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Tributes to
Abraham Lincoln
Excerpts from newspapers and
other sources providing
testimonials lauding the
th
16 President of the United States
Surnames beginning with
V
From the files of the
Lincoln Financial Foundation Collection
?|. Zoo<). 035". 02/33
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2012 with funding from
The Institute of Museum and Library Services through an Indiana State Library LSTA Grant
http://archive.org/details/tributestoabrahavlinc
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Vail, A. I.
The Fame of Lincoln
BY A. L. VAIL
In the years between the Administrations
of Washington and Lincoln America had
become the beacon of liberty and equity for
the whole world in spite of the inconsistency
of slavery which is maintained within itself.
Toward this beacon the eyes of the oppressed
and the aspiring of all lands were turned.
Not only did the people of other lands seek
this land for residence, but equally and more
and more they sought it for guidance and
encouragement toward freedom and equity.
By i860 America had become the supreme
national instrument of God for the peace of
the world and the realization of the unity
of the human race. If America therefore
had then been dismembered, peace and unity,
freedom and equity would have been flung
backward with a shock and a disaster be-
yond our estimation. Through the estab-
lishment of a nation that had slavery as its
corner stone, and not as a tolerated incon-
sistency, a horrified paralysis would have
smitten awakening freedom and unity
everywhere. We cannot adequately conceive
FEBRUARY 12, 1931
what the success of the Southern Confed-
eracy .would have accomplished as a blow
in the face of upward looking humanity
everywhere.
Central in the struggle to preserve the
Union and to perfect freedom, stands Abra-
ham Lincoln. In all probability he will be
recognized as the pivotal and peerless man
iu the progress of humanity toward freedom,
unity and peace.
The personal fame of Lincoln will also
keep pace with that of his historical deeds.
It might have been otherwise. He might
have done what he did for Union and free-
dom with the personality of Napoleon. He
might have done it without telling a little
story, without pardoning a deserter, with-
out serving a sick soldier, without comfort-
ing a sorrowing widow, without moaning,
"Why has God put me here ?" without weep-
ing before men because of the slaughter of
his country's soldiers, and without caring
for sorrows of the multitude. He might.
But if he had been a Napoleon in these par-
ticulars he would not have won the place
in the American and universal heart that he
now holds and will more and more hold.
Love rules the aggregates of destiny as
surely as in the daily experience of indi-
viduals. As the long oppressed peoples rise
into power they will love Lincoln, not merely
as a great historical character, but as a
man filled with and crowned by simplicity,
sincerity, a homely "wisdom and a courageous
conscience, and above all, just plain, every
day, old fashioned kind heartedness; an old
fashion that will never go out of fashion
while humanity remains itself. /
Van Allen, Jennie
THE STORY OF LINCOLN
ARRANGED BY JENNIE VAN ALLEN
As a man maketh a mosaic out of many preciou's stones and as a
woman weaveth many gorgeous colors Into a tapestry, so have I gar-
nered the thoughts of many men who have honored the memory of
Abraham Lincoln, the Great Emancipator. Lo, I give to the world of
literature something more marvelous than a mosaic, something more
priceless than the work of the loom.
The throbbing words were born in the minds of many men. They
were uttered by the silver tongues of many orators. They were writ-
ten in letters of fire by hands that long ago moldered to dust. Every
line came hot from the lips and pens of men who coined immortal
phrases and cast them into the great melting pot where they float like
apples of gold in caldrons of wine>
This is what men have said of
Abraham Lincoln.
"God took red clay and made a
man" who "never willingly planted
a thorn in any man's bosom" — a
"man who was a new Moses," "who
was born in a little cabin in Ken-
tucky of parents who oould scarce-
ly read." "A man who was not a
scholar," but who "had a giant in-
tellect" and "was "educated by his
responsibilities." "His college was
that which man attends who gets
up at daylight to hoe corn and sits
up at night to read beside a burn-
ing knot."
"God took red clay and made a
man" "who was not a soldier" "but
had the military judgment" and
"was the greatest general in the
Civil 'War," for "he was a born
leader of men," "an expounder of a
campaign" and a "master of the
art and science of war."
"God took red clay and made a
man" "who was not an orator" but
"had the intellectual faculty" to
"surpass all orators in eloquence"
and possessed "wonderful skill in
political debate" — "a man who was
master of the philosophy of states-
manship" and "surpassed all states-
men In foresight and the most am-
bitious in fame."
"God took red clay and made a
man" who "had a clear perception
of his duties" and a "singularly per-
fect education concerning the prac-
tical affairs of life." A man "in
whose ardent nature were fused the
virtues of the Puritan and the Cav-
alier and in the depth of whose
great soul the faults of both were
lost." A "man who was emphati-
cally a great citizen" and "the
most perfect ruler the world has
ever seen," for "he saved his coun-
try," "emancipatefi a race" and "is
the gentlest memory of our world."
BELIEVED IN MEN
"Abraham Lincoln knew what
chord to strike and he was not
afraid to strike it." "He was severe
with himself, but lenient with oth-
ers" and "with him men were nei-
ther great nor small" — "they were
either right or wrong." "He lifted
up the lowly," for "he knew that
God must love the plain people, be-
cause he made so many." "His
sense of Justice," his clear under-
standing of men and his belief in
the divinity of their rights fastened
him to the hearts of the people
and taught them to keep time to
the music of his heart."
"Abraham Lincoln knew, as Cab-
inets and Congress did not know,
the sentiments of the plain people
of the North, that beyond every-
thing else they loved the Union."
"He had the pulses of 20,000,000'
throbbing in his heart and the
thoughts of their minds were ar-
ticulated by his tongue." There-
fore, "he would only move when
the electric current connecting his
heart and brain with every fireside
brought the tidings that they were
ready for another advance along !
the lines of revolutionary action
that would preserve the Union."
"He was the leader and master,"
but "he had sublime faith in the
people" and "believing in the pow-
er of divine sentiment, he submit-
ted his plans and purposes" and
"clung fast to the hands of the peo-
ple and took them all into his con-
fidence." "He was not hedged in
by the pomp of place nor the cere-
monials of high office" and "this
nearness united public opinion" so
that during his "three years'
stormy administration he stood
firm in the confidence of the peo-
ple."
