TROUBLES
CONNECTED WITH
THE PRAYER BOOK OF 1549.
DOCUMENTS NOW MOSTLY FOR THE FIRST TIME PRINTED
FROM THE ORIGINALS IN THE RECORD OFFICE,
THE PETYT COLLECTION IN THE LIBRARY OF THE INNER TEMPLE.
THE COUNCIL BOOK,
AND THE BRITISH MUSEUM.
EDITED BY
NICHOLAS POCOCK, M.A.,
LATE MICHEL FELLOW OF QUEEN'S COLLEGE, OXFORD.
PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.
M.DCCC.LXXXIV.
•<*.
WESTMINSTER:
PRINTED BT NICHOLS AND SONS,
26, PARLIAMENT STREET.
a
-,
[NEW B£RI£8 XXXVII.]
COUNCIL OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY
FOR THE YEAR 1883-4.
President,
THE RIGHT HON. THE EARL OF VERULAM, F.R.G.S.
J. J. CART WRIGHT, ESQ., M.A., F.S.A., Treantrer.
WILLIAM CHAPPELL, ESQ., F.SJL
F. W. COSENS, ESQ., F.S.A.
THE HON. HAROLD DILLON, F.S.A.
JAMES E. DOYLE, ESQ.
REV. J. WOODFALL EBSWORTH, M.A., F.S.A.
JAMES GAIRDNER, ESQ.
SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER, ESQ., LL.D., Director.
J. W. HALES, ESQ., M.A.
ALFRED KINGSTON, ESQ., Secretary.
ALEXANDER MACMILLAN, ESQ., F.S.A.
STUART A. MOORE, ESQ., F.S.A.
THE EARL OF POWIS, LL.D.
REV. W. SPARROW SIMPSON, D.D., F.S.A.
WILLIAM JOHN THOMS, ESQ., F.S.A.
The COUNCIL of the CAM DEN SOCIETY desire it to be under-
stood that tbej are not answerable for any opinions or obaerra-
tions that may appear in the Society's publications; the Editors
of the several Works being alone responsible for the same.
PREFACE.
THE documents here printed form part of a large collection origi-
nally intended for a continuation of the Records of the Reformation,
the first part of which was published at Oxford by the Delegates of
the Clarendon Press in 1870. Owing to the limited sale which
these volumes met with, the Delegates were unwilling to continue
the publication, and no bookseller or publisher would undertake
the risk of printing a series of papers for which there was no hope
of a remunerative sale. Under these circumstances these documents
have remained in manuscript as they were copied together with
several epitomes of the scarce pamphlets and volumes of the period,
which throw light upon the history of the changes in religion.
Nearly all of them belong to the reign of Edward VI., for the
editor had long ago abandoned his intention of publishing a second
part of the Records, which would have continued the history of
ecclesiastical affairs from 1533 to the end of the reign of Henry
VIII., and purposed devoting his attention to the following reign
— from 1547 to 1553. The reason for this was that the late Mr.
Brewer's volumes of the State Papers and Documents of that reign
were rapidly progressing, and seemed likely soon to reach this period,
and his accounts of all important papers were so full and accurate
CAMD. 8OC. a
II PREFACE.
that it would not have been worth while to publish a selection of
ecclesiastical documents which would for all practical purposes have
appeared in these volumes sufficiently epitomised. • But there was
no danger of such interference as regards the reign of Edward VI.;
for, though the foreign papers of that reign in the Record Office
had been admirably executed by the late Mr. Turnbull, there yet
remained an immense mass of documents in the Cottonian Library
and elsewhere which had been left unnoticed, and many of them
perhaps entirely unknown to historians, the perusal of which would
have been indispensable for any one who would take an accurate
survey of the transactions of the period. And, what is much to be
regretted, the Domestic Papers had been epitomised in the most
meagre way in the first volume of the Domestic Scries, which begins
with the year 1547 and ends with 1580.
No reflection is intended by this remark on the labours or skill
of the editor of the first volume, which extends over the reigns of
Edward, Mary, and part of Elizabeth. The papers are perfectly well
represented by Mr. Robert Lemon, but he, probably following his
instruction;!, has just given the heads of the matters treated in each
paper, so as to afford a perfect method of identifying the paper, but
not so as to supersede the necessity of referring to the document
itself. The mistake seems to have been discovered after its publi-
cation, for in all subsequent volumes of the series the plan has
been changed; and even as regards the omitted documents of the
earlier period, which have been from time to time published as
appendices to Mrs. Green's volumes, the analysis of papers has
been on a much more extended scale.
It is much to be regretted that the same permission, granted to
Mr. Brewer as regards the State Papers of the reign of Henry VIII.
PREFACE. in
was not extended to the other calendarers of succeeding reigns, for
the number of such papers which exist in other collections probably
greatly exceeds that of the documents now in the Public Record
Office; and it is not yet too late to add a collection of documents of
the reigns of Edward and Mary from the Cottonian and other
libraries to that valuable series. Meanwhile the contents of the
following volume, which are almost entirely new, may not be
unacceptable to readers who wish to form a fair estimate of the
means by which the reformation of religion was effected and the
characters of those who were the chief instruments in bringing it
about.
With the view of enabling the reader to understand the subject, a
considerable number of notes has been added at the foot of the text,
which serve to explain who the principal actors in the affairs of this
reign were and what were their objects. These notes do not profess
to give anything like a complete life of the persons to whom they
refer, but only so much of their actions as may serve to illustrate
the character, and the changes of belief, whether real, or professed,
or of a mixed character, by which they were actuated.
The papers here published will tend to show how untenable is
the theory that the principal agents in the Reformation of the reign
of Edward VI. ever intended to stop short with the first Prayer
Book of 1549 ; they are a link in the evidence, which is tolerably
complete perhaps without it, that there was a systematic attempt
from the first on the part of Somerset and his colleagues to bring
doctrine to the state in which it appears in the second Prayer Book
of 1552, which there is reason to think would have been further
carried out in a third Prayer Book, if the premature death of the
King had not put a stop to all their proceedings. Most of the
IT PREFACE.
papers here printed are connected with the attempt to establish
the first Prayer Book ; but to understand the true view of the case
it would be necessary to compare the gradual changes introduced,
first in " The order of the Communion," published on the 8th of
March, 1548, with its .preliminary Proclamation by the King,
acting, as he states, " under the advice of our most dear Uncle and
other of our Privy Council," with the further advance of the Book
of Common Prayer, printed exactly a year afterwards, and the more
advanced Protestantism of the second book, published in the autumn
of 1552.
These, together with the entries relating to Church matters in
the Council Book of the reign, will show that the bishops of the
time were mere tools in the hands of the Council, whilst those who
resisted the changes, or having given a reluctant consent and then
withdrawn from the affair, were deprived, and others substituted in
their places, after an agreement made to part with some of the
revenues of their sees.
No one who had read the evidence of all this to be found in the
Council Book, and in Rymer's Fcedera, could suppose that the
principal agents in the Reformation of this reign were influenced
by any feelings of religion in their reckless dealing with Church
doctrine and spoliation of Church property. Somerset himself was,
probably, a firm believer in the system of Calvin, and may have
encouraged himself in the idea that he was one of the elect who
could not fall from grace. His successor, Northumberland, was
certainly, during the whole of this reign, playing the part of a
hypocrite, appearing on the Protestant side, though all along
believing, if he believed anything, in the articles of the old faith —
if his own assertion at his execution is to be taken for the truth.
PREFACE. V
Some faint show of resistance was sometimes made by the bishops,
but they were easily overpowered. For a considerable part of the
reign there were only two who had seats in the Council — Cranmer,
of Canterbury, and Tuustall, of Durham; but Tunstall seems
scarcely ever to have been present, and Goodrich, Bishop of Ely,
who appears to have been made a councillor some time before he
was chancellor, would not have had the slightest influence, even if
he had had any inclination to exert himself, to stem the tide of in-
novation. Cranmer's name appears frequently in the Council books,
and may be seen repeatedly in the following records. But, though
the main features of the life of the other agents in these trans-
actions have been detailed, it has not been thought worth while to
repeat what is now tolerably well known of the compliant temper
of the Archbishop, who was content to celebrate the office of the
mass at the very time when he believed it to be idolatrous and
blasphemous — having passed through the phase of Lutheranism,
and settled down into the Zwinglianism which is represented in
the second Prayer Book of 1552. For those who want to form
an estimate of his character, without the trouble of wading through
the history of the Reformation, it will be sufficient to give a refer-
ence to Lord Macaulay's account of him in his review of Hallam's
Constitutional History of England, or to an article in the Saturday
Review for July *£, 1868.
Neither has it been thought worth while to give any account of
Cardinal Pole, whose name appears in these papers, in the request
of the Commons of Devonshire and Cornwall that he should be
recalled and placed in the Privy Council. But it may be well to
refer the reader to the letters which passed in the course of this
year between the cardinal and the Protector, which Tytler seems
Ti PREFACE.
to have misunderstood. Pole wrote from Rome to the Earl of
Warwick, April 6th, 1549, a letter which, though expressed in
ambiguous terms, evidently means that he is anxious and willing to
co-operate with the Council in uniting both parties in the realm.
He mentions that on the same day he had sent to Somerset two
messengers, giving him information and advice about the state of
the country. On the 6th of May, Pole wrote again to Somerset a
letter, which Somerset replied to on the 4th of June. This reply
is so important that we have thought it well to insert it here :
SOMERSET'S LETTER TO POLE OP JUNE 4, 1549, IN REPLY TO
A COMMUNICATION OP POLE TO SOMERSET, which is alluded
to in Pole's letter to Warwick, April 6th, 1549.
To the Cardynal Pole.
Having received and perused your letters of the sixt of Maie, we
i«>ok some hope and comfort as though at the last you, perceiving
the abuses of Rome [the deceit and hypocrisy wherewithal the
world hath been of long time blinded, and the abominations there
used and frequented as well in life as doctrine], had now had an
eye and respect unto your natural country ye were born in [and] a
regard of your duty to your sovereign and liege lord the King's
Majesty, and to the light of Christ's word in this realm truly and
sincerely taught. And upon that consideration had directed down
your messengers, written your letters, and given instructions [such
as had become you] that ye would have used the mercy, softness,
and clemency of the king's highness' reign, and have claimed the
lenity of these times. And according to his Majesty's most gracious
liberal and free pardon had desired to have come home, and at the
last relinquished all thoughts and purposes the which had been to
the contrary, and have done the duty of a true and faithful subject
PREFACE. Vll
as a good Christian man ought to do. But when afterwards we read
your instructions we did perceive the thing to be far otherwise, and
nothing else to come from Rome than heretofore hath been wont,
under colour of holiness, things neither convenient nor expedient to
the king's highness and the realm. Wherefore, saving only that
we had and yet have a persuasion that it may be that you did this of
a sincere mind and of a will indeed such as is pretended, that is to
say, to do and say such things as ye thought expedient for the realm ;
and hereupon whatsoever it is that you have written for that cause
is of us to be taken in good part (the will meriting pardon or
thanks), whatsoever the deed doth deserve, we had greatly repented
us that ever we would so much yield ourself as once to hear ministers
or read your writings. The which, although they made no answer,
yet we cannot well omit as well friendly to declare again unto you
how much you do mistake things that be here as ye boldly dare
write of them that which is neither true nor convenient.
And first in all your whole process it appeareth to us [that you]
take upon you, as it were, a part; and as ye were a foreign prince
to encontre and face the king's majesty whom, if you could make
afraid with your vain terrors, ye would offer a place where ye would
be content to talk with him or his commissioners to that intent sent.
Marye ye will have the choice of the ground indifferently. And as
his Majesty must have his realm to talk or send unto you his subject
and owing natural duty and obedience unto him, so you would be
bold to borrow ground of another prince to bring your natural prince
or his commissioners thither where ye might talk with his highness
or his commissioners on an equality.
It is so long ago sith by the great grace of God we have forsaken
that usurped power of the state of Rome that these things scemeth
to us very strange and unmete, as we suppose they ought to do to
every faithful heart of an obedient subject.
As to your terrors, first ye object that the king's majesty is a
child; it is truth, in age; but then you must add, endued with such
grace, so much aided by the providence and gift of Almighty God,
Till PREFACE.
so roborrated and strengthened with faithful, true, loving, and well •
agreeing counsellors and subjects; that, as it may well appear by
the success of things hitherto, either to defend his own or to repress
the injuries of others, no prince of any age this many years before
hath been more able.
The which a* we take to be the favourable gift of Almighty God,
so we do see no cause why this should be a terror unto us In
Scripture, Josiah was no old king even when he died and was so
sore lamented, no nor yet Salomon when he best reigned and was
most praised. And because ye retort us as it were to examples at
home, ye do mistake King Henrie the Sixth's reign, whose child-
hood was more honorable and victorious than was his man's estate.
And King Edward's children could have been no example unto
you if their father's brother had not been so greedy of the crown.
But when God will plague and scourge his people of Englond, we
see as well not only seditions and insurrections, but also depositions
and murders of old Kings in this realm by Herold, Edward and
Richard the Seconds and Henrie the Sixt, as we do of kings
being children. And if the histories of Chronicles be searched, far
more examples both in number and weight of old kings murdered
and deposed than of kings of young age. But we, not mistrusting
the Lord, put our whole confidence in him, who is able and doth
defend our King and prince, his elect vessel, against all his enemies,
as well in childhood as we trust his grace shall do in his majesty's
man's estate.
Where ye touch our own private grief and sorrow, the same
might have chanced at any age of the King's majesty. If God
leave a nobleman to himself and withdraw his grace from him as
hath too often (if it had otherwise pleased God) chanced in this
realm at all ages of kings : We for our part impute it to the malice
of the devil and unfortunateness and lack of grace of our brother
(as indeed it is to be imputed), not to the tender age of our
sovereign, which is no cause why any man should offend.
Your other discourse of the princes, that be our next neighbours,
PREFACE. ix
is as derogatory to the honour of them as the rest is to the King's
majesty.
First for the emperor's honor, it appeareth smally regarded of
you, if you think after such amities, leagues and treaties made, so
firmly sworn to and bound, so long and so inviolably kept and
observed on both the parties, under a pretence of justice he should
invade another King's realm and go about open injuries and
wrongs. And if he should, do ye not think that God would aid
the unjustly vexed? and overthrow the unrighteous going about
to oppress the innocent ? For as for the weakness of that quarrel of
the dowager's divorce, which is so long ago past, such amity and
leagues coming between doth declare a will and a desire of some
men to break the amity if it might be, and to bring his majesty
upon the realm with some pretence, as it is not denied, and ye
know that it hath been so travailed in. But yet it appeareth even
by the same how much matter malice doth lack where God
defcndeth and princes regardeth their honour.
As touching France and Scotland (God be thanked !), experience
sheweth nothing lost on our behalf nor won on their parts, either
by open enmity or doubtful friendship. And as it is no news to
England to have war with both those nations and not to lose ; so
there is no cause why that, when it shall please God so to incline
princes' hearts, there may not be a friendship and peace concluded
betwixt us and them without all such doubt as ye do move.
Your last peril of giving a colour to princes by the schism, as ye
call it, from the see of Rome, hath been by the great and common
author and chief cause of disobedience of subjects and dissention
amongst princes so often attempted and so vainly (God always
assisting and defending his servants, sticking to his holy word and
pure and sincere teaching of the gospel) that we have hope that all
other princes shall rather come to the true knowledge of their
authority and the detestation of the usurped power of the see of
Rome, than any one for that quarrel would attempt the hasard of
CAHD. 8OC. b
X PREFACE.
battle and war with those men whom God, as we trust, hath taken
under his protection.
The conclusion, and that that ye make the extreme peril and
danger, may peradventure be known to you at Rome, of a dissension
amongst our bishops upon the chiefest points of religion. We here do
know no such thing; but, on the contrary, by a common agreement
<>f all the chief learned men in the realm the thing of long time and
maturely debated among them which had most opinion of learning
in the Scriptures of God and were likeliest to give least to affection,
as well bishops as other equally and indifferently chosen of judg-
ment, not coacted with superior authority nor otherwise invited, but
of a common agreement amongst themselves, there was first agree-
ment on points and then the same coming to the judgment of the
whole parliament, not severally divided, but all men admitted to
the hearing and debating at large, before all states and persons
hearing what could be said against it, by one whole consent of
the upper and nether house of the parliament finally concluded and
approved; and so a form and rite of service, a creed and doctrine of
religion by that authority and after that sort allowed, set forth, and
established by act and statute, and so published and divulged to so
great a quiet as ever was in England and as gladly received of all
partes. Whereof ye yourself, if ye had been here and did bear that
affection ye pretend to your country, should have had great cause
to rejoice. If yet in a school point or two some one or two perad-
venture will be singular in opinion, and not be satisfied in things
which be not in that book, whether he be bishop or other, as ever
hitherto it hath been seen in all meetings of learned men; what
doth that derogate the quiet of the realm when they receive the
law and be obedient unto it ? Which if else they should not, the law
will apprehend them before they can or shall make any disturbance
or disquiet in this realm and punish the faulty according to justice.
Thus the public peril being but vain and none in deed, which
you with words doth so much exaggerate, it must needs follow that
PREFACE. XI
that colloquy or parliament which you speak of and would so fain
invite us unto, for remedy of those perils is superfluous and nothing
necessary. Besides that, that is neither honorable nor convenient.
A prince of an absolute power to go out of his own realm or send
to treaty [of such matters] * with his natural subject and specially
of such matters, the which are already composed and set in order,
and if they were not, yet, thanks be to God, there wanteth neither
learned men nor good men in the realm to discuss, examine, com-
pose, and perfect all such things as concerning these matters which
might heretofore be accounted doubtful. And yet your device were
not the best or likeliest, whereof the sum is that there should be
indifferent men chosen betwixt the realm and the church of Rome'
And you are one, a man indifferent, and therefore ye labour much
to be one. These indifferent men should set an order first for the
indifferentness. If the controversy be of taking away abuses, super-
stition, idolatry, the which should be indifferent in that to bring
them in again or to keep them out still; We may peradventure in
the way of reasoning grant them to be indifferent towards men, but
surely to God wards, which is the true trial and judge, they be
ungodly, devilish, and wicked.
If it be for a superiority and a temporal rule that the Pope
should have, as a man may safely guess that to be the very meaning
of this colloquy ye would have, it is marvel how you should be
indifferent on their behalf; to whom ye have sworne, and unto
whose power and authority (as ye write) ye have resigned yourself.
For our parts, that are true Englishmen, and faithful subjects to the
king's majesty, we suppose there is no one indifferent man in that
point. And we would be sorry there should ; but we will all live
and die in his highness' quarrel; and sooner spend all our lives and
goods than his majesty should lose of his regality and imperial
power one jot. And, therefore, we do profess no indifferency in
• The part within brackets and underlined has been struck through.
Xll PREFACE.
those matters; but if we knew any such indifferent man as you speak
on in the king's majesty's realm, it should not be long before he
should have as he deserveth. [And if we should forgwear and
neglect our dutie* tktrein the common people would pluck him in
piece*, to whom the name of the Pope is at odiotu as the name of
the devil hitntflf.]* For even to the end, touching that cause to
have any superiority or authority away from the king, is so odious,
that in no case they may abide to hear of it. So that, [tWr«/,]b
for that point, if the colloquy shall rest till indifferent men be found,
it is like to sleep this good while. And, except there be more need
than we see, it may sleep well enough, and be no more spoken of.
After this, ye declare private perils, as ye call them, both of the
king's majesty, us, and the rest of the Council, and travail much in
that the redress might be made in the king's majesty's minority.
And here ye go about to bring in doubt his highness' title to the
crown, which being so just, so clear, so without all manner of sus-
picion of doubt, if that see can find the means to fetter itself so
that it can trust to have a pretence to make it doubtful, and so to
persuade other, it is no marvel though the most prudent prince,
the late king of famous memory, did conceive a just hatred unto it.
And so ought all other princes do who doth look to the safety and
security of the reign of their posterity. For when the king our
sovereign lord and master's title can be thought by that see to be
brought to ambiguity, let never prince think his posterity sure by
any title where the Bishop of Rome may have the interpretation.
Wherefore, things being here so composed and set in order as they
be, the realm established in this most godly and civil policy that it
is already in, no wisdom will counsel us to hear or to go about any
mutation or change, especially from the better to the worse, and
though man's wisdom would so move, yet the truth of God's word,
• The part* bracketed and underlined hare b«en struck through.
k The word M iadeed " is •truck through.
PREFACE. Xlll
with safe conscience, will not suffer us to admit any such dangerous
and inconvenient connsels.
But forasmuch as ye naming both to be partial striveth to seek
out a mean way of indifferency, and of a counsel!, parliament, or
colloquy so gathered, if there were or might be a counsell so
gathered of good, wise, discreet men, learned in the lawes of God,
and not affectionate, who would suffer the gospel and the word of
God, not the decrees and constitutions of the bishop of Rome, to be
the Judge, we never would refuse them, but do not doubt in that
judgment to have the over hand. And as much as any man we do
desire such a counsell or colloquy to be universal, as we trust it hath
been here with us particular. And this for the truth and justness
of our cause.
As for reconciling and appointments betwixt the realm and the
bishop of Rome or other foreign kings and princes which ye make
so hard because they differ from us in some mean points of religion
concerning extern rites and other ceremonies or superiorities,
though they do so, seeing we agree in one God and one Christ, why
should that let us of amity and league, and why should that be
occasion of enmity and war? Why should it break amity which
before this time ...*..* some bishops of Rome, emperors, and
kings hath had with the Turk and kept the same faith[fully].*
And to the intent ye may the better know of our doings we have
delivered to those which brought your [bokes] b letters the book of
Common Service, the same whereof here before we have spoken
•greed upon in the parliament. In the which if ye can find any
fault we shall gladly receive your letters and hear your judgment
given thereupon, and shall as gently cause the reasons to be rendered
unto you, wherein we do not iear ye shall be satisfied.
But if the love of your country do now move you, and ye have a
remorse and desire after so long exile to return your old age into
• Tom. b The word " bokes " is struck through.
XIT PREFACE.
the quietness of the motherly soil and air of that region which first
did breed you up, to whom you owe a duty and a natural instinct
and zeal to reconcile yourself, which next unto God hath most to
claim of you, we shall be content to be mediator for your return.
And if herein peradventurc the long tarrying abroad in a foreign
country do make a vain fear of conscience unto you, we shall not
refuse but that ye may come hither upon licence obtained before.
And we shall appoint therein some to confer with you. Not
doubting but sufficient reason grounded upon God's word shall be
given unto you for every point betwixt us and you in variance.
And we are not in much fear but that it may well be if ye did see
things here with your eyes and conferred with learned men the
reasons and causes of our doings, the which now ye do not learn
but by report, which in time and distance increaseth and, made of
them which favoreth not the thing, is exaggerated to the worse,
Ye would peradventure condescend yourself and be in all points
satisfied as at this present many both of bishops and other learned
men be which at the first did much repine. [And thus]* fare you
well.
From Greenwich, the 4th of June, 1549.
Your taring friend, if
ye acknowledge your
dotie to the king's majesty,
1 -
Endorsed:
To Cardinal! Pole.
Pole's reply to thia letter has been lost, but there is an epitome
of it given in the late Mr. Rawdon Browne's Venetian Calendar,
abridged from the Italian translation of it in St Mark's library at
Venice. It is not dated, but Mr. Rawdon Browne assigns it con-
• The words " And thus " an struck through.
PREFACE. XV
jecturally to Sept. 7, and thinks it was written from Rome. It is
very long, and occupies twenty- six pages. The cardinal begins by
contrasting the Protector's want of courtesy with the conduct of the
late king when Pole had first opened to him his mind about the
divorce of his first wife. He mentions, in the course of his letter,
that Henry VIII. had restored to his mother the greater part of her
property on condition of her pardoning king Henry VII. the- death
of her brother, the innocent earl of Warwick. He then proceeds
to warn him of the danger of the emperor making war with England,
and threatens him with the speedy vengeance of God should he
persist in his irreligious course and his insolent language. He then
accuses him of an impudent lie concerning the agreement of the
bishops on the new book of Common Prayer, and denial of the
popular commotions on this account, noticing how notorious are the
dissensions both amongst the bishops and the people, and how the
bishop of Winchester is detained a prisoner in the Tower. Towards
the end of the letter he says that he had written thus far before the
tidings of the great popular insurrection of the summer of 1549 had
reached him; and as he was on the point of giving him his opinion,
as requested, on the new book of Common Prayer, he now supersedes
the doing so in order to advise Somerset to be wise in time, adding
that he will always be able to assist the people, so long as they keep
within the limits of their just and religious demands as they have
hitherto done; and then alludes to the demand made by the people
in their 12th article, saying that he will act for the benefit of the
Protector's honour and dignity, so far as is consistent with the
common weal and advantage. He ends by reminding his corre-
spondent that what he had prophesied as regards internal commo-
tions had already come to pass ; saying that if his first offer of
xvi PREFACE.
conferring with the Council about the restoration of the Catholic
religion had been accepted, the whole cause of the rebellion would
have been avoided, and that now it may be possible that a foreign
power, called in to the assistance of one of the parties, might
eventually crush them both. The letter is more than usually diffuse
and prolix, even for cardinal Pole, who seems to have had a par-
ticular talent for spinning out his letters to an unnecessary length.
As regards the actual breaking out of the insurrections, to which
the following papers refer, probably the earliest con temporary record
is contained in a memorandum in \Vriothesleyy s Chronicle, vol ii.
p. 13. He says: — " In the month of May there was a commotion
of the commons in Somersetshire and Lincolnshire concerning a
proclamation for enclosures, and they broke down certain parks of
Sir William Harbertes and lord Stourton's, which said Sir William
Harberd was sent into Wales for rescue, and slew to death divers of
the rebels. Also at Bristowe and divers other shires likewise the
commons arose and pulled down parks, and by good policy of the
Council and other noblemen of the country they were pacified."
Whether this breaking out was connected at all, or how much it
was concerned with the matter of the changes in religion, does not
appear from this chronicle ; neither does the writer of the diary
connect the next insurrection with the order for substituting the
Prayer Book of 1549 for the ancient offices of the Church. !!*•
notices at p. 15 that in the same year in July — " The commons of
Essex and Kent, Suffolk and Norfolk, made insurrections against
inclosures, and pulled down divers parks and houses in divers places,
and did much hurt;" and adds that—" Also in Devonshire about
Exeter, the Devonshire men and Cornish men made insurrections
against the king's proceedings, to maintain the Mass and other
PREFACE. XVII
ceremonies of the pope's law ; which were a great number, and
camped about the city of Exeter."
The risings do not seem to have been arranged with any previous
concert on the part of the different counties, though they were
very general throughout the country. There had been one in
April of the previous year, 1548, in Cornwall, which was
more immediately connected with the apprehended changes in
religion. This was speedily suppressed, and a proclamation of
pardon issued May 17 to the ringleaders and others, with the
exception of the following names : — John Williams, William and
John Kilter, John Delion, Richard Trewela, William Annies, John
Chikoste, Alene Rowe, Lawrence Britton, Michaiel Dion, Britton,
Olyver Ryce, John Tregena, Richard Rowe, Pascoe Trevian, Martin
Raffe, Jeremie Roberts, Henrie Tyrleven, John Tribo the elder,
Thomas Thyrland, Dion Michaell, John Moryce, Tryball, Sir
Martin Gefferye Priest, John Pierre, mariner, William Thomas
alias Nenis, Richard Hodge, Tribo the younger, Edmund Irishe
and Hugh Mascue alias Waxers alias Parker. The excepted names
are printed here because they have been omitted by all historians
of the period. A copy of this proclamation is in the Cottonian
Library, Titus B IL fol. 25. There is also a copy in the collection
of the Society of Antiquaries.
The insurrection in the west was apparently more considerable
than any that preceded it. There were no less than three documents
drawn up in reply to the requisitions of the insurgents. The first
of these may be seen in Holinshed and Foxe, and was printed at
the time in a small pamphlet bearing date 8 July, 1549. A first
draft of it in abridgment was printed from one of thiee copies now
existing in the Record Office by Tytler, vol. i. p. 178.
CAMD. 8OC. c
xviii PHEFACE.
This reply, together with the articles as printed, seems to imply
that the insurgents afterwards enlarged their demands into fifteen
articles, which were answered by Cranmer, a copy of which answer
may be seen in the editions of the archbishop's works published at
Oxford by Jelf, and in the Parker Society edition. Another answer
by Dr. Nicholas Udall is here for the first time printed from the
copy in the royal MSS. But Foxe seems to imply that he had
seen an answer given by the commons to the king's answer of
July 8. Whether any copy of this exists the present editor is
unable to say, but that there was such a reply is plainly proved by
the fact that a French translation of it is now in the Grenville
Library, No.'ll,90b. The answers given are so sensible and to
the point that probably they did not suit Foxe's purpose to produce
them. The volume consists of six sheets in fours, a, b, c, d, «, /, the
last having only three leaves. The preface consists of an eulogium
on the people of England for rising against four articles which had
been demanded of them by people not understanding the mysteries
of religion, to which it says they had made a Christian answer, and
had risen in arms in defence of their religion, and that the king
might not be drawn into error in his young age. The pamphlet
itself, which seems very politely written, begins by thanking the
king for his reply, which the writers think cannot be his own, but
must have been written by those who had long abused his name for
the ruin of the country and the oppression of the poor, and who
designated the insurgents as traitors, rebels, heretics, and schismatics,
after reducing them to slavery and endeavouring to force their souls
the way to damnation. They receive the letter with respect as
bearing his majesty's name, though having nothing of his spirit in
it. They reduce the charges made against them to four heads.
PREFACE. xix
The accusation of rebellion they dispose of by asserting that their
governors had passed all limits, performing duties reserved to
bishops ; the religion of 1200 years is changed at the caprice of
two or three. The bishops might have been consulted instead of
intimidated ; and they answer to the allegation that all must be
ordered according to scripture, that they find in scripture submission
in temporal things to magistrates, and in things belonging to the
soul, obedience to bishops and priests inculcated, and they offer their
souls as due to God, and their bodies in dutiful allegiance to
the king.
The second article, which treats of five points of doctrine, they
regard as an interference with matters which can only be settled by
the consent of the whole of Christendom. As regards the restrictions
on baptism, poor people cannot always procure sponsors, and will
have to break the law if they cannot; as regards the sacrament of
the altar they cannot understand how it can nourish the soul,
spiritually, except it be miraculously the body and blood of Christ
as has been believed for 1,500 years. And as to other ordinances of
his majesty, which appear to have -some show of reason, they ought
to be annulled as scandalous and curious, as having been made by
one who has neither authority nor power to manage such matters.
As regards the third and fourth articles, in which they are charged
with ignorance and rebellion, they refer to various precedents of
governors of kings in their nonage who had mismanaged affairs, and
had been resisted by the people, and allege that, under the present
Council, England was no longer respected as formerly, and had been
plunged into unnecessary wars and expenses, and they allude to the
possibility of the Emperor's interfering for the restoration of the old
religion, the Council having reduced the nation to a state of poverty
XX PREFACE.
and paganism. How was it possible for them to be governors who
taught the king to despise religion and protect himself by foreign
troops? They ask for no pardon because they are rising in defence
of the king and against his governors. They conclude in the
following words :
Suffer not, sacred Majesty, that their perverse heresy and unhappy
opinion of the faith should constrain us to change the religion so
holily and happily preserved by your predecessors. And accept your
very humble and very obedient subjects whose desire is to be the
dogs appointed to keep your house and your kingdom, and the oxen
to cultivate your lands, the asses to carry your burdens, which for
the defence of your person and of what belongs to you shall be
ordained by your commands. We will pray the Lord God, who
holds and turns the hearts of kings where He wills, to watch over
and conduct your young age to such perfection of sense, of learning,
and of virtue as shall be for the salvation of your soul, the comfort
and tranquillity of your subjects, the increase and reputation of the
glory of God and the weal of Christendom.
The most curious feature about the work is its date. It bean Ml
imprimatur 25 Oct. 1550, more than a year subsequent to the sup-
pression of all the insurrections.
Udell's answer to the rebels, which has never appeared in print,
must have been written at the time of the Rebellion, but the present
editor knows nothing more about it than cau be gathered from
internal evidence.
The author, Nicholas Udall, has been hitherto principally known
as the person who superintended the publication of the first volume
of Erasmus's paraphrase on the New Testament in an English
translation, which appeared in 1548-9, in two volumes folio. Udall
PREFACE. XXI
was himself the translator of the Gospel of S. Luke. The Preface
to S. Luke dated " Sept. 30, 1545," is full of compliments to the
Queen Dowager for having set on foot the publication, and to the
King, " the elected instrumente of God to plucke down the Idolle
of the Romishe Antichriste" ; and of magnifying the Scriptures as
a clear fountain compared with " the muddie lakes and puddles
purposely infected with the filthie dregges of our Philistines the
Papistes." He speaks as if the translation of S. Luke alone had
been entrusted to him by the Queen, and as if he had made a new
translation. Yet he for the most part follows the Great Bible of
1539 or Cranmer's of 1540. In the dedication of S. John
to the Queen Dowager, which is without date, but which cannot be
earlier than 1547, he again compliments the Queen, and then
proceeds to compliment the princess Mary, whom he speaks of as
being the translator of the commencement of part of the paraphrase,
the completion of which she consigned to Dr. Francis Malet; but
this dedication contains no vulgar abuse of the Pope or Papists.
In the dedication of the Acts, which is also to the Queen
Dowager, he alludes to the recent publication of the " Homilies,"
and s- peaks of his having superintended the translation, as he had
that of S. Matthew, adding that he had not interfered with the
Gospel of S. John because, as he expresses it, " I knew the
translatours thereof with whose exquisite dooyngs I might not
without the cry me of great arrogancie and presumpcion bee buisee
to entremedle."
Udall had long since adopted the opinions of the men of the
new learning. He is mentioned as Nicholas Udall of Corpus
Christi College, in the narrative of Anthony Dalaber, as amongst
those who were in 1528 " suspected to be infected of heresy, from
XXtl PREFACE.
having purchased such books of God's truth as were brought to
( )xford by Thomas Garret, fellow of Magdalen College and curate
of Honey Lane in London ; " and his first appearance in the world
of literature is at the coronation of Anne Boleyn, for which he
composed some English Verses and Ditties, which were sung partly
" at the pageant representing the Progeny of Saint Anne exhibited
at Cornhill, besides Leadenhall," partly " at the Conduit in
Cornhill," where " was exhibited a Pageant of the Three Graces,"
and " partly at the little Conduit in Cheapside," where " was
exhibited the Judgement of Paris.**
They are preserved among the Royal MSS. in the British
Museum Library, with the press mark " 18 A. LXIV." and
their title is entered in Mr. Gairdner's Calendar on May 31,
1533, as "Verses composed by Nic. Udall and spoken at the
pageants in Cornhill, Leadenhall, and Cheapside, at Queen Anne's
procession through the city." They are in Latin and English,
pp. 29, with an endorsement, " Vereis and dities made at the Coro-
nation of Quene Anne." Mr. Gairdner has only printed the
heading, which is as follows: —
" Hereafter ensueth a copy of divers and sundry verses, as well
in Latin as in English, devised and made partly by John Leland
and partly by Nicholas Vuedale, whereof some were set up and
some other were spoken an 1 pronounced unto the most high and
excellent Queen the lady Anne, wife unto our sovereign lord King
Henry the Eight, in many goodly and costely pageants exhibited
and showed by the mayor and citizens of the famous city of
London, at such time as her Grace rode from the Tower of London
through the said city to her most glorious coronation at the
monastery o( Westminster on Whitson eve in the xxvth year of
the reign of our said sovereign lord."
PREFACE. XX111
Several of these verses were printed by Mr. Arber in his
English Garner, vol. ii. p. 52 ; but they do not possess much
merit It is to be regretted that the whole manuscript was not
reproduced. The volume is dated " 1 Nov. 1879." Ten years
before, he had reprinted Nicholas UdalFs " Comedy of Roister
Doister," by which his name has become more notorious than it
had hitherto been.
Yet he was a man of considerable note in his day, and he forms
no exception to the usual description of character, illustrated in the
notes which follow, of persons who sailed with the tide and accom-
modated themselves to all the changes of the reigns of Henry,
Edward, and Mary. He was born in Hampshire and belonged to a
family who were settled at Wykeham. The date of his birth is un-
certain, but it must have been about the beginning of the sixteenth
century, probably about 1506. He was elected scholar of Corpus
Christi College, Oxford in 1520; four years afterwards he took his
degree and was admitted fellow, but seems to have been refused his
degree of M.A. in 1526, as Wood thinks, because he was addicted
to Lutheranism ; but if this was so, he managed to get over the
difficulty, and took his degree ot M.A. in 1534. He was head master
of Eton from 1534 to 1541, when he was dismissed for supposed
complicity in a robbery of plate and images by two Eton scholars,
J. Hoordo and T. Cheney, assisted by Udall's servant Gregory.
The account of this matter, given in the Council Book, is as
follows : —
At Westminster, the 14th of March, [1541], being present the
duke of Suffolk, the Lord Privy Seal, the Great Chamberlain of
England, the Vice Chamberlayn, Sir Thomas Wriothesley, Secre-
tary, Sir Ralph Sadleyr, Secretary.
XXIV PREFACE.
Nicholas Uvedale, schoolmaster of Eton, being sent for as suspect
to be counsel of a robbery lately committed at Eton by Thomas
Cheney, .John Horde, scholars of the said school, and Gre-
gory, servant to the said schoolmaster, and having certain inter-
rogatories ministered unto him touching the said fact and other
felonious trespasses whereof he was suspected, did confess that he
did commit buggery with the said Cheney sundry times heretofore
and of late, the 6th day of this present month in this present year,
at London, whereupon he was committed to the Marshalsea. —
Xicolas's Proceedings of the Council, vol. vii. p. 153.
He had previously in 1537 been appointed to the vicarage of
Braintree, which he held till 1544. At Edward's accession he was
made Canon of Windsor, and seems to have been in high favour
with Mary, and in her reign was appointed head master of West-
minster School. He died in 1556. The following warrant from
Queen Mary is reprinted from Kempe's Loselty MSS. p. 63 : —
•
By the Quene.
Marye the Quene.-
Trustie and welbeloved, we greete you well.
And wheras our welbeloved Nicolas Udall hath at soondrie
seasons convenient heretofore shewed, and myndeth hereafter to
shewe his dilligence in setting foorth of Dialogues and Entcrludes
before us fo' ou' regell disj orte and rccreacion, to th'cntent that he
maye bee in the better readinesse at ail time whan yt shall be our
pleasure to call, we will and comaunde you and every of you that
at all and every such tyme and tyincs, so oft and whan soever he
shall nede and require yt for shewing of any thing before us, ye
deliver or cause to bee delivered to the said Udall, or to the bringcr
herof in his name out of our office of revelles, such apparcll for his
use as he shal thinke neccssarie and requisite for the furnisshinge
and condigne setting forthe of his devises before us, and suche as
PREFACE. XXV
raaye bee semely to bee shewed in our royall presence, and the same
to be restored and redelivered by the said Udall into yo' hande and
custodie again. And that ye faile not thus to dooe from time to
time as ye tendre oure pleasure till ye shall receive expresse com-
maundement from us to the contrary herof. And this shal be
your sufficient waraunte in this behalf.
Geven under our signett the iii daye of Decembre in the seconde
yere of ou' reigne.
To the maister and yeoman of the office of our Revells for the time
being, and to their deputie or deputies theire and to ev'ye of them.
In 1553 he was zealous enough for the restored form of religion
to be one of those who endeavoured to make Thomas Mountain
recant his Protestantism, as appears from Nichols's Narratives of
the Days of the Reformation, p. 178. In this year he printed a
translation of Gcminus's Anatomia, and afterwards in 1560 pub-
lished Floures for Latine speakyng, gathered oute of Terence. This,
together with the translation of the Apophthegmata of Erasmus,
which appeared in 1542, was published with the initials " N. U.,"
as was also his translation of Peter Martyr's treatise Concerning the
Sacrament of the Lordes Supper, which is without date.
The names of the persons who subscribed these articles — are spelt
somewhat differently in Grafton and Holinshed and Foxe. The
latter gives the names of those who " were taken and apprehended,
the chieftains and ringleaders of that mischievous dance, whereof
the principal were Humfrey Arundel, Berry, Thomas Underhil,
John Soleman, W. Segar, Tempson, and Barret, two priests,
Henrye Bray, Henrye Lee, two mayors, with divers other more
above specified ; all which accordingly afterward were executed."
In a previous catalogue of the chief gentlemen, captains, he
CAMD. 8OC. d
XXY1 PREFACE.
enumerates " Humfrey Arundell, esquire, governour of the Mount,
James Roaogan, John Roeogan, John Payne, Thomas Underhil,
John Soleman, William Se^ar ; " and then adds: " Of priests,
which were principal stirrers, and some of them governors of the
camps, and afterwards executed, were to the number of eight, whose
names were Robert Bochim, John Tompson, Roger Barret, John
Wolcoke, Wil. Asa, James Mourton, John Barow, Rich. Benet,
besides a multitude of other popish priests, which to the same
faction were adjoined. The number of the whole rebellion,
speaking with the least, mounted little less than to the sum of ten
thousand stout traitors."
Grafton1* Chronicle gives the names of their firet captains as
Humfrey Arondell, Wynslade, Holmes, and Bery, or Bury, who,
lie says, " were taken and sent to London, and there, according
to their deserts, had judgment as traitors, and were drawn, hanged,
and quartered at Tiborne." Where he adds, that " many of the
people of that country that were doers or maintainers of this
rebellion were executed among themselves, and many put to great
fines and loss of offices and livings, as they had well deserved."
Vol. ii. p. 51U, ed. 1809, Fabyan's Chronicle, gives a somewhat
different account. He says: " Their chief captains were taken
and brought to the Tower of London, and the 26 day of January
after was drawn, hanged, and quartered, and three more at Tiburne.
In the chronicle of the Grey Friars the entry relating to this
matter is: —
Item, the 27th day of the same month was drawn from the
Tower of London unto Tyborne four persons, and there hanged and
quartered, and their quarters set about London on every gate ;
these was of them that did rise in the West country.
PREFACTE. XXVli
The person who signs his name as Henry Braye, mayor of
Bodmin, is by mistake called Bowyer by Grafton; who gives the
account of his execution, which it did not suit Foxe's purpose
to relate. It is as follows: —
" And among other the offenders in this rebellion I thought it
well to note twain; for the manner of their execution seemed
strange. The first was one Bowyer, who was mayor of a town in
Cornwall called Bodmyn. This mayor had been busy among the
rebels; but some that loved him said that he was forced thereunto,
and that if he had not consented to them they would have destroyed
him and his house. But, howsoever it was, this was his end. On
a certain day Sir Anthony Kingstone, with his company, came,
and were right heartily welcomed to the Mayor. And before they
sat down to dinner, Sir Anthony, calling the mayor aside, showed
him that there must be execution done in that town, and there-
fore willed him with speed to cause a pair of gallows to be made,
that the same might be ready by the end of dinner. The mayor
went diligently about it, and caused the same to be done. When
dinner was ended, Sir Anthony called the mayor unto him, and
asked him if that were ready that he spake to him of, and he
answered it was ready. Then he took the mayor by the hand,
and prayed him to bring him to the place where the same was
and he so did. And when Sir Anthony saw them, he said unto
the mayor, ' Think you they be strong enough ? ' ' Yea, sir,'
said he, * that they are.' * Well, then,' said Sir Anthony, ' get
you even up to them, for they are provided for you.' The mayor
cried, ' I trust you mean no such thing to me.' * Sir,' saith he,
' there is no remedy. You have been a busy rebel, and, therefore,
this is appointed for your reward.' So that without longer respite
or tarrying then was the mayor hanged. At the same time, also,
and near unto the place, there was a miller who had been a
XXVHl PREFACE.
very busy varlet in that rebellion, whom, also, Sir Anthony
Kingston sought for. But the miller had warning, and he, having
a good tall fellow to his servant, called him unto him and said : * I
must go forth; if there come any to ask for me, say that thou art
the owner of the mill, and that thou hast kept the same this four
years, and in no wise name not me.' The servant promised his
master so to do. Afterwards came Sir Anthony Kingston to the
miller's house, and called for the miller. The servant answered
that he was the miller. ' Then/ said Muster Kingston, ' how long
has thou kept this mill ? ' and he answered, ' three years.* ' Well,
then,' said he, ' come on, thou must go with me,' and caused his
servants to lay hands on him, and brought him to the next tree,
saying: * You have been a rebellious knave, and therefore here
shall you hang.' Then cried he, and said that he was not the
miller, but the miller's servant. ' Well, then,' said he, ' you are a
false knave to be in two tales; therefore hang him up,' said he,
and so he was hanged. After he was hanged, one being by, said
to Sir Anthony Kingstone, " Surely this was but the miller's
man.* * What, then,' said he, * could he ever have done his master
better service than to hang for him?'" — Grafton'a Chronicle,
p. 520, ed. 1809.
The editor had not intended at first to insert any documents of a
later period, but having found two letters of Cranmer's, which have
escaped the researches of historians and the editors of Cranmer's
works, he thought it well to insert them, as there is no probability
of there ever being again an edition of the Archbishop's works
printed. The first contains a direction to Dr. Matthew Parker to
preach on the 4th Sunday in Lent, 1550, and somewhat resembles
the letter of the 12th of February, dated also 1550, directing him
to preach on Sunday the 22nd of March, the 6th Sunday in Lent,
PBEFACE. XXIX
but though apparently dated in the same year the first belongs to
the year 1550 and the other to 1551, showing that Cranmer some-
times used the English and sometimes the foreign style of com-
mencing the year on the 25th of March or the 1st of January
respectively.
The other is a letter of some importance as showing how much
deference was paid to Bucer's opinion. It has here been printed from
a copy, but the English translation appears in Dr. Jenkyns's edition
of Cranmer's works as well as in that published by the Parker
Society. The addition of the two letters from Dr. William Turner
will also throw some light on the character of one who, acting as
physician and chaplain in the Protector's family, had more indirect
influence on the proceedings of the time than has been commonly
thought.
The extracts from the Privy Council Register with which this
part of the volume concludes complete the account of ecclesiastical
affairs which has partly been given in the last Oxford edition of
Burnet's Reformation and partly in the Archaeologia.
The editor has thought that this preface may be fitly concluded
with a specimen of the teaching of the last year of Edward VI.
It is a very scarce tract, which he has copied from the only copy
he has ever seen. It was written by Martin Micron, the colleague
of Alasco, as minister to the Dutch Church, the services of which
were intended to be a model for those of the Church of England.
The treatise is noticed by Lowndes, who gives a title which differs
somewhat in spelling from that of this ropy. It is a small volume
of sixteen pages, in the British Museum, with the press mark 4326a,
in beautiful preservation, and bound in purple morocco — lettered
XXX PREFACE.
Micron. A short Inttrwtion, $c. The date, as will be seen, is
December 8, 1552. It is entered under the head of C. (T.)»
and that of Micron, in the recently-published Catalogue of Books
in the Library of the British Museum to the year 1640, as
being published [London, 1560?] b"vo. Micron was one of the
exiles who accompanied Alasco on his departure from England,
September 1558, when they were refused admittance into Lutheran
assemblies on the ground that they were the Devil's Martyrs.
XXXI
A short and faythful
Instruction, gathered out of holy Scri-
pture, composed in Questions and An-
sweres, for the edifyeng and comfort
of the symple Christianes, whych
intende worthely to receyve
the holy Supper of the
Lorde.
I . Conn. XI.
C Who so euer shall eate of thys Bread
& drinke of the Cuppe of the Lorde
unworthely, shalbe gylty of
the body and bloud
of the Lorde.
2 . Cor in. 4.
C I beleve, and therfore I speake.
|[ To the faythful congregacion of the
Dutch Churche at London. Grace
and peace from God the fa-
ther, and from our Lor-
de Jesus Christe.
FORasmuche as our Lorde Jesus
Christ hath cdmaunded all true
Christias to observe, holde and
use hys holy Supper in remem
braunce of hym tyl his comyng
agayne : & seying also that all they whiche-
A accor
xxxii
according to the rule of holy scripture
neither do examyn, tryc nor proue them
selves ryghtly before y* recept of the sayd
holy supper, neither yet do truly iudge &
disccrne the difference of it fro other pro
phane bankettes, are gyltie of the body and
bloude of Christ : and seying also that no
man can accordyngly other trye and proue
hymselfe, or ryghtly iudge and discerne the
body of the Lorde, except he first Icnowe
and understande the foudacion and groude
of the Christen fayth and religion : Ther-
fore haue we (as they whych are carefull
for the health of your soules) wrytte this
brefe & shorte sQmary of the moste nede-
full and principall partes of the christen
religion, to your moste profytable instru-
ction & cotnforte to thentent that no ma
other through ignoraunce shulde despise
that comaundement of Christ : or els tho-
rough stubburnes should[e] othe[r] not re-
garde the rccepte of that holy Supper, or
in any wyse slaunderously or unworthe-
ly abuse it. In consideration whereof we
humbly beseche you of charitie and for
Christ Jesus sake, that you wyll thank-
fully take thys my labour, and wyth all
diligece imbrace it, to the furtherance of
your owne saluacid, and our ioye in the
daye of the Lorde. Gyven in London by
your
xxxin
your welwyllyng Minister. Marten
Micron. 8. Decemb. 1552.
Question. Wei beloved brother or syster N.
seyng that thou intedest to receave with
us the holy Supper of the Lorde Jesus
Christe, so before all thynges (yf other-
wyse thou wylt not make thy self gyltie
of hys bodye and bloud) thou muste be a
Christian : therefore we aske of thee.
Wherby knowest thou, that thou arte a
Christian.
Answere. Two maner of wayes : fyrste Rom. 8.
bycause the holy ghost by the witnesse of i Cor. i.
fayth certifieth me in myne herte & sea-
leth my conscience, that I am the chylde
of God alonly through the merite of Je-
sus Christe. Secondarely, because that
I thorowe the same spirite (as touching
the inwarde man) am moued wyllyng-
ly and gladly to the due obedience of god
des holy cdmaundementes.
Question. Whych are the comaudemctes.
Answere Those whych God hymselfe co-
mauded, & Moses in the .xx Cha. of Exo.
wrote, in maner and forme folowyng.
|[ The ten cdmaundementes.
I am the Lorde thy God, which brou
ght the out of the lande of Egypte
out of the house of bondage :
Thou shalt haue none other God-
des but me.
A 2 Thou
XXXIV
2. Thou shalt not make unto thy selfc any
graven ymage, nor the lykenessc of any
thynge that is in heaven aboue, or in the
earth bcncth, nor in the water under the
earth, thou shait not bowe downe to the
nor worship them : for I thu Lorde thy
God am a gelouse God, and viset the sin-
nes of the fathers upon the chyldren un-
to the thyrd and fourth generacion of them
that hate me, & shewe mercy unto thou-
sandes in them that loue me and kepe
my commaundementes.
3. |T Thou shake not take the name of the
Lorde thy God in vaync. For the Lorde
wyll not holde hym gyltlesse that taketh
hys name in vayne.
4. |[ Remember that thou kepe holy y* Sab-
both daye. Sixe dayes shalt thou labour
and do all that thou haste to do, but the
seventh day is the sabboth of the Lorde
thy God. In it thou shalt do no maner of
workc, thou and thy sone, & thy dough-
ter, thy man servaunt and thy mayd ser-
vaunt, thy cattel, and the straunger that
is wythin thy gates, for in syxe dayes the
Lorde made heaven and carthc, the sea
and all that in them is, and rested the se-
uenth day. Wherfore the Lorde blessed
the seucnth daye, and halowcd it.
5. C Honour thy father & thy mother, that
thy dayes maye be longe in the lande
whych
XXXV
whych the Lorde thy God gyveth the.
<[ Thou shall do no murther. 6
|[ Thou shalt not comitte adultery. 7
C Thou shalt not steale. 8
|[ Thou shalt not beare false wytnesse a- 9
gaynst thy neyghbour.
C Thou shalt not couet thy neyghbours 10
house, yu shalt not couet thy neyghbours
wyfe, nor hys servaunt, nor hys mayde,
nor hys Oxe, nor his Asse, nor anything
that is hys.
Question. Howe are these comaundement-
tes deuyded ?
Answere. Into two tables, whereof the first EX. z 3, 34.
pertayneth to God, and the other to cure Deute. 9.
neyghbour.
Question. What learnest thou in the foure
fyrst comaundementes whyche belonge
alonly unto God ?
Answere. That I shall set my rayth, truste Eta. 44.
and confidence upon no creature, but up PwL 115.
on God alone. And hym not wyth yma- Mat. 15.
ge service or any other counterfayt wor- EXO. 25.
shippyng, but alone in spirite and truthe i Reg. n.
shall worship and serue, & shall also day- j0h. 4.
lye prayse hys holye name, and exercyse £13.48.
my selfe diligently not onely in hearyng Ephe. 5.
hys holy worde, but also in the use of his Luk. 8, 10.
Sacramentes.
Question. What learnest thou in the sixe co-
maundementes folowynge, whyche be-
A 3 longe
xxxvi
longe to our neyghbour ?
Annvtrt. That I shalbe obediet unto the
whome God hathe set over me, and that
I shal by no maner of meanes be hurt-
full to my neyghbour in hys body, wyfe,
famylie, goodcs, honour, name, fame or
estimacion, no not so muche as w' any
euel lust, but in al godly and honest thin
ges shalbe to hym an helpe and furtherace.
Question. Haste thou these comaundemen
tes in all pointes so perfytlye fulfylled,
that ya art able to stande in the iudgemet ?
Amwere. Och naye : for seyng that y* lawe
is spiritual, and I am carnal, I can not
but confesse my selfe in many thingis a
gaynst that holy lawe to have offended,
not onelye in leauyng undone that that is
therin comaunded, but also in doynge
that, that is therin forbydden.
Deute. 27. Question. Seyng that man because of one
Gal*, i. synne by the sentence of the lawe is con-
demned and excluded out of the kyngdoe
of "God, howe shall thou then be saued,
for asmuche as in many thynges thou
hast synned, and because that no man
can entre into Goddes kyngdom unlesse
he be cleane from all synne ?
dtuwere. My saluacion dependeth onely
of mere mercy and grace thorowe J*sus
Christ, whyche wythout al my deseruing
hath taken and accepted me for one of
hys
XXXV11
hys members, & also hath made me par-
taker of all hys gracious merites & good
dedes, because wyth a repentaunt herte
I beleve undoutedly to be saued thorow
hym.
Question. Seying the grounde of thy fayth
is set alone upo Jesus Christe, wylt thou
shortlye declare, what thou belevest on
Christe ?
Answer e. I beleve that Jesus Christ in one Rom. i. 9.
persone is very God of God : and very ma John- '• 3-
of man : and also that he is my only me- '• Joh> *•
.... . I. Tim. 2.
diatour, aduocate, mtercessour, hyghe H . g
preest, kynge and Prophete, whyche Deute. 18.
hath taken upon hym my curse and con- Act 3- 7-
dempnacion, and hath to me agayne re- ' 3'
' & . , Roma. 8.
restored frely hys holynes and righteous
nes, as it is most briefly comprysed in
the chiefe articles of our Christen fayth.
Question. Whyche are the chief articles of
the Christen fayth ? Answere.
|[ I beleue in God the father almyghty,
maker of heaven and earth, &c.
Question. What understandest thou by that
worde (/ beleue) as thou confessest sayeing :
I beleue in God the Father : I beleue in
God the Sonne : I beleue in God the ho-
ly Ghost.
Answere. I meane thys, that I set all my
fayth, truste and confidence in God the
father who hathe made me and all the
A 4 worlde
XXXV111
worldc: In God the Sonnc, who hathc
redcmed me and all mankynde : and in
God the holy Ghost, who sanctified) me
and all the chosen people of God.
Question. Belevest thou then, that God the
father, the sonne, and the holy Ghost are
one true God ?
Anfwere. Yea moste surely, for so all the
holy scripture teacheth us, and therof
are we admonyshed in our baptym wherin
we are baptysed in the name of y* father
and of the sonne, and of the holy Ghoste.
Question. Hathe Christ ordened no sure
outward exercises and certaine markes
and tokens wherby hys congregacion
maye be knowen and discerned from all
other churches and sectes ?
Answere. Yes doutles, and that because of
oure weaknesse, that we throwe them
maye be exercysed and strengthened in a
sure fayth, & also by the due administra-
cion of them may so muche the better
be styrred up to the due obedience of the for-
sayd cdmaundementes of God.
|[ Sure markes and tokens of
Christes true Churche.
Question. What are y* sure exercises mar-
kes & tokes of the true church of Christ ?
