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BORN a subject of the Monarchy, adopted a citizen of 
the Republic, how could it be otherwise than that I 
should love both lands and long to do whatever in nie lay 
to bring their people to share that love for each other ! 
The lamentable ignorance concerning the new land which 
I have found even in the highest political circles of the 
old first suggested to me how delightful the task would be 
to endeavor to show something of what the Eepublic 
really is, and thus remove, at least in part, the misconcep- 
tions which still linger in the minds of many good people 
of Britain. I believed, also, that my attempt would give 
to Americans a better idea of the great work their country 
had done and is still doing in the world. Probably few 
Americans will read this book without being astonished 
at some of the facts elicited. During its progress I have 
been deeply interested in it, and it may truly be regarded 
as a labor of love the tribute of a very dutiful and 
grateful adopted son to the country which has f removed 
the stigma of inferioritY-which his native land saw proper 
Doimpress upon him at birth, and has made him, in the 
estimation of its great laws as well as in his own estima- 
tion (much the more important consideration), the peer of 
any human being who draws the breath of life, be he 
pope, kaiser, priest or king henceforth the subject of no 
man, but a free man, a citizen ! 

viii PREFACE. 

It is to the people, the plain, common folk, the De- 
mocracy of Britain, that I seek to show the progress, 
prosperity, and happiness of their child, the Bepublic, 
that they may still more deeply love it and learn that the 
through the republican form 


form ig tTiP. snreaiLfrmndation of individual growth and of 

national greatness" ~ 

To the whole body of Americans I have been anxious 
to give a juster estimate than prevails in some quarters of 
the political and social advantages which they so abun- 
dantly possess over the people of the older and less ad- 
vanced lands, that they may be still prouder and even 
more devoted if possible to their institutions than they 
are ; and I have, also, been no less anxious that the in- 
fluence of every page of this book might be to incline the 
American to regard with reverence and affection the great 
parent people from whom he has sprung, from whose 
sacrifices in the cause of civil and religious liberty he has 
reaped so rich a harvest, and to whom he owes a debt of 
gratitude which can never be adequately repaid. 

The work once decided upon, I naturally obtained all 
preceding books bearing upon the subject. As the pile of 
reference books, census reports and statistical works lay 
around upon tables and shelves, the question suggested 
itself, " Shall these dry bones live 1 " I hope, therefore, 
indulgent readers, that you will not be warranted in 
accusing me of giving too much solid information. I 
have tried to coat the wholesome medicine of facts in the 
sweetest and purest sugar of fancy at my command. Pray 
yo\t, open your mouths and swallow it in small doses, and 
like the sugar even if you detest the pill. One word, 
however, to the critical statistician, and let this be very 
clearly understood: although designedly written in as 
light a style as I am master of, mark me, no liberties have 
been taken with facts, figures or calculations. Every 
statement has been carefully verified and re-verified; 
every calculation has been gone over and over again. ' My 
readers may safely rely upon the correctness of ever) 


quantitative statement made. Considered as a book of 
reference, what is herein stated is under-stated rather 
than over-stated. 

I acknowledge with great pleasure the almost indis- 
pensable aid received in the preparation of this work from 
my clever secretary, Mr. Bridge. I am also indebted to 
!Mr. John TJ. CTiamplin, Jr., for many valuable suggestions 
and for careful supervision as it went through the press. 

The books and documents and official reports consulted 
have been legion ; I cannot, therefore, undertake to 
mention them, but I have received more data from that 
marvellous work " Scribner's Statistical Atlas " than 
from any other source or, indeed, from any several sources 

And now, if I have succeeded in giving my country- 
men on either or both sides of the Atlantic even a small 
amount of information about the Eepublic of my love, or 
brought them nearer together in the bonds of genial affec- 
tion, or hastened by one hour the day in which my native 
land shall stand forth with my adopted land under the 
only noble political creed that which proclaims the 
equality of the citizen I shall have received an ample 



















ART AND Music 219 











" Methinks I see in my mind a noble and puissant nation rousing 
herself like a strong man after sleep, and shaking her invincible 
locks ; methinks I see her as an eagle mewing her mighty youth, 
and kindling her undazzled eyes at the full mid-day beam ; purging 
and unsealing her long abused sight at the fountain itself of 
heavenly radiance j while the whole noise of timorous and flocking 
birds, with those also that love the twilight, flutter about, amazed 
at what she means." MILTON. 

THE old nations of the earth creep on at a snail's pace ; 
the Kepublic thunders past with the rush of the express. 
The United States, the growth of a single century, has 
already reached the foremost rank among nations, and 
is destined soon to out-distance all others in the race. 
In population, in wealth, in annual savings, and in 
public credit; in freedom from debt, in agriculture, and 
in manufactures, America already leads the , civilized 

' France, with her fertile plains and sunny skies, 
requires a hundred and sixty years to grow two French- 
men where one grew before. Great Britain, whose rate 
of increase is greater than that of any other European 
nation, takes seventy years to double her population. 
The Kepublic has repeatedly doubled hers in twenty-five 

In 1831, Great Britain and Ireland contained twenty- 



four millions of people, and fifty years later (1881) 
thirty-four millions. France increased, during the 
same period, from thirty-two and a half to thirty- 
seven and a half millions. The Republic bounded 
from thirteen to fifty millions. England gained ten, 
France five, the United States thirty-seven millions ! 
Thus the Republic, in one half-century, added to her 
numbers as many as the present total population of 
France, and more than the present population of the 
United Kingdom. Think of it ! A Great Britain and 
Ireland called forth from the wilderness, as if by magic, 
in less than the span of a man's few days upon earth, 

" As if the yawning earth to heaven, 
A subterranean host had given." 

Truly the Republic is the Minerva of nations; full 
armed has she sprung from the brow of Jupiter Britain. 
The thirteen millions of Americans of 1830 have now 
increased to fifty-six millions more Fjiglish-speaking 
people than exist in all the world besides ; more than 
in the United Kingdom and all her colonies, even were 
the latter doubled in population ! 

Startling as is this statement, it is tame in comparison 
with that which is to follow. In 1850 the total 
wealth of the United States was but 8,430,000,000 
(1,686,000,000), while that of the United Kingdom 
exceeded 22,500,000,000 (4,500,000,000), or nearly 
three times that sum. Thirty short years sufficed to 
reverse the positions of the respective countries. In 
1882 the Monarchy was possessed of a golden load of no 
less than eight thousand, seven hundred and twenty 
million sterling. Just pause a moment to see how this 
looks when strung out in cold figures ; but do not try to 
realize what it means, for mortal man cannot conceive it. 
Herbert Spencer need not travel so far afield to reach the 
" unknowable ! " He has it right here under his very 
eyes. Let him try to " know " the import of this 
43,600,000,000 (8,720,000,000) ! It is impossible. But 


stupendous as this seems, it is exceeded by the wealth of 
the Republic, which in 1880, two years before, amounted 
to $48,950,000,000 (9,790,000,000). What a mercy 
we write for 1880 ; for had we to give the wealth of one 
year later another figure would have to be found, and 
added to the interminable row. America's wealth to-day 
greatly exceeds ten thousand millions sterling. Nor is this 
altogether due to her enormous agricultural resources, as 
may at first glance be thought ; for all the world knows 
she is 'first among nations in agriculture. It is largely 
attributable to her manufacturing industries, for, as all the 
world does not know, she, and not Great Britain, is also 
the greatest manufacturing country. In 1880, British 
manufactures amounted in value to eight hundred and 
eighteen millions sterling; those of America to eleven 
hundred and twelve millions 1 nearly half as much as 
those of the whole of Europe, which amounted to twenty- 
six hundred millions. Thus, although Great Britain 
manufactures for the whole world, and the Eepublic is 
only gaming, year after year, greater control of her own 
markets, Britain's manufactures in 1880 were not two- 
thirds the value of those of the one-century-old Republic, 
which is not generally considered a manufacturing country 
at all. 

In the savings of nations America also comes first, 
her annual savings of two hundred and ten millions 
sterling exceeding those of the United Kingdom by 
fifty-six millions, and those of France by seventy 
millions sterling. The fifty million Americans of 1880, 
could have bought up the one hundred and forty 
millions of Russians, Austrians, and Spaniards ; or, after 
purchasing wealthy France, would have had enough 
pocket money to acquire Denmark, Norway, Switzer- 
land, and Greece. The Yankee Republican could even 
buy the home of his ancestors the dear old home with 
all its exquisite beauty, historical associations, and 

1 British returns do not include flour-mills and saw-mills, but 
sixty millions sterling, a sum far beyond their possible value, have 
been allowed for these in the above estimate. 
B 2 


glorious traditions, which challenge our love and hold it 

" The cloud-capp'd towers, the gorgeous palaces, 
The solemn temples," 

aye, every acre of Great Britain and Ireland could he 
buy, and hold it as a pretty little Isle of "Wight to his 
great continent ; and after doing this he could turn round 
and pay off the entire national debt of that deeply 
indebted land, and yet not exhaust his fortune, the 
product of a single century ! What will he not be able 
to do ere his second century closes! Already the 
nations which have played great parts in the world's 
history grow small in comparison. In a hundred years 
they will be as dwarfs, in two hundred mere pigmies to 
this giant ; he the Gulliver of- nations, they but Liliputians 
who may try to bind him with their spider threads in 

The shipping of the Eepublic ranks next to that of the 
world's carrier, Britain. No other nation approaches her 
in the race for place. In 1880, the carrying power of 
Great Britain was eighteen millions of tons ; that of the 
Eepublic nine millions, being about one-half the mother- 
land's commercial fleet, but more than that of France, 
Germany, Norway, Italy, and Spain combined, these 
being the five largest carrying powers of Europe after 
Britain. The Western Eepublic has more than four times 
the carrying capacity of its European sister France, and 
quite four times as much as Germany. Her ships earned 
nearly twenty per cent, of the total shipping earnings of 
the world in 1880. France and Germany each earned 
but a shade over five per cent. The exports and imports 
of America are already equal to those of either of those 
countries about 300,000,000 sterling. Notwithstand- 
ing those facts, which are corroborated by Mulhall, and 
are known to be correct, the general impression is that 
the Eepublic, gigantic as she is on land, has very little 
footing upon the water. This is one of many popular 
delusions about the " kin beyond sea." But while she is 


next to Britain herself as a maritime power, it is when 
we turn to her internal commerce her carrying power on 
land that she reverses positions with her great mother. 
The internal commerce of the United States exceeds the ^ |/vV^ 
entire' foreign commerce of Great Britain and Ireland, 

France, Germany, Russia, Holland, Austria-Hungary, and 
Belgium combined. For railway freight over a hundred 
and ten millions sterling are annually paid, a greater 
sum than the railway freightage of Great Britain, 
France, and Italy collectively, and more than is earned by 
all the ships in the world, exclusive of America's own earn- 
ings from ships. The Pennsylvania Railroad system alone 
transports more tonnage than all Britain's merchant ships. 

In military and naval power the Republic is at once yvv\v 
the weakest and the strongest of nations. Her regular ' 
army consists of but twenty-five thousand men scattered p !Jf 
all over the continent in companies of fifty or a hundred. 
Her navy, thank God ! is as nothing. But twenty years 
ago, as at the blast of a trumpet, she called into action 
two millions of armed men, and floated six hundred and 
twenty-six war-ships. Even the vaunted legions of 
Xerxes, and the hordes of Attila and Timour were ex- 
ceeded in numbers by the citizen soldiers who took up 
arms in 1861 to defend the unity of the nation, and 
who, when the task was done, laid them quietly down, 
and returned to the avocations of peace. As Macaulay 
says of the soldiers of the Commonwealth : " In a few 
months there remained not a trace indicating that the 
most formidable army in the world had just been absorbed 
into the mass of the community." And the character of 
the Republic's soldiers, too, recalls his account of this 
republican army of Cromwell's. " The Royalists them- 
selves confessed that, in every department of honest i 
industry, the discarded warriors prospered beyond other 
men, that none was charged with any theft or robbery, 
that none was heard to ask for alms, and that if a 
baker, a mason, or a waggoner attracted notice by his 
diligence and sobriety, he was in all probability one of 
Oliver's old soldiers." This was when the parent land 


was free from hereditary rulers and under the invigo- 
rating influence of republican institutions. Thus do 
citizens fight on one side of the Atlantic as on the 
other, and, grander far, thus return to the pursuits of 
peace. Sot for throne, for king, or for privileged class, 
but for Country, for a country which gives to the 
humblest every privilege accorded to the greatest, One 
says instinctively, 

" Where's the coward that would not dare 
To fight for such a land ! " 

Britons as republicans were of course invincible. What 
chance in the struggle has a royalist who cries, " My 
king ! " against the citizen whose patriotic ardor glows 
as he whispers, " My country !" The "God save the 
King " of the monarchist grows faint before the nobler 
strain of the republican, 

" God bless our native land ! " 

Our king, poor trifler, may be beneath consideration. 
Out country is ever sure of our love. There be words 
to conjure and work miracles with, and " our country " 
is of these. Others, having ceased to be divine, have 
become ridiculous, and " king " and " throne " are of 

The twenty thousand Englishmen who met in Bing- 
ley Hall, Birmingham, to honor the sturdiest English- 
man of all, John Bright, dispersed not with the paltry 
and puerile " God save the Queen," but with these glor- 
ious words sung to the same tune : 

" God bless our native land, 
May heaven's protecting hand 

Still guard her shore ; 
May peace her fame extend, 
Foe be transformed to friend, 
And Britain's power depend 
On war no more." 

Worthy this of England, blessed mother of nations 
which now are, and of others yet to be. To hear it was 


worth the voyage across the Atlantic. Never crept the ' /1 
thrill of triumph more wildly through my frame than 
when I lifted up my voice and sang with the exulting 
mass the coming national hymn which is to live and 
vibrate round the world when Royal families are as 
extinct as dodos. God speed the day ! A royal 
family is an insult to every other family in the land. 
I found no trace of them at Birmingham. 

The Republic wants neither standing army nor navy. 
In this lies her chief glory and her strength. Eesting 
securely upon the love and devotion of all her sons, she 
can, Cadmus-like, raise from the soil vast armed hosts 
who fight only in her defence, and who, unlike the seed 
of the dragon, return to the avocations of peace when 
danger to the Republic is past. The American citizen 
who will not fight for his country if attacked is un- 
worthy the name, and the American citizen who could 
be induced to engage in aggressive warfare is equally 
so. Happily " there is no such man." 

Of more importance even than commercial or military 
strength is the Republic's commanding position among (IK 
nations in .intellectual activity ;. for she excels in the /\ 
number of schools and colleges, in the number and extent 7% 
of her libraries, and in the number of newspapers and 
other periodicals published. 

In the application of science to social and industrial 
uses, she is far in advance of other nations. Many of the 
most important practical inventions which have con- 
tributed to the progress of the world during the past / A/t/f 
century originated with Americans. No other people 
have devised so many labor-saving machines and 
appliances. The first commercially successful steamboat 
navigated the Hudson, and the first steamship to cross 
the Atlantic sailed under the American flag from an 
American port. America gave to the world the cotton- 
gin, and the first practical mowing, reaping, and sewing 
machines. In the most spiritual, most ethereal of all 
departments in which man has produced great triumphs, 
viz. : electricity, the position of the American is specially 


noteworthy. He may be said almost to have made this 
province his own, for, beginning with Franklin's discovery 
of the identity of lightning and electricity, it was an 
American who devised the best and most widely used sys- 
tem of telegraphy, and an American who boldly undertook 
to bind together the old and the new land with electric 
chains. In the use of electricity for illuminating purposes 
America maintains her position as first wherever this 
subtile agent is invoked. The recent addition to the 
world's means of communication, the telephone, is also to 
be credited to the new land. 

Into the distant future of this giant nation we need 
not seek to peer ; but if we cast a glance forward, as we 
have done backward, for only fifty years, and assume that 
in that short interval no serious change will occur, the 
astounding fact startles us that in 1935, fifty years from 
now, when many in manhood will still be living, one 
hundred and eighty millions of English-speaking republi- 
cans will exist under one flag and possess more than two 
hundred and fifty thousand millions of dollars, or fifty 
thousand millions sterling of national wealth. Eighty 
years ago the whole of America and Europe did not con- 
tain so many people ; and, if Europe and America con- 
tinue their normal growth, it will be little more than 
another eighty years from now ere the Republic may boast 
as many loyal citizens as all the rulers of Europe com- 
bined, for before the year 1980 Europe and America will 
each have a population of about six hundred millions. 

The causes which have led to the rapid growth and 
aggrandizement of this latest addition to the family of 
nations constitute one of the most interesting problems 
in the social history of mankind. What has brought 
about such stupendous results so unparalleled a develop- 
ment of a nation within so brief a period ! The most 
[important factors in this problem are three : the ethnic 
[ character of the people, the topographical and climatic condi- 
ii tions under which they developed, and the influence of poli- 
: ]tical institutions founded upon the equality of the citizen. 
U- Certain writers in the past have maintained that the 



ethnic type of a people has less influence upon its growth li-/ 
as a nation than the conditions of life under which it is fl 
developing. The modern ethnologist knows better. We 
have only to imagine what America would be to-day if 
she had fallen, in the beginning, into the hands of any 
other people than the colonizing British, to see how vitally 
important is this question of race. America was indeed 
fortunate in the seed planted upon her soil. With the 
exception of a few Dutch and French it was wholly 
British; and, as will be shown in the next chapter, theiV^ 

, , - 

American of to-day remains true to this noble strain and 
is four-fifths British. The special aptitude oi' ihls race t 
for colonization^ its "vigor and enterprise, and its capacity 
for governing, although brilliantly manifested in all parts 
of the world, have never been shown to such advantage 
as in America. Freed here from the pressure of feudal 
institutions no longer fitted to their present development, f ^ 
and freed also from the dominion of the upper classes, 
which have kept the people at home from effective 
management of affairs and sacrificed the nation's interest 
for their own, as is the nature of classes, -these masses of 
the lower ranks of Britons, called upon to found a new 
state, have proved themselves possessors of a positive 
genius for political administration. 

The second, and perhaps equally important factor in 
- "the problem of the rapid advancement of this branch of 
the British race, is the superiority of the conditions under 
which it has developed. The home which has fallen to 
its lot, a domain more magnificent than has cradled any 
other race in the history of the world, presents no 
obstructions to unity to the thorough amalgamation of 
its dwellers, North, South, East, and West, into one 
homogeneous mass for the conformation of the American 
continent differs in important respects from that of every 
other great division of the globe. In Europe the Alps 
occupy a central position, forming on each side water- 
sheds of rivers which flow into opposite seas. In 
Asia the Himalaya, the Hindu Kush, and the Altai 
Mountains divide the continent, rolling from their sides 


many great rivers which pour their floods into widely 
separated oceans. But in North America the mountains 
rise up on each coast, and from them the land slopes 
gradually into great central plains, forming an immense 
basin where the rivers flow together in one valley, offer- 
ing to commerce many thousand miles of navigable 
streams. The map thus proclaims the unity of North 
America, for in this great central basin, three million 
square miles in extent, free from impassable rivers or 
mountain barriers great enough to hinder free intercourse, 
political integration is a necessity and consolidation a 

Herbert Spencer has illustrated by numerous examples 
the principle that "mountain-haunting peoples and peoples 
living in deserts and marshes are difficult to consolidate, 
while peoples penned in by barriers are consolidated 
with facility." Nations so separated, moreover, regard 
those ^iHWjjifll the barrier as natural enemies; and in 
Europe the ambition and selfishness of ruling dynasties 
have helped to make this belief the political creed of the 
people. Cowper has seized upon this idea in the well- 
known lines : 

" Mountains interposed 
Make enemies of nations, who had else 
Like kindred drops been mingled into one." 

Europe has thus been kept in a state of perpetual war 
or of preparation for war among some of its several divisions, 
entailing much misery and loss of life as well as of material 
wealth, and retarding civilization. 

Besides the rivers, the great lakes of America, estimated 
to contain one-third of all the fresh water in the world, 
are another important element in aid of consolidation. 
A ship sailing from any part of the world may discharge 
its cargo at Chicago in the north-west, a thousand miles 
inland. The Mississippi and its tributaries traverse the 
great western basin, a million and a quarter square miles 
in extent, and furnish an internal navigable system of 
twenty thousand miles. A steamer starting from 


Pittsburgh in Pennsylvania, four hundred and fifty miles 
inland from New York, and two thousand from the mouth 
of the Mississippi, passing through these water highways, 
and returning to its starting place at that smoky metropo- 
lis of iron and steel, will sail a distance much greater than 
round the world. Nor will it in all its course be stopped 
by any government official, or be taxed by any tariff. The / ^-L 
flag it carries will ensure free passage for ship and cargo, \ : 
unimpeded by any fiscal charge whatever, for the whole ) 
continent enjoys the blessings of absolute freedom of j 
intercourse among its citizens. In estimating the H>"~ 
fluences which promote the consolidation of the people 
much weight must be given to this cause. Fifty-six 
millions of people, occupying an area which includes 
climatic differences so great that everything necessary for 
the wants of man can be readily produced, exchange their 
products without inspection or charge. Truly here is the 
most magnificent exhibition of free trade which the 
world has ever seen. It would be difficult to set bounds 
to the beneficial effects of the wise provision of the national 
Constitution which guarantees to every member of the vast 
confederacy the blessings of unrestricted commercial 

Not only from an economical point of view, but from 
the higher stand-point of its bearing upon the unity and 
brotherhood of the people, this iinjrestricted freedom of ' 
trade must rank as one of the most potent agencies for 
the preservation of the Union. Were each of the \Jw\ 
thirty-eight States of the American continent to tax 
the products of the others we should soon see the dissolu- 
tion of the great Republic into thirty-eight warring 
factions. If any one doubts that free trade carries peace 
in its train let him study the internal free trade system of 

The railway system, although an artificial creation, 
must rank as even more important than the great natural 
water-ways, in its influence upon the unification of the 
people. A hundred and thirty thousand miles of rail- 
ways more than in the whole of Europe traverse the 


country in all directions, and bind the nation together 
with bonds of steel. From the Atlantic to the Pacific, 
three thousand miles apart, or from New York to New 
Orleans, the traveller passes without change in the same 
moving hotel. In it he is fed and lodged, and has every 
want supplied. 

Seven hundred and sixty thousand miles of telegraph, 
enough to put thirty girdles round the earth the very 
nerves of the Republic quiver night and day with social 
and commercial messages. The college-bred youth of 
Massachusetts is not separated from the paternal home 
and its associations when on his ranche in Colorado ; nor 
is the Eastern young lady removed from the home in- 
fluences of New York when she marries the Southern 
planter and goes forth to create a similar home in 
Texas. Constant communication between the families 
and frequent visits animate them with kindred ideas and 
keep them united. They carry the Stars and Stripes with 
them wherever they settle, and preserve the unity of the 

In the course of her short career the, iJe'iublic has had 
to fece~and overcome two sources of great danger, either 
of which might have overtaxed the wisdom and courage 
of any political fabric, resting upon a less wide and 
indestructible base than the perfect equality of the 
citizen^The infant state was left with the viper, human 
slavery, gnawing at its vitals, and it grew ami strengthened 
with the growth and strength of the lie-public until 
sufficiently powerful to threaten its very life. Coiled 
round and into every joint and part of the body-politic 
and sucking away the moral strength of the nation, the 
slave power, in an effort to extend its baneful influence, 
fortunately committed one morning what is, in the soul of 
every American, the one unpardonable sin. It fired upon 
the flag. Blessed shot ! for it was required to bring home 
to the national conscience the knowledge that not only 
were freedom and slavery antagonistic social forces which 
never could be joined, but that slavery as a political in- 
stitution was inconsistent with the republican idea. The 


shot fired that bright, sunny morning at the ensign, 
floating like a thing of joy over the ramparts of Fort 
Sumter, left the patriot no recourse. A thrill passed 
through the Free States, and once again for unity, as 
before for independence, men of all parties pledged their 
lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honour to uphold 
the Eepublic. 

How nobly that pledge was redeemed is known to 
the world. Not only until every slave was free, but 
not until every slave was a citizen, with equal voice in 
the State, was the righteous sword of the Eepublic 

The second source of danger lay in the millions of 
foreigners' who came from all lands to the hospitable shores 
of -the nation, many of them, ignorant of the English 
language, and all unaccustomed to the exercise of political 
duties. If so great a number stood aloof from the national 
life and formed circles of their own, or if they sought 
America for a period only, to earn money with which to 
return to their original homes, the injury to the State 
must inevitably be serious. 

The generosity, shall I not say the incredible generosity, 
with which the Eepublic has dealt with these people met 
its reward. They are won to -her side by being offered 
for their subjectship the boon of citizenship. For denial 
of equal privileges at home, the new land meets them 
with perfect equality, saying, be not only with us, but be 
of us. They reach the shores of the Eepublic subjects 
(insulting word), and she makes them citizens ; serfs, and 
she makes them men, and their children she takes gently 
by the hand and leads to the public schools which she 
has founded for her own children, and gives them, with- 
out money and without price, a good primary education 
as the most precious gift which she has, even in her 
bountiful hand, to bestow upon human beings. This is 
Democracy's "gift of welcome " to the new comer. The 
poor immigrant cannot help growing up passionately fond 
of his new home and, alas, with many bitter thoughts of 
the old land which has defrauded him of the rights of 


man, and thus the threatened danger is averted the 
homogeneity of the people secured. 

The unity of the American people is further powerfully 
promoted by the foundations upon which the political 
structure rests, the equality of the citizen. There is not 
one shred of privilege to be met with anywhere in all 
the laws. One man's right is every man's right. The 
flag is the guarantor and symbol of equality. "The people 
are not emasculated by being made to feel that their own 
country decrees their inferiority, and holds them un- 
worthy of privileges accorded to others. No ranks, no 
ditary dignities, and therefore no classes." 
is universal, and votes are of equal weight? 
Eepresentatives are paid, and political life and usefulness 
thereby thrown open to all. Thus there is brought about 
a community of interests and aims which a Briton, 
accustomed to monarchical and aristocratic institutions, 
dividing the people into classes with separate interests, 
thoughts, and feelings, can only with difficulty 

The fr | gecQinmoD L sohool system of the land is probably, 
after all, the greatest single power in the unifying process 
which is producing the new American race. Through tlie 
crucible of a good common English education, furnished 
free by the State, pass the various racial elements 
children of Irishmen, Germans, Italians, Spaniards, and 
Swedes, side by side with the native American, all to be 
fused into one, in language, in thought, in feeling, and in 
patriotism. The Irish boy loses his brogue, and the 
German child learns English. The sympathies suited to 
the feudal systems of Europe, which they inherit from 
their fathers, pass off as dross, leaving behind the pure 
gold of the only noble political creed : " All men are 
created free and equal." Taught now to live and work 
for the common weal, and not for the maintenance of a 
royal family or an overbearing aristocracy, not for the 
continuance of a social system which ranks them beneath 
an arrogant class of drones, children of Eussian and German 
serfs, of Irish evicted tenants, Scotch crofters, and other 


victims of feudal tyranny, are transmuted into republican 
Americans, and are made one in love for a country which 
provides egna-1 vicrhtg anfl privileges for all her children. 
There is no class so intensely patriotic, so wildly devotee! 
to the Republic as the naturalized citizen and his child, 
for little does the native-born citizen know of the value 
of rights which have never been denied. Only the man 
born abroad, like myself, under institutions which insult 
him at his birth, can know the full meaning of 

It follows, from the prevailing system of free education, 
that the Americans are a reading people. Arising out of 
this fact we find another powerful influence promoting 
unity of sentiment and purpose among the millions of 
the Republic the influence of the American press. Eight 
thousarid newspapers scattered throughout the land receive 
simultaneous reports. Everybody in America reads the 
same news the same morning, and discusses the same 
questions. The man of San Francisco is thus brought as 
near to a common centre with his fellow-citizen of St. Paul, 
New Orleans or New York, as is the man of London 
with him of Birmingham, Manchester, Liverpool, or 
Edinburgh, and infinitely nearer than the man of Belfast 
or Dublin. The bullet of the lunatic which killed 
President Garfield, could it have traveled so far, would 
have been outstripped by the lightning messengers which 
carried the sad news to the most distant hamlet upon the 
continent. The blow struck in the afternoon found a 
nation of fifty-six millions bowed with grief ere sunset. 
So, too, the quiet intimation conveyed one evening by 
Secretary Seward to the Minister of France, that he 
thought Mexico was a very healthy country for the French 
to migrate from, called forth at every breakfast table the 
next morning the emphatic response " I rather guess 
that's so ! " Fortunately, the Emperor was of the same 

It is these causes which render possible the growth of a 
great homogeneous nation, alike in race, language, litera- 
ture, interest, patriotism an empire of such overwhelming 



power and proportions as to require neither army nor navy 
to ensure its safety, and a people so educated and advanced 
as to value the victories of peace. 

The student of American affairs to-day sees no influences 
at work save those which make for closer and closer 
union. The Eepublic has solved the problem of govern- 
ing large areas by adopting the federal, or home-rule 
system, and has proved to the world that the freest self- 
government of the parts produces the strongest govern- 
ment of the whole. 



" From biological truths it may be inferred that the eventual 
mixture of the allied varieties of the Aryan race forming the 
population, will produce a finer type of man than has hitherto 
existed, and a type of man more plastic, more adaptable, more 
capable of undergoing the modifications needful for complete 
social life. I think that, whatever difficulties they may have to 
surmount and whatever tribulations they may have to pass through, 
the Americans may reasonably look forward to a time when they will 
have produced a civilization grander than any the world has known." 

F<ntTUNATEi.iY_fpr the American people .they arc essentially 
v . . . TJritish. I trust they arc everniOr^To^remaiii truly 
7 grateful for this crowning mercy. The assertion of the 
historian of the Norman Conquest that the chief difference 
between the Briton and the American is that the former 
has crossed but one ocean, the latter two, is something 
more than a mere dictum ; it is capable of actual demon- 
stration. Two and a half centuries ago the American 
population was British with a very small intermixture of 
French and Dutch. In 1776, when the colonies informed 
the world of the great truth that " all men are created 
equal," and set up an independent republic, without king 
or aristocracy, or any other of the political evils of the 


past, the population had reached three millions. In 1840 
it had grown, almost entirely by natural increase, to four- 
teen millions of white people. There were then three 
million colored slaves. That these fourteen million whites 
were almost purely of British origin is shown by the 
small amount of immigration up to that date. Previous 
to 1820, when immigration returns were first made, it is 
estimated that the total number of immigrants to that 
date had not exceeded a quarter of a million, and most of 
these were British. Between 1820 and 1830 there arrived 
only a hundred and forty-four thousand ; and during the 
next decade six hundred thousand, nearly all British, for 
the German and other Continental exodus had not then 
begun. It was not till after 1840 that immigration began 
on a large scale. 

Beginning then in 1840, with an almost purely British 
race, let us trace the ingredients which up to the present 
time have gone to make the American of to-day, 
differentiated as he is and yet only British " with a dif- 

The total number of immigrants to the United States 
between 1840 and 1880 was a little more than nine 
millions, fifty-five per cent, of whom were British. Just 
note this surprising truth. Lead into one the rivulets 
which swell tho American population from all other 
parts of the wurld, and out of the little British Isles 
comes a stream mightier than all the others in its flow. 
Glorious mother ! with her own heart's blood she feeds 
her child. 

The position may then be stated in round figures l in 
the following form : 

1 These figures are arrived at by taking the number of native 
whites and of immigrants each year, beginning 1840, and adding 
three per cent., which is about the natural rate of increase. The 
number of native births and of immigrants arriving the following 
year is then added, three per cent, again allowed, and so on up to 1880. 
The figures have been carefully verified, and it is believed that by 
this mode the truth has been reached, since the census of 1880 shows 
43,475,000 whites, or slightly beyond three per cent, per annum. 

" C 


Of almost purely British Origin in 1840 . . . 14,196,000 
Increase at 3 per cent, per annum to 1830 . . . 11,850,000 
British immigration 1840 to 1880, with natural incrcise 
estimated at 3 per cent, per annum upon each year's 

arrivals up to 1880 9,175,000 

Other than British immigration, 1840 to 1880, with in- 
crease estimated at 3 per cent, per annum, as 

before 7,506,000 


Thus the American of to-day is certainly more than 
four-fifths British in his ancestry. The other fifth is 
principally German ; for more than three millions of these 
educated, thrifty, and law-ahiding citizens were received 
between 1840 and 1880, almost as many as from Ireland. 
From all countries other than Britain and Germany, the 
immigration is scarcely worth taking into account ; for 
during the forty years noted the total number was little 
more than a million ; France and Sweden and Norway, 
contributed about three hundred thousand each. But 
this non- British blood has even less than its proportional 
influence in forming the national character, especially in 
its political phase ; because the language, literature, laws, 
and institutions are English. It may, however, safely be 
averred that the small mixture of foreign races is a 
decided advantage to the new race, for even the British 
race is improved by a slight cross. Give me a British 
foundation, the beef-eater, to begin with, the stolid or, 
if you will stupid mind of the Philistine of dear Mat- 
thew Arnold's aversion, only partially open to the sweet- 
ness and light of life, slow as an elephant, tough as a 
rhinoceros, awkward as a mule and just as cantankerous, 
but possessed of an honest, courageous, well-meaning, and 
above all, truth-telling nature. A strange combination of 
the lion and the lamb, this Islander, savage and senti- 
mentalist in one. " It's a fine day, let's kill something," 
roars the savage his daily remark for months at a time, 
and his daily practice too, for even the best educated 
Briton (with a few exceptions of the Spencer, Balfour, and 
Arnold type) has not yet risen in his recreations beyond 


shooting lialf-tarne birds, " for the fun of the thing." 
And yet their typical hero, dying on the deck of the 
Victory, murmurs, "Kiss me, Hardy," as sweetly as a 
woman, and passes to the ahode of heroes with a warrior's 
kiss upon his lips. And Nelson's antipode, fat Jack 
Falstaff to show how extremes meet so true to nature 
is Shakespeare "ababbled o' green fields," as he left us ! 
There's genuine tenderness and love in all these island 
mastiffs. And theirs is the one trait par excellence 
without which we say to a man or race " unstable as 
water, thou shalt not excel." The Briton is stable. 
What he sets about to do he does, or dies in the attempt. 
Concentration is his peculiarity. He may not gain very 
fast, but he is a veritable ratchet wheel ; every inch he 
gains he holds. There's no slip back in him. Nor 
does he lose in the race by lateral motion. The 
tortoise beats the hare, of course ; the hare zig-zags. No 
zig-zag in John Bull. He does not like to go round a 
mountain even when it is the easier way ; he digs through. 
The hunter who found temporary safety when attacked by 
a bear in catching it by the tail and swinging round with 
the would-be too affectionate monster, called to his com- 
panions to come and " help him to let go." By this sign 
we know he wasn't a Britisher, for it never occurs to the 
true Briton that in the nature of things he can voluntarily 
let go of anything. He would have been in with that 
bear for the whole war, " bound to fight it out on that 
line if it took all summer," as General Grant put it. And 
note it, fellow-citizens, he was a Grant. There came in 
the Scotch blood of that tenacious, self-contained, stub- 
born force, which kept pegging away, always certain of 
final victory, because he knew that he could not divert 
himself, even if he wished, from the task he had under- 
taken. His very nature forbade retreat. Thus stood the 
sturdy, moody Scotch-American of steady purpose, fighting 
through to the finish with no " let go " in his composition 
as that English- American Lincoln did for Uncle Abe' 
family came from Norfolk in the wider field of national 
policy when he, too, " kept his course unshaked of motion, 
c 2 


This master trait of the British race shows rcsplendcntly 
in Lincoln, the greatest political genius of our era 
greatest, judged either by the inherent qualities of the 
man, or by the material results of his administration. 
Even Bismarck's reorganization of Germany dealt with far 
less imposing, far less gigantic forces than those which 
Lincoln was called upon to control. Nor has Bismarck 
achieved the highest degree of political success ; he has 
not harmonized fused into one united whole the people 
he has consolidated, as Lincoln did. His weapons have 
been those of force alone blood and iron his cry ; even 
in peace a master solely by brutal force. Lincoln was as 
generous, as conciliatory, as gentle in peace as he was 
always sad and merciful; yet ever immovable in war. 
Bismarck excited the fears of the masses ; Lincoln won 
their love. The one a rude conqueror only ; the other 
not only that, but also the guider of the highest and 
best aspirations of his people. With monarchical 
Bismarck " might made right ;" with republican Lincoln 
"right made might." That's the difference. Hence 
the fame of one is to be ephemeral; that of the other 

The American fortunately has, in the German, French, 
and other races which have contributed to his make-up, 
the lacking ingredients which confer upon him a much 
less savage and more placable nature than that of the 
original Briton. To this slight strain of foreign blood, 
TSfid to the more stimulating elfects of his brighter climate 
(which caused an English friend once to remark that 
temperance is no virtue in the American since he breathes 
champagne), together with the more active play of forces 
in a new land under political institutions which make 
the most of men, we must attribute the faculty observed 
in him by Matthew Arnold, of thinking straighter and 
seeing clearer, and also of acting more promptly than the 
original stock, for the American is nothing if not logical 
He gets hold of the underlying principle, and, reason- 
ing from that, he goes ahead to conclusion. He wants 
everything laid down by square and compass, and in 


political institutions something that is " fair all around," 
neither advantages nor disadvantages, hut universal 

Toleration in the Briton is truly admirable ; the leading 
Radical and the leading Tory-Democrat are found dining 
with each other, perhaps may he found in the same 
cabinet one of these days, since extremes meet. Well, 
the American is even more tolerant. Politics never divido 
people. Once in four years he warms up and take sides, 
opposing hosts confront each other and a stranger would 
naturally think that only violence could result whichever 
side won. The morning after the election his arm is upon 
his opponent's shoulder and they are chaffing each other. 
All becomes as calm as a summer sea. He fights " rebels " 
for four years and as soon as they lay down their arms 
invites them to his banquets. Not a life is sacrificed to 
feed his revenge. Jefferson Davis, educated at the 
National Military Academy and a deserter from the State, 
is allowed to drag on his weary life in merited oblivion. 
No drop of martyr's blood embitters the wayward South 
and breeds the wish for revenge. "We shall give 
mankind," said Secretary Seward, " an example of such 
magnanimity as it has never seen." He had no monarchy 
no aristocracy, no military class urging sacrifice to appease 
its offended majesty ; ho had the democracy behind him 
with its generous instincts preaching "forgiveness, and 
hence no drop of blood was shed. The American never 
cherishes resentment, but is willing always not only to 
forgive, but to forget, the latter not less than half the 
struggle, for as our humorist very justly observes : " the 
man who forgives but don't forget is trying to settle 
with the Lord for fifty cents on the dollar." Brother 
Jonathan pays the full dollar. 

The generally diffused love of music which charac- 
terizes America is largely the outcome of the German 
and Continental contingent for, with all the phlegm of 
the Briton, there is in the German a part of his nature 
"touched to fine issues." He loves music, is highly 
sociable, very domestic at home, and at his best in the 


bosom of his family. Most valuable of all he is well 
educated and has excellent habits, is patient, industrious, 
peaceful, and law-abiding. Another important charac- 
teristic of this race is the alacrity with which they adopt 
American ideas. The vast majority have already done 
so ere they sailed westward. The German loves his native 
country, but hates its institutions. Prince Bismarck's 
yoke is neither light nor easy. Universal military 
service, the blood-tax of monarchies, is calculated to set 
the best minds among the bone and sinew to thinking 
over the political situation, and 0, America ! how bright 
and alluring you appear to the down-trodden masses of 
Europe, with your equal laws, equal privileges, and 
the halo of peace surrounding your brow ! What a 
bribe you offer to the most loyal-minded man to renounce 
his own country, to share a heritage so fair! The emi- 
grant may not succeed in the new land, or succeed as 
the Irishman did, who replied to the inquiry of his 
friend as to whether the Republic was the country for 
the poor man : " It is, indade ; look at me, when I came 
I hadn't a rag to my back, and now I'm just covered 
with them." Many new arrivals fail, many would 
succeed better in their old homes. America is only a 
favoured land for the most efficient ; drones have no 
' pT^celn^ierluvcT^rin^fia^vet^fliG 'einigrSnt'may fail, 
whether in securing wealth, or home, whether he remain 
poor or lose health, whether his lot be happy or miserable, 
there remains one great prize which cannot escape him, 
one blessing so bright, so beneficent, as to shed upon 
the darkest career the glory of its entrancing rays and 
compensate for the absence of material good. Upon 
every exile from home falls the boon of citizenship, 
"Tqual with the highest. The Republic may not give 
wealth, or happiness : she has n6t PrWsed" these." it" is 
The ireedom to pursue these, not their realization, which 
f he Declaration of Independence claims; but, if she, dues 
not make, the, emigrant happy or prosperous, this site 
5an do and does do for every one, she makes him a 
citizen, a man. 


The Frenchman is not a migrating animal It is much 
to the credit of America that it has attracted even three 
hundred thousand of these home-keeping Gauls. The 
number is so small that their influence upon the national 
character cannot be otherwise than trifling. They are 
the cooks and the epicures of the world and to them 
America may well be grateful for the standard maintained 
by the " Delmonicos," the French restaurants of the prin- 
cipal cities. No country has experienced so clearly as 
this, till recently, that while God sent the victuals, the 
cooks came from another source. These were not from 
France, nor under French influence in the former days. 
Even yet, west of Chicago, the cookery is shameful, but 
thanks to the Frenchman, the better modes travel west- 
ward rapidly. Nature never furnished to any nation so 
great a variety of food, yet no civilized people ever cooked 
so badly. 

In women's dress, for the few male " dudes " affect 
English fashions, our Gallic brethren give evidence of 
their influence in the direction of good taste. The verdict 
of my English friends invariably is that the American 
woman dresses so well so much better than her English 
sister. We must credit the French citizen with this 
flattering verdict. 

No other race than the French and the German (in- 
cluding Swedes and Norwegians, who are also Teutons) 
has reached these shores in sufficient numbers to im- 
press even a trace of its influence upon the national 

The inability of the American race to maintain itself 
and its dependence upon immigration for its future have 
furnished texts for certain foreign writers. But the 
facts are against them. Of the fifty-six million Americans 
now living, seven- eighths, or forty- nine millions, are 
native born. One-eighth, or seven millions, first saw the 
light in foreign lands. The coloured population is about 
equal to the foreign born. The census returns show 
that the rate of increase among native-born Americans 
has been as follows : 1850 to 1860, 32^ per cent. ; 1870 


to 1880, 31 j per cent. In no European country does 
the rate of increase approach these figures, which are 
about the average rate of increase for the entire population 
of America, native and foreign, which proves that the 
native American is as prolific as the foreign born in 
America, while both are more prolific than the inhabi- 
tants of any European country. Notwithstanding the 
enormous number of immigrants which yearly flow into 
the country, the native births are seven to eight times 
greater in number than the foreign arrivals. Besides 
this, as we have seen, more than half of the foreign 
arrivals are British; so that the American people are 
ever becoming more purely British in origin. 

The value to the country of the annual foreign influx, 
however, is very great indeed. This is more apt to be 
under than over-estimated. During the ten years between 
1870 and 1880 the number of immigrants averaged two 
hundred and eighty thousand per annum. In one year, 
1882, nearly three times this number (789,000) arrived. 
Sixty per cent. (473,400) of this mass were adults 
between fifteen and forty years of age. These adults 
were surely worth $1,500 (300) each for in former 
days an efficient slave sold for this sum making a money 
value of $710,000,000 (142,000,000), to which may 
be safely added $1,000 (200) each, or $315,000,000 
(63,000,000) for the remaining forty per cent, of the 
host. Further, it is estimated that every immigrant 
brings in cash an average of $125 (25). The cash 
value of immigrants upon this basis for the year 1882 
exceeded $1,125,000,000 (225,000,000). True, 1882 
was an exceptional year, but the average yearly augmen- 
tation of the Eepublic's wealth from immigrants, who seek 
its shores to escape the enormous taxation and military 
laws of monarchical governments, and to obtain under 
Eepublican institutions entire political equaHty, is now 
more than twice as great as the total proouSf^of all the 
silver and gold mines in the world. Were the owners of 
every gold and silver mine in the world compelled to send to 
the Treasury at AVashington, at their own expense, every 


ounce of the precious metals produced, the national wealth 
would not be enhanced one-half as much as it is from 
the golden stream which flows into the country every year 
through immigration. 

But the value of these peaceful invaders does not con- 
sist solely in their numbers or in the wealth which they 
bring. To estimate them aright we must take into con- 
sideration also the, superior character of those who 
immigrate. As the people who laid the foundation of the 
American Republic were extremists, fanatics, if you will 
men of advanced views intellectually, morally and politi- 
cally, men whom Europe had rejected as dangerous so 
the majority of emigrants to-day are men who leave their 
native land from dissatisfaction with their surroundings, 
and who seek here, under new conditions, the opportunity 
for development denied them at home. The old and the 
destitute, the idle and the contented do not brave the 
waves of the stormy Atlantic, but sit helplessly at home, 
perhaps bewailing their hard fate, or, what is still more 
sad to see, aimlessly contented with it. The emigrant is 
the capable, energetic, ambitious, discontented man the 
sectary, the refugee, the persecuted, the exile from 
despotism who, longing to breathe the air of equality, 
resolves to tear himself away from the old home with its 
associations to found in hospitable America a new home 
under equal and just laws, which insure to him, and what, 
perhaps, counts with him and his wife for more, insure also 
to their children the full measure of citizenship, making 
them free men in a free state, possessed of every right and 

The true value of the men who emigrate is well under- 
stood by the ruling classes of the old world, who make 
every effort to prevent the exodus of so many able-bodied 
citizens. This is not from any fear of a depletion of 
population at home, for it has been conclusively shown 
that emigration does not tend to diminish the rate of 
increase in the country emigrated from, provided, of 
course, that the drain be not in excess of the natural 
fecundity of the human race, but rather from a well- 


grounded knowledge that it takes away the best of the 
population, the very bone and sinew of the race. For- 
tunately for America, these efforts have proved of little 
avail, and the steadily flowing stream of Britons, Teutons, 
and Latins, is assuming greater proportions as the years 
roll on, and will be limited in future not by the emigrating 
capacity of European nations, but by the superior attrac- 
tions which the Eepublic can offer. So long as America 
presents to the world the spectacle of a country with a 
strong yet free government, where social order prevails, 
where taxation is at a minimum, where education is every 
man's birthright, where higher rewards are offered to labor 
and enterprise than elsewhere, and where equality of poli- 
tical rights is secured, so long will the best oFthe workers 
seek its shores. A portion of the stream may be diverted 
in time to other countries, when such offer equal advan- 
tages, political and material, but the United States have 
the advantage in this that the current has set this way 
for more than half a century, and emigrants are apt to 
follow the course of those who have preceded them, those 
already established attracting their friends and relatives, 
and often providing the means for them to cross the 

- Besides being ambitious, energetic, and industrious, the 
,/| . , emigrant is physically a strong and healthy man . The halt, 
i vvAp' } ie (j ea f } an cl the blind are not prompted to leave their 
European homes, nor does the confirmed invalid often seek 
a grave in a foreign land. This influence, which has been 
potent since the days of the Pilgrim Fathers, has resulted 
s/fyt$ in a freedom from physical defect in America that is very 
noteworthy. Statistics show that the proportion of blind, 
v deaf, and dumb to the total population is less than half 
v/,>^7 -what it is in Europe. 

The capacity of America to absorb the population which 
is flowing into her, as well as the great natural increase of 
her people, cannot be more strikingly illustrated than by a 
comparison. Belgium has four hundred and eighty-two 
inhabitants to the square mile, Britain two hundred and 
ninety, the United States, exclusive of Alaska, less than 


fourteen. In the ten years between 1870 and 1880, 
eleven and a half millions were added to the population 
of America. Yet these only added three persons to each 
square mile of territory; and should America continue 
to double her population every thirty years instead of 
every twenty-five years as hitherto, seventy years must 
elapse before she will attain the density of Europe. 
The population will then reach two hundred and 
ninety millions. If the density of Britain ever be at- 
tained, there will be upwards of a thousand million 
Americans, for at the present every Briton has two 
acres and every American forty-four acres of land as 
his estate. 

These forecasts are not only possible, they are ex- 
tremely probable. The progress made since 1880 in the 
settlement of new regions is putting every preceding 
period into the shade. It is simply marvellous, and even 
those who are in the midst of it have difficulty in realizing 
how great it is. Look at the great North-west. Scarcely 
a decade has passed since it was represented as a barren, 
icy plain, wild, inhospitable and scarcely habitable. The 
railway has changed it as by a wizard's touch. Minnesota 
has more than a million inhabitants. The population of 
Dakota has quadrupled in five years, and is now half a 
million. Towns are springing up with magical rapidity. 
Its wheat crop last year was thirty million bushels twice 
as great as the whole crop of Egypt. Montana is barely 
known by name in England. Last year in twelve short 
months her population increased from eighty-five thou- 
sand to one hundred and ten thousand ; her cattle interests 
from four hundred and seventy-five thousand to eight 
hundred and fifty thousand, and her output of minerals 
from less than 10,000,000 to more than $23,000,000 
(2,000,000 to 4,600,000). Her taxable property is 
50,000,000 (10,000,000). Wyoming, Idaho, Wash- 
ington, and Oregon, are being developed almost as rapidly. 
Other parts of the West have advanced at even a greater 
pace. The aggregate population of seven States tributary 
to Kansas City increased in one year (1879-80) from fewer 


than five and a half millions to more than seven millions. 
Since 1880, the value of cattle in the same region has 
advanced from $9,000,000 to $14,500,000 (1,800,000 
to 2,900,000), and of sheep from $6,000,000 to 
$9,500,000 (1,200,000 to 1,900,000). At these rates 
of advance the "Wild West" is rapidly becoming a 
thing of the past, and in a few years it will be a thickly- 
settled land. 

Figures are poor aids to the comprehension of great 
truths. The comparative chart printed herewith by kind 
permission of its author, Mr. Edward Atkinson, will help 
the reader to a conception of the possibilities of this great 
continent. It represents the area of Texas in conjunction 
with the areas of other American States and European 
countries. How petty some of the latter seem beside 
majestic Texas ! And yet Texas is but one of the 
forty-six territorial divisions of the Eepublic. Observe 
Montenegro, which at various times has excited all 
Europe,' and provoked enormous bloodshed ; it would 
hardly make a fly-speck on the map of Texas, and note 
that the whole United Kingdom could be planted in this 
one State of the Union, and still leave plenty of room 
around it. Notice, too, gentle reader, how all the world's 
cotton could be grown in the State of Texas alone, without 
greatly affecting its capacity for other productions. It is 
scarcely overdrawing the picture to imagine that in a few 
decades two or three hundred million republicans will be 
living in amity, under one government, on the great 
American Continent. 

In view of these startling probabilities, it would seem 
advisable that the statesmen of the old home, instead of 
bestowing so much of their attention on the petty 
States of Europe, should look thoughtfully westward 
sometimes to the doings of their own kith and kin, who 
are rapidly building up a power which none can hope to 

We must not pass without mention, our fellow- 
citizens of African descent, who, as we have seen, are 
equal in number to the entire foreign population one- 


eighth of the whole. These, as the world knows, were 
all slaves a few years ago ; but Abraham Lincoln, with 
one stroke of the pen, raised them from the condition of 
slavery to that of free men. They now exercise the 
suffrage just as other citizens do. There is not a privilege 
possessed by any citizen which is not theirs. The English 
poet says : 

" Slaves cannot breathe in England ; if their lungs 
Receive our air, that moment they are free j 
They touch our country, and their shackles fall." 

No more can they exist in England's child-land ; and 
the Declaration of Independence, asserting the freedom 
and equality of men, is no longer a mockery. 

Grave apprehensions were entertained that freedom 
suddenly granted to these poor slaves would be abused. 
Those best acquainted with their habits, the Southern 
slave-holders, predicted, as a result of freedom, universal 
idleness, riot, and dissipation. It was asserted that the 
negro would not work save under the lash of the overseer. 
None of these gloomy predictions have been fulfilled 
every one of them has been falsified. There is now 
more cotton grown than ever, and at less cost. Under 
the reign of freedom the material resources of the South 
have increased faster than ever before. Indeed, so sur- 
prised were most Americans by the result of the last 
census that it was insisted mistakes had been made : the 
figures could not be right, and in some districts the 
enumeration was made a second time, with the result of 
verifying the former figures. The number of Congressmen 
to each State is determined every ten years by the popula- 
tion shown by the census. When the census of 1880 
was made the general expectation was that the Northern 
States would increase their proportionate representation ; 
but the Southern States not only held their own, but 
actually gained. The ninety-eight Southern representa- 
tives were increased by thirteen, while the one hundred 
and ninety-five Northern representatives gained only 
eighteen only half the Southern ratio of increase. Even 


the unexampled growth of the North-western States was 
insufficient to give the Northern States a proportionately 
increased legislative power. So much for freedom versus 
slavery ! 

The universal testimony is that the former slaves rapidly 
develop the qualities of freemen and exliibit, in a_siirprising 
degree, the capacity to manage their own affairs. Many 
of them at once arranged with th'eir former masters to work 
a part of the plantation upon shares. Others bargained 
for the purchase of strips of land. They are now quite 
orderly and well-behaved, and much more industrious 
than before. 

It seems to the writer but yesterday since he was 
compelled to listen to arguments from good men in 
favour of the system of slavery, as he is yet doomed 
sometimes to hear defences of monarchy and aristocracy, 
and to hear them contend that it was best for the black 
race. Their contentedness and happiness under masters 
were always boldly asserted. A well-known judge in 
Ohio was noted for his defence of slavery, upon the 
ground that the slaves knew what was best for themselves, 
and should be allowed to remain in the condition which 
admittedly brought them a degree of happiness seldom, 
if ever, attained by laborers in the North. His con- 
version to the opposite opinion was suddenly brought 
about by an interview with a runaway who had crossed 
the Ohio Eiver from Kentucky, and entered the village 
in which our friend resided. Said the judge to the 
fugitive : 

" What did you run away for 1 " 

" Well, Judge, 'wanted to be free." 

" Oh ! wanted to be free, did you ? Bad master, I 

" no; berry good man, massa." 

" You had to work too hard, then 1 " 

" no ; fair day's work." 

" Well, you hadn't a good home ? " 

" Hadn't I, though 1 You should see my pretty cabin 
in Kentucky ! " 


" Well, you didn't get enough to eat?" 

" Oh, golly ! not get enough to eat in Kentucky ! 
Plenty to eat." 

The judge, somewhat annoyed : " You had a good 
master, plenty to eat, wasn't overworked, a good home. 
I don't see what on earth you wanted to run away 

" Well, judge, I left de situation down dar open. You 
can go right down and get it." 

The result was a five-dollar note given to help the un- 
reasonable slave who had left well-being behind to become 
a man. Henceforth the Judge was an ardent abolitionist, 
recognizing that 

" Freedom hath a thousand charms to show, 
That slaves, howe'er contented, never know." 

The proportion of the colored to the white element 
necessarily grows less and less. In 1790 it was twenty- 
seven per cent, of the whole, in 1830 it had fallen to 
eighteen per cent., in 1880 it was only thirteen per cent. 
While the total white population of the country has risen 
from ten and a half to forty-three and a half millions in 
fifty years, the number of the colored population has 
only risen from two and a quarter to six and a half 
millions. This steady decrease results from two causes. 
First, the colored race receives no immigrants, but is 
restricted wholly to native increase for its growth ; and, 
second, it has been proved that although their birth- 
rate is greater than that of the whites, it is more 
than balanced by their higher death-rate. The increase 
of colored people from 1860 to 1880 was but forty- 
eight per cent., against sixty-one per cent, increase of the 

It is too soon yet to judge whether, with superior 
knowledge and more provident habits flowing from free- 
dom, this excessive death rate will not be considerably 
reduced ; but the conclusion seems unavoidable that the 
colored race cannot hold its own numerically against the 
whites and must fall farther and farther behind. Adap- 


tive as man is, we can scarcely expect the hotter climate 
of the Southern States, in which the colored people live, 
to produce as hardy a race as that of the cooler States of 
the North. 

We close, then, showing in the Republic a race 
essentially British in origin, but fast becoming more and 
more American in birth, the foreign-born elements sink- 
ing into insignificance and destined soon to become of no 
greater relative magnitude, perhaps, in proportion to the 
native-born American than the foreign-born residents of 
Britain are at present to the native born. The American 
republican can never then be other in blood and nature 
than a true Briton, a real chip of the old block, a new 
edition of the original work, and, as is the manner of 
new editions, revised and improved, and, like his 
prototype in the thousand and one ways, some of them 
grotesque in their manifestations, which link the 
daughter to the mother, who, seen together, impress 
beholders not so much as two separate and dis- 
tinct individualities as two members of the one grand 



" It is indeed a thrilling thought for a man of the elder England 
to see what a home the newest home of his people is. The heart 
swells, the pride of kinship rises, as he sees that it is his own folk 
which has done more than any other folk to replenish the earth and 
to subdue it. He is no Englishman at heart, he has no true feeling of 
the abiding tie of kindred, who deems that the glory and greatness 
of the child is other than part of the glory and greatness of the 
parent." FBEEMAN. 

AMERICA forms no exception to the rule that population 
in civilized lands gravitates towards great centres. Though 
her immense agricultural development might have been 
expected to arrest this movement and divert population 


to the rural districts, such has not been the case. Despite 
the temptations to rural life offered by fertile land at 
nominal prices, townshaY^gTOwn during the last half 
century much taster tnjSTtne^OTintry. The dull, dreary 
round of life upon the farm is found intolerable by the 
young man whose intellectual faculties have heen 
awakened by education. The active mind seeks 
companionship with other minds and the pleasurable 
excitements of city life. Most great men, it is true, 
have been born and brought up in the country, but 
it is equally true that very few great men have 
remained there beyond their teens. The country is 
just the place for the extremes of life at the beginning 
in childhood and early youth, when the body is to be 
nurtured, and also at the end, "when nature turns 
again to earth " in ripe old age and retires from the fray 

" Ruminate in sober thought 
On all he's seen, and heard, and wrought." 

In 1830 only six and a half per cent, of the population 
lived in towns of eight thousand inhabitants and upwards ; 
in 1880 the proportion had risen to twenty-two per cent. 
Thus, nearly one person in every four in America is now 
a member of a hive of more than eight thousand human 
beings. Fifty years ago this was true of but one in fifteen, 
for fourteen out of fifteen lived in the country or in small 

This is a stupendous change and marks the develop- 
ment of the Republic from the first stage of homo- 
geneity of pastoral pursuits into the heterogeneous 
occupations of a more highly civilized state. The nation 
is now complete, as it were, in itself, and ready for 
independent action. Its mechanical and inventive genius 
has full scope in the thousand and one diversified pur- 
suits which a civilized community necessarily create^ 
and which necessitate the gathering of men together in 

The American, however, need not fear the unhealthy 



or abnormal growth of cities. He need not imitate the 
example of those who advocated legislative measures to 
prevent the growth of London, which Cobbett called a 
wart upon the hand of England. The free play of 
economic laws is keeping all quite right, for the town 
gained upon the country population only one-fourth as 
last during the last decade (1870 to 1880) as in the 
previous one. 

Oh, these grand, immutable, all-wise laws of natural 
IL"-' forces, how perfectly they work if human legislators would 
only lot them alone.! But no, they must be tinkering. 
One day they would protect the balance of power in 
Europe by keeping weak, small areas apart and indepen- 
dent an impossible task, for petty States must merge 
into the greater political is as certain as physical gravita- 
tion ; the next day it is silver in America, which our sage 
rulers would make of greater intrinsic value. So our 
governors, all over the world, are at Sisyphus's work 
ever rolling the stone uphill to see it roll back to its 
proper bed at the bottom. 

That the country held its own so well in the competi- 
tion with the towns during the last decade is partly due 
to the fact that the enormous profits made under an im- 
proved system of agriculture held the rural population to 
the soil. The general depression of manufactures also 
checked settlement in towns, and forced population into 
the country. The commercial panic of 1873 drove 
hundreds of thousands from the crowded cities of the 
East to the unoccupied plains of the West. Train-load 
after train-load of native emigrants were to be seen pass- 
* n wes ^ to k ecome farmers. With a return to normal 
conditions we may expect to find the towns absorbing 
much more than an equal share. 

It is always a result of industrial depression in America 
that the towns are relieved of surplus population which 
in older countries remains in poverty and distress to 
swell the ranks of the unemployed. Horace Greele.v^s 
advice, "Go West, young man !" is followed. One needs 
However to add to it, "and stay there," to complete the 


matter. The equilibrium is thus restored between pvo- 
rs and consumers, and prosperity to both follows. If 

ere "be too much food it is unprofitable to grow more 
cereals, and fewer people become farmers ; if the market 
be overstocked with manufactures, manufacturing becomes 
unprofitable and fewer engage in it. The population, 
meanwhile increasing at the rate of nearly two millions 
per annum, soon requires the surplus, be it food or manu- 
factures. America possesses hundreds of thousands of 
acres of virgin soil ready for the plough. Like the fabled 
Antseus, her power of recuperation lies in the earth : let 
her touch but that and her giant strength is restored. 
This will continue to be so until her population becomes 
as dense as that of Europe. 

According to Dr. Swainson Fisher, there were not, in 
1835, five thousand white inhabitants in all the vast ter- 
ritory between Lake Michigan and the Pacific Ocean, a 
region half as large as Europe. Now it is covered with 
an agricultural population, and contains many populous 
towns, including Chicago, Milwaukee, and St. Paul, to 
say nothing of the cities of the Pacific coast. Of the 
State of Wisconsin, occupying a part of this territory, a 
member of the Wisconsin Historical Society wrote, thirty 
years ago : 

" In the summer of 1836, with a comrade, I camped at the head 
of Mendota or Fourth Lake, within six miles of the spot where the 
Capitol now stands (1856), at which time there was not within 
twenty miles of that point a single white inhabitant, and none within 
the present limits of Dane County, an area of twelve hundred and 
forty square miles, except one family." 

Dane County, then an uninhabited wilderness, con- 
tained in 1880 a population of more than sixty thou- 
sand, while Wisconsin itself had a million and a half. 
In 1880 the density of population in this young State 
exceeded that of Maine and nearly equalled that of 
such old settled States as Georgia, Alabama, and West 

The United States had no city in 1830 which could 
boast a population of a quarter of a million. Even New 
D 2 


York had but two huridred and two thousand. In that 
year there were but fourteen towns with more than 
twelve thousand inhabitants each ; in truth, but fifty- 
five years ago, the Eepublic could boast only of a few 
villages. In 1880 there were one hundred and seventy- 
six such towns, and to-day the number exceeds two 

(New York city in - 1880 was the only millionaire in 
heads, -though Philadelphia now claims that she has 
reached that distinction. The census of 1880 accredits 
the Empire City with fewer than a million and a quarter 
inhabitants; but if the population within a radius of 
eight miles of the City Hall were included, she would be 
credited with fully two and a quarter millions. Brook- 
lyn, Jersey City, and other suburbs, divided from the city 
by rivers, are under separate municipal governments, but 
they are none the less outgrowths of the great centre. 
Thus New York ranks next to monster London as a busy 
hive of human beings. Every decade sees an addition of 
half a million people to each of these two vast aggregations 
of humanity. The increase of New York in actual figures 
is equal to that of London, which makes the ratio of 
increase to population double. While London has taken 
since 1840 to double her population, New York, including 
the suburbs, has doubled hers in half that time. So that 
if the present rate of increase be maintained, forty years 
hence London will have doubled her present population 
once and New York twice : their populations will then be 
about equal. It is a neck and neck race between the two 
emporiums which the world of 1920 is to see, with the 
odds slightly in favour of New York. It is easier for her 
to double her two than for London to double her four 
millions, and besides, the goddess Fortune, true to her 
sex, may confidently be expected to breathe her secret 
prayers for the younger aspirant. She is fond of youth 
and fickle, and really seems disposed to be off with the 
old love, dear old smoky London, and on with the new, 
bright, rosy, gallant New York. Let us hope she may 
illustrate another phase not inconsistent with her sex, 


and continue as hitherto to smile upon both suitors. If 
Jack has his favorite in every port, surely our goddess 
may be allowed one in the East and one in the great 

Of the fifty largest cities of the Union, the least with 
a population of 36,000 in 1880, fifteen had no existence 
in 1830 ; they were not born. Their sites were either 
the unbroken prairie or an Indian settlement, with a fort 
and a few log huts. Chicago is the most famous example. 
Fifty-five years ago it was a trading post, where trappers 
and Indians bartered their pelts for fire-water and ammu- 
nition. I knew one of Chicago's first settlers well ; and 
have often heard him speak of the little fort and the 
scattering log huts which marked the city's site some 
sixty years ago. There was scarcely a white woman in 
the settlement when he began trading with the Indians. 
In 1833 the streets of the projected town had been staked 
out, but no grading had been done, not even a dirt road 
thrown up. Such, however, was the growth of " this 
little mushroom town," as an early writer calls it, that in 
1846 it was noted that "eight years ago (1838) the 
ground upon which the entire city of Chicago stands 
could have been brought for a sum now (1846) demanded 
for a front of six feet on one of the streets." Tradition 
tells of an early settler who averred that he had seen the 
time when he could have bought the "hull tarnation 
swamp " for a pair of old boots. To the inquiry " Why 
didn't you ? " he had the entirely adequate reply : " Ah, 
ctranger, I hadnt the boots." How many chances in 
life do we miss just for the want of the boots. Moral : 
Get the boots. 

In 1840 the population of ^Uhicagojspas 4,500; ten 
years later, 30,000 ; in ten.^ea^jore7n2 ) 000. It now 
exceeds 700,000. This splendid city, " the Queen of the 
West," leads the world in three branches of industry ; 
she is pre-eminent as a lumber market, as a provision 
market, and, strange antithesis, as a manufactory of steel 
rails. Such a combination of " greatnesses " surely the 
world has not seen. Her statistics show the receipt of 



nearly two thousand million feet of lumber and nine hun- 
dred million shingles per annum. Her yearly receipts of 
grain approach two hundred million bushels. Twenty-six 
million bushels can be laid away in her twenty-eight 
elevators, a store which dwarfs the ostentatious garner- 
ing of the ancient Pharaohs as much as her enormous 
shipments outnumber the sacks of corn which Joseph's 
brethren carried away. Last year she received nearly two 
million cattle, a million sheep, and five million hogs, more 
than twenty-five thousand animals per day. So that there 
marches into Chicago every day in the year Sundays 
and Saturdays included a procession of victims, two 
miles and a half long ten animals abreast. The cattle 
and hogs were mostly transformed into provisions before 
leaving Chicago. The year 1881 was an exceptionally 
good year for pork packers, but a bad one for the hogs. 
Five and three quarter millions fell in Chicago alone, 
an average of nineteen thousand a day : 

" The fittest place for man to die 
Is where he dies for man." 

The fittest place for a hog is evidently Chicago, for 
every minute of time, night and day all the year round 
thirteen of them, " die for man," at that place of 

Chicago has moreover three steel rail mills within the 
city limits, and a fourth within thirty miles. Their 
combined capacity exceeds 500,000 tons annually 
sufficient to put a light steel rail "girdle round the 
earth." There will probably be about as many steel 
rails made in and about Chicago alone next year as one- 
half the total rail product of Great Britain. Her coat of 
arms should be : Barry of alternate steel rails and pine 
planks, proper ; over all, a pig rampant, gules. Motto, 
" The Whole Hog." 

San Francisco is another mushroom. In 1844 fifty 
people were settled in log huts on a barren tract of the 
Pacific coast. A few whalemen and north-east traders 
occasionally called at this settlement, and bartered food 


and clothing for tallow, hides, and horns. Gradually the 
embryo village grew ; and in 1847 certain plots of ground 
on the water front were sold, the prices ranging from 10 
to 20 per lot. Six years later, such was the rapid 
enhancement of values, inferior lots brought from 1600 to 
3200 ; from 20 to 2000 in fourteen years ; four small 
building plots bringing 240,000, equal to 60,000 per 
block. This was in the palmy days depicted by Colonel 
Mulberry Sellers, when you had but to lay out a town 
site into lots, every one of them a corner lot, and sit down 
and figure just how much money you wanted and then 
rake it in. Thirty-seven years sufficed to raise the 
settlement of fifty persons to a magnificent city with a 
quarter of a million inhabitants. The bartering of a few 
hides has grown into an annual trade exceeding twenty 
millions sterling. 

Jersey City, opposite New York, furnishes another 
example of rapid city growth. In 1840 the population 
was only 3072 ; in 1880 it was 120,722. But Brooklyn, 
the corresponding suburb on the other side of New 
York harbor, has eclipsed every city, except Chicago, its 
population of 12,000 in 1830 having grown to 566,000 
in 1880. The growth of Cleveland, Ohio, has not been 
slow. In 1830 it had only 1000 inhabitants; now it 
boasts 160,000. The finest avenues of residences are in 
this city. After seeing all that the rest of the world has 
to offer in that respect, I pronounce Euclid and Prospect 
Avenues in this lake city of Cleveland the grandest and 
most beautiful ; though the smaller Prospect Avenue in 
Milwaukee, and Delaware Avenue in Buffalo, and that in 
Detroit are very handsome indeed, and are open for second 
and third prizes. 

The city of Milwaukee, with a present population of 
125,000, consisted in 1834 of two log-houses. In 1835 
it was laid out as a village ; and the next year we find 
it described as a hamlet of about two hundred inhabitants. 
At that time the only roads leading into the city were a 
few Indian trails. Once in a while a wagon came wind- 
ing through from Chicago. But even at this infantile 


age Milwaukee had begun to display the enterprise which 
has continued to distinguish it. In 1840 the town could 
boast of one brick building a small one-story dwelling 
house. There were then eleven stores in the place. 
During the next ten years the population increased from 
1712 to 20,061. In 1841 began the shipment of grain 
a trade which has since attained an enormous develop- 
ment. In that year four thousand bushels of wheat the 
first ever sent out of Wisconsin was exported ; but such 
was the imperfect provision for loading that this small 
shipment required three days to put on board ship. The 
trade thus begun, grew apace ; and three years later we 
find that Mr. Higby, a pioneer merchant, imported a grain 
warehouse from Sheboygan. The character of this 
structure is shown by the fact that it was afterward 
carried about to several other places. The whole receipts 
for grain shipments at Milwaukee in that year did not 
equal those received in a single day fifteen years later, 
or, remarkable fact, in a single hour at present ! The 
receipts of grain at Milwaukee now approximate forty 
million bushels a year. It is taken out of ships and 
cai^s, carried to the top of the elevators, and weighed and 
poured into bags and bins at the rate of seven thousand 
bushels an hour, without any manual labor. Automatic 
machines are the giants who do the work. 

A unique man resides in Milwaukee, one so closely 
identified with its wonderful growth that lie is thought 
of whenever that city is mentioned Alexander Mitchell, 
who left Aberdeen, a young Scotch ladVsome^fiT^ years 
ago. He has one proud distinction of which he can never 
be deprived, for it can scarcely ever be expected in the 
history of the race that any development of material 
resources can equal that of the American railway system. 
Alexander Mitchell has built more miles of railway than 
any man who has lived, is living, or who is ever to live. 
He began the work at Milwaukee as Preside^nt^pf the 
Milwaukee & St. Paul Railway, a position which lie 
Ptill hold*. It is scarcely necessary to add that the said 
Mitchell has not failed to hold on to a fair proportion of 


this gigantic property, for it has been noted that he is 
Scotch. When we reached Chicago with our Scotch 
guests two years ago we found his special car a much 
grander hotel than any saloon-carriage waiting there 
subject to our orders. The conductor said his instruc- 
tions were to go where we wished, stop and start on any 
train desired, and when we were done with him he was 
to return with his car to Milwaukee. We spent days in 
that car, visited St. Paul in the North, and Davenport in 
the West, and did not traverse one mile of line which 
that Scotch boy had not built, and over which his word 
was not law. " Scotland for ever ! " Mr. Mitchell is one 
of the dozen richest men in the world, a credit to 
Aberdeen, a credit to his native Scotland, a credit to his 
adopted America. A grand Republican he is, too. 
Staunch as Aberdeen granite there. Xo royal family 
or hereditary legislators for him, mind you. He is not 
the stuff out of which a " loyal subject " to another human 
being can be made ; or, if made, not the man to occupy 
that degrading position long. He holds himself, as man, 
the equal of any monarch. A man whom all men 

The adjoining State of Minnesota contained in 1880 
about 800,000 people, of which 88,000 resided in the 
capital, St. Paul, and its twin sister town, Minneapolis. 
In 1885 the State population had increased to eleven 
hundred thousand forty-three per cent, in five years. 
Greatest wonder of all, however, is the five years' growth 
of the city of Minneapolis. In 1880 its population was 
47,000 ; in 1885, 130,000, a gain of over 176 per cent. ! 
St. Paul increased from 41,000 to 111,000 a gain of 168 
per cent. Yet in 1848 this region was a wilderness, the 
entire territory, nearly twice the size of the present State, 
having only about 3000 inhabitants. A trading house 
was built on the site of St. Paul in 1842, and round it 
gradually grew a small community of whites and half- 
breeds, engaged in barter with the Indians and trappers. 
In 1850 the population numbered 1135. To quote the 
words of a writer of that period, " St. Paul is in the 


wilderness. Look where you will, the primitive features 
of the surrounding country remain unchanged, and the 
wild animals and Indians still haunt the grounds to 
which ages of occupancy have given them a prescriptive 
right." A few miles away, a group of houses might have 
been seen clustering around the Falls of St. Anthony. 
There, in 1848, a saw-mill was put in operation by the 
aid of a temporary dam built across the east channel of the 
river. As the forests fell before the lumberman's axe, and 
emigrant farmers brought in the plough, flouring mills 
were built at the falls, and Minneapolis emerged from the 
country-village state. Checked in their growth by the 
war in 1861, and more seriously by the Sioux massacre 
of 1862, Minneapolis and St. Paul experienced renewed 
prosperity in 1864 and 1865, and since then the two 
towns have gone forward, marching across the dividing 
forest to meet each other, and will eventually mingle their 
suburbs, and form a city a dozen miles across, with a 
population of a million souls. The child is living who 
will see all this and more. 

As we have Alexander Mitchell dominating Milwaukee; 
so no one can think of Minneapolis without recalling that 
notable family the " Wjahhurj^^Brottiers." Their career 
is typically American. These Washburns are a family 
indeed, seven sons, all of them men of mark. Several" 
have distinguished themselves so greatly as to become 
part of their country's history. The family record in- 
cludes a secretary of state, two governors, four members 
of Congress, a major-general in the army, and another 
second in command in the navy. Two served as foreign 
ministers, two were State legislators, and one a surveyor- 
general. As all these services were performed during the 
Civil War, there were Washburns in nearly every depart- 
ment of the State, labouring in camp and council for the 
Eepublic at the sacrifice of great personal interests. 
All came forth from peaceful avocations to serve their 
country as their first duty. The Union saved, they are 
found to-day pursuing their industrial occupations as of 
old. The nation having no enemies to conquer, they 


turn their energies to the work of feeding it. Is not 
this turning the sword into the plough-share and the 
spear into the pruning-hook 1 Let the nation be en- 
dangered, or an emergency arise where, in the judgment 
and conscience of such men, they can perform a greater 
use in public than in private life, and they are once more 
upon the stage of action. TheJRepublic has such citizens ' 
by thousands, and yet the~3>HvHeged classes of Europe 
assiduously spread the belief among the masses abroad 
that the Eepublic lacks pure and distinguished noble men 
to guide her councils. Believe me, fellow-citizens, no 
nation upon earth has such wealth of patriotism, men 
with such power to conceive, or such ability to execute, 
as rests quietly in reserve, but ever ready for emergencies, 
in this democracy. It is this reserve force which has 
kept the Republic steadily upon her course. It votes or 
fights as may be necessary, and never shirks a duty. 
When the ship of State is in smooth waters more im- 
portant matters require its attention, and the governing 
power goes below ; but, mark you, when the wind blows 
this captain walks the deck. The Eepublic has never 
been allowed to sail far out of the true course, and never 
will be. Too much science on board, and too many in- 
dependent observations taken and compared in the full 
blaze of the sun, not to find the true reckoning and 
follow it closely, steadily, to the desired haven. This 
reserve- was seen forcibly during the four years during 
which the Union was imperilled. When a leader was 
needed one was found in an attorney's office in Illinois, 
a great, heaven-born leader, Lincoln. When foreign 
relations were necessarily dangerous in the extreme, and 
even our mother country stood threatening, Seward 
proved himself a diplomatist of the first order. For 
Secretary of War a genius was taken from the practice 
of the law in Pittsburgh. No man since the days of 
Carnot has waged war as did Stanton. " The armies will 
move now," said a friend, when his appointment was 
announced, " if they move to the devil." I knew Stanton 
well, a Cromwell kind of man ; he walked straight to 


his end, either to triumph or to die. His life he could 
give and would give that the nation should live ; that 
was his duty ; victory might come or defeat, that was not 
his affair. When generals to lead the armies were sought 
for, the great leader came from a tannery in Galena ; the 
second from teaching in a college. All these were from, 
peaceful occupations, and every one of these men resigned 
power poor men. The families of several of them were 
provided for by private subscriptions among friends. 
Politics are but means to an end. When the laws of a 
country are perfect, and the equality of the citizen reached, 
there is far more important work to be performed at home 
than in legislative halls. Hence the ablest and best 
men in the Eepublic are not as a class found trifling 
their time away doing the work of mediocrity. But 
let great issues rise and see who come to the front 
a body of men superior to any found elsewhere in the 

Already Minneapolis is the greatest wheat market in 
the West, and unlike other large receiving points, four- 
fifths of all wheat received there is manufactured into 
flour before shipment. Last year one and a quarter 
million bushels were often received in a single week. The 
total receipts of 1884 were nearly three times as great as 
those of 1880, aggregating twenty-nine million bushels 
The milling trade has also increased at a prodigious rate. 
One-fifth of all the flour exported from the United Status 
is sent direct from Minneapolis on through bills of lading. 
The capacity of the mills is over thirty thousand barrels 
per day ; and one of the Washburn Mills alone has made 
over seven thousand barrels of flour in one day. Five 
and a quarter million barrels were manufactured last year 
five times the output of 1876. Surely no worthy second 
of this can be found elsewhere. Yet flouring is not the 
only industry of this youthful giant. Three hundred 
million feet of lumber were cut by the mills last year, be- 
sides one hundred and thirty- six million lath and shingles ! 
Minneapolis justifiably boasts that she is- " a city of me- 
chanics." Her manufactures exceeded twelve millions 


sterling in 1884, while her trade, exclusive of flour and 
lumber, reached almost an equal sum. The total receipts 
and shipments of Minneapolis in the year 1884 comprised 
two hundred and forty-six thousand nine hundred and 
eighty-five carloads. A local statistician has reckoned 
that " if all these cars were made up into trains of twenty 
cars each they would make twelve thousand three hun- 
dred and forty-seven trains, requiring that number of 
engines to move them ; if cars and engines were continu- 
ously coupled together they would make a train one 
thousand, seven hundred miles in length ; or, if made into 
four trains, each train would reach from Minneapolis to 
Chicago ; or the line of freight cars would be sufficient to 
completely fence in England and Scotland, and then form 
a wall across the middle of the country at its widest 

Some idea of the enormous amount of flour manufactured 
by the mills of Minneapolis can be obtained if we estimate 
it at the rate of two hundred and fifty loaves of bread to 
the barrel, which would give us twenty-five loaves for 
each of the fifty-six million people of the United States. 
If the flour made by Minneapolis in one year were put 
into barrels and these set end to end and roped together, 
it would make a pontoon bridge from New York to 

A similar phenomenal growth is going on in another 
region. In 1870, only fifteen years ago, except Superior 
and Duluth, the former a " straggling little hamlet ! " 
and the other " laid out on speculation in the woods on 
the lake shore," there was not a town, village, or hamlet 
westward on or near the line marked out for the Northern 
Pacific Eailroad for more than a thousand miles. Be- 
tween the head of the lake and the mining camps among 
the Rocky Mountains in Montana, no abodes of civilized 
men existed, save two or three military posts and Indian 
agencies, and a few isolated trading stations. Northern 
Minnesota was a forest into which even the lumberman 
had not yet penetrated, save for a few miles back of Lake 
Superior. At present the whole line of the railway is 


dotted with thriving towns. "The town laid out on 
speculation in the woods," is deserving of a moment's 

Duluth, even in the embryonic state, displayed a 
precocity that brought upon it the ridicule of a famous 
orator. With scathing sarcasm, but unconscious prophecy, 
he dubbed it " the zenith city of the unsalted seas." 
There is a scream from the American eagle for you ; but 
is it not poetic 1 The juvenile city is now the terminus 
of ten thousand miles of railway. Its receipts of wheat 
for 1884 approached fourteen million bushels. Saw mills 
are getting almost as plentiful as blackberries ; and in a 
single year they cut two hundred and five million feet of 
lumber besides eighty-five million lath and shingles. The 
clearances show that seven hundred steamers and nearly 
six hundred sail-craft arrived at Duluth in 1884. Banking 
transactions amounted to thirty-four million dollars a year. 
Storage capacity for grain is nearly ten million bushels. 
Lastly, the population of this magic city has bounded from 
two thousand five hundred in 1875 to eighteen thousand 
in 1884. Was ever the like known except in the 
triumphant Republic 1 

Indianopolis, with its present population of ninety 
thousand inhabitants, has also a history which the " oldest 
inhabitant " can recite from personal experience. Prac- 
tically its history as a city dates from the opening of the 
Madison Railway in 1847. Before that date it was but a 
small country town, so isolated that its trade was compared 
to that of the two boys who, when locked up in a closet, 
made money by swapping jackets. The slowness of its 
growth before the advent of the railway is shown by the 
following facts extracted from Holloway's "Local History." 
The town was laid out in 1821. Ten years later three- 
fourths of the town site remained unsold. The legislature 
managed to get rid of most of the lots by putting a mini- 
mum price of $10 upon them, and when the sales were 
closed in 1842, it was found that the whole of Indianopolis 
had brought but $125,000 (25,000). The city thus sold 
out was but a forest, except where a clearing here and 


there had opened the ground to the light. To get the 
streets cleared it was proposed to give the timber to any 
body who would cut it. A man by the name of Lismund 
Basye took the contract for Washington Street, expecting 
to make a "good thing" of such a superb lot of timber 
trees, and then began to calculate. There were no mills 
and his trees were of no use without them, so he rolled 
his splendid logs together and burned them as well as his 
fingers. The street thus opened, a hundred and twenty 
feet wide, is now lined with fine buildings ; and a single 
block on this handsome thoroughfare would now fetch 
more than the sum for which the whole city was originally 
sold. Indianopolis has claims to be considered one of the 
greatest railway centres in the world. Fourteen railways 
centre there, and about a hundred and twenty passenger 
trains pass in and out of the city every day. 

