sociology 141

Biological factors in social causation 134

Statistical sociology 118

Total preferences as stated i , 740

Activities of the Society

The growth in the activities of the Society is shown by the fact that there
were in 1924 representatives of our organization on five national bodies en aged
in co-ordinating the work of social science associations or learned societies, and
twelve standing and special committees of the Society. During the year the
executive office sent out four communications from the President to the mem-
bers of the Executive Committee and two communications to all the members
of the Society, one from the President and the chairman of the Committee on
Social Research, asking that research projects be submitted for consideration in
the program to be devoted to research in progress, and the other from the chair-
man of the Committee on Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences asking for data
of help in organizing a plan.

Respectfully submitted,

ERNEST W. BURGESS, Secretary

REPORT OP THE FINANCE COMMITTEE

Your committee has, with the assistance of a public accountant, examined
the books of the American Sociological Society for the fiscal year ending Novem-
ber 30, 1924. The postings of the ledger have been checked and were found to be
properly charged to the respective accounts. The balance in the bank as sub-
mitted by the depository agrees with the statement as to "Cash in the Bank on
November 30, 1924." The bonds of the Northwestern Electric Company and
of the St. Cloud Public Service Company were examined and found satisfactory.
We submit for your consideration Balance Sheet (Schedule "A") and Statement
of Cash Receipts and Disbursements (Schedule "B") prepared by the Secretary-
Treasurer on the basis of the report by the public accountant which was examined
and found to be correct.

REPORT OF THE FINANCE COMMITTEE 231

BALANCE SHEET AS OF NOVEMBER 30, 1924

Assets
Cash in Bank ............... $ 383.64

Office furniture ........... $118.65

Less depreciation up to and including 1924 . . . 56.15 6 2.. 50

Proceedings, on hand, 1,352 volumes at $0.50 ...... 676.00

Investments:

Northwestern Electric Co. 6 per cent Gold Bonds. . . . 500.00

St. Cloud Public Service Co. 6 per cent Gold Bonds . . . 675. 38

Surplus as of December i, 1923 ..... .... $2,481.34

Additions:

Increase in stock of Proceedings by 88 copies . $44.00
Deductions:

Depreciation Office Furniture . . $ 6.92
Net Loss Schedule "B" .... 220.90 227.82

Net deductions .............. 183.82

Total liabilities $2,297.52

SCHEDULE "B"

STATEMENT OF CASH RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS FROM DECEMBER i, 1923,
TO NOVEMBER 30, 1924

Cash Receipts

Dues from members, 1924 $3,822.40

Dues from members, 1925 144.00

Dues from life members 256.00

$4,222.40

Exchange with remittances 16.80

Postage with remittances 2 . 85

Income from Proceedings 326.49

Interest on bonds 72.00

Interest on certificate of deposit 26 . 24

Receipts for abstract service 91.00

Total receipts $4,757-78

Plus credit from University of Chicago Press 350.00

$5,107.78

Cash Disbursements

Proceedings, Volume XIX $1,444.00

American Journal of Sociology 2,408.66

Clerical aid, salaries, etc 511.03

Postage and express 295 . 93

Printing 290.69

Stationary 147.90

Secretary's expense at annual meeting 106.43

Exchange on remittances 39 . 30

Refund on memberships 50.31

Auditing 10.00

Insurance on Proceedings 2 . 50

Office and miscellaneous expenses 21.93

Total disbursements $5,328.68

Excess of disbursements over receipts $ 220.90

232

THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Summary

Balance in Bank, December i, 1923 $ 604.54

Total receipts for period ending November 30, 1924 4,757.78

Total disbursements for period ending November 30, 1924 .
Less credit from University of Chicago Press ....

$5,362.32
$5,328-68

350.00 $4,978.68

Balance in bank, November 30, 1924 $ 383.64

The Statement of Cash Receipts and Disbursements includes in its cash
receipts "Dues from members, 1925" ($144.00). If these receipts had not been
included, the balance "Cash in bank, November 30, 1924" ($383.64) would
have been a balance of only $239.64. This balance, however, would have become
a deficit if there were deducted from it the cash receipts from life members
($256.00), income from the abstract service ($91.00), and the like figures from
1923 against which no expenditures have been charged ($24.62), uninvested
balance from life memberships, and $22.00 (subscriptions for abstract service).
The deficit thus determined, $153.98, is, however, less than the deficit similarly
computed for 1923 ($342.08). The difference in these two figures ($188.10)
represents the second surplus in the accounts of the Society for seven years, and
is largely to be attributed to the budget system which was introduced two years
ago on the recommendation of the Finance Committee and to the effective work
of the Editing Committee in bringing the cost of the Proceedings within the
budget estimates.

The Committee submits herewith a comparative table of incomes and ex-
penditures for the last seven years, 1918-24 inclusive, prepared by the Treasurer.

ANALYSIS OF ACTUAL INCOME AND EXPENDITURES 1917-1923

Year

Receipts from
Dues

Total Receipts

Expenditures

Deficit

Cash Balance

IOI7

$180. 6s

1018

$2.411. 3.C

$2,810. 70

$2,863.87

$^. 17

327.48

IOIO

2 to8 3O

2 062 7O

7 . i n6 74

27.2 QCf

Q7 (T7

IO2O

3172 %O

3CQI Q6

3.81 s * oo

272 QA

T 70 41

1021 . . . .

7 . 708 tO

4. 4OO . 7 3

4..6l7. 22

216.4.0

346 oo

IO22 . .

4 228 72

4..QO3. 70

S.OO2. 7<

08.06

44 J 86

y 1
IQ23*

4.43Q.4<

?,OO7.86

4,994.08

103.78!

342.08

v ^ A
1024. ....

4722 4O

<?, >l6.78

<,128.68

188 iof

IC7. 08

* The figures for 1923 and 1924 do not include receipts from life memberships nor for the abstract
service.

t Surplus.

Your Committee respectfully recommends the consideration by the Execu-
tive Committee of the following proposals:

i. That an amendment to the Constitution be submitted to the Annual
Meeting of the Society providing for a joint membership for husband and wife
with annual dues of $5. The joint membership entitles the holder to a single
subscription to the Journal and to one volume of the Proceedings.

REPORT OF THE FINANCE COMMITTEE

233

2. That a spot map be made showing the geographical location of the
members provided that the cost does not exceed $25.

3. That a photograph of the President be included in the next and all
succeeding volumes of the Proceedings.

Your Committee begs leave to present herewith the third Annual Budget
of the American Sociological Society covering the fiscal year ending November
30, 1924.

TENTATIVE BUDGET

of the

American Sociological Society for the Fiscal Year of 1925
(December i, 1924 to November 30, 1925)

Receipts

Estimated

Receipts for

1925

Dues from members $4,800.00

Sale of publications

Press credit

Interest on bonds

Interest on certificate of deposit ....

Abstract service

Exchange and postage with remittance and
miscellaneous

325-00
350-00

IOO.OO

20.00

100.00

20.00

Actual

Actual

Receipts for

Receipts for

1924

1933

$4,722.40

$4,439.45

326.49

238.90

350.00

350.00

72.00

30.00

26.24

15.88

107.00*

19.65

23.63

Total receipts $5,?i5-oo $5,623.78 $5,097.86

Expenditures

American Journal of Sociology $2,400.00

Proceedings 1,600.

Clerical aid and salaries '

Postage and express

Printing

Stationary

Secretary's expenses at meetings .

Society membership A.C.L.S

Auditing

Exchange on dues

Refunds on membership

Insurance

Abstract service

Miscellaneous expense

Total expenditures $5,715.00 $5,428.68

^Receipts and estimated expenditures for abstract service included.

Estimated
Expenditures
tor 1925

Actual
Expenditures
for 1924

$2,400.00
I,6oo.oo
600.00

$2,408.66
1,444.00
5H.03

300.00
300.00

295-93
290 . 69

150.00
6o.OO
60. oo

147.90
106.43

10.00

10.00

40.00

39.30

55-00

50.31

3.00

100.00

2.50
(est.) 100.00*

37.00

21.93

Actual

Expenditures

tor 1923

$2,302.80

1,526.06

432.85

247.32

189.45

55-05

18.43

97.70

IO.OO

32.50

54.70

2.50

24.72
$4,994.08

Respectfully submitted,

Finance Committee:
WILLIAM T. CROSS
THOMAS D. ELIOT
M. J. KARPF, Chairman

234 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

ANNUAL REPORT or THE MANAGING EDITOR FOR THE
FISCAL YEAR

DECEMBER i, 1923 TO NOVEMBER 30, 1924

On November 30, the number of different volumes of the Papers and
Proceedings on hand was as follows:

Volume Copies Volume Copies

I 68 X 157

II o Out of print XI o Out of print

III o Out of print XII 80

IV 36 XIII oOutofprint

V 30 XIV 19

VI o Out of print XV 256

VII 31 XVI 153

VIII 57 XVII 151

DC 19 XVIII 305

The total number of volumes, 1,352, is 88 more than were reported last
year.

Respectfully submitted,

ERNEST W. BURGESS, Managing Editor

THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

MINUTES OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, CHICAGO, ILLINOIS,
DECEMBER 29, 1924

The meeting was called to order at 5 :io P.M. by President Charles A. Ellwood
in Room 126, in the Auditorium Hotel. There were present, in addition to the
President and the Secretary, Messrs. Blackmar, Cooley, Dealey, Galpin, Gillette,
Gillin, Hayes, Lichtenberger, Ogburn, Park, Snedden, Weatherly, Willcox.
(Only six of the twenty-one members of the Committee were absent.) The
reading of the minutes of the last meetings was dispensed with, since they are
printed in the Proceedings.

President Ellwood stated that if there were no objections the first order of
business would be the three proposals already submitted by correspondence to
the members of the Committee. A motion by Professor Weatherly was passed
that the President be authorized to appoint a Committee of three members to
consult with representatives of other social sciences and through the Social
Science Research Council upon the relation of the American Sociological Society
to the American Association for the Advancement of Science, and to report its
recommendation to the meeting of the Committee in 1925.

A motion by Professor Blackmar carried providing that a committee of
three persons be now appointed to consider the proposal of the election of
distinguished foreign sociologists as honorary members of the Society. The pres-
ident appointed U. G. Weatherly, E. C. Hayes, and J. Q. Dealey.

After some discussion of the relation to the Society of groups and organiza-
tions representing special interests, Professor Weatherly made a motion which
carried that the President, Secretary, and one representative from each section
within the Society and, by invitation, from organizations outside the Society,
constitute an advisory committee to formulate a policy for the co-ordinating in
the program both the general and special interests of members of the Society,
provided that the policy recommended be referred to the Executive Commit-
tee for action.

Upon the report of a recommendation by the National Council for Social
Studies that each of the social science associations defray the traveling expenses
of its representative on the board of directors of the Council, Professor Park
made a motion which carried that traveling expenses for this purpose to an
amount not to exceed $50 be authorized.

Professor Hayes presented a communication from Professor Consentini
of the Internation Institute of Sociology and Social Politics of Turin suggesting
affiliation with our Society. Professor Dealey's motion was passed referring this

235

236 TEE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

matter to the Committee to consider the election of distinguished foreign sociolo-
gists to honorary membership. On motion of Professor Lichtenberger a similar
request from Professor Marcel Mauss of the Institute of Sociology of France was
referred to the Committee on Resolutions for an expression of felicitation upon
the organization of the Institute and to the Committee on Honorary Member-
ship of Foreign Sociologists for a report on the advisability of a plan of relation-
ship.

Moved and carried that telegrams of greeting to Professors Small and
Giddings be sent by the Committee on Resolutions.

On motion of Professor Ogburn the proposed amendment of the constitution
of the Council of Learned Societies made necessary for the purpose of incorpora-
tion was approved.

A motion by Professor Lichtenberger passed that the Resolutions Com-
mittee express the appreciation of the Society for the underwriting by the New
York Times and Mr. Adolph S, Ochs of the authoritative work on American
biography undertaken by the National Council of Learned Societies.

The reports of the Secretary and of the Managing Editor for the year ending
November 30, 1924, were read and approved. The report of the Finance Com-
mittee was read and accepted. Professor Gillette moved the amendment to the
constitution recommended by the Finance Committee providing for joint mem-
bership in the Society of husband and wife with annual dues of five dollars be
approved and referred to the annual business meeting for final action. The mo-
tion was carried.

A recommendation by Charles E. Merriam, chairman of the Social-Science
Research Council was approved, that action on time and place of the next meet-
ing of the Society be deferred in order to arrange for the selection of a common
time and place for all the social-science associations.

Respectfully submitted,

ERNEST W. BURGESS, Secretary

MINUTES OF THE BUSINESS MEETING FOR REPORTS OF COMMITTEES,
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS, DECEMBER 30, 1924

The meeting was called to order at 9 :io A.M. by President Charles A. Ellwood
in the Banquet Hall, Auditorium Hotel. Reports, which are printed elsewhere
in the Proceedings , were made by the chairmen of the following committees:
the Committee on Social Research, W. F. Ogburn; the Committee on Social Ab-
stracts, F. S. Chapin; the Committee on an Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences,
H. B. Woolston; the Committee on the Classification of Civil Service Positions,
J. P. Lichtenberger for Carl Kelsey, chairman. F. S. Chapin made a report of
the work during the past year by the Social-Science Research Council, which is
printed in full in this volume.

Respectfully submitted,

ERNEST W. BURGESS, Secretary

MINUTES OF THE ANNUAL BUSINESS MEETING 237

MINUTES OF THE ANNUAL BUSINESS MEETING, CHICAGO, ILLINOIS,
DECEMBER 31, 1924

The meeting was called to order at 9 : 05 A.M. by President Charles A. Ellwood
in the Banquet Hall, the Auditorium Hotel. Since the minutes of the last meet-
ing were printed in the Proceedings, their reading was dispensed with. The
minutes of the meeting of the Executive Committee were read and approved.
On the motion of Professor Gillette, the following amendment to the constitution
submitted by the Executive Committee was adopted:

That Article III on membership be amended to include the following section: A
joint membership may be taken out by husband and wife upon the payment of an an-
nual fee of five dollars.

The committee appointed by the Executive Committee (U. G. Weatherly,
E. C. Hayes, and J. Q. Dealey) to consider the proposal of the election of dis-
tinguished foreign sociologists as honorary members of the Society, reporting
through its chairman, made the following recommendations:

1. That distinguished foreign sociologists may be elected to honorary membership
in the Society.

2. That a special committee of the Executive Committee be appointed to make
nominations for each membership.

3. That the Committee heartily concurs in the proposed plan of co-operation with
such foreign sociological societies as have a recognized national standing, and such as
contain among their membership men of international standing in the science.

The Committee on Resolutions (A. J. Todd, E. S. Bogardus, and W. F.
Ogburn) recommended the following resolutions which were adopted :

1. The American Sociological Society expresses its deep appreciation to the Local
Arrangements Committee, to the Chicago business men who provided the smoker
Monday evening, to the management of the Auditorium Hotel for its many courtesies,
to the City Club, the Cordon Club, Hull House, and other Chicago groups for their
open-hearted hospitality and entertainment, all of which has contributed to the pleasure
and success of our nineteenth annual meeting.

2. The American Sociological Society in its nineteenth annual meeting assembled
desires to express its enthusiastic appreciation of the munificence and rare wisdom dis-
played by Mr. Adolph S. Ochs and the New York Times Company in underwriting to
the extent of $500,000 the authoritative work on American biography projected by the
American Council of Learned Societies.

3. The American Sociological Society hereby records its belief that the time has
now come when scholars from all countries should participate on equal terms in scien-
tific congresses at which it is invited to be represented. The American Sociological So-
ciety is of the opinion that no invitation to participate in a future international congress
should be accepted by it unless the rules of the congress allow scholars of all countries
to participate on equal terms.

4. The American Sociological Society sends its greetings to, and offers fraternal
good wishes for the success of, the newly organized Institut de Sociologie de France.

238 THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

The Committee on Nominations (E. C. Hayes, F. W. Blackmar, C. H.
Cooley, and U. G. Weatherly) placed in nomination for the year 1925: president,
Robert E. Park; first vice-president, John L. Gillin; second vice-president,
Walter F. Willcox; secretary- treasurer, Ernest W. Burgess; members of the
Executive Committee, Emory S. Bogardus, Howard W. Odum, and James E.
Cutler. A motion made by Professor Gillette carried that the Secretary be
instructed to cast the ballot of the Society for these nominees. Professor Hayes,
as chairman of the Nominating Committee, raised the question of whether
nominating committees in the future are required to follow the precedent of
nominating to the presidency those who have held the offices of first and second
vice-president. After some discussion a motion by Professor North carried that
it is the sense of the Society that our present method of electing officers is un-
satisfactory. A second motion by Professor North was then carried that it is
the sense of the Society that nominating committees in the future submit at
least two names for every office, without expressing a preference. President
Ellwood then called President Park to the chair. Professor Hayes raised the
question of the advisability of the re-election of presidents. A motion by Profes-
sor Gillette carried that the practice of the renomination of presidents for a
second term be not revived.