"Public opinion was ripe when
he issued the Emancipation Proc-
lamation." "The North clamored
for it — deputation after deputation
— appealed to him to proclaim the
abolition of slavery." "But he was
a patient student of the Constitu-
tion of the United States" and he
waited "with untiring judgment un-
til the time came for It to be the
beginning of the end, which proves
him to be Intellectually the great-
est of all rulers."
KEYNOTE OP CHARACTER
"Years before Abraham Lincoln
was called to the Presidency he
knew the country could not con-
tinue half-slave and half-free. It
was written In the stars, it must
be all free or all slave." "The con-
test was inevitable" and all through
the terrible struggle "Lincoln was
loyal to the thought of the suprem-
acy of the United States," which |
he believed should be "the first and !
last duty of every American citi-j
zen, higher than personal consid-
eration and superior to sectional
considerations."
"Abraham Lincoln was as patient
as Destiny, whose undecipherable
heirographs were deeply graven
upon his tragic face." "He was a
heroic figure In a heroic epoch."
"He was dismayed at nothing" and
"was never diverted from the path
of duty." "Neither was he, appalled
by disaster nor elated by success,"
but "displayed courage in danger,
fortitude in adversity and faith in
the future." "He had the quality
of character that inspired confi-
dence in the time of a crisis" and
he impressed the world "as a man
of fine fiber," possessing "a brain
of superior power" supplemented
by "boundless patience" and
"broadest sympathies." "He was
the most generous and magnani-
mous of men, devoid of self-es-
teem" and "his advice was always
wise, judicious and timely."
Abraham Lincoln "had many ad-
mirable qualities, but the greatest
thing was that he succeeded." "The
Declaration of Independence is the
Genesis of American Liberty, but
the gospel of its New Testament
was written by Abraham Lincoln
in the Emancipation Proclamation."
"The Civil War 'ended under his
rule" and "nothing in history com-
pares with his achievement in put-
ting down a rebellion where 12,-
000,000 people fought to the death
for their ideals." "He attained re-
sults because he believed eternal
justice demanded them."
Abraham Liseeln "had ft ©osipf#-
frhensive and judicial mind" and
"having no illusions," "his reason-
ing was based' on actual facts in
which he saw the essence." And
having the ability to see the es-
sential things "he attended to it."
"His fidelity to the true, the right
and the good gained not only ap-
plause, but love," for "he had the
greatness of goodness and the good-
ness of greatness" and possessed
the power to "enforce the doctrine
of mercy and charity."
SERVICE TO COUNTRY
Abraham Lincoln "was a child
of nature" who during his boyhood
"read no other book than the Bi-
ble." "He became President of the
United States, not because he
served in the Legislature, for he
was nobody there. Or because he
was In Congress, for he was un-
known there. Not because he was
a lawyer, for he had only a State
reputation. But he became Presi-
dent because of the stump and the
platform. People knew that a great
soul, a great mind, a great man,
who ought to be a leader of men,
had spoken to them." They knew
"he was a man worthy to carry
the torch" and, therefore, tbe
nation raised him to the Presiden-
cy of the republic." "He rewarded
their confidence by consecrating
his life to the restoration of his dis-
tracted country, by saving the
Union and emancipating 3,000,000
slaves."
"The Ohio River separated two
opposing peoples. The bitterness
of a century of controversy Is
well-nigh gone. The Union Is
stronger and safer because it stood
the shock of battle. A hundred
million people stand in a place so
high among nations that they can
command everything that is right,
by the dignity of their position."
"We are an independent people
with half a continent as our heri-
tage, but our debt to Abraham Lin-
coln lifts us up toward things high-
er and nobler than material pros-
perity."
A slave has said of Abraham Lin-
coln: "For fifty years I was a
chattel. But on the 1st of Janu-
ary, 1863, Abraham Lincoln made
me a man."
THE DEATH OF LINCOLN
"When Abraham Lincoln died he
was the most absolute ruler iu
Christendom," but "he carried him-
self like the humblest of men."
"Never did such a multitude of
men shed tears for the death of
anyone they had never seen. Never
a funeral panegyric so eloquent as
the silent look expressed by Strang-
ers when they met." "They had
lost a kinsman" and "the loss was
a personal grief."
"Lincoln wa3 the mainstay of the
Union," but "the southern people
knew not how much of hope for
them, how much of helpfulness in
their hour of sorest need lay bur-
ied in the coffin of Abraham Lin-
coln." "In the long, humiliating
years of reconstruction he would
have gone further than any man
in the North In forgiveness to his
foes." "As a man of moderation
he would have exercised the con-
straining power of magnanimity"
which would have been "the sweet-
est guerdon of his endeavor and
triumph."
HIS TITLES
"Father Abraham," the tender ti-
tle given him by the soldiers for
his care of men in the field.
The black man in slavery called
him "The Israel of our country"
and "Freedom's Great High Priest."
"Washington was the Father of
Our Country."
"Lincoln was the Savior of Our
Country."
"He had absolute power, but he
never abused except on the side
of mercy." "He raised his hands,
not to strike, but in benediction,
and he knew no fear but the fear
of doing wrong."
"He made the Declaration of In-
dependence a glorious fulfillment."
"His crowning glory and the great-
est executive act in American his-
tory was his immortal Emancipa-
tion Proclamation."
Abraham Lincoln "stands alone."
Abraham Lincoln was "the great-
est man of his time."
Abraham Lincoln "was especial-
ly approved by God for the work
He gave him to do."
"The life of Abraham Lincoln
stands transfigured by his deeds."
• By HELEN WILLIAMS VANCE.
Written and Illustrated expressly
for the Globe-Dbmocrat. Ja
"Here was" a man to hold against
the world,
A man tp match the mountains and
the sea."
ONE of the finest tributes ever
written In commemoration of
the great Emancipator is set
forth in Edwin Markham's poem,
"Lincoln, the Man of the People,"
of which th« quotation above is a
part. It speaks of his simplicity
and nobility of nature, his courage
and unfailing- good humor, his love
of humanity.
Nancy Hanks, his mother, laid the
foundation for his life of service
when she instilled in him the im-
portance of good books, especially
the Scriptures. He was a student
of the Bible always. She died when
little Abe was 8 years old, and later,
Thomas Lincoln, his father remar-
ried. His stepmother was a woman
of strong character and high prin-
ciples, and she, too, got books for
the boy and encouraged him in his
studies.