Kansas City is another example of Western phenomenal 
growtlis. Thirty years ago (1855) its population was 
three hundred ; in fifteen years (1870) it had increased 
more than a hundredfold, to thirty-two thousand ; by 
1880 it had again doubled to sixty-three thousand, and at 
the time of writing it is about one hundred and twenty- 
five thousand. The assessed valuation of property has in- 
creased from 500,000 (100,000) in 1846 to $34,000,000 
(6,800,000) in 1884. The exchanges, as shown by the 
returns of the city clearing-house, have advanced from 
$20,000,000 (4,000,000) in 1875 to $177,000,000 
(nearly 36,000,000) in 1884. The business of the post- 
office increased during the same period five-fold. About 
twenty-four million bushels of grain were received in 1884, 
against one million bushels in 1871. One and a quarter 
million hogs are annually turned into pork about a 
fourth of monster Chicago's herd, and fifteen hundred 
cattle are also weekly shipped as provisions. The trade in 
live stock is also very great ; nearly two and a half mil- 
lion cattle, hogs, sheep, horses and mules pass through its 
markets a procession, five abreast, that would reach from 
Inverness to London. 

Numerous other examples might be cited. Allegheny 


City, an off-shoot of Pittsburgh, has grown from a village 
of twenty-eight hundred inhabitants in 1830 to a city of 
seventy-nine thousand in 1880 ; while the population of 
Pittsburgh itself increased during the same period from 
twelve thousand to one hundred and fifty-six thousand. 
Buffalo during the same fifty years advanced from eighty 
thousand to one hundred and fifty-five thousand inhabi- 
tants; Philadelphia increased from eighty thousand to 
nearly eight hundred and fifty thousand; Cincinnati 
from twenty-four thousand to two hundred and fifty-five 
thousand ; Detroit from two thousand to one hundred and 
sixteen thousand ; Eochester from fifteen persons in 1812 
to eighty-nine thousand in 1880; Toledo from twelve 
hundred and twenty-two in 1840 to fifty thousand in 
1880 ; Scran ton from three hundred and sixty-three in 
1840 to forty-six thousand in 1880. 

Of the growth of these towns we have an excellent 
picture in tho following paragraphs, the first from the 
pen of Capt. Basil Hall, the "best-hated Englishman" 
in America some fifty years ago, and the second by 
the Norwegian, Arfedson, descriptive of Columbus, 
Georgia : 

" The first thing to which our attention was called was a long line 
cut through the coppicewood of oaks. This our guide begged us to 
observe was to be the principal street j and the brushwood having 
been cut away so as to leave a lane four feet wide, with small stakes 
driven in at intervals, we could walk along it easily enough. On 
reaching the middle point, our friend, looking around him, exclaimed 
in rapture at the prospect of the future greatness of Columbus : 
" Here you are in the centre of the city ! " After threading our 
way for some time amongst the trees, we came in sight here and 
there of huts, partly of planks, partly of bark, and at last reached 
the principal cluster of houses, very few of which were above two or 
three weeks old. As none of the city-lots were yet sold, of course 
no one was sure that the spot on which he had pitched his house 
would eventually become his own. Many of the houses were in 
consequence of this understanding built on trucks, a sort of low 
strong wheels, such as cannon are supported by, for the avowed pur- 
pose of being hauled away when the land should be sold. At some 
parts of this strange scene the forest was growing as densely as 
ever; and even in the most cleared streets some trees were left 
standing. As yet there had been no time to remove the stumps of 


the felled trees, and many that had been felled were left in their 
places ; so that it was occasionally no easy matter to get along. 
Anvils were heard ringing away merrily at every corner, while 
saws, axes, and hammers, were seen flashing amongst the woods all 

Columbus in 1832, only four years later : 

" It may already be called a flourishing town. The population 
exceeded two thousand, and among them were several that might 
be denominated wealthy. The number of inhabitants is augmenting 
monthly, and the increase of commerce, I was assured, was in the 
same proportions. Carpenters, masons, and workmen of every kind, 
were never without employment, and could not erect houses fast 
enough. Streets, which in 1828 were only marked out, were now so 
filled with loaded wagons that it was next to impossible to pass. 
The principal street which traverses the city, following the course of 
the river, is like the rest, not paved, but has so many shops filled 
with a variety of goods, such a number of neat houses, and finally, 
in the mornings, such a concourse of people, Christians and Indians, 
that it can hardly be believed that it is the same street which was 
only marked out in 1828. Most of the houses are of wood, and 
some of brick ; a few in the English style, others again in the 
Grecian taste." 

If we compare the preceding accounts of the rise and 
progress of recently established cities with the slow move- 
ments of old Boston, the contrast is great indeed. Boston 
was first settled in 1630. Fifty years later the first fire- 
engine was procured, and the first fire-company organized 
a sign of progress attained by a modern town in as 
many weeks. In 1704 appeared the Boston News Letter, 
the first newspaper ever published in the British colonies 
of North America. Now the printing press is set up 
almost in the first plank house erected ; and a town of a 
few miners must have 'its own newspaper. In 1710, 
eighty years after the settlement of the town, a post-office 
was established, and mails were forwarded once a week to 
Plymouth and to Maine, and once a fortnight to New 
York. In 1786 the citizens undertook their first great 
enterprise, and constructed a bridge over the Charles 
Kiver ; so that Boston required a hundred and fifty years 
to attain a position which is now often reached by modern 
towns of the prairies in as many months. 

Examples without number of phenomenal growth of 


cities and towns might be cited, for the line stretches 
on, one seemingly miraculous till the other comes. From 
East to West, from North to South, up and down and 
across the map of the Republic the student may pass in 
imaginative flight, sure of meeting everywhere these 
cities and towns which, springing up like mushrooms, 
have nevertheless taken root like the oak. 

A beautiful tribute to the mother land is found in the 
names of towns and cities in the new. As even on the 
crowded, tiny May Flower the stern Puritan found room 
to bring and nurse with tender care the daisy of his 
native land, so the citizen driven from the dear old home, 
ever sighs, " England, with all thy faults I love thee 
still." Surely, why not? Her faults are as one, her 
virtues as a thousand. And having a new home to 
christen, with swelling heart and tearful eye, and a love 
for the native land which knows no end and never can 
know end while breath clings to the body, he conjures 
up the object of his fondest love and calls his new home 
Boston, York, Brighton, Hartford, Stratford, Glasgow, 
Edinburgh, Durham, Perth, Aberdeen, Dundee, Cam- 
bridge, Oxford, Canterbury, Eochester, London, New- 
castle, Manchester, Birmingham, Chester, Coventry, 
Plymouth, or other dear name of the place where in life's 
young days he had danced o'er the sunny braes, heard 
the lark sing in the heavens, and the mavis pour forth its 
glad song from the hedge row. There is scarcely a place 
in the old land which has not its namesake in the new. 
Take Pittsburgh, which is itself named after the great 
Pitt, and within a few miles' radius the English visitor 
can walk the streets of Soho, Birmingham, and Manches- 
ter. All these were suburban places a few years ago, and 
now they are as crowded as their prototypes. Brighton, 
Eochester, Newport, Middlesex, Newcastle are only a few 
miles away. This love of the old household words is 
carried even farther. The Englishman travels through 
the Eepublic living in a succession of hotels, Victorias, 
Clarendons, Windsors, Westminsters, Albemarles. He 
might think himself at home again except that the supe- 


rior advantages of the new hostelries serve to remind 
him at every turn that things are not as he has been 
accustomed to. So that our household gods are not only 
the same in the new as in the old land, but we call them , c 
by the same names and love them. The exile's heart is f(L '* 
always sad when he thinks of the one Spot of mother I vvv< ' 
earth winch alone" can be~in TFe deepest sense his home. 
Who then shall keep apart the land of his home and tEe 
land of his domicile 1 And what American worthy of 
the name but shall reverence the home of his fathers, 
and wish it God-speed ? When the people reign in the 
old home as they do in the new, the two nations will be 
one people, and the bonds which unite them the world 
combined shall not break asunder. The republican upoji r 

this side of the Atlantic extends his hand to his fellow 
M 11: in the other. They clasp hands. Democracy cries to 
olemoeraey, " We stand for the rights of man, the day of 
kings and peers is past. Down, privilege, down. Ring ^/t/^ 
in the reign of the people, the equality of the citizen." 
No peal so grand as that, save one, that which proclaims 
the substitution of peaceful arbitration for war the world 
over. And that too is involved in republicanism. All 
parties in the Republic already stand pledged to the 
doctrine. Patience, my fellow-citizens, patience. De- 
mocracy goes marching on. The reign of the masses is 
the road to universal peace. Thrones and royal families, 
and the influences necessarily surrounding them, the 
vile brood they breed make twenty wars while Tri- 
umphant Democracy makes one. 




" The ideal State is one in which every citizen is content with the 
laws under which he lives. If any body of men in a State agitate 
for a change of laws, dissatisfaction is proven to exist, and by this 
much is the State disordered and unenviable. To produce universal 
satisfaction is possible only by meting out to every citizen the same 
measures. The slightest inequality produces disturbance, for only 
under equality are the parts free from strain, and hence in repose. 
The State in equilibrium has then reached perfection it its political 
system." EIGENBAO. 

AMID so much that is marvellous in American history, 
nothing stands out with greater prominence than the 
rapid amelioration of the conditions of life. A century 
ago the continent of America was for th5 most part a 
wilderness. A long strip of the Atlantic coast was 
sparsely populated, and a few towns were unevenly 
sprinkled over the narrow territory. But behind this 
the country was in the same wild condition as when the 
Pilgrim Fathers landed, a hundred and fifty years before. 
There were few roads through the backwoods, and the 
inhabitants of Massachusetts were as widely divided from 
those of Virginia as from those of the old home, all inter- 
communication of the colonies being by coasting vessels. 
After Independence (1776), however, the young nation, 
full of the enthusiasm and hot blood of youth, vigorously 
applied itself to the development of the country. Canals 
and turnpike roads were built, and by 1830 there were 
open for use 115,000 miles of highway, and upwards of 
2,000 miles of canals, the latter costing upwards of 
$65,000,000 (13,000,000). Canals and turnpikes were 
then the mighty forces of civilization, the wonderful 
means of locomotion. 

Eight miles per hour by the mail-coach and six miles 
per hour by the express packet upon the "raging canal 1 " 
What was the world coming to ! 

Notwithstanding this, the country was very backward, 


and there was little, considered iu Hie light of modern 
comforts, to make life worth living. In the newspapers 
of the time, and in books written by travellers, we get 
faint glimpses of the inconveniences under which the 
past generation labored; but the full significance of 
many a little statement written fifty years ago, is not to 
be realized in these days of luxurious refinement and 
elegant ease. Here, for example, is an extract from 
Niletis Register, March 20, 1830: 

"A letter written in Baltimore has been replied to from Norfolk 
in forty-one hours, a distance of about four hundred miles by 
steam ! " 

The note of exclamation appended to the statement 
seems oddly incongruous in these days of telegraphs, 
telephones, and penny postage. The difficulty of com- 
munication in those early days is further exemplified by 
the statement in the American Quarterly Observer for 
July, 1834, that : 

" A package of books can be more rendily sent from Boston to 
London than to Cincinnati. A book printed in Boston has been 
republished in Edinburgh before it has reached Cincinnati." 

And here are a few passages from Miss Martineau's 
" Society in America," date 1834-5 : 

" The great cities are even yet ill supplied from the country. 
Provisions are very dear : . . . butcher's meat throughout the 
country is far inferior to what it will be when an increased amount 
of labor, and means of transport, shall encourage improvements in 
the pasturage and care of stock. While fowls, butter, and eggs, 
are still sent from Vermont into Boston, there is no such thing to 
be had there as a joint of tender meat. In one house in Boston, 
where a very numerous family lives in handsome style, and where 
I several times met large dinner parties, I never saw an- ounce of 
meat, except ham. The table was covered with birds, in great 
variety, and well cooked; but all winged creatures. The only 
tender, juicy meat I saw in the country, was a sirloin of beef at 
Charleston, and the whole provision of a gentleman's table in 
Kentucky. At one place, there was nothing but veal on the tHble 
for a month ; in a town where I staid ten days, nothing was to be had 
but beef; and throughout the South the traveller meets with little 
else than pork, under all manner of disguises, and fowls." 

Miss Martineau, writing from Philadelphia, further 
remarks that, 


" All the ladies of a country town, not very far off, were wearing 
gloves too bad to be mended, or none at all, because none had come 
up by the canal for many weeks. 

" At Washington, I wanted some ribbon for my straw bonnet ; 
and in the whole place, in the season, I could find only six pieces 
of ribbon to choose from. (She would find sixty shops to-day each 
filled with ribbon.) 

"Throughout the entire country (out of the cities), I was struck 
with the discomforts of broken windows which appeared on every 
side. Large farm-houses, flourishing in every other respect, had 
dismal-looking windows. Persons who happen to live near a canal, 
or other quiet watery road, have baskets of glass of various sizes 
sent to them from the towns, and glaze their own windows. But 
there is no bringing glass over a corduroy, or mud, or rough lime- 
stone road ; and those who have no other highways must get along 
with such windows as it may please the weather and the children 
to leave them." Even so late as 1 845 this isolation was the _lpt of all 
^A^ who lived .HF7i' distance^ from .the. jioa&t. Sir~T/ r harle5~ 

Lyell, visiting Milledgevifle, Georgia, in that year, re- 
* lates that the landlady of the hotel regarded Lady Lyell 
as quite a curiosity because she did not know how to 
* make soap ; and the good dame told her how the maids 
" make almost everything in the house, even to the caps 
/ I wear." And it appears from contemporary records that 
soap and candles were homemade for many years after, 
and homespun cloth was largely worn by the people. In 
the rural districts of New England at present many 
houses still have in their garrets the old family spinning- 
wheel and loom. 

William Cobbett, writing in 1823, of Long Island, 

" There, and indeed all over the American States, north of Mary- 
land, and especially in the New England States, almost the whole 
of both linen and woollen used in the country, and a large part of 
that used in towns is made in the farm houses. There are thousands 
and thousands of families who never use either, except of their own 
making. All but the weaving is done by the family. There is a 
loom in the house, and the weaver goes from house to house. I 
once saw about three thousand farmers, or rather country people, 
at a horse-race in Long Island, and my opinion was that there were 
not five hundred who were not dressed in homespun coats. As to 
linen, no farmer's family thinks of buying linen." 


The discomforts of life to those in settled districts 
were few and slight compared with those experienced by 
settlers who went West. Of these a writer in De Bow's 
Review, in 1825, says: 

" Their journey was made after long preparation, and was toil- 
some, slow, and expensive. They were compelled to bring their 
heavy tools and bulky implements of husbandry, their kitchen 
utensils and fragile furniture, by a difficult navigation and over 
heavy roads ; several years were required to make a small clearing, 
rude improvements, and enough coarse food for domestic use." 

And after all this effort the conditions of life often 
accorded with those indicated in the following laconic 
dialogue : 

" Whose land was that you bought 1 " 


"What's the soil?" 

" Bogs." 

" What's the climate 1 " 

" Fogs." 

" What do you get to eat 1 " 

" Hogs." 

" What do you build your house of?" 


" Have you any neighbors ?" 

" Frogs." 

Though this is a playful exaggeration, there were 
many settlers whose lot was scarcely more enviable than 
that of the man who lived amid the bogs he bought of 
Moggs. Far removed from all means of communication, 
the western pioneer was practically cut off from the 
world. No ubiquitous postal system enabled him to 
keep up communication with his friends " down East," 
or in the " old country." Newspapers rarely penetrated 
into the wild regions where he lived ; and if he wished 
to visit his nearest neighbor he had to ride many miles 
across a rough and often hostile country. The traveller 
on the western rivers occasionally saw a solitary indi- 
vidual, perhaps a woman, paddling up stream in a canoe 
to visit a neighbor twenty or thirty miles off. Letters 


to the settlers were sent to the nearest town, perhaps a 
hundred miles away, where they lay for months until the 
person they were destined for, or some neighbor, could 
find time to go for them. 

The rates of postage in those days were very high. A 
letter of one sheet was carried any distance not exceed- 
ing thirty miles for six cents ; and this sum was doubled 
or trebled if the letter consisted of two or three sheets. 
For any distance exceeding four hundred miles the 
charge was twenty-five cents (one shilling) per sheet a 
sum which then had double the purchasing-power it has 

Primitive simplicity prevailed in municipal arrange- 
ments where these existed. A notice copied from the 
walls of the bar-room of the village inn at Sandisfield, 
Massachusetts, in 1833, well illustrates this : 

"All persons who have neglected to pay their taxes or bills 
committed to Josiah H. Sage, collector, are hereby notified that, in 
consequence of the sickness of the said collector, the bills are at my 
house, where those who are willing can have opportunity to pay 
their taxes if they improve it soon; and those who neglect may 
expect to pay a constable with fee for collecting." 

Scavenging was done by pigs which were allowed to 
run at large through the streets. Sir Charles Lyell de- 
scribes them as going about Cincinnati in large numbers, 
no person in particular claiming ownership of them. 
Even in New York these scavengers were long tolerated 
on the side- walks because of their supposed usefulness. 
It was no uncommon thing thirty-five years ago for 
pedestrians to be thrust into the road by the dirty snout 
of some city hog ; a newly imported Irishman declared, 
on being so pushed into the gutter, that it was "a 
sthrange counthry where the pigs were all loose and the 
stones all tied." 

The streets of towns were usually unlighted at night. 

-fijtw* New York, however, used in T8"30 thirty-nve thousand 

J gallons of oil for two hundred and ninety-nine street 

lamps, " besides gas." In a description of Cincinnati in 

1831 a writer in the New England Magazine says : 


" Every citizen, who ventures abroad when the moon is absent, 
carries his own lantern or runs the risk of breaking his neck. It eg* 

is a curious sight to see the lights hurrying in all directions, \ 
passing, repassing, and flitting to and fro, as if dancing at a VJ C 
masquerade of genii." 

New York, in 1837, was destitute of a supply of 
-us ,,i and wholesome water. " TEere were "AimUJMUH . v 
wells -with pumps in all parts of the city; but the pump '/ 
water was generally considered deleterious. Rain water 
was largely used by the citizens, most of the houses 
being provided with good cisterns. A contemporary 
writer says : 

" Many parts of the city are now supplied with water for the 
table brought from the upper wards in casks. On the East and 
North Rivers, in some instances, it is pure, and in others its good- 
ness is but little better than the present well water. The tables of 
the wealthy are supplied from this source, while the poorer classes 
have to resort to such wells and pumps as are in their neighbor- 
hood. It has been ascertained that there are now brought to the 
city by water-carts, six hundred hogsheads, for which there is paid 
one dollar and twenty-five cents for each hogshead (or about one 
cent per gallon) amounting to $750 per day, or $273,750 per annum, 
for water from that source." 

It is not surprising that under such conditions New 
York, now one of the best-watered cities in the world, 
suffered several severe epidemics of cholera, which in 
1832 " raged to a fearful extent, nearly depopulating it." 
Indeed, the supply of New York is equal to that of 
monster London ; so that the New Yorker uses more than 
double the quantity of water used by the Londoner. The 
stupendous character of the works undertaken in America 
is shown by this water supply question of New York. A 
sub-way, averaging two hundred and fifty feet below the 
surface, large enough for a double-track railway, and more 
than thirty miles long, is now being constructed to in- 
crease the supply of the Empire City. Five miles are 
already done, and it is expected that the entire work will 
be finished in three years from the date of letting the 
contract. In a couple of years, therefore, the water 
supply of New York will be four hundred million gallons 
per diem, or four times that now consumed by London^ 


The world has long heard of a projected channel tunnel 
between Dover and Calais. Here is a longer tunnel of 
equal size being quietly constructed, and scarcely anything 
said about it. 

Other towns were as badly off in regard to water supply ; 
a circumstance which acquires prominence when viewed 
in connection with the great fires which periodically de- 
stroyed large portions of the towns of the Union. Con- 
tributing to these frequent disasters was the imperfect 
apparatus at that date for extinguishing fires. So inoper- 
ative were the fire-engines, that in the report of a fire at 
New Orleans, in Niles's Register for May 8, 1830, it is 
related that though within one hundred yards of the 
Mississippi, little water was to be had. It was not until 
1853 that the steam fire-engine was made a practical 
machine, and it was much later before it came into general 
use. Now, the equipment of the fire brigade of America 
is the most perfect in the Avorld. Electric communication' 
between all quarters of towns, and between many houses, 
and numerous fire-stations exist everywhere ; and a minute 
after a fire is reported by pressing an electric button, half a 
dozen steam fire-engines are speeding from different quarters 
towards the fire. In many towns the same pressure of an 
electric button, which is made to sound an alarm on gongs 
in a dozen different fire-stations, also starts machinery which 
releases the horses from their halters, allows the harness to 
fall on their backs, and raises the stable-gates. 

In the early days, when men had an entire continent 
to "Bring into subjection, and when the work of doing 
this was doubly difficult through the imperfection of 
machinery, the business oflife was work work in its 
most Carlylean sense o^mtense, unrelaxed labor. Men 
had no time to waste in fashionable frivolity ; and even 
the graver kinds of amusement were, except in the 
older cities of the East, little indulged in. Mrs. Trol- 
lope, a name long discordant to American ears, com- 
mented on this circumstance : 

" I never saw any people who appeared to live so much without 
amusement as the Cmcinnatians. Billiards are forbidden by law, 


so are cards. To sell a pack of cards in Ohio subjects the seller to 
a penalty of $50. They have no public balls, excepting, I think, 
six during the Christmas holidays. They have no concerts. They 
have no dinner parties." 

To this emphatic "never" is probably required the 
Sullivan-Gilbert qualification " hardly ever." To say 
that the people of Cincinnati, fifty years ago, never went 
to balls, never attended concerts, never dined out, is 
obviously straining the literal truth. Still it is unques- 
tionable that social recreations were few and far between 
in those days. 

Although facts prove that the general standard of com- 
fort was necessarily very much lower in the early part of 
the period we are considering than now, there yet pre- 
vailed a degree of general well-being unknown at the 
same time in Europe. Arfedson, a Swedish traveller, who 
visited the country in 1832-34, has thus placed on record 
his impressions : 

"A European, travelling in this direction (New York State), 
cannot help admiring the general appearance of comfort and pros- 
perity so singularly striking. To an inhabitant of the Scandinavian 
peninsula, accustomed to different scenes, ic is peculiarly gratifying 
to witness, instead of gorgeous palaces by the side of poor huts, a 
row of neat country houses, inhabited by independent farmers." 

A Swedish servant, lately arrived in America, at the 
date in question, on looking round and perceiving the 
happy state so generally diffused, exclaimed, with sur- 
prise and characteristic simplicity, " Sir, have the good- 
ness to inform me where the peasantry live in this 
country 1 " 

In_works_jgn America written about this period, we 
ot surrise alence of 

beprqara- Sir Charles Lyell, inquirng in his "First 
Visit " in 1840, " to what combination of causes the suc- 
cess of national education is to be attributed," and re- 
plying to his own query, makes a statement which is here 
relevant. He says : 

" First there is no class in want or extreme poverty here, partly 
because the facility of migrating to the ,Wsk>for those who are 


without employment, is so great, and also, in part, from the check 
to improvident marriages, created by the high standard of living 
to which the lowest people aspire, a standard which education is 
raising higher and higher from day to day." 

As a further result of this universal prosperity, there 
was less crime than in the older countries, where life 
was difficult. 

" The numher of persons apprehended by the police of the city 
of London, in 1832, was seventy-two thousand eight hundred and 
twenty-four. The population of London being twenty times that 
of Boston, the same proportion would give for Boston, thirty- 
six hundred and forty-one, instead of the actual number, nineteen 
hundred and four." 

But probably the greatest contrast of all was that 
between the low status, of the factory operatives in Eng- 
land and the high status of the same class in America. 
In England, forty years ago'lhe factory hand was a meTe 
machine a drudge, ill-fed, ill-housed, addicted to low 
pleasures, with no hope on earth, and scant knowledge 
of heaven. In America the female operatives were 
usually farmers' daughters, who entered the factory to 
make a little money with which to set up housekeeping 
when they married. Their intellectual status is shown by 
the fact that at Lowell, Massachusetts, a magazine was 
published consisting entirely of articles and poems written 
by girls employed in the factories. By a judicious super- 
intendence their morals were cared for, none being 
permitted to live in unauthorized lodging houses ; and the 
result was that the girls of the Lowell factories were 
celebrated as much for their virtue as for their intellectual 
superiority. Unfortunately all this is changed. Immi- 
grant operatives from Europe came in, and supplanted 
those of New England ; and at the present time the con- 
dition of the American factory hand, though decidedly 
better than that of the European operative, is said to be 
not nearly so high as it was forty years ago. 

The glimpses we are thus able to obtain of this period 
of fifty-five years ago (1830), show us a people scattered 
for the most part along the Atlantic seaboard. A few 
aggregations of people at Boston, New York, Philadelphia, 


and Baltimore had made good their claim to rank as cities. 
The roads of America, still, with some exceptions, the 
worst perhaps in the civilized world, were then only 
dirt lanes, almost impassable during the rainy season, 
but excellent in summer and during the hard frosts of 
winter. Stage-coaches ran between the cities at intervals 
which to us seem absurdly rare ; and sailing packets, pro- 
pelled by steam, and on the canals express packets, drawn 
by horses, divided the passenger traffic with the stage- 
coaches. Enterprising pioneers had pushed westward be- 
yond the Alleghanies into the Ohio valley, and even as 
far as the plains of Illinois. The emigrant travelled in 
his own wagons to his new home in the then " far " West. 
During the long and hazardous journey, his family lived 
the life of roaming gipsies. 

; The people's dress was of the cheapest and simplest 
character. A rough casinet cloth was used for the best 
dress of the men, and few women out of the principal 
cities aspired to a silk gown. In 1830 cotton calico 
was worn by most women, even of the well-to-do class. 
The servant problem, to-day such a difficult one to the 
American housewife, was much easier of solution then ; 
for, as there were fewer foreign women available for 
domestic service, native Americans had to be employed. 
These were not called servants, but " help " and it was 
the custom for them to sit at the family table, and in 
other ways to be treated as equals and members of the 
family. Such an arrangement was hardly an inconveni- 
ence where so much simplicity of life prevailed. A 
repugnance then existed to all distinctions in dress. No 
coachman was ever seen in livery, nor did servants dress 
in any prescribed fashion. Concerning this trait Miss 
Martineau writes : 

" One laughable peculiarity at the British Legation (at Washing- 
ton) was the confusion of tongues among the servants, who ask you 
to take fish, flesh, and fowl, in Spanish, Italian, German, Dutch, 
Irish, or French. The foreign ambassadors are terribly plagued 
about servants. No American will wear livery, and there is no 
reason why any American should. But the British ambassador 
must have livery servants. He makes what compromise he can, 


allowing his people to appear without livery out of doors, except 
on state occasions ; hut he is obliged to pick up his domestics from 
among foreigners who are in want of a subsistence for a short time, 
and are sure to go away as soon as they can find employment in 
which the wearing a livery is not a requisite." 

Such was the repugnance to livery that policemen 
dressed like ordinary citizens. Even New York city did 
not give its police a distinctive dress until 1845. Other 
cities followed later, until now it would be difficult to 
distinguish the police force in any American city from 
the metropolitan police of London. Coachmen's liveries 
are less gaudy in America than in Europe. We have not 
yet adopted powdered-haired coachmen and flunkeys with 
stuffed calves, nor brilliantly colored coaches. 

I remember well that when the Pennsylvania Railroad 
Company decided that conductors and passenger-train men 
upon its lines should be distinguished from passengers by 
a uniform official dress, serious doubts were entertained 
whether the requirement would not lead to universal re- 
fusal to wear livery. In this case, as with the police 
force, the obvious advantage of the men in authority being 
known at once by their uniform was finally recognized 
by the employees. 

It is a sentiment well worth humoring, however, 
this dislike to distinctive badges, except when clearly 
useful. Unless so, let republican citizens be independent 
and differ even in dress. 

There was scarcely a private carriage in Western cities 
in those days. People rode on horseback or in rude 
wagons, or, at best, in one-horse chaises. An old lady, 
living not long since, and one whom I knew well and 
honored, kept the first carriage in Pittsburgh ; and the 
lady who first had a coachman in livery (he was a colored 
man fond of display,) is still in her prime. If the dress, 
conveniences, and homes of the people were of the 
simplest character, so was the food. It was, however, 
very cheap. Eggs were three half-pence a dozen, and a 
leg of lamb cost only a shilling. Foreign wine was so 
rare and costly as to be almost unknown- The importa- 


tions of wine in 1831 amounted to only a million and a half 
dollars. Barter was a common mode of payment. "Work- 
men, even in cities, received orders upon a store for their 
labor. Wages were generally low. Laborers received 
sixty-two cents (three shillings) per day, and two dollars 
(eight shillings) per day was long considered remarkably 
high wages, and was given only to very skilful workmen. 
Salaries were even lower in proportion. The late Presi- 
dent of the great Pennsylvania Railway received only 
$1,500 (300) per annum as late as 1855, when he was 
superintendent of the western division of the line. I was 
overwhelmed when, as his successor, I received 50 more 
per annum. Notwithstanding low wages, the regularity 
of work and the simplicity orEff^enapled. the people to 

save consierae sums every year. 

Such as there was of fashion was in the direction of 
the plainest living, and in opposition to ostentation in 
residence, furniture, dress, food, or equipage. It was re- 
publicanto be plain, simple, unaffected, and of "the people. 
Ivicl gloves, dress coats, and silk dresses were hardly known 
west of the Alleghanies. There were no millionaires in 
those days. Men with fifty or a hundred thousand, dollars 
(10,000 to 20,000) were spoken of throughout the 
country as the millionaire is now. Indeed, there are 
probably more millionaires in New York city to-day than 
there were men in the whole country in 1830 who were 
worth a hundred thousand dollars. The first pianoforte 
manufactory was founded in 1822, but was so insignificant 
that in 1853 it turned out only fifteen pianos a week. 
Few carriages were made till 1840. Works of art were 
rarely seen. The first picture gallery of any consequence 
was that of the Pennsylvania Academy, Philadelphia, v 
opened in 1811. Other cities remained till a recent date ^ 
without important art_cotfections. Libraries existed in ; . i .;. 
"^oTTege^nain^the public buildings of the State capitol, 
but few collections of books were accessible to the people. 
'Previous to 1830 only three or four cities had such 
libraries, and these were unimportant. 

In those days every village and country district had 


its universal genius who could turn his hand to anything, 
from drawing a tooth to mending a clock. The doctor of 
divinity had usually the functions of doctor of medicine 
as well. The doctor of the body had no brother doctor of 
the soul ; he was both himself. The lawyer was attorney, 
counsellor, real estate agent, banker, and barrister in one. 
With increasing population, handicrafts and professions 
have become specialized ; and communities, however 
small, are now generally well supplied with men 
trained to their special vocations, to which they confine 

A. community of toilers with an undeveloped continent 
$ before them, and destitute of the refinements and elegan- 

&* | \cies of life, such was the picture presented by the 

IpC \\Republicfiftyyearsago. Contrasted with_fcat_of_to^aj ' 
we might almost conclude" that we "were upon another 
planet and subject to different primary conditions. If 

Jj-h*^ the roads throughout the country are yet poor compared 
with those of Europe, the need of good roads has been 
rendered less imperative by the omnipresent railroad. It 
is the superiority of the iron highway .in America which 
has diverted attention from the country roads. Macaulay's 
test of the civilization of a people by the condition of 
their roads must be interpreted, in this age of steam, to 
include railroads. Communication between places is now 
cheaper and more comfortable than in any other country. 
Upon the principal railway lines the cars luxurious 
drawing-rooms by day, and sleeping chambers by night 
are ventilated by air, warmed and filtered in winter, and 
, si* cooled in summer. Passenger steamers upon the lakes and 

fl\V^ ' rivers are of gigantic size, and models of elegance. The 
variety and quality of the food of the people of America 
excels that found elsewhere, and is a constant surprise to 
Europeans visiting the States. The dress of the people 
is now of the richest character far beyond that of any 
other people, compared class for class. The comforts of 
the average American home compare favorably with' those 
of other lands, while the residences of the wealthy classes 
are not equalled anywhere. The first-class American 


residence of to day in all its appointments excites 
the envy of the foreigner. One touch of the electric 
button calls a messenger ; two touches bring a telegraph 
boy ; three summon a policeman ; four give the alarm of 
fire. Telephones are used to an extent hardly dreamed of 
in Europe, the stables, gardener's houses, and other out- 
buildings being connected with the mansion ; and the 
houses of friends are joined by the talking wire almost as 
often as houses of business. Speaking-tubes connect the 
draw ing- room with the kitchen ; and the dinner is brought 
up " piping hot " by an elevator. Hot air and steam pipes 
are carried all over the house ; and by the turning of a 
tap the temperature of any room is regulated to suit the 
convenience of the occupant. The electric light is coming 
into use throughout the country as an additional home 
comfort. Indeed there is no palace or great mansion in f /) C \* 
Europe with half the conveniences and scientific appli- \I / 
TnebescAmerican mansions. 

New York Central Park is no unwortny rival ot ttyde , 
Park and the Bois de Boulogne in its display of fine &i) , 
equipages ; and in winter the hundreds of grace- 
ful sleighs dashing along the drives form a picture prettier 
than anything London can boast. The opera houses, 
theatres, and public halls of the country excel in magnifi- 
cence those of other lands, if we except the later construc- 
tions in Paris and Vienna, with which the New York and 
Philadelphia opera houses rank. The commercial ex- 
changes, and the imposing structures of the life insurance 
companies, newspaper buildings, hotels, and many edifices 
built by wealthy firms, not only in New York but in the 
cities of the West, never fail to excite the European's 
surprise. The postal system is equal in every respect to 
that of Europe. Mails are taken up by express trains, 
sorted on board, and dropped at all important points with- 
out stopping. Letters are delivered several times a day in 
every considerable town. The uniform rates of postage 
for all distances, oftn exceeding three thousand miles, is 
only two cents (one penny) per ounce. 

In short, the conditions of life in American cities may 


be said to have approximated those of Britain during the 
fifty years of which we are speaking. Year hy year, as 
the population advances, the general standard of comfort 
in the smaller Western cities rises to that of the East. 
Herbert Spencer was astonished beyond measure at what 
he saw in American cities. " Such books as I had looked 
into," said he, " had given me no adequate idea of the 
immense developments of material civilization which I 
have everywhere found. The extent, wealth, and magni- 
ficence of your cities, and especially the splendor of New 
York, have altogether astonished me. Though I have not 
visited the wonder of the West, Chicago, yet some of your 
minor modern places, such as Cleveland, have sufficiently 
amazed me, by the marvellous results of one generation's 
activity. Occasionally, when I have been in places 
of some ten thousand inhabitants, where the telephone is 
in general use, I have felt somewhat ashamed of our own 
unenterprising towns ; many of which, of fifty thousand 
inhabitants and more, make no use of it." 

There is little difference between the municipal in- 
stitutions of the new and the old lands, but no contrast 
can be greater than that between their country districts. 
- The unfortunate people of monarchies have reason to 
envy the American in many Yespictsy1but in none more 
keenly than for the ppHWtiny nf his local township and 
county organizations. If my American readers were 

y informe of the chaos prevailing throughout the 
., fyn country districts of England, they would be at a loss to 
understand how a people who speak the English tongue 
could have tolerated it so long. The Church has a 
certain share in local matters, especially as regards edu- 
cation ; and the clergymen, vicars, rectors, and curates 
are found upon the select boards which manage all local 
affairs. Then the " lords of the manors," the owners of 
lands, have also a share. The squire and the parson are 
really the powers which attend to everything, and manage 
all to their own liking. The palace of my lord duke is 
assessed to pay taxes less in amount than the moderate- 
sized villa of the new man, who is not in the ruling 


coterie. Every little country district has its "ring." 
For in place of one " ring " in the Republic there are 
twenty in the Monarchy. The offices are naturally dis- 
tributed to the favorites of the landlords and the parsons. 
The people of the district have no voice whatever in the 
matter, since they are excluded from voting for county 
officials ; only those who are possessed of a certain amount 
of property, or who reside in large houses and pay large 
rents, and who are consequently of the ruling classes, are 
permitted to vote. The majority of the people, there- 
lore, have no interest in the community as a community. 
There is no soil for the growth of local patriotism. 

In the British towns, however, a pleasing contrast to 
this sad picture is presented. In these manhood suffrage 
prevails and, in many if not all cases, women possessed 
of property are also entitled to vote. The result is a 
degree of attention to municipal affairs upon the part of 
the hest citizens of the towns which is rarely found even 
in America beyond the borders of the old settled States, 
if at all. The proceedings of the town council, including 
the speeches of every member, are regularly published at 
length in the local newspapers. Sometimes as much as 
four columns are occupied by the report of this local 
parliament, and no reading is so much enjoyed, or excites 
a deeper interest in the community. It is true, one out- 
side of the boundaries smiles to read of really able men, 
the local manufacturers and merchants of the place, dis- 
puting upon the correctness of a charge of five pounds 
six and eight pence for repairing the town-house clock, 
or an increase of ten pounds in the salary of the town 
clerk ; but the Imperial Parliament itself is not seldom 
engaged upon trifling matters, and it is this attention to 
details which insures a proper disposition of the public 
funds, and an excellent government of the municipality. 

The magistrates and town councillors are held in the 
highest honor, and one hears in Britain of Provost 
Matthews or Provost Donalds, premiership and local im- 
provements being characterized as during this or that 
"administration." The resident of the town hears the 
F 2 


names of prominent public men, but these are mere 
abstractions to him, and furnish no material basis for 
admiration ; but when the provost passes he sees in him 
concentrated glory, the pride of power, the "real 
presence " as it were. 

From the town councils the nation is drawing some 
of its foremost leaders. Mr. Chamberlain and Alderman 
Kenrick began their education in that of Birmingham ; 
Mr. Storey his in that of Sunderland, and the late George 
Harrison his in Edinburgh. My experience of the town 
community in Britain gives me the highest possible esti- 
mate of the power of the masses to produce beneficial 
changes through the selection of men best qualified for 
the work. 

The time has not yet arrived for as complete and 
effective municipal institutions throughout the Republic 
as those of Britain, but we see in the more settled parts 
that we are arriving at similar results. While, therefore, 
the municipalities of the old land are not excelled by 
any in the new, and are upon the average better, the 
country districts of Britain have institutions which are a 
disgrace to a people. The stolid ignorance of the masses, 
their seeming contentedness with a life befitting the 
swineherds of early Saxon times, their dependence upon 
what they call their " betters," and the sycophantic vices 
which aristocratic rule ever produces in the poor, are 
positively sickening to the American, who naturally con- 
trasts the situation with that at home, and especially 
contrasts the men and women produced by the two 

" You see then," says the narrow, uninformed Tory 
squire, as he shows his American visitor the condition of 
the masses around him ; " you see how utterly unfit 
these people are for what you call self-government and 
the equality of the citizen. Bless you ! if we didn't 
look after them they couldn't live." He does not often 
hear the proper reply, but I flatter myself he does some- 
times. " Give these people all the rights and privileges 
you possess in this district, and before you die, unless 


you drop off suddenly, the result will surprise you. 
Never can they be transformed from practical serfdom 
except by imposing upon them the duties of citizens, and 
then educating them to the proper performance of those 
duties. You are just like the foolish mother who would 
not permit her boy to go near the Avater till he had 
learned to swim. Throw him in. Be at his side to see 
that he does not quite drown, but be careful not to assist 
too much. Don't bolster him up until he is exhausted 
and ready to sink." This same Tory squire will descant 
at dinner upon the mission his country holds for the 
improvement of inferior races throughout the wo rid J 
wholly oblivious to the fact that it would be difficult 
find among any subject race in any part of the world 
more ignorant, debased, and poverty-stricken communit 
than that which the autocratic system of his class 
produced within a few miles of his own gate. No man 
can see so clearly the mote in his brother's eye and be 
so blind to the beam in his own as the country magnate 
of England. He feels, at least he professes to feel, for 
every people but his own. \ 

A short description of the republican country organiza-^ 
tions will probably be interesting to the British people, 
and even to the American who is top apt to enjoy his . 

blessings without paying much attention to their sources. \^fC* 
The subdivision of States into counties, and of counties v 
into townships for purposes of local self-government, have 
not been made upon a uniform plan ; the earlier States 
present many points of difference in these divisions, but 
the newer States of the West and Northwest, which com- 
bine much the greater area of the country, may be said 
to follow the same general mode. It is that alone which 
I think worth while to describe, since it is the recent and 
distinctively American practice. 

Iowa is one of the most creditable communities in the 
Union, and I shall give a glimpse into her local govern- 
ments. The genesis of these home parliaments is very 
simple. First comes a settler, axe in hand, who erects a 
log cabin, clears the ground, and plants whatever seeds he 


maybe blessed with. Then comes another and another 
who do the same upon adjoining land, until a dozen or 
more families are near together. Two wants are now felt 
roads or paths between these houses, and from the 
hamlet to the nearest market town or railway station, and 
a school for the children. There is no central authority 
to provide these, and finally the hardy settlers resolve to 
have a meeting and talk matters over. They vote to tax 
themselves and construct them. Somebody must be 
designated to assess the tax, somebody to collect it, some 
one to supervise the work, and some one to keep the 
accounts, etc. Here are the beginnings of the tax assessor, 
collector, county supervisor, and town clerk, and after a 
while to these are added the constable and the justice of 
the peace. 

Many a township record begins like that of Burlington 
in Calhoun County, Michigan. 

" Organized in 1837, and held its first township meeting April 3 
of that year, electing Justus Goodwin, supervisor ; O. C. Freeman, 
town clerk ; Justus Goodwin, Gibesia Sanders, and Moses S. 
Gleason, justices of the peace ; Leon Haughtailing, constable and 
collector; established six road districts; voted $100 to build a 
bridge across the St. Joseph River, and $50 for bridging Nottawa 
Creek ; voted 50 for common schools, and $5 bounty for wolf 

Ah, that $50 for common schools ! That was the vote 
of votes, gentlemen. Just see, wherever we peer into the 
first tiny springs of the national life, how this true panacea 
for all the ills of the body politic bubbles forth education, 
firings tinri, p.rhi nation. Through all the history OI Hie 
land runs this care for the golden thread of knowledge, 
upon which to string the blessings and achievements of an 
educated, triumphant democracy. 

And will you note also that no mention is made of the 
" birth " or " rank " of these village Hampdens. It may 
safely be inferred that neither was thought of in that 
democratic meeting. The fittsgt r man was what 
the occasion demanded, and no doubt wise choice was 
made upon the only sensible basis : 

" The tools to those who can best use them." 


The township is, as a rule, six miles square, as all the 
territories are divided into such areas by the government 
surveyors. As population increases, twelve to fifteen 
townships band together and form the greater political 
division, the county, the larger Home Rule circle.. 

The county officials are usually elected for terms of 
two years, although in many States annual elections are 
held. Suffrage is invariably universal, and electoral dis- 
tricts equal. All officials are paid, but their salaries are 
extremely moderate. The county town is selected, of 
course, in democratic fashion by a fair vote. By vote of 
the people are elected at short intervals not only all 
county political officials, including the sheriffs and other 
magistrates having authority, and the county superinten- 
dent of education, the road supervisors, and guardians of 
the poor, but the judges themselves, and why not 1 Who 
are so deeply interested in the able and pure administra- 
tion of justice as the masses of the people, the poorer 
classes of the people who may be trusted to elect the men 
least likely to lean unduly to the side of the rich, the 
powerful, and the strong? If judges must have leanings, 
and being but human, they must be influenced, even 
xmeonscipusiy, py tneir environment^, by all means let 
ulings ~lean to TLrtueBBKle^ 'which is alwas, 

with very rare exceptions, nesmeof the poor and the 

Many counties at last form the third and largest circle 
of Home Eule, the State, which in turn with other States 
constitute the Federal system of the Republic. These are 
little centres within centres of .H ^^:! an( i the ex- 
perience gained of their healthfu!ne?s IB ff?matters political 
is such as to bring about the general rule that the central 
authority shall do nothing which the State can do for 
Itself, the State nothing which the county can do for 
itsejf^jmd the county nothing for the towrisTi7p~whicir"i t 
can do for itself. As su?6 as the BUR Shines, lii propo"r- 
tion as government recedes from the people immediately 
interested, it becomes liable to abuse. Whatever 
authority can be conveniently exercised in primary 


assemblies should, therefore, be placed there, for there it 
is certain to produce satisfactory results. 

Jefferson was indeed a far-seeing statesman, and he 
says : 

" These wards, called townships in New England, are the vital 
principle of their governments ; and have proved themselves tlie 
wisest inventions ever devised by the wit of man for the perfect 
exercise of self-government and for its preservation." 

The American believes in Home Kule down to the 
smallest divisions, and has shown an admirable dislike of 
centralization. He will not call upon any authority to 
help him as long as he can help himself. Divide society 
into as many and as small divisions as you please, the 
smallest still remains a complete epitome a microcosm 
of the whole. The council of a city is a perfect miniature 
of the Imperial Assembly. The observer recognizes its 
pocket editions of Cleveland, Gladstone, Elaine, and 
Salisbury ; in the life of the city there stand the local 
Beecher and the local Spurgeon, the Spencer, Fiske, 
Huxley, Marsh, the Drs. Flint, Dennis, Mackenzie, the 
Black and the Howels. Yes, it has even its Arnold, 
Holmes, Lowell, Browning, and Whitman all in minia- 
ture, no doubt, as befits the small stage upon which these 
tiny actors perform. Men and women divide into a few 
classes, and in every village these classes exist, and the 
smaller the body the more clearly defined the line between 
them in society. Oh, yes, there is even society in these 
villages, and leaders of fashion too all the absurd things 
as well as the good things are present, not one missing ; for 
as each grain composing the block of marble has within 
itself all that makes marble marble, so each gathering of 
men and women, no matter how small, has all that makes 
empires empires. Statesmen have but to allow free play 
to these forces to produce harmonious action. The 
American always does this in town and country. The 
Briton has pursued a different course, except recently in 
the towns, and the effect of exclusion from the manage- 
ment of their local affairs upon the character of the 
masses throughout the country districts has been deplor- 


able. They are not yet men, they are in spirit only 
serfs. But as the right to vote for members of Parliament 
was granted them last year, and they have just voted en 
masse against the ruling class, the tide has begun to turn 
at last, and there must soon arise among them an irre- 
sistible movement for Home Rule within their own small 

The truest account I have found of the condition of 
the masses of the American people who live in the 
villages and small towns, as distinguished from the large 
cities and from the country, is that concerning New 
England in Professor Fiske's excellent little book, 
" American Political Ideas." I give my readers this de- 
scription, and certify of my own knowledge to its entire 
truthfulness : 

" As a rule, the head of each family owns the house in which he 
lives, and the ground on which it is built. The relation of land- 
lord and tenant, though not unknown, is not commonly met with. 
No sort of social distinction or political privilege is associated with 
the ownership of land, and the legal differences between real and 
personal property, especially as regards ease of transfer, have been, 
reduced to the smallest minimum that practical convenience will 
allow. Each householder, therefore, thougli an absolute proprietor, 
cannot be called a miniature lord of the manor, because there exists 
no permanent dependent class such as is implied in the use of such 
a phrase. Each larger proprietor attends in person to the cultivation 
of his own land, assisted perhaps by his own sons, or by neighbors 
working for hire iii the leisure left over from the care of their own 
smaller estates. So, in the interior of the house, there is usually 
no domestic service that is not performed by the mother of the 
family and the daughters. Yet, in spite of this universality of 
manual labor, the people are as far as possible from presenting the 
appearance of peasants. Poor or shabbily-dressed people are rarely 
seen, arid there is no one in the village whom it would be proper to 
address in a patronizing tone, or who would not consider it a gross 
insult to be offered a shilling. As with poverty, so with dram- 
drinking and with crime ; all alike are conspicuous by their absence. 
In a village of one thousand inhabitants there will be a poor-house, 
where five or six decrepid old people are supported at the common 
charge ; and there will be one tavern, where it is not easy to find 
anything stronger to drink than light beer or cider. The danger 
from thieves is so slight that it is not always thought necessary to 
fasten the outer doors of the house at night. The universality ofj 
literary culture is as remarkable as the freedom with which all I 


^persons engage in manual labor. The village of a thousand in- 
habitants will be very likely to have a public circulating library, in 
which you may find Professor Huxley's Lay Sermons, or Sir Henry 
Maine's Ancient Law ; it will surely have a high-school, and half a 
dozen other schools for small children. A person unable to read 
and write is as great a rarity as an albino, or a person with six 
fingers. The farmer who threshes his own corn and cuts his own 
firewood has very likely a piano in his family sitting-room, with the 
Atlantic Monthly on the table, and Milton and Tennyson, Gibbon 
and Macaulay, on his shelves, while his daughter, who has baked 
bread in the morning, is, perhaps, ready to puint on china in the 
afternoon. In former times theological questions largely occupied 
the attention of the people ; and there is probably no part of the 
world where the Bible has been more attentively read, or where the 
mysteries of Christian doctrine have, to so great an extent, been 
made the subject of earnest discussion in every household. Hence, 
we find in the New England of to-day a deep religious sense, 
combined with singular flexibility of mind and freedom of thought." 

Such is the Democracy ; such its conditions of life. 
In the presence of such a picture can it be maintained 
that the rule of the people is subversive of government 
and religion 1 "Where have monarchical institutions de- 
veloped a community so delightful in itself, so intelligent, 
so free from crime or pauperism a community in which 
the greatest good of the greatest number is so fully at- 
tained, and one so well calculated to foster the growth 
of self-respecting men which is the end civilization 
seeks ? 

" For ere man made us citizens 
God made us men." 

The republican is necessarily self-respecting for the laws 
of his country, in full accord with the laws of God, begin 
by making him a man indeed, the equal of other men ; 
and believe me, my readers, the man who most respects 
himself will be found the man who most respects the 
rights and feelings of others. 

The rural Democracy of America could be as soon 
induced to sanction the confiscation of the property of 
their richer neighbors, or to vote for any violent or dis- 
creditable measure, as it could be led to surrender the 
President for a king. Free^in^jiitiitipns develop all the 
best and noblest characteristics, lind these" always lead 


in the direction of the golden rule. These honest, pure, 
industrious, patriotic people 'rSalfy do con- 
sider \vTTat "tliey would have others" ao to them. They 
ask themselves what is fair 1 !Nor is there in Britain so 
conservative a body of men ; but then it is the equality 
of the citizen just and equal laws republicanism, 
they are resolved to conserve. To conserve these they 
are at all times ready to fight and, if need be, to die ; 
for, to men who have once tasted of the elixir of political 
equality, life under unequal conditions could possess no 

To every man is committed in some degree, as a sacred 
trust, the manhood of man. This he may not himself 
infringe or permit to be infringed by others. Hereditary 
dignities, political inequalities, do infringe the right of 
man and hence are not to be tolerated. The true demo- 
crat must live the peer of his fellows, or die struggling 
to become so. 

It only remains for those still held in the toils of 
feudalism in the parent land to vindicate their right to 
rise to the full stature of equal citizenship, since by the 
greater part of the English speaking race this position 
has been already acqxiired through the Triumphant 



" All nations have their message from on high, 
Each the Messiah of some central thought 
For the fulfilment and delight of Man : 
One has to teach that labor is divine." LOWELI. 

SUCH is the mission of the Republic, for there are few 
drones in the republican hive, and these are not 
honored. If a man would eat he must work. A life of 
elegant leisure is the life of an \inworthy citizen. The 


Republic does not owe him a living, it is he who owes 
the Republic a life of usefulness. Such is the republican 

During the colonial period the industries of America 
were cramped and repressed by the illiberal policy of the 
imperial government. The occupations of the people were 
necessarily confined to those connected with the culti- 
vation of the soil. The varied pursuits which now dis- 
tinguish the Eepublic were unknown. " The colonies 
have no right to manufacture even so much as a horse- 
shoe nail," was the dictum of a leading English states- 
man ; and in accordance with this doctrine, the early 
settlers were hampered by restrictions which, but for 
their injurious effect on American industries, would 
appear ludicrous to us of modern times. The manufacture 
of hats was forbidden ; the making of paper gave offence ; 
and even the weaving of homespun cloth for domestic 
use was regarded as indicating a rebellious spirit. Iron 
could not be manufactured beyond the condition of pig ; 
and none but British vessels were permitted to trade with 
the colonies. 

But do not let us reflect upon our mother-land for this. 
Even in pursuing this policy she was not behind her day. 
What were colonies for unless to be of direct advantage 
to the country which created and fostered them 1 Why 
should Britain undertake new outlets for her people and 
her commerce, if her children were to prove ungrateful 
and defeat the only end the parent-land had in view in 
nursing them into life ? Such was the accepted view of 
the time in regard to colonial possessions. It is to the 
credit of Britain that she now sees how futile is the 
attempt to extend commerce through colonization, or to 
interfere with the internal affairs of her children. She 
permits them to foster what they please, to trade freely 
with all nations upon any terms the colonies fix for 
her own trade with them. True it must be said her 
offspring are not very grateful children ; they turn against 
their mother with surprising harshness. When desired 
financial aid requires it, our Canadian friends flatter the 


dear old lady into opening her purse-strings, to give 
tlio spoiled child what she begs. Canada is very dutiful 
upon such occasions, but she taxes her mother's pro- 
ducts all the same to foster manufactures upon her own 

The Republic boldly puts on a tariff and announces 
that she means to have within herself the manufacturing 
facilities which distinguish her parent, and- to beat her 
in manufacturing if possible ; and she has become the 
greatest manufacturing nation the world has ever known. 
1 like this boldness ; having set up for herself and being 
a free and independent State, the Republic has a right to 
do as she' "pleases?" """Canada's hypocritical and ungrateful 
conduct merits and inspires only contempt. She has no 
business to tax her good mother's manufactures to pro- 
tect her own, but if she does it, she should at least cease 
her loyal whine and announce in honest fashion that 
she intends to assume the responsibilities of national 
existence and no longer to rely upon her mother's 

But why talk of Canada, or of any mere colony 1 
What book, what invention, what statue or picture, what 
anything has a colony ever produced, or what man has 
grown up in any colony who has become known beyond 
his own local district? None. N"or can a colony ever 
give to mankind anything of value beyond wood, corn, 
and beef. If Canada and the Australian colonies were 
free and independent republics, the world would soon see 
the harvest of democracy in noble works, and in great 
minds, and for the mother of these nations the result 
would be infinitely better even as to trade. Besides, she 
would be far prouder of her progeny, which in itself is 
not a bad return for a fond mother like her. 

If Lord Rosebery were to succeed in his amusing Im- 
perial Federation fad (which, happilyfls impossible), 
these nations in embryo would be stifled in their cradles. 
Imagine the great democratic continent of Australia 
really subject to the little island, and to the funny 
monarchy and its antiquated forms. I have heard before 


of the tail wagging the dog, but it must have been a very 
big tail and a very small dog. Britain will form a very 
diminutive tail to the Australia of the next generation. 
No ; the English-speaking continents of America and 
Australia and the parent, Britain, will be separate political 
communities, but one day linked together in a league of 
peace, one provision of which will be that all international 
disputes shall be settled by it. 

With the independence of the Republic came tho 
natural reaction of the suppression of occupations just 
spoken of. The reaction has not quite spent its force 
even to this day, so hard is it to eradicate national bitter- 
ness which springs from oppression. With surprising 
energy the people began to turn their condition of colonial 
dependence into a condition of national independence, 
industrial as well as political. The long European wars 

IAvhich followed fostered the embryo industries of the 
Republic by hindering the importation of European manu- 
factures, a result further assisted by a tariff; and, though 
disaster followed this system of over-stimulation, the 
eventual condition reached was enitlicritty~"SaTisfactory. 
By the year 1830 many industries were firmly established, 
and since that period their development has proceeded 
with a regularity which even the terrible Civil War was 
unable to check. 

The occupations of the people of half a century ago 
. appear strangely primitive when contrasted with those 
of present times. Indeed, the difference is more like that 
of live centuries than of five decades. Take as an ex- 
ample the shoe manufacture at Lynn, Massachusetts. 
Fifty years ago a visitor to this village would have heard 
the beat, beat, beat of many hammers issuing from 
small wooden sheds erected against the sides of tho 
houses. These were the sounds of the disciples of St. 
Crispin working away, with last upon knee, and making 
perhaps one pair of shoes per day. During the summer 
the same men became farmers or fishermen, and the vil- 
lage ceased to resound with the shoemakers' hammers. 
The present city of Lynn, with forty-five thousand in- 


habitants, has numerous fine buildings of great height 
and length, which are the lineal descendants of the little 
wooden sheds of fifty years ago. In these, boots and shoes 
are made by the million, and with hardly any handling by 
the sons of St. Crispin. Machines now do all the cutting, 
the hammering, and the sewing. Massachusetts is the 
shoe State par excellence. In 1835, according to Mulhall, 
there were in the State thirty thousand more bootmakers 
than in 1880, yet in the latter year the factories produced 
boots worth 70,000,000 ((.14,000,000) more than they 
did in 1835. 

Changes equally great took place in the nature of work 
in textile industries. In 1830, woollen, linen, and cotton 
manufactures were largely conducted in the household. 
In Hinton's " Topography of the United States " we read 
that " many thousands of families spin, and make up 
their own clothing, sheets, table-linen, etc. They pur- 
chase cotton yarn, and have it frequently mixed with 
their linen and woollen ; blankets, quilts, or coverlets, in 
short, nearly all articles of domestic use, are chiefly made 
in the family. It is supposed that two-thirds of all the 
clothing, linen, blankets, etc., of those inhabitants who 
reside in the interior of the country are of household 
manufacture. It is the same in the interior with both 
soap and candles." But many forces were at work revolu- 
tionizing the industrial methods of the day. The 
steam-engine was gradually replacing the water-wheel, or 
supplementing it when winter bound fast the rivers, 
thereby insuring to employees regularity of work in fac- 
tories, and releasing manufacturers from the incubus of 
idle capital during half the year. Then railroads and 
canals were rapidly increasing the facilities for distribu- 
ting the products of manufacturing centres. Further 
great improvements in machinery placed manual labor 
more and more at a discount. Thus, in 1834, a spindle 
would spin on an average from one-sixth to one-third 
more than it did a few years previous. Indeed, it was 
said in 1834, " that a person could spin more than double 
the weight of yarn in a given time than he could in 1829* " 


And so there resulted a complete change in the manner 
of life of the people. Instead of working with the old- 
fashioned spinning-wheel in country farm-houses, or the 
hand-loom in the -rural cottage, spinners and weavers 
gathered together in largo towns. And here we have 
one cause of the great growth of towns as compared 
with the country, which has been referred to in a previous 

A large proportion of the people fifty years ago were 
engaged in agriculture, another pursuit in which mecha- 
nical appliances have since worked a complete revolution. 
The transformation is shown with startling vividness by 
two extracts : 

" Among new inventions to increase the pauperism of England, 
we observe a portable steam threshing machine." New York 
Evening Star, August, 1834. 

"Dr. Glin, of. California, has forty-five thousand acres under 
wheat. On this farm is used an improved kind of machinery ; each 
machine can cut, thresh, winnow, and bag sixty acres of wheat iu a 
day." JfttaH' Progress of the fTorld, p. 499 (date, 1880). 

In view of such a contrast we hardly need the assur- 
ance of Mr. H. Murray, who, writing in 1834, says: 
"Agriculture is in its infancy in the United States." 
The statement which follows is also interesting : " The 
country," he adds, " is covered with dense dark woods. 
Even the State of New York is still three-fourths forest." 
Since that period the expansion of agriculture has been 
phenomenal. The farms of America equal the entire 
territory of the United Kingdom, France, Belgium, Ger- 
many, Austria, Hungary, and Portugal The corn fields 
equal the extent of England, Scotland, and Belgium ; 
while the grain fields generally would overlap Spain. 
The cotton fields cover an area larger than Holland, and 
twice as large as Belgium. The rice fields, sugar, and 
tobacco plantations would also form kingdoms of no in- 
insignificant size. And such is the stage of advancement 
reached by American agriculturists, that Mulhall estimates 
that one farmer like Dr. Glin or Mr. Dalrymple, with a 
field of wheat covering a nundred square miles, can raise 



as much grain with four hundred farm servants as five 
thousand peasant proprietors in France. 

Notwithstanding this, it is pleasing to know that not- 
even with the advantage here implied are these gigantic 
farms able to maintain the struggle against the smaller 
farms owned and cultivated by families. 

The Republic to-day is, as it ever was, a nation of 
workers. The idlers are few much fewer than in any 
other great nation. A continent lies before the American, 
awaiting development. The rewards of labor are high ; 
and prizes are to be won in every pursuit. The family which 
strikes out boldly for the West, settles upon the soil and 
expends its labor upon it, may confidently look forward 
to reach independent circumstances long before old age. 
The mechanic with skill and energy rises first to foreman- 
ship and ultimately to a partnership or business of his 
own. As the country fills, these prizes naturally become 
more and more difficult to secure ; but the very knowledge 
of this acts as an additional incentive, and impels men to 
"make hay while the sun shines." 

The-American works much harder than the Briton. 
His ap~pTIcaHoh is greater ; his hours are ionger~; nis noli- 
days fewer. Until recently, a leisure class has scarcely been 
known ; and even now a man who is not engaged in some 
useful occupation lacks one claim to the respect of his 
fellows. The American must do something, even if dis- 
posed to be idle ; he is forced to join the army of toilers 
from sheer impossibility to find suitable companions for 
idle hours. One conversant with the mother and child 
lands is particularly struck with the difference between 
Britons and Americans in this regard. If a party of 
educated and agreeable gentlemen are wanted to join in a 
pleasure excursion, twenty are available in Britain to one 
in this high-pressure America. The^anerican has always 
so nm ch jbodp . Even when tCe'HEaniilyieaves nome in 
tire summer, tne man returns to town every few days to 
hammer away at something. The English gentleman, on 
the contrary, seems always to have a few days he can call 
his own for pleasure. Ladies are equally available upon 


both sides of the ferry. .The American woman seems to 
have quite as much leisure as her English sister. I must 
not fail to note, however, the signs of change which begin 
to appear. A small number of the best men of this gene- 
ration, especially in the Eastern cities, having inherited 
fortunes, now devote themselves to public cares, not neces- 
sarily political, as a Briton would infer, and discard the 
lower ambition of adding more to that which is enough. 
The roughest and most pressing work, that of clearing 
and settling the land, has been done to a great extent ; 
and the influences of refinement and elevation are now 
patent everywhere. It is thus that a free society evolves 
that which is fitted for its highest ends. 

The census of 1880 shows that the number of persons 
pursuing gainful and reputable occupations was over 
seventeen and a quarter millions, or thirty-four and one- 
half per cent, of the total population. This proportion is 
greater than that shown by the census of 1870. Each 
census is no doubt taken in a more thorough manner than 
the preceding one the last being the most complete 
enumeration ever made of any people. But even allow- 
ing for this, it is evident that owing to the extensions of 
the factory system, the increased division of labor, and 
especially to the greater number of occupations open to 
women, a larger proportion of Americans are now at work 
than ever before. 

The increased employment of women is very marked. 
In 1880 the ratio had increased to eleven hundred and 
ninety as against one thousand in 1870, nearly twelve per 
cent., while that of men increased only from one thou- 
sand to ten hundred and sixty-seven, less than seven per- 
cent. It is clear that the American woman is 'steadily 
conquering her right to share with man many occupa- 
tions from which she has been excluded. But her 
advance is, I fear, in no less degree indicative of a 
growing necessity to swell the earnings of the family. 

Lowthian Bell, when in America, remarked that he 
had heard always of great inventions made in manu- 
facturing by the Americans, and of their wonderful apti- 


tnde in this department of industry; but lie found after 
all that Britons had dono a large part of this work. 
This is corroborated by the horse-shoe machines of Mr. 
Burden, a sturdy Scot ; Mr. Thomas, a Welshman, 
who first smelted pig-iron with anthracite coal ; Mr. Chis- 
holm, of Dumfermline, Scotland, who has created the 
extensive steel rail and steel wire mills at Cleveland ; 
Isaac Stead, an enterprising Englishman, who first wove 
tapestry in Philadelphia; Mr. "Wallace, founder of the 
famous brass mill at Ansonia, and many others. It is^ 
indeed, quite interesting to note how great a proportion 
of the manufacturing of America is controlled by the 
foreign-born British. Forty-nine per cent, of all Scotch 
and English in the United States are engaged in manu- 
factures a ratio much higher than that shown by any 
other nationality. Immigrants from British America 
are also largely occupied in manufacture, the ratio being 
forty-four per cent. Native Americans are mostly en- 
gaged in agriculture, and contribute but nineteen per cent, 
of their number to manufactures. Forty-three per 
cent, of the Irish-born are engaged in personal and pro- 
fessional services. So it can still be claimed that Britons 
do the manufacturing of the world, and weTmust credii to 

only the hitherto unequalled sum ofpro- 
ducts of our native land, but to a large extent the still 
greater sum of the Kepublic's. Nineteen of every hun- 
dred native Americans engage in manufacturing occupations 
against forty-nine per cent, of these tough Islanders 
just three times as many in proportion to numbers a 
ratio which is probably substantially maintained in their 
progeny. "We must not let the Yankee claim all the 
credit for the manufacturing supremacy of his country. 
What would it have been but for the original stock 1 De- 
mocracy is entitled to all, for there is not in all the land 
one who is not a democrat. But, as between the native 
and imported democrat, the strain of British blood, neve? 
excelled if yet equalled, must be credited with more than 
its due share. See, my countrymen, of what your race 
is capable when relieved from unjust laws and made 
o 2 

8 4 


the peers of any, under republican institutions. Man 
is a thing of the spirit; the Westerner who weighed 
two hundred pounds when drowsy, and more than a 
ton when he was roused, is exactly like the man torn 
under a king, and denied equality at birth, compared 
with himself when he is invested under the Kepublic with 
the mantle of snvftrpurnt.y Tim djowsyJHriton becomes a 

^The earnings of the people compare as follows with those 
of England, where labor is better pa^l than elsewhere in 
Europe : 



Iu England . . 19 7 per week, 
lu America . . 24 1 , 


*. a. 

In England . . 26 7 per week 
In America . . 43 3 


*. d. 

In England 31 per week. 

In America, New York ... 54 6 
In Chicago .... 60 6 
The average per annum of operatives of all kinds is 35 0*. lc?. 
in England against 73 in the United States. 

/ Messrs. Clark & Co. and Coates & Co., the extensive 

thread manufacturers of Paisley, Scotland, who have 

\ similar mills on this side, have stated in evidence that the 

/ wages paid in their American mills are fully double those 

/ paid in Paisley. In all branches of the iron and steel manu- 

{ facture wages here are fully double what they are in 


The cost of living has been much greater in the Ee- 
V public, not that the workingman cannot live here as 
/cheaply as in Britain, but that he will not do so. Large 
earnings and certainty of steady employment lead to in- 
creased wants and to their gratification. The workers 
demand better houses and furniture, better food, better 
clothing, more books and newspapers, and spend their 
larger earnings to secure these. There are one hundred 
and seventy-live thousand pianos, organs and harmoniums 


annually made in America, and three- fourths of these 
remain in the country. Nothing is more suggestive than 
a fact like this, showing as it does that thousands pur- 
chase these instruments, which those in similar positions 
in other countries would never dream of possessing. 

The relative cost of living in Britain and America has 
been subjected to a great j^aage during the past few 
years in favorofthelatter." It is a^tomsBnTg~ho"wchcap 
the food and 7;lothTfig~oT"tTTe masses have become. Tho 
food of course never was as high as in Britain, for most 
of this goes from this side. It was in clothing that the 
American was at a disadvantage. Articles of similar kind 
are now asserted to be quite as cheap throughout America 
as in Britain. House rent has fallen very much indeed. 

The best authority we have is Mr. Jos. D. Weeks, 
Secretary of the Western Iron Association, an English- 
man by birth, who spent much time upon the other side 
investigating this important subject. I give his letter to 

PITTSBURGH, PA., December 16, 1885. 

" Absence from the city lias prevented an earlier reply to yours 
regarding relative cost of living in the United States and Great 

" The purchasing power of a dollar in the hands of an American 
workman is considerably in excess of what its equivalent would bo 
in the hands of an English workman. That is, a dollar will buy 
more food in the United States than 4?. ld. will in England. It 
will buy considerably more flour (as you know but little breal is 
bought in this country compared with the amount bought abroad, 
most families here baking their own bread), more meat, provisions, 
bacon, ham, vegetables, eggs, butter, cheese, farm products of all 
kinds, tea, coffee, more oil, a little less sugar, in many parts of tho 
country more fuel. As to dry goods and clothing, it will buy more 
sheeting, shirting, prints or calicoes, and as much of many kinds of 
clothing such as workingmen wear, but in other cases less. House 
rents are higher here. It is, of course, to be understood that I am 
speaking, so far as relates to clothing, of the grades that most work- 
men buy. Of course imported cloths cost more, as does what is 
called high class tailoring. 

" I made a very careful estimate once with the following 





From $300 to 

From $150 to 

$ 150 (00 to 00) a year. 

$8W (90 to 120) a year. 

Subsistence . . 

Gl ) 

1'er cent. 
03 \ 

Clothing . . . 
Kent .... 
Fuel .... 

6 J 

G\ 5 

Sundry Expenses 

3 3 

5 5 

Total . . 



NOTE. Above from Eeport Massachusetts Bureau of Labor 

" Now, I estimate that on subsistence the American workingman 
lias an advantage of at least twenty-five per cent.; on clothing, 
nothing j ou rent, the English workingmau has an advantage of 
thirty-three and one-third per cent. ; and on fuel and sundry 
expenses I concede an equality. Then take the above table as 
representing each one dollar expenditure of the American working- 


Income $300 to $150 
per year. 

Incomfi $450 to $600 





Clothing . 
Kent . . 
Fuel . . 

Sundry Expc S'.'S 






Total . . 





' That is, if the relative modes of living in England and the 


United States of two classes of workmen are the same, it will cost 
ten per cent, more in England than in the United States. 

" Bat the English workman, as a rule, does not live as well ns 
the American, and it is just here that the fallacy exists in the 
statement that it costs the American workman more to live than it 
docs the English. It does, for he lives hotter, spends more money j 
hut this is not the true basis of comparison. The real question is : 
In which country will one dollar, or its equivalent, purchase more 
of a given article of consumption of a given grade ? I answer 
unhesitatingly, on the whole, in the United States. 
" Very truly, 

" Jos. D. WEEKS." 

As a rule, the American workingman is steadier than 
his fellow in Britain much more soher and possessed of 
higher tastes. Among his amusements is found scarcely 
a trace of the ruder practices of British manufacturing 
districts, such as cock-fighting, badger-haiting, dog- 
fighting, prize-fighting. Wife-heating is scarcely ever 
heard of, and drunkenness is quite rare. The manu- 
facturer in America considers it cause for instant dis- 
missal, and is able to act, and does act upon this theory, 
thereby insuring a standard of sobriety throughout the 
works. During all my experience among workingmen 
I have rarely seen a native American workman under the 
influence of liquor, and I have never known of any 
serious inconvenience or loss of time in any works re- 
sulting from the intemperance of the men. Even on 
the Fourth of July the blast-furnaces are run with accus- 
tomed regularity, and if the " glorious Fourth " be passed 
successfully, all other temptations are naturally harmless. 
It is upon Independence Day, if upon any day in the 
calendar, that the labouring citizen feels impelled to give 
vent to his feelings in violent demonstrations of ine- 
pressible joy. 

This calls to mind the story of one of the principal 
iron masters of Western Pennsylvania in days gone by. 
Passing his mill on the Fourth, on his way to church as 
a patriotic duty (for in those times churches were open 
for service on that day, and preachers were accustomed 
to torture the American eagle till it screamed), he heard 
the sound of busy hammers clanking rivets up. Stopping 


liis "buggy, he listened a moment in doubt, then alighted 
and walked to the spot, to find a party of men hard at 
work repairing a leaking boiler. At work on the Fourth 
of July ! Degenerate republicans ! when he was on his 
Avay to church to thank God for establishing the inalien- 
able rights of man. He was the son of an Englishman, 
and his father had left England because of his repub- 
licanism. He could not stand it, but cleared the mill of 
every man, swearing he would not have a man about him 
who would work a stroke upon the sacred day. His 
remonstrance to the manager was no less emphatic. 
"What are you doing," he roared, "repairing boilers 
to-day 1 Aren't there plenty of Saturday nights and 
Sundays for this kind of work 1 " To his last day that 
manager never completely regained the respect and con- 
fidence of my dear old patriotic friend. This desecration 
of the Fourth, although forgiven, was never forgotten. 
The settlement with the offender, too, was only partial ; 
for my friend, while admitting that the manager was a 
competent man, always had a qualifying " but " at the 
end of the eulogy. And the " but," as we all knew, had 
reference to the one unpardonable offence. 

^ e ^ uman ^ ees * n *ke American hive work in four 
grand divisions. First, seven and three-quarter millions 
, are detailed to tickle Mother Earth with the hoe, that 
she may smile with a harvest, and to tend the herds and 
flocks the cattle upon a thousand hills and the sheep 
Uftfl&in the dewy fields, through which wander the com- 
tfaft^ plaining brooks, making the meadows green. A pleasant-, 
healthful life is this, redolent of nature's sweetest odors, 
full of the rest and quiet of peaceful primitive days. 
Thfse toilers grow the roses of life, and are to be much 
envied ; and if the farmer's life in America is a life 
of toil, it is none the worse for that. It is the idle 
man who is to be pitied. The farmer is the man 

" Who holds his plough in joy." 
Next to these envied out-of-door workers comes the 


second division the manufacturers, three million eight 
hundred thousand strong about half as many as the 
devotees of Ceres, these hardy sons of Vulcan. Every 
form of inventive genius or of mechanical skill finds 
fitting occupation in this army. Variety of pursuit is of 
vital consequence to a nation, and wo find it here. Pent 
up in mills and factories from morning to night, he- 
grimed with smoke and dirt, amid the ceaseless roar of 
machinery, these cunning toilers fashion the things con- 
ceived by the mind of man from pins to anchors. In 
this class are embraced those who literally live in the 
bowels of the earth, who down deep in unfathomable 
mines rob the earth of her hidden treasures, and drag 
them forth for the uses of man. It is notable, that while 
in agriculture only seven per cent, of the division are 
females, in this branch the ratio is no less than sixteen 
per cent. Women do so much of the lighter manufac- 
turing work in America, more than six hundred thousand 
being so employed. This division excites our sympathy ; 
their work is the least pleasing of all. Shut out from 
the sky, and closed in mine or factory, they seem banished 
from nature's presence. This is the class of whom we 
should think most in our Sunday regulations. On 
that one day let it be through nature that they look at 
nature's God. To shut up within walls on the seventh 
day the prisoners who have been incarcerated all the six, 
would be cruel. Is there no reformer who will act upon 
the assertion that the groves were God's first temples. 
lind lake the toilers there in their only day of liberty 1 

yet it had its advantages. Poor men and women got a 
glimpse of nature there. 

The service division, which comes next, slightly out- 
numbers the preceding class, for it reaches four millions. 
The professions the minister, the doctor, the lawyer, the 
author, etc., are all embraced ; fortunately, the " noble " 
profession of arms (that means the butchering of men) 
need not be counted in the Kepublic. The domestic 
servants are in themselves a host ; the Irish take to this 


branch much more generally than any other race. Of 
course, the percentage of females is here far greater than 
in any other of the main divisions, one million three 
hundred and sixty thousand domestic Amazons being 
enrolled, or one-third of the whole. 