Respectfully submitted,

ERNEST W. BURGESS, Secretary

AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

MEMBERSHIP LIST FOR THE YEAR 1925

ABBOTT, EDITH, University of Chicago,

Chicago, 111.
ABBOTT, W. LEWIS, 808 North Weber St.,

Colorado Springs, Colo.
ABRAM, R. C., University of Missouri,

Columbia, Mo.
ABT, HENRY EDWARD, 6 Needham Place,

Ithaca, N.Y.
ADAMS, RALPH S., 46 Mt. Vernon St.,

Lansdale, Pa.
ADAMS, SAMUEL B., 206 Gaston St., East,

Savannah, Ga.
ADDAMS, JANE, Hull House, 800 S. Hal-

sted St., Chicago, 111.
AKIN, MARJORIE E., Carle ton College,

Northfield, Minn.
ALBRIGHT, JOHN, Cayuga, Ind.
ALBRIGHT, LEILA R., 1001 E. Jefferson

Ave., Detroit, Mich.
ALEXANDER, W. A., Library, Indiana

University, Bloomington, Ind.
ALEXANDER, W. M., Fayette, Mo.
ALLPORT, FLOYD HENRY, University of

Syracuse, Syracuse, N.Y.

ALLPORT, GORDON W., Emerson Hall,
Harvard University, Cambridge,
Mass.

ALMACK, JOHN C., Box 571, Stanford Uni-
versity, Calif.

ALTER, ADA M., 717 Ohio St., Lawrence,
Kan.

AMANN, DOROTHY, Library of Southern
Methodist University, Dallas, Tex.

ANDERSON, A. S., 220 S. sth Ave., La
Grange, 111.

ANDERSON, ROY R., Harle Ave., Cleve-
land, Tenn.

ANDERSON, WALFRED A., State College
Station, Raleigh, N.C.

ANDREWS, BENJAMIN R., i Old Wood
Road, Edgewater, N.J.

ANDREWS, JOHN B., American Associa-
tion of Labor Legislation, 131 E.
23d St., New York, N.Y.

ANDREW, J. H., Storer College, Harpers
Ferry, W.Va.

ANGELL, ROBERT COOLEY, 2008 Day St.,
Ann Arbor, Mich.

ANGLER, ROSWELL P., 140 Edgehill Road,
New Haven, Conn.

APPLEGATE, MELBOURNE S., 19 Grove
Place, East Orange, N.J.

D'ARDELL, VERDI D. S., 429 W. Gorham
St., Madison, Wis.

ARMSTRONG, ELSIE, Hayes Hotel, Chi-
cago, 111.

ARMSTRONG, SAMUEL TREAT, Hillbourne
Farms, Katonah, N.Y.

ARTMAN, J. M., University of Chicago,
Chicago, 111.

ASH, ISAAC E., Athens, Ohio

ASHMAN, BENJAMIN II., Hoboken Beach,
R.R. 4, Madison, Wis.

ATHEY, MRS. C. N., 100 S. Patterson
Park Ave., Baltimore, Md.

AUBREY, EDWIN E., 407 S. Oak St., Ox-
ford, Ohio

AUSTIN, CHARLES B., 112 Cottage Ave.,
Mount Vernon, N.Y.

AUSTIN, GERTRUDE B., 112 Cottage Ave.,
Mount Vernon, N.Y.

AVERILL, EDITH S., Ivanhoe Road, Hil-
grove, Cedar Rapids, Iowa

AYERS, EDWARD EVERETT, 5553 Magnolia
Ave., Lynchburg, Va.

BABCOCK, DONALD C., University of New
Hampshire, Durham, N.H.

BABER, R. E., Blue Ridge, N. C.

BABSON, ROGER, 5 Babson Park, Welles-
ley Hills, 82, Mass.

BADANES, SAUL, 32 Cameron Ave., Baby-
lon, L.I., N.Y.

BAILEY, ROY D., Morris County Chil-
dren's Home, Boonton, N.J.

BAIN, READ, University of Washington,
Seattle, Wash.

BAIRD, CHARLES GLENN, 330 Avenue A,
Snohomish, Wash.

BAKER, HERBERT M., Box 522, Greeley,

Colo.
BAKER, O. E., 1212 N. i6th St., Abilene,

Tex.

239

240

THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

BAKER, OLIVER, i Hesketh St., Chevy

Chase, Md.
BAKKEN, H. H., 308 Oak St., Mount

Horeb, Wis.
BALCH, WILLIAM M., 610 N. 6th St.,

Baldwin City, Kan.
BALDWIN, HELEN, Cascade, Iowa
BALDWIN, SIMEON E., New Haven, Conn.
BALES, RUTH, 5657 E. Washington St.,

Indianapolis, Ind.
BALLARD, LLOYD VERNOR, 915 Park Ave.,

Beloit, Wis.
BAMFORD, E. F., 1188 W. soth St., Los

Angeles, Calif.
BANNER, EDWARD A., 4609 N. Rockwell

St., Chicago, 111.
BARGER, J. WHEELER, Montana State

College, Bozeman, Mont.

BARNARD, MARGARET, 827 Bank St.,
Waterbury, Conn.

BARNES, GERALD, 418 Thompson St.,
Ann Arbor, Mich.

BARNES, HARRY E., 186 Elm St., North-
ampton, Mass.

BARNHART, KENNETH E., 1815 N. New-
stod Ave., St. Louis, Mo.

BARRY, A. GLEN, 416 N. Francis St.,
Madison, Wis.

BARRY, Lois V., 10 Langdon St., Madi-
' son, Wis.

BATES, ROBERT L., Virginia Military In-
stitute, Lexington, Va.

BATTEN, S. Z., 1701 Chestnut St., Phila-
delphia, Pa.

BAUMG ARTEL, WALTER H., Larkspur,

Colo.
BAUMGARTEN, MRS. M. R., The Rosen

baum Company, Pittsburgh, Pa.

BEACH, WALTER G., Stanford University,
Calif.

BECKER, ETHEL, Gridley Hall, Carleton
College, Northfield, Minn.

BEDFORD, CAROLINE, 2221 Locust St.,
St. Louis, Mo.

BEDFORD, SCOTT E. W., University of
Chicago, Chicago, 111.

BEELEY, ARTHUR L., University of Chi-
cago, Chicago, 111.

BEER, WILLIAM, Howard Memorial Li-
brary, New Orleans, La.

BELCHER, ALICE E., Milwaukee-Downer
College, Milwaukee, Wis.

BELLAMY, GEORGE A., 2723 Orange Ave.,
Cleveland, Ohio

BELLAMY, RAYMOND, Florida State Col-
lege for Women, Tallahassee, Fla.

BELLER, WILLIAM F., 51 E. i23d St., New
York, N.Y.

BENGSTON, CAROLINE, Harvard, Nebr.

BENJAMIN, PAUL L., 215 E. Walnut St'.,
Louisville, Ky.

BENNIWIES, W. G., State Teachers' Col-
lege, Greeley, Colo.

BERMAN, WM. A., 711 Elwood Ave., N.,
Minneapolis, Minn.

BERNARD, L. L., 13 Folwell Hall, Uni-
versity of Minnesota, Minneapolis,
Minn.

BERNHEIMER, CHARLES S., 2612 Broad-
way, New York, N.Y.

BERNSTEIN, LUDWIG B., Federation of
Jewish Charities, 502 Washington
Trust Bldg., Pittsburgh, Pa.

BERNSTEIN, WALTER, North Wales,
Montgomery Co., Pa.

BEST, HARRY, University of Kentucky,
Lexington, Ky.

BETTMAN, ALFRED, 1514 First National
Bank Bldg., Cincinnati, Ohio

BEVER, JAMES, 614 Ivy St., Bellingham,
Wash.

BICKHAM, MARTIN HAYES, 429 9th St.,
Wilmette, 111.

BIDGOOD, LEE, Box 416, University, Ala.

BINDER, RUDOLPH M., New York Uni-
versity, Washington Square, New
York, N.Y.

BISHOP, EUGENE A., Maryland State
Normal School, Towson, Md.

BISHOP, H. MIRIAM, 360 Elm St., Elgin,
111.

BITTNER, C. J., 324 Fairchild St., Iowa
City, Iowa

BITTNER, W. S., 822 Hunter St., Bloom-
ington, Ind.

BIZZELL, WILLIAM B., A. & M. College,

College Station, Tex.
BLACHLY, MRS. MARGARET G. B., 241

Willow Ave., Takoma Park, Md.
BLACKMAR, FRANK W., University of

Kansas, Lawrence, Kan.
BLACKWELL, BESSIE T., Wellsville, Mo.
BLAGDEN, EDWARD S., 113 E. 64th St.,

New York, N.Y.
BLAINE. MRS. EMMONS, 101 E. Erie St.,

Chicago, 111.

MEMBERSHIP LIST

241

BLANCHARD, DR. PHYLLIS, Child Guid-
ance Clinic, Children's Hospital of
Philadelphia, i8th and Bainbridge
Sts., Philadelphia, Pa.

BLANZET, ERNEST M., 9i6-5th St., S.E.,
Minneapolis, Minn.

BLAZIER, GEORGE J., Marietta College,
Marietta, Ohio

BLUMER, HERBERT E., 1108 Paquin St.,
Columbia, Mo.

BLUMER, MILDRED G., Green, Iowa

BODENHAFER, WALTER B., Washington
University, St. Louis, Mo.

BOETTIGER, Louis A., Y.M.C.A., Apple-
ton, Wis.

BOGARDUS, EMORY S., University of
Southern California, Los Angeles,
Calif.

BOHANON, ALONZA, Atlanta University,
Atlanta, Ga.

BOHN, DR. FRANK, 135 Prospect St.,
Stamford, Conn.

BOND, NATHANIEL BATSON, Mississippi
Woman's College, Hattiesburg, Miss.

BONDY, ROBERT E., American Red Cross,
National Headquarters, Washing-
ton, D.C.

BONNEY, ETHELIND M., 1213 S. California
Ave., Stockton, Calif.

BOODIN, JOHN ELOF, 717 E. 2d St.,
Northfield, Minn.

BOOKMAN, C. M., Council of Social Agen-
cies, 25 E. pth St., Cincinnati, Ohio

BOOKSTABER, PHILIP D., Harrisburg, Pa.

BOORMAN, W. RYLAND, Y.M.C.A. Col-
lege, 5315 Drexel Ave., Chicago, 111.

BOOTHE, VIVA B., 301 Irvine Place, El-
mira, N.Y.

BORETZ, MARY E., 438 E. 87th St., New
York, N.Y.

BORNETT, MRS. MARY CLARKE, 5812
Maeburn Rd., Pittsburgh, Pa.

BOSSARD, JAMES H. S., Logan Hall, Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania, Phila-
delphia, Pa.

BOSTICK, ARTHUR E., St. Louis Public
Library, St. Louis, Mo.

BOUCKE, O. FRED, School of Liberal Arts,
State College, Pa.

BOWDEN, A. O., Silver City, N.M.

BOWDEN, R. D., Box 206, Glen Ellyn, 111.

BOWEN, R. H., The Parker. Hanover,
N.H.

BOWERMAN, GEORGE F., Public Library,

Washington, D.C.

BOWMAN, C. A., Albright College, Myers-
town, Pa.
BOWMAN, LEROY E., 593 Kent Hall,

Columbia University, New York,

N.Y.
BOYD, NEVA L., 800 S. Halsted St.,

Chicago, 111.
BOYER, EDWARD S., 4949 Indiana Ave.

Chicago, 111.
BOYSON, BELLE D., 774 Piedmont Ave.,

N., Atlanta, Ga.
BRADBURN, HELEN WATSON, 2412 Cal-

houn St., New Orleans, La.
BRADEN, SAMUEL R., Carlinville, 111.
BRADLEY, REV. D WIGHT J., Ministers

Study, Webster Grove, Mo.
BRAMER, JOHN PHILIP, 95-28th St.,

Elmhurst, L.I., N.Y.
BRANDENBURG, S. J., Clark University,

Worcester, Mass.
BRANSON, DR. E. C., University of North

Carolina, Chapel Hill, N.C.
BREAKER, JASPER, Atlanta University,

Atlanta, Ga.
BRECKINRIDGE, SOPHONISBA P., Green

Hall, University of Chicago, Chicago,

111.
BRENNAN, Miss A. F., 688 Boylston St.,

Boston, Mass.
BRIDGES, THOMAS A., 858 Albany St.,

Boston, Mass.

BRISTOL, Lucius MOODY, University of
Florida, Gainesville, Fla.

BROGAN, A. P., University of Texas,
Austin, Tex.

BROOK, MARGARET M., 1305-8111 Ave.,
Worthington, Minn.

BROOKE, MYRTLE, Montevallo, Ala.

BROOKS, ELIZABETH, 622 W. State St.,
Jacksonville, 111.

BROOKS, LEE M., 69 Montvale St., Ros-
lindale, Boston, Mass.

BROOME, EDWIN W., Rockville, Md.
BROWN, HARRIET G., Elmira College,

Elmira, N.Y.
BROWN, LAWRENCE G., 804 E. 58th St.,

Chicago, 111.
BROWN, THOMAS I., Morgan College,

Baltimore, Md.
BROWNE, SQUIRE F., University of Idaho,

Moscow, Idaho

242

THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

BRUNNER, EDMUND DE S., Mountain BYRNES, AGNES H. M., 279 Lexington

Lakes, NJ.
BRUNO, FRANK J., 404 S. 8th St., Minne-
apolis, Minn.
BRUNS, JOHN, 245 E. 75th St., New York,

N.Y.
BUCHAN, EVELYN, University of Maine,

Orono, Me.
BUCKLEY, DANIEL, Woodrow, Broad Axe,

Ambler, Pa.
BUDD, DORIS MARY, 1032 N. Prospect St.,

Tacoma, Wash.
BUELL, LEONARD WATSON, 559 Main St.,

Stoneham, Mass.
BULLOCK, CHARLES E., Canton, Pa.

BURDETTE, MRS. ROBERT J., Hotel

Maryland, Pasadena. Calif.
BURGER, W. H., 2 W. 45th St., New York,
N.Y.

Ave., Bryn Mawr Club, New York,

N.Y.
BYRON, WILLIAM F., Hull House, 800 S.

Halsted St., Chicago, 111.
CADWALLADER, STARR, 2901 Weymouth

Rd., Cleveland, Ohio
CALHOUN, ARTHUR W., Brookwood,

Katonah, N.Y.
CAMPBELL, MARGARET G., 2616 E. 7$d

St., Chicago, 111.

CAMPBELL, W ALTER J., Y.M.C.A. Col-
lege, Springfield, Mass.
CANIS, EDWARD N., R. A, Box 372-A,

Indianapolis, Ind.
CAPEN, EDWARD W., 146 Sargent St.,

Hartford, Conn.
CAPONE, AMERICO ARTHUR, 343 Vale St.,

Chelsea, Mass.

BURGESS, E. W., University of Chicago, CARNEY MABEL, Teachers' College, Col-

Chicago, 111.
BURKE, W. W., University of Chicago,
Chicago, 111.

umbia University, New York, N.Y.
CAROTHERS, MARIE ANNIS, in N. Indi-
ana Ave., Bloomington, Ind.

BURKHARD, SAMUEL, 926 Forest Ave., CARPENTER, ALLAN R., c/o Boy Scouts

Tempe, Ariz.

BURLESON, F. E., A.R.C., 1709 Washing-
ton Ave., St. Louis, Mo.

BURNET, PHILIP, Continental Life Insur-
ance Company, Wilmington, Dela.

BURNHAM, E. LEWIS, Berwyn, Pa.

BURNHAM, ERNEST, 1532 Grand Ave.,
Kalamazoo, Mich.

BURR, WALTER, Kansas State Agricul-
tural College, Manhattan, Kan.

BURT, HENRY J., Hendrix College, Con-
way, Ark.

BURTON, ERNEST R., 450 Milton Road,
Rye, N.Y.

of Ameria, 7 S. Crawford Ave., Chi-
cago, 111.
CARPENTER, NILES, 196 Lisbon Ave.,

Buffalo, N.Y.
CARR, G. E., Librarian, International

Y.M.C.A., Springfield, Mass.
CARR, LOWELL J., c/o Henry Brown,

Washington, Mich.
CARROLL, JOSEPH C., 400 Grove St.,

Farmvfile, Va.
CARROLL, MOLLIE RAY, Goucher College,

Baltimore, Md.
CARSTENS, C. C., Child Welfare League of

America, 130 E. 22d St., New York,

N.Y.