1 . Annuert. The fyrst is, the syncere prea
chyng of Goddes holy worde.
2. The seconde is, the ryght use of the Sa-
cra-
XXXIX
cramentes instituted and ordeyned of
Christe.
And the thyrde is, the christen correccio 3
of the congregacion. In whych thre thin
ges all true christianes ordenarely with
all diligence and obedience ought to ex-
ercyse them selves, whereby also they are
seperated & disseuered fro al other sectes.
Question. Wherein standeth the syncere
preachyng of the holy worde of God.
Amwere. In the ryght declarynge of the
lawe, and of the holy gospel, whereof hy-
therto I have made my confession.
]| Of the Sacramentes.
Question. What are the Sacramentes ?
Answere. They are holy exercises, scales &
effectual tokens of remembraunce, or-
deyned of the Lorde himselfe for the com
forte of his congregacion. In wych ex-
ercyses the free forgevenesse of synnes
in and by Christ Jesus, before our eyes,
and that most clearly and euidentlye is
set out and scaled. And besyde that, we
are thereby admonyshed of our duty both
towardes God, and to our neyghbour.
Question. How many such Sacramen-
tes are there ?
Amwere. Two, that is: Baptyme. And the
holy Supper of the Lorde.
C Of Baptyme.
Question. What is Baptyme ?
A 5 Answer
Antwert. It is an holy ordinance of Christ
in the reccpt whereof all the membrcs of
hys congregacion (in whych yonge chil-
dren are conteyned also) are baptysed w1
water in the name of the father, and of
the Sonnc, and of the holy Ghost.
Question. What comforte hast thou of thy
Baptyme ?
Annuere. Great coforte. For albeit of na-
ture I am uncleane & the child of wrath,
yet neverthelesse by fayth in the promy-
ses of mercy am I fully persuaded, that
G»u. j. thorowe Jesus Christe I am assuredly &
certeynleye accepted and taken into the
grace and favour of God, as my body in
the recept of baptyme is besprenkled and
wasshed wyth water.
Qufstion. What more comforte haste thou
of Baptyme ?
Amwere. Forsoth thys : that I may all my
lyfe longe haue a contenuall forgeuenes
of my synnes, into the whych thorow the
devels temptacion & myne owne weak-
nes and fraylnes I may chaunce to
fall : whensoever I wyth a repctant hert
in spirite and fayth thorow Jesus Christ
do praye and aske pardon and forgeve-
nesse of the same.
Question. Whereof moreover arte thou ad
monished in thy baptyme ?
Answere. Truly that I shal al my life loge
for-
xli
forsake the devell, the worlde, and all the
fylthy lustes of my fleshe, and wyth al di-
ligence continually walke in a new and
godly lyfe.
t[ Of Christes holy Supper.
Question. What is the holy Supper of the
Lorde ?
Answere. It is an holy soule banket, orde- Math. 16.
ned of Jesus Christe, for an effectuall re- i Cor. 10.
membrauce of hys death, especially that He. 7. 10.
he upon the crosse once for all offered up
hys innocent bodye, and there also shed
hys moste precious bloude for the forge-
venes of synnes.
Question. Wherefore intendest thou to re-
ceyue the holy Supper of our Lorde Je-
sus Christe ?
Answere. Because my Lorde and Maister Math. 18.
Jesus Christe hath wylled, ordeined and Mar. 14.
comaunded it to be receyued in remem- i Cor. n.
braunce of hys death, for the synguler co
forte, profyt and comoditie of me, and of
all the worthy receyuers of it.
Question. What profyt and comforte fyn-
dest thou in the due and worthye recepte
therof.
Answere. Truely, in the ryght ministraci-
on therof, it is lyuely and effectually set
out to me myserable synner as it were
before myne eyes, beaten into my reme-
braunce, yea wytnessed and sealed to my
feble
xlii
feble conscience through the holy Ghost,
that Christ hath once for al upo the crosse
made an cucrlastyng full and parfyte o-
blacion and sacrifice for my synnes, and
Heb. 7. 10. that I also bcleuyngc in hym hauc tho-
rough hys death and oblacio once made,
forgyvenes of my synnes wyth comfort
and full truste of euerlastynge lyfe as ve
rely, truly and certeinlye as I at hys ta-
ble eate of the breade broken and drinlce
of the cuppe of the Lorde, whyche (after
the use of holy scripture and maner of Sa-
cramentes) he ealleth his body and bloude.
Question. What fourme, maner, and pro-
pertie of speakyng useth the holy scriptu
re in all Sacramentes ?
Answere. Verely, that the outwarde par-
tes or matter of the Sacramentes in the
holy scripture are decked, bewtifyed and
adourned wyth the names of the myste-
ries and hyd thynges, whych they signi-
fye : to thentent it myght be knowe wher
unto they were pperly ordeined, and wher-
fore they shulde be receyued. As circumci
Gen. 17. sion is called the Covenaunt of God : the
Exo. 11. Paschlambe is intitled the Passeover or
T,t v passe by : Baptyme is named yc washing
Actu. 11. away of synne or bath of the new byrth.
t Pet. 3. Even so the holy Supper is called the bo
i Cor. 10 dy of Christ broken for us, and his bloud
•mi ii. shedde for us.
Question
xliii
£>uesti. Is ye very natural body & bloud of
Christ necessarely present here upo erth,
so that in ye supper it may be eate & droke.
jfnswfrf. Nay truely : For fyrst it were ut- I Syxt
i i a • fCMOftf Q-
terly contrary to the nature & propertie gajnuti*
of al Sacramentes. Aeaine, the opinion forporal
fresent of
of corporal presence obscureth the spiri- 2
tual eating & drinkyng of the body and
bloud of Christ, whych al the old fathers
(as S. Paul sayeth) dyd : whych spiritual i Cor. 10.
eatyng and drynkyng alone in holy scri
pture is required unto saluacio. Besyde
that, it defaceth and in a manner blotteth 3
out the very true nature & propertie of
Christes body, whyche was made of the
substance of the virgine Mary hys mo
ther, and not of breade. Further it ma- 4
keth the preestly office of Christe of none
effecte, or at the least unsufficient. For in
that office he once for all offred hys body
and shed hys bloud for our rcdempcion,
and doth not yet dayly seperate & diuide
his bloud from his glorified body again
Moreover, thys corporal presence is con 5
trary to the article of hys ascension, and
our continual! lokyngs for hys returne
at the last daye. Finally, this fond yma-
ginacion of Christes bodely presence set- 6
teth out & describeth to us suche a Christ
as in the wrytynges of the prophetes &
apostles is utterly unknowen.
Question
xliv
Question. Wherof els art thou admonished
in the use of Christ's holy Supper ?
Answer t. Truly, that I w* all myne herte
shall thanke my Lorde Jesus Christ for
thys great beneftte of my redemption.
And this thanlcefulnesse by hys graci-
ous favoure, wyth pacience, louc, morti-
fication of carnall desyres, sobernessc of
lyfe and conuersacion, and finally wyth
a continual and free cofession of hys ho-
ly name, shal I signifye and declare unto
my lyues ende.
|[ Of Christen correccion.
£>ufstion. Where is the correccion of the
Churche commaunded of Christ ?
Aniwerc. Verely in the .18. cha. of S. Mat.
Math. 1 8. gospel under these wordes : yf thy brother
trespase against the. Go & tel he hys faut
betweene hym & thee alone, yf he heare
the, thou hast woune thy brother. But yf
he heare the not, then take yet with thee
one or two, that in the mouthe of two or
thre wytnesses euery matter may be sta-
blyshed. yf he heare not them : tel it unto
the congregacion. yf he heare not the co
gregacion, let hym be unto the as an hea
then man, & as a publican. Verily I say
unto you : what so ever ye bynd on earth
shalbe bounde in heauen : and what so e-
uer, ye lose on earth, shalbe losed in hea-
ven
xlv
ven. Thys ordinaunce of Christ S. Paul
also confirmeth & putteth in use as appea i Cor. 5.
reth in the I. epistle unto the Corinthes.
Question. What is the correccion of the
Churche of Christ.
Answere. It is an ordinaunce of Christ, Math. 18.
through which euery Christian is bound Luke< '7-
orderly after the worde of God, lovingly
to admonishe hys brother of hys faute : & Heb. 3. n.
also agayne willingly & gladly to receive Jaco. 5.
and take admonicion, warnyng & chari- ' Cor- 5-
table rebukes for the same. Or els yf» he
refuse and utterly despyse all suche godly
admonicios and warnynges (so that ac-
cordynge unto Christes rule they be or-
derly done) then by the authoritie of god-
des worde he ought to be excomunicated
& put out of the cogregation & delyuered
to sathan : and as an heythen & publican
to be estemed, reputed & taken, unto such
a tyme he returne, amede & recocile him
selfe agayne unto the congregation.
Question. Seying that subtile satha seketh i petri. 5.
al wayes & meanes to pluck awaye man
from hys fayth and obedience to Jesus
Christ, how shalt thou the be able to stade
in thy profession.
dnswere. By the only grace of God & such M»r- 13.
meanes as he hath ordeined, which are : p 6>
, Jico. 4.
watchyng, resistyng and prayeng &c.
Question. To whom prayest thou ? & howe ?
Answers
9
xlri
Anrwert. To God oncly throwe Jesus
Christ, in spiritc and truthe.
Ration. For what t hinge prayest thou P
jfnswfrt. I praye fyrste for those thynges i .
that are to the preferrement and aduan-
cement of goddes glory & our owne sou-
les health. And then for suche thinges as 2.
are profytable and necessary for the su-
steynyng of thys lyfe, but so as they agre
and stande wyth the wyl and pleasure of
God : And finally, that it may please god 3.
to delyver and defende us from all thyn-
ges that are to the hynderauce of his glo
rye & to the decay of the health of our sou
les. Al whych thynges are coprised in the
praier which Christ taught his disciples :
which is : Our father which art in he. &c.
Question. Wylt thou accordyng to this co
fession of thy fayth lyve : And wyth al dili
gece obserue the discipline of the church,
and bond of eharitie : & also (al envie, ma
lice & hatred of herte set aparte) wilt thou
reconcile thy selfe & be at one with al me
with whome thou arte at variaunce ?
Annvert. Yea by the grace of God, so farre
as is possible to thys myne in fir mi tic &
wealtnes, y* whych I shal earnestly pray
unto God to strengthen me dayly more
and more. Amen.
C Translated out of Dutch into
Englyshe, By T. C.
CONTENTS.
PAGB
I. — Letter from the Duke of Somerset to the Marquis of Dorset and
the Earl of Huntingdon • 1
II. — Dr. William Turner's Letter to Cecil, complaining that the Deanery
of Winchester is given to another - 3
III. — Draft of Memorial to the Sheriffs - 4
IV. — Licence to Mr. Gregory to preach under instructions from the
Lord Privy Seal - * f
V. — Similar Licence to Dr. Reynolds - 7
VI. — Instructions to Lord Russell from the Council - 8
VII. — Lord Russell's Letter to the Duke of Somerset explaining the
state of affairs in the west country, written in June, 1549 11
VIII. — Memorial of the Council to the Justices of Peace in Devonshire,
of the 26th of June, 1549 - 12
IX. — Letter from Lord Arundel to Secretary Petre, June 29, 1549 - 14
X. — Letter from the Council to the Lord Privy Seal, advising him how
to act - - 15
XI. — Supplication to the Council from Staines deprecating the destruc-
tion of their Bridge, June, 1549 • 19
XII. — Letter of the Council to the Princess Mary of the 7th July,
1549, sent after the appearance before them of Dr. Hopton
her chaplain • 20
XIII. — Letter from the King to the Princess Mary on the subject of
the Mass - 21
XIV. — Letter from the Council to Lord Russell announcing re-inforce-
ments, July 10, 1549 22
XV. — Somerset to the Lord Privy Seal, promising to send Lord Grey
de Wilton - - 25
XVI. — Letter from Somerset to Lord Russell, of the 17th July, men-
tioning the Rebellion in Norfolk • • 27
XVII. — The Council to Lord Russell again promising help by Lord
Grey de Wilton - - 29
ii CONTENTS.
PAGE
XVIII. — Letter from Somerset and the Council to Lord Russell pro-
mising help by Lord Warwick - 30
YTY- — Letter from the Council to Lord Russell in answer to his of
July 22 - 34
XX.— Letter from the Council to Lord Russell announcing the mis-
sion of Sir William Herbert 35
XXL — Letter from the Council in answer to the supplication of the
Commons of Cornwall - 36
XXIi — Letter from the Council to Lord Russell giving an account of
the examination of Sir John Arundel - 38
XXIIL— Letter from the Council to Lord Russell with further instruc-
tions «... . 39
XXIV. — Proclamation to Justices of Peace issued in July, 1549 - 43
XXV. — Letter from the Council to Lord Russell declining to send him
more troops - 44
XXVL — Letter from Somerset to Lord Russell, announcing the
Declaration of War by the French King - - 46
xxvii. — Letter from the Council to Lord Russell advising him to
diminish his forces - 47
XXVIII.— Letter of Thanks from the Council to Lord Russell 50
XXtX. — Another Letter of the Council to Lord Russell, limiting the
number of his advisers • - - 52
XXX. — Letter from Somerset to Lord Russell, directing him how to
act as regards the Insurgents - 53
xXYT. — Letter from the Council to Lord Russell dwelling on the
dangers from an apprehended French Invasion - 56
XXXFT — Letter from the Council to Lord Russell, authorising him to
bestow Knighthood on such as he thought deserving of
the honour - - 60
XXXITI. — Letter from the Council to Lord Russell desiring him to
send up the Ringleaders for trial - - 63
XXXIV. — Letter from the Council to Lord Russell, requiring him to
thank those who had contributed to the victory over the
rebels - 65
*»*^- — Letter from the Council to Lord Russell directing him how
• to act as regards pardoning the rebels • 65
XXXVI. — Letter from the Council to Lord Russell complaining of his
having exceeded his instructions - i .s
XXX VIL — Letter from the Council to Lord Russell, ordering him to
take down the Bells from the Churches - - 73
CONTENTS. Ill
PAGE
XXXVin. — Letter from Somerset to Lord Russell, blaming him for
not baring executed Paget - 74
XXXIX.— The Protector's Letter to Lord Russell recommending mer-
ciful dealing with the rebels • 74
XL. — The King's Letter summoning his subjects to defend him and his
Uncle. Written Oct. 5th, 1549 76
XU.— Warrant of the King to Sir Harry Seymour to raise Men and
bring them to Hampton Court to defend him from the
Conspiracy. An original, signed by Edward and
Somerset - - 77
XLII. — Letter from Somerset to Lord Russell and Sir William Her-
bert, summoning them to Hampton Court - 78
XLEII. — Another Letter from Somerset to Lord Russell and Sir Wil-
liam Herbert with instructions to be given by the bearer,
Lord Edward Seymour .- - 79
XLTV. — Letter from the King to Lord Russell and Sir William Her-
bert begging them to come to him for his defence - 79
XLV. — Letter from the Council at London summoning the people to
their assistance against Somerset - 80
XL VI. — Letter from Somerset to Lord Russell urging him to come to
Windsor as speedily as possible. Written Oct. 6, 1549 - 82
XL VII. — Letter from the Council at London to the King detailing
their grievance against Somerset. Draft partly in Petre's,
partly in Wriothesley's hand - 83
XLVIIL — Original draft of a Letter from the Lords of the Council in
London to the Council at Windsor intimating their inten-
tion to remove Somerset from the office of Protector - 8C
XLIX. — Letter from Somerset to the Council at London expressing
wonder at the detention of Secretary Petre 88
L. — Lord Russell's and Sir William Herbert's letter to the Duke of
Somerset expressing disapproval of his line of action - 90
LI. — Circular Letter from the Council at London to Sheriffs and Jus-
tices of Peace of the Counties - - 92
LII. — Letter from Lord Morley to the Council in London taking part
with them - - 94
L 1 1 1. — A Proclamacion set forth by the state and bodie of the Kynge's
Maiestes Counsayle now assembled at London, conteinyng
the very trouth of the Duke of Somerset's evel Govern-
ment, and false and detestable Procedinges - 95
LTV. — Letter from the King to the Council in London deprecating
extreme measures against Somerset - 102
IV CONTENTS.
PAGE
LV.— Letter of the Lords of the Council at London to the Council at
Windsor 104
L VI. —Letter from Sir Thomas Smith to Secretary Petre stating his
difficulties • - 106
LVTI. — Draft of a Proclamation offering a Reward to any who shall
give information of Maintainers of the Duke of Somerset's
Traitorous proceedings - - 108
LVIII. — Letter from Christopher Mount to the Duke of Somerset on
the progress of Lutheranism, written from Straaburg,
Oct. 10, 1649 110
LIX. — Letter from Lord Russell and Sir William Herbert to Somerset,
in answer to his letter of the 5th of October - 112
LX. — Minute of the Despatch to the Ambassadors denouncing
Somerset - 113
T/KT — Letter from Warwick and the other Lords acting with him
countermanding the previous order to repair to them • 118
LXH. — Draft of a Letter from the Council to the Lieutenant of the
Tower ordering the close confinement of the servants of
the prisoners • 120
LXIII. — Inventory of Goods conveyed away by the Duke of Somerset's
Servants and others - 120
LXIV. — Account of the King's Goods taken by the Duke of Somerset - 123
LXV. — A List of Prisoners in the Tower at the end of October or
beginning of November, 1549 • 124
LXVI. — Edward's Letter to the Bishops ordering them to call in and
destroy the old Books of the Church • 127
L.XVII. — Cranmer's Letter to Parker ordering him to preach at Paul's
Cross on March 16, J550 - - 130
LXVIII. — Cranmer's Letter to Bucer about the use of vestments • 130
L.YTY. — Letter from Dr. William Turner to Cecil, asking for the Pre-
sidentship of Magdalen College, Oxford - - 131
Line. — Letter from Dr. William Turner to Cecil about Preferment,
Jan. 6, 1561 133
LXXL— Letter from Warwick to Paget, suggesting that Russell, now
Earl of Bedford, should be made acquainted with what
was going on - 134
LXXIL— Extract* from the Council Book of Edward VL relating to
Church matters - • - « - - 135
UDALL'S ANSWER TO THE COMMONERS OF DEVONSHIRE
AND CORNWALL 141
TBOUBLES CONNECTED
WITH THE PKAYER BOOK OF 1549.
I. — LETTER FROM THE DUKE OP SOMERSET TO THE MARQUIS
OF DORSET AND THE EARL OF HUNTINGDON.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. TO!, vii. art. 31.]
After our right harty commendacions to your good L.
Wheras in the most parties of the Realme sundry lewde persons
have attempted t'assemble themselfs, and first seking redresse of en-
closures,* have in some places by seditious priests and other yvel
peple set forth to seke restitucion of tholde bluddy lawes ; and some
fall to spoile to prevent all inconvenyences with you, we pray you
• The earliest notice of these rebellions is in Wriothesley's Chronicle, vol. ii. p. 1 3,
where he says : " In the month of May there was a commotion of the commons
in Somersetshire and Lincolnshire concerning a proclamation for enclosures, and
they broke down certain parks of Sir William Harbertes and Lord Stonrtons, which
said Sir William Harberte was sent into Wales for rescue, and slew and put to death
dirers of the rebels. Also at Bristowe and divers other shires, likewise the com-
mons arose and palled down parks, bnt by good policy of the Council and other
noblemen of the county they were pacified." The following extract from the
Council Book throws some further light on the proceedings of the Council : —
'• 3 Jnnii. — To the Commissioners in Cornwall to proceed with as convenient
speed as might be to the execution of the traitors there as they tendered the King's
majesty's pleasure. Albeit some of them thought the number appointed to be
executed there was over great, yet they were required to proceed to the execution of
his Majesty's commandment without delay; and to the intent they might be certain
of the number and persons appointed to suffer, and in what places the same should
be executed, there was another bill of the same sent, enclosed herein."
CAMD. SOC. B
2 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
to cause the proclamation sent herewith to be published by the
sheriffs which shal withstand yvel brutes, for yorself and the
gentlemen of the shire of Leycestre by your admonicion.
We pray you to be holly in a rcdynes to reprcsse th'attempts in the
beginneng if any chauncc there. Mary lest the peple shulde by brutes
conceyve ye wolde overrunne them before they commit yvel, it shalbe
good ye and the gentlemen doo kepe a sundre at your severall
dwellings, wherby also ye shalbe at the less charge.
Thus fare your good L. right hartely well
From Syon the zjth of June, 1549.
Your L. assured frende,
E. SOMERSET.*
To oar rerie good lords
the lord MarqaM
Dorcctt and Tb'erle
of Unntington.*
• This was the Lord Protector, Edward Seymour, the brother of Jane Seymour,
the third wife of Henry VIII. created Viscount Beanchamp in 1536, and Karl of
Hertford in 1537. He was made a Priry Councillor and Knight of the Gam r in
1641, Captain of Jersey and Lord Admiral in 1542, and afterwards in the same
year Lord Warden of the Scottish border, Lord Chamberlain in 1543, Commander
at Boulogne in 1545, lieutenant in the North in the same year, and in 1546 the
King's lieutenant in parts beyond the sea. Lastly in 1547, Duke of Somerset and
Earl Marshall of England.
k The first person addressed in this letter is Henry Grey, third Marquis of Dor-
set, who succeeded his father Thomas in 1630, and was created Duke of Suffolk
Oct. 1 1 , 1 5J1 , and afterwards beheaded Feb. 23, 1554. He had married Frances, eldest
daughter "f Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, whose two brothers (sons of the Duke
by his but wife) had died of the plague, both having succeeded to the dukedom,
July 14, 1551. She was the daughter of Mary Tudor, the French Queen, and
mother of Lady Jane Grey. The other is Francis Hastings, Earl <>f Huntingdon,
who succeeded to the title on the death of his father George in 1544, and died in
1661.
PRATER BOOK OF 1549. 3
II.— DR. WILLIAM TURNER'S* LETTER TO CECIL, COMPLAINING
THAT THE DEANERY OF WINCHESTER 18 GIVEN TO ANOTHER.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. TO!, vii. art. 32, p. 276.]
To his singulare good and Christiane frende master W. Cicellb be
this letter delyvered.
MASTER CICELL,
i thank yow for your paynes tayken about the obteynyng of
my lycence, which if i haa sealed i wold shortly occupi in York-
shy re, for the Archbishop of Yorkc hathe writen unto me to cum to
• Dr. William Turner was domestic physician to the Protector Somerset, and
appears to hare been in deacon's orders, bnt was not ordained priest for more than
three years after this, by Ridley, December 21, 1552. He was a licensed preacher.
He wrote several works on medical and other subjects. His principal theological
work is a Dialogue against the Mass and the Priesthood, published without date.
He died July 7, 1568.
11 William Cecil, afterwards created Baron Bnrleigh, Feb. 25, 1571, was at this
time Secretary of State, baring been appointed to that office in September of the
preceding year, 1548. He was now in his 29th year, having been born Sept. 13, 1520.
His introduction to the Protector's notice was through Sir John Cheke, whose sister
Mary he had married, August 8, 1541. This lady died, Feb. 22, 1543, and he soon
afterwards married Mildred, the daughter of Sir Anthony Cook, the King's tutor.
This strengthened his interest with the Protector, and he was thrown with him into
prison, in November, 1549. After his release he served under the Duke of North-
umberland, and his signature is appended to the device for making Lady Jane Grey
Qneen, he himself vindicating his conduct in this, by saying that he signed merely
as witness of the King's signature at Edward's earnest intercession. He managed
to keep in with all parties till his death on the 4th of August, 1598.
0 This was Robert Holgate, who succeeded Edward Lee in the Archbishopric of
York in 1544, and was deprived at the beginning of the reign of Queen Mary. He
had been provincial of the monks of the order of Sempringham, and is chiefly
known as having been brought before the Council to answer to a charge brought
against him by one Norman of having taken away his wife from him. Harpsficld
describes him as being at that time of abont fourscore years of age, and says that
the lady was a young girl of fourteen or fifteen. He speaks of her not as the wife,
bat " as a person betrothed to another man, and by very force kept from him, as I
have heard the party myself confess and complain in this Queen's time, and that he
intended to procure process out for him. But whether the Archbishop's death or
some composition stayed the suit or to what end the matter came I know not."
4 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
hym with all the spede that may be, whiche thyng i wold gladly
do, if i had theyr to my lordis gracis consent who (as i heard yow
say) intended that i shulde go to Winchester to be occupied theyr.
If that i myght have a lyvyng for me and myne there i wold gladly
do as my lordis grace requirethe, but that an other man* shuld have
the deanery and do nothyng and i shuld be bound to be a workman,
sola spe ventura j netcio quando, prabenda, alendus, the love that i bear
unto my wyfe and chylder will not suffer me. My chylder have bene
fed so long with hope that they ar very leane ; i wold fayne have them
fatter, if it were possible. I pray you know of my lordis grace
what is hys gracis pleasure in thys mater ; i cannot dwell here all
thys next cummyng wynter. Syr i hear say that ye have certayn
howses to let in London ; if that they be not all promysed i pray
you let mast res auder my mother in law (whom i thynk ye know)
have one of them, for as myche as ye wold take of another. She
intendeth to dwell by hyr chylder in London, i trust that ye shall
be honestly payed it that she promiseth you.
Fare well from Ken,
the xi. of iune [1549].
By me WVLLTAM TURNER.
III. — DRAFT OF MEMORIAL TO THE SHERIFFS.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. TO!, rii. art. 37.]
Trustie and welbeloved we great you well.
And where we are advertised that Certaigne of our Subjects hath
of late in that our county of Devon repyned and rebelled agaynst the
• Sir John Mason, Knight, had been appointed to the deanery of Winchester in
racceation to William Kingesmyll in 1549, and held it till the beginning of Queen
Mary's reign. The mother-in-law alluded to in the letter is the wife of George
Auder, an alderman of Cambridge, whose daughter Jane was first married to
Turner, and afterwards to Richard Cox, Bishop of Ely.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 5
mostgodlie procedyngs [in the last sessions] of parliament at VVestni.
in the last sessions thereof, concernyng the boke set furth by our
authorite in full parlament of the rite and ceremonies to be used in
our churche of England and Ireland and all our domynions, of which
we do mych marvell thateny of our subjects should be so ignoraunt,
disobedient, and dysloiall unto us to gaynsay thact of all our hole
realm and the common agreement of both our spiritualtie and tern-
poralite there gathered together, and altho the same doth deserve
most extreme punishment as agaynst Rebelles and Traitors; yet of our
abondaunt mercye [with th'advice of our most entierly beloved]
are desirous to shew to all our lovyng subjects by th'advice of
our most entierly beloved uncle .the L. P. governor of our person
and protector of all our realms, dominions and subjects, and the
rest of our privy Council, we are content to accept this hitherto
done to have been done rather of ignoraunce then of malice,
and at the mocion of some light and naughty persons then of any
evill will that our loving subjects doth bear to us or to our pro-
cedyngs.
And therefor at the sute of diverse gentlemen who hath made
humble sut for them by thadvis aforsaid have pardoned, and by
these presents do pardon, all the said contempts and offences here-
tofore past. So that the said offenders shall never hereafter be
trebled nor vexed for eny such offence hereafter paste and done,
upon condycion that hereafter they do behave themself towards us
as the dewty is of lovyng and obedyent subjects. In obeyeing the
godly lawes and statutes by our authorite promulgated and set forth.
The which thyng we will ye shall promulgat and declare accord-
yngly, wiHyng, and streigthly chargyng you and every of you yf
eny maner person after this our writing, pardon, and commandment
shall cftsonea attempt to repugne or resist our godly procedyngs in
the lawes by us and our parliament made by gathering or assembling
in companyes or otherwise to apprehend the same. And to se our
lawes and statute duely and severely executed agaynst all such
offenders as apperteyneth.
' TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
In witnes whereof we hare signed this present with our hand.
By us under our signet at our manor of Richmond the xxtb
of June, 1549, and in the third year of our reigne.
Endorsed cu follows : —
xxth of June, 1549. M. to the Sheriffs, Justices of peace and
rest of the gentlemen in Devonshire touching them that would
not reade the booke of prairs.»
IV. — LICENCE TO MB. GREGORY TO PREACH UNDER INSTRUC-
TIONS FROM THE LOUD PRIVY SEAL.
[Petjt MSS. No. 638, rol. xlri. fol. 431.]
The Lord Protector and the Counsell the xxiij1* of June to Mr.
Gregorye.
After our hartie commendations: Forasmoche as yt is accept-
able to God to have his people leade theyre lyves in the feare
and knowledge of hym and thereuppon also folowythe as by good
order quyet and [due] obedyence of all people to theyr prynces and
beds, the which no wyse so convenyently can be brought to passe
as to have frequent and dyscrete preaching of his hollie word and
commandement ; we have thought yt mete s[ence] our verie good
Lord the lord pry vie Seall i[s] appoynted under the Kyngs Ma
to have the [whole] governaunce of that west parte of realme
durin[g] his Maiu«" pleas', that ye shuld both be lycens[ed], and
commanded by us on the Kyngs Matle« beh[alf] to preache and
• After the following memorial there are three pages racant Then follow two
learw belonging to it, on the back of the second of which ia the endorsement and
date, and on the obrerse of the first is —
" Fynally, the sayd L. Russell shall ones every [moneth at lest he
do"] moneth att the lest advertise hither of the state of the countreys
committed to his governance, and as any other maters of import-
ance shall occurre to sygnifie oftcner, whereupon order shall be
gyven as shall appertayn."
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 7
oppenly declayre with sincerytye the word of god in su[ch] publyke
place and auditorye as the same lord pr[yvie] Seall shall solycyte
you, whose dyscryssyone [and] grave wysdome the Kyngs Mau« and
we so [myche] esteme that wythout his order and certen know [ledge]
we will ye take no labour uppon you. [And for] your delygence and
study e herein, although the fame be your dewtie, and of god pre-
scrybed, yet [we] will have yt in good remembraunce and rewarde
y[ou] to your contentation.
And so we b[id you] far[e] well. From Richemound the xxiiith
d[ay of] June, A° 1549.
[Your lo]ving ffreinds,
£. SOMERSET.
W. SANCT JOHN.
R. RICHE CANC. A WYNQFELD.
F. SHREWESBURY. ARRENDELL.
EDWABD MOUNTAGU.
CICILL.*
V. — SIMILAR LICENCE TO DR. REYNOLDS.
[Petyt MSS. No. 638, vol. xlvi. fol. 431.]
The lorde protector and the Counsell, the xxiiijth of June to Mr.
Doctor Reynolds.b
After our hartie commcndacions: For as myche as yt is most
acceptable to have his people leade theyre lyves in the feare and
knowledge of hym and there uppon also folowythe as by good
ordre, quyet, and due obedyence of all people to theyr prynces and
• This document was printed with several errors of copying by Strype in his
Memorialt, rol. ii. p. 168.
b If we may judge from the account given by the author of the Troubltt a*
Frankfort, neither Mr. Gregory nor Dr. Reynolds did much service in their capa-
city of preachers. He says: "If yon call to remembrance who hasarded his life
\vith that old honourable Earl of Bedford, when, as he was sent to subdue the
popish rebel* of the west, you shall find that none of the clergy were hasty to take
that service in hand but only old Father Coverdalc (p. 19G).
8 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
heddes, the whiche no wise so convenyntly can be brought to pane
as to have frequent and dyscrete preaching of his hollye word and
commandement, we have thought yt mete, sence our verie good lord
the lord pryvie Seall is appoynted under the kyngs Ma°* to have
the governaunce of that west part of the realme during his Matle*
pleasure, That ye shall bothe be lycensed and commanded by us, on
the Kyngs Ma"** behalf, to preache and oppenly declare with syn-
cery tie the word of God in suche publyke place and audytorye as
the same Lord pryvie scall shall solycyte you, whose dyscressyon
and grave wysdome the Kyngs Mau" and we so myche esteme
that wytheout his ordre and certen knowledge we will ye take no
labor upon you. And for your delygence and studye herein,
although the same be your duetie and of god prescribed, yet we will
have yt in good remembrance and reward to your con ten tat ion.
And thus fayre you hartely well .
Frome Rychmount the xxiiijth of June, 1549.
Your loving frends,
E. SOMERSET.
R. RICHK CAUNC. W. SANCT JOHN.
F. SHREWESBDRT. EDWARD MONTAGU.
VI. — INSTRUCTIONS TO LORD RUSSELL FROM THE COUNCIL.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. rol. rii. art 40.]
A Memoriall for the Lord Russell, Lord Privie Scale, for the
purposes ensuing.
Whereas the K. My by the advice of us the lord protector and
Council hath thought mete to appoint the said Lord Russell to
reside for a time in the west parts of this his Majesty's realm as well
for the good governance of his highness1 counties of Devon, Cornwall,
Somerset and Dorsctt, in good order and quiet, as also for the better
defence of his highnes loving subjects in the same shyres in case of
any invasion or other attemptats by forregn cnnemies, His highness1
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 9
pleasure is that he the said lord Russell repairing to his charge shall
at his fyrst coming to every of the sayd shyres call unto him the
justices of peax and such other of them and of the most grate and
honest men of every of the said counties as he shall think convenient,
by whom and by as many other waies and meanes as he may, he
shall in forme himself of the state and ordder of every of the said
shyres ; and finding the same to be in good ease and quietness he
shall take such further order for the good continuance thereof as to
him with their advises shall be thought most expedient.
But if the people shall be out of frame and not in such order of
obedience as were convenient, the said lord Russell, consulting with
the said justices for this purpose and others, as is aforesaid, informe
himself of the causes of their said unquietncss, shall travel by all
ways and means possible both to remedy the causes aforesaid, bring
the people with gentilnes to such conformitie as [to bringe them
and obedient subjects] appertayneth by travayl and gentle
persuasions [which way if it shall] : if they shall nott bee reduced to
the knowledge of their duties, his hyghnes pleasure is the sayd 1. p.
seall shall, by force of his majesty's comyssion to him addressed for
this purpose, assemble [the power of there for the better] such nombers
of men, within the limits of his commission, as may be hable both
to repress the obstinatt and willful doings, [and] bring them to the
knowledging of ther bounden dueties, and be also an example to
others to attempt the like [repressing of such as obstinately shall
trouble the good quiet of the countre, conducing of tJie rest to an order
and tliacknowlegeng of their bounden duties in this behalf]. And in
case of any invasion by th'ennemies, the said lord Russell, leving
his Mat1** subjects as is aforesayd, shall extend all his good dexteritie
and courage for repulse of them and defence of the countree to
th'uttermost ; and to th'intent the same may be in better order for
defence if any such thing shuld chaunce he shall give order, if it be
not alredy don, for the setting up and watching of the beacons in
all necessary places accustomed, [according to thorder heretofore]
especially reysed by the costs in such places and after such order
CAMD. SOC. C
10 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH Mil
as heretofore hath byn prescribed for that mater. [In the meane
time to thinttnt things may be in good] And for the better exchuing
of all occasions of treble and inquietude at home in the sayd shyres,
[order we ourselves] his Ma"* pleasure is the said lord Russell shall
have a speciall regard to giving spcciall charge to Mn and fathers to
have an earnest continuall regard to the good governance of their
children and servants, and to the quiet of the countrey ; for seing
that clothiars, dyars, wevars, fullers, and all other artificers be kept
occupied, and that all occasions of unlawfull assemblies be avoyded
as moche as may be [and in any ease any sliall attempt ike breache
of the lawes or otherwise use any kinde of misorder to se thojffendorj
punished to tliexample of others].
His highnes pleasure also is that amongs other things the said lord
privie scale shall have a speciall respect to se [the kin] his Ma"*
procedings [&nd order] touching matters of religion well obeyed
and executed according to the order lately set forth in that behalf.
Finally [Jt hath byn also thought good that ones every] And if
any light seditions or vayn brutes and rumors shall be sprcdd in
any of the countries under the rule of the said Lord Russell he
shall endevor hymself by all the wayes and meanes he may, to
know the begynnars and fyrst settars forth.
And bycause we know thatt [great, thatt no one thing doth often]
sondry ill and seditious persones for the better atcheving of ther
devellysh purpose have many tymes used to spredd abrod [sondry]
such lewd and ontrue brutes and rumors as they Imagine may best
sett forth ther [said] naughty purposes, the sayd lord Russell [shall]
(who may well assure himself to be ondclaydly advertised from us
of all occurrants of importance) shall endevor him self from tyme to
tyme to search out the authors or sprcdda™ of the sayd rumours,
causing them to be apprehended and committed to ward [ther to
remayn] and after furthar punished according to ther desenrings.
>rsed: —
M. of my lord
pmie MftlM,
monorail xxiiij* Janii, 1549.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 11
VII. — LORD RUSSELL'S LETTER TO THE DUKE OF SOMERSET
EXPLAINING THE STATE OF AFFAIRS IN THE WEST
COUNTRY: WRITTEN IN JUNE 1549.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. TO!, rii. art 41.]
It cannot appear to our Judgments that the town off Sherburn
doth stand upon any such strayte, as the same with any meane force
shall be a stay to the passage of the rebels eastward, nor that they
can be well impeched of the said passage by any other strayts of
that Countrey, otherwyse than by an army abyll to withstand them
in the face. For first it appeareth that the distance between the
river which goeth by Dorchester and that which goeth by Bridg-
water is xxu myles.
And over the river wh goeth by Dorchester men may ryde almost
in all places.
The countrey from Lamport to Brydgewater and so down to the
sea side, which is about 8 miles, is very strong, but that countrey is
not for horsemen to do servyce in.
And betwixt those two rivers they may pass in all places. As
the countrey lyeth the town of Sherburn standeth directly between
the said two rivers, saving that the said town beareth somewhat
more eastward. And an army may pass over every side of the said
town eyther between the same and the town of Bruton off the one
side through Somersydeshyre, or by Dorsydeshire between the said
town off Sherburn and the south sea without any stay to impeche
them, other than the low country off Blackemore which beareth not
above two miles in brede from the said town, but that town is a
convenient place for a strength of men to lye in for the indifferent
stay as well of Soraersideshyre and Wylshire, as Dorsydeshire during
the time that these rebels shall not pass the bonds of Devonshyre.
And if we be driven to retire it standeth uncertayn to us hitherto,
by what quarter we shall most conveniently use the same until their
determinations of proceeding more evidently appear, but your grace
12 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
may be assured that therein we shall omit nothing undone that may
empeche or molest them by all ways possible as far as our power
shall extend.
J. RUSSELL.'
Endorsed : —
The answer to the instructions for the situation of the country,
and again
The answer to the effect of the instructions sent by Mr. Dudley
and Mr. Travers.
VIII. — MEMORIAL OF THE COUNCIL TO THE JUSTICES OF PEACE
IN DEVONSHIRE, OF THE 26m OF JUNE, 1549.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. TO!, vii. No. 42, fol. 138.]
After or right harty commendations.
Wee have receyvyd yor ires of the xxiiijth of June, by the wh wee
doo understand that those lewd psonnes of whom you wrote before,
being ons well quieted by your good meannes, bee now agayn
assembled in a farre greatter nomber thorough the ^suasions of some
seditious persones such as desier a styrre more then quietnes. For
remedie wherof, albeit you may understand partly or mynde by or
former tres wryten un to you, yet, considering thatt as this and such
lyke mysorders be for the more part easely holpen att the begynnyng
so they may with tyme grow to further inconvenience, if the decla-
ration of such mater as we signefied un to you before shall nott
satysfye them, we require you to traveyll by thayr meannes eyther
• The writer was the Sir John Russell who firwt appear* in history 1513, as a
gentleman of the King's privy chamber. He was created a peer in 1639, with the title
of Baron Russell. He serred various office*, and became Lord Privy Seat, Dec. 8,
1542, and Lord High Steward in 1547. He was afterwards created Karl of Bedford
in 1550, and died in 1554. He was the bearer of the ring from the King to Wolsey,
Nor. 1, 1529, and had been sent against the northern rebels in the insurrection of
1536. and was employed in the West in 1545.
PRAYER BOOK OP 1549. 13
openly with the hole world [and traveyll to induce them by fayre
meanes], or els apart with the ringleaders by all the best ways you
can devise to induce them to retyre to ther houses, putting them
[or such a th~\ and especially the cheff doers [ringleaders] among
them in remembrance what an onnaturall dealing this is of subjects
to rise against ther soveraigne lord. What onkindnes his Ma* may
herafter justly conceyve herof sens these things be attempted in his
mynorite. Whatt dyshonor and onsuertie to the hole realme may
grow by these attemptats. Whatt courage the [our enemyes the
the shall] hearing therof shall administer to the Ff men,
Scots [and such others as] or enemyes, to putt them in remembraunce
thatt the parts of good and obedient subjects hadd by n ffyrst to have
sued for remedie att the hands of ther soveraign lord, and nott to
take uppon them selfs the swerd and authorite to redresse as they list,
especially those maters wh being allredye establisshed by a law and
consent of the hole realme can nott (if any thing was to be reformed)
bee otherwise altered then by a law agayn. By these or such other
good words you may fyrst assay to asswage them wherin if you
shall not be hable to satisfie them, yett shall you by these meannes
somewhat mitigate their furor, and use the meannes you possably
can best devyse to stay the comyng of gretter nombers un to them,
and in the mean tyme putt yor selfs wh such of yor tenaunts and
servants as you best trust, secretly ordered to attend such further
direction as or very good lord, the lord pryvey seall, who is now in
journey towards you, shall farthar prescribe as for the delay of a tyme
for th'execution of the statute. Of the shepe & cloth we have written
more amply to you by our former letters, and this eftsones requiring
you to joyn wysely and manly together in these things, we bydd
you hartily farewell. From Syon.
Endorsed : —
M. to Sr Thomas
Denys, peter conrteney,
and Antony Harry,
justices of peax in
Devon, xxvi"1 of
Jane, 1549.
14 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
IX. — LETTER FROM LORD ARDNDEL TO SECRETARY PETRE,
JUNE 29, 1549.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. rol. ri. art. 44.]
Ye shall understand that these parts re may n as well as may be
in a quaveryng quyet ; the honest promes faythefully to serve the
kyng, the rest I trust wyll folow yf the devysses shall soon ......
.... be now shortely to be usyd.
.Sir, I here that the persone of Sr Willm George is out for the com-
myssyon of oyer and determyner. His fame soundeth not amongst
the pepull for the just admynystratyon of Justyce. I thought good
to write this much unto you by casse I have sens or departure from
my lords grace herd this much, praying you to revelle the same
unto him and to none other. Also thynkyng this mater meter to
be openyd by you my frend then by myne own letters unto his
grace, I trust you therwith, and end with comedatyons in this
letter, and wyll begin the next with acodynglye,
From Geldford,
the xzix of June, 1549.
Yor assuryd frend,
ARRUNDELL.*
Endorsed a* follows : —
To my Terie taring
ffrend 8* WiU- Peter
knight, one of the king*
Ma«*" twoo principall
Secretary es.
Therle of Arundell,
Junii, 1549.
• The writer of this letter was Henry Fitzalao, Earl of Arnndel from 1J43
to 1579. As Lord Maltrarers he was one of the panel of Peers returned for the trial
of Lord Dacre, July 9, 1&34, when he was unanimously aqnitted of the charge of
treason He was made Knight of the Garter in 1544, and Lord Chamberlain 1546.
He went as Lord Deputy to Calais in April, 1540, and in the following year
Somerset, then Earl of Hertford, was sent orer to aid him in settling certain
disputed points as to the boundary of the pale.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 15
X. — LETTER FROM THE COUNCIL TO THE LORD PRIVY SEAL,
ADVISING HIM HOW TO ACT.
[Petyt MSS. No. 538, TO!. 46, fol. 432.]
From my Lord Protector the xxixth of June to my L. Pry vie
Seall.
After our hartie commendations to your good Lordshipp. The
same shall understand that we have receyved your letters frome
Salysburie w"1 other ires out of the west partes brought by one
Stowell, of whome we harde at lengh the hole state and procedyngs
of the busie people in Devonshire. For answere wherof, Fyrst, we
geve your L. most hartie thanks for your paynes and great dely-
gence, used as well, by the waye, as also for your stodye towardes
the end of your journey, not doubting but at your comyng in to
those parties your wysdome and good polycie shall we fynish those
styrres.
For the preceding wherein we have thought mete to let you
knowe our advyse, as we have upon the understandyng of the mat-
ter conceyved yt best, remytting neverthelesse the alteracon therof
as good occasion shall serve to your wysdome. Fyrst for the appesing
of the multytude assembled at Sampford Cortney, we thinke your
lordshipp Assembling your power of horsemen and some conveny-
ent nombre of hagbutes footmen, The towne of Excester being
left in good sauftie for all purposes of your returne; you maie
resorte nye to the sayd towne of Sampford, tarying also w you
half a dosen or double bases, and before you shall attempt any
entreprise against them to lett them understand theyr dysobeydy-
ence and the causes of theyr greyffes to be only devysed of veyry
falshed by such as mynde trayterously to the Kyng's Matle and
theyr utter dystructyon, and therefore vt is thought that the greate
number of them be but seduced and decey ved wth false rumors, So
that yf they will depte to theyr houses, lyke good subjects, And
remyte the redresse of theyr greyfs to the King's Matu, who hath
16 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
only power that to do, and none more redie, then they shalbe taken
aa the kyng's subjects, having erred by ignorance. And yf other
wyse they will maynteyne them selves in any assembles they
shalbe sure to be used as high trayto" and rabelles to the kyng's
Ma* and the croune. And that shall they feele furthw"1, without
any extremytie to be spay red. And in the treating hereof thay
maie be answered, to certen theyr spetiall brutes and rumors ; as to
that thay say, After the payment for shepe thay should paie for
theyr geese and piggs and such like, the same is not only utterly
false, but a thing never mente by the kyng, the counsyall, nor any
wyse man leving, being founde oute by some sedytious traytor, as
in the end will fully appeare ; and for the artycle of Baptysme, of
not baptysing theyr cheldren frome sonday to sondaie, the same is
lykewise false, as may appere by the kyng's Matu* book, even in
the last sentence of the fyrst syde of the leafe entreating of baptysme,
and so lyke wyse maie thay credyt all them that spred suche
rumors by the try all of that one, yf thay will puse the book.
We wold also ye caused before your depture to be publysshed
and bruted Abrode sondrye wyse, that these men thus assembled,
be wonderfully abused, and that by the provocation only of certen
popyshe prests, whiche color all theyr doyngs with other sedytyous
rumors, and meane nothing ells but to subdue the people to the
pope by whome they leved as in a kyngdotne, And all other the
kyngs loving subjects in a thraldome.
And yf in this and lyke maner thay be not paycificd, but will
stand to theyr former purpose, then our meanyng is ye shuld
proced this other or lykewyse as ye maie Thcnk best. Your
horsemen may lye a loufe, making nowe and then offers to the
towne, and sending certen harcquebu tiers of horseback to the places
of adventayg, to the intent the rebellors may be draune to the utter
pte* of the towne, where thay have cheyncd upp theyr passages.
And then, your bases being fyrst placed, x or xii score frome the
towne behynde your horsemen, Agaynst the same passages shall
redely after the retorne of your horsemen annoye them, and slay
PRAYER BOOK OP 1549. 17
suche numbers of them, as we thynke playnly the press therof will
cause them sodenly to gyve over and shrincke, and yf not but that
they shall break or yssue out upon you, then we doubt not but that
your horsemen, being instructed before of your L. good pollyce, shall
utterly dystrysse them and overthrow them. And in consyderacon
of the hole matter we dyssyer especyally those Syxe men w** do
solyc[it] the causes of theyr complying unto one especiall man
Steple in the same towne, and the same man also may be appre-
hended to be ponyshed above all others for example sake.
We wold also ye used this pollycie before your tyme of enter-
pryse agaynst them ij or iij dayes, that ij or iij trustie lykly persons
may be addressed thether wth good wyse instructyons to be come
ptaker of the said multytude, and to professe moche ernestnes
therein, to the intent to gytt some credet and authorytie amongst
them, and so to precede two or iij dayes, as ye shall "appoynt them,
And afterward uppon the rumors to be brought of your L. power
thyther and upon the brute of their offences, the terror of corny tting
treason, the feare of a kyng's execution, ye and upon knowledg
that they have been seduced by false dysposed people, And
furthermore upon the feare of theyr owne lives, the same men
so suburned maie waxe fant and so fall to fearre by degrees,
that yt maie be without suspect and not only to begyrie to flee
themselves, but also to move all others that to do. And in the
night And lykwyse for the more annoyauce of them we wold ye
dystressed all maner of victual! s nigh to the towne, And by good
watch provede that theyr victualls maie be intercepted, wch thing
wthout any other force to be attepted may chause cause them geve
over at the fyrst.
For the furder order of things a mysse wthin the cyrcute of your
cofhission we will shortly send unto your Lordshipp two comyssyons.
And A proclamation, the one of the Commissiones to be for oyer
and determyner of all roytts, etc., thother for the inquery of decayes
and unlawfull inclosures. The proclamacftn for the assessing and
CAMD. 8OC D
18 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
taxing of exceasyve pryses of victuals, thcxccution whereof we
praie your Lordahipp consyder shall serve to great purpose. And
so being weyed we pray your L. to use all convenynt deligence
and Industrie.
Furthermore understanding by enformaoSn that there is one
Mr. Blakston, an Eccleasticall Commissarie, whose credett as yt is to
moche, so yt is abused in sedusing the kings people by dysparsyng
Amongst them false and sedycyous advertisements of thalteracon of
Relygyon ; We thenke yt verie mete that je earnestly treat w01 the
same ptie, that by his letters, preaching, and otherwise as ye shall
think covenyent, do sturre and provoke all maner Curats and other
people wtbin his Jurysdiction to be obedyent, and to let them knowe
that they be dyssayved in theyr opinyons, and that nothing more
earnestly ment towarde them then trewe and good establyshing of
theyr faithe and the proffit of the comon wealthe. And so fynally
to order that people maie be revoked to more quiet or the sayd
comyssionr to be brought out of his credytt, where as yf he shuld
remayne w^out Amendyng, moche harme might folowe. For the
suburnyng of your men and the dysparsyng of convenyent rumors
to appease theyr false rumors, our meanyng is the same shuld be
used iij or iiij dayes before your pceding towardes them, for that we
thynk therbye theyr power will waze day lye lease and lease.
And yf the man kepyng his fondc office in the steple, and vj. other
wch be referendaries of causes to hym maie be covenyently appre-
hended, we wold, yf otherwyse than by rack or terror they will not
confesse the fyrst and orygynall begynnyngs hereof, they were sent
hether upp to us, as also we wold the lyke, yf your L. shall think
so mete, that anye others wold upon the rack or terror confesee
Authors or begynnynges hereof, wch thing to knowe as a verye
neceasayrie we dysyrc. Thus most hartely we byd your good
Lordshipp fare well.
For the syttyng of postes According to your desyre We have all
redie gyven order.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 19
From Richmond, the xxixtt of June,* 1549.
Yor L. assured loving Frends,
E. SOMERSET.
A. WlNGFELD.
WILLM. PETBE.
A. DENNY.
XL — SUPPLICATION TO THE COUNCIL FROM STAINES DEPRE-
CATING THE DESTRUCTION OF THEIR BRIDGE. JUNE, 1549.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. vol. vii. art. 46.]
To the right honorable lords of the King's Maltw most honorable
privie Council!.
In their moost humble wise besechen and shewen unto your good
lordshipps your orators thinhabitants of the towne of Stanys, in the
countie of Midd". That where your said orators have received
comandement frome my lorde protector, in the king's graces name,
to pluck upp the Comen bridge at Stanys, for the saufgarde of the
Realme, as they allege frome enymyes, whiche ys and wilbe to
thutter undoyng and distruccion of all the hoole Towne and coun-
trie thereabouts ; and the said Bridge is yett staled parte of it, upon
that the said Towne of Stanys hathe promysed to send out a Scowte
to discrye yf any armye be comyng that waie. In consideration
wherof it may please your good lordshipps to signifie unto your
said orators your lordshipps pleasure herin and what your said
• Between the letters of the 29th Jane and the 10th of July there is a docn-
nicnt entitled " The King's Majesty's Answer to the Supplication made in the name
of his Highnesa's subjects of Devon and Cornwall." This has been printed by
Tytler in Ms England under the Rrignt of Edward VI. and Mary, vol. i. p. 178,
who says, " There are in the State Paper Office three contemporary drafts of thia
answer, none of them signed by Edward or Somerset. This is dated July 8th, and
on the same day Sir William Paget wrote from Brussels to Secretary Petre, shewing
how soon tidings of the mutiny had reached the Continent"
20 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
Orators shall do thcrin. And your said orators shall dailly praic
unto Almyghtie Jhesu for the prosperous preservacion of your good
lordshippe.
Endorted : —
The supplicacon of the men of Stanes.
XII. — LETTER OF THE COUNCIL TO THE PRINCESS MARY OF
THE ?TH JULY, 1549, SENT AFTER THE APPEARANCE BEFORE
THEM OF DR. HOPTON HER CHAPLAIN.*
[Petyt MSS. No. 538, rol. 46, fol. 4.]
After due commendations to your grace.
The ?ame may by these presents understand that we have heard
your chaplain Doctor Hopton and in like manner informed him for
the declaration of such things as we have instructed him to utter
unto you, whom we require your grace to credit therein accord-
ingly. Thus we pray God conserve your grace in health.
From Richemond, the 7th of July, 1549.
Your grace's assured,
£. SOMERSET.
T. CANT/ H. RICHE CANC. W. SEINT JOHN. J. WARWICK.
H. ARUNDELL. WILLM. PETRE, S*. A. DENNY.
EDWARD NORTH. P. SADLETR.
To my lady Marye's grace.
• It appears from the Council Book that a letter on the subject of conformity to
the new Prayer Book waa issued by the Council on Trinity Sunday, June 16, and sent
to the Princess Mary, commanding her to send her comptroller and Dr. Hopton, her
chaplain, to them. See II art. MS. 2308, fol. 92b. The entry is as follow :—
" Upon information made to the Lord Protector's grace and Council that the lady
Mary's grace, contrary to the king's Majesty's proceedings and the laws of the realm
established on that behalf by the last act of parliament, did use to hare mass said
openly in her house, refusing to hare there celebrated the set-rice of the Communion,
whereby it appeared to his grace and their lordnhips it might be thought she might
to the world to disallow and be offended with the proceedings of the king's
PRATER BOOK OF 1549. 21
XIII. — LETTER FROM THE KING TO THE PRINCESS MART ON
THE SUBJECT OF THE MASS.
[Petyt MSS. No. 638, TO! 46, fol. 7.]
Edward. By the King.
Right dear and entirely beloved sister we greet you well.
And late you wite that having presently addressed our right
trusty and right well beloved counsellor the lord Riche our Chan-
cellor of England, and our trusty and right well beloved counsellor
Sir Willm Petre, knight, one of our principal Secretaries, to open
unto you certain things on our behalf we have thought good by the
advice of our co unsell both to pray and require you not only to
give credence unto them but also to shew yourself conformable in
that which on our behalf shall by them be proponed unto you.
Given under our signet at our palace of Westminster the 22th of
July, in the 4th yere of our reign,
E. SOMERSET. W. WILTESHIRE. J. WARWTK.
J. BEDFORD. W. NORTHT.
G. COBHAM. H. ARTNDELL. W. HERBERT.
EDWARD NORTH.
Endorsed: —
To oar right dear and entirely well be-
lored sister the Lady Mary.*
Majesty her brother : Their lordships wrote to her grace on that behalf giving to
her advice to be comformable and obedient to the observation of his Majesty's laws
to give order that the mass should be no more used in her boose, that she wonld
embrace and cause to be celebrated in her said house the Communion and other
divine services set forth by his Majesty, and that her grace wonld send to the said
Lord Protector and Council her comptroller and Doctor Hopton, her chaplain, by
whom her grace should be advertised for their lordships more amply of their minds
and advices to be both her contentation and honour."
Mary's answer of June 22, with the Council's rejoinder of June 24, and her final
reply of June 27, may be seen in Foxe and in the appendix to Tierncy's edition of
Dod's Church Hiitory.
• Nearly all the letters that passed between the Princess Maty and the Council
on the same subject may be seen in the Appendix to vol. ii. of Canon Tierney's
22 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
XIV. — LETTER FROM THE COUNCIL TO LORD RUSSELL
ANNOUNCING RE-ENFORCEMENTS. JULY 10, 1549.
[Petyt MSS. No. 538, rol. 46, fol. 436.]
From my 1. protector and the Counsiall the Xth of Julii.