Lincoln spent his early years in
the hardest kind of manual labor,
as a farmer, forester and woods-
man. Then his lot in life changed
somewhat and he became a mer-
chant, and following this he
went seriously Into the study of
law, his lifelong ambition, and was
admitted to the bar.
When he was 33 years of
age he married Miss Mary Todd
who was his opposite in nearly
every way. She was of fair com-
plexion, bright blue eyes, and had
smooth, light brown hair. She was
witty, accomplished and vivacious,
fond of dancing and very ambitious
socially. One historian speaks of
her thus: "She was an excellent
judge of human nature, a better
reader of men's motives than her
husband and quick to detect those
who hjA designs upon or sought to
use him. She was, in a good sense,
a stimulant ... she strove in every
way to promote his fortunes, to
keep him moving, and thereby win
the world's applause."
Carl Sandburg speaks of her sym-
pathetically in his work, "The Un-
fathomed Lincoln." He says. In
part: "She had borne four children
for the man she had chosen for a
husband at a time when she had a
wide range of choices, when an ele-
gant marriage in her own class had
been planned for her. She had
chosen one of the loneliest,
strangest men in the world — for a
husband. She had chosen him de-
liberately, calling him back over
and again. • • • She sewed for
herself and her children, • • • read
and spoke French, keeping on with
her studies."
Like all really big natures, Lin-
coln was very fond of little children
and tiny animals. He took great
delight In his own babies and the
death of one of his little sons had a
saddening effect for many, many
years.
His public life, with its disap-
pointments and cares, is reflected in
the change in his photographed face
from year to year. He was essen-
tially a man of sorrows, although
noted for his keen sense of humor
and unfailing fund of stories.
Never a popular man, while he was
beloved by many, he was also hated,
and his untimely end brought the
country to a realization of his great-
ness. Some say he had premoni-
tions of his assassination, but
Markham's poem expresses the fall
of this tender, tragic personality as
prose never could:
"And when he fell in whirlwind, he
went down
As when a lordly cedar, green with
boughs,
Goes down with a great shout upon
the hills,
And leaves a lonesome piace againsl
the sky."
Vance, Helen -'111:;-
Van Dell en, Dr. Theodore R.
Lincoln's Birth Primitive,
But Worked, Doctor Muses
By DR. THEODORE R. VAN DELLEN
It was 142 years ago today that<f Lincoln's birth is not unusual
Abraham Lincoln was born in Ken
tucky, under the same insanitary
conditions that the greater part of
the human race had come into the
world up to that
time. This is not
s o remarkable
considering that
childbirth i s a
natm*al phenom-
enon.
The Lincolns
were living on
the Sinking
Spring farm,
four miles from
Hodgenville, in
Hardin county.
They owned
poultry and live
stock and their log cabin lacked
luxuries but was not uncomfort-
able. Lincoln's father had consulted
a Dr. Daniel B. Potter on several
occasions but called the local mid-
wife to attend the confinement.
After all, midwifery was popular
in those days and the country
doctors were not too enthusiastic
about obstetrics because it kept
them out of contact with their
homes and other patients for many
hours and sometimes days.
There is no exact record of who
was present in the log cabin ex-
cept that neighbors and relatives
usually helped on such occasions.
They kept the fire going, made the
necessary hot water, and prepared
to care for the newcomer. With the
help of these women and their
crude obstetrical instruments, one
of our most famous Presidents
came into the world.
Folklore also has it that a neigh-
bor, Isom Enlow, saved the life of
baby Abraham. This man "hap-
pened by" and noticed that the
infant's face was blue with cold.
He rubbed the baby with his hands
and poured some melted turkey
fat, which he carried to oil his gun
into the baby's mouth.
considering the era. Most deliveries
took place at home because hos-
pitals were few and far between.
Even though one were available,
the home was preferred because of
convenience and the fact that there
was less danger of developing
childbed (puerperal) fever. How-
ever, the mortality rate was high
because little could be done if the
birth deviated from normal. The
midwife was in no position to cope
V ^V
PAILYNEWS, MONDAY FEBRUARY
12, 1951
Vandenberg, Sen. Arthur of Mich.
Sunday, February 11, 1940
New Deal Hit,
Lincoln Praised
By Vanderiberg
Calls on Americans
to Use Pattern of
Great Emancipator
International News Service Wire
ST. PAUL, Minn., Feb. 10.—
Using the standard of Abraham
Lincoln as a springboard from
which to castigate the New Deal
and President Roosevelt, Senator
Arthur Vandenberg (R) of Michi-
gan tonight predicted a Repub-
lican victory in 1940 and declared
the American people are "tired of
life on a flying trapeze."
Speaking before a Republican
Lincoln birthday rally here, the
senator, considered a presidential
possibility, flayed the administra-
tion and promised a Republican
regime will be dedicated to "the
single job of saving America."
As a preliminary, Vandenberg
eulogized Lincoln as "the supreme
personification of the spirit of
democracy in its finest faith and
truest form."
He said:
'Our Pattern'
"He was the first Republican
President of the United States.
Four years later, still running as
a Republican, he was the first
coalition President, uniting be-
hind him all like-thinkers, re-
gardless of party affiliations,
who put the welfare of their na-
tion ahead of every other hope.
"And there, my fellow citizens,
is the pattern for us in 1940. It
is our Lincoln heritage. It is our
Lincoln admonition. Once more
America is at the crossroads.
Once more a critical hour of tre-
mendous decision impends.
"It is the responsibility of Lin-
coln's party to save the Ameri-
can system of free enterprise
and free men under the renewed
spirit of constitutional democ-
racy, and to recapture prosper-
ity for our whole people under a
government restored to sanity
and solvency."
Common Ground
Bidding for the support of dis-
sident New Dealers, and striking
at the third term movement, Van-
denberg said the GOP:
"Must strive to create com-
mon ground upon which all like
thinkers may unite to produce
an administration for all Ameri-
cans in which a pre-pledged,
one-term president is manifestly
free of all incentive but the one
and single job of saving Amer-
ica."
Vandenberg summed it up as
"'government by executive decree,"
but, turning to future prospects
for a change, said:
"When Roosevelt and the New
Deal collide with Jefferson and
the Constitution, we stand with
Jefferson — and so will a major-
ity of the American people next
November."