BUSCH, HENRY MILLER, Union Theologi- CARTER, HUGH S., Wharton School, Uni-

cal Seminary, 3041 Broadway, New
York, N.Y.
BUSHEE, FREDERICK A., 1207 Aurora
Ave., Boulder, Colo.

versity of Pennsylvania, Philadel-
phia, Pa.

CARVER, MEREL, 143 Butler Ave., Indian-
apolis, Ind.

BUSHNELL, C. J., 702 The Majestic, 1802 CARVER, THOMAS N., 7 Kirkland Ave.,

Cherry St., Toledo, Ohio

BUTLER, Clara W., 519 W. i23d St., New CASE
York, N.Y.

Cambridge, Mass.

BUTTENHEIM, HAROLD S., American City

E, CLARENCE M., University of
Southern California, Los Angeles,

Calif.

Magazine, 443~4th Ave., New York, CASE, MILLS E., 24 Broad St., New York

N.Y.

N.Y.

BUTTERFIELD, KENYON L., East Lansing, CASIS, LILIA M., University of Texas,

Mich.

Austin, Tex.

BYRNE, MARY GERTRUDE, 1523 Foucher CASON, HULSEY, Syracuse University,

St., New Orleans, La.

Syracuse, N.Y.

MEMBERSHIP LIST

243

CASS, GEORGE WILLARD, 96 St. James St.,

Mansfield, Pa.
CASWELL, OMAR, Tarkio College, Tarkio,

Mo.
CATTELL, J. McKEEN, Garrison-on-Hud-

son, N.Y.
CAVAN, JORDAN, Rockford College,

Rockford, 111.
CAVANAGH, GLADYS, 2223 Chamberlaine

Ave., Madison, Wis.
CHAFFEE, JS^RS. GRACE E., 643 Grant St.,

Iowa City, Iowa
CHAMBERLAIN, JOSEPH P. 510 Kent Hall,

Columbia University, New York,

N.Y.

CHAMBERLIN, VELL BURROWS, 611 Em-
met St., Ypsilanti, Mich.
CHANDLER, G. L., Mt. Vernon, Iowa
CHANEY, LUCIAN W., Department of

Labor, Washington, D.C.
CHAPIN, F. STUART, Folwell Hall 17,

University of Minnesota, Minneap-
olis, Minn.
CHAPLAIN, VIOLA L. F., 515 N. 7th St.,

Richmond, Va.
CHASE, TEREE S., American Mission,

Teheran, Persia
CHASSELL, JOSEPH OLIN, 3041 Broadway,

New York, N.Y.
CHATTER JEE, MANMATHA NATH, 119

Davis St., Yellow Springs, Ohio
CHU, T. S., Conservancy Engineering

College, Nanking, China
CLARK, EMERSON WILLIAMS, Box 285,

Athens, Ohio
CLARK, VIVIAN, 2115 Penn Ave., S.,

Minneapolis, Minn.
CLARK, PEARL E., 223 W. J St., Ontario,

Calif.

CLARK, ROBERT FRY, Marietta College,

Marietta, Ohio
CLARK, WILLIS W., 4259 S. Van Buren

Place, Los Angeles, Calif.
CLARKE, EDWIN L., 606 i3th Ave., S.E.,

Minneapolis, Minn.
CLARKE, HELEN L, Public Welfare

Association, ^ 22 N. Hancock St.,

Madison, Wis.

CLINE, DENZEL C., University of Wash-
ington, Seattle, Wash.
CLOW, FREDERICK R., Oshkosh, Wis.
Co ATE, LOWELL H., 1500 Atchison St.,

Pasadena, Calif.
COE, ARTHUR W., Glenwood, Minn.

COEN, B. F., Fort Collins, Colo.

COLBECK, MYRON B., 402 i9th Ave., E.,
Superior, Wis.

COLE, MRS. FREDERICK H., 1810 Spencer
St., Omaha, Neb.

COLE, WILLIAM L, Wheaton College, Nor-
ton, Mass.

CONARD, P. A., Mercedes 1071, Monte-
video, Uruguay, S.A.

CONBOY, IRENE KATHRYN, 2243 Julian
St., Denver, Colo.

CONDON, MARY L. R., Margaret Morrison
Division, Carnegie Institute of Tech-
nology, Pittsburgh, Pa.

CONKLIN, RUTH G., 5534 S. Marshfield
Ave., Chicago, 111.

CONNER, JOHN V., Box 582, Catholic
University, Washington, D.C.

CONRAD, F. A., University Station, Tuc-
son, Ariz.

CONRAD, MRS. IRENE FARNHAM, 1517
Broadway, New Orleans, La.

COOK, DR. E. ALBERT, R. 2, Chickasha,
Okla.

COOLEY, CHARLES H., 703 Forest Ave.,
Ann Arbor, Mich.

COOLIDGE, MRS. DANE, Mills College,
Calif.

COOPER, JOHN M., Caldwell Hall, Catho-
lic University, Washington, D.C.

CORNELIUS, E. T., Apartado 78, Aguas
Calientes, Mexico

CORWIN, GRACE HUNTINGTON, Burkley
Place, Iowa City, Iowa

COULTER, CHAS. W., Ohio Wesley an Uni-
versity, Delaware, Ohio

COWPER, MRS. MARY 0., 1017 Dacian
Ave., Durham, N.C.

Cox, E. M., Montfort, Wis.

CRAVENER, GEORGE M., 1238 Phila-
delphia St., Indiana, Pa.

CRESSEY, PAUL Go ALB Y, 5757 University
Ave., Chicago, 111.

CROMWELL, MARY E., 1815-13^1 St.,
N.W., Washington, D.C.

CROOKS, EZRA B., Newark, Del.

CROSS, WILLIAM T., 5748 Kenwood Ave.,
Chicago, IU.

CROSSAN, BERTHA J., 3801 Walnut St.,
Philadelphia, Pa.

GROSSMAN, LYMAN T., 9113 Commercial
Ave., Chicago, 111.

CULPEPPER, MARIAN, 1202 E. 34th St.,
Kansas City, Mo.

244

THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

CUMMINGS, ARTHUR, Indiana State Nor-
mal School, Terre Haute, Ind.

CUMMINGS, F. L., Shorewood, Milwaukee,
Wis.

CUMMINS, E. E., 206 Nassau St., Prince-
ton, N J.

CUMMINS, Nora B., State Normal School,
Bellingham, Wash.

CUTLER, J. E., Western Reserve Uni-
versity, Cleveland, Ohio

DAILEY, Miss DEW, Parkersburg, Iowa

DALKE, DEIDERICH L., Cameron, Mo.

DANIEL, J. W. W., Wesleyan College,
Macon, Ga.

DANIEL, V. E., Wiley University, Mar-
shall, Tex.

DANIELSON, MERLE G., 1444 K St.,
Lincoln, Neb.

DAUCHY, MRS. SAMUEL, 525 Hawthorne
Place, Chicago, 111.

DAVIE, MAURICE R., Yale University,
New Haven, Conn.

DAVIES, ANNA F., 433 Christian Street,
Philadelphia, Pa.

DAVIES, G. R., University of North Da-
kota, Grand Forks, N.D.

DAVIES, STANLEY P., Room 710, 105 E.
22d St., New York, N.Y.

DAVIS, BERENICE D., 5045 Drexel Blvd.,
Chicago, 111.

DAVIS, EDWARD H., P.O. Drawer 1217,
Waterbury, Conn.

DAVIS, JEROME, mo Edwards Hall, Yale
University, New Haven, Conn.

DAVIS, MICHAEL M., JR., 20 S. Broadway,
White Plains, N.Y.

DAWBER, M. A., Board of Home Mis-
sions, Philadelphia, Pa.

DAWSON, C. A., Montreal, Quebec, Can.

DAWSON, FLOYD W., 1724 Madison St.,
Madison, Wis.

DAY, GRACE A., Board of Education
Offices, Meriden, Conn.

DEALEY, G. B., The "Dallas News", Dal-
las, Tex.

DEALEY, JAMES Q., Brown University,
Providence, R.I.

DEAN, JESSIE E., 4912 Marathon St.,
Los Angeles, Calif .

DEARDORFP, NEVA, Bryn Mawr College,
Bryn Mawr, Pa.

DEDRICK, CALVERT L., 2512 McKinley
St., Madison, Wis.

DEENEY, CORNELIUS F., University of
Santa Clara, Santa Clara, Calif.

DEBTS, LEE EMERSON, Apartment 2,
3089 Broadway, New York, N.Y.

DE GRAFF, HARMON O., 5757 University
Ave., Chicago, 111.

DEIBLER, FREDERICK SHIPP, 2119 Sher-
man Ave., Evans ton, 111.

DEICH, VALENTINE, L. B. 897, Gooding,
Idaho

DENNISON, HENRY S., Dennison Manu-
facturing Co., Framingham, Mass.

DENUNE, PERRY P., 240 E. Maynerd
Ave., Columbus, Ohio

DETWEILER, FREDERICK G., Denison
University, Granville, Ohio

DE VAULT, G. G., University Club, Madi-
son, Wis.

DEWALD, BERTHA, 22 Morris St., New
Brunswick, N.J.

DEWEY, F. A., 22 William St., New York,

N.Y.

DE WOLF, GAIL, Currier Hall, University
of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa

DEXTER, ROBERT C., 103 Spring St.,
Saratoga Springs, N.Y.

DICKERSON, ROY E., 1 201 Federal Re-
serve Bank Bldg., Kansas City, Mo.

DlEFENDERFER, PAUL TlLTON, 5523

Dorchester Ave., Chicago, 111.

DlEFFENDORFER, R. E., 150 Fifth Ave.,

New York, N.Y.

DIETRICH, ETHEL B., Mount Holyoke
College, South Hadley, Mass.

DILLMAN, WILLIS LsRoY, 448 Monas-
tery Ave., Philadelphia, Pa.

DINGLEDINE, RAYMOND C., 821 S. Main
St., Harrisonburg, Va.

DISERENS, CHARLES MURDOCH, Univer-
sity of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, Ohio

DITTMER, C. G., Sterling Hall, Madison,
Wis.

DODGE, DOROTHY, 15 S. Gilman St.,
Madison, Wis.

DOE, HELEN, Dover, N.H.

DORN, REV., GEORGE, 2602 Farnam St.,
Omaha, Neb.

DOUGE, ROBERT, Apartment 44, 2412
Seventh Ave., New York, N.Y.

Dow, G. S., University of Denver, Den-
ver, Colo.

DOWD, JEROME, University of Oklahoma,
Norman, Okla.

MEMBERSHIP LIST

245

DRACHSLER, JULIUS, 413 W. i47th St.,
New York, N.Y.

DREIS, ED. J., Filton, Santa Cruz Co.,
Calif.

Du Bois, CHARLES G., 195 Broadway,
New York, N.Y.

DUFLOT, J. J., Canyon, Tex.

DUKE, SAMUEL P., State Teachers Col-
lege, Harrisonburg, Va.

DUMMER, Mrs. W. F,, 679 N. Michigan
Ave., Chicago, 111.

DUNCAN, H.* G., 3551 University Ave.,
Los Angeles, Calif.

DUTHIE, MARY EVA, 101 Eddy St., Ithaca,
N.Y.

EARL, ANNA E., University of Minnesota,
Minneapolis, Minn.

EARP, F. L., Drew Theological Seminary,
Madison, N.J.

EAVES, LUCILE, 109 Davis Ave., Brook-
line, Mass.

EBY, S. C., 307 Amsterdam Ave., Man-
hattan, N.Y.

EDDY, SARAH J., Bristol Ferry, R.I.

EDWARDS, LYFORD P., St. Stephens Col-
lege, Annandale-on-Hudson, N.Y.

EELLS, H. L., 22 E, Court St., Iowa City,
Iowa

EGARTNER, Z. T., Adams and Scoville
Sts., Oak Park, 111.

ELDRIDGE, SEBA, University of Kansas,
Lawrence, Kan.

ELIOT, THOMAS D., Northwestern Uni-
versity, Evanston, 111.

ELIOT, WILLIAM G., Ill, 1724 I St.,
Washington, D.C.

ELKUS, ABRAM I., 956 Madison Ave.,
New York, N.Y.

ELLIOTT, PAUL CLINTON, 2000 S. Figueroa
St., Los Angeles, Calif.

ELLIS, GENEVIEVE, 314 S. Mills St.,
Madison, Wis.

ELLWOOD, CHARLES A., 407 College Ave.,
Columbia, Mo.

ELMER, M. C., University of Minnesota,
Minneapolis, Minn.

ELSTON, JAMES S., Travelers Insurance
Co., Hartford, Conn.

EMIG, ARTHUR SAMUEL, Alleghany Col-
lege, Meadville, Pa.

EUBANK, E. E., 835 Blair Ave., Cincin-
nati, Ohio

EVELAND, MARGARET GERTRUDE, 107 S.
Buchanan St., Maryville, Mo.

EVERETT, M. S., 68 Middle Divinity Hall,

University of Chicago, Chicago, 111.
EWING, H. E , Paseo Colon 161, Buenos

Aires, Argentina, S. A.
EWING, JOHN B., Ottawa University,

Ottawa, Kan.
EWING, KATHARINE, 1261 ist Ave., E,

Cedar Rapids, Iowa
EZEKIEL, JEANNETTE, 2101-1 6th St.,

N.W., Washington, D.C.

FAIRBANK, MAY, Cornell College, Mount
Vernon, Iowa

FAIRCHILD, H. P., 185 St. Ronan St.,
New Haven, Conn.

FAIRCHILD, MILTON, Chevy Chase, Wash-
ington, D.C.

FARIS, ELLSWORTH, University of Chi-
cago, Chicago, 111.

FARNUM, H. W., 43 Hillhouse Ave., New

Haven, Conn.
FARRA, KATHRYN, 130 E. 22d St., New

York, N.Y.

FARRINGTON, WENDELL FREMONT, Liver-
more Falls, Me.
FARROW, TEERA, Box 369, New Haven,

Conn.

FAUST, CHARLES J., Rogers, N.D.
FEHLANDT, A. F., 917 Watson St., Ripon,

Wis.
FELTON, RALPH A., 205 Fairmount Ave.,

Ithaca, N.Y.
FERRIS, EMILY H., 1126 Tennessee St.,

Lawrence, Kan.

FERRIS, HON. WOODBRIDGE W., Big Rap-
ids, Mich.

FEUCHTWANGER, JOSEPH, JR., 127 W.
Gilman St., Madison, Wis.

FEUERJLICHT, MORRIS M., 3034 Wash-
ington Blvd., Indianapoh's, Ind.

FIESER, JAMES L., Apt. 207, 3945 Con-
necticut Ave., Washington, D.C.

FINNEY, Ross L., College of Education,
University of Minnesota, Minneap-
olis, Minn.

FISHER, GALEN M., 39 Grand View Ave.,
Pleasantville, N.Y.

FISHER, IRVING, Yale University, New
Haven, Conn.

FISHTINE, EDITH, 35 Glenarm St., Dor-
chester, Mass.

FISKE, ESTLE, 502 N. Quincy St., Indian-
apolis, Ind.

FISKE, G. WALTER, Oberlin College, Ober-
lin, Ohio

246

THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

FLANAGAN, THOMAS J., 21 Larkin St.,

Atlanta, Ga.
FLEMING, HERBERT E., 206 Fairview

Road, Glencoe, 111.
FLORA, CHARLES P., 155 Church St.,

Watertown, Mass.
FLYNN, ELEANOR J., 1102 W. Johnson St.,

Madison, Wis.

FOLEY, ROY WILLIAM, Colgate Univer-
sity, Hamilton, N.Y.
FOLKS, GERTRUDE, 25 E. pth St., Cin-
cinnati, Ohio
FOLLETT, MARY P., 5 Otis Place, Boston,

Mass.
FOLLMER, HAROLD N., 9 High St., Selins-

grove, Pa.

FOLSOM, JOSEPH KIRK, Sweet Briar, Va.
FOOTE, W. W., Library, State College of

Washington, Pullman, Wash.
FORD, MRS. RICHARD T., Sagamore Hotel,

Rochester, N.Y.
FOSTER, EMERY M., 315 Channing St.,

N.E., Washington, D.C.
FOSTER, ROBERT G., Nevada Extension

Service, College of Agriculture, Reno,

Nev.
FOSTER, SOLOMON, 90 Treacy Ave.,

Newark, NJ.