After our most hartie cofnendacions unto your good lordship,
We have seen your severall tres of the viij of this present, by the
w* and the reporte of the berar we do understand at good lenght
your contynuall travaill for the staye of the Rabells in those partes,
for the w*11 we do gyve you our most hartie thankes. And for the
better encoragement of those gentilmen woh you contend and do
serve under you, lyke as we have thought good to send them our
letters of thanks w** shall come to your Lordshipp w01 these, So
in respect of your comendacion we have wrytten to the mynt of
Bryatall for a hundred pounds to be delyvered to your Lordshipp
to be bestowed amongs those gentilmens servaunts as you shall
thynk good : mary you may by no meanes gyve ne promyse to any
more wages then the Kyngs MaUe hathe heretofore usually gyven,
wch is as your Lordshipp knowythe is vj d. to a foteman and ix d.
for a light horsseman by the daye. As for the place of your owne
Abode by cause y& L may there bothe best cosyder w** waie the
rabells may be most annoyed and the rest of the countres adjoyning
well preserved in quiet, and will, we doubt not, wtb all your possable
delygence employe your self, Accordenly, we do remytt the place
to your L. And during your abode nyhand the sayd rabells you
edition of Dod's Church Hittory. They range from the date of Jane 22, 1549, to
July 16, 1651. The story is continued to the 29th of August, 1651, by extracts
from the proceedings of the Priry Council, reprinted from the Archatolofia. and
from Foxe. There is a gap, bowerer, in the correspondence of nearly a year and
a-half, between Jane 27, 1649, and December 2, 1550. The letter here printed
from the Petyt Manuscripts shows that during that interval there was no inter-
mission in the persecution of the princess on the score of her religion.
PRAYER BOOK OP 1549. 23
male by cutting a waie the victualls not only bring them to a greate
mesery, But also by spreding abrode rumors of theyr develyshe
behavours, crueltye, abhomynable levings, Robberies, murders and
such lyke bring suche a detestation of them amongs the cofnon
people and fewe we thenk will repayre towardes them.
And where your Lordshipp dyssyreth to have a nomber of fote-
men, all beyt we thenke yt wold be verie hard to send you in a short
tyme suche a nomber of fotemen as w"1 playne force might be liable
to mete with the rabells and attempt the settyng on without a
suffycent force yt wold be also dengerous, yet do we put in order
wth all the spede we maye cl Italyan harquebutters, w011 furthw"*
repayre towards you ; we do lykewy se geve order for three or foure
hundreth horssemen under the leyding of the lord graie to repayre
towards Salysburye and BO forward towards you as occasyon shall
require, besydes other iiijc horssemen strangers and one thossand
almaynes fotmen, w*11 we mynd lykwise to send towards you yf nede
shall so require. We have also wrytten to Mr. Harbert* to be in a
Redynes wth the force of Wiltshyre and Glocester. And because
we understand that Sr John Arondell, being sent for by youe, hath
refused to come, and besydes that, usythe hymself other wyse then
besemethe a good subject, we wold yor Lordshipp, yf the prymisses
be trewe, shuld for example sake cause hym to be sent frome thence
to Mr. Harbert, and frome hym to us, to be forther used according
to Justice.
• This was Sir William Herbert, son and heir of Sir Richard Herbert, an illegi-
timate son of William Herbert, who was created Earl of Pembroke 27th May, 1468,
and beheaded in 1469. Sir William was one of the sixteen executors of the will of
King Henry the Eighth, and was afterwards created Baron Herbert of Cardiff
Oct. 10, 1561, and on the following day Earl of Pembroke. He married Anne,
sister of Queen Catherine Parr. His eldest son, Lord Herbert, married Catherine,
the younger sister of Lady Jane Grey, in 1653. In May of this year 1549 he bad
dispersed the rising in Wiltshire. He was afterwards one of the peers who sat on
the trial of Somerset in 1551, and was one of the conspirators who proclaimed Lady
Jane Grey as Queen, bat turned with the tide in favour of Mary, and afterwards
was one of Elizabeth's Priry Council.
24 TROUBLES CON NECTED WITH nil
Fynally by cause yor Lordshipp wrytcth that the rabells and
others in those ptiea do sprede rumors of the tumults in these
countrcs; You shall understand that nowe, thanks be unto god,
they be appeased and throughly quieted in all places, saving only
in Buckingham shy re, there a fewe lyght persons nuely assembled,
whome we trust to have also appeased wthin two or three dayes.
And thus one thing we assure your Lordship, that in all places
thay have not only confessed theyr faults wth verie lowlye submis-
sion, but also for rellygyon declared themselves in Suff., Essex,
Kent, Hampshire, Surry, and many other places so well pswayded
as, hearing of your rabells, thaye dyssyre to dye agaynst them in
that matter. \Ve mynde send shortly unto you a proclamation wch
we think shall bothe sett a terror and dyvysyon amongs the rabells
themselves.
And thus we bid yor Lordshipp most hartely fayre well frome Syon
the Xth of Julii.*
Yor L. assured frends,
E. SOMERSET.
R. RICHE CANC'. W. SAINT JOHN.
W. PETRE.
R. SADLETR. JOHN BAKER.
Postscript. — YQT Lordshipp herew111 the warrant to brustell for
ve Ib wch you maie send thyther and so receyve the monye : your L.
may also puse the letter herein closed, and after shall yt cause yt
be d<J to gentilmen nowe attendyng yor Lordshipp.
• A long letter from the Protector and Council, of July 4, 1649, to Paget. the
ambassador at Brussels, was published by Strj-pc in his Memorial*, vol. ii.
Appendix, p. 101. It is very incorrectly transcribed, and omits altogether the con-
cluding part, which contains the following allusion to the insurrections of this
year : —
" And where some light persons before your departing had solicited some others
like themselTes for plucking down of pales and inclosures, and such like matters,
yon shall understand that sithens your departing hence the like stirs hare been
renewed in Essex, Kent, Hampshire, and Devonshire, whereof part be already
quietly appeased and the rest in good towardness also to return peac[eably] to their
PRATER BOOK OF 1549. 25
XV. —SOMERSET TO THE LORD PRIVY SEAL, PROMISING TO
SEND LORD GREY DE WILTON.
[Petyt MSS. No. 538, vol. 46, fol. 436.]
From my lord protector to my lord privie Sealle the xii"1 of Julii.
After our right hartie cofnendacons to your good L.
This shalbe to signifie unto you that we have receyved your
letters of the tenth of this present and harde the declaration of the
haralde, berer of the same ; and for the doubt ye make of Excester
and your determynaton to levey two thoussands of fottmen wythe
whome and your horsemen gyve the adventer for the relyef of that
towne ; by yor former tres we understand that the towne was not
hable to kepe yt self two daies for lack of victuall; sythens pceyving
that the towne was furnyshed eight dayes, yf we hade at the begin-
ning knowne so myche, we had not stock to have releyved the
matter otherwyse ; for when ye wrotte ye were not hable to have
any fotmen to whome to trust ; howe could ye then for the shortnes
of the tyme, Of the townes victualling and their power tauld
greate, have bene hable to adventre the succors wth only yr horsmen?
Your owne tres were the cause of our staye, but ^ceyving nowe ye
maie have fotmen, we remytt yt unto you to do yor uttermost w111
the nomber m1 yjc yea yf yt be m1 vijc,a we styck not at yt ;
for as th'ympossibilitie to have men stayed hytherto, So pntly by
this your freshe advertysement to mynd to take fotmen, we have
geven order to the Treasouror or Comptroler of the mynt of Brys •
towe the Kyng's Receyvor to Croche our Receyvor, to present
upon your bill, that ye shall lyke to demand. In lyke manner
houses ; BO as there is no likelihood of any gr[eat] matter to ensue thereof. And
yet having experience [how] slanderously these small tumults shall be dirnlged
[and] spread by the Frenchmen, we hare thought good [thus] to advertize you by
these and other letters of the full t[rnth] of these matters. Upon the knowledge
whereof you may answer these untrue and vain brutes as yon shall think good."
• These numbers are somewhat uncertain.
CAMD. 8OC. E
26 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
what ye cane gytt of marchaunts to be repayed here, take yt.
Yt shalbe aunswercd wth thanks. When gentelmen of the countrye
come to you ye male use them, but onles ye knowe them fully
perswayded for the matier in contraversie of relygyon gyve them
not to moche credytt, but so use yt Xevertheles as being vr* you
thay maie be unsuspected to their owne appayrance. Thay speake
to have to do in the governaunce of the kyng's MaUe thaie shall
knowe or thay come any thing ncrer thay shall bothe be lett of that
porpose, And the substance of suche rank Traytors receyve theire
deserts on the waye For appoyntment of Counsayllors wherin ye
require Sir Peter and Sir Gawen Carewe, we referre yt to your self
to chose whome ye think mete to be called unto you for advise and
for understanding of the state of the contrey. As to Sr John
Arrendell yf he should be sodenly sent for he wold padventer
refuse us and so shall enter desjjacon. Therefore we will wink
at the matter for the tyme, and so shall ye do well to doo also, onles
ye can pceyve according to our forme1" Letters that he maie be
quyetly delyverid unto thandes of Sr Willrh Harbert to be conveyed
hether: we had determyned to send downe to you the lord Graye*
19** a band of horsmen and some hagbuters footmen. But that
uppon occasyon of a sturr here in Bucks and Oxfordshire by in-
stigacon of sundery preists (kepe it to your self), for these matyers
of religion, we have been forced to kepe him a while and yctt we
• This was William Lord Grey de Wilton 1629-62, who had been one of the
council at Calais in 1540, lieutenant of Hampnes Castle 1539, gOYernor of Boulogne
1546. He had been in the unsuccessful expedition against Scotland in the preced-
ing year, and was supplanted by the Earl of Rutland, and had just been sent against
the rebels of Oxfordshire, whom he dispersed with 1500 men under his command.
He was sent to the Tower with Somerset, October 17th, 1549, and was pardoned and
released June 10th, 1553 ; and on September 23rd of the same year was appointed
deputy of Calais in place of Lord Willonghby, and afterwards captain of Gnisnes
October 6th, being succeeded at Calais by Lord William Howard. He was after-
ward*, in Elisabeth's reign, sent to Scotland in the year 1560. He has earned an
infamous notoriety by his order of July 19th, 1549, for the execution of rebels in
Oxfordshire and other counties, such amongst them as were priests to be hanged on
the top of the steeples of their own churches.
PRAYEB BOOK OP 1549. 27
trust wthin a vj daies raatyer shall he chaystice them, and then shall
we send him unto you. Thus fayre yor good L. ryght hartely well,
from Syon the xijth of Julii, 1549.
Your L. assured frend.
After the wryting hereof arreyved your other letters of the XIth
of this pnt coteynig the service of footmen nccesarie, wherein what
we mynt of your relyef by footemen ye pcey ve as above. What ye
maie do specyally in the meane tyme for the helpe of the Towne to
stand, do yt.
Your fyrst tres of the greatnes of theyr nombers of footemen and
your impossabilitie to have any to trust to, moved by your owne
instigation our accompt service by horsemen and no other cause had
we to myslyke footmen yf they might have been had. And that
ye had not doubted them we assure yon suche care we have to the
repryssion of the most rank Trayto™ That thus wth body matyers
waie nothing w*11 us in respeck of them. And therefore shall ye
have the sayd L. Graie and his nombers or yt be long wth you and
the onlye stay for the tyme is this lewde matier of Bucks and
Oxfordshire.
Your Lordshipps assured,
E. SOMERSET.
XVI. — LETTER FROM SOMERSET TO LORD RUSSELL, OF THE
17TH OF JULY, MENTIONING THE REBELLION IN NORFOLK.
[I'etyt MSS. No. 638, vol. 46, fol. 438.]
From my L. Protector to my L. Prevye Seall the xvii"1 of Julii.
After our right hartie comendacons to your good lordshipp
the same shall understand that we have receaved your tres, and
fyrst to the suyts of Sr Andrewe Dudley and Sr Thomas Dyer
we wilbe glad to cosyder them in that we maie convenyently doo
28 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
them good. Hitherto the case of Sr John Arrendell is not so
certeyn as that we cane make any ccrtayn accompt whereunto it
tende, wherin we praie you gyve us notyce of the full wherwilh to
charge him our former letters. To your owne sute for the heire of
Sr Thomas Trencherd we be pleased wth the same, and have taken
order wth the lord greate Mr for the satysfaction of your desyre.
To the estate of these parties God be thanked yt is presently on
good termes of obydence, saving some of the light sorte remayring
tyckle, but no great nombre, namlye at and abowte Norwhich,
whither the mrques of Northampton is goon hence for stay of the
contrey and repression of the evill. And yett theyre we trust ther
shalbe no great matyer, for psentlye are there come hither half a
dozen chosen of theyr compayny who seke the kyngs Matta*mercie and
redresse of things, and be returned to receyve pardon by dyreccons
of the mrques siche as will seke yt at his handes. We have for the
mean tyme bounde Sr Arrendell by greate suyrties and somes not
to passe a mile frome London. We have pntly write to the lord
Gray our cotentations to allowe hym xl* by daie for him self and
his horsemen to be payd as others of theyr quality, to have no place
of name but a consyallor's to gyve advise or texecute according as
shuld be concluded, and that you wold in favor preferre him,
which we pray you. Thus wyshing you, the Contenuance of yor
prosperus procedings we bid yor Lordshipp right hartely farewell.
From Westr the xxvij111 of Julii,' 1549.
Your L. assurd frend,
£. SOMERSETT.
• A mistake of the writer for July 17.
PRATER BOOK OF 1549. 29
XVII. — THE COUNCIL TO LORD RUSSELL AGAIN PROMISING
HELP BY LORD GREY DE WILTON.
[Petyt MSS. No. 638, vol. 46, fol. 438.]
From my lord protector and the Counseall, the xviijth of Julii.
After our hartie comendacons to jour good lordshipp the same
shall understand that we have receyved your letters of the xvth of
this present, and as to thalmaiynes ye require to have, we wold
gladly have holpen you with them, but ptlye for the disorder of
these parties hereabouts, and namely for that thay be odyous to our
people abrode, in so moche as we cane hardly move them to receyve
them without quarcll here at hande, we do deferre the sending of
them ; the strangers, horsemen, and Italyan hacbutters, footemen
shalbe wth you as sone as thay cane possabelye, being alredye in
the waie thy ther. For the ordynance of Purbeck , web ye declare
to lye daungerously, and that the rabells threaten to recover, we
referre to your cosyder at on ey ther to appoynt y t to be brought to
the Castell of Corfe or unto Poole yf ye conside' yt maie in any of
these places be in strength and out of theyr possession. At lest
wayes we wold that the smalle ordynaunce should be taken thence
and the powder also ; wch being done the great ordenance shall stand
them in small stede. In cace Mr. Herberd shall not come unto you
but chaunce otherwyse to be employd ye shall be furnished of ayde
of a skylfull man on horseback, The lord Graie, who by advertyse-
ment even no we we pceyve to have chased the Eebells of Bucks,
Oxfordshire, and these parties to their houses, and taken cc of
them and a dosen of the ring leders delyverid unto him whereof
pte at least shall suffer paynes of death to the example of all
malefactors.
As to your devise to have lyke pclamacons to Cornewall as was
lately sent to you for Devonehyre we have taken ordre to have them
out of hande, and do send them downe unto you for satysfaccon of
your dysyre in that behalf.
Piers is arryved here, and we have sent for Sr John Arrendell
to Portsmouthe to be conveyd hither.
30 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
Thus fare yor good L. right hartely well.
Frome Westm' the xxviiith of Julii,* 1549.
Your assured frends,
E. SOMERSET.
T. CANT. R. RICHE CANC'.
W. SANCT JOHN.
J. WAKWYK.
XVIII. — LETTER FROM SOMERSET AND THE COUNCIL TO
LORD RUSSELL PROMISING HELP BY LORD WARWICK.
[Petyt MSB. No. 638, TO!. 46, fol. 439.]
Frome my L. protect©' and the counsiall to my lord previe seall.
After our hartie comcndacons to you the same shall under-
stand that we have receyved your letters of the xviijlh of this
present and wth the same your articles of answere, And the letters
out of Cornewall conteynyng the state of those countres, tharryvall
of Mr. Dudley and Mr. Travers and your demand of a mayne force,
and so forther as the same your letters do prport.
And fyrst where you note the smallness of your owne power, the
dayly encrease of the rabells nombers and the necessytie to have a
mayne force, wythout wch you aledge in one part of yor tres that
neyther can the cytie be relevyd ne the Rebells either assailed or
resisted, And in an other pt ye make a clere impossabilitie ; We be
sorye to here frome you as men having expcryence anye suche
desperation and impossabillities made, wch being trewe can not be
redubbed, and yf force maie do yt and that sodcnly things cannot be
had hens, ye do wisely cosider not t'adventure the overthrowe for
the smalnes of yor power, in wch cace there might ensewe great
unsurytie to your charge and dyshoner to the Kyngs MaUe. But in
the meane season you maie ncvertheles us yor dyscryssyon as you
shall BC cause. Wherein, for a forther helpe having nowe viij"
• This was a mistake of the writer for 18th of July.
PBAYER BOOK OF 1549. 31
good Hagbutters strangers sent unto you male put them on horse-
back, gytting horses out of the countreye for them, whosoever one
them, the Cap608 becoming by your word and credyt answerable for
theyr delyvery ; ye shall so encrease your strenth and deceye them
by yt of so many horses yf they wold mynde to use them, besydes
we wold sett on horseback as many others as ye can gytt that ye
maie trust unto. And by that meane shall ye avoyde thennemy
from gytting of horses out of Somersetshyre, and those parties that
they wold els have taken. And being thus furnished, though
they be xl tymes so many in nombre, for ye shall wth vc horse
chosen th'advantage of the countrey, and dysposing some reasonable
nombre of fotemen at places mette as uppon straights of passages,
both out of their vitaill and skirmyshing, ayde of your hagbuters
bickering wth them in there marche, take A grcatt advantage on
them of theyr victualls and other wyse as shalbe to them impesch-
ment, and yet at all tymes when yt shall appeare by the renforce of
thennemies convenyent to retyre, they maie draw themselfs back
and the footmen also w111 them in surytie. And in this wise
thennymies encountred by force of horse, men, hagbutters, and
politique handling of the matyer by interruption of theyre vitaill,
thay shalbe wery of theyr lyeng and a bate theyr pryde after thay
have mett wth men of conduict.
The mayne force purposed by my L. of Warwik* cannot yet for
• This was Sir John Dudley, son of Edmund Dudley, who had been executed
Aug. 10, 1510. He was created Viscount Lisle March 12, 1542, and was one of the
sixteen executors of the will of Henry VIII. On the 17th of February, 1547, he
was created Earl of Warwick, and made Great Chamberlain of England. It is
remarkable how absent he was from the Council during the latter part of 1547 and
till the middle of 1549. He seems to have been waiting his time to upset Somerset.
After Somerset's fall he appears to hare become reconciled to him, when his eldest
son married Lady Anne Seymour, Somerset's daughter. He became Duke of North-
umberland in 1551, and was chief manager for placing Lady Jane Grey on the
throne. His attempt to show loyalty to Queen Mary, when Lady Jane Grey's
cause was hopeless, did not succeed, and he was executed on the 21st of August,
1553, professing that he had been all along a Catholic at heart; though, for political
ends, he had professed agreement with the men of the new learning.
32 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
a tyme be sent unto you, for no lenger then yestcrdaye sume of the
Countres hereabouts as Essex, Suff. Norff. and Kent were not in so
good ordre and quiet as we wold wyshe, though theyr articles be
not suche as your matters, raves, and spoyling of Townes ; also
other yet be thaie to say to you in counsaill things of corhon ordre,
as to have one man to have but one ferme lands at theyr owne
prych, and suche lyke ; they stand for pnt reformation and yet
must they tary a playraent tyme.
When those things be ended he shalbe in order to come to you
w"1 comyssydn of Wiltshire and Gloccster to amend your force,
besydes those he bringeth hens, and for the which ye shall have my
L. Graye, who hath ccl. horse and the viiju hagbutters sent by
Spinola. Ye saye out of Dorset and Somerset shires ye loke not to
have above M1 fotemen, and that yor nomber of horses exced not
vi or vijc, yett do the Kebells bragg that they will have x™1 to seat
on your backs out of those shires, as the awe of theyr nombers is so
great, so be your nombers mencyoned so inoche under foote. It
were strange to us that they shuld not at least be liable to make
iiij011 or more, and to prevent frorae Joyning wth the rebells,
yea to make them serve wth you. We have devysed that ye make
wth all spede pclamafon for those shyrcs moche of th'effect of that
last sent for Cornewall for forfeiture of lands, etc., adding in yt
that If they shall not come unto you to serve according to theyr
dewties and obedyence to their souvereign lord, and show thorn -
selves aa prest and redie to fight against those rank rebells and
papists of Devon as be cometh good subjects, they shalbe bothe
dcmed and for Trators and for feet theyr landes, Copiholds and goods
wlbout redempcon to themselves, wyfes and children, and be
w^out all hope of pdon to the p pet u all dysherison of them selfg,
and all that depend uppon them, the matyer of Copiholds being so
gcncrall a leving to the nomber of those shires, shalbe as moche a
terror as anye other thing that can be possibly devised.
The rebells have used this practice wlh you to send a nomber
under color to submyt themselves t 'explore your doings, and t'under-
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 33
stand your force and numbers. Whi shuld not ye agayn gytt
two or three, such as may be trusted, to do the lyke for your pte
amonges them, wherby to take the advantage of service. To the
power gathered in Cornewall as joyne with the rebells, the Pro-
clamacon being all redie sent downe shalbe some stay unto them,
yf y t will not, we think to put it to execute, as uppon their going
t'entre upon theyr lands and goods, so maie ye paventur withdrawe
them back to save theyr owne. A better psonage to execute yt can
uot be devised then Sr Willm. Godolphin, who hath bene a frontier
man. And therefore we would ye gave ordre wth hym in it : let him
cause yt to be pclaymed by face of the proclamations. As to shott
whereof ye* to have lack, shyft is to be made there bylede, whereof
we doubt not there is plentie within the lymyts of your cofnys-
sion, and for powder the same hath been sent hence unto you. In
those pties of your comyssion where ye cannot trust the men that
should possess them, we think mete ye cause to be gathered toge-
ther all the hagbutters, Bowes, arrowes, shott, powder, and other
municon, and bestowe them in some castell as at Bristowe or els-
wher ye shall think best to put them, wherby thay maye be out of
t'hands of th'ennymes. Upon knowledge of the treason wrought
by the mayor of Plymouthe in the yelding upp of the towne to the
rebells, we have geven ordre with Gotten to passe with certen of
his shippes and gallyes that waie, and fyrst to attempt by all good
meanes to wynne the possession of the castell, and to place
Hawkyns with some other men there to apprehend the Mayor, and
BO gyve good order for the towne; according to your request we have
sent another Trumpet and a Guyder of the Kyngs Armes to leade
the people. Thus fare your good L. right hartely well.
From Richmond the xxijth of Julii, 1549.
We praie you also uppon the arryvall of Willm. Graye with his
two hundreth of Ryding men you will t'extend favor to hym.
• Complain omitted by accident of copying.
CAMD. 8OC. F
34 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THB
Yor lordshipp's assured frends,
£. SOMERSETT.
W. SANCT JOHN.'
A. WINOPELD.
W. PETRE, S*.
T. SMYTH.
Poet Script. — Wythin these two dayes we hope my L. of Warwick
shalbe in ordre to depte towards you ; we shall els lack of our will.
XVI. — LETTER FROM THE COUNCIL TO LORD RUSSELL IN
ANSWER TO HIS OF JULY 22.
[Petyt M8S. No. 638, rol. 46, fol. 442.]
From my lord protector and the cosiall to my lord pryvie seall the
Kyngs Maae* Lieutant in the west parties.
After our right hartie comendacons unto yor good L. We
have receyved your letters of the xxij of this Instant, and herde the
report of Mr. Travers, and have be right glad of your good bcgyn-
• This was Sir William Paulet, Baron St. John of Basing, March 9, 1539, one of
the most constant attendants at the Council during the whole of this period. He
was created Earl of Wiltshire, Jan. 19, 1560, and on the 12th of October, 1661,
Marquis of Winchester. He was one of the executors of the will of Henry VIII.,
and receired the great seal March 7, 1647, when Wriotbesley wu deprired of the
chancellorship. He sealed the letters patent which made Somerset Protector, and
held the seal till All Saints Day, when Rich was appointed Lord Chancellor. He
stood by Somerset till his fall was certain, and then cast in his lot with Warwick,
and presided at Somerset's trial in 1651. He afterwards took the part of Ladj Jane
Grev, but departed her ca«se, and went orer to Queen Mary'" "id* ; but afterwards
conformed to the changes in religion under Elizabeth, and kept his place of Lord
High Treasurer through the reigns of Edward, Mary, and Elizabeth, till his death in
1572, at the age of 96.
PRAYEB BOOK OP 1549. 35
ning, and geve therefore to you the King's MaUc" and our right
hartie thanks, requiring you to imparte the same to suche gentilmen
and others as at this pnt have done the Kyngs MaUe good, fayth-
full, and paynefull servis. And trust of as good successe to folowe
to the Kyng's highness and all the realmes comfort.
For your further relefe we have given order for supplying of your
wants, w^ shall w"1 all spede arryve w01 you according as Mr.
Travers shall further showe unto you to your contentacon. And
for men we have geven to Mr. Aleurg* Comyssyon as well out of
South Walles as out of Glocestre Shyre, and other who shall w|h
nomber sufficyent we trust Relyef you with all speede. Where ye
require footemen, and we heretofore have sent horsemen, Th'oc-
casyon was of you That we made so moche doubt, that ye shuld
not be hable to kepe them in the streits. And then yf they shuld
come abrode horsemen shuld have done most ease. Nowe we trust
ye shall have enught of both to encontre and subdewe the rebells.
For the Mayor of Plymmoth, we ar glad to here the mater of the
towne not to be so evill as we herde, but thend shall shewe all, and
we have geven order as by the tyme we think you knowe and lyke
well your devise therein.
XVII. — LETTER FROM THE COUNCIL TO LORD RUSSELL
ANNOUNCING THE MISSION OF SlR WlLLIAM HERBERT.
[Petyt MSS. No. 638, TO!. 46, fol. 442.]
From my L. Protector and the counsiall the xxiiij of Julii.
After our right hartie comendacons to yo* good lordshipp.
For the more spedie aide of you we have wrytten to Sr William
Herbert, who shall Immedyatlye w01 all spede repayre unto you wth
• This name is doubtful.
36 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
a convenycnt nomber and power of men, and that BO great as it shall
please you to appoynt, for Mr. Herbert w of such curage, that he
sayth he is hable rather to bring to manyc then to fewe and so redie
to do. We do not doubt neyther of the good will and etomake
that ye have to the Ma0** service, nor yett of your good husbandrye
in so moch as maie be done for his hynes at this psent.
And therefore have coniytted the order and appoyntment of the
nombers and all other such things unto you. And so praye you
to sertyffie Mr. Herbert t>f yor mynde herein wth all spede, and so
bid you right hartely fare well. From Westmr, the xxiiij"1 of
Julii, 1549.
Yor Lordshipp's loving frends,
E. SOMERSET.
T. CANT. R. RICHE CANC.*
\\ SANT JOHN.
W. NOORTHT. J. WARWICK. A. WYNOFELD.
Post Script. — We have resayved a tre here inclosed the wch de-
clayreth from Mr. Hobbie the meanyng of the Frenchemen, to the
takyng of some place in Corneswall, the w** yf you cane con-
venyently declare unto them, we think yt will work paventure
some what in them.
• This wa» Richard Rich, created Baron Rich of Leete in the conntjr of
Feb. 16, 1647. He was one of the most contemptible characters in the Council. He
first sided with Somerset against his brother, and signed the warrant for Seymour's
execution. He accompanied Somerset from Hampton Court to Windsor when
Edward was removed there, but, finding that Somerset's party was deserting him,
he took the great seal with him. and joined Warwick in October, 1549. In the dis-
sensions of 1551, not knowing what side to take, he pretended illness, and resigned
office Dec. 21,1551. He soon recorered, and lived on till the year 1560. II -
treachery towards Sir Thomas More and perjury on the trial of Bishop Fisher of
Rochester may be read in any history of the period.
PRATER BOOK OF 1549. 37
XVIII. — LETTER FROM THE COUNCIL IN ANSWER TO THE
SUPPLICATION OF THE COMMONS OF CORNWALL.
[Petyt MSS. No. 638, yol. 46, fol. 443.]
To the Commons of Cornewalles supplicacon yf thay be not soner
repressed answer shalbe made.
To Humfrey Arundell's poyson sent a brod by his fres ye shall
well occurre, y f ye make proclamacon there in the shires about you
that whosoever shall Receyve take or here any such ire or wrytting
sent to incite or move, other to favor, or take pte w"1 them, or ayde
them with vituall or otherwise, shalbe taken as Kebells and suffer
forfyture Accordynly, Except immedyatly without participating or
opning yt to any other they bring the same letter that they have or
see to you, and then ye execute the same Proclamaton stray tly with
all severytie, as we trust eyther nowe by my L. Grays and others
comyng, or els verie shortly ye shall full able in the Shyres about
you, the which ye may not fayle to do. And lykewyse uppon such
as shall use trayterus and rebellyous words, moving and bendyng to
sedycon or to the dysapoynting and dysfornishing of you, or to not
serving the Kyngs MaUe, or shall aid the rebells.
For the reteyning still of the gentilmen or servaunts as Mr.
Phillippes and other which ye do write of, we are veyrie well
content thay be with still ; lykewyse of Mr. Elmer. Ther was
other cause why we did send for them. Nowe we are not only
cotent that they shall remayne w"1 you, but we have also wrytten
to other of our men and reteyners to remayne still in the shyres nere
unto you to ayd you as nede shalbe. Thus we bid yor L. etc.
Frome West., the xxv"1 of Julii, 1549.
YoT L. loving frends,
E. SOMERSET.
T. CANT. R. RICH CANC. WILLM SANT JOHN.
A. WTNGFELD.
EDWARD NORTH."
• This was Sir Edward North, who first appears as clerk of the Parliament and
afterwards as treasurer of the Court of Augmentations in 1540, and in 1546 Chan-
38 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
XIX. — LETTER FROM THE COUNCIL TO LORD RUSSELL GIVING
AN ACCOUNT OF THE EXAMINATION OF SlR JOHN AfiUNDEL.
[Petyt MSS. No. 638, vol. 46, fol. 443.]
From my L. Protector and the Counseall to my L. previe seall, the
Kyngs MaUe lieutant in the west pties.
After our right hartie comemlacons unto your good L. Sr John
Arendell, who hath all this while remayned in safe costodie, was
yesterdaie before us the lord protector and the rest of the Counsiall,
where, being examyned upon suche things as we had to charge hym
withall, he sayde that at suche tyme he was fyrst sent for by yr
lordshipp he was vcric sicke, and not hable to travell ; the seconde
tres sent from you he shewid us, and more tres he sayd he had not
nor auye comandement other then These two frome yr L. He aayth
forther he was not contended upon his allegeaunce, and that he
mynded to have come unto you upon yr Ires' as sone as he shuld
have been able. As for men he sayth he was hable to make no
number, being but a stranger in the countrey where he lay. And
for hering of Masse he sayth That upon occasyon of the light talk
cellor of the same court He was one of the sixteen executors of the will of
Henry VIII., and one of the three sent with Lord Seymour and Sir Anthony
Browne to take the great seal from Wriothealey. He was one of the twenty-six
appointed Councillors to Somerset, March 12, 1547, by the commission which
excluded Wriothealey, and was one of the nine conspirators against Somerset who
met at Ely House, Oct. 6, 1549. His name does not appear on the Council's sub-
scription to Edward's limitation of the crown, but he signed the answer to Mary's
letter, announcing to her that Lady Jane Grey was queen, July 9, 1553, ami also
the letters to the sheriff of Nottingham and Derby written from the Tower, July 12,
calling Mary a rebel and a bastard. Tet he was raised to the peerage by Mary,
April 7, 1554, and bore the sword before Philip, NOT. 24, 1554, on his meeting
Cardinal Pole, and it appears from a State Paper of April 29, 1554, that the French
ambassador had then lodged at Lord North's bouse for six months. Elizabeth, on
her journey from Hatfteld to the Tower, stayed at hia bouse from NOT. 23rd to 28th,
1558. He died Dec. 31, 1564.
PRAYER BOOK OP 1549. 39
of the people at the fyrst rysing of Rebells in Devonshire he caused
two masses to be sayd, which he sayd he did only to apj>case the
people, and ever sythens he hath harde and caused to be sayd the
servis according to the kyngs MaUo8 order. Procession he sayth he
caused to be had upon Corpus Christi day, and after procession the
Comunyon according to the lawes, and no masse. These things we
have thought good to signifie unto your Lordshipp, praying you
both to examyne the full trough herof, and also to send us a playne
dyscorse of all the sayd Sr John Arendell doyngs wherwith he may
be charged, to th'intent we maye forther order the matter accord-
ingly, and so we bid yor L. right hartely farewell.
From Westmr the xxvij* of Julii, 1549.
Yor L. assured frends,
E. SOMERSET. T. CANT. R. RICHE.
W. SANCT JOHN. A. WINQFELD.
W. PETRE, Sy. JOHN BAKERE.*
• The name of Sir John Baker has appeared only once before in these papers,
viz., on July 10th. He was not one of the executors of the will of Henry VIII.,
bnt one of the twelve appointed to assist them as privy councillors. He had been
attorney-general from 1536 to 1540. He was one of the twenty-six councillors
whose names are mentioned in the patent by which Somerset held his protectorship.
He was present at the Council, Aug. 10, 1540, when Paget was made clerk of the
Council, where he is designated as Chancellor of the First Fruits and Tenths. He
was Speaker of the House of Commons at the time of Lord Seymour's condemna-
tion. On the 9th of October he joined Warwick's party against Somerset He
was forced to come to the Council, June llth, 1553, and on June 21st was one of
the twenty-four who set their hands to Edward's device for the limitation of the
crown, though he was very unwilling at first to do so. He was present at the Pro-
clamation of Queen Mary, July 19, 1553. After this he disappears from history.
40 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
XX. — LETTER FROM THE COUNCIL TO LORD RUSSELL WITH
FURTHER INSTRUCTIONS.
[Petjt MSS. No. 638, rol. 46, fol. 444.]
Fromc my 1. protector and the Coeell to my L. Pryvie Seall,
licutant to the Kyng's Ma"* in the west pties.
After our hartie comendacon to your lordshipp. To your letters
the xx\th of Julii, we have aunswered for the most pte in our former
letters. As to that of sending you horsemen, you must understand
that ye made the keping of Excester so impossible, and the keping
of them in the strighta so full of dcsperacon that our devyse was to
make you strong with horsemen to matche them on the playne, and
so we sent unto you therafter, and wrote unto you our mynde and
phantysie as we thought best, nor ye must not thinke that we
put eyther any doubts in your wysdome or experyence in warre or
reprove your doyngs when we do wright unto you our advyse.
The care which we have and cannot put from us that all shuld be
well causeth us to wryte. And how wise and valyant capteyne a
man is, yett to here the Counsiall of another can do no hurte. And
we thinke us to have some experyence in these things. Marie we
wrote as though thay had nowe passed the streights.
Ye did encounter a skirmishe with them in the streights, and
therefore in dede footmen and harquebuses could do more service,
and so we have provyded for you.
We lyke well your devyse for pinises to cut of theyr vytayles by
sea.
Where ye declare that thoccasyon of being able to levie so fewe
in Somersetshire is the cvill inclynation of the people, and that
there are amongs them that do not styck openly to speak such
traterous words agaynst the kyng and in favor of the trayterous
rebells. Ye shall hang two or three of them, and cause them to be
executed lyke traytors, And that wilbe the only and the best staye
of all those talks.
PRATER BOOK OF 1549. 41
As to them that maketh dyverse excuses and will not serve the
kyngs Matle, ye shall cause them to be noted espTally the chiefe
doers, and in your retorne thay may be ordered according to theyr
deserts. Though ye think proclamacons can do no great good, so as
we wrote unto you made, yet thay may do you some good. Hurt
they can do none.
The Proclamacons in Cornewall, though thay have wroght no
great effect in Devonshyre as yet, as long as thay be there in
strenght, all which will ye knowe no man dare mcdle to invade
theyr possessyons. And more yt will Corwall, till the nomber be
depted. But when those Campes and nombers should have removed
and come forward, men wold have bcne redye to have stepped into
theyr howses and lands. And thay wold have bene glad to have
returned to the defence of theyr owne.
Ye wryte that ye are answered in termes, and that the wryter
mystoke the name of shier. We do not take yt so, and we think
we understand the matyer well eniigh, for a mold with you is sone
made, and with a dice of Iron and leade there, ye shuld sone cast
yor fytte shot. And for us here, not knowing the hight and
ermatytie of your peces, how is yt possable we shuld sende you
shott, we shuld paventure sent you shott as fytt as a shoe for a mans
hand.
And altho' we send you sufficyent furnyture of shot for bowes,
yet ye must understand that the more arrowes ye use except good
heade be taken the more ye furnysh your ennymie, Who will
returne your owne arrowes agayne to you, as Mr. Travers sayth ye
did to them a skrymyshe. And therefore the shott of the habirgon
pelot is brust , which never returneth. The dearth of vituall which
maketh that your souliers cannot ly ve of theyr waigs ye maie some
what ease by settyng pryce of vitayle. And the rebells using belyke
the church goodcs be the more lyberall. For that matyer yf nede
be of geving more wages, No man knoweth the kyng's MaUe*
necessytye better then you. Yf yt wilbe a spedy fortherance for
the dyspatch of the matier use your dyscrysson therin. But yc
CAMD. SOC. O
42 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
must therwithall what an example this wilbe hereafter. We do
lyke well yor ordering of the ring leaden, and recon no lease then
you do that sharpe justice must be executed upon those sondric
traytors which will learne by nothing but by the sword. We do
not doubt but ye have geven theyr espiall that shuld curie the
letter to be publysshed in pulpcts his dewe reward, and so bidd
you right heretely fayre well.
Frome Westmr the xvijth ' of Julii.
Post Script. — We have sent you the kyngs MatJti answere to the
rcbells of Cornwalles supplicacon, And also certen Proclamacons
against those constables which hath bene or wold be sturrers and
caryers abrode of the Rumors to bryng the people in an uprore.
Yor L. loving frends,
£. SOMERSET.
T. CANT. R. RICHE. W. SANCT JOHN.
A. WYNQFELD.b
W. PETHE, Sy.c
T. SMYTH.
JOHN BAKERE.
• A mistake of the transcriber for July 27.
• This was Sir Anthony Wingfield who appears as captain of the Guard in
1536. He was present at the Council, holding the office of Vice-Chamberlain
when Paget was appointed clerk of the Council, Aug. 10, 1540. He was made
Knight of the Garter in 1541 , from which time be appear? to hare been in constant
attendance on the king, and was nominated in his will to be of the Privy Coniu il,
who should assist the executors. He was present at the Council of Feb. 21, 1548,
and signed the order for the remoral of images from churches, as well as the
warrant for Seymour's execution, March 17, 1549. He joined the party against
Somerset on the 9th of October, 1549, and on the llth he was sent to Windsor to
secure the person of Somerset, and on the following February 2, * hen Annul. •] and
Southampton were banished from the Council, he was rewarded for his services by
being promoted from being captain of the Guard to the office of Lord Chamberlain
of the Household in succession to Paget, who had been raised to the peerage and
made Comptroller, Jan. 19, 1550. He was sent with Rich and Petre to the Princess
Mary, Aug. 28, 1551, with the king's letter about the senrice of the mass.
• This was Sir William Petre who was Secretary of State, July 7, 1544. He was
sent with Lord Russell, who had just been created Earl of Bedford, with Paget and
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 43
XXI. — PROCLAMATION' TO JUSTICES OF PEACE ISSUED IN
JULY, 1549.
[Society of Antiquaries' Collection of Proclamations.]
A Proclamation comaunding all Justices of the peace, Knights, and
Gentlemen to repaire home to their habitacons and countries.
The Kings most excellent MaUe by the advice of his most dearest
uncle Edward Duke of Somersett, Governor of his most Roiall
person and of his Realmes, Domynions, and Subjects, protector,
and the rest of his privie Counsell, straightly chargeth and co-
maundeth all and singuler Justices of peace, Knights, and other
Gentlemen inhabiting and dwelling within any County or place
of this Realme of England that they and every of them with all
convenient speed shall repaire unto their dwelling houses to putt
themselves in order and readines to serve his highnes, as they and
every of them tender his Mau pleasure, and will answere to the
contrary att their uttermost perills.
Sir John Mason, as ambassador to France, January 21, 1550. He was one of the
twelve appointed to assist the sixteen executors of the will of Henry VIII., and was
one of the twenty-six councillors appointed in Somerset's patent as Protector. He
was on the commission to examine all contemners of the Book of Common Prayer
in 1649. He was on the commission with Cranmer, Ridley, Smith, and May to try
Bonner, any three of them baring full power to deprive him (Hymer, XT. 191); but
he seems not to hare sat after the first day, and Bonner was condemned by the other
four He joined the conspirators against Somerset, October 6, and afterwards was
one of the commissioners who deprived Gardiner of his bishopric, April 18, 1551,
and afterwards, August 28, was sent to the Princess Mary, with the Lord Chancellor
and Sir Anthony Wingfield, to persuade her to give up the service of the mass,
and signed the Council's letter of July 9, declaring that Lady Jane Grey was
Queen, but turned with the tide and declared for Queen Mary, July 19, and was
appointed one of the committee for managing affairs during Philip's absence from
England in 1556, and afterwards, at the accession of Elizabeth, became one of the
Queen's Council. .
• This proclamation has been printed from the manuscript copy No. 43, in
the collection of printed and manuscript Proclamations in the possession of the
Society of Antiquaries. It does not appear in Grafton's edition of the Proclamations
of this reign.
44 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
XXII. — LETTER FROM THE COUNCIL TO LOUD RUSSELL
DECLINING TO SEND HIM MORE TROOPS.
[Petyt MSS. No. 538, rol. 46, fol. 446.]
From my L. P. and the counsiall the xxviii"1 of Julii.
After our right hartic comendacons to your lordshipp. We
do perceyve by Mr. Hertart letters that he doth intend to make
you xm men on fotte, by reason that ye have BO required of him.
The which request semeth to us straung. For when we do
consyder that Come wall and Dcvonshyre both of them shuld make
all thcyr force is not able to make above vijB men, tag and rag,
that shuld come to fyght, and yet some we are sure thay leave
behind to kepe theyr bowses and the townes and one thousand of
them is in Exceter. So that things, accompted as they shuld be
estcymed, The rebclls cannot be thought to be in the hole agaynst
you pu.-t iiij" men and the more part unarmed, as indedc thay have
been estemed of some that hath vewyd them ; your bande alredic
we take yt to be no leree then about iiijw more or lessc; And yet
better armed with harmes and having arquibusses, which thuie have
none.
And ye must consyder that yf seyng now ye coplainc for want
of vytayle, yf such a nomber men suche come unto, you, The one
of you shuld be redyc to eate a nother for want. An<? ye shuld be
constrayned to scale and depart peradventure before th'enterpryse
done. Then agayne seing th'enetnie lyeth in the strength, ye
cannot occupie above ijm at ones, thought ye wold never so fa\ne.
So that yf ye devyde your bandc and assaylc them in two places at
one?, yet ye shalbe sufficient, consydering the good ordre and
annirae a gaynst fear full rebells and unarmed. And yf they t-iiull
come abrode Then arc ye well provyded of horsemen, which thay
have not. Yf Mr. Herbert bring you two or three thousand men
out of Waylles well appoynted with ijm out of Glocestershyre and
Wyltshyre, taken but of the best appovnted and most willing, ye
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 45
shalbe better for your purpose then yf ye shuld have xxm ; for
the multytude shuld not only pesture you, and consume your
vitayles, but of so many some doubtfull and holowe herted shuld
turne to the rebells part. Ye shuld be in more daunger of your
own company then of the rebells them selfes. Wherefore we pray
you consyder those things amongs other. And so take ordre
accordingly.
Fare you most hartily well.
Fvome Westfn the xxviij111 of Julii.*
Yor L. loving ffrenda,
E. SOMERSET.
R. RICHE CANC.
W. SANCT JOHN.
A. WYNGFELD.
WJLLM. PETRE, S*.
T. SMYTH.
• Between this letter and that of August 8 there is a letter headed with the
king's name and signed by Somerset, addressed to the gentry of Essex, summoning
them to assemble at Walden, in Essex, before the 17th day of August to meet the
Duke of Somerset. This being Sunday, Cranmcr's absence is accounted for by
his probably being engaged in preaching somewhere, as ho was on the preceding
Sunday, 21st July, when it was noticed that he inreighed against the rebels, and
celebrated in a cope without a vestment, and commnnicated eight persons. On
Saturday, the 10th of August, he preached again at St. Paul's to the same effect.
This accounts for his absence from the Council on that day also. He was expected
on the 31st of August, to preach again on the subject of the suppression of all the
three rebellions, but sent Dr. Joseph, his chaplain, rector of St. Mary-le-Bow, in bis
stead.
TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
XXVI. — LETTER FROM SOMERSET TO LORD RUSSELL, AN-
NOUNCING THE DECLARATION OF WAR BY THE FRENCH
KINO.
tPetyt MSB. No. 638, TO!. 46, fol. 449.]
Frome my L. protector to my L. pry vie seall, Lieutenant of the
west parties, the viij. Julii.*
After our hartie cofhendacons to your Lordshipp, this daie the
French Embassador hath bene with us and declared unto us that
the French King hath revoked hym, and hath declared open warre
agaynst the Kyngs Matie and all his subjects.
Wherefore these shalbe to will and require you to gyve ordre
with all spede possible to all the ports of the Countie of Dorsett,
Devon, and Cornewall, and all other places of your Jurisdyccon, that
thay have good guard and care to the ports and all places where
th'ennymie may land ; and also to the Countrey to be redie to the
defence yf thay uhuld land in any place. And that they destroy all
Frenchemen's merchandises, shippes, and goods what so ever they
be, being not denyzed, and theyr persons also, as enymies to the
kyngs ma"* and put them in saufcustodie till forther order be taken
as apteyneth. Thus we pray you fayle not.
Frome Westrn the viii^ of August 1549.
YO* L. loving frend,
E. SOMERSET.
Post script.
And forasmoche as the Frenche Kyng hath declared hym selfe
open Enymie to the Kyng's Maut, highnes geveth lycence to all
maner his subjects furwyth to arme them selfs and theyr vessells to
the seas and to make good pryse of any Frenchemen's wayres.
• This is ft mistake of copying for 8 August. This letter, which was misplaced
in the MS. volume, is here restored to it* proper place according to its date.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 47
XXVII. — LETTER FROM THE COUNCIL TO LORD RUSSELL
ADVISING HIM TO DIMINISH HIS FORCES.
[Petyt MSS. No. 538, vol. 46, fol. 447.]
Frome my' L. P. and the Counsiall to my L. prevye seall, leiutenant
to the Kyngs MaUe in the west pties.
After our right hartie comendarons to your Lordshipp,
Having respect to the Kyngs MatlM charges and the necessytie
of this tyme, the which no man knoweth better than you, uppon
this good successe* the Almyghtye God be your travaill hath sent
the Kyngs Matle we have good t'admonishe your Lordshipp of
this. Praying you to dymysse of such nombers as ye have super-
fluous and more, and ye thinke sball serve you espially the men of
the shyres of Somersett and Dorsett ; And that for two causes, thone
that the same will most faytly fight agaynst the Devonshyre men,
theyr neighbors, and had most nede to have the gentilmens and
men of wysdome and dyscryssyon emongs them to rule them and
kepe them due obedyence and ordre, Thother that Fraunce having
broken with us, it were most expedyent that there shuld be some
wyse heades and power in the sayd shyres for the saflfegard of them
against all attempts; And espially Pole and other places upon the
sea syde ; and most of all consydering that such nombers as ye nowe
have there, vitailes being but skarsse, must nodes be dayly more
skarse. So that the great nomber shall rather hynder then forther
you by consumyng of vitayles, and do you no more servis then a
fewer shall.
And where we have advertysed you of this our mynde we pray
you to signifie unto us agayne frome tyme to tyme what nombers ye
shall have, that we may take ordre agayne for the payment of them
accordyngly.
• Lord Russell had defeated the insurgents towards the end of July, and six dap
later, viz. on Saturday, August 3, began 'his march with about 1,000 men towards
Exeter, which he reached on Tuesday, August G.
48 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITtf THE
And to th'entent the same may be more spedely done, we have
wrytten to the mayor and the towne of Excester that for the more
hastie furnyture thay make for you so moche monye as they may.
And we shall repaie the same unto them eyther in London or els
where they wuld leyfer have yt within eight dayes at the ferthest,
theyr certyficat of the delyvery therof made and delyvered unto us,
when we knowe what som yt is thay have provyded unto you.
Then as the countrey shall growe more and more quiet for the
more dyschargyng of the Kyngs Matte* charges and great costs ye
dymysse such as be ferthest of, And so by lytyll and lytill, as your
wysdome shall se most expedyent, Alleviate at this tyme suche
expences as possable may be spay red. The causes why we do
require this nedyth not to be declared unto you.
Thus we bid your L. most hartely fare well.
Frome Westminster the tenth of August, 1549.*
Your 1. loving ffrends.
And forsomoche as the horsemen shall do you but small servis
the espial ly in that contrey we pray you dymisse so many horsemen
as ye may, consydering that the horsemen be double charges to
fottmen and being able to do so small serves shalbe Importable And
vayne cost to the Kyngs highness. And Touching the straungers
horsemen sonest of all to dymysse them to come to London, that we
maie Imploye them more necessarie beyond the seas, where they
maie do better servis. And though ye shall not padventure have
monye at that present to paie them holic, Yet ye shall cause to be
reconed with them to a certeyn daie, And so dymiss them Appoynting
• There ia a letter of the same date, August 10, printed by Tytlcr, vol. i. p. 193,
from Warwick to Cecil, deprecating the substitution <>f himself in the place of the
MarquU of Northampton, to be Commissioner for the counties of Cambridge, Bedford,
Huntingdon, Northampton, Norfolk, and Suffolk, on the ground that it would be a
fresh discouragement to Northampton, who had '• lately by misfortune received dis-
comfort enough." Northampton had entered the City of Norwich, July 31, and on
ti..- -.tin.- ni-Lt u.n •!••!'. n-..-l !A tli-' r«Ma/Whob«B i : .1:! • I t!.-- I0OT .u;<l k:!l- .1
Lord Shefleld.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 49
them shalbe payed, and we shall not fayle to take order that they
shalbe fully contented and payed as aperteyneth. As for the pardon
of Pomeray, the Kyngs MaUe by our advises refereth the same to
yor lordahipp to be graunted by you yf you shall so thynk good.
Marie, we wold yt were graunted to hym secretlie, and he traveled
with all that tyme of the promys therof for spiall service to be fyrst
done by hym, eyther in the apprehendyng of Humfray Arandell,
Underbill, or some other of the most notable. He must also declare
his former popish errors to suche as have bene seduced in religion
by hym ; So as lyke as he was a meane to allure them to blynde
supersticon and papistry he maie also travell nowe to bryng them
to knowledg of theyr dewties and trewe religion, wherein ye must
travell as earnestly as ye maie.
We wold that yor L. shuld cause inquery to be made in all places
as for papists, for masse bookes of th'olde superstissious service, and
cause them to be brent, geving order that people do use the service
appoyntid by his Maue, and that the gentilmen and Justices of peax
have contynually a good eye to see the same executed accordyngly.
As for monye required by your L. we mynde to gyve ordre for
sending of a convenyent som towards you with all spede as we
maie.
We require your Lordshipp to have a good respect to the suyertie
of the towne and pte of Poole in Dorssetshire, And to appoynt
some of your Dorsetshire men for the suyertie therof. You knowe
that the takyng therof by the Frenchmen might be verie dangerous
to the realme.
E. SOMERSET.
R. RICHE CANC'.
WILLIAM SANT JOHN.
THOMAS SOUTHAMPTON.'
WTLLM PETRE, ST.
• This is the first time in the course of these papers that the name of the Earl of
Southampton appears as a councillor. He is better known by the name of Lord
Chancellor Wriothesley. In 1538 he had been made Secretary of State, and had
CAMD. 8OC. H
50 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
XXVIII. — LETTER OP THANKS FBOM THE COUNCIL TO LOBD
RUSSELL.
[Petyt M8S. No. 638, TO!. 46, fol. 449.]
Frome my L. Protector and the counsyall to the lord previe seall,
leuteynant to the Kings MaUe in the west parts.
After our most hartie comendacons unto yr good lordshipp,
We have seen your tres of the vijth of this instant and have the
credyt of Mr. Travers, by the which, lyke as we do at good lengthe
well understand your wise doings and the good and honorable successe
yt hath pleased God to graunt you agaynst those rebells ; So have
we thought good to gyve your Lordshipp the Kings Matyes and
.our most hartie thankes for the same, nothing doubting but as the
[same] is presently moche to your comendacon and honor, so
shall the remembrance therof so remayne in the Kyngs Matle as
always been a particular friend of Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, and with him
was chiefly concerned in the Act of the Six Articles. He was always zealous for the
old learning, and, baring previously been raised to the peerage, January 1, 1544, as
Baron Wriothesley of Titchfield, he succeeded to Andley when he resigned the great
seal, April 22, 1544, and took the oath abjuring the Papal Supremacy, April 30.
Upon Andley's death he was made Lord Chancellor, May 3. He drew the king's
will, and was appointed one of the sixteen executors, and was created Earl of
Southampton, Feb. 16, 1547. He was the only one of the council of whom Somerset
at that time was afraid, who accordingly managed to deprive him of his office
March 6, 1547, aa well as of his seat in the Council. Accordingly little more is
heard of him for two yean. It is probable he regained his seat in the Council by
the influence of Warwick, who could calculate upon him as an ally in thecoming
contest with Somerset, but the exact time has not been ascertained, but he signed
the warrant for committing Lord Seymour to the Tower, Jan. 17, 1549. He also
signed the new Statutes for Cambridge as a member of the Council, April 8, 1549
He, with Gardiner, appears to hare been quite sincere in his acquiescence in the
aliolition of the Papal authority in England, but was opposed to all other changes
in religion. From this time forward he appears as the opponent of Somerset
believing that Warwick was at heart a Catholic, and died apparently disgusted with
the turn affairs had taken, July 31, 1650. On Somerset's deposition he, with North-
ampton, Warwick, St. John, Russell, and Wentworth, was appointed to the charge
of governor of the king's person.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 51
you shall have good cause to reiose of theyse your travells and labor
employed at this tyme.
We do all so understand by yor sayd tres the good servia of the
lord Graie and sondrye other gentilmeu, to whom we requyr yor
Lordshipp not only to gyve the Kyngs MaHe* most hartie thank
on our behalfes, but also to assure them that the Kyngs MaUc will
not fayle to have alwaie upon any occasyon to be mynistred such
consyderacon therof as shalbe to all theyr comforts, wherof your
Lordshipp may bothe assure them and shewe this parte of our tres
with our hartie comendacons and thanks for the same unto them.
We praie yor Lordshipp also to gyve thanks to Mr. Bluet, the
gcntilir.cn, Mayor and others within the cytie of Excester throught
whose paynes, wisdome, and good courayge that citie hath verie
honestly preserved themselfes agaynst the sayd rebells, and therby
declared theyr good affections to his MaUe, which you maie well
assure them shall be so consydered towards every of them in any
resonable suyttes hereafter as shalbe to theyr comforts. And thus
with our most hartie thankes to yor Lordshipp and them all, we bid
you hartely farewell.
Frome Westfh the xth of August,* 1549.
Your 1. assured loving frends,
£. SOMERSET.
R. RICHE CANC'.
W. SANCT JOHN.
THOMAS SOUTHAMPTON.
W. PETRE.
Jo. BAKERE.
• " The 10th of Angnst, being Saturday, the Archbishop of Canterbury made
a collation in Paul's quire for the victory that the Lord Russell, Lord Privy Seal
had on Monday last past against the rebels in Devonshire, which had besieged Exeter,
and lain in camp before it by the space of three weeks, and like to have famished
them in the town, bat the said Monday, the Lord Privy Seal entered the city and
slew, hurt, and took prisoners of the said rebels 4000, and after hanged divers of
them in the town, and about the country." — Wriothetley't Chronicle, vol. ii. p. 20.
52 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH TIIK
XXIX.— ANOTHER LETTER OP THE COUNCIL TO LORD
RUSSELL, LIMITING THE NUMBER OF HIS ADVISERS.