A third presidential term, he
said, is a logical desire for New
Deal zealots, adding:
"It fits their dynastic picture
perfectly. So would a fourth or
fifth. Elections are but an an-
noying and needless interlude."
People to Umpire
In the most biting passage of
his address, he declared:
"Next November the Ameri-
can people will umpire this
dispute — this fundamental dif-
ference between two philoso-
phies of government and life.
There is no doubt in my mind
what they will say. They are
tired of life on a flying trapeze.
They are tired of experiments
that never end and patent medi-
cines that never cure.
"The American electorate, fed
up with eight years of synthetic
socialism, will commission the
party of Lincoln to this healing
task."
Among his "specifications' for
such a task, Vandenberg listed:
"Stop the hymns of hate
which dynamite us into devas-
tating factions. Stop the Hou-
dini business of deliberate
deficit-spending and admit that
thrift is more prudent than
debt. Maintain reasonable relief
for all deserving citizens still
victimized by the needlessly
prolonged depression. Stay out
of war. Quarantine the third
termites. Then watch the coun-
try boom."
Congressional Record
February 16, 1953
Nineteen Hundred and Fifty-three Lin
Day Address
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JAMES E. VAN ZANDT
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 16, 1953
Mr. VAN ZANDT. Mr. Speaker. £*«.
my privilege ; and pleasure ode wer^he
^l£^ *^ Virginia,
Pennsylvania, and New Jersey during
the past week.
The enthusiasm and spirit manifested
this year by those in attendance at these
annual Lincoln Day dinners reveal the
fact that the Republican Party is not
content to rest on its laurels, but has re-
solved to give its active support to the
Eisenhower administration in its deter-
mination to lead this Nation out of the
wilderness of despair created by corrup-
tion in Government, reckless spending,
and the crushing burden of high taxes.
My schedule of speaking engagements
included Indiana, Pa., where on Febru-
ary 12, I delivered the following address
at the annual Lincoln Day dinner spon-
sored by the Indiana Council of Repub-
lican women:
Nineteen Hundred and Fifty-three
Lincoln Day Address
Ladies and gentlemen, with the Republican
Party in complete control of the National
Government for the first time in 20 years, it
is a double honor for me to be here tonight
and join you in honoring the memory of the
immortal Lincoln, and to help you celebrate
the greatest victory ever achieved by the Re-
publican Party.
I am grateful to you for your kind in-
vitation that has made possible my attend-
ance here this evening.
Last fall the American people, by their
ballots, elected a Republican President and
a Republican Congress, thus completely re-
pudiating the so-called New Deal-Pair Deal
regimes of Roosevelt and Truman, that for
20 years had a stranglehold on the economic
life of this Nation.
Yes; the American people revealed in un-
mistakable language, that they had enough
of the boondoggling, waste, and corruption
that have characterized official Washington
since the advent of the New Deal in 1932.
The American people, by their votes on
November 4, 1952, fulfilled their desire to
recall from 20 years of political exile, the
party of Abraham Lincoln, whose memory we
honor here tonight.
As we pay a loving tribute to the Great
Emancipator, let us be mindful of his ster-
ling character and let us meditate on some of
the reasons why men, women, and children
the world over, regard the 16th President of
the United States as one of the greatest men
in history.
The immortal Lincoln was born in dire
poverty.
He elevated himself, slowly and painfully,
through his own efforts, to the highest office
in the land. Hence, he became the living
smybol of attaining the highest pinnacle of
success, through the opportunities of a free
nation.
Lincoln was full of complexities. He was
racked and torn from within and without.
But he was more attuned to the disturbed
period in which he lived, than were the
lesser men who surrounded him. He was
more truly the champion of all the people
than were his associates. They lacked his
vision; therefore, in their frustration, they
were brutally bitter in their criticism of him.
Through it all, however, Abraham Lincoln
retained the qualities which are the real
attributes of a great man.
Abraham Lincoln was a deeply religious
man and sought divine guidance through
many fervent prapers direct from the heart.
Therefore, he was truly a humble man.
Abraham Lincoln was utterly simple in in-
tegrity, benevolence, and fundamental good-
ness. Therefore, he was both honest and
humane.
Above all, Abraham Lincoln possessed the
courage of his conviction that peoples di-
vided cannot survive. If he were alive to-
day, he would no doubt apply that same con-
viction to the free and the enslaved peoples
of the world, because his influence still in-
spires the courage and fortitude of free men.
It was 92 years ago when the first President
representing the newly formed Republican
Party took office. That was in 1861. The
new Republican President was Abraham
Lincoln.
It is interesting to observe that Abraham
Lincoln in 1861 and Dwight D. Eisenhower
in 1953 have expressed themselves on parallel
problems. There are many similarities link-
ing these two periods in American history —
even though they are 92 years apart.
The big issue in 1861 was freedom or slavery
of a minority group in America, and upon
that issue — rested the fate of the Nation.
Freedom or slavery of the peoples of the
world is the burning issue today. And, upon
that issue rests the fate of the world.
While there is no similarity between the
protagonists of 1861 and 1953, yet the prin-
ciples involved are identical.
Those principles are the freedom or slavery
of mankind, whether the victims be groups
or nations, whether they be peoples of the
white, black, or yellow races.
When Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated in
1861 as the 16th President of the United
States, he faced the dire threat of a divided
Nation.
When Dwight D. Eisenhower was inaugu-
rated last month as the 34th President of the
United States, he faced the Communist
threat of a divided world.
Freedom is still the great cause for which
we are fighting in 1953 — freedom from the
Communist slave system seeking to dominate
all nations. ,.
Today, we are fighting in Korea against
Soviet tyranny, that has forced slavery upon
more than 800,000,000 peoples in other
nations.
At this very moment our Armed Forces
stand guard against it in Western Europe.
As a Nation of free people, we are sup-
porting the United Nations against it in
the Middle East, in Asia, and at many other
points around the globe.
Just as Abraham Lincoln admonished the
Nation to be vigilant, more than a century
ago, President Eisenhower likewise warns us
against national apathy and fear.
He said, "We must be ready to dare all
for our country, for history does not long
entrust the care of freedom to the weak
or the timid. We must be willing, individ-
ually and as a Nation, to accept whatever
sacrifices may be required of us."
When Lincoln was at the Nation's helm —
the great issue of the day was preservation
of the Union.
History tells us that it was a conflict over
principles that threatened to undermine the
pillars of our Government.