The fourth and last industrial corps is that conducting 
trade and transportation, numbering a million and eight 
hundred thousand, only sixty thousand of whom are 
females. These, combined, constitute the seventeen 
millions of working bees who make the honey of the 
national hive, in which these is no room for those who 
" toil not, neither do they spin." In that hive the drones 
are not stung to death at intervals ; they are not suffered 
to come to life. If a specimen happens to escape the 
massacre, and walks about doing no useful work to justify 
his existence, the public regard him much as the country- 
man did the " dude " (masher) whom he saw for the first 
time promenading Broadway : " Lor', what lots of queer 
game one sees when he leaves home without his gun ! " 
There is jya inherited suspicion in the republican breast 

t the only thing good for th"e useless, idle, fox-hunting, 
pleasure-Kvih- inrmrais TvclrTiir-foT "iho State, if mrtH** 
shoot him, is at least "to bounce him." "When the TaTr 
young American aslced the latest 'lordling who did her 
country the honor to visit it, how the aristocratic leisure- 
classes spent their time, he replied : " Oh, they go about 
from one house to another, don't you know, and enjoy 
themselves, yon know. They never do any work, you 
know." " Oh," she replied, " we have such people too 

" Allah ! Allah ! cries the stranger- 
Wondrous sights the traveller sees; 
Bat the greatest is the latest, 

Where the drones control the bees." 

It was evidently not the democratic division of the 
English people which the Eastern traveller visited, but 
the poor oppressed land of monarchy and aristocracy, 
where honest labor naturally ranks below hereditary 




"There being education, there will be no distinction of classes." 


" Education is the only interest worthy the deep, controlling 
anxiety of the thoughtful man." WENDELL PHILLIPS. 

" THE fair fabric of justice raised by Numa," says 
Plutarch, " passed rapidly away because it Avas not 
founded upon education." No truer reason can be given 
for the decay of everything good in a State. Upon no ^t/' 
foundation but that of popular education can man erect fjt^ 9 
the_structure of an enduring civilization. This is the ^ . 
"liiialy 6 all stability, and underlies all progress. Without /vV^ 
it the State architect builds in vain. /I ] ^ 

Whether the sturdy Pilgrim Fathers were conversant 
with the conceptions of the Greek thinkers who were 
filled with projects for universal education, whether they 
were versed in the speculations of Plato's " Eepublic " or 
Aristotle's " Politics," is doubtful ; but it is certain that 
they were imbued with the spirit which animated Luther 
and Knox in regard to the education of the masses. The 
true parent of modern education was the Reformation, for 
did not Luther himself say that if he were not a preacher 
he should be a teacher, as he thought the latter the more 
important office 1 John Knox demanded a public school 
for every parish in Scotland, and it was the Protestant 
State of Germany, that first undertook the education of 
the whole people. Fortunate indeed for the world that 
the demand for religious freedom necessarily involved the 
priceless boon of secular education. 

The preamble to the Massachusetts school law of 1642 
tells the story : 

" It being one chief project of that old deluder, Satan, to keep 
men from the knowledge of the Scriptures, as in former times, 
keeping them in an unknown tongue, so in these latter times, by 
persuading from the use of tongues, so that all at least the true 


sense and meaning of the original might be clouded anil corrupted 
with false glosses of deceivers ; and to the end that learning may 
not be buried in the grave of our forefathers, in church and 
commonwealth, the Lord assisting our endeavors : 

" It is therefore ordered by this Court and authority thereof, 
that every township within this jurisdiction, after the Lord hath 
increased them to the number of fifty householders, shall then 
forthwith appoint one within their town to teach all such children, 
as shall resort to him, to write and read, whoso wages shall he paid, 
either by their parents or masters of such children, or by the in- 
habitants in general, by way of supply, as the major part of those 
who order the prudentials of the town shall appoint ; provided that 
those who send their children be not oppressed by paying much 
more than they can haye them taught for in other towns." 

In 1700 the State of Connecticut enacted its system 
of public instruction, which embraced the following as its 
first obligation : 

An obligation on every parent and guardian of children, 
" not to suffer so much barbarism in any of their families 
as have a single child or apprentice unable to read the 
holy word of God, and the good laws of the colony ;" 
and also, " To bring them up to some lawful calling or 
employment " under a penalty for each offence. 

The right of private judgment presupposes a judgment 
to judge with. This presupposes knowledge, and know- 
ledge is the result of education. Hence, the first duty of 
the State, as the Fathers saw it, was to educate the 
children thereof. Our Pilgrim Fathers carried with them 
from their old to their new home a realizing sense of the 
importance of this subject. It may well be said of them 
as Froude has said of the Scotch "With them education 
was a passion," for scarcely had they got roofs over their 
heads in the forest before we find them establishing 
public schools and appointing schoolmasters. Here is a 
copy of one of the earliest records of Boston : 

" The 13th of ye 2nd month, 1635. It was then generally 
agreed upon yt our brother Philemon Purmount shall be intreated 
to become schoolmaster for ye teaching and nourturing of all 
children with us." 

Next year, only six years after the first settlement of 
Boston, four hundred pounds was appropriated towards 


the establishment of a college. This sum exceeded the 
entire tax levy of the colony for the year. 

Eleven years later the State of Massachusetts made the 
support of schools compulsory and education universal and 
free ; and we read that "in 1G65, every town had a free 
school, and, if it contained over one hundred families, a 
grammar school. In Connecticut every town that did not 
keep a school for three months in the year was liable to a 

Such was the policy adopted by the men of the people 
who sought these northern shores that they might esta- 
blish and enjoy the blessings of civil and religious 

Far different was the policy of the aristocratic element 
with which Virginia was cursed. Twenty years after the 
establishment of free schools by law in New England, 
Sir William Berkeley, Governor of Virginia, wrote : 

" I tbank God there are no free schools or printing, and I hope 
we shall not have them these hundred years. For learning has 
brought heresy and disobedience and sects into the world, and 
printing has divulged them, and libels against the best government. 
God keep us from both." 

Even in the early part of the eighteenth century, says 
Sir Charles Lyell, "there was not one bookshop in 
Virginia, and no printing-presses," though " there were 
several in Boston, with no less than five printing offices, 
a fact which reflects the more credit on the Puritans, 
because at the same period (1724) there were no less 
than thirty-four counties in the mother country, Lanca- 
shire being one of the number, in which there was no 

Thus are the ideas and methods of democracy and 
aristocracy contrasted ! The former is ever seeking the 
education of the masses ; the latter from its very nature 
is ever seeking to restrain education to the few, well 
knowing that privilege dies as knowledge spreads. It 
was death to teach a slave to read. The instinct which 
led the slave-holder to keep his slave in ignorance was a 
true one. Educate man, and his shackles fall. Free 


education may bo trusted to burst every obstruction which 
stands in the path of the democracy towards its goal, 
the equality of the citizen, and this it will reach quietly 
and without violence, as the swelling sapling in its growth 
breaks its guard. " Ballots not ballets " is the motto of 
educated republicanism, and " Obedience to Law " its 
fundamental requirement. 

Owing to the incompleteness of early censuses it is not 
easy to ascertain the exact condition of education in 1830. 
But contemporary writers sometimes make estimates which 
are accessible. From these we learn that in 1831 the 
proportion of school children to population in America was 
fifteen per cent., or double the European average, and 
second only to that of Prussia. It would have been as 
high as twenty-two per cent, (much beyond the Prussian 
average) but for the slave States, where the negro slaves 
were not educated. In 1832 a European visitor said : 

" The State of New York stands foremost on the list of school 
children. It counts in the proportion of one to three and one-halt 
of the number of its inhabitants ; the New England States one to 
five ; Pennsylvania and New Jersey, one to eight ; Illinois one to 
thirteen ; Kentucky, one to twenty-five and so on. By way of 
comparison, I may just mention that Wurtemberg has one to six; 
Bavaria and Prussia, one to seven ; Scotland, one to ten ; France, 
one to seventeen and one-half; Russia, one to three hundred and 

The condition of the country in regard to education in 
1834 is summed up by a contemporary as follows : 

" In the New England States there are not less than five hundred 
thousand children educated at the common schools, and in 1830 
there were four hundred and seventy-three thousand, five hundred 
and eight white persons in these States between the ages of five and 
fifteen, and allowing for the increase of population, we may say thafc 
the benefits of elementary education are universally diffused. 

"In the States to the south and west of New York, however, 
there is reason to believe that there were one million two hundred 
and ten thousand children without the knowledge and benefits of 

Many English readers will no doubt be surprised to 
learn that the general government has nothing whatever 
to do with the education of the people. This duty be- 


longs to the different States, and is fulfilled by them each 
iii its own way. A system of public education is in opera- 
tion in every State and Territory in the Union, and 
twenty-eight out of the thirty-eight States have provided 
normal schools for the training of teachers. There are 
ninety-eight of these institutions. All have recognized 
the duty of providing for every child a free common school 
education; and in furtherance of this end the general 
government has frequently made liberal grants of public 
lands to the various States. Even as early as the Conti- 
nental Congress the question of affording aid to education 
was discussed; and in 1785, immediately after the close 
of the War of Independence, Congress passed an act 
reserving for school purposes the sixteenth section of each 
township of the public land of the Territories. When 
the Territories were admitted as States they were made 
trustees of these lands. Under this and subsequent laws, 
twelve of the new States came into the Union possessed 
of magnificent educational endowments. In 1848, Con- 
gress granted an additional section in each township for 
the same purpose. Nearly sixty-eight million acres of 
land have been given in this manner to twenty-seven 
States. Further special grants of land have from time to 
time been made for the creation of State universities ; and 
in 1862 each State received a grant either of land within 
the State or an equivalent amount of scrip, for the purpose 
of establishing and endowing schools of agriculture and 
the mechanical arts. The total amount of land hitherto 
devoted by the general government to educational endow- 
ments exceeds seventy-eight millions of acres, an area 
greater than the whole of England, Scotland, and Ireland 

Throughout the history of the Republic great liberality 
has been displayed in the grants for educational purposes. 
The people who cannot be induced to make the salaries of 
officials half as large as those of the officials of the petty 
powers of Europe, nevertheless urge their representatives 
to vote millions upon millions for educational purposes^ 
The ratio of money spent on the army to that spent on 

9 6 


education is in startling contrast to that of Europe. 
America is the only country which spends more upon 
education than on war or preparation for war. Great 
Britain does not spend one-fourth as much, France not 
one-eleventh, or Russia one-thirty-third as much on edu- 
cation as on the army. Here are the figures, which the 
patient democracies of Europe will do well to ponder. 
How long yet will men, instigated hy royal and aristo- 
cratic jealousies, spend their wealth and bast energies 
upon means for slaughtering each other ! 





United K' 
Other Eur 

United Sta 


opcan Stat 

t(8 . 





Thus for every pound spent by Great Britain for the 
education of her people, more than four pounds are squan- 
dered upon the army and navy. The Republle_ reverses 
this practice and spends nearly two pounds upon educa- 
tion for every one spent for war. "" 

Truly has Longfellow written : 

" Were half the power that fills the world wish terror, 
Were half the wealth bestowed on camps and courts, 
(liven to redeem the human mind from error, 
There were no need of arsenals nor forts. 
The warrior's name would be a name abhorred] 
And every nation that should lift again 
Ils hand against a brother, on its forehead 
Would wear forevermore the curse of Cain." 


While the New England States fully embraced the idea 
of free and universal public instruction very early in their 
history, the great State of New York adjoining them only 
reached this height after a struggle of many long years. It 
was not until 1851 that the popular vote sanctioned the prin- 
ciple that the State must educate all its children. The State 
now spends eleven millions of dollars per annum (more 
than two millions sterling) upon education. A free 
college in the city of New York is filled with the best 
students from the public schools ; a free normal college 
provides higher education for female teachers, and in 
every part of the State normal schools produce great 
numbers of accomplished teachers. 

The amounts expended upon education by each State, 
per capita of school population, range from $18.70 
(3 15s.) in Nevada, to 85c. (3s. 6|tf.) in North Carolina, 
and 81c. (3s. 4|cZ.) in New Mexico. It is an interesting 
fact that the States which spend most pro rota on educa- 
tion are not the old settled States of New England, but 
the young, vigorous States of the North-west. Thus 
Iowa spends almost double in proportion to its wealth 
what Massachusetts does ; and Idaho, not yet admitted 
as a State, excels all the States in this respect. Wiscon- 
sin, Minnesota, Kansas, and Nebraska are all far in 
advance of the New England States. The Southern 
States rank last, though not so far behind as might be 
expected. Indeed, several of them, such as Maryland, 
Virginia, West Virginia, and South Carolina, exceed the 
average of the New England States. 

The United States have not escaped entirely the reli- 
gious difficulty in their march to universal free education, 
but fortunately opposition to the system has been confined 
to one sect the Roman Catholic all others having united 
in giving to it enthusiastic support. The dissatisfied 
Catholics have not been strong enough even in the city 
of New York, where they are much more powerful than 
elsewhere in the Union, to disturb the complete exclusion 
of dogmatical teaching which everywhere characterizes 
the public schools of America. A few verses from the 


Bible are generally read without comment in the schools 
as a public exercise once each day. At this no one takes 
offence, and every one, with the exception of the Roman 
Catholics, is satisfied, as all feel that the public school is 
not the proper place for religious instruction. 

So vitally important to the child is education considered 
throughout America that not even the rigid discipline of 
the Roman Catholic Church is strong enough to restrain 
Catholic parents from sending their children to the public 
schools. Remonstrances against this soul-destroying 
practice were recently made simultaneously in all the 
Catholic churches of Pittsburgh, Penn., and so vehement 
were the denunciations hurled at offenders that the Com- 
mercial Gazette had a thorough canvass made to determine 
to what extent Catholics were availing themselves of the 
public schools. Statements were asked from the prin- 
cipals of fifty-six schools, and replies received from 
twenty-four. The others declined from conscientious 
scruples to inquire into the religious beliefs of the 
scholars. Most significant this of the complete toleration 
which prevails in this country upon the subject of religion, 
and surely not without value as proving to Britain how 
slight is the religious difficulty, if it be a difficulty at all, 
in the path of free secular education. For this reason, 
some of the strongest Catholic districts were unreported ; 
nevertheless, it was clearly proven that one half as many 
Catholic children attend the public schools as the de- 
nominational schools, notwithstanding the fulminations of 
the priests and the command of the Vicar of Christ, the 
supreme pontiff, which is quoted in the recent attack in 
Pittsburgh against the godless public schools. I was so 
much surprised at the result here stated, that before quot- 
ing it I applied to the highest authorities for confirmation, 
among them, to my distinguished fellow-countryman, 
Mr. William Wood, who has long been one of the Com- 
missioners of Education in the city of New York, and he 
not only affirms that the result at Pittsburgh may be 
taken to represent the average situation throughout the 
country, but that in New York and other large cities 


Catholic children receive their education even in greater 
numbers side by side with Protestant children in the 
State schools. So let the Church continue to issue its 
mandates against free, godless education in the Republic. 
The Pope, being infallible, must be consistent, and this 
is his nineteenth century bull against the comet, and will 
probably be as efficacious as the older one. 

The public schools are supported mainly by direct 
taxation, and no tax is so willingly paid as " the school 
tax." In 1880, eighty-two and a half million dollars 
(sixteen and a half millions sterling) were raised for 
schools four-fifths by direct tax, the other fifth being 
derived from rents, or sale, or proceeds of school lands. 

Following the public schools, in which every child is |(/V> V 
entitled to receive a common school education free of ' 
expense, we come to the various institutions for higher 
education, with which the State has nothing to do. These 
are mainly private schools, and depend for maintenance 
upon fees from scholars. Some of them are authorized by 
State legislative enactments to grant degrees and diplomas, 
but as the standards of States differ greatly, a school 
entitled in Tennessee to call itself a university or college 
might not rank as either in Massachusetts. We must, 
therefore, caution our readers not to be misled by figures 
which show so many more colleges and universities in the 
former than in the latter. 

Schools higher than primary public schools in the 
United States number three thousand six hundred and 
fifty, and contain nearly half a million students. Of these, 
three hundred and sixty-four are universities and colleges, 
with fifty-nine thousand five hundred and ninety-four 

The number of public schools in the country is estimated 
at one nun'afea ana seventy^seven thousand one hundred, 
making in all one hundred and seventy-nine thousand eight 
hundred and eighty-four schools, and the army of teachers 
number two hundred and seventy-three thousand, of whom, 
one hundred and fifty-four thousand three hundred and 
seventy-five are women. A glorious armyjthis. Let me 


quote from the report which the Eev. Mr. Eraser made to 
the British Government some years ago : 

"American teachers are self-possessed, energetic, and fearless, 
admirable disciplinarians, firm without severity, patient without 
weakness ; their manner of teaching lively, and their illustrations 
fertile. No class could ever fall asleep in* their hands. They are 
proud of their position and fired with a laudable ambition to main 
tain the credit of the school ; a little too sensitive of blame, and a 
little too greedy of praise, but a very fine and capable body of 
workers in a noble cause." 

The position of America in regard to reading and 
writing in 1880 is this : out of thirty-six and three- 
quarter million persons of ten years of age and over, 
nearly five million, or thirteen per cent., are unable to 
read, and six million and a quarter, or seventeen per cent., 
are unable to write. In 1870 the percentage was sixteen 
and twenty per cent, respectively, so that the march 
against ignorance is still onward. The gain in the number 
able to write is significant. For every thousand inhabi- 
tants who could not read in 1870 there were b'ut eight 
hundred and fifty- three in 1880, and for every thousand 
who could not write in 1870 there were but eight 
hundred and twenty-six who could not do so in 1880. In 
this improvement the colored population participated to 
almost as great an extent as the white, which encourages 
the friends of that race to look hopefully to their future. 
A satisfactory feature is the great reduction of illiteracy 
in the foreign born element, for of every thousand foreign 
born who were illiterate in 1870 there were but seven 
hundred and fifty-nine in 1880, which testifies to the 
well-known fact that the character of recent immigration 
has been far higher than ever before. Of course the 
native illiterate are found mainly in the Southern States 
and among the colored people. Of colored people more 
than ten years of age in 1880, no less than seventy per 
cent, were unable to write, while of the native white born 
(Southern as well as Northern) there were only eight 
and seven-tenths per cent, in this class. In the Southern 
States, taken as a whole, not more than sixty out of every 
hundred inhabitants over ten years of age can write. 


That the condition of tho colored population is duo to 
circumstances and not to any inherent lack of capacity or 
disposition, we have the best evidence in the fact that 
while seventy-five and six-tenths per cent, of this class in 
the Southern States are illiterate, the Northern States of 
the Xorth Atlantic group present an average of illiteracy 
as low as twenty- three and two-tenths per cent., or not one- 
third as great. 

Throughout the whole North, where tho mass of the 
people reside, it may be said that the native bom 
American, male and female, can read and write ; for the 
percentage returned as unable to do so does not exceed 
an average of five per cent. Five persons in every 
hundred most of whom, no doubt, are mentally incapaci- 
tated for instruction. 

If we compare the number of white males of twenty 
one years and over who cannot read or write, with those 
of ten years and over, we see at once how education has 
advanced in recent years. The percentages of all the 
States rises a grade in every instance when those educated 
within the ten year period only are considered, those 
showing betwen two and five per cent, of the latter, show 
between five and ten per cent, when the twenty-one years 
class is embraced. In other words, the children of to-day are 
more generally educated than those of the preceding decade. 
> The average percentage of white males of twenty- 
one years and over who cannot read and write is seven 
and^ eight- tenths,, and of white temaies to total white 
females is eleven jjer_ cent., only three more women than 
men in every hundred, showing that women in the Re- 
public are not far behind. In 1870 the percentages wera 
as follows : male illiterates eighteen and twenty-six 
hundredths per cent., female illiterates twenty-one and 
eighty- seven hundredths per cent. The decrease of 
illiteracy in ten years is one of the most surprisingly clear 
marks of the country's progress. 

Schools for the superior instruction of women numbered 
in 1880 two hundred and twenty-seven and contained 
twenty-five thousand seven hundred and eighty students. 


In 1870 there were but one hundred and seventy-five such 
schools and eleven thousand two hundred and eighty- 
eight students. These statistics show a rate of increase 
far beyond that of any other branch, and prove how 
rapidly women are being advanced in education. 

The average wages per month paid teachers in the 
public schools vary greatly in the different States. 
Nevada pays her female teachers $77 (15 8s. Od.), and 
her male teachers $101.47 (20 5s. 10J.), which is the 
highest ; Massachusetts $30.59 (6 2s. 4d.), and $67.54 
(13 10s. 2d.); South Carolina $23.89 (4 15s. 7d.),and 
$25.24 (5 Is. Od.). 

The ratio of average attendance to school population 
by States in 1880 ranged from sixty-four in Maine to 
nineteen in Louisiana, and the average number of school 
days from fifty-four in North Carolina to one hundred 
and ninety-two in New Jersey. 

As we have already seen, the public schools of America 
cost in 1880 over sixteen millions sterling. This is very 
unequally distributed among the States. Virginia City, 
Nevada, spends most per head upon her scholars, namely 
$34.81 (almost 7). Then comes Sacramento, California, 
with $34 (6 16s.) per head. The city of Boston, Mas- 
sachusetts, ranks third with $33.73 (6 1 5s.) per head, 
which is more than three times that expended by London. 

While the American living is ever mindful of the cause 
of education he does not forget it at death, and often 
bequeaths large sums to his favourite school or college. 
In 1880 such benefactions exceeded five and a half 
millions of dollars (1,100,000). 

Now let us just pause a moment to ask how monarchical 
and aristocratic institutions affect the minds of wealthy 
people in this respect. Great Britain is, next to her child, 
the richest country in the world. Her aristocracy, as a 
class, is by far the richest in the world. There is none 
comparable to it in the Eepublic. But who ever heard of 
a nobleman leaving large sums for the nigfier" 'education 
of his felWWs, or indeea lor any public use whatever 1 A 
physician in London, Sir Erasmus Wilson, dies and leaves 


a hundred thousand pounds, half his entire fortune, to 
the College of Physicians and Surgeons, to be used to ex- 
tend its usefulness. Who can point to a member of the 
aristocracy Avho has risen beyond his own family, which 
is only another name for himself ! The vain desire to 
found or maintain a family or to increase its revenues or 
estate is the ignoble ambition of a privileged order. What 
they give or leave as a class, with few exceptions, is 
"nothing to nobody." We can say of the average 

The wretch concentred all in self, 

Living shall forfeit fair renown, 

And doubly dying shall go down 

To the vile dust from whence he sprung, 

Unwept, unhouored, and unsung. 

The few illustrious exceptions, all the more notable 
for their rarity, are wholly insufficient to redeem their 
order from the just reproach of grasping from the too 
indulgent State all that can be obtained, and using it 
only for aims which end with self. They can justly 
plead, perhaps, the influence of example in the highest 
quarters where surely better things might have been ex- 
pected even thrones hoard for self in these days. But 
his is but the legitimate outcome of the monarchical 
and aristocratic idea. No fair fruit is to be expected 
from privilege. 

The Republic has a remarkable list of educational 

institutions trastowftd upon it bv its miinnr.nm>s among 
them Johns-Hopkins University, Cornell University, 
Vanderbilt University, Packer Institute, Vassar College, 
Wellesley College, Smith College, Bryn Mawr College, 
and the Stevens Institute. These have each cost several 
millions of dollars, Johns-Hopkins alone having an en- 
dowment of $5,000,000 (1,000,000), the gift of one 
man. Only a few days ago the announcement was made 
that Leland Stanford, President of the Central Pacific 
Railway and at present United States Senator from 
California, has transferred property valued at seven 


million dollars to establish a worthy university on tho 
Pacific coast. 

The ratio of population to students enrolled by classes 
of institutions in 1880 shows that one out of every five 
attend the public schools, while secondary education is 
received by one out of every four hundred and fifty-five ; 
university and college education by one out of every eight 
hundred and forty-two ; commercial and business educa- 
tion by one out of every one thousand eight hundred and 
forty-eight ; a scientific education by one out of every 
four thousand three hundred and twenty-one ; a theolo- 
gical education by one out of every nine thousand five 
hundred and sixty-eight ; and a legal education by one 
out of every sixteen thousand and one. Such is tho 
record of the educational establishments of all kinds in 
the country as given by the census of 1880. 

The moral to be drawn from America by every nation is 

is : " Seek ye first the education of the people and all 
ther political blessings will be added unto you." The 
quarrels of party, the game of politics, this or that 
measure of reform, are but surface affairs of little moment. 
The education of the people is the real underlying work 
for earnest men who would best serve their country. In 
this, the most creditable work of all, it cannot be denied 
that the Eepublic occupies the first place. 

It is and ever has been with all Americans as with 
Jefferson : " A system of general instruction which shall 
reach every description of our citizens from the richest to 
the poorest, as it was the earliest so shall it be the latest, 
of all the public concerns in which I shall permit myself 
to take an interest." Here speaks the inspired voice of 
triumphant Democracy, which holds as its first duty the 
universal education of the people. Of all its boasts, of 
all its triumphs, this is at once its proudest and its best. 
"We say to the old Monarchies of the world : Behold 
Democracy produces as its natural fruit an educated 



" The religion of a people, prevailing at any time or place, is the 
highest expression of which that people is theii and there capable." 

THE relation of the Church to the State is one of the 
problems which, the Republic may be said to have solved. 
It is decided that it has no relation whatever. 

The State has as much relation to religion as to 
medicine, and no more ; and it might as well establish 
homoeopathy as its medical system, as episcopacy as its 
religion. It might as Avell undertake the health of the 
body as of the soul indeed, far better, since it is a much 
less complex task. 

In the Republic the regulation of religious beliefs by 
the State would be regarded as absurd as the regulation 
of dress. It is not even admitted that the State has a 
right to patronize one form of religion much less ono 
sect to the prejudice of other forms. Buddhism, Con- 
fucianism, or the crudest Fetichism, stand in exactly tho 
same relation to the State as any of the sects which derive 
their creeds from the teachings of Christ. No form of 
worship, no religious creed is selected by the State for 
special favour. The " heathen Chinee " in New York 
may worship his ancestors with a restful consciousness 
that the black-coated Christian, passing with gold- 
edged book to church, is not more favored by the 

And how does this system of perfect religious equality 
work 1 Perfectly, as to all sects in general ; much better 
than the advocates of the State Church system in tho 
mother-land could believe for tho Anglican Church in 
particular, which is vigorous to a degree which might 
well be envied by the parent stem. So far from religion 
being neglected by the people, the number of religious 
edifices in proportion to population is far greater in 


America than in Britain, and the congregations frequent- 
ing them are quite as large. In England there are thirty- 
five thousand churches, or one hundred and forty-four to. 
each one hundred thousand inhabitants ; in the United 
States there are ninety-two thousand churches, or one 
hundred and eighty-one to each one hundred thousand 
inhabitants. Of the latter, more than eighty thousand 
are owned by Protestants. 

The steps leading to this remarkable result display the 
same general character as every other kind of advance- 
ment in America: progress by leaps and bounds. At 
the beginning of the century, students of Yale and 
Harvard were accustomed to call themselves by the 
names of French and German infidels ; and only a small 
proportion of the students in colleges were church mem- 
bers. All this has been changed. From 1870 to 1880, 
Harvard, the most advanced of all universities, graduated 
more than fourteen hundred young men, only two of 
whom publicly registered themselves as " sceptics." In 
1800, when the population of the United States was 
about five millions, the number of communicants in the 
various churches was three hundred and sixty-four 
thousand, an average of one to fifteen of the population. 
In 1880, with a population of fifty millions, the num- 
ber of Protestant communicants was more than ten 
millions, an average of one in five. If the members of 
the Eoman Catholic Church be included, the proportion 
Avill be largely increased. 

The multiplication of handsome religious edifices is 
equally remarkable. Many American churches are noted 
for their beauty. All the large cities have examples of 
church architecture which would not discredit towns 
having a history as old as that of Coventry ; and in rural 
districts the church spire rises above the cottages and 
trees as frequently as they tower over the hamlets in 
the old country. One of the grandest churches of 
modern times is undoubtedly the Roman Catholic Cathe- 
dral of Fifth Avenue, New York, a massive Gothic 
structure of white marble ; and in the same avenue are 


quite half a dozen other churches of great beauty and 
architectural merit. 

It is estimated that thirty millions, or nearly thi'ee- 
fifths of the entire population of the country, are within 
the pale of the Christian Church. Twenty-four millions 
of these are Protestants, of whom the Methodist and 
Baptist claim the largest proportion ; next in numerical 
order come the Presbyterian, Roman Catholic, Lutheran, 
Christian (Disciples of Christ), Congregational, Episcopal, 
United Brethren, and a host of sects which it would 
tire one to enumerate. The buildings and other pro- 
perty belonging to these various bodies are estimated to 
be worth in the aggregate upwards of 350,000,000 

The clergy in the United States, upwards of seventy 
seven thousand in number, are maintained solely by the 
worshippers. The government, of course, gives nothing 
to any. There is no " dissent," because no sect is 

The leading part which religion played in the settle- 
ment of this continent had an effect which continues to 
mark the American of to-day. He is a church-going 
person and a liberal contributor to the cause of the 
Church, though he has outgrown the strict and narrow 
creeds of early days. 

As late as 1705 aristocratic Virginia decreed three 
years' imprisonment, and many political disabilities upon 
any one who should a second time assert disbelief in the 
Trinity and the Scriptures ; but the government of New 
Amsterdam was rather more advanced, for in 1664 it 
decreed that no person who professed Christianity should 
be molested, fined, or imprisoned for difference of religious 
opinions. The revolutionary struggle quickened the 
march towards complete religious toleration. The fear 
that England would establish the Episcopal Church in 
America, if the colonies should bo subdued, drew to- 
gether all the other sects and all favorable to religious 
equality, and therefore opposed to the claims of the 
English Church. " This," says John Adams, " contri- 


Luted as much as any other cause to arouso the attention, 
not only of the inquiring mind, but of the common 
people, and urge them to close thinking on the consti- 
tutional authority of Parliament over the colonies." And 
the intensity of colonial opposition to the State Church 
is shown by the special instructions of the Assembly of 
Massachusetts to its agent in London, in 1768 : " The 
establishment of a Protestant episcopate in America is 
very zealously contended for (by a party in the British 
Parliament) ; and it is very alarming to a people whose 
fathers, from the hardships they suffered under such an 
establishment, were obliged to fly their native country 
into a wilderness in order peaceably to enjoy their privi- 
leges civil and religious. We hope in God that such 
an establishment will never take place in America ; and 
we desire you would strenuously oppose it ! " In addition, 
therefore, to the dissatisfaction which the State Church 
produces at home, it is justly to be charged with being 
one of the chief causes which led to the loss of the 
colonies abroad. 

When the colonies triumphed and a Constitution had 
to be made for their government as a nation, there was 
but one course possible. Since no sect could be given a 
preference, and especially not the Episcopal sect, which 
had been the least loyal of all to the cause of Independ- 
ence, it followed that perfect equality must be esta- 
blished. The State must protect all religions alike ; and 
accordingly the Constitution provides that Congress shall 
make no law respecting an establishment of religion or 
prohibiting the free exercise thereof. Such is the charter 
under which Jew and Gentile, Christian, Mahometan 
and Hindoo stand equal and secure in their rights. The 
various States soon followed the spirit of this law, Vir- 
ginia taking the lead. Provision for the support of the 
clergy was erased from their Constitutions, and yet the 
variety of healthy and vigorous religious life in the 
United States to-day is greater than anywhere else in the 
worlj fcjo much for'a"ife6 ChuTgfl Ifl 5 TfcB State. 
'e are unable to make comparisons between the 



amounts contributed each year for religious purposes fifty 
years ago and those of to-day because the census returns 
are silent upon this point. At the time of the Revolution 
(1776) there were one thousand four hundred and sixty- 
one ministers and one thousand nine hundred and fifty- 
one churches, which gave one minister for every two 
thousand and fifty-three souls and a church for every one 
thousand five hundred and thirty-eight. In 1880 there 
was a minister for every six hundred and sixty and a 
church for every five hundred and fifty- three. This 
shows that although the country has increased in popu- 
lation at a pace unknown before in the history of man- 
kind, its churches and ministers have not only kept 
abreast of this movement, but have actually exceeded it. 
Wherever the American settles he begins at once the 
erection of his school house and his church. 

The principal sects, according to the census of 1880, 
number as follows : 

Methodist . . 3,280,158 

Disciples of ClirL- 
Episcopal . 



The Roman Catholic Church claimed in 1883 to have 
6,832,954 adherents of that faith in the United States, 
but church membership is not reported. This estimate 
includes all the members of those families which are in 
any way connected with it ; the adult membership may 
therefore be estimated at two-fifths of the above nearly 
two and three-quarter millions. 

The American reader knows that in Britain the State ^7 A 
continues to establish and endow one among the numerous 
Protestant sects which it cafffP*TAe Church of England, 
and another called The Church of Scotland ; with de- 
lightful impartiality the State indorses the Episcopal 
form as The Church, i.e.. the true, divine system, south of 
the Tweed, and is equally assured that north of that small 


river the aristocratic apostolic succession becomes inopera- 
tive and the democratic Presbyterian idea constitutes The 
Church. Parliament is supreme over both, and her 
Majesty is the defender not only of the faith,. but of both 
faiths. In England she is a devout Episcopalian, in 
Scotland a Presbyterian ; but as all Scotland is of the 
latter faith, and the sects represent only the minor differ- 
ences which inevitably crop up among the polemical Scots 
in any institution, secular or religious, the State Church, 
although partaking of the nature of privilege, and hence 
insulting to the other sects as implying their inferiority, is 
not, in Scotland, to the same degree the irritating and almost 
intolerable grievance which it is in England. A Presby- 
terian family in Scotland may not belong to the Established 
Church and yet retain its social position. In England it 
would be almost, if not quite impossible, for the " Church 
people " constitute society. Episcopacy is the only fashion- 
able form of religion the only form that is " good form." 
It is the rule, and exceptions to it are not numerous, for 
Episcopal clergymen in the country districts to decline to 
meet the ministers of other denominations who are not 
clergy at all in the estimation of these the only true 
successors of the Apostles. Instead of being a bond of 
peace among people in England, religion is made by a 
State-preferred sect a bone of contention, and produces 
more discord than the Episcopal Church heals. These 
bitter quarrels do not even end at the grave ; most un- 
seemly, and discreditable disputes occur even there over 
the right or non-right of the members of other churches 
to be buried among their own people in the only grave- 
yard of the district. One cannot but marvel that a people 
so given to the observance of the outward proprieties of 
life should permit scenes which I am sure have not their 
like in even the most ignorant lands. A recent Burials 
Act of Parliament does something to remedy the evil but 
the matter is still far from being upon a proper footing. 

Thesal.eofliyj]^s is another scandal which Americans 
will Hear of with perhaps equal surprise"! There frequently 
goes with a land purchase the right of appointing the 


clergyman of a district, and as the emoluments may bo 
great, this post has a marketable value. It ranks just as 
so many additional acres in appraising the estate, and we 
constantly see advertisements ofFering for sale a clergy- 
man's position to such and sucli a " living." It matters 
not what the character or attainments of the purchaser 
may be if in orders; if he has the cash and buys his 
appointment then he is the lawful minister of the unfortu- 
nate congregation and it is powerless. 

This system results in another evil. The rich purchaser 
may not have the slightest idea of pursuing his holy 
calling. He buys a revenue of say one thousand pounds 
per year, and he hires a poor curate for one hundred and 
fifty pounds, and the difference is his profit upon the 
investment One step further, if my American reader is 
in a state to believe anything more monstrous, in the path 
of this Established Church. The right to appoint a 
minister at the death of a present incumbent is often sold 
by public sale. A poor, faithful clergyman is old and 
must soon die. How much bid for his place, gentlemen 1 
Going, going, gone ! 

This is church life in England. I often wonder how 
one of our bishops of the Episcopal Church can cordially 
take by the hand his fellow-bishops of England, the 
receivers of the disreputable fruits of this system. Arch- 
deacon Farrar has just been good enough to tell us ho 
does not wish it disturbed. Of course not, but he is not in 
a position to judge impartially since he cannot be held to 
have quite clean hands himself. 

The evils of the State Church flow from its parent, the 
Monarchy, of which it is the legitimate offspring. Its 
archbishops and bishops residing in palaces and rolling in 
wealth are the religious aristocracy ; the thousands of 
poor curates wKo^orag ^uT"e?istence upon pittances 
represent the masses. The revenues of the State Church ; 
. exceeds, five million pounds sterling. The Church owns \ 
;ill kinds of property and is sTJUfillmish about none. An - 
editorial in the London Times recently called attention to 
the charge that the Archbishop of Canterbury, walking 


between certain of his residences or churches in London, 
would pass a hundred gin palaces erected upon laud 
owned by the Church, upon which the rents were raised 
from time to time as the vile trade nourished ; but Church 
people who will sell the right to cure the souls of men 
naturally do not hesitate to sell the right to destroy their 
bodies, both strictly for cash. The present Church of 
England, of the Monarchy, is in the respects I have 
noted unworthy of fellowship with its purer offspring of 
the Republic. But my readers will not have failed to 
observe that all the evils which cling to it flow from its 
degrading connection with the State, as our own Episcopal 
Church abundantly proves that they are not inherent in the 
system. When the political aspect of the matter bo 
settled as' it is settled here, the branch of the Episcopal 
Church in Britain will become as pure as the other. 

After a trial of free and independent existence nothing 
is more certain than that a proposition from the govern- 
ment to give to the Protestant Episcopal Church of 
America the position in the State at present occupied by 
the Episcopal Church in England would be overwhelmingly 
rejected by that body as injurious to the life and useful- 
ness of the organization, and derogatory to the true posi- 
tion of religion. If the Church of England enjoyed one 
year's freedom from State control, in like manner, it 
could never be induced to return to its present dependence 
upon the State. 

As the British landlords stand to-day, who onco stood 
bewailing the coming ruin from the repeal of the Corn 
Laws, as the American slave-holders stand, who once 
stood predicting a saturnalia of bloodshed in the South 
when the slaves were freed, so will the English church- 
man stand who sees the State Church ruined by its 
separation from the State. Short-sighted man ! From 
the day the Church of England is free and independent of 
the State its power and influence will begin to grow with 
redoubled strength, and all the other sects will be stirred 
to increased effort. Indeed, an independent Church of 
England, which no longer implies the inferiority of others, 


may prove itself the power which is finally to absorb 
within its folds all the sects, and restore to Great 
Britain the unity of religious form unfortunately lost 
when the political invaded the religious domain. The 
breadth of view, the large tolerance, the fading import- 
ance attached to mere dogmas of man's own creation, 
which characterize the present Church, appear admirably 
suited for a foundation upon which, after the scandals 
resulting from State control are eliminated, can be built a 
Church which will draw all religious people to its fold and 
become in reality as in name the Church of England. 

We do not yet see in the Eepublic a tendency to the 
obliteration of sects. We do see, however, that the pre- 
liminary stage toward this has been developed. The sects 
are mingling more and more one with another in many 
great works. Co-operatioii,. embracingalLthe sects, is 
noticeable. 'l'he"Jewish~ rabbi, th'e" Catholic priest and 
TITe .Episcopal minister, and those of all the other denomi- 
nations are constantly seen together occupying the same 
platform and advocating the same measures. When this 
stage of progress toward unity is fully developed the next 
etep is not far distant. 

"Without Church-rate or tithe, without State endow- 
ment or State supervision, religion in America has spon- 
taneously acquired a strength which no political support 
could have given it. It is a living force entering into 
the lives of the people and drawing them closer together 
in unity of feeling, and working silently and without 
sign of the friction which in the mother country results 
from a union with the State, which, as we have seen, 
tends strongly to keep the people divided one from 
another. The power of the Church in America must not 
be sought, as Burke said of an ideal aristocracy, " in 
rotten parchments, under dripping and perishing walls, 
but in full vigor, and acting with vital energy and power, 
in the character of the leading men and natural interests 
of the country." Even if judged by the church accommo- 
dation provided and the sums spent upon Church or- 
ganizations, Democracy can safely claim that of all the 



divisions of the English-speaking people, it has produced 
the most religious community yet known. 



" The poor ye have always with you and the criminal classes as 
wc'.l, but the poor can be made few and the criminals less vicious by 
proper treatment upon the part of the State. No test of the place 
a State occupies iu civilization is surer than the lightness of its 
punishments and the care taken of its poor. A pitying spirit toward 
these unfortunate classes and not that represented by the grim 
authority of the law, is that which in the end lessens crime and 
pauperism, and best befits an educated community; for the end of 
all punishment and that alone which justifies it is not the vindication 
of the outraged law but the desired amendment of the offender." 

IN the old books, periodicals, and newspapers which have 
been searched for facts throwing light upon the condition 
of America half a century ago, frequent reference has been 
found to the comparative freedom of America from beg- 
gars and paupers. A writer in De Bow's Commercial 
Magazine at this period said : 

" Throughout the greater part of Virginia and Kentucky 
pauperism, is almost unknown, I passed some time ago 
the poorhousc of Campbell County, Kentucky, . . . and 
there was not a solitary inmate. And I have known a 
populous county in Virginia to have but one." And 
duriug a prolonged tour through the States by Captain 
Alexander, of the British Army, in 1832, " only one 
beggar was seen." 

But with many such indications of the absence of 
poverty among Americans fifty years ago are found 
complaints that large numbers of European paupers were 
brought in. Thus we read in the Neio England Magazine 
for 1833 that " a memorial was presented to the General 
Assembly by the Mayor and City Council of Baltimore 
calling their attention to the evils arising from the influx 


of foreign paupers. The memorial states that the number 
of emigrants who arrived at the port of Baltimore in 1831 
was four thousand three hundred and eighty one, and in 
1832, seven thousand nine hundred and forty-six ; a large 
proportion of whom were destitute of the means of sub- 
sistence. Also that of one thousand one hundred and 
sixty persons admitted to the almshouse in that city in 
1831, four hundred and eighty-seven were foreigners ; and 
that of this number two hundred and eighty-one had 
been in the country less than six months prior to their 
admission, and one hundred and twenty-one less than ono 

The Philadelphia National Gazette stated in 1834 that 
" an active and intelligent guardian of the poor in that 
city has declared, that the support of our own poor would 
be an insignificant charge, and that more than three-fourths 
of the paupers in the almshouse are exported from Europe. 
Sometimes a whole family will come almost directly from 
the ship to the almshouse." 

The New York Advertiser relates " that, in the course 
of the present season (1834) an Austrian armed ship has 
been despatched from that country to this, with a large 
number of persons on board, who were of a character 
which the Austrian Government did not incline to suffer 
to remain within their own territories, and therefore sent 
them out, in the very imposing manner just mentioned, 
and landed them in the city of New York." 

Twenty years later there was the same cause of com- 
plaint. It is related in Booth's " History of New York " 
that " during the winter of 1855 there was much suffering 
among the poor of New York, who, unable to find work, 
paraded the streets with banners and mottoes appealing 
for aid. Soup kitchens were opened in every part of the 
city, where the hungry were fed from day to day. In the 
Seventh "Ward alone, in one day in January, nine thou- 
sand persons were fed by public charity ; not one of whom 
it may be remarked in passing was an American." 

And now again there is an outcry against the importa- 
tion of paupers, which even yet has not ceased. 
I 2 


But poverty Avas not the only charge brought against 
foreigners ; they formed a large proportion of the criminal 
class. The criminal statistics of early censuses are so in- 
complete as to be untrustworthy ; but Mulhall's statement 
of present facts also represents the case in the past. He 
says : "It is remarkable that although foreigners compose 
but one-seventh of the population, they supply fourteen 
thousand offenders, or thirty per cent, of the total." 

The proportion of paupers to total population is less in 
the United States than in any other country. Indeed, tho 
\ \difference is so great as to be almost "Incredible. Britain 
vV' has a pauper army of more than a million, or one pauper 
to every thirty-four persons. America with her greater 
population has only a quarter of a million, or one pauper 
in every two hundred of her inhabitants. This statement 
is fairly representative of the difference between the Re- 
public and other European nations ; though in one or two 
cases the difference in favor of the Republic is even 
greater, as \rill be seen by the folloAving : 

United Kingdom 

Italy . 



France . . 

Low Countries . 

Spain and Portugal 

Scandinavia . 


United States . 

Thus it appears that for every pauper in the United 
States, there are twenty- one paupers in Holland and 
Belgium, and six in the United Kingdom. 

It should be further remarked that of the registered 
paupers maintained at public expense in America wore 
than one-third are foreigners. The native paupers con- 
stitute tcn-hundrcdths per cent, of the native population ; 
the foreign paupers thirty-four hundredths per cent, of 






33 per 1000 























the foreign-born element, three times more than their due 

It is gratifying to note that the colored race shows 
the smallest proportion of pauperism, further discrediting 
the wild predictions of their idleness and dissipation so 
common before emancipation. Keduced to percentages 
of the whole total of each element, the white paupers are 
fourteen-hundredths and the colored nine-hundredths. 

The American poor-law system is very different from 
that which in England has done so much to foster the 
idle and improvident Tlat the expense of the industrious 
and prudent. In many cities bureaus of charity connect 
the official with the private fustribution 01 aims, ana 
-these often procure work for the indigent instead of 
giving them money. The recipients or relief in America 
have not been taught to look always to the State for 
pecuniary help ; and the union of public and private 
charity is useful in maintaining this desirable state of 
mind amongst the poor. Where paupers regard charity 
as a right, they are apt to demand it in cases where they 
would hesitate to ask for favors. The cost of the system 
compared to that of Great Britain, where fifty million 
dollars is annually spent on paupers, further commends it. 
The Republic spends on its poor not a third as much as 

The causes of the comparative freedom of America 
from pauperism are not far to seek. In a new country 
no one who is willing to work need suffer from poverty ; 
and there is no class in America content to remain idle. 
Then the defective classes bear a smaller proportion to 
the population than is found in old countries where the 
conditions of life are harder, and lack of proper food and 
clothing and shelter results in imperfect development. 
The small proportion of deaf, dumb, and blind persons in 
the United States is also in a measure dua to the health- 
ful nature of the foreign element ; defective persons 
remain at home in Europe, and only the sound and 
vigorous emigrate. The potency of this factor is shown 
by the circumstance that while in the United States there 


is only one Wind person in two thousand seven hundred 
and twenty inhabitants, and one deaf and dumb among 
two thousand and ninety-four, in Ireland the proportion 
is one blind in eight hundred and ninety-four, and one 
deaf and dumb in thirteen hundred and forty. Private 
churity does much to remove what trace of poverty and 
distress there is in America. Orphanages, industrial 
schools, blind asylums, institutions for the deaf and 
dumb, and other charities are very numerous and are 
increasing in number. The census returns show that 
there are about as many inmates in these as in the public 
institutions. Charitable institutions classed as miscel- 
laneous number four hundred and thirty. Besides these 
there are fifty-six institutions for deaf and dumb persons, 
thirty institutions for the blind, and thirteen schools for 
feeble-minded children. 

In the treatment of these three most important classes 
Democracy shows to much advantage. The reports of 
foreign writers seem to be unanimous in the opinion that 
in no other country is so much care and attention bestowed 
upon them as in America. Many of the prevailing im- 
proved modes of teaching have been first introduced in 
the American institutions. 

Thus America exhibits not only the least poverty, but 
also the best system of alleviating it. More than half 
the distressed within her borders are relieved by volun- 
tary charity ; and this is ever encroaching on the fields of 
State charity. It is a decided gain to the world when 
compulsory charity, such as annually forces ten millions 
sterling from the pockets of the British tax-payer, is re- 
placed by the charity which blesses equally him who 
gives and him who takes ; and this is a change which is 
rapidly taking place in America. It may safely be pre- 
dicted that with the growing self-dependence which 
republican institutions foster, State charities will be 
substantially restricted to such as have reached beggary 
through gross misconduct. 

The close relation which exists between poverty and 
crime has received verification and repeated emphasis 


since Quetelet first published the results of his inquiries. 
In England it has been repeatedly shown that hard times 
bring increase of crime ; and Dr. Mayr has shown that in 
Germany a rise in the price of flour is attended by an 
increase of robberies. Cheap food, on the other hand, is 
accompanied by diminution of crime. A scientific prin- 
ciple is thus added to sentiment in the song of " The 
English Eoast Beef " 

"The man that's well fed sirs, 
Can never do ill." 

Accordingly we find that offences against property arc 
fewer proportionately in the United States than in 
European countries. 

The influence of free and universal education, together 
with th^tf of pnlitionl irrtitnf ;r rm wjijch at every point 
inculcate self-respect and stimulate ambition, must T>e 
accorded much weight in keeping the Republic "flie 
freest of all civilized nations from, pauperism ana crime. 

liumanitariari progress in the treatment of criminals in 
America is wholly the work of the last half century. 
The present generation will scarcely credit the inhuman 
treatment which the delinquent classes received during 
the preceding generation. Here are a few examples, 
taken from trustworthy sources, which give us the sad 
picture of the past : 

" During more than fifty years (from 1773 to 1827) the enlightened 
State of Connecticut had an underground prison in an old mining 
pit in the hills near Siinsbury, which surpassed in horrors all that 
is known of European or American prisons. 

" The passage to the ' Newgate Prison,' as it was called, was 
down a shaft by means of a ladder to some caverns in the sides of 
the hill. Here rooms were built of boards for the convicts, and 
heaps of straw formed their beds. The horrid gloom of these 
dungeons can be realized only by those who pass along its solitary 
windings. The impenetrable vastness supporting the awful mass 
above, impending as if to crush one to atoms; the dripping waters 
trickling like tears from its sides ; the unearthly echoes all 
conspire to strike the beholders aghast with amazement and 

" Here from thirty to one hundred prisoners were crowded 
together at night, their feet fastened to bars of iron, and chains 


about their necks attached to the beams above. The caves reeked 
with filth, occasioning incessant contagious fevers. The prison was 
the scene of constant outbreaks, and the most cruel and degrading 
punishments failed to reform the convicts. 'The system,' says the 
writer quoted above, ' was very well suited to make men into devils.' 
The prisoners educated one another in crime. The midnight revels 
were often like the howling in a pandemonium of tigers, banishing 
sleep and forbidding rest ! 

" At Northampton, Massachusetts, a dungeon is described, only 
four feet high, without window or chimney, the only ventilation 
being through the privy-vault and two orifices in the wall. In 
Worcester, a similar cell was only three feet high and eleven feet 
square, without window or orifice, the air entering through the vault 
and through the cracks in the door. This was connected with a 
similar room for lunatics. At Concord was a cell of like construction ; 
and in Schenectady, New York, it is related that three men confined 
a few hours in such a dungeon were found lifeless, though afterwards 
they were revived. 

" Mr. Edward Livingstone, the great penal reformer of this 
country, mentions, in 1822, that from fifteen hundred to two thousand 
persons of both sexes were committed to prison in each year in New 
York city, all being presumed to be innocent, and the large propor- 
tion really so, and were forced into association with old criminals, 
eating, drinking, and sleeping with them ; then after having 
learned the lesson, of crime they were turned out to practice it." 

These were the good old times we often hear of but 
never read about. The barbarity of the punishments 
which characterized the period immediately succeeding 
the Revolution had been much mitigated before 1830, 
and the substitution of milder punishments has since 
gone on with the amelioration of the criminal's life in 
prison. Surer convictions and lighter sentences mark 
the progress of penal reform. In a century or two, the 
most potent deterrent to crime will probably be the simple 
notice in the press that " in the City Court yesterday the 
conduct of so-and-so was disapproved by the jury." A 
thoroughbred needs neither whip nor spur. An educated 
man born of educated parents is the human thorough- 

The progress made in the treatment of youthful 
criminals is also to be credited to the half century wo 
are considering. Before 1830 little or nothing had been 
done to effect a distinction or even a separation in jail 


between children and adult criminals. The result of 
unrestricted intercourse between them may be imagined! 
The boy guilty of a first offence was lost ; the veteran in 
crime became his hero, and he only longed for discharge 
that he might emulate his exploits. Young girls in like 
manner were confined with the most hardened women, 
with similar results. Strange as it may seem to my 
readers of to-day, it was not till 1824 that the first re- 
formatory, the New York House of Refuge, was built. 
Its influence for good was felt at once ; and others were 
soon established, and in 1874, just fifty years after the 
initiation of the movement, there were thirty-four re- 
formatories in the country, valued at nearly eight million 
dollars. The average number of inmates was eight 
thousand nine hundred and twenty-four; while up to 
that date no fewer than ninety-one thousand four hundred 
and two boys and girls had been received, and nearly 
seventy thousand were reported as permanently reformed 
saved ! 

*' These useful institutions are an immense advance on the prisons 
which preceded them. The youth is no longer confined with the 
mature criminal ; the sexes also are separated; and at night, as a 
general practice, there is but one child in each cell, or, if in a large 
dormitory, the children are carefully watched to prevent evil com- 
munications. They are all taught useful trades, and have regular 
day instructions in schools besides religious teaching on Sunday. 
After their term of sentence has expired, or previously if their good 
conduct permit, they are indentured with worthy and respected 
farmers and mechanics." 

Numerous societies exist in the large cities for the 
care of destitute children, the best known being the 
Children's Aid Society of New York, the growth and 
success of which have been remarkable. It began its 
labors in 1853, and has provided more than thirty thou- 
sand homeless children with homes and work in the 
country. Its lodging houses shelter an average of six 
hundred per night. Its industrial and night schools 
educate and partly feed and clothe more than ten thousand 
children per year. Its great aim is to save the vagrant, 
homeless, and semi-criminal children of the city by draw- 


ing them to places of shelter and instruction and finally 
transferring them to selected homes in the country, 
there being almost an unlimited demand for children's 
labor in this country. The result of these efforts is 
startling. The commitments for vagrancy in New York 
city fell from two thousand one hundred and sixty-one 
in 1861 to nine hundred and fourteen in 1871, and of 
young girls for petty stealing from one thousand one 
hundred and thirty-three in 1860 to five hundred and 
seventy-two in 1871, the population having increased in 
the interval seventeen per cent. Here is the true point 
at which to grapple with the difficulty, right in the be- 
ginning, before the innocent child learns the ways of its 
elder associates. 

America has not been backward in applying modern 
ideas in the treatment of prisoners. Her penitentiaries 
now compare favorably with those of other nations, while 
no nation probably has gone so far in substituting mild 
for severe punishments. Repugnance to the death 
penalty is so strong that it has been abolished in several 
of the States. The large State prisons keep their 
prisoners steadily at work together during the day, and 
separate them in the cells at night. In some cases tho 
labor is sold to contractors who pay so much per man, 
but it is said that this system does not work well, as it 
brings outside influence into contact with the prisoners. 
It is more desirable that State officials should superin- 
tend and dispose of the work. Many of the prisons aro 
self-supporting or nearly so, while that of Ohio yields an 
annual profit to the State. None of the prisons rank 
higher than that of this State at Columbus. In it tho 
convict may by good behavior diminish his sentence live 
days a month, and may receive an allowance not ex- 
ceeding one-tenth of his earnings. At the end of his 
term, if he has gained the full commutation, he is re- 
stored to his rights of citizenship. ]S"o cruel or degrading 
punishments are employed, and no distinctive prison 
clothing is worn. The prison library is much used. 
Sunday school and prayer meeting are constantly attended, 


and there are two hundred well conducted members 
of the prison church. In the Massachusetts State 
prison the convicts established among themselves a 
society for mutual debate and improvement. Teachers 
and chaplains are appointed for prisons, libraries pro- 
vided, and in short these institutions are conducted 
upon the idea that it is not so important to punish the 
offender for what he has done as to improve him, so 
that he will not be likely to break the laws again. In 
no department of human effort has a greater change 
been made for the better in America than in the treat- 
ment of the vagrant and criminal classes. How to 
punish the ignorant and misguided offender is not so 
eagerly discussed as how to prevent his growing up in 
ignorance and sin, and thus becoming an offender ; nor 
does the question how to punish the criminal rank with 
the much more important query how he can be re- 
formed. This is the first consideration, and he is sur- 
rounded with libraries, teachers, chaplains, to save him 
as much as possible from vile associates during his prison 
life, and save him if possible from himself. 

In Du Boys' " History of Criminal Law " we are 
shocked to read that in the fourteenth century three 
swine were tried before a legal court and sentenced to 
death for murdering a shepherd. " The whole herd was 
also condemned as accomplices, and that part of the 
sentence was only remitted on appealing to the Duke of 
Burgundy, whose pardon was granted with all the forms 
of Chancery." And Berriat Saint-Prix enumerates more 
than eighty condemnations to death or excommunica- 
tions pronounced from 1120 to 1741 against every kind 
of animal from, the ass to the grasshopper. To us sucli 
grotesque proceedings in the name of Justice are incom- 
prehensible. The next generation, or the next beyond, 
will probably read with horror of our inflicting the 
death punishment upon human beings. Two thousand 
years ago Confucius was asked by the king whether the 
unprincipled should not be killed for the sake of the 
principled. The sage replied by asking another question : 


" Sir. in carrying on your government why should yon 
kill at all 1" Surely it is time for us to ask that question 
now. It is not the least sign of the Republic's position 
among nations that in many States the death penalty is 
already a thing of the past. 

The civilization of a people may be tested by the 
character of their punishments. The milder these are 
the more civilized the nation, as that home is to be rated 
highest in all the land in which the mildest system of 
parental government prevails, in which reproof takes its 
gentlest forms, and yet suffices. Judged by this standard 
the Democracy stands the test well. 



"And they sliall boat their swords into plow-shares, and their 
spears into priming-hooks : nation shall not lift up sword against 
nation, neither shall they learn war any more." ISAIAH. 

CERES is the prime divinity of the Republic. To her 
the American makes his most profound obeisance. Upon 
him her sweetest smiles are lavished in return. 

In 1880 the principal nations stand thus in the value 
of their agricultural and pastoral products. At the head 
.is the Republic, with 3,020,000,000 (604,000,000), 
having marched in little more than a century from the 
foot to the head of the column. Russia, with her im- 
mense area and hundred millions of popidation, follows at 
a respectful distance with $2,545,000,000 (509,000.000). 
Imperial Germany withher$2,280,000,000(45G,000,000) 
is so closely followed by La Belle France as to render 
the struggle for precedence quite interesting, for France 
shows $2,220,000,000 (444,000,000), 225,000,000 
being the production of the juicy grape. Next comes 
Austria, with three hundred and twenty-two millions as 
the product of her extensive cornlands and Hungarian 
plains. And then, sixth in the row, comes the beautiful 


Isle of the Sen, small but mighty, with $1,280,000,000 
(256,000,000) a prodigious sum for her small area. 
Italy, Spain, Australia, and Canada come last on the list, 
with a united product little more than half that of the 
Great Republic. What will the next decade show 1 
Perhaps no change in the order in which the nations 
stand, but it is certain that further and further from her 
second, and more removed from, any, will stand the 
Republic God bless her ! 

No victory of peace was so long deferred, or so com- 
plete when it came, as the conquest of the soil. A hun- 
dred years ago agriculture was in little better condition 
all over the world than it was a thousand years before. 
Indeed it has been boldly asserted that the Greeks, 
Romans, Egyptians, and Assyrians cultivated their soil 
better than any portion of the earth was tilled even a 
century ago. The alternation of crops was almost 
unknown ; the fields exhausted by frequent repetition of 
tho same crop were allowed to lie fallow, as in the time 
oi J\ loses. Drainage, where practised, was of the rudest 
kind ; and in the sodden ground crops were thin and 
poor in quality, and unhealthy as food. Farming imple- 
ments wei-3 of the most primitive type. The plough 
generally used was little better than that of Virgil's time, 
and only scratched the ground. The sower, with basket 
suspended by a cord round the neck, walked over the 
field thro w ing handfuls of grain on each side, as described 
in the parable, and as shown even now by pictures in 
rural almanacs. The reaping-hook, almost as old as the 
hills on which waved the ripened corn, was the only 
means of cutting it, while only the " thresher's weary 
flingin'-trce " of Earns enabled the farmer to separate the 
grain from the straw. 

In breeding and rearing cattle progress had been 
equally insignificant. The quality of food given to cattle 
was so bad that attention to breeding alone availed little 
in improving stock. The average weight of oxen and 
sheep sold in Smithfield market has more than doubled 
since the middle of the last century, a result to be 


ascribed to improved feeding quite as much as to increased 
care in breeding. 

The primitive condition of agriculture in America a 
century and a quarter ago, is well illustrated in the fol- 
lowing extract from a work by the Swedish traveller, 
Jialm. Speaking of the James River colonists, he says : 

" They make scarce any manure for their corn fields, but when 
one piece of ground has been exhausted by continual cropping, clear 
and cultivate another piece of fresh land, and when that is exhausted 
proceed to a third. Their cattle are allowed to wander through the 
woods and uncultivated grounds, where they are half starved, having 
long ago extirpated almost all the annual grasses by cropping them 
too early in the spring, before they had time to form their flowers or 
to shed their seeds." 

And the imperfect feeding caused the cattle to diminish 
in size generation by generation, till they grew so stunted 
and small, as to be appropriately called " runts." 

The advance made in agriculture and cattle-raising 
during the last half century has been prodigious ; and 
much of it is due either to the creation by American 
inventive genius of mechanical appliances, or to enforced 
European inventiveness resulting from American compe- 
tition. From the earliest times American statesmen have 
directed their energies to the advancement of agricultural 
arts. Washington, with a burden of care such as has 
been the lot of few, found time to superintend agricul- 
tural operations and experiments. The importance of 
agriculture to civilization formed the text of his last 
annual message to Congress ; and the last elaborate pro- 
duction of his pen, written only a week before his death, 
uas a long letter to the manager of his farms, containing 
thirty-two folio sheets of directions for their cultivation 
during several succeeding years. Most of Washington's 
successors to the Presidency gave personal attention to 
agriculture. One of the most distinguished of them, Mr. 
Jefferson, invented the hill-side plough ; and Adams, 
Calhoun, Clay, and Webster forgot the anxieties of states- 
manship in the peaceful pursuits of the farm. Beginning 
thus early, the advancement of agriculture has continued 



to be the first care of American statesmen and the 
American people, with the result that the Republic leads 
the world to-day not only in amount of agricultural 
products but in excellence of agricultural methods. 

One-fourth of the total wealth of America is employed 
in the cultivation of the soil, and that is about the pro- 
portion which agriculture 'contributes to the industrial 
product. Statistics for 1830 being untrustworthy, com- 
parisons cannot be made with so early a period ; but 
taking the figures of the census of 1850, which was very 
complete, we find that in the short space of thirty years 
the amount of improved land more than doubled. The 
following table shows the extent and regularity of the 
progress made : 





Total acres in farm 





Acres improved . 
Number of farms 





Average size of farms . 





It Avill be seen that the tendency is towards smaller 
rather than larger farms, notwithstanding the gigantic 
holdings which have been the fashion in recent years in 
some of the North- western States. The average farm 
has fallen in size from two hundred and three acres in 
1850 to one hundred and thirty-five acres in 1880. As 
this result has been reached under a system of absolute 
freedom we are justified in assuming that the cultivation 
of holdings small enough to be worked by one family 
without employing help is found to be the condition best 
fitted for survival. When the writer was in the North- 
west upon the huge estates there, sagacious agriculturists 
in the district predicted that the small farmer upon his 
eighty or at the most one hundred and sixty acres would 
eventually drive out the great capitalists who had under- 
taken to farm thousands of acres by means of others' 
labor. This is most cheering news, for it is manifestly 


better for the State that a race of citizens, each his own 
master and landlord, should inhabit the land and call a 
small portion of it his own, than that one man should be 
lord over thousands of acres and over hundreds of farm 
laborers. Political and economical ends fortunately 
unite in this the grandest of all branches of industry in 
the nation. The centralization which seems inseparable 
in manufacturing is not, we may console ourselves, to 
invade the realms of agriculture. The State is still to 
rest in security upon millions who possess and cultivate 
the soil divided into small farms. Such citizens are the 
very life-blood of the Republic. 

The improved land in 1880 was but fifteen per cent, 
of the total area, but even then, according to Mulhall, it 
produced thirty per cent, of the grain of the "world. The 
capital invested infarms andfarming was $10,600,000,000, 
(2,120,000,000), being more than three times as much 
as that invested in manufacturing, the next largest in- 
dustry. The difference between " acres in farms," and 
" acres improved " is that the former includes " woodland 
and forest," which although owned by the farmer has not 
yet been cleared for crops. This is on the average nearly 
one-half of the farm, so that the productive acreage of the- 
country may be, and no doubt soon will be, largely in- 
creased by the present farmers without adding greatly to 
the number of farms. The total number of acres under 
crop is two hundred and eighty-four million seven hun- 
dred and seventy-one thousand and forty-two, of which 
permanent meadows, pastures, orchards and vineyards 
comprise sixty-one million seven hundred and throe 
thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight acres, the 
remainder being tilled land and land sown with grass in 
rotation of crops. 

It was a great survey at the beginning of the century 
to look back over sixty-five thousand square miles that 
had been brought under cultivation in the preceding 
decade. Between 1850 and 1860, however, two hundred 
and fifteen thousand square miles had been turned into 
farms, and between 1870 and 1880 two hundred and 



ninety-seven thousand square miles. Thus in ten years 
territory equal in extent to Great Britain and France 
combined was added to the cultivated area in America. 
Even yet the progress continues. During the last year 
the sales of public lands to settlers exceeded sixteen 
million acres an area as great as Belgium and Denmark 
combined. In Dakota alone the new farms of 1883 
exceeded six million acres one-third of all Scotland. 
In the face of such facts it is clear that the Americans 
are the great agricultural people of the world, and that 
no other race has spread so diligently and so profitably 
over so great an area. 

In 1880 an inquiry was made for the first time in the 
United States into the tenure of farms whether culti- 
vated by their owners, rented, or worked on shares, with 
the result shown in the following table : 













Under 3 
8 and under 10 
10 20 







80 60 







60 100 







100 600 







600 1000 







1000 and over . 







This corroborates the current belief that the majority 
of farms in America are cultivated by their owners, 
nearly three million of the four million farms being of 
this class. Eight per cent, of the total were cultivated 
upon shares. The farms most frequently rented for 
money are the smallest farms, and their number steadily 
decreases. Only in the South does the system of renting, 
especially for a share in the proceeds, prevail to any 
great extent. The system has grown up since the war, 
in consequence of the subdivision of the great plantations, 


most of the lessees being colored people. It marks a 
temporary stage of development succeeding slavery, and 
is certain to pass away as the renters are able to buy the 
land from the former owners, their old masters. The 
free play of individual forces tends to make the culti- 
vator of the soil its owner. There is no law of primo- 
geniture or of entail in America, and the transfer of land 
is scarcely, if any, more difficult than the sale or purchase 
of a horse. 

The reputed value of farm land is $19.21 per acre, 
nearly 4, not much more than the rent per annum 
of some of the land in Britain. It ranges from $34 
(nearly 7) in the North Atlantic group of States to 
$7.35 (1.10) in the States of the Southern central group. 

From 1850 to 1860 the value of farms more than 
doubled, while population increased only thirty-five per 
cent. On account of the Civil War the increase from 
1860 to 1870 was less than that of population, but from 
1870 to 1880 it rose thirty-seven per cent., which was 
seven per cent, greater than the increase of population, 
so that the tendency hitherto has been for land to in- 
crease in value even faster than the population. This 
has made the farmer of America highly prosperous 
during the past thirty years ; for even if he has only 
made a living for himself and family from the produce 
and improved his land, he stands to-day with a pro- 
perty worth three and a half times its value thirty years 
ago. For every $500 (100) invested in his farm he 
has $1,750 (350) to-day. Had he rented his farm 
from some huge landlord this unearned increment would 
have gone to the landlord, and the worker would have 
been left where he began except for the savings in 
money he might have been able to make. The rise of 
values going on around him, which he did so much to 
produce, would have been of no benefit to him. He 
would not have been half the man he is, nor Avorth half 
as much to the State. That State alone is absolutely 
secure from violent measures whose soil belongs to the 
mass of its well-doing citizens. 


Improved implement^ and machinery have 

tionizccTagriculture in America. Their value in 1830 is 
esthfiafed at but $150^3UD,000 (30,000,000), in 1850 it 
exceeded $450,000,000 (90,000,000). The wide-spread 
use of machinery is mainly due to three causes, the scar- 
city of labor, which has in turn stimulated the fertility 
of American invention, and the readiness, amounting 
almost to anxiety, of the farmer to adopt the latest and 
best devices. Then the greater portion of the soil under 
cultivation is level and without obstructions, and is 
admirably adapted for the use of machinery. It is no 
wonder that under such conditions America should be 
the foremost agricultural country of the world. No other 
country on earth has a chance in comparison. Even 
gigantic Russia grows not much more than half as much. 
Here is the record as given by Mulhall : 




United States . 
Germany . . 
Austro- Hungary 
United Kingdom 


1 8 000 000 

270 000 000 

Canada and Australia 



Just cast your eye over the march of the last thirty 
years and satisfy yourself that the Republic has tra- 
velled with its seven-leagued boots on. In 1850 only 
eight hundred and sixty-seven million bushels were pro- 
duced ; ten years more, one thousand two hundred m illion ; 
ten more, one thousand four hundred million ; and finally 
ten more in 1880, two thousand seven hundred million 
bushels from the generous bosom of good Mother Earth. 
K 2 


Of this aggregate one thousand seven hundred and fifty 
millions were maize, four hundred and sixty millions 
wheat, and four hundred and seven millions oats. The 
maize or Indian corn crop is therefore double that of 
wheat and oats. Maize, which is mostly consumed at 
home, is the staff of life for the hog, and horses and 
cattle are also fed upon it to a great extent throughout 
the country ; nevertheless the export trade has grown 
year after year. Twenty years ago not $10,000,000 
(2,000,000) worth were sent abroad ; in 1880 it was 
more than five times that sum. 

A grand sight is a field of corn on a hot day. I re- 
member being upon a train in southern Illinois which, 
on account of obstructions on the line, had to lie upon 
a siding for several hours. Nothing but corn was in 
sight over the great level plain. I wandered among 
the immense stalks, some at least fourteen feet high ; 
a heavy dew had fallen during the night, and the hot 
morning sun was now well up in the heavens. Crack 
after crack resounded like pistol shots. It was the corn 
bursting its coverings. I imagined I could actually see 
it grow ; I know I felt it do so. What would America 
do without its maize and cotton, the two pillars upon 
which its agricultural supremacy so largely depends ! 
She is pretty sure of the future, however, for upon no 
other portion of the globe can these be grown to such 

England is more interested in the wheat than in the 
maize crop. Well, the increase in this indispensable 
cereal has been even greater than in any other crop. 
It is doubtful whether any agricultural growth was ever 
as rapid as that of wheat in this country during the past 
thirty years. Down to 1859 the Republic used to im- 
port wheat at intervals from Europe ; yet she is now the 
purveyor of the staff of life for mankind, producing one- 
fourth of the world's crop. In 1850 only one hundred 
million bushels were grown ; in 1860 the crop was one 
hundred and seventy- three millions, not bad, being an 
increase of seventy per cent, in ten years ; but in 1870 


the amount was two hundred and eighty-seven millions, 
and in 1880 we find the crop four hundred and fifty- 
nine millions. It exceeded five hundred millions of 
bushels last year. 

Twenty-five years ago (1860) the export of wheat and 
flour averaged between six and eight millions sterling. 
In 1880 $190,000,000 (38,000,000) worth were sent 
foith, of which Britain alone received $175,000,000 

The reported decrease in acreage under wheat this 
year (1885) on account of low prices will prove, in my 
opinion, to be only temporary, pending the adjustment 
to a standard of lower values. This great cereal will 
be grown, and delivered in British ports in constantly 
increasing quantities at prices even lower (if necessary) 
than those which have surprised so many eminent authori- 
ties. The British Commissioners who recently visited 
us and reported upon the agricultural situation did not 
allow for the shrinking of the excessive margins of 
profit which the growth and transportation and mer- 
chandising of wheat have hitherto yielded at every stage 
of the operation. I differ from most of the foreign ex- 
perts and believe that a continuance of the present 
depression throughout the world will send plenty of 
American wheat to the ports of Britain at lower prices 
than those of to-day. We shall see. The Eepublic 
has never yet had to show what it could do when put 
to it. 

One is surprised to find that "oats are so largely grown 
in America, for so little is heard of that modest grain 
compared with its much talked of neighbor. The North- 
western States are admirably adapted to its growth, and 
instead of Scotch and Irish oatmeal being imported for 
human food, as it was until recently, the native article is 
found fully equal to it in quality. Such was proved to 
be the case at the last Paris Exhibition. Indeed, nothing 
surprised me so much as to hear my Scotch visitors to 
America three years ago declare that American oatmeal 
porridge surpassed the Dunfermline article. The other 


indispensable commodity for a Scotchman, however, they 
pronounced miserable ; neither " Bourbon " nor " Old 
Monongahela" found favour with them. The verdict 
was that only by a stretch of politeness almost to burst- 
ing was the stuff worthy to take the revered name of 
whiskey. This, however, is a matter of taste, for more 
topers in the world prefer the republican to the queer 
Scotch article. 

The production of barley increases rapidly. The cen- 
sus of 1850 shows that only five million bushels were 
grown then. In ten years it had increased to sixteen 
millions, in ten more (1870) to twenty-nine millions, 
while 1880 shows forty- four millions of bushels. So 
much for bold John Barleycorn. The acreage under 
barley (1880) was a little less than two millions ; yield 
per acre twenty-two bushels. The United Kingdom had 
then six hundred and sixty thousand acres more devoted 
to this grain, so the barley crop of America is not yet 
equal to that of the old home, but its increase of growth 
here is extraordinary, for between 1850 and 1860 it was 
two hundred and six per cent. It more than doubled 
in ten years. California is the leading State in barley 
and New York comes next. 

In the United States in 1880, one million eight hun- 
dred and forty thousand acres were sown with rye ; 
product, twenty million bushels. Rye does not figure 
in the returns for Britain, which are before me, the 
authorities saying that very little is now grown there. 

After all it is not maize, cotton, wheat, oats, barley, 
or rye which is ruler in the agricultural kingdom, but 
a more modest grass. Hay is the most valuable of all 
American crops; the amount cut in 1880 exceeded 
thirty-six millions of tons grown on more than thirty 
millions of acres. It has kept pace with its rivals, for in 
1850, not quite fourteen million tons were grown. Even 
twenty years ago but nineteen millions were reported, 
so that it has nearly doubled in two decades. 

Sorghum is the only important plant of recent intro- 
duction. Though a stranger, it seems to thrive in its 


new home, and its cultivation spreads rapidly. In 1880 
more than twenty-eight million gallons of molasses were 
made from it, more than half a gallon for every man, 
woman, and child in the country. 

We now come to the great Southern staple, King 
Cotton. An ancient and honorable potentate truly, for 
does not Herodotus tell us four hundred and fifty years 
B.C. that the Indians were then weaving it into cloth, 
and did not Caesar cover the Forum and the Sacred Way, 
too, with awnings of cotton to shade the dignitaries of 
the Imperial City from the rays of the sun? In 1621 
the first cotton was planted in America. It did not take 
kindly to the climate. Many experiments failed, although 
repeated at different times and at various place ; and 
more than a hundred and fifty-seven years elapsed before 
a pound of cotton was exported. " In 178 4, a small 
quantity of cotton was imported into Liverpool, where it 
was at first considered as an illegal transaction, as it was 
not supposed possible for it to have been the growth of 
any of the States of the Union ; and when, about the 
same period, a duty was proposed in the United States , 
Congress on the import of foreign cotton, it was declared 
by one of the representatives from South Carolina, that 
the cultivation of cotton was in contemplation by the 
planters of South Carolina and Georgia, ' and that if good 
seed could be procured it might succeed.' " 

We ought never to give up readily a new thing, 
whether plant or idea, for success often lies just beyond 
the last failure. For the six years following the exports 
to England were respectively one hundred and nine, 
three hundred and eighty-nine, and then eight hundred 
and forty-two bags. After Independence (1776) cotton 
began to attract special attention. Whitney's gin for 
separating the seeds from the fibre removed the only 
obstacle to its almost unlimited production. A tariff 
upon the importation of cotton goods led to the manu- 
facture of cloth at home, and cotton cultivation receiving 
a further impetus, America soon became the leading 
source of supply for the world. Not to go back further 


than half a century we find that in 1830, nine hundred and 
seventy-six thousand eight hundred and forty-five hales 
were grown ; in 1880, the crop was five million seven 
hundred and fifty-seven thousand three hundred and 
ninety-seven hales, valued at $275,000,000 (55,000,000). 
Of the 1830 crop, $30,000,000 (6,000,000) was ex- 
ported ; of the 1880 crop, $220,000,000 (44,000,000), 
of which England took nearly two-thirds. The latter, 
however, included manufactured cotton, of which in 
1830 there was none. So that the value of the cotton 
exported exceeded that of wheat by $30,000,000 

Tobacco-growing still continues to prosper in America, 
although surely the coming man is not to smoke. Chew- 
ing is already a thing of the past, and the pipe and cigar 
are doomed. Before many generations the smoker will 
be considered as disgusting as the chewer is to-day. 
America increased her crop eighty per cent, from 1870 
to 1880, and six hundred and thirty-eight thousand acres 
are now devoted to the weed. Its value in 1880 was 
three and a half millions sterling. Brother Jonathan 
makes a fair division of his tobacco with the rest of 
mankind, for he sends just about half of it abroad and 
smokes the other half himself. " Take a cigar," he says, 
and hands one to less favoured nations, reserving only 
one for himself. Generous fellow, Jonathan ! 

We must not ignore the so-called fruit of old Ireland, 
the potato, which however is a native, true American, in 
origin. America does her share in growing potatoes, 
those apples of the earth. In 1880 she produced two 
hundred and three millions of bushels, a little more than 
four bushels to every man, woman, and child. I do not 
believe I had my fair proportion, which for every adult 
must be six bushels, nor do I think any one in America 
will admit having devoured his share. He will rather 
dispute the census returns. As none were exported, we 
must pass as a potato-eating people, or suspect our fellow- 
citizens of Irish descent of having eaten ruueh. more than 
their share, which they probably did. 


The enormous quantity of fruit grown and consumed 
in America surprises the visitor. Notwithstanding its 
cheapness, the orchard products in 1880 were valued at 
$52,500,000 (10,500,000), and there was imported an 
average of six pounds of fruit to each person, worth 
altogether about $20,000,000 (4,000,000). 

The total value of the year's product of Uncle Sam's 
farm in 1880 was 32,225,000,000 (445,000,000), and it 
was not a good year for prices either. He has netted 
much more than that since more than 2,500,000,000 
(500,000,000). Indeed, Mulhall values the total 
agricultural products for 1884 at no less than 
$2,721,500,000 (544,300,000). 