[Petyt MSS. No. 538, rol. 46, fol. 450.]
From my 1. p. and the counsiall the xth of August to my 1. previe
scale, the Kyng's Matle* Leiutenant in the west pts.
After or most hartie comendacons. Understanding that our
verie loving frend Sr Willm Herbert and his companye, a greatt
nomber gentilmen be arryved with your lordshipp, albeyt we do
knowe that both amongs them and those which were with you
before there be many which for theyr wysdomes, experyence, and
other good qualyties bee worthie to be of his Ma"** counsiell with
you for his highnes affayres there ; Yett consydering that the
having of many counseallors shall not only be trobclous to them
that be called but also maie breed a confusyon in thaffayres, we
have thought good to requyre yor lordshipp to use the persons
underwrytten only as his MaUes counsello™ under you who be
appoynted by his Mau* by our advyses to be of counsyall, that is
to say, my 1. Gray, Mr Herbert, Sr John Pawlett, Sr Hugh Pawlett,
Sr Andro Dudley, and Sr Thomas Speke, whome we doubt nothing
but yor L. shall fynde them both deligent and wylling to ayde
and assist you to the best of their power, And thus we bid you most
hartely farewell.
From Westm' this Xth of August, 1549.
Yor good L. assured frends,
E. SOMERSET.
W. SANCT JOHN.
R. RICHE CANO'.
THOMAS SOUTHAMPTON.
W. PBTRE. Jo. BAKERE.
PBATER BOOK OF 1549. 53
XXX. — LETTER FROM SOMERSET TO LORD RUSSELL, DIREC-
TING HIM HOW TO ACT AS REGARDS THE INSURGENTS.
[Petyt MSS,No. 538, yol. 46, fol. 461.]
From my 1. protector to my lord pry vie seall, leiutenant to the
kyngs MaUe in the west partes.
After our right hartie comendacons to yor Lordshipp, We are
right glad to heare by yor Ires that the men about Excetr cometh
in so redelie to demaund theyr pardon, wherby we trust ye shall
have the les to do w* the rest.
As touching your proclamacon, the copie whereof ye wryte to
have sent us, yt was be lyke forgetting by your secreterie. And
therefore not having yt we cane gyve no judgment of y t. We do
lyke well that Orne shuld be brought in by his brother; So that
yet some of that stocke semeth to be true men to the kings Matle,
And so praie you that spayring the comon and mean men ye do
execute the heads and cheyf styrrors of the rebellyon; And that
in so dyverse places as ye maie to the more terror of the unrulie.
For Paget, for so miche as he is manyfestly knowen to have
bene an heade and Captyon of rebellion, altho' Some favor per-
ad venter for his brothers sake* some wold thynke shuld be shewyd,
• This brother was Sir William Paget, clerk of the Council, 1540-43, made a
Privy Councillor, April 23, 1543, and one of the sixteen executors of the will of
Henry VIII. He was afterwards raised to the peerage with the title of Lord Paget
of Beandesert, Jan. 19, 1550, when he resigned his office of Comptroller of the
Household, which was given to Sir Anthony Wingfield. This was the same day
that Russell was made Earl of Bedford and St. John Earl of Wiltshire. Two days
afterwards he was sent as ambassador to France with the Earl of Bedford, Sir
William Petre, and Sir John Mason. He sided with Somerset, and Oct. 10, 1549,
addressed a letter from Windsor to the Lords of the Council at London, which was
signed also by Cranmer and Smith. He stuck by Somerset to the last, and was sent
with the Earl of Arnndel to the Tower in November, 1551. On the 22nd of April,
1552, his Garter and George were taken from him, and given to the eldest son of
the Duke of Northumberland. And on the following 6th of December be was
deprived of the chancellorship of the Duchy of Lancaster. His name does not
appear among the councillors who signed Edward's device for the succession. Pro-
54 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
Yet in this caae of suche treason and rebellion as this, yt behovcth us
moot of all to shewc IndyfFerent Justice, and especially consydcring
that we have not spayrcd our owne brother in matr conserning the
damage of the kyngs Mau<" person and high treason, as our dutie was,
Yt shuld mych Import us yf we should spare any other mans brother.
And therefore in no wise we wold ye shuld in this case shewe any
other fkvor then as to dyrect Justice apperteyneth, and so procede
to hym with the rest.
Touching the noiacon of the counsell before this tyrae, we ar
sure ye have receyved our F*8 to yor satysfaction.
We wold gladlye here of Humfray Arondells doyngs and demea-
nour, and how ye shall demeane yourself wtb hym, whome we
trust shortlye ye shall have in yor hands. Whome and Wyncestlo
and Underbill, yt is for the Kyngs Matu* honor not to escape due
ponyshment; But that ther example shuld be terror this great
while to all the countrey, And not to attempt such kynd of
rebellion agayne.
We have wrytten to the towne of Excester to ayde you with so
moche monye as thay cane, as by this tyme we ar suer ye knowe.
And yet neverthelesse we have geven order for monye to be sent
unto you so spedely as covenyently yt maie be.
Touching thencrease of yor nombers, in dede we are not ignorant
that ye have a great noumbcr, and therfore we ar rather affrayed that
the multytude and nober will hynder you, so that ye shall not have
vytayll suffycient. Wherfore as we have wrytten to you in our last
tres, So eftsones we pray you as ye maie demysse of yor nomber
especially and fyrst of the shyres of Somerset and Dorset for the
defence of the countrey yf nede shalbe agaynst the Frenche, And
bably be had been deprifed of his aeat in the Council ; and be was sent with the
Karl of Arnndel to Queen Mary, whoce cause they bad ecpotued on the night of
Jnly 19, 1558, and July 24th they conducted Northumberland from Cambridge to
jjonfam, He nans afterwards to hare been in high faronr with Philip and Mary,
and was made Lord Priry Seal January 1, 1556, the same day that Archbishop
Heath was created Lord Chancellor.
PBATEB BOOK OF 1549. 55
better staye agaynst the unrulie. And though ye have not monye
to dyscharge them cleane, yet ye male dymysse them to ease the
king of further charge, willing them to leave one man a peace, or
twoo of a band to recey ve the monie. And we thinke a good
nombre of the gentilmen dyssyrous to go home wilbe right glad of
that dyscharche and so to be dysmyssed. And so ever as the Cuntre
more and more is subdued and brought to obedyence to dymisse
theyr bandes, the strangers fyrst and horsemen and those that be
forthest of, and shuld put the kyngs ma"6 to most charge.
We do not doubt but that yor charges be greate and yor dyets
costly, and, though present ordre be not geven, yet ye shall not
doubt but that shall be no lesser by the Kyngs Matles servis.
Ye have done well to execute the ringleaders. Marry we wold
gladly the names and the nomber of them. And thus we bid yor L.
most hartely farewell.
From Westm the xjth • of August, 1549.
Yr L. loving frends,
£. SOMERSETT.
Post script. — That we do wryte to you of Pagett this is our
meanying ; yf he be indede and have declared him selfe a cheyftyan
leder or capten of sydycon, Then he is other to have according to
Justice as reason is. Yf he have not bene a notable styrer or ring-
leder, Then you to use the thing according to yor dyscrycon.
• On the same day, Sunday, August 11, there was an order of Council as
follows: —
" An order was taken, that from henceforth no printer should print or put to
rente any English book but such as should first be examined by Mr. Secretary
Peter, Mr. Secretary Smyth, and Mr. Cicell, or the one of them, and allowed by the
same, under pain," &c.
56 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
XXXI.— LETTEB FROM THE COUNCIL TO LORD RUSSELL
DWELLING ON THE DANGERS FROM AN APPREHENDED
FRENCH INVASION.
[Petyt MSS. No. 638, TO!. 46, fol. 452 b.]
From my 1. p and the counsiall to my lord pry vie Seall, lieu-
tenant to the Kyngs Ma.
After our right hartie comendacons to yoT good L.
The same shall understand that we have receyved your tres of
the xijth of this present grounded for answer of ours sent unto you
for the dcmynicon of the power there; and where ye alledge the
reasons that move your staye, And so make your request for monye
to be sent thither, which is thother pte of your tres. To the fyrst,
for your nombers we consyder howe greate the same be of horsemen ;
And where ye wryte that albeyt the contrey men come in more
and more by submyssyon, yet the same is not so pfect that ye
thynk not meate to weaken your power, And that ye will never-
thclesse in the respect of the defence of the Counties of Somerset
and Dorset agaynst the enymics, do that maie be done both there-
fore and namely for exonoracon of the Kyngs charge; My L. yf
ye knewe as moche as we do herein presently see (and yet ye cane
well gesse yt) what dyvers and sondrye occasyons the Kyngs Ma^1*
hath temploy both men and monye, ye wold think we desyer not
this dcmynishment of charge without good cause. His highnes
hath a French Kyng, as hath been advertyssed you, for ennymie,
agaynst whose yong and lustie attempts both by sea and lande all
Shyfte must be made to proryde. We have the Northe, which is
no small charge and daylic shall increase to prevent the worst that
maie ensue ther, knowing what accompt the Frenche maketh
t'annoyc us and to hynder our proceedings that waie, appoynting
or invasyon agaynst us bothe in Fraunce and there at an instant.
The charge of the sea, the ren force of all oure forts with men,
thanny, which of force hath bene prepayred under conduccon
PRATER BOOK OF 1549. 57
of my Lord of Warwik into NorfF. beinge x or xii m1 men besydes
a nomber prepayred to attend on the Kyng's Matle about viii or x ml
men; theis things consydered, as on thone parte yt is a plaine mater
to say you that monie was never so dcare, and that therfor we must
avoyd all causes of the least expences, So, weying of thother side,
the necessytie to imploye men in so manye places, we be movid to
require at least frome you the sending of your strangers horsemen
hether for spiall sends els where, besydes the dysmissing there of
some others to theyre countryes, wch you maie well do, yor nomber
of horsern beinge so greate as y t is ; we raeane not to dysmysse yor
footmen strangers, whose staie is so necessarie to you as thay be,
and your cofnendacon suche of them as the hagabut which thaie
use with skill maie .not be spay red frome you; and suerly what
for lacke of monye and vytayle to furnisshe so great a nomber,
you must of force both abridge your nomber as sone as ye maie
covenyently, and of yr victorie so well begonne devyse to make
some good, and with spede; for yf you shall suffer those rebells to
breathe, to catche a pryde by your somewhat forbearing to followe
them, and wynning tyme so to gether strong uppon you,yowe shall
not do. that with a great nomber that taken in tyme you might
have done with a moche fewer; at the fyrst thay were in some
dysmaie, and then one of your men being in array was worth three
of the rebells, sythens by some lyberty to gather thay may take
newe stomakes, wax desperet and strengthen them selfes agaynst
you ; ye peradventer thay maie so take comoditie to get some
porte wherby bothe to weaken you so miche and so withal gyve
an entrey by theyr desperacon and mallice to forren enymyes to
hold yt. and to force th'inhabitants of suche porte to take parte also
expressly agaynst you; and as to lacke of your victuall, though
we wold never so fayne helpe you with yt by sea, yet must some
stay be for the provyssyon and shipping of y t on the way, and howe
uncerteyne the wether will every daie be more and more, ye ar a
sea man, ye can well ynough tell. There is cause to bestowe a
force of shippes to other purposes as th'affayres be nowe you
CAMD. 8OC. I
58 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH TI! I
knowc, And why shuld not those countrey men be compelled to
furnishe you as well as the rebells cane bring them to victual!
them agaynst the Kyngs good subjects? And shall they be suffered
to denye yt yow for the Kyng yf you dysperse your nombers of
men to sundery pties, so nevertheles as thay male be redic ever
to joyne to gether, ye male put to them the feare of burning and
spoyeling of the contrey as the Rebells have done, and force them
to vytaill yowe. All shyft possable must be used to furnishe your-
selfe ther of that ye maye.
And though we send yowe pntly a some of monye, such as with
respect to other places we male convenyently spare, yet cane yt
not so soone arryve with you but that yf ye shuld tarry and slackc
service before the comyng of yt, ther wold be a wonderfull con-
sumption of tyme, And the thinge almost eaten out in waiges or
ever yt could be brought to be delyveryd unto them that shuld
serve for yt; in the dysmissing then of suche of your men as ye
send awaie, we wold not wyshe any tarring for theyr monye, but
let them leave in every countrey a speail man to resave yt when it
comyth.
And nowe good my Lorde we praie yowe agayne and agayne do
yow yo* uttermost to folowe yor so welbegonne victorye, that yt maie
take a perfect end assone as ye maie possablie ; wherein we assure
you as the tyme of the yere growe downwards towards wynter,
being but a monthes matter, and all cyrconslanccs besyds do require,
fcher^waa iSever occasyon to dysyre yt at your hands then nowe,
We be so occupied on every hand; And albeyt, god be thanked,
the reast of the realme here is quiet save only Norfiblke, being
this informed frome Mr. Vicechamberlayne that the Suffolk men
be pacyffid, yet to say the trough of things, that matter of Norffolk
being hytherto evill governed is lyke to breade a charge before yt
be eridid ; for where the marques of Northampton, having a power
with him, was specially instructed tovoyde the fight, and being a
nomber of horse should by speciall order have kept the feld and so
have penned them from vitaili, and other wyse so awaked them as
PBAYER BOOK OP 1549. 59
to have made them sought theyr pardon ; And therby to have pre-
served the kyngs subjects bothe of the marques parte and of thother
corrupt rriebcrs who might have bene brought to the acknowledge
of theyr dewties, yf it hade bene well handeled, he and suche
advyse of counsiall as he had there lefte quite their Instruccon
and went to pynne them selfes within the towne of Norwich,
which afterwards they were fayne to habandon, And but for the
corage, the ranke Traytor Kett and his compayny had them upon
the soden of theyr goying, which required [ sic
ther was, God be thanked, no great losse saving the losse of the
lord Sheffild, and otherwise ther was not D on bothe sydes slayne ;
for, though yt were bruted at the fyrst that Sr John Clere, Mr.
Cornewalles, and others were slayne, yt hathe sythens appered unto
us by them that saw therin, there was not a gentilman slayne, and
gentilmen and serving men did as well acquit themselfs by corrage
at the fight as ever did men.
And we trust by gods grace th'erle of Warwike shalbe able to
bring yt shortlye to a full quiet, so as yf god be so mercyfull unto
us as to end your things there, we shall the better attend forren
doyings, and so satysfie your dyssyer to understand the state of our
procedings; hetherto ye shall knowe that we have rather gayned
then lost at the Frenchmens handcs; for not longe before the turne
of th'embaseadors revocacbn from hence, which movyd us to staye
the portes, And geve lybertie to arme agaynst them as hath bene
signified unto you, we had assured word frome Gurnesey howe the
Frenche men intending to have surprysed our shippes and th'isles
with a certen nomber of thcyr shippes and Gallees, were so hotlye
saluted by cure shippes and th'island that by playne confession of
them that sawe yt, thay lost at least ml men, theyr shippes and
gallees so spoyled as being forced to returne home, we knowe by
this daie thay be not able to sett out agayne. Out of Fraunce we
hard that one Towne and in one vessell there were brought at least
three score gentelmen to be buryed, and an espiall inhibition is had
in Fraunce not to speke of theyre successe in that Journey. Ye
60 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
knowc they were wont yf theyre losse were but meane to brag of
victorie. Thay toke a lytell Island called Serk and fortyfyed yt,
but theyr meanyng was to have one of the lales of Jersey, Gernesey,
or Alderaeye or all of them yf thay might. The next morning
after the Imbassador being with us we had frome the lord Clynton
suche newes as wherof ye shall word for word recey ve the copie. A
good entre and beginning we have, and trust yt will lyke god in
whome we repose ourselfes cheyflly to graunt no lease countennance
of successe ; for never was there so evill a chosen tyine for one prynce
to thynke to do dyspleasure to other as this Frenche kyng thought
to have had nowe.
Thus fare your good lordshipp right hartely well.
Frome Westrh the xxiiijth* of August, 1549.
Yor L. assured frends,
E. SOMERSET.
R. RICHE CANC'. \V. SANCT JOHN.
THOMAS SOUTHAMPTON.
WILL'M PAOET.
XXXII. — LETTER FROM THE COUNCIL TO LORD RUSSELL,
AUTHORISING HIM TO BESTOW KNIGHTHOOD ON SUCH
AS HE THOUGHT DESERVING OF THE HONOUR.
[Petyt MSS. No. 588, vol. 46, fol. 456.]
Frome the Counseill to my lord previe Seall.
After our ryght hartie comendacons to yor good lordshipp.
The same shall understand that we have receyved your tres of
the xith of this present with suche other tres and wrytings as ye sent
with the same. And fyrst were ye declare to have lacke of monye
and vitaill; as to monye we have sent all redie within these
twoo dayes the some of syxe thowsand poundes, which you must
husband to th'uttermost, consydering as we have sayd monye was
• Thi« moat be * mistake of the copier for August Hth.
PRATER BOOK OF 1549. 61
never so dere with us; and therefore as moche as ye male devyse to
dimynish your charges, and for vitaill, howe unhable we be to
furnishe you therof by sea, ye, thorought we wold never so fayne,
howe uncerteyne the wether is ye cane well consyder, And therfore
we requyre you to provide the best ye maie to have things
there which being not refused to the rebells, moche lesse ought to
be denyed to you, being there in the service of the Kyngs Matle
and the realrae.
Ye require to have ml men to land at the backs of the rebells ;
we have taken ordre that ccrten of the Kyngs MaUw shippes and the
two gulees which be alredy dyspatched to put the vitiall into
Alderney shall furwythe frome thence repayr to Plymmouth with
that force thay cane muster ; mary we thinke thay shall not be
liable to land above twoo or iii° men at most : and frome hence,
what for th'uncertentie of theyr arryvall, yf we shuld sende any
th'ymploment of some shippes otherwyse we cannot helpe you in
tyme, and therfor yf for the better advncement of your service
there ye shalbe hable and thenkc good to gette suche vesselles and
botes as may be recovered there for the landing of men, And
thinke ye maie of your own nombers spayre any to that purpose,
we referre that to be done there by you which to your dyscrysion
shall appere convenyent, lyke as understanding that Thompson the
pyrit shuld be in Severn, we leve yt to your consyderacon to prac-
tice with hym by hope of pardon to be an Instrument to admice
yor enterpryses.
As to the tres of Sr Wylliam Goodolphyn ; for so miche as
toucheth the relyefe of the shepe upon the consyderacons exprysscd
in these tres, we be pleased ye cause to be signifid unto them that,
though ye have no authorytie to dyspence with yt for the satys-
faction of theyr suytes and peticions therein, yet ye will bothe
traviall therein, and have no doubt to bryng yt to passe uppon
they re humble suytes ; So as thay become agayne good subjects
and leave iffiediatly this theyr yvill lyef, which so moche dys-
pleasyth god and vayreth frome theyr dew ties of alledgeance and
»'•:.' TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
subjecton, and doing from henccfourth as bccometh them, ye dare
presume so fair of the Kings Ma" goodnes for them that ye will
adventure so moche of yor owne landc as may pay the matier for
them yf yt be not obteyned, And thay by theyre submission and
good demeanour hensforth raeryt yt at your hands.
Touchiug the comendacon ye make of the raaior of Exeter and
others who have or shall serve notably in this tyme of scrvis,
whome ye wold be glad to advauncc to knighthood, having lycencc
to the same, we allow yo7 goodde termynacon therin, and referre yt
to your dyscryssion to make suche of them knights as ye shall thynke
to have meryted the same ; for the suyte ye make that by dyscharge
of the fee ferme Annuitie or otherwise The towne might be bene •
fyted as for a memorie of the service, we be will inclyned to do them
good. The thing may be consydered hereafter; in the mcane
tyme, ye may generally say that ye will upon your rcturne be a
sutor that some remcbrance may be had of them.
We have presentlye addressed tres of thanks to Jermygn and
pyerre Sainga because thay had no spiall recomendacon by tres
expressed to themselfs at the last tyme.
For Robt Paget, consydering his offences of the malefactors
make mentyon, we thynke hyin an evill instrument of this cornon
welth and to have deservid deathe with the worst, and therfore we
have nowe resolved ye shall cause hym suffer as others in the lyke
case offenders have alredye done the semblable.*
Thus we bid yor lordshipp right hartely ffayr well.
Frome Westmr the xixlh of August, 1549.
Yr L. assured frends,
£. SOMERSET.
T. CANT. R. RICIIE, CANCr.
\V. SANCT JOHN.
WILLM. PETBE, ST.
• On the 16th of Angnat, 1649, Lord Russell wrote to the Mayor and his brethren
of the city of Exeter, to compel »nch citizen* aa had not contributed to the expense
of defending the city to pay their share. Cotton and Woollcombe, p. 192.
PRATER BOOK OF 1549. 63
XXXIII. — LETTER FROM THE COUNCIL TO LORD RUSSELL
DESIRING HIM TO SEND UP THE RlNOLEADERS FOR TRIAL.
[Petyt MSS. No. 638, TO!. 46, fol. 458.]
Frorae my 1. protector and the Counsiall,
After our hartie comendacons to yor lordshipp we have receyved
your tres of the xixth of this Instant, and have heard with no small
joye and pleasure your good procedings there ; for the which, as we
have geven and owe to almightie god our most bounden thanks
frome whome all victorie and good successe doth come, So we do
render most hartie thanks unto you as to a chief mynister of so
happie and so well achyved enterpryce ; And pray you to empart
the lyke to others who under yowe have paynefully traveled in the
kyng's mau name and in ours, and chiefelye to those that have spiall
Ires sent frome us. Touching the twoo poynts of our former Ires of
dymynishing your nombers and pursuyng the rebells we do perceyve
that ye have taken and do intend to take the best waye, The accom-
plyshment of them, and so pray yowe to do. The other parte of
your trcs concerning Sr Wittm Harbetts and Sir Hugh Pauletts
enterteignement and mony are all redie answered, the which we
suppose before this tyme ye have receyved to your contctation. Ye
do will to make the most diligent serche ye maie for Sr Thomas
Pomeraie, and we pray you send upp hither, as ye can covenyently,
Humfray Arondell, Maunder, the mayor of Bodmyn, and ij. or iij.
of the most rankest Traytors and ringleders of them here to be
examyned and after to be determyned of as shall apperteyn.
One thing we have thought yet good to admonyshe you, That for
BO moche as the pardon which ye have ys generall, Yf ye shuld
gyve it sone, ye shuld peradventure quite at unwares some of the
cheif authours of thes tumults, and peradventure of the most
obstynate persones, and therfore ye shall do well to prolong the
tyme, and with declaring that ye will sue hither for theyr pardon
and some suche fayre wordes acquyting the rest while ye pyk out
64 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
the most sturdie and obstynate rcbclla to make example of them by
theyr ponyshmcnt to the terror of all other. And then with
exeception of those ye thynke mete to promulgate the kyngs mau
general! pardon to all others. When ye send upp the prysoners
we do not doubt but ye will send them upp strongly enough and yf
any attempt shuld be to delyver them out of theyr hands, ye will
gyve them that shall bring the prysoners snch charche that rather
that shuld be inforsed to lose them than make them fyrst sure of
escapyng that they may geve accompt of them to us quik or dead.
We have provided books for Cornewall and Devshire as ye require,
the which shall shortlie be sent downe. And so we bid you right
hartely fayre well frome Westminsf the xxith of August.4
Yor 1. loving frends,
E. SOMERSETT.
T. CANT. R. RICHE CANC.
W. SANCT JOHN. W. PAGET. W. PETRE S* T. SMYTH.
Post script.
An other occasyon is whie we wold require you in any wise not
be hastie in geving the pardon, for upon th'examynacon of these
archtraytors which ye shall send upp, padventure some conic to
knowledge which els ye shall never have knowledge of; and therfore
ye shall staie the geving of the pardon untill suche tymc as ye have
efesones upon th'examynacon had word from us.
Because we doubt tharryval with you of our former ires signifying
th'allotment of the sevcrall dyets of Sr WiHm Herbettand Sr Hugh
Pallet, ye shall knowe we have allotted to Sr WiHm Herbet xl s by
daie above by which ordynarye allowance we cannot convenyently
pane, but shall otherwise consyder hym as one of whome we have
a spiall care. And for Sr Hugh Pallet the same shall receyve four
nobles by daye, bothe whose allowances we be pleased ye geve
ordre to be defrayed towards them accordingly. /
• A draft of this letter of Aug. 21 is in the Record Office, Domestic Papers of
Edward VI. TO!, viii. art 47, one paragraph of which has been printed by Tytler.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 65
XXXIV. — LETTER FROM THE COUNCIL TO LORD RUSSELL,
REQUIRING HIM TO THANK THOSE WHO HAD CONTRIBUTED
TO THE VICTORY OVER THE REBELS.
[Petyt MSS. No 538, TO!. 46, fol. 469b.]
Frome my L. Prof and the Counsiall.
After my right hartie comendacons to yo* good L.
Where as It hath pleased god to graunt yowe victorie uppon
those rebells who have so lewdly agaynst theyr allegeance bene in
open felde; We have thought good by these owr spiall tres to
require yowe to geve hartie thanks in generall to all the gentilmen,
serving men, and rest of the soldiers who have so valyantly acquyted
themselfs in the servis of his matle, which ye may assure them shalbe
consydered to theyr comforts and benyfyts as occasyon maie require
accordyngly.
Thus fare yor L. right hartely well.
Frome Westnl the xxij01 of August, 1549.
Yo* L. assured frends,
E. SOMERSET.
T. CANT. W. SANCT JOHN.
WILLIAM PAQET.
XXXV. — LETTER FROM THE COUNCIL TO LORD RUSSELL
DIRECTING HIM HOW TO ACT AS REGARDS PARDONING THE
REBELS.
TPetyt MSS. No. 538, TO!. 46, foL 460.]
From my 1. protector and the Cosiall.
After our right hartie comendacons unto yor good lordshipp.
This shalbe to signific unto the same our receipt of your tres of
the xxij"1 of this instant; for answere to the pryncipall poynts
wherof which we think nedefullyest to be pntly answered, your
Lordshipp shall understand that whereas upon the examynacbn of
Humfrey Arundell and others by you apprehended which were the
CAMD. 3OC. K
66 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
chcifc doyers in that rcbcllyon we suppose vercly that some others
yet unknowne maie be dyscovered, eyther mete to be punished by
the bodie or by the purse, towards the supplyn of the Kyngs Mau
charges that wayes sustcyncd ; We have therfore thought good and
also require yor lordshipp to geve order for the sure sendying
uppon hyther unto us, not only of Humfrey Arundcll but also of
pomerey, wyse and young harrys whome we intend to examyne
here to pyke out of them further matte1". In respect whereof we
think yt mete that your Lordshipp for a season longer do prolong
the graunting of the generall pardon, which, being made as ye have
yt as of sufficiency, yf ye ons do publyshe yt to geve pardon also to
Arundcll and other pryncipall offenders whome ye have in hold
and to suche others as upon theyr desertion,4 yt shuld in no wyse be
expedyent to have pryvileged by suche generall words ; never the
les for a uoydaunce of the desperacon which by deferrement your
lordshipp dowtyth may engender worse inconvenyence, we wold
ye ahuld this forfourth proced as to pardon partycularly those
whome upon theyr speciall sut ye shall thynk mete to be receyved.
And for the generall sytysfaction of the people, to remayne in some
hope and comfort your lordshipp may declayre that ye have alwaye
wrytten hither lor theyr generall pardone which shortly ye trust to
receyve in ample forme. And in the meane while, what by the
confessions of those ye have in hold, and by other knowledge
gathered of suche persons as have lykewyse been notable mynestres
a mongst the rebells, ye may cause the same lykcwise apprchendid ;
So as by that tyme we shall think good to put furth the pardon
the parsons most culpable maybe presentid by execution or
detention.
We lyke verie well yor lordshipps ordre geven for the cassing
of that parte of Sr Willm Herbert's bande with the others ye have
sent for the represson of the rebells lastly assemblid at Mynehed.
Trusting the succcsse of the Jorney shalbe suche as both that pane
of your nombre and the greatest part besydes maye also be shortlye
• This word i* doubtful.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 67
dysmyssed for the allevating of the charges, which beinge suche,
and at suche a tyrae, we doubt nothing bnt your lordshipp doth
seke with us to have COD ted with the sonest.
Touching your Lordshippes advyse to us geven for staying of
any graunts to be made for the releas of the relyefs of sheppe, con-
sydering howe the extreme dealing of them abyding the uttermost
tryall of the sword doth not meryte suche remyssion to the damage
of the kyngs mate, we ar evin of the same opynion, that having this
advantage his highnes shuld not for the presydents sake relent unto
them, wheruppon other shyres not offending might eyther have cause
to grudge or more boldncs to demand the lyke remyssion; which
respecte doth also move us to be of contrary opynion to lordshipp
in the Clothyers case, whome for examples sake we exteme mete to
be held as shorte as thother and rather shorter, cosydering howe
generally big theyr malignimty at the relyefs pulling a waye of
theyr workmen, ye and pryvie insencing and encouragment, this
sparke of rebellyon toke the kyndling to come to so greate a flame ;
And therfore lyke aa those sort of men must be specially loked
unto seing afortymes were any graunt made to the kyngs Ma'*
seemyth to touche them thaye have bene so redie to repyne and
procure incovenyence to avoyde theyr owne burden, So we thinke
mette at this tyme upon this oportunytie to precede in the establysh-
ment and execution of that parte of the relyefe whereupon the
thing being ones passed and brought into example we trust the
next tyme lesse dyffyculte shall ensewe.
Thus we bid your Lordshipp most hertely well to fayre.
From Westr the xxvijth of August 1549.
Yor L. most assured frends,
E. SOMERSET.
T. CANT. WILLM SANCT JOHN.
WYLLM PAGET. Jo. BAKERE.
Post Scrypf. — Yor lordshipp shall forther understand that at
the receipt herof we had letters from Newe haven, wherby hath
68 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
appeared unto us that by reason of the captaynes or cowerdnes of
the soyldiors who strave to have yt delyvered the pece upon the
Almayne hill is in the po'ssyon of the Frenche kyng, who nowe in
psone is all in the feld there. We beleve it rather to have bene
delyvered by treason ; the attempt the Frenche kyng hath not yet
made; but Bullenberg is also threatened; And therfore, consyder-
ing what we shuld have to do with them, we have thought good,
besydes the revocacon of the lord Gray, to require you to haste
the strangers horsemen, for this matter of newhaven may tempyt
to the world yf yt be spred over largelye. Also we be dyssyrus to
knowe what raonye ye have at all hands receyvcd, what ye have
lefte, and what be yor nombers that we may charge the treasorer
hereafter.
XXXVI. — LETTER* FROM THE COUNCIL TO LORD RUSSELL COM-
PLAINING OF HIS HAVING EXCEEDED HIS INSTRUCTIONS.
[Petyt MSS. No. 638, Tol. 46, foL 462.]
Frome my protector and the Counsiall to my lord pry vie seall.
After our most hartie cornendacons unto yo* good lordshipe, we
have receyved yor letters of the vijtb of September by the which
your lordshipe signifieth at good lengthe unto us bothe the maner of
yor procedings in the gyfte of the lands and goods of the rebells
in Devonshire and Cornewall, and also the consideracons movinge
you to use that maner of procedinge in the bestowinge of the same ;
for aunswere wherunto we do pray and requiere yo7 lordshipe
not to thinke that we conccyved any ill opinyon other of cor-
ruption or of wronge doinge in you whome we all knowc to be
of moche honor and to have ever been voyde of those faultes.
Now we thinke not but that whiche haythe passed from you was in
your opinions best for the service of the kings Mau, to the further-
ance wherof we veryly knowe you bent yor selfes hollye and
• This letter is in » different band from the others, and spelt differently.
PRAYER BOOK OP 1549. 69
directed all yor doings accordinglie. We do not forgyt howe
good and honorable sertrice yor lordshipe and the rest in there
places under you have done his Mato in this journey; all which
soundeythe as moche to your honor and tho cofnendacons of the
rest as maie be. And yet in this mater wher[e] we are most assured
you meant all for the best, w[e] rest in the same opinion we weyre
in at the writting of our former letters.
And to aunswere the parts of your letters where you seame to
thinke the proclamacon sent from hence and willed to be pro-
clamed there to make so planlye with you in the bistowinge of
those la[nds] and goods; we cannot agre therunto, for yf the pro-
clamacion have that force, yt must be understanded to them onlye,
and in that forme that is appoynted by the proclamacon; which
forme and maner of seasure being by you altered as your selfe
confessyethe, we se not that, the proclamacon is anny warraunt to
your gyfts, whiche by the said proclamacon beinge no parte war-
rantized ; and yf you consider th'end of the proclamacon, yt maie
manefestlye appere that consideracon was even then had that no
man shuld losse anny thinge otherwise nore in onye other sorte
then the kings highnes by meanes and right of the forfatore ought
and maie by his lawes dispose of the same. And by his lawes we
doo not thinke that annye man sholde losse lands ore goods by fore
he be atteynted of the crime which meryteythe that punyshment.
And where yor lordshipe wisshethe that you had knowne that our
meaninge had not bene to have that done whiche was proclamed,
we must saie that if no more had byn done then that beareythe
whiche was sent frome us to be proclamed, This matter wold be
sone aunswered. Nowe yf yor L. besides the proclamacon have
taken other order, albeyt we knowe, as we said before, That you did
yt for the best, yet where neither the proclamacon bearethe yt, nore
bie the lawes maye be justified, we se not howe we maie by anny
meanes assent to that whiche the lawes beareythe not.
And touchinge the meanynge the vere wordes of the proclamacon
shewethe playnelye that it was onlye to drawe back and devide the
70 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
force of the con trees which wcr cumynge against you. For first it
scameth to bearc with all those which within six dayes after publi-
cac&n therof shulde withdrawe themselfs from the rebells and yelde
thcmselfs to yor lordeshippe.
And for the greater terror of the rest, which after that tyme shuld
contynewe thcr rebellyon, it was prided that ther lands, copieholds,
farmes, and goods shuld be then that shuld first have, take, or
poaacaoe the same, or shuld first enter into ther lands and farmes or
tenements; if this order had bene executed, that one of them had
entred uppon an other, or taken an others goods or cattails, it must
of necessitye have bredd such varyauns, strife, and contention amongs
themselfs as you shuld have had the lesse cause to have feared ther
cumynge forwarde. And this was our meaninge indede which,
besides that the vere wordes of the proclamation do well beare, shuld
not (we thinke) be all togethers unknowen to you, yf you remember
the tyme of sendinge that proclamacon, the small nombers then
with you, and the difficultyes which wer made either to passe to
Exceter or to make any greater norabers in these parties. And,
seinge yo* force was at that tyme vere small, we thought this the
best pollicie to stay the multitude from cumynge forwarder. And
at that tyme yor lordshippe, lykinge well this or devise for Devon-
shere, required theruppon to have a like proclamacon for Cornwall,
which was then sente, which things consydered, and wyainge withall
that in th'ende of the proclamacon appeareth that graunte to be
made none otherwise then his mau might lawfully dispose of the
same, we think assurcdlyc ther can no advantage be taken by that
proclamacon for the mayntenance of these gifts.
And where you seme to note, that yf order of the proclamacon
had bene kept, ther must have ensued amonge the people greate
sedicions, trouble, strife, and contention ; Marye that was in dede the
vere ende of the makinge the proclamacon, to set suche division and
strife amongst themselfs, as for desire of revenge or feare of loase
the cuntrcy men shuld rather have tarryed at home and byn occupied
that waye, then assembled togethers against the Kinge as they did.
PRAYER BOOK OP 1549. 71
And for the kepinge of proclamacons in credit and execution of
them when they be made, we be of the same opinion you be;
though in the understandinge of this one proclamacon we thincke
otherwise ; and the matter was not altogether unconsidcred before
the scndinge of it to you, as may appeare by that we have before
written. And yet as in the Kings MaOM grants and letters patents,
so in all proclamacons where any doubte is, the lawes must declare
and expownde.
As for your meaninge in theise gifts we assure you of our honour
we have no mistruste, beinge assured you mente it for the best, and
for th 'encourage mente of yor soldiore and chastement of the dis-
obedient subjects; we think also that you have used suche good
moderacon in the composicons as reason wold, but yet whatsoever
favorable moderacon be used no man can be well satisfied where
the lawes be not kepte.
And howsoever it seme to you nowe, it shall reste a grudge, not
onlye in the heades of the sufferers, but in all other mens judge-
ments of that shcre and ells where that shall heare of this example
of mens goods to be thus taken away without order of any law.
We consider besides all this, that yor men, beinge in the Kings wages
and under your government, might have bene well stayed from
goinge to the spoyle, and that by these gifts the multitude of the
comon people, seinge ther lands and goods geven from them, wer
therbye made the more desperate and moche the more stirred to
followe ther develish enterprise.
As for yor orders devised for Cornewall, we have bothe sene them
and returned th'articles unto your lordeshyppe, noted in the margente
in suche sorte as we wolde wishe the same to be established ; pray
you to gyve order accordinglye. And yf you have alredye gone
t.hrowgh with theis orders for Cornewall in suche sorte as you sade
the same to us, you may as it were uppon a confidens of ther
trowthes from hensfurthe, and for the better defens of the sea costes,
the warres beinge open with Fraunce, cause there harnesse to be
delivered agayne.
72 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
Fynallye towchinge monney we have consydered th'accompts
wh[ich] you sente unto us, and by the same do understande that y [ou]
chardge not the treasorer with so moche monney as was sent from
us in such parts as be noted in a scedle herin closed, which we pray
you cause to be examyned, and theruppon make us a perfect certifi-
cation of the monney to be dewe, and order shalbe geven for pay-
ment either here to suche as will so require or there. And in the
meane tyme for the diminisshing of the Kings matie* chardges we
wolde yo* lordeshippe shulde dischardge y& horsemen, causinge
suche men onlye to every bande to remayne for the receipte of the
monney due as they shall think good.
And thus we byd yor good lordshippe most hartelye well to fare.
From Westmr the xtk of September, 1549.
Yo* lordeshipps assured,
lovinge frendes.
E. SOMERSETT.
T. CANT.
R. RTCHE, CANC. W. SBINT JOHN.
J. WARWYCK. WILLM PETBK. R. SADLER.*
• Sir Ralph Sadler, or Sadleyr, IB bet»t known as the person appointed in the
reign of Elizabeth to take charge of Mary, Queen of Scot*. He fire! appears at a
•errant of Cromwell's, and afterward* in 1537 aa a gentleman of the Priry Chamber
in which capacity he waa in attendance at the reception of Anne of Cleves in 1 539.
He was knighted in April, 1540, at the same time with Wriothesley, afterwards
Lord Chancellor, when they were both made secretaries to the King. He was
one of the twelre appointed to assist the sixteen executors, and is also one of
the twenty-six named as Councillors in Somerset's patent, where be is called Muter
of the Wardrobe. His name seldom appears in the Council books, though he was
one of the forty in Edward's list of his Councillors, but he signed the warrant for
Seymour's execution March 17, 1549, and the letter to the Princess Mary of July 7,
printed abore. He married a woman who had been a laundress in Cromwell's
family, and was the wife of Matthew Barlow, an artisan, who was supposed to be
dead, bat when the first husband appeared she was adjudged according to the
doctrine of the Rtformatio Legum EtxU*uutiear*m to Sadler. He joined the con-
spiracy against Somerset on Oct. 7. His name does not appear in any of th<- <l»cn-
ments connected with the usurpation of Lady Jane Grey, or the accession of Mary
to the crown, except amongst the 101 who testified to the Letters Patent for the
limitation of the Crown Jane 31, 1668.
PRAYER BOOK OP 1549. 73
XXXVII. — LETTER FROM THE COUNCIL TO LORD RUSSELL,
ORDERING HIM TO TAKE DOWN THE BELLS FROM THE
CHURCHES.
[Petyt MSS. No. 538, vol. 46, fol. 465.]
From my lord protector and the counsell to my lord previe seall.
After our right hartie comendacons to your lordshipp,
Where the rebells of the cuntrye of Devonshyre and Cornwall
have used the belles in every parishe-as an instrument to sturr the
multytude and call them together, Thinkyng good to have this
occasyon of attempting the lyke hereafter to be taken frome them,
And remembryng with all that by taking downe of them the kyngs
MaUe maie have some comoditie towards his great charges that
waye, we have thought good to pray yor good lordshipp to geve
order* for taken downe the sayd bells in all the churches within
those two counties, levyng in every churche one bell, the lest of
the ryng that nowe is in the same, which maie serve to call the
paryshoners togethers to the sermons and devyne servis; in the
doyng hereof we require yor lordshipp to cause such moderacon to
be used as the same may be done with as moche quietnes and as
lytill force of the comon people as maie be.
And thus we bid yor lordshipp most hartely farewell.
From Westm9 this xijth of September, 1549.
Yor good lordshipp assured loving frendes.
E. SOMERSET.
T. CANT. W. SANCT JOHN.
W. PAQET. W. PETRE, Sy.
E. NORTH.
E. WOTTON. R. SADLER.
" The order here was carried into effect, as appears by a letter of Russell to the
Mayor of Exeter in Cotton and Woollcombe's Gleanings, p. 192, wrongly there
dated Aag. 1549. The letter in the text was printed from this copy with several
errors by Strype in his Memorials, vol. ii. p. 173. Between this letter and the fol-
lowing is a letter from Warwick to Cecil, of Sept 14, 1549, asking for payment to be
made to Captain Drnry for his services against the rebels.
CAMD. 8OC. L
7 I TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
\ XXVIII. — LETTER FROM SOMERSET TO LORD RUSSELL,
BLAMING HIM FOR NOT HAYING EXECUTED PAGET.
[Pctyt M88. No. 638, rol. 46, fol. 465.]
Frome my lord protector to my lord previe seall.
After our verie hartic comendacons unto yor good L.
Where as we wlb dyvers other of the Kyng's Ma"* Counsiall
heretofore addressed our tres to you for dewe cxecucon to be done
and hade upon Pagett for his worthie deserts, which, as we be
en formed, is not done but respected, uppon what occasyon we
knowe not, where at we cannot a lytill mar veil, the thyng so moche
touching our honor; for, as we have been credably enformed, dyvers
have not leftc unspoken that we shuld consent to the death of our
owne brother, and no we wold wynke at hym. Wherefore we
hartely praye yowe, as yowe tender our honor, to se hym suffer that
he hath deserved, accordyng to the tenor of our former tres, and
that without delay.
Thus fare you well
Frome Syon the xviijth of September,* 1549.
Yor L. loving frend,
E. SOMERSET.
XXXIX. — THE PROTECTOR'S LETTER TO LORD RUSSELL RE-
COMMENDING MERCIFUL DEALING WITH THE REBELS.
[Petyt MS8. No. 638, TO!. 46, fol. 4f.t, ]
From my L. protector to my L. previe Seall.
After our right hartie comendarons unto your good lordshipp ;
the same shall understand we have receyved your tres of the xxijth
• This letter appears in Strype's Memorials, ii. 180. There is a letter of the same
date from Lord Chancellor Rich to Cecil, proriding for the execution of the prisoners
and More, who are to be tried after they should hare been tent to Brentwood.
PRAYER BOOK OP 1549. 75
of Sembr, by the wch ye fyrst require to knowe wether that those
parties abowt you shall taste of the kyng's Ma" goodnes, lyke as
others have, where no rebellon and upprors hath bene made, or
not; as that for the relyefe of the sheppe none should paie but
suche above the nomber of one hundreth ; you shall understand for
answere therof that the King's Matie, by our advyse, is pleased that
thaie, beyng now sorie for theyr late dysorders, and theroppon
receyved his highnes pdon, shall Inoye suche lyke part of his
Ma"« goodnes in this behalfe as any other of his realme ; for the
execucon of wch his Mat'6 goodnes towards them these our Ires
shalbe your sufficyent dyscharge and warrant.
For the sendyng of anye Comyssions for the leaveyng of the
relyef, we thynke it nedethe not ; but do accompt the statute made
in that behalf comyssion good anought for the same. And for the
remembrance of yor former requests for Mr. Covrdall, Cholwell, and
haynes,* we do you to wytt that for your devise for Coverdall and
Cholwyn, we lyke the same rerie well, and praie you to take suche
order as the same maie be executed accordyngly. And yf there
shall remayne in us any thyng for the fynyshing therof, we intend
uppon the knowledge had therein to graunt to the same in suche
sorte as you shall thinke covenyent. For the comyng of Mr.
Haynes we have wrytten our ires to hym for that intent. Never-
theles, we thinke his presens at London nowe at the ^lament verie
requesett ; touching the comon prayer ye make mencyon of, We
• This was Simon Heynes, Dean of Exeter, who had been Master of Queen's
College, Cambridge, from 1528 to 1537, and Canon of Windsor from 1535 to 1537,
when he was appointed to the Deanery of Exeter, which he held till his death in
October, 1552. He was employed in France in 1535 to ascertain the opinions of
the learned as to the King's proceedings, and their attitnde towards the Pope. I lib
first scnrice to the King waa in 1529, when he was mainly instrumental in procuring
the decision of the University of Cambridge in his favour in the matter of the
divorce of Catharine of Aragon. He afterwards came under some suspicion, and
was sent to the Fleet for lewd and seditions preaching (see the extract from the
Council Book in Pocock's Jin met, vol. v. p. 2G9). In 1538 he was sent with Bonner
to the Emperor's Court. He was one of the committee appointed in 1548 to examine
the offices of the Church with a view to the projected alterations.
76 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
pray you that lyke as you were the author therof so the same may
be sett forth according to our mcanyng.
And so we bid yor lordshipp hartely fare well.
From Hampton Courte, the xxvlh of September, 1549.
Your L. loving frend,
E. SOMERSET.
P* scrip!.— We do loke for you and Sr Willm Herbert, at the
furthest about the viijth daie of the next moneth, abouth which tyme
we wold gladlye have you here for matters of importance.
XL. — THE KINO'S LETTER SUMMONING HIS SUBJECTS TO
DEFEND HIM AND HIS UNCLE. WRITTEN OCT. 5TH, 1549.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. vol. ix. art. 2.]
The kings ma*14 streyghtlie chargeth and comaundeth all his
loving subjects w* all haste to repayre to his highnes at his maUwi
honor of Hampton Court in most defensible waye w1 harnes and
weapon, to defende his moste royall parson and his most interlie
beloved uncle the lorde protector, agenste whom crtayne hathc
attempted a most daungerous conspiracye and this to doo in all
covenient haste.
Gyven at Hampton Courte the fyfle* day of October in the thirde
yere of his moste royall rayne.
To all Justices of p[eace], mayors, shrives, balives, Con-
stables, [hejdbrowghes, and all other the Kynges
MallM officers and subiects.
This is the verye copye of yf kyngs mfa"**] remission sygned wl
his matlc* scale and hande and w1 my lorde protectors gracs singe.
• This letter appears in Tjtler's series of letters, with two or three rariations, and
with a wrong date of the 1st for the 5th of October assigned to it It is wrongly
•feared in the Domestic Calendar of State Papers as of that date. The original,
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 77
XLI. — WARRANT OP THE KING TO SIR HARRY SEYMOUR
TO RAISE MEN AND BRING THEM TO HAMPTON O»URT TO
DEFEND HIM FROM THE CONSPIRACY. AN ORIGINAL,
SIGNED BY EDWARD AND SOMERSET.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. vol. ix. art. 3.]
EDWARD. By the King.
We grete you well.
Forasmoch as we be given to understande by insinuation of
rumors that a certen conspiracy is in acheving agenst us and our
roiall personne, whiche we truste in god shall never prevaile, but
come to that confusion that therto belongithe,
To the entent that we wold not be without the assistance and
supportacon of or trustie sarvautesand subjectes agenst all attempts,
By the good advise of or most dere uncle Edward the duke of
Somerset governor of our pereonne and protecto* of or realmes
dominons and subjectes,
We have thought [good] it most necessary for the gret trust and
confidence we repose in you, and so will and command you forthwith
uppon the receipt hereof, to assemble such nomber of men armed
as well as on horseback and that espially as on fote, as uppon this
soddaine by vertue of anie our commission heretofore directed unto
you, or by any other authoritie, Stewardshipp, office or libertye what
so ever it be, or if ye have none suche then by authoritie and
warraute of theis our ires, Ye maie possibly levye and gather and
then with all expedioin to bring hether to our Courte.
And at your coming ye shall for furder order therin understand
by thadvise of our said derely beloved uncle the rest of our pleasure
and determinacon.
which is in the Record Office, has a note appended to it in an unknown hand as
follows : — " I received this letter the vi. day of October of George Tanstal, my lord
of Canterbury's servant, between the hoars of one and two before noon on the
i day."
78 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
Gevcn under our signet at our honor of Hampton Courte the Vth
of October in the third yere of or reigne.
E. SOHEBZET.
Endorsed : —
To onr trust ie and well belo[red]
S* Harry Seymour Kn[ight].
XLII. — LETTER FROM SOMERSET TO LORD RUSSELL AND SIR
WILLIAM HERBERT, SUMMONING THEM TO HAMPTON COURT.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. vol. ix. art 5.]
After & very hartie comendacons to yo* good L: and to yow
good Mr Harbert, the same shall understand that for the suertie of
the king's matle, to whom how ductifull ye have both ever bene, the
worlde speketh it to yor perpetuall comendacon ; We be at this
present very desyerouse to have yor presens here most assured of
yo* privat good affections towards us. Wherein ye have not a lytle
bounde us and by cause Mr. Herbert may wth the more spede be
here, if yt shall so content you, by^post, We hertely [desire] you so to
doo, and to gyve ordre that yor servants may folowe. Wherin ye
shall suerly be a great comforte to the king's matl*, whom god pre-
serve, but also most hartcly welcome unto us.
And so we bydd youe hertely well to fare.
Fro Hampton court the vth of October,* 1549.
Yor L. loving and assured frende,
£. SOMERSET.
Endorsed : —
To o* yery good lord*
the lord pririe
Scale and or taring
frende S' Will'm
• •rt, Knight, and
to either of them.
• There are in the Record Office fonr other documents of this date in the Domestic
Paper*. The first two contain the Proclamation of October r.th in duplicate. Tin
third U the letter to Sir Harry Seymour printed here. The fourth is with Somerset's
autograph to his serrant Golding to assemble the Earl of Oxford's serranU for the
King's service, printed by Tytlcr.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 79
XLIII. — ANOTHER LETTER FROM SOMERSET TO LORD
RUSSELL AND SIR WILLIAM HERBERT WITH INSTRUCTIONS
TO BE GITEN BY THE BEARER, LORD EDWARD SEYMOUR.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. vol. ix. art. 7.]
After or ryght hertie comendacons to yor good L., having sent
this bearer, the lorde Edward, to declare and coicate unto you cer-
tayne things touching thestate of the King's Mau°, These shalbe
to wyll and requyre you on his highnes behalf to gyve fyrme credit
unto him, and to do as he shall instructe you. So fare yor L. ryght
hartely well. From Hampton courte, the vj"1 of Octobre, 1549.
Yor L. assured frend,
E. SOMERSET.
To or very good lorde
the lorde privie
Scale and or very
loving frende Sr
Wm Herbert, Knight.
XLIV. — LETTER FROM THE KING TO LORD RUSSELL AND SIR
WILLIAM HERBERT BEGGING THEM TO COME TO HIM FOR
HIS DEFENCE.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. vol. ix. art. 9.]
EDWARDE. By the king.
Right trustie and right well beloved we great you well. Lettinge
you understande that such a heneus and grevus conspiracye as never
was seen is attempted agenst us, and or entierlye belovid uncle the
lorde protector. The wiche thei are constrayinde to mayntcine
withe moost untrue and false surmyses. For they pretende and
brute abrood that or said uncle hathe sould Bolloign, and detcincth
wages, and suche untrue talles, the wiche we knowe of certaintie to
be merelye false, and that by the reast of the Counsells confession
nothing to have ben done by or said uncle but that reast of or
Coungcll did agrea unto ; As we do not doubtc but ye shall firmolie
80 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
and suerly perceve at y& repairc to us. The wichc wee pray you
to mackc withe all spede for or defence in this or nccessityc, what-
soever tres and from whom so ever ye shall receve to the contrarie.
And we shall tacke the same moost thanckcfully. Prayenge yo"
in anye wisse not to faiell as ye tender our suertie.
Geven at 0* honor of Hampton Couert the vith of October • in the
thirde yere of or rai^ne.
E. SOMERSETT.
To of right trustie and
welbelored Connsaillor
the L. Russell kep' of
o* previe aeale and
8* Will'm Herbert
knight.
XLV. — LETTER FROM THE COUNCIL AT LONDON SUMMONING
THE PEOPLE TO THEIR ASSISTANCE AGAINST SOMERSET.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. vol. ix. art. 10.]
After or right hartie comendacons, for the savegarde and pre-
servacion of the kings mau pson, whiche is in no smull daunger by
the falshoode and treasons of the duke of Somersett, who nevtheles
to cover the same uowe brutithe abrode that we of his ma" counsaile,
whiche seke only his highnes pres'vacion shoulde entende evil! unto
his highnes, whiche god forbyddc; trustinge by that tneane to
abuse the people and so by theirc helpes the rather to precede in
his purpose; wee have thought good to requier youe not only as
• Of the fire documents of this date amongst the Domestic Papon, the first, an
calendared, is a letter from Somerset to Rnasell and HrrWrt, the original from
which Secretary Petre copied, desiring them to hasten to the court. The second is a
subsequent letter, telling them to take instructions from the bearer, Sir Kdward
Seymour. The third is another copy almost identical with this, and printed by
Foxe, p. 1546, ed. 1670. The fourth is this letter from Somerset in the King's name
to Russell and Herbert, which has also been printed by Tytler, vol. i. p. 214, with
two unimportant mistakes ; and the fifth is from the Council in London, summoning
the people to their assistance, which is printed below.
PRATER BOOK OP 1549. 81
muche as in youe is to let the people knowe the trouthe, but also,
forasmuche ae he doth alredy gather force, to putt your selfe in
order, w'all the power ye maye make, presentlie to repaire unto
us for the service and suertie of the kings matle in this greate and
weightie matter, as to good and lovinge subjects appteyneth. And
so fare ye hartely well.
From London this vith of Octobre 1549°.
Yor very lovinge frinds
R. RYCHE CANC*. W. NORTHT.*
\V. SEINT JOHN.
J. WARWYK. ARDNDELL. F. SHREWESBURY."
HENRY SUSSEX.
T. CHEYNE.
EDWARD NORTH. J. GAGE.
• This was William Parr, first Baron Parr of Kendal, brother of Katherine, sixth
wife of Henry VIII. He married Ann Bonrchier, daughter of Henry, fifteenth
Earl of Essex, with whose death in 1539 the title of Essex became extinct.
Althongh his issne by her had been bastardised by Act of Parliament, entitled
an Act for the Bastardy of the Lady Parr's children (34 Hen. VIII.), yet he was
created Earl of Essex 23 Dec. 1543, after the death of Cromwell, who was the six-
teenth person who had] borne the title " with the same place and voice m Parlia-
ment as Henry Boorchier, late Earl of Essex, had." He was one of those appointed
to assist the executors of Henry the Eighth's will, and was one of the first twenty-six
Councillors of Somerset. He had illegally married Elizabeth, daughter of Lord
Cobham, his wife being still alive, bnt the new marriage was decided to be good by
Cranmer, Ridley, and others, and four years afterwards the marriage was declared
legal by Act of Parliament, and annulled by a subsequent Act Nov. 28, 1553. He
was created Marquis of Northampton Feb. 16, 1546. He joined the conspirators
against Somerset Oct. 7, 1549, on whose trial he sat in 1551, having been rewarded
for his services to Warwick by being made Lord Great Chamberlain of England
Feb. 2, 1550, and also one of the six governors of the King's person after Somerset's
removal. He seems to have abetted Northumberland throughout, and was tried
and condemned Aug. 19, 1553, for treason, bnt was afterwards pardoned by the
Queen. Upon Wyatt's rising in Kent he was apprehended on suspicion by the Lord
Mayor Jan. 25, 1554, and sent to the Tower. He had been restored in blood bnt not
in honours in 1553, and afterwards was created Marquis of Northampton Jan. 13,
1559, and presided at the trial of Lord Wentworth, deputy of Calais, for treason,
April 22, 1559. The title became extinct at his death in 1571. His third wife,
Helen, a daughter of a Swede, survived him.
b This was Francis Talbot, historically speaking, the eighth Earl of Shrewsbury,
CAHD. 8OC. M
82 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
XLVL — LETTER PROM SOMERSET TO LORD RUSSELL URGING
HIM TO COME TO WINDSOR AS SPEEDILY AS POSSIBLE.