Fox, MRS. ANNA B., 264 Sumner St.,
Buffalo, N.Y.

FRANK, JACOB Louis, 1254 S. Troy St.,
Chicago, 111.

FRANK, ROBERT NORTH, McCormick
Theological Seminary, Chicago, 111.

FRANKEL, EDWARD T., 501 W. i3$th St.,
New York, N.Y.

FRAZIER, EDWARD FRANKLIN, Morehouse
College, Atlanta, Ga.

FREDEN, GUSTAV, 815 Bloomington St.,
Iowa City, Iowa

FRENCH, A. N., Durham, N.H.

FRENCH, HENRY S., 1701 Arch St., Phila-
delphia, Pa.

FREY, FRED C., Louisiana State Univer-
sity, Baton Rouge, La.

FREY, OSCAR N., P.O. Box 307, Smyrna,
Del.

FRIEDMAN, ELISHA M., 2275 83d St.,
Brooklyn, N.Y.

FRIEDMAN, H. G., 202 Riverside Drive,
New York, N.Y.

FRY, C. LUTHER, 370 7th Ave., New York,
N.Y.

FRYSINGER, Miss GRACE E., 2400 i6th
St., N.W., Washington, D.C.

FUGH, PAUL C., 301 Dryden Road,
Ithaca, N.Y.

FULLER, FREDERIC HENRY, 277 Brook
St., Providence, R.I.

GAISER, JOSEPH, Billings Polytechnic,
Billings, Mont.

GALPIN, C. J., Department of Agricul-
ture, Bureau ( of Agricultural Eco-
nomics, Washington, D.C.

GANSEN, EDWARD, 114 Otter St., Osh-
kosh, Wis.

GARDNER, C. S., 2407 Longest St., Louis-
ville, Ky.

GARDNER, MRS. MARY A. MACHIN, Bart-
lett Hall, Ripon College, Ripon, Wis.

GARNER, EVELYN B., 7628 Essex Ave.,
Chicago, 111.

GARNETT, W. E., A. & M. College, College
Station, Tex.

GARST, DR. JULIUS, 29 Oread St Worces-
ter, Mass. jff

GARVIN, MARY B., 400 Wt/n8th St.,
New York, N.Y.

GAR WOOD, L. E., Coe College, Cedar
Rapids, Iowa

GARY, FRANK E. H., 10 Tremont St.,
Boston, Mass.

GAVIN, HELENA, 1 128 E. 62d St., Chicago,
111.

GEER, CURTIS M., 155 Broad St., Hart-
ford, Conn.

GEHLKE, C. E., 671 E. io8th St., Cleve-
land, Ohio

GEOGHEGAN, J. HERBERT, 316 $th St.,
Hoquiam, Wash.

GEORGE, JULIA, 1136 Eddy St., San
Francisco, Calif.

GERLACH, TALITHA, 3455 Guilford Ave.,
Indianapolis, Ind.

GETTYS, W. E., McGill University, Mon-
treal, Quebec, Can.

GIDDINGS, FRANKLIN H., Columbia Uni-
versity, New York, N.Y.

GIESE, DR. CHARLES OSCAR, Ferguson
Bldg., Colorado Springs, Colo.

GIFFORD, WILLIAM A., 756 University St.,

Montreal, Can.
GILBERT, ERNEST DE WITT, 4 College

Place, Defiance, Ohio
GILBERT, WILLIAM E., 616 Tyler Ave.,

East Radford, Va.

MEMBERSHIP LIST

247

GILBERT, WILLIAM M., Drew Theo-
logical Seminary, Madison, N.J.

GILCHRIST, OLIVE B., 41 Linnaean St.,
Cambridge, Mass.

GILFILLAN, S. C., 1 1 20 Summer St.,
Grinnell, Iowa

GILLETTE, JOHN M., North Dakota Uni-
versity, Grand Forks, N.D.

GILLIN, J. L., Sterling Hall, University of
Wisconsin, Madison, Wis.

GILMAN, CHARLOTTE P., 380 Washington
St., Norwich Town, Conn.

GILTNER, EMMETT E., 212 W. i2oth St.,
New York, N.Y.

GLENN, JOHN M., 130 E. 22d St., New
York, N.Y.

GLUCKSMAN, H. L., 807 Riverside Drive,
New York, N.Y.

GODARD, GEORGE S., State Library,
Hartford, Conn.

GOETHE, C. M., 720 Capitol National
Bank Bldg., Sacramento, Calif.

GOETSCH, E. W., 22 E. Court St., Iowa
City, Iowa

GOLDMAN, JACOB, 1444 Vine St., Lincoln,
Neb.

GOLDSMITH, EMMA PEARL, Hampton In-
stitute, Hampton, Va.

GOLDSMITH, SAMUEL A., Bureau Jewish
Social Research, 114 Fifth Ave.,
New York, N.Y.

GOLDSTEIN, DR. JULIUS, Beckstrasse 87,
Darmstadt, Germany

GOOD, ALVIN, State Normal School,
Natchitoches, La.

GOODCHILD, SUSAN E., n Lemon St.,
Providence, R.I.

GOODMAN, E. URNER, 916 Walnut St.,
Philadelphia, Pa.

GOODNOW, JEAN, 1019 Ottawa St., Lans-
ing. Mich.

GOODNOW, NELLE THOMPSON, New Jersey
Sanatorium, Glen Gardner, N.J.

GORDON, WILLIAM RALPH, 124 Pugh St.,
State College, Pa.

GOTTSCHALL, ROBERT J., IO2I W.

Marshall St., Norristown, Pa.
GOULD, KENNETH M., 1158 Murrayhill
Ave., Pittsburgh, Pa.

GRADY, REV. JOSEPH E., 70 Frank St.,

Rochester, N.Y.
GRAHAM, ARCHIE ALLEN, Box 177,

Phoebus, Va.

GRAHAM, VIRGINIA C., Atlanta Univer-
sity, Atlanta, Ga.

CRANBERRY, JOHN C., Southwestern Uni-
versity, Georgetown, Tex.

GRAVES, MAUD C., 2223 E. 93d St., Chi-
cago, 111.

GRAY, R. S., Commonwealth Club, 345
Sutter St., San Francisco, Calif.

GRAY, WARD M., Boys' Division
Y.M.C.A., Central Branch, Chicago,

GREELEY, EDITH, 5428 Woodlawn Ave.,
Chicago, 111.

GREEN, ELEANOR B., 14 John St., Provi-
dence, R.I.

GREEN, LORAINE RICHARDSON, 5528
Ingleside Ave., Chicago, 111.

GREENWOOD, MILDRED P., 221 Piedmont
Ave., Atlanta, Ga.

GRIEST, LOUISE, 29th and Indiana, To-
peka, Kan.

GRIFFITH, PEARL, 37 Winsor Ave.,
Watertown, Mass.

GRIMM, ALBERTA, R.E. Box 59, Indian-
apolis, Ind.

GROOM, EDITH, Warren, 111.

GROSSMANN, Louis, 3311 E. Ocean Blvd.,
Long Beach, Calif.

GROTE, CAROLINE, Monroe Hall, Ma-
comb, 111.

GROVE, ELSA BUTLER, 43 West St.,
Northampton, Mass.

GROVER, CHESTER A., Grover Block,
Evanston, 111.

GROVES, ERNEST R., 74 Warren St.,
Needham, 92, Mass.

GUILD, JUNE PURCELL, 2354 Monroe St.,
No. 7, Toledo, Ohio

GURINIAN, V. G., 801 Washington St.,
Oak Park, 111.

HAAS, REV. FRANCIS J., St. Francis Semi-
nary, St. Francis, Wis.

HACKBUSCH, FLORENTINE, 112 Market
St., Harrisburg, Pa.

HAHNE, ERNEST H., 6028 Kenwood Ave.,
Chicago, 111.

HAJICEK, STANLEY T., 6417 Kenwood
Ave., Chicago, 111.

HALE, MABEL F., c/o H. H. Hale, 6
Beacon St., Boston, Mass.

HALL, A. B., University of Wisconsin,
Madison, Wis.

HALL, O. F., 829 Salisbury St., West La-
fayette, Ind.

248

TEE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

HALL, ROYAL GLENN, 5452 Kimbark

Ave., Chicago, III.
HALLEY, Lois KATE, 108 S. 7th St.,

Columbus, Miss.
HALSEY, R. V., 2101 Washtenaw Ave.,

Ann Arbor, Mich.
HAMBLIN, JOSEPHINE, 15 Pond St., Hyde

Park, Boston, Mass.
HAMILTON, ELEANOR B., 137 Langdon St.,

Madison, Wis.
HAMILTON, JAMES A., Library, Roberts

College, Constantinople, Turkey
HAMMOND, KATHARINE, c/o Mrs. Curtis,

Huntsville, Tex.
HANCOCK, GORDON BLAINE, Virginia

Union University, Richmond, Va.
HANDMAN, M. S., 1305$ Rio Grande St.,

Austin, Tex.
HANKINS, FRANK H., Smith College,

Northampton, Mass.
HARING, DOUGLAS GILBERT, c/o C. B.

Tenny, 229 Simai Cho, Ushigome,

Tokyo, Japan
HARPER, ERNEST B., 331 Douglas Place,

Kalamazoo, Mich.
HARPER, J. C., Prospect and Torrey, La

Jolla, Calif.

HARPER, M. L., Memphis, Tenn.

HARRIMAN, EDWARD A., 735 Southern
Bldg., Washington, D.C.

HARRIS, ELLEN W., 233 Langdon St.,
Madison, Wis.

HARRIS, I. G., M.D., Brooklyn State
Hospital, Brooklyn, N.Y.

HARRIS, MILTON H., Utah Agricultural
College, Logan, Utah

HARRIS, THOMAS L., West Virginia Uni-
versity, Morgantown, W.Va.

HARRISON, REV. EDWARD, Niagara Uni-
versity, Niagara, N.Y.

HARRISON, SHELBY M., Russell Sage

Foundation, 130 E. 22d St., New

York, N.Y.
HART, CLYDE W., i Bella Vista Place,

Iowa City, Iowa
HART, HASTINGS H., Russell Sage

Foundation, 130 E. 22d St., New

York, N.Y.

HART, HORNELL, Bryn Mawr, Pa.
HARTING, CAROLINE E. E., 418 S. gth St.,

St. Joseph, Mo.
HARTMAN, GEORGE EDGAR, Box 752,

State College, Montgomery, W.Va.

HARTMANN, MARY C., 5631 Dorchester

Ave., Chicago, 111.
HARVEY, BEATRICE, Box 966, San Juan,

Porto Rico

HARWARD, GEORGE N., Newton, Ala.
HATCHER, J. WESLEY, 196 i3th Ave.,

Columbus, Ohio
HAWTHORNE, H. B., 425 Welch Ave.,

Ames, Iowa
HAYES, C. WALKER, 5725 Kenwood Ave.,

Chicago, 111.
HAYES, E. C., 808 W. Oregon'St., Urbana,

111.
HAYES, ELIZABETH M., 701 University

Ave., Minneapolis, Minn.
HAYES', ROBERT B., George R. Smith

College, Sedalia, Mo.
HAYNER, NORMAN S., University of Wash-
ington, Seattle, Wash.
HAYNES, FRED EMORY, State University,

Iowa City, Iowa
HEARD, MRS. D WIGHT B., Casa Blanca,

Phoenix, Ariz.
HEBBARD, CHARLES, Davenport Hotel,

Spokane, Wash.
HEESMANCE, EDGAR LAING, 241 Lawrence

St., New Haven, Conn.
HEPFNER, W. C., Thiel College, Green-
ville, Pa.
HEINMILLER, H. W., no Columbia Ave.,

Naperville, 111.

HEISTER, A. V., Franklin and Marshall
College, Lancaster, Pa.

HEITMAN, EMILY, 1928 S. Harvard Blvd.,
Los Angeles, Calif.

HELLEBERG, VICTOR EMANUEL, 1725
Mississippi Ave., Lawrence, Kan.

HENDRICKSON, H. O., 404 E. Monroe St.,
Mt. Pleasant, Iowa

HENKE, FREDERICK G., 643 William St.,

Meadville, Pa.
HERRON, STELLA, 1933 Elysian Fields,

New Orleans, La.

HERTZLER, C. W., 164 E. Center St.,
Berea, Ohio

HERTZLER, JOYCE O., Social Science Hall,
University of Nebraska, Lincoln,
Neb.

HESS, GEORGE O., Oelwein High School,

Oelwein, Iowa
HEWES, AMY, Mount Holyoke College,

South Hadley, Mass.
HEWITT, THERON, Burnham, Pa.

MEMBERSHIP LIST

249

HEXTER, MAURICE B., 25 Tremont St., HOLT, ARTHUR E., 5757 University Ave.,

Boston, Mass.

Chicago, 111.

HICKEY, JOSEPH A., Villanova College, HOLT, COL. L. T., West Point, N.Y.

Villanova, Pa.
HICKMAN, THOMAS S., 20 Beacon St.,

Boston, Mass.
HICKS, MARY L., Public Health Federa-

HOOVER, H. D., Carthage College, Carth-

age, 111.
HOPKINS, Louis J.,
St. Augustine, ]

Shenandoah St.,

tion, 25 E. 9th St., Cincinnati, Ohio HORAK, JACOB, 1700 Avoca Ave., Du-

HILL, B. M., 688 Boylston St., Boston,

Mi

HILL, ROBERT T., Education Bldg., Toledo, Ohio

buque, Iowa
HORN, FRANKLIN L., 1342 Prospect Ave.,

Albany,'N.Y.

HOTCHKISS, MARY A., 65 Ridge St.,

Organizing Family Social Work, HOUGHTON, LEROY K., 25 Richmond St.,

130 E. 22d St., New York, N.Y.

Vrrx J-V-H-N , J^jfiiJ\\J J. J-V., ^^ J

West Roxbury, Mass.

KILLER, E. T., 314 Lincoln Hall, Urbana, HOUSE, FLOYD N., University of Chicago,

111.

Chicago, 111.

HILLHOUSE, MRS. LEWIS 1542 St. Leger HOUSE, J. T., State Teachers College,
Place, Cincinnati, Ohio J -' - 6 '

HIMES, NORMAN EDWIN, 25 Hammond
St., Cambridge, Mass.

HITCHCOCK, J. E., Oberlin, Ohio

HOBEN, ALLAN, Kalamazoo College,

Kalamazoo, Mich.
HODAPP, ALOYS PHILIP, St. Thomas Col-

Wayne, Neb.
HOVERSTAD, T. A., 2312 Alden St., St.

Paul, Minn.
HOWARD, BERTHA J., University of

Maine, Orono, Me.

HOWARD, CLARA EULALIE, 214 Pope St.,
Benton, 111.

lege, St. Paul, Minn.

HODGSON, CASPAR W., Yonkers-on-
Hudson, N.Y.

HOERNER, HENRY, Columbus College,
Sioux Falls, S.D.

HOFFER, C. R., State College, East Lans-
ing, Mich.

HOFFER, FRANK N., University of North How E CLOICE R -> T - c - u -> Fort Worth >
Carolina, Chapel Hill N. C.

HOFFMAN, CHARLES W., 417 Warren
Ave., Cincinnati, Ohio

HOWARD, GEORGE E., 815 S. 35th St.,
Lincoln, Neb.

HOWARD, MAJOR T. J., Gammon Theo-
logical Seminary, Atlanta, Ga.

How AT, WILLIAM F., 832 Hohman St.,
Hammond, Ind.

Tex.

HOWELL, SARAH A., 73 Van Ness Place,
Newark, N.J.

HOFFSOMMER, HAROLD CHARLES, Agri- HowERTH, I. W., State Teachers College,

cultural College, N.D.

Greeley, Colo.

HOLBEN, RALPH P., Dartmouth College, Hu, Ti CHIEN, 5647 Drexel Ave., Chicago,

Hanover, N.H.

111.

HOLBROOK, DAVID H., 130 E. 22d St., HUDSON, W. M., 420 E. Anderson St.,

New York, N.Y.
HOLLAND, WILLIAM W., 216 Calhoun St.,
Cincinnati, Ohio

Greencastle, Ind.
HUGH, DR. Yu TINN, Higher Normal
College, Peking, China

HOLLINGSHEAD, GEORGE G., 47 Afterglow HUGHES, EVERETT C., 563$ University

Way, Montclair, N.J.

Ave., Chicago, 111.

HOLLOWAY, WILLIAM, Talladega College, HUGHES, GWENDOLYN S., 370 7th Ave.,

Talladega, Ala.

New York, N.Y.