Let us now glance at the live stock upon his gigantic 
farm and their products, and see what he has to show us 

He first asks us to review his hogs, a motley mass 
ranging from the patrician Howard (he of Bedford, M.P.) 
down to the plebeian, long-snouted grunter, which must 
"root or die." Fifty-six and three-quarter millions 
march past. Imagine their salute. Every man, woman, 
and child in the land owns one hog and a little more. 
Now comes his cattle with their glowering eyes, and the 
line stretches till nearly forty-six millions are counted. 
Eighteen and a half millions of them are milch cows, the 
most widely scattered and most equally diffused of all his 
beasts. Throughout America every family of three per- 
sons have one milch cow and a fraction of another one. 
He exhibits his sheep next, forty-five millions of them 
and enough left over to stock an ordinary country. Not 
quite a sheep to every inhabitant, but pretty near it. 

Will it please you now to look at Uncle Sam's horses 1 
Trot them out. Twelve millions and a half of these 
useful, noble animals, ranging from the fastest trotters in 
the world, from " Maud S " with her record of a mile in 
two minutes, eight and three-quarter seconds, to the 
half-wild " tackey " of Florida. There they are, followed 
by more than two millions of mules and asses, which 
close the long procession. The census proves that on the 


average every family in the country really owns a horse, 
a cow, four pigs, and three sheep, not a bad start for a 
young farmer. 

Were the live stock upon Uncle Sam's estate ranged five 
abreast, each animal estimated to occupy a space five feet 
long, and marched round the world, the head and tail 
of th e procession would overlap. This was the host of 
1880 ; that of 1885 would be ever so much greater, and 
still it grows day by day, and the end of its growth no 
man can foretell. 

Having reviewed the live stock, let me now conduct 
you to the dairy to see the butter and cheese depart- 
ments. Four hundred thousand tons of butter were 
made in 1880, an average of nearly sixteen pounds for 
every man, woman, and child in the country. Ah ! the 
Yankee's bread is buttered in more ways than one. In 
1870, eighty thousand tons of cheese were made; in 
1880, one hundred and twenty thousand tons. Since 
the introduction of the factory system, cheese manu- 
facturing has increased enormously. The American does 
not care for cheese as his progenitor does. What he 
makes he sends largely abroad to figure as Stilton, 
Cheshire, or Cheddar in Britain, for he manufactures all 
brands, and you cannot tell the republican article from 
its monarchical prototype. The cheese exported in 1881 
was worth more than three and a quarter millions sterling. 
The statistics laid before the National Butter, Cheese, 
and Egg Association at its late meeting in Chicago re- 
present that the annual value of dairy products in this 
country is $100,000,000 (20,000,000) while the amount 
of capital interested in cows is said to be greater by 
$40,000,000 (8,000,000) than that invested in bank 

What does the American do with all the products of 
this live stock and dairy 1 First, he supplies his own 
wants and these are great, for fifty-six millions of the 
most prosperous people in the world, every one of them 
determined to have the best he can afford, and accus- 
tomed to the most expensive food, consume an enormous 


amount. The surplus he exports, and Britain is by far 
the largest recipient, taking of many articles half of all 
he has to spare. 

In 1870 began a new traffic the exportation of living 
cattle of which $400,000 (80,000) worth were sent 
to Britain; in 1880 this trade exceeded $12,500,000 
(2,500,000). The exportation of fresh beef was tried 
in 1875, and in 1880 the value of this article exported 
was $7,500,000 (1,500,000). 

The American hog has been a prime favourite in 
Europe during the past twenty years. In i860 the 
amount of hams and bacon exported was only $2,050,000 
(410,000) ; in 1880 the demand was for more than 
$50,000,000 (10,000,000) worth. Britain takes the 
greater part. What a prejudice against American hams 
and bacon formerly existed there ! I remember walking 
one day through, a curer's establishment in an English 
town where the pigs of the district were killed and who 
was supposed to deal only in the genuine home article. 
He furnished, no doubt, the much praised ham and sweet 
bacon of which my friends boasted as so different from 
the foreign article. A pile of half hidden boxes, marked 
Chicago, caught my eye. I called the proprietor aside 
and asked whether the contents were superior or inferior 
to the domestic. He smiled and said : " Sometimes the 
one and sometimes the other," adding, " We are queer 
folk ! " The American article now stands upon its 
merits, but many a ton of it is still sold as genuine English. 
$85,000,000 (17,000,000) is the annual revenue of 
Uncle Sam from his pigs. 

But little mutton is sent abroad. The value of the 
exports in 1884 was less than $300,000 (60,000). But 
with the steady and rapid improvement in the breed of 
sheep which is taking place in America, we may anticipate 
at no distant date a large trade in this article, which 
Australia has found so profitable. 

Twenty years ago the mutton of America was not 
worth eating. It is still inferior to that of Britain, but it 
is growing better every year. Whether it can ever reach 


the grade of the best Scotch is doubtful, but the improve- 
ment in the sheep here is shown by the increase of wool, 
which is beyond the increase in the number of sheep. 
Between 1850 and 1860 the increase of wool production 
was fourteen per cent. ; during the next decade it was 
sixty-six per cent., and between 1870 and 1880 no less 
than one hundred and forty-seven per cent. The average 
fleece in 1850 was but two three-tenths pounds ; in 1880 
it had nearly doubled (four four-tenths pounds). The 
fleece of a sheep in the North averages more than five 
pounds, but in the genial South the animal does not need 
so warm a coat. If God tempers the wind to the shorn 
lamb, He also adapts the fleece to the climate, and sees 
that the Southern sheep is not over-burdened. In this 
matter of sheep's covering one agrees with the sage who 
said that, " Although the Lord does temper the wind to 
the shorn lamb, the Lord considers it man's business not 
to shear too close." 

Wool-growing in America shows the usual increase. 
In 1830 the fleece was but eighteen millions of pounds; 
in 1850, fifty-two million; in 1860, sixty million, and in 
1870, one hundred million. In the last ten years it has 
much more than doubled, for in 1880 the fleece weighed 
two hundred and forty millions of pounds. Could any 
one believe that America grows more than double the 
amount of wool grown in the United Kingdom ! It 
surprised me to find that such was indeed the case, for 
the fleece of the latter in 1880 was but one hundred and 
twelve millions of pounds. As one travels through 
Britain, go where he will, he is scarcely ever out of sight 
or out of hearing of the omnipresent sheep. In English 
meadows and on heather hills the white specks dot the 
ground. In our coaching tour we seemed to pass through 
endless herds of sheep on both sides of the road, while 
upon this side of the Atlantic we scarcely see the inno- 
cent creatures, and indeed what can be called a flock is 
the rarest sight. Yet the stragglers counted upon the 
five million square miles exceed the crowded flocks of 
Britain, whose pastoral beauties they so much enhance. 


Mulhall gives the average of wool per sheep in the United 
Kingdom as four pounds, and that of America as five 
pounds ; which is correct if the Southern sheep be not 
included. This is another surprise to me. I should have 
said the average amount of wool upon the British sheep 
far exceeded that of its seemingly less prosperous trans- 
atlantic fellow. It is evident that America is more 
favorably placed for sheep growing than is generally 
supposed. Is there anything, I wonder, in the agricultural 
or live stock line in which she cannot excel ! 

Let me call the attention of my readers to the signi- 
ficant fact that no articles of general consumption have 
increased in price in America during recent years except 
beef, mutton, and pork, which have advanced inordinately, 
the opening of European markets to American producers 
having naturally reduced the supply at home. With 
these exceptions the cost of living has been much lessened. 
The growth of this export trade is seen by the following 
figures. In 1870 the total value of exports of meat in 
the hoof, fresh or preserved, was only $17,500,000 
(3,500,000); in five years it had run up to nearly 
$70,000,000 (14,000,000), and in 1880 no less than 
$117,500,000 (23,500,000) worth were taken from the 
home market. America was not prepared to undergo this 
unexpected drain, hence the change in values. The 
export value of beef in 1870 was less than $20 (4) per 
head, in 1880 it was not far from $75 (15). Three 
and a half beeves were thus supplied ten years ago for 
the cost of one in 1880. A similar appreciation has 
taken place in the value of sheep, the price of which, 
$2 (8s.) per head in 1871, rose to $4.25 (17s.) nine years 
later. In live hogs we have the same result, though 
these obtained their maximum value in 1874, when each 
hog exported cost more than $10 (2). Eestrictive 
legislation in various countries having interrupted the 
trade, prices during 1880 averaged only $5 (1) per 
head. But even had no hostile legislation been passed, 
the capacity of this country to supply in a short time 
any number of hogs required must have occasioned a 


rapid fall in prices. What has happened with hogs must 
happen soon with cattle and sheep. Look out for a great 
fall in these from the figures of 1880. The Republic 
was taken unawares. Let us see what will be her re- 
sponse after a few years to the demands upon her ever 
growing herds. 

To conclude with a summary. The farms of America 
comprise eight hundred and thirty-seven thousand six 
hundred and twenty- eight square miles, an area nearly 
equal to one-fourth of Europe, and larger than the four 
greatest European countries put together (Russia ex- 
cepted), namely, France, Germany, Austria and Hun- 
gary, and Spain. The capital invested in agriculture 
would suffice to buy up the whole of Italy, with its rich 
olive-groves and vineyards, its old historic cities, cathe- 
drals, and palaces, its king and aristocracy, its pope and 
cardinals, and every other feudal appurtenance. Or, if 
the American farmers were to sell out, they could buy 
the entire peninsula of Spain, with all its traditions of 
medieval grandeur, and the flat lands which the Hol- 
landers at vast cost have wrested from the sea and the 
quaint old towns they have built there. If he chose to 
pat by his savings for three years, the Yankee farmer 
could purchase the fee-simple of pretty Switzerland as 
a summer resort, and not touch his capital at all, for 
each year's earnings exceed $550,000,000 (110,000,000). 
The cereal crop for 1880 was more than two billions and 
a half of bushels. If placed in one mass this would make 
a pile of three and a half billion cubic feet. Built into a 
solid mass as high as the dome of St. Paul's (three 
hundred and sixty-five feet), and as Avide as the cathedral 
across the transepts (two hundred and eighty-five feet), 
it would extend, a solid mass of grain, down Fleet Street 
and the length of the Strand to Piccadilly, thence on 
through Knightsbridge, Hammersmith and South Ken- 
sington, to a distance of over six miles. Or it would 
make a pyramid three times as great as that of Cheops. 
If loaded on carts, it would require all the horses in 
Europe and a million more (thirty-three and a half 


millions) to remove it, though each horse drew a load of 
two tons. Were the entire crop of cereals loaded on a 
continuous train of cars, the train would reach one and a 
half times round the globe. Its value is half as great as 
all the gold mined in California in the thirty -five years 
since gold was found there. The corn and cotton-fields 
of America form kingdoms in themselves surpassing in 
size some of those of Europe. 

In 1884 more than half a million animals were sent to 
Europe alive, while nearly a billion pounds of meat were 
sent over. And four years before the total value of meat 
on the hoof, fresh or preserved, sent to Europe, was 
$1,175,000,000 (235,000,000). It is hard to realize just 
what this muster really means. If the Atlantic could be 
crossed as the Red Sea was by Moses' host, and these animals 
were placed ten abreast, each averaging five feet in length, 
the procession would be fifty miles long. Such a line 
the Republic sends every year to Europe ; the " dead 
meats " being far beyond this, however, in value, for, as 
usual, here we find the dead as compared to the living 
in "the great majority." Of cheese one hundred and 
thirteen million pounds were exported last year (1884), 
while one-fifth that quantity of butter was sent to lay 
upon the bread which the Republic had sent to Europe. 
She is no niggard, this Greater Britain ; she scatters her 
bounties not only profusely, but in palatable propor- 
tions. May her capacity for good works never grow 
less ! 

These enormous food exports suggest serious thoughts 
concerning the future. The populations of the Old World 
are fast increasing without any extension of soil, or corre- 
sponding increase of productiveness. Since the begin- 
ning of the century one hundred and seventy-two millions 
of Europeans have grown to three hundred and twelve 
millions. This is an advance unprecedented in the 
history of the Old World. Without the enormous ship- 
ments of food from America and other places such an 
increase would probably have been impossible. The 
present consumption of food by Europe is vastly greater 


than its production. The deficit per year of grain is 
three hundred and eighty million bushels, more than a 
bushel for every man, woman, and child in Europe; 
while that of meat amounts to eight hundred and fifty- 
three thousand tons, six pounds for every man, woman, 
and child. The future growth of Europe, therefore, seems 
chiefly dependent upon supplies of food from abroad 
mainly from America : every addition to the population 
must be fed for the most part from without. The United 
Kingdom is particularly thus dependent. Mr. Giffen 
estimates that twelve millions, one-third of the whole 
population, already live on imported food. 

It would be difficult to exaggerate the consequences of 
this fact, ever growing in importance. The social and 
economic changes involved may be of the most radical 
character. No doubt, as Mr. Caird and other eminent 
authorities state, that by better and more thorough cul- 
tivation the soil of Europe and especially that of Britain 
can be made to yield an increase, but we assume that 
this can be obtained only at greater cost and to a small 
extent. The proportion of Europeans dependent for food 
upon the New. World will probably increase from year to 
year. Happily there is no question as to its undeveloped 
resources, which are capable of extension quite sufficient 
to meet any possible demand for a period if not quite 
as far as we are tempted to look ahead, certainly quite as 
far as we can see ahead, which is a very different matter. 
When we think over the changes produced during fifty 
years' march of this Eepublic we must surely hesitate to 
speculate beyond what the next fifty years are to bring, 
and for fifty years ahead at least we can see that America 
can give Europe all the food it can require. Beyond 
that let posterity manage for itself. The man who is 
always telling you what he would have done " if he had 
been there " in any given emergency is he who never gets 
there. And none of my readers will ever " get there " to 
the day when the Republic cannot respond to any call 
made upon her for agricultural products. Millions and 
millions of fertile acres, under sunny skies and watered 


with refreshing showers, still lie before us only awaiting 
the plough, to respond with food for man. 

It is in the cultivation of this heritage and the building 
up of the cities and of the roads and railways and tele- 
graphs which must accompany this work and the erection 
of school-houses and churches throughout the land that 
the American people will find their proper development, 
not in chasing the fiction of the carrying of merchandise 
upon the high seas for which they must contend at a 
disadvantage. Much less should they call for the building 
of war ships. The present lack of a navy ensures the 
nation a dignified position. It is one of the chief glories 
of the Eepublic, that she spends her money for better 
ends, and has nothing worthy to rank as a ship of war. 
To build a few small ships and call them a navy will 
invite comparison, and the " rascally comparative " must 
only make the Eepublic ridiculous, for she either wants 
the strongest navy in the world or none. If she builds 
the weakest she builds her ships for the stronger enemy 
to sink or capture, if she ever has an enemy, which is to 
be doubted unless she flaunts before the other powers 
great monster ships expressly designed to work them 
injury. There is an effort to produce a scare just now 
in regard to her defenceless sea coast ; any small power 
could attack her ports and levy contributions, it is said. 
So any man who walks down Broadway may be attacked 
by a disorderly fellow, but no one suggests that we walk 
about, therefore, in coats of mail. There is not a port of 
America which could not be efficiently closed, if necessary, 
against an assailant before he had time to reach it; 
though there is little prospect that the Eepublic will ever 
have an assailant if she remain unarmed. When nations 
provide themselves with arms ostensibly for defence, 
offence travels not far in the rear, accompanies it as shadow 
does substance. Shakespeare tells us 

" How oft the means to do ill deeds 
Make ill deeds done." 

I beseech my fellow Eepublicans to leave to the 



monarchies of the Old World the folly and the crime 
of building and maintaining these vast engines of destruc- 
tion, the mere possession of which tends to make war 
between nations which would otherwise have remained at 

Of all the lessons which the Democrary has given, or is 
capable of giving, to people in less advanced stages of 
political development, this ranks supreme, that peace has 
its victories still more renowned than war. So far, the 
Democracy can congratulate itself that its country's repu- 
tation rests not upon conquest nor wars of aggression, 
but upon the nobler foundation of peaceful, orderly, 
industrial development. Men and brethren, let us 
see to it that our Representatives do not tarnish this 
record by stripping the Republic of the majestic robes 
of golden Peace and arraying her in the panoply of 
barbarous War I 



" In a general way, it may safely be predicted that the nation 
which has the most varied industry is likely, all other things being 
equal, to be the most prosperous, powerful, and contented. Agri- 
culture, though the first and most essential of all callings, is still 
far from yielding the best results from a commercial and industrial 
point of view." " ENGLAND'S SUPBEMACY." JEANS. 

" LABOR is discovered to be the grand conqueror, enriching 
and building up nations more surely than the greatest 
battles," says Channing. 

Of this truth the Republic is proof conclusive, for she 
has become the greatest manufacturing nation of the 
world by labor, not by luck. 

" What men call luck, 
Is the prerogative of valiant souls." 

Since the earliest period in their history the American 
people have devoted great attention to and manifested 


unusual aptitude for manufactures. The first colonists 
fully realized their importance ; and so energetically did 
they devote themselves to their development that by 
1670, Avhen the population numbered less than two hun- 
dred thousand, their progress had already begun to excite 
the jealousy of the mother country. Despite the restric- 
tions which Great Britain placed upon the colonial trade, 
the manufacture and commerce of America grew rapidly. 
The moral cost at which the advance was made, however, 
was very great. It may be guaged by the fact, certified 
by the Hon. David A. Wells, that the colonists were " a 
nation of law-breakers : nine-tenths of the colonial mer- 
chants were smugglers. One-quarter of the whole number 
of the signers of the Declaration of Independence were 
bred to the contraband trade. John Hancock was the 
prince of contraband traders, and, with John Adams as 
his counsel, was on trial before the Admiralty Court in 
Boston at the exact hour of the shedding of blood at 
Lexington, to answer for half a million dollars' penalties 
alleged to have been by him incurred as a smuggler." 
The evils and sufferings caused by the narrow policy of 
the home government can be but vaguely conceived even 
in view of this wholesale demoralization of a generous 
and otherwise law-abiding people. The efforts of the 
British to cripple the industries of America did not end, 
as might be supposed, with the success of the Eevolution. 
Transatlantic manufacturers sought to continue their 
repressive measures long after Independence was achieved, 
and their methods of procedure took many a curious turn. 
Bishop, the historian of American industry, says : 

" It was supposed to be an object worth large sacrifices on tbe 
part of tbe English manufacturers to break down the formidable 
rivalship of growing but immature manufactures in America, by 
means of heavy consignments of goods to be disposed of at auction, 
and upon the most liberal credits, to the merchants. That this 
policy had the approval of eminent British statesmen, is shown by 
the remarkable language of Mr. Brougham in Parliament, soon after 
the peace (1815), when he declared in reference to the losses sus- 
tained by English manufacturers in these transactions, that it was 
even worth while to incur a loss upon the first exportation, in order 
L 2 


by the glut to stifle in the cradle these rising manufactures in the 
United States, which the war had forced into existence contrary to 
the natural course of things.' " 

All this is of the past, and is only referred to as 
essential to a proper understanding of the subject under 
review. Britain did what she did because in those days 
nobody knew any better, as explained in the chapter upon 

The steady nature of the progress of American 
manufactures is indicated by the ever increasing ratio of 
manufactures to population. This is shown by Mulball 
as follows : 


1830 . . 1.8 I 1850 . . 9.1 I 1870 . . 21.2 
1840 . . 5.7 I 1860 . . 12.2 | 18SO . . 22.0 

An increase of more than ten times the products per 
inhabitant in fifty years. 

It is interesting to note that as the country became 
more densely settled, the importance of manufactures 
i dative to agriculture increased. In 1850 the capital 
invested in manufactures was only eight per cent, of 
that in agriculture. In 1860 it was thirteen per cent. ; 
in 1870 nineteen per cent. ; and in 1880 it reached 
twenty- three per cent, or nearly one-fourth that of agri- 
culture. In 1870 the value of the products of manufac- 
ture less that of raw materials was seventy-one per cent, 
of the value of agricultural products, while in 1880 the 
proportion had risen to eighty-nine per cent. So that great 
as the growth of agriculture has been in America, and the 
world has never before seen the like, that of manufactures 
has been even greater. No statement in this book will pro- 
bably cause so much surprise as that the young Republic 
and not Great Britain is to-day the greatest manufacturing 
nation of the world, for she is generally credited with 
being great only in agriculture. 

The annual product of each operative has advanced in 
value from $1,100 (220) in 1850 to $2,015 (403) in 
1880; a result largely due to improvements in methods 
and machinery. This cause, joined to the increase in 


number of workers, resulted in an advance of total 
manufactures from $1,060,000,000 (212,000,000) in 
1850 to $5,560,000,000 (1,112,000,000) in 1880 an 
increase of nearly six hundred per cent, in thirty years. 
During the same period the increase of British manufac- 
tures was little more than a hundred per cent. Their total 
in 1880 was but $4,055,000,000 (811,000,000). 

An industry which has attained gigantic proportions 
during the fifty years under review, is that of flouring and 
grist-mills. Indeed if we judge by value of products, this 
is the foremost industry of the United States ; for the 
product of 1880 exceeded $500,000,000 (100,000,000). 
The capital invested in this industry was $177,400,000 
(nearly 36,000,000), there being in operation no fewer 
than twenty-four thousand flouring and grist-mills with a 
daily capacity of five million bushels sufficient if need 
be to grind flour for not only the fifty millions of Ameri- 
cans, but for three hundred million Europeans, who 
annually consume one billion three hundred and forty- 
seven million bushels. 

The value added to the food by milling was thirteen 
per cent, of the cost of the grain. During the decade 
ending 1880 the capital employed in this industry in- 
creased forty-six per cent. ; the grain dealt with increased 
forty-seven per cent. ; wages increased forty-nine per cent. 
The number of hands employed however diminished 
slightly a circumstance due to improvements in ma- 
chinery. This is a growing characteristic of all American 
industries : the drudgery is ever being delegated to dumb 
machines while the brain and muscle of men are directed 
into higher channels. 

The industry next in importance, judged by value of 
product, is slaughtering and meat packing. Though of 
comparatively recent origin, this industry has attained 
enormous proportions. The capital employed in 1880 
was about ten millions sterling, furnishing employment 
to more than twenty-seven thousand hands, whose wages 
amounted to $10,500,000 (2,100,000), an average of 
nearly $400 (80) each. The beeves slaughtered num- 


bered one million seven hundred thousand ; sheep, two 
million two hundred thousand ; hogs, sixteen millions. 
This was enough to give every man, woman, and child in 
America and Great Britain half a pound of meat thrice a 
week for a year,. That this industry is to undergo vast 
developments is shown by the attention paid to the 
pastoral interests : farming stock increased thirty-three 
per cent, all round during the ten years ending in 1880. 
There were in that year nearly a hundred and fifty 
million cows, sheep, and hogs in the United States. 

It is at Chicago that the traveller sees the murderous 
work going on upon the grandest scale, for in 1880 five 
and three-quarter million pigs were turned into pork, 
and half a million cattle " packed." So rapidly is this 
industry increasing that in Chicago alone one million 
one hundred and eighty thousand and nine hundred 
cattle were killed last year. The perfection of the 
machinery employed is illustrated by the claim Chi- 
cagoans make for it, viz., that you can see a living hog 
driven into the machine at one end, and the hams from 
it safely delivered at the other end before the squeal of 
the animal is out of your ears. But, as Matthew Arnold 
said, when asked to see this verified, or at least the foun- 
dation upon which the story rests, " Why should I see 
pigs killed ! Why should I hear pigs squeal ! " He 
declined. My readers can therefore see, if so inclined, 
one of the sights which a distinguished traveller missed, 
which is ever a great advantage. 

The iron and steel industries rank next in importance, 
the product for 1883 being valued at 400,000,000 
(80,000,000). The production of pig-iron has increased 
at a prodigious rate. The output for 1883 was five and a 
quarter million tons, more than thirteen times the quantity 
produced in 1840. With this unparalleled increase in 
quantity, there has gone a corresponding improvement 
in quality which has placed American iron and steel on 
a par with the best produced by the iron-king, Great 

In 1870 the United States was much below France 


or Germany as regards the manufacture of steel ; ten 
years later it produced more than these countries together. 
America now makes one-fifth of the iron, and one-fourth 
of the steel of the world, and is second only to Great 
Britain. In steel, America will probably lead the world 
in 1890, as may be seen from the following summary: 







Great Britain . 




United States . 



Germany . 




France . . 



Probably the most rapid development of an industry 
that the world has ever seen is that of Bessemer steel in 
America. As the foregoing table shows, there were only 
sixty-four thousand tons of all kinds of steel made in 
1870. Of this only forty thousand tons was Bessemer ; 
twelve years later, 1882, the product was one million two 
hundred and fifty thousand tons. This is advancing not 
by leaps and bounds, it is one grand rush a rush without 
pause, which has made America the greatest manufacturer 
of Bessemer steel in the world. Last year the Kepublic 
made one million three hundred and seventy-three thou- 
sand five hundred and thirteen tons, which was seventy- 
four thousand tons more than Great Britain made. In 
steel rails her superiority is more marked. The output of 
Great Britain was six hundred and forty seven thousand 
tons against nine hundred and fifty-four thousand made in 
the United States. 

Pennsylvania wears the iron crown, nearly one-half tho 
capital invested being there, while forty-six per cent, of 
the total product is contributed by it. Ohio ranks second, 
New York follows, with Illinois closely treading on her 

The future outlook for the iron and steel industries of 


America is highly encouraging ; for iron-stone in greater 
or less quantities has been discovered in most of the 
newly-opened States of the West. The production of 
iron was commenced between 1870 and 1880 in no less 
than six States, Colorado, Kansas, Nebraska, Oregon, and 
Texas, and in New Hampshire in the East. These infant 
industries are rapidly developing, but a great increase of 
population must take place near them before the aggregate 
product can reach a high figure. Pennsylvania will 
probably increase her iron and steel product in the future 
as fast as these new districts. 

Closely following the iron and steel manufactures comes 
the lumber trade, an industry peculiarly American. Since 
1850 the value of annual product has increased fourfold, 
the capital employed having advanced in nearly the same 
ratio. In 1880 this industry gave employment to one 
hundred and forty-eight thousand hands, who received 
wages to the amount of nearly $32,000,000 (6,400,000). 
The product was worth $233,268,729 (46,653,745). 
The principal seat of this industry is Michigan, a region 
which fifty years ago had not been invaded by the wood- 
cutter. The capital invested in the lumber trade in that 
State was nearly forty million dollars in 1880, or more 
than one-fifth of the total lumber investment of the 
country. The amount of superior timber cut in 1880 in 
the three principal lumbering States, Michigan, Wisconsin, 
and Minnesota, was seven billion five hundred million feet. 
This is exclusive of many millions of railroad ties, staves, 
and sets of headings out of inferior wood. In the 
Southern States more than one billion five hundred 
million feet of pine were cut in 1880 ; while it was esti- 
mated that there remained standing not less than two 
hundred and sixteen billion feet. But full statistics of 
the enormous quantities of wood available in the various 
States are unattainable. Texas is said to have twenty- 
one billion feet of loblolly pine, of which sixty-one and a 
half million feet Avere cut during 1880. At the present 
rate of cutting, the timber area of Michigan, Wisconsin, 
and Minnesota will last, allowing for growth, from twenty 


to twenty-five years ; but that of the South, which is 
four times as great, is said to be ample for an indefinite 
period. Enormous forests are being opened in Washing- 
ton Territory, Oregon, and Northern California. The 
cutting of trees may be conducted more methodically in 
the future than in the past, but there is little danger of 
the supply diminishing. There are vast regions in 
America where the raising of timber is the only cultiva- 
tion possible, and other places where trees can be more 
profitably grown than anything else. This will always 
remain so, so that there need be no apprehension either 
that the forests will be totally destroyed, or that the 
supply of merchantable lumber will fail. The quality 
and variety of American woods are almost too well known 
to need emphasis. The ash, cherry maple, mahogany, 
walnut, and many other valuable varieties are exported to 
Europe, frequently cut and shaped, ready to be put 
together as finished work. The wealth of America's 
forests is illustrated by the collection of native woods in 
the New York Museum of Natural History, which com- 
prises more than four hundred different varieties. The 
wealth of the Eepublic would be but partially estimated if, 
upon Uncle Sam's great estate, we omitted the " growing 
timber," from the live oak of Southern Florida \\p to 
" the huge pine, hewn on, not Norwegian, but North- 
western hills." 

Foundry and machine shop products rank next in 
value. The value placed on these is more than 
$214,000,000 (42,800,000) ; so that the value of the 
iron industries of America, as indicated above, ought to 
be increased by this sum. 

Cotton manufactures have increased at a great rate in 
many lands, but nowhere so rapidly as in America. Those 
of England in 1880 were nearly six times greater than in 
1830; those of America were eighteen and a half times 
greater. The competition of mother and child lands in 
this important industry is briefly shown by the following 
table, which also shows the small amount consumed by 
other countries : 









Great Britain 
United States 
Germany . 

\ r arious . 












It appears from the above that the cotton industries of 
America have increased nearly three times as fast as those 
of the rest of the Avorld. The mother land still leads 
finely in the race however. Grand, plucky little racer ! 
One dislikes to see a hig, overgrown giant chasing you 
with his seven-league boots on ; but do not be too much 
discouraged. He is your own son and bodes no harm. 
You taught him of what his strain is capable. The prize 
will still remain in the family. You who love primo- 
genitiire so dearly (every one to his taste) surely cannot 
grudge your eldest boy anything. 

At the beginning of the century, although the cotton 
crop was only one seventy-seventh what it was in 1880, 
only two per cent, of it was manufactured at home, as 
against thirty-one per cent, in 1881. In this, as in many 
other industries, we see the parent and cliild land in 
friendly rivalry absorbing the great bulk, and leaving the 
rest of the world nowhere in the race. Thus the two 
Nations combined take two-thirds of the whole, and leave 
but one-third for the rest of the world. The capital in- 
vested in cotton manufacture in the United States in 1880 
was $208,000,000 (,41,600,000), the number of opera- 
tives was one Imndred and seventy-two thousand five 
hundred and fifty- four, who received in wages $42,000,000 
(8,400,000). The value of the product exceeded 
$192,000,000 (nearly (40,000,000). Compared with 
the figures of the previous decade, the capital shows 
forty-seven per cent, increase, number of looms forty -nine 
per cent, increase, number of operatives twenty-eight per 


cent., and cotton consumed fifty-eight per cent. It is a 
noteworthy fact that the American method of cotton 
manufacture is the most economical of labor in the world. 
An American operative deals with one-sixth more material 
than the British operative ; one-third more than the 
German, two and a half times as much as the French or 
Austrian, and five times as much as the Russian. This 
may be in part explained by the fact that the proportion 
of men is greater in American than in European factories ; 
though the superior nature of American machinery is the 
main cause of difference. The native American, and even 
the acclimatized European, is not content to remain in any 
position which he thinks can be as well or better filled by 
a machine. If there is no such machine in existence, he 
sets his wits to work and invents one, and the patent laws 
of the country give him ample protection at a merely 
nominal cost. This is the chief reason why America 
produces more per head than any other country. 

The American woollen industry also has expanded 
greatly during recent years. Since 1860 it has increased 
threefold, an increase six times as great as that of Britain, 
which, during the same period, was only fifty per cent. 
In 1880 the United States were hardly behind Britain 
in product, the total manufactures being as follows : 

Million Pounds. 

Pounds per In- 


United Kingdom 
United States . 




Since 1880 the Eepublic has no doubt left her parent 
far in the rear. In 1883-4 about three hundred and 
ninety-six million pounds of wool were consumed in the 
United States, and three hundred and twenty million 
pounds of this was grown at home. The wool production 
is now about six times greater than it was twenty-five 
years ago; and already exportations are assuming im- 
portant figures. Uncle Sam may be destined soon to 
clothe, as well as to feed, his European brother. 


The capital invested in woollen manufacture in 1880 
was about nineteen million sterling. The hands employed 
exceeded eighty-six thousand, who received wages to the 
amount of 26,000,000 (more than 5,000,000), an average 
of nearly $300 (60) each. Although between 1870 and 
1880 the capital invested increased to twenty-one and 
one-half per cent., the number of establishments decreased 
thirty-one per cent. As machinery is improved and 
elaborated, its cost tends to put small capitalists out of 
the competition and to increase the average size of the 
manufacturing establishments. That great improvement 
in machinery took place during the decade is shown by 
the fact that the value per hand added to the materials 
by manufacture increased seventeen and one -fourth per 
cent. ; and that concentration of labor into larger esta- 
blishments occurred, is shown by an increase of seventy- 
six and one-half per cent, in the average capital per 
establishment, and an increase of fifty-eight per cent, in 
number of hands per establishment. 

The manufacture of mixed textiles for 1880 reached 
a value of $66,250,000 (13,250,000). Silk manu- 
factures employed capital to the amount of $19,000,000 
(3,800,000), and labor to the amount of thirty-one thou- 
sand hands who received $9,146,705 (1,829,341) in 
wages. The net value of materials used was $18,500,000 
(3,700,000) and value of the products $34,500,000 
(6,900,000). Worsted goods were valued the same year 
at $33,000,000 (6,600,000) while hosiery and knit 
goods reached $29,000,000 (5,800,000). 

In the carpet trade, which is of recent origin, we have 
another example of the concentration of capital and labor 
in large establishments. Since 1870 the decrease in the 
number of establishments has been marked. Yet has the 
capital nearly doubled, and the product increased eighty- 
three per cent, in the decade. For 1880 the product 
was worth $21,750,000 (4,350,000), and consisted of 
twenty-two million yards of two-ply ingrains, nine and 
one-half million yards of tapestry, four million yards of 
Brussels, and half that quantity of Venetian carpets. 


One is startled to find that more yards of carpet are 
manufactured in and around the city of Philadelphia alone 
than in the whole of Great Britain. It is not twenty 
years since the American imported his carpets, and now 
he makes more at one point than the greatest European 
manufacturing nation does in all its territory. Truly the 
old lands are fast becoming petty little communities ; 
their populations so small, their products so trifling, in 
comparison with those of the Giant of the West ! 

The manufacture of boots and shoes is one of the oldest 
and most important industries of America. It is also one 
of the best developed developed not simply in regard 
to size, but in perfection of methods. Here machinery 
seems to have reached its culmination. The human hand 
does little but guide the material from machine to machine, 
and the hammering, the stamping, and sewing are all 
done by the tireless energy of steam. It is no fiction to 
say that men put leather into the machine at one end, 
and it comes out a perfect fitting boot at the other. 
By means of such a machine, a man can make three hun- 
dred pairs of boots in a day, and a single factory in Mas- 
sachusetts turns out as many pairs yearly as thirty-two 
thousand bootmakers in Paris. In 1880 America had 
three thousand one hundred of these mechanical St. 
Crispins, making new pedal coverings every four months 
for fifty million people. The old fashioned cobbler with 
last and " taching-end " is as surely doomed to extinction 
as the New Zealand Maori. Even the small capitalist 
who is willing to adopt the most approved methods when 
able, finds himself placed hors de combat by his stronger 
rivals. In 1870 America had three thousand on hundred 
and fifty-one bootmaking establishments, employing 
ninty-one thousand seven hundred and two men. Ten 
years later the workmen had increased to one hundred 
and eleven thousand one hundred and fifty-two, but the 
number of establishments had fallen to one thousand nine 
hundred and fifty-nine, a decrease of nearly thirty-eight 
per cent. Even yet machinery continues to be improved. 
In the decade ending 1880 the increased number of hands 



was but twenty-one and one-quarter per cent., but the in- 
creased value of products was forty-one and a half per 
cent. The increase of capital was forty -three and one- 
quarter per cent. How far the concentration of capital is 
destined to go, no one can foretell. The survival of the 
fittest means here the survival of the most economical ; 
and that large establishments are more economical than 
small ones is proved by the non-survival of the latter. It 
is probable that the only limit to the concentration of labor 
is that imposed by the capacity of the directing mind 
which presides over it. 

There are many other industries which claim by their 
importance some mention here ; but lest details should 
become tiresome to the reader there is appended, in 
tabular form, a few particulars of the most important in- 
dustries hitherto unnamed. But even the most conscien- 
tious reader is hereby specially permitted and advised 
to skip this table. The author did not make it, you know, 
and he is only solicitous for the text. 






Value of 



leather Currying 






Tanning . . 
Ship Building 
Paper .... 









Glass .... 






Dyeing and Finishing. 




Sugar and Molasses . 
Printing & Publishing 




Agricultural Imple- 

ments . . 










Carriages & Wagons . 
Drugs and Chemicals 





Clothing (Men's) Ready 
Made . 


Clothing (Women's) 

Beady Made . 
Bailroad and Street 




Cars : ; 





Hardware : 





Sewing Machines 




In this table the two items which will probably most 


excite surprise, are those which seem to tell us that the 
sober-suited male spends six times as much for his clothes 
as the more gaudily dressed branch of the race. The 
explanation of this is found in the enormous development 
of ready-made clothing in the country. Let any one stop 
for a moment at the windows of one of these establish- 
ments, which generally occupy entire squares in most of 
the cities, and notice at what extremely low prices quite 
respectable clothing is offered, and if he be a British visitor 
few sights will more surprise him. Prices are not above 
those in Britain, and the clothing is better made ; the 
material may however not be quite so good, for a mixture 
of inferior stuff is suspected in the home product. Still 
it is excellent and serviceable, and is constantly improving 
in quality. There is seen in this branch another develop- 
ment of the wholesale idea, which gives America its good 
and cheap watches and many other things. In the manu- 
facture of rnens' clothing men are divided into classes and 
a thousand suits are cut and sewed by machinery for each 
class from the same material. Only the misshapen man 
is now compelled to be measured and fitted by himself. 
The garments adapted for boys' wear offered by these 
wholesale manufacturers are so much more varied in style, 
and so much cheaper than can be obtained from smaller 
tailors, that this branch may be said to be entirely mono- 
polized by the manufacturers. Prices are lower than those 
prevailing in Britain for similar garments. Jfot only the 
working classes but all except the few rich are fast be- 
coming patrons of these ready-made establishments which, 
it may be mentioned, do a strictly cash business. This in 
itself is one reason for their low prices, and it exerts a 
decided influence for good upon the habits of the poorer 
people. Here again we have that law of concentration 
which seems inseparable from manufacturing, the smaller 
being constantly merged into the greater factories. 

When we come to the dress of delightful, vain woman, 
however, we have a total arrest of this concentration. Her 
tastes or whims are so numerous, so diverse, that she 
must express herself in her dress, and sometimes very 


loudly too ; still in this we can at least ask the world to 
judge between the monarchy and the Democracy without 
fear of the verdict. The American woman of all classes 
sets an example to her monarchical sister in dress. The 
fullblown wife of the local magnate from the provinces 
decked out in all the colors of the rainbow, and apparently 
with a ram-rod down her back, which extends high through 
her neck too, and probably divides into two prongs midway, 
one going down each leg to her feet, that spectacle 
has no compeer upon this side of the water. Even the 
wife of the California miner who has " made his pile," or 
of the Pennsylvania speculator who has "struck oil," 
seems to submit herself to a tolerable dressmaker before 
she appears in public in New York or Washington. Still 
there is no possibility of success if the attempt were made 
to manufacture a thousand bonnets or dresses of any one 
pattern ; that any other woman had one of these would 
render the next hideous, positively offensive to the aesthetic 
sense of the second purchaser. The guarantee required by 
the purchaser of a fashionable bonnet apparently is that 
it can be worshipped without breaking the commandment. 
There must be nothing like it in the heavens above nor 
in the earth beneath nor in the waters under the earth ; 
and in many cases there is not. For this reason, if it be a 
reason at all, we find the census reporting that men spend 
six times the sum that women do upon clothing. "Were 
the receipts known and reported of the thousands of small 
retail dressmakers who supply the principal parts of 
women's dress we should no doubt find these figures more 
than reversed. 

The power used in manufactures in the United States 
is equal to three million four hundred and ten thousand 
eight hundred and thirty-seven horse power a force 
capable of raising a weight of seventeen billion tons one 
foot high. Of this force sixty-four per cent, is steam 
power and thirty-six per cent, water power. The increase 
of total power between 1870 and 1880 was forty-five per 
cent. In the same time the increase in -product of manu- 
factures was fifty-eight per cent., another sign of improved 


machinery. The increase of power per hand in all 
branches of manufacture amounted to ten per cent., 
which indicates the extent of the transfer from manual 
to mechanical power during that period. 

The transfer is still going on, and man is ever getting 
Nature to work more and more for him. A hundred 
years ago she did little but grow his corn, meat, and 
wool. Now she cuts the corn, gathers, binds, threshes, 
grinds, bakes it into bread, and carries it to his door. 
The wool she spins, weaves, and sews into garments, and 
then stops not until she has placed it within the future 
wearer's reach, be he ever so far away. Or she will carry 
him wheresoever his lordly desire may lead him. Across 
continents and under seas she flies with his messages. 
Ever obedient, ever untiring, ever ready, she grows more 
responsive and willing in proportion as her lord makes 
more demands upon her. Already she has taken to her*- 
self the drudgery which, long burdened man ; and under 
triumphant Democracy she is ever seizing on other work 
to relieve him, and leave his life freer for happiness. In 
other lands men are not so happy. Instead of making 
conquests over nature, they strive for conquests over each 
other, incited thereto by selfish and conceited kings and 
self-styled noblemen. But the end is near. It is pro- 
bable that it is by an industrial conquest feudalism and 
standing armies in Europe are to be overcome ; and that 
has already begun. America, blessed land of peace, is 
inundating the world not only with her products, but 
with her gospel of the equality of man as man, and the 
old-time nations will soon be forced to divert their 
energies from war to peaceful work. 

The position America has acquired not only as a manu- 
facturer of the coarser products but of more artistic 
articles is remarkable. In all articles of silverware, for 
instance, no nation competes successfully with her. A 
New York establishment, which dwarfs all other similar 
establishments in the world, carried off the gold medal 
for artistic work in silver at the Paris Exhibition of 1855, 
and also of 1878 ; also the gold medal from the Emperor 


of Kussia. Twenty per cent, of all its enormous manu- 
facture of silverware is now sold abroad. In this branch, 
as in engraving, the republican workman has achieved pre- 
eminence. This is but the beginning of his triumphs 
in the higher branches of art. Others are as certain to 
follow as the sun is to shine, for the manhood and intelli- 
gence of the workman, his position of equality in the 
State, must find expression in his work. 

We have an interesting example of republican success 
in another branch of manufacture that of watches. It 
is not very long since every watch carried by the American 
was imported. To-day America exports watches largely 
to most foreign countries and especially to Europe. 
These indispensable articles were formerly made by hand 
in small factories. Switzerland, that land of cheap labor, 
was the principal seat of the manufacture. Thirty-five 
years ago the American conceived the idea of making 
watches by machinery upon a gigantic scale. The 
principal establishment made only five watches per day 
as late as 1854. Now thirteen hundred per day is the 
daily task, and six thousand watches per month are sent 
to the London agency. Three other similar establish- 
ments, conducted upon the same general plan, are kept 
busily employed. In short the Republic is now the 
world's watchmaker. Notwithstanding the fact that 
labor is paid more than double that of Europe, the 
immense product, the superior skill of the workman, and 
the numerous American inventions connected with the 
business, enable the republican to outstrip all his rivals. 
It will soon be so in all articles which can be made of 
one pattern in great numbers, for in such cases the 
enormous home market of the American takes so much 
more of any article than the home market of any other 
manufacturer that he is enabled to carry on the business 
upon a gigantic scale, and dispose of his surplus abroad. 
In confirmation of this now let us take the manufacture 
of thread, for which the two Scotch firms at Paisley, 
Scotland, are so justly celebrated the world over. 

The pioneer firm began operations in Paisley in 1798, 


the other followed in 1820. They began to manufacture 
in the United States in 1866 and 1869 not twenty years 
ago. Yet their combined capital in works upon this side 
already about equals their capital in Paisley, the product 
of sixty years' growth. In other words, twenty years in 
the Republic has equalled sixty in Scotland. In twenty 
years more Clarke & Coates will in all probability con- 
sider their original home works in dear old monarchical 
Paisley as but a branch of the main stem in the great 

Another illustration of the same character is seen in 
the manufacture of pig-iron. The writer well remembers 
raising a laugh not twenty years ago at the table of one 
of the Scotch iron kings, the Bairds, by prophesying that 
even their enormous product would soon he reached by a 
manufacturing concern in America. Where \vould the 
laugh be now ? The Bairds do not produce nearly as 
much to-day as the American concern, and next year the 
difference in favor of the republican manufacturer will 
be much greater, as their capacity is constantly being 
increased to meet the swelling demands of the new 
country. So it is in every branch of manufacture, so 
rapidly is the child land dwarfing her illustrious mother. 
One has only to have faith in the Republic. She never 
yet betrayed the head that trusted, or the heart that 
loved her. 

In Mr. Pidgeon's clever book, " Old World Questions 
and New World Answers," which is, upon the whole, the 
best book of its kind that I know of, we find the author 
unerringly placing his finger upon the one secret of the 
Republic's success, viz. : the respect in which labor is 
held. If I wished to indicate one of the sharpest con- 
trasts between men in the world, and few will deny my 
right to judge here, I should say that which exists between 
the artisan in monarchical Britain and republican America. 
I echo every word Mr. Pidgeon says : 

" Gloze it over as we may, there is a great gulf fixed between the 
ideas of Old and New England on this radical question of the dignity 
of work. Our industrial occupations consist, speaking generally, of 
M 2 


mere money-spinning. The places where, and the people by whom, 
we carry them on, are cared for economically, and that is all. It is 
not in our business, but by our ' position,' that we shine in the eyes 
of ourselves and our neighbors. The social code of this country 
drives, yearly, numbers of young men, issuing from our public 
schools and universities, either into the over-crowded learned pro- 
fessions or into government clerkships, whose narrow round of 
irresponsible duties benumbs originality, and weakens self-reliance. 
Capable, educated girls are pining for a ' career ' in England, while 
posts, even the most important, are filled in New England by ' young 
ladies,' the equals of ours in everything which that phrase denotes, 
and their superiors in all the qualities that are born of effort and 
self-help. It is no one's fault, and I am not going to rail at the 
inevitable. We were originally a feudal country, and cannot escape 
the influence of our traditions. The man who does service for 
another was a ' villein ' in the feudal times, and is an ' inferior ' now ; 
just as a man of no occupation is a 'gentleman,' and a governess a 
'person.' Use has made us unconscious of the fact that the 
* dignity of work ' is a mere phrase in our mouths, while it blinds us 
to the loss of national energy, which avenges outraged labor. 

" Let us look to it, while the battle of free trade rages across the 
Atlantic, as rage it soon will, that we import some American readi- 
ness and grip into our board-rooms and offices, some sense of the 
dignity of labor into our workshops." 

This writer truthfully gives tho facts, but iuto the 
causes of this sense of the dignity of labor in the Republic, 
and its absence in the Monarchy, he has not ventured 
to seek. Let ine supply this lack. If you found a State 
upon the monarchical idea which necessarily carries with 
it an aristocracy, by so much more as you exalt this royal 
family and aristocracy you inevitably degrade all who are 
not of these classes. That is clear. If at the pinnacle 
you place people who are exempt from honest labor for 
recompense whether such State labor be such as that 
rendered by ministers, physicians, lawyers, teachers, or 
other professional men, or tradesmen or mechanics ; if you 
create a court from which people in trade, or artisans, are 
excluded ; if you support a monarch who declines to have 
one in trade presented to her even at a State reception, 
thus entailing upon honest labor the grossest insult, what 
can be the result of the system but a community in which 
the dignity of labor has not only no place but one in 


which, as in Britain, labor is actually looked down upon ! 
Tl.'is is the very essence of the monarchical idea. 

The Queen of Great Britain grossly insults labor every 
moment of her life by declining to recognize it. And 
all her entourage, from the Duke who walks backwards 
before " the Lord's anointed " for four thousand a year, 
down or up to the groom of the stole whatever that 
may be necessarily cherish the same contempt for those 
who lead useful lives of labor. 

Mr. Pidgeon would cure this evil of his country by 
giving a better education to the people. So far, so good, 
but until this educated people goes to the root of the evil 
and sweeps away the present foundation upon which 
their government rests and founds in its place a govern- 
ment resting upon the equality of the citizen, he may 
legislate from June to January, year after year, and labor 
will still hold no honored place in the State. How can 
it ever be even respected so long as a monarch and a 
court despise and insult it. 

" Nature rejects the monarch, not the man ; 
The subject not the citizen ; for kings 
And subjects, mutual foes, for ever play 
A losing game into each other's hand, 
Whose stakes are vice and misery." 

Xever will the British artisan rival the American until 
from his system are expelled the remains of serfdom and 
into his veins is instilled the pure blood of exalted man- 
hood. Ah, Mr. Pidgeon ! you should know that before 
you can have an intelligent, self-respecting, inventive 
artisan, like the American, the State must first make him 
a man. 

Of course we hear the response to all this from the 
ostrich class : Britons have done pretty well, have they 
not 1 So far they have managed not only to hold their 
own in the world, but to successfully invade many pro- 
vinces naturally belonging to others. Have not the British 
race come out ahead 1 Granted, and why ? Because 
until recently they have had as competing races less free 
men, and therefore less men than themselves. Compare 


a Briton and his political liberties with a German, or with 
any Continental race and the law I indicate receives con- 
firmation. The freer the citizen, the grander the national 
triumphs. Who questions that the overthrow of the 
doctrine of the divine right of kings and the supreme 
authority of Parliament have not exerted a powerful 
influence upon the national character. And when a new 
race appears which enjoys political equality, shall the law 
not hold good, and the prize fall to the freest and there- 
fore to the best man? And this is precisely what is 
going on before our eyes. Will any competent judge of 
the two countries upon this vit:il point dispute the 
immense superiority of the republican workman 1 ? Will 
not Mr. Howard of Bedford, for instance, or Mr. Lowtbian 
Bell, or Mr. Windsor Richards, or Mr. Edward Martin 
all of whom have investigated the subject will they 
not tell their fellow-countrymen as I tell them, and as 
Mr. Pidgeon tells them, that the Citizen leads the subject. 
The theory of the equal status of the workingman in 
the State here lies at the root of his superiority, both as 
a citizen and as a skilled workman. AVe find that in 
handling a shovel (which few native Americans do), the 
British man in his cool climate can do more work than 
his fellow-countryman can do, or at least than he docs 
here ; but when we come to educated skilled labor, 
the average Briton is not in the race. Nor will he bo 
until he too is subject to no man, but the proud citizen 
of a commonwealth founded upon political equality. 
The stuff is in him, but the laws of his country stifle it 
at his birth, and prevent its proper development all the 
years of his life. 

The struggle for existence has already begun afresh, 
this time other weapons than the spear and sword. Euro- 
pean nations must rid themselves of the weight they now 
carry if they would not fall further and further behind 
in the race. The people must first take their political 
rights, and secure perfect equality under the laws. This 
obtained, the rest is easy, for the people of all countries 
are pacific and bear nothing but good will to each other. 

MINING. 167 

Where ill will has grown it is the work of hereditary 
rulers and military classes, not responsible to the masses. 
From the jealousies and personal ambitions of these, the 
people are happily free, and hence from their advent to 
power there must come a rapid diversion of force from 
international war into the peaceful channels of industrial 
development. The reign of the Democracy means ulti- 
mately no less than the reign of peace on earth, among 
men good will. 


" Deep in unfathomable mines 

Of never-failing skill, 
He treasures up his vast designs 
And works his wondrous will." 

IN preceding chapters the superlative form of adjectives 
has been so often applied to America when contrasted 
with other lands, that many a foreign reader, who now 
for the first time realizes the magnitude and greatness of 
the Republic, may not unnaturally begin to feel dubious 
about it all. He may be inclined to believe that it is 
not a veritable nation to which such magnificent attributes 
are ascribed, but some fabled land of Atlantis. Never- 
theless it is all real and true. The Republic is surely, 
as we have already seen, the largest, most populous, 
wealthiest civilized nation in the world, and also the 
greatest agricultural, pastoral, and manufacturing nation. 
And now we have one more claim to make it is the 
greatest mining nation as well. Greatest on the surface 
of the soil, as she undoubtedly is, her supremacy below 
the surface is yet more iucontestible. Over every part of 
the vast continent Nature has lavished her bounties in a 
profusion almost wasteful. Beneath fields of waving corn, 
ripening in a perfect climate, are layers upon layers of 
mineral wealth. Deposits of gold, silver, coal, iron, 
copper are found in quantities unknown elsewhere, and 


the rocks yield every year rivers of oil. To crown her 
bounty and aid in its utilization, and, as if in pursuance 
of the law "To him that hath shall be given," Nature 
has lately blessed her with a gift as remarkable as it is 
rare an agent rich in beneficial influences, and helpful 
to a degree which renders every other natural gift prosaic 
in comparison natural gas, a fluid distilled by natuie 
deep in the earth, and stored in her own vast gasometers, 
requiring only to be led into workshops and under boilers 
to do there the work of a thousand giants. 

Let me describe this new wonder first. Seven years 
ago a company was drilling for petroleum at Murraysville, 
near Pittsburgh. A depth of one thousand three 
hundred and twenty feet had been reached when the 
drills were thrown high into the air, and the derrick 
broken to pieces and scattered around by a tremendous 
explosion of gas, which rushed with hoarse shriekings 
into the air, alarming the population for miles around. 
A light was applied, and immediately there leaped into 
life a fierce, dancing demon of fire, hissing and swirling 
around with the wind, and scorching the earth in a wide 
circle around it. Thinking it was but a temporary out- 
burst preceding the oil, men allowed this valuable fuel to 
waste for five years. Coal in that region cost only 
two or three shillings per ton, and there was little in- 
ducement to sink capital in attempts to supersede it with 
a fuel which, though cheaper, might fail as suddenly as 
it had arisen. But as the years passed, and the giant 
leaped and danced as madly as at first, a company was 
formed to provide for the utilization of the gas. It was 
conducted in pipes under the boilers of iron works, where 
it burned without a particle of smoke. Stokers and fire- 
men, and all the laborers who had been required to load 
and unload coal, became superfluous. Boring began in 
other districts, and soon around Pittsburgh were twenty 
gas wells, one yielding thirty million cubic feet a day. 
A single well has furnished gas equal to twelve hundred 
tons of coal a day. Numerous lines of pipes, aggregating 
six hundred miles, now convey the gas from the wells to 

MINING. 169 

tho manufacturing centres of Pittsburgh and Alleghany 
City and their suburbs. The empty coal bunkers are 
being white-washed ; and where in some works one 
hundred and twenty coal-begrimed stokers worked like 
black demons in Hades feeding the fires, one man now 
walks about in cleanly idleness, his sole care that of 
watching the steam and water-gauges. The erstwhile 
"Smoky City" is now getting a pure atmosphere; and 
one would little suspect that tho view from the cliffs 
above the Monongahela Eiver included the thousand 
hitherto smoky furnaces of the Iron City. Private re- 
sidences in Pittsburgh are supplied with natural gas, and 
all heating and cooking are done with this cheap fuel. 
Already ten thousand tons of coal per day are displaced 
by it, ami slack, which even before the application of 
natural gas was worth only three shillings per ton in 
Pittsburgh, is now almost worthless. At present gas 
wells in and around Pittsburgh are so numerous as to 
bo counted by hundreds. The number of companies 
chartered to supply natural gas in Pennsylvania up to 
February 5, 1884, was one hundred and fifty, represent- 
ing a capital stock of many millions. Since that date 
numerous other charters have been granted. More than 
sixty wells have been drilled at Erie, Penn. Gas has 
also been found in small quantities in the States of 
Ohio, West Virginia, Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois, Ala- 
bama, Kansas, Dakota, and California. It is used for 
manufacturing purposes upon a small scale in eight towns 
in New York, in twenty-four towns in Pennsylvania, and 
in five in Ohio, but so far the region around Pittsburgh 
is the only one in which the much-desired fuel has been 
found in abundance. New uses are constantly being 
discovered. Glass is made purer by means of the gas, 
the covered pots formerly used in the furnaces being 
found unnecessary. Iron and steel plates are cleaned and 
prepared for tinning by passing a current of gas over 
them while red-hot. The old process of pickling in acid 
solutions caused partial corrosion of the plates, which 
required to be carefully cleaned from the acid. It is also 


useful in cleansing delicate fabrics. The dephosphoriza- 
tion of iron through the agency of natural gas is being 
attempted, with partial success. The attempts, however, 
have resulted in the formation of carbon, which has been 
found suitable for electric light carbons. In every de- 
partment of industry discoveries are constantly being 
made, which, if not so important as those named, are yet 
of great value. The gas at present running to waste 
within piping distance of Pittsburgh is estimated at 
siventy million cubic feet per day ! 

Closely allied to natural gas is natural oil or petro- 
leum, for gas is probably the distilled product of the oil, 
forced by subterranean heat and pressure out of the car- 
bonaceous deposits which abound throughout Pennsyl- 
vania. Though rock-oil was known to the early 
Chaldeans, and is referred to by Herodotus, Pliny, and 
other ancient writers, it was not utilized for manufac- 
turing purposes until 1847, when Young, of Glasgow, 
made lubricating oil from petroleum obtained from 
Derbyshire, England. Then began in England and 
America the distillation of oil from coal ; and in 1860 
there were in the United States not less than forty 
factories producing about five hundred barrels per clay. 
But these were doomed to speedy extinction ; for in the 
preceding year a company had been formed in Pennsyl- 
vania to drill for the oil which was seen oozing in various 
places from the river banks and floating on the water. 
The Indians, by spreading blankets over the surface, used 
to collect small quantities of this oil to mix with their 
war-paint and for medicinal purposes. Crude petroleum, 
under the name of Seneca oil, had, so late as thirty years 
ago, the reputation of a universal curative. The quack 
advertisements which set forth the virtues of this medi- 
cine began : 

" The healthful balm, from nature's secret spring, 

The bloom of health and life to man will bring ; 
As from her depths the magic liquid flows, 
To calm our sufferings and assuage our woes." 

It sold then for $2 (8s. ) per bottle. Alas for human 

MINING. 171 

credulity ! Since the oil, which once cured everything, 
brings but one dollar per barrel it has lost all virtue, and 
cures nothing. 

The first drilling in Pennsylvania resulted in a flow 
of ten barrels a day, which was - sold for fifty cents a 
gallon. A period of wild excitement followed. Wells 
were sunk all over the country. Some were failures, but 
oil was often reached. Of one well it is recorded that it 
yielded four hundred and fifty thousand barrels of oil 
in a little more than two years, while another is said to 
have given not less than half a million barrels in a twelve- 
month. An oil property, Storey Farm, Oil Creek, with 
which I was intimately connected, has a remarkable 
history. When, about twenty-two years ago, in com- 
pany with some friends I first visited this famous well, 
the oil was running into the creek, where a few flat- 
bottomed scows lay filled with it, ready to be floated 
down to the Alleghany Eiver upon an agreed-upon day 
each week, when the creek was flooded by means of a 
temporary dam. This was the beginning of the natural 
oil business. We purchased the farm for $40,000 
(8000), and so small was our faith in the ability of the 
earth to yield for any considerable time the hundred 
barrels per day which the property was then producing, 
that we decided to make a pond capable of holding one 
hundred thousand barrels of oil, which we estimated 
would be worth, when the supply ceased, $1,000,000 
(200,000). Unfortunately for us the pond leaked fear- 
fully ; evaporation also caused much loss, but we con- 
tinued to run oil in to make the losses good day after day 
until several hundred thousand barrels had gone in this 
fashion. Our experience with the farm may be worth 
reciting. Its value rose to $5,000,000 (<!, 000,000) ; 
that is, the shares of the company sold in the market 
upon this basis ; and one year it paid in cash dividends 
31,000,000 (200,000) rather a good return upon an 
investment of eight thousand pounds. So great was the 
yield in the district that in two years oil became almost 
valueless, often selling in bulk as low as thirty cents per 


barrel, and not ^infrequently it was suffered to run to 
waste as utterly worthless. But as new uses were found 
for the oil, prices rose again, and to remove the difficulty 
of high freights, pipes were laid, first for short distances, 
and then to the seaboard, a distance of about three 
hundred miles. Through these pipes, of which six 
thousand two hundred miles have been laid, the oil is 
now pumped from two thousand one hundred wells. It 
costs only ten cents to pump a barrel of oil to the 
Atlantic. The present daily yield of the oil-producing 
district is about seventy thousand barrels, and the supply, 
instead of diminishing, goes on increasing yearly. More 
than thirty-eight million barrels of thirty-three gallons 
each were in store one day in November, 1884. The 
value of petroleum and its products exported up to 
January, 1884, exceeds in value 625,000,000 

In the Pittsburgh district we find another mineral 
deposit of immense value, a remark able coal seam of great 
thickness, which makes a coke of such quality as to 
render it famous throughout the continent. It is so 
easily mined that a man and a boy can dig and load 
nearly thirty tons in ten hours. In Chicago, and in St. 
Louis, in the blast furnaces of Pittsburgh and in the 
silver and lead mines of Utah, this coke, " compact, 
silvery and lustrous," is an important factor in Ihc 
metallic industries of the Eepublic. It gives Pittsburgh 
advantages which cause it to rank as an iron producer in 
advance of towns situated on the very beds of iron-stone. 
Well may the Iron City burst into song : 

" I am monarch of all the forges, 

I have solved the riddle of fire ; 
The amen of nature to need of man 

Echoes at my desire. 
I search with the subtle soul of flame 

The heart of the rocky earth, 
And hot from my anvils the prophecies 

Of the miracle years blaze forth. 

MINING. 173 

" I am swart with the soot of my chimneys, 

I drip with the sweat of toil; 
I quell and scepter the savage wastes 

And charm the curse from the soil. 
I fling the bridges across the gulfs 

That hold us from the To Be, 
And build the roads for the bannered march 

Of crowned Humanity." 

In the same lucky State of Pennsylvania are deposits 
of valuable anthracite coal, which, though including in 
all an area of only four hundred and seventy square 
miles, are of immense thickness. These deposits, which 
in parts vary from fifty to seven hundred feet thick, and 
average about seventy feet, make this wonderful region 
of greater value than many coal fields of ten times the 
area. Near Pottsville there is a thickness of three 
thousand three Imndred feet of coal measures. The 
cubic contents of the anthracite coal field, allowing 
fifty per cent, for loss in working, is estimated at 
thirteen billion one hundred and eighty million five 
hundred and thirty-five thousand tons of merchantable 
coal a store capable of furnishing the present consump- 
tion, or thirty million tons per year, for four hundred 
aud thirty-nine years. By that time men will probably 
be burning the hydrogen of water, or be fully utilizing 
the solar rays, or the tidal energy, or using some undis- 
covered means of profitably getting heat and power by 
diverting natural phenomena. They will probably not 
feel the want of anthracite coal. At present, however, 
this fuel is especially precious on account of its hardness, 
density, and purity, which render it available for iron 
-melting without coking, while to its freedom from smoke 
is due the pure atmosphere of Eastern American cities. 
The view from Brooklyn Bridge would delight a Lon- 
ioner, used to the murky atmosphere of the English 
metropolis. He would see the roofs and chimneys of 
two great cities for miles, but hardly a particle of smoke 
to mar the purity of the bright air, or sully a sky which 
rivals that of Italy in clearness. 



In twenty-five States and Territories, distributed all 
over the continent, north, south, east, and west, from 
Alabama to Bhode Island and thence to California and 
Oregon, coal is now being mined, while it is known to 
exist in several others. The future value of this exten- 
sive distribution of coal can be but vaguely estimated ; 
but taken in connection with the fact that iron ore is 
found in nearly every State of the Union and is mined 
in twenty-nine of them, it is clear that its value in the 
near future will be enormous. A vast expansion is 
taking place in the coal industry : in 1850 the total pro- 
duct was but seven and a quarter million tons ; in 1880 
it was seventy-one million tons, and in 1884 it reached 
ninety-seven and a half million tons. Including the 
local and colliery consumption the figures for 1884 
approximate one hundred and seven million tons. That 
of Great Britain for the same year was one hundred and 
sixty million tons. The rest of the world produced only 
one hundred and thirty million tons ; so that mother 
and child lands together produced more than twice as 
much coal as all the world beside. 

To the world's stock of gold America has contributed, 
according to Mulhall, more than fifty per cent. In 1880 
he estimated the amount of gold in the world at 
ten thousand three hundred and fifty-five tons, worth 
$7,240,000,000 (1,448,000,000). Of this the New 
World contributed five thousand three hundred and tAvo 
tons, or more than half. Australia and the United 
States have competed keenly during the last thirty years 
for precedence, but it remains with the liepublic. The 
struggle is thus indicated : 






United States . 
Australia . . . 






MINING. 175 

In 1881-2-3 the Kepublic was leading by $4,000,000 
(800,000) per year. The world's production of gold 
during the above thirty years was worth $3,930,000,000 
(786,000,000); so that Australia and America pro- 
duced together about five-sevenths of the whole. The 
yearly production of gold in the United States since 
1880 has averaged $31,250,000 (6,250,000), being one- 
third of the total product of the world. 

Of silver America has contributed to the world's supply 
even in larger ratio than of gold. Of the one hundred 
and ninety-three thousand tons estimated to have been 
produced during the last five hundred years, the Ame- 
ricas contributed one hundred and sixty-two thousand 
two hundred tons, or eighty-four per cent. Though 
this was mainly the product of Mexico and Peru, the 
United States of late years have come to the front. 
The following table gives the world's production since 






Spanish America 
United States . 





Germany and Austria . 





Various .... 









The difference between sixteen and sixty-eight marks 
the increase of silver-mining in the Eepublic which has 
taken place in ten years an increase almost incredible. 
One of the most remarkable veins of metal known is the 
Com stock Lode in Nevada. This lode, to which Mark 
Twain has given a European celebrity by his description 
in " Eoughing It," is of great width, and extends over 
five miles. It is as if Oxford Street and Uxbridge Koad 


were filled to the house-tops with rich gold and silver ore 
from Holboru Viaduct to Acton. In fourteen years this 
single vein yielded 180,000,000 (36,000,000). In one 
year, 1876, the product of the lode was $18,000,000 
(3,600,000) in gold and $20,500,000 (4,100,000) in 
silver a total of $385,000,000 (7,700,000). Here, 
again, is something which the world never saw before ! 
Since 1880 the annual product of silver in the United 
States has averaged $46,200,000 (9,240,000). If the 
present rate of increase is maintained until 1890, the 
next decade will show a hundred million sterling as the 
Republic's addition to the silver of the world. The in- 
crease from sixteen to sixty-eight in ten years is remark- 
able ; but it is more wonderful that the rate should be 

America also leads the world in copper, the United 
States and Chili contributing nearly one-half the world's 
supply. The product of the Republic has increased six- 
fold since 1860. In that year the total product was 
five thousand three hundred and eighty-eight tons ; in 
1870 twelve thousand six hundred tons; in 1880 twenty- 
seven thousand tons, and the yield for 1884 was no less 
than sixty-three thousand five hundred and fifty-five 
tons ! There's revolution for you ! From six hundred 
and fifty tons in 1850 to sixty-three thousand ! On the 
south shore of Lake Superior this metal is found almost 
pure in masses of all sizes up to many tons in weight. 
it was used by the native Indians, and traces of their 
rude mining operations are still visible. One mine in 
this district, known as the CMumet and Ilc-c.'a, produces 
nearly thirty per cent, of the whole copper output of 
the United States about eighteen thousand tons in 1884. 
It paid its owners 4,000,000 (800,000) for two years' 
dividends. Copper-mining is carried on in twenty-one 
States and Territories, and ore has been found in several 
others. This industry is rapidly developing, and doubt- 
less before the next census the annual output will be 
double what it is now. 

In 1870 the importation of lead into the United States 


amounted to forty-two thousand tons. In ten years this 
had fallen to four thousand tons. Then the tables were 
turned and the United States, instead of importing lead, 
began to send it abroad, although in small quantities. In 
1884 it was exported to the amount of twenty-six thou- 
sand pounds. This implies a rapid development of lend 
mining in the Republic. Indeed, in 1880, America was 
the first lead producing country in the world, though 
Mulhall places her slightly behind Spain. The progress 
of the industry is shown in the following table, which 
also indicates the stages of the competition : 






Grent Britain . 





Spain .... 
United States (Mulhall) . 
United States (Whitney 





and Caswell) . 





The difference in the two American estimates for 1880 
is probably due to the fact that the census statistics of 
the production of lead are only partial. In Utah, for 
example, which is not reported as producing any, lead is 
mined and smelted in connection with silver. Its pro- 
duct in 1880 was fifteen thousand net tons, and that of 
Nevada sixteen thousand six hundred and fifty-nine. 
The product of Colorado alone was thirty-five thousand 
six hundred and seventy-eight tons. The lead district 
of the upper Mississippi and of eastern Missouri jointly 
produced twenty-seven thousand six hundred and ninety 
tons, while another district of south-western Missouri 
and south-eastern Kansas is reported to have produced 
twenty-two thousand six hundred and twenty-five tons 
the previous year. So that even the larger estimate 
would probably have to be increased, were accurate figures 


at hand. Cas well's estimate for 1884 is one hundred 
and forty thousand tons, of which one hundred and 
twenty thousand tons are de-silverized lead. Lead is pro- 
duced in thirteen States, mainly in the West. Colorado 
wears a leaden rim to her silver crown, she alone pro- 
ducing twice as much as the lead mines of Great Britain. 
Indeed, a single mine at Leadville produces two-thirds as 
much as all Great Britain, although lead is here only a 
by-product of silver mining. The Horn Silver Mine in 
Utah produced, in 1884, forty thousand tons of ore, 
averaging thirty and nine one-hundredths per cent, of 
lead and thirty-nine ounces of silver, the latter alone 
nearly paying all the expenses of extraction, treatment, 
and marketing. Here again the owners got a million 
dollars for a year's dividends. The world's production of 
lead for 1883 was four hundred and fifty-four thousand 
tons. Of this more than half was produced by two 
countries the Eepublic and Spain. 

Zinc is now produced in America in large quantities. 
Previous to 1873 the amount obtained was very small ; 
but in 1880 the year's product greatly exceeded that of 
Great Britain, being twenty-three thousand two hundred 
and thirty-nine tons, against fifteen thousand nine hun- 
dred and forty-seven. In 1884 the domestic product had 
increased to thirty-five thousand tons. The import of 
zinc into the Eepublic has fallen off in a corresponding 
degree, being but one-fifth what it was in 1873, while 
prices have been reduced about eighty per cent. The 
Eepublic already ranks third among the zinc producers of 
the world. 

The mineral resources of the United States comprise 
also quicksilver, the ores of chrome and nickel, cobalt, 
platinum, iridium, antimony, arsenic, etc., etc. Salt de- 
posits are worked in various States, and sulphur, graphite, 
and gypsum abound. Mineral phosphates are found in 
South Carolina, where they are worked into fertilizers for 
domestic consumption. Granite, marble, sandstone, and 
other fine building stones and roofing slates are abundant, 
and form the objects of large and profitable industries. 

MINING. 179 

The treasures of earth have been among the most im- 
portant elements in the growth and prosperity of the 
Republic. Besides great and direct gains, there have 
been many indirect benefits resulting from the opening 
up and settlement of extensive regions. Large towns 
have sprung up with magic growth in the wilderness. 
Where miners settled, agriculturists and mechanics soon 
came to minister to their wants. In this way some of 
the richest and largest towns of the West originated. 
San Francisco is the most notable instance. A later 
example is furnished by Leadville, which ten years ago 
was the centre of a barren, uninhabited region, the haunt 
of the catamount and grizzly bear. Now it is a town of 
wide streets and handsome stone buildings, court-house, 
hospitals, churches, schools, and all the attributes of a 
large civilized city. The surrounding district is popu- 
lated by agriculturists. In ten short years the discovery 
of a rich lead vein has transformed the wilderness into 
an Arcadia. Where, a few years ago, the only sounds 
heard were the growl of the coyote or the occasional 
whoop of the savage, the busy hum of a city, the lowing 
of cattle, or the beat of a steam crusher now wake the 
echoes of the hills. 

The Eepublic seems to stand like the variety shop- 
keeper in Colorado, who put tip in his shop in a flaming 
placard, " If you don't see what you want just ask for it." 
We have only to want a mineral and seek for it, when 
nature places it before us. A few years ago there was 
not a pound of speigel (so essential for the Bessemer steel 
process) made in the United States. We had not the 
proper ores, we said. A hundred thousand tons were 
used every year, and every ton was imported. To-day 
we have the ores from Lake Superior, from Virginia, 
from Arkansas, and all the speigel we need can be made 
at home. So too with ferro-manganese. This is a 
metallic substance as essential for the manufacture of mild 
steel as speigel is for steel rails. Eighty dollars a ton was 
paid by our manufacturers up to last year, and every ton 
came across the sea. We needed the precious ore, a^d, 


presto, a rich mine appears in Virginia and another in 
Arkansas. It has been tested and the former is pro- 
nounced to be the richest and purest in the world. " It 
will make ferro-manganese," said our manager. " Sure 1" 
" Yes, sure." " Try it." Result : the Republic may be 
shut off to-morrow from foreign speigel and ferro-manganese 
and scarcely know it. Within her own broad bosom she 
has all the requisites for the manufacture of any kind of 

Tin is the only metal she now lacks. But let no one 
be surprised to read some day the announcement that all 
other deposits of tin in the world sink into insignificance 
compared to those just discovered in America. But even 
without this one precious mineral my readers will surely 
conclude from the story of the mineral treasures of the 
Republic which I have attempted to tell that this is indeed 
the favored land. 

That the reader may the better be enabled to estimate 
the extent of the enormous mineral treasures of the 
Republic, I will summarize in order the several principal 
deposits and contrast them with those of each country 
which ranks next to America in mineral wealth. We 
begin with the black diamond, coal, as the mineral which 
perhaps lies closest to the root of industrial success. 
How then is the Democracy provided with this indispens- 
able treasure 1 

Well, the coal area of the United States comprises 
three hundred thousand square miles ; Great Britain's 
coal field twelve thousand. The whole of the world has 
but four hundred thousand square miles. The Republic 
therefore has twenty-five times the field of the parent land ; 
and, I am almost ashamed to confess it, she has three- 
quarters of all the coal area of the earth. For shame ! to 
leave only one-quarter for all the rest of the world ! In 
good round Scotch I say to her : " The deil's greedy but 
ye're misleard." So it is, my readers but " as sure 's 
death we canna help it." 

Let us see about the precious metals. Gold and silver 
have I none, was not written of this giant. She has con-i 

MINING. 181 

trihuted to the stock of gold in the world, estimated at 
ten thousand three hundred tons, more than one-half the 
whole. Australia has given her a close race during the 
past thirty years, but the Republic remains ahead. 

In silver the Eepuhlic begins to challenge even the 
abulous mines of Mexico and Bolivia, still classed as 
Spanish America, from which most of the silver supply 
of the world has hitherto been drawn. In the ten 
years between 1850 and 1860, these mines furnished 
more than half of all the silver produced. In the next 
decade, I860 to 1870, it was still the same, $320,000,000 
(64,000,000) being their product, while the total was but 
3550,000,000 (110,000,000). In these two decades the 
infant Eepublic produced only $50,000,000 (10,000,000) 
and $80,000,000 (16,000,000) respectively. But with 
the discovery of the silver mines of Nevada and Colorado, 
which lay till then in the untrodden wilderness, the 
United States came rapidly to the front, and in the last 
decade, 1870 to 1880, she shows $340,000,000 
(68,000,000) as against the $350,000,000 (70,000,000) 
of all the Spanish-America mines together. Germany 
and Austria produced about $100,000,000 (20,000,000), 
and various countries as much more. Since 1880, the 
race is more and more to the Republic, for the average 
product of her silver mines since then exceeds $46,250,000 
(9,250,000) per annum, one-third of the silver production 
of the world. 

Leaving the " yellow geordie " and the " white monie," 
as Bassanio did, let us see how it fares with the humbler, 
dingy, dull copper the bawbee. The world's production 
of copper in 1883 was exactly two hundred thousand tons. 
Of this, America supplied more than one-fourth, fifty-two 
thousand tons ; the whole of Europe gave only seventy- 
one thousand tons ; Chili but forty-one thousand tons. 

Is it not amazing that one nation should in itself have 
each of the three metals in such abundance ! Australia 
has gold, and the Republic says to her, " So have I in value 
greater than yours." Mexico and Bolivia call, " Here 
stand we with the dazzling mines of Peru," and the 


Republic answers, "Our silver mines exceed those 
treasures." Chili has been the main source of the copper 
supply, and now the Republic dwarfs her in her own 
special field. 

It was not copper after all that Bassanio preferred, but 
the dull leaden casket. Let us see then about this 
valuable article. The world produced in 1883 four 
hundred and fifty-four thousand metric tons, and of this 
the Republic contributed one hundred and forty thousand, 
more than a fourth. Spain comes next to her with one 
hundred and twenty-seven thousand, followed by Ger- 
many with ninety-five thousand. Britain figures here 
for forty thousand tons, not a bad showing for so small 
an area. 

In zinc, the Republic is making fast strides. Its manu- 
facture may be said to have begun about 1870, when 
only seven thousand tons were produced. The product 
in 1884 reached thirty-eight thousand tons ; the British 
product in 1883 was twenty-three thousand tons, but 
either of these is insignificant compared with Germany's 
contribution, one hundred and sixteen thousand tons. 
"We shall see how long it will take the young giant to 
forge alongside of his great German competitor in this 
branch of manufactures ; twenty years may do it, or even 

Thus the Republic supplies one-fourth of the lead, one- 
fourth of the copper, one-third of the silver, one-half of 
the gold of the world. Monster of the Pactolean stream, 
must everything you possess and everything you touch 
turn to gold, that you may dominate the earth 1 

Thank God, these treasures are in the hands of an 
intelligent people, the Democracy, to be used for the 
general good of the masses, and not made the spoils of 
monarchs, courts, and aristocracy, to be turned to the 
base and selfish ends of a privileged hereditary class. 
The weakest nation may rest secure, Canada on the 
north, and Chili on the south, for the nature of a govern- 
ment of the people is to abjure conquest, to protect the 
weak neighbor from foreign aggression if need be j never 

MINING. 183 

to molest, but to dwell in peace and loving neigliborliness 
with all. The Eepublic is, indeed, the child of covetous, 
grasping, ever-warring Britain, but being relieved of 
monarchical institutions and the militarism which is 
their necessary following, she has thrown away the rude 
sword and scorns to conquer except through love. It is 
a proud record for the Democracy that the giant of the 
Western Continent is not feared by the pigmies which 
surround him, but is regarded with affection and admira- 
tion in the day of prosperity, and as a sure and potent 
defender, upon whom they can safely call in the day of 

Had the monarchy retained possession of the country 
how different must have been the result. Added to the 
inevitable wars of an aristocratic and military system, 
there would have been the hate of republics as republics, 
for no royalist ever would let a republic live if he could 
help it ; for though not generally wise, they are not quite 
so devoid of reasoning self-interest as to court self-extinc- 
tion. Every weak nation upon the continent would have 
lived in fear. No neighbor ever liked the British. No 
neighbor ever can until the masses are known to them 
and make the government of England in its dealings with 
other nations a true expression of themselves. The 
people of Britain are most lovable ; its ruling classes are 
just Avhat monarchy and privilege make of men and 
women selfish, narrow, conceited, and tyrannical, and 
wholly unmindful of others. For this reason, while the 
British have always been feared, they have never been 
loved by other races. 