WRITTEN OCT. 6, 1549.
[Petyt M88. No. 638, vol. 46, fol. 467.]
From my L. protector to my L. prevey Seall.
After or right hartye comendacons to yor good lordshippe, here
hathe of late rysen such a conspyracye against the kyngs MaUe and
us as never have bene senc, the which they can not maynteyne but
wUl suche vayne trcs and fals tales surmysed as was never mente nor
entended on us. They prctende and say that we have sold Bolonge
to the Frcnche, and that we do w'hold wages from the soldyers and
other suche tales and tres they do spreado abrode, of the which if
any one thinge wer trewe we wold not wishe to lyve. The matter
bat fifth earl in direct descent from John Talbot, created May 20, 1442. He suc-
ceeded his father, George, fourth earl, in 1541, and died in 1560. He had been the
King's Lieutenant of the North in 1545, and was* made Knight of the Garter
April 23, 1546. He commanded the expedition into Scotland in 1548. He was one
of the me»Mi)gern sent to Lord Seymour to intimate the charges brought against
him, and signed the warrant with Cranmer and others for his execution. He sided
altogether with Somerset till Oct. 7, 1549, when with Rich, Northampton, Cheyney,
Gage, Sadleyr, and Montague, he joined in Warwick's conspiracy against him. On
the 10th of January, 1553, he attended on the Princess Mary when she paid a visit
to the King at Westminster ; and signed, with twenty-two others, the letter to the
Princess Mary, declaring Lady Jane Grey queen. He was one of the principal
mourners at the burial of Edward in Westminster Abbey, when the sen-ice was
performed in surplice, on Tuesday, Aug. 8, according to the Prayer Book of 1562 ;
though on the same day there was a Requiem Mass in the Tower at which Gardiner
officiated and the Queen attended. He was one of those who signed Edward's
limitation of the Crown, as well as the letter of July 12 to the Sheriffs of Notts
and Derby, calling Mary a bastard, and also the letter in the name of Queen Jane
of July 19 to Lord Rich, the lieutenant of the county of Essex, yet joined with
Cranmer and others in proclaiming Mary, July 19, when Arnndel and Paget were
sent off to her with the great seal, and the next day signed the charge of the
Council to Northumberland to disarm. He carried the crown at her coronation,
and conducted Cardinal Pole to London, NOT. 24, 1654. He appears to hare been
in great favour with Philip and Mary, and was present at the proclamation of
Elizabeth, Nor. 17, 1558, and was one of the first chosen to be of her Privy Council.
He dissented from the Act of Supremacy March 18,1669, and from the new Service
Book April 18, yet afterwards was one of the commissioners appointed of the royal
visitation for enforcing it in the Province of York, June 24, 1669.
PRAYER BOOK OP 1549. 83
now beinge browght to a marvelous extremytye such as we wold
never have thowght it culd have come unto, especyallye of those
men towards the king's Matle and us, of whome we have deserved
no such thinge but rather moche favor and love. But the case
beinge as it is, This is to require and pray you to hasten you hether
to the defence of the king's MaUe in suche force and poore as you
may ; To shew the parte of a trewe gentleman and of a verie
frende, the whiche thinge we trust god shall rewarde and the king's
maue in tyme to come; and we shall never be unmindefull of it to;
We ar seure you shall have other tres from them, but as ye tender
yor dewtye to the king's matle we requyre you to make no staye
but immedyatlye repayre wth such force as ye have to his highnes
in hisxjastle of Wyndesore, and cause the rest of such force as ye
maie make followe you.
And so we byd you right hartelye fare well.
From Hampton courte the vjtb of October.
Yor lordships assurid lovinge frende,
E. SOMERSETT.
Postscript*
They ar not ashamed to send posts abrode to tell that we ar
alredye comytted to the towre and that we wold delyver the bus-
shopps of Wynchester and London out of pryson and bringe in
agayne tholde masse.
XLVII. — LETTER FROM THE COUNCIL AT LONDON TO THE
KING DETAILING THEIR GRIEVANCE AGAINST SOMERSET.
DRAFT PARTLY IN PETRE'S, PARTLY IN WRIOTHESLEY'S
HAND.b
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. vol. be. Art. 19.]
Most high and mightye prince, or most gracious sovaigne Lorde.
It may please your Ma10 to be advertysed that havinge harde
suche message as it pleased your Matc to sende unto us by your
• This document was printed bj Foxe, p. 1546, with tolerable correctness, bat he
omitted the postscript. It appears also in Holinshed from Foxe.
b There are throe copies of this document In the Record Office calendared as
84 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
highnes Secretarye Sir William Petre, Lyke as it was muchc to
y& grieve and discomfort to undcrstandc that upon untrue informa-
tions yor maw seemid to have some doubte of or fydelities ; So doo
we upon or knees moste humblye beseche yor ma** to thinke that
we have alwayes servid the king's ma** your moste noble father,
and yor highnes likewysc, faithfullye and truelye; So do we mynde
alwayes to continue yor matt true servauts to th'effusion of our
bludds and losse of our lyves, And for the suretye of yor moste
royall pson, savegarde and preservacion of your Realmes and
dominions, have at this tyme consultid to gither, and for none
other cause we take god to witnes.
We have hertofore by all good and gentle meanes attempted to
have had your highnes uncle, the duke of Somerset, to have
governid yor ma1** affayres by th'advyse of us and the rest of yor
counsaillours; but fyndinge hym so muche gyven to his owne will
that he alwayes refusid to hecre reason, and therwith doinge sundrye
such things as wer and be most daungerous bothe to yor most royall
pson and to your hole Realme, We thought yet agayne to have
gentelye and quyetleye spoken with hym yn thies things, had he
not gatherid force about hym in suche sorte as we might easelye
pceyve hym earnestlye bent to the mayntenace of his olde wilfull
and troublous doings. For redressse wherof, and for none other
cause, we do presentlye remayne heere, redye to lyve and dye your
true servants. And th 'assemble of almost all your Counsoill beinge
now heere, we have for the better service of yor maieste, causid
your Secretarye to remayne, herewith moste humbly bcsechinge
y& grace to thinke in yor harte that th'onelye preservacion of yor
pson and yo' estate, for the discharge of or duetyes enforcith us
to devyse how to delyver your grace from the pill your highnes
standeth yn, and no other respecte. For what soever is or shalbe
•ayed to your highnes, no earthlye thinge coulde have movid us to
No*. 17, 18, 19. There i» a copy in the Council Book, p. 4, and it was printed from
UM original in the Cotton Library, by Bnrnet, TO], ir. p. 273. There are no raria-
tioM of any importance. The signature* are here added a* they exist in the
original 118., but they do not exist in any of the copies.
PRAYEB BOOK OF 1549. 85
have seemid to standc as a ptye but yor onelye preservacion, which
yor mau shall herafter pceyve, and we .double not repute us for
your most faithful servants and Counsaillo*8 as or doings shall never
deserve the contrarye ; As god knowith, to whom we shall daylye
praye for your ma*** preservacion, and with our bodyes defende
yur pson and estate, as long as lief shall endure.
[R. RYCHE, Cane. J. WABWYK.
W. SEINT JOHN.
A i: I M > l . I 1 .. W. NORTHT.
F. SHREWESBURY. THOMAS SOUTHAMPTON.
T. CHEYNE.* WILLIAM PETBE, Secretary. EDWARD NORTH.
JOHN GAGE. R. SADLEYR.
EDWARD MOUNTAGU. RICHARD SOUTHWELL.]
Endorsed on Art. 18 :
1549:
Copie of the lra from the
LI. assembled at London
to the King.
nppon the message sent to
them by Sr William Fagett
touching the duke of Som-
mersett.
Art. 17 has pasted on it :
This is a draft
M. to the King's mato
Tij° Octobris, 1649.
• Sir Thomas Cheyney first appears in 1520 at the Field of the Cloth of Gold, and
afterwards as ambassador in France in 1 522 He was afterwards Treasurer of the
Household and Warden of the Cinque Ports from 1540 till his death in 1568. He
was present at the Council, Aug. 10, 1540, when Paget was made secretary, and was
one of the twelve appointed to assist the sixteen executors of the will of Henry VIII.
He signed the patent for Somerset's protectorship and the order for committing
Gardiner to the Tower, and was one of those sent to Lord Seymour to bring him to
submission. On Oct. 7, 1549, he, with Northampton, Shrewsbury, Montague, Gage,
and Sadler, joined the conspirators against Somerset. He signed Edward's limita-
88 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
XLVIII. — ORIGINAL DRAFT • OF A LETTER FROM THE LORDS
OP THE COUNCIL IN LONDON TO THE COUNCIL AT WINDSOR
INTIMATING THEIR INTENTION TO REMOVE SOMERSET FROM
THE OFFICE OF PROTECTOR.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. TO!, ix. Art. 22.]
MY LORDS,
After or right harty commendations.
Understanding whatt fals [and] ontrue and slandero[us] bills
rumon and reports bee [bee] spredd [allmost in all] in many places
by m canes of the duke of Somersett and his adherents of the cause of
o* Assemblie, and being togethers wee have fyrst thought good to
[mo£] assure yor lordshipps of or honors, trothe and fidelites to god
and the kings Ma**, thatt wee mean nothing els butt the suertie of
[the Kings] his ma1** [honor] pson or most gracious soveraigne lord,
the preservation of his honor, and the good governaunce of his
ma1" realmes and dominions, And for none other cause we tak god
to wytnes.
tion of the Crown, and also the letter, dated July 9, of the Con noil to Mary an-
nouncing Lady Jane Grey as Queen, and also that of July 19 to Rich in her faronr,
but almost immediately declared for Mary, whom he on the same day joined with
Arnndel, Shrewsbury, Pembroke, Hedford, and Cobham in proclaiming Queen. He
was of her Privy Council, and retained by Elizabeth as a councillor at her •marine,
but died immediately afterwards, Dee. 15, 1558. From a letter in Le Grand it
appears that he had, in 1529, in some way offended Wolsey, and was dismissed from
court, but was restored by the influence of Anne Boleyn.
• This letter, with the signatures of the Councillors, was printed from the original
in Elite's Letters, First Series, vol. ii. j>. \ <'•>'>. It (lifters very little from this cor-
rected draft These two letters, written on the same day, are signed by the same
Councillors, except that one has the name of Edward Montague, the other of
Mel hi Won 11
PRAYEB BOOK OF 1549. 87
If the duke of Somersett wold att any tyme have hard or advises,
if he wold have hard reason, and knowleged hymself a subject, or
meaning was [w] to have quietly combined wl hym for redresse of
all things w*owt any disturbance of the realme; butt [/*«] knowing
afterwards thatt the sayd duke goeth abowt to rayse greatt forces
and numbers of men, to spredd abrod sclaundcrous and ontrue
reaports of us moch contrary to or [An] hono™ and reputations, we
were forced for the meting them [wherw' lyke as we be also forced]
against or wills to assemble also some numbers about us, and now to
charge the mater lyke as gryveth us to see whatt daungers and pill
may ensue to the hole realme thorough division amongs or selfs, We
have lykewise thought good to signefie unto you thatt if the sayd
duke will, as becometh a good subject, absent hymself from hys
mate, be contentyd to be ordred according [to reason] to justice and
reason [and for] and disperse thatt force wl is levied by hym, we
will gladly cofhen wl yow [/or furthar order for] toching the
suertie of his raa*8 pson and order of all [things] other things,
wherin we nothing doubt, whatt so ever hath byn otherwyse on-
truely reaported, yow ehall fynd us [redye] both conformable and
readye to doo as becometh good subjects and true councillors,
nothing doubting to fynd the lyk conformitie also on yor behalfe.
Otherwise if we shall see that you mynde more the mayntenaunce
of that one mans ill doings then th'execution of his matc9 lawes and
comen order, we must make other accompt of you then we trust we
shall have cause.
Consider my lords for Godds sake, we hartely pray you, thatt we
bee allmost the hole counsayl, men thatt have byn to [be] moch
bounden by sondry beneGtes to forget or dueties to the kings Matu'
for whom we doo thatt we doo, and will gladly spend or lives for
his suertie. If you forsake to come to this good and peaxell agree-
ment, We must protest that the inconveniences wb may ensue
uppon this styrre must grow of you, the dawnger whereof we
assurydly know is to none of you onknowen.
Thus praying God to send us and yow grace to doo that may
88 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
most conduce to his glorie and wealth of the Kealme we bydd yow
hartely fare well.
From London this vij* of October, 1549.
Yor assured loving frcends,
R. RTCHE, Cane. W. SAINT JOHN. W. NORTHT.
J. WARWTK. ARUNDELL. F. SHREWESBURY.
THOMAS SOUTHAMPTON.
T. CHEYNE. WILLIAM PETRE. EDWARD NORTH.
JOHN GAGE.* K. SADLBYR.
Ric. SOUTHWELL. NICHOLAS WOTTON,
Endorsed:
M. to the lords at
Windaoor Tij° octobris,
1549.
XL1X. — LETTER FROM SOMERSET TO THE COUNCIL AT LONDON
EXPRESSING WONDER AT THE DETENTION OF SECRETARY
PETRE.
[Petyt M8S. No. 838, TO!. 46, fol. 469.]
Frome my lord protector to the Counsell at London,
My lords we comend us mostc hartelye unto you.
And whereas the kinges Matle was infourmed that you weyre
assembled in suche sortc as you doo and nowe remayne there
b Sir John Gage appears first in 1523 as Comptroller of Calais and Captain of
Guisnes. He was Vice-Chamberlain from 1528 to 1540, and then promoted, 9th
Oct. to be Comptroller of the Household, which office he held till the death <>f the
king. He was made Knight of the Garter in 1541, and was also Constable of the
Tower. He wan one of those who assisted Cranmer at the trial for the divorce of
Catharine at Donstable. He was also concerned in examination of evidence
against Catharine Howard. He had been employed also daring the reign of
Henry VIII. in the visitation of the monasteries. He was one the twelve assistants
to the executors of the king's will and one of Edward's Privy Council. He j»in<-.i
the conspiracy against Somerset, Oct. 7, 1549. He does not appear to have been
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 89
in as was advised, and such other of his counsell as weyre thene
hereabout his person to send Mr. Secretarie Peters unto you with
suche a message as no herme might have insued, the sewertie of his
Mtf"8 pson wth preservasion of his realme and subjects and the quiet
bothe of us and yor selfes as Mr. Secretarie cane well declare to
youe; his Ma0* and we of his counsell heare doo not a lytle marvell
that you staie still w"1 you the said Mr. Secretarie, and have not as
weyre vouchsaved to send aunswer to his majtle nether by hime nor
yet any other.
And for our selfe we doo moche more marvell and are right
sorie, as both we and you have good cause to be, to see the mannor
of yor doings, bent wth force of violence to bringe the kyng's matlc
and us to theis extremities, which as we doo intend, if you will take
no other waie but violence to defend, as natoure and oure allegence
dothe bynd us to extremytie of deathe ; And to put yt all to god's
hand who gyveithe vectorie as yt pleasethe him, so if any reasonable
condicons and offers wold take place as hitherto none hathe bene
signefyed unto us frome you, nore we doo not understand what you
do requiere ore seake, ore what you doo mean, And that youe doo
seake no hurte to the king's maUe pson; As touchinge all other
prevet matters to avode the effusion of Christien bloude, and to
preserve the king's maUe« person, his realme and subjects, you shall
fynd us agreable to any reasonable condicons that you will requiere ;
for we doe esteme the king's welthe and Tranquilytie of the realme
more then all other worldlie things yea then oure owne lyfe.
Thus prainge youe to send us yor determynat aunswere hearin
by Mr. Secretarie Peters, ore if you will not let him goe by this
berer, We beseche god to gyve bothe [t«] you and us grace to de-
termyne this matter as maie be god's honor, the preservacion of the
implicated in Lady Jane Grey's usurpation, and received Mary at the Tower,
Angnst 3, 1553; was made Lord Chamberlain by Mary, and was Constable of the
Tower when Somerset was sent there, and also when the Princess Elizabeth was
imprisoned on suspicion of being implicated in Wyatt's rebellion. Upon the accession
of Elizabeth he retired to the Continent.
CAMD. 8OC. N
90 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH Till
kingc, and the quiet of us all, which maie be if the falte be not in
youe.
And BO we bid you motte hartelye faire well.
From the king's Ma1** castell of Wyndsor the vij1* of October,
1549.
Your lordshipps loving frends.
L. — LORD RUSSELL'S AND SIR WILLIAM HERBERT'S LETTER
TO THE DUKE OF SOMERSET EXPRESSING DISAPPROVAL
OF HIS LINE OF ACTION.
fPetyt MSS. No. 638, rol. 46, fol. 470.]
To the lord protector the viith of October.*
Pleasith y& grace we have receyvid your ires, not without
our great lamentacon and sorowe to perceyve the cyvill dyssencon
w°h is happened betwene your grace and the nobilytie. A greater
plage could not be sent unto this rcalmc from god ; being the next
way to make us of conquerors slaves, and to induce upon us uny-
versall calamytie and thraldomc, wch we pray god so to hold his
holy hand over us, as we may never se yt. Yor graces last tres
4 This is a mistake of the transcriber for October 8, aa it is rightly dated at the
end of the letter.
There are fire distinct documents bearing this date (Oct. 7) in the Record Office.
The first is in the handwriting of Sir Thomas Smith, from Somerset to the Council,
printed in Holinshed 1058, and in Stow 598, and also in Tytlcr, vol. i. p. 214, wonder
ing that they hare kept Sir William Petrc and returned no answer, and stating that
erery reasonable concession will be granted by the King. The second is from the
Council to the King, here printed, stating that they hare had his message sent by
Petre, and that they are griered tha' their fidelity should be doubted. The reason of
their consulting together is to depose Somerset. This is a draft partly in Petre's
and partly in Wriothesley's hand. There are also two copies of this. The third
is from the Council to the Sheriff of . eridently a circular declaring the
treason of Somerset, to compass which he had endearonred to levy great numbers of
men. None of the King's subjects are to be raised except by order of Council. The
fourth is another to the Justices of the Peace to the same effect ; and the fifth is to
Cranmer and Paget at Windsor, protesting their loyalty, and offering to treat with
Somerset If he will absent himself from the King, disperse bis forces, and submit.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 91
requireth us wth all deligence to repayre to the castell of Wyndsor,
and for answere this is to gigniffie that so long as we thought
that the nobelytie presently assembled had conspyred agast the
king's Matle parson so long we came forwards wth suche company
as we have for suertie of his highnes as apperteyned.
And now having this daie receyved advertysement from the
lords wherby yt is given to us to understand that no hurte nor
dyspleasure is ment towards the king's MaUe, and that yt doth
playnly appear* unto us
That this great extremytie procedeth only upon pryvate causes
between your grace and them, we therefore thought most covenient
in the heat of this broyle to levye as greate power as we may, as
well for the suertie of the King's MaUe* person as also for the pre-
servation of the state of the realme wch [whilst] this contention en-
during by factions between your grace and them may be in moche
perell and daunger.
We are out of doubt the devil hath not so inchaunted nor abused
theyr wyttes as thay wold cosent to any thing prejiidiciall and hurt-
full to the kyngs most riall person, upon whose suertie and preser-
vacon, as thay well knowe, the state of the realme doth depend.
And having cosyderacon of theyr honors' dyscrySon and theyr
contynuall trough unto the Crowne, we beleve the same so assuredly
as no other argument may disswayde us for the contrayry. And for
our owne partes we trust your grace doubteth not but that as we
have and will and must have a spiall regarde and cosyderacon of
our dewties of allegeaunce unto the king's matle, so shall we not be
necligent to do our partes lyke faythfull subjects for the suertie of
his highnes accordingly; Besechinge your grace that his Matie in
any wise be put in no feare and that your grace wold so conforme
yo'self as these pryvate causes redounde unto an unyversall dysplea-
sure of the whole realme.
• Here the transcriber has omitted the words " that they are his highness' most
true and loring subjects, meaning no otherwise than as to their duties of allegiance
may appertain ; so as in conclusion it doth also appear."
f'-' TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH Till
Wold god al maynea were used rather then any bludd shedde ;
w*6 yf be once attempted, And the case brought to that mesery that
the handes of the nobelitie be once poluted cache wythe others
bludde, the querell once begonne will never have ende tyll the
realme be dyssendyd to that wofull Calamytic that all our postcrytie
shall lament the chaunce.
Your graces proclamations and billets put a brode for the rasyng of
the Coitions we myslike very moche. The wycked and evill dyspoeed
persons shall sturre us well as the faythful subjects, and we and these
other gentilmen who have served and others of worehipp in the
countres where the same have been publyshed do incurre by this
meanes muche infamie slander and dyscredyt.
Thus we end, bescching almightie god the matter may be so used
as no effucion of bludde may flowe. And therwtt all a suertie of
the king's matle and of the state of the realme.
From Andover, the viii1*1 of October, 1549.
Yr graces loving frends,'
[JOHN RUSSELL.
WM. HERBERT.]
[To my lord Protectors Grace.]
LI. — CIRCULAR LETTER FROM THE COUNCIL AT LONDON TO
SHERIFFS AND JUSTICES OF PEACE OF TIIK COUNTIES.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. vol. ix. art 28.]
For as much as the duke of Somerset, abusing the kings ma1**
hand, stamp, and signet, and w'out th'advise of us of his highnes
counsaill, hath sent furth divers and sundry writings to levye the
kings matc* subgets and disturb the commun peax of the Heal me,
for the maintenauncc of his own ill and oultragious doings only,
to no small peril of the king's maiesties personne, and the dis-
turbaunce of his mate> good and loving subgets ;
Thies be to will and requyre youe, and nevertheles on his highnes
behalf straitly to charge and commaundc you, that you nor none of
• The signature* and addreai have been added from the copy in the Record Office.
PRAYER BOOK OP 1549. 03
you levye nor cause to be levyed any nombres of men by force
of any such writting whatsoever, except thands of us of his ma1**
pryvy counsail or the more part of us shall be subscribed to the
same. And further we requyre youe on his highnes behalf t'applie
your labours and busines, every of you in your severall vocations,
quietely and peaseably, as becometh good subgets, w*out giving
credit to any such rumours and bruits, as by the said duke be un-
truely and falsely spred abrode to the dishonour and slaunder of us
his Ma1*9 tme and faith full counsaillours, who be and ever shall be
during our lyves redy to spende or bloode for the suretye of his
most royal psonne, and the maintenaunce of the comon welth of his
ma1*8 most loving and obedyent subgets.
Geven at London the viii. of Octobre, the third yere of his highnes
most noble reign.
To the shrief of
and to the Justices of peax of the said
conntye and to all other the king's
Ma"* constables, hedborowes,
and other his highnes ministers
and subgets of the same countye.
R. RYCHE, Cancr. w NORTHT
W-, _ IT. .>''U1II I.
, SEINT JOHN.
J. WARWYK. F. SHREWESBURY.
ARUNDELL.
THOMS, SOUTHAMPTON.
WILLM. PETRE, Sy. EDWARD MONTAGUE.*
NICHOLAS WOTTON.
Jo. SADLEIR.
Endorsed :
I'lucarts grannted bj
the Conncill assembled
at London
to advise men not to obey
the precepts of the duke
of Somerset for levying
of forces.
• This was Sir Edward Montague, who had exchanged the office of Chief Justice
!' 4 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
LI I. — LETTER FROM LORD MORLEY TO THE COUNCIL IN
LONDON TAKING PART WITH THEM.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. rol. ix. art. 30.]
Plese it yo* good lordshyppes to be advertysyd that I have
resayvyd yor most honorabill letters declaryng and expressyng un
to me the dagerous estate of the kynga most Kiall parson, hys
dominioe and realmes by the lord protectour; to that I make yor
good lordshypps this true and faythefull subjects answer that like
wyse as above all things next unto god I a most bounden to defend
the kyng, evyn so a I most bouden to defend hys reame and my
naturall and dere contrie. Wherfore so to do I shall accordyng to
yor coandmenta put my selfe in Redynes with that pore power I
have wytheen one hours warning so other to lyve or to dy ; and
thus Crist Jesus preserve yor most honorabill lords all.
From mark hall this present day the viij day of October,
faytheful ora[t]our
HARRY MORLEY.*
Endorsed:
To the most honorable
lords of the co'sell
in hast.
And again,
The 1. Morley
to the connsell riij°
Octobris 1549.
of the King's Bench for the inferior place of Chief Justice of the Common Pica*,
NOT. 6,1546. This office he held throughout the reign of Edward VI. He was
one of the sixteen executor*. He joined the party against Somerset Oct. 7, 1549,
and on that day signed the letter to the King against the Protector, bnt not the
letter from the Council in London to the Council at Windsor, which bears the same
date. The Duke of Northumberland compelled him to draw Edward's will for the
••cccsjion of Lady Jane Grey, bnt he was one of the first to desert her cause. Ili-
change^of front did not aare him from arrest. He was sent to the Tower July 27,
1653, deprived of the Chief Justiceship, fined 1,0002., and forced to surrender the
abbey lands that bad been granted him by Somerset He died in obscurity, Feb. 10,
15M.
• This was Henry Parker, ninth Baron Morley, son of Sir William Parker, by
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 95
LIII. — A PROCLAMACION * BET FORTH BY THE STATE AND
BODIE OF THE KYNGfi'S M.AIE8TE8 COUNSAYLE NOW AS-
SEMBLED AT LONDON, CONTEINYNG THE VERY TROUTH OF
THE DUKE OF SOMERSET'S EVEL GOVERNMENT, AND FALSE
AND DETESTABLE PROCEDINGES.
The Kyngs Maiestes most honorable Counsail, calling to their
remembraunce the quiet state, that this the Kynges maiestie's moost
noble Realme of Englande and other his Maiesties Realmes and
Dominions, stode in at the deceas of his highnes Father, of moost
noble memorie Kyng Henry the eight, their late soveraigne Lorde
and Maister, and studieng upon the causes of puchc calamities,
losses and displeasures, as of late have happened amonges us, not
only by inward division whiche hath been already the death of
thousandes of his Maiesties naturall subjectes, and oneles GOD of
his mercie doo geve them that have been offenders grace to repente,
and to determine to lyve hereafter in a due and Godly obedience,
muste nedes brede to this Realme an utter desolation, But also by
the losses of his Maiesties peices beyonde the Sees, the whiche his
Highnes saied Father not many yeres before his deceasse wanne to
the great honor of his Maiestie, and to the great commoditie of
his realme, with the greate aventure of his most noble persone, and
Alice LoYel, sister and sole heir of Henry Love], eighth Baron Morley, who sac
ccedcd to the title in his mother's right, and was summoned to Parliament from tin-
15th of April, 14 Henry VIII. i.e. 1523, to the 28th of October, 2 and 3 Philip and
Mary, 1555. He was one of the Commissioners sent in 1523 to present the insignia
of the Garter to the Archduke Ferdinand, whose instructions are printed at length
in Strype's Eceletiattical Memoir*, vol. i. pp. 42-46. He signed the letter of the
Lords to the Pope about Catharine's divorce, and afterwards sat on the trial of Anne
Boleyn ; his son, Henry Parker, having been made Knight of the Bath at htr
coronation. This son died before him, and was buried in December 1553, and is
wrongly called Lord Morley in Machyn's Diary. He was one of the lords who
dissented from the bill for the marriage of priests, Feb. 19, 1548, and in 1E50 from
the act for destroying the old office books and defacing of images. He died not, as
is generally supposed, in 1555, but, as Machyn says, on Wednesday, Nov. 25, 1556,
and was buried on the following Thursday, Dec. 3, and was succeeded by his grand-
son, Henry Parker, tenth baron.
* This proclamation is No. 48 (printed) in Coll. of Soc. Ant. mounted on three
'"' TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
the consumption of his inestimable treasure: they have founde
ami fully perceived that the only roote and chief cause of al these
evils have growne by the malice and evil governemcnt of Edward
Duke of Somerset, lately called Protectour, whose pride, covetous-
nes, and extreme ambicion doth declare and she we to all the worlde,
that liste to beholde the same, that he hath ment nothing lesse than
the preservacion of the Kynges moste Roiall raaiestie, or the good
ordre of his Heal me and the safe keping of his grace's pceces
beyonde the Sees, but rather that he hath sought the satisfactid
of his devilyshe and evill purposes, for the compassing whereof
what wayes he and his have used to enryche hym, how he hath in
all this tyme of the warres both with Fraunce and Scotlande
buylded most sumptuously in a nombre of places, the Kynge's
Maiesties poor Souldiors and others having sommes of money due
to them unpayde of their wages and duties: how he hath laboured
to make hymself strong in all Count reis: how he hath subverted
all Lawes, Justice and good ordre of the Real me, whereby he hath
fearfully shaken the Chayre of his Maiesties estate : how litle he
hath esteamed the grave advise of all his Maiesties good and faith-
ful Counsailors: howe litle he hath regarded th'order appoincted by
our late sovereigne lorde Kyng Henry the eight, for the governe-
ment of his maiestie, his Realmes and dominions, now in his tender
age: what devision he hath laboured to sowe in the Realme, if he
leares. It in not in Grafton's little book. It is followed by another of ()<t lo.
iiigned by the same nineteen, with the addition of the I/«>rde Wentworth and Sir
Anthony Wingfeld, knyght of the ordre, the Kynges Maiesties rice Chamberlain,
and capitain of the Garde, and Sir Kdmnnd Peckham, knyght, hi^'h Thrmsuur. r <>f
nil the Kynges Maieatiet Myntes. It is No. 49, and is headed, " A Procl* set furth
by the body and state, Itc. ooncernyng the derisers, writers, and casters abrode of
certain rile, slannderoos, and moste trayteroos letters, billet, scrowes, and paper*
tending to the sedncement of the kynges maiesties good and lovyng snbjectea."
The draft of this in Record Office. TO), ix. It is remarkable that nearly all the
proclamations of this period have disappeared. Grafton's collection contains none
between August 23, 1549, and March 28, 1560, and the collection in the possession
of (he Society of Antiquaries has only one, dated Sept 30, between August 15 and
this one of October 8, against the Duke of Somerset.
PRAYER BOOK OP 1549. 97
myght have brought his purpose to passe betwene the Nobles, the
Gentylmen, and the Comens, whiche muste nedes if it should con-
tinue destroye both parties, and at last be the destruction of the
persone of our soveraigne Lorde the Kyng, whom God long pre-
serve unto us, and of the hole Realme: Fynally what losse his
maiestie and the Realme have of late suffered by his wilful negli-
gence and lacke of provision and furniture of the peeces beyonde
the Sees : And what damage his Maiestie is lyke more to sustcine,
onles God helpe it by his mightie hand, for that he wold not supply
the lackes in time, albeit he was often moved to it, both by suche
as had and have the charge of the peeces there, and by the hole
Counsail, and by divers of them a part, every man that hath eyes
maie see, and al good men doo in their hartes muche lament it.
Whiche thinges being so apparant as no man can deny them, the
Lordes and others of the Kynge's Maiestie's counsuill, considering
with themselfes, that if summe reformacion were not had, and
summc better and more certaine order established, there must nedes
ensue present daunger and perill to his maiestie's persone, and
utter subvercion of the state of this noble Realme, with further
losse of his Maiesties peeces in outwarde parties ;
And mindyng, neverthelesse, to have had the same compassed in
quiet ordre and without disturbans of the Realme, or trouble of the
Kinges Maiesties good subiects, whiche have been lately much
seduced, and by his craftie and subtil meanes under the color of the
service of the Kynges maiestie and their reliefe deceived where
in dede he ment nothing but to use them for his mischevous pur-
pose, consulted at London together and fynally cocluded to have
spoken with the said Duke of Somerset, and to have travailed by
all the good meanes they could, to have brought hym to have been
contented to have lyved within reasonable limites and to have put
suche ordre for the surety of the Kinges Maiesties persone as
appertayned : and yf that might so have been woon and obteigned,
whatsoever his deservinges were, whiche bee in dede mooste un-
naturall, ingrate and trayterous, yf he wolde have conformed him-
CAMD. 8OC. O
98 TBOUBLE8 CONNECTED WITH THE
selfe to reason, for pities sake and the avoydyng of slaunder to
have passed over all thinges without further extremitie. For if
the Lordes and others of the Counsaill, whose duety it was prin-
cipally to have regarde to hys Maiestics surety and to the preserva-
cion and avauncement of the Commen wealth of this Realme had
mente any further evell or displeasure to the sayde Duke, then is
before specified they had tyme ynough and good oportunitie easely
to have taken his body, and to have ordred it according to justice.
But the sayde Duke of Somerset on the other syde, beyng burdened
with a corrupte conscience, and yet so overcome with his moost
detestable ambicion, as he could not tempre hys abhominable and
moost wretched determination in aspiryng to his soveraigne Lordes
and Masters place, as soone as he harde that certaine of the
Lordes of the Counsail had met and cosulted together, fearing as it
plainly appeareth that it shuld be for his reformacion and knowing
that he cannot answere to any part of his doinges, straight began
to levy force and to spredde moost false brutes and rumors abrode
against the counsail, blustering and blowyng by his owne mouthe,
and by hys ministers in a nombre of places, that certaine Lordes
had conspired a great treason against the Kynges Maiesties persone,
and cryeng to the people to haste to the Courte in forcible maner
for defence thereof: whereby many of them, beyng abused by his
false reporte, both conceaved evell opinion of them that never
deserved it and ranne thether in a disorder and uprour, whiche,
neverthelesse, in the good people, for their zeale was not to be
discommended : Albeit the treason in dcde rcstcth in his harte, and
in a few others combyned with hym, from the which almightie God
defend his maiestie. For let all men most certainly perswade to
themrelfee, that there is no one counsailor nor other nobleman or
othert-that have desyred thys moost necessary reformacion and
ordre for the surety of hys Maiesties persone and the Commen
wealth of the Realme, that hath been moved thereunto (as God
shall helpe therin) upon any respecte but onely for discharge of
their duties to hys hyghnes and to their naturall countrey. Neither
PRAYER BOOK OP 1549. 99
is there one of them but so he myght lyve to see his Maiestie in
suche estate as he myght commaunde his owne as appertaineth, and
answere his enemies as hys moost noble progenitors have done,
could not be content to be straight buryed. Which as the hole
body of the counsail stadyng in thys matter doubteth not but all
good men that love the Kyng and the Real me wyll beleve and
firmely credite whatsoever he or his complices have and shall brute
and spreade abrode to the contrary: So, seyng he troubleth the
hole Kealmc for the accomplyshment of his vyle treason, and useth
the Kynges Maiestie, beyng now in hys tender age, for an instru-
ment agaynst himselfe, causyng hym to putte hys hande to many
of hys devises, and upon hys false informacions too speake wy th hys
owne mouthe thynges tendynge in dede to hys owne destruccion,
which is a pytifull case. The sayde Counsaill desireth, and in hys
Maiestics name, and by his aucthoritie chargeth all his Maiesties
good and faithfull Subiectes, as they love and desyre the preser-
vacion of hys Maiesties lyfe, and the continuaunce of the noble
state and comen wealth of this realme, not only to ayde and assiste
them as they shalbe comaunded for the delyvery of his Maiestys
persone from the handes of so greate a Traytour, which under the
pretence of favour and help to be ministred to the good People
and Commens, frameth him selfe as he thinketh a strength to
destroy his Sovereyne Lord and al them that would his preser-
vacio: which when they shal now understande, the counsayl
doubteth not but they wil not only beware how thei be againe by
false Rumours deceived but also in no wise to obey any preceptes,
letters or Proclamacions whereunto his hande shalbe set (though
he abuse his Maiesties most noble hande and Sealc to them) but
to reste and quyet themselves upon such Comaundementes, Pro-
clamacions and Letters only as shall procede from the body of his
Maiestics Counsayl, who seke only his highnes Preservacion as is
aforesaid, and the good order of his grace's Realmes, Dominions
and Subjectes and to have special regarde that Justice be ministred
to evyll doers : Wherein, as they shal shew themselfes in dede good
100 TROUBLES COKNECTED WITH THE
and most loving Subject**, BO the saide Counsayl intende both to
sec and provide oute of hande that they shalbe in all thinges
reasonably considered, as shalbe for their benefite, accordyng to the
Lawes and statutes of the Realrae: And to recommende their
Senryce hereafter when his Maiestie shall be of Age, and hable to
direct his owne affayres, as shall undoubtedly be to the counfortee
of them' all and of their Posteritcs.
Dated at London the viij dale of October in the third yere of
his majesties moste prosperous reigne, published under his maiestics
scale, and subscribed by the Lordes and others of his maiesties
privey counsaill whose names folowcth.
The LORDE RICHE, Lorde Chauncellor.
The LORDE SAINCT IHON, Lorde greate Master and
President of the Counsaill.
The LORDE RUSSELL, Lorde privey Seale.
The LORDE MARQUES or NORTHHAHPTON.
The ERLE OF WARWICKE, Lorde Greate Chamberlain.
The ERLE OF ARUNDELL, Lorde Chamberlain.
The ERLE OP SHREWSBERT.
The ERLE OF SOUTHHAMPTON.
SIR THOMAS CHEINET, Knight of the order, and Threu-
saurer
of the Kynges Maiesties house, and
Lorde Warden of the Cinque Portes.
SIR WILLTAM HERBERT, Knight, Master of the Kynges
Maiesties horse.
SIR IHON GAGE, Knight of the order, Constable of the Towre.
SIR WILLTAM PETBE, Knight, Secretary.
SIR EDWARD NORTH, Knight.
SIR EDWARD MONTAGUE, Knight, Chief Justice of the
Common* place.
SIR RAUFE SADLER, Knight.
SIR IHON BAKER, Knight.
PRAYER BOOK OP 1549. 101
SIR EDWARD WOTTON, Knight.
MASTER DOCTOR WOTTON, Deane of Canterbury.
SIR RICHARD SOUTHWELL, Knight.*
And God save the Kyng.
RICHARDUS GRAFTON,
Regis imprcssor
excudebat.
• This was Sir Richard Southwell, who is often confounded with his brother Sir
Robert Southwell, the Master of the Rolls and a Privy Councillor, in the reign of
Henry VIII. July, 1542. He resigned in 1550, under Edward VI. and died in NOT.
1559. They were both commissioned to visit the monasteries in 1535. Sir Richard
was in attendance on the Duke of Norfolk at the reception of Anne of Cleves in
1539, and was one of those who informed against the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl
of Surrey in 1546, when they were committed to the Tower. He was authorised,
May 26, 1547, by Somerset, Rich, and others, to receive the surrender of the pro-
perty of the Dean and Chapter of Norwich, on a false pretence that they should not
be sufferers by the transaction. He was not one of the executors of the will of
Henry VIII., but was appointed one of the twelve to assist them as councillors, and
afterwards became one of the councillors appointed in Somerset's patent to be Pro-
tector. He was one of the chief contrivers of Somerset's fall, having been one of the
conspirators on the first day, Oct. 6, and was in attendance Oct. 14, when Somerset
was sent to the Tower; but when Southampton was driven away from the Council, and
Arnndcl fined, he was put in the Fleet by Warwick for dispersing seditions bills. His
name does not appear among the twenty-four councillors who signed Edward's limita-
tion of the Crown, but his name as a Privy Councillor is amongst those who signed
their consent on the 21st of June, as is that of his brother Sir Robert as sheriff of
Kent. He was employed by Mary, after she came to the throne, and appointed Master-
General of the Ordnance in 1554. He with Lord Hastings and Sir Thomas Corn-
wallis fetched Elizabeth to Court on suspicion of being concerned in Wyatt's
conspiracy. He had been granted an annuity of 100/., Dec. 4, 1553, for his services
against the Duke of Suffolk.
102 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
LIV. — LETTER FROM THE KINO TO THE COUNCIL IN LONDON
DEPRECATING EXTREME MEASURES AGAINST SOMERSET/
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. Tol ix. art 25.]
Right trustic and right welbiloved Cosyns and right trustie and
welbiloved we grete you well.
And have by your tres w** our trustie servaunt Wittm Honnengs
presented to us yesternight pceyved the causes which you alledge
for your abode and assembles there, wl yor excuse for. the staying
there of Sr Wittm Petre, oon of our secretaries; And fynally what
opinion you have conceyved of our derest uncle the lord protectour ;
for aunswar whcrunto we let you wit that as farre as our age can
understand, the rather moved by the visage that we see of our said
uncle and counscll and others our servaunts pntly w* us, we do
lament our pnt estate being in soch an iminent daunger, as unlesse
god do put it into the hartes of you there to be as carefull to bring
thies uprores unto a quiet, as we see our said uncle and counsell to
be here, we shall have cause to thinke you forget yor dueties to-
wards us, and the greate benefitts which the King our lord and
father of most noble meraorye hath employed upon every on of
you. For howsoever you charge our said uncle wl will fulnes in
your tre, we and our counsell here have found him so tractable, as
if you fall not in to the same fault wherew* you bourden him, we
trust that both you and he may contynow in such sorte and sucrtie
w'out suspition by a fryndely determination and agrement amonge
your selfs as may be to our savetie and the quiet of you and the
rest of your good subjects.
Wherfore we pray you good cosyns and counsel lours to consyder
as in tymcs past you have every of you in his degree [served tu
every] served us honestly at soundry tymes ; So hath our said uncle,
• Thia u one of the foor dnrmrM»fr of this date printed by Tytler, rol. i. p. 230,
the others being the letter from Knsaell and Herbert to the Protector, that from
Paget, Cranmcr, ai»d Smith to the Council at London, and the private letter from
Smith to Petre.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 103
as you all know, And by goddes grace may by your good advises
serve us full well hereafter; ech man hath his faults, he his, and
you yours ; And if we shall herafter as rigorously way yours as we
here that you entend w* cruel tye to purge his, which of you all
shalbe hable to stand before us?
To our pson, we verely beleve, and so doo you, we dare say, he
myndeth no hurt. Yf governem1 he hath not so discretly used
himself, as in your opinions he might have doune, we thinke
thextremitie in such a case is not to be required at his hand ; yet
lieth it in us to remit it, for he is our uncle, whom you know we
love; And therfore somewhat the more to be considered at your
handes. And if he were another pson, yet though he had offended
us, if thoffence tended not directly to our pson, as we be credibly
enfourmed it doth not, ye woold we thinke in no wise counsell us
to precede to extremities agaynst him, for feare of ony respect that
might pticularly seme herafter to louche ony of you, whiche feare
may be by wysedom on both parties provided for, and we the better
preserved. Like as ptely by certayn articles exhibited unto us by
our said uncle, which herw* we send unto you, signed wl our hand
and ptely by our trustie and right welbeloved counsello' ST Philip
Hobbye, Knight,* may appeare to you ; unto whom we require you to
• This was Sir Philip Hoby or Hobby, son of William Hoby, of Leominster, who
is spoken of by Wood as being a zealous Protestant— elder brother of Sir Thomas
Hoby who translated into English Bncer's Qratvlation and Anncer to Gardiner,
printed after the translator's death by Jngge: and ancle of Sir Edward, a writer of
some eminence in the reign of Elizabeth and James I. His first appearance in
history is in March, 1538, when he was sent by Cromwell with Hans Holbein to
Brussels concerning the projected marriage of the King with the Duchess of Milan.
As gentleman of the King's privy chamber he was appointed to receive Anne of
Cleves in 1539. In 1543 he was imprisoned with Heynes, dean of Exeter, for bis
advanced Protestantism. He was one of Edward VI. 's first Council, but his name
does not appear till the year 1549, when he returned from Flanders, and stood by the
Protector. The state of affairs at the time of writing this letter is thus described
by the King in his diary : — " Then began the Protector to treat by letters, sending
Sir Philip Hobbey, lately come from his ambassad in Flanndres, to see to his family,
who brr nght in his return a letter to the Protector, very gentle, which he delivered
to him, another to me, another to my house, to declare his faults, ambition, Tain-
104 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH TIN:
gyve credit and to retourne him agayn w* your aunswer accordingly
w'out fayling hereof, as you tender our preservacon and the weale
of our realmc.
Yeven under our Signet at our Castell of Wyndsour the viij day
of October in the third yere of our reign.
Endorsed :
A copie of the kings
ma"* 1're from Windsor
to the counsel! at London
viij° octobris 1549 w* the dnke
of Som'aetU articles inclosed.
LV. — LETTER OP THE LORDS OP THE COUNCIL AT LONDON
TO THE COUNCIL AT WINDSOR.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. vol. ix. art 38 and 39.]
From the counsell at West ni to the lords at VVindsour
ut° Octobris, 1549.
MY LORDES,
After our most hartic comendacons, we have receyved yor tres by
Mr. Hobby, and hard such credence as he declared on the Kings
Ma**" and your behalfs unto us. The aunswars wherunto, by cause
they may at more length appere to you both by our tres to the
Kings Mate and by reaport also of the said Mr. Hobby, we forbcare
to repet here agayn; Most hartely praying and requiring your lord-
glory, entering into rash wan in mine youth, negligent looking on New-Haven,
enriching of himself of my treasure, following his own opinion, and doing all by his
own authority, &c. Which letter was openly read, and immediately the lords
came to Windsors, took him and brought him through Hulborn to the Tower." —
(Pocock's Jlnrnrt, vol. ii. j<- 2, p. 11.) In 1551 he was employed in France, and in
the following year was sent to Flanders again, to mediate a peace between the
Emperor and the French king. In this embassy he was continued by Queen Mary,
July 12, 1653. Yet, July 16th, he wrote to the Council a letter, in conjunction with
Sir Richard Morysine, in which Lord Guildford Dudley is spoken of as having been
called king. Both of them were recalled Aug. 5, 1553.
PRATER BOOK OF 1549. 105
ship and every of you and nevertheles charging and cofnaunding
you in the Kings Ma1*8 name to have a contynuall ernest watche,
respect and care, to the suertie of the King's Maiestie our naturall
and most gracious soverayn lordes pson. And that he be not
removed from his Matc« Castell of Wyndsour as you tender your
dueties to Alrnightie God and his Mate, and as you will aunswar
for the contrary at your uttermost pills.
We ar moved to call ernestly upon you herin not w'out greate
cause; and amongs many others we cannot but remembre unto you
that it appeareth veary straunge unto us, and a greate wonder to
all true subjects, that you "will either assent or suffre his Ma*8 most
roiall pson to remayn in the gard of the Duke of Somersetts men,
sequestred from his own old sworne servaunts. It semeth straunge
that in his Matea own howse straungers shuld be armed w* his Ma"*
own armure and be nerest about his highnes pson, and those to
whom the ordinary charge is comitted sequestred a way, so as they
may not attend according to their sworn dueties; if any ill come
herof, you can consyder to whom it must be imputed ones thexam-
ple is veary straunge and pillous. And now my L. if you tender
the preservacon of his Mate and the state, joyne w* us to that end
we have writen to the Kings Mate, by wch way things may sone
be quietly and moderately compounded. In the doing wherof we
mynd to doo no otherwise then we woold be don to ; And that w'
as raoche moderation and favor as we honorably may. We trust
none of you hathe just cause to note any one of us and moche lesse
all of such crueltie as you so many tymes make men con of. One
thing in your Ires we marvell moch at, wch is that you write that
you know more then we know. Yf the matters come to your
knowleage and hidden from us be of suche weight as you seame to
pretend, or if they touche or may touche his Mato or the state, we
thinke you do not as you ought in that you have not desclosed the
same unto us being thole » state of the counsaill. And thus pray-
* On the 6th of October the conspirators were nine in number. On the 7th, 15
sign the letter to the King, and It that to the lords at Windsor, the name of
CAMD. 80C. P
1 "" TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
ing god to send youe the grace to do that may tend to the suertie
of the Kings Maw and trunquillitic of the realme, We byd you
hartcly fare well.
From West® the ixth of October.
L VI. — LETTER FROM SIR THOMAS SMITH TO SECRETARY
PETRE STATING HIS DIFFICULTIES."
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. vol. ix. art. 39.]
SIR, — 1 most hartelie comend me unto you, and thank also
most hartelie my lords of Warwicke, Arondell and you, that my
brother George had leave to com and vysite me, which was both
myn and his great comfort. For the love of God Sr help to bryng
tliis tumult to Boih moderate thyng, and yt wilbe straight candid to
Montague being omitted. On the 9th Warwick's name is omitted, hot there is an
addition of Montague and Baker, and on the 10th there is added the name of £.
Wcntw-.rth.
• There is no date to this letter. That assigned to it conjectnrally bj the editor
of the State Papers— viz. Oct. 9— is uncertain. It maj hate been written on Oct.
10th or llth. How bis application fared may be seen from the following extract
from the Council Book : —
- At Wyndsour, Sunday, the 13th of October, the lords called before them Sir
Thomas Smyth, Sir Michael Stanhop, Sir John Thyn. knight, Edward Wnlf, one
of his Majesty's privy Chamber, and William Gray, esquire, adherents of the said
Duke, and the principal instruments and counsellors that he did use both at this
time, and otherways also in the affairs of his ill government, whom when they had
charged with their offenses they accorded to nend to the tower of London, there to
remain until further order were taken with them. The same day also Sir Thomas
Smyth, for sundry his misdemeanour* and uudiscreet behaviour heretofore, being
thought nnmete to continue any longer of the privy Council, was both sequestered
from the Council and also deprived from the office of one of bis majesty's
secretaries,"
They wen all sent the next day, Monday, October 14th (wrongly entered in the
Council Book as the 13th\ with the Duke to the Tower, conducted thi-rc by the
Karlsof Sussex and Huntingdon, the Lords Grey and Abergavcnny, and Sir John
Gage, UM Constable of the Tower— and the next day Dr. Wotton, dean of Canter-
bury, was appointed secretary in the room of Sir Thomas Smith,
PRAYER BOOK OP 1549. 107
yor greatest honor that can be. I am sorie it is com so far, and to so
mych an extremitie as it is. I am not able to judge of yor doengs,
but I wold have wysshed that pclamacon which I hcare say is abrode
had bene staied a while, and the thyng made for other mater then
I here it is. The heats of both the pties at the furst, And the
rumors hath done I se excedyng much hurt. But it is not yet so
far I trust but it may take for composicon 6r moderacon at the
least.
Yf ye can [do it] I pray you let me have knowledge by my
brother in what state I stand in my self. For in thiese maters I
cannot understand what I shuld thynk. I know nothyng wherof my
conscience can accuse me. Yet thies thyngs will make a man to
doute he can not tell what. I trust my tarieng here, can not be
prejudiciall unto me when I cannot go away. And I cannot tell
what might be said though I might go away, if I shuld now leave
the kyngs Matc. Well I corny t it all to god, and my lords and your
judgments there. And I must and do repose mych in yor frendship
to do and aunswer for me, if eny thyng be objected, and shew now
such a part for me as ye wold wish I shuld for you in the like case,
and I shall not forget it whiles I live. Thus I [cow] most hartelie
comit yow to god.
From Wyndesor castle.
Yor allwaies most
assurid,
T. SMITH.*
Endorsed : —
To the right honora-
ble and myne assured
frend Sr Will'm
Peter knight, cheif
Secrctarie to the
Hinges Ma*.
• This was Sir Thomas Smith, Secretary of State. He was one of the judges
win i deprived Bonner of the bishopric of London. He stock by the Duke of Somerset
and was sent with the rest of his adherents to the Tower, Oct. 14, 1549, and deprived
108 TBOUBLE8 CONNECTED WITH THE
LVII. — DRAFT OF A PROCLAMATION* OFFERING A RKWARD TO
ANY WHO SHALL GIVE INFORMATION OF MAINTAINEH8 OF
THE DUKE OF SOMERSET'S TRAITOROUS PROCEEDINGS.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. rol. ix. art. 40.]
Forasmoche as there be diverse lewd and sedicious [folks] per-
sonnes [being to given to sedicon a* they care not/] whiche do labor
nowe to mayntain the traitorous doings of the duke of Somerset,
and for that purpose do divise the most vile false and traitorous bills,
papers, and boks that ever were harde off, strawing the same in the
stretes, aswel within the Citie of London [and] as in diverse [other]
townes and other places in the cuntrey; wherein they do falsly and
traitorously travail to slaunder the kings mat8 Counsail, thinkingtherby
to amase and abuse his Mat'* good subgietts, which be in a redynes to
joyne with the said counsail for the delyverey of the king our
sovereign Lords most Royal person, remayning to his great peril and
damage in the said dukes custody, and for the restoring of this
noble Realme to some better order and quietnes, whiche shalbe the
benefite [of every man] of us all universally; The kings Mau most
honorable counsail, for avoiding of thinconvenience and extreme
daunger that by such sedicious and slaunderous bills, papers and
sorowes might ensue to his Mat', do in his highnes name and by
his graces auctoritie require and ncvertherles comande all and every
[the] his [highnes] Mat* good subgietts whiche love his highnes and
this Realme, to use all their wisedomes and pollicies and diligence
to serene out the writers, divisers, casters and counsailors to such
traitorous bills and papers, and the same to apprehende, and present
of his office of secretary, bat was released on the following Feb. 22. lie was after*
wards appointed one of the eight citilians of the thirty-two commissioners for
drawing up the Itf format io Lcgvm Ecclrtiattiffamm, Oct. 6, 1B">1. At the beginning
of Elizabeth's reign he was one of those appointed to reriew the Sen ice Book, and
the person in whose boose the commissioners for that purpose met.
• The proclamation as finally written and issued is in the collection of the Society
«>f Antiquaries. It i* without date, bat U marked in pencil there as baring been
oo the 10th of October.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 109
befor the said most honorable counsail, that they may receyve con-
digne punishment according to their demerites ; wherin, as they
shal do most acceptable service to his Mat* and their natural
cuntrey, So the said counsail dothe in his Mat"8 name promise that
whosoever shall attache and bring in any suche diviser, writer or
caster abrode of suche, vile and traitorous bills, papers, strawes or
letters, or give suche certain information to the said counsail of
their names and doings as the same may be apprehended, and their
offences proved against them, shal receyve for their travaills and
paynes therin by waye of his Mat1 rewarde the summe of [#/.
crownes} one hundrith crownes.
And God save the king.
And further the said counsail dothe in his Mat'8 name promise
like rewardc to any man that shal apprehend or give knowledge
of any person that by ringing of any bells, striking of dromme,
proclam bill or letter or any other waye shal labor to styrre the
people and to make them rise, wherby there might growe uprore
and tumult to the daunger of his Matc and of the state [of] and
comen wealth of this [same] Realme or to the slaunder of the kings
Mat* said counsail.
And god.
Endorsed : —
M. of the proclamation
for strawing abrode of
sedicions bills.*
• One of the bills alluded to in this despatch has been printed by Tytler, vol. ii.
p. 208, as also another entitled "The Copy of the Bill sowed amongst the Commons."
He has also printed two letters from Somerset of the 5th of October, intimating that
the conspiracy is against the King, and another of the 6th, signed by Somerset
in the name of Edward, to the same effect. On the following day, October 7th,
Somerset wrote to the Lords offering " reasonable conditions.'1 This letter is in the
handwriting of Sir Thomas Smith, and also appears in Tytler, vol. ii. p. 216.
110 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH T1IK
LVIII. — LETTER FROM Ciu:i--i«»rnr.i: MOIST TO THE DUKE
OP SOSH 1>I I ON THE PROGRESS OP LUTHERANISM,
WRITTEN FROM STRA8BUBG, OCT. 10, 15-1'.'.
[Cotton MSS. Galha B. xi. fol. 48.}
Rariores modo ad excellentiam vestram, Illustrissime Dux, litteras
rait[to], quandoquidem nihil in hisce partibus scriptu dignum vel
hie fit [vcl] aliunde auditur. Cacsarem intra hanc hyctnem Spiram
adven[turum] crebrior hie fama spargitur; cives enim Csesaris jussu
pncmoniti sun[t ut] alimoniam tarn pro jumentis pascendis quam
hominibus excipien [dis] comparent.
Ut illinc porro Argentinam adveniat, ut optimorum o[mnium]
ingens formido est ; ita contra, adventus cjus apiul sacrificos et
no[biles] in inagnft expectationc cat ; nobilcs cnim libcrtati civitutis
infcnsi, [coin] pressa, ad se solos regimen urbis transferendum
sperant, perinde ut [alibi] factum videmus. Clems nulla alia ratione
sen tit veterem et abolitam su[pereti]tionem restaurari posse, quam
hujus soli us adrentu. Kpiscopi enim i[ra et] interminatio leniores
sunt quam ut his ci vitas a vera fide dejiciatur ; aut modo pervincendum
aut posthac omnino desperandum. Joachi[mus] et Mauritius
Electores, convocatis theologis et primis concionatori[bus], delibcra-
tione habita, moderationem quandam super quibusdam durior[ibus]
in Interim articulis adhibuerunt, quam ad Imperatoriam Majcstatom
refer[ri] supplices rogurunt, ut ejus Majestas earn admitterc velit;
alias pop[ulum] induci non posse ad Interim recipiendum. Sed
diserte oratoribus res[ponsum] cst, Caesarem omnino velle ut extra
ullam quantulamcunque mutationem Interim ab omnibus obscrvetur.