HOLMES ? JOHANNA, 4044 Ruckle St., HUMMEL, B. L., 9 Kuhlman Court,

Indianapolis, Ind. Columbia, Mo.

HOLMES, MERRILL JACOB, 1219 W. Uni- HUNT, ELIZABETH PINNEY, Walnut Lane,

versity Blvd., Mitchell, S.D. Bryn Mawr, Pa.

HOLMES, ROY H., 602 E. Liberty St., HUNTINGTON, GERTRUDE M., 303 S,

Ann Arbor, Mich. Chestnut St., Platteville, Wis.

250

TEE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

HURSH, E. M., Westerville, Ohio
HUSTED, JEANETTE, 907 Wright St.,

Champaign, 111.
HUTCHINSON, C. R., 1438 E. 6oth St.,

Chicago, 111.
HUTCHISON, F. L., American Institute of

Electrical Engineering, 33 W. 39th

St., New York, N.Y.
HYDE, D. CLARK, Faculty of Economics,

Keio University, Mita, Tokyo, Japan
HYPES, J. L., Connecticut Agricultural

College, Storrs, Conn.
ILES, R. EDGAR, P.O. Box 188, Langston,

Okla.

INGERSOLL, RAYMOND V., 149 S. Oxford

St., Brooklyn, N.Y.
IRSHAY, Z., Westville, 111.
IRVIN, DORIS E., 107 E. 34th St., New

York, N.Y.
IRVING, BERTHA A., 102 Henderson Ave.,

New Brighton, S.I., N.Y.

ISRAEL, HENRY, 1849 Grand Central
Terminal Bldg., New York, N.Y.

IWEN, WILBERT P., Pine Island, Minn.

JACOBS, THEO, 226 Somersett Road,
Roland Park, Baltimore, Md.

JAMES, MRS. MAY HALL, 22 Weston Ave.,
Arlington, Cranston, R.I.

JAMGOCHIAN, SAMUEL H., Lafayette Col-
lege, Easton, Pa.

JARRETT, MARY C., 16 Carver St., Bos-
ton, Mass.

JEDDELOH, HENRY J., 356 W. i22d St.,
New York, N.Y.

JEFFERS, JOHN, 507 Genesee Ave., Sagi-

naw, Mich.
JENKINS, W. S., Benton County Abstract

and Title Co., Prosser, Wash.
JENKS, ALBERT E., National Research

Council, Washington, D.C.
JENSEN, HOWARD E., Butler College,

Indianapolis, Ind.
JEREMIAH, J. A., 117 W. s8th St., New

York, N.Y.
JESSUP, STEVE M., 518 N. Van Buren

St., Iowa City, Iowa.

Jo, Miss FUMI, Maita, Yokohama, Japan
JOCHER, KATHERINE C., 228 E. Franklin

St., Chapel Hill, N.C.
JOHANSEN, JOHN PETER, Y.M.C.A.,

i3th and P Sts., Lincoln, Neb.
JOHNSON, CHARLES D., Baylor Univer-
sity, Waco, Tex.

JOHNSON, CLARENCE R., Bucknell Uni-
versity, Lewisburg, Pa.

JOHNSON, F. E., Federal Council of
Churches, 105 E. 22d St., New York,
N.Y.

JOHNSON, FRANKLIN, 358 Harvard St.,
Cambridge, Mass.

JOHNSON, FRED R., 1180 Lawrence Ave.,
Detroit, Mich.

JOHNSON, GLENN R., 310 McCluer St.,
Greensboro, N.C.

JOHNSON, GUY B., Box 652, Chapel Hill,
N.C.

JOHNSON, HARRIETT E., 32 Chestnut St.,
Boston, Mass.

JOHNSON, NOBEL GUSTAV, 632 S. Wash-
ington St., Paxton, 111.

JOHNSTON, MARY, The Community Com-
mittee, 25 E. 3oth St., New York,
N.Y.

JONAS, RALPH, 115 N. Broadway, New
York, N.Y.

JONES, LESTER M., Morningside College,
Sioux City, Iowa

JONES, ROBERT ELIJAH, Box 103, Wave-
land, Miss.

JONES, THOMAS JESSE, 101 Park Ave.,
New York, N.Y.

JONES, WILLIAM H., West Virginia Col-
legiate Institute, Institute, W.Va.

JOSEPH, ISAAC, Box 690, Cleveland, Ohio

JOSEPH, MAURICE, 25 E. 9th St., Cin-
cinnati, Ohio

JOSLYN, CARL G., 33 Bowdoin St., Cam-
bridge, Mass.

Jo WE, S. Y., c/o Lung E, Han, Hiungao,
Fengtien, China

KAHN, EDWARD M., Jewish Peoples Insti-
tute, 1258 W. Taylor St., Chicago,

KARICKHOFF, EARLE O., West Virginia
Wesleyan College, Buckhannon.
W.Va.

KARPF, MRS. FAY B., 210 W. gist St.,
New York, N.Y.

KARPF, M. J., 210 W. 9ist St., New York,

KARSTINS, CHARLES E M Zion Church
Rectory, Dobs Ferry-on-Hudson,
N.Y.

KATO, MASUO, c/o Mitsuma, 60 Shim-
machi, Yoyogi, Tokyo, Japan

KAWABE, KISABURO, 483 Nakano-Koenji,
Tokyo, Japan

MEMBERSHIP LIST

251

KAWAMURA, TADAO, 5757 University
Ave., Chicago, 111.

KEATOR, A. D., University of North
Dakota, University Station, Grand
Forks, N.D.

KELLER, A. G., Room 226, S.L.H., Yale
Station, New Haven, Conn.

KELLOGG, MRS. F. R., 25 Colles Ave.,
Morristown, N.J.

KELSEY, CARL, University of Pennsyl-
vania, Philadelphia, Pa.

KENNEDY, ELMER, 1934 S. Union St.,
Chicago, 111.

KENNEDY, FRANCIS W., Heidelburg Uni-
versity, Tiffin, Ohio

KENWORTHY, DR. MARION E., Bureau of
Children's Guidance, 9 W. 48th St.,
New York, N.Y.

KEPECS, JACOB, Levindate, Station E,
Baltimore, Md.

KERBY, WILLIAM J., Catholic University,
Washington, D.C.

KERN, R. R., Washington University,
2023 G St., N.W., Washington, D.C.

KERPAN, JOSEPH LUKE, 83 Chittenden
Ave., Columbus, Ohio

KETCIIAM, DOROTHY, Social Service De-
partment, University of Michigan,
Ann Arbor, Mich.

KEY, DR. WILHELMINE, Sanatarium,
Battle Creek, Mich.

KIEFFER, GEORGE LINN, Rosedale, N.Y.

KILPATRICK, EARL, Extension Division of
University of Oregon, 650-52 Court
House, Portland, Ore.

KIMBALL, REGINALD STEVENS, State
Normal School, Worcester, Mass.

KIMMELL, ELSIE M., R.R.I., Box 59,
Kewanee, 111.

KINCHELOE, SAMUEL C., Y.M.C.A. Col-
lege, 5315 Drexel Ave., Chicago, 111.

KING, MRS. EDITH SHATTO, 69 W. nth
St., New York, N.Y.

KING, JUDSON, 637 Munsey Bldg., Wash-
ington, D.C.

KING, WILLIS J., Gammon Theological
Seminary, Atlanta, Ga.

KINGSBURY, SUSAN M., Roberts Road
and Montgomery Ave., Bryn Mawr,
Pa.

KINGSLEY, NATHAN G., Thomas A. Doyle
School, Providence, R.I.

KINNEMAN, JOHN A., State Normal
School, West Chester, Pa.

KLRK, WILLIAM, Pomona College, Clare-

mont, Calif.
KIRKLAND, ISABELLE, 79 Chandler St.,

Boston, Mass.
KIRKPATRICK, CLIFFORD, 865 Main St.,

North Leominster, Mass.
KIRKPATRICK, E. L., Division of Farm

Population and Rural Life, Bureau

of Agriculture and Economics,

U.S.D.A., Washington, D.C.
KIXMILLER, HELEN G., Texas Woman's

College, Fort Worth, Tex.
KLEE, MAX, 1340 E. 48th St., Chicago,

111.

KLEIHEGE, GEORGE W., Hoisington, Kan.
KLEIN, PHILIP, American Association of

Social Workers, 130 E. 22d St.,

New York, N.Y.
KNEBEL, LEWIS, 2947 S. Lyndale Ave.,

Minneapolis, Minn.
KNEELAND, HILDEGARDE, Bureau of

Home Economics, U.S. Department

of Agriculture, Washington, D.C.
KNICKERBOCKER, REV. H. W., 2411

Whitney St., Houston, Tex.
KNIGHT, M. M., Barnard College, Colum-
bia University, New York, N.Y.
KOCH, W. T., Northwestern University,

Evanston, 111.
KOHL, CLAYTON C., Normal College,

Bowling Green, Ohio
KOLB, J. H., College of Agriculture, Madi-
son, Wis.
KOTHMEIER, EMMA K., Whiting Hall,

Knox College, Galesburg, 111.
KRAKOWER, ISADORE E., 367 Vermont

St., Brooklyn, N.Y.
KREIGER, HERBERT W., U.S. National

Museum, Division of Ethnology,

Washington, D.C.

KREBS, O. A., 619 Clymer Ave., Madison,

Wis.
KROUT, MAURICE H., 420 S. Kildare Ave.,

Chicago, 111.
KRUEGER, E. T., Vanderbilt University,

Nashville, Tenn.
KUBLY, LOUISE S., R.F.D. 7, Monroe,

Wis.
KUHLMAN, A. F., University of Missouri,

Columbia, Mo.
KULP, DANIEL H., II, Teachers College,

Columbia University, New York,

N.Y.
KUNNECKE, F. J., University of Dayton,

Dayton, Ohio

252

THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

KURSHEEDT, ALPHONSE H., 12 W. 44th

St., New York, N.Y.
KUSAMA, SHIKO, De"le*gation du Japan,

Socie*t6 des Nations, 9 Rue La Perou,

Paris, France
KYES, D. H., 828 Gilby Ave., St. Paul,

Minn.
LANDERS, J. S., Oregon Normal School,

Monmouth, Ore.
LANDESCO, JOHN, 6026 Ellis Ave.,

Chicago, 111.
LANDIS, BENSON Y., Federal Council of

Churches, 105 E. 22d St., New York,

N.Y.

LANG, GEORGE, University, Ala.
LANGMAN, HARRY, 846 Prospect Place,

Buffalo, N.Y.
LANTIS, L. O., State Normal School,

Minot, N.D.
LATHROP, JULIA C., 1204 National Ave.,

Rockford, 111.
LATTIMORE, ELEANOR LARABEE,

Y.W.C.A., 59 E. Monroe St., Chi-

cago, 111.
LATJDER, FRANK, 707 Long Bldg., Kansas

City, Mo.
LAUGHLIN, S. B., 1605 Court St., Salem,

Ore.
LAUNE, FERRIS F., Wieboldt Foundation,

3166 Lincoln Ave., Chicago, 111.
LAWLESS, REV. ALFRED, JR., 154! Auburn

Ave., Atlanta, Ga.
LAWSON, VICTOR F., 1500 Lake Shore

Drive, Chicago, 111.
LEE, FREDERIC EDWARD, n Marion St.,

Hyattsville, Md.

LEFAVOUR, HENRY, 119 Bay State Road,
Boston, Mass.

LE FEVRE, MAUD, 1332 K St., Lincoln,

Neb.

LEH, L. L., Page, Neb.
LEHMAN, E. E., 2-1 5th Ave., Columbus,

Ohio
LEHMAN, W. C., 43 Broadway, Hacken-

sack, N. J.
LEIPZIGER, EMIL WILLIAM, 1708 Dufossat

St., New Orleans, La.
LE MOYNE, MRS. FRANCIS J., Green

Spring Ave., Roland Park P.O.,

Baltimore, Md.
LENICHECK, FRANK A., 650 28th St.,

Milwaukee, Wis.
LESEM, JOSEPHINE, 1539 Rosemont Ave.,

Chicago, 111.

LEVEY, BEATRICE Z., 102 E. Oak St.,
Chicago, 111.

LEVINGER, LEE J., 1722 Hancock St.,
Wilmington, Del.

LEWIS, E. ST. ELMO, 2170 E. Jefferson
Ave., Detroit, Mich.

LICHTENBERGER, J. F., Logan Hall, Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania, Phila-
delphia, Pa.

LILLIEFORS, MANFRED, JR., 621 W. Elm
St., Chicago, 111.

LIMBERG, WAYNE, Plymouth, Wis.

LIND, ANDREW W., 1116 Eastlake Ave.,
Seattle, Wash.

LINDEMAN, E. C., High Bridge, NJ.

LINDENBERGER, L. H., 129 Raymond
Ave., Louisville, Ky.

LINDSAY, SAMUEL M., Columbia Uni-
versity, New York, N.Y.

LINDSEY, EDWARD, National Bank Bldg.,
Warren, Pa.

LIVELY, CHARLES E., Department of
Rural Economics, Ohio State Uni-
versity, Columbus, Ohio

LIVELY. E. L., State Normal School,
Fairmont, W.Va.

LLOYD, ALFRED H., 1735 Washtenaw
Ave., Ann Arbor, Mich.

LOBER, MABEL, 410 Spring Mill Ave.,
Conshohocken, Pa.

LOEBER, MAUD, New Medical Bldg., New
Orleans, La.

LOFSTEDT, CHRISTINE, 233 Columbia St.,
Pasadena, Calif.

LOGAN, H. A., Randolph-Macon Woman's
College, Lynchburg, Va.

LONDOW, EZEKIEL JACOB, Box 198, New
Jersey Federation, Newark, N.J.

LONG, THOMAS ALEXANDER, Johnson C.
Smith University, Charlotte, N.C.

LONGACRE, LINDSAY B., 2273 S. Filhnore
St., Denver, Colo.

LONGAKER, FRANK C., Box 625, Hickory,
N.C.

LOOMIS, FRANK D., 1340, 10 S. LaSalle
St., Chicago, 111.

LORING, REV. ROBERT SPRAGUE, P.O.
Box 694, Milwaukee, Wis.

LOTHROP, MARGARET M., Stanford Uni-
versity, Calif.

LOVEJOY, OWEN R., National Child
Labor Committee, 215 Fourth Ave.,
Room 1702, New York, N.Y.
LOWDEN, HON. FRANK O., Oregon, 111.

MEMBERSHIP LIST

253

LOWE, MARGARET S., Box 62, Neillsville,

Wis.
LOWMAN, RUTH M., 805 Peoples Bank

Bldg., McKeesport, Pa.
LUCAS, FRANCES S., 1032 Beacon Ave,,

Los Angeles, Calif.
LUCEY, REV. ROBERT EMMETT, 825

Higgins Bldg., Los Angeles,

Calif.
LUEHRING, F. W., 709 7th St., S.E.,

Minneapolis, Minn.

LUM, CHARLES M., 786 Broad St., New-
ark, NJ.
LUMLEY, F. E., Page Hall, Ohio State

University, Columbus, Ohio
LUNDBERG, EMMA O., Apt. 703, The

Woodward, Washington, D.C.
LUNDBERG, GEORGE A., University of

Washington, Seattle, Wash.
LUNDEEN, EARNEST W., Bethany, Neb.

LUPTON, FLORENCE, 3240 Kenwood Ave.,
Indianapolis, Ind.

LURIE, HARRY L., 1800 Selden St., Chi-
cago, 111.

LYDAY, JUNE F., Psychopathic Hospital,
Iowa City, Iowa

MCBRIDE, ANNA CHRISTINE, Depart-
ment of Social Work, Carnegie Insti-
tute of Technology, Pittsburgh,
Pa.

McCAULEY, HELEN MARIE, 1219 Elm-
wood Ave., Evanston, 111.

MCCLENAHAN, BESSIE A., 705 Missouri
Ave., Columbia, Mo.

McCLUER, FRANC L., Westminster Col-
lege, Fulton, Mo.

McCLURG, RUTH M., 1631 Monroe St.,

Madison, Wis.
McCoY, BRUCE R., 1217 W. Dayton St.,

Madison, Wis.
MCDONALD, LOUISE, 625 N. Temple Ave.,

Indianapolis, Ind.
McDouGLE, IVAN E., Goucher College,

Baltimore, Md.
MACFARLAND, CHARLES S., Room 612,

105 E. 22d St., New York, N.Y.
McGiBBON, LEONA M., 1620 Oaks Ave.,

Superior, Wis.
MCGREGOR, TRACY W., 1453 Brush St.,

Detroit, Mich.
McKEE, J. T., State Normal School,

Florence, Ala.
McKiBBEN, LEWIS, 7036 Union Ave.,

Chicago, 111,

MCKINLOCK, GEORGE A., 316 S. Wells St.,

Chicago, 111.
MACLEOD, WILLIAM CHRISTIE, 2558 N.