All this will change, however, when the Democracy 
rules their country. The parent land will become in 
Europe what theKepublic is upon the American continent 
the unselfish counsellor, the guide, the true and trusted 
friend, of its less powerful, less advanced nations. It is 
not by wicked conquest over other States, but by honest, 
peaceful labor within its own bounds and with the good 
will of all its neighbors that the Democracy builds up 
the State. 




" The great ships which pass hetween the old and the new lands 
are shuttles weaving a glorious web. Already 'Arbitration' has 
been fully spelled out upon the pattern, and now comes the niotto 
Peace and Good Will Forever.' " 

THE United States of America furnish the only example 
in the world's history of a community purely industrial in 
origin and development. Every other nation has passed 
through its military stage. In Europe and in Asia, in 
ancient times as well as in modern, social development 
has heen mainly the result of war. Nearly every modern 
dynasty in Europe has heen established by conquest, and 
every nation there has acquired and held its territory by 
force of arms. Men have been as wild beasts slaughtering 
each other at the command of the small privileged 
classes. The colonies of America, on the other hand, 
were established for commercial purposes, and generally 
the land they acquired was obtained by purchase or agree- 
ment, and not by conquest. Devoted to industry, the 
American people have never taken up the sword, except 
in self-defence or in defence of their institutions. Never 
has the plough, the hammer, or the loom, been deserted 
for the sword of conquest. Never has the profession of 
arms been honored above or even equally with other pro- 
fessions. Indeed, before the Civil War, soldiers were 
objects of popular ridicule ; and even now, when almost 
every American above forty years of age has either himself 
shouldered a musket, or has relations who have fought for 
the unity of the country, the soldier of fortune a type 
common among other peoples is unknown. Such a niau 
as the sanguinary author of " Under Fourteen Flags," a 
book descriptive of his butchering of fellow-men under 
fourteen different flags, would provoke among Americans 
feelings of repugnance and disgust. American regiments 
are regiments of workers. Emblazoned on their banners 
are not the names of cities sacked or of thousands 


slaughtered, but the names of inventors, civilizing influ- 
ences, labor-saving machines. " By this sign shall ye 
conquer " was also the divine prediction for them ; but 
the symbol was the plough, not the cross-shaped hilt of a 

The two armies are those which the poet Holmes has 
so well contrasted : 

" One marches to the drum-heat's roll, 
The wide-mouthed clarion's bray, 
And bears upon a crimson scroll, 
' Our glory is to slay.' 

One moves in silence by the stream, 

With sad, yet watchful eyes, 
Calm as the patient planet's gleam 

That walks the clouded skies. 

Along its front no sabres shine, 

No blood-red pennons wave ; 
Its banner bears the single line, 

' Our duty is to save.' " 

While the millions of Europe have been struggling in 
the thralls of military despotism, the American people 
have been for one hundred years peacefully working out 
a career of usefulness. The result is that their industrial 
successes have placed them at the head of the world in 
wealth and power. While practically independent her- 
self, America has become indispensable to Europe. With- 
out her bountiful supplies of cotton, grain, and meat, 
millions of Europeans would lack food and clothing. 

The commercial history of the United States may be 
set forth in a few words. The net imports including coin 
and bullion, 22,500,000 (4,500,000) in 1790, were 
$75,000,000 (15,000,000) in 1830. And in the next 
term of fifty years, we find them bounding from this 
figure to $740,000,000 (148,000,000). The exports 
show even a more rapid advance, for these began in 
1790 at $20,000,000 (4,000,000) reached 60,000,000 
(12,000,000) in the forty years to 1830, and during 
the past half-century, we find them $725,000,000 
(145,000,000), so that in fifty short years, the foreign 


commerce of the Republic has increased elevenfold. The 
amounts of imports per capita of the population has in- 
creased during the last fifty years from $6.25 (1 5s.) to 
about $15 (3), while exports increased from $5 (.1) to 
16.60 (3 6s.). Let us see what the few leading articles 
are which go to make up this commerce. What did the 
Republic buy from the world in 1 883 1 Sugar and molasses 
to the extent of 100,000,000 (19,875,000). Surely 
Brother Jonathan has a sweet tooth, for he spent more 
for sweet things than for anything else. For wool and 
woollen goods he spent 55,000,000 (11,000,000), for 
chemicals 45,000,000 (,9,000,000). Even cotton goods, 
although he exports them himself, he wanted from others, 
to the tune of 35,000,000 (7,000,000), some curious 
things in cotton, I suppose, which pleased his fancy, or 
her fancv, more likely. Silks he paid just a little more 
for, or 37,000,000 (7,400,000) went for these. The 
Scotch says " She never bode for a silk goon that didna 
gat the sleeve o't." The American woman goes for the 
full goon and gets it, although now it is generally of 
domestic manufacture, no matter what may be the label. 
Raw silk to be manufactured is imported to aboiit one-half 
the value of imported silks, which proves how very much 
more is made at home than is bought abroad, the value of 
the raw silk being many times less than the finished 
goods. His cup of coffee costs the American 42,000,000 
(8,400,000) per year, and tea, 17,000,000 (3,400,000). 
These are the principal purchases he makes from others. 

Now what does he sell to these good friends whom he 
honors with his patronage ? He does a thriving business 
truly in this department. First comes his cotton exports. 
The world bought from him in 1883, 250,000,000 
(50,000,000). Then his wheat department disposed of 
120,000,000 worth (24,000,000), and in the form of 
flour 55,000,000 more (11,000,000). Meat, eggs, 
butter, and other provisions kept not a few of his hands 
busy, for no less than $107,000,000 (21,400,000) had 
to be sent forward to satisfy the world's wants. Even 
petroleum to the extent of 45,000,000 (9,000,000) he 



sent forth to light the world ; aud nasty tobacco to end 
in smoke cost his customers that year no less than 
$22,000,000 (4,400,000). Wood and its manufactures 
to the extent of $26,500,000 (5,300,000) was taken, a 
great deal of it, no doubt, in the shape of furniture. Iron 
and steel manufactures make a much better showing than 
expected, for he really exported these, such as sewing 
machines, agricultural machinery and a thousand and one 
Yankee notions, to the sum of $22,500,000 (4,500,000). 
And finally Uncle Sam sends from his big farm some of 
his millions of live cattle and sheep, and gets $8,500,000 
(1,700,000) for them. 

These products are drawn from several departments, 
which may be classed under the general heads of agricul- 
ture, manufactures, mines, forests, etc., and tabulated as 
follows, with the amounts contributed by each : 

Agriculture . 









The Forest . 



The Fisheries 



All others . 



Thus does he, the young hopeful, lay under con- 
tribution all wealth-producing sources to swell his 
prosperous and rapidly increasing business with the 

We see that, notwithstanding the almost incredible 
expansion of home manufactures, the American citizen 
imports more and more from other lands. See him only 
fifty years ago patronizing other people to the extent of 
$6.25 (1 5s.) per year, and now every man, woman, and 
child spends $15 (3) for foreign goods. His tariff may 
be very high and quite outrageous in the opinion of many, 
yet he buys about three times as much per head under it 
as he did fifty years ago. It can not be so very bad after 
all, although it is none the less true that year after year 
Amejdca gains firmer control of her own markets for manu- 


factured articles. Every year sees a decrease of tliese 
relatively to the total imports. In crude and partially 
manufactured articles imports are increasing; in 1860, for 
instance, the proportion of these was only twenty-six per 
cent., but by uninterrupted advances every decade it rose 
in 1885 to forty per cent, of the total importations, while 
manufactured articles fell from seventy-four to sixty per 
cent, of the whole. 

The balance ofjtrade, to which, despite the teaching of 
economis^tsf^Smericans still attach great importance, has 
during the last ten or eleven years been continually and 
greatly in favor of the Eepublic. In the space of fifty 
years foreign commerce has increased fivefold. It has 
nearly doubled since 1860, in spite of the check it re- 
ceived during the war. It increased greatly in 1880, and 
reached its maximum in 1883 ; since that time there has 
been a falling off of fourteen per cent., due to the protracted 
period of depression. Up to the year 1876, with a few 
exceptions, the imports were in excess of the exports of 
merchandise, the maximum difference being reached in 
1872, when the excess was $182,000,000 (36,400,000). 
Since then the balance has been the other way, the 
highest figure being reached in 1879, viz.: $264,000,000 
(52,800,000). Taking the period from 1860 to 1885, 
imports increased sixty-three per cent., while the in- 
crease in exports was one hundred and twenty-nine per 

It is usual to speak of the Republic as without com- 
merce. Much dire prophesying of coming decay is in- 
dulged in because the sea-going commerce is now chiefly 
carried in foreign ships. The tendency is to limit the 
term " commerce " to the carriage of merchandise to and 
from other countries. So limited, America has indeed 
little to boast of. The change from wooden to iron and 
steel ships cut her out of a large part ofTfre carrying trade 
which no fiscal regulations or lack of regulations can 
possibly restore. For the same reason that water will 
not run up hill, ships cannot be sailed by dearer to 
cheaper countries. Had America ten thousand large 


ships, their crews from chief engineer to cabin-boy 
would be foreigners, because these can be secured cheaper 
in Liverpool or Antwerp than in New York. American? 
can do better than sail the seas for the pittances earned 
by the men of the older lands. The first cost of ships 
must necessarily for the same reason be much more here 
than upon the Clyde. If the navigation laws were re- 
pealed to-morrow no American capital would purchase 
foreign-built ships for trade abroad ; and if they did the 
flag might indeed be the Stars and Stripes, but ship and 
crew would be British. The voice might be the voice of 
Jacob, but the hand would be the hand of Esau. In no 
sense would the commercial marine thus created be 
American or add to American wealth. For generations yet 
to come the attempt to become the chief carriers of mer- 
chandise, if made, must result in failure and render the 
Republic ridiculous. 

Here is the fable which meets the case : 

"Ah, ha!" said the turtle to the lion, us the latter proudly 
walked the shore, " any kind of a beast can walk on the land as 
well as you do, but let us see you do this," and then it turned a 
somersault in the sea. The lion tried. Result, the turtle fed upon 
the lion for many days. 

America has no business with ocean navigation till her 
continent is filled, and prices of labor and material are 
down to the European basis. Let her leave the stormy 
sea to the motherland, whose " home is on the ocean 
wave," and stick to land as her natural heritage. Colum- 
bia's home is on the fertile prairie. 

Notwithstanding all this, America still manages to do 
some of the carrying trade in her wooden ships, in the 
construction of which she has her rivals at a disadvantage, 
because the timber is here. She carried in 1880 about 
$280,000,000 (56,000,000), or more than one-sixth of 
her whole foreign commerce. The coasting trade of 
America, from which foreigners are excluded, presents a 
fairer showing, being thirty-four million tons. The total 
sea-going tonnage of the nation in 1884 was three million 
one hundred and eighty-one thousand eight hundred and 


four tons, which places her next in rank to Britain, and 
far ahead of any other nation. 

r* From the unique position of Britain as the carrier of 
the world, it follows that her people have unconsciously 
been led to attach far too much importance to the foreign 
trade as it concerns nations in general. Even in her own 
i case it is trifling compared to her internal commerce. 
i Her railways alone carry three times as much as all her 
I ships, foreign, sea-going, and domestic traffic combined. 
" The milkman who brings the daily portion of milk to 
; him who dwells in city or town," says Edward Atkinson, 
< the American Adam Smith, " represents a commerce of 
\ vast proportions, almost equal in this country, in its 
aggregate value, to the whole sum of our foreign importa- 
tions." The home commerce of America as compared to 
her foreign is as twenty-one to one ; and even Britain's 
gigantic foreign commerce is only one-sixth as great as 
the home commerce of America. 

The shipping engaged in this internal commerce has an 
aggregate tonnage of one million tons, which, added to 
the sea- going, gives as the total American tonnage engaged 
in commerce four million two hundred and fifty thousand 
tons, as against the seven million tons of Britain. The American traffic with foreign nations is sixteen 
millions of tons.Tlf every ton carried in foreign ships 
were carried in American ships, the additional trade would 
not be as great as the natural increase of her home 
commerce for a single year. Truly a paltry prize to con- 
tend for and make such a fuss about. iJThe American 
coasting tonnage alone more than doubles the entire 
foreign traffic (thirty-four as against sixteen million tons), 
while the domestic commerce by rail is reported as two 
hundred and ninety-one, and by steamers ori lakes and 
rivers as twenty-five and a half millions of tons. Thus it 
appears that our internal commerce, of which so little is 
heard, is more than twenty times greater than the foreign 
trade. One ton of foreign to twenty tons of domestic 
commerce ! Eeally there is no greater impostor than the 
distinguished stranger known as " Foreign Commerce." 


The inter-dependence of our States, and hence the 
commerce between them, is shown in an interesting way 
by an illustration borrowed from my friend Mr. Edward 
Atkinson "a homely illustration in a subject not fitted 
for poetic treatment, nor likely to appeal to the imagina- 
tion, commerce in hogs. The great prairies of the West 
grow corn in such abundance that even now, with all our 
means of inter-communication, it can not be all used as 
food, and some of it is consumed as fuel. It often hap- 
pens that the farmer upon new land, remote from railroads, 
can get only fifteen to twenty cents per bushel for Indian 
corn, at Avhich price, while it is the best, it is also the 
cheapest fuel that he can have, and its use is an evidence of 
good economy, and not of waste. Upon the fat prairie 
lands of the West, the hog is wholesomely fed only upon 
corn in the milk or corn in the ear ; thence he is carried 
to the colder climate of Massachusetts, where by the use 
of that one crop in which New England excels all others 
ice the meat can be packed at all seasons of the year ; 
there it is prepared to serve as food for the workmen of 
the North, the freemen of the South, or the artisan of 
Europe ; while the blood, dried in a few hours to a fine 
powder, and sent to the cotton fields of South Carolina 
and Georgia to be mixed with the phosphate rocks 
that underlie their coast land, serves to produce the 
cotton fibre which furnishes the cheapest and fittest 
clothing for the larger portion of the inhabitants of the 

Here, then, is commerce, or men serving each other on 
a grand scale, all developed within the century, and un- 
dreamed of by our ancestors. The vast plains of the 
West, enriched by countless myriads of buffalo, can spare 
for years to come a portion of their productive force. 
Commerce sets in motion her thousand wheels, food is 
borne to those who need it, and they are saved the effort 
to obtain it on the more sterile soil of the cold North. 
Commerce turns that very cold to use. The refuse is 
saved, and commerce has discovered that its use is to 
clothe the naked in distant lands. Borne to the sandy 


but healthy soils of Georgia and South Carolina, it reno- 
vates them with the fertility thus transferred from the 
prairies of Illinois and Indiana, and presently there conies 
back to Massachusetts the cotton of the farmers, the well 
saved, clean, strong, and even staple, which commerce 
again has discovered to be worth identifying as the 
farmer's, not as the planter's crop, made by his own labor, 
and picked by his wife and children." 

Much is said in Britain about the tariff policy of the 
Republic, but the results of that policy I fear are but 
little understood. The general impression is that the 
duties charged are so exorbitant as seriously to cripple 
trade between the old and new lands. So far from this 
being true, Britain has no customer to whom she sends so 
much of her manufactures, nor any with whom her trade 
increases so rapidly. This so-called highly protective 
and heavily taxed Republic imports more British goods 
than any other people. Here are the figures for 1883, 
which was a poor year for American business : Britain 
sent goods to India in that year valued at twenty-four 
millions sterling, to Germany nineteen millions, to France 
eighteen millions, and to the Republic twenty- seven, 
millions sterling. 

The total importations of America that year were 
$725,000,000 (145,000,000), and of this vast sum more 
than a full one-third, or $250,000,000 (^50,000,000) 
came from Britain and British possessions ; 185,000,000 
(37,000,000) came from Great Britain and Ireland 
proper. 1 

To show how overwhelmingly the Republic buys from 
Britain, we have but to contrast its purchases from other 
lands. France, in 1882, supplied only $90,000,000 
(18,000,000) worth of goods, and Germany but 
$56,000,000 (11,200,000) worth. The combined trade 

1 The difference in value between this thirty-seven million pounds 
and the twenty-seven million pounds reported as exports that year 
from Britain to the United States may he found in the differing 
values at the place of manufacture in Britain and value in America 
duty paid. 


of these two principal sources of supply after Britain, 
exceeds but little more than one half of Britain's sum 
including British possessions, nor do they combined come 
near equalling the purchases from Britain proper, for 
together France and Germany sent but $146,000,000 
(29,200,000), while Britain sent $196,000,000 

Britain could lose either France or Germany, and 
almost both combined as purchasers, and her trade would 
not suffer as much as from the withdrawal of the much 
abused American. Is it not time for the Monarchy to be 
just a little mindful of this fact, and to behave itself 
accordingly towards its dutiful offspring, who year after year 
increases his patronage, and takes of her manufactures 
more than he takes from all the rest of the world ? The 
question of Free Trade in America is one which will not 
be within the reach of practical politics in the lives of 
those now living. To bring it about, one of two courses 
is necessary : either the revenue must be raised by in- 
creased internal taxation, or the duty must be enormously 
raised upon the only necessaries of life which America 
imports largely, sugar, coffee, etc. ; neither of these seem 
probable. A new duty upon the food of the people of 
Britain is just as probable as one in America ; even 
democratic President Cleveland in his first message to 
Congress, states that any reduction in the tariff" should 
be made in the duties now imposed upon the necessaries 
of life. The tendency is all in this direction. The 
second course would be to raise revenue by direct taxa- 
tion ; this is the ideal standard, and the Republic in its 
march may some day work up to it, and give another 
advanced political lesson to others ; so far no nation has 
ever tried even to approach it ; evidently it is not for our 
day or generation. 

What then is the possible and consequently the only 
probable outcome of tariff discussion. Nothing beyond 
a possible gradual reduction of duties at intervals of some 
years, say five or six per cent, each decade, but these re- 
ductions speaking generally will be made only upon such 


I articles as can be manufactured profitably here, with, lower 
| than the existing duties, nor will the duties be lowered to 
\ a point which will cripple the homo manufacture. The 
question is not now which policy is the better for a new 
nation, Free Trade or Protection, but how is the huge 
fabric of manufactures to be dealt with, the greatest in 
the world, as we have seen. It has been called into 
existence upon certain conditions and has accommodated 
itself thereto. The conservatism of the Democracy is so 
ingrained as to justify one in prophesying that great care 
j will be taken not to disturb it unduly. I often hear sur- 
prise expressed in Europe that the vast body of consumers 
j should bear so contentedly the extra cost upon what they 
I purchase, the result of heavy duties. The explanation is 
two-fold; first, manufacturers are spreading rapidly over 
most of the States ; the Southern States of Alabama, 
Tennessee, Missouri and others for instance are really 
protective States now from this cause, as are Minnesota 
and Michigan in the North-west; but the second cause 
lies much deeper. Prices of articles are no longer gene- 
rally fixed by the foreign but by the home competition. 
One instance may illustrate many other branches in which 
the consumers buy what they need very cheap, in many 
cases about as cheap as the European does, wholly irre- 
spective of duty. The duty upon steel rails is say $17.50 
(3 11s.) per ton, market price in Britain, 5 ship's side 
Liverpool, total in New York, provided they were trans- 
ported and laid down there for nothing would still be 
42.50 or 8 10s. The railroads of America have had no 
difficulty in purchasing hundreds of thousands of tons at 
$28 (5 12s.), and they know well that if any considerable 
portion of their requirements had to come from abroad the 
cost would very greatly exceed this. 

In clothing, which was formerly the article upon which 
the greatest difference in price existed between the two 
countries, the case is much the same. Some competent 
friends who have been visiting us assure me that prices 
generally are as cheap as at home and in some cases even 
cheaper. Foreign competition has been recommended as 


the necessary and certain cure against exorbitant profits 
being exacted by the home manufacturer to the detri- 
ment of the consumer ; very good, but precisely the same 
cure is found, from vigorous home competition. As far 
as the foreigner was concerned, as we have seen in the _/ 
case of steel rails, the American manufacturer might have 
had forty-two dollars and fifty cents per ton for rails 
which he was forced to sell for twenty-eight dollars, which 
was only the British price, twenty-five dollars, with a fair 
rate of transportation to New York and expenses incident 
thereto, without a penny added for duty. What forced 
him to do so and give the consumer rails for twenty-eight 
dollars? Home competition. 

Even our monarchical friends in Canada bought steel 
rails from American mills last year, because the cost was 
less than was demanded for those of British manufacture, 
although both were alike as to duty. 

I merely venture to give the facts bearing upon the 
present aspect of the question as far as the Republic is 
concerned, that those in Europe who bewail the hard fate 
of the consumer here may be comforted, for truly he is 
not paying the fair cost of his supplies plus the duty, but 
only the unprecedentedly low prices established by the 
close and unremitting competition of home manufacturers, 
and these prices, as has been shown in the chapter on 
manufactures, are with rare exceptions not much above 
those of Britain. It is for these reasons that the con- 
sumer is not troubling himself, and cannot be made to 
trouble himself, very greatly with the question of the tariff. 

Far be it from me to retard the march of the world 
towards the free and unrestricted interchange of com- 
modities. When the Democracy obtains sway through- 
out the earth the nations will become friends and brothers, 
instead of being as now the prey of the monarchical and t 

aristocratic ruling classes, and always warring with each 
other; 'standing armies and war ships will be of the past, 
and men will then begin to destroy custom-houses as relics ''~V(\Z 
of a barbarous monarchical age, not altogether from the f 
low plane of economic gain or loss, but strongly impelled 
o 2 


thereto from the higher standpoint of the brotherhood of 
man ; all restriction upon the products of other lands will 
then seem unworthy of any member of the race, and the 
dawn of that day will have come when 

" Man to man the world o'er 
Shall brothers be and a' that." 



"And yon will then (when the Colonies achieve independence) see 
Low the earth will be beautified ! What culture ! What new arts 
and new sciences J What safety for commerce ! Navigation will 
precipitate all the peoples toward each other. A day will come 
when we will go into a populous and regulated city of California as 
one goes in the stage-coach of Meaux." MAEQUIS D'ARGENSON. 

THE inhabitants of the tight little island of Britain or of 
the miniature States of Europe can have no conception of 
distance as understood by the American. The vastness 
of the American continent gives a corresponding width to 
the conceptions of space formed by its inhabitants. The 
State of New York is almost as large as England, while 
Texas is larger than France, or England and Germany 
combined. California has a great area than Austria ; and 
some other States and Territories, known only by name 
in England, like Nevada, Colorado, Oregon, and Nebraska, 
have areas greater than several European kingdoms. 

The distance from New York to Chicago exceeds that 
from London to Eome, while San Francisco is farther 
from the Atlantic coast than Quebec is from London. 
The journey from Philadelphia to New Orleans is nearly 
twice as great as that from London to St. Petersburg ; 
while Jerusalem, Cairo, Cyprus, Constantinople, Astrakan, 
and Teneriffe are all nearer to Hyde Park corner than 
Salt Lake City is to Boston, and Salt Lake City is only 
two-thirds of the way across the continent. During the 


Civil "War the frontier defended by General Grant ex- 
ceeded in length a line drawn from London across the 
Channel and Continent to Constantinople, thence through 
Asia Minor and Palestine to the great pyramid at Cairo, 
and thence still on up the Kile as far as the first cataract. 
And this line, if drawn, would be many miles shorter 
than the journey from New York to the city of Portland, 

These comparisons will help the British reader to con- 
ceptions which are as familiar to the American as the 
star-spangled emblem of his nationality. It will also help 
the European to form a slight estimate of the labor and 
cost by which there has been spread over this vast conti- 
nent a net- work of railways which ramify it in every part. 
One hundred years ago America was almost as much a 
dark continent as Africa is now. A few adventurous 
pioneers and explorers had forced their way to the Father 
of Waters, and descended by it to the Gulf of Mexico, 
but a transcontinental journey was unthought of until 
1803, when, at the recommendation of President Jefferson, 
an exploring expedition was sent to the Pacific under 
command of Captain William Clarke and Meriwether 
Lewis. It was considered a wonderful feat when the 
little party under their charge penetrated the wilderness 
across the mountains and down the westward slope to the 
mouth of the Columbia Eiver on the Pacific, two years 
and four months being required for the journey and 
return. Even in 1830 there were no facilities for internal 
travel. The States along the coast had constructed rough 
turnpike roads, and railways were just introduced ; but 
the heart of the continent was practically closed to all but 
the most adventurous. 

Two-thirds of all the mails were carried in lumbering 
stage-coaches, with bodies hung upon leather straps that 
they might swing freely in any direction without being 
knocked to pieces as they struggled over the corduroy 
roads. A trip in one of these vehicles tossed the tra- 
veller as if he were in a fishing smack upon the Channel 
in a storm. The other third was carried upon the backs 


of horses and in sulkies. Steamboats were carriers over 
only a few small short routes, and there were only twenty- 
three miles of railway laid in all the land. All this was 
as late as 1830, just over fifty years ago. 

The discomforts of stage-coach travelling in America 
cannot even he guessed at in these days of palace-cars 
and forty miles per hour express trains. The books of 
early visitors are full of invective and complaints at the 
horrors of an American stage. The Norwegian, Arfedson, 
wrote in 1832 : 

"A traveller intending to proceed thence (from Augusta, S.C.) by 
land to New Orleans is earnestly recommended to bid adieu to all 
comforts on leaving Augusta, and make the necessary preparations 
for a hard and rough campaign. If he has a wife and children 
unprovided for, and to whom he has not the means of leaving a 
suitable legacy, let him by all means be careful to insure his life 
to the highest amount the office will take ; for the chances of his 
perishing on the road are ten to one, calculated according to the 
following table of casualties : 

1 by horses running away, 8 by murder, 

2 by drowning, 4 by explosion." 

Miss Martineau in 1834-5 thus describes her ex- 
periences : 

" The mail roads are still extremely bad. I found in travelling 
through the Carolinas and Georgia, that the drivers consider them- 
selves entitled to get on by any means they can devise : that nobody 
helps and nobody hinders them. It was constantly happening that 
the stage ame to a stop on the brink of a wide and a deep puddle, 
extending all across the road. The driver helped himself, without 
scruple, to as many mils of the nearest fence as might serve to fill 
up the bottom of the hole, or break our descent into it. On inquiry, 
I found it was not probable that either fence or road would be 
mended till both had gone to absolute destruction. 

"The traffic on these roads is so small, that the stranger feels 
himself almost lost in the wilderness. In the course of several days' 
journey, we saw (with the exception of the wagons of a few encamp- 
ments) only one vehicle besides our own. It was a stage returning 
from Charleston. Our meeting in the forest was like the meeting 
of ships at sea. We asked the passengers from the South of news 
from Charleston and Europe; and they questioned us about the 
state of politics at Washington. The eager vociferation of drivers 
and passengers was like such as is unusual, out of exile. We were 
desired to give up all thoughts of going by the eastern road to 
Charleston. The road might be called impassable ; and there was 
nothing to eat by the way." 


1 99 

Even as late as 1850 Sir Charles Lyell says : 
" After comparing the risks it seems to be more dangerous to 
travel by land, in a new country, than by river steamers, and some 
who have survived repeated journeyings in stage-coaches show us 
many scars. The judge who escorted my wife to Natchez informed 
her that he had been upset no less than thirteen times." 

To the inconvenience of stage travelling, described in 
these extracts, must be added that of being jolted over 
corduroy roads, made of logs placed longitudinally across 
the road, with nothing to fill up the inequalities of sur- 
face. On roads where there was no competition the 
slowness of the stages was very exasperating. One writer 
says : " We scarcely averaged more than three and a half 
miles an hour ; and in urging the drivers even to this 
speed, had to submit to no little insolence into the bar- 
gain." The insolence of drivers is complained of by 
nearly all the English travellers at this period. Passengers 
had also to look after their own baggage, and to get out 
into the mud and rain to fasten it to the coach when the 
jolting had loosened the straps. 

The Democratic Review for September, 1839, says, that 
in 1835 the "speed of communication achieved by the 
express mail was deemed almost the acme of mail improve- 
ment ;" and as examples it mentions the following : 



om New York to Washington . 



Richmond, Va. 



Columbia, S. C. 



Milledgeville, Ga. 



Mobile, Ala. . 



New Orleans . 


Colnmbus, O. . 



Indianopolis, Ind. 



St. Louis, Mo. . 



Huntsville, Ala. 



New Orleans to Montgomery, Ala. 
Nashville, Tenn. 




Louisville, Ky.. 


Cincinnati, O. . 



Columbus, O. . 



Pittsburg, Pa. . 




How diverse were the means of travel in those days 
is well illustrated by a journey from Troy to Chicago 
made in 1832 by Mr. Philo Carpenter. He took the Erie 
Canal to Buffalo, and thence went by lake steamer to 
Detroit. Four and a half days was then the usual time 
for this passage. From Detroit Mr. Carpenter went by 
weekly mail-coach to Niles, and then took passage from 
Niles to the mouth of the St. Joseph Eiver on a flat-boat. 
Thence he was conveyed by two Indians in a bark canoe 
which they improvised, as far as the mouth of the 
Calumet, where one of the Indians was seized with a colic 
and they refused to proceed further. Our traveler then 
bargained with a settler for the use of a lumber wagon 
drawn by oxen; and with this he eventually reached 
Fort Dearborn, as Chicago was then called. The limited 
express now does this journey in twenty-four hours, and 
the traveler never has to leave his peripatetic hotel. 

After 1830 came the transition period, when primitive 
railways began to compete with canal-boats and stage- 
coaches. In the Philadelphia Public Ledger for May 22, 
1836, appeared the following advertisement, headed by a 
primitive looking engine and cars : 

from Philadelphia to Pittsburgh the only line exclusively for 
passengers, via Lancaster and Harrisburgh Railroads and Pennsyl- 
vania Canals. Leaves daily at 6 o'clock A.M. through in three 
days. For passage apply to, at the office 51 Chestnut Street, below 
Third Street, John Cameron, Agent. 

And two years later in the same journal appears the 

" FAEB REDUCED ! Leech & Co's packet line to Pittsburgh, via 
Railroads and Canals. Through in four and a half days" 

Upon one of these canal-boats I saw arrive in Pitts- 
burg the first locomotive that ever came west of the Ohio 

The early railroads seem very rude judged by modern 
standards : 

" Passenger cars were small vehicles, holding no more than from 


eighteen to twenty -four passengers, and not much, if any, heavier 
than the large stage-coaches. The iron (used for rails) was flat- 
bar iron, from half to three-fourths of an inch thick, spiked on 
wooden sleepers which were lightly tied, and on tracks not perfectly 
graded or heavily ballasted. The locomotives weighed from two to 
six or seven tons, and drew corresponding loads. Great weight and 
high speed would have destroyed the tracks. One of the dangers of 
travel was from ' snake-heads,' caused by the loosening of the ends 
of the thin rails, which, bending up, were caught between the 
wheels and driven through the bottom of the cars, wounding or 
impaling any one who sat over the point of entrance. Instead of 
grading up or down steep declivities, cars were passed over the 
incline by counter-weights of box-cars, loaded with stone, which 
balanced them like window-weights, and made it easy to pass up one 
as the other went down. . . . Twenty miles a year were in 
those days rapid railroad building." 

The first railway trains were drawn by horses or mules, 
though, locomotives were early introduced from England 
and duplicated in America. An account of the Mohawk 
and Hudson Railroad, printed in William's Register for 
1833, concludes with the words : 

" Passengers are carried upon this road in coaches, drawn by 
horses, and by the locomotive-engines, whose powers are not yet 
conclusively tried." 

And from a passage in the Charleston Patriot for April, 
1830, it would appear that other means of propulsion had 
been tried. 

" Yesterday afternoon, a sail was set on a car on the railroad, 
before a large assembly of persons. It went at the rate of twelve 
to fifteen miles per hour, with fifteen persons on board. Afterwards 
thirteen persons and three tons of iron were carried at the rate of 
ten miles per hour. Considering the haste, and imperfect manner 
in which the sail was got up, the result was highly gratifying." 

But the most curious of propelling machines was one 
invented by Detmold. This was an engine run by a 
horse walking on an endless platform like the early horse- 
ferries. This curious machine carried passengers at the 
rate of twelve miles an hour. 

Observe how the interior of the continent has been 
thrown open to civilization. A Santa Fe merchant wrote 
in 1830, "on the day of our departure (with wagon- 


trains drawn by mules) from Independence we passed the 
last human abode upon our route ; therefore, from the 
borders of Missouri to those of New Mexico, not even 
an Indian settlement greeted our eyes." And when 
wagons instead of pack-mules were first used for internal 
transportation, the extraordinary nature of the change 
was sufficient to justify the following in Nile's Register 
for May 8, 1850 : 

" A party of seventy men, with ten wagons, was recently fitting 
out at St. Louis, for an expedition to the Rocky Mountains ! What 
next ? " 

Nearly thirty years later a regular stage line was esta- 
blished, by the Pike's Peak Express Company, between 
the Missouri Eiver and the Eocky Mountains. Trans- 
portation was effected by wagon-trains, and ox and mule- 
trains ; and so perfectly did this line work, that a 
distance of seven hundred miles was made in six days 
and nights. Then in the spring of 1860 the owners of 
the Pike's Peak stage line established what was known 
as the Pony Express, which served as a daily fast-mail 
line between the cities of the Atlantic and Pacific coasts. 
The scheme was a marvel of American enterprise. Pre- 
vious to that time, over three weeks were required to 
convey mails by steamer from New York to San Francisco. 
This Pony Express made the distance between the rail- 
way terminus on the Missouri River and the Pacific in 
eight or nine days. Brave men and first-class stock were 
required, for Indians and highwaymen were often en- 
countered, and the relay stations were sometimes burned, 
and the stock run off. Almost the entire distance of 
nearly two thousand miles to be traversed was one vast 
solitude. No delays were permitted, the mail-bags were 
kept constantly on the move during these long and lonely 
trips. Horses were changed at every station, and riders 
at intervals of from fifty to seventy miles. The rapid 
time made caused the government to send the mails 

From such, small beginnings has grown the magnifi- 
cent railroad system of America. When the success of 


the first road had been proved, others quickly sprang 
into existence; and presently all over the inhabited 
portions of the continent men were digging, grading, 
blasting, tunnelling at a rate which has hardly suffered 
diminution, and has never ceased. The development of 
the resources of the country by means of these artificial 
highways has gone on with marvellous rapidity. 

Finally the idea of stretching a railway line across the 
entire continent began to take possession of the public 
mind. As early as 1846 the feasibility of such, an 
undertaking had been discussed in Congress, and in 1849 
the idea took tangible shape in the form of a bill intro- 
duced by Senator Ben ton. In 1851 surveying parties 
were sent out to decide upon a route; but delays 'after- 
wards resulted from differences between the Northern 
and Southern. States. When the war removed this 
obstacle acts of Congress were passed providing subsidies 
in gold and land to the corporations authorized to build 
the road. Work was commenced in 1863, but only in a 
dilatory way. In 1865 the work progressed at a rate 
unheard of before. The rails were laid at the rate of 
two and three miles a day, and in one instance eight 
miles of track were laid. The line was completed and 
thrown open to traffic throughout its entire length in 
1869. Since then three other transcontinental lines have 
been constructed ; and now every part of the great Re- 
public is the neighbor of the other part. The Bostonian 
does not think of his fellow-citizens of New Orleans as 
one thousand six hundred miles away, but as distant only 
forty-odd hours. The New Yorker does not speak of the 
thousand miles intervening between him and Chicago, 
but only of the twenty-four hours required to get there. 
In one sense space has been annihilated in America, and 
time is now the only measure of men's separation from 
each other. 

American railways were built under charters for short 
distances, but as population increased these were consoli- 
dated and managed as great through-lines between termini 
hundreds of miles apart In time these main lines 


absorbed branch and connecting lines, and now there are 
several systems, each serving extensive districts. Of 
these the most important, the Pennsylvania, is a good 
example. Its net-work of lines aggregates five thousand 
four hundred and ninety-one miles, with more than a 
thousand miles of second, third, and fourth tracks : 
gross earnings in 1884 were $80,000,000 (16,000,000). 
The tonnage was sixty-three million tons, and the cost of 
moving perhaps the lowest in the world, being about four 
mills (less than a halfpenny) per ton per mile. Certainly 
no rates for traffic in Europe are so low as the average 
received by the Pennsylvania Eailroad. This line is 
solidly built, stone ballasted, and in every respect com- 
pares ' favorably with the trunk lines of Europe, if we 
except numerous road crossings at grade which would 
not be tolerated abroad. From its depot opposite New 
York four times per day through trains start for the great 
West, with sleeping-coaches which run through without 
change to Chicago, St. Louis, and Cincinnati ; in special 
cases when desired, the travelling party may pass on to 
San Francisco or to New Orleans without change. A 
" dining " or " hotel-car " is attached at proper intervals 
and every luxury supplied upon these peripatetic Del- 
monicos. The New York Central, Erie, and Baltimore 
and Ohio are systems of similar character between the 
East and West. 

Chicago, the western metropolis, has also its correspond- 
ing railway systems some of which are of great magni- 
tude. The Chicago, Burlington and Quincy has three 
thousand three hundred and seventy-three miles, the 
Chicago and North-western three thousand two hundred 
and seventy-one miles, and the Chicago, Milwaukee and 
St. Paul, the work of that man of Aberdeen, Alexander 
Mitchell, no less than four thousand eight hundred and 
four miles under its sway. 

It is with railways as with manufacturers ; consolidation 
into the hands of a few organizations seems the inevitable 
tendency. The saving and efficiency thus effected over 
the hundred former disjointed petty corporations, each with 


its officers and staffs, are so manifestly great that nothing 
can prevent these consolidations. What the outcome of 
this massing of forces is to he is difficult to foretell, hut 
that it is in accordance with economic laws is certain ; 
therefore we can proceed without fear. We are on sure 
ground, hence the final result must he "beneficial. If cor- 
porations grow to gigantic size and attempt to use their 
powers like giants, forgetting that they are the creatures 
and servants of the State, we may safely trust the 
Democracy to deal with them. There is no prohlem 
which an educated people cannot and will not solve in 
the interests of the people when solution is demanded. 

The American railway system, starting fifty-five years 
ago at nothing, has reached, in 1885, one hundred and 
twenty-eight thousand miles of line. The whole of Europe 
has not so many, for in 1883 it had only one hundred 
and fourteen thousand three hundred miles, and the entire 
world hut two hundred and seventy-nine thousand eight 
hundred and fifty miles. The record for the past ten 
years shows with what strides the iron road is girding the 
continent, for during that period no less than fifty-four 
thousand two hundred and eighty miles were huilt. When 
we read that in 1880 India, with its two hundred and 
fifty millions of people, added to its railways only two 
hundred and seventy-three miles, and the Republic, 
with its fifty millions, added in 1881 eleven thousand 
five hundred miles, we get some idea of the speed at 
which she rushes on. The whole of Europe has not built 
as many miles of railway as the Republic has during some 
recent years, and in 1880 the whole world did not build as 
many. It will he only a few years, prohahly not ten, ere 
the railway lines of America exceed in length those of all 
the rest of the world. The Republic in one scale, and 
"The World" in the other, and " The World " kicking 
the heam ! Monster, you were called into existence only 
to redress the halance of the Old World, and within one 
short century we find you threatening to weigh it down ! 
The Republic against " the field " and no takers ! 

In no other country is travel so comfortable and luxu- 


rious. For this we are chiefly indebted to a remarkable 
American invention, the sleeping-car, Avithout which such, 
extended lines would have remained an imperfect instru- 
ment for the consolidation of the people. Journeys 
between the oceans, requiring seven days and nights to 
perform, or even that between Chicago and other Western 
cities to New York and the East, which occupy but 
twenty-four to forty-eight hours' consecutive travel, could 
have been undertaken only in extreme cases, had the 
unfortunate traveller been required to sit up, as in the old- 
fashioned cars. Well do I remember that, when a clerk 
in the service of the Pennsylvania Railroad Company, a 
tall, spare, farmer-looking kind of man came to me once 
when I was sitting on the end seat of the rear car looking 
over the line. He said he had been told by the conductor 
that I was connected with the railway company, and he 
wished me to look at an invention he had made. With 
that he drew from a green bag (as if it were for lawyers' 
briefs), a small model of a sleeping berth for railway 
cars. He had not spoken a minute, before, like a flash, 
the whole range of the discovery burst upon me. " Yes," 
I said, " that is something which this continent must 
have." I promised to address him upon the subject as 
soon as I had talked over the matter with my superior, 
Thomas A. Scott. 

I could not get that blessed sleeping-car out of my 
head. Upon my return I laid it before Mr. Scott, declar- 
ing that it was one of the inventions of the age. Ha 
remarked : " You are enthusiastic, young man, but you 
may ask the inventor to come and let me see it." I did 
so, and arrangements were made to build two trial cars, 
and run them on the Pennsylvania Eailroad. I was offered 
an interest in the venture, which, of course, I gladly ac- 
cepted. Payments were to be made ten per cent, per 
month after the cars were delivered, the Pennsylvania 
Eailroad Company guaranteeing to the builders that the 
cars should be kept upon its lino and under their control. 

This was all very satisfactory until the notice came that 
my share of the first payment was $217.50 (43). How 


well I remember the exact sum ; but two hundred and 
seventeen dollars and a half were as far beyond my means 
as if it had been millions. I was earning 50 (10) per 
month, however, and had prospects, or at least I always 
felt that I had. What was to be done ? I decided to 
call on the local banker, Mr. Lloyd, state the case, and 
boldly ask him to advance the sum upon my interest in the 
affair. He put his hand upon my shoulder and said : 
" Why, of course, Andie, you are all .right. Go ahead. 
Here is the money." It is a proud day for a man when 
he pays his last note, but not to be named in comparison 
with the day in which he makes his first one, and gets a 
banker to take it. I have tried both and I know. The 
cars paid the subsequent payments from their earnings. 
I paid my first note from my savings so much per month, 
and thus did I get my foot upon fortune's ladder. It is 
easy to climb after that. A triumphant success was 
scored. And thus came sleeping-cars into the world. 
" Blessed be the man who invented sleep," says Sancho 
Panza. Thousands upon thousands will echo the senti- 
ment, Blessed be the man who invented sleeping-cars. 
Let me record his name and testify my gratitude to him, 
my dear, quiet, modest, truthful, farmer-looking friend, 
T. T. Woodruff, one of the benefactors of the age. 

This brings us to another remarkable man, George M. 
Pullman, as great a genius in organization and adminis- 
tration as Woodruff was in his peculiar line. It did not 
take this typical American of Chicago very long to see 
what part sleeping-cars were bound to play upon the 
American continent ; and while a few cautious old gentle- 
men in Philadelphia were managing the original cars, in 
that peculiar Philadelphian way which is so amusing, 
making ten bites of even the smallest cherry, this young 
man laid his daring plans. He would contract for twenty 
or thirty cars, while the Philadelphia people hesitated to 
engage for one. The result was that Mr. Pullman com- 
pletely eclipsed them. I soon saw that we had a genius 
to deal with, and advised the old concern to capture 
Mr. Pullman. There was a capture, but it did not quite 


take that form. They found themselves swallowed by 
this ogre, and Pullman monopolized everything. It was 
well that it should be so. The man had arisen who could 
manage, and the tools belonged to him. To-day his 
company has a paid-up capital of about thirty millions of 
dollars, and its ramifications extend everywhere. Mr. 
Pullman is a remarkable man, for he not only manages 
this business, he has created it. Before he appeared upon 
the scene a sleeping-car company had no rights which a 
railway company was bound to respect. Mr. Pullman 
has made the business respectable, and the travelling 
public are very much his debtors. Should Mr. Pullman's 
life be spared, I prophesy that the young contractor for 
elevating buildings in Chicago will leave a monument for 
himself in his new industrial town of Pullman which will 
place his name with those of Salt of Saltaire and Godin 
of Guise. A short roll of honor this, which contains the 
list of those who, springing from honest poverty, have 
made fortunes through honest toil, and then ah, here 
conies the secret of the shortness of the list and then 
turning back to look upon the poor workers where they 
started, have thereafter devoted their fortune and abilities 
so to improve the industrial system as to give to that 
class a better chance in life than it was possible for them- 
selves to obtain. Mr. Pullman has made a start upon 
this toilsome path. His future deserves to be carefully 

If ever aerial navigation becomes practicable it will like 
railways attain its highest development in America ; for 
here men's lives are too full of activity to permit lounging 
in parlor-cars drawn wearily by a locomotive at only forty 
miles an hour when it is possible for men to soar 
through the air and outstrip their own symbolic eagle in 
its flight. 

Nature has done much for America as regards facilities 
for transportation. Her inland seas, containing one-third 
of all the fresh water in the world, and her great rivers 
lay ready at hand awaiting only the application of 
steam to vessels to render them magnificent highways. 


A vessel sailing round the edges of these American lakes 
traverses a greater distance than from New York to 
Liverpool. . 

The rivers of America are also the largest in the world. 
After the Amazon and the La Plata comes the Mississippi, 
with an outflow of over two million cubic feet per hour. 
This mighty river, which the Indians called in their 
picturesque language Father of Waters, is equal in bulk 
to all the rivers of Europe combined, exclusive of the 
Volga. It is equal to three Ganges, nine Rhones, twenty- 
seven Seines, or eighty Tibers. "The mighty Tiber 
chafing with its flood," says the Master. How would he 
have described the Mississippi on the rampage after a 
spring flood, when it pours down its mighty volume of 
water and overflows the adjacent lowlands ! Eighty 
Tibers in one ! Burns' picture of the pretty little Ayr in 
flood has been extolled where the foaming waters came 
down " an acre braid." What think you of a tximbling sea 
twenty miles "braid "instead of your " acre," dear Robin ] 
The length of the Mississippi is two thousand two hundred 
and fifty miles, while its navigable tributaries exceed 
twenty thousand miles. The Father of Waters collects 
his substance from water-sheds covering an area of more 
than two and a half million square miles. 

The. Hudson is navigable by large steamers as far as 
Albany, one hundred and fifty miles inland from the 
Atlantic. There are quite a dozen other rivers in which 
the like is possible. Many well-known sea-ports are 
considerable distances from the coast properly speaking. 
Such are Philadelphia, Baltimore, New Orleans, and on 
the Pacific coast, Portland. The presence of inland ports, 
with extensive docks, piers, and large craft, is a constant 
source of astonishment to the European traveller. The 
sight of ships of three thousand tons burden, fifteen 
hundred miles from salt water, is sufficient to surprise 
one in whom the sight of rigged ships has always been 
associated with the sea. Walking along the quays of the 
lake cities, Buffalo, Toledo, Chicago, or Duluth, one might 
well imagine himself at the sea-coast. 


These great natural waterways have been supplemented, 
and connected with each other by artificial canals. There 
were in the United States in 1880, four thousand four 
hundred and sixty-eight miles of canals, which had cost 
$265,000,000 (53,000,000). Nearly tAvo thousand 
miles of canal had, however, been abandoned, having 
been rendered valueless by the superior facilities offered 
by railroads. Many of the canals still worked were 
reported not to be paying expenses, and part of these 
also will no doubt soon be abandoned. The freight 
traffic on canals in 1880 amounted to twenty -one 
million forty-four thousand two hundred and ninety- 
two tons, yielding a gross income of $45,000,000 

The early history of navigation in America presents 
as many curious contrasts and interesting facts as do 
other divisions of the history of American progress. 
From beginnings which to us seem ludicrously small and 
crude, the greatest results have come. At the beginning 
of the century a successful steamboat had not been built. 
For twenty or thirty years inventors in France, Scotland, 
England, and America had been working and planning to 
apply a principle which they saw was perfectly applicable ; 
but lacking knowledge of one or two little essentials, they 
only passed from failure to failure, yet constantly -getting 
nearer and nearer to success. John Fitch and Oliver 
Evans are the names of the earliest representatives of 
America in this great struggle. 

After each experimenter had contributed some new 
light, an American engineer, Robert Fulton by name, 
gathered, in 1807, the multiplicity of lights into one great 
flame, and mf de practicable by the help of all what each 
had tried in vain to achieve by himself. Fulton's 
" Clermont " was the first commercially successful steam- 
boat ever built. A boat of one hundred and sixty tons 
burden, she was launched on the Hudson in 1807, and 
ran over a year as a passenger boat between New York 
and Albany. The first steamboat of the Mississippi 
Valley was built by Fulton in 1811, and was called the 


" Orleans." She had a stern wheel, and went from 
Pittsburgh to New Orleans, more than two thousand 
miles, in fourteen days. The next year Henry Bell, of 
Scotland, built the " Comet," of thirty tons, which plied 
between Glasgow and Greenoch, and in 1813 sailed around 
the coasts of the British Isles. In 1819 the " Savannah," 
three hundred and eighty tons burden, crossed the Atlantic 
from America, visited Liverpool, St. Petersburg, and 
Copenhagen, and returned. Nineteen years later, the 
" Great Western," one thousand three hundred and forty 
tons, and the " Sirius," steamed across the Atlantic from 
England, and only two years afterwards, namely 1840, 
the present justly celebrated Cunard line was established, 
inaugurating an era of ocean travel which has revolu- 
tionized human life, and brought the old and new worlds 
within six days of each other. On a Sunday afternoon 
in August last, I sailed from Queenstown upon the 
Cunarder "Etruria," and on Saturday afternoon the noble 
ship was moving up New York Bay. Just six days from 
harbor to harbor. That was my last trip across the 
ferry ; contrast it with my first seven weeks upon a sailing 
vessel ! 

Internal navigation has an equally interesting history. 
The earliest transportation by water was effected by means 
of keel- boats. These drifted down well enough with the 
current, but had to be forced up stream with setting 
poles. The keel-boat was long and narrow, sharp at the 
bow and stern, and of light draft. From fifteen to 
twenty hands were required to propel it. The crew, 
divided equally on each side, took their places upon the 
running boards extending along the whole length of the 
craft ; and each man, setting one end of a long pole in 
the bottom of the river, brought the other to his shoulder, 
and bending over it, with his face nearly to the plank, 
exerted all his force against the boat, treading it from 
under him. While those on one side were thus passing down 
in line to the stern, those on the other, facing about, were 
passing towards the bow, drawing their poles floating on 
the water- The keel-boatmen kept their rifles constantly 
r 2 


within reach in case Indians should attempt to surprise 
them. Their journeys often lasted several months. 
These keel boatmen, living a semi-barbarous life, developed 
traits more befitting '-the aboriginal savage than the 
descendants of Europeans. Human life with them 
appears to have had little more sanctity than the lives of 
the animals they shot on the river-banks. The descrip- 
tions of the now extinct keel-boatmen, left by contem- 
porary writers surpass in horrible detail anything ever 
written of "Western cow-boys or miners. They have now 
disappeared before steamboats and civilization as com- 
pletely as the wildernesses amongst which their lives 
were mostly spent. With other barbarisms of " the good 
old times," they have sunk into oblivion. E,. I. P. 

One of the earliest packet lines we read about is the 
following : 

" On the llth of January, 1794, a line of two keel-boats with 
bullet-proof covers and port-holes, and provided with cannon and 
small arms, was established between Cincinnati and Pittsburgh, each 
making a trip once in four weeks." 

The defensive acquipment of these keel-boats is very 
suggestive. Nothing enables one better to contrast 
"now "and "then." 

It is interesting to read how our fathers occasionally 
compared the comforts of their days with the discomforts 
of our grandfathers ; how proudly they spoke of improve- 
ments, and how delighted and content they were with 
accommodations which seem to us comfortless and mean. 
Here is a characteristic sample, written about 1845, when 
steamboats, uncomfortable and slow, were everywhere 
replacing lines of stages or horse-packets. 

"In leaving Bangor, Maine, in a steamboat, though only for a 
short trip, I am thereby reminded of the difference which has taken 
place in our city, and throughout the country, in the mode of 
travelling between the present time and only twenty years since. I 
say twenty years, because it is about twenty years since I left the 
paternal home, and in the good sloop ' Betsy ' took passage for Bangor, 
where we arrived in safety after eight days' toil. The usual mode 
of travelling then, from Bangor, was by the lumber coasters; in 
which passengers, male and female, were stowed away in the few 


berths in the cabin, or sprawled around upon the uncarpeted floor. 
There was indeed a semi-packet with a few extra berths hung round, 
with a narrow and rather scanty red bombazette frill. But mean as 
these accommodations may now (1845) be considered, they afforded 
the best means of conveyance between Bangor and Massachusetts, 
and during the rainy seasons in the spring and fall the only con- 
veyance ; for instead of three daily stages west, as now, the mail 
was carried once a week only, and then on horseback between 
Bangor and Augusta. During the winter, to be sure, Moses Burley 
conveyed the mail, and occasionally a passenger or two, in a sleigh 
with a tandem team ; and during the summer in a ricketty covered 
wagon. . . . Then there was no small mail route to any of the 
towns above Bangor, and the old register in the monthly advertise- 
ment of the postmaster, of two fingers-long, enumerated letters for 
the whole region round about. These reminiscences have brought 
vividly to mind the appearance of the village as it was then. There 
were but five brick buildings erected, including the old distil house, 
that has since been removed to give place to the City Point Block. 
There were but eighteen stores a few mechanics' shops one 
bridge, and that the Kenduskeay, where toll was required the 
court-house, now city hall a wooden gaol three taverns, and a few 

How delightfully confidential this old writer is ! He 
has long since heen gathered to his fathers, and even his 
name is forgotten, hut he must have heen a good man, 
who took an intelligent interest in what he saw. 

Though steamboats offered greater facilities and com- 
fort to travellers than sloops, or stages, yet they were 
miserahly conducted, and often dangerous. Indeed, the 
frequency of collision and explosions was appalling. It 
became common to have " safety-barges " towed by the 
steamboat ; and an illustration of a boat of this character 
appended to an advertisement in the Commercial Advertiser 
for June 16th, 1830, shows that the engine and boiler 
(and apparently the paddle-wheel) were placed right at 
the bow, as far away as possible from the passengers on 
the " safety-barge." In 1834-5 Miss Martineau found 
steamboat travelling in the West proverbially dangerous. 

" I was rather surprised at the cautions I received throughout the 
South about choosing wisely among the Mississippi steamboats ; and 
at the question gravely asked, as I was going on board, whether I 
had a life-preserver with me. I found that all my acquaintances on 


board had furnished themselves with life-preservers, and uiy surprise 
ceased when we passed boat after boat on the river delayed or 
deserted on account of some accident." 

Since that day the stringent regulations which provide 
for governmental inspection of all boats, have made steam- 
boat travel upon the rivers as safe as it is delightful. An 
excursion from St. Louis or Cincinnati to New Orleans 
upon one of the floating palaces which now traverse the 
lower Ohio and Mississippi ranks as one of the most 
enjoyable modes in which a holiday can be spent. 

The traffic floated upon these Western rivers will 
surprise many. Take the Ohio, for instance; a competent 
authority has stated that the total of its trade from its 
head at Pittsburgh to its mouth at New Cairo, about a 
thousand miles, exceeded in 1874 $800,000,000, or 
160,000,000, a sum greater than the total exports of 
the nation about which we hear so much. It is upon 
the Ohio that the cheapest transportation in the world 
exists. Coal, coke, and other bulky articles are trans- 
ported at the rate of one-twentieth of a cent., one- 
fortieth of a penny per ton per mile. This is made 
possible by means of barges, many of which are lashed 
together and pushed ahead by a steam tug. The current, 
of course, carries along the floating mass. The steamer 
has little to do but to guide while descending and to tow 
the empty barges back. The records of 1884 show that 
there were owned in the one city of Pittsburgh for use on 
the river four thousand three hundred and twenty-three 
vessels, including barges, with a tonnage of one million 
seven hundred thousand tons. One hundred and sixty- 
three of these were steamboats. Twenty thousand miles 
of navigable waterways lie before these Pittsburgh craft, 
and many thousand miles more are ready to be opened 
by easily-constructed improvements in the lesser streams. 
This work the general government is steadily performing 
year after year, as well as improving the existing naviga- 
tion. Even to-day a boat can start from Pittsburgh for a 
port four thousand three hundred miles distant, as far 
as from New York to Queenstown and half-way back, or 


as far away as the Baltic ports are from New York. Said 
I not truly, that Nature made Britain only as a small 
model and the Kepublic full working size ? 

From what a small acorn has the mighty oak of river 
navigation grown ! Here is the very first prophecy of 
the coming events connected with the use of these great 
streams, and from whom, of all men, should such a 
prophecy more fittingly come than from a minister 1 
Here are the words of the Eev. Manasseh Cutter, D.D., 
LL.D., of Ipswich, Massachusetts, who was at once 
minister, scientist, statesman, and the agent of the New 
England and Ohio Company, which started at Marietta, 
Ohio, Blessed man, he it was who succeeded in getting 
passed the famous ordinance of 1787, which prohibited 
slavery in the old North-west Territory, and secured that 
fair domain for ever to freedom. Here is the prediction 
he made in a pamphlet published in 1787 : 

" The current down the Mississippi and Ohio, for heavy articles 
that suit the Florida (Mississippi) and West Indian markets, such as 
Indian corn, flour, beef, timber, etc., will be more loaded than any 
stream on earth. ! ! ! ! It was found by late experiments that 
sails are used to great advantage against the current of the Ohio ; 
and it is worthy of observation that, in all probability, steam- 
boats will be foitnd to be of infinite service in all our river 

That was written twenty years before Fulton's practically 
successful application of steam to navigation, and a quarter 
of a century before the first steamboat which ever ploughed 
the Western rivers was built at Pittsburgh. Six years 
after the prediction about steamboats the country hailed, 
as a wonderful evidence of progress, the inauguration of 
a regular line of sail and oar boats between Cincinnati 
and Pittsburgh. Two boats were built for the line. They 
made the round journey every four weeks, so that every 
two weeks a traveller had a chance to start, and take a 
two weeks' journey on the beautiful river. I wish, as I 
write, that we could do so now. This was our Nile in a 
dahabeah right here at home. Why do not we try it 
now ? What could be more delightful than the Ohio in 


a small boat moved by oar and sail ? We have not the 
time, we say. Ah, ladies and gentlemen, we have not 
the" sense. 

But just listen to the precautions deemed essential, 
as late as the beginning of the century, which the 
advertisement sets forth : 

" No danger need be apprehended from the enemy, as every person 
on board will be under cover made proof against rifle or musket 
balls, with convenient portholes for firing out. Each of the boats is 
armed with six pieces carrying a pound ball, also a number of good 
muskets amply supplied with ammunition." 

So the tedium of the journey, you see, was likely 
to be relieved by a skirmish now and then with the 
noble savage, and our travellers were not expected not to 
shoot back from under their ironclad cover. The first 
steamboat troubled the waters in 1811. In 1810 we 
find Cramer's Magazine Almanac making the startling 
announcement : 

" A company has been formed for the purpose of navigating the 
river Ohio, in large boats, to be propelled by the power of steam- 
engines. The boat now on the stocks is one hundred and thirty- 
eight feet keel, and calculated for & freight, as well as a passenger 
boat, between Pittsburgh and the falls of the Ohio." 

It is gratifying to learn that in one year the tc New 
Orleans," for such was the name, actually cleared $20,000 
(4,000). No wonder the building of steam-boats rapidly 
increased. There is nothing so creative as a good 

The steamboats plying between New York and Boston, 
and also upon the Hudson between New York and Albany, 
have always impressed the foreign traveller as unequalled. 
The dimensions of some of the floating palaces are note- 
worthy. The tonnage of the " Pilgrim," for instance, is 
three thousand five hundred registered tons, making her 
the largest inland steamboat in the world ; speed, twenty 
knots per hour. She carries one thousand four hundred 
passengers, and is lighted by nine hundred and twelve 
electric lamps. 

Miss Martineau has left a description of bont travelling 


on the Erie Canal in New York State. Compare the 
following with our floating palaces and Pullman cars ! 

" On fine days," she writes, " it is pleasant enough sitting outside 
(except for having to duck under the bridges, every quarter of an 
hour, under penalty of having one's head crushed to atoms) and in 
dark evenings the approach of the boat-lights on the water is a 
pretty sight; but the horrors of night and wet days more than 
compensate for all the advantages these vehicles can boast. The 
heat and noise, the known vicinity of a compressed crowd, laying 
packed like herrings in a barrel, the bumping against the sides of 
the locks, and the hissing of water therein like an inundation, start- 
ling one from sleep these things are very disagreeable. 

" The appearance of the berths in the ladies' cabin were so repul- 
sive that we were seriously contemplating sitting out all night 
when it began to rain so as to leave us no choice." 

This journey from Utica to Schenectady, a distance of 
eighty miles, took twenty-two hours, while the packet to 
Kochester, one hundred and sixty miles, took forty-six 
hours ; much longer than is now required to go from 
New York to St. Paul, Minnesota, one thousand three 
hundred and twenty -two miles. 

In the short fifty years under review, we have displaced 
the stuffy, slow, canal boat as a mode of travel for the 
limited express ; the small steamer with its safety barge 
for the floating palaces. 

If there is anything calculated to make man thankful 
for the blessings which he enjoys in this last quarter of 
the nineteenth century, it is the study of the conditions 
of life under which our ancestors lived. Not that we 
can form even an estimate of them. Discomforts which 
would make life unendurable to us were unnoticed by 
them, and probably they suffered in many ways at which we 
cannot even guess. If the record of their miserable mode 
of life were complete, the picture would without doubt be 
even more repulsive than it is. Auguste Comte has 
gravely propounded a religion of humanity which he says 
is worshipful because of its victories over nature, and over 
the discomforts by which the life of primitive man was 
surrounded. There have been religions founded on less 
worthy grounds than these. Man has indeed played a 
wonderful part in the world ; and nothing can be more 


marvellous than the way in which he has subjugated the 
forces of natur.6, and yoked them to his chariot and his 

But let us be modest, or as sure as fate those of the 
next generation, looking back upon this, our present life, 
are to contrast their happier condition with ours and pity 
us as we have ventured to pity our forefathers. The 
march of humanity is upward and onward, for all the 
countless ages to come. Improved physical conditions 
react upon mental conditions and some day man is to read 
with surprise that once there was upon earth a state of 
warfare between divisions called nations, that Europe 
once continually taught nine millions of men how best to 
butcher their fellows, and called this vile work a profession. 
The coming man will marvel that intemperance prevailed 
in these barbarous days, that there were paupers and crimi- 
nals without number, and that even in Britain the many 
were kept down by the few, that the soil there was held 
and used by a class, and that a million sterling was taken 
from the public revenues every year by one family and 
spent in vulgar ostentation or riotous dissipation, a family 
which was an insult to every other family in the land, 
since it involved the born inferiority of all others. He 
is to read of all this as we now read of the armored keel- 
boat and the horse locomotive, and thank his stars he was 
not bom as we have been before the dawn of civilization. 
"As one man's meat is another man's poison," so one 
age's civilization is the next age's barbarism. We shall all 
be barbarians to our great, great, grandchildren. 

We have not travelled far yet, with all our progress 
upon the upward path, but we still go marching on. 
That which is is better than that which has been. It 
is the mission of Democracy to lead in this triumphant 
march and improve step by step the conditions under 
which the masses live ; to ring out the Old, and to ring 
in the New ; and in this great work the Republic rightly 
leads the van. 

ART AND Music. 219 



" The study of art possesses this great and peculiar charm, that 
it is absolutely unconuected with the struggles and contests of 
ordinary life. ... It is a taste at once engrossing and unselfish, 
which may be indulged without effort, and yet has the power of 
exciting and to gratify both the nobler and softer parts of our 
nature, the imagination and the judgment, love of emotion and 
power of reflection, the enthusiasm and the critical faculty, the 
senses and the reason." GITIZOT. 

" Of all the liberal arts, music has the greatest influence over the 
passions, and is that to which the legislator ought to give the greatest 
encouragement. A well composed song strikes and softens the 
mind, and produces a greater effect than a moral work, which con- 
vinces our reason, but does not warm our feelings, nor effect the 
slightest alteration in our habits." NAPOLEON AT ST. HELENA. 

HALF a century ago, it was the fashion in Europe to 
decry anything American, and to sneer at even the sug- 
gestion of culture in the United States. A country 
without historical or poetical associations, devoid of all 
the sources from which the genius of the Old World had 
derived its inspirations in short, a new country whose 
energies must for generations be directed in practical 
channels cannot hope to compete, it was argued, in the 
fine arts with nations whose traditions and culture reach 
back for centuries. In 1824 a contributor to Blackwootfs 
Magazine, wrote : 

" The fine arts, generally, are neglected by the Americans. By 
this I mean, that they, the Americans, do not themselves cultivate 
them. They have foreign musical composers and sculptors, among 
them, most of whom are indigent or starving, but none of their 
own. Architecture is hardly in a better state. I know of no capital 
American architect." 

The writer then makes one exception to his sweeping 
declaration painting. 

" In this the Americans have made a surprising proficiency ; 
surprising, not only by comparison with what they have done in 
every other department ; but surprising (if we consider their num- 
bers, infancy, and want of encouragement), when compared with 


what we ourselves have done, or any other people, during the same 

He then cites, in support of this assertion, the names of 
Copley, West, Trumbull, Rembrandt Peale, A listen, Morse, 
Sully, Stuart, Leslie, Newton, and Chester Harding, but 
ends by qualifying his praise with the remark that the 
most celebrated of these men were educated in Great 
Britain, and some of them born there. 

Another class of critics went still further and asserted 
that a genius for art was incompatible with a republican 
form of government. u It would seem," says a writer, of 
about the same time, in the London Quarterly Review, 
11 that a high and refined genius for art is indigenous to 
monarchies, and under such a form of government alone 
can it flourish, either vigorously or securely. The United 
States of North America can never expect to possess a 
fine school of art, so long as they retain their present 

Art indigenous to monarchies ! Did any one ever hear 
such an absurdity 1 The great law is that each shall pro- 
duce fruit after its kind, but this genius makes a monarchy 
produce the greatest of all republics, the republic of art. 
In art, the source of that which gives the finer touches to 
human life, all is republican ; there is no trace of here- 
ditary privileges within its bounds ; it is as free, as un- 
stained of these injustices as the American Republic itself. 
Art asks not, 

"Wast thou cottager or king, 
Peer or peasant; no such thing." 

Who knows or cares who Michelangelo's father was ; 
or what was Beethoven's birth, or whether Raphael was 
an aristocrat, or Wagner the son of a poor actuary of 
police? Just imagine monarchy in art a hereditary 
painter, for instance, or a sculptor who only was his 
father's son, or a musician, because born in the profession ! 
What claims from birth have Liszt, Rubenstein, Gliick, 
or the Scotch laddies from their heather hills, the sons 
of shepherds and tradesmen ; the Millaises, Orchardsons, 
Petties, Hunters, and Blacks, but from the republicanism 

ART AND Music. 221 

of art. Our rulers these, in art, by virtue of the universal 
suffrage of their fellows. The royal violinist's parentage 
gives him no place in art which he has not earned, nor do 
the creditable, etchings or sculptures of the royal princesses 
advance them one iota beyond the merit of their work. 
Nor is it in the power of Victoria, nor can it be her wish, 
to advance them one step in the republic of art, were she 
twenty times their mother. 

" A king can make a belted knight 
A marquis, duke, and a' that," 

but let him try his hand upon creating ranks in the 
commonwealth of art, of music, and of literature, and 
where is he ! The aristocrats there are better born than 
he himself because heaven-born ; "nobles by the right of 
an earlier creation, priests by the imposition of a mightier 
hand." Millais and Leighton, Benedict and Sullivan 
were knighted by the monarch, but these rulers in art 
and music have not yet recognized Her Majesty or any of 
her family in their republics beyond the stage of " Honor- 
able Mention." The Queen dispenses her degrees, even 
to a peerage, for brewing beer or playing court lackey. 
In the republics of art and letters, as Her Majesty finds, 
our rulers are much more fastidious. The standard is 
different. If Art be, as she is, a most jealous mistress, 
she is as just as she is exacting and no respecter of 
persons. There is nothing monarchical about her. Nay, 
when the monarch leaves the tinsel of official life and 
rises to real work in the higher domain of art, her 
drawings are pronounced good, and by so much she is an 
artist. Her books for letters, too, like art, are repub- 
licanare most creditable in this, that a queen should 
have thought about making a book at all ; for it is true 
all the same that "a book's a book although there's 
nothing in't," and the effort to write a book is in itself 
praiseworthy. Whatever a person of high rank achieves 
in the higher realms of art deserves handsome acknow- 
ledgment. The royal family of England to-day should 
receive, and I pay them the compliment to believe they 


do receive, more genuine satisfaction from their literary 
and artistic labours than from their rank, and would value 
distinction in the republics of art, music, and letters, if 
acquired, beyond rank in society which can confer no 
honor, because purely accidental; for such, my readers, is 
the effect of this republican atmosphere in letters and art 
upon all who once enter its charmed circle and breathe 
its sweet influences, that even these royal people, exalted 
by a fiction in political life, would be the first to repel 
with proud indignation the slightest intimation that their 
works were to be judged by any lower standard than the 
republican test by the suffrage of the people, in com- 
parison with the performances of the sons of shepherds, 
delvers, weavers, and ditchers, their equals in the 
Republic. This is highly creditable to them. Such as 
have contributed, however humbly, to art, music, or 
literature beginning with Her Majesty herself are to be 
held in special honor. They have their places in the 
republic of art. Were the Prince of Wales animated, like 
them, with the true spirit of art and letters, it might 
extend to his ideas about position, and then he could not 
accept the throne except by a vote of his fellows calling 
him to it, as the person best fitted to serve the State. He 
would scorn place granted for any reason but for his 
ability to serve. His motto can only in this way be lived 
tip to. 

Death levels all ranks; the republics of art and of 
letters do no less. Contestants for place in these gracious 
commonwealths are stripped of all distinctions and start 
upon equal terms. The equality of the citizen is the 
fundamental law upon which is founded all that brings 
sweetness and light to human life. Thus, my friends, art 
is republican, literature is republican, religion is repub- 
lican. (No hereditary privilege in the church.) Every 
good is republican. That alone which is valueless, 
hurtful, and unjust is monarchical ; but fortunately, 
as we have seen, the poison of hereditary rank is con- 
fined to very narrow limits, beyond which it is not 

ART AND Music. 223 

This curious writer, who would have monarchy allied 
with art, built his theory upon the exploded idea that only 
monarchs and the aristocracy, which flutters around 
courts, could or would patronize the beautiful. That 
theory is unfortunate, in view of the fact that the best 
patrons of art are the Americans, and the monarchy, at 
least, is not conspicuous for its treatment of art or artists. 
Music and art, like literature, flourish in our day, not 
by the patronage of a class, but from popular support. 
Nothing flourishes in our day but through the support of 
the people monarchy itself must play to them and please 
them for its daily bread. One breath of popular displea- 
sure and it becomes a thing of the past. 

f ~- It seems strange, in the light of the present, that any 
one could read history so awry as to lead him to the con- 
clusion that monarchy favors art or literature. But it is 
too late to render necessary any refutation of such asser- 

'.tions. Time has proved its falsity, and we may now 
safely relegate it to the curiosities of literature. But there 
is a modicum of truth in the assertion of the writer in 
Blackicood of sixty years ago, that the Americans did not 
then cultivate the fine arts. A few painters, whose names 
are still pointed to with pride by their countrymen, had 
enlivened the drear monotony of our art horizon, but they 
were Americans in little more than the accident of birth. 
Most of them were born under the British flag, and the 
art of all was but a reflection of foreign schools and 
methods. Nor does this militate against their skill as 
artists, nor against the right of Americans to include them 
among their countrymen. It is well to remember that 
France had no art till Da Vinci and Primaticcio showed 
the way ; and that in England Holbein, Lely, and Van 
Dyck made possible a Reynolds and a Gainsborough. It 
js perhaps a little remarkable that these early American 
painters, who won as much credit abroad as at home, 
should have left little inspiration behind them, for it is 
certain that those who immediately succeeded them did 
not attain to a similar reputation. Perhaps this is to be 
accounted for in the fact that the energies of the people 


were directed by the exigencies of their surroundings into 
more practical channels than the pursuit of the beautiful. 
In the building up of a new country there is little time 
for art cultivation ; the establishment of a political and 
social system and the development of industrial resources 
must precede and furnish the foundation on which the 
superstructure of art may rise. Nature must be conquered 
before she can be admired. Men must be fed and clothed 
ere they can moralize. 

About the beginning of the period to which we have 
constantly referred of fifty years ago American art 
began to rise from its dark age, as we may characterize 
the period immediately succeeding that of the colonial 
painters. Up to that time there had been no training 
schools, no public galleries of any consequence, and but a 
small audience capable of appreciating good work. In 
1826 the National Academy of Design was organized in 
New York, under the presidency of Samuel F. B. Morse, 
as the successor of the American Academy of Fine Arts, 
which died after the fire of the same year had destroyed 
its art collection. Similar institutions had been founded 
early in Philadelphia and in Boston, but the National 
Academy has always exercised a paramount influence in 
the development of American art. 

About ten years later the American Art Union, an 
incorporated institution for the distribution, by lot, of 
works of art, came into existence, and during more than 
a decade aided much in educating the people, and in 
bringing into notice many artists who might otherwise 
have found it difficult to win recognition. But this gain 
was loss ; the influence of the lottery system must have 
transcended a hundred-fold any possible advantage gained 
through it by art. Happily the day for such gambling is 
over, but we meet with the evil still, where one would 
least expect it. There is a moral in the story of the poor 
parishioner, who regretted to his minister that he could 
not pay his quarter's pew rent. 

" Been gambling in stocks, I suppose," said the minister, 
testily. "No, sir, not that." "Well, speculating in 

ART AND Music. 225 

oil, then." "No, sir; I went to your church fair, sir, 
and was roped into so many lotteries." Tableau. 

Several small public galleries like those of the Athe- 
naeum in Boston, and of the Historical Society in New 
York, and a few private collections were found in different 
parts of the country, which all exercised a considerable 
influence in raising the standard of popular taste. People 
began to buy pictures, and, as was natural, began by 
buying very poor pictures. European dealers, taking 
advantage of the comparative ignorance of the country in 
art matters, flooded the principal cities with alleged ex- 
amples of the old masters, which found a ready sale 
thirty or forty years ago, but which gradually disappeared 
as their worthlessness was understood, and now it would 
be difficult to find one of these early art treasures of America 
in any respectable house unless it may have been pre- 
served among the rubbish of the garret. The experience 
thus gained was of the utmost value. The American, 
with his quick perception, soon learned to distinguish 
between the good and the bad, and though his taste may 
in some cases seem a little " loud " to the European con- 
noisseur, he seldom buys anything which is absolutely 
worthless. He is recognized now in the European 
markets as one of the shrewdest, as well as one of the 
most liberal buyers. Throughout the world, whenever W > 
art treasures come under the hammer, the American will I * '-' 
be found in competition with nobles, and even with / 
'crowned heads, and he is no mean competitor, for he 
carries a pocket full of dollars, and is not afraid to spend 
them where he is sure of getting his money's worth. 
Thus, during the past twenty years, there has been a 
constant flow of works of art to the United States. 
There is no city of importance in the country which has 
not its public gallery of painting and of sculpture, as well 
as many private collections in the houses of its citizens. 
These latter are often put on exhibition as loan collections, 
and exert a most beneficial influence in creating a taste 
for art. 

Of course the United States can scarcely hope to form 



art collections comparable with those of the Old World, 
unless some unforeseen revolution should break up the 
great museums of some of its capital cities, when. we- 
might hope, and, indeed, expect, that many of their 
treasures would gravitate westward. But Avhile the old 
masters are thus denied to us, we have some consolation 
in knowing that a large proportion of the best modem 
works are brought to this country. I have excellent, 
authority for the assertion that the United States now 
possesses more and liner examples of the modern French* 
and German schools of painting than are to be found in 
Europe. The modern Spanish and Italian schools are 
also well represented, the English school not so well, 
American taste gravitating rather to the realism of the- 
French than to the romantic idealism of the British school. 
It is useless for the critics to attempt to explain the- 
extraordinary disproportion between the influx of British 
and French art into America by the assertion that the 
fine art dealers in the United States are mostly of French 
and German origin. Even if this were true, the dealers 
would not hesitate to import English pictures if there- 
was a market for them. They purchase largely of English 
engraving?!, because there is a demand for them, and they 
can be had at a price which leaves a good margin for profit ; 
they do not buy English paintings because they are held at 
pricesmuch higher thanin proportion to the talent displayed 
than are the works of French and German artists. This is 
sufficient in itself to account for the numerical preponde- 
rance of these two schools of art in the United States and 
for the gravitation of American taste in their direction. I 
would not draw any invidious comparison, but I am not 
sure if I am called upon for a further explanation of 
the phenomenon that the prevailing fashion of buying 
French paintings may not have a still more serious justi- 
fication, for whatever the London critics may preach 
concerning the decadence of the French school, the Salon 
is still, as it was under the Empire, the highest art 
tribunal in the world. 

The foreign reader must not infer from what I have 

ART AND Music. 227 

said of the American predilection for the French school 
of art that the Americans have no painters of their own. 
They have good painters in all departments of art, while 
in several branches they are able to compete with any 
other country in the world. Their landscape school is un- 
excelled and in marine painting they are fast approaching 
the standard of the British school. In portraiture they 
are equal to the English and French painters, and in some 
respects they excel the latter, being free from the 
academic tricks which detract from the dignity of Gallic 
art. In genre they are not far behind the French and 
German painters. In history and allegory they are as 
yet weak, though several of the younger painters, now 
studying under French and German influences, show 
signs of phenomenal ability which may soon bring 
America to the fore in these departments also. It may 
be urged with some show of justice that these painters 
are Americans in little more than birth and name, and 
that they ought properly to be classed among the French 
and Germans, under whose guidance they have been 
educated and have won their laurels. But if so strict a 
rule of classification were adopted Ave should have to give 
Poussin and Spagnoletto to the Italians and, to take a 
more modern case, send Alma-Tadema back to his home 
in the Netherlands. Art is cosmopolitan and should 
have no country. Whatsoever land possesses the best 
schools and the best facilities for instruction through the / 
possession of the master-pieces of the past, that land ' 
will attract students from everf "oilier "part of the world ; [ 
and so long as the great galleries of the Old World exist, 1 
so long will American students cross the ocean to study V 
what can never under any present possibility be found at \ 
home. ^s 

America has developed within the past half-century a 
school of sculpture which has won recognition both at 
home and abroad, though a visit to the national capital 
and to the public squares of some of the larger cities 
would scarcely induce such an opinion. Many of her 
sculptors have been educated under Italian influences, 
Q 2 


but have drawn their inspiration rather from the antique 
than the modern Italian school. Some who stand fore- 
most at home to-day have not enjoyed the benefit of 
foreign instruction, and their works, consequently, possess 
more of the flavor of the soil, so to speak, than do those 
which have been executed in strict accordance with the 
academic rules transmitted from antiquity. It is possible 
that these may develop in time into a purely American 
school of sculpture which shall be recognized and take its 
place as such in the art history of the world. 