Inter theologos quoque Saxonicos ape[rtac disjscnsiones intercedunt.
Nam concionator Magdenburgensis Amsd[orfius] contra Witten-
bergenses scripsit, violatores et prophanatores vcr[ae relig]ionis eas
nuncupans, ut qui ignavis conccssionibua et in<li^nis [<'lirist]iana
?ynceritate simulationibus, sub adiaphororum pnetextu [religiojncm
et fidem contaminent atque dissipent. Editae quoque nupcr-
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. Ill
[rime] epistolae sunt in Melanthonis sugillationem, in quibus ipse
[scribit] olim majorem constantiam et fortitudinem in Phylippo
desydera[ndam], quanquam has opinionum conflictationes inter-
missas csse oportuit [quia] in doctrinoc summa inter omnes consensio
permanet. Imperat[or et] Rex qui ipse quoque nuper in Saxonia
fuit jamdiu institerunt a Saxonicum circulum pro Magde-
burgensibus bannitis in ordinem qui modo consensisse
dicuntur in contributionem (secundum ordi[narias] pensitationcs
ab Imperii circulis inferri solitas) sibi praescriptam Mngdeburgen.
bello adoriundis ; eadem quoque praistatio ab aliis .... ribus
circulis in eundem usum exigetur. Caesar prop[ediem]
mania habiturus creditur; sed de loco nondum constat; plurium
[autem] divinatio Argentinam praesagit. Omnes Helvetici pagi
praeter [Bernenses] et Tigurinos foedus cum Gallo inierunt, et
modo oratores a singulis [pagis] ad Galliae regem profecti sunt pro
foedere peragenda et sacrame[nto] confirmando. Rumor missionis
illinc militum nuper a Gallo petitorum, quae propediem futura
putabatur, jam in silentium conccdit. Helvetii enim non amant
procul domo belligerari, in regione exhausta et depopulated.
Ego illustrissimse Vestrae Celsitudinis patrocinio me, sub debitii
observantia, commendo; quam diutissime recte valere precor.
Datum Argentinae 10 Octobris 1549.
Illustrissimae vestrae celsitudinis famulus.
CHRISTOPHORUS MONT.*
• This name in full is written in Latin Cbristophorus Montaborinns ; bat he
usually signs his name Mont and is sometimes called Mount. He was a native of
Cologne who had a grant of dcnization in England, July 18, 1631. He first appears
in history Jane 28, 1533, when he had a grant of 61. 13*. M. " for translating of
books." He was much employed by Cromwell ; and at the end of July, 1533, was
sent by the king with Vanghan to try to conciliate the German princes in the
attitude he had assumed towards the Pope. He separated from Vanghan at
Narcmbnrg, and went on to Augsburg, and was at the beginning of the next year
joined by Heath. He was afterwards employed in Germany about the marriage
with Anne of Cleres, and sent again to excuse the divorce of Anne, and again in
112 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
LIX. — LETTER FROM LORD RUSSELL AND SIR WILLIAM
HERBERT TO SOMERSET, IN ANSWEU TO HIS LETTER OF
THE 5TH OF OCTOBER.
[Petyt MSS. No. 638, vol. 46, fol. 470.]
To the lord protector the xi* of October.
Pleasyth yi your grace wth our humble comedacons, we have
receyved yor tres, and lyke as we moche rcioise to understand the
good confirmitie wch restethe in your grace, and the most reasonable
offers wch the same haythe mad to the lords and the counsell nowe
remayninge, request to doo what male lie in th'uttermoste of our
poweres to worke some honorable reconsilliacion betwene yor grace
and them, so as, your said offers beinge accepted and satysficd,
some good conclusions maic ensue of thiese miserable Tumults; the
mysehefe wherof we dobt and feare so moche as in all our lyves we
have never beyn more trobled nor disquieted. And althoughe we
have two daies paste adressed not onlye yor ires but also yor mes-
sages of speciall credid unto the said lords and counsell by Sir Rafe
Hoptu, the knight marshal!, even to the same effecte and purpose
weh yor grace requieryth of us, whiche shall we not remyt from tyme
to tyme and from daie to daie so to plye [tn that] our humblye
servts in that behalf, as we hope in god some quietnes and tran-
quilitie shall followe accordinge to oure good expectacon; We
have geven order f JT the leaveing of some convenyent powere of
men, wcb* as the present state we have resolved to be for sewerty of
the Kings maUe and the prcservacion of the realme, of all other
things most necessarye to be done. Forren invasion is to he feared ;
yet moste of all the in convenyencis w<* w^in the realme by this
1544 to the Doke of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse to cement an alliance with
England. In a letter written from Frankfort, Dec. 27, 1546, he gives his address
as Oxford and signs his name as Bergottos. He was of use on these fmhassies
of Us knowledge of German and Latin, bnt was unable to correspond in
English, his colleagues being imperfectly acquainted with German. In SeckendorfTs
history be is always called Montins.
PBAYEB BOOK OF 1549. 113
inward de vision maie ensue, we doo dobt and mystruste. And when
this powere shalbe in arredynes, So as we maie be able for the
comforthe and benefit of the wholle realme, withstand* the worst
at all occasyons, we shall drawe nere whereby we shall have the
better oportunytie to be solysitors and a meanes for this good
reformacon on bothe parties. And most of all we wyshe that the
same were at the present in suche towardnes as without mystrust
of the myschief which is to be feared we might come a waie,
nedyng no forther companye then those of our ordenarii famylies.
And thus we wysh agayne some spedye ende of this miserable
dyssolacon, and beseche Almightie god to extend his mercifull
hand for the suertie of the Kyngs maue and the comfort of the
realme.
From Wilton, the xjth of October, 1549.
Your graces loving frends,
JOHN RUSSELL.
WTLLIAM HABBEBT.
LX. — MINUTE OF THE DESPATCH TO THE AMBASSADOBS
DENOUNCING SOMEBSET.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. vol. ix. art. 41.]
We commend us unto you.
[After our most hartie commendations, ,]
Whereas by the seditious and outragious doings, \_sedicious
behaviour and detestable proceedings] the corrupt government and
detestable conspiracies of the duke of Somerset not only the most
royal person of the kings maue, our most gracious sovereign lord,
was in [«om^] greatt daunger, but also the honor and estate of
thole realme moche tossed and brought almost to the way of
utter decay and ruyne [for redresse wlierof albeit] we, thole body
and estate of his ma1** privie counsell consulting together, have
CAMD. SOC. Q
TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
hitherto preceded therein without any great stirre or busincs ;
and so trust with thelpc of Almighty God to go through to the
delyverie of his highnes said person out of the daunger the
same was in, and to restore the realme to his pristyn estate,
aa raoche as in us lyeth j yet by cause the brute herof in forreyn
realmes may be diverse and more vehement peraventure than it
is in dede, we have thought good to signifie unto you thole
trouth and ground of this mater as followeth : — —
First, you shall understand that our late Mr the Kings mau* of
roost famous memory king henry theight having in his lief tyme
obtayned by acte of parliament that it shuld be lefull for his highnes
by his last will or otherwise as he shuld thinke good tappoincte and
prescribe suche order for mayning of thaffaires of this realme and
other his ma"* realmes and dominions during the minoritie of our
most gracious soveregn lord the kings matc that now is as the said
late king our mr shuld thinke most mete and convenient, dyd
according to the said acte by his last will under his great seale of
England ordeyn and constitute ccrtayn executors and other his
counsillors (of whose wisedom fydelities and trouthes his ma1* in
his lief tyme had sufficient prove not only to [governe and mayn
tha/ayres] have the governaunce of [our said} the person of our
said most gracious sovereign lord that now is during his tender
yeres, but also to have the mayning and order of thole affaires
and state of the realme during the same tyme. This will after or
tayd late m" [acctpte] was accepted and sworn unto by thexecutors,
[wherupon immediately after his departing out of the world the said
executors assembling themsel/s to gethers in counsel I resolved for the
better answer tappoynt some one man to be as it war the mouth
for the rest to hyre toching [?] of ambassadors and suche others as
shuld be suters unto and aunswar as thaffayres of the realme should
require the counself] who nevertheless considering that it should be
[necessary'} expedient to have one as it were a mouth for the rest, to
whom all suche an had to do with thole body of the counsoll might
resort, [for awnswer of such things, and to this rome tliey chose]
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 115
after some consultation chose by ther comen agreements the
said duke of Somerset, then erle of Hertford, partely for that he
was alredy one of thexecutors and a man also of service, but specially
[by] for that he was uncle to the kings ma1* by the mothers side,
[by rneanes of his sister he was joyned in blud to the kings ma"] with
this condition notwithstanding, that he shuld do nothing touching
the state of thaffaires of his highnes without thadvise and consent
of us the rest of the counscll ; which to perfourme he constantly
promised and solemply sware in open counscll; and yet never-
thelesse he had byn never so litle while in thoffice but he contrary
to his said promise [and othe], he began to doo things of most weigh te
and importaunce by himself alone, without calling of any of us of the
counsell many times thcrunto ; and if for the name sake he called
any man he ordered the matiers as pleased himself, refusing to hear
any mans reason but his own, and in short tyme became so hault
and arrogant that he stucke not in open counsell to taunte suche of
us of the counsell as frankely spake our opinions in matters so farre
beyond the limitts of reason as it is wonder which thing perceyvecf,
we [thought our dueties. And here we began] bothe all togithers
openly and every one for the more parte of us aparte often
times gentilly exhorted him to remember his promisee and othe
and to stay himself within the bounds of reason ; but all hath not
prevayled, for as we have devised with him for the preservaron
of the kings ma°e8 person and honor, So hath he from tyme to
tyme as he durst covertly laboured to bring his matle, whom God
long preserve, and his hole estate to suche confusion as he might of
bothe dispose at his pleasure, declaring in his continuall procedings
that he ment never taccompt with any superior; And [that hat] the
successe of his governement hath byn suche as ther is no true herted
Englisshe man that lamenteth not in his harte that ever he bare rule
in the real me, not only for the losses of the kings ma1** peces of Ham-
bletue, Blacknes, Bullenbergh and other the small membres [of B]
about Builoyn, [wherby] as we have heretofore signified unto you,
wherby also the chief peces of Builoyn resteth at this present in
116 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
most gretc daungcr ; all which things might easely have byn pre-
vented if the gredy covetousnes and enriching of himself to fini-h
his pompous buyldings which he had begon in iiij or v places most
sumptuously, woold have suffered him to have sene to the furnisshing
of the said peces with men municon and money in tymc, but also
for the loss of Hadington in Scotland, which is presently given over
to the grete dishonor of the kings ma1* and the realme, [And
yet of all th~\ and all for want of necessaries and money for
thencoraging of the poore souldiers whom he left unpayed of
sundry notable somes of money, to the grete hinderaunce of his
highncs service; and yet in the mean tyme hath he not spared
to entertayne sundry of the notablest captayns and ringleaders
of the comons which of late hath so troubled the realme, as
heretofore we have more fully writen unto you, with no small
gifts, and some of them with annuall lyvings, [wherby may well
appeare whosoever lift to thoroughly to behold it that he], and
was in dede the very occasion of the said tumults himself as
sithens hath most manifestly appercd, meaning thcrby first to
have destroyed the nobilitie and other honest personages of the
realme [and after w"] and after to have aspired to his m^* place ; for
nothing ells is to be conjectured of his mischevous and devellysshe
enterprises ; what conferences discourses and practeses he hath had
with sundry his complices to make himself strong [lead] how he
hath exp[elledj suche honest men as were justices of peax in
every shore, putting in their places others of his own broode, how
he hath bestowed such offices as of the kings mate* as fell dayly,
upon his own men ; finally how he hath sought by all wayes and
mcanes to enriche himself and his, leaving the Kings mat"* as bare
as might be it were to long to reherse. At length' when we saw
• From this place *hr* we $aw down to oration is almost word for word the
with the letter from the Council to Mary and Elizabeth of the 9th of October, as printed
bj Tytlcr, Tol. i. p. 249, in which the letter continues as follows : " and, among
many his nntrnc and idle sayings, declared that one special cause of oar displeasure
to him was that we would bare him remored from his office, and that we minded to
PRATER BOOK OP 1549. 117
that counscll could nott prevayll, and that his pride grewe so fast as
doing what he listed, he woold here nothing spoken by the counsel
for his mat" affaires, but either he woold contemptuously reject it
or doing nothing passe it over in silence, we thought we could suffre
no longer, well wayeng with ourselfs the state of thaffaires of the
realme, and remembring therwith our duties unlesse we woold in
effect consent with him in his naughtie doings, and so resolved
frendly and quietly to treate the mater with him, and if we might
by any meanes have brought him to reason, to have avoyded all
trouble and slaunder, and to have appeased all things without
extremitie, but we had not a fewe of us dyned above twyes to gither
but immediatly he tooke the tower of london and raysed all the
countrey about Hamptoncorte, where the Kings MaUe then lay,
bruting [th~] and cryeing out that certayn lords had determined to
repaire to the court to destroy his highnes, whom we pray to God
on our knees to kepe and make as olde a king as ever was any of
his progenitors ; and when he had gathered the people togither at
hamptoncorte there he brought his matc into the basse court and so
to the gate. to them that were without ; and after he had caused his
highnes good prince to say, I pray you be good to us and our uncle,
then began he his oration to moche untrue and slaunderous and
folysshe to reherse, concluding in thende like an irreverent and
unkinde subject that ere he woold be destroyed the kings matle
shuld dye before him, which was to abhominable ; but when we
understode thys his manier of his proceding, we thought it neither
mete to go to the court, as we had resolved, neither to rest so un-
furnisshed as he might use his will first upon us, and after the more
easely precede in his purpose ; and so we have in quiet sort bothe
hare yonr Grace to be Regent of the realm, and also to bare the rale and government
of the King's Majesty's person ; dilating what danger it should be to his Majesty to
have yonr Grace, next in succession and title to the crown, to be in that place ; and
that therein was meant a great treason, which as God knoweth we never intended,
considering all laws touching government to provide to the contrary ; neither any
of us all at any time by word or writing hath opened any such matter to yonr Grace,
as your honour knoweth.'' After this place it proceeds as in the text nearly.
118 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
gotten the tower for the king's mau from him, and furnisshed onr-
selfs of a sufficient nomber of hable men if nede be in suche sort as
we trust in god very shortly to delyver our sovereign lord from his
danger, and that without any bloodshed at all by the grace of god,
and after establisshe a better order for his graces suertie then he hath
used,' and by all wayes and meanes we can possibly traveyll to
restore the realme to his former honor and rcputacon in the world
as moche as in us lyeth.
Thus have we signified unto you thole discourse of this mater, to
be by you declared over agayn to the senate, there and otherwise
opened as you shall see occasion. And thus, etc.b
I.XI. — LETTER FROM WARWICK AND THE OTHER LORDS
ACTING WITH HIM COUNTERMANDING THE PREVIOUS ORDER
TO REPAIR TO THEM.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. roL be. No. 44.]
After or most hartie comendacons unto you.
Where by our former letters we have signified unto you the state
of our doings, and uppon occasions of such assemblies of men as
• Hen the letter to the princesses adds : " Beseeching your Grace not to conceive
any lack to be in ns that we hare not adrertised the same hitherto of oar doings,
for the matter was so much to as unlocked for and so quick that we were fain to
trarail almost night and day since the ruffle to keep him from advantage and put
ourselves in order for him. He hath now carried his Majesty to Windsor late in the
night, in such sort as may declare that he maketh no great store of him ; but God
we trust will help ns to delirer ffia Majesty out of his cruel and greedy hands ;
wherein if it should come to an extremity, as we trust it shall not, and for our parte
we shall do what we can to manage it so, if it can be possible, as no blood be abed
on the occasion of it ; we trust your Grace in our just and faithful quarrel will
stand with us ; and thus we shall pray to Almighty God for the preserration of
your Grace's health."
b This is a rough draft rery wetted and defaced, endortrd —
M. of thole discourse
of the duke of Somenetts
doings to thambassadors,
xi° Octobris, 1549.
PRATER BOOK OF 1549. 119
were made by the Duke of Somerset, desired you to repayre towards
us [with as m]any men as you might make to joyne with us for
the suertie of the kings ma" person ; you shall understand that
nowe by the goodnes of god bothe the Kings mau person is in
helth and suertie and that without any tumult or great busynes the
Duke is also in sure custodie; which thing, as we have thought
good to signific unto you, so do we praye you to staye yournombres
at home without taking any furder traveile for this matter, geving
you our most hartye thanks for your good readynes at this time ;
and so do byd you most hartely well to faire.
From London the xith of October, 1549.
Yor loving freends,
W. SEANT JOHN.
W. NORTHT. J. WARWTK.
F. SHREWESBURY. THOM" SOUTHAMPTON.
T. WENTWOKTH.* JOHN GAGE.
EDWARD MOUNTAGU.
Jo. BAKERE. NICHOLAS WOTTON.
Ric. SOUTHWELL.
• This was Thomas Wentworth, knighted in 1523, and summoned to Parliament
as Lord Wentworth, Dec. 2, 1529. He signed the letter of the lords to the Pope
about the divorce of Catharine. He was in attendance on the King at his intenriew
with Francis in 1532, and sat on the trial of Anne Boleyn and Lord Rochford. He
was in the reign of Edward VI. Lord Chamberlain of the Household, and was with
the Marqnis of Northampton in the suppression of the rebellion in Norfolk. He was
one of the six lords of the Council appointed to be in attendance on Edward
after Somerset's deposition from the Protectorate, baring joined the conspiracy
against him on the 9th of October. In 1550 he was rewarded with the manors of
Stepney and Hackney, and died March 3, 1551, being succeeded by his son Thomas,
second lord, who was one of the earliest adherents of the Princess Mary at the time
of Lady Jane Grey's usurpation. His funeral was on the 7th of March, and Miles
Corerdale preached at it. ,
On the same day Cranmer, Paget, and Wingfield wrote from Windsor to the
Council in London announcing the arrest of Somerset. This letter is printed in
Tytler, rol. i. p. 2J 1. Two copies of it exist in the Record Office, Domestic Papers
of Edward VI. arts. 42 and 43.
120 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH Tin:
I. XI I. — DRAFT OP LETTER FROM THE COUNCIL TO THE
LIEUTENANT OF THE TOWER ORDERING THE CLOSE CON-
FINEMENT OF THE SERVANTS OF THE PRISONERS.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. rol. ix. No. 45.]
After our right harty commendations.
Albeit wee have heretofore by our letters specially admonished you
to have good respect thatt none be suffered to spekc with the duke
of Somersett or any other prisoner by us committed, whereunto wee
think veryly you and every of you have suche respect as thimport-
aunce of the mater requireth ; yett considering thatt the sayd duke
hath certayn of his servaunts appoynted t'attend uppon hym and
some others of the rest of the prisoners have likewise our to way te
uppon them ; Wee have thought good to require you to give such
order that none of ther sayd servants licenced to wayte uppon any
of the sayd prisonars as is aforsayd be suffred to go abrode, butt that
they remayne contynually wher ther masters be for thadvoyding of
such secret pratizes and intelligence as otherwise may be practized;
wherunto we require you and every of you to have a speciall respect
gyving commaundmcnt on our behalfs to saunde and dclenus the
King's Ma1** servants appoynted tattcnd the duke, to have also lyk
consideration hereunto, as they tender the service of the Kings
Ma" ; and thus we bydd you.
Endorsed :
M. to the lieutenant, etc.
of the tower xiij°
Octobris, 1549.
LXIII. — INVENTORY OF GOODS CONVEYED AWAY BY THE
DUKE OF SOMERSET'S SERVANTS AND OTHERS.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. rol. be. art. 52.]
Account of the goods carried off by the duke of Somerset.
To the kings maicsties inoost honorable Cownsayll.
Certaine informacions foloweth concerning the embeseling of
certaine stuff and other goodcs pcrtcyninge of late to the late lord
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 121
protectour by the servaunts of the same late protectour whose name
foloweth, from Syon and Shyne as foloweth: —
In primis, conveyed to Mr. Whalys to his howse at Wymbleton
upon the monday nexte after the duke of Somerset went to
Hampton Courte to Wyndsoore in the night tyme, toow loode of
Coffers and other stuff.
My lady of Somersett the monday aforesaid in the morning
caryed with her openly in the sight of peple iiij square Casketts and
lighted with the said Casketts at Mr. Whalys.
And further, the saide night afore rehersed was conveyed to
Mr. Stanoppes house at Beddington too loode of Coffers and other
Stuff.
And further, too loodes of Coffers weare conveyed to Croydon,
to what place it is uncertayne, for suche skowt watches were at that
presente that no man couldc perceyve thair receipte and unlading
therof.
Item to Cavys howse, clerk comptroller with the said duke of
Somersett at Rosshampton, was conveyed one loode of stuff the
Wenesday nexte folowinge in the night.
Item Davy, porter with the said duke, in the saide weeke con-
veyed to his house at Richemounte a coffer with toow books with
other Stuff, Dyvers and often tymes the same weeke.
Item Water Blackwell, one of his footemen dwelling in Riche-
mount, hathe made muche conveyaunce every day and night home
to his howse of muche stuff and goodes perteining to the said duke.
Item one halfeld, yeman of the skollary, conveyed to his howse
at Rychemounte dyverse and many Coffers & Bedding and certayne
other Stuff bothe day and night with a certayne bag with toow
busshells of meale and a square Caskett in thothcr ende t'uerof.
Item Ruttur in Rychemond, one of the carters, conveyed coffers
and bedding and dyvers other stuff the weke aforesaid.
Item another Carter, one Willm Smyth, dwelling in Richamounte,
conveyed night and day to hys howse Coffers and other Stuff.
Conveyed by boots in the night to Kewe certayne Stuff; but
CAMD. 8OC. B
122 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
where the same was laden it is uncertayne, saving the said duke
hadd thre servaunts dwelling in 'the said towne named Sr Miles
Partrige knight, Mr. Tumor his phisition, and one Sely, one of his
yemen usshers, to which of them the same goodes was conveyed no
man can certeynlic tell, because of suche scowtwatches as were
present Sonday night in the weke aforesaid, which would suffer no
man to loke owt at his doore but commaunded them yn agayne.
Item one huddy, surgeon to the said duke, conveyed in the saide
weeke on the Fryday before day after the said duke wente to
Wynsore toow geldings owt of Shyne .grownde and his boy rode
away with them from one Tumors howse of Kewe before day.
Item the saidc huddy the said weke brake open a doore at Syon
and conveyed to the saide Tumors howse iij beddes with a coffer in
the night tyme, and the belringer of the woorks at Syon which
kept the water gate did let him bothe in and owt and he being
examyned canne tell moore therof conveaunce in that behaulf
donne.
Item Wetherhedd, called the surveyor of the worker, the weke
aforesaid conveyed by carts out of Syon certayne bedding, car pet ts
and hanginge to his howse at Thislewoorth and dyverse other stuff.
Item the baylie of Syon called Springe souled all the weeke that
the duke abode at Wynsoore as moche wood of the said dukes as
he could possible and receyved moche money therfore.
Item James Lawrence of Ham me, warrener to the said duke,
conveyed from the said dukes warren house toow beedes and dyverse
other Stuff in the weeke aforesaide in the night.
Endorsed :
From the duke of SomerMtta
Stuff and food* conrojd.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 123
LXIV.— ACCOUNT OP THE KINGS GOODS TAKEN BY THE DDKE
OF SOMERSET.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. TO!, ix. art. 63.]
The plate belonging to the late Colledge of Seint Stephaunes in
Westminster, delivered to his hands.
The riche copes, vestments, Alter clothes, and hangings belonging
to the same colledge, whereof the duke had the best and Sr Rauf
Ffane and Thynne the rest.
The duke of Norfolks Stuff and Jewelles delivered by Sr John
Gate.
The best of Sharingtons Stuffe and Jewelles at London and
Laycoke.
The Admiralles Stuffe at Bromham and Sudeley.
The leade, stone and stuffe of Sion, Reading, and Glastonbury,
of great value.
The stallment of the Kings allaum, sold to certain merchaunts
of London for xiiij of xv years day of paymt, for the which the
duke, Smith, and Thynne had emong them xiiij c Ib.
The ml merks geven by the citie of London to the Kings Mate at
his coronation.
The Customers offices within England in which he had by
Thynnes practise notable somes.
The King's secreate houses in Westmr and other places, wherin
no man was previe but him self, half a yere aftre the King's death.
The giftes and exchaunges passed in h[is] name sitheuce the
King's death.
It is thought that mochc lande was conveyed for the duke in
trust in the names of Thynne, Deleway, Seym', Berwike, Colthurst,
and other his men, And that they have made assuraunco agayne of
all to the duke and his heyres.
And it is thought that the said personnes know best where al
the evidences of his lands and his specialities doe rema[yn].
124 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
The dukes diet of viij m (njks by the year paide out of thaugrn
court.
Endorsed:
Informacons of certen
staff and plate of
the King*, which the
(lake of Somerset toke
into his hands, given
in by 8* Walter
Myldemay.
LXV. — A LIST' OF PRISONERS IN THE TOWER AT THE END or
OCTOBER OR BEGINNING OF NOVEMBER, 1549.
[Cotton MSS. Titos B. II. fol. 67.]
The names of all the prisoners remaining in the Tower :
Thomas, late duke of Norfolke,
Edward Courteney,
Antony Foskewe,6
John Rybald, Knight,
Robert lord Maxfeld,
James earle of Moreton,
, Robert Malle. lord of Palmure,
Scottyshmen < .p.
Davyd Douglas,
James Noble,
, Patryke Barren,
• A corresponding list exists in the Record Office, from which extracts hare been
: l>y Tvtlrr, i. 268. It is headed " A Report of the Prisoners being in the
Tower the 22nd of October, made by Serjeant Mullinax and the King's Attorney."
Tytlcr omit* several of the names in the earlier part of this catalogue, and it has
the same separation between those who were there before October 14th and those
lately committed, who arc in both lists eleven, the last name of Edward Bowes not
appearing, bat having that of Hales oabotitated for it. The names are arranged
apparently nearly in order of commitment, bat there are some variations in the
order in the two lists.
«• Thin name is entered in Tytlcr's list as Anthony Foster, late Marshal of
Ireland.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549.
125
Frenchmen
Symon Penbroke,
The byshop of Wynchester,
Julius, an Italy on,
William West,
John Harrington,
Sir William Sherrington, Knight,*
Semaryall,
Moundere als le loyes,
Andrew Semere,
Lemony all,
Peter Longer,
Levys Devall,
Rychard Colle,
William Hyckoke,
Robart Bell,b
John Fuller,
Robart Cappe,b
Thomas King,
John Stephcnson,
Doctor Moreman,
Mr. Chryspine,
John Kokks, late servant to William Essex,
Mr. ^Feknam,
Rychard Tomson,
Thomas Richardson, clerk,
Unthanke, parson of Iledley,
Jaques Rouvett, Frenchoman,
Robart Bell,
• From Wriothesley's Chronicle we learn that in the month of Norembcr "Sir
William Shirington, knight, which was condempned the last yeare for high treason,
had his pardon and was released oat of prison in the Tower, and admitted to be
one of the Comon House of the Parliament againe." This session began Norem-
ber 4, 1549.
b Bell and Fuller were committed to the Tower by Lord Wentworth on Whit-
son even and Cappe on Wednesday in Whitsnn week.
126 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH Till
William Bell,
Humfrye Arrundell,*
John Wyndslow,
John Bury,
Thomas Holmes,
Captain Bartevile,
Peter Paulle, Italyon.
The names of those prisoners that be committed to the Tower of
late by the Council : —
Edward duke of Somerset,6
Sir Michael Stannop, Knight,
Sir Thomas Smythc, Knight,
Sir John Thyne, Knight,
Wolfe,
Willam Grey,
Sir Raffe Vane, Knight,
Thomas Fysher,
Rychard Palladcn,
John Bower?,
Edward Bowers, stayed by Mr. Constable's com-
mandment.
• Arnndel and the three following were captains of the insurgent* in Devonshire.
and were tried NOT. 5, 1549, with Robert and William KeU. The four had been
brought np by Lord Grey Sept. 8, and were executed at Tyburn Jan. 27, 1550.
* Wriothesley gives the names of Somerset and the fire following as being
JeliTcml to Sir John Gage, the Constable of the Tower, on the 14th of October.
The next four were perhaps not committed till later.
PRATER BOOK OF 1549. 127
LXVI. — EDWARD'S LETTER TO THE BISHOPS ORDERING THEM
TO CALL IN AND DESTROY THE OLD BOOKS OF THE CHURCH.
[Domestic Papers of Edw. VI. rol. ix. art. 57.]
EDWARD,
EDWARD, By the King
Right reverend Father in God, right trustie, and well beloved, we
grete you well, and whereas the Booke entitled the Book of
common prayers and administration of the Sacraments and other
rights and ceremonies of the Church after the use of the Church of
England was agreed upon and sett forth by Acte of Parliam1 and
by the same Acte commanded to be used of all Persones within
this our Realm ; yet nevertheless we are informed that divers un-
quiet and evill disposed Persons since the apprehension of the
Duke of Somerset have noiced and bruted abroad that they should
have again their old Laten service, their conjured bread and water,
with such like vain and superstitious Ceremonies, as though the
setting forth of the said book had been the onely act of the afore-
named Duke, we therefore, by the advice of the Body and State
of our Privy Counsel!,' not onely considering the said Book to be
our own Acte and thacte of the whole State of our Realm assembled
together in Parliam1, but also the same to be grounded upon holy
Scripture agreeable to the Ordre of the Primitive Church, and
much to the edifying of our Subjects, to putt away all such vain
expectation of having the publick Service, the Administration of
the Sacraments, and other rights and ceremonies again in the latin
tongue, which were but a pferring of Ignorance to knowledge and
durknes to light, ajid a preparation to bring in Papistry and super-
stition again: have thought good by thadvice afore said to require
128 TROUBLES CONNKCTED WITH THE
and nevcrthelesse straitly command and charge you that yc imme-
diately upon the receipt hereof do command the Dean and Pre-
bendaries of your Cathedrall Church, the Parson, Vicar, or Curate
and Church wardens of every Parish within your Diocesses, to bring
and deliver to you or your Deputy, every of them for their Church
and Parish, at such convenient place as ye shall appoint, all Anti-
phoners, Missalles, grayles, Processionalls ; manuclls, Legends, pyes,
porcastes, tournalls, and ordinalles after the use pf Sarum, Lincoln,
Yorke, Bangor, Herford, or any other private use, and all other
Books of Service the keeping whereof should be a lett to the using
of the said book of common prayers, and that yc take the same
books into your hands or into the hands of your Deputy, and then
so deface and abolish, that they never hereafter may serve either
to any such use as they were first provided for, or be at any time
a lett to that godly and uniforme order which by a common consent
is now set forth. And if ye shall find any Person stubborn or
disobedient, in not bringing in the said book, according to the
tenure of these our Letters, that then you commit the same person
to wardc to such time as ye have certified us of his misbehavour;
and we will and command you that ye also searche or cause searche
to be made from time to time whether any books be withdrawnc
or hid contrary to the tenure of these our Letters, and the same
books to receive into your hands and to use as in these our letters
we have appointed; and furthermore whereas it is come to our
knowledge that divers froward and obstenate Persones do refuse to
pay towards the finding of bread and wine for the holy Communion
according to the ordre prescribed in the said book, by reason whereof
the holy Communion is many times omitted upon the Sunday,
These are to will and Command you to convent such obstinate
Persons before you, and them to admonish and commaund to keepe
the ordre prescribed in the said Booke, and if any shall refuse so to
do to punish them by suspension, excommunication,, or other censures
of the Church. Fail ye not thus to do, as ye will avoid our Dis-
PRAYER BOOK OP 1549. 129
pleasure. Given under our signet at our Palace of Westminster,
the xxvthe of December, the third year of our Reign.
T. CANT.* W. SEINT JOHN. J. RUSSELL.
R. RTCHE, CANC.
H. DORSETT. J. WARWYK.
ARRUNDELL.
THOMAS ELIEN.*"
• In this document the signatures are an attempt to copy the autographs, but are
really written by a scribe.
b This was Thomas Goodrich, Bishop of Ely from 1534 to 1554, being the first
bishop consecrated by Cranmer after the separation. He was a mere tool in the
hands of Cromwell during the Vicar-General's administration, and amongst the first
acts of his episcopate was the substitution of a new oath to be taken by those
admitted to benefices, in which the abjuration of the Lutheran heresy enjoined by
his predecessor, Nicolas West, was altered into a promise to renounce the Pope and
all such his constitutions and decrees as had been or should hereafter be condemned
by Parliament. His first appearance in history is as giving his sentence in favour
of the divorce at Cambridge. Godwin significantly declines to say anything about
his character, and Bnrnet gives him up as one of those who would make as much
advantage of the Reformation as he could, " but would suffer nothing for it" He
had succeeded Rich in the Chancellorship in Edward's reign, but was deprived by
Mary, July 20, 1553, but managed to conform and keep his bishopric till his death,
though he had signed the letter of July 9 as Chancellor, declaring Lady Jane Grey
Queen. In the matter of the rebellion against Somerset his name does not appear,
because he was not at that time of the Privy Council; the Athena; Cantabrigitntet
erroneously states that he was made a Privy Councillor at the accession of Edward,
hut his name does not appear as a Councillor till after Somerset's deposition from
the Protectorate, after which he appears to have followed the fortunes of North-
umberland till his fall, to which he contributed by signing, July 20, 1553, the
charge of the Council to Richard Rose, pursuivant, who was sent to Cambridge to
procure that he should be disarmed. He had that morning joined with Suffolk,
Cranmer, and the other Lords of the Council, who all dined with the Lord Mayor
and adopted the side of the Princess Mary.
CAMD. 8OC.
130 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH Till
I. XVII. — CRANMER'S LETTER TO PARKER ORDERING HIM TO
PREACH AT PAUL'S CROSS ON MARCH 16, 1550.
[British Museum, Add. MSS. 19400, foL 7.]
After hearty commendations. These be to signify unto you that
the King's Majesty's Council have appointed you to preach one
sermon at Paules Cross on Sunday, the 16th day of March,* and
not to fail thereof as you will answer unto them for the contrary.
Wherefore I pray you purely and sincerely to set forth God's word
there and to exhort your audience to their duties, obedience to his
Majesties highness' laws, and statutes and to unity and charity among
themselves as appertaineth. Th[us fa] re you heartily well. From
my manor at Lambeth, the 8th of Januarii, Anno 1550.
Your loving friend,
T. CANT.
To my wellbelored friend
Mr. Doctor Parker
at Cambridge.
LXVIII. — CRANMER'S LETTER TO BUCER ABOUT THE USE OP
VESTMENTS."
[British Museum Add. MSS. 28571. Letters on the Reformation, 1547-1609,
fol. 46, a copy.]
Doctissimo viro D. Martino Bucero, theologiac in Acadcinia
Cantabrigiensi professori Regio.
Salve plurimum, D. Bucerc clarissime, Legi libellum quern ad
D. Petrum Alexandrum misisti de controversiu inter D. Hoperum
et D. Londinensem, in quo multa a tc et docte explicata et pure
disputata sunt. Quarc nunc oro ut sententiam main quanta potcris
verborum brevitate constrictam de hiis quacstionibus ad me mittas.
• March 16 fell on a Sunday in 1550, so that Cranmer used the foreign commenrc-
ment of the year.
» The answer to this is of Dec. 8, from Cambridge, in Bvceri Script*, p. 681.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 131
An sine offensa Dei liceat ministris ecclesiae Anglican® illis uti
vestibus quibus hodie utuntur atque a magistratu praescripta sunt.
An is qui affirmavcrit nefas esse aut recusaverit hi is vestibus uti
peccet in Deum quia immundum esse dicit quod Deus sanctificavit
et in magistrates qui violet ordinem politicum. Ad haec, si brevissime
responderis, et quid sentias primo quoque tempore ad me miseris,
gratissimum mihi facturus es. Mei omnes tibi tuisque omnibus
plurimam salutem et prospera omnia ex animo optant.
Vale. Lambethi 2° Decembrw, 1550. Tuae paternitatis studiosus.
T. CANT.
LXIX. — LETTER FROM DR. WILLIAM TURNER TO CECIL,
ASKING FOR THE PRESIDENTSHIP OF MAGDALEN COLLEGE,
OXFORD.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. vol. x. art. 34.]
S. D. lam tandem intelligo te hactenus me non amasse tantum
sed deamassc, qui clam me, tot labores in dispiciendo mihi Eboraci
victum exantlaveris. Faxit deus ut ad annos octuagita mea opera
non egeas; hoc est ut ad suprcmum usque vitae tuae diem, perpetual
mentis et corporis sanitate ad gloriam divini nomis et reipub
salutem fruaris. Archiepiscopus Eboracensis valde se mihi benig-
num et humanum praebuit, et libenter Magni defuncti canonicatu,
si que habuisset, [ft2>eter]'mihi erat collaturus, verum id quod habuit
muneris in tcplo eboracensi erat sacelli s. sepulchri prefecture, qua
per quosdam (uti audio) in hoc jam venit discrimen ut ad pro-
phanos usus a eacris transferatur.
¥ Christum mihi rogandus es ut nunc ubique aurcis suppullulan-
tibus ministris victum olim plumbeis destinatum cures, quantum
unus possis, a pamphagis illis, ad sacros ministrorum usus conser-
vari. Alioqui brevi futurum est, ut ne quid gravius efferam, ut
ecclesia legitimis et eruditis ministris destitute in maximum ab
hereticis ct papistis furiosis veniat discrimen. Vacat jam archi-
diaconatus functio p Magni illius mortem quam utinam pietatis syn-
i
132 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH I II I
ceriori propugnatori quam Ogclthorpio qui nunc illam, promissionis
cujusdam jure vendicat, propedicm conferatur. Nequc me istuc eo
dixisse velim intelligas quod mihi collatum velim ([sump'] reditus
cnim multo pauciores quam qui ex ea redcunt abundc me meoeque
omnes alerent) sed quod si archidiaconatum ilium Ogelthorpius
conscquatur, me ad Magdalenan collegii praefecturam provehas.
Porro is qui me horum certiorem reddidit, cst hie meus gramato-
phorus Doctor Claybroucus* divi joannis collegii apud cantabrigi-
enses olim alumnus [/'«'<] homo non vulgariter doctus et juxta piu.*,
qui propugnandac renascentis rcligionis causa ncrvos ct carccres in
eodem collegia sustinuit et nunc solus (uti audio) in Eboracensi ter-
ritorio torcular calcat. Is tc coram omnia apcrtius docebit. Vale
et me ut soles ama. Non est opus current! equo calcar addere.
Londini.
TuUS GUILIELMUS TURNEBUS.b
Septembris 27 et resnrrectionis
• die sccnndo.
• This was Dr. William Clajbnrgh, who was made Prebendary of York, Sept 22,
1549, and held his preferment till 1554.
6 The archdeaconry which Turner wanted to get was vacant by the death of Dr.
Thomas Magnus, which happened August 27, 1550. according to Wood, at Sessay,
a parish near Thirsk, in Yorkshire. He was a foundling, first seen by some clothier.*
of Yorkshire travelling through Newark-upon-Trent, in Nottinghamshire, and had
giren him the surname of Among in, as being maintained among certain people
there. He must hare been an old man, having held the Archdeaconry of the East
Riding since June, 1504. He held many preferments, having been made Canon of
Windsor in 1520 ; he was also Rector of Bedall and of Sibthorp, and master of
the hospital at St. Leonard's, York ; he was also sacrist of the Chapel of Our Lady
and the Holy Angels at York, to which be was collated in Dec. 1504 ; he was
incorporated at Oxford in 1520; he was chaplain to the King in 1513, in which
year and the following years be appears to have been employed in the Scotch
embassy. On the 14th of August, 1517, he had a grant of the deanery of the
collegiate church of St. Mary Magdalene, Bridgenorth Castle. His name appears
amongst the Councillors in 1520. The archbishop alluded to is the notorious
Holgate. It appears that neither Turner nor Oglethorpe secured the archdeaconry,
which was bestowed on Dr. John Dakyn, who was installed April 13, 1551. Ogel-
thorpe was afterwards Bishop of Carlisle, and in that capacity crowned Queen
Elizabeth, and died soon after his deprivation.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 133
LXX. — LETTER FROM DR. WILLIAM TURNER TO CECIL ABOUT
PREFERMENT, JAN. 5, 1551.
[Domestic Papers of Edward VI. vol. xiii. art 1 .]
Syr i have bene wl my lorde of Cantorberry to desyre hym to let
me know what answer he had of the lawyers of the arches. And
as far as 1 can perceive, he can get no perfit answer of them. It
were beste to desyre my lorde of Cantorberry to send in wrytyng
suche answer as he hath receyved of them. He thynketh y'the
bisshop of bathe * had no autorite to put downe ye dene, notwith-
standyng yl he deserved the deposition, bicause he entred not in by
ye bysshop, but by y° Kynges autorite, and therfore it were best y'
he myght be deposed by sum appoynted by yc Kyngis hyghnes and
yl sum learned men in the law shuld have ye examinatio of hym,
and acordyng to ye law depose hyme. I thynk that they will grant
y* if [he] y* he had bene deposed by the Kyuges autorite, y' ye
deposition had bene lawfull, because they grant y' by takyng of
y* second dignite he lost the first. The lawyers of the arches,
knowyng y1 ye denery is labored for to be gotten for me, will
hyndre ye mater as m[uch] as shall lye in them. But i trust y1
your wisdom shall pravale agaynst all theyr malice. I pray you do
• The Bishop of Bath aid Wells allmled to in this letter was the notorious
William Barlow, bishop successively of St. Asaph, St. David's, and Bath and Wells,
who at the accession of Elizabeth, as Bishop-elect of Chicbester, consecrated
Matthew Parker to the archbishopric of Canterbury. The dean was John Goodman,
who held the office from 1548 till 1550, when he was deprived and William Turner
succeeded and held the office till the accession of Mary. Goodman brought a writ
of pramnnire against the bishop, who obtained a pardon. The judges proceeded
with the case, and were summoned before the 1'riw Council, and Goodman was
committed to the Fleet, Feb. 12, 1551. The deprivation was held to be valid, and
he was discharged May 25, 1551. He was afterwards deprived again from the
deanery to which he had been restored at the accession of Mary, and Turner suc-
ceeded to the deanery in 1560. A letter was written by the Council, dated July 5,
1550, to the fellows of Oriel College, Oxford, desiring them to accept Dr. Turner a>
master, is. provost, upon the King's appointment.
134 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
what ye shall thynk beste, and if thys can not be had i were very
lothe to lose the other promotion of Oxforth also. Therfore when
yc tyme shall cum, my trust is y* ye will help to bryng me unto ye
univcrsitc agaync. God kepe you. Amen.
fro Somerset place.
Januarii Vto.
WILL'M TURNER.
Endorsed :
To the ryght worshipfull
Master Cecill aecretori unto
the Kyngis hyghnes be
this letter delyvered.
Vth Jannarye,-1650, from Mr. Turner to my Mr.
LXXI. — LETTER PROM WARWICK TO PAOET, SUGGESTING
THAT RUSSELL, NOW EARL OF BEDFORD, SHOULD BE MADE
ACQUAINTED WITH WHAT WAS GOING ON.
[Cotton MSS. Titos B. n. fol. 57, art. 37. Original holograph.]
These may be to require your lordship to be vigilant and circum-
spect in the matter which now you have in hand. Per happes the
Lord Chancellor and the Lord Treasurer* who thinketh may touch
them lyte [way] can be content that it may be wrapped up in silence,
and to say it is not expedient it should come in question. But God
preserve our Master if he should fail. There is watchers enow that
would bring it in question, and would burden you and others (who
now will not understand the danger) to be deceivers of the whole
body of the realm with an instrument forged to execute your
malicious meanings. Mark well the words that Baker yesterday
spake in the king's presence concerning the fault, if any now must
IH; imputed to the lords. Well 1 would wish, as well for the surety
• St. John, lately created Earl of Wiltshire.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 135
of the King's majesty as for the truth of the matter, that men
should not be against the perfect reforming of it now, specially
seeing it hath been thus far debated, which I reckon even a happy
thing : praying you to participate this unto my lord privy seal.
And so I commit you both to the tuision of the Lord.
At Greenwich the 22th day of January, 1550 [1551].
Your loving friend,
J. WARWYK.
Endowed :
To my very good
lord my lord Paget
these be delivered
with speed at
London.
LXXII. — EXTRACTS FROM THE COUNCIL BOOK OF EDWARD VI.
RELATING TO CHURCH MATTERS.
Monday, Jany. 3, 1549-50.
The said Councillors a accompanied with Justice Hales, Doctours
Olyver and Leyson and Mr. Gosnalde did peruse the process of
• The lords present were the Lord Chancellor, the Earls of Wiltshire and Dorset,
the Bishop of Ely, Wentworth, Wotton, Montague, and Baker. Dr. Nicholas
Wotton was made the first Dean of Canterbury in 1542, and was installed Dean of
York Dec. 4, 1544, and held- both these offices till his death, Jan. 26, 1567, through
all the changes of the reigns of Henry, Edward, Mary, and Elizabeth. He was om-
of the sixteen executors of the will of Henry, and of Edward's Privy Council, and at
the beginning of Edward's reign was ambassador in France. He was one of the
nine conspirators against Somerset who met Oct. C, and upon Somerset's deposition
he was made secretary in place of Sir Thomas Smith, who was imprisoned with
Somerset, but resigned Sept. 6 of the following year in favour of Cecil. In 1551
he was sent to the Emperor to remonstrate with him for interfering with the Princess
Mary's hearing mass, April 10. But neither he nor his brother Sir Edward were
concerned in the usurpation of Lady Jane Grey, he being at the time ambassador
in France. His brother, Sir Edward Wotton, first appears in a public capacity in
1540 as Treasurer of Calais, but is mentioned in the retinue of the Duke of Suffolk
at the reception of Anne of Cleves at Dover. He too was one of the earliest con-
spirators against Somerset.
136 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
the matter for the which the bishop of London was imprisoned
and deprived.
Sunday, Feby. 2, 1549-50.
Letters several to the Bishop of Duresme * and Ely to appoint in
their several dioceses their chaplains and such parsons and curates
within the same dioceses to preach as by their discretions they shall
think meet ; the Proclamations and restraints notwithstanding.
Letters several to the bishop of Chester b and John Gibbe, arch-
deacon of the same, to appear before the lords immediately after the
receipt of their letters.
• This was Cnthbert Tnnst&ll, Bishop of London 1522, translated to Durham in
1530. He was at first on the King's aide in the matter of the divorce, but after-
ward* recanted and condemned the book he had written in faroor of it, bnt after-
wards supported the King in most of his actions, especially in the matter of the
divorce of Anne of Cleves. He preached at Paul's Grow on Qninqnageaima Sunday,
February 27, 1536, in defence of the royal supremacy, and was the only bishop
except Cranmer who was amongst the executors of Henry VIII. 's will, and was one
of the twenty-six first councillors of Edward VI. He resisted all the change* inaugu-
rated by Edward VI. and his Council. He was sent to the Tower Dec. 30, 1651
and deemed of his bishopric in October, 1552, when the bishopric was disaolred.
He was released from the King's Bench Aug. 5, 1553, and reinstated, and the
bishopric restored at the beginning of the reign of Mary. And on the accession of
Elizabeth be refused to take the oath of supremacy and was deprired, though no
t>i*hop was appointed till after his death NOT. 18, 1559. He assisted in the con-
iteration of the six bishops at St. Mary Overy's church in Sonthwark, Gardiner
and Bonner being the other consecrators.
b This was John Bird, who appears to have been educated partly at Cambridge
and partly at Oxford, where he took his degree of D.D. in 1513. He was after-
wards provincial of the order of Carmelites. He was a great supporter of the
King's supremacy, and after baring served at suffragan bishop <>f lYnrith, and
abetted all the proceedings of the King in the divorce of Catharine of Aragon, and
afterwards in that of Anne of Cleves, he was appointed to the bishopric of Bangor,
and thence translated to the newly-created see of Cheater, which he held from 1541
to 1554, when he wa« deprived for heresy and because be had married. He soon
afterwards recanted and acted as suffragan to Bonner, Bishop of London. He gave
the Council, Jan. 12, 1548, an account of the sale of church ornaments and jewels
within the diocese of Chester, and of the appropriation thereof . He tli<l not live long
enough to have the sincerity of this last change tested, as be died in the year 1558.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 137
One Lerraouth, a Scot, being sent for by the lords upon that he
was accused to have preached seditiously and against noblemen,
bishops, and magistrates, and likewise against the Book of Service,
appeared this day before the lords, whose further examination was
remitted to the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishop of Ely, and
Sir John Baker, to be by them declared to the lords.
The bishop and learned whose names be underwritten appointed
by the lords to devise Orders for the creation of bishops and priests ."
Friday, Feby. 7.
Doctor Bonner, late bishop of London, being sent for to appear
before the lords in the dining- chamber next to the star-chamber:
It was lay the lord Chancellor declared unto him that the King's
majesty having appointed eight of his highness' privy Council,
four of the lawyers of the realm, and four civilians to consider
whether his appeal should be allowed, did, after long and mature
debating of the same, conclude that that might not be received ;
whereupon his highness willed them to declare to the said Dr.
Bonner that the sentence pronounced against him by the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury and the rest of the commissioners stood in
force, and thereby he deprived of his bishopric.
Feby. 21.
Letter to the bishop of Rochester1' to repair to the lords for
purposes to be declared to him at his arrival.
Monday, Feby. 23.
The bishop of Rochester to be bishop of London and West-
minster, and to have lands of M1 p. ann. to be appointed by the
King's majesty.
• No names are inserted.
b This was the notorious Dr. John Poynet, afterwards translated to Winchester.
CAMD. 8OC. T
138 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
Friday, the l<ut of February, 1549.
It is thought convenient by the lords that seeing the rest appointed
to devise the form for consecrating of priests have agreed upon the
book and set their hands to the same that the bishop of Worcester
shall also do the like, specially for that he cannot deny but all that
is contained in the book is good and godly.
Tuesday, 4 March, 1549.
The bishop of Worcester" committed to the Fleet for that he
obstinately denied to subscribe to the b)ok devised for the con-
secration of bishops and priests.
Monday, March 17, 1549-50.
Letter to Mr. York,b Sheriff of London, to stay from felling the
bishop of London's woods .
Letters of thanks to the inhabitants of the isle of Jersey for the
embracing of his Majesty's laws and proceedings in the order of
the Divine service, wherein if any scruple should arise amongst
them, to refer it to the Council to bear to Sir Hugh Pawlet now
• This was Nicholas Heath, afterwards Archbishop of York. He had in the late
reign gone some lengths in the King's service, and was made Bishop of Rochester
in 1540, and moored to Worcester in 1643. He appears to hare disapproved of all
the measures of the Privy Council in this reign, and was deprived Oct. 10, 1551, for
refusing to take down the altars in his diocese. After Mary's accession he was
translated to York, and made Lord High Chancellor 1556, and consecrated Cardinal
Pole to Canterbury. Upon refusing the oath of supremacy he was deprived of his
archbishopric and committed to the Tower, but was sonn afterwards released and
lived in retirement till his death, which took place in 1579.
b This was Sir John Yorkc, treasurer of the Mint in Sonthwark, at whose house
the conspirators against Somerset dined on Tuesday, Oct. 8, 1549, just before they
proclaimed htm a traitor. He was rewarded for the part he had taken by being
knighted Oct. 17. At his bouse also Somerset met Warwick and the rest of the
Council Feb. 6, 1550, when he was liberated from the Tower. Sir John was after-
wards sent to the Tower July 31, 1553, according to Wriothesley, or July 27 as
Machyn gives it, and was released in October. He conformed in the reign of Mary,
and kept his place under Elizabeth.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 139
appointed Captain and to his deputy all due obedience and to be
conformable to such orders as they shall prescribe unto them for
the order of Justice, A;r.
Saturday, March 29, 1550.
Letters to the Mayor of Bristol upon receipt of their letters
inclosing two seditious bills to enquire the authors of the said bills
by comparison of writings and the examination of idle and suspect
persons and to look to the surety gf the city and be ready and able
in all events to resist the lewd attemptats of the seditious.
Tuesday, April 8.
Letters to the Chancellor of the Augmentations to make a book
to the lord John Gray and to his heirs for ever of the parsonage of
Kirkby Bellews in the county of Leicester of the yearly value of
Ul. 15s. 6<£
27 April, 1550.
A warrant to the lord Chancellor to make out a writ to the
sheriffs of London for the execution of John of Kent condemned
to be burned for certain detestable opinions of heresy. It was
agreed by the whole Council that the King's Majesty should be
moved for the restitution of the duke of Somerset unto all his
goods, his debts and his leases yet ungiven.
UDALL'S ANSWER
TO THE
COMMONERS OF DEVONSHIRE AND CORNWALL.
[Royal MS. 18 B. xi. fol. 1.]
An answer to the articles of the commoners of Devonshire and
Cornwall, declaring to the same how they have been seduced
by evil persons, and how their consciences may be satisfied and
stayed concerning the said articles, set forth by a countryman
of theirs, much tendering the wealth both of their bodies and
souls.
Having of late perused (good countrymen of Devonsheir and [Fol. 3.]
Cornwall) certain articles of demands proposed by you in divers
camps by east and west of Exeter (as it is there termed), and not
only smelling thereby but sensibly also perceiving all this uproar
a mongyou my simple and plain-meaning countrymen (for I speak
to the ignorant that have been deceived, and not to the malicious that
are all desperate) to have been stirred up by the sinister persuasion
of certain sedicious papysts and traitors, whelps of the Romish
litter, abusing your simplicity and lightness of credit to the accom-
plishment and execution of such malicious purposes as that genera-
tion have now a long season gone with child to bring to pass (for
CAMD. 8OC. U
142 TBOUBLE8 CONNECTED WITH THE
Antichrist and all his brood hath evermore of their natural property
and custom from time to time been sowers of tumults, of discord,
of sedition, of rebellion, and of conspiring against all good and
godly princes, and against all good Christian orders in any realm) I
have thought it my bounden part and duty by answering to every
of your said articles, and satisfying you in them, to call you home
[Pol. 3b.] again to a due remembrance and consideration of yourselves, as it
were to set up a glass before your eyes wherein ye may see not only
your folly and errors in which ye are yet drowned but also the
subtle and crafty train of them that have seduced you to make you
instruments of their mischievous intents, and finally that ye may
evidently perceive how far simple people may be brought to go
astray if they will, upon a good zeal and pretence give credit to every
light blast of error and vain doctrine. We be all subjects of one
realm, born under one king, and governed, fostered, and nourished
in the lap of one common weal, brought up under one law, and
by reason thereof are as members of one body, which of very nature
must (as much as in us lieth) one be sorry for another's grief, one
lament another's sickness, and one help another's sore.
The due consideration whereof will not suffer me to be slack at
this present in admonishing and warning you because that as S.
Paule saith, If one member be evil at ease, all the members do suffer
icith the tame.* And most true it is, good countrymen, that many
thousands which were never in Devonshcir, never had to do with any
of you, nor never saw any of you, do lament this your folly, do be-
wail your fall, and with weeping eyes do hourly pray to God to
reform your hearts and to give his light into your eyes that ye may
have grace to see how far ye have swerved from your duty, and how
far ye have by devilish persuasions of certain desperate and malicious
persons been seduced to incur the indignation of your natural liege
lord, and by transgressing his laws to fall into the danger of utterly
[*<•!. 4.] perishing, yea and that for matters not worth the Toss of the
• 1 Cor. xil 26. The translation in probably Udall's own.
PRAYER BOOK OP 1549. 143
least hair of one of your heads, for all your matters are in appear-
ance trifles, and at this present of very slender substance or pith ;
but in the end your utter confusion both of body and soul impossible
to be avoided. So far may simple ignorant people under the name
and color of God's true worshipping be entrapped and by the subtle
and wily lymmes of Antichrist entangled in the devil's snare.