29th St., Philadelphia, Pa.
MCMAHON, THERESA, 4026 loth St..

N.E., Seattle, Wash.
MACMILLAN, J. W., Victoria College,

Toronto, Ontario, Can.
MACPHERSON, HECTOR, Corvallis, Oregon
MCKIBBEN, LEWIS L., 333 Transylvania

Park, Lexington, Ky.
MCKENZIE, R. D., University of Wash-
ington, Seattle, Wash.
MACLEAN, ANNIE MARION, 257 E. Belle-

vue Drive, Pasadena, Calif.
McLEAN, LEE D., Alleghany College,

Meadville, Pa.
MCWILLIAMS, ROBERT HUGH, 951 S. 9th

St., Salina, Kan.
MACARAIG, SERAFIN E., University of the

Philippines, Manila, P.I.
MACKEY, MYRA P., 11131 S. Irving Ave.,

Chicago, 111.
MACURDA, ARTHUR A., 1609 W. 9th St.,

Los Angeles, Calif.
MACY, V. EVERIT, 24 Broad St., New

York, N.Y.
MADDOX, BRADY P., 517 N. Chicago St.,

Joliet, 111.

MAEL, JOHN, R.F.D. Madison, Wis.
MAGUIRE, REV. JOHN W. R., St. Victor

College, Kankakee, 111.
MALONE, R. E., Agricultural, Mechanics

and Normal School, Pine Bluff, Ark.
MANGOLD, GEORGE B., 4002 Lexington

Ave., St. Louis, Mo.
MANN, ALBERT Z., Hamline University,

St. Paul, Minn.
MANN, DELBERT M., 733 Missouri St.,

Lawrence, Kan.

MANN, ROWENA MORSE, 5653 Dor-
chester Ave., Chicago, III.
MANNY, THEODORE B., Hendrix College,

Conway, Ark.
MAPHIS, OMER B., 3435 W. Van Buren

St., Chicago, 111.
MARGOLD, CHARLES W., 1384 Carrol St.,

Brooklyn, N.Y.
MARK, MARY LOUISE, 64 W. Woodruff

Ave., Columbus, Ohio
MARKELL, HELEN CHANDLER, 5616 El-
liott St., Philadelphia, Pa.
MARKEY, JOHN F. ; 1101 7th St., S.E,,

Mineapolis, Minn,

254

THE AMERICAS SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

MARKS, RALPH M., South High School,
Omaha, Neb.

MARKS, J. WYATT, University of Okla-
homa, Norman, Okla.

MARSHALL, AGNES M., 541 Eastern Park-
way, Brooklyn, N.Y.

MARSHALL, L. C., 1320 E. s6th St., Chi-
cago, 111.

MARSTON, PHILIP MASON, Box 471,
Durham, N.H.

MARTIN, DR. EVERETT DEAN, 150 W.
nth St., New York, N.Y.

MARTIN, ISAAC V., Medicine Lodge, Kan.

MARTIN, PAUL E., P.O. Box 204, Beloit,
Wis.

MASSEY, W. F., Barneveld, Wis.

MATHER, SAMUEL, Western Reserve
Bldg., Cleveland, Ohio

MATHES, LENA B., 1200 Security Bldg.,
Chicago, 111.

MATSUMOTO, RYOZO, 9 Lathrop St.,
Madison, Wis.

MATTESON, ANGELA B., 822 Clymer
Place, Madison, Wis.

MATTHEWS, HAROLD J., Superintendent
of Public Welfare, Jefferson City, Mo.

MAUTNER, BERTRAM H., Colorado Col-
lege, Colorado Springs, Colo.

MAUZY, FRANK, Potomac State School,
Keyser, W.Va.

MAXSON, C. H., Bishop College, Marshall,
Tex.

MAYER, JOSEPH, Tufts College, Mass.

MAYNE, JOHN R., 314 E. Leigh St., Rich-
mond, Va.

MECKLIN, JOHN M., Dartmouth College,
Hanover, N.H.

MEHUS, O. MYKING, 3812 29th Ave., S.,
Minneapolis, Minn.

MEIER, NORMAN C., 211 Liberal Arts
Bldg., University of Iowa, Iowa City,
Iowa

MELCHIOR, MARY ELIZABETH, State
Normal School, West Chester, Pa.

MELOY, LUELLA P., Pennsylvania Col-
lege for Women, Pittsburgh, Pa.

MELVIN, BRUCE L., State College of Agri-
culture, Cornell University, Ithaca,
N.Y.

MERCER, ISABEL, 515 N. Lake St., Madi-
son, Wis.

MERONEY, W. P., Baylor University,
Waco, Tex.

METCALP, HENRY C., 61 Paine Ave., New
Rochelle, N.Y.

MEYER, ADOLF, Johns Hopkins Univer-
sity, Baltimore, Md.

MEYERS, MRS. H. H., 3390 San Marino
St., Los Angeles, Calif,

MEZ, DR. JOHN, University of Arizona,
Tucson, Ariz.

MILLER, ARTHUR L., 316 Huntington
Ave., Boston 17, Mass.

MILLER, B. E., 306 Hicks Ave., Columbia,
Mo.

MILLER, H. A., 1517 Perry Ave., Colum-
bia, Ohio

MILNE, MAUDE, Rosholt, S.D.

MINER, ORA, Southern Methodist Uni-
versity, Dallas, Tex.

MOHLER, HENRY C., 983 i8th Ave., S.E.,
Minneapolis, Minn.

MONACHESI, ELIO D., K. of C. Hall,
Columbia, Mo.

MONSEES, CARL H., JR., 7301 German-
town Ave., Mount Airy, Phila-
delphia, Pa.

MONTAGUE, J. F., Robinson Hotel, Co-
lumbia, Mo.

MONTGOMERY, EDWARD W., Knoxville
College, KnoxviUe, Tenn.

MONTGOMERY, LOUISE, 5611 Drexel Ave.,
Chicago, 111.

MOODY, RUHAMA EVELYN, 15 Lena St.,
Atlanta, Ga.

MOORE, MRS. ARTHUR A., 3520 E. Clay
St., Richmond, Va.

MOORE, CLYDE B., University of Pitts-
burgh, Pittsburgh, Pa.

MOORE, COYLE E., Box 734, Chapel Hill,

N.C.
MOORE, ELON H., 740 Langdon St.,

Madison, Wis.

MOORE, HARRY H., U.S. Public Health

Service, Washington, D.C.
MOORE, MRS. M. D., 5858 Magnolia Ave.,

Chicago, III.

MOORE, MARGARET, Thorntown, Ind.
MORGAN, E. L., University of Missouri,

Columbia, Mo.
MORRELL, H. PHILBROOK, University

Ave., Canton, N.Y.
MORRIS, ANDREW FRANCIS, La Grange,

Mo.
MORRISON, W ALTER k., 633 Ann St.,

Kansas City, Kan.

MEMBERSHIP LIST

255

MORROW, CURTIS H., 3 West Court.

Waterville, Me.
MORROW, VERLE, 1142 S. Curson Ave.,

Los Angeles, Calif.
MORSE, H. N., 156 sth Ave., New York,

N.Y.
MOUNTS, LEWIS H., Ballard Normal

School, Macon, Ga.
MOWRER, ERNEST R., 5857 Blackstone

Ave., Chicago, 111.
MUDGE, G. O., Superintendent of Public

Schoolsf Trenton, N.J.
MUELLER, JOHN H., University of Mis-
souri, Columbia, Mo.
MUMFORD, EBEN, Michigan Agricultural

College, East Lansing, Mich.
MURCHIE, ROBERT W., 355 Rosedale

Ave., Winnipeg, Can.
MURDOCK, J. M., Polk State School, Polk,

Pa.
MURPHY, JOSEPH P., 52 Niagara St.,

Buffalo, N.Y.

MURRAY, MARGARET, Mount Carroll, 111.
MUZUMDAR, HARIDAS T., 1912 Sherman

Ave., Evans ton, 111.
MYERS, EARL D., 27 Woodbridge St.,

South Hadley, Mass.
MYERS, REV. GEORGE BOGGAN, Univer

sity of the South, Sewanee, Tenn.
MYHRMAN, ANDERS M., University of

Chicago, Chicago, 111.
MYRICK, HELEN L., 162 E. Ontario St.,

Chicago, 111.
NEALEY, E. M., R.F.D. No. i, Santa Ana,

Calif.
NEILL, CHARLES P., 616 Woodward Bldg.,

Washington, D.C.
NELLES, FRED C., Whittier State School,

Whittier, Calif.

NELSON, LOWRY, Brigham Young Uni-
versity, Provo, Utah
NERDRUM, RUTH, 1127 Bowen Court,

Madison, Wis.
NEUMANN, GEORGE BRADFORD, Wallace

Lodge, Yonkers, N.Y.
NEUMEYER, M. H., 4949 Indiana Ave.,

Chicago, 111.

NEVILS, W. COLEMAN, Georgetown Uni-
versity, Washington, D.C.
NEWELL, JANE I., Wellesley College,

Wellesley, Mass.

NEWSOM, VIDA, 820 Franklin St., Colum-
bus, Ind.

NEWSTETTER, WILBUR IRVIN, 2571 E.

46th St., Cleveland, Ohio
NICHOLS, C. A., 3425 University Blvd.,

Dallas, Tex.

NICKOLAUS, H. F., P.O. Box 507, Allen-
town, Pa.
NIEMAN, L. W., c/o Milwaukee Journal,

Milwaukee, Wis.
NIEMI, CLEMENS, 183 N. Oliver Ave.,

Minneapolis, Minn.
NISHINOIRI, JOHN ISAO, 4115 i$th Ave.,

N.E., Seattle, Wash.
NIXON, JUSTIN W., Brighton Heights,

Brighton Station, Rochester, N.Y.
NOFCIER, WILLIAM LINCOLN, 524 S. Van

Buren St., Iowa City, Iowa
NORGORD, GLADYS M., 396 Quail St.,

Albany, N.Y.
NORMAN, CHARLES G., 2204 Queen Ave.,

Seattle, Wash.

NORRIS, ORLAND O., Ypsilanti, Mich.
NORTH, CECIL C., Page Hall, Ohio State

University, Columbus, Ohio
NORTHCOTT, CLARENCE H., Cocoa Works,

York, England

NYSTROM, PAUL H., 333 Main St., Ridge-
field, N.J.

O'CoNNELL, REV. D., St. Xavier College,
Evan Station, Cincinnati, Ohio

O'CONNOR, ANNETTE, 15 E. Gilraan St.,
Madison, Wis.

ODUM, HOWARD W., University of North
Carolina, Chapel Hill, N.C.

OGBURN, WILLIAM F., Barnard Col-
lege, Columbia University, New
York, N.Y.

O'GRADY, JOHN O., Catholic University
of America, Washington, D.C.

O'HARA, EDWIN, 272 W. nth Ave.,
Eugene, Ore.

OLANDER, ELMER A., 720 W. Cherokee
St., Okmulgee, Okla.

OLDINGS, WILLIAM, 1020 Regent St.,
Madison, Wis.

OLIVER, JOHN R., Latrobe Apartments,
Baltimore, Md.

OLSEN, Esther 9106 Hamilton Ave., De-
troit, Mich.

OPPENHEIMER, J. J., Stephens Junior Col-
lege, Columbia, Mo.

ORMOND, JESSE MARVIN, 301 Watts St.,
Durham, N.C.

256

THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

OSCHSNER, A. J., 2106 Sedgwick Ave.,

Chicago, 111.
OSHIMO, RAYMOND K., 5757 University

Ave., Chicago, 111.
PAGE, JAMES FRANKLIN, 1315 Chandler

St., Madison, Wis.
PAGE, KIRBY, 311 Division Ave., Has-

brouck Heights, N J.
PALMER, GLADYS M., Barnard Hall,

University of Wisconsin, Madison,

Wis.
PALMER, Lois E.,, Chadbourne Hall,

Madison, Wis.
PANUNZIO, C. M., 35 Beekman Place,

New York, N.Y.
PARISH, B. ERROL, 400 Pennsylvania St.,

Lincoln, Neb.

PARK, JAMES W,, Adelphi College, Brook-
lyn, N.Y.

PARK, ROBERT E., University of Chicago,
Chicago, 111.

PARKER, WILLIAM H., 23-25 E. gth St.,
Cincinnati, Ohio

PARRISH, C. H., 847-6 th St., Louisville,

Ky.
PARSONS, PHILIP A., 625 Court House,

Portland, Ore.

PASSAMANECK, HERMAN, 1600 Lin wood
Blvd., Kansas City, Mo.

PATRICK, JAMES G., Whitworth College,
Spokane, Wash.

PATTEN, FRANK C., Rosenberg Library,
Galveston, Tex.

PATTERSON, GAYLARD H., 57 S. College
St., Carlisle, Pa.

PATTERSON, HERBERT P., School of Edu-
cation, Oklahoma Agricultural and
Mechanic College, Stillwater, Okla.

PATTISON, FRANCIS WAYLAND, Box 206,
East Northfield, Mass.

PAUSTIAN, ERWIN CARL, 516 S. Minne-
sota St., Mitchell, S.D.

PEARSON, JOHN A., Merchants National
Bank Bldg., St. Paul, Minn.

PENN, W. F., Superintendent, Pennsyl-
vania Training School, Morganza,
Pa.

PENNOYER, CHARLES H., 176 Newbury
St., Boston, Mass.

PERSON, P. H,, 1627 Monroe St., Madi-
son, Wis.

PESKIND, DR. A., 12629 Euclid Ave., East
Cleveland, Ohio

PETERS, CHARLES C., 96 Montrose Ave.,
Delaware, Ohio

PETERS, IVA L., Goucher College, Balti-
more, Md.

PETERSON, C. PETER A., 158 Montague
St., Brooklyn, N.Y.

PETTERSON, G. S., 223 W. Lewis St.,
Mankato, Minn.

PETTYJOHN, ALETHA, 2366 Park Ave.,
Indianapolis, Ind.

PFLEIDERER, F. A., 2330 N. Halsted St.,
Chicago, 111.

PHELPS, HAROLD A., 10 Folwell Hall,
University of Minnesota, Minne-
apolis, Minn.

PHILIP, WILLIAM B., 5315 Drexel Ave.,
Chicago, 111.

PHILLIPS, DR. HERBERT E., 1609 W.
Garfield Blvd., Chicago, III.

PIERCE, GERTRUDE H., 827 Ridge Ave.,
Evanston, 111.

PIHLBLAD, TERENCE, Lindsborg, Kan.

PIPER, FRANCIS EDWARD, 510 S. Governor
St., Iowa City, Iowa

PITTMAN, MARVIN S., 502 W. Forest Ave.,
Ypsilanti, Mich.

POUND, ROSCOE, Harvard Law School,
Cambridge, Mass.

POWELL, HANNAH B. CLARK, 5227 Black-
stone Ave., Chicago, 111.

POWELL, RICHARD WILLARD, 607 W. 2$th
St., Kearney, Neb.

POWELL, RUTH M., Social Service League,
Iowa City, Iowa

POWERS, HELENE, 454 Huntington Ave.,
Suite 1 8, Boston, Mass.

PRATT, ANNA B., 3804 Locust Ave., Phila-
delphia, Pa.

PRATT, NATHANIEL M., 128 Ontario St.,
Lockport, N.Y.

PRENTISS, MARION C., 3543 Van Buren
St., Chicago, 111.

PRENTISS, Z. Ransom, Oberlin, Ohio

PRESTON, REV. J. J., Tecumseh, Mich.

PRICE, M. T.j c/o Edward Evans & Sons,
Shanghai, China

PERCEFULL, SABLN C., 803 sth Ave., PRIDE, NETTIE J., 960 Parkview, Los

Alva, Okla.
PEKRY, CLARENCE A., 130 E. 22d St.,
New York, N.Y.

Angeles, Calif.
PUCKETT, NEWBELL N., Western Re-
serve University, Cleveland, Ohio

MEMBERSHIP LIST

257

PUNKE, EDWARD G., 1023 Franklin St.,
Cedar Falls, Iowa

PUTNAM, BERTHA HAVEN, Mount Holy-
oke College, South Hadley, Mass.

QUEEN, STUART A., University of Kansas,
Lawrence, Kan.

QUIJANO, J. RIVERO, P.O. Box 1542,
Mexico City, Mexico

QUINN, JAMES A., University of Cincin-
nati, Cincinnati, Ohio

RADDANT, Louis A., 528 W. Johnson St.,
MadisSn, Wis.