Lincoln arose to the occasion and resolved
these burning issues the "Lincoln way" with
the result that he left us a Nation indivisible
with liberty and justice to all.
Today, even chough 92 years have passed
since our first Republican President, Abra-
ham Lincoln entered the White House, yet
the issues that confront "President Eisen-
hower are identical in many ways, with many
of them striking at the very foundation of
our form of government.
Your country and my country, the best
place on earth, has been undermined the
past 20 years by forces within our midst.
These forces have been in control of our
National Government for 20 years, and
knowingly or unknowingly, attempted to
surrender the liberties of the American peo-
ple by creating an all-powerful Government.
These forces sought to control the lives
and the daily activities of our citizenry.
Before the advent of the New Deal-Fair
Deal, the American people had a choice be-
tween two great political parties whose
philosophy of government differed, yet
neither party challenged the Constitution of
the United States.
As I said in the early part of these re-
marks, the American people last November
4, by their ballots, revealed in unmistakable
language, that they had enough of the New
Deal-Fair Deal philosophy.
On November 4 they satisfied their desire
for new leadership that would return this
Nation to the principles of government
enunciated by the immortal Lincoln which
preserved this Republic as a Nation of free-
men.
Ladies and gentlemen, Dwight D. Eisen-
hower has answered the clarion call. He has
taken the oath of office as President of the
United States.
The inaugural parade is a fond memory.
With the new President's state of the
Union message before us, we have a clear
concept of the magnitude of the task that
confronts our 34th President and the Re-
publican Party in restoring a sane and sensi-
ble form of government.
The importance of the election of Abraham
Lincoln 92 years ago was paralleled by the
situation that faced the American people in
1952 when they selected Dwight D. Eisen-
hower as President of the United States.
If Abraham Lincoln had failed to win the
presidential election 92 years ago, only a
divine providence knows the fate that
awaited the future of this Republic.
In like manner, the defeat of Dwight D.
Eisenhower last November could have meant
a continuation of 4 more years of the so-
called Fair Deal philosophy of government.
Such a philosophy embodied socialistic
schemes repugnant to the American concept
of government.
With President Eisenhower in the White
House and the November victory a cherished
possession of the Republican Party, it is time
to indulge in some sober and down-to-earth
thinking.
With that thought in mind, we should
study the election results of last fall as they
pertain to the United States Senate and
House of Representatives.
A study of the 1952 election results reveals
that Republican congressional candidates
last November ran over 5,000,000 votes be-
hind the 33,000,000 ballots cast for President
Eisenhower.
In plain words, ladies and gentlemen, over
5,000,000 voters who favored President Eisen-
hower, did not even bother to vote for Re-
publican congressional candidates.
The result is that we control the House of
Representatives by the slim margin of only
10 Republican Congressmen. Our party con-
trols in the United States Seriate by only
one Republican United States Senator.
This means, that if four Republican Mem-
bers of the House die, retire, or resign, and
are not succeeded by Republicans, we would
lose control of the House.
Likewise, the death or resignation of a
Republican United States Senator could
cause the Republican Party to lose control
of the United States Senate, literally over-
night.
Let me be brutally frank in warning you
that if we lose control of the Senate and the
■House of Representatives, the hands of Presi-
dent Eisenhower will be tied behind his back
and our victory of last November will be
turned into a dismal defeat.
Without a Republican Congress to support
him, President Eisenhower's efforts to rescue
this Nation from its plight of being subjected
to 20 years of creeping socialism, waste, and
corruption, are doomed to failure.
I know that many of you have not for-
gotten what a Democratic Congress did to
Fresident Herbert Hoover. In a few blunt
words, it crucified him.
Possibly, I am being regarded by many of
you as being too pessimistic on this joyotis
occasion.
But, ladies and gentlemen, I have only
given you half of the real picture concerning
the problems that confront the Republican
Party.
\Jc^a 2-<w\A-^ _\£o*^\e^. £,
Do you realize that the next year everyone
of the 435 Members of the House of Repre-
sentatives and one-third of the 96 Members
of the United States Senate are up for re-
election?
History tells us that on only one occasion
within the last 50 years, has the party in
power — and we are the party in power at
this time — gained seats in either the Senate
or House of Representatives during the so-
called "off year" election.
To the contrary, the minority party —
which is now the Democratic Party — has al-
ways gained additional seats in Congress.
The only exception to the loss of congres-
sional seats by the party in power occurred
in 1934, during the early days of the New
Deal regime.
This simply means that even though we
are fortunate enough to retain control of
Congress through next year — the acid test
will be at the polls during the congressional
elections in 1954.
Mark you, the net loss of a half dozen Re-
publican seats in the House of Representa-
tives and one Republican Senate seat, will be
sufficient to give the Democrats control of
Congress. I hope that all of you understand
the disastrous effects' such an event would
have on President Eisenhower's program.
There is no use of dwelling in a fool's para-
dise, because our control of Congress is far
from secure.
The question is, "What can we do about
this situation?"
In the first place, for the past 20 years we
have constantly criticized the New Deal-Fair
Deal and to such an extent that we have be-
come past masters in the art of criticism.
To use an old expression, "Now the shoe is
on the other foot" and it's purely a case of
performance or empty promises.
In the second place, now that our team is
carrying the ball, President Eisenhower and
the Republican-controlled Congress are ex-
pected by the American people to (a) bring
the Korean war to a successful conclusion;
(b) build up the Nation's defense to dis-
courage would-be aggressors; (c) help make
our allies militarily and economically strong;
(d) cut spending and reduce taxes, and at
the same time, restore efficiency and econ-
omy in operating the affairs of Government.
In a few words, this is a large order even
for a miracle man — and President Eisenhow-
er does not pretend to be one.
To aid President Eisenhower in his monu-
mental task, it is incumbent upon all of us
to rededicate ourselves to the Republican
principles enunciated by Abraham Lincoln.
We should pledge to President Eisenhower
and Congress, our militant and undivided
support of their effort to bring order out of
chaos.
Let us resolve on this 144th anniversary
of Lincoln's birth, to stop carping criticism
and to unite our efforts under the banner
of the Republican Party.
To spend more time and effort in building
support for the Eisenhower administration
and the Republican-controlled Congress.
To begin at the precinct level to educate
voters on the philosophy of the Republican
Party.