And that simple folk may so be beguiled, abused, and seduced is
manifest in tne example of Adam and Eve, who by eating the for-
bidden apple of the tree of knowing good and ill encurred God's
high indignation, deserved to be expulsed Paradise, deprived of the
natural innocency and justice in which they were created, to be made
subject and thrall to sin and all the miseries of this wretched world,
and consequently to become subject to death not only of body but
also of soul, both their selves and all their posterity, for their trans-
gression, and yet would some simple ignorant silly souls at the first
sight think Adam's offence a small matter to be in such extreme
manner avenged that his punishment should be extended to all us
also, that are his seed after him. So when the oxen that drew the ark
of God stumbled, and a certain man being named Oza * of a good
zeal, and of a good intent (because he would not have had so holy
a thing as the ark of God to fall to the ground), did put up his hand
to stay the ark. And yet God struck him even there presently
to death, that he never went foot further. A man would thi nk CFo1-
that Oza had been rather worthy of thank at God's hand than of
so sudden death, because he did the thing of a good mind and de-
votion. But the matter was that God had commanded no person
should presume to touch the ark except of the tribe of Levye the
sons of Caath, whom he had specially deputed and assigned to that
office, and God will have his word obeyed and followed, as he doth
bid and appoint, straitly commanding and charging that nothing be
either added thereunto of our own devices nor anything taken from
it. Neither shall ye do (saith he) every one that seemeth good in
• 2 Sam. ri. 3-8.
144 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
your own eyes. But whatsoever I command you that shall ye do
and neither more nor less. Thus ye see that simple folks may by
ill persuasion of such as they take for good men (and yet be indeed
seducers and deceivers) be led a wrong way, as the simple people of
the Jews were by their false priests and ministers of Baall whom
they trusted. And no doubt there is, but many of them were
good simple and true meaning folks, and thought they did all
for the best and would full fain have done better if they had
known better or been better taught. Now, your fault, good
countrymen, though it be very hainous, yet is it not utterly un-
curable if ye will in season reform yourselves. Your blindness is
miserable but yet possible to be brought again to light, if yourselves
shall not love the darkness of wicked popery more than the clear
light of God's most holy word and gospel. Your disease, hath
[Fol. 5.] not yet, I trust, taken so deep root but that it may be cured, if
ye can be content to follow the good advice of such as would
your health. Your evil is not yet so far gone but that ye may, by
good counsel, be recovered if ye will not wilfully refuse all remedies.
Your wound, though very sore festered, is not yet so desperate
and past all cure but that some hope of amendment doth remain in
case yourselves will be conformable and put your own good wills to
us. Wherefore, having yet some hope and trust of ycu (as charity
cannot despair) though ye have by sinister counsel an<l teaching
been perverted, yet ye have not so hardened yourselves against God
and your king, nor so shaken off the yoke of loyal obedience to
your natural sovereign lord and prince, but that, being better in-
formed,ye will repent your folly and take better ways.leave error and
follow the truth, forsake pernicious doctrine and clcve to the sincere
word of God set forth by the king's majesty and his most godly
council, not only with long study and travail of the best learned
b shops and doctors of the realm but also with the assent and consent
of the universal clergy and the whole parliament ; I shall particu-
larly in order recite all your articles and so discuss every of them
aa ye may evidently see how unreasonable they be for any subjects
PRAYER BOOK OP 1549. 145
so undiscretely and presumptuously to require of their sovereign
lord and king contrary to his laws ; how dangerous to yourselves if
the king's majesty and the realm did not better forsee the thing than
ye do. And of how small substance they be, that ye should for
respect of them run headlong after two or three obstinate papists
into wilful contempt and rebellion against your natural liege lord in
such sort as the like example hath never yet been seen or known
since the beginning of the world in any realm, either christen
or heathen. -
THE ENTITLING OP THE ARTICLES. [Foi/sb.
The articles of us the commoners of Devonsheir and Cornwall in
dyvers camps by est and west of Exeter.
See even in the very first entering how hainous an offence, and
how grievous a crime that Englishmen which in their own country
finding themselves grieved they cannot tell wherewith, theirselves
will seek redress, not by complaint as is the part of subjects, but by
encamping themselves and rebelling against their natural prince.
What other fruit or end may hereof ensue unto you but devouring
one another and an universal desolation of your own selves, besides
the extreme peril of God's high wrath and indignation, besides the
undoubted plague of mortality which (unless ye call for mercy in
season) must needs light upon you by the severe rod of princely
justice in our realm. Ye do in the meantime neglect your hus-
bandry, whereby ye must live : your substance and catall is not only
spoiled and spent upon unthriftcs, who but for this your outrage [Fol. 6.]
know no mean nor way to be fedde: your houses falle in ruin,
your wives are ravished, your daughters defloured before your own
faces, your goods that ye have many long years laboured for lost in
146 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THK
an hour and spent upon vagabonds and idle loiterers. Your meat is
unpleasant, your drink unsavory, your sleep never sound, never
quiet, never in any safety. What must befal to your children here-
after when your own living is thus through your own folly brought
to penury and famine ? What shall ye leave to them when ye have
waste fully consumed all your substance upon vagabonds that could
not live but on your spoil and ravine? For wete ye well (good
countrymen) that two sorts of beasts there be (for I should name them
wrong to call them men) that are the chief causes of this tumultuous
business. The one idle, loitering ruffians that will not labour ne
can by any other ways get anything to maintain them withal but
by an open and common spoil, which thing such other parts of the
realme as upon the like occasion have attempted the like outrage,
an[y] of them, you only excepted, have well espied and accord-
ingly acknowledged their faults and with most humble submis-
sion betaken themselves to the king's mercie. The other sort is of
rank Papists, which could none other ways work their malicious
and devilish disturbing of God's glory but by the mean of sedi-
tion, which could not have had any entrye except it were by
them craftily and subtilly conveyed. These under the colour and
name of the commonwealth first reysed the simple people, per-
6b j suading them to be for a good and godly purpose. But their mean-
ing among the others was and among you yet still is none other but
when the people be well up then they to work their feactes, the
one against the king and the magistrates, and the other against the
commonwealth in robbing and sacking ; and you in the mean-
time never to know what they went about. And though I doubt
not but every of you (if ye will soberly and wisely examine your
state and substance since your first beginning of this tragedy) shall
full well e*py and (alac for pietic) find over true in your purses and in
your houses; for otherwise be it in case that some great enormities
there were which required speedy reformation, to whom apper-
faineth of reason and congruence the redress of such evils? to the
subjects or to the prince ? to the laws or to the heady wilfulness of
PBATEB BOOK OF 1549. 147
those who lust ? by an order of a policy or by tumult and rebellion?
by the way of humble complaint and petition or else by the folly and
outrage of a confuse uprore ? Were there never so many griefs
and matters of querell and the same never so great, never so just,
never so unreasonable, yet if every private person should be officer
for himself in his own cause and upon his own private authority at
all times and by such means as himself lusteth : then where is a king
without whose power no common weal can long prosper ? Where
is the force of laws without which no policy can flourish? Where
is the authority of magistrates without whom the public peace and
tranquillity cannot be conserved ? Where is order without which
no realm can long continue? Where is the due administration rFo|
of justice without which no kingdom may endure or stand? but
must of necessity fall to decay and utter ruin as in this dis-
ordered tumult all things do amongst you ? Take these things
away and what surety or safety may any man be in ? If men shall
be robbed and their houses spoiled who shall redress it? If tra-
vellers be slain by the highway who shall see justice ministered?
Oh my countrymen, if ye knew how ill a way ye take for your
own safeguard , how ill a way ye take for the redress of your griefs,
for the surety of your good?, catalles, houses, wives, daughters,
heirs and all your succession, yea, and for your very own persons too,
ye would abide great wrongs, grievous oppression, yea, and extreme
tyranny, ere ye would thus unnaturally move a tumult against your
prince and sovereign. If this then may not be done in just causes
and worthy griefs, but princes rather must be obeyed then any per-
turbation of the common weale attempted, how great then is this
your offence to do the same for two or three points of popery put into
your heads by such as care not for your destruction so they may have
a piece of their wills. Be your own judges, good countrymen (I
speak always to the innocent that have been seduced under the
colour and seame of good). What shall be said of you an hun-
dred years hereafter when cronycles shall repoit that a certain
portion of the English people called Devonsheir men and Cornish
148 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
(F..i. 7b.j men, did for popery (which if God be God will long ere that day
be utterly confounded and defaced and the name thereof through-
out all the Christen world abhorred and detested ) did rebel against
their natural sovereign lord and king, most earnestly travailing
to set forth and publish the true word of God and the true religion
of Christ unto them. Leave off, therefore, good countrymen, your
camping at your own doors and bestow that your stoutness of
courage and force of martial prowess in serving your natural prince
and country against their enemies • and the same your enemies and
mortal subverters. Bestow your force I say on the king's enemies
in this most necessary time as become th true, loving, and obedient
subjects to do. So shall ye please God where now ye do
nothing but provoke his vengeance. So shall yc get laud and
praise where now ye purchase to yourselves slander and reproach
both afore God and men for ever to endure. But now let us come
to your articles and see what things they be for which ye make all
this murmuring and all this great business.
THE FIRST ARTICLE.
First we will have all the general Councils and holy decrees of our
forefathers observed, kept and performed. And whosoever
shall again say them we hold them as heretics.
Here can I not forbear to say unto you as Paule saith to the
Galathians (who, when they had been brought to the right faith of
• In the King's answer to the rebeU, dated July 8, these enemies are thus speci-
fied: M What greater erill could ye commit, than eren now, when onr forren enimle
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 149
Christ, and had been brought to a good frame and staygh therein,
were by such like seducers as have now perverted you, and even of a
much like sort turned clean away from the right faith, and brought
to desire the bondage of Moses' lawe and the observing thereof).
0, foolish Galathians * (saith he) WJio Jiath bewitched you that ye
should not give credit unto the truth. Are ye so unwise tJiat after ye
have begun in the spirit ye would now end in the flesh, for ye once
took a good course, saith Paul to the Galathyans, and did run well.
Who hath been a left unto you that ye should not obey the truth ? b
Even that counsel that is not of him that called you. A little
leven dot/i soure all the whole lumpe of doice. I have trust in
your behalfes in the Lorde that ye will not be of such a wrong and
perverse mind: he tJiat troubleth you shall bear his judgment whatso-
ever he be. I would to God they were separated from among you,
which troubleth you. He saith also to the same Galathians in'the
first chapter : c / marvel that ye are so soon turned from him that
called you in the grace of Christ unto anotlier gospel, which is nothing
else but that there be some which trouble you, and intend to pervert
tJie gospel of Christ, etc. For speak to me in reason (good country-
men), and tell me : Have we any forefathers more ancient than
Moses and the prophets were ? And, being Christen men, can [Fol. 8b.]
we have any better master than Christ, or any better doctrine
than his? Can we have any General Councils comparable to the
Councils of the Apostles, or any decrees better than were made
by them ? These forefathers doth the king's Majesty, with the
advice of his most dear uncle Edwarde duke of Somerset and the
rest of his council, most tenderly exhort you to follow. Such a
in Scotlandd and upon the sea seeketh to invade ns to doo onr ronlmc dishonour,
than to arise in this maner against our law, to provoke onr wrath, to aske onr
vengeance, and to give as an occasion to spend that force upon yon which we meant
to bestow npon our enimies, to begin to slaie yon with that sword that we drew forth
against Scots and other enimies, to make a conquest of oar owne people, which other*
wise should have beene of the whole rcalme of Scotland." — Holinshead, p. 1006.
• Gal. Hi. 1-3. b GaL v. 7. • Gal. i. 6.
CAMD. SOC. X
150 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
master he provideth for you, and his most sincere and pure doctrine
he most earnestly travailcth to set forth unto you. Such decrees doth
he uncessauntly wish and desire you to observe, keep, and perform
to the uttermost that may be. And where ye hold all persons as
heretics whosoever shall gainsay them, Beware, good Devonsheir
men, that ye do not unawares give sentence on yourselves, for if by
your words of General Councils, of holy decrees, and of forefathers
ye mean those that I have here above mentioned, then truly
these forefathers ye openly gainsay and violently resist, their
counsels ye hold not, their decrees ye observe not. In case ye
mean any other General Councils, forefathers, and decrees than are
above specified, then truly ye keep not them neither (for how can
ye observe decrees that ye know not), much less do ye perform
them, that is, keep them thoroughly to the uttermost iote of them.
Which if ye should go about to do, ye should find to be a yoke
importable as well to our forefathers in these latter times as to
[Fol. 9.] us. God gave but Ten Commandments as a law to his people.
And yet was there never any (saving only Christ) that either did or
was of himself hable perfectly to perform and fulfil them. How
can ye then observe, keep, and perform the pope's traditions and
unsavory commandments, being (I suppose) above so many thou-
sand more than God himself gave. And what a folly is it in you
so unadvisedly and rashly to pronounce any men heretics, which
neither know what heresy is, nor know the Councils and decrees
for which ye call them heretics. Ye may by this matter see, good
people, how ye are seduced by certain perverse persons that make
you the instruments of their wickedness, and incense you in your
gross ignorance of the right and true doctrine of God, and in your
blindness to uphold and maintain their devilish errors and most
pestilent poperye. What good Christen heart seeing and perceiving
how that same wicked generation hath bewitched you can any less
than even bleed for very pity and sorrow to see so great a number
of people, which might in great welth, quiet, and safety have lived
at home in their owne houses serving God, their king, and their
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 151
country, guiding their wives, children and families, providing for
their posterity after them, now to go wandering and roving in
unlawful and rebellious manner, suffering themselves to be abused
and made a cloke and (as it were) a covert and defense for a few
wicked persons that seek their own destruction both of body and
soul for ever.
THE SECOND ARTICLE. [Foi. 9t>.]
Item, we will have the laws of our sovereign lord King Henry
the Eighth concerning the Six Articles to be in use again, as in his
time they were.
Oh, lord of heaven, what deceitful spirit of vanity is it that doth
possess your minds. Would Christ ye were of knowledge to see
and to ponder the bottom of your own demand in this behalf
(as I am well assured the most part of you are not). But because
ye were in the late message from the king's majesty sent unto you
(which would Christ ye had had the grace to regard, as your duty
was, and to be ruled by it) ye are sufficiently answered, I would
here utterly let it pass, saying that I cannot but advertise and warn
you that full little the simple and plain meaning sort of you do know
what those persons meant or intended which first put this into your
heads. The Popish priests and the young wanton priests made it unto
you a querele of religion for their sacrament of the altare, they made
it a matter of devocion for their confession auricular by which hath
more mischief been wrought in the church and true faith of Christ
than by any one thing that ever hath reigned among us. What
hath been wrought and practised thereby in high affairs of princes
and commonweales, how many princes' and emperours' deaths have
thereby been conspired with other like matters, neither is this an apt
place to declare nor briefness which I must at this time use will suffer
me. But to speak that toucheth you and us all by auricular con-
152 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
[Fd. 10.] fession the priests knew what was every where done. By the
lack thereof is cut from them all opportunity of moving men's
wives to folly, of enticing men's daughters to lewdness and vice, for
now they cannot so conveniently take their pleasure and secrets
with your wives and daughters as they would do and had been accus-
tomed ; for ye be wonderfull sore deceived if ye think that they
were the best priests or most chaste livers that most cry out against
the marriage of priests. But whosoever among them is most las-
civious lest can be content to be bound to one wife, according to
the law of Christ and of matrimony. And why should that matter
stick so sore in your stomachs since it is manifest that all the priests
of the old law, yea, even to Zacharie, father of Seynt John the
Baptiste, were married ? If godly wedlock had been a thing un-
lawful or unpure, neither should the priests of the old law have
been permitted to marry: nor Christ or his Apostles would have leaft
it unforbidden. And, I beseech you, were it not better and more
standing with the laws of God that a priest should live in Christen
matrimony with a wife of his own than to keep another man's wife
in advouterye, or to live in fornication, as it cannot be denied but
that they commonly did ? We read in the Scriptures that wedlock
is holy and honorable afore God. We read not anywhere that
chaste matrimony is sin. But we read in many places that advou-
tercrs and fornicators shall not inherit the kingdom of heaven.
[Fol. lOb.] These and such other things they be that ye would have now.
But why or wherefore ye have nothing to allege, but because ye
will. Good people, let no such opinions trouble you, ne any such
bloody persuasions lead you out of the right way. Consider
that laws are made as the state and cases of times require.
The law of the Six Articles came in but of very late years,
and indeed was over-sore and violent to continue any long
time. It was perchance at that season necessary, yea, and
perchance violently wrong and wrested in by the hottc labour
of certain papists. And now is it by the whole parliament
thought meet to be abrogated, as many other laws from time to time
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 153
have been and in all realms under the sun daily are. Persuade your-
selves, as indeed true it is, that the king's Majesty and his Council
better knoweth what they have to do than ye or we all can devise,
and our parts to be that without grutche or murmuring we stand
to such order in things as they do take. What brute beast is so
insensate and wide of reaso'n that he can allow that ye should now
go about to establish that the whole realm (of which yourselves are a
part) did then think mete, for the extreme bloudiness thereof, to be
abolished. But this article also is at large answered in the king's
majesty's late message unto you.* And therefore I say here no more
thereof, but refer you to the said message.
THE THIRD ARTICLE. [Foi. 11.]
Item, we will have the mass in Latin as was before and cele-
brated by the priest without any man or woman communicating
with him.
Good people, if the question should be asked why ye thus
will, I daresay ye could not make any good or sufficient reason
thereto. And God forbid that you should in this point have your
will which is neither good nor godly and yet directly repugnant to
the law. And what (except your wilful and unbridled will) should
move you to deny that any man or woman should communicate
with the priest, since in every mass that they said of the old fashion,
though they received the sacraments all alone without any person
but themselves communicating with them, yet they evermore said,
haec nos communio Domine purget a crimine, etc., they called it a com-
munion (which is a common participation of more than one together),
so that it may evidently appear that in the beginning it was used
as the king's majesty hath now most godly set forth the use thereof,
• There is no notice of this point in the King's answer of July 8, 1549.
154 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
to the inestimable comfort of all good Christen hearts and con-
sciences. This article to you that have not as yet the full know-
ledge of things requireth a larger discourse and circumstance than
I may now use in this little answer and exhortation. But because
that over and beside the king's majesty's book of divine service
[Fol. lib.] there be so many godly and learned treatises made of the Lord's
supper, I remit you unto them, beseeching Almighty God to
endue you with his grace that ye may quiet yourselves while
God and the king's most merciful sufferance giveth you time
thereto, and that ye may with greedy desires rather employ your
studies and labour to geat true knowledge of God and his most
sacred word, so much as for every Christen is requisite. And when
ye shall (in this matter in especial) know that as yet ye know not,
right well assured I am that ye will then say and do in this matter
otherwise than ye now do. In the meantime ye shall better dis-
charge your duty of obedience to God and to your king, rather to
regard what his majesty with the advice of his said dearest uncle
and council setteth forth for you to follow, than at the light motion
or information of such lewd persons as being themselves trespacers
against the king and his laws would fain have their offence escape
under the cloke of a multitude taking part with them to make
yourselves guilty of murmuring and disobedience against your
sovereign, which sin never yet in any nation escaped without
grievous punishment by the scourge of God.
,2} THE FOURTH ARTICLE.
Item, we will have the sacrament hang over the high altar and
there to be worshipped as it was wont to be, and they which will
not thereto consent we will have them die like heretics against the
holy Catholic faith.
Here is well verified in you that Christ saith in the gospel.
If the blind lead the blind both fall in the ditch. For your blind
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 155
guides have in this matter fondly and supersiitiously moved you
to will that from the beginning was used nothing so : for first as
touching the use of the sacrament and the reservation of it, ye shall
understand that because the Communion is a spiritual receiving,
which consisteth in the spiritual participation of the sacrament, of
Christ's most blessed body and bloude to be received of the
Christian congregation in the remembrance of Christ's death
suffered for the redemption of mankind and for the remission of our
sins; and forasmuch as the said sacrament was ordained to that
spiritual use only, for the flesh (saith Christ) profiteth nothing ;
the spirit it is that giveth life; for the Jewes and Pharasyr- had
Christ daily conversant among them, they daily saw heard and
touched him and yet were never the better for it; for these causes
(I say) the sacrament of Christ's most blessed body at the first, ^FOI. 125.]
and by the continuance of many hundred years was no more
reserved after the communion than the sacrament of his blood now
is. At last, as superstition began to creep in and to grow, it
was thought mete to have the sacrament reserved for the use of
sick persons, which many times fell suddenly diseased and many
times died without communion. But yet all this while was neither
reservation of the sacrament in the other kind (because it could not
so conveniently be kept as- the other) nor any worshipping of the
sacrament was ever either used or meant. Then did it oftentimes
chance that the sacrament thus standing abroad was sometimes by the
wantonness of children or by the unreverent handling of parish
clerks and other lay people, either taken away or broken, or other-
wise abused. Then was it at last provided by a decree that for to
avoid the unreverent handling and abusing of the sacrament it should
be set up in some secret place nigh unto the altar where it might
be ready when need were to use it. Then were there devised (aa is
well found, both in the decrees and other writers of stories) almeries,
some all close, and some with preatie cancelles or grates, where it
might be safe from the unreverent touching and handling (as [Fol. 13.]
the decree termeth it) of the lay people. After this it came to
156 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
pan that by negligence of the curates and parsons, sometimes it
moulded and putriGcd, sometimes it was eaten up with myce or
other vermin, or had some other mischance. Wherefore at length
some priests that were wiser than others devised a way both how to
keep it safe from handclyng and from myce or other vermin, and yet
to have it in a readiness too. For when they kept it in almcries
sometime they lost their keys, and could not come to it when they
would, nor without some charges of making new locks and keys.
Thus came in first the hanging of the sacrament over the altar,
which is not nor never was any point of necessity, nor decreed by
any constitution of the Church. And in a great number of places,
even here within this realm, both abbeys and other churches, the
sacrament was never yet unto this day hanged over the high altar;
so that this is a very fond and vain article to be made a matter for
subjects to encamp themsclfes against their king's proceedings upon
the lewd and * incensyng of three or four obstinate papistical priests
and their adherents, being wicked and devilish disturbers of the
common weale. To whom (so long as they shall continue in this
traitorous disobedience and rebellion, not having in them the spirit
[Fol I3b.| °f Christ which is author of all truth, peace, and condign obe-
dience) the sacrament cannot be anything beneficial or available,
no, though it hongc at their breasts in their own bosoms. It is
totoe ferre out of square that men should make so much pretence of
devocion to the sacrament, and do so far contrary to the doctrine
and example of Christ whom the sacrament represented!. And as
for a worshipping in such wise as in some places hath been accus-
tomed, was never ordained in the Catholic Church, but did upon
the reservation hereof creep in as pilgrimages and superstitious
worshipping of images with other like abuses did. Wherefore that
ye would all persons to die as heretics that will not consent to your
unadvised and unskilful determination is an uncharitable and a
bloody sentence to proceed from Christen men and far from the
• Either tome word M been omitted here, or the word and is superfluous.
PRAYER BOOK OP 1549. 157
devotion or charity that ought to be in them which make so earnest
a pretence and title to have Christ carnally present amongst them. If
ye shall like charitable and good Christen men weigh no more but
even this one point, ye shall well find that those blood-suckers that
first moved you to this uproar had not Christ in them but are of Satan
and have his spirit reigning in them, by whom they seduce and
pervert you to your destruction except ye soon repent, and cry to
God and your king his minister for grace and mercy ere God's
extreme vengeance light upon you, who undoubtedly will not long
suffer this your outrageous enormity and rebellion unpunished.
THE FIFTH ARTICLE. j-Fol 14 ^
Item, we will have the sacrament of the Altar but at Estur de-
livered to the lai people, and then but in one kind.
In this also shall ye evidently see (good Devonsheir men and
Cornishemen) how your simplicity and lightness of credence is
abused by your pestilent seducers and disturbers. For the devil
their master, being even from the beginning a liar and the father
of lies, hath this property, that he is evermore contrary to himself,
and that his sayings never agree, no hang together. Therefore give
them over, good countrymen, as pernicious counsellors and crafty
deceivers of you that make you upon their sinister inducing to say
and enarticle ye wot not what. For in your first article ye hold them
all as heretics that will in anywise gainsay the counsels or decrees
of our forefathers, and now ye will have the sacrament of the altar
but at Estur onely delivered to the lai people, etc. Gratianus that
gathereth and setteth forth the decrees in the second distinction
entitled de cotisecralione (that is, of consecration), treating of the
sacrament, allegeth a decree of Fabianus, bishop of Rome, in these [Fol. Hb.]
CAMD. 8OC. Y
158 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
words : • Etti non freyuentius saltern ter in anno homines communi-
cant (nisi forte quit majoribtu quibuslibet criminibu* impediatur) in
Pascha videlicet, et Pentecosten et Natale Domini. That is to say,
though they will not oftencr, yet at leastwise let men thrice in the
year receive the communion (except peradventure if any person be
letted with any great sins) that is to wete, at Esturc and at I'cntc-
coste which we call Witsontyde and at Christmas. And it foloweth
immediately out of a solemn decree of Soter Bishop of Rome that
besides the three times afore limited men should also receive the
communion on the daie of the Lord's Supper, which is the
Thursday next before Estere daye. It foloweth also immediately
out of a decree made in the Council of Martin bishop of Rome :
Si quis intrat Ecclesiam Dei, et sacra* Scripturas audit, et pro
luxuria sua avertit se a communione sacramenti, et in observandis
mysteriis declinat constitutam regulam discipline, istum talem
projiciendum de Ecclesia Catholica esse decernimus, &c., that is to
say : If any person doth enter into the Church of God and hearcth
the holy Scriptures and for his own sensuality or lasciviousncss or
superstition (for so doth the glosc there expound it, pro luxuria, id
est superstitione sua, credens forte non esse communicandumt that
is, if he leave it of a superstition, believing peradventure that he
should not do well to receive it at that present), if such an one do
[Fol. 16.] turn his back away from the communion of the sacrament, and in
observing the mysteries swerveth from the appointed rule of the
discipline and order of the Church ; this fellow being such an one
we decree to be a person worthy to be cast out of the Catholic
Church. It folio weth also out of a decree made in the Council
that was called Concilium Agathense in these words : Stcculares y r/i
in Natali Domini, pascha et pentecoste non communicaverint, cathoKci
non credantur nee inter catholicos habeantur, that is to say. The
seculars or lai people which shall not at Christmas, at Esturtide
• Erti non fnqncntins, saltern in anno ter laid homines commnnicent (nisi forte,
qnia majoribns qaitmslibet criiuinilma impediatar) in Faacha videlicet et Pentecost*
et Natali Domini.— De Conaecr. Distinct. II. cap. 16.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 159
and at Witsontyde receive the communion let them not be
thought catholic nor let them be reputed in the number of
persons catholic. This is now an order of the Church to receive
the communion oftener than at Estur onely : and an earnest decree
it is, which to gainsay, yourselves by your own sentence do hold for
heresy. See now, good people, how ye are led by the evill doctrine
of perverse and wicked guides which goe about for maintenance of
their obstinacy to bring you into the devil's bands. But let us see
more of the decrees which yourselves so earnestly seek unto. The
said Gratianus in the distinction afore alleged bringeth in a sen-
tence of Sainct Ambrose, one of the four doctors of the Church, by
which sentence he willeth that such as from time to time do
commit sin should from time to time take the medicine of the holy
Sacrament against sin. The words of Ambrose are these: Si
quotiescunque e/unditur sanyuis Christi, in remissionem pecca- [Foil 5 b.]
tomm effunditur ; debeo merito semper accipere: qui semper pecco
debeo semper accipere medicinam: that is to say — If Christ's
blood as often as it is shed it is shed for the remission of sins I
ought of good cause from time to time to receive it. I that am
from time to time a sinner ought from time to time to receive that
is the medicine for sin. Chryssamc then is more than thrice a-year
and as it may seem by this place of S* Ambrose we are bound also
to receive the Sacrament of Christ's blood and so consequently to
receive the Sacrament in both kinds. It is furthermore alleged
by the same distinction out of Sainct Austen, whose words are
these : Quotidie Eucharistiam accipere nee laudo nee vitupero :
omnibus tamen Domintcis diebus communicandum hortor, si tamen
mens in affectu peccandi non sit; that is to say, Every day to
receive the communion, I neither commend nor dispraise. Yet I
exhort men to receive the communion every Sunday, at leastwise if
our mind be not in will to sin. Whereby manifestly appeareth
both that some did in St. Austen's time use to receive the com-
munion every day, and also that S. Austen would all well-disposed
persons to receive it every Sunday. And this Austen also I am
160 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
sure is one of our holy forefathers whom whosoever will gainsay
ye bold them for heretics. But if some of your seducers will
say that Amsten then speaketh only of priests, that point is nothing
so; for the plain words (whosoever shall read and understand the
place) do evidently declare that he mcaneth of all faithful and
[Fol. 16.] devout Christen people ; for besides the places above cited, it
foloweth there out of the same Austen in this manner: Dixerit
quitpiam nan qvotidie accipifndam Eticharistiam : aline ajfirmet
quotidie. Facial unufquitque quod seaindum fidem suam pie
credit estc faciendum.* Neque enim litigaverunt inter se out
quispiam eorum se alteri praponrit, Zachceut et ille Centurio, cum
alter eorum gaudens in domo sua susceperit Dominum, alter dixeril^
Domine non sum diynus ut intret tub tectum tneum, ambo salva-
torem honorificantes, quamvis non uno modo\ ambo peccatis mum,
ambo misericordiam tunt consecuti, etc. that is to say: Some will
pcradventure eay that the communion is not to be received every
day: another afllrmcth that it should be taken every day. Let
every body do the thing that according to his faith he of his
devocion believeth ought to be done. For Zucheus and that same
Centurio did not strive between themselves, nor either prefer him-
self to the other, when the one of them rejoicing did receive the
lord into his house, and the other said'— Lord, I am not worthy
that thou shouldest come under the roof of my house, both of them
honouring our Saviour albeit not after one way. both of them
miserable and wretched through sin, did both of them obtain
mercy, etc.
Where note that he saith every body, and also that both Zacheus
• There is here an apparently accidental otnimion of a sentence, rix. :
Nenter enim eorum oxhonomt corpus et tangniuem Domini, si salnbcrrimtun
Mcramentnin certatim honorare contendnnt.
The rest of the sentence is as follows :
Ambo honorificantea Salratorem dircrso et quasi contrario modo, ambo pcccatis
miseri, ambo misericordiam consecnti. Ad hoc ralet quod manna secon'dum pro-
priam rolontatem in ore cuj usque sapiebat.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 161
and Centurio were laimen and not priests. What can they now
allege for themselves that have by sinister persuasion put into your
heads that the sacrament of the altar is not to be received but at ™
Estur only? Do not your own wives (in case they be with child)
receive the sacrament more than once a-year, and at all other times
as well as at Estur? But ye go further and will receive it but in
one kind, which point cannot mene anything else but that ye will
of a perverse frovrardness and obstinacy resist the King's Majestys
most godly proceedings ; for since that all the royalme besides you
have willingly joyfully and with thanksgiving embraced it, what
other construction may be made of separating and (as it were)
cutting yourselves off from the rest of the Royalme but that ye
will wilfully withstand the King's proceedings; not of a judgment
but of a stomach ; not of reason but of wilfulness ; not by an order
but by most stubborn headiness. I dare say ye cannot allege
any one, no not so much as a slender reason why, but that ye are
so persuaded by your blind and malicious leaders, ye can not tell why.
For if the sacrament of Christ's body be so high and so holy a thing
as undoubtedly it is, and the sacrament of the most blessed blood of
Christ no less to be esteemed than the sacrament of his body (for they
be both one in effect, and one thing they contain and were both of
them equally ministered of Christ unto his disciples us things of equal
food, of equal fruit, of equal profit and of equal comfort to the soul
of every good Christen man) how can it be but that ye (if ye were
rightly minded or instructed and not misenfourmed, ne by the
malicious maintainers of popery and superstition wrong borne in [Fol. 17.]
hande,) should by receiving both kinds, receive also double
comfort to your souls ? Alac for pietie that ever the Devil should
have so much dominion in any wicked persons as that they might
be able so miserably to beguile and seduce so many good simple
folks at once. But weigh ye the thing every of you in his own
conscience. If the sacrament of Christ's blood be of the same effect
and of the same dignity as the sacrament of his body is, do not ye
in refusing the one, despise also the other? Do ye not in contemn-
162 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
ing the one declare yourselves not to have Buch right and godly
estimation of the other as ye ought to have ? Can any man be-
lieve or think of you that ye have a good opinion of the sacrament of
Christ's body if ye refuse the sacrament of his blood ? There were
never any silly poor men so far bewitched that their senses, their
wits, their judgments, and their reason have been so grossly
blinded and perverted. I cannot without tears write of this your
miserable case; nor any good man (I think) read or hear it without
sorrowful lamentation. Awake therefore, good countrymen, and
consider yourselves how and by what persons ye be deceived. Full
little know ye what mischief they intend (yea even against your-
selves) that have by their sinister counsel brought you to this out-
rage of open rebellion for those things for which ye have great
cause daily on your knees to thank God and the King's majesty
[Fol.iTb.] and his council and most heartily to pray for them. Neither
doth his Majesty enforce or compel any of you to receive the
communion any oftener than once a year except the parties devo-
cion be such that he will himself. But forasmuch as if ye be
Christen men ye cannot avoid ne deny but that the receiving of the
sacrament is the most special good and consolation that a Christen
man's soul may have, how can ye deny but that the oftener ye
receive it the more ghostly comfort and joy ye shall receive. And
therefore in the Acts of the Apostles it is in very many places
declared, that such as daily increased and gathered to the number
of the faithful believers did continue daily in one mind and in
breaking of bread, that is to say, in receiving the most sacred com-
munion in commemoration and remembrance of Christ's death and
passion. Ye see then, 0 ye Devonsheir men and Cornishemcn, that,
whether ye will stick to the holy scriptures only or else to the
decrees of general Councils or else to the constitutions of the old
fathers, Christen men ought to go very often to the most holy
communion, and that they are not to be accounted for members
of Christ's Church that will cither refuse or be slack so to do. And
in case ye first repenting and emending this your folly with all
PRAYER BOOK OP 1549. 163
other your misdeeds and then asking merry of God and the King
with reconciling yourselves to his Majesty's favor and protection
(for otherwise ye cannot receive the sacrament but to your per- [Fol. 18.]
petual damnation); but if thus doing ye would use the com-
munion according to the institution thereof first observed and
exercised by the Apostles and now lately restored by the whole
parliament of the royalme, I doubt not but ye should receive such
grace thereby that your eyes should be opened to see Goddes truth ;
your judgments should be rectified to know the difference between
the loyal obedience to your sovereign and the unlawful following
of three or four desperate traitors that care neither for God nor
devil ; your hearts would be mortified and . suppled for ever to
return to the due obeisaunce of your sovereign lord and governour
by God's ordinauncc appointed unto you and consequently to abhor
and detest all such as would attempt to persuade any of you to the
contrary.
THE SIXTH ARTICLE. [Foi. 19.3
Item, we will that our Curates shall minister the Sacrament of
Baptism at all times, as well in the week-days as on the holy-
day.
This Article also is in the late message of the King our sovereign
lord to you so well and fully answered that I can nothing hereat
this present but wonder that ye should hold it still. What should it
mean that having received from the King's most excellent majesty's
own person and from his Council so large a declaration of his most
godly mind therein as might satisfy Turks and Saracens, ye cannot
content yourselves? Yet if ye will ponder the cause and meaning
of Baptysme on the Sondaics in the presence and hearing of the
whole parish, it cannot be avoided but that (unless ye have hard-
164 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH TIIK
ened your hearts against all that is good and godly) ye must needs
like it wonderfully well. For can I well avouch myself to be a
Christen man and not know Christen laws? At our baptism we
promise to keep God's commandments. Can I keep them and know
not what they be ? We promise to continue all days of our life in
the true belief of Christ. Can I keep this promise and know not
the articles of Christ's faith? Christ himself prescribed unto us a
godly form of praying, which we call the Lord's Prayer, and some
call it the Paternoster. Is it possible for me, with heart and mind
and true devotion to make this prayer to God and know neither the
meaning nor the contents thereof ? Forasmuch therefore as these
[FoLl9b.] are things necessary for every Christen man, woman, and child to
knowe, and forasmuch as they may not, without peril of damnation,
be unknown of any person, either young or old, what better or more
convenient way might be devised how to emprint the premisses in
everybody's heart, or what better way admonish all folks once a
week of their promise and covenant that they made with Christ at
the fountestone ? And yet is there not any one word to the con-
trary, but that at all times of nede the infants may at any day or
hour be baptized as oft as any case of necessity requircth. So that
this is on your parts a qucrell picking and not seeking of a redress.
It is a repining at good things, and not a desire to have the ill
amended. But woe be to the authors of this your murmuring when
they shall make answer afore their judge, from whom no secret
thoughts, imaginations, ne practices of such as are workers of
iniquity shall be hidden.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 165
THE SEVENTH ARTICLE.
Item, we will have holy bread and holy water made every Sunday,
palms and ashes at the times appointed and accustomed, images
to be set up again in every church, and all other ancient
old ceremonies used heretofore by our mother the holy Church.
Can ye have any holier bread made than the ' Sacrament of
Christ's body ? Can ye have any water so holy us the sacrament of
his blood ? What good shall ye take of your old accustomed holy
bread and holy water if ye despise these ? If the most holy sacra-
ments be utter damnation to the unworthy receivers and to the
unreverent handlers of them, what benefit may grow to you of
this ceremonial holy bread and holy water, containing in it no [Fol. 20.]
mystery but itself? What reasonable creature (yea though he were
but a Turke or a Pagan) but he will abhor to hear that any subjects
will for any such things make any commotion against their prince,
and by plain words profess encamping of themselves? But besides
this ye will have also palms, and ashes at the days accustomed.
How many of you simple unlettered folks (if the question should
be asked), yea, or rather how few of you, can tell what palms and
ashes did mene, wherefore they were given, or what they did
signify? Alas for petie that ever men should be so drowned in
folie as for things of no substance or utility to be so earnest against
their King and governour, and so hottely to resist against the sacra-
ment of Christ's most blessed body and blood, and against his most
sacred and lively word, godly, sincerely, and diligently ministered
unto them, in place of vain and dumb ceremonies. Ye refuse the
Bible, which is God's word, and holy Scripture, and require palms
and ashes, that arc men's traditions fondly instituted and much
more fondly used among the people. Ye refuse the communion and
CAMD. 8OC. Z
166 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
participation of Christ's most precious and blessed Body and Blood,
and make a quarrel for holy bread and holy water, the signification
whereof I dare of my conscience depose the most part of you never
knew ne heard of. Ye do now even much like as if ye should
pretend a wonderful eager and fervent desire to have a thing, and
when it was brought unto you ye would quite put back the thing
itself and embrace the shadow of it. Ye play now like as the Jews,
when they murmured against God and against their governour Moses
[Fol.20b.] in the wilderness, they being a stiff-necked and rebellious people,
notwithstanding that God had delivered them out of the servitude
and bondage of Egipt, had preserved them from the most cruel
tyranny of Pharao, had conveyed them by making them a dry path
for them through the mydde depths of the Red Sea, and had there by
miracle drowned Pharao and his host that pursued after them, had
safely led them through a great pece of wilderness by the mark and
guiding of a pillar of a cloud in the day time and of a pillar of fire
by night, had in a time of their thirstiness made the bitter waters
sweet for them by miracle ; yet were not contented with all these,
but murmured against Moses, their governor, and Aaron, his
brother, and said unto him (Exodus 16), Would God we had died
by the hand of the Lord in the land of Egipte, when we sat by the
flesh pots and did eat bread our beally full, for ye have brought us
out into this wilderness to kill this whole multitude for hunger.
God seeing their intractable nature and importunity rained down
Manna unto them, which needed none other dressing but putting of
it into their mouths and there to have the taste and savor of such
meats as every of them severally did most phansie. Yet could not
Moses please the hardhearted and froward Jews with all this; no
nor God neither, but that they said, Our stomach is ready to over-
cast at this most light meat. We will therefore back again into
Egipt, Ac. Even so play you Devonshere men now. Ye contemn
and refuse the communion of Christ's body and blood, given you ac-
cording to the very true institution of Christ and his Apostles by the
rule of the Scriptures, and in place thereof return again to your old
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 167
holy bread and holy water. Either ye do not esteme ne take the [Fol. 21.]
sacrament for such a thing as it is, or else ye openly condemn your-
selves of a Judaical stiffness to despise that is the best and most
comfortable pledge that we have on earth of God's assured recon-
ciliation and favor towards us, and instead thereof choose to have
that never was any sacrament, nor never had any promise of God's
favour annexed unto it. And scarcely were the Jews so hard
hearted as ye be. For they felt always some kind of lack ere they
would repine. Ye have more goodness provided for you than your
own hearts could imagine to wish, and in better wise than yourselves
can desire, and yet are ye not satisfied, when ye are not hable to find
or espy any reasonable fault. Neither do ye think it enough to require
such things only as among the ignorant multitude not being well
instructed might seem to have any colour and appearance of good,
but also require such things as are known to have been manifestly
abused to the manifold provoking of God's most grievous vengeance
if he were not a God of infinite mercy and patience. Ye would have
images to be set up again. So would the children of Israel in the
desert needs have a golden calf to be set up that they might worship
it and do sacrifice unto it Because they would have a God that they
might sensibly see with their bodily and carnal eyes. Which thing
God had by express commandment and not without grievous
threatenings forbidden. So ye renounce the true and lively sacra-
ments of Christ's most sacred body and blood by him in express
words commanded and call for images of your own handy work to
be set up in the house of God which he plainly forbad. Ye will
against the word of God have images set up which if ye should wor-
ship ye cannot truly deny but ye should do manifest idolatry, and in
case ye mean not to worship them why would ye have them set up
in the holy places of worshipping? And ye will have them set up in f Fol. 21 b.]
every church as if ye should say, We will not only do open idolatry
ourselves but also we will at our pleasure have all the whole realm
follow us and do idolatry as we also do. No (thanks to Almighty
God) neither be the other parts of the roialme so infect and drowned
168 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
with BO gross blindness that they will follow such devilish alluring : nor
ye shall have power to bring your wicked will in this point to effect.
V) — God shall rather confound you and your images too (if ye do not
the sooner repent) and send you such plages as he hath always done
to wilful Idolatrers. If time would suffer me I would here bring into
you a number of places out of the holy bible which declareth the most
grievous vengeance and stroke of God that he hath always sent upon
Idolatrers and worshippers of images, as if ye shall read the Scriptures
ye shall find almost no leaf void of some warning to beware of wor-
shipping images — nor void of God's threatening for that most grievous
wickedness; which cannot be unknown to any man that knoweth the
second commandment, which saith : Thou shalt not make unto thyself
(Exod. 20) any graven image neither any similitude that is in heaven
above, either in the earth beneath or in the water that is beneath
the earth. See that thou neither bow down thyself unto them,
neither serve them. For I the Lord thy God am a jelous God and
visit the sin of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth
generation of them that hate me, etc. And see how ye are carried
with this devilish doctrine of these 1'apists that have bewitched you.
Ye cry to have in use the laws of King Henry the 8th concerning
the six articles, by force whereof ye might be brought in danger
[Pol. 22.]| of many mortal perils and in this puinct ye disallow and reject
the doings of King Henry the 8, who commanded and caused such
images in all places to be plucked down, as one that full-well knew
the vengeance of God to hang over their heads that wilfully will be
wilful Idolatrers. But this is the religion that ye arc now trained in
by incane of your seducers that have thus troubled your wits, whom
God shall visit when he sceth his time. Thus have these wicked
limbs of the devil subverted all true religion in you and have brought
you to deserve God's wrath instead of his mercy and grace, have
made you desire gall instead of honey, and have made you incur the
danger of utter destruction instead of quiet wealth and tranquillity,
which but for them ye might have lived in.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 169
THE EIGHTH ARTICLE.
Item, we will not receive the new service because it is but like a
Christmas game, but we will have our old service of matins,
mass, evensong, and procession in Latin, not in English, as it
was before. And so we Cornishmen (whereof certen of ua
understand no English) utterly refuse this new English.
When did ever any subjects before this time, or what subjects in
any realm saving only you, make such a stubborn and presumptuous
answer to their King, ministering unto them most wholesome laws
and most godly doctrine? Forsooth ye may all the days of your
lives be sorry in your hearts that the world should see either [Fol. 22 b.]
such indurate blindness, or else such obstinate stubbornness to
reign in you that ye neither can choose the good from the evil,
and yet will resist your prince with most prudent advice of all
estates and degrees, and with the perfect consent of the whole
realm providing for you and offering you the best. Ye allege for
a cloke of your wilful disobedience that the new service is but like a
Christmas game. Call ye the word of God but a Christmas game?
Call ye the Holy Bible a Christinas gams*? Call ye the holy
sacraments of the bo'ly and blood of Christ and the sincere admi-
nistration thereof a Christmas game? Hath the King's Majesty's
Council, the wisest men the best learned bishops and doctors of the
realme, solongsitten together in conferring, writing, and framing it.
Hath the whole Convocation and parliament upon mature examina-
tion thereof allowed it for service most godly and most mete to be
uniformly used throughout all the King's dominions and so admitted
it by a law ; and make ye thereof a Christmas game? Consider, good
countrymen, for God's sake how undiscreetly this hath been said of
you, and how far you have overshot yourselves. The only word,
though there were none other point of wilful disobedience, contempt,
and rebellion joined with it, were a right heinous word in subjects
to the derogation of their prince's proceedings, yea though the fault
170 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
might in some part be true. But in this case what excuse may it
have, how may it deserve pardon being bolstered and bragged out
with open encamping in the field? It is not, good countrymen, a
[Fol. ss.] Christmas game but your Christmas men, those traitorous seducers
of you whom ye have cause fand your children's children shall
fee! more cause) to curse, have abused the most holy things and to
the great peril of their souls have made a mockery of it among you.
For your parts, good people (for my conscience geveth me that a
great number of you be simple and innocent and do not know
neither how far nor wherein ye have offended), but for your parts,
I say. if it shall please God to give you grace in season to reconcile
yourselves after ye shall once have made a devout Christmas game of
this new service, that is to say, after ye shall have well used it one
Christmas, ye shall find such sweetness and ghostly comfort in it, that
all days of your life after ye will curee, abhor, detest, and defy all such
pernicious ringleaders of mischief as will attempt or entice you to
make any more such midsummer games as ye have now at this present
time played. And doubt ye not but ye shall find the right using
of the new service a better Christmas game than this is a midsomer
game. But (to proceed a little further) ye will have your old service of
mattcns, mass, and evensong and procession in Latin as it was before.
And what a vauntage have ye then wonne? For sooth none, but that
when ye may now, being it in Englishe, understand something to
your edifying, ye shall then be sure to understand nothing, ne to
receive by it any good at all. And in calling it old service ye are
foull deceived. This service that is appointed out of the bible,
[Fol. 23 b.] whereof no part was unwritten these fifteen hundred years that
is your old service. The other that ye call old is new and some
of it made within one hundred years, little scripture in it saving here
and there a patch, and the rest partly out of some freres bosom,
a piece out of some monk's cloister, another portion out of some
book of false feigned lives and miracles. And are ye BO unwise, so
rash, and so gross that, seeing and knowing the same your so deep
blindness and ignorance, ye will yet take upon you that ye can better
PRAYER BOOK OP 1549. 171
see what is good for you than all the king's counsel, than all the pre-
lates, than all the doctors, than all the clergy, than all the lords and
commons of the whole universal realm. Or be ye so stubborn and
stiffnecked that where all the royalme besides you have received and
embraced it ye alone will, contrary to your king's will and contrary to
his laws, have a several way by your own selves. The King's Ma-
jesty might have been in such hope of your good love and affection
towards him, of your homage and loyal obedience, of your good zeles
and minds towards his royal dignity and proceedings, that in case he
had but with a slender by-word willed you to receive it for his sake,
and so use it until ye had taken due proof and trial whether it were
good and godly or no, ye would promptly and willingly (as becometh
natural loving subjects) have received it at his commandment, yea
though the same commandment had been directed but to you and
no more. And have ye now so little fear of God and so evil con-
sciences that ye dare with such rebellious mouths openly repel that [Fol. 24.j
all the royalme besides do judge good and godly? And yet if there
was any colour of reason, any spice of religion, or any spark of godly
zeal in this your will, I would rather excuse your good minds than
accuse your fault. I would rather judge you worthy pardon than great
rebuke, because that naughty persons have abused your ignorance
and have deceived you. But now have I no defence for you, nor can-
not choose but condemn your \vilfulness, which (except ye call your-
selves home in time) must of force be broken, nor such a pernicious
example suffered in a Christen common-weale. The book of your
articles doeth further say : Also we the Cornishmen (whereof certain
of us understand no English) utterly refuse this new English. Good
neighbours, ye Cornishmen, do ye not understand English as well as
Latin? Yes (I dare say) both more of you in number and also better
do ye understand the English than the Latin. And though ye did
not, yet in such presumptuous manner utterly to refuse it, doth
make your cause wurse and not better. If ye had understand no
English and for that consideration had by the way of petition made
humble request to the King's Majesty and his Council in this or
172 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH I HI
some other like founne. Where it hath pleased your most excellent
Majesty by the authority of your high court of Parliament to sette
forth unto your most loving and obedient subjects in the KnglL-h
[FoL24b.] tongue one uniform way of divine service to be used in all churches
within this your highness" realme of Englande, So it is, most gracious
sovereign, that we the Cornishmen, being a portion of your most
loving faithful and true obedient subjects, being also as much desirous
to take thereby such ghostly consolation and edifying as others of your
majesty's subjects do, and being no less hungry, prompt, glad, and
ready to receive the light and truth of God's most holy word and
ghospel than any other part of your Majesty's realm, most humbly
beseech your Majesty that with such convenient speed as to your most
excellent highness shall seem good we may by your grace's provi.-i.-n
have the same fourme of divine service and communion derived and
turned into our Cornish speech that goeth abroad among the rest of
your most loving and obedient subject* in the other parts of this your
realm of England, etc. If ye had (I say) made such an humble and
godly request as this I doubt not but the King, our sovereign lord's
Majesty, would have tendered your request, and provided for the
accomplishment of your desires. But, We Cornishmen utterly refuse
this new English, is an high word and a full, unfit to proceed from
subjects to their prince and sovereign liege lorde. It were too much
for a parishioner to say to his curate, or a neighbour to his constable;
much more too much it is for subjects so to say to any rulers or
governors. And in this your saying, good Cornishmen, besides your
folly in following such lewd deceivers as have moved you to this
uproar, ye wilfully detect and notify yourselves to be partakers of the
rebellion by the Devonsheir men attempted. Repent ye therefore in
season and leave your presumptuous folly, making speedy refuge to the
King's mercy, who I trust (though he have over great cause so to
do) hath not yet shut up all his mercy from you, nor hath yet cast
off his princely love, affection, and tenderness towards you his sub-
jects, if ye will suffer him to use his natural goodness and clemency.
PEAYEB BOOK OF 1549. 173
THE NINTH ARTICLE. [FoL 25>]
Item, we will have every preacher in his sermon and every priest at
his mass pray specially by name for the souls in purgatory as
our forefathers did.
Alac for petie that ever such language and trumpery should
trouble so many simple ignorant souls. And even in this point
ye gainsay no man more than our late sovereign lord King
Henry the 8th, to whose laws ye pretend an earnest zeal. But full
little thought they of purgatory (and less I think cared they for it)
that for such slight surmises and querells as these brought you to be
rebels against your King. But put the case it were granted that
the priests should so pray in their masses (as I doubt not but the
Popish sort did while they raigned) , What would you have them pray ?
If the souls that ye would have prayed for be not yet come out of pur-
gatory and gone to heaven I fear they have lost their way thither-
ward and will never come there. The souls of them that die in the
state of grace, that is in the true faith of our Lord Jesus Christ, are
sure to be glorified in heaven, together with their bodies at the
general resurrection, and in the, moan time they sleep in Abraham's
lap (saith Scripture) in rest and peace, in hope and expectation of the
joys to come. The souls of them that depart in wickedness or in-
fidelity go straight to hell by the very sentence of God in the Scrip-
tures which cannot be changed nor altered, for in hell (saith the
prophet David) there is no redemption. Where is then the purga-
tory that ye would have? Christ in the gospel, preaching of the
rich wicked man and of the poor Lazarus, saith that the soul of
the rich man, for all his gay, solemn, and sumptuous burial, went
straight to hell. He telleth also of Lazarus that at his dying [Fol.25b.]
hour the Angels came and fet his soul and immediately placed it in
Abraham's lap. Christ speaketh not any one word of purgatory, no
nor any place of all the Scriptures from the first word of Genesis to
CAMD. SOC. 2 A
174 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
the last of St. Johan's revelation called the Apocalypse. But ye
are persuaded by certain Popish merchaunts among you that a pur-
gatory there is, for God (say they) will needs have a third place —
Scriptures have they none ; authority of the true ancient doctors of
the Church hare they none; reason have they not but that God will
needs have a third place. Then if in so tragical a matter as this I
may for the plainer and further informing and instructing of your
ignorance use a myry reason, if God as they affirm will needs have
a third place, why may not the Devil contrariwise for his kingdom
claim to have a fourth place? for if God will not suffer any soul to
come into heaven, before it be thoroughly purged of all his wicked-
ness, Why may not the Devil on the contrary part say that he will
not suffer any soul to enter into hell till he be so clene scoured of
all his honesty that he shall not bring any drop of goodness or
virtue thither with him. But I would advise you, good people, so
to live here and so to die in Christ that your souls may not so long
dreamein purgatory as you arc taught to imagine of others, lest per-
adventure ye find not that ye are borne in hande for purgatory as no
T rental matter nor no money matter, as ye have been persuaded.
These are but dreams, good people, that ye are by the sinister means
of certain papists deluded withal; which papists mean another thing
than purgatory. They mean a kingdom and a reign over your
simple consciences here in this world, which they arc sorry to
see in such sort go from them. But as touching purgatory, good
[Fol. 26.] people, the blood of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ is as liable
to wash away, to cleanse, to remit, and to cover all the sins of as
many as live and die in his faith as he was by the same faith to
purge and wash all our sins clean away at our baptism before we
had reason or knowledge in our own selves to seek or take refuge to
his mercy or to make any claim to his most bitter passion. As for
change of God's sentence and judgment there can none be after this
life. But (as the scripture saith) where every tree folleth there shall
it bee.
PRATER BOOK OP 1549. 175
THE TENTH ARTICLE. rFol 27
Item, we will have the Bible and all other books of Scripture in
English to be called in again; for we be inforraed.'that otherwise
the clergy shall not of long time confound the heretics.
Yea, but I trust in God's mercy the King's Majesty will not have
it so. And of two great evils, better it were that the Devonsheir men
and the Cornishmen also should speed and fare full ill than the souls
of all Englishmen with our posterity should lack the food and ghostly
consolation of God's most holy word. I trust God is not yet for the
respect of your malicious and wicked practising so angry with all the
whole royalme that he will for your sake forsake us all and give us
up to our old blindness and errors again. I have rather a sure hope
and shall earnestly pray that he will one day, as he is all merciful
and Almighty and turneth the hearts of whom he will, vouchsafe to
illumine your hearts and to open your eyes that ye may see this your
folye, repent your error, acknowledge your blindness, and embrace the
true faith and grace of his gospel. Which if it shall please him of
his botomless mercy and infinity goodness to do, I doubt not but ye
shall be as loving and obedient subjects to your sovereign lord
the King as ye are now stubborn rebels, and shall be good and
profitable members of the commonweale as ye are now cumbrous [Fol. 27 b.]
sores and byles to the same. There be no better men than such as
from folly return to better grace ; and the farther ye have waded in
this wilfulness, the more obedience will ye from henceforth come to
if ye call for grace and well consider what ye have done. The
deeper that ye have been drowned in this outrage the more
profitable members I hope ye may be made. This fall may be an
occasion of a more strong standing in your loyal obeisance hereafter if
God give you his grace to arise again. David was the better after
he had fallen. But then ye must not lie still in the puddle of
176 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
traitorous disobedience, ye may not still lie wallowing in the foul myrc
of stubborn wilfulness, but at once sec your own folly, emende your
offence, and acknowledge your duties of obedience to God and to
your King. Which that yc may have grace to do, many that never
were in your country with teres wish and pray for, lest by the wrath
of God he be forced to destroy you with all your sede, which a«
much as he may laboureth to save you — lest he be constrained to be
your scourge that of a most princely tenderness seeketh to be your
physician, lest he be driven to play the master which would fain shew
himself, as he is, a tender father. But what is your reason why ye
would have all English books of Scripture called in again ; for we be
informed (say ye) that otherwise the clergy shall not of long time
confound the heretics I do not so much marvel that there should be
some among you that have travailed in Antychriste their father's
[Fol. 28.] behalf so to persuade you, as I do man-el that among so many heads
as be in your camps there should not be found at leastwise some one
that could smell and espy out what such a wicked information might
mean or tend unto. Ye shall not nede to seek examples of this
practice any fcrther than your own selves, when' the papistical sort
keeping the scriptures from you have kept hitherto in such blind-
ness and gross ignorance that ye know not what pertuineth to your
souls' health or damnation, but embrace darkness for light, vain and
dumb ceremonies for the law and true commandments, superstition
and idolatry for true worship of God, shadows of evil things for the
true substance of good, popery for god lines, the chafe of foolish
vanities for the good corn of substantial Christian knowledge, the
dregs of the old Pharisaical dreams instedc of the new must of Christ's
lively doctrine, the puddleway and suddcs of menncs tradicions for
the pure and clcre fountain of the Apostles' ordinances, putting
affiance in masses, in trentals, in man's merit, in purgatory, instead
of the holy communion of the sincere faith in Jesus Chris tc and of
heaven. This blindness have they hitherto kept you in by shut-
ting up the scripture from you. That if they might likewise have
• Probably a mistake of copying for irkom.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 177
the scriptures plucked out of all Englishmen's hands indeed it
would be easy for them to reign as they lust, for otherwise ye see
already that the public knowledge of the bible and holy scriptures
hath confounded their trumpery and hath opened to the eyes of
the world all their deceitful doctrine. And in case ye among you
had been readers and folowers of the scriptures (as these articles
evidently declare that ye have not been) ye should not at this day
have been so blind to put your consents to such trumpery and ^
rifraf as this, and much less to have forsaken your obedience
towards your sovereign to follow the damnable leading of three or
four traitorous rebels which seek their own destruction and care for
no more but to have some company to perish with them.