RAILEY, J. L., Mercer University, Macon,
Ga.

RAINWATER, CLARENCE, University of
Southern California, Los Angeles,
Calif.

RAMSPERGER, H. G., 400 Allaire Ave.,
Leonia, N.J.

RANCK, SAMUEL H., Public Library,
Grand Rapids, Mich.

RANDOLPH, E. D., School of Education,
University of Washington, Seattle,
Wash.

RANDOLPH, E. F., 1654 Massachusetts
Ave., Cambridge, Mass.

RANKIN, J. O., Department of Rural Eco-
nomics, College of Agriculture, Lin-
coln, Neb.

RAPKING, A. H., Buckhannon, W.Va.

RATCLIFFE, SAMUEL C., 201 N. McCul-
lough Ave., Urbana, 111.

RATH, JAMES A., P.O. Box 514, Honolulu,

Hawaii
RAVITCH, DAVID, 3141 Dupont Ave., S.,

Minneapolis, Minn.
RAVITCH, JESSIE, 3141 Dupont Ave., S.,

Minneapolis, Minn.
RAY, MRS. GEORGE W., 6040 Harper

Ave., Chicago, 111.
RECKLESS, W. C., Vanderbilt University,

Nashville, Tenn.
REDMOND, L. L., Bethel College, Newton,

Kan.

REED, ELLERY F., 326 W. Vine St., Ox-
ford, Ohio

REEVES, GEORGE W., Atlanta University,
Atlanta, Ga.

REEVES, JAMES A., Seton Hill College,
Greensburg, Pa.

REINEMUND, J. A., Box 95, Muscatine,
Iowa

REINER, JOSEPH, 6525 Sheridan Road,
Chicago, 111.

REITMAN, DR. BEN L., 741 Cornelia Ave.,
Chicago, 111.

RENNIE, WESLEY F., 4332 University
Way, Seattle, Wash.

REUTER, E. B., College of Commerce,
University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa

REYNOLDS, CHARLES N., University of
Oregon, Portland, Ore.

RICE, Rev. JOHN H. J., First Congrega-
tional Church, Emporia, Kan.

RICE, STUART A., 19 N. Main St., Han-
over, N.H.

RICH, CHESTER LACOUNT, Dakota Wes-
leyan University, Mitchell, S.D.

RICH, MRS. G. J., 5458 Ellis Ave., Chi-
cago, 111.

RlCKENBACHER, MABEL C., 1425 F St.,

Lincoln, Neb.
RICKERT, HARVEY LEHMAN, 514 Keokuk

St., Lincoln, 111.
RIETZ, ELMER WEBBER, 5246 Glen wood

Ave., Chicago, 111.
RILEY, AILEEN, Salem, N.J.
RILEY, THOMAS J., 69 Schermerhorn St.,

Brooklyn, N.Y.
Riss, ARTHUR H., 165 Valley St., Seattle,

Wash.

RITCHIE, C. S., 727 S. Division St., Ann
Arbor, Mich.

RITTER, WILLIAM E., 1016 Spruce St.,
Berkeley, Calif.

ROBBINS, C. L., 1049 Woodlawn Ave.,
Iowa City, Iowa

ROBERTS, HAZEL VAN DYKE, 420 High
St., Morgantown, W.Va.

ROBINSON, CLARENCE C., 347 Madison
Ave., New York, N.Y.

ROBINSON, MILLARD L., 316 W. 79th St.,
New York, N.Y.

ROBINSON, VIRGINIA, New Social Serv-
ice Bldg., 311 Juniper St., Phila-
delphia, Pa.

ROCKEY, CARROLL J., 33 N. Chapel St.,

Elgin, Hi.
ROEANDT, AUGUST, 59-63 2d St., New

York, N.Y.
ROEDER, HERBERT J., 359 $th Ave.,

New York, N.Y.
ROESCH, FLORENCE N., 619 Langdon St.,

Madison, Wis.

ROMINGER, CHARLES H., Bethlehem, Pa.
ROOT, ROBERT C., College of the Pacific,

Stockton, Calif.

258

THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

ROPER, M. WESLEY, 1402 E. 6ist Place,
Chicago, 111.

ROSEN, BEN, 330 S. gth St., Philadelphia,
Pa.

ROSEN WALD, JULIUS, c/o Seats Roebuck
& Company, Chicago, 111.

Ross, EDWARD A., University of Wis-
consin, Madison, Wis.

Ross, FRANK A., Kent Hall, Columbia
University, New York, N.Y.

Ross, J. ELLIOT, St. Austin's Chapel,
2010 Guadalupe St., Austin, Tex.

Ross, SARAH GRIDLEY, Skidmore College,
Saratoga Springs, N.Y.

ROSSENOW, GEORGE S. H., c/o D. G.
Conradie, Box 10, Reitz, O.F.S.,
Union of South Africa

ROWLEY, MRS. CLARMAE BUDDE, Box 12,
Ravenswood, W.Va.

RUECKERT, FREDERICK, 34 Alumni Ave.,
Providence, R.I.

RUML, BEARDSLEY, Greenfield Ave.,
Bronxville, N.Y.

RUNNEMAN, A., 103 Gates Hall, Univer-
sity of Chicago, Chicago, 111.

RUSSELL, DANIEL, Baylor University,
Waco, Texas

RUYLE, WILLIAM LEROY, 1202 E. i8th
St., University Place, Neb.

SACKETT, HERMAN, Edinboro, Pa.

SAMMIS, MRS. FLORA E., 234 Breeze
Terrace, Madison, Wis.

SANDAGER, FREDERICK S., Ripton, Ala.

SANDERS, C. F., 135 Broadway, Gettys-
burg, Pa.

SANDERS, J. T., Oklahoma Agricultural
and Mechanical College, Stillwater,
Okla.

SANDERS, WILEY B., 1404 E. syth St.,
Chicago, 111.

SANDERSON, D WIGHT, 212 Overlook Road,
Ithaca, N.Y.

SANTAYANO, SILVIO, 688 Boylston St.,
Boston, Mass.

SAPOSNEKOW, JACOB, West Virginia Uni-
versity, Morgantown, W.Va.

SAUER, M. LUELLA, 1449 S. Fort Thomas
Ave., Fort Thomas, Ky.

SAUL, HERBERT W., 59 Pleasant St., Lex-
ington, Mass.

SCHAFF, MATILDA C., 601 N. Pine Ave.,
Chicago, 111.

SCHAUB, E. L., 629 Garrett Place, Evans-
ton, 111.

SCHIVELY, MARY ALICE, 318 Winona
Ave., Philadelphia, Pa.

SCHLAFENHAUF, MlLTON J., 316 Hunting-

ton Ave., Boston, 17, Mass.
SCHMID, CALVIN F., 3410 Burke Ave.,

Seattle, Wash.

SCHROEDER, 303 Callender St., Peoria, 111.
SCHROER, LUCRETIA, ioo9 Laurel Ave.,

St. Paul, Minn.

SCHULTZ, CHARLES H., M.A., Box 36,
Loretto, Pa.

SCOTT, ELMER, 416 Mercantile Bank
Bldg., Dallas, Tex.

SCOTT, H. MILLER, Superior, Neb.
SCRITSMIER, Menomonie, Wis.

SEABURG, ANNA, National Board,
Y.W.C.A.'s, 600 Lexington Ave.,
New York, N.Y.

SEARS, A. G., 7509-88^ Ave., Wood-
haven, L.I., N.Y.

SEMAN, PHILIP L., Jewish Peoples Insti-
tute, 1258 W. Taylor St., Chicago,
111.

SEESE, NORMAN A., 5800 Maryland Ave.,
Chicago, 111.

SELIGMAN, E. R. A., 324 W. 86th St.,
New York, N.Y.

SELINGER, HUGO P. J., North Platte , Neb.

SELISKAR, John, St. Paul Seminary, Grove-
land Park, St. Paul, Minn.

SELL, HARRY B., Reed College, Portland,
Ore.

SELLE, ERWIN STEVENSON, State Teach-
ers College, Winona, Minn.

SELLIN, J. THORSTEN, Wharton School,
University of Pennsylvania, Phila-
delphia, Pa.

SELVAGE, WATSON, 924^ 6th Ave.,
Huntington. W. Va.

SENEY, HENRY W., II, 3008 Collingwood
Ave., Toledo, Ohio

SETTERLUND, ELMER LEONARD, Reddick,
111.

SEYMOUR, A. H., Northern Normal In-
dustrial School, Aberdeen, S.D.

SHANE, WILLIAM L. E., University Sta-
tion, Enid, Okla.

SHAPER, FLORENCE W., Lindenwood Col-
lege, St. Charles, Mo.

SHARPLESS, HELEN, Haverford College,
Haverford, Pa.

SHAW, FLORENCE, Shepherdstown, W.Va.

MEMBERSHIP LIST

SHEA, REV. GEORGE H., Quarryville, Pa.
SHEAHAN, MARIE, Loyola University,

Rogers Park, Chicago, 111.
SHEETZ, LE ROY ARTHUR, Hastings Col-
lege, Hastings, Neb.
SHEFFIELD, MRS. ADA E., 60 Shepard St.,

Cambridge, Mass.
SHELDON, ANNA M., 1207 W. $d St., Los

Angeles, Calif.
SHELLENBERGER, HELEN O., 4511 Pine

St., Philadelphia, Pa.
SHELLENBERGER, JAMES KNOX, 1025 N.

Saunders Ave., Bethany, Neb.
SHELTMAN, EMMY Lou, 2227 Alta Ave.,

Louisville, Ky.
SHENTON, CLARENCE G., 311 S. Juniper

St., Philadelphia, Pa.
SHENTON, H. N., Columbia University,

New York, N.Y.
SHEPARD, ROBERT L., Missouri Valley

College, Marshall, Mo.
SHERIDAN, JONES T., 625 N. Henry St.,

Madison, Wis.
SHIDELER, ERNEST H., 98 S. Home Ave.,

Franklin, Ind.
SHONLE, RUTH, 5643 Dorchester Ave.,

Chicago, 111.

SHRODER, WILLIAM J., 25 E. gth St., Cin-
cinnati, Ohio
SHROYER, MONTGOMERY J., College Ave.,

Westminster, Md.
SIBLEY, FLORENCE, 1937 Panama St.,

Philadelphia, Pa.
SIDLO, THOMAS L., Union National Bank

Bldg., Cleveland, Ohio
SIEDENBURG, FREDERIC, 617 Ashland

Block, Clark and Randolph St., Chi-
cago, 111.
SIMMONS, CATHERINE, 2805 Wool worth

Ave., Omaha, Neb.
SIMMONS, Miss H. M., 688 Boylston St.,

Boston, Mass.
SIMMS, STOCKWELL, 177 Webster St.,

East Boston, Mass.
SIMPSON, EYLER NEWTON, University of

Chicago, Chicago, 111.
SISTER M. IRENAEUS, Rosalia Foundling

Asylum and Maternity Hospital,

Pittsburgh, Pa.
SISTER ROSE DE LIMA, College of St.

Elizabeth, Convent, N.J.
SIMS, NEWELL L., Oberlin, Ohio
SINGER, JACOB. 6932 N. Ashland Ave.,

Chicago, 111.

SKINNER, CLARENCE R., Packard Hall,
Tufts College, Mass.

SLY, ALTHO G., Live Oak, Calif.

SMALL, ALBION W., University of Chi-
cago, Chicago, 111.

SMITH, DOROTHY ALICE, 4135 Brooklyn
Ave., Seattle, Wash.

SMITH, DOROTHY WELLINGTON, 626
Center St., Newton, Mass.

SMITH, HELEN FRANCES, 264 Bay State
Road, Boston, Mass.

SMITH, E. S., Callender, Iowa

SMITH, FREDERICK M., P.O. Box 255,
Independence, Mo.

SMITH, IGNATIUS, Dominican Home of
Studies, 487 Michigan Ave., N.E.,
Washington, D.C.

SMITH, L. C., 35 Reed Hall, Dartmouth
College, Hanover, N.H.

SMITH, MAURICE, Box 1125, Station A,
Lincoln, Neb.

SMITH, RUSSELL GORDON, Furnald Hall,
Columbia University, New York,
N.Y.

SMITH, TUCKER P., Y.M.C.A., Spring-
field College, Springfield, Mass.

SMITH, WALTER R., University of Kansas,
Lawrence, Kan.

SMITH, WILLIAM C., University of South-
ern California, Los Angeles, Calif,

SMITH, W. WILBERFORCE, 151 N. Fair-
view Ave., Decatur, 111.

SMITHEY, W. R., University, Va.

SNAVELY, WILLIAM REX, 805 N. Market
Ave., Canton, Ohio

SNEDDEN, DAVID, Teachers College,
Columbia University, New York,
N.Y.

SNELL, CHESTER D., University Exten-
sion Division, Chapel Hill, N.C.

SNYDER, H. M., 7514 Constance Ave.,
Chicago, 111.

SOBEY, JAMES H., 720 3d Ave., Eau
Claire, Wis.

SODERSTEN, BESSIE C., $21 N. Van Buren
St., Iowa City, Iowa

SOLENBERGER, EDWIN D., 7th Floor,

Social Service Bldg., 311 S. Juniper
St., Philadelphia, Pa.

SOROKIN, PITIRIM, University of Minne-
sota, Minneapolis, Minn.

SPAETH, J. DUNCAN, Princeton, N.J.

SPALDING, HENRY S., 626 N. Vandeventer
Ave., St. Louis, Mo.

THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

SPENCER, MRS. ANNA GARLIN, 255 W.
97th St., New York, N.Y.

SPENCER, CHARLOTTE, 7 Temple St.,
Cambridge, Mass.

SPENCER, FRANK G., Lewis Institute,
Chicago, III.

SPLITTER, HENRY W., 2230 Hollister St.,
Madison, Wis.

SPYKMAN, V., 107 Whitney Ave., Berke-
ley, Calif.

STAACK, HENRY F., 309 E. Church St.,
Iowa City, Iowa

STAGEY, W. H., Iowa State College of Ag-
riculture and Mechanical Arts, Ames,
Iowa

STACK, WICKLIFFE, 1817 W. 43d Place,
Los Angeles, Calif.

STACY, W. H., Iowa State College, Ames,
Iowa

STAHL, SARAH STARR, 1655 E. 67th St.,
Chicago, 111.

STANTON, WILLIAM THURMAN, Baylor
College, Belton, Tex.

STEINER, B. C., Enoch Pratt Library,
Baltimore, Md.

STEINER, J. F., University of North
Carolina, Chapel Hill, N.C.

STEPANEK, DR. B., Hotel Pennsylvania,
New York, N.Y.

STEPHAN, FREDERICK FRANKLIN, 516 S.
Carpenter Ave., Oak Park, 111.

STEPHENSON, MRS. F. W., 411 Standard
Bldg., Fort Wayne, Ind.

STETSER, MARGARET C., Chester High
School, Chester, Pa.

STEWARD, FLORENCE MARIE, Apt. 3,
The Norwood, i9th St., Toledo,
Ohio

STEWART, ANNA, 852 W. 3$th Place, Los
Angeles, Calif.

STEWART, REV. CARLYLE F., 3119 i8th
Ave., S., Minneapolis, Minn.

STEWART, CHARLES GIDEON, 107 E. Main
St., Norwalk, Ohio

STEWART, ETHELBERT, 1210 Delafield
Place, N.W., Washington, D.C.

STEWART, MRS. MABEL EATON, Monti-
cello Seminary, Godfrey, 111.

STOOD ARD, LOTHROP, 1768 Beacon St.,
Brookline, Mass.

STONE, W. B., Commerce, Tex.

STOVER, HELEN H., 934 W. 34th St., Los
Angeles, Calif.

STRATER, CHARLES G., 350 Madison Ave.,
New York, N.Y.

STREET, ELWOOD, 511 Locust St., St.
Louis, Mo.

STRIDSBERG, Rev., CARL, 424 Burns Ave.,
Cincinnati, Ohio

STRONG, HERSEY H., Atlanta University,
Atlanta, Ga.

STROTHER, W., Louisiana College, Pine-
ville, La.

STROW, CARL W., Knox College, Gales-
burg, 111.

STUBBS, FLORENCE H., 703 High St.,
Farmville, Va.

STURGES, HERBERT ARTHUR, 5707 Ken-
wood Ave., Chicago, 111.

SULLINGER, J. EARL, 2723 Pinkney St.,
Omaha, Neb.

SULLIVAN, C. M., State Normal School,
Lock Haven, Pa.

SULLIVAN, DANIEL R., Seton Hill College,
Greensburg, Pa.