In the sister art, architecture, though America's brief 
century of existence has not brought to light any transcen- 
dent genius like' him who created the Taj Mahal or 
elevated the dome of St. Peter's, there has been sufficient 
advancement to meet the requirements of the country. 
American architecture in the past cannot be said to have 
had any individuality, but to have been rather the result 
of external influences, the reflection of the art developed 
in Europe through centuries of growth. Like all imita- 
tions, the imported style was generally exaggerated, and 
often applied to uses for which it was never intended. 
Thus, a half-century ago the Greek style was the pre- 
vailing fashion, and not only public buildings, like the 
custom-houses of New York, Philadelphia, and Boston, 
but also churches, town-halls, and even dwelling-houses 
were constructed in the semblance of classic temples. In 
the suburbs of any of the Eastern towns may still be seen 
white painted wooden dwellings, with pretentious porticoes 
of Ionic or Corinthian columns, combined with the 
absurdity of modern windows and green blinds. 

The Greek style in time gave way to the Gothic, and 
the classic temple was superseded by a nondescript build- 
ing modelled or supposed to be modelled after the 
mediaeval cathedral. Some good churches were built in 
this style, the most successful one being Trinity Church in 
New York, erected in 1840-45 ; but, as the Greek stylo 
had been before, it was soon applied to uses utterly 
foreign to its purposes, and all kinds of buildings, in- 
cluding dwelling-houses, were decorated with Gothic 

ART AND Music. 229 

gables, pinnacles, and battlements. This fashion in turn 
had its day, and in time the Gothic was restricted mostly 
to ecclesiastical edifices, while domestic architecture went 
through a variety of transformations, involving all the 
styles known to the ages. In some of the larger cities, 
Xew York especially, the exigencies of space gave rise to 
narrow dwellings built in uniform blocks, generally of 
brick, faced with brown sand-stone, from which they were 
called " brown-stone fronts." Some of these long blocks 
of narrow dwellings, which caused the Grand Duke Alexis 
to remark that " the Americans live in bins," are really 
very handsome, especially in Fifth Avenue, Hew York, 
a street of city residences unequalled elsewhere in the 
world. During the past two decades a change has 
gradually been wrought in the style of city dwellings, and 
the uniform Italian brown-stone fronts have been super- 
seded by a variety of styles, each building having a 
marked individuality which distinguishes it from its 
neighbors. Many of these new residences will bear 
favorable comparison, considered architecturally, with any 
in Europe, and in internal conveniences and modern 
appliances have not their equal anywhere. This is as true 
of the dwellings built of late years in other places as of 
those in New York, and the day is not far distant when 
every considerable town in the United States will have 
palatial residences rivalling those of the Old World. 

The architecture of municipal and mercantile buildings 
in America is in a great degree, like domestic architecture, 
the reflection of foreign examples, modified of course to 
some extent by new requirements. Some of the more 
pretentious structures, though perhaps amenable to criti- 
cism as works of art, are notable examples of their kind 
and will bear comparison with similar buildings in 
Europe. The Capitol at Washington, though displeasing 
to Mr. Fergusson's critical eye, is yet a noble building 
and notwithstanding its shortcomings better adapted 
for legislative uses than the British Houses of Par- 
liament ; and the later public buildings at Wash- 
ington, especially the French Eenaissance structures for 


the use of the War and State Departments, are unex- 
celled. Many of the State capitols, notably those of New 
York, Connecticut, Ohio, and other Western States, are 
worthy of any country. In mercantile architecture the 
Americans arc abreast of, if not in advance of the rest of 
the world. The stores or shops of all of the larger cities 
are equal to any in European capitals, and the magnificent 
structures erected by insurance, banking and other 
corporations, are fit for the uses of even the merchant 
princes of Democracy. There is nothing elsewhere in the 
world to compare with these structures. Buildings 
equally fine are to be found in that great Western city, 
Chicago. One block there has thirteen stories, the 
highest hardly less elaborate in decoration or less perfect 
in its appointments than the lowest. Indeed, the rental 
of offices high up is greater than that of those nearer 
earth. Lifts shoot skyward with a swiftness that leads 
the unaccustomed aeronaut to think he has left part of his 
anatomy on the ground floor, and they drop down again 
with equal rapidity. The thirteenth story is thus made 
as accessible as the third, while it possesses the advantages 
of purer air, and less noise. 

" Music, heavenly maid," early visited America, but 
finding no congenial abiding place among the sons of toil 
who were battling with the wilderness, returned to quieter 
scenes, to await the cessation of the struggle. She has 
now taken up her permanent abode in the Republic ; and 
finds herself at home even in the far West, among the 
roughest scenes the continent can show. 

The history of music in America is a record of spirited 
enterprises and discouraging failures alternating with 
almost rythmic regularity. Artists of the first order, like 
Malibrun, made a temporary success even fifty years ago ; 
but it is only recently that a regular opera has been 
established in any American city. Some of the most 
successful performances took place in New York half a 
century ago ; yet at periods it was almost impossible to 
get together half a dozen fiddles'. A German who visited 
New York in 1828, wrote: 

ART AND Music. 231 

" The orchestras arc very bad indeed, as bad as it is possible to 
imagine and incomplete. Sometimes they have two clarinets, which 
is a great deal : sometimes there is only one first instrument. Of 
bassoons, oboes, trumpets, and kettledrums, one never sees a sight. 
However, once in a while a first bassoon is employed. Only one 
oboist exists in North America, and he is said to live in Baltimore. 
In spite of all this incompleteness they piny symphonies by Haydn 
and grand overtures ; and if a gap occurs, they think ' this is only 
of pissing importance,' provided it rattles away again afterwards. 
... It is a self-understood custom that the leader, with his violin, 
takes part in every solo. Hence one never hears a solo played 
alone by one person. This is probably done in order to get a fuller 

This Avas three years after Garcia's Italian opera appeared 
in Xew York, and several amateur rmisical clubs had long 
been in existence. The practical and unromantic character 
of the English people long delayed acceptance of the opera 
in Britain. As Addison amusingly says : 

" There is nothing that has more startled our English audience 
than the Italian recitative at its first entrance upon the stage. 
People were wonderfully surprised to hear generals singing the word 
of command, and ladies delivering messages in music. Our country- 
men could not forbear laughing when they heard a lover chanting 
out a lillet-doux, and even the superscription of a letter set to a 
tnne. The famous blunder in an old pl;iy of ' Enter a king and two 
fiddlers solus' was no longer an absurdity, when it was impossible 
for a hero in a desert, or a princess in her closet, to speak anything 
unaccompanied with musical instruments." 

In America the same cause continued to operate at a 
much later date. A native critic has written a passage 
about his countrymen similar to the above. Speaking of 
the opera-goers of fifty years ago, he says : 

"If the inquisitive American looked in a critical way at the intel- 
lectual meaning of the Italian opera, he found little to satisfy his 
mind. On the contrary, he found it ridiculous if he succeeded at 
getting at the plot of the fantastic libretto to see an actor making 
such a fuss about killing himself or anybody else on account of some 
unsuccessful love aft'air, but who could not accomplish his bloody 
design on account of too much singing. He wondered why two 
lovers, having a secret to tell each other, should go about shouting 
it out in endless repetitions and endless cadenzas. He became impa- 
tient with a troop of soldiers, thundering ferocious threatening war- 
songs, but who, having so much to sing, could not move a step from 
their posts. All these things puzzled him, were a mystery to him, 


ar.d annoyed and bewildered him. They, on the whole, appeared to 
him 'much ado about nothing.' " 

Viewed in this matter-of-fact way, the opera does seem 
absurd ; and we need not wonder that it long received 
scant recognition by our practical, long-headed people, who 
ask the why and wherefore of everything which claims 
their approval. At the present day, however, opera is 
nourishing like an indigenous plant, and New York 
supports two great opera houses, besides numerous theatres 
for opera comique, etc. Every important city has its 
opera house. Miss Nilsson found in a young Western 
town the best building for sound she had ever known. 
Jeffrey's " American Guide to Opera Houses and Theatres" 
contains particulars of nearly four thousand such buildings 
distributed all over the continent. Opening it at random, 
I find amongst hundreds of others the following : 

" CENTBALIA : On Chicago, Kansas City & Denver Short Line of 
the C. & A. and W. St. L. & P. Railroads. Population, one thousand 
five hundred. 

"Threlkeld's Opera Hall. Good stage and scenery. Terms 

" People's Theatre. First-class stage and scenery. Stage twenty- 
five feet by forty-eight feet. Piano. Ecut, twenty dollars, etc." 

Take Oshkosh, away out in Wisconsin, two hundred 
miles from Chicago, with a population of twenty-two 

" New Opera House. Stage, forty-two by seventy feet ; seats one 
thousand one hundred. 

" Turner House. Stage thirty by fifty ; seats eight hundred. 

'' Wacker Hall. Thirty by fifty-four; scats one thousand one 

Here is Paris in Texas : 

" Babcock Opera House. Seats one thousand. 

" Paris Opera House. Seats four hundred and fifty." 

Idaho was a wilderness a few years ago, as was Montana. 
Now I see Eagle Rock, Idaho, with a total population of 
only seven hundred, has 

" Chamberlain Hall, with organ. Seats six hundred. 
" Glen's Hall. Seats three hundred." 

ART AND Music. 233 

Butte City, Montana, has 

" New Opera House, fc'eats eight hundred. 

" Thomas' Ampitheatre. Scats one thousand five hundred. 

" Grand Opera House. Seats one thousand." 

But its population is ten thousand, so that it does not 
rival Eagle Rock, with its seven hundred population and 
Temples of the Muses to seat nine hundred. 

The theatres and opera houses of the principal cities in 
America are, of course, much superior to those in Europe, 
because they were built recently and have improvements 
unthought of years ago ; besides, the greater wealth of the 
country justifies greater expenditure upon everything. 
Musical societies are found in every Western town of 
importance. Milwaukee, with a history of only half a 
century, had its Musik Verein thirty-six years ago. In 
1851 this enterprising club performed the "Creation," 
the "Seasons," parts of the "Messiah," and parts of 
Rossetti's " Jesus in Gethsemane." Every year since it 
has performed works of like character. The city has been 
a centre from which musical culture has radiated through- 
out the North- west. Cincinnati is another such centre. 
Situated midway between the Eastern cities and New 
Orleans, it has since early days been specially benefited 
as the calling-place of itinerant operatic and dramatic 
companies. St. Louis, Louisville, Chicago, Indianapolis, 
Detroit, Buffalo, Pittsburgh, Denver, San Francisco, New 
Orleans, are all prominent examples of Western cities in 
which music is generally cultivated. 

My experience in the two lands leads me unhesitatingly 
to accord the palm to the old home for vocal music. 
There is no society in the Republic to compare with those 
which delight the masses with vocal music in the monarchy' 
To hear one of the best choirs in Britain sing an oratorio 
is one of the greatest delights. Their voices seem 
smoother, and, above all, the enunciation is perfect. The 
American voice is thin to begin with the effect of 
climate, I fear and to this is added the abominable 
practice of slurring over or cutting off troublesome 
syllables. The American woman is the most intelligent, 


-entertaining, and most agreeable in the world. If she had 
her English sister's voice and enunciation she would be 
perfect ; but these she has not. There is a " snippiness " 
about her words which follows her even in oratorio. The 
men, of course, being more deliberate of speech are not 
such great sinners in this respect. America has still much to 
learn from the parent land in vocal music. I wish she would 
begin to take lessons soon. On the other hand, America 
leads Britain in instrumental music probably owing to 
the large infusion of the German element with which it 
is blessed. I have heard several competent foreign 
musicians pronounce the Thomas orchestra superior to 
that of Kichter in London, or to any other orchestra in 
Europe, and I have sufficient faith in this opinion to 
challenge the best London orchestra to a contest. Let us 
have an international orchestral trial, our performers 
going to London to play upon alternate nights with 
Eichter's fine band, and theirs coming to Xew York next 
season for the return trial. To excel in instrumental 
music would be another feather in the cap of 
Democracy. Even to prove a worthy second to Eich- 
ter's orchestra would not discredit us. The cause of 
music could not but be benefited by the friendly family 

This year witnesses an atnbitious attempt to found 
a national Conservatory of Music which may rival the 
academy founded last year in Britain. The enterprise is 
in excellent hands and promises to give the Republic a 
new institution of which it may justly be proud. A school 
has already been started and pupils are being received. 
It i? held that the time has passed when the gifted sons 
and daughters of the Eepublic should find it necessary to 
go abroad for the highest musical instruction. Even more 
daring is the attempt to produce American opera, which 
is now being made by these enthusiastics of the National 
School of Music. So far its success has surprised the 
public. The operas are, of course, the work of foreigners, 
but they are sung in English or must we not begin to 
call it the American language 1 " Oh ! " said a dis- 

ART AND Music. 235 

languished lady to another the other evening as she listened 
to the opera iu her own language, " it's so queer to under- 
stand the language of opera, isn't it ! " "I always did, 
dear ! " was the response. Sooner or later the new idea 
is bound to conquer. The Republic will produce not only 
a National School of Music, but in time develop a national 
music itself, for it is impossible that so numerous and so 
rich a people and one so unusually fond of music should 
long remain without an institution of the highest 
character for musical culture. We hail this present 
effort, therefore, with great pleasure and commend it to 
the support of the American people upon whom, and 
not upon any governmental aid, it must fortunately 

The material progress of the Republic is not the only 
progress made during the triumphant march of the 
Democracy. In art and in music the nation is advancing 
with a rapidity which belies the assertion that the ten- 
dency of Democracy is to materialize a people and give 
it over to sordid thoughts ; that the unrestrained exercise 
of personal liberty ends only in the accumulation of 
dollars. Republicanism does not withhold from life the 
sweetness and light which mainly make it worth living. 
Hard, unremitting toil quickly seeks appropriate relaxa- 
tion. The history of music and art in America is in 
miniature their history throughout the world. First 
came struggles with nature hard-fought battles, with 
corresponding adaptation of temperament. Then with 
victory came leisure, and human nature was moulded into 
harmony with its milder conditions ; and then as Dryden 
says : 

"At last divine Cecilia came, 
Inventress of the vocal frame; 
The sweet enthusiast, from her sacred store, 
Enlarged the former narrow bounds, 
And added length to solemn sounds, 
With nature's mother-wit, and arts unknown before." 

Unless the greatest and best of the race are wholly 
at fault in their estimate of the influence exerted upon 


men by art and music, we may accept the taste for these 
with which the Democracy can safely be credited, as an 
augury of promise. Life in the Republic is being rapidly 
refined. the race for wealth ceases to be so alluring. 
Ostentation in dress or living is " bid form." In due 
time fashion may decree that its devotees must be neither 
loud nor extravagant. Music and art create the taste 
for the most refined, not for the coarse expression of our 
surroundings. It is now certain that in love of art and 
music the Democracy even to-day is not behind the 
Monarchy, and evidence is not wanting that it is entering 
^,1^, more and more into, and elevating, year after year, not 
1 7 only the few, but the great masses which make up the 
national life of the Republic. 



"He hath never fed of the dainties that are bred in a book; he 
hath not eat paper, as it were ; he hath not druuk iuk ; his intellect 
is not replenished ; he is only an animal, only sensible in his duller 

THIS was not written of the omnivorous American, for he 
has eaten paper, as it were, and drunk ink ever since he 
was born. These are his daily food. As fur back as the 
year 1836, which brings us to the beginning of the fifty 
years under review, a writer in the Philadelphia Public 
Ledger for March 25, describing the extent of newspaper 
reading in America says : 

" In the cities of New York and Brooklyn, containing together a 
population of tliree hundred thousand, the daily circulation of the 
penny papers is not less than seventy thousand!^ These papers are 
to be found in every street, lane, and alley; in every hotel, tavern. 


counting-house, shop, and store. Almost every porter and drayman, 
while not engaged in his occupation, may be seen with a penny paper 
in his hand." 

This was the year when in England the newspaper 
tax was reduced from 4 pence (8 cents) to a penny (2 
cents) per copy, when the usual price of London papers 
was 5 pence (10 cents) or 6 pence (12 cents). The great 
mass of the people, even if they could read, could only 
obtain a news-sheet by sharing among many the cost of 
the luxury. The majority of the intelligent had to be 
content with hearing articles read from papers to the 
company in a hall or colTec-room. Several factors have 
conspired to make the American people great newspaper 
readers. The Puritan settlers were active political par- 
tisans. Everything which concerned government was of 
deepest interest to them ; and it was among such as they 
that the first manuscript news-letters had their largest 
circulation. The descendants of these hardy pilgrims 
inherited that jealous regard for the rights of the citizen 
which in the sixteenth century manifested itself in poli- 
tical non-conformity, and in the eighteenth century was 
the propelling force of the American Bevolution. Every 
man, woman, and child of New England at that trying 
time habitually discussed politics and sought ne\vs with 
an eagerness that AVO never feel, except under the stimulus 
of a great political crisis. In 1800 the young Eepublic 
had two hundred newspapers, of which several Avere 
dailies. In 18101 1 disputes with England revived men's 
interest in politics, an interest which became doubly keen 
when war was declared, and every able-bodied man took 
from its nail his trusty flint-lock in preparation for battle. 
Conceived in political tribulation, born amid the throes 
of a severe political struggle, and nursed in the midst of 
political excitements, the young American nation deve- 
loped an aptitude for government which republican 
institutions have ever since tended to strengthen. Where 
every man is a voter, every man is a politician ; and a 
nation of politicians is the -journalist's favourite field. 
A further cause is the education which during the century 


has been so widely diffused. Teach a man how to read 
and you at once invest him with the appetite for reading. 
And what can be of greater interest than the world's 
history read in contemporary lights 1 Again, newspaper 
taxes have never existed in the United States. As a 
consequence journalism attained maturity in America 
earlier than in Europe. These combined factors have 
made the American nation greater newspaper readers than 
any other people. The Eepublic has aptly boon called 
the editor's Paradise ; for certainly except in the " wild 
West," where revolvers are jocularly said to be as neces- 
sary to editors as ink- stands, journalists do have pretty 
much their own way. 

In 1880 the number of periodicals of all classes pub- 
lished in the United States was eleven thousand three 
hundred and fourteen. Of these more than four-fifths 
are devoted to news, politics, and family reading. The 
remainder are technical publications, relating to trade, 
industry, the professions, science, etc. More than three- 
fourths of the whole are weekly publications, ten per 
cent, are monthlies ; daily newspapers form rather less 
than ten per cent. Ten thousand five hundred and 
fifteen periodicals are published in the English language, 
and six hundred and one in German. The remaining 
percentage is contributed in the following languages, in 
this order : French, Scandinavian, Spanish, Dutch, 
Italian, "Welsh, Bohemian, and Polish. There is, more- 
over, a Portuguese paper in New York, a Chinese paper 
in San Francisco, and a Cherokee one at Tahlequah, 
Indian Territory. In none of these languages does the pro- 
portion of periodicals reach one per cent, of the whole. 
The combined issue of the periodical press exceeds thirty- 
one millions. The copies printed aggregate, in a year, one 
billion three hundred and forty-four million, giving an 
average of two copies a week to every family. 

The growth of American newspaper literature is no 
less astonishing than the growth of so many other 
things American. The first census of the press was 
taken in 1850, though Mulhall gives an estimate for 


1840. The number of newspapers in 1850 was about 
eight hundred and thirty ; ten years later it had increased 
to two thousand five hundred and twenty-six. In I860- 
it reached four thousand and fifty-one; in 1870 five 
thousand eight hundred and seventy-one, while ton years 
later it had nearly doubled, reaching the number of 
eleven thousand three hundred and fourteen, or more 
than four times as many as in 1850. In circulation 
the increase has been even greater. In 1850 the average 
circulation per issue was five million one hundred and 
forty-two thousand one hundred and seventy-seven ; it 
leaped to thirteen million six hundred and sixty-three 
thousand four hundred and nine in 1860 ; to twenty 
million eight hundred and twenty-four thousand four 
hundred and seventy-five in 1870, and in 1880 it 
reached the enormous number of thirty- one million 
seven hundred and seventy-nine thousand six hun- 
dred and eighty-six. The morning newspapers of the 
principal cities consist of eight pages, like those of 
London, and are sold at the same price, 2 cents (1 

The republican sheets are characterized by greater 
vivacity than the monarchical more spicy news, and, 
above all, a much more attractive mode of displaying it. 
A leading English editor once remarked to me : " We 
have no ' editors ' who rank with the American, but many 
writers who excel yours." This was a just criticism. 
We see, however, in nothing more strongly than the 
newspaper press of the two countries, the operation of 
that law of assimilation which tends to make their pro- 
ducts alike. The American press is rapidly acquiring 
greater dignity, and the British press more sparkle. 
They will soon be as like as two peas, and the change 
toward each other will improve both. There are many 
things other than the press, in which a mixture of the 
old and new would be equally advantageous. 

The falsest impressions of a country are created in 
the minds of foreigners by its newspaper press, because 
people forget that the press deals in the uncommon, 


the abnormal. A column is given to some startling 
monstrosity, a three-headed calf, for instance, but it 
doesn't follow that American calves, as a rule, possess 
more than the usual number of head pieces seen in 
Europe. An unruly refugee with twenty aliases kills a 
Texan rowdy in a bar-room, farther away from New 
York than Cairo is from London, and the press on both 
sides of the water gives the fullest details. It isn't a 
corollary at all that human life is not respected in the 

A defaulter absconds, and the world is filled with the 
news, not a word is said about the thousands of men in 
positions of trust who guard their charge to the last 
penny. My experience with newspapers upon both 
sides of the Atlantic has shown me how incorrect ideas 
are instilled of the one land in the other by the press. 
A New York sheet, referring to the meeting of a few 
hair-brained cranks in Hyde Park, a motley crowd, whose 
appearance made me feel as Falstaff did about his 
soldiers, " I'll not march with them through Coventry, 
that's flat," lays this episode before its readers headed; 
in large type : " A GRAXD REPUBLICAN RALLY." And 
many readers think the Prince of Wales has not the 
ghost of a chance. 

I wish it were so indeed, and I honor these cranks 
very much all real reformers are cranks in their day. 
Pym, Hampden, Cromwell were, and John Bright him- 
self was a very pronounced one till he brought the 
nation up to his level ; now he is a regulation states- 
man in "good form." But truth compels me to say 
that the republican rally in Hyde Park was not much 
of a rally ; it was like the great ball which the Princess 
wished to give in Ottawa upon court lines of etiquette 
and could not. In Canada, society was all in vulgar 
trade. There was not enough left to make a ball at 
alL In like manner, a Socialists' procession marches 
through the streets in Chicago, probably not an American 
in the array a parcel of foreign cranks whose Com- 
munistic ideas are the natural growth of the unjust 


laws of their native land, which deny these men the 
privileges of equal citizenship, and hold them down as 
inferiors from their birth and forthwith European 
papers alarm the timid and well-to-do masses of Europe 
by picturing this threatened assault upon property as the 
result of republicanism, the truth being that in no 
other country are the rights of property held so sacredly 
as in America. Legislation to fix values of anything 
here, as values of land are fixed in Ireland, for instance, 
would be decried from one end of the land to the 
other. The only true and abiding conservatism is that 
engendered by republican institutions conservatism of 
what is just, what is good for these no party seeks to 

In like manner the books of travel written by visitors 
to any land must in their very nature be misleading. 
"What strikes the stranger is not ths thousand and one 
matters which are alike to those at home, nor the thou- 
sand occurrences which are common to him at home or 
abroad ; it is the one exceptional matter, thing, or event 
which he notes down at once and says, " I can work 
that up it is so strange." Very true, only it may be 
just as exceptional, just as strange to the native. The 
false impression is conveyed to the public, for whom he 
writes, by implying that it is the common and usual 
custom, or occurrence. Few travellers know how to 
arrive at the real every-day life of people, and yet from 
this alone is a just estimate of that people to be ob- 
tained. As the two divisions get to know each other 
better, they will understand that in the main, human 
life is very much the same on both sides of the Atlantic. 
It is after we cross the Mississippi and come to the "great 
"West" that new region which the hardy pioneer is 
rapidly bringing into civilization that life takes on 
different features. As might be expected the difference 
in the press there gives us the best idea of the chasm 
which still divides the settled State from the unsettled 

When a party of prospectors have found a mineral 


vein in the West, about tlio first thing they do after de- 
ciding to build a city, is to start a newspaper. With 
characteristic Western eccentricity this is named the 
Iseadyulch Screamer, or the Peek-a-Boo Avalanche. Then 
a press and type are brought in, the most literate of the 
gang invests in a table, an arm-chair, and an inkstand, 
and being already furnished with a revolver, he begins 
to "run" the paper. As the town grows, competing 
editors come in, and soon the struggle for existence 
sets in with an acerbity of feeling not excelled in those 

" Dmgons of the prime 
Who tore each other in their slime." 

Specimens of " slime " are carefully collected by 
European bookmakers and quoted as representative of 
American journalism. After the rough pioneering has 
been done, the gentler evidences of white civilization 
soon manifest themselves. Fine streets lined with 
handsome buildings and towering churches spring up 
on the site of the wilderness ; and literature takes upon 
itself a milder form. Present editors in Western towns 
which have originated and grown in this way, are men 
of culture, often graduates from Eastern universities ; 
and these are not the men who pen the articles so 
largely quoted from by bookmakers. Dickens's amus- 
ing representation of the editorial combat in "Pick- 
wick" will keep in memory the fact that a few years 
ago British editors used inks of concentrated gall and 

In periodical literature the child land has for a few 
years excelled its mother. In Harper's Magazine and 
the Century the art of editing has joined the arts of 
printing and engraving and has surpassed anything before 
known in the history of periodical literature. These 
magazines, which for years have been educating the 
American people in principles of true art and instilling a 
love of pure literature, have done more than all the rest 
of the world's periodical publications to raise the artistic 
standard of printing. Not in America alone, but in 


England, has their influence been potent for good ; and 
undisguised imitations of these magazines now appear 
even in Germany, which not many years ago seemed to 
have a monopoly of good engravers. It is in vain that 
any English or German magazine can hope to rival its 
^Republican compeer ; not because the necessary talent and 
skill do not exist, or at least, that it could not be 
created, but simply because it will not pay to employ it. 
The American publisher prints a quarter of a million of 
copies. This number has even been exceeded. The 
expense for art and matter, distributed among this huge 
edition, is a trifle per copy. What is the poor publisher 
to do who has not forty thousand subscribers? And 
this not one shilling magazine has in Britain or Germany. 
He yields the race perforce to the republican. Harpers 
and the Century actually sell more copies in Britain than 
any British monthly publication of equal price. Truly 
their venture in England is a strange and startling 
success. Let us" note here that as population grows faster 
in the new than in the old land, more and more sure is 
it that the American publisher can afford to expend 
greater sums upon his magazine, which means that the 
native publications must encounter fiercer warfare than 
ever. Periodicals of high order for the girls and boys 
of a nation are of vital consequence. The world has 
not anything comparable to the St. Nicholas or Harper's 
Young People. Every friend to whom I have sent them 
in Britain has substantially said : " We have nothing 
like these. Our children watch for their arrival as for a 
great treat. They are devoured." 

it was all very well for the Democracy to supply the 
monarchies with pork and flour, cheese and provisions, 
the necessaries of life ; a coarse, material triumph this, 
but what are we say to this exportation of food for the 
mind ? If Democracy is successfully to invade the higher 
province, and minister to the things of the spirit as well 
as to those of the body, before it is more than a century 
old, what is the Monarchy to set forth as that in which 
it excels 1 It is, at all events, to take the crumbs which, 
R 2 


fall from the republican magazine table. That much is 
settled, and it is with special pride we note the triumph 
of Democracy in these branches of art. The thanks of 
the Eepublic are due to Harper's and the Century for a 
successful and I hope a permanent and a profitable inva- 
sion of Great Britain. May their circulation never be 
less on either side of the Atlantic. 

American journalists have become noted all over the 
world, as indeed have Americans generally, for enterprise 
and energy. American foreign correspondents have revo- 
lutionized their profession. Until Stanley was sent into 
equatorial Africa by the New York Herald to find Living- 
stone, such extraordinary missions were unknown ; but 
English journals quickly followed, and O'Donovan, brave, 
bright, and young when he fell in the Soudan, was sent 
by the Daily News to Merv. The " Jeannette " expe- 
dition was a newspaper enterprise. The Bengal famine, 
the condition of Ireland, the Tunisian difficulty, the 
Burmah dispute, the exploration of Corea, all these and 
many other matters have come within the scope of the 
modern foreign correspondent. 

It is interesting in this connection to see how the 
Anglo-Saxon race leads the world in journalism. Of 
twenty-three thousand newspapers in the world about, 
half are American. Other papers published in English 
raise the total to more than thirteen thousand, leaving 
to the rest of the world Germany, France, Italy, Spain, 
India, etc., only ten thousand to divide amongst them- 
selves. The English language, gauged by those who 
speak it, is leaving the rest of the world even more hope- 
lessly in the rear. At the beginning of the century our 
tongue was spoken by twenty million people and occu- 
pied only fifth place, coming behind even Spain and 
Russia. It now occupies first place, being spoken by 
more than a hundred million, whilst French and Spanish 
have not yet reached the fifties. Since 1801 the English 
language has advanced from twelve and nine-tenths to 
twenty-seven and one-tenth aliquot parts of all European 
languages. Of three hundred and sixty-eight million 


people now speaking the European languages, one hundred 
million speak English. Of course there is little question 
here as to the coming universal language. The world is 
to speak English, think English, and read English. The 
only question is, whether it will be aristocratic or demo- 
cratic English, Queen's English or People's English, and 
there is not much question about that. 

When we recollect the great amount of hard manual 
work which has been spent by the American people on 
the subjugation of their vast continent, it is a matter of 
surprise that literature and the gentle arts generally should 
also have attained such development. The hewing of 
wood, clearing of forests, the breaking of prairie-lands, 
railroad building, and canal digging are not conducive to 
development of the sort of brain which runs into books ; 
and during the early years of the country, when brawn 
rather than brain was in demand, book-making received 
scant attention. The change consequent upon the cessa- 
tion of the struggle with nature in New England was 
well described by Cullen Bryant at a publishers' celebra- 
tion in 1855. He said : 

"After his (Cotton Mather's) time, in the hundred and fifty years 
which followed, the procession of American authors was a straggling 
one ; at present they are a crowd which fairly choke the way ; 
illustrious historians, able and acute theologians, authors of books of 
travels, instructive or amusing, clever novelists, brilliant essayists, 
learned and patient lexicographers. Every bush, I had almost said 
every buttercup of the field, has its poet ; poets start up like the 
soldiers of Roderick Dhu, from behind every rock and out of every 
bank of fern." 

An idea of this increasing literary activity may be 
obtained from the fact that in the publication of original 
American books the year 1853 shows an advance of eight 
hundred per cent, in less than twenty years. In the 
twelve years ending 1842 there were published one 
thousand one hundred and fifteen works, six hundred and 
twenty-three of them being original. In the single year 
of 1853 seven hundred and thirty-three new books were 
published, four hundred and twenty of which were 
original American works. Ironi these facts a well- 


known publisher of that period concluded that literature 
and the book trade had increased ten times as fast as the 
population. In 1884 more than four thousand books 
were published in the Eepublic. 

To enumerate the tons of paper used for printing may 
be considered a curious way of estimating the literature 
of a nation. Still it has been done, and the result is 
interesting. About one hundred and seven thousand 
tons of paper are annually used in the United States, 
against ninety-five thousand tons in the United Kingdom, 
and seventy thousand tons in France. Canada, subject 
and dependent, contrasts unfavorably with the Republic 
in every way, but in none more than this. She uses 
but four thousand tons of paper a year only about two- 
fifths of the Republic's ratio to population. The amount 
annually spent on books and newspapers by the Republic 
is 390,000,000 (18,000,000) against 80,000,000 
(16,000,000) spent by Britain. 

It is not fifty years since a British critic asked, sneer- 
ingly : " Who reads an American book ? " To-day the 
same critic, if he be living and up with the times, will 
have to reverse his question, and ask : " Who does not 
read an American book 1" A glance at the British trade 
catalogues will show how many American publications 
are reprinted in Great Britain, for the British publisher 
does not hesitate, in the absence of an international copy- 
right law, to appropriate any successful American work,, 
although he is apt to call his Yankee brother hard names 
for pursuing a similar policy in relation to British pub- 
lications. The works of popular American historians, 
American poets, and American novelists are all reprinted 
in England, and are as well known there as at home. 
Indeed, it has been said that Longfellow is more widely 
read in Britain than the lordly Poet Laureate himself. 
The very successful enterprise of Mr. Douglass, the Edin- 
burgh publisher, is a case in point, the series of American 
stories which he republishes, having had a wonderfully 
large sale. Two American lexicographers have contri- 
buted to the world tAvo of the best English dictionaries, 


tind the standard Greek lexicon, published by the Uni- 
versity of Oxford, is printed from American plates, edited 
and made in New York. 

Some idea of the American demand for books may 
be formed from a few illustrations. The ninth edition 
of the " Encyclopaedia Britannica," now in course of 
publication, has more than fifty thousand subscribers in. 
the United States, probably more than five times as many 
as it has in its own home. Besides this, an unauthorized 
edition, a reprint, has had also a large circulation. Let 
us pause here a moment to try to take in the full signifi- 
cance of such a fact as this. The "Britannica" is the 
one distinctively national work. One would think it 
was published surely for Britain ; but no, it is not for 
the parent land, but for the Republic that this treasury 
of all knowledge is prepared. Its purchasers are not in 
Old but in New England five to one. Thus at every 
point we stumble, as it were, upon startling proofs, that 
the clear old home is becoming the satellite of the re- 
publican giant whose mass is too great to be resisted. 
Its power of attraction begins to draw the smaller body 
out of its monarchical orbit into the great sweep of the 
republican idea the equality of the citizen. The same 
firm which imports the " Encyclopedia Britannica " in 
the United States, Charles Scribner's Sons, of New York, 
are the publishers of the great " Statistical Atlas of the 
United States." Nearly eighty tons (one hundred and 
fifty-seven thousand five hundred pounds) of paper were 
used in printing the first edition of this work, which is 
one of the wonderful books of the century wonderful 
even in America. 

The " American Cycloprcdia," published by D. 
Appleton & Co., NCAV York, has also had an enormous 
circulation, more than a hundred and twenty thousand 
sets, of sixteen volumes each, having been sold by 
subscription, at the average price of a hundred dollars 
the set, making in the aggregate more than $12,000,000 
(.2,400,000). The same firm have printed more than 
fifty million of "Webster's Spelling Book," and still 


jnint and sell a million copies every year. " Picturesque 
America," a costly work in two large volumes, has also 
had a phenomenal sale, more than a hundred thousand 
copies having been disposed of. Mr. Elaine's book, 
" Twenty Years in Congress," has more than two hun- 
dred thousand subscribers, and General Grant's "Per- 
sonal Memoirs " more than three hundred thousand. 
The sums realized by both these writers will exceed 
$250,000 (50,000) ; the latter will probably double 
that amount, and I have seen an estimate which placed 
Mrs. Grant's prospective profits at 700,000 (140,000). 
Milton was glad to get five pounds for "Paradise 
Lost." Even Macaulay's celebrated check for ten 
thousand pounds, received for his "History," dwindles 
into insignificance compared with the princely com- 
pensation awarded to its favorites by the triumphant 

It is much the same with all standard British publi- 
cations all have a larger circulation in the Republic 
than in the Monarchy. Spencer, Tennyson, Smiles, 
Morley, the Arnolds (Matthew and Edwin) all have- 
larger constituencies in New than in Old England ; 
indeed, the first named, Herbert Spencer, was dis- 
covered and appreciated by American readers before he 
was recognized at home. And here let me, in passing, 
drop a tear over the one sad blot which disgraces the 
Republic. Her laws do not give protection to the 
foreign author. For this I have neither palliation nor 
excuse. It is, since slavery is gone, the one disgraceful 
thing of which, as a nation, she is guilty. *It brings the 
blush of shame to my cheek as I think of it. There 
are now signs that the public conscience is awakening to 
the duty of removing the stain. A fair copyright act 
would probably have been passed by Congress at its 
last session but for the jealousies of publishers and 
the somewhat impracticable attitude if they will permit 
one of their humble members to say so of our Copy- 
right League. Authors are not as a class distinguished, 
I think, for practical good sense in legislative matters. 


Something must be conceded to publishers on this side, 
and something must be conceded by publishers on the 
other. It is asking too much, or, at least, more than is 
likely to be granted, for publishers abroad, who own a 
copyright on a popular author's works which they have 
enjoyed for many years and paid for only on the basis 
of the home market, to insist upon reaping a new harvest 
on such works in America. If the money would go to- 
the author or his representatives the idea would not be so- 

In like manner publishers here insist that an author 
taking out an American copyright should publish his 
work in America as well as in his own land. It is a 
publishers' quarrel. Had the authors on both sides the 
power to adjust it the Republic Avould soon be relieved 
from the just reproach of stealing the work of men's 
brains the most valuable work of all. Ere a new 
edition of " Triumphant Democracy " be called for, I 
hope to be able to record that a lair copyright act has 
been passed. 

Libraries have multiplied very rapidly. Fifty years 
ago there were few large collections of books in America, 
except in the universities and collegiate institutions. Of 
other libraries prior to 1820 only ten are enumerated, and 
these were mostly of inferior grade. Since that period 
libraries have sprung into being in nearly every township 
or village. They clot the country almost as thickly as 
the public schools; while State libraries have been 
formed in every territorial division of the Union. 

The spirit of local patriotism which characterizes 
equally the native American and the new settler, and 
which leads each to think that the particular spot 
of God's earth on which he lives is the best, is a spirit 
which prompts numerous great public works. The 
dwellers in a new settlement are animated by an amazing 
energy and spirit of self-sacrifice in matters concerning 
their " city." Public works of all kinds are undertaken 
with feverish eagerness. Men subscribe money for the 
adornment and improvement of their town as readily as 


they would for their particular home. One is constantly 
surprised to find all the evidences of advanced civilization 
in cities of which the foundation was laid but as yester- 
day. Libraries, schools, club-houses, churches, theatres, 
court-houses, bridges, of the most elegant designs, are 
found in towns which had no existence a few years ago. 
Take St. Paul as an example. This young and enter- 
prising city owns no less than three public libraries the 
State library, with ten thousand volumes ; the Historical 
Society's library and museum, with twenty-two thousand 
volumes ; and the Free Circulating Library, with twelve 
thousand volumes, to which additions are being constantly 

It is estimated . that there are twenty-three thousand 
school libraries in America, containing forty-five million 
books twelve million more tlian all the public libraries 
of Europe combined. Other educational establishments 
increase this number by two and a half million volumes; 
and thirty-eight State libraries contribute over a million 
more. The Congressional library, the Astor, the Boston 
City, the Philadelphia, the various mercantile libraries, 
the Watkinson Eeference at Hartford, and many others 
will raise the grand total to much more than fifty million 
volumes, a book almost for every man, woman, and child 
in the United States. More than three hundred 
libraries contain ten thousand volumes each, twelve 
contain more than a hundred thousand volumes each, 
and two contain four hundred thousand volumes each. 
Even this statement but feebly shadows forth the truth 
as to the books and periodicals of the country as com- 
pared with those of other lands, for the American is 
not only a reader, but he is above all other men a 
buyer of books. Circulating libraries are not so gener- 
ally used as in Europe. It is Avhen you enter the homo 
of the American farmer or artisan that you are struck 
with the number of books and magazines you sec 
the two or three shelves and often far greater number 
filled with them all of which are his own, except per- 
haps the few stray borrowed volumes which most col- 


lections contain, and which are conscientiously counted 
as belonging to another, to be returned some day, but 
somehow that some day never arrives. There must be 
a special punishment in store surely for such as do not 
return these treasures to their rightful owners. (This 
hint is not without a purpose.) The universal propen- 
sity of the American, young and old, for reading and 
writing, has sometimes seemed to me to lend countenance 
to Dogberry's dictum that while a good name was the 
gift of God " reading and writing came by Nature." 
These do seem to be part of the nature of the American. 
Triumphant 'Democracy is triumphant in nothing 
more than in this, that her members are readers and 
buyers of books and reading matter beyond the members 
of any government of a class, but in this particular each 
system is only seen to bo true to its nature. The 
monarchist boasts more bayonets, the republican more 
books. We know which weapon is the more effective in 
these days. " The paper bullet of the brain " is the 
moral dynamite of triumphant Democracy the only 
dynamite which the peaceful and law-abiding republican 
ever has occasion or can be induced to use. 



" As far as I can see, tbe American Constitution is the most 
wonderful work ever struck off at one time by the brain and purpose 
of man." GLADSTONE. 

" WE hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are 
created free and equal, and are endowed by their Creator 
with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, 
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." Eound this 
doctrine of the Declaration of Independence as its central 
sun the constellation of States revolves. The equality of 


the citizen is decreed by the fundamental law. All acts, 
all institutions, are based upon this idea. There is not 
one shred of privilege, hence no classes. The American 
people are a unit. Difference of position in the State, 
resulting from birth, would be held to insult the citizen. 
One and all they stand Brutus-like and 

" Would brook 

The eternal devil to keep his state 
As easily as ti king." 

Government of the people, for the people, and by the 
people is their political creed. The vote of an Emerson 
or a Lincoln weighs no more than that of the poorest 
negro. The President has not a privilege which is not 
the birthright of every other citizen. The people arc not 
levelled down, but levelled up to the full dignity of equal 
citizenship beyond which no man can go. 

The first voice of the people may not be always the 
voice of God. Indeed, sometimes it does seem to be very 
far from it ; but the second voice of the people their 
sober second thought comes nearest to it of any tribunal, 
much nearer than the voice of any class, even that of tho 
most highly educated, has ever come in. any government 
under the sun. Hence there is no voice in all America 
which has the faintest authority when the ballot speaks. 

It has often been objected to this republican theory of 
the State that under it a dead level of uniformity must 
exist. The informed traveller, who knows life in America, 
can be relied upon to dispel this delusion and to certify 
that nowhere in all the world is society more exclusive or 
more varied than in republican America. Certainly it is 
far less so in Britain. The difference is that while in 
monarchical countries birth and rank tend to override 
personal characteristics, republican society is necessarily 
founded upon real character and attainment. " Natural 
selection" has freer play. Congenial persons associate 
with each other, uninfluenced by birth or rank since 
neither exist. Nor has wealth of itself nearly so great 
an influence in society in America as in Britain. It is 
impossible, in the nature of things, that it should have, 


because it is much more easily acquired, and, what is 
much more telling, much more easily lost. The law of 
acquisition is indeed as free to act in the Republic as in 
the Monarchy, but then the law of dispersion is also 
allowed full force in the former, where primogeniture 
and entail are unknown arid the transfer of land is easy, 
There are but three generations in America from shirt 
sleeves to shirt sleeves. Under such conditions an aris- 
tocracy of wealth is impossible. The " almighty dollar " 
is just like the restless pig which Paddy could not count, 
because it would not stand still long enough in one place 
to be counted. Wealth cannot remain permanently in 
any class if economic laws are allowed free play. 

The federal constellation is composed of thirty-eight 
stars, the States, and eleven nebula?, the Territories, which 
are rapidly crystallizing into form. The galaxy upon the 
national flag has grown during the century from thirteen 
to thirty-eight stars, and " the cry is still they come." 
Every decade new stars are coming into view, and ere 
long the entire cluster of nebulae will be added to the 
Federal constellation. They are to come forth as the new 
star in Andromeda came in the fullness of time. A new 
State sweeps into the Federal constellation every now 
and then like 

"A star new-born, that drops into its place, 
And which, once circling in its placid round, 
Not nil the tumult of tlie earth can shake." 

The question arises, " How is it possible to govern 
successfully under one head, not this nation, but this 
great continent of nations?" The answer is, "Through 
the federal or home rule system alone is it possible." 
Each of these thirty-eight States is sovereign within its 
own borders. Each has its own constitution, its own 
parliament consisting of House and Senate, its own pre- 
sident, courts and judges, militia, etc., etc. All the 
rights of a sovereign State belong to it, except such as 
it has expressly delegated in common with sister States 
to the central authority, the National Government at 


Ono provision ensures solidity. Should a dispute 
arise between a State and the central government as to 
what powers are or are not delegated, the decision of the 
Supreme Court of the nation is final and binding upon 
all. The theory is that all their internal affairs are 
matters for the States to deal with and determine, all 
external affairs are for the nation ; all local matters are 
for the States, all general matters for the nation. The 
division is easily made and maintained. The Constitution 
defines it in a few clauses by stating what the National 
Government has charge of, as seen in section eight 
(appendix). Any powers not here expressly delegated 
to the nation remain in the States, to be exercised in 
any manner -they choose. 

The Supreme Court of the nation stands ready to inform 
States or nation of their respective powers. With the 
exception of the claim made in the interest of the slave- 
power, that a State had the right to secede from the 
Union, no serious question between State and nation 
has ever arisen. It is difficult to see how any can arise, 
since that has been definitely decided in the negative. 
The integrity of the nation having been assured, all other 
questions must be of trifling import and readily adjust- 
able by the Supreme Court, which has proclaimed the 
nation to be " an indestructible Union of indestructible 

The differentiations shown in the laws of the various 
States, which have resulted from the perfect freedom or 
home rule accorded them in their internal affairs, prove 
that the political institutions best suited to each com- 
munity are thereby ensured, since they must necessarily 
be healthful growths of the body politic. Genuine out- 
births of the people themselves, and therefore certain 
to receive their cordial and unwavering support. The 
number and extent of these differences in laws are sur- 
prising. The customs and habits of cold, cultured, old 
Massachusetts find expression in laws not best adapted 
for tropical, agricultural new Texas, just as the laws of 
England would be found less desirable for Scotland 


or Ireland than those which have been evolved by these 
communities, and which would be still more freely 
evolved by home rule, under their slightly different 

These stars, the American States, revolve each upon 
its own axis, within its own orbit, each according to its 
own laws, some faster, some slower, one at one angle and 
one at another, but around the central sun at Washington 
they tread the great national orbit under equal conditions, 
and constitute parts of one great whole. Here, then, 
we have the perfection of federal or home rule in its 
fullest and greatest development. The success of the 
American Union proves that the freest self-government 
of the parts produces the strongest government of the 

Let us proceed to note, in the order of their importance, 
the various branches of the National Government. We 
begin, of course, with the 


Beyond and before, and higher than House, or Senate, 
or President, stands this final arbiter, sole umpire, judga 
of itself. More than once Lord Salisbury has said that 
he envied his transatlantic brethren their Supreme Court. 
Speaking at Edinburgh on November 23, 1882, he said : 
" I confess I do not often envy the United States, but 
there is one feature in their institutions which appears to 
me the subject of the greatest envy their magnificent 
institution of a Supreme Court. In the United States, 
if Parliament passes any measure inconsistent with the 
Constitution of the country, there exists a court which 
will negative it at once, and that gives a stability to the 
institutions of the country which, under the system of 
vague and mysterious promises here, we look for in vain." 
He is right, and as he becomes more conversant with the 
results of political institutions founded upon the equality 
of the citizen, as I trust he may do, he will, in my 


opinion, find reason to envy many other of these more 
highly developed and in reality deeply conservative in- 
stitutions, as much as that which now excites his 
admiration. The powers of the Supreme Court seem at 
first sight almost too vast to entrust to any small body of 
men ; but it is to be noted that these powers are limited 
by the fact that it can neither make nor execute laws, 
nor originate anything. It only decides disputes as to 
existing laws, should such be properly brought before it, 
and its judgments are in all cases confined rigorously 
to the points submitted. It cannot interfere beforehand 
with any act of the government, nor with any act of the 
President, but can decide orily whether such acts or orders 
are or are not constitutional, and the reasons for such 
decision must be publicly stated. Thus limited, its 
decision is final. Unless and until decided to be uncon- 
stitutional all acts of Congress or of the President are 

As may be inferred, the mere knowledge on the part of 
legislative bodies that their acts are subject to the decision 
of the Supreme Court, keeps them strictly within con- 
stitutional bounds. There is no use, even were there the 
disposition, to enact any law which is not reasonably 
certain to be sustained. Therefore the regulative power 
of the court upon great questions remains practically in 
abeyance. The power is there, which is- all that is 
required. The questions bearing upon State relations, 
which it is called upon to decide, are few, and generally 
of minor importance. As, however, all causes which 
involve considerable sums between citizens of different 
States can be appealed to this court, it is kept busily 
engaged upon matters of large pecuniary interest, but of 
no political consequence. 

The court consists of nine judges, who hold office 
during life, subject, however, to impeachment by Congress 
for misbehavior or removal for inability to serve. 
Vacancies are filled by nominations made by the Presi- 
dent to the Senate for confirmation, no appointment 
being complete until confirmed by the Senate. The 


salary of the judges is $10,000 (2,000) per annum, and 
the Chief Justice receives $500 (100) more. They can 
retire at seventy years of age upon full pay during life. 
What pittances, I hear my monarchical friends exclaim. 
Perhaps so, but does any court in the world command 
greater respect than this Supreme Court ] Aro abler, 
purer lawyers, men clearer in their great office, to bo 
found elsewhere? Certainly not. Even my Lord 
Salisbury regrets that there is not such a tribunal in 
Britain. When I see the quiet dignity of the Supreme 
Court Judges in Washington, their plain living, free from 
vulgar ostentation, their modest but refined homes, and 
think how far beyond pecuniary considerations their 
aspirations are, how foreign to their elevated natures are 
the coarser phases of position in modern society, I can- 
not but conclude that it would be most unfortunate if the 
emoluments of their positions should ever be made so 
great as in themselves to constitute a temptation, as they 
are in Britain. The American judge in the Supreme 
Court has no compeer. The pomp and parade which 
surround the entrance of a judge in Britain, the sordid 
pecuniary prize which he has secured by the appointment, 
his gilt coach, and all the tinsel of feudalistic times which 
is allowed still to survive under the idea that it adds to 
his dignity, but which borders upon the ridiculous in 
these days of general refinement all this tinsel would 
seem most unfitting to the republican judge, detracting, 
not adding to, the inherent dignity of his great 

The Supreme Court sits in Washington ; but each of 
the nine judges visits for a part of the year one of the 
nine circuits into which the country is divided, and 
assists the circuit judges. The circuits are again divided 
into districts, each of which has its own court and judge. 
These are all national courts, the judges of which are 
approved by the Senate upon the nomination of the 
President, and hold office during life or good behavior. 
The whole forms the national judiciary, to which every 
pitizen has the right of appeal in any cause involving 


the citizens or corporations of another State. We come 
next to the 


This consists of two Houses, a House of Representatives 
and a Senate, which meet at Washington twice a year 
upon fixed dates, March and December. The House is 
composed of three hundred and twenty-five Representa- 
tives. Every State sends members in exact proportion to 
its population as shown by each decadal census. The 
number of members is not regularly increased. The 
number of population to each Representative is raised ; 
thus in 1870 everyone hundred and thirty-eight thousand 
inhabitants returned a member ; in 1880 it required one 
hundred and fifty-four thousand. After a census is taken 
the population is divided by number of members, the 
quota required to return a member being thus ascertained. 
Each State is then informed of the number due to it, 
and arranges its electoral districts accordingly. Thus 
every ten years electoral power is fairly, because equally, 
adjusted to the satisfaction of all. By so simple an 
automatic device the question of representation is removed 
from politics, and settled forever upon the rock of fair 
and equal representation. It never can be settled in a 
free State until equal electoral districts are reached. 
Educated man demands equality, nor can he rest until he 
has obtained it. This secured, he becomes quiet and con- 
tented. Representatives hold office for two years, their 
term expiring with each Congress on the fourth of March 
of every second year. As members are always eligible for 
re-election, and as the practice is to return men of ability 
from term to term, the new House is always under the 
guidance of experienced legislators. Members are paid 
5000 (1000) per year and travelling expenses. 

The power of the purse is as tenaciously held by the 
House in Washington as in London ; all money bills 
originate in it by express provision of the Constitution. 
Alike in this, the two Houses present an entirely different 


appearance ; on entering the House at Washington the 
visitor is struck by the contrast. Instead of the un- 
comfortable benches at Westminster and the lack of all 
facilities for reading or writing, the newer House presents 
its members all sitting in good easy chairs, at separate 
desks, like so many good boys at school ; they are busily 
at work with their correspondence, or consulting books 
of reference. Pages answer their call. They attend to 
their legislative duties when fresh during the day. When 
a division is called, instead of Avasting twenty minutes, 
and requiring every member to get up and walk past 
tellers, the business is done in a few minutes Avithout 
disturbance ; the clerk calls the roll of names alphabeti- 
cally, and each member nods or shakes his head, or calls 
out " aye " or " no." A record is kept, and result an- 
nounced, and business proceeds. How simple. Business 
is not often obstructed in the House. When an orator 
exhausts its patience he is made to sit down by a call 
for the question, and unless he gets a majority in favor 
of hearing him further, he is ruled out. Yet neither 
party complains that this rule has worked serious injury ; 
no party seeks to change it. It has not prevented full 
discussion, and it has enabled the House to transact busi- 
ness properly. 

Next in order follows that one American institution 
which has received the unqualified approval of every man 
who has given an opinion upon the subject. I never 
heard even a British Tory utter a word in its disparage- 
ment. I cannot imagine what a man could say except in 
praise of the 


Proud, indeed, may the man be who can style himself 
" Senator." To this august body each of the States sends 
two members, six years being the term of office. These 
are elected by the legislatures of the States, and hence 
reflect the popular desire. Senators are, of course, the 
s 2 


adherents of one or other political party, as it obtains 
sway in the various States. As the terms of service are 
so arranged that only one-third of the Senators retire, 
unless re-elected, every two years, the tendency is for 
the Senate to respond somewhat less promptly than the 
Lower House to the changes of public opinion. 

The Senate has large powers ; all laws must be passed 
by it as well as by the House. No treaty with a foreign 
power is valid without its approval by a two-third vote ; 
all ambassadors and agents to foreign powers must be 
approved by it. Much has been said about the patronage 
of the President; but he cannot appoint a postmaster 
unless the nominee is passed upon and confirmed by this 
august tribunal. It has been said by more than one 
political writer that the American Senate is the ideal 
second chamber of the world. Some assert that it is the 
only second, chamber which possesses real power and is 
permanently fixed in the hearts of the masses. It is 
certainly regarded in America as a great promotion to be 
elevated from the House to the Senate, and it is none the 
less certain that the entire nation regards the Senate 
with pride and affection. All officials in America being 
paid, the salary of a Senator is the same as that of a 
Representative, $5000 (1000) per year and travelling 

Lord Salisbury will be envying this American institu- 
tion as well as the Supreme Court ere long, mark you, 
for his own second chamber gives unmistakable evidence 
of decay, and in good time he may even come to see that 
an elected President is preferable to a hereditary ruler. 
We cannot despair of his reaching finally to the full 
measure of the political equality of the citizen, since ho 
begins so well with the chief American institution, the 
Supreme Court. 

Hero is indeed a lucky hit. Since these words were 
written a member of Parliament sends me confirmation 
of this prophecy. This hopeful student of republican 
institutions, my Lord Salisbury, has said in a recent 
speech : 


" The Americans, as you know, Lave a Senate. I wish we could 
institute it in this country. Marvellous in efficiency and strength ! " 

So another American institution envied ! Truly this 
former Saturday Beviewer is a more promising pupil than 
Mr. Gladstone himself, and almost equal to Lord Rose- 
bery. Nothing easier, my lord, than to get a copy of the 
American Senate. The secret of its marvellous -strength 
and efficiency is an open one. You know it well. The 
Senate springs from and rests upon the suffrages of the 
people. There is not a trace of hereditary poison in its 
veins to steal away its power. In an elective assembly 
such as this, a man of real power like Lord Salisbury 
would be twice the man he is when leading a set of 
hereditary accidents. 

Having already obtained Lord Salisbury's endorsement 
of the Supreme Court and the Senate, I am encouraged 
to go a step further and commend for his approval the 
institution he should next endorse, a Parliament of duly 
paid members elected by equal electoral districts for a 
fixed term of two years. Until this is secured the 
government of Britain must remain exposed to every passing 
gust of popular emotion, and hence exercise no steadying 
effect in periods of excitement. A British ministry does 
not govern, but bows to the clamor it should with- 
stand. And upon my British readers let me once more 
impress the truth that in all the elements of true conser- 
vatism, in all that goes to make up a strong government, 
a power competent to maintain justice and to defeat 
attacks upon the rights or property of others, and when 
necessary, to keep the ship of state with its head against 
the wildest hurricane, the American system, as I must 
compliment Lord Salisbury upon being one of the first 
European statesman to discover, is infinitely beyond the 
monarchical. The man who knows both well, and has 
property in both lands, may be trusted to tell his 
inquirers that his republican title gives him much the 
less uneasiness. This is further demonstrated by the 
highest place being accorded by the world to the American 
national debt. 



In two vital respects the powers of the executives of 
the old and new English lands differ. First, no treaty 
with a foreign power is binding until ratified by the 
Senate. Indeed, as we have seen, no minister can be 
appointed to a foreign power until approved by this 
chamber. This vote of the Senate has several times kept 
the administration from entering into injudicious arrange- 
ments. Even General Grant and his cabinet committed 
themselves to the acquisition of San Domingo. Eecently 
the late administration was led into a very questionable 
treaty with Spain. The temptation for a few men, and 
especially for one man, to characterize his administration 
by some brilliant stroke calculated to dazzle the populace 
at the moment, or to appeal to the national vanity, is a 
source of real danger in all popular governments. Not 
what is permanently valuable, but what is presently 
telling, is apt to be considered. Against this danger, for 
which the monarchical system has no provision whatever, 
the republican opposes the cool, deliberate decision of an 
impersonal judge, the Senate. No man's " glory " is 
brightened or dimmed by the decision. What is for the 
lasting good of the nation is thought of not what will 
bring temporary popularity to a cabinet or save a ministry. 
It must surely be a prejudiced mind which does not feel 
that the advantage is here upon the side of the younger 

The second vital difference is even of deeper import 
than that just recited. In the Republic, war can be 
declared only by the two Houses of Congress, approved 
by the President. Before the sword can be drawn both 
branches of the legislature must be wrought up to the 
pitch of this extreme and momentous act. The House, 
the Senate, and the Executive in the person of the 
President, must consider, discuss, and decide the question 
under surroundings of the deepest solemnity, and with 
the nation the world anxiously looking on. Every 
representative of the people, and every Senator, may 


speak in his place and record his vote for. or against. 
Public attention is thus fixed and concentrated upon 
the crisis, and public discussion enlightens the people. 
Time, precious time, which ever cools the passions of 
men and works for peace, is thus gained, and every 
official, every member of the legislature, publicly assumes 
the fearful responsibility of engaging in the slaughter of 
his fellow men. If ever war be proclaimed by the 
Republic, which God forbid, since all her paths are peace, 
it will not be the act of one branch or another of the 
government, but the solemn public act of all, legislative 
and executive. Contrast this with monarchical countries, 
in which a few excited partisans, sometimes only one or 
two real actors, who sit in a close cabinet chamber, 
commit the people to criminal war sometimes to prolong 
their own tenure of office, or to promote some party end. 

My American readers may not be aware of the fact 
that, while in Britain an act of Parliament is necessary 
before works for a supply of water or a mile of railway 
can be constructed, six or seven men can plunge the nation 
into war, or, what is perhaps equally disastrous, commit it 
to entangling alliances without consulting Parliament at 
all. This is the most pernicious, palpable effect flowing 
from the monarchical theory, for these men do this in 
" the king's name," who is in theory still a real monarch, 
although in reality only a convenient puppet, to be used 
by the cabinet at pleasure to suit their own ends. Next 
to the sapping of the roots of true manhood in the 
masses, by decreeing their inferiority to other men at 
birth, this is the most potent evil which exists to-day in 
the British Constitution, and it is chargeable solely to the 
monarchical system. It does not rank with the first evil, 
however, being mainly material, while the other is of 
the spirit, injury to which is the gravest misfortune which 
can befall a nation. But this vital truth not one of the 
so-called "practical" statesmen of Britain sees or will 
consider, or, perhaps what is nearer the truth, will venture 
to telL Not one of them, apparently, has a soul above 
cheap corn, which is worshipped as the highest good. 


Indignities to the spirit of the masses, "by which man- 
hood is impaired, they seem to argue, may safely pass 
unnoted, so long as their bodies are fed. And yet better, 
far better, for a nation that its food for the body should 
be dear, and equal citizenship be the birthright of the 
soul. " We have many evils to remedy in our political 
system a million times greater than the Monarchy," 
once said to me a prominent statesman and possible 
prime minister. I looked pitifully upon him, his eyes 
blinded with the dust of conflict and his mind so absorbed 
with trifling party results that he could neither think nor 
see an inch before his face, much less study cause and effect. 
Could he do so, surely he would realize the truth that 
in the royal family, as in a nest, lie the origin of all the 
political evils which afflict his native land and which he 
deplores; all that this able, earnest, patriotic .man is 
laboring to remove is only the legitimate spawn of this 
one royal family institution, and is never to be met with 
except where a royal family exists to breed them. Resolve 
that the head of the State shall be elected at intervals 
and thus found government upon the true idea the 
political equality of the citizen and all the political 
wrongs of the few against the many fall as if by 
magic. Were I in public life in Britain I should be 
ashamed to waste my energies against the House of Lords, 
Church and State, primogeniture and entail, and all the 
other branches of the monstrous system; I should strike 
boldly at the royal family, the root of the upas tree from 
which spring ail these wrongs. 

Surely the Democracies of Europe have no question to 
consider more vitally important than the war power. 
How many useless wars in the past would have been 
avoided had the republican method prevailed ! How 
many in the future would be prevented by its prompt 
adoption. The masses are ever more pacific than their 
rulers, ever more kindly disposed to those of their clay in 
other nations, than the rulers are to theirs. The people 
do not share the jealousies of their rulers. If the war 
power lay in the hands of the representatives of the 


people in Europe, as it does in America, there would "bo 
fewer wars. 

The position of the Republic upon this question of war 
is still further advanced by the fact that both political 
parties, by special clauses in their declaration of princi- 
ples, have pronounced in favor of peaceful arbitration of 
international differences. Thus, before America can have 
recourse to arms, no matter what party be in power, her 
adversary must first be offered arbitration and decline it. 
We envy not the nation which shocks the moral sense 
of mankind by refusing this olive branch of peace when 

Of all the desirable political changes which it seems to 
me possible for this generation to effect, I consider it by 
far the most important for the welfare of the race that 
every civilized nation should be pledged, as the Republic 
is, to offer peaceful arbitration to its opponent before the 
senseless, inhuman work of human slaughter begins ; and 
for all the just and good measures by which the Republic 
has won my love, next to that by which she has made me 
her own citizen, and hence the peer of any man, kaiser, 
pope, or king, thus effacing irom my brow the insult in- 
flicted upon me by my native land at birth, which deemed 
me unworthy the privileges accorded to others next to 
that, for which I will fight for her, if need be die for her, 
and must adore her forever I thank the Republic for her 
position in regard to international murder, which still 
passes by the name of war. 


The executive power is lodged in a President, who for 
four years, the term of his office, is the most powerful 
ruler in the world. He is not only first civil magistrate, 
but he is commander-in-chief of the army and navy, and 
of all the military forces of the natian, including the 
militia of the States whenever called upon by him. More 
soldiers would respond to his call than to that of any 


other ruler in the world. The number of men who in 
case of war might be enrolled in the militia approaches 
seven millions, almost every able man of whom would 
consider it his duty to shoulder his musket and march at 
the word of his commander-in-chief, the President. What 
are French, or German, or Eussian hosts compared to this 
of the Democracy ! Even man for man, as soldiers, they 
woxild not compare with the educated Republican. But 
this great army costs the States but little ; it is always 
engaged in the pursuits of peace, and only to be called 
upon should emergency arise. The President's control 
over the forces is not merely nominal ; it is real. When 
the most popular general in the army, during the Civil 
War, made his famous march to the sea, and had the 
enemy at his feet, it was feared that unsatisfactory terms 
for his surrender might be made. The following telegram 
was therefore sent, which, though bearing the signature 
of the Secretary of War, was written without blot or 
erasure by President Lincoln himself. I have seen the 
telegram : 

" WASHINGTON, March 3, 1865, 12 P.M. 

" The President directs me to say to you that he wishes you to 
have no conference with General Lee, unless it be for the capitula- 
tion of General Lee's army, or on some other minor and purely 
military matter. He instructs me to say that you are not to decide, 
discuss, or confer upon any political question. Such questions the 
President holds in his own hands, and will submit them to no 
military conferences or conventions. Meanwhile you are to press to 
the utmost your military advantages. 


"Secretary of War" 

The generals, of course, obeyed. Only a few days later 
General Sherman, just fresh from his " March to the 
Sea," entered into a convention with General Johnston 
which had political bearings. A telegram was promptly 
sent to General Grant instructing him to cancel General 
Sherman's agreement, and this was done. Suppose, if 
any one can suppose so lamentable an abdication of duty, 
that in a weak moment the American Government had 


sent a Gordon to arrange terms of peace, and that lie dis- 
obeyed his instructions or had presumed to declare Avar 
upon his own account! In the President's opinion a 
simple order like the foregoing would scarcely have met 
the case. He would have had the insubordinate arrested, 
court-martialled, cashiered, and probably shot no, not 
shot, but consigned for life to some lunatic asylum. 
President Lincoln could have court-mar tialled General 
Grant, or General Grant when President could have 
court-martialled General Sherman, or either President 
dismissed either general when at the height of that 
general's power, or arrested him, as Bichelieu did his 
conspiring general, " at the head of his legions," without 
raising a murmur of popular dissent. The people would 
have reserved their judgment till the next election, and 
probably have enthusiastically approved, as indeed the Bri- 
tish will approve if they ever see it a display of masterful 
power over all others by their elected Chief of the State. 

No soldier has ever dreamed of questioning the supreme 
authority of the President, nor has the nation ever shown 
the slightest jealousy of its exercise. Why should it, since 
the President is not above its reach, but is only its own 
duly appointed agent for a specified term ; when that 
expires he transfers his powers to his successor and seeks 
again the ranks of private citizenship. One returns to 
Congress as the representative of his district, another 
resumes the practice of law, a third becomes a farmer. 
Neither sinecure, place, nor pension is bestowed upon an 
ex-President. He has been supremely honored by his 
fellow-citizens. He has in turn done his duty. The 
obligation is upon his side, and he remains profoundly 
grateful for the distinction conferred upon him. The 
State owes officials little ; they owe the State much. Such 
is the Eepublican idea. 

The salary of the President is now $50,000 per annum 
(,10,000). An official residence is provided for him at 
Washington, and a country house within a few miles of 
that city. At stated times for some hours each week the 
President receives such respectably dressed and well- 


ordered people as choose to call upon him. Being Iho 
servant of the people in a country where all citizens arc 
equal, the humblest has the same right to call upon him 
and shake his hand as the most distinguished, he being as 
much the servant of the one as of the other. By many 
such significant customs the powerful President is re- 
minded of what it would indeed be impossible for any one 
in the land to forget, that the sovereignty of the Republic 
resides not in the servants of the State but in the citizen, 
in every one of whom rests an equal share of it. The 
feelings and desires of the citizen it therefore behooves all 
officials to consider. 

The President selects of his own will and without 
interference the members of his Cabinet, as the British 
Prime Minister does. They are removable at pleasure. 
The President being his own prime minister, the Cabinet 
officers are of equal rank. One difference between the 
two countries in regard to the Cabinet is that, while the 
British Cabinet sit in one or the other house and com- 
municate orally with it, in America the members of the 
Cabinet do not appear in person before the legislature, 
but report to it in writing. This is, however, simply a 
matter of convenience ; there is nothing but custom to 
prevent them from appearing and making their statements 
in person, although they could not take any part in the 
proceedings of the legislature. At first the President ap- 
peared and addressed Congress at the beginning of each 
session, but the plan of placing before it a written message 
as often as deemed necessary has been preferred. The 
people would not favor a change to the British practice, 
for the separation of the executive and legislative depart- 
ments is held to bo of much importance. Either house 
can call at all times upon the President for information 
upon any question connected with affairs, but as the call 
has to meet the approval of the House, the government 
is freed from the petty annoyances which it is in the power 
of any injudicious member to inflict under the British 
system of nightly questioning. The President, in like 
manner, has free access to Congress, and, indeed, it is his 


duty to report to it from time to time upon all matters of 
which, in his opinion, Congress should be advised. He 
is also invited to recommend measures for its acceptance. 

The President represents the nation in its relations with 
foreign countries, and receives all ambassadors. It is he 
alone who has the power to pardon offences against the 
laws of the United States. He also has a veto power 
over the acts of Congress, which, however, is invalid 
should the measure vetoed be passed again by a two-third 
vote in both houses. He is eligible for re-election, and 
several have been elected for two terms, or eight years in 
all, as Washington was, but he having declined re-election 
for a third term lest the office should seem too permanent, 
it has become the custom not to elect beyond two terms. 

The Americans have indeed shown wonderful sagacity 
in the selection of their Presidents. Considered as a 
body, it would be impossible to equal them in character, 
ability, education, or manners, by any body of men ever 
born, appointed, or elected to any other station. They 
furnish a striking contrast to the occupants or heirs of 
thrones in every particular. When Britain was disgraced 
by its George III., the Republic had Washington ; and 
until Queen Victoria ascended the throne the comparison 
had certainly always been in favor of the Republic. 

It is the fashion in all things to praise the past and 
claim that " there were giants in those days," but it is 
nevertheless true, in my opinion, that the Presidents of 
the Republic in our own times have been worthy suc- 
cessors even to Washington, Adams, and Jefferson of the 
past. Grant has a firm place in history among men 
possessed of great ability. Garfield's career from a poor 
school teacher to the Presidency is exceedingly difficult 
to parallel, while the political genius of Lincoln has never 
been surpassed. It is always well to remember that there 
are giants in our own day too. 

The election of the President and Vice-President is 
not by a direct vote of the people, but by a vote of the 
States in an electoral assembly in which each State has as 
many votes as it has Senators and Representatives in Con- 


gress, that is in proportion to its population. It has been 
claimed as an advantage of the Monarchy that, having a 
permanent head of the State, the excitement and expense 
of a general election every four years is avoided. But, it 
may be answered, the hereditary head of Britain is not a 
political head at all. An automaton would do just as 
well, for it could certainly be used as a model to set the 
fashions in clothes, and probably could be made to lay 
foundation-stones, or open fancy bazaars with little 
less careful coaching and attention than it is generally 
necessary to bestow upon the live figurehead; besides 
it would be much less expensive. The real ruler of 
Britain is elected just as often as a President of the 
Eepublic is, for it is a curious fact that Parliaments last 
an average of four years, which is the Presidential term. 
Even as I now write, the appeal is being made to the 
British people, Gladstone or Salisbury, as clearly as in the 
late Presidential election it was Cleveland or Blaine. It 
is a fiction, therefore, that the Monarchy has any advan- 
tage, if it would be an advantage, which I dispute, over 
the Eepublic in this respect, for they are situated pre- 
cisely alike ; they each elect a ruler every four years. 
The excitement and the expense of a general election is 
far greater in the Monarchy than in the Republic, and in 
both equally the head is elected. Besides this, Members 
of Congress are elected by the States along with the 
Presidential ticket, just as Members of Parliament are 
elected when Gladstone or Salisbury is chosen. So that 
in one sense the election of the President costs nothing 
whatever, as State elections have to be held whether a 
President is to be elected or not, and voting for the electoral 
ticket when voting for Representatives involves no addi- 
tional expense. Of course, more money is spent in Presi- 
dential years, but this is the personal contribution of 
zealous partisans and not a charge upon the State. It 
will surprise Britons to know that no sums comparable to 
what they spend on political contests are ever spent 
by the Americans. The total sum expended by the 
national committees of all the parties, even in the last 


exciting Presidential contest, did not exceed $600,000 

The republican election, moreover, is conducted with 
far less riot and disturbance than unfortunately charac- 
terizes the appeal to the electorate in older England. An 
American is surprised and shocked at the rowdyism often 
shown at public meetings in Britain. He is accustomed 
to have both sides granted a respectful hearing. I have 
never seen any public meeting in America broken up by 
gangs of the opposite side, nor a public man denied a 
hearing. In this respect the example of the younger 
political community might well be followed by the elder. 
Wheri the people of Britain, however, obtain their full 
political rights, there will be less exciting questions to 
discuss than those which now press for solution, and poli- 
tical gatherings will then be more peaceably conducted. 
It must not be forgotten that when a vital issue like 
slavery was under discussion in America the right of free 
speech was often violently assailed, as it still is in Britain. 

When the surroundings of the President and the royal 
ruler are contrasted, republican simplicity stands out in 
strong relief. The President walks about as an ordinary 
citizen, wholly unattended, and travels, as a rule, upon 
ordinary trains ; arrives in New York and registers at a 
hotel without previous announcement. Beyond a brief 
mention of the fact in the next morning's papers nothing 
is published about him. As I write he has gone to Buffalo, 
the city of his former residence, in order to cast his vote 
at the election for Governor of the State of New York. 
It will weigh just as much as and no more than that of 
the mechanics or laborers whom he will find surrounding 
the polling-booth. Although, go where he may, he will 
be met with quiet evidences of universal and sincere 
deference as President, there will be no parade, no cheers. 
The equipages of the President in Washington have 
frequently been so common as not to rank with those of the 
wealthy residents, and never in any instance have they 
been the richest or best. All the Presidents have been 
poor men. I have known three of them so well as to 


state, of my own knowledge, that they left office without 
means enough upon which to live respectably. Of every 
American President it may be said as it was said of Pitt : 
" Dispensing for years the favors of the State, he lived 
without ostentation and died poor." They have all left 
office poor and pure. 

One turns from the dignified, simple life of the re- 
publican ruler to that of the nominal head of Britain, 
feeling that there he meets a coarser and less finely 
developed civilization. The parade and vulgar ostenta- 
tion which surrounds at every turn the nominal ruler of 
the parent land is indt?ed in striking contrast. The cost 
_ to the State is as ten thousand to six hundred thousand 
pounds. The entire family, mother and his " sisters and 
his cousins and his aunts," are supported, and bands of 
retainers who are supposed to dignify the throne. Tho 
state processions strike an American as grotesque mas- 
querades, and the official coaches in which royalty moves 
about provoke the enquiry, " What circus has come to 
town 1 " One instinctively looks inside for the clown. 
This much for the crowned king. But the contrast is 
not all in favor of the Eepublic, for when the real ruler, 
the uncrowned king of Britain, is compared with his 
fellow-ruler here, then the palm for true dignity cannot 
be awarded to America. Nothing can exceed the sim- 
plicity of the surroundings of the prime minister of that 
great empire. His salary is only one-half that of the 
President. His official residence is a shabby, dingy, old 
brick house, instead of the noble Executive Mansion 
standing in its own park at Washington ; it is simply 
No. 10 Downing Street, and is as shabbily furnished as 
a New York boarding-house. Mr. Gladstone lives and 
Mr. Disraeli lived as sensibly as our Presidents, and set 
just as healthful an example, which, however, counts for 
little in Britain, since the Prime Minister is not, like the 
President, the first personage in society. Indeed, when 
the Liberal Party is in power the Prime Minister can ' 
scarcely be said, in one sense, to be in society at all. He 
is proscribed, and has no influence upon it. But his day 


approaches ; the Democracy will soon require that the / / 
man who has the people of England at his back shall no > , 
longer tolerate a King before his face. Wherever he 
appears in Britain, as in America, he will take prece- 
dence. " He shall stand BEFORE kings." The children 
of the Prince of Wales (the Prince himself, if he be un- 
wise), and the children of all of the present dukes and 
lords of the empire are no longer to follow in the train 
of the pretender but in that of the only real, the elected 
king. It is so in the Republic, and what is here is to be 
yonder. What America does to-day, Britain reaches in 
the next generation. We must reverse the old proverb, 
" as the old cock crows the young one learns " ; now-a- 
days, it is the young cock which leads the crowing. The ^tx.v^ 
old one does the learning. Boom, then, and first place 
for the elected monarch of Triumphant Democracy in 
Britain ! 

AVe have now passed in review the three branches of 
government, judicial, legislative, and executive, for Avhich 
the Constitution provides. The ease with which this 
instrument has not only done the work over the country 
for which it was originally designed, bxit with which it 
has without repeated change quietly enveloped in its 
operation a combination of forty-nine different political 
communities, occupying an area of three million square 
miles, and comprising most of the English-speaking race 
this is not to be spoken of without wonder. With 
one exception the dispute as to the right of a State to 
withdraw from the Union a serious difficulty has never 
arisen. It seems as ii there could be no limit to its 
powers of absorption. The whole world could to-day 
come into the American Union as equal States, and de- 
velop peacefully, each after its own fashion, no man being 
loss a Briton, a Frenchman, a German, a Russian, or a 
Chinaman, but all becoming possessed of a new title, 
proudest of all, " citizen of the world." This wonderful 
"Constitution stipulates for a republican form of govern- 
ment. All the Democracy has to do is to discard here- 
ditary rulers as useless, dangerous, and therefore to be 



abolished Sure is it that they have deluged the world 
with wars, put man against his i'ellow, and sought no 
end but their own aggrandizement. Not less sure, that 
they must ever stand in the way of the brotherhood of 
the race which it is the mission of Democracy to foster. 

How easily within our grasp, fellow-citizens of the 
world, seems the day when 

" The drum shall hent no longer, 
And the battle fliigs be furled, 
In the parliament of man, 
The federation of the world." 

We may not look, however, for quite so wide and 
complete a Union. Oceans divide the races, and this 
fact will keep them apart, for permanent political aggre- 
gations must ever be conterminous ; but as far as the 
continents of the world are concerned there is no insu- 
perable obstacle to their union each into one nation upon 
the federal system. The American continent is evidently 
destined to be so ruled. The European continent is 
slowly consolidating, for there are but five great powers 
to-day instead of the hundreds of small ones which 
existed before the Napoleonic era. A league of peace to 
which each continent will send delegates to decide inter- 
national differences is not quite so far in the future as 
may at first sight appear. This would remove from the 
world its greatest stain Avar between man and man. 

To all communities who are tending towards further 
consolidations and to every man who can truthfully 

" My benison with those 
Who would make good of ill and friends of foes," 

we commend a close study of that great work of tri- 
umphant Democracy, which Mr. Gladstone has pro- 
nounced " the most wonderful work ever struck off at 
one time by the brain and purpose of man" the 
profoundly conservative and yet radically republican 
American Constitution. 




*' Peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, en- 
tangling alliances with none." JEFFERSON. 