To elect' to public office. Republicans in
whom the voters have absolute confidence
and respect.
In short, let us become active members
of the Eisenhower team by helping him to
redeem his pledge of honest Government to
the American people.
Let us keep in mind that pledge which
he repeated in his state of the Union mes-
sage when he said, "Our people have de-
manded nothing less than good and efficient
government. They shall get nothing less."
These words of President Eisenhower were
spoken in a true Lincoln manner. They re-
veal his sincere desire to preserve representa-
tive government which has always been a
cardinal principle of the Republican Party.
Ladies and gentlemen, make no mistake
about it — the Republican Party is merely
on probation.
Next year we shall be required to give our
first report to the American people in the
congressional elections.
If we lose the confidence of the American
people, not only will our party be on the
road to oblivion — but the future of this
great Republic and the American way of
life will be at stake.
This could be the last and only chance
of the Republican Party to provide the lead-
ership needed to save America. "Please God,
may we prove worthy of the task," should
be our fervent prayer.
With this great challenge confronting the
Republican Party, it behooves all of us to
accept willingly, our obligations as a member
of Abraham Lincoln's party.
We must make certain as Abraham Lincoln
so ably stated in his famous Gettysburg
Address, "That this Nation, under God, shall
have a new birth of freedom, and that gov-
ernment of the people, by the people, and
for the people shall not perish from the
earth."
Conditions in Lead-Zinc Mining Industry
EXTENSION OP REMARKS
OF
HON. WILLIAM A. DAWSON
OF UTAH
IN THE HOUSEJDP REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 16, 1953
Mr. DAWSON of Utah. Mr. Speaker,
the lead-zinc mining industry finds it-
self on the brink of disaster unless past
Government policies are revised to meet
current conditions. Dumping of foreign
lead and zinc on the American market
has forced the price of these metals far
below the American costs of production.
A most concise and informative state-
ment of the cause of this decline has
been presented by a constituent of mine.
Under leave to extend my remarks
heretofore granted, I am inserting in the
Record the following letter from Miles
P. Romney, manager, Utah Mining Asso-
ciation, under date of February 5, 1953:
Utah Mining Association,
Salt Lake City, Utah, February 5, 1953.
Hon. William A. Dawson,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D. C.
Dear Mr. Dawson: In reviewing President
Eisenhower's state of the Union message, I
note some interesting comments under his
discussion of foreign policy. Specifically, he
speaks of' help to Europe including — and I
quote fully from the text —
"Here [Europe] and elsewhere we can hope
that our friends will take the initiative in
creating broader markets and more dependa-
ble currencies, to allow greater exchange of
goods and services among themselves.
"Action along these lines can create an
economic environment that will invite vital
help from us.
"This help includes:
"First. Revising our customs regulations
to remove procedural obstacles to profitable
trade. I further recommend that the Con-
gress take the reciprocal trade agreements
under immediate study and extend it by ap-
propriate legislation. This objective must
not ignore legitimate safeguarding of do-
mestic industries, agriculture, and labor
standards. In all executive study and recom-
mendations on this problem, labor and man-
agement and farmers alike will be earnestly
consulted."
Vedder, .LIarry
Harry Veddor
Vr
-*Wo chiropractic educator
tx?
V If NHIS.man lived among
| us only a short span
of years, yet his influ-
ence will go marching down
the ages long after you and
I have become mere memo-
ries. In his eyes was a look
of infinite tenderness, and in
his great heart a prayer for
all the world. Simple, in-
tensely human, yet with the
fire of genius in his brain,
he took the shattered rem-
nants of a nation and
moulded them into a mas-
terpiece. As a typical Amer-
ican, as the greatest states-
man this country has ever
known, he so lived as to en-
dear himself to millions of
his fellowmen and millions
yet unborn. H i s famous
emancipation proclamation
freed countless human be-
ings and laid the foundation
LINCOLN
By
Harry E. Vedder, D. C, Ph. C.
Author and Professor
of Chiropractic Physiology
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
sickness which has made
them almost hopeless of ever
regaining their health. Chi-
ropractic occupies that en-
viable position. It is being
offered to one hundred and
ten million people in the
United States alone, by
fourteen thousand Chiro-
practors. These men and
women stand ready to an-
swer the call of suffering
humanity wherever and
however that call may come.
There is a Chiropractor
serving your community.
He knows that he has the
means of restoring your
health, for he has diligently
applied himself in learning
the science. He is sending:
you this little message that
you may know, as he does,
the possibilities at his com-
mand. When you have tried
of a higher civilization than had before been many other methods, when you have come al
possible, most to believe that health is not for you, do
There has recently appeared upon the stage not surrender hope. See your Chiropractor
of life another great emancipator. Not a poli- and permit him to prove to you that Chiro-
tical emancipator, but one that places health practic is in reality the great, modern eman-
at the disposal of millions now suffering from cipator of suffering humanity.
Versteeg, Dr. Jo|m M.
SERMON ON LINCOLN
By REV. DR. JOHN M. VERSTEEG
Minster of Roseville M. E. Church
At the morning- worship in Rose-
ville Methodist Episcopal Church last
Sunday Rev. Dr. J.ohn M. Versteeg-,
the minister officiating- at the Holy
Communion, spoke briefly of Wash-
ing-ton, our first President, and more
intimately of Lincoln, who died before
his time at the hand of a cruel assassin.
The minister said in part:
"This is an age when many would
rather act smart than right. The
stronger a convention, the more eager
they are to break it; the deeper the
conviction, the more they cry out
against it. They will do anything,
provided only it goes against the past.
So it comes that in our day the noblest
of lives have been subjected to
innuendos. But they are reaping small
harvest in reward of their toil. The
greatness of the great appears more
firmly established than it has ever
been in the past.
"Comparisons, more often than not,
are odious. A deal of worthless talk
has gone the rounds in which those
two tall Americans, Washington and
Lincoln, were contrasted. Each had his
weaknesses — but why delay upon
these ?— and each had his* strength.
This it is that makes them worthy of
remembrance. It is given few men to
stand at the center of a century and
direct the traffic at the crossroads of
history. This experience came to the
man who fathered our country and
also to the man who, at so great a
cost, kept inviolate the union we love.
Henry Van Dyke happily hit on the
truth when he said: 'One of these men
was great enough to refuse a crown,
the other to accept a cross, for his
country's sake.' For this they are both
to be honored; and it ill behooves us
to pit one against the other, to see
.which of the two deserves the larger
mede of praise.