THE ELEVENTH ARTICLE. [Foi. 29.]
Item, we will have doctour Mooreman and doctour Crispyn, which
hold our opinions, to be safely sent unto us, and to them we
require the King's Majesty to give some certain livings to preach
amongst us our Catholic faith.
i
This only demand doth sufficiently declare of what spirit ye are
and whence all your other articles of request doth proceed. But if
Mooreman and Crispyn be of your opinions (as ye openly testify) then
doth the King's Majesty, like a most worthy sovereign and like a most
loving father, to keep from you that cannot but hurt you. And ye
on your behalf do partly like men which not being in their right minds
doth require to have given them a sword wherewith to slay them-
selves, or like men in a sore sickness, which of their corrupt appetite
desire things hurtful and contrary to their diseases; and partly like
wanton children, with over much favour and cockering of their
parents more than half marred, who of an inordinate lust proceeding
of nothing but of a fond wilfulness do crave they wotte not what
178 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
themselves. They will cry, as the common proverb of Englande
saith, to have the calf with the white face, they will cry to have a
piece of the moon, etc.; for they will have things nothing to purpose
and without any reason why. And in this behalf methinketh
> Kol.29b.]ye do plainly declare that all your attcmptates procede only of a
wilful stubbornness, of a presumptuous disobedience, and of a
malicious cancardeness, so stoutly to require such as ye know to be
in the King's Majesty's hands and whom his Majesty upon just causes
and princely considerations hath thought persons unmete (as yet) to
be cmong you. But what other thing is this in effect but to say,
We will have nothing ordered as the King and his Council do
order it, but the King shall be ordered by us, and we will have all
things contrary to his ordering, not because we will have it better,
but because we will have it otherwise. We will not be ruled by
our prince but we will have him be ruled by us. I remit to your own
hearts, to your own consciences, and to your own judgments whether
these sayings be reasonable; whether such enterprises be subject
like; whether these doings be to be suffered. And now tell me,
good countrymen, in case the same that ye now do were done by
some other country than your own, whether ye would allow them in
such trifles and for such bagnage and rifraf as ye are blinded withal
to resist their prince. For put in case that Moorcman and Crispine
were in deed such doctors as had no pieres ; add thereto that they
were men of such price and such wortheness that their like could not
be found for their knowledge and learning ; put that they were of
such blood that even for their birth they were to be esteemed as
precious jewels; yea and, besides all this, put that they were wrong-
fully misordered and had had all kinde of rigour shewed towards
[Fol. SO.] them, where indeed they have had nothing ministered unto them
but clemency, mercy, favour, good counsel, and reason; leat all
the premisses be true ; yet put the King's majesty, your sovereign
lord, your natural prince, a most right inheritor to the crown, a most
innocent babe, and one whom God hath sent and doth protect to be
your safeguard, one who travaileth inceseately to redress all cnorini-
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 179
ties and all griefs of his most dearly beloved subjects, a prince of such
towardness as for his years we have never had the like and for the
likelihood never shall have the match hereafter ; put the King's
Majesty ( I say) in one balance and in the other balance put Moore-
man and Crispin. Are these two so much worth that ye should for
the respect or affectionate favour of them despise your governor ap-
pointed by God's ordinance, resist your prince, insourge against your
king, contemn your loyal obeisance to your ruler? Where hath the
like example ever been seen in any royalme ? Full little do ye know,
good people, how the rank papists that have thus bewitched you do
abuse your simplicity, and do make you innocent folks instruments of
their mischief; by which they intend in the end to devour and destroy
you too. For as touching the thing self; What if Mooreman and
, Crispine had never been borne? What if they had, many years gone,
died their natural death in their beds? Are they such men as all
religion, true faith, and sincere knowledge of God must have died
with them ; or hath God given his spirit and knowledge of his word
with the gift of preaching and expounding the same to them only and
to no more? Or be ye better able to see and to determine what and [Fol. 30b.
who be meet preachers for you than the King and his council are ?
See yourselves, good countrymen, and weigh how little reason is in this
your fond demand and give yourselves over in season to the King's
goodness and mercy, who, having as it were lost part of his sheep and
having now found where they renne strayghyng, would fain bring you
home again safe on his shoulders, and recovering you would more re-
joice than in the ninety and nine that never straighed. As the widow
in the gospel that had lost her groat turned up all the house to find it
again and to save it from perishing, so the King hath made and still
maketh all means possible to find you again and would set more by
you so recovered than by the rest of the grotes that were never lost.
But in case ye will not, then will there be no remedy nor grace but
to sift the chuff from the good corn and cast the chaff into the fire,
rather to cut off the rotten members than to suffer that they may
corrupt all the whole body, rather to pluck up by the roots the un-
180 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
fruitful weeds than they should have power in choke the good flowers.
Wherefore rather reconcile yourselves in season. Mercy might have
been ready for you if ye might have been worthy to receive it. Be
not so stiff in requiring them that ye ought not, but rather follow
the council of S' Paul and cut off from among you that do in like
manner disturb you, for if ye have no better ground or reason of this
your demand but because ye will, then must ye (as wanton gotes that
[Pol. si*.] are unruly) be broken of your wilful wills, ye must be bridled of
your unreasonable requests. And if ye will not of your own good
minds, ye must be forced to take that is by the King and his Council
thought good and mete for you. Such as shall play too much
the wanton must be ordered like wantons. And in case they be
found utterly incorrigible or untractablc, then must the rodde not
be spared, yea and the putrificd members rather be cut off (as is afore-
said) than the whole body to be corrupt or infect with their poison.
32.]
THE TWELFTH ARTICLE.
Item, we think it very meet, because the Lord Cardinal Poole is of
the King's blood, that he should not only have his free pardon,
but also sent for to Rome, and promoted to be first or second
of the King's Council.
Ye think on this article as ye have thought on all the rest, that
is to say, never a word right, but do in your saying as uncunning
musicians, who, to play a thing upon their instruments, take a
wrong time and begin on a wrong key, and, so doing, the more
they play, the further still and further out of tune ; or like a way-
faring man who, being on his journey towards any place, strayeth
out of his way and taketh a wrong path, and then the further that
he goeth the (cither still and ferther out of the way. As touching
PBATER BOOK OP 1549. 181
Cardinal Poole, let his facts and our king's laws weigh all his cause
as it is worthy. And evident it is that though he were once of the
King's blood he was made and of likelihood borne of some drop of
staigned blood, of corrupt blood and putrified blood. He could
else never have found in his heart wilfully to forsake his native
country and practise so much treason and war as lie hath done against
this realm and against King Henry, whom he had found so good and
so beneficial a prince and a cousin unto him, as a long book could not
suffice to declare. As concerning his pardon, though his deserts have
appeared to be such as no true English heart can think worthy any
pardon, though his ingratitude hath been not only towards his own
blood and kinsfolk, but also against his prince and country, so odious
and detestable that scarcely any honest ear may abide to hear it
reported, much less may vouchsafe to have it forgiven, though his
attcmptates against the King's crown and royal dignity hath ap- [Fol.32b.]
peared such as any English heart cannot but abhor to hear spoken,
yet if he would (as becometh him) sue for his pardon, coming hither,
behave himself as should appertain to a true, a loving, a faithful,
and an obedient subject, I cannot despair of the King's merciful-
ness to him (whom I see so slack to use his royal sword in avenging
himself on you) but he might obtain it. But as for being first or
second of the King's council, it were too high a leap of conscience
(though he would be an honest man) at the first day to be made of a
King's Council, and without trial of his fidelity to be suddenly
made of the father's mortal enemy the son's chief councillor, and at
the first choppe to be placed so near the crowne which he hath so long
years afore laboured to subvert, and may worthily be suspected to
prick at for himself. But take ye no care for the matter. Partly
King Henry the 8 did provide, and partly the King's majesty and his
Council shall well enough without your counsel espy and find out
mete Counsellors to be about his royal person. Your parts shall be
to learn and exercise the duties of obedient subjects ere ye take
upon you the authority to appoint and furnish the King of counsel-
lors. If Poole be so mete a man for such a room, the King and his
CAMD. SOC. 2 B
182 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
Council, when they shall sec their time, will determine that matter.
Once in the mean time the matter is so much the more to be sus-
pected and mistrusted that ye think it mete. If yourselves had
been of such fidelity and obedience to the King's Majesty that
when other countries begun to stir ye would have been quiet and
have kept you in your local * obedience to your prince, there might
[Fol. 33.J some ear and credit have been given to your good and lawful
motions. But having used yourselves as ye now have, what person
may think it mete that any part of your counsel or opinion shal
take place, whom the King's Majesty as yet hath more cause to take
for enemies than for subjects; much less for friends and well-
willers.
THE THIRTEENTH ARTICLE.
Item, we will that no gentleman shall have any more servants than
one to wait upon him except he may dispend one hundred
marke lande : and for every hundred marke we think it reason-
able he should have a man and no more.
Although I doubt not but ye shall beare in this matier as much
stroke as in any of the rest, yet are not my slender wits hable to
construe your meaning herein except your minds be to have more
vagabonds and idle ruffians to come and cleave unto you and to be
of your campes; for otherwise sure I am that there be already more
people in the royalme than can tell where to inhabit and more
persons by many hundreds than do well know how and where
honestly to get their livings. Lette gentlemen of their benevolence
to keep servants, and where or how shall the rest live ? Ye have
already in all parts of the realm found yourselves grieved with gentle-
men, and among all other matters especially for that having so great
lands and possessions they retain so few servants and keep so small
• Probably a mistake of copying for loyal.
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 183
houses. And now like politic redressers of evils ye appoint a
gentleman that may dispend two thousand marks to keep twenty [Fol.SSb.]
servants. I could espy another hole in your meaning but it needeth
not at this time. I will rather 'that that pass, and exhort you that
can so well devise remedies in other men's affairs to look first upon
yourselves and first reduce yourselves into the worthy name of the
King's true subjects and cure your own families well at home; and
then shall ye better see what is mete to be done in others, and your
good advertisements be more tenderly regarded. For otherwise
neither this article nor any of the others is such wherefore ye should
encamp yourselves and ask a peticion of your sovereign with naked
sword in hand. If this matter of gentlemen or any other had
seemed mete to be reformed, it is lawful for every man to put up
his bill to the King's Majesty's high court of parliament for any-
thing that he thinketh expedient for a common weale.
THE FOURTEENTH ARTICLE.
Item, we woll that the half part of the abbey lands and chauntry
landes in every man's possessions howsoever he came by them be
given again to two places where two of the chief abbeys was
in every county, where such half part shall be taken out, and
there to be established a place for devout persons who shall pray
for the King and the commonwealthe, and to the same we will
have the alms of the church boxe given for these seven years ; and
for this article we desire that we may name half of the Com-
missioners.
To this article I can nothing say more than I have to the article
next afore going. Neither can I give you any better advice [Fol. 34.]
than to suspend your hasty will therein till the next parlia-
ment. I dare say ye shall that way sooner obtain a lofe than by
184 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH Till
this meanc that yc now use ye shall get a crumme. Seeking a refor-
mation or asking a benefit by lawful meancs yc may have the favor,
the voice and the furtherance of every good body, but in the rebellion
that yc now attempt upon so slender causes I dare say not the
most eager enemies that this realm of Englonde hath will allow you.
And what king will grant any petition to proud and obstinate
rebels as long he hath by God's ordinance the sword in his hand to
subdue them, and the iron rod of severe justice to beat them?
And in this case, though the King's Majesty would let you alone to
pynke in your own folye, yet the vengeance of God cannot long be
from you if ye thus continue, but that ye shall perish by pestilence,
by famine, by the sword, or by God's sudden stroke from heaven
otherwise.
THE FIFTEENTH ARTICLE.
Item, for the particular griefs of our country we will have them so
ordered as Humfrey Arrundell and Henry Braie the King's
Mayor of Bodman shall enforme the King's Majesty, if they
;Fol.34i,.j may have save conduct under the King's great seal to pass
and repass with an harrolde at Anncs.
I have already shewed you your best remedy. And now mete it
were and more standing with your duties to declare your griefs to
the King and his Council and at their hands to receive such order
and direction as should appertain than to appoint to your King and
sovereign lord how and by whom ye will at your own will and plea-
nires emendc your injuries. And ye may already sec what great
distress ye have wilfully brought yourselves unto, that ye must now
be fain to have your advocates and spokesmen to be safe conducted
by an harolde at armes under the King's brode seal, where tarrying
every man at home quietly in his own house yc might safely and
with favour have sent cither these or any others to make present-
PRATER BOOK OF 1549. 185
ment of your lawful causes and pursuits, yea and perchance long ere
this day have had the most part of your griefs remedied with the
hundred part of the loss and charge that ye now sustain besides the
peril and danger of your goods and lives, if the King of his gracious
goodness and tender compassion should not upon your humble
submissions extend his mercy towards you, as I trust in God he will,
and I emonge a great number more shall most constantly pray to
Almighty God so to mollify his heart that he may do.
THE SIXTEENTH ARTICLE.* [FoL 35.]
Item, for the performance of these Articles we will have four lords,
eight knights, twelve esquires, twenty yeomen pledges with
us until the King's Majesty have granted all these by parlia-
ment.
Even of a very conscience is this reasonable or a mete demand for
subjects to require of their King ? Had it not been a great deal more
reason that ye, having by this your seditious uproar most worthily
lost the King's favor together with your trust and credit, should
quietly have departed every man to his own house and with humble
petition for such relief concerning the particular griefs of your
country as might seem most expedient for you, to have picked out
so many of the best of you and to have offered them for pledges
to the King's Majesty that ye would from henceforth live quietly and
be his loving and faithful obedient subjects, and to the uttermost of
your powers defend him and his right against all enemies whatsoever.
Seke all the Chronicles since the first creation of Adam unto this
day and ye shall not in any realm either Christen, of Jews or of
Gentiles find the like example of this your attemptate. Where-
fore great cause ye have, good countrymen, to be sorry for this your
• This last is an article additional to the fifteen which were answered bj Cranmer.
186 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
most wilful transgression, if ye have grace to tee it. Is it not
enough to have so obstinately disobeyed, to have encamped your-
[Fol 36b ] se^ve8 (** yc ca^ it) to have Kto against his towns and cities, to
have spoiled and slain his subjects, your own flesh and blood, but
that your presumption must proceed to so high a vilanie that ye will
for your misdemeanour require pledge of your king, to whom (if ye
should be used as ye are most worthy) all your heads were too slender
and too basse a pledge for his assurance of quiet ? If yo were
under a cruel tyranny ye would obey. Are ye so stiffnecked, are ye
of so Jewishe an obstinacy, are ye of so servile a nature that ye
will sooner obey for fear than for love ? rather be ruled by severity
and rigour than by mercy and tender favour? It is a servile
pertinacie and induracion not to obey the prince rather than the
swerde. A devilish rancour it is which words cannot appeace till
violence and force subdue it. An unnatural currishness it is
to swell without cause and murmur against the prince and magis-
trates so earnestly endeavouring themselves to provide for the
wealth and good state of the realm. Is there any man that can
complain of the due execution of true justice except in shew-
ing over much favour and mercy towards malefactors since our
most noble king Edward the Vlth hath reigned? And now, will
ye, being by three or four light papists misinformed, attempt the
subversion of all good order and reformation by his godly industry
[Fol. 36.] brought to so good pass? See your ingratitude and unnatural!-
ness against a most benign prince and your own cnoincted Sove-
reign. Where no heathen people have ever been so wicked to
resist their King and to stand in their wickedness, ye, contrariwise,
while his majesty and his most prudent Council do study, devise,
labour, travail, and go about to set all things in such staighe for the
honour, wealth, and commodity of England as it was never in yet ; ye
(I say) in the mean time go about to hinder and let your own benefit
with sturdy rebellion for matters to be laughed at more than to be
fought for, if ye were good Christen men. The King's Majesty with
the advice of his Council espied the evils and griefs of the realm ere
PBAYER BOOK OP 1549. 187
ye minded them yourselves; they studied how to redress the same,
and set forth proclamations for that purpose ere any of you opened
your lips to complain ; and, now will not ye tarry the time till it
may be accomplished and executed ? Wherein ye do much like as if
a man being put in mind to drink a draught of drink which he afore
did not much pass on, should find himself grieved that he hath it not
before it can be drawn, or as if a man who having a privy malady
which he did not afore espy or well consider, and having a physician
or surgeon that of his own good mind would offer to make him per-
fectly whole, should fall in a rage with the same and be ready to
sleagh him because it were not done already. And what tender
love the King's Majesty with his most dere uncle Edward Duke [Fol.36b.J
of Somerset, and the rest of his Privy Council beareth to his Com-
mon weal and subjects of England, though other examples there were
none, might even of this very one thing sufficiently appear and be
judged, that being thus sore provoked to extend his royal power
against your rebellion, he rather travaileth (like as the hen doeth her
chickens) to gather you home to goodness again, or rather like a
most mild father hath sought means how to spare the sharpness of
his rodde rather than to put the same in ure. The King hath
offered you mercy, he hath shewed himself to tender your wealth,
to seek your safeguard, to consider what may folowc of your folye.
He hath like a most prudent and politic prince considered and
weighed your folly, he hath like a most tender father advertised
you of your offences, he hath like a most puissante King declared his
pleasure, he hath like a prince of justice put you in remembrance
of his terrible and dreadful sweorde ; he hath on the contrary part
offered his most gracious mercy and pardon, and can your hearts be
so perverse that ye will rather be ruled by a slave or two than by
your own King? Are ye so far gone that nothing may emende you
but the iron rodde? It hath never until these present days either
in heathenesse or in Christendom been seen that ever any King so
wynked or held his regal sweorde of justice in so hainous a con-
tumely and cause of indiugnacion; for what other thing hath
188 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
[Fol. 37.] now made you to move sedicion but because ye were like witk
all speed and possible expedition to have a present and perfect
redress and easement of all your griefs? So ill can some men's
natures abide wealth, and such happe some people have wilfully to
bring confusion upon their own heads, when they will be their own
officers to do the things themselves of their own private authority,
which ought to be done by the magistrates, or when they will upon
devilish instigations of wicked seducers shake off the yoke of their
due allegiance.
Now to come to an end, your articles are subscribed with than
names here following in this manner.
By us,
HUMFREY ARUNDELL,
The rabacripcion of the BEKRY,
Articles. THOMAS UNDERBILL,
JHON SLOEMAN,
WILLIAM SKGAR,
Chiefe Capitanes.
JHON TOMPSON, prieste.
HENKY BRA YE, maior of Bodman.
HKNRY LEE, maior of Toreiton,
ROGER BARET, priest.
The four governors of the camp.
Doubtless a worthy and meet subscription for such capitaines
and such camps. But, good people, my countrymen of Devonsheir
and Cornewall, if those capitaines and governours of your camps,
especially the priests (whose duty and charge it was so to do),
instead of this rank popery wherewith they have nouzled and
[FoL37b.) infected you, had fed you with the sincere doctrine of the Bible
and of Christ's true gospel, ye would have suffered many injuries,
yea and deaths also, ere ye would have camped for the mater. In
the Bible ye should have learned that obedience is more pleasing to
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 189
God than sacrifice. In the Bible ye should have learned that
Christ's obedience and subjection (yea even to the death) was for our
example, that we should do the like. In the Bible ye should have
learned that princes and magistrates are the ministers of God, and
therefore throughly to be obeyed, and that no man ought to speak
evil of them, much less to resist them or arise against them. The
doctrine of God's word is that every man diligently beware that he
provoke not his prince's indignation, and that the yoke of our
prince's subjection must be willingly taken upon us, yea though they
be naughty men and corrupt. The doctrine of the gospel is not
to dishonour their prince but to serve him, and pray duly for him.
God's most holy word pronounceth a plain sentence of eternal
damnation upon all such as be seditious rebels against their kings
or magistrates. And truly, good countrymen, if ye knew or would
call to your considerations what a thing it is to murmur, to swell,
and to insourge against your prince, how grievous an offence it is
afore God to move any tumult or rebellion against your governour by
God's providence and ordinance appointed unto you: if ye had due
information and teaching out of the most sacred Bible what wrath
and vengeance of God hangeth over the heads of all such as so [Fol. 38.]
do, and over their posterity for their sakes, ye would much sooner
have been persuaded to die than thus to disturb your sovereign lord
and King. Rather would you have been brought to sustain any other
kind of most extreme misery than to move this rebellion, except
the devil had so full mastery and possession of you that ye would
profess an open contempt of God himself, and would wilfully lift
up your hearts to provoke God's indignation and vengeance upon
you. It is to be read in the 16th chapter of Exodi, when Moses
was by God's ordinance and appointment chief ruler and governor [Exod.
of the children of Israel : Chore, Dathan and Abiron, with two XTiO
hundred and fifty complices, lift up their hearts to swell, murmur,
and insuurge against him. Then Moses exhorted them to take
better ways with them. But (they stubbornly persisting in their
OAMD. 8OC. 2 C
190 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
proud and wilful obstinacy) as soon as ever Moses had ended his
talk of exhortation unto them, God stroke them suddenly in the
sight of all the children of Israeli by miracle. The ground clove
asunder that was under them, and the earth opened her mouth and
swallowed them and their tents also, and all the persons that had
joined in rebellion with Chore, and their tentes and goodes with
them. And they and all that pertained unto them (saith the Bible)
went down alive to hell, and the earth closed upon them, and they
[Fol.38b.] perished from among the congregation. And then came out a fire
from the lord and consumed the two hundred and fifty men that
offered incense. Beware of this terrible and dreadful example,
ye Devonsheir men and Cornish men, both captains and campers.
Consider that the same God that punished rebellion then seeth your
doings now. Your fault is much more odious afore God than the fault
of Chore and his complices was, because we [are] christen men and
ought to know our dutys. God beareth as much hatred to sin now
as he did then. Nevertheless God is merciful to such as repent and
amend; this his long suffering (as Seynt Paull saith) is to provoke
sinners to repentance and amendment if it may he. If not, the
longer that God of his mercy and patience holdeth his hand, the
sorer will the stroke and the plague be when it cometh. If he spared
not his elect people of Israel when they murmured against their
ruler, what will he do to you except ye revoke and amend in season ?
If ever King might complain of the ingratitude and unkindness ot
his subjects, now it is. For what persons are they by whom ye are
induced thus to rebel ? Three or four traitorous ruffians who
seek to devour you when they shall have spoiled others, and as
many popish priests void of all learning, virtue, or civil honesty.
And wherefore is it that ye move all this tumult. For the filthy
suddes and dragges of stynkyng poperie, being directly repugnant
to Christ's doctrine and to the holy bible, and for a sort of dumb
ceremonies which do nothing advance or further true religion,
but hinder it. And yet if ye read the prophet Esai in the first and
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 191
in the sixty sixth chapter, the prophet Michias in the 6th chapter
Amos in the 5th chapter, and Paule in the 9th to the Hebrewes, tFo!- 39.]
ye shall Ond that God himself did abrogate the ceremonies of
Moses* Law, much less then doth he pass on such as have in
them no religion at all. Your King hath clean delivered you
from the tyranny of the Romish Antichriste, and yet are ye so
unthankful towards him that ye will needs back again into Egypte
to be bond and worse than bond under Pharao. But perchance
some of you yet unto this day be of such gross ignorance that ye
cannot consider; And some of Antichrist's whelps there be among
you which keep you still in such blindness that ye cannot see what a
benefit it is to be rid and despatched of the most insupportable yoke
of the tyranny of Rome which in dede far passed the bondage of
Egypt under cruel King Pharao. For Pharao held no more but the
bodies captive. The Romish Antichrist held also the souls and
consciences of all men in most wretched thraldom. Wherefore if ye
had knowledge to perceive and weigh how much ye are bound to
the King our sovereign lords majestic for this most heavenly benefit,
ye would think and confess yourselves the most bounden people of
the world all days of your life to lie prostrate unto him at his feet,
and continually to pray for tbe prosperous estate and reign of his
majesty long years to continue over you. But some perchance
will say, We resist not our king. We mean nothing against his
Majesty's royal person, crown, or dignity. Forsooth I can full well
believe that a great part of you are good simple people, and are
persuaded that ye do well, and that ye have not directly meant any
harm agst the King's person, his crown, or his dignity. But good
people, these harlottes and these wicked limbs of the devil, that
by false colours and persuasions of religion have enticed and [Fol.39b.]
brought you to this rebellion, they mean no less than treason and
mischief, as much as in them lieth to all these. Bui God's pro-
tection uscth not to forsake and give over good princes, that he
may prosper sedicious rebels. And in the meantime ye resist your
192 TROUBLES CONNECTED WITH THE
king if ye resist his proceedings ; ye withstand your king when ye
withstand his Councillors or Magistrates ; ye contemn the king when
ye disobey his laws. Neither can your ignorance in this behalf make
you unculpable. There is no head so grosse, there is no wit so
dull, but that it may easily perceive that it is an offence to resist
the proceedings of a King, at the motion or enticement of a vile
fellow or twain, not worthy the name of subjects in a commonweal.
Another sort allege for their defence that the King is not yet of age,
as though King Henry the 6th, who being yet a sucking infant and
babe was crowned King of Fraunce in Parise in his cradle, was not
even then as verily a King as in any time of all his life after. But
because this puinct is most pithily declared unto you in the King's
Majestys late message, I remit you to better reading and weighing
of the said message. Some wranglers allege that the proceedings
came not from the King but from his council ; as though any King,
though he be forty years old, will do in manier any thing at all of him-
self without the advice of his council, or as though any King in any
realm will not use the advice and direction of his prudent and sage
councillors, as well concerning war and peace as also concerning
religion. And these tender years of your King should move all good
and true hearted subjects the more peaceably to obey all things that
his Majesty might not in any wise be troubled or disquieted till he
came to mature age and discretion to order all things himself.
[Fol. 40.] And a to warder prince (God be lauded therfor) in all points of
virtue, goodness, learning, wisdom, policy, and justice never was in
England. Why then should ye, good Devonsheir men and Cornish-
men, be led by so slender a sort of traitorous rebellers and a few
malicious papists to murmur against the godly proceedings of so
noble a King? Thus much (if God have not clean forsaken you and
utterly pluckt his grace from you) may suffice to make you leave your
camping, and with most humble submission to cry to God and to
your king for mercy anfl pardon. But in case ye be so desperate and
past all cure and hope that this will not serve, then care I no more
PRAYER BOOK OF 1549. 193
but as your countryman borne, and in all goodness your friend as far
as God's cause and the King's cause may suffer me, and one that
much bewaileth your fall, and most earnestly tendereth your wealth:
I can no more (I say), but on the one side advise and exhort you to
beware of the vengeance and punishment of God; and on the other
side pray for you to Almighty God that ye may have grace to
remember and reconcile yourselves before it light upon you, when
neither your traitorous captaines nor Popish ceremonies shall be able
to save or help you. Which thing that ye may have grace to do
I beseech the most blessed Trinity, the father, the son, and the
holy ghost, from whom cometh all grace, comfort, and goodness.
Amen.
INDEX TO THE PREFACE.
Alasco, John, minister of the Dntch
Church in London, xxix. xxx.
Anatomia of Geminos, Nicholas Udall'a
translation of, xxir.
Antiquaries' Library, Society of, xrii.
Apophthegmata of Erasmus, XXT.
Arber, Edward, his English Garner
and Reprints, xxiii.
Archaeologia, Society of Antiquaries',
xxix.
Arnndcll, Humphrey, governor of the
Mount, and others, XXT. xxvi.
Baptism, Micron's Instruction on,
xxxix.
Bishops, faintly resisting, T.; alleged
to be in agreement, x.
Boleyn, Anne, Verses on her Corona-
tion, xxii.
Bowyer, alias Braye. xxvii.
Braye, Henry, Mayor of Bodmin, his
death, xxvii.
Brewer, the Rev. John Sherren, i. ii.
Bristowe (—Bristol), riots at, xvi.
Browne, Rawdon, his Venetian Calen-
dar, xir.
Bncer, Martin (1491-1651), xxix.
Bnrnet, Gilbert, his Reformation,
xxix.
C., T., translator of Micron's Instruc-
tion, xlvi.
Cheney, Thomas, xxiii. xxiv.
Commandments, Instruction on the
Ten, xxxiii.
Common Prayer (1549), Book of, ST.
xiii.
Common Prayer (1652), Book of, iv.
Commons of Cornwall and DcTonshire,
T. xvi.; of Essex, Kent, Norfolk,
and Suffolk, xvi.
Communion, Order of the Holy (8
March, 1548), ir.
Cornwall, the Commons of, T. xvi.
Correction or Discipline, Micron on
Christian, xlix.
Cotton ian Library, papers available, ii.
iii. xvii.
Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop of Can-
terbury, T. xviii. ; Letters from, xviii.
Dalaber, Anthony, xxi.
Devonshire, the Commons of, v. xvi.
Durham (Cuthbert Tnnstall), Bishop
of, v.
Dntch Church at London, xxix. xxxi.
Edward VI., documents of his reign,
i. pa$tim
Ely (Thomas Goodrich), Bishop of, T.
Erasmus, Desidcrins, his paraphrase of
the New Testament, xx.; bin Apoph-
thegmata, xxv.
Essex, Commons of, xvi.
Eton, robbery of plate at, xxiii.; head-
mastership at, ibid.
Excepted names of ringleaders (1548),
xvii.
Fabyan, Robert, his Chronicle quoted,
xxvi.
Foedera, Thomas Rymer's, iv.
Foxe, John, his Acts and Monuments,
xvii. xviii. xxv. xxvii.
French translation of Reply by the
Commons, xviiL
Gairdner, James (Cal. Papers Dom.),
xxii.
Gardiner, Stephen, tee Winchester, XT.
Garner, An English, xxii.
INDEX TO THE PREFACE.
195
Garret, Thomas, fellow of Magdalen
College, xxii.
Geminns, Thomas, his Anatomia trans-
lated, xxiv.
Goodrich, Thomas, Bishop of Ely, v.
Grafton, Richard, his Chronicle quoted,
xxvi. \\vii. xxviii.
Green, Mary Anne Everett, ii.
Gregory, . . . . , servant of N. Udall,
xxiv.
Grenvillc Library, British Museum.
xviii.
•
Hallam, Henry, T.
Harberte, Sir William, xvi.
Henry VII. and the Earl of Warwick,
XT.
Henry VIII., documents of his reign,
i. ii.; his wife Anne, xxii.
Holinshed, Raphael, his Chronicles,
xrii. XXT.
Homilies allnded to by Udall, xxi.
Hoorde or Horde, John, an Eton scholar,
x \ i i i . xxiT.
Instruction, A short and faithful, xxx. ;
reprinted, xxxi.
Insurrection in the year 1 548, xrii.
Insurrection in the year 1549, XT. it
teqq.
•It-It'. . . . , his edition of Cranmer's
Works, xviii.
Jenkyns, Professor H., his edition of
Cranmer (1833), xxix.
Judgment of Paris exhibited, xxii.
Kempe (Alfred John), his Loseley
Manuscripts, xxiii. xxiv.
Kingstone, Sir Anthony, xxvii.
Leland, John, xxii.
Lemon, Robert (editor of Domestic
Papers), ii.
Letter from Cardinal Pole to Somerset,
epitomised, xiv. to xvi.
Letter from Protector Somerset to Pole,
yi.
Letters from Cranmer, xxviii.
Loseley Manuscripts, xxiii. ; quoted,
xxiv.
Lowndes'a Bibliographer's Manual,
xxix.
Macaulay, Thomas Babbington, his
account of Cranmer, T.
Malet, Dr. Francis, xxi.
Martyr, Peter, XXT.
Mary Tudor, documents of her reign,
iii. ; warrant to Nicholas Udall,
xxiv.
Micron, Michael, his Short Instruction,
xxix. xxx.
Mountain, Thomas, xxiv.
Nichols's Narratives of the Days of the
Reformation, XXT.
Nicolas, Sir N. Harris, Proceedings of
the Council, xxiv.
Northumberland (John Dudley), Duke
of, IT.
Parker, Dr. Matthew (Archbishop of
Canterbury), xxviii.
Parker Society's Edition of Cranmer,
xxviii. xxix.
Pole, Reginald (Cardinal), v.; letter to
him from Somerset, vi. ; reply to
Somerset, epitomised, xiv. XT.
Pope's name reported to be odious, the,
xii.
Prayer, Book of Common, 1549, IT.
xiii.
Prayer, Book of Common, 1552, \i.
Prayer, Micron's Instruction concern-
ing, xlvi.
Proclamation by the King, iv.
Ralph Roister Doister, Udall's comedy
of, xxiii.
Records of the Reformation (Clarendon
Press, 1870), i.
Reformation, Gilbert Bnrnet's History
of the, xxix.
Reformation, Nichols's Narratives of
the Days of the, XXIT.
Reformation, Records of the, i.
Reply to accusations made by the Com-
mons, xviii. to xx.
Reply to the requisitions of insurgents,
xvii.
Restoration of the Catholic religion
proposed by Pole, xvi.
Review, The Saturday, on Cranmer, T.
Robbery of plate at Eton, xxiii.
Rymer, Thomas, his Feeder*, iv.
INDEX TO TOE PREFACE.
Sacrament of the Lord's Sapper, Peter
Martyr on the, XXT.
Sacraments, Micron's Instruction on
the, xxxix.
Sadleyr, Sir Ralph, Secretary, xxiii.
Somerset (Edward Seymour), Dnke of,
iii. ir. T.; his letter to Cardinal Pole,
vi.; its reply, epitomised, xir. XT.
Stnnrton, Lord, xrL
Snbscribers to the articles, executed,
XXT.
Suffolk, the Commons of, xri.
Suffolk, the Dnke of (1541), xxiii.
Supper, Michael Micron on Christ's
Holy, xxxix.
Supper, Peter Martyr on the Lord's,
XXT.
Terence, Udall's Flonres gathered out
of, XXIT.
Tnnstall, Cnthbert, Bishop of Durham,
T.
Tnrnbnll, William B. (editor of Cal.
State Papers, Foreign), ii.
Turner, Dr. William (Somerset's phy-
sician), xxix.
Tytler, Patrick Eraser, T. xvii.
Udall, Nicholas, xviii. xx.; his Terse*
on Anne Boleyn's Coronation, xxii.;
his Ralph Roister Doister, and career,
xxiii.; his translations, from S. Luke,
Erasmus, Gem inns, Terence, and
Peter Martyr, xxi. to XXT.
Venetian Calendar of State Papers,
Rawdon Browne's, xiv.
Venice, Library of St Mark's at, xiv.
Warrant from Queen Mary to Udall,
xxiv.
Warwick, Earl of (temp. Henry VII.).
XT.
Warwick, Earl of (1649), ri.
Westminster School, xxiT.
Winchester (Stephen Gardiner, im-
prisoned), Bishop of, XT.
Wood, Anthony a, his Athena; Oxoni-
enses, xxiii.
Wriothesley, Sir Thomas, Secretary,
xxiii.
Wriothesley 's Chronicle, cited, XT|.
Wykeham, Udall's family at, xxiii.
INDEX.
[These Indices have been prepared by J. W. EM Member of the Council, Canxlen Society.]
Aaron mnrmnred against, 166
Abbey-lands, proposed restoration of,
183
Abergavenny, Lord, 106
Abiron (= Abiram), 189
Abraham's lap, Lazarns in, 173
Adam and Eve, 143, 185
Alderney, 60, 61
Alenrj (doubtful), Mr 35
Almayne hill, near Boulogne, between
Boulogne and Ambletne, 68
Ambassador at Brussels (Sir William
Paget), 19, 24. Sue Paget
Ambassador, French, 38
Ambassadors to France, various, 43, 53
85, 135. See Cheney, Paget, Petre,
Wotton, etc.
Ambletue, or Hambletne, near Boulogne,
115 ,
Ambrose (Saint), quoted, 159
Among Us, 132. See Magnus and York
Amos, 191
Amsdorf, 110
Andorcr, 92
Anne. See Boleyn, Bourchier, Parr, and
Seymour
Anne of Cleves, 72, 101, 103. Ill, 135.
136
Answer to the Commoners of Devon-
shire and Cornwall, 141 to 193
Antichrist, Udall's references to, 142,
143, 176, 191
Antiquaries, Proclamations belonging to
the Society of, 43, 95, 96, 108
Apocalypse, the, 174
Apostles Ordinances, the, 1 76
Archaeologia, 22
Argentina (Strasburg), 110, 111
OAMD. SOC. 2
Arragon, Catharine of. See Catharine
Arrendell. See Arundel
Arnndel (Henry Fitzalan), Karl of, 7,
14,20,21, 42, 53, 54, 81, 82, 85,86,
88, 93, 100, 101, 106, 129
Arnndel, Humphrey, leader of the insur-
rection, 37, 49, 54, 63, 65, 66 ; executed,
126
Arnndel, Sir John, 26, 28, 29, 38
Articles, Law of the Six, 152
Articles, Udall's answer concerning the
Sixteen, 148 to 193
Athente Cantabrigienses, 129
Auder, George, alderman of Cambridge,
Ander, Jane, daughter of George, 4
Andley, Thomas, Lord Chancellor, 50
Augmentations, Court of, 124 ; Chan-
cellor of the, 139
Augsburg, 111
Austin vel Angnstin (Saint), quoted,
159, 160
Baal, false priests and ministers of, 144
Baker, Sir John, 24; his career, 39, 42,
51, 52, 67, 100, 106, 119, 134, 135, 137
Banpor (John Bird, 1539 tu 1542),
Bishop of, 136
Bangor Use, Service-books, 128
Baptism, on week-days, 16, 163
Barlow, Matthew, his wife's bigamy, 72
Barlow, William, Bishop of Bath and
Wells, 133
Barne alia* Bocher or Bntcher, alia*
Knell, iilint Joan of Kent, condemned
and sentenced by Cranmer to be burnt
alive for heresy, executed at Smith-
field, 139
196
IM.l.X.
Barret, Roger, priest and subscriber,
188
Barren. Patrick, imprisoned, 1-4
Barterile, Captain, imprisoned, liS
Basing, Baron St. John <>f, 34
Bath and Wells (William Barlow),
Bishop of, 13:<
Bath ai.il \\Y11- (John Goodman), Dean
of, 133; (Wm. Turner), 134
Beasts, two sorts of them (ruffians and
papists), according to Udall. 14»J
Beauchamp (Kdward Seymour), Vis-
count. 2. See Somerset
Bcandesert (William). I>.rd Paget of,
53 Src Paget, Sir William
Bedall, the Rector of, 132
Beddington, 121
Bedford, Karl of, 7. 12, 21, 53, 86, etc.
See Russell (Sir John and Baron),
Lord
Bedfordshire, Commissioner for, 48
Bell, K'.U-rt, in)|irisoiied, 125
Bell, William, imprisoned, 12''.
Bells to be taken down from churches,
73
Bergottns, signature of Mount. 112
Berry, Bery, or Bury, John, 126, 188
Berwick, one of Somerset's men. 123
Bible to be called in again, the English,
175
Bird, Dr. John, Bishop of Chester, 136
Blackness, inland from Boulogne, 1 1 o
Blackwell, Walter, Somerset's footman,
m
Blackston, Mr , Ecclesiastical Com-
missary, 18
Blakemore, 11
Bluet of Kxcter, Mr ,51
Bodmin (Henry Braye), Mayor of , 63,
184, 188
Boleyn, Anne, 86, 95, 119
Bolryn, George (Lord K.H -hford), 119
Banner, Dr. Kdmund, Bishop of London,
.-., i3t;, in;
Book <>f Common Prayer re-affirmed as
displacing Latin >«T\I. «•-!., N,k«. 12 T
Boucher, Joan (of Kent), executed, I3'J
Boulogne, 2, 26, 79, 82. 1 1 :,
Bonrcnier, Ann, 81
Boorrhicr, Henry (Karl ..f Essex), 81
Bowers. Kdward, imprisoned, 1-1. l-'i'..
Cy. Bowes
Bowers, John, imprisoned, 12''.
Bowes, Edward, 124. Srr Bowers
Bowrer (tee Preface . XXT., xxvii., and
Braye), 63, 184, 188
Br:»ii-l.'ii. ( 'liurles, Duke of Suffolk, 2
Brandon, Frances, 2
Brave (— Braie, Bray, or Bowyer),
Henry, Mayor of Bodmin, 63, 184,
188
Bread for the Sacrament, dispute regard-
ing, 165
Breiitwood, 74
Bridge at Staines, supplication concern-
ing the, 19
Bridgcnorth Castle, 132
Bridgewater. 11
Bristol or Bristowe, 25, 33; the Mayor
of, 1311
Bromham, 123
Browne, Sir Anthonr, 38
Brussels l;i. 24. Ktt"
Bruton, Somersetshire. 1 1
Brystowe. the King's Receiver. 2.'.
Bucrr. Martin, Ins Gratnlation, and
Answer to Gardiner, 103; Cranmcr'-
letter to him. 130
Buckinghamshire. 2<:. 27. 2'J
Bullenberg, Knglish fott in the Ik»ulon-
nais, on the hill at the back of Bou-
logne, 68, 115
Uurleinh (William Cecil), afterward*
Baron, his career, 31. etc. &< •
William
Bnrnet, Gilbert, his Reformation
(Pocock's edition), 75, 84; quoted.
104, 129
Bury (Berry), John, in the Tower, 12«.;
signatory, 188
Caath, the sons of. 1 43
Cesar, the KmjK-ror Charles V., 110, 111
Calais, 14, 26, 81, 88, 135
Cambridge, 4, 50, 54, 75, 129, 130, 136
Catnlirid^f. (Queen's College, 75
Cambridge t'niveraity, 75, 13«;
Cambridgeshire, ('onnni*Moner for, 48
Camps in the West, 41, 145
Canterbury. Archbishop of (Matthew
Parker), 133
Canterbury, Archbishop of (Reginald
I'-.l. •). Tits.-!,. S,, Pole
Canterbury, Arc1il>i-li"|> of (Thomas
Cranmer). 2O, :«). 3»;. 37
absent from Council. 4.".. .". 1. •
65, ' ::.-!. >J. 88,90, 102.
119, 121'. 13«>. 133, 136,137,185
INDEX.
199
Canterbury, Archdeacon of (Dr. Nicholas
Harpsfield), 3
Canterbury, Dean of (Dr. Nicholas
Wotton), 106, 135
Cappe, Robert, imprisoned, 125
Cardiff, 23
Carew, Sir Gawen, 26
Carew, Sir Peter, 26
Carlisle (Owen Oglethorpe, 1557-1561),
Bishop of, 132
Carmelites (Dr. John Bird), Provincial
of the, 136
Catharine of Arragon, the pretended
divorce, 75, 88, 119, 136
Cavy, . . . (Somerset's clerk-controller),
121
Cecil, William, afterwards Baron Bur-
leigh, his career, 3, 7, 48, 55, 73, 75,
134, 135
Charles V. (Caesar), 75, 110, 111
Choke, Mary, 3
Cheke, Sir John, 3
Chester (John Gibbs), Archdeacon of,
13G
Chester (John Bird, 1542—1554), Bishop
of, 136
Cheyne, or Cheyney, Sir Thomas, 81, 82;
his career, 85; 88, 100
Chichester (William Barlow), Bishop-
elect of, 133
Cholwell, 75
Cholwyn, 75
Chore, or Corah, 189, 190
Christ, as considered by Udall, 148 to
173
Christmas, receiving the Sacrament at,
158
Chronicle, Wriothesley's, quoted, 1, 51
Chry spine, or Crispin, Dr., 125, 177 to
179
Church History, Dod's, 21, 22
Cinque Ports (Sir Thomas Cheney,
1540—1558), Warden of the, 85
Clere, Sir John, reported slain, 59
Clevfs, Anne of, 72, 101, 103, 111, 135,
136
Clinton, Edward (Lord), governor of
Boulogne, 60
Cobham, Elizabeth, 81
Cobham, George (Lord), 21, 81, 86
Colle, Richard, a prisoner, 125
Cologne, 111
Concilium, Agathense, 158
Confinement of Somerset's servants
ordered, 120
Conspirators against Somerset, 43, 72,
81, 82, 85, 88, 94, 101, 105
Constable of the Tower, Sir John Gage,
126
Cook, Sir Anthony, King Edward's
tutor, 3
Cook, Mildred, 3
Corah, or Chore, 189, 190
Corfe Castle, 59
Corinthians, First Epistle to the, cited,
142
Cornishmen, 147, 157, 162, 169, 171, 188,
192
Cornwall, troubles in, 1, 8, 19, 29, 32,
33, 36, 37, 41, 42, 44, 46, 64, 70, 71,
73
Cornwallis, Sir Thomas, reported slain.
59 ; fetches Elizabeth to Court, 101
Cotton and Woolcombe's Gleanings, 62,
73
Cotton MSS., 110, 134
Conlthnrst, . . . one of Somerset's men,
123
Councillors, the twenty-six, 39, 43
Conrtenay, Edward, in the Tower, 124
Conrtenay, Peter, justice of peace, 13
Coverdale, Miles, afterwards Bishop of
Exeter (Aug. 14, 1551), 7, 75, 119
Cox, or Kokks, John, prisoner, 125
Cox, Richard (Bishop of Ely, 1559 to
1599), 4
Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop of Can-
terbury (1533 to 1556). See Canter-
bury
Crispin, Dr. .... 125, 177 to 179
Croche, . . . , Somerset's receiver, 25
Cromwell, Thomas, 72, 81, 103, 111, 129
Croydon, 121
Dacre, William, third Lord (1534), 14
Dakyn, Dr. John, Archdeacon of the
East Riding, 132
Dathan, 189
David, King and Psalmist, 173, 175
David, Somerset's porter, 121
Declaration of War by the French King,
46
Deleway or Kellaway, 123
Denny, Sir Anthony, 19
Derby, the sheriff of, 82
Derail, Lewis or Lavys, 125
IM'KX.
Devonshire, troables in. 4, 11, 13. 19,
24, 29, 32. 41. 44. 46. 47, 51,64,70,
126, 147, 150, 162, 166, 172, 188,
192
Diary. Machyn's (1550 to 1563). Sff
Machyn. Hrnrv
Dod's Churrh History, edited by Canon
Tierney, 21,22
Dorchester, 11
Donet, Henry Grey, afterwards Dnke
of >utT.. Ik. h".». ice. Set Grey, Henry;
and Suffolk
Dorsetshire, troubles in, 8, 11, 32, 46, 47.
49, 54, 56
Douglas, David, 124
. 135
Drnry, Captain, 73
Dudley (Mr.) .... 12, 30
Dudley, Sir Andrew, 27, 52
Dudley, Edmnnd (executed in 1510), 31
Dudley, Lord Gnildford (grandson of
Edmund and husband of Lady Jane
Grey), call.-.l King, 104
Dudley, Sir John, Lord Lisle, Earl of
Warwick, his career, 31. See North-
umberland, Dnke of
Dunstable. 88
Durham (Dnresmc: Cuthbert Tnnstall),
Bishop of, 77, 136
Dyer, Sir Thomas, 27
Easter Celebration, 157 to 163
Ecclesiastical Memoirs, Strype's, 95, &c.
dtoStrype
Edward I., King (Preface), viii.
Edward VI., 34, 36, 38, 64, 72, 77, 82,
88, 94. 101, 103, 109, 119, 129, 135,
136, 186 ; his device for the limitation
of succession. 53, 85, 94, 101 ; Ix-tt. T-
from him, 76, 77, 79, 102, 127 ; his
burial, 82
Egypt, bondage of, 166, 191
Elizabeth, Princess, afterwards Queen,
23, 26. 34, 38, 43, 72, 82, 86, 89, 101,
103, 108. 116 ; crowned by Ogle-
thorpe, 132, 135, 136, 138
Kill-. Sir Henry, his Collection of Let-
ten, 86
Klraer. Mr , 37
Ely, Bi>hop of (Richard Cox), 4
r 1\ . Hi*hop of (Thomas Goodrich), 129,
135, 137
Ely House. 38
Enclosures, redress of, 1 , &c.
England under the Reigns of Edward
VI. and Mary. P. F. Tytlcr's, 19
Esai _ Isaiah, 190
Essex, county of, 24, 32, 45, 82
XMK, Henry Bouchier. fifteenth Earl
of, 81
Essex, William, 125
Ere deserved to be expnlsed Paradise,
143
Excester. Sff Exeter
Execution of Henry Braye (Preface,
xxrii.), 63, 84, 88 ; of Essex and
More. 74 ; of Joan of Kent, 139; of
Humphrey Arundell, Wyndslow, Bury,
and Holmes, 126; of many persons in
Oxfordshire, 26 ; at Exeter, 51 ; of
Somerset, 42; of Sir T. Seymour, 72,
M
Executors of the Will of Henry VIII..
23, 31, 34, 38, 39, 43, 53, 72, 81, 85.
94, 101, 135, 136
Exeter, 15, 40, 43, 44, 47, 48, 51, 53, 54,
62,70,73, 75. 141, 145
Exeter, Miles Corerdale, Bishop of, 7,
75, 119
Exeter, Simon Haynes or Heynes, Dean
of: 75. 103
Exeter, the Mayor of (John Shilling-
ford ; ridf Camden Society's New
Series, No. 1, 1871). 62
Exodus, 166, 168, 189
Extracts from Council Books on Church
Matters, 135
Fabian. Bishop of Rome (A.D. 236 to
250), quoted, 157, 158
Fane, Sir Ralph. 123, 126. See Vane
F< , kriihiim or Feknam. Mr , 125
Frnlinand. the Archduke, 35
Fisher, John, Bishop of Rochester. 36
FiUalan, Henry, Karl of Arnndel, 14.
See Arnndel
Flanden*. English ambassador in. 103,
104. See H-.l.y
Kl.. t l'ri*.n, 75. 101, 133, 135, 138
Foskewe or Foster, Anthony, 124
Foster or Foskewe, Anthony, late Mar-
shal of Ireland, 124
Foxe, John, his Acts and Monuments.
21,22,80,83
France, ambassadors to. Sre Ambas-
sadors
France, invasion threatened from, 46. 56
Francis I., 119
INDEX.
201
Frankfort, 112
Fuller. John, a prisoner, 126
Fysher, Thomas, a prisoner, 126
Gage. Sir John, 81, 82, 85, 88, 100, 106,
119; Constable of the Tower, 126
Galatians, Kpistle to the, 149
Gardiner, Dr. Stephen, deposed Bishop
of Winchester, 43, 50, 82, 85, 103, 125,
136
Gates, Sir John, 123
George, Sir William, 14
Gibbs, John, Archdeacon of Chester, 136
Glastonbnry, 123
Gleanings, Cotton and Woolcombe's, 62,
73
Gloucestershire, 23, 35, 44
Godolphin. Sir William, 33, 61
Godwin (William?), 129
Golding, .... Somerset's servant, 78
Goodman, John, Dean of Bath, 133
Goodrich, Thomas, Bishop of Ely, 129
Goenalde. Mr , 135
Grafton, Richard, 101
Grafton's Collection of Proclamations,
96
Graie or Graye, Lord. See Grey of
Wilt-n, William
Gratianns, 159
Gray, Lord John, of Kirkby Bellews, 139
Gregory, Mr , licenced preacher,
6,7
Grey, Lady Catherine, 23
Grev, Henry, third Marquis of D\>rset,
afterwards Dnke of Suffolk, 1, 2, 129
Grey, Lady Jane, afterwards Queen, 2,
3, 23, 31, 34, 38, 43, 72, 82, 86, 89, 94,
129, 135
Grev, Thomas, second Marquis of Dorset,
2, 38, 43, 72, 82, 86, 89, 94, 119, 129,
135
Grey, William, 106; prisoner in the
Tower, 126. (Probably Grey of Wil-
ton)
Grey of Wilton, William, Lord, 20 to 29,
33, 37, 51,52,68, 106, Sic.
Guernsey, 59, 60
Gnildford, 14
Guinea, 88
Hackney, the Manor of, 119
Hadington, seventeen miles from Edin-
burgh, 116
Hales, 124
Halfield, yeoman of the scullery, 151
Hambletnc or Ambletne, in vicinity of
Boulogne, 115
1 1 an in ii'. James Lawrence of, 122
Hampnes Castle. 26
Hampshire, troubles in, 24
Hampton Court, 36, 76, 79, 117, 121
Harberte, properly Herbert, Sir William,
.•"<• Herbert
Harleian MS., 20
Harpsfield, Nicholas, I. !..!>.. Archdea-
con of Canterbury, 3; his Treatise of
Marriage, on the divorce (Camden
Society's New Series, 1878), 3
Harrington, John, prisoner, 125
Harvy, Anthony, Justice of the Peace
in Devon, 13
Hastings, Lord (i. e. Sir Edward), 101
Hastings, Francis, second Earl of Hun-
tingdon, 1, 2
Hastings, George, first Earl of Hnnting-
don, 2
Hatfield, 38
Haynes or Heynes, Simon, Dean of
Exeter (1537), 75
Heath, Nicholas, Archbishop of York
(1555), 54, 111
Hebrews, Epistle to the, 191
Hedley, diocese of Winchester, 125
Helen, third wife of William Parr, 81
Helvetii, the Swiss, 111
Henry VI., 192
Henry VIII., 2, 12, 23,31,34,38,39,
43,53,72, 81, 85, 88, 94 to 96, 101,
135, 136, 151, 168, 181
Herbert. Lord Henry, second Earl of
Pembroke (1570), 23
Herbert, Mr probably Sir
William, 52
Herbert, Sir Richard, 23
Herbert, Sir William, afterwards Baron
Herbert and Earl of Pembroke (1551).
1, 21, 23, 26, 29, 35, 44, 52, 63, 64, 6fi.
76, 78 to 80, 90, 93, 100, 102. 112, 113
Herbert, William. Earl of Pembroke
(1468; beheaded by the I*ancastrianM
in 1469), 23
Hereford Use, Service-books, 128
Hertford, Earl of (1537), afterwards
Lord Protector, 114, 115. See Somerset
Hesse, the Landgrave of (1544). 112
Hobbie, Mr 36
Hohbie or Hobby or Hoby, Sir Edward,
103
INDEX.
llc.l.v. Sir Philip. 10.1. 104
•>ir Thoma
Hol.y. Sir William. 103
in. Hans. li>3
Holgatr. Robert, Archbishop of York
(154;
h.-.l. Raphael, 83. 90. 149,
Holme*. Thomas, insurgent leader, exe-
coted. PJrt
H-iini-iin-i. William, 102
Hooper, John, Bishop of Gloucester
(1560), and afterwards of Worcester,
130
Hopton or Hoptun. Dr. John, Princess
Mary's chaplain. 20. 21
Hopton or Hoptnn, Sir Ralph, the knight
marshal 1, 112
Hialtli,iiii or pledges demanded by the
insurgents. 1 >.",
Howard, Lord William. 26
Howard, Qnecn Catharine, 88
Huddy ....... surgeon to Protector
S.-incrset, 122
Huntingdon, Francis Hastings, second
Karl of. 1, 2
Huntingdon. George Hastings, first Karl
of, 2
Huntingdonshire, 48
Hyckoke, William, a prisoner, 126
Isaiah or Ksai, 190
Jane the Queen. See Grey, Lady Jane
Jennyng