As we have endeavored to point out, there is a great 
difference betAveen the old and neAv lands in the manage- 
ment of their domestic concerns. This difference be- 
comes radical in the domain of foreign affairs. Indeed, 
it is no longer a difference : it is a complete reversal. 
What the old land does the neAv land avoids ; Avhat the 
one land does not, the other does in dealing with other 
nations. The consequences of the two diverse policies 
are seen in diametrically different results. The huge 
debt, the constant Avar, or fear of Avar, and the interna- 
tional jealousies Avhich surround the parent land contrast 
strangely Avith the freedom of the Republic from all 
these ills. The excuse made by British statesmen for 
the unfortunate contrast presented is that the Republic 
has no strong neighbors, and no colonies or dependencies 
far distant from its shores Avhich it is bound to guard. I 
am persuaded that the cause of difference lies deeper 
than this. No nation is so temptingly placed as the 
Republic for becoming engaged in aggressiA r e Avarfare. 
The materials lie around her upon every side. Had 
America been cursed by monarchical institutions, which 
eA r er breed strong military classes, to Avhom, as to the 
royal family and the court, peaceful avocations are dis- 
creditable as compared with military operations, there 
can be little question but that the American monarchy 
Avould haA r e involved itself in endless disputes, treaties, 
and entangling alliances Avith other pOAvers, necessitating 
large standing armies and fleets, from which Avould have 
come endless Avars, or fear of Avar. The Republic began 
early to pursue the paths of peace. The messages of 
each succeeding President enforced the words of Jefferson, 
"which we have placed at the head of this chapter, and 
T 2 


the sayings of American statesmen abound with kindred 
sentiments. Washington, in his farewell address, gave 
the key-note upon which all subsequent changes have 
been rung. lie says : 

" The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations 
is, in extending our commercial relations, to bare witb them as little 
political connection as possible. * * * So far as we have already 
formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. 
Here let us stop." 

[Madison's view of the Republic's mission was : 
" To cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all nations having 
correspondent dispositions; to maintain sincere neutrality towards 
belligerent nations ; to prefer, in all cases, amicable discussion and 
reasonable accommodation of differences to a decision of them by an 
appeal to arms ; to exclude foreign intrigues and foreign partialities, 
so degrading to all countries, and so baneful to free ones." 

Adams speaks of 

" The pestilence of foreign influence, which is the angel of de- 
struction to elective governments." 

Jefferson further lays down as " our first and funda- 
mental maxim," "never to entangle ourselves in the 
broils of Europe. Our second, never to suffer Europe to 
intermeddle with cis-atlantic affairs." And so was 
reached the great doctrine, bearing the name of Monroe, 
declaring to the powers of Europe that " we should con- 
sider any attempt on their part to extend their system to 
any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace 
and safety." "Our policy in regard to Europe," the 
Monroe message continued, "is not to interfere in the 
internal concerns of any of its powers ; to consider the 
government de facto as the legitimate government for us ; 
to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve 
, these relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy ; meet- 
ing, in all instances, the just claims of every power, 
submitting to injuries from none." 

This chapter could be filled with extracts from the 
Presidents' messages and from other sources, all preaching 
the same important lesson, that the Republic must be at 
peace with its neighbors and with the world. I need 


not, however, dwell upon the past. It is with the present 
we have to deal. 

Let me give then a short statement of the course 
recently pursued by the Monarchy and by the Republic 
in the management of similar emergencies in their rela- 
tions to other States. The one has a canal through 
Egypt to guard, and the other a railway across the Isth- 
mus of Panama, that the traffic of the world may be 
unimpeded. A few months ago word was received in 
Washington that a disturbance had broken out at one 
end of the railway in the Republic of Colombia, and that 
there was grave danger that railway communication across 
the Isthmus would be interfered with. A force was at 
once despatched to the scene, and the admiral sailed 
under the following instructions, which were published in 
the newspapers that the nation and the world might see 
and understand all. 


s ACOLA, FLA. : 

" In addition to the force under your command in the Steamships 
' Tennessee/ ' Swatara/ ' Alliance/ and ' Galena,' all of which should 
be at Aspinwall upon your arrival, you will be re-enforced by about 
two hundred marines, dispatched to-day from New York by the 
steamship ' City of Para ' with tents and camp equipage. To pro- 
vide for contingencies further supplies will be sent at once. 

"The duty you are culled upon to perform calls for the exercise 
of great discretion. The object of the expedition is the performance 
by the United States of their engagements to preserve the neutrality 
of and keep open the transit from Colon to Panama, and further to 
protect the lives and property of American citizens. 

" The circumstances as understood, from which the necessity of 
the expedition has arisen, are in general, that a steamship belonging 
to Americans has been seized at Colon by an armed force and goods 
in transit taken from her, her officers and the American Consul im- 
prisoned, and the transit across the Isthmus interrupted. With the 
consequences involved in these past acts you are not concerned- 
Your sole duty is confined to seeing that a free and uninterrupted 
transit across the Isthmus is restored and maintained and that the 
lives and property of American citizens are protected. 

" If on your at the Isthmus order shall have been restored 


and the Colombian authorities are adequate to the protection of life 
and property and the maintenance of the free transit, you will inter- 
fere in no respect with the constituted authorities, but report and 
await orders. You have no part to perform in the political or 
social disorders of Colombia, and it will be your duty to see that no 
irritation or unfriendliness shall arise from your presence at the 

" The exercise of humanity towards American citizens in exigent 
distress must be left to your sound discretion. 


" Secretary of the Navy." 

Note how careful that promising young statesman, 
Mr. Whitney, is to limit the operations of his admiral to 
the maintenance of the free and uninterrupted communi- 
cation which his government had guaranteed ! How 
solicitous that the authorities and people of Colombia 
should be so treated that no unfriendliness or irritation 
could possibly arise ! The admiral found, upon arrival, 
that the disturbance was over, and soon returned. Not 
a shot was fired. Now the great point here is that not 
a voice was raised in all America suggesting that any 
part of Colombia should be held, or annexed, or that the 
people of that State should be in any way interfered 
with. Consequently no suspicions were aroused, no 
enemies created. American interests were not pleaded as 
a warrant for continued occupation. The great and 
powerful Republic was at Colon as the friend of its small 
and weak sister, but upon no account to interfere with 
her even for Colombia's own seeming good. Colombia 
might manage or, seemingly to America, mismanage her 
own affairs as to her seemed possible, or best. The ad- 
miral would no more have thought of interfering than he 
would had he been on the shores of Ireland and doomed 
to stand and see a poor tenant farmer evicted, or upon the 
shores of Scotland and had seen a poor crofter abused. 
If the quarrellers in Colombia had attempted to interrupt 
railway communication across the Isthmus he would have 
protected that, and in so doing would have received the 
thanks of all the good people of Colombia. 

President Cleveland refers to this episode in his recent 


message to Congress. For the benefit of tho unfortunate 
people of the Monarchy, and more especially for that of 
its statesmen, I quote the passage in full : 

"Emergencies growing out of civil war in the United States of 
Colombia demanded of the government at the beginning of this 
administration the employment of armed force to fulfil its guarantees 
under the thirty-fifth article of the treaty of 1816 in order to keep 
the transit open across the Isthmus of Panama. Desirous of 
xeroising only the powers expressly reserved to us by the treaty, and 
mindful of the rights of Colombia, the forces sent to the Isthmus 
were instructed to confine their action to ' positively and efficaciously ' 
preventing the transit and its accessories from being ' interrupted or 
embarrassed.' The execution of this delicate and responsible task 
necessarily involved police control where the local authority was 
temporarily powerless, but always in aid of the sovereignty of 
Colombia. The prompt and successful fulfilment of its duty by this 
government was highly appreciated by the government of Colombia, 
and has been followed by expressions of its satisfaction. High 
praise is due to the officers and men engaged in this service. The 
restoration of peace on the Isthmus by the re-establishment of the 
constituted government there being thus accomplished, the forces of 
the United States were withdrawn." 

Leaving for the present the Colombian difficulty as 
peacefully settled without one trace of dissatisfaction 
upon the part of the weaker power to plague the Republic 
hereafter, let us see how the Monarchy managed a similar 
task imposed upon her. 

England was apprised that a rebellion against tho 
infamous ruler of Egypt had broken out, and, being bound 
with France to exercise dual control, she besought that 
country to interfere jointly with her in suppressing this 
righteous uprising of an oppressed people. The govern- 
ment of France was anxious to do so, but the people of ./O . 
France unmistakably pronounced against this^a proof 'w*^ 
that Democracy is beginning at last to show its legitimate , / 
fruit there. Instead of sending an expedition to guard 
the canal, which, by the way, was never endangered, the 
government sent a large force to Egypt and began an 
aggressive campaign to prevent the people of Egypt from 
having such rulers as they desired. From that unfortu- 
nate day to this Britain has gone deeper and deeper into 
trouble. Already $100,000,000 (20,000,000) and thou- 


sands of lives have < been sacrificed; and for what] 
Absolutely nothing. The criminal side of the question 
has so shocked the moral sense of the best portion of the 
Liberal Party that Mr. Gladstone has deemed it necessary 
upon the eve of an appeal to the nation, to confess that 
the Soudan campaign was a mistake. It was worse 
than that, Mr. Gladstone ; it was a crime, which would 
sully your fame for ever were it not known that you had 
no part in it, but were overruled by the aristocratic 

v element which you thought essential to keep in your 

jy N> Cabinet. 

It may be argued that Britain was bound to interfere 
and support upon the throne a sovereign against the 
wishes of the Egyptian people, though this seems a 
strange position for so advanced a nation to occupy ; or it 
may be said that Britain had neither right nor wish to 
interfere with the internal affairs of Egypt, but only 
wished to guard the canal. It matters not which position 
is assumed, the fact remains that the policy pursued has 
not produced the desired result upon either hypothesis, 

, and the end arrived at is in lamentable contrast with the 
different policy pursued by the Republic. The strong 

i.<^ Republic sees clearly from the start what end it has in 
view, and aims solely for that end. The weak Monarchy, 
ever subject to the popular breeze, the creature of cir- 
'*'. '''- cumstance, can have no decided policy. The British 
Constitution makes Britain the Micawber of nations, 
- always looking for " something to turn up. J> The Republic 
has complied with its treaty obligations and retired from 
the scene, with the thanks of its weak neighbor. We 
are yet to learn what is to be the end of the manage- 
ment of the Monarchy. So far no contrast could be 
more striking than that between it and that of the 

Let us pause here a moment to contrast the positions 
of the two admirals upon their respective stations at 
Colon and Alexandria. The republican official had every 
interest in maintaining peace. The responsibility of firing 
a shot was appalling. Behind him stood his superior, 


the Secretary of the Navy, every line of whose cautious 
"but explicit instructions seems to regard hostilities with 
aversion. Behind the government, the admiral knew, 
stood the American people, loath to hurt the feelings of a 
weak neighbor and determined never to interfere with 
its internal affairs. No possible reward, no glory, would 
fall to this admiral from entangling his country in war. 
lie would have been held to the strictest accountability 
for every drop of blood shed, and the verdict of public 
opinion at first Avould have been disposed to go decidedly 
against him. On the other hand, the surest mode of 
earning the thanks of Congress and of his country was so 
to conduct himself so as to secure peace without firing a 
shot. So stood Admiral Jouett, the man of war con- 
verted into the messenger of peace. This is the attitude 
of the Democracy. 

How was it with Admiral Seymour, the servant of a 
monarch 1 Let him refrain from bomharding from behind 
his iron walls the few miserable defences in Alexandria 
Bay, and never in his history perhaps would such an 
opportunity occur again to rescue his name from obscurity. 
If he decided to be patient and remain at peace, half-pay 
and oblivion would be his reward. He knew that if he 
began to bombard the Egyptian defences the ruling class, 
which alone could reward him, would applaud. Even 
the Queen, a woman, who should shudder at war and not 
publicly parade her interest in slaughter, would publicly 
congratulate him, and the Prince of Wales and all the 
aristocracy which move round the court, together with 
the military and naval classes who flourish only through 
war, would extol him to the skies. The government 
tempted the man to fire. All the forces behind him 
urged him on ; while, as we have seen, all the forces 
behind the republican admiral held him to peace. 

Admiral Seymour might have thus reasoned : "Negotiate 
this trouble peacefully, I remain poor and obscure. There 
is no danger ; I am perfectly safe behind these iron walls ; 
just open my guns and fame and honor and rank and 
wealth are mine." He yielded. Mr. Gladstone himself 


stood up in Parliament and advocated a peerage and a 
pension to the admiral who was bribed to begin the 
bombardment of Alexandria. Fortunately, not even 
Mr. Gladstone could force the Liberal party to grant the 
pension. Admiral Seymour received in cash his thirty 
pieces of silver. 

Fellow-countrymen, what would you think of a judge 
upon the bench deciding his own cause, where a verdict 
for the defendant meant to the judge obscurity and half- 
pay, and a verdict for the plaintiff meant a peerage and 
twenty-five thousand pounds'? Yet this was precisely the 
position of Admiral Seymour at Alexandria, and it is 
practically the position occupied by every British com- 
mander to whom is committed the issue of peace or war 
in the "exercise of his discretion." JS T ced we marvel that 
while the Monarchy becomes involved in war after war, 
the Kepublic settles similar problems in peace and with 
the good will [and cordial friendship of the power with 
which she has to deal ! 

Let us proceed just a step further and show the policy 
of the Democracy upon this subject of intervention or 
complications in the affairs of other States. The President's 
message from which I have just quoted refers to a treaty 
offered by Nicaragua, which proposed to give America the 
necessary land upon which to construct a canal of its own 
across the Isthmus a tempting bait this to a Monarchy 
with imperial ambitions. But listen to the response of 
the republican President : 

" Maintaining, as I do, the tenets of a line of precedents from 
Washington's day, which proscribe entangling alliances with foreign 
States, I do not favor a policy of acquisition of new and distant 
territory or the incorporation of remote interests with our own. 

" The laws of progress are vital and organic, and we must be 
conscious of that irresistible tide of commercial expansion which, as 
the concomitant of our active civilization, day by day, is being urged 
onward by those increasing facilities of production, transportation, 
and communication to which steam and electricity have given birth ; 
but our duty in the present instructs us to address ourselves mainly 
to the development of the vast resources of the great area committed 
to our charge, and to the cultivation of the arts of peace within our 
own borders, though jealously alert in preventing the American 


hemisphere from being involved in the political problems and coin 
plications of distant governments. Therefore, I am unable to recom- 
mend propositions involving paramount privileges of ownership or 
right outside of our own territory, when coupled with absolute and 
unlimited engagements to defend the territorial integrity of the 
State where such interests lie. While the general project of con- 
necting the two oceans by means of a canal is to be encouraged, I 
am of opinion that any scheme to that end to be considered with 
favor should be free from the features alluded to." 

Statesmanship in Britain would have required some 
life-long diplomat to negotiate for the privileges offered 
and the seed of many serious questions of the future 
would have been laid, the abused people of Britain being 
led to applaud the strong statesman who had promoted 
British interests and enlarged the bounds of the empire. 
A little common sense in the Democracy ensures the 
Republic a continuance of peace. But now and then 
the seeds of future trouble present themselves in more 
specious garbs. The Congo Basin attracts attention at 
present, and here is a paragraph bearing upon that 
subject, also in the same President's message which I 
have quoted. 

"A conference of delegates of the principal commercial nations 
was held at Berlin last winter to discuss methods whereby the Congo 
Basin might be kept open to the world's trade. Delegates attended 
on behalf of the United States on the understanding that their part 
should be merely deliberative, without imparting to the results any 
binding character, so far as the United States were concerned. This 
reserve was due to the indisposition of this government to share in 
any disposal by an international congress of jurisdictional questions 
in remote foreign territories. The results of the conference were 
embodied in a formal act of the nature of an international conven- 
tion, which laid down certain obligations purporting to be binding 
on the signatories subject to ratification within one year. Notwith- 
standing the reservation under which the delegates of the United 
States attended, their signatures were attached to the general act 
in the same manner as those of the plenipotentiaries of other 
governments, thus making the United States appear, without reserve 
or qualification, as signatories to a joint international engagement 
imposing on the signers the conservation of the territorial integrity 
of distant regions where we have no established interests or control. 

" This government does not, however, regard its reservation of 
liberty of action in the premises as at all impaired ; and holding that 


nn engagement to share in the ohligation of enforcing neutrality in 
tlie remote valley of the Congo would be an alliance whose respon- 
sibilities we are not in a position to assume, I abstain from asking 
tlie sanction of the Senate to that general act." 

The President does not even consider it worth whilo 
to submit the question to the Senate. It is so manifestly 
opposed to the traditions of the Democracy, whose business 
is to mind its own business and teach by example, not 
by interference. The sanction of the Senate not having 
been obtained, of course the action of the mistaken dele- 
gates is of no effect, and the Republic lets the imperial 
nations involve themselves in dangerous alliances upon 
the Congo. We are soon to hear, no doubt, of disputes 
between these nations upon this very subject. When 
these arise, the republican method can be once more 
referred to with satisfaction. 

I have mentioned three questions, all occurring in one 
year, through any one of which future wars might have 
arisen, had the Eepublic not known better than the- 
Monarchy how to manage its foreign affairs. JS T o, my 
readers, it is not because America is so happily placed as 
to be excluded from the necessity of interference, or that 
she is not bound by guarantees and alliances with other 
powers, or freed from the necessity to engage in wars as 
other nations do, but, as the instances just cited abun- 
dantly Show, her envied position is the natural result of 
resolute refusal to adopt the measures which must and 
always do lead inevitably to wars. The Democracy docs 
not escape these terrible catastrophes by luck, but by 
careful adherence from year to year, and in every emer- 
gency, to a sound policy. The American people are 
satisfied that the worst native government in the world 
is better for its people than the best government which 
any foreign pOAver can supply ; that governmental inter- 
ference upon the part of a so-called civilized power, in the 
affairs of the most barbarous tribe upon earth, is injurious 
to that tribe, and never under any circumstances what- 
ever can it prove beneficial, either for the undeveloped 
race or for the intruder. They are. further satisfied that, 
in the end, more speed is made in developing and im- 


proving backward races by proving to them through 
example the advantages of Democratic institutions than 
is possible through violent interference. The man in 
America who should preach that the nation should inter- 
fere with distant races for their civilization, and for their 
good, would be voted either a fool or a hypocrite ; such 
a classification need not be confined to this side of the 
Atlantic. There was nothing unkind in Mr. Leonard 
Courtney's policy of allowing the Egyptians ' to stew in 
their own juice." This policy would have been per- 
manently best for them. Mr. Courtney was the true 

We ask careful readers to reflect upon what has been 
here shown, and consider whether the success achieved 
in the management of domestic questions is not admirably 
supplemented by the wonderful results attending the 
foreign relations of the Democracy. To the people of my 
native land I say, do not believe your statesmen when 
they attempt to excuse their failures and their follies by 
stating that the Republic escapes similar results because 
isolated from other nations while Britain is not. This is 
not time. The " silver streak " should act as an isolator 
more complete than any the Republic has ; for the Republic 
has no such barrier either north or south. It is not 
further isolation which is required, but a government 
isolated from monarchical and aristocratical influences. 
When this is obtained there no difficulty will be found 
in the way of adopting the policy of the Triumphant 
Democracy, which avoids all entangling alliances, since 
the ally of one nation necessarily proclaims himself the 
enemy of others. Britain will then stand as the Republic 
stands, "The friend of all nations the ally of none." 
The lesson which the Democracy teaches the Monarchy 
is that proper attention to its own affairs and freedom 
allowed to other nations to manage theirs in their own 
way, is the best and surest means to secure progress in 
political development throughout the world. Thus saith 
the Democracy. No nation can give to another any 
good which Avill compensate for the injury caused by inter- 
ference with the sacred germ of self-government. 




" Politically and socially the United States are a community living 
in a natural condition and conscious of doing so. And being in this 
healthy case and having this healthy consciousness, the community 
there uses its understanding with the soundness of health ; it in 
general sees its political and social concerns straight, and sees them 

THE man of ability in Britain is too often tempted into 
the political field. The rare talent for organization and 
administration of the American, on the other hand, usually 
finds a far more useful field in the management of affairs, 
much more important than politics, in a land which has 
finally settled all fundamental political problems and now 
rests at peace upon the rock of the political equality of 
the citizen, while the parent land is tossing about upon 
unruly seas, knowing no rest. I have often admired the 
various non-political bureaus at Washington as being strictly 
American something which the Democracy has evolved 
far superior to any similar bureaus ever produced by 
monarchical forms of government. This is probably the 
ablest and purest service in the world. I had intended 
to visit Washington to examine the various branches of 
this work and write an account of them, but the time 
could never be spared. The happy idea occurred to me 
to send my secretary, Mr. Bridge, to perform the task, 
with a request to write up the subject and see what ho 
could make of it. He has done so well that I cannot 
do better than incorporate his account, which is as 
follows : 

One of Matthew Arnold's clear-thinking Yankees has 
said, with epigrammatic brevity, that whenever three 
Americans get together they organize : one becomes secre- 
tary, a second treasurer, and the other a standing com- 
mittee of one to watch the executive. And, surely, this 
is more than a saying. A people trained to govern itself, 
even in tho most minute affairs of local life, must of 


necessity develop a great capacity for organization and 
administration. Thus we find in America that groups 
of men with allied interests invariably have an organi- 
zation to watch over the common weal. But for organi- 
zation of the completest and most comprehensive character 
it is needful to see what the Federal Government is 
doing at Washington. A visit to the numerous depart- 
ments and bureaus there is like a journey with " Alice 
in AVonderland." There in offices, some dingy, some 
magnificent, one may see, lying on tables or on shelves, 
the charts which indicate in every particular the nation's 
life and health, it's pulse-beats and respiration, its changing 
appetite and desires. Nay, the whole world, the universe 
itself is told to "put out its wrist," that the experts may 
know how it is doing. The present condition of crops in 
California or in Egypt ; the degree of cloudiness in Dakota 
or Maine ; the number and condition of hogs in market 
at Kansas City, or in transport to Chicago ; the appear- 
ance of grasshoppers in Georgia ; the wheat in store at 
Duluth or New York ; the number of bales of cotton at 
Bombay or Mobile ; the present position in mid- Atlantic 
of a water- logged wreck, or a buoy adrift ; a drought in 
Arkansas ; the southward flight of cranes in Dakota ; the 
change made yesterday in the revolving light in the bay 
of Nagasaki, Japan; the coal at present available for 
ships at St. Helena ; the relative cloudiness of the planet 
Mars these and a thousand and one other matters, as 
diverse as can be imagined, are noted, docketed, and 
labelled, every change being recorded almost as soon as 
;"t takes place. 

Let me give an example. The Agricultural Depart- 
ment has in its service about ten thousand persons, dis- 
persed all over the continent and a few throughout the 
world. Their service is mainly voluntary. From their 
reports is compiled a monthly record, which is exhibited 
in chambers of commerce and published in newspapers, 
giving the area and condition of crops throughout the 
world ; cost of transportation to home and foreign markets; 
prices prevailing on farms and in principal cities ; stocks 


on hand ; requirements, of consumption ; sources of supply, 
etc. Thus the American farmer or merchant can alwaj's 
ascertain the amount of acreage in particular crops ; the 
condition of the crops as regards growth, maturity, and 
probable yield ; the number and local value of horses, 
cows, sheep, oxen or other cattle ; the prices of labor in 
different localities ; or any other data hearing on his work. 
Further, seeds are distributed and planted all over the 
vast continent, and the results of differing soils and con- 
ditions carefully noted, and deductions drawn as to the 
appropriate environment. Then the habits and life-history 
of insects and birds injurious to vegetation and the best 
means of destroying them are subjects occupying the 
attention of a separate division of the Department. In 
this work, specialists are at work in the field and laboratory; 
and the results of their labors, printed in special reports, 
are dispersed by the numerous local agricultural societies 
and institutions with which the Department is in intimate 
communion. In its own garden the Department cultivates 
new varieties of fruits and plants, for dissemination 
throughout the country. In this garden, Chinese sorghum 
or sugar-cane was first grown in America, and the Chinese 
yam was introduced by the same means. The tea-plant 
is another example, and the domestic product is largely 
consumed by tho families who raise it. A Western orange 
planter writes to the Department : 

" The Babia orange sent to California ten years ago is conceded 
to be tlic best variety produced in this State. It is the largest size 
ami finest flavor, and sells higher than any other kind. It is worth 
10 California all that the Department of Agriculture has ever co:>t 
the country." 

Amongst other work of the Department may be named 
the analyses of grains and fruits to determine their 
nutritive value, and analyses of soils and fertilizers ; the 
microscopical study of plant diseases, especially fungi ; 
the diffusion of knowledge concerning the uses of forest- 
trees in relation to agriculture ; the investigation of 
specific diseases amongst cattle, and efforts to prevent or 
cure. In brief, everything that relates directly or even 


remotely to fanning comes within the scope of the 
Agricultural Department. So complete is its supervision, 
that one examining its work is impelled to the belief 
that the American farmer has only to follow his instruc- 
tions, and the government department will run his farm 
and see that it pays. 

The United States Signal Service is another great 
organization, which, by its electric veins spread over a 
continent, receives crude material, assimilates it, and 
sends it back pulsating in a rich, life-giving stream. 
From Cape Breton Island to southern Oregon, and from 
San Diego, California, to Havana, an area three thousand 
miles long by two thousand miles wide, embracing one 
hundred and fifty intermediate stations, messages arc 
simultaneously flashed over the wires to Washington 
twice a day, reporting all atmospheric phenomena. An 
hour afterward the little room of the assistant signal 
officer in G Street, Washington, holds in its dingy pre- 
cincts a chart which indicates barometric pressure, direc- 
tion and velocity of wind, temperature, dew-point, 
rainfall, and cloud areas of every part of the six million 
square miles covered by its net-work of telegraphs. A 
stranger dropping in at midnight of January 9, 1886, 
would have been told that local snows were falling in 
the lake regions ; that the temperature had risen in the 
Gulf States ; and that the rivers had risen a foot at 
Cincinnati, Cairo, and Memphis, and fallen five feet at 
Chattanooga ; that cautionary off-shore signals were ex- 
hibited from Wilmington to New York, and cautionary 
signals from New Haven to Eastport. He would pro- 
bably have been shown the track of the storm which 
brought to Washington the lowest barometric reading 
ever seen there ; and the chart being prepared under his 
eyes would show him the same storm disappearing into 
Labrador. A few hours later the finished chart, repro- 
duced by telegraph, would be in the office of every im- 
portant newspaper, every post-office, thousands of railway 
stations and chambers of commerce throughout the land 
from San Francisco to Boston, and from Minneapolis to 



Key West in the Gulf Stream. The people of New 
England would know on receiving the morning paper 
that for the next thirty-two hours they were to have 
cold, fair weather, with a, rising harometer ; while those 
of Los. Angeles, in lower California, and Jacksonville, 
Florida, would be gladdened to know that the cold wave 
was passing away. In Minnesota railway officials would 
learn by the same report published in their newspapers, 
or hanging in the ticket-office, that there would be no 
immediate need of snow-pkmghs, although traffic would 
be slightly impeded by local snows. The skipper who 
contemplated leaving New York and sailing coastwise 
would hesitate on reading, at the breakfast table, that 
cautionary signals were displayed ; and influenced by the 
report of some army surgeon or amateur meteorologist 
away in Dakota, he .might possibly decide to spend 
another -day at home. All sorts and conditions of men 
are affected by this chart. One postpones a journey ; 
another, calculating on the arrival of grain in Eastern 
cities, sells before the market falls ; emigrants decide to 
go West by the Southern Pacific route ; physicians relax 
their restraints as the improving weather admits the 
invalid to the fresh air. 

An amusing illustration of the extent to which the 
warnings of the Weather Bureau are read and heeded 
was lately afforded by a mistake made by a Western 
observer in his report of local temperature. He reported 
about forty degrees instead of four. The result was that 
the officer who makes the predictions concluded from his 
data that a warm wave was on its way east. Thirty 
million of people living east of the Mississippi forthwith 
left overcoats at home, and put on goloshes in prepara- 
tion for a thaw, which never came. The unlucky 
weather prophet at first excused the tardy arrival of the 
warm wave by saying that Western railways were blocked 
with snow, and arrivals of all kinds were delayed. But 
as the days passed and no warm wave appeared, the 
newspapers launched forth an avalanche of ridicule the 
American's mode of complaint at the untruthful pro- 


phet ; and presently everybody in America was talking 
about the young lieutenant in Washington, who, oblivious 
to complainings and ridicule, went on drawing his isobars 
and isotherms, and making his calculations and predic- 
tions. It implies great faith in this weather prophet, 
when people complain that he ought to have corrected 
the error made by the local observer in Colorado or 
Nevada. It has come to this : that the weather prophet 
must not only predict correctly from his data, but even 
correct the data if these are wrong. Considering the 
haste with which the weather charts and predictions are 
prepared, it is surprising how few errors are made. 
Eighty-three per cent, of all the indications made last 
year for the Atlantic coast were justified ; while on the 
Pacific the verifications averaged eighty-seven per cent. 
Of two thousand eight hundred and sixty-four cautionary 
signals displayed at ports, two thousand three hundred 
and one, or eighty per cent., were justified. Cold-wave 
signals were justified in about the same proportion, eight 
hundred and fifteen out of nine hundred and forty-six 
having been verified. 

The Signal Service engages in much special work. It 
furnishes the Farmer's Bulletin with meteorological in- 
formation that is of special interest to the agriculturist. 
This is an official publication, and the government has 
taken every available means to put it into the hands of 
the class for which it is intended. The rise and fall of 
rivers are watched, and timely warning given by telegraph 
of coming floods. The people of the Western plains 
receive similar warning of the approach of local storms, 
and the agriculturists, ranchmen, and others generally 
have twelve hours to prepare for the coming " Norther." 
The bureau has also undertaken the task of announcing 
the coming of locusts, grasshoppers, and other insect 
scourges. Frost-warnings for the benefit of the sugar 
industries of Louisiana and the orange growers of Florida 
have of late years made the Service popular in the South. 
The bureau has a very complete local service in the cotton 
belt which supplies information daily as to temperature 
u 2 


and rainfall in every part of the district. Then once a 
month the Service publishes a review of meteorological 
observations made in every part of the world, including 
Siberia, Greenland, Iceland, Borneo, Turkestan, Japan, 
China, and some places whose names are suggestive only 
of desolation and savagery. 

An important extension of the Signal Service has been 
made to the sea-coast. Stations are placed at intervals 
along the coast, and connected by wire with each other, 
and with Washington. Here storm-flags and danger 
warnings are made visible to vessels moving off the coast. 
A ship sailing from the equator to Xew York as she 
passes Cape Henlopen may inquire by signals whether 
any hurricane is impending ; and if so, whether she has 
time to reach Sandy Hook, or must take shelter behind 
the Delaware breakwater. Or a vessel bound south from 
New York may inquire at the capes of the Delaware 
whether any storm is likely to strike her before she can 
make Cape Hatteras, and receive full answer by telegraph 
from the chief signal officer at Washington without in- 
terrupting his voyage. General Hazen, the chief signal 
officer, very properly thinks this division of his work of 
superlative importance. He says : " The time is not far 
distant when the possession of a coast not covered by 
sea-coast storm-signal and Signal Service stations, watch- 
ing as sentinels each its own beat of sea and shore, and 
ready to summon aid by electric wires, will be held as 
much an evidence of semi-barbarism as is now among 
civilized nations the holding of any national coast with- 
out a system of light-house lights." 

The achievements of the Signal Service are surprising 
even to those who know of its numerous observing sta- 
tions spread over a land area nearly twice as great as that 
of Europe. But what shall we think of similar achieve- 
ments on the ocean ? If we are amazed at the extent of 
meteorological observations conducted on land, what will 
be our feelings on learning that similar work is being 
done on the sea, and predictions given for use of mariners? 


I have before me a remarkable chart prepared by Com- 
mander Bartlett, of the I^avy. 

And here mark the difference between a government 
by the people and a government by a class : naval officers 
in America do not receive their highest rewards for bom- 
barding a defenceless Alexandria, or sacking a Tamatave. 
Their honors flow from life-saving services ; and shall it 
not be said that the Schleys and Bartletts of America 
are greater than the Seymours and De^Courcys of semi- 
civilized Europe whose " glory is to sla~yT 7r ~~The Euro- 
pean method is to " make a solitude, and call it peace ! " 
The American reverses the process, and by the gentle 
arts of peace makes a teeming city of the solitude and a 
garden of the wilderness. 

To return to the chart, however. Here, at a glance, 
we have the safe transatlantic route, carefully drawn to 
avoid the ice, which in January hardly came further 
south than latitude 53. The sailing route to the equator, 
calculated to give ships the benefit of the trade-winds, is 
also as clear as careful drawing and good printing cau 
make it. The prevailing winds for the month are indi- 
cated, as well as the direction of ocean currents ; while 
special symbols mark the position of wrecks, buoys 
adrift, water-spouts, and localities haunted by whales. 
Directions for the use of oil in heavy seas are printed 
in the corner of the chart. Derelicts drifting about in 
the tracks of vessels are observed, and their changing 
position marked from month to month. Here, for ex- 
ample, is a water-logged schooner, the " Twenty-one 
Friends," which, despite its name, has been more threaten- 
ing than twenty-one enemies. The vessel was aban- 
doned off the coast of Virginia on March 24. Being 
lumber laden she continued to float ; and by April 28 
had drifted twelve hundred miles. During the summer 
months she pursued her solitary course across the 
Atlantic, ever folloAved by watchful eyes in Washington. 
On September 20 she was apparently making for Queens- 
town, but suddenly headed off for Cape Finisterre, where 


she was seen early in December. She has probably ere 
this been towed into a Spanish port. Several other 
floating wrecks have been watched by anxious eyes in the 
hydrographic office, which, unable to send out and 
destroy such dangers in the track of commerce, could 
only give warning by indicating, as nearly as possible, 
their position. This wonderful chart is soon to give the 
positions of fogs in the North Atlantic. Thus the ferry 
between the old and new lands is ever being made safer. 
The weather predictions are, of course, only proximate, 
being largely based on the periodicity of meteorological 
changes in the North Atlantic. Here are examples of 
the weather indications given, copied from the chart for 
January, 1886 : 

"The storm area on the north Atlantic is at its maximum. 
Between the coast of the United States north of Cape Hatterap, and 
that of Europe, north of 47, a gale of wind may be expected once 
in six days. These gales are most violent when the wind is between 
S.W. and N.W., but a large percentage do not develop a force of 
more than 10. 

" Heavy northers may be expected along the Gulf coast of Mexico 
and Texas as often as once in ten days ; some may extend as far east 
as Key West, and south over the Caribbean Sea to Aspinwall. 

" There is little danger of ice in the routes of transatlantic 

And then come recommendations in regard to passage 
off Cape Horn, which admirably show the deductive 
methods of modern weather prophets : 

" In the summer season that is, during the long days there 
exists a barometric minimum over the vast plains of Patagonia ; in 
consequence of the constant indrift due to this atmospheric condition 
the centres of depressions which travel from the Pacific to the 
Atlantic arc deflected toward the north, causing violent storms in 
the region of Cape Horn and Tierra del Fuego. It is, therefore, 
desirable, after passing Staten Land, to stand to the southward as 
rapidly as possible to the 59th or 60th parallel, if the ice permits, 
where the influence of the navigable semicircle of the atmospheric 
whirl will be felt, in which relatively light north-east and south-east 
winds prevail, and are favorable for making the passage into the 

" Here's fine revolution an' we had the trick to see 't." 
The Fuegians, who live in this inhospitable region, be- 


lieve, as Fitzroy tells us, that storms are sent by evil 
spirits, to punish the wicked ; and here Captain Bartlett 
with unconscious iconoclasm says their cause is only a 
" barometric minimum " in Patagonia ! These scientific 
experts are rapidly taking all romance out of life with 
their classifications, and technical phraseology. If the 
Fuegians get a sight of Captain Bartlett's chart they will 
at once become a religionlcss race, for it is obviously vain 
to attempt to propitiate a barometric minimum. 

The monthly publication of this encyclopedic chart is 
but a small part of the work of the Hydrographic Office. 
Branch offices are maintained at the principal ports to give 
information to mariners concerning routes, to adjust baro- 
meters and chronometers, to examine old charts, and point 
out their errors. Nearly eleven thousand persons received 
nautical information last year from the officers under the 
hydrographer ; and nearly twelve thousand vessels were 
boarded and information collected from their log-books. 
Then every week notices to mariners are published and 
circulated all over the world, announcing changes in 
lights, buoys, and everything affecting navigation, whether 
at Kodono-Sima, in the Japanese inland sea, or in the 
Swash Channel at New York. The enormous work en- 
tailed by this may be guagcd from the fact that there are 
about twenty thousand buoys in the world, and every 
change in color or position is immediately reported to the 
hydrographer, who at once announces the change to every 
American consul and to hundreds of mariners throughout 
the world. So, too, with the light-houses of the world, 
which are so numerous that a list of them fills six volumes 
of nearly three hundred pages each. This list, by the 
way, was compiled in the Hydrographic Office; and 
twenty days after receipt of the " copy," a three-hun- 
dred edition of this six-volume work returned from the 
government printers, ready for distribution in the navy. 
In this office the navy store of charts is kept; and every 
change referred to above is made on these charts by hand. 
The office likewise prints a great many charts itself; and 
of these the plates are regularly corrected to date. Alto- 


get/her this Ilydrograpbic Office is ono of the wonders of 
"Washington. If it were better known, it would probably 
be more subject to the invasion of sight-seers at the 
capital than the Washington monument. But it goes 
quietly along, working out its own salvation, and that of 
thousands of poor sailors who never heard of Captain 
Bartlett, the 

" Cherub that sits up aloft 
To take care of the life of poor Jack." 

In the same building is the Office of Naval Intelligence, 
where a chart is published, indicating from month to 
month the supply of coal at all the coaling stations of the 
world, and also the means of telegraphic communication 
accessible to mariners wherever they may find themselves. 

In natural sequence should here come an account of 
the life-saving service, which, in America, is not an insti- 
tution supported by voluntary contributions as in England, 
but is a department under the government. As a result of 
this difference, it is claimed that the American service is 
more efficient than that of Britain ; that a discipline 
almost military in its severity is necessary to obtain the 
best results where groups of men are working under the 
conditions usual at wrecks. This is a healthful and worthy 
rivalry. Let this be the only form of contention between 
the mother and her child land. Details of this excellent 
organization are not called for here. Lord Salisbury's 
encomium is as applicable to the life saving service as to 
the Senate " marvellous in its efficiency and strength." 

An important work done by the United States Army 
is the improvement of rivers and harbors. Here again, 
under republican institutions, the profession of arms has 
been turned to noble account. To do battle with shoals 
and snags would be considered poor work for the Burnabys 
and Hobarts of Britain ; but in the Republic it has ever 
been held that to save life is a higher function than to 
destroy it. Great America's army, no larger than that of 
insignificant Koumania, is set to battle with nature, not 
with patriotic barbarians defending their own land. In 


the Signal Service, in the improvement of rivers and 
harbors, in the surveys of Western Territories, the Re- 
public finds for her soldiers work which, while injuring no 
nation, brings them honor, and the country security and 
comfort. So extensive is the Avork done by the little 
army of the Republic, that in this division of rivers and 
harbors improvements alone, the year's report covers over 
three hundred pages. Upward of a hundred million 
dollars have been spent by the engineer corps on rivers 
and harbors since the beginning of the government ; and 
the present annual appropriation for this purpose is still 
very large. 

The light-house board, a division of the Treasury De- 
partment, has also done much important work in a- liko 
direction. It has control of nine hundred light-houses 
and light-ships, a thousand beacon lights on Western 
rivers, and more than four thousand buoys, fog signals, 
and other minor aids to navigation. It employs two 
thousand five hundred light-keepers, crews of light-ships, 
etc. Here again American ingenuity is conspicuous. 
Many dangerous reefs are marked by a whistling-buoy 
which can be heard more than fifteen miles. The rougher 
the sea the louder this automatic syren sends out its warn- 
ing voice. This " Yankee notion " has been adopted by 

Still tending to the facilitation of commerce is the 
Coast Survey, a division which has supplemented its 
regular function by much special scientific work. It has 
originated methods of determining longitude; explored 
the Gulf Stream ; solved the problem of tides in the Gulf 
of Mexico, where only one tide occurs in twenty-four 
hours ; studied the laws governing tidal currents, and the 
best methods of controlling them so as to aid navigation 
by deepening channels ; and achieved many other valuable 

The International Fisheries Exhibitions in London and 
Berlin have given a European renown to the work of the 
United States Fish Commission. At the closing of the 
London Exhibition, the Prince of Wales stated that " in 


many things pertaining to the fisheries, England is fat 
behind the United States." And Professor Huxley has 
expressed his belief that no nation " has comprehended 
the question of dealing with fish in so thorough, excellent, 
and scientific a spirit as that of the United States." The 
Rev. W. S. Lach Szyrma, of Newlyn, England, has made 
a trite comparison. " At the Paris Exhibition he con- 
sidered Europe as a man in full vigor, Asia as a decrepit 
old man, America as a boy, Australia as a baby. In 
the present Fishery Exhibition the case was different. 
America was the gem of the exhibition." That these 
encomiums were justified is proved by the fact that at 
London the United States exhibit secured fifty gold 
medals, forty-seven of silver, thirty of bronze, and twenty- 
four diplomas. At the Berlin Exhibition America again 
headed the list, securing six gold medals out of ten. No 
wonder Europeans are astonished. 

"If there be," wrote, in 1879, Sir Rose Price, author of "The 
Two Americas," " any race of people who exhibit more shrewdness 
than others in their ability to grasp and manipulate the apparently 
indistinct elements of what may lead to a commercial success, or be 
of ultimate benefit to their nation, those people are the Americans. 
No government throws away less money in useless expenditures, and 
110 representative assembly more narrowly criticises waste ; yet the 
Americans subsidize considerable sums of their national revenue for 
the purpose of restocking the rivers of the Eastern States by arti- 
ficial culture, and with praiseworthy consideration their government 
supports several ably-conducted establishments from which fish ova 
are distributed gratis to all those who choose to apply. The very 
railroads assist this enterprise, and some by moderating their tariff, 
and others by generously conveying the ova free of charge, give 
every possible encouragement to what their common sense tells 
them must lead to so much national good. To expect an English 
government to exhibit the same amount of foresight, or to practise 
a similar generosity, would be to credit them with virtues which 
have yet to be developed. The American example, however, should 
not be lost sight of." 

The extent of the operations of the Fish Commission 
can only be barely indicated here. One fact alone shows 
the gigantic nature of its operations : it has planted 
German carp in thirty thousand separate bodies of water, 


distributed through all the States and Territories in the 

The American Navy adds to its numerous non-com- 
batant functions the principal astronomical work done in 
the United States. It daily gives to every important city 
the correct time, and furnishes some data for the govern- 
ment publication, The Nautical Almanac. The naval 
observatory has acquired a just celebrity by its discovery 
of the satellites of Mars. 

The Patent Office and museum is another important 
division of the government at Washington. Here are 
many thousand models of inventions of every possible 
kind. The list contains over four hundred different 
patents of a nut-lock. The policy of the Eepublic is to 
make the patent law the encouragement of inventors and 
not the means of revenue ; with such good results that 
more than three hundred thousand patents have been 
issued since 1836. Last year the total patents issued 
exceeded twenty-four thousand nearly eighty per cent, 
more than in 1880. Forty years ago the average number 
of patents issued annually did not exceed live or six 
hundred. If one wishes to realize the extent and versa- 
tility of the American inventor, it is needful to visit the 
enormous museum at the Patent Office. Miles of shelves 
and cases are filled with models, while acres of drawings 
and designs adorn the walls or lie hidden away in drawers. 
English visitors are usually greatly impressed with what 
they see there. Herbert Spencer could not withold his 
admiration. He says : 

"The enormous museum of patents which I saw in Washington is 
significant of the attention paid to inventors' claims; and the nation 
profits immensely from having, in this direction (though not in 
others), recognized property in mental products. Beyond question, 
in respect of mechanical appliances, the Americans are ahead of all 

One of the most important factors in the diffusion of 
knowledge among men is found in the system of interna- 
tional exchange carried on by the Smithsonian Institution. 
Originally intended for the distribution of its own publi- 


cations, the Institution, by degrees extended its privileges 
to learned societies of both hemispheres, and at present it 
forms a medium of scientific intercourse between about 
seven hundred home institutions and four thousand esta- 
blishments distributed over all parts of the inhabited globe. 
The publications of any learned society in the world, 
whether in Japan, Norway, or California, if sent to 
Washington, will be distributed throughout the world, 
without cost to the sender. In 1885 about eighty 
thousand packages of books were thus sent from the 
Smithsonian Institution, containing in some cases its own 
publications, in others United States blue-books, or the 
'transactions of various learned societies, in America and 
elsewhere. Many railway and steamship lines carry these 
packages gratuitously. In this work the Smithsonian 
Institution stands alone. It is probably the most effective 
means of diffusing knowledge ever attempted, for it circu- 
lates to the ends of the world the knowledge which, put 
into volumes of transactions and blue-books, has hitherto 
been relegated to the shelves of public libraries. 

The official publications of the results of these bureaus 
are so numerous, that the United States Government is 
the largest printer and publisher in the world. In the 
book of estimates for the next fiscal year, just sent to 
Congress, $1,380,000 (276,000) is asked for wages alone. 
There are on the pay-roll four hundred compositors. 
Fifty proof-readers are constantly employed, besides one 
hundred and fifteen press feeders and thirty-four ruling- 
machine feeders. The estimates call for one hundred 
thousand reams of printing paper, or forty-eight million 
sheets, equal to seven hundred and sixty-eight million 
pages. Of the annual report of the Commissioner of 
Agriculture, three hundred thousand copies are distributed. 
The reports of the Geological Survey, the Bureau of 
Ethnology, the reports of the Commission of Fish and 
Fisheries, the Bulletins of the National Museum, and 
hundreds of other documents and reports are sent free 
and postage paid almost to everybody or anybody. For 
the preparation of this chapter more than seventy separate 


government publications were obtained, the whole forming 
a perfect encyclopaedia of governmental methods and 
results, of progress in art, science, and material resources ; 
and this little library did not cost its collector a cent. 
Indeed, in some instances the books were sent free from 
Washington to New York. Such liberality is unparal- 
leled. The Republic is clearly no niggard. 

Much other extra governmental work is done either by 
the government, or, as in the case of the Smithsonian 
Institution, under its direction ; but further details arc 
not called for here. However opinions may differ as to 
Hie propriety of a government engaging in every kind of 
non-governmental work, there can be no difference of 
opinion as to the excellent methods and important results 
of these bureaus in Washington. Most of them are 
models of equipment and method. Of the hundreds of 
thousands of packages sent out by Mr. Boehmer of the 
Smithsonian Institution not one has been lost. These 
offices are outside the influence of politics, and run on 
from year to year as freely and frictionless as if political 
parties were as distant as the satellites of Mars, or as deep 
down in the sea as the protoplasmal jelly fish about 
which these men of scientific light and leading write and 
print monologues at the public expense. Another fact 
elicited is that American progress is not limited to 
increasing crops or growing herds. In the higher domain 
of mind, in the alleviation of suffering, in the saving of 
life, in the facilitation of commerce, in the exploration of 
the world and the universe, in everything which tends to 
give life breadth as well as length, to make it more com- 
plete and more worth living, the Republic has contributed 
a very large quota. 

This high estimate of the value of the government 
bureaus has often been concurred in by foreigners. m More 
than one celebrated Englishman has lamented to me that 
his country should be so far behind in similar work. It 
is the cue of the ruling classes of Europe to misrepresent 
the government of the Democracy. They would have 


the people believe that it is weak, corrupt, and inefficient ; 
but those who examine the subject carefully know it 
to be surprisingly strong, pure, efficient, and marvellously 
able. In none of the departments named in this chapter 
have politics the slightest influence. No politician could 
be found willing to apply any test but the suitability of 
the man for the work to be performed. These depart- 
ments are generally under the control of permanent army 
and navy officers, who, I think my readers will not fail 
to note, are put by the Republic to much higher uses 
than the performance of their " professional " duties. 

If we leave the general work performed under govern- 
mental control and consider what the people do for them- 
selves, we are even more strongly impressed than ever by 
their extraordinary power of administration. 

Take the city electrical service as an illustration. 
Police officers, fire- engine houses, hotels, cab stands, 
railway stations, banks, offices, and private houses are in 
direct electrical communication ; and telephonic commu- 
nication is rapidly becoming no less general. 

The American fire department again is admittedly the 
best known. The horses are trained to rush out of their 
stalls into the shafts at the sound of the alarm, a single 
motion causes the harness to fall upon their backs. The 
men slide down posts from their bedrooms to the stable 
floor to economize time. 

The ambulance corps is unknown beyond the Republic. 
Its headquarters are at the principal hospitals. Electric 
communication apprises the attendant of an accident, as 
in the case of the fire-engine ; the ambulance with its 
soft bed, in charge of two surgeons, is instantly dashing 
through the streets, sounding its bell which notifies every 
vehicle to turn out of its path. In a short time the 
injured is lying upon a bed under charge of competent 
surgeons and is conveyed as rapidly as possible to the 
hospital. London physicians who see this American 
plan never fail to lament that even London has not yet 
attempted to produce any organization of like humane 


Tliis remarkable talent for organization which the 
American people possess probably Avas never more clearly 
displayed than in the Sanitary and Christian Commissions 
instituted by private citizens during the Civil "War. The 
military rations of the government compared to those of 
any other government are to say the least exceedingly 
liberal all well enough for professional soldiers, but for 
the patriotic volunteer who went forth from his home to 
defend the Union as a duty, that was quite another 
matter. Nothing was too good for him. The people 
demanded that as far as possible every luxury should be 
his ; and to provide this committees were appointed in 
the cities and contributions solicited. The movement 
resulted in the two general organizations named above, 
which distributed more than $25,000,000 (5,000,000) 
worth of extra supplies among the soldiers during the 

The collection, transportation, and distribution of these 
supplies, which embraced everything from easy chairs for 
the wounded to delicacies for the sick, were admirably 

Bret Harte gives a poetic description of the enthu- 
siastic reception accorded by the troops to the wagons of 
the Commission as they pushed to the front filled with 
the tender offerings of a grateful people. 


" Down the picket-guarded lane 
Rolled the comfort-laden wain, 
Cheered by shouts that shook the plain, 

Soldier-like and merry ; 
Phrases such as camps may teach, 
Sabre-cuts of Saxon speech, 
Such as ' Bully ! ' ' Them's the peach 1 ' 

'Wade in, Sanitary!' 

" Right and left the caissons drew 
As the car went lumbering through, 
Quick succeeding in review 
Squadrons military ; 


San-burnt men with beards like frieze, 
Smooth-faced boys, and cries like these, 
U. S. San. Com.' ' That's the cheese I ' 
' Pass in, Sanitary ! ' 

" In snch cheer it struggled on 
Till the battle front was won, 
Then the car, its journey done, 

Lo ! was stationary ; 

And where bullets whistling fly, 

Came the sadder, fainter cry, 

' Help us, brothers, ere we die, 

Save us, Sanitary ! ' 

" Snch the work. The phantom flics, 
Wrapped in battle clouds that rise, 
But the brave, whose dying eyes, 

Veiled and visionary, 
See the jasper gates swung wide, 
See the parted throng outside 
Hears the voice to those who ride : 
' Pass in, Sanitary J ' " 

But while these supplies were pushed forward to the 
front the attentions bestowed upon regiments passing to 
and from different fields of action were not less charac- 
teristic. I was then Superintendent of the Pennsylvania 
Railway at Pittsburg, through which, perhaps, more 
troops passed than through any other city. " Society " 
there determined that every regiment should be fed 
banqueted would be nearer the correct word. No hungry 
volunteer should ever pass through that city without 
being made to feel that a grateful people wished to do him 

This being resolved upon, the young ladies, the daughters 
of the rich men, the millionaires, resolved that by no 
menials' hands should the defenders of their country be 
fed ; they would organize and divide the duty among 
themselves, and with their own hands serve the men. 
The City Hall was placed at their disposal, tables and 
cooking arrangements provided, and the work began. 
Every night the list of ladies and gentlemen subject to 


call during that night was posted in the Hall. It 
mattered not at what hour a regiment or detachment of 
troops was to arrive, a telegram from my office apprised 
the City Hall, the men on duty went the rounds, one, two, 
three or four o'clock in the morning as the case might be, 
and one after another of the ladies were called and 
escorted through the darkness to the Hall. 

One of the sights of my life I can scarcely recall the 
scene without my eyes filling with tears even to-day- 
was to see a regiment of bronzed men (such splendid fel- 
lows, as unlike professional cutthroats as black is unlike 
white), to see them marched into the Hall, seated at tables 
loaded with, the finest food, and then to witness their 
amazement as it dawned upon them, which, of course, it 
soon did, that the young women serving were not paid 
servants, but the darlings of society who had risen in the 
night and come forth to do them this honor. 

The meal ended, the colonel rose and asked for three 
cheers for the Pittsburg Committee. Imagine how the 
boys in blue responded ! But when, as was usually the 
case, there seemed something still lacking, some irre- 
pressible longing which must find vent, and some one 
from the ranks called out, " Three cheers and a tiger for 
the young ladies of Pittsburg" I hear their yell yet. 
I have seen enthusiastic crowds and heard ringing cheers, 
but of all the outbursts I ever heard, that of the bronzed 
veterans in honor of the young ladies of Pittsburg takes 
the palm ; and mark you, men so treated went to the 
front determined to fight as they cheered. How could 
they fail, when the women of the land of their love came 
forth and said " Night or day, we are proud to be your 
servants." Six hundred and sixty-four thousand troops 
were fed in Pittsburg in the manner I have described. 
The funds were always forthcoming, and at one fair held 
in the city for the Sanitary Committee, $300,000 were 
netted (60,000). 

The age of miracles may be passed. Matthew Arnold 
is authority for the statement that the case is closed 
against them, but to all those who extol the past and 


dwell upon its heroes and heroines, intimating that our 
own age is less heroic than some age which has preceded 
it, let us make answer, that for one true hero who existed 
in any age, a hundred surround us to-day ; and as for 
heroines, the world has scarcely ever known what one 
was until the present age. Woman didn't know 
enough, as a rule, to be heroic until America educated 
her properly. There are a thousand heroines in the world 
to-day for every one any preceding age has produced. I 
thought twenty odd years ago, and I am still of opinion, 
that there were more heroic young ladies in Pittshurg 
alone than the whole world could have produced not so 
very long ago, and Pittsburg was but one of many cities 
equally stirred to its depths. I have seen the American 
people, young, middle-aged and old, men and women, 
democrat and republican, touched upon the vital chord, 
and have heard and felt the response. Let no monarchi- 
cal enemy of Americans and all monarchists are her 
enemies ever again natter himself that the unity of the 
Eepublic does not command at all times the lives, the for- 
tunes, and the sacred honor of the American people. 

When the Americans determined to hold a Centennial 
Exhibition they went to work at it in the same business 
fashion ; not a governmental official was called upon. 
They organized in Philadelphia, and the result was that 
not only was the display the best ever made in any country, 
according to the judgment of the foreign visitors, but the 
exhibition was visited by more people than ever before 
visited an exhibition. The facilities for transportation 
were such that the millions were moved on time and 
without accident. And, more marvellous than all else, 
the Centennial was so managed that it paid all expenses. 
An advance made by the government was repaid in full. 
The government had nothing to do with the management ; 
it was exclusively an affair of the people and conducted 
throughout bj r them. 

This universal self-dependence is manifest everywhere 
and in everything. I stood with Archibald Forbes on 
the State Department steamer at Yorktown, Virginia, 


when the centennial anniversary of the surrender of Corn- 
wallis was celebrated. We saw the disembarkation of 
some thirty thousand militia troops and a grand review. 
Mr. Forbes remarked, "What surprises me more than 
anything I have seen to-day, is the absence of a body of 
officials to take charge of the masses, and assign them to 
places, etc. Every American seems to understand just 
where he is to go, what he is to do, and how best 
to do it, and then he quietly goes and does it, and 
all comes out successfully. There is nothing like this 
in Europe." Such is the universal testimony of compe- 
tent foreign observers. 

The cause of this self-governing capacity lies in the 
fact that from his earliest youth the republican feels him- 
self a man. He is called upon to participate in the 
management of the local affairs of his township, county, 
or city, or in his relations with his fellows, in his church, 
trades-union, co-operative store, or reading-room, or even 
in his musical or dramatic society, base ball, cricket, or 
boating club. Everywhere he is ushered into a demo- 
cratic system of government in which he stands upon an 
equal footing with his fellows, and in which he feels him- 
self bound to exercise the rights of a citizen. Those with 
talent for management naturally rise to command in their 
small circles ; and upon great public occasions, when 
thousands of such circles are massed, the orderly habits 
prevailing in each circle render possible the easy and 
proper management of the vast crowd. 

We can confidently claim for the Democracy that it 
produces a people self-reliant beyond all others ; a people 
who depend less upon governmental aid and more upon 
themselves in all the complex relations of society than 
any people hitherto known. At the same time their 
individual talent for organization and administration has 
been so concentrated as to produce through official channels 
various departments of universal benefit to the common- 
wealth, none of which have ever been equalled, and 
some of which have never even been attempted under 
monarchical government. We look in vain throughout 
x 2 


the world for such, beneficent organizations connected with 
the government of any country as those described in this 
chapter. So far, therefore, from the government of the 
people falling behind the government of a class in the art 
of government, we are amazed at the contrast presented 
between the old form and the new in favor of the new. The 
truth is that the monarchicaLform lacks the vigor and elasti- 
city necessary to cope with the republican in any depart- 
ment of government whatever. 



" A national debt is vicious in principle, deceitful in its effects 
upon the State which borrows, hurtful to posterity which must pay, 
and tending to lead rulers into useless wars and extravagant expendi- 
ture of public money." THOMAS SPENCEB. 

NATIONAL debts grow troublesome. Year after year the 
burden they lay upon the productive energies of nations 
becomes harder and harder to bear. The twelve years 
between 1870 and 1882 have eclipsed all others in the 
amounts added to the already sorely burdened masses of 
Europe. Kussia has saddled herself with $1,365,000,000 
(273,000,000) more debt in these short twelve years, an 
average increase of nearly $1 15,000,000 (23,000,'000) per 
annum, a load fit to weigh an empire down. France's ob- 
ligations have swollen to $2,215,000,000 (443,000,000), 
and even Spain must be in the fashion and add 
525,000,000 (105,000,000), and Italy, not to be 
behind in this mad race, has contracted 740,000,000 
(148,000,000) more, and even poor decaying Turkoy 
has found credulous capitalists to lend her $90,000,000 
(18,000,000) during this period. The aggregate of 
these obligations in Europe has increased, since 18*8, from 
$14,940,000,000 (2,988,000,000) to $20,935,000,000 
(4,187,000,000), and most of this increase has been 


consumed in wars which have left matters much as they 
were or would have been, if never waged. Such is the 
inevitable result of anti-democratic rule. Britain alone, 
let us record it to her credit, is the only power which has 
resolutely reduced her debt. It is less by $465,000,000 
(93,000,000) in 1884 than it was in 1857, while her 
wealth has enormously increased. It is easy to meet 
deficits by the proceeds of new loans, but it were well 
that nations should be of opinion with the Chinese laundry, 
man of New York who refused to give a note bearing, 
interest. "No notee," said our heathen Chinee, " notee 
walkee, walkee allee timee, walkee no sleepee." Nations 
forget this peculiarity of new issues ; sleeping or waking 
the load of interest swells noiselessly on Saturdays and 
Sundays alike. 

The Republic emulates her mother's example and cuts 
down her debt with unexampled rapidity. It is a curious 
fact that these, the two English-speaking nations, should 
be the only ones who resolutely set their faces strongly 
in the debt-discharging direction. The other races appear 
content to borrow as long as they can and let the future 
take care of itself. We are not without ominous signs 
that in some instances the strain upon their resources 
cannot be increased further without danger. Perhaps the 
Democracy is soon to awaken to the truth that these vast 
accumulations of debt have their real source in the rule of 
monarchs and courts, whose jealousies and dynastic 
ambitions, stimulated by the great military classes always 
created by them, produce the wars or continual prepara- 
tion for wars which eat up the people's substance and add 
to their burdens year after year. A nation with a large 
standing army and navy is bound to make wars. 

One great advantage which the Democracy has secured 
for itself in America is its comparative freedom from debt. 
The ratio of indebtedness to wealth is strikingly small. 
Including all debt, municipal, State, and national it is 
but four and one-twentieth per cent., the national, debt 
alone being less than three and a half per cent, as 
compared with eight and three-quarters per cent, in 


Britain ; eleven and a third per cent, in France ; twenty- 
two and a quarter per cent, in Italy ; twenty-four and 
a half per cent, in Spain ; and twenty-five and a half 
percent, in Portugal. This was in 1880; since then the 
reduction of the national debt and the increase of wealth 
have been so great that it is close upon two per cent. 
not one- fourth that of Britain, nor one-fifth that of France. 

Contrary to the general impression, the debts of the 
various States which comprise the Union are trifling, 
being but six-tenths of one per cent, upon the valuation. 
Several States have no debt, others have revenues horn 
public lands sufficient to pay the entire expenses of the 
State government. The municipal debts of the cities of 
America are likewise very small compared to those of 
Britain, being only one and two-tenths per cent, upon the 
valuation of city property. 

Taking all the State and city debts of the Union and 
rating them according to valuation of property, both com- 
'bined do not amount to one-fifth of the city debt of 
Manchester, nor to one-tenth the debt of Birmingham, 
.while Liverpool owes in proportion to its wealth, 50 
($250) for every 1 (5) owed by the cities of America 
taken as a whole. If we add to the municipal debts of 
America, the State, and also the national debt, Liverpool's 
municipal debt alone is still seven times greater than all 
of these combined. Even the city of Manchester, which 
does not rate high as a debtor, owes in its corporate 
capacity alone in proportion to its wealth two and a half 
times as much as the ratio of indebtedness of all American 
cities, all State debts, and all debts of the national govern- 

The cities of Great Britain owe $765,000,000 
(153,000,000); those of America, notwithstanding their 
greater number, population and wealth, only 575,000,000 
(115,000,000). If to the American municipal debt we 
add the debt of all the States we have only $865,000,000 
(173,000,000) for city and State debt as against 
$765,000,000 (153,000,000) in Britain for city debt 
alone. The following are given by Mulhall : 





Liverpool . 

. 32.5 
. 10.0 


iam . .21.8 
. 15.8 

London, which is in debt only three per cent., finds a 
worthy compeer in Philadelphia whose debt is even a 
fraction less. New York stands with Manchester at ten 
and four-tenths. America has no city so deeply involved 
as Liverpool, Birmingham, or Leeds. But in the case of 
Liverpool I am reminded of Artemus Ward who met in 
London a gentleman from that city who told him " there 
were some docks or something which he should have seen ; " 
and in regard to Birmingham, no one who has been privi- 
leged to examine the work which that model of municipal 
life is doing will think the debt unwisely incurred. It is 
evident, however, that with all the push of the American, 
he is distanced by his illustrious ancestor in the race for 
debt in his corporate capacity. 

The republican has so managed that the annual charge 
for all debt against him per head is not one-fourth of 
that which his brother in Britain has incurred. Every 
Briton owes of national debt, $110 (22) ; every French- 
man, $120 (24) ; every Italian, $90 (18) ; while the 
American owes but $30 (6). Every Canadian owes of 
public debt alone in proportion to tcealth, $6.15 (1 4s. Qd.); 
every Australian, $16.15 (3 4s. Qd.), while, as we have 
before seen, the American, with all his resources and rosy 
expectation, has burdened himself with only $3.49 (14s.), 
and is rapidly paying that off. 

This is but one more added to the proofs that lie open 
at all points to any one who will take the trouble to ex- 
amine and compare the facts that the masses made equal 
politically under the sway of Democracy are not prone to 
wild excesses. They have developed in the United States 
into one of the most conservative communities in the 
world ; conservative of their powerful government, of 
their Supreme Court and of their Senate, and of all that 


makes for the security of civil and religious liberty, of the 
rights of property and the constitutional right of each 
individual citizen to the pursuit of happiness in his own 
way, subject only to the limitations that he interfere not 
with the enjoyment of the same right by others. Let the 
student of American institutions direct his attention to 
this fact, and see whether the Eepublic be not a very 
conservative Republic indeed. Nowhere is so well under- 
stood the difference between liberty and license. 

In 1835, just half a century ago, the Eepublic was not 
only free from debt but had a surplus in the treasury. 
How to dispose of this surplus was a matter of grave 
concern. No wonder. For assuredly there existed no 
precedent in the history of the world and statesmen are 
the slaves of precedent to throw light upon the novel 
question, not how a nation can Avipe out its debt, that 
would be hard enough, but how a nation is to get rid of 
its surplus. Even as late as 1857, only twenty-eight 
years ago, the debt was but $29,000,000, not 6,000,000. 
To-day the interest-bearing debt is about 1,500,000,000 

My readers may be ready to suggest that in no depart- 
ment has the Eepublic made greater progress than in 
running into debt. Only twenty-eight years ago in debt 
thirty millions of dollars, and to-day fifty times that sum. 
It is quite as extraordinary an increase as is seen in her 
growth of wheat. Even the growth of the Bessemer steel 
industry does not much exceed it. And as we have had 
to award her the prize for rapid development in numerous 
branches over the mother land, let us hasten to credit the 
latter with setting an example to her precocious child, for 
the debt of Britain during the past thirty years has not 
only not increased, but has been reduced 310,000,000 

The explanation of the increased debt of the Eepublic 
is, of course, found in the civil conflict between slavery 
and freedom. The two systems were antagonistic, and the 
irrepressible issue had to be met, sooner or later. Either 
the equality of the citizen was or was not the foundation 


of the State, there was no middle ground. It has been 
decided, but the cost was frightful. That part of it un- 
paid at the close of the struggle which could be repre- 
sented by dollars, and that much the smaller part, 
amounted to $2,770,000,000 (554,000,000). Unadjusted 
claims subsequently paid made the total debt more than 
$3,000,000,000 (600,000,000). Thus stood the account 
in 1866, twenty years ago. The annual interest charge 
was no less than $146,000,000 (nearly 30,000,000), being 
two millions sterling more than that of Britain. Many 
were the predictions throughout Europe that the masses 
who held full and unlimited sway would never take such 
a load upon their shoulders, and patiently endure the 
taxation necessary to carry it, much less pay it off. Much 
of the debt had been contracted at excessive rates of 
interest (six per cent.), and at periods when less than fifty 
per cent, in gold was obtained for the bonds issued. 
Universal suffrage could never be brought to pay back 
in gold the par value of such issues. It would require a 
government of the educated and enlightened few, a 
monarchy for instance, to keep its financial honor un- 
tarnished. In Britain such ideas prevailed, especially 
among financiers. Mr. Gladstone gives them expression 
in " Kin Beyond the Sea : " 

" In twelve years she (America) has reduced her deob by one 
hundred and fifty-eight million pounds, or at the rate of thirteen 
million pounds for each year.* In each twelve monthsjhe has done 
what we did in eight years; her self-command, self-denial, aud 
wise forethought for the future have heen, to say the least, eightfold 
ours. These are facts which redounded greatly to her honor; and 
the historian will record with surprise that an enfranchised nation 
tolerated burdens which in this country a selected class, possessed of 
the representation, did not dare to face, and that the most unmiti- 
gated Democracy known to the annals of the world resolutely 
reduced at its own cost prospective liabilities of the State which the 
aristocratic, and plutocratic, and monarchical Government of the 
United Kingdom had been contented ignobly to hand over to 

* This rate of payment is little more than half the rate which haa 
prevailed since 1880. 


The financiers of the Continent, and especially of Ger- 
many, knew the character of Democracy better, and 
profited accordingly. Many fortunes were made by in- 
vestments in American bonds, which rapidly doubled in 
value. The most notable case in my own experience was 
that of an uncle in Scotland who had always, like John 
Bright, believed in the Republic, and had implicit faith 
in the American people in general, and perhaps in his 
nephew in particular. At the darkest hour of the conflict, 
when gold was worth nearly three times the value of 
currency, this staunch friend of the Republic remitted me 
a considerable sum of money, saying : "Invest this for 
me as you think best, but if you put it in United States 
bonds it will add to my pleasure, for then I can feel that 
in her hour of danger I have never lost faith in the 
Republic." Three times the value of his gold when 
remitted, and double the value of his patriotic invest- 
ment since, has rewarded his faith in the triumph of 

Starting then 20 years ago, 1866, with $3,000,000,000 
(600,000,000) as the national burden, with an annual 
interest charge of nearly $146,000,000 (29,200,000), 
what has the Democracy done up to the 1st of January 

It has paid more than half of the huge sum and reduced 
it to less than $1,500,000,000 or 300,000,000. Here 
is the last monthly statement : 

Debt, less cash in Treasury, January 1, 1886 . $1,443,454,826 
Debt, less cash in Treasury, December 1, 1885 1,452,544,766 
Decrease of Debt during the month . . 9,089,940 

The interest charge has fallen from $146,000,000 
(29,200,000) to $51,000,000 (10,200,000). In two 
successive years of this period the reduction amounted to 
$270,000,000 (54,000,000), but this rate being con- 
sidered too rapid, taxes were repealed and large sums 
voted for increased pensions to the sailors and soldiers 
who crushed the rebellion. 

The American has to continue for only twelve years 


more to reduce the national debt as he has for the past 
twenty years in order to wipe it out entirely. It may 
confidently be predicted that ere the close of this century, 
extraordinary events excepted, the last bond of the 
Republic will be publicly burned at Washington with 
imposing ceremonies, amidst the universal rejoicings of 
the people. The Democracy seems destined to set an 
example in many ways to the monarchies of the world, 
not the least important being that of a people resolutely 
pursuing the policy of reducing its debt until the last 
dollar is paid, that its resources may remain unimpaired 
to meet the emergencies which may arise to affect its 
position among the nations. Where is the monarchy 
which can vie with this Democracy in conservative finance 
or thoughtful care for its country's future 1 Mr. Gladstone 
says the parent land ignobly hands her debt over to 

From a position so discredited that six per cent, bonds 
did not net more than half their par value in gold, the 
government of the people has risen in the estimation of 
the capitalists of the world to so high a point that its 
bonds bearing only three per cent, command a premium. 
What the world thinks of Democracy is this : that 
beyond the credit of any nation, even higher than that 
of Great Britain, stands the obligations of a government 
founded upon the equality of the citizen. 

A leading Liberal Cabinet Minister (not Mr. Gladstone, 
nor Mr. Chamberlain, for they know America not much 
but still a little better), once asked me whether, in a con- 
tingency which then threatened to arise in the Eepublic, 
namely, a contested Presidential election (and which did 
indeed arise and passed away harmlessly), there would 
not be a revolution which would involve the stability of 
our institutions. My reply was, " Have you noticed to- 
day's quotations of American three per cents. ? " " No," 
he said, " what are they ? " " Higher than your's ! " I 
said, and looked straight at him. That was all, but it 
was sufficient. Whenever a man, even a Liberal Cabinet 
Minister, begins to doubt the stability of a government 


of the people, for the people, and by the people, and 
there are Liberal Ministers whose faith in the Democracy 
is as a grain of mustard seed ask him why the credit 
of this new Democracy stands before that of the old 
Monarchy ? Why would the world lend this Democracy 
more money and upon better terms than it would lend 
the best government of the few 1 Why does the world 
pay for American three per cents, more than it will pay 
for the British three per cents. ? The answer is obvious. 
Because the reign of the whole of the people of a 
State is more secure than the reign of any class in a State 
can possibly be. A class may be upset, nay is sure 
to be sooner or later; the people are for ever and ever 
in power. 


It was often said up to the breaking out of the slave- 
holder's rebellion in 1861, that the American did not 
know that he had a national government. Certainly as 
far as taxation was concerned he had little to remind 
him of the fact. In 1830 the total revenues collected 
were not quite $2 per head (8s.) ; in 1840 they had 
fallen below 1.25 (5s.), and even as late as I860, twenty- 
five years ago, the American enjoyed all the blessings of 
government at a cost of 1.75 (7s.) per annum. This 
was collected principally from customs and sales of public 
lauds. There was no such thing known as an excise or 
internal tax, so that the citizen never was visited by a 
revenue officer of any kind. The American was born, 
lived, and died and was never asked to contribute a cent 
to his government. Unless he lived at a seaport and 
visited the custom-house he probably never saw a man 
whose duty it was to collect a national tax. In this 
blessed year of 1860, the total national revenue was only 
$56,000,000 (11,200,000). In 1866 it reached its 
maximum or $558,000,000 (111,600,000). After 1860 
war taxes were necessary and the republican became aware 


of the fact, well known everywhere else, that it costs 
money to wage war. Internal and excise taxes were 
resorted to, and the citizen made the acquaintance of the 
revenue officer in full force. For the first time his 
revenues were made subject to an income tax, fairest of 
all taxes in theory, most odious of all in practice. It was, 
however, a graduated income tax which exempted the 
masses, but exacted five per cent, upon the largest incomes. 
During the six years from 1861 to 1867 enormous sums, 
from $400,000,000 to $500,000,000 (80,000,000 to 
100,000,000), were raised by taxes by the general 
government. The republican might have fancied himself 
enjoying for a time the blessings of the British Monarchy, 
for the taxation was about equal, each nation drawing 
about $400,000,000 (80,000,000) per annum from its 
people. With the collapse of the Eebellion the Eepublic 
began to set its finances in order. Taxes were rapidly 
reduced, and among the first to go was the income-tax. 
Then followed the reduction or repeal of one internal tax 
after another till finally to-day, with the exception of 
the taxes on whiskey and tobacco, producing in the 
aggregate $145,000,000 (29,000,000), but few of a 
trifling character remain. With these exceptions the 
republican knows nothing of internal taxation. His 
acquaintance with the revenue officer has almost ceased ; 
once more he is free. He has neither income tax nor 
legacy duty. 

We beg the careful attention of thoughtful moderate 
men to the fact that although the income tax was paid 
wholly by the few, yet the masses upon whom it had no 
direct bearing urged its repeal, because it was proved in 
practice that the honest were assessed while the dishonest 
escaped. Thus we get one more proof that the masses 
can always be trusted to act fairly and to correct in- 

Since 1866, twenty years ago, when the national re- 
venues from taxation amounted to a sum equal to $17 
(3 8s.) drawn from each man, woman, and child in the 
country, they had fallen in 1880 to less than $7 (28s.) 


and of this more than $1 (4s.) per head went to reduce 
the debt. 

The taxes are collected in America much as in Britain ; 
about equally from foreign imports and from home pro- 
ducts, although the recent rapid repeals and reduction of 
internal taxes in America have somewhat disturbed this 
division. In 1880 for instance the foreign products 
contributed more than the domestic, foreign giving 
$190,000,000 (38,000,000) and domestic $125,000,000 
(25,000,000). If it were not for the seemingly im- 
movable determination of the people not to permit the 
manufacture of whiskey and tobacco to escape special 
taxation as articles, the free use of which should be 
discouraged, this difference between the production of 
taxation upon home and foreign products would soon be 
much greater ; for to sweep away the entire department 
of internal revenue and thus reduce the number of 
government officials and free the citizen entirely from 
their supervision is a temptation hard to resist by the 
American people. 


We have seen that in 1880 the general government 
was in receipt of about $335,000,000 (say 67,000,000), 
but notwithstanding great reductions made in taxes, 
both tariff and internal, the receipts of 1882 and 1883 
reached $400,000,000 (80,000,000). As the official 
figures for these years are obtainable, we shall use them 
instead of those for 1880. How, then, does the Republic 
get rid of her eighty millions sterling per annum, a 
revenue about equal to that collected by the British 
Government? Here is the record for 1883. First, of 
course, for interest upon the national debt ; this required 
$50,000,000 (10,000,000). 

A.nd what think you is the one greatest charge upon 
the State? For what does the Republic spend most 
money? Republics are proverbially ungrateful, you 


know, so says the monarchist. Well, this Republic 
certainly does not spend five millions of dollars per annum 
upon a single family and its appurtenances, nor lavish 
fortunes at one vote upon its high officials, or members of 
an aristocracy. Still it spends more money in pensions 
to the soldiers and sailors who served it in its hour of 
need than upon any branch of the service ; more than 
upon army and navy combined, more than the interest 
upon its debt, more than upon anything else. To reward 
these men not one man or a few high officers alone, as 
is the case in Britain and elsewhere in Europe, but every 
man, private as well as commander, in settled proportions 
as to rank the Republic spent, in 1883, no less than 
$66,000,000 (13,200,000). The Democracy may be 
trusted to insist, when they have the power, that the 
poor private who fought shall not be neglected when the 
State dispenses its rewards. I heard Mr. Cowen, the 
Radical nay, the republican Member for Newcastle, in a 
speech in the House of Commons favoring the grant to 
Wolseley and Seymour, hold up to scorn the American 
Republic for the shabby manner in which it treated its 
servants. The difference here is just the difference 
between a monarchy and a republic, between the rule of 
the people and the rule of a class. In the monarchy the 
officers are unduly rewarded by their class, who are in 
power, whether called Liberal or Conservative, still their 
class, while the private, who has few or none of his class 
as legislators, is neglected. In a Republic the first care 
is for the masses in army or navy, the privates, and their 
widows and orphans ; the officers come after, though both 
share liberally. So in all legislation, the good of the 
millions first, the luxuries of the few afterward. This 
statement is worth emphasizing. The Republic gives 
more each year as rewards to the brave men, and their 
widows and orphans, who defended the integrity of the 
nation when assailed, than she thinks it worth while to 
expend in maintaining all her military or naval forces. 
If republics are, as a rule, ungrateful, at least we find a 
notable exception to the rule in the case of the greatest 


republic of call. The, truth is, that republics are only 
prudent in giving to the rich few, and prodigal to a fault 
in lavishing upon the poorer masses. This is a failing 
which leans to virtue's side. Time after time, since the 
close of the war, the pension roll has been enlarged and 
the payments increased. It seems as if the people could 
not lavish enough upon, or sufficiently testify their grati- 
tude to, their soldiers and sailors who have been injured 
or have become disabled in their service. Even as I am. 
correcting the proofs of this chapter the House of Repre- 
sentatives has passed by a vote of four to one an act to 
increase the pensions to soldiers' and sailors' widows 
twenty-five per cent. from $8 (1 12*.) to 10 (2). 

To the charge that republics are ungrateful, the reply 
is that the one Republic gives more beyond their regular 
pay to its citizens who have served in army or navy than 
all the other governments of the world combined. 

Next in cost comes the War Department, which, 
although of ridiculously small dimensions compared with 
that of other civilized nations, I regret to chronicle, cost 
in 1883, no less than $49,000,000 (9,800,000), which 
was exceptionally great. The cost averages about 
$40,000,000 (8,000,000). The Navy Department 
absorbed $15,000,000 (3,000,000). 

As the army consists of but twenty-five thousand men, 
we cannot look for any reduction there till the vast 
unoccupied territories are peopled. A strong-armed 
police force is required to keep the Indians in order, and 
the almost equally troublesome aggregate of restless spirits 
from all lands who naturally gravitate to the semi- 
civilized life which precedes the reign of law and order. 
In the States, as distinguished from the Territories, the 
American rarely sees a man in uniform, whose profession 
is the scientific killing of other men. The war expendi- 
ture, one is delighted to record, embraces the improve- 
ment of harbor and rivers, and upon this highly useful 
work many of the officers are constantly engaged. The 
engineer corps has rendered exceptionally valuable services 
in this department. An annual appropriation is made for 


improving rivers and harbors, $6,000,000, to 10,000,000 
(1,200,000 to 2,000,000), and charged to the War 
Department, which sum should fairly be deducted from 
war expenditures, for this is not for destructive purposes, 
but emphatically in the interests of peace. 

The American people annually spend upon the three 
hundred thousand Indians scattered over the land about 
$6,000,000, equal to 320 (4) per Indian. They are as 
kindly treated as practicable. A commission of well- 
known philanthropic men of national reputation is 
appointed by the President to supervise all matter relating 
to these poor, unfortunate tribes. The success of the 
Indian policy may best be judged by the fact, that out of 
the total number of three hundred and ten thousand no 
less than sixty-six thousand are reported civilized, the 
proof of civilization being that they pay taxes ; and of all 
the proofs possible to adduce, we submit this is the most 
conclusive as to their civilization. The political econo- 
mist, at least, will seek no further but rest satisfied. It 
is, indeed, surprising that one-fifth of all the Indians have 
abandoned their nomadic habits and embraced civilization. 
It is clear that the real live war-whooping Indian is being 
rapidly civilized off the face of the earth. We shall soon 
search as hopelessly over the prairies for the " noble red- 
man " as we should do over Scotch moors and glens for 
the Rob Eoy of Scott. 

Under the head of miscellaneous come a thousand and one 
items of expenditure which embrace everything not under 
heads before given. The total is about $68,000,000 (about 
13,600,000) in 1883. The principal items are for the 
agricultural, meteorological, and educational departments 
and the various bureaus which by their varied and useful 
functions cause such astonishment and admiration in 
foreign visitors to Washington. 

As the Kepublic pays every official who renders service 
it may be interesting to compare the cost of this plan 
with that of the Monarchy which depends upon the 
gratuitous services of its legislators. Here is the ac- 
count : 





% 50,000 

10 000 

The Vice-President .... 
Seventy-four Senators ($5,000 or 1,000 
c-\ch) . ... 

370 000 

74 000 

Three hundred and twenty-five Represen- 
tatives ($5,000 or 1,000 each) . 



jflLAfJJilMl* r^UuJU^\^ i ^ ^ 




The Queen 

Prince and Princess of Wales 
Other Members of the Royal Family 






Members of the Cabinet are paid about the same in 
both countries. 

I have known well-informed Britons who believed that 
the cost of Government in America was greater than their 
own. The figures given prove that the amount paid by the 
Kepublic for the four hunctrecl officers and legislators who 
form her governing body does not amount to half as much 
as the Monarchy squanders upon one family which has 
neither public duties nor official responsibility, and which 
sets an example of wasteful and shoAvy living to the 
injury of the nation. One scarcely knows at which to 
wonder most, the fatuous folly of the people in permitting 
this great sum to go to one family, which is really one of 
the scandals of our age, or that any well educated family 
possessed of even ordinary sensibility can be found to take 
from a people, many of whom are sorely pressed for the 
necessaries of life, this enormous amount of their earnings 
and waste it upon their own mean and coarse extravagance. 
No fact more clearly proves the corrupting tendency of 


privilege or caste upon those unfortunately born under 
it. They must grow callous and unmindful of all but 

It will puzzle my American readers to imagine how 
uch enormous sums can possibly be spent upon one 
family. Perhaps one item will shed light upon it. Sir 
Charles Dilke has charged that public funds are squan- 
dered to the amount of 100,000 (500,000) per annum 
upon yachts for Her Majesty's use, while, mark you, 
she has not been half a dozen times a year in a yacht 
during her entire reign. The sum spent by this model 
queen for useless pleasure-boats alone is greater than 
the American pays his President and Vice-President, the 
Cabinet officers, and all the judges of the Supreme Court 
combined ! One marvels, when such abuses are revealed, 
that any member of the royal family is safe in open day. 
We should expect that public indignation would at least 
concentrate in one universal hiss. How long would 
Americans tolerate an abuse like this, think you 1 " Turn 
the rascals out," would again be the cry, and the delin- 
quents would know better than to stay to be driven. 
The next Cunarder would have them booked, under 
assumed names, bound for happier climes. But the story 
does not stop here. This family finds in every marriage 
of their children a fresh plea for demanding more money, 
and at every death they saddle the nation with the 
f uneral expenses. The royal mother of her people cannot 
be induced to support her own children during life, or 
even to bury them decently at death, as long as tho 
public can be further bled. All this is no reflection upon 
the royal family of England, for all other royal families 
do the same. They are as good a royal family as any 
where to be found. Certainly the queen is personally 
one of the best women who ever occupied a throne. It 
is the fault of the system that such callousness is bred 
in those who would otherwise be good people. The system, 
not its victims, is to blame. The royal family is only 
one of many evils with which monarchical institutions 
infest a State. The financial Reform Almanac states 
Y 2 


that within the last thirty-three years the dukes, earls,, 
and marquises, with t'heir relatives, the inevitable brood 
of royalty, have taken from the exchequer more than 
06,000,000 ($330,000,000), an average levy of two 
millions sterling, being as great as the entire sum spent 
by the government for the education of the people. John 
Bright told the people that the government was only a 
system of out-door relief for the aristocracy, and he was 
right, as usual. It is well for the American people to get 
a glimpse now and then of the blots of other lands, that 
they may duly appreciate their own comparative purity. 
Whenever an American is met abroad with the assertion 
that government in the Republic is corrupt, he can safely 
say that for one ounce of corruption here, there is a full 
pound avoirdupois in Britain; for every "job" here,, 
twenty yonder. Just look at some of the "jobs : " The- 
Prince of Wales is colonel of this or that regiment, and 
draws salaries for duties he does not pretend to perform. 
He has many mean modes of drawing money from the 
public. He is made a field marshal ; one brother gets a 
high command in India ; the Duke of Edinburgh gets- 
command of the Channel fleet ; the Duke of Cambridge, 
although commander-iii-chief, does not scorn to draw a 
salary as Ranger of Richmond Park, and royal favorites 
by the score monopolize sinecure positions. One noble- 
man gets .4000 (20,000) per year for walking backward 
before her Majesty upon certain occasions, and so on 
through a chapter of " jobs," so long and irritating that 
no American could patiently read through it. When- 
the Democracy gets firmly in the saddle we shall see a 
change in all this, a purifying of the Augean stables of 
Monarchy. The corruption then exposed will surprise- 
the republican. 

I do not believe that there could be found to-day a 
family whose head is in public life and honored by the 
Republic which would accept and use as the royal family 
accepts and uses the inordinate sums granted to them. 
The tendency of republicanism is to promote simplicity 
and a standard higher than that of showy living. Pre- 


-sident Cleveland in his inaugural message expresses the 
feelings of the people when he says : 

" We should never be ashamed of the simplicity and prudential 
economies which are best suited to the operation of a republican 
form of government and most compatible with the mission of the 
American people. Those who are selected for a limited time to 
manage public affairs are still of the people, and may do much by 
their example to encourage, consistently with the dignity of their 
official functions, that plain way of life 'which among their fellow- 
-citizens aids integrity. and promotes thrift and prosperity." 

The Monarchy thinks show grand ; the Republic votes 1 ^3 1 
it vulgar. O 

To sum up all, the government of the people in eighteen 
years has reduced its debt at the average rate of $55,000,000 
(11,000,000) per annum and the interest charge of its 
debt in that period to one-third its cost. 

It has abolished and reduced taxes from time to time, 
until there remains of internal taxation only the taxes 
upon whiskey and tobacco, stamps, etc. The income tax 
lias gone with the others. Such a record the world has 
not seen before. 

The answer to doubters of the stability of Democracy, 
like Sir Henry Maine, is here : December, 1885, 

Republican three per cents 103J 

Monarchical three per cents. . . . 99\ 

Were the consols of America perpetual like those of 
Britain, and not redeemable at a fixed date, their value 
woxdd be still higher. The triumph of Democracy is 
palpable in many departments. In education, in popu- 
lation, in wealth, in agriculture and in manufactures, in 
.annual savings, as we have seen, it stands first, but to the 
conservative mind surely the last domain in which the 
Democracy could be expected to excel even Great Britain 
is that of credit. It has been the boast, one of the many 
proud boasts of the dear parent land, that her institutions 
were stable as the rock, as proved by her consols, which 
.stood pre-eminent throughout the world. Now comes hei 
republican child and plucks from her queenly head the 
golden round of public credit as hers of right and places 


it upon her own fair brow. It lias been my privilege to 
claim many victories for Triumphant Democracy but surely 
the world will join me in saying none is more surprising. 
than this, that its public credit stands before that of 
Great Britain and first in all the world. 



"The plain truth is, that educated Englishmen are slowly learning- 
that the American Republic affords the best example of "a conser- 
vative Democracy ; and now that England is becoming democratic,, 
respectable Englishmen are beginning to consider whether the Con- 
stitution of the United States may not afford means by which, under 
new democratic forms, may be preserved the political conservatism, 
dear and habitual to the governing classes of England." DICEY. 

POLITICS are not the incessant theme in the Republic- 
which they are in the Monarchy ; this difference has its- 
rise in two causes : 

First. ISTo party in America desires a change in any 
of the fundamental laws. If asked what important law 
I should change, I must perforce say none ; the laws are- 
perfect. These being settled as desired by all, it follows 
that a vital question can arise but seldom. The " outs '* 
are left to insist that they could and would administer- 
existing laws better or more purely than the " ins." A 
politician may safely be challenged to state wherein the- 
Democratic and Republican parties of to-day differ. If 
one of the "outs" he will say that the "ins," having had! 
control too long have become corrupt, and that, as a new 
broom sweeps clean, a change is desirable. But ask him. 
which if any of the national laws or forms he would! 
change, and he is dumb. 

Second. The nation having by universal suffrage and 1 
equal districts committed to certain men the management 
of affairs for a short term, public sentiment says, let them 
have their innings and let us see how they succeed. We 


shall soon judge them by their fruits. They cannot bo 
put out till their terms expire, therefore there is no sense 
in our becoming excited over politics until the time comes 
for an election. The party in opposition cannot be stirred 
to action when it is impossible for it to obtain power. 
Therefore the political excitement which always exists in 
Britain, breaks out in the Republic only once every four 
years. One hears more political discussion at a dinner in 
London than during the whole season in Is'ew York or 

It is often charged that politics in the Republic are 
generally in the hands of men of position ancj. character 
inferior to those of similar position in Britain. This is 
quite true. Until the final form of her political institu- 
tions is reached in Britain, the important work ""to be done 
will attract able men. When the Civil War in America 
revealed the need for able men, America's best came for- 
ward and met the need. A notable change took place in 
the men who went to Washington. In the usual routine 
of national life in America the only political work to be 
done is such as young, briefless lawyers and unsuccessful 
men of affairs can easily perform. They have to follow 
public opinion, and are mere agents. When great issues 
no longer divide the British people, the same result may 
be expected. Able men not influenced by personal 
vanity and desirous of leading lives of the greatest pos- 
sible usefulness, will be unable to persuade themselves 
that attention to the administration of laws already fixed 
is the highest field, and will leave it to those of inferior 
nature or of less experience and ability. The highest 
ability and purest character, though lost to politics, will 
not, however, be lost to the nation, but really constitute, 
in a fuller sense, more vital parts of it, and enrich it more 
than they do now, when the final settlement of laws 
which is still to be made by the Democracy absorbs so 
much of their precious time. 

The difference between the House of Commons and its 
offshoot in Washington, which is productive of the most 
far-reaching effects, but which has hitherto received but 


little public attention in Britain, is the payment of its 
members. This difference is fundamental. Pay members, 
and the people are then properly represented. Parlia- 
ment is then the people's House. Refuse to pay members, 
and Parliament is primarily the House of the rich, and 
but imperfectly represents the masses. It is because this 
is the case that both Liberal and Conservative are found 
deprecating the payment of members, for it is still true 

" Triumphing Tories and despairing Whigs 
Forget their feuds to save their wigs." 

There are too many members of Parliament, both 
Liberal and Conservative, who owe their places to the 
fact that they can live without work to render any 
change easy. No other reason can be assigned against 
their payment, because members of the Cabinet and other 
great officers of State are paid as in America. Why 
should a Cabinet Minister receive a compensation and a 
Member none ? It will hardly be contended that an 
ordinary Member of Parliament would be disgraced, or 
his tone lowered, by accepting remuneration for his ser- 
vices as do Mr. Gladstone and the Marquis of Salisbury. 
When the day arrives in which poor, but eminently 
capable, men can enter public life in Britain, there will 
be little left of aristocratic institutions. Until they can 
do so even the House of Commons is the house of the 
rich as the House of Lords is the house of the landlords. 
The people are represented by neither. In the Republic, 
as we have seen, every man serving the State is mode- 
rately compensated. But mark also this, no man is com- 
pelled to take it. Every one is free to serve the State 
gratuitously if he so desire. 

The immense advantage resulting from the periodical 
election of officials is that they are less influenced by 
every passing wind of popular frenzy. They will more 
readily adopt a policy which their superior knowledge 
tells them will eventually produce good results, although 
at the moment excited popular opinion may be in oppo- 


sition. They at least are firm and are able to steer 
steadily. They do not lose their official heads until their 
term of service ends. The Ministers and Members of 
Parliament in Great Britain are like so many agile per- 
formers on the tight rope ; no one knows the moment 
they may fall, nor worst of all the cause which may 
throw them. The nation kept in a state of unhealthy 
suspense from day to day cannot unreservedly do its best 
work, because all eyes are turned to these performers. 
There is every morning the chance of a grand spill and 
no one wants to miss it. The fatal defect of the British 
Constitution, since the power of the Throne has gone, is 
a weak executive liable to be swept along by any gust of 
opinion. It cannot await the return of sober reason for 
the calm and settled conclusion of the people. It is the 
second and not the first will of the people which is the 
voice of God. As a consequence the members of the 
government do not hesitate to plead that they are not to 
be held responsible for such and such acts because public 
opinion demanded them ; as if they had not been desig- 
nated by the people expressly to withstand popular 
excitement and to do not what was popular but what was 
best, regardless of clamor. Such an excuse would be 
held in the Eepublic to disgrace a government. 

The influence of this condition of affairs upon the 
politicians of Britain is bad in every respect. They are 
tempted to sacrifice so much in order to retain place, 
that instead of producing a body of men whose first and 
last thought is for principle, the tendency is to produce 
men who are pliable to a degree, and ready to adopt any 
measures necessary to maintain their own party in power. 
We lately saw the Conservative Party passing Liberal 
measures rather than resign office, and a short time ago 
we saw the Liberal Party adopting Tory policy in the 
Soudan simply because they were afraid that if thev did 
not they might lose office. The most adroit, and must 
we say it, least scrupulous party managers and not the 
truest statesmen are the likeliest to receive and to retain, 


In these days when, much is said against the dangers 
of Democracy, De Tocqueville's wise saying should be 
remembered : " Extreme democracy prevents the dangers 
of democracy." Not only is the Eepublic, with its fixed 
terms of ofiice, its Supreme Court, and two chambers with 
real power a much more conservative form of government 
than the monarchy, since the power passed from the 
aristocratic few into the masses, but the people themselves 
have become, under republican institutions, a much more- 
conservative people in their political institutions than 
their progenitors conservative in the sense that they 
desire no change. The national Constitution illustrates 
this. Since its adoption in 1787, it has only been twice 
amended, and for many years there has not been one 
word added or erased, and the recent amendments made 
have resulted solely from new questions created by the 
overthrow of slavery on no other point has a word been 
changed. On the other hand, the British Constitution 
has been so tampered with from time to time as to becomo 
almost unrecognizable as its former self. Well may 
Tennyson write (I honor him by omitting " My Lord") : 

" As to any vital ' changes in our Constitutions I could wish 
that some of our prominent politicians, who look to America as their 
ideal, might borrow from her an equivalent to that conservatively 
restrictive provision under the Fifth Article of her Constitution. [ 
believe that it would be a great safeguard to our own in these days 
of ignorant and reckless theorists." 

Theories of the power of the people obtain in Britain 
which are unthought of in America. Such an Act as the 
recent Irish Land Bill, which took from the owners of 
property the right to let it in open market and enjoy the 
resulting revenues, would not find a party to advocate it, 
much less a House of Representatives to entertain it ; 
and, even if passed by both Houses and approved by the 
President, the Supreme Court would be bound to make 
it void, for a change of the Constitution would bo 
necessary to render such an act legitimate. Property t 
property ! property ! has been the cry of the owning and 
governing classes of the Monarch)', yet the sacred rights 


of property are to-day much more securely guarded by 
the Democracy of the Eepublic than they can possibly be- 
in the Monarchy. The capitalist and property owner is 
more secure in the enjoyment of his property in the new 
than in the old country. In land, for instance, he has 
most citizens sustaining him in his right, for the millions- 
own the soil in small parcels. Property in land stands, 
and always has stood, upon the same footing as any 
other kind of property. Therefore land proprietorship- 
has not been rendered odious by unfair advantages con- 
ferred upon it. Its sale is free ; and it is taxed upon its 
value as other property is. It can be taken at a valuation 
for railways or other public purposes. There is neither- 
primogeniture nor entail. The free play of the law of 
dispersion has been found quite sufficient to prevent th& 
troubles which afflict Britain in its management of the 
soil. When land is freer and subject only to the general 
laws regarding property, its owners will rest in peaceful 
possession, but never till then. 

The cable informs us that in Mr. Gladstone's plan for 
home rule special means are to be taken to prevent 
unjust laws being enacted by the majority in Ireland 
against the landlords ; and even so philosophic a man as 
my friend, Mr. Morley, is said to second the idea. With 
all due respect to these great men, I beg to point out 
that no surer means of making landlords more odious if 
possible than at present ever entered the human brain. 
It betrays a positive lack of knowledge of human nature. 
Give exceptional security or protection or privilege to 
any class, and it becomes at once a target for the bitter 
hostility of all other classes. Should unusual guarantees 
be provided, I venture to predict that instead of healing 
existing sores, these measures will become the seeds of 
graver ills to follow. Only what is equal rests in repose, 
and produces good fruit. There cannot be repose, i. e. 
equilibrium, without equality of the parts. 

We see the question of a graduated income tax coming 
to the front in the Monarchy. The Eepublic had this 
when immense sums were required to meet the cost of 


the Civil "War, but one, of the first taxes abandoned at 
the close of the struggle was the income tax. It was 
not reduced or made uniform, it was abolished ; nor has 
there ever been a movement to re-impose it. The 
masses favored its abolition although it was paid by the 
few, for all incomes below $2,000 (400) per annum 
"were exempt. I know of no temptation ever placed 
before a Democracy, to put the burden of the State upon 
the shoulders of the few rich citizens, as was contained 
in the suggestion not to inaugurate a new, but only to 
resist the repeal of this existing tax. They approved its 
repeal because it was shown that although theoretically 
the justest of all modes of taxation, in practice the 
honest citizen paid it and the dishonest escaped, and 
that to enforce its honest collection a thorough system 
of espionage and minute examination would be required 
not in harmony with the spirit of free institutions. 
The republican is jealous to a degree of the presence of a 
Government official armed with power to trouble him 
about anything. 

Since the Kepublic adopted the Civil Service Reform, 
it can no longer be charged that at every change of 
administration the petty officials lose their places, which 
never was the case to the extent popularly believed in 
Britain, for the staff were necessarily retained. I know 
of no remaining charge against the Democracy except in- 
ternational copyright and the alleged corruption of local 
politics. As before explained, the " outs " must accuse 
the "ins" of corruption, since the policy of the one 
party is that of the other. There is rarely any other 
reason for a change to be alleged, but, as Matthew 
Arnold very justly observes, charges of personal corrup- 
tion in America take the place of personal abuse in 
Britain, Salisbury being a "liar" and Gladstone a "mad- 
in an " as these gentlemen are held to be respectively by 
their most violent opponents. 

The question arises, if American officials politicians, 
I should say, for the officers of the courts and the army 
and navy are beyond suspicion if these be venal, where 


are those who have made fortunes by politics ? I have- 
known many hundreds of public men, but scarcely ever 
one who was not actually poor. "When the tenure of 
office is short, and the chance is great that one of the- 
opposite party will succeed and and overhaul all accounts, 
malfeasance in office must be rare. So it is. Very few 
defalcations occur. In the case of legislators, who may 
be bribed to vote for measures, it is to be noted that but 
little private bill legislation is known. A general railway 
law in the States, and general laws by which questions 
are decided, leave but little room for personal aggran- 
dizement. By this means legislation throughout the- 
country is kept substantially pure. Comparing the 
National Legislature at Washington with the British 
Parliament, I am persuaded that at least as many votes 
are given from, other considerations than those of 
honest conviction in the latter as in the former. True, 
the bribe is not the same in both cases ; pecuniary con- 
siderations have less weight in the older land, but there- 
is no radical difference whether members' votes are ob- 
tained by expected social rank or favor, or expected 
pecuniary gain. A longed-for title, even so poor a one- 
as that of baronet, is not less a bribe than so many 
dollars. The nature reached by the dollar may be the- 
lower man of the two, but he is at least not quite so silly. 
There is more sense in dollars than in titles " patents 
of nobility " at which the judicious laugh behind the- 
wearer's back, whispering to each other : " Pity the 
weakness of a poor old man." Viewed thus broadly, 
there is as much corruption in politics in the mother as 
in the child land, only its form varies to suit the taste of 
its victims. 

The trouble with the Liberal Party in Britain is that 
it leaks at the top ; no sooner does a commoner do good 
work in Parliament and acquire a position as a Liberal 
member, than he gets a bee in his bonnet. He or his 
wife and family longs to leave the ranks of the people- 
and receive a title. I know several worthy men who 
have deliberately sacrificed their proud position as English 


gentlemen, which is equal to any, to enter the ranks of 
aristocracy at the very lowest round of the ladder, 
some of them not even upon the ladder at all. By so 
doing they necessarily admit the idea of rank, and con- 
fess themselves the inferiors of all the other degrees of 
the class. These men insult the people from which they 
sprung by leaving them for the aristocracy. By accept- 
ing rank the newly made baronet gives an implied pledge 
that his earnest Liberalism is at an end. He is simply 
bribed, and henceforth is a muzzled dog. If not, ha 
is a traitor not only to his own class, but to the aristocracy 
he seeks to enter upon false pretences. By this sad 
aberration the Liberal Party is constantly denuded of its 
able men. A man born in the aristocracy may be re- 
spected, a commoner who accepts a new title rarely is, 
although he may be excused. The query of the old 
Duke, although not upon everybody's lips, is in every- 
body's thoughts : " How shall I treat these new men 1 
They are not noblemen, and they have ceased to be gen- 
tlemen." Not until the Liberal is far too proud of his 
manhood to place himself beneath any order whatever, 
will the Liberal Party hold assured sway, or even very 
greatly deserve to do so. 

The republican member could not be paid to change 
his name. The monarchist will generally pay largely 
in service for the ornamental appendage. The one is 
entirely free from all temptations to sacrifice conviction 
for social position, for this no government or official 
can influence in the slightest degree. The other must 
be possessed of rare independence indeed to escape the 
corrupting social influences which radiate from monarchical 

If we compare the Senate with the House of Lords 
the most prejudiced mind must surely grant the palm, 
to the republican assembly, for such a spectacle as a 
body constituting the land-holding class, so completely 
as to be justly called the House of Landlords, legislating 
upon land in its own interest, is not seen elsewhere. It 
is not a rare act for a member of the House in Washington. 


to rise and beg to bo excused from voting, because his 
personal interests are affected by a bill. Several pre- 
sidents of national banks have done so when financial 
questions were being voted upon. We do not recall the 
name of any member of the lords who has refrained from 
voting upon measures connected with the land. Even 
the bishops in that assembly may confidently be expected 
to vote against their coming expulsion instead of asking 
to be excused to act as public legislators to promote 
personal ends. 

I have spoken strongly of the Supreme Court, and 
of the courts in general of the nation. The judiciary of 
the United States is pure and able, and possesses the 
confidence of the people to a degree equal to that justly 
reposed by the British people in their judiciary. Thirty 
years ago a few foreign-born citizens, known as the 
Tweed King, succeeded in casting such reproach upon 
two of the city judges of ISTew York, as in the eyes of 
foreigners to envelop the entire judiciary of the country 
in a haze of suspicion, and at a later date, a disreputable 
railway owner, long since dead, corrupted another city 
judge. Even to this day, I find lingering traces of the 
bad effects of this in Britain. It is necessary to explain 
to them that K"ew York city being then really controlled 
by the foreign-born vote, it was sometimes easy to elect 
as city judges very unsuitable material. These, however, 
it must be noted, were only city magistrates, their deci- 
sions being subject to appeal to higher courts. The dis- 
covery of this corrupt ring led to prompt corrections. 
The leader was required to surrender his property, 
imprisoned in the penitentiary and died there. Others 
fled abroad and lived in hiding. Had the people failed 
to rise and throw party considerations to the winds and 
sweep away the disgrace, we should indeed have reason to 
doubt the wisdom of popular institutions; on the con- 
trary, they rose en masse, and, incensed beyond measure, 
swept the rascals from place. Since then the city 
government has been comparatively pure. 

Using the fact that three city magistrates in this 


foreign city of New York had become the tools of a 
corrupt ring as a foundation for general charges, I have 
heard people announce that in America the courts -were 
not pure. This Las no greater foundation than what I 
have stated. A moment's reflection will convince one 
that it Avould have been impossible for the commercial 
and manufacturing interests of the nation to develop so 
enormously were there not in every State pure and in- 
corruptible tribunals to render justice between man and 
man. The truth is, that in settled parts of the Republic 
courts of justice are quite as pure as those in corre- 
sponding situations in Britain, and justice is much more 
cheaply and more expeditiously administered. In the 
semi-civilized Territories of the West, where society is 
beginning to crystallize, there are, of course, all kinds 
of courts, from the rude but generally strictly just vigi- 
lance committee to the improvised judge, who sits upon 
the plain pine board bench in his shirt sleeves, and 
has not the strictest ideas of either judicial dignity or 
integrity. It is of this kind of court that the story is 
told of the trial of a man charged with the most heinous 
of all crimes there the stealing of a horse, the murder 
of a man in a street row being insignificant in comparison. 
The judge asked him if before sentence of death were 
pronounced he had anything to o/er to the Court. 
" Wall, Judge," said he, " I haven't much, but if a 
hundred dollars would see me through, 1 think the 
boys " (looking appealingly around) " would raise it for 
me ; " and they would have done so, no doubt, had the 
judge's words been meant as the prisoner construed them. 
In due time all this will pass away, and the courts 
now in the wilds of Dakota or Montana will develop 
into tribunals as free from suspicion as those which else- 
where grace the settled districts. If a man, knowing 
both countries well, had, unfortunately, to seek justice 
through the courts, he would certainly elect to bring 
his action upon this side of the Atlantic. The verdict 
would be much more promptly rendered and the cost 
much less. In neither land, I make bold to say, would 


there arise in his mind the faintest suspicion of the 
honor of the judges who weighed and decided his canse 
according to the law and the evidence, and this, I sub- 
mit, is much to say for both branches of the English- 
speaking race. 

Throughout this book my readers will have noted 
how frequently reference is made to the conservative 
mature of the political institutions of the Republic, and 
to the resulting trait of deep and abiding indisposition 
upon the part of the people to enter upon novel measures 
or untried fields of legislation. Lord Salisbury's sagacious 
mind has evidently been struck with all this. The close 
and critical study of the Constitution, and the various 
branches of the American Government, which it has been 
necessary for me to undertake in the preparation of this 
book, has not shown me what I did not knoAv before, but 
I feel bound to say that, in a much fuller and clearer 
light, the conservative character of these have been pre- 
sented to me, and per contra that the essentially demo- 
cratic structure of the British Constitution, with which I 
have naturally compared the former in my progress, has 
been shown to me in a remarkable degree. The political 
power of the non-elective monarch being of the past, 
although the social power is demoralizing upon the 
character of the people in every aspect of its operation, 
\ve are face to face with a government without fixity 
of tenure, and consequently without power as against 
popular tumult, exposed to every passion of the populace. 
As long as the populace did not elect the Members of 
Parliament, these were not compelled to give way to 
their temporary moods, but now, when manhood suffrage 
practically exists, these members are the servants of the 
masses, and will conform to their every whim. As a 
stanch republican with infinite confidence in the voice of 
the people, one who advocates the election of judges by 
universal suffrage, and who knows no civil rights which 
he is not perfectly willing to subject to the will of the 
majority, I warn the people of Britain that the masses 
are prone to be carried away temporarily by passion, and 



that it may be found necessary to interpose some shield 
between the sudden, fierce outburst of an excited popxi- 
lation, and the officials subjected to the strain, not to- 
thwart the sober judgment of the people, but to give it 
time to judge. This the Republic has in the fact that its- 
executive and legislative officials are not subject to re- 
moval by the popular voice. They serve their appointed 
term, and they submit for approval or disapproval the- 
results to their masters. With fixity of tenure in office, 
a Senate of which only one-third is changeable each two- 
years, and a Supreme Court composed of judges approved 
by the Senate, and holding office for life, and retiring 
upon a pension, by whom all legislative acts are subject, 
to be approved or rendered nugatory, our conservative- 
friends will have no difficulty in reaching the conclusion 
that so far as security and sound government go, they 
have strangely missed the truth that the most democratic- 
and ultra-republican community upon earth is much to- 
be envied by tho unfortunate supporters of an antiquated 
monarchical system which new conditions have robbed 
of all its virtues, leaving behind only forms bereft of 
power, to prevent liberty from degenerating into license,. 
popular tumult from overthrowing governments, or to 
prevent the peaceful enjoyment of property from being 
ruthlessly disturbed. I speak thus earnestly because I 
was a sad witness from an advantageous stand-point of 
the supreme weakness of the government in regard to the- 
late Egyptian War, and especially of its virtual abdica- 
tion of authority in committing to a man wholly unsuited 
to perform delicate tasks, the issue of peace or war in 
the Soudan, not because he was, in the judgment of the- 
Cabinet, the best agent, but because a whiff of manu- 
factured popular opinion seemed for a moment to demand 
the appointment. In like manner responsibility for the 
Soudan has been disclaimed because the popular opinion 
demanded it. I speak thus, not of any one government 
or another, Liberal or Conservative. The evil is in the 
system. In tho Republic no similar weakness is dis- 
cernible. The government is secure and can consequently 


afford to do not what is popular at the moment, but that 
which will, from its good results, become popular by and 
by. Some of my Radical friends may esteem this strange 
doctrine for a republican to preach, but such are yet 
to- learn that the equality of the citizen in a State is 
the surest antidote for violent revolutionary measures, 
and brings about, in many ways, deep and universal 
solicitude for calm, orderly administration. The privi- 
leges enjoyed by the masses are, in their estimation, far 
too precious to be disturbed. The Republic has seldom 
elected a popular orator, and never elected a public 
agitator as President. Believe me, the masses are only 
revolutionary when deprived of equality. 

Here is the record of one century's harvest of Denio- 


1. The majority of the English-speaking race under 
one republican flag, at peace. 

2. The nation which is pledged by act of both parties 
to offer amicable arbitration for the settlement of inter- 
national disputes. 

3. The nation which contains the smallest proportion 
of illiterates, the largest proportion of those who read 
and write. 

4. The nation which spends least on war, and most 
upon education ; which has the smallest army and navy, 
in proportion to its population and wealth, of any mari- 
time power in the world. 

5. The nation which provides most generously during 
their lives for every soldier and sailor injured in its cause, 
and for their widows and orphans. 

6. The n;ition in which the rights of the minority and 
of property are most secure. 

7. The nation whose flag, whererer it floats over sea 
and land, is the symbol and guarantor of the equality of 
the citizen. 

8. The nation in whose Constitution no man suggests 
improvement ; whose laws as they stand are satisfactory 
to all citizens. 

9. The nation which has the ideal Second Chamber, 


the most august assembly <ia tlie world the American 

10. The nation whose Supreme Court is the envy of 
the ex-Prime Minister of the parent land. 

11. The nation whose Constitution is "the most per- 
fect piece of work ever struck off at one time by the 
mind and purpose of man," according to the present 
Prime Minister of the parent land. 

12. The nation most profoundly conservative of Avhat 
is good, yet based upon the political equality of the 

13. The wealthiest nation in the world. 

14. The nation first in public credit, and in payment 
of debt. 

15. The greatest agricultural nation in the world. 

16. The greatest manufacturing nation in the world. 

17. The greatest mining nation in the world. 

Many of these laurels have hitherto adorned the brow 
of Britain, but her child has wrested them from her. 
The precocious youth may be tempted to paraphrase 
Prince Henry's boast to his father, and say to the world, 

" England is but my factor, pood my lord, 
To engross up gloVious deeds on my behalf, 
And I will call her to so strict arconnt 
That she shall render every glory up." 

But please do not be so presumptuous, my triumphant 
republican, I do not believe the people of Britain can be 
beaten in the paths of peaceful triumphs even by their 
precocious child. Just wait till you measure yourself 
with them after they are equally well equipped. There 
are signs that the masses are about to burst their bonds 
and be free men. The British race, all equal citizens 
from birth, will be a very different antagonist to the 
semi-serfs you have so far easily excelled. Look about 
you and note that transplanted here and enjoying for a 
few years similar conditions to yours the Briton does not 
fail to hold his own and keep abreast of you in the race. 
Nor do his children fail either to come to the front. 
Assuredly the stuff is in these Is'and mastiffs. It is only 


improper training and lack of suitable stimulating nourish- 
ment to which their statesmen have subjected them, that 
renders them feeble. The strain is all right, and the 
training will soon be ail right too. 

Much has been written upon the relations existing 
between Old England and Xew England. It is with deep 
gratefulness that I can state that never in my day was 
the regard, the reverence of the child land for the parent 
land so warm, so sincere, so heartfelt. This was inevitable 
whenever the pangs of separation ceased to hurt, and the 
more recent wounds excited by the unfortunate position 
taken by the Mother during the slave-holders' rebellion 
were duly healed. It was inevitable as soon as the 
American mind became acquainted with the past history 
of the race from which he had sprung, and learned the 
total sum of that great debt which he owed to his pro- 
genitor. It is most gratifying to see that the admiration, 
the love of the American for Britain is in exact proportion 
to his knowledge and power. It is not the uncultivated 
man of the gulch who returns from a visit to the old 
home filled with pride of ancestry, and duly grateful to 
the pioneer land Avhich in its bloody march toward civil 
and religious liberty 

" Through the long gorge to the far light hath won 
Its path upward and prevailed." . 

It is the Washington Irvings, the Nathaniel Hawthornes, 
the Eussell Lowells, the Adamses, the Dudley Warners, 
the Wentworth Higginsons, the Edward Atkinsons the 
men of whom we are proudest at home. Thus, in order 
that the republican may love Britain it is only necessary 
that he should know her. As this knowledge is yearly 
becoming more general, affection spreads and deepens. 

So much for the younger land's share of the question. 

And now, what are we to testify as to the feelings of 
the older land toward its forward child 1 My experience 
in this matter covers twenty years, in few of which I 
have failed to vioit my native land. I had a hard time 
of it for the first years, and often had occasion to say to 


myself, and not a few, times to intimate to others, that 
" it was prodigious what these English did not know." 
I fought the cause of the Union year after year during 
the Rebellion. Only a few of the John Bright class 
among prominent men, ever and ever our stanchest 
friends, believed, what I often repeated, that " there was 
not enough of air on the North American continent to 
float two flags," and that the Democracy was firm and 
true. When the end came, and one flag was all the air 
did float, these doubters declared that the immense 
armies would never disband and retire to the peaceful 
avocations of life. How little these ignorant people knew 
of the men who fought for their country ! They were 
soon surprised upon this point. I had to combat upon 
subsequent visits the general belief in financial circles 
that it was absurd to hope that a government of the 
masses would ever think of paying the national debt. It 
would be repudiated, of course. The danger passed, like 
the first. Then followed prophecies that the "green- 
back dodge " would be sanctioned by the people. That 
passed too. But well do I remember the difference Avith 
which I was received and listened to after these questions 
had been safely passed and the Republic had emerged 
from the struggle, a nation about to assume the front 
rank among those who had disparaged her. 

I fear the governing classes at home never thoroughly 
respected the Republic, and hence could not respect its 
citizens, until it had shown not only its ability to over- 
whelm its own enemy, but to turn round upon France, 
and with a word drive the monarchical idea out of 
Mexico. And then it will be remembered that it called 
to account its own dear parent, Avho in her official capa- 
city had acted abominably when her own child was in a 
death struggle with slavery, and asked her to please 
settle for the injury she had inflicted. This was for a 
time quite a staggering piece of presumption in the esti- 
mation of the haughty old monarchy, but, nevertheless, 
it was all settled by an act which marks an epoch in the 
history of the race, and gives to the two divisions of the 


Anglo-Saxon the proud position of having set the best 
example of the settlement of " international disputes by 
peaceful arbitration " which the world has yet seen. 
Prom this time forth it became extremely difficult for the 
privileged classes of Britain to hold up the Republic to 
the people as a mournful example of the folly of attempt- 
ing to build up a State without privileged classes. Their 
hitherto broad charges now necessarily took on the phase 
of carping criticism. 

America had not civil service ; it turned out all its 
officials at the beginning of every administration. Well, 
America got civil service, and that subject was at an end. 
Then the best people did not enter into political life, and 
American politicians were corrupt ; but the explanation 
of the first part of the charge, which is quite true as a 
general proposition, is, as I have shown, that where the 
laws of a country are perfect in the opinion of a people, 
and all is going on about to their liking, able and earnest 
men believe they can serve their fellow-men better in 
more useful fields than politics, which, after all, are but 
means to an end. " Oh, how dreadful, don't you know," 
said a young would-be swell to a young American lady 
" how dreadful, you know, to be governed by people you 
would not visit, you know." " Probably," was the reply, 
" and how delightful, don't you know, to be governed by 
people who wouldn't visit you." All of the indictments 
against the Republic have about disappeared except 
one, and that will soon go as the cause is understood, 
for international copyright must soon be settled. 

During the period covered by this sketch of my ex- 
perience, Britons have begun to read and hear more and 
more about the Republic, and, I am happy to say, to run 
over and see for themselves what the main division of 
the race is about. The former visitor invariably made 
the mistake of taking the semi-English semi-foreign New 
York city for the country. He had seen most of what 
was to be seen if he had spent a week or two here. So 
iie thought; but the really able Britons like Morley, 
Huxley, Froude, Freeman, Farrar, Irving, Kosebery, 


Bell, Richards, Fidgeon, Salt, Rogers, Seeley, Brycey 
Spencer, Arnold and; others, who are all personages at 
home, and many of them personages anywhere, this; 
class knows that until the Alleghany Mountains are 
crossed the real native is rarely to be met with. And 
certainly not unless the visitor has access to the homes of 
those who figure little or none in political life, can he 
see the best people of the land, or understand the founda- 
tion of personal worth upon which the State mainly 
rests. All this, these good friends of ours know quite 
well, and, upon the whole, I think the Americans may 
be quite satisfied with the impression they have made 
upon this class of British visitors. Their reports about 
America as far as I have heard them, direct, or from 
those to whom they have been spoken have ever been 
nattering, so that to-day I believe the affection with 
which the republican regards the old land is in a fair 
way to be reciprocated. 

When the example of a nation is quoted by the 
leading men of another in grave crises as the best means 
of rousing their own people to creditable action, we may 
safely infer that its position in their esteem is at least 
secure. The instances in which the Republic is r.ow-a- 
days called upon to serve as the inspirer of the old land 
are too numerous to mention, but only last evening I 
read a speech, made by Mr. Chamberlain, who is certainly 
nearer to the Premiership of Britain than any one except 
Mr. Gladstone, from which I extract the following : 

" To preserve the Union tbe Northern States of America poured 
out their blood and treasure like water, and fought and won the 
contest of our time; and if Englishmen still possess the courage 
and stubborn determination which were so lately the ancient 
characteristics of the race, and which were so conspicuous in the 
great American contest, we shall allow no temptation and no- 
threat to check our resolution to maintain unimpaired tbe effective 
union of the three kingdoms that owe allegiance to the present 

Note the IP, my fellow-citizens. " If Englishmen- 
still possess the courage and stubborn determination* 
which were so conspicuous in the great American con- 


test ! " Americans have been praised for their energy,, 
their devotion to education, and to religion, their in- 
ventiveness, their resolute pajTiient of debt, and for 
other qualities, but who could have believed that a 
leading statesman of Britain -would cite their high courago- 
and stubbornness to the old bull-dog race of Britons.. 
Mr. Chamberlain, however, in my opinion, does the- 
original race injustice. Men decreed by the laws of a 
State unworthy at birth to be equal citizens thereof, 
have no reason to fight very hard and sacrifice much for 
its maintenance. Give them the rights of the American, 
my dear Mr. Chamberlain, and you will then see ir> 
Britain what patriotism means. There is not yet in 
Britain a government of the people but a government 
and a people, Government is always thought of by the 
masses as something not of, but apart and above, them- 
selves. Americans may not be able to understand this, 
but it is quite natural in a country where government 
is based upon the idea that its head springs from a 
higher source than the voice of the people and is beyond 
their control, descending from parent to child by right 
of birth. Yet so advanced a man as Mr. Chamberlain, 
it will be observed, speaks of the three kingdoms which 
owe allegiance to the sovereign. He does not seem to- 
realize that just as long as the people owe allegiance to- 
anybody but themselves, so long will he look in vain to- 
his countrymen for the love and devotion to their country 
which is found in the breasts of Americans for theirs* 
They have not equal reason to love the land which gave- 
them birth. The Eepublic honours her children at birth 
with equality ; the Monarchy stamps hers with the brand 
of inferiority. 

The following from the most powerful Liberal organ 
in Britain, the Spectator (December 26, 1885), also in- 
vokes the action of the Republic as an example for the- 
original race. 

"Democracy ougnt to be strongest of all in its insistency that 
properly represented parts of the body corporate shall not set the- 
body corporate at defiance and set up for themselves. It was found* 


equal to tins strength of purpose in the United States, and we trust 
that it will be found equaUo it in the United Kingdom. The trial 
was severe, and the conflict was long; but the tenacity of the 
Democracy triumphed at last. We believe that it will be so with 
ns. If we show indecision, if we show weakness, if we show that 
the spirit of determination to put down the Secessionist tendencies 
of the day is not high within us, we shall undoubtedly be giving the 
first serious signal of national decay. We do not believe that it will 
be so. We believe that Great Britain, directly the situation comes 
out clearly before her, will nerve herself to as strenuous a policy 
as that which secured the integrity of the American nation in the 
great crisis of 1861." 

Democracy was found equal in the United States and 
we trust it will be found equal in the United Kingdom. 
The Democracy triumphed and we believe it will be so 
with us, we BELIEVE that Great Britain will " nerve her- 
self to as strenuous a policy as that which secured the 
integrity of the American nation in the great crisis of 

If the old land, you see, only comes up to the standard 
set by the new, it is all that is even hoped for, but under 
monarchical institutions it is impossible they can ever 
reach the standard. 

Monarchical institutions emasculate men, the masses 
in greater degree ; but even in public life to-day in 
Britain there is probably not a man of the rank of a 
Cabinet Minister, no not one, but would have bowed, 
and that low and repeatedly, if desired, to Gesler's cap, 
and smiled to think he had done himself no injury by 
so doing, since it was not a "practical question." Of 
course men can kiss the hand of the Queen, as one is 
proud to kiss the hand of any good woman, but how 
will it be when the Prince of Wales holds out his hand, 
and Messrs. Chamberlain and Morley, Collins and Broad- 
hurst, Trevelyan and Fowler, and others are required to 
kiss that ! I am not sure but that even these Eadicals 
may find it no stain upon their manhood to incur this 
degradation, but the first man who feels as he ought to 
feel, will either smile when the hand is extended at the 
suggestion that he could so demean himself, and give it 
a good hearty shake, or knock his Royal Highness down. 


I have heard of ladies of high rank who say they never 
would kiss the Prince's hand, but they need not trouble 
themselves upon this score, for the Prince will make 
himself immensely popular by reversing the process and 
kissing their hands instead. He is a gallant gentleman. 
It is not the man we declaim against but the effect of the 
customs, fit only for serfs, by which monarchy is sur- 
rounded, and which tend to keep men even Radicals 

The masses of Britain always have been, and are 
now with the Republic to the cere. Their warmest 
sympathies and intensest admiration are bestowed upon 
the Republic. This sentiment has already reached the 
educated Liberals ; the more pronounced the Liberalism, 
the more affectionately is the freer land regarded. The 
position of the country and its recent amazing strides, 
the peace and content which everywhere prevail, and, 
beyond all, the regard for law and order and for the 
rights of property, the unmistakable conservatism of the 
American people upon which I have dwelt, are fast 
making a decided impression upon the hitherto timid 
and misbelieving but educated people of the Conservative 
party. They cannot quite account for it, and are not yet 
open to the truth that political institutions, which make 
all citizens equal, necessarily produce the virtues which I 
have recounted ; but as no other explanation is seemingly 
possible, we may soon expect them to advance to its 
admission. Tory Democracy may riot, then, be an 
apparent misnomer, after all. 

I should like Americans to observe how rapidly the 
thinkers of Europe are discovering the merits of their 
institutions and example. Several of Britain's foremost 
men have recently visited the country. The historian- 
Freeman came first. Listen to what he says : 

"Your Constitution above all lias gone through the most frightful 
of trials, and it lias stood the test. I remember twenty years ago 
Low shallow people were crying out that the principle of a federal 
system was proved to be worthless because certain members of a 
particular confederation wished to separate from it. I can only 


suppose that they fancied that no revolts, no separations, no dia. 
meinberments, had ever taken place in lands governed by kings. 
The retort is so obvious that I need hardly point out that the recent 
experience of Greece, of Belgium, of Poland, of Lombardy, of Sicily, 
of half-a-dozen European lands, proved at least as much against 
monarchy as the secession of the Southern States proved against 
federalism. At all events, they did not stop to think that, after all, 
they were only backing up one federal commonwealth against 
another. They must have shut their eyes to the fact that the 
Southern Confederacy, in its short-lived constitution, re-enacted all 
the essential features of the Constitution of the United States. The 
fact is one which I should turn about in another way. I can con- 
ceive no more speaking tribute to the wisdom of any political system 
than the fact that the men who were most dissatisfied with its actual 
administration, the men who were most anxious to escape from its 
actual fellowship, of set purpose re-enacted its chief provisions for 
their own separate use." 

Mr. Freeman was followed by their foremost literary 
man, Mr. Matthew Arnold. Here is his conclusion : 

"As one watches the play of their [the Americans'] institutions, 
the image suggests itself to cue's mind of a man in a suit of clothes, 
which fits him to perfection, leaving all his movements unimpeded 
and easy. Ifc is loose where it ought to be loose, and it sits close- 
where its sitting close is an advantage. The central Government of 
the United States keeps in its own hands those functions which, if 
the nation is to have real unity, ought to be kept there ; those 
functions it takes to itself and no others. The State government* 
and the municipal governments provide people with the fullest 
liberty of managing their own affairs, and afford, besides, a constant 
and invaluable school of practical experience. This wonderful suit 
of clothes, again (to recur to our im:ige), is found also to adapt itself 
naturally to the wearer's growth and to admit of all enlargements. 
as they successively arise." 

The third of the trio is the historian Mr. Froude, and 
here is his verdict : 

* The problem of how to combine a number of self-governed com- 
munities into a single commonwealth, which now lies before English- 
men who dt'sire to see a federation of the empire, has been solved, 
and solved completely, in the American Union. The bond which, at 
the Declaration of Independence, was looser than that which now 
connects Australia and England, became strengthened by time and 
custom. The attempt to break it was successfully resisted by the 
sword, and the American Republic is, and is to continue so far as 
reasonable foresight can anticipate, one and henceforth indissoluble. 


" Eacli State is free to manage its own private affairs, to legislate 
for itself, subject to the fundamental laws of the Union, and to 
administer its own internal government, with this reservation only 
that separation is not to be thought of. The right to separate 
was settled once for all by a civil war which startled the world by 
its magnitude, but which, terrible though it might be, was not 
disproportioned to the issues which were involved. Had the South 
succeeded in winning independence, the cloth once rent would have 
been rent again. There would not have been one America, but 
many Americas. The New World would have trodden over again 
in the tracks of the old. There would have been rival communities 
with rival constitution?, democracies passing into military despotisms, 
standing armies, intrigues and quarrels, and wars upon wars. The 
completeness with which the issue has been accepted shows that the 
Americans understood the alternative that lay before them. That 
the wound so easily healed was a proof that they had looked the 
alternative in the face, and were satisfied with the verdict which 
had been pronounced. 

" And well may they be satisfied. The dimensions and value of 
any single man depends on the body of which he is a member. As 
an individual, with his horizon bounded by his personal interests, he 
remains, however high his gifts, but a mean creature. His thoughts 
are small, his aims narrow ; he has no common concerns or common 
convictions which bind him to his fellows. He lives, he works, he 
wins a share small or great of the necessaries or luxuries which 
circumstances throw within his reach, and then he dies and there is 
an end of him. A man, on the other hand, who is more than 
himself, who is part of an institution, who has devoted himself to a 
cause or is a citizen of an imperial power expands to the scope 
and fulness of the larger organism ; and the grander the organi- 
zation, the larger and more important the unit that knows that he 
belongs to it. His thoughts are wider, his interests less selfish, his 
ambitions ampler and nobler. As a granite block is to the atoms of 
which it is composed when disintegrated, so are men in organic 
combination to the same men only aggregated together. Each 
particle contracts new qualities which are created by the intimacy 
of union. Individual Jesuits are no more than other mortals. The 
Jesuits as a society are not mortal at all, and rule the Catholic 
world. Behind each American citizen America is standing, and he 
knows it, and is the man that he is because he knows it. The 
Anglo-Americans divided might have fared no better than the 
Spanish colonies. The Anglo-Americans united command the 
respectful fear of all mankind ; and, as Pericles said of the 
Athenians, each unit of them acts as if the fortunes of his country 
depended only on himself. A great nation makes great men; a 
small nation makes little men." 

We have also as recent witness the English writer 


Mackenzie, author of .a remarkable history of the nine- 
teenth century, and an excellent work on America. 
Here is the last paragraph of his work : 

" America has still something to learn from the riper experience 
and more patient thinking of England. Hut it has been her privilege 
to teach to England and the world one of the grandest of lessons. 
She has asserted the political rights of the masses. She has proved 
to us that it is safe and wise to trust the people. She has taught 
that the government of the people should he ' by the people and for 
the people.' Let our last word here be a thankful acknowledg- 
ment of the inestimable service which she has thus rendered to 

And, finally, we have Sir Henry Maine's " Popular 
Government," a work at which we must often smile, for 
Sir Henry is sorely afraid of Democracy, and charges 
popular government with all the tips and downs of the 
Spanish republics of South America and the French 
republic, and never, seemingly, stops to ask himself how 
these communities have gone on, or how they would 
go on were the rule of a class tried by them how France 
did under the monarchy or the empire, for instance. 
Nevertheless, when he comes to the American Constitution 
he gives us pages of favorable comment, and closes his 
book with these remarkable words : 

" The powers and disabilities attached to the United States and 
to the several States by the Federal Constitution, and placed under 
the protection of the deliberately contrived securities we have 
described, have determined the whole course of American history. 
That history began, as all its records abundantly show, in a condition 
of society produced by war and revolution, which might have con- 
demned the great Northern Republic to a fate not unlike that of 
her disorderly sisters in South America. But the provisions of the 
Constitution have acted on her like those dams and d^kes which 
strike the eye of the traveller nlong the Rhine, controlling the 
course of a mighty river which begins amid mountain torrents, 
and turning it into one of the most equable waterways in the 

" When the American Constitution was framed there was no such 
sacredness to be expected for it as before 1789 was supposed to 
attach to all parts of the British Constitution. There was every 
prospect of political mobility, if not of political disorder. The 
signal success of the Constitution of the United States in stemming 


these tendencies is, no doubt, owing in part to the great portion of 
the British institutions which were preserved in it; but it is also 
attributable to the sagacity with which the American statesmen 
filled up the interstices left by the inapplicability of certain of 
the then existing British institutions to the emancipated colonies. 
This sagacity stands out in every part of the ' Federalist,' and it 
may be tracked in every page of subsequent American history. Ib 
may well fill the Englishmen who live in face Romull with wonder 
and envy." 

So, my fellow Republicans, the world is coming 
rapidly to your feet, the American Constitution is being 
more and more generally regarded as the model for all 
new nations to adopt and for all old nations to strive 

As I have said in a previous chapter, Americans need 
not expect the aristocracy ever to regard with other 
than prejudiced mind and vindictive hate a State which 
flaunts in their faces the truth that their existence is a 
positive injury to the nation upon which they feed 
like parasites. How can a peer of Britain who is not 
more of a man than a peer, which few of them are how 
can he have the slightest wish for the prosperity of a 
nation which would not tolerate his existence as a peer 
within its bounds ? 

If any man believe that Queen Victoria, or the Prince 
of Wales, or Kaiser William, or any member of a royal 
family could receive more welcome news than that of the 
downfall of the Ee public which proves every hour to the 
parent lands that these royal people are only excrescences 
upon the State, the setters of bad example, and the very 
core round which the worst vices of English life gather 
and fester if any one can believe this, his estimate of 
human nature differs from mine. There is not a crowned 
head in the world, nor a member of a royal family who 
could refrain from secretly rejoicing at any disaster which 
befell a republic, and the joy would be in proportion to the 
magnitude of the disaster. This is not at all to be wondered 
at. Indeed it is obviously inevitable, and I must confess 
that when I hear of the downfall of any hereditary privi- 
lege I croon to myself, and am happy. No message so 


weet. I liavc my revenge. The overthrow of a monarchy 
and the birth of a republic, as in the case of France, 
is a perfect well-spring of joy to my heart. I fancy 
there are few Americans who are not equally delighted. 
Then let them know and understand that with a bitter 
hate is the Eepublic hated by the royal families and 
aristocrats, no matter how well they may dissemble and 
appear to wish it well for policy's sake. Let but the 
Eepublic be in danger and it will soon see how ready they 
are to stab it from behind. Fortunately their power to 
injure grows less and less, and even to-day is quite 
impotent to arrest the constantly increasing volume of 
genuine admiration and affection with which this country 
is regarded by all but this small noxious class which is 
rapidly fading away. 

The assimilation of the political institutions of the 
two countries proceeds apace, by the action of the older 
in the direction of the newer land. Year after year 
some difference is obliterated. Yesterday it was an ex- 
tension of the suffrage, to-day it is universal and com- 
pulsory education, to-morrow the joining of law and 
equity, and the next day it will be the abolition of 
primogeniture and entail ; a few years more and all that 
remains of feudalistic times will have disappeared and 
the political institutions of the two divisions will be 
practically the same, with only such slight variations of 
structure as adapt them to the slightly varying con- 
ditions by which they are surrounded. It has been and 
is my chief ambition to do what little I can, if anything, 
to hasten this process, that the two divisions may thereby 
be brought more closely into unison ; that the bonds 
between my dear native land and my beloved adopted 
land may be strengthened, and drawn more tightly to- 
gether. For sure am I, who am in part the child of both, 
and whose love for the one and the other is as the love 
of man for mother and wife, sure am I that the 
better these grand divisions of the British race know each 
other, the stronger will grow the attachment between 
them, and just as sure am I that in their genuine affection 


and indissoluble alliance lie the "best hopes for the eleva- 
tion of the human race. God grant, therefore, that the 
future of my native and adopted lands may fulfil the 
hope of the stanchest, ablest, and most powerful friend 
of this land and the Great Commoner of his own, that 
" although they may be two nations, they may be but 
one people." Thus spake John Bright, and echoing oncii 
more that fond hope, I lay down my pen and bid my 
readers on both sides of the Atlantic Farewell. 



Academy of Design, National, 


Adams, John, 107, 126, 147. 
Affairs, foreign, 275. 
Agriculture, 124. 

capital invested in, 142. 
capital invested in farms, 


comparative table of pro- 
gress, 127. 
crops, 131. 
farm system, 129. 
fifty years ago, 80. 
improved implements in, 


in 1880, 80. 
live stock, 137. 
Mulhall's table, 131. 
ratio of females employed 

in, 89. 

statistics in 1880, 124. 
Agriculturists, American states- 
men as, 126. 
number of, 88. 
Allegheny City, 48, 169. 
Ambulance corps, an American 

institution, 302. 
American hive, the, 88. 
Americans, fifty-five years ago, 


of to-day, 64. 

Animals, live, export of, 143, 187. 
Appleton, D. & Co., 247. 
Antimony, 178. 


Architecture in United States, 


Arfedson, 48, 59, 198. 
Army, 5, 265. 
Arnold, Edwin, 248. 

Matthew, 18, 20, 150, 248, 

286, 305, 332, 348. 
Arsenic, 178. 

Art, Americans as patrons of, 219. 
Art and music, 220. 
Art Union, American, 224. 
Athenaeum, Boston, 225. 
Atkinson, Edward, 28, 190, 191. 
Atlas, Statistical, of United 

States, 247. 
Australia, 77. 
Authorities quoted : 

Adams, John, 107. 

Addison, 231. 

Arfedson, 48, 59, 198. 

Arnold, Matthew, 286, 348. 

Atkinson, Edward, 28, 190, 

Bell, Lowthian, 82. 

Berkeley, Sir William, 93. 

Bishop, Mr., 147. 

Black wood's-Macrasme,! 824, 

Boston Records, 92. 

Bright, John, 353. 

Bryant, William Cullen,245. 

Burke, Edmund. 113. 

Caird, Mr., 144. 

Carpenter, Mr. Philo, 200. 

Chamberlain, Mr., 344. 

Channing, 146. 



Authorities quoted (continued). 

Cleveland, President, 193, 
278, 282, 283, 325. 

Cobbett, William, 34, 54. 

Confucius, 91. 

Cowen, Mr., 319. 

Cowper, 10. 

Cutter, Rev. Manasseh, 215. 

D'Argenson, Marquis, 196. 

Do Bow's Commercial Maga- 
zine, 114. 

De Bow's Review, 55. 

De Tocquevillo, 330. 

Dicey, Mr., 32G. 

Dryden, 235. 

Du Boy's "History of 
Criminal Law," 123. 

Eigenrac, 52. 

financial Reform Almanac, 

Fisher, Dr. Swainson, 35. 

Fiske, John, " American 
Political Ideas," 73. 

Forbes, Archibald, 30G. 

Fraser, Rev. Mr., 100. 

Freeman, Edward A., 347. 

Froude, James Anthony, 92, 

Giffen, Mr., 144. 

Gladstone, Mr., 251, 274, 
280, 313. 

Guizot, 219. 

Hall, Capt. Basil, 48. 

Harte, Bret, 303. 

Hazen, General, 292. 

Hinton, " Topography of 
United States," 79. 

Holmes, 0. W., 185. 

Huxley, Professor, 298. 

Jeans, " England's Supre- 
macy," 146. 

Jefferson, President, 72, 
104, 275, 276. 

Kalm, Mr., 126. 

Knox, John, 91. 

Lach Szynna, Rev. W. S., 

Longfellow, 96, 246. 

Authorities quoted (continued). 
Luther, 91. 
Lyell, Sir Charles, 54, 56, 

59, 93, 199. 
Macaulay, 5. 
Mackenzie, Mr., 350. 
Madison, President, 276. 
Maine, Sir Henry, " Popular 

Government," 325, 350. 
Martineau, Miss,53,61, 198, 

213, 216. 
Mayr, Dr., 119. 
Mulhall, 4,79,80,116, 128, 

131, 137, 141, 148, 174, 

177, 238, 310. 
Napoleon I., 219. 
New England Magazine, 

1833, 114, 
Pidgeon, Mr., Old World 

Questions and New World 

Answers," 163. 
Philadelphia National Ga- 
zette, 1834, 115. 
Philadelphia Public Ledger, 

1836, 236. 

Phillips, Wendell, 91. 
Plutarch, 91. 
Price, Sir Rose, " Two 

Americas," 298. 
Salisbury, Marquis of, 257, 

260, 296. 
Shakespeare, 236. 
Spectator, The, 1885, 345. 
Spencer, Herbert, 10, 16, 66, 

248, 299. 

Spencer, Thomas, 308. 
Saint-Prix, Berriat, 123. 
Tennyson, 330. 
Trollope, Mrs., 58. 
Washington, last message 

to Congress, 126. 
Weeks, Jos. D., 85, 87. 
Wells, Hon. David A., 147. 
Whitney, W. C., Secretary 

of Navy, 278. 

Wood, Mr. William, 98. 
Avenues of residences, finest. 39. 



Balance sheet, national, 308. 

Barley, 134. 

Bartlett, Captain, 295, 296. 

Basye, Lismund, 47. 

BeU, Mr. Lowthian, 82, 166. 

Bismarck, 20, 22. 

Blaine, Mr., " Twenty Years in 

Congress," 248. 
Boats, keel, 211. 
Boehmer, Mr., 301. 
Books, American, 245. 

circulation of standard, 248. 
Boston, 49. 
Bright, John, 6, 240, 314, 324, 


Buffalo, 39, 48. 
Bureaus, Government, 301 

non-political, 286. 
Bureau, weather, 290. 
Burns, 209. 
Butte City, 233. 
Butter and cheese, 138. 


Calhoun, 126. 

Calumet and Hecla mine, 176. 

Canada, 77, 246. 

Canals in 1830, 52. 

miles of and traffic in 1880, 

Carnot, 43. 

Century Magazine, 244. 

Chamberlain, Mr., 68, 344. 

Charitable institutions, 117. 

Cheese, 138. 

Chicago, 10, 37. 

Chisholm, Mr., 83. 

Chrome, 178. 

Church of England and the Colo- 
nies, 108. 

Church of England north and 
south of Tweed, 109. 

Church, a free, in a free state, 

Church (continued). 

power of the, in America, 

Roman Catholic, 109. 

and State, 109, 111, 112. 
Churches, statistics of, 105. 
Cincinnati, 48, 56, 233. 
Cities and towns, 32. 
Citizen, equality of the, 14, 22. 
Citizenship, the boon of, 13, 22. 
Civil Service Reform, 332, 343. 
Clarke and Co., of Paisley, 84 
Clarke, William, 197. 
Clay, Henry, 126. 
Cleveland, 39, 83. 
Cleveland, President, 193, 278, 

282, 325. 
Coal area, 173. 

compared with British, 180 
Coast Survey, 297. 
Coates and Co., of Paisley, 84. 
Cobalt, 178. 

Cobbett, William, 34, 54. 
Coke, 172. 

Colombia, Republic of, 277. 
Colorado, 177. 
Colonization, British, 9. 
Columbus in 1832, 49. 
Colonial policy of Britain, 76. 
Commerce and trade, 184. 

British, largely dependent 
on United States, 193. 

history,imports and exports, 

home, 190. 

increase of foreign, 188. 

internal, of United States, 
compared with European, 

table of wealth producing 

sources, 187. 
Commission, fish, 297. 

sanitary and Christian, 303, 


Comstock Lode, 175. 
Comte, Auguste, 217. 
Connecticut, 93, 119. 
Constellation, Federal, 251. 



Conditions of life, 52. 
Conservatory of Music, 234. 
Contests, political, sums spent in, 


Copper, statistics, 176, 181. 
Copyright, 248, 332. 
Cost of the Government, 318. 

of living, 84. 
Cotton, 80, 135, 186. 

gin, 7. 

manufactures, 153. 
Courtney, Mr. Leonard, 285. 
Cowen, Mr., 319. 
Crime and criminals, 118. 
Cromwell, army of, 5. 
Crops, barley, 134. 

cereals in 1880, 142. 

cotton, 134. 

fruit, 137. 

hay, 134. 

maize, 132. 

oats, 133. 

potatoes, 136. 

rye, 134. 

sorghum, 134. 

tobacco, 136. 

wheat, 132. 
Cyclopaedia, American, 247. 


Daily News, 244. 

Dairy, Uncle Sam's, 138. 

Dakotah, 27. 

Dalrymple, Mr., 80. 

Davis, Jefferson, 21. 

Deaf, dumb, and blind, 117. 

Debt, national, in America, 309, 

314, 325. 
Debt, national, of European 

countries, 309. 
Debts, State and city, compared 

with English cities, 310. 
Declaration of Independence, 22, 

Democracy, century's harvest of, 


Democracy, rural, principles of, 

Department, fire, 302. 

legislative, 258. 
Detmold, Mr., 201. 
Detroit, 48. 

Dickens, in " Pickwick," 242. 
Dilke, Sir Charles, 323. 
Disraeli, Mr., 272. 
Douglass, Mr., of Edinburgh, 

Duluth, 46. 

Earnings, comparative table of 
British and American, 8 1. 
Education, 91. 

amounts expended by each 

State, 97. _ 
free, opposition of Roman 

Catholics to, 97. 
public, America the only 
country that spends more 
on than on war, 97. 
public system of, 94. 
statistics of, 100, 104. _ 
table of annual expenditure 

in several countries, 96. 
Educational institutions bestowed 

by millionaires, 103. 
Egypt, British interference in, 


Election expenses, 270. 
Electric light, 65. 
Emigrants. See Immigrants. 
Erie, 169. 
Evans, Oliver, 210. 
Executive power, the President, 


Expedition to Pacific, first, 197. 
Exports, 4. 

animals, 143. 

beef, mutton, and pork, 141. 

butter, 143, 186. 

cattle, 139, 143. 



Exports (continued). 

Glin, Dr., 80. 

cheese, 138, 143. 

"God Save the Queen," new 

cotton, 135, 186. 

words for, 6. 

fruit, 137. 

Gold, statistics of, 174. 

hogs, 139. 

Government, American form of, 

live sheep and cattle, 143, 

more conservative than a 


monarchy, 330, 337. 

maize, 132. 

British, John Bright on, 324. 

meats, 143. 

cost of, 318. 

petroleum, 172, 187. 

departments and bureaus, 

timber, 152. 


tobacco, 136, 187. 

Federal System, the basia 

wheat, 133, 186. 

of, 253. 

Jefferson on, 72. 

local in Iowa, 69. 


non-political work of, 286. 

power of Supreme Court, 

Farms, area occupied by, 80, 

254, 255. 
power of, United States and 

capital invested in, 128. 

Great Britain contrasted, 

majority of American culti- 
vated by theirowners,129. 
table of, 129. 

relative cost of United 
States and British, 322. 

total value of Uncle Sam's 

revenues of the, 316. 

in 1880, 137. 
value of farm land, 130. 

United States, the largest 
printer and publisher in 

Farmers, number of, 88. 

the world, 300. 

Farrar, Archdeacon, 111. 

Granite, 178. 

Federal Constellation, 251. 

Grant, General, 19, 262, 266, 

system, 71, 251. 
Federation, imperial, 77. 

"Personal Memoirs of," 248. 

Ferro- manganese, 179. 

Greek Lexicon, the standard,247. 

Fitch, John, 210. 

Fire-engine, steam, 58. 

Fourth of July, 87. 


Foreign Affairs, 275. 

Franklin, 8. 

Hall, Captain Basil, 48. 

Froude, James Anthony, 92,348. 

Hancock, John, 147. 

Fulton, Robert, 210. 

Harbors and rivers, 296. 

Harper's Magazine, 242, 244. 

Young People, 243. 


Harrison, George, 68. 

Harte, Bret, poem, 303. 

Garfield, President, 269. 

Hazen, General, 292. 

Gas, natural, 168. 
General reflections, 326. 

Hill-side plough, 7. 
Hive, the American, 88. 

Gladstone, Mr., 251, 274, 280, Hogs, Uncle Sam's, 138. 

313, 330. Homo Rule, 71, 253, 331. 


Horn Silver Mine, 178. 
Horses, Uncle Sam's, 137. 
Howard, Mr., M.P., 138, 166. 

Idaho, 27, 232. 
Immigrants to far West, 34. 

from British America large- 
ly occupied in mamifac- 
ture, 83. 
nnmber of British, 1840- 

1880, 18. 
Immigration, statistics of, 17, 

value of, to United States, 


Imports, 185. 
coffee, 186. 
cotton goods, 18G. 
silks, 186. 

sugar and molasses, 186. 
tea, 186. 

wool, woollen goods, 186. 
Indianapolis, 46. 
Indians, annual expense of, 321. 
Industrial corps, four divisions 

of, 88. 

Industries, statistics of, 148. 
boots and shoes, 157. 
carpet trade, 156. 
colonial, 76. 
cotton, 153. 
in 1880, 79. 
flour and grist, 149. 
iron and steel, 150. 
lumber trade, 152. 
mixed textiles, 156. 
slaughtering, &c., 149. 
table of various, 158. 
woollen, 155. 
of vromen, 82. 
of to-day, 79, 82. 
Industry, American, 81. 
Institution, Smithsonian, 299 

Institutions, American, 347. 348, 
348, 350. 

charitable, 118, 121. 

educational, 103. 
Instruction, public, system of, 

in Connecticut, in 1700, 92. 
Inventions, American, 

British share in, 83. 

cotton-gin, 7. 

electric light, 65. 

fire-engine, steam, 58. 

hill-side plough, 126. 

mowing machine, 7. 

reaping machine, 7. 

Pullman car, 208. 

sewing machine, 7. 

steam-boat, 7, 64. 

sleeping car, 206. 

telegraph, 8, 12. 

telephone, 8, 65. 

whistling-buoy, 297. 
Iowa, 69. 
Iridium, 178. 


Jeannetto Expedition, 244. 
James River colonists, 126. 
Jefferson, President, 72, 104, 

126, 276. 

Jouett, Rear- Admiral, 277. 
Journalism, American, 244. 
July, fourth of, 87. 


Kansas City, 27, 47. 
Kendrick, Alderman, G8. 

Lead, statistics of, 176, 182. 
, Leadvillo, growth of, 179. 


League, copyright, 248. 
Legislative Department, 258. 
Libraries, statistics of, 249. 
Lexicographers, two American, 

Lexicon, tha standard Greek, 


Life, conditions of, 52. 
Light-house board, 297. 
Lincoln, Abraham, 19, 29, 43, 

266, 269. 
Literature, 236. 
Live stock, Uncle Sam's, 138. 
Living in Britain and America, 

relative cost of, 85. 
Livingstone, search for, 244. 
Longfellow, 246. 
Lyell, Sir Charles, 54, 56, 59, 

93, 199. 
Lynn, 78. 


Madison, President, 276. 

Macaulay, 5, 248. 

Machines, mowing, reaping, 

sewing, 7. 

Malibran, Madame, 230. 
Manufactures, boot and shoe, 78, 


in Colonial period, 76. 
comparative estimate of 
products in Great Britain 
and United States, 149. 
cotton, 155. 
estimate of power used in, 

in America, 160. 
importance of, relative to 

agriculture, 148. 
iron and steel, 187. 
Mulhall's table of progress, 


pig-iron in America com- 
pared with Scotch, 163. 
silverware, 161. 
survival of the fittest, the 
new interpretation, 158. 

Manufactures (continued). 

thread, 162. 

under British rule in 
American colonies, 147. 

value of, in 1880, 3. 

watches, 159, 162. 

women employed in, 89. 
Manufactory, first pianoforte, G3. 
Manufacturing nation, the great- 
est in the world, 148. 
Marble, 178. 

Martin, Mr. Edward, 166. 
Merriwether, Lewis, 197. 
Military power of United States, 

5, 265. 

Milwaukee, 39, 233. 
Mineral resources, 178, 
Mines, coal, 172. 

copper, 176, 181. 

the Comstock Lode. 175. 

gold, 174. 

Lake Superior, 176. 

lead, 176, 179. 

quicksilver, 178. 

silver, 175, 180. 

zinc, 178. 
Mining, 167. 
Minneapolis, 41, 42, 44. 
Minnesota, 27, 41, 45. 
Mississippi and its tributaries 
navigable system of, 10. 
Mitchell, Alexander, 40, 204. 
Monroe Doctrine, 276. 
Montana, 27, 45. 
Morley, John, M.P., 248, 331. 
Morse, Samuel F. B., 224. 
Murray, Mr. H., 80. 
Music and art, 219. 
Music in America, 230. 

National school of, 234. 

National balance sheet, the, 308. 
Nautical Almanac, 299. 
Navy, 5. 
Nelson, 19. 
New Orleans, 1 2. 

362 INDEX. 

Newspapers, American readers 

of, 238. 

number of daily, 15. 
first published in British 

colonies, 49. 
circulation of, 239. 
New York, 12. 

compared with London, 3G. 

in 1880, 57. 

water supply ,compared with 

that of London, 57. 
lighting of streets, 1830, 56. 
Now York Herald, 244. 
Nickel, 178. 
Nilsson, Miss, 232. 
Non-political work, Government. 


Oatmeal, American, 133. 
Occupations, 75. 

according to census, 1880, 

in Colonial period, 76. 

four divisions of, 88. 

women's, 82. 
OTDonovan, 244. 
Office, Hydrographio, the, 289, 

Naval Intelligence, 296. 

Patent,andits museum, 299. 
Officials, country, election of, 71. 

salaries of, 71. 
Opera, 231, 234. 

houses in America, 232. 
Operatives, factory, in America, 

in England, 60. 
Orchestra, Thomas', 234. 
Oregon, 27. 
Organizations, country, 69. 

local township, contrasted 
with English, 66. 


Painting, in United States, 225. 
Patent Office and museum, 299. 
Pauperism, influx of foreign in 

1833,114. . 
in Virginia, 1 14. 

in England and America, 


Pennsylvania Railroad, 5, 204. 
People, American, 16. 
Periodicals, number published 

in 1880, 238. 
Petroleum, 170, 187. 
Philadelphia, 36, 83. 

Public Ledger, 236. 
Picture gallery, first of impor- 
tance, 63. 

Picturesque America, 248. 
Pitt, William, 272. 
Pittsburgh, 11, 48, 168, 172. 
Platinum, 178. 
Population, capacity of United 

States to absorb, 20. 
Population, increase of, in Alle- 
gheny City, 48. 

in Boston, 49. 

in Brooklyn, 36. 

in Buffalo, 48. 

in Chicago, 37. 

in Cleveland, 39. 

in Cincinnati, 48. 

in Columbus, Ga., 49. 

in Detroit, 48. 

in Duluth, 46. 

in Indianapolis, 46. 

in Jersey City, 39. 

in Kansas City, 47. 

in Milwaukee, 39. 

in Minneapolis, 41. 

in New York, 36. 

in Philadelphia, 3G, 48 

in Pittsburgh, 48. 

in Rochester, 48. 

in San Francisco, 39. 

in Scranton, 48. 

in St. Paul, 41. 

in Toledo, 48. 



Population, increase of (contd.). 
in Minnesota, 41. 
in the United States, 2. 
in Wisconsin, 35. 
in the fifty largest cities, 

proportion of colored to 

white, 31. 

white between Lake Michi- 
gan and Pacific in 1835, 

yearly increase of, 35. 
Postal system, 56. 
President, extracts from message 

of, 278, 282, 283. 
power of, 265, 269. 
and Prime Minister of 

Britain compared, 272. 
Produce, dairy, 138. 

statistics of the National 
Butter, Cheese, and Egg 
Association, Chicago, 138. 
Products, agricultural and pas- 
toral, 124. 
value of agricultural in 

1884, 137. 
Pullman, George, 207, 208. 


Quicksilver, 178. 


Railway system, 11, 64, 202. 

Railways and waterways, 196. 

Reflections, general, 326. 

Religion, 105. 

Representatives, House of, com- 
pared with House of 
Commons, 259. 

Republic, The, 1. 

and Monarchy, in recent 
emergencies, 277. 

Revenues of the government, 


in 1935, 8. 

Richards, Mr. Windsor. 166. 
Rivers and Harbors, 296. 
Rochester, 48. 
Rosebory, Lord, 77, 261. 

Salisbury, Marquis of, 257, 260, 

Sandstone, 178. 

San Francisco, 38. 

Salt, 178. 

Savings of America, 1880, 3. 

Scott, Thomas A., 206. 

Scranton, 48. 

School system, common, 14, 70. 

law of Massachusetts, 1642, 

libraries, 250. 

tax, 99. 
Schools, in Connecticut, 92. 

cost of public, 1880, 102. 

in Massachusetts, 93. 

of music, 235. 

normal, 95. 

number of, 99. 

of painting, 227. 

private, 99. 

public, support of, 99. 

in New England in 1834. 

Virginia,Sir William Berke- 
ley on, 93. 

for women, 101. 
Scribner's Sons, Charles, 247. 
Sculpture, 227. 
Sects, religious, 107, 109. 
Self-dependence, American, 307. 
Senate, American, 259. 

and House of Lords com- 
pared, 334. 

Lord Salisbury on the, 260. 
Seward, Wm. H., 15 43. 



Seymour, Admiral, 281. 
Sherman, General, 266. 
Shipping, tonnage of. in United 

States, 190. 
American, 4. 
Signal Service, 289, 293. 
Silver, 175. 

mines of United States 
compared -with Spanish 
America, 181. 
Slavery, 12, 29. 
Smiles, Samuel, 248. 
Smithsonian Institution, 299. 
Society, Historical, New York, 

Spencer, Herbert, 10, 16, 66, 

248, 299. 

Stanley, Henry M., 244. 
Stanton, Edwin, 43, 266. 
States, Northern, 29, 32. 

relative size of American 
and European countries, 

Southern, 29, 32. 
Stead, Mr. Isaac, 83. 
Steamboat, Fulton's, 210. 

first in Mississippi Valley, 


on Western Rivers, 213. 
"Pilgrim," 216. 
traffic by, on the Ohio, 214. 
Steel rails, 38. 
St. Nicholas Magazine, 243. 
Stones, building, 178. 
Storey, Samuel, M.P., 68. 
St Paul, Minn., 41. 
Supreme Court, 255. 

Lord Salisbury on, 255. 

Tariff policy, 192. 
Taxation, 315, 331. 
Telegraph, 8, 12. 
Telephone, 8, 65. 
Tennyson, 246, 248, 330. 

Texas, 28. 

Theatres, 232. 

Thomas, Mr., 83. 

Thomas' Orchestra, 234 

Toledo, 48. 

Towns and cities, 32. 

origin of names of, 50. 

growth of, 46. 

Townships, organization of, 70. 
Trade and commerce, 184. 

carrying, 189. 

free, 11. 

Transportation, inland, 208. 
Travel, early modes of, 202. 
Treaty-making and war power, 

Twain, Mark, 175. 


United States, geographical for- 
mation, 9. 
Lakes of, 10. 


Victoria, Queen, 221, 281, 323, 


Wales, Prince of, 222, 273, 281, 


Wallace, Mr., 83. 
War and treaty- making power, 


Washburn Brothers, 42, 44. 
Washington, last message to 

Congress, 126. 
Washington Territory, 27. 
Watches, manufacture of, 162. 
Water supply of cities, 57. 
Waterways and railways, 19G. 
Wealth of United States, 2. 



Webster, Daniel, 126. 
Webster's " Spelling Book," 247. 
Weeks, Mr. Jos. D., 85, 87. 
Whitney, W. C., Secretary of 

Navy, 278. 
Wisconsin, 35. 
Wolseley, Lord, 319. 
Woodruff, Mr. T. T., 207. 
Wood, exports, 153. 

and its manufactures, 187. 

in the Territories, 153. 
Woods, in New York Museum. 

Wool-growing, 140. 
Wyoming, 27. 


Yachts, the Queen's, 323. 


Zinc, 178, 182. 






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