"It ought not to militate against the
praise justly due Washington, if we
shy that Lincoln most appeals to most
of us. Wa.-ningtor. lived at a large
economic remove from us. He was the
Henry Ford of his, day. Lincoln was
reared in poverty, and felt the pinch
of want a great portion of his days.
His experience resembles ours more;
we feel we are closer to him. Wash-
ington enjoyed cultural and social
privileges deni:d Lincoln and the most
of us ; it can scarcely be deemed
strange, then, that we should have for
Lincoln more "of a fellow-feeling. This
judicial attitude, bordering on auster-
ity, which characterized Washington,
few of us share. Most o"f us treasure
human qualities above the intellectual.
We respect Washing-ton; but with
Lincoln we go Jurtner; we^nmds:;
reverence him. He strikes so respon-
sive a chord in our hearts. He was so
like most of us.
"And yet, how unlike he was! When
we try to attain to his spirit, we be-
come aware of that. There was a
greatness in him that shames our
littleness. Regard a few of the items
that lift this man of destiny so high
above us:
"1. He was a long time getting
ready for a great task! John Drink-
water, in some significant lines, put
his fingers on the pulse of one of the
outstanding advantages of Abraham
Lincoln :
'. . . . From fifty tameless years
In quiet Illinois was sent
A word that still, the Atlantic hears,
And Lincoln, was the lord of this
event.'
"Fifty tameless years! Of course,
that is poetic license. He did achieve
local fame, and considerable reknown
as a speaker and debater. He did col-
lect what, for those days, were huge
lawyer's fees. But, compared to the
greater glory that was to be revealed
in him, those years were tameless.
They were but an earnest of the ser-
vice that was to be his. Now, what we
do well to remember is that he really
needed a long preparation to accom-
plish what he did. All the manifold
changes in , perspective, the quieter;
viewpoints, the deeper understandings,,
were needed that he ihight at last be ,
aWe to judge a right between con-
trary philosophies of human worth and
statecraft. More than once proposal*
were made, back in those dark days,
that the poor whites had better be
placed in slavery than cause labor dis-
turbances. More than once plausible
theories were advanced by which it
was made to appear that the union of
right should be severed, or that slavery
should be tolerated on territory where
that black crime so far had been out-
lawed. Between intrigues and com-
promises, sophistries and subtleties,
Lincoln had to steer a straight path—
and. did, by virtue of years of educa-
tion^ understanding. Most of us are
in too much ot a hurry. We want to
attain the heights,, of the great by
sudden flight. We are not content to
be inconspicuous for decades, with a
confidence that some time, all that we
now suffer and endure shall be turned
into capital for the markets of man-
kind. ' - '-,
z. Mention nas already been made
to another fact we had best emphasize
when we are seeking to account for
the greatness of Abraham Lincoln. He
was perfected through suffering. This
was originally said of the Saviour, but
may also be said of most of those who
have brought leading and light to the
race. He came into a heritage of
suffering — did Lincoln. Sandburg
draws the portrait of his mother. 'She
knew ... so much of what she be-
lieved was yonder — always yonder.
Every day came scrubbing, washing,
patching, fixing. There was so little
time to think or sing about the glory
she believed in. It was always yon-
der . . .' What a life she led out there
in the wilderness. She was only a
young woman when she passed into
the beyond, where her dreaming could
be greater, but not truer, than here.
And for all those gaunt years in a
country then desolate and largely un-
explored, young Lincoln knew what it
meant to suffer. He drank the cup to
the dregs when Ann Ruttledge died.
That aged him outwardly, but season-
ed him inwardly. He began to be much
of a man, when Ann Ruttledge went
out, and he knew not wither, but knew
only that he hoped. So one might go
through the years of his pilgrimage,
and recite instance upon instance
when he met up with suffering. Our
imagination fails us when we try to
fathom the feelings of a man made
sensitive by years of heartache, know-
ing that the young men of his land
were fighting and suffering and dying-
each day, and more young men were
being called to fill the gaps the dead
made that Father Abraham's cause
might triumph. And the going of his
laddie — how that wrung- his heart!
Lincoln was the man he was because
the pain of his heart was put to the
gain of his soul.
"3. And Lincoln, at long last, be-
j came big enough to walk alone! Lone-
liness is always the penalty of great-
ness. He had become inured to lone-
liness— chopping trees and splitting
rails] with no one about to speak to.
He had learned to keep his counsel,
and to go into executive sessions with
himself. But in most of these in-
stances, he walked alone because he
wished to; time came when he walked,
alone because he had to. No one was
minded to accompany him in the ven-
tuies of suffering and sacrifice lie
undertook. 'He went the way ox"
dominion in pitiful, high-hearted
fashion.' And yet in his loneliness,
there pressed in upon him surpassing-
ly the presence of an Unseen One.
God came to 'people his solitudes.' He
found the compensations that -come
from being alone with God,. We chafe
at our crosses, and have not the spirit
to do the" unpopular thing. Lincoln
rises like a Matterhorn above the com-
mon ranges of our kind because he did
not follow the crowd, but having had
his vision, followed hard after it."
¥ XilUCb&|
The Locomotive Engineers Journal
February, 1923.
gggggggl Miiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii niiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii imiin mi iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiimwmiiiiiiiiiiiiii iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiniiiiiiini niiiiiiiiiiiimiiiii g i imiiiiiiiniiiiiiiiiiiiinini
LINCOLN, LEADER OF HUMANITY
By B. V. VLADECK, Manager, Jewish Daily Forward of New York City
NE of my first and most memorable lessons in Ameri-
canization was Lincoln's Gettysburg Address.
When I read and reread it and learned it by heart,
struck by its noble clearness and sweeping faith in
America, I felt as if the whole past of this country
had been lit up by a row of warm and beautiful lights; as if
some unknown friend had taken me by the hand on a dark
uncertain road, saying gently: "Don't doubt and don't de-
spair. This country has a soul and
a purpose and if you so wish, you
may love it without regrets."
Through the gateway of that
wonderful speech Is was led into the
holiest shrine America has built —
the shrine of Abraham Lincoln,
man and leader of men.