SUMMERHILL, JOSEPH ARTHUR, Leonard,
Tex.

SUMNER, G. S., Pomona College, Clare-
mont, Calif.

SUMNER, MARY CLAYTON, Berkshire In-
dustrial Farm, Canaan, N.Y.

SUN, P. W. B., International House,
Riverside Drive, New York, N.Y.

SUSSMAN, JEROME, 50 W. 77th St., New

York, N.Y.
SUTHERLAND, E. H., Room 314, Lincoln

Hall, University of Illinois, Urbana,

SUTTON, BESSIE E., 606 N. Francis St.,
Madison, Wis.

SUZZALLO, Henry, University of Wash-
ington, Seattle, Wash.

SWIFT, HAROLD H., Union Stock Yards,
Chicago, 111.

SWIFT, ROY FREDERICK, Rockford Col-
lege, Rockford, 111.

SYDNEY, ELIAS CHARLES, 951 Avenue St.
John, New York, N.Y.

SYMOND, ARTHUR F., Yamagachi Higher
Commercial School, Yamagachi,
Japan

TAFT, DONALD R., Wells College, Aurora,
N.Y.

TALBOT, HOMER, 526 Clarke Ave., Jeffer-
son City, Mo,

TALBOT, MARION, University of Chicago,
Chicago, 111.

MEMBERSHIP LIST

261

TATT, S. H., 99 Gates Hall, University of
Chicago, Chicago, 111.

TAUSIG, FRANCES, 125 E. 46th St., New
York, N. Y.

TAYLOR, CARL C, State College of Agri-
culture and Engineering, West Ra-
leigh, N.C.

TAYLOR, F. B., Jamestown College,
Jamestown, N.D.

TAYLOR, GRAHAM, Chicago Commons,
Grand Ave. and Morgan St., Chi-
cago, Bi.

TAYLOR, MAURICE, 6 N. Russell St.,
Boston, Mass.

TAWNEY, G. A., University of Cincinnati,
Cincinnati, Ohio

TEETER, VIRL H., 204 E. Fairchild St.,
Iowa City, Iowa

TEMPLIN, LUCINDA DE L., 705 Missouri
Ave., Columbia, Mo.

TENNEY, ALVAN A., Columbia University,
New York, N.Y.

TERRELL, NELLIE EMMA, 75 Chester St.,
Allston, Mass.

TETREAU, E., The Wesley Foundation,
Madison, Wis.

THADEN, JOHN F., Iowa State College,
Ames, Iowa

THOMAS, HARRIET F., Atlanta University,
Atlanta, Ga.

THOMAS, MARJORIE M., Fairfield, Iowa

THOMAS, PAUL B., c/o Alfred A. Knopf,
730 5th Ave., New York, N.Y.

THOMPSON, MRS. AGNES L., Box 4,
Gurnee, 111.

THOMPSON, MILTON WINFIELD, Coving-
ington, Ind.

THOMPSON, WARREN S., Miami Univer-
sity, Oxford, Ohio

THORNDIKE, F. L., Teachers College,
^ Columbia University, New York, N.Y.

THRASHER, FREDERIC M., Illinois Wes-
leyan University, Bloomington, 111.

THRELKELD, ARCHIE LOYD, 1153 S. Gay-
lord St., Denver, Colo.

THURMAN, Miss E., 688 Boylston St.,
Boston, Mass.

TIBBITTS, ROY C., 4143 N. Tripp Ave.,
Chicago, 111.

TINNEY, MARY C., 258 Wilioughby Ave.,
Brooklyn, N.Y.

TODA, TEIZO, Department of Sociology,
Imperial University of Tokyo, To-
kyo, Japan

TODD, A. J., 415 $. Franklin St., Chicago,
111,

Toi, KWEN L, 128 South Divinity Hall,
University of Chicago, Chicago, 111.

TOLLENS, A. T., 17 Harvard St., Ver-
million, N.D.

TOPPING, C. W., College of Puget Sound,
Tacoma, Wash.

TORRANCE, MARY, Muncie Public Li-
brary, Muncie, Ind.

TOURTELOT, IDA A., Mohonk School,
Mohonk Lake, N.Y.

TOWER, C. V., Collegeville, Pa.

TOWNE, ARTHUR W., 1213 James St.,
Syracuse, N.Y.

TOWNE, E. T., University Station, Grand
Forks, N.D.

TOWNE, MRS. MARIE REED, 444 S. Hope
St., Los Angeles, Calif.

TOWNLEY, LUELLA, The Chesterfield,
900 W. Franklin St., Richmond, Va.

TOWNSEND, H. R., High School, Hamil-
ton, Ohio

TOWNSEND, MRS. MARGARET, Hotel
Montgomery, Clarksville, Tenn.

TRENT, Miss ALTON A M., 52 Johnson
Ave., Atlanta, Ga.

TROUT, G. W., Kansas State Teachers
College, Pittsburg, Kan.

TUNG, J. C. SHIH, Nan Kai University,
Tientsin, China

TUNNICLIFPE, R. M., State Normal Col
lege, Bowling Green, Ohio

TURNER, W. S., Office of the Dean, Shaw
University, Raleigh, N.C.

TURNER-HIGH, HARRY, The University
Club, Madison, Wis.

TUTHILL, GRETCHEN L., 7320 Hollywood
Blvd., Los Angeles, Calif.

TYLER, W. RUSSELL, Knox College, Gales-
burg, 111.

TYSON, FRANCIS, University at Pitts-
burgh, Pittsburgh, Pa.

UCHIYAMA, GENICHI, Higashagata, Ku-
wana Island, Japan

UESUGI, SUMIO, 119 W. 87th St., New
York, N.Y.

UNDERWOOD, MRS. FRANK L., 124 Morn-
ingside, Ferger Place, Chattanooga,
Tenn.

UNDERWOOD, J. H., University of Mon-
tana, Missoula, Mont.

UNGER, MRS. J. 0., 634 Grace St., Chi-
cago, 111.

262

THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

VAN BUSKIRK, EDGAR F., 25 E. gth St.,
Cincinnati, Ohio

VAN DRIEL, AGNES, 742 Addison St.,
Chicago, III.

VAN DUSEN, A. P., University of Syra-
cuse, Syracuse, N.Y.

VAN TRUMP, CLARA JESSUP, Kalarama
Road, Washington, B.C.

VASSARDAKIS, CLEANTHES, 88 Hope St.,
Ridgewood, NJ.

VEH, RAYMOND M., 514 E. Daniel St.,
Champaign, 111.

VEILLER, LAWRENCE, 102 E. 22d St.,
New York, N.Y.

VETESK, A. D., 1611 Chadbourne Ave.,
Madison, Wis.

VILLA-REAL, ANT., Attorney General,
Bureau of Justice, Manila, P.I.

VINCENT, GEORGE E., Rockefeller Foun-
dation, 6 1 Broadway, New York,
N.Y.

VINCENT, MELVIN J., 1616 N. Mariposa
Ave., Los Angeles, Calif.

VOGT, PAUL L., 1701 Arch St., Phila-
delphia, Pa.

VOLD, GEORGE B., Macalester College,
St. Paul, Minn.

VOLTMER, HARRY W., State Historical
Society, Iowa City, Iowa

VON TUNGELN, GEORGE H., Iowa State
College, Ames, Iowa

VOORHIS, EDWARD B., 3712 Locust St.,
Philadelphia, Pa.

WALDKOENIG, REV. ARTHUR, 113 Gates
Hall, University of Chicago, Chi-
cago, 111.

WALDKOENIG, H. A., Room 32, City
Hall, Battle Creek, Mich.

WALKER, EDWIN C., 211 W. i38th St.,
New York, N.Y.

WALKINSHAW, RUTH IONE, Oliver,
Mich.

WALLIS, WILSON DALLAM, University of
Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minn.

WANG, TSE C., 5757 University Ave.,
Chicago, 111.

WARFIELD, G. A., 2131 S. Columbine St.,
Denver, Colo.

WARGELIN, JOHN, Suomi College, Han-
cock, Mich.

WARNER, MASON, 260 N. Michigan Blvd.,
Chicago, 111.

WARREN, HOWARD C., Princeton, NJ.

WATANUKI, TETSUO, Tokio Higher Nor-
mal School, Tokio, Japan

WATERS, CHESTER C., Three Pine Ave.,
Takoma Park, D.C.

WATSON, FRANK D., 5 College Ave.,
Haverford, Pa.

WATSON, MRS. FRANK D., 5 College Ave.,
Haverford, Pa.

WATSON, MAUD E., no E. Forest St.
Three Oaks, Mich.

WATTERS, MARY, Montezuma College,
East Las Vegas, N.M.

WATTS, SHELLEY D., 515 E. 4th St.,
Bloomington, Ind.

WEAVER, ADA E., c/o Mrs. S. B. Weld,
Mattapoisett, Mass.

WEATHERLY, U. G., University of Indi-
ana, Bloomington, Ind.

WEAVER, W. WALLACE, Logan Hall,
University of Pennsylvania, Phila-
delphia, Pa.

WEBB, SAMUEL L., 6045 Pemberton Bidg.,
Boston, Mass.

WEBBER, DR. GUSTAVUS, 1528 P St.,
N.W., Washington, D.C.

WEBSTER, HUTTON, Station A, Lincoln,
Neb.

WECKWORTH, LAMBERT, St. John's Col-
lege, Collegeville, Minn.

WEEKS, ESTELLA T., 380 Hawthorne
Ave., Yonkers, N.Y.

WEEKS, RUFUS WELLS, 346 Broadway,
New York, N.Y.

WEH>LER, A. G., Berea College, Berea,

Ky.
WEIFFENBACH, EUGENE, Warrenton, Mo.

WHEELOCK, WEBSTER, Public Library,
St. Paul, Minn.

WEITSMAN, Louis GABRIEL, 651 Jefferson
St., Detroit, Mich.

WENTWORTH, MILDRED P., Old Service
Hall, University of Iowa, Iowa City,
Iowa

WESLEY, OSCAR, Syracuse University,
Syracuse, N.Y.

WESSEL, MRS. BESSIE BLOOM, 99 Oneco
Ave., New London, Conn.

WESTERFIELD, R. B., Yale University,
New Haven, Conn.

WEYAND, L. D., 304 E. Mississippi St.,
Liberty, Mo.

WHEELER, JOSEPH L., Youngstown, Pub-
lic Library, Youngstown, Ohio

MEMBERSHIP LIST

263

WHELCHEL, JAMES O., 802 Black St.,
Silver City, N.M.

WHITCOMB, SELDEN L., University of
Kansas, Lawrence, Kan.

WHITE, E. E., 682 Summit Ave., Mil-
waukee, Wis.

WHITE, LYNN TOWNSEND, Box 292, San
Anselmo, Calif.

WHITE, R. CLYDE, College Station, Tex.

WILBUR, WALTER B., Charleston, S.C.

WILDER, CONSTANCE P., 53 Fairmont
Ave., Newton, Mass.

WILDES, H. E.. 264 Queen Lane, Ger-
mantown, Philadelphia, Pa.

WILEDEN, ARTHUR F., R.F.D. No. 3,
Pewaukee, Wis.

WILKINS, R., 688 Boylston St., Boston,
Mass.

WILLCOX, WALTER F., Cornell Univer-
sity, Ithaca, N.Y.

WILLEY, MALCOLM M., 19 N. Main St.,
Hanover, N.H.

WILLEY, NANCY B. Boyd, Dartmouth
College, Hanover, N.H.

WILLIAMS, ALLEN B., S.P. Brooks Hall,
Baylor University, Waco, Tex.

WILLIAMS, AUBREY, Wisconsin Confer-
ence of Social Work, University Ex-
tension Bldg., Madison, Wis.

WILLIAMS, G. CROFT, University of South
Carolina, Columbia, S.C.

WILLIAMS, H. A., 7040 Normal Ave., Chi-
cago, 111.

WILLIAMS, HOMER L., Box 92, Parkville,
Mo.

WILLIAMS, I. C., Slippery Rock, Pa.

WILLIAMS, JOSEPH T., Whittier College,
Whittier, Calif.

WILLIAMS, NELSON, JR., 2100 5th Ave.,
New York, N. Y.

WILLIAMS, MRS. T. F. A., 407 N. 26th St.,
Lincoln, Neb.

WILLIAMSON, CHARLES C., Scenic Drive-
way, Hastings-on-Hudson, New York

WILLS, ALVIN LAMAR, Midway, Ky.
WILSON, GOLD REFINED, Durmid, Va.
WILSON, J. SCOTT, Clinton, 111.
WILSON, J. E., 528 S. $th Ave., Chicago,

111.
WILSON, M. L., 2841 27th St., N.E.,

Washington, D.C.
WILSON, WARREN H., 156 5th Ave., New

York, N.Y.

WINSLOW, EMMA A., 370 7th Ave., New
York, N.Y.

WINTERS, FRANK H., 225 Van Rensselaer
St., Rensselaer, Ind.

WIRTH, Louis, 5705 Kimbark Ave., Chi-
cago, 111.

WITHERSPOON, J. E., 98 S. Lake Ave.,
Pasadena, Calif.

WITMER, HELEN L., 431 Hawthorne
Court, Madison, Wis.

WITTE, W. L., 114 S. Garth Ave., Colum-
bia, Mo.

WITTKAMPER, WILLIAM W., Windfall,
Ind.

WOLFE, A. B., Ohio State University,
Columbus, Ohio

WOLFERS, DR. ARNOLD, Bismarckstrasse
21, Berlin- Wannsee, Germany

WOOD, ALVA V., 85 E. Fayette St.,
Hillsdale, Mich.

WOOD, L. FOSTER, 210 N. 4th St., Lewis-
burg, Pa.

WOODARD, JAMES W., 4329 Baltimore
Ave., Philadelphia, Pa.

WOODS, A. E., 43 Harvard Place, Ann
Arbor, Mich.

WOODRUFF, CLINTON ROGERS, North
American Bldg., Philadelphia, Pa.

WOODS, ERVILLE B., Hanover, N.H.

WOOD WARD, COMER M., Southern Method-
ist University, Dallas, Tex.

WOODWARD, JULIAN LAURENCE, 612 W.
n6th St., New York, N.Y.

WOODWORTH, A. H., Hanover College,
Hanover, Ind.

WOOLSTON, HOWARD B., University of
Washington, Seattle, Wash.

WORK, MONROE N., Tuskegee Institute,
Tuskegee, Ala.

WRIGHT, CHARLES C., Bridgewater, Va.

WRIGHT, CLINTON, 1020 S. Broadway,
Pittsburg, Kan.

WRIGHT, JONATHAN, Windy Rock, Pleas-
antville, Westchester County, N.Y.

Wu, CHARLES L., 508 S. 4th St., Colum-
bia, Mo.

Wu, WENTSAO, 45 Middle Fayerweather,
Hanover, N.H.

WYCKOFF, G. P., Tulane University, New
Orleans, La.

WYLLYS, RUFUS KAY, Kalamazoo Col-
lege, Mich.

YANAGIDA, KUNIO, 16-2 Kagacho Ushi-
gomeku, Tokyo, Japan

264

THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

YING, C. Y., 710 Keng Ching Lee, Singa
Road, Shanghai, China

YODER, FRED R., State College of Wash-
ington, Pullman, Wash.

YODER, T. DALE, College of Commerce,
University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa

YOKOYAMA, HlDESABURO, 1500 Post St.,

San Francisco, Calif.

YOUNG, BENJAMIN F., 62 Belvedere Place,
Yonkers, N.Y.

YOUNG, DONALD, Wharton School, Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania, Phila-
delphia, Pa.

YOUNG, ERLE FISKE, University of South-
ern California, Los Angeles, Calif.

YOUNG, FREDERIC GEORGE, 599 E. 9th
St., Eugene, Ore.

YOUNG, KIMBALL, University of Oregon,
Eugene, Ore.

YOUNG, SADIE, 506 Turner Ave., Colum-
bia, Mo.

YTREHUS, OSCAR B., 5485 Ellis Ave.,
Chicago, 111.

ZELENY, LESLIE D., State Teachers Col-
lege, St. Cloud, Minn.

ZELLER, J. C., Zelleria Plantation, Yazoo
City, Miss.

ZIMMERER, JOHN G., Kohler, Wis.

ZIMMERMAN, CARLE C., Agricultural Eco-
nomics University Farm, St. Paul,
Minn.

ZlMMETHAEKEL, MRS. HARRY, 630 Gilpm

St., Denver, Colo.

ZNANIECKI, FLORIAN, University of Poz-
nan, Poznan, Poland

ZORBAUGH, HARVEY W., Ohio Wesleyan
University, Delaware, Ohio

FEINTED IN THE U.S.A.