History after all is nothing but
the same sterile field, furrowed over
.and over again by the slow plow of
time in the hope of newer and bet-
ter harvests. And when once in a
long while a personality arises that
Is full of the fragrance and hidden
.puces of the soil, a personality
aware of and sympathetic with the
experiences of the human race, we
are all rejuvenated and proud of
being men. Any one who knows
Lincoln cannot help but feel that
here at last is one who justifies all
the trials and hazards of being hu-
man.
If Lincoln had been a saint or a
hero our hearts would not be moved
so deeply. Their halos keep us out
of their inner light, and their in-
heritance is nothing but rules of
reason or stern commands of con-
duct. Lincoln did neither teach nor
command. He shone with the warm
glow of life, with the tragedy of
conscious existence, with the sad
smile of a universal father, -pene-
trating into the souls of his own and following generations,
as a beautiful sunset on the prairies of Illinois penetrates into
the soul of the sensitive unhurrying wayfarer. He is as dear
to us for his virtues as he is adorable for his shortcomings;
he is as inspiring by his accomplishments as he is significant
by his failures. With all his attributes of a provincial, with all
the rudeness of his education, with all the limitations of his
social circle, he was such a huge piece of humanity, such an
overwhelming influence !
One reads his speeches and sayings, his letters and state
compositions, his jokes and meditations and one sees how
behind all these there worked a powerful, busy engine, the
engine of a brain that wished to find order and justice in the
dirty, colossal heap of human affairs. It does not matter
whether he always found the right solution to the tortuous
problems of his day; it does not matter whether he always
.succeeded. What does matter is that he allowed his heart and
3UR :,CO«t AND SEVEN YEARS
■'\o our rwHi is brought forth ;
ON nil! CONTINr.NT A NCVV NAT ON
:'"'£D IN LIBERTY. AND DEDICA-
1 =r> TO THE PROPOSITION THAT Ai L i
M 1 \l> ' . , OUAL
-:•''■• Yvi ART. CNGAC.fiA N A GREAT :
Civil WAR, TESTING WHETHER THAT {
NAllOtJ OR ANY NATION SO CON- I
f-flviU AND SO DEDICATED CAN LONG
CNDUPA. • V.'l A.RC lytfi ON A, GREAT i
SATTLEflElO Of IKA.l WAR ■ WE HAVE J
COME TO DEDICATE A PORTION OF I
THAT FIELD A', A FINAL RESTING i
PLACE FOR THOSE WHO HERE CAVE;
THEIR LIVES THAT THAT NATION !
MIGHT LIVE • IT IS ALTOGETHER FIT- 1
TING AND PROi'tF I'HAI Wt SHOULD
DO THIS ■ BUI ill A LARGE!' SENSE
WE CAN NOT DEDICATE -WE CAN NOT
CON,! OR A If -Wt: 1 AM NOT HALLOW- ,
THIS GROUND -THE BRAVE MEN UV- ;
ING AND DEAD WHO STRUGGLED HERE :
HAVE CONSECRATED IT FAR ABOVE ;
OUR POOR POWER TO ADD OR DEI P AC !
THE WORLD WILL LITTLE NOTE NOR .
LONG REMEMBER WHAT WE SAY HERE '
HUT tT CAN NEVER FORGET WHAT THEY
DID HERE" IT IS FOR Us THE LIVING
RATHER TO T£ !
THE UNFINISHED WORK WHICH THEY
nil' fOU 1AVETHJS FAR
■ : NC*.!.AD>A.AAAl.,-N « S--.TM.II i:«
US TO BF -PIM'„
great t> . •: pre nr i r
THAT' FROM THIit KONCRID DEAD
WE lAKt I C 1
i c a i
LAST FULL MEASURE OF DEVOTION- !
THAT WL+IJRE iliCHU RESOLVE THAT
THESE DEAD ShM t M ! >• hVE DIED IN
VALN-4XA7. tw S \A"I'">N UNDER. COD :
an. i-A;ir»vBr-ai r iaeedom- •
AND THA.I .- VI C V.fK i 1,4 THf PEOPLE I
Underwood & Underwood.
LINCOLN'S GETTYSBURG ADDRESS
An Imperishable Interpretation of American Democracy
brain to become the battlefield of historical questions, and by
that he became the expression of a whole" nation in times of
stress. His truth was not a ball of fire threateningly fixed
on the horizon. It was rather an elusive creature swayed to
and fro by the tide of events. At banquets one often "hears
people praised as "practical idealists." This phrase has become
so stale that one must apologize before applying it to Lincoln.
But if there is anything besides his purely human qualities that
make Lincoln the outstanding
American, it is his practical ideal-
ism— a conservative revolutionist,
a pious iconoclast, a timid but firm
destructor of old worlds. One ad-
mires William Lloyd Garrison, one
is overwhelmed by John Brown, one
is enthused by Wendell Phillips,
but God give us the courage to fol-
low Abraham Lincoln. For social
order is deep rooted and reenforced
by a million props. The man who
attempts to break it down by sheer
power of will, by mere strength of
dogma may be magnificent and in-
spiring, he may call forth our
deepest admiration and awe, but he
will not break the old order. One
must be cunning and patient, slow
and persevering, adaptable and
easy. One must know how to go
around obstacles without arousing
the suspicion of the foe, how to
start digging in the dark without
trumpets and flowing banners. Let
the poets sing of the man who
dares — our gratitude will go to the
man who works.
Lincoln who paid the supreme
price for his devotion to the Union
and his hatred of slavery was also
the man who did most damage to
the slave holders. Just as organ-
ized labor of today, even if con-
servative, is more dangerous for the
capitalists than the threats and curses of the Communists, so
was Lincoln more dangerous to the slave holders than the whole
Abolition movement. He neither swore at them nor threatened
them, but he slowly and surely organized a powerful force
against them. It was very easy in his day to be slave driver or
Abolitionist. It is always easy to be a prophet — to rest on a
bed of negation and noble hatred, but it is hard to be a Lincoln
— to be called opportunist and compromiser and at the same
time to be organizing a real force against the established insti-
tution of slavery. To be a Bolshevik in the United States of
today is much easier than to be a labor leader with a purpose
uniting and educating the labor movement through the slow
grind of its daily fight, through the petty conflicts of its daily
experienee. It is possible that slavery would not have existed
much longer, even without the Civil War; but I cannot see how '
slavery could have been abolished under any circumstances
without a Lincoln leading in the labor of emancipation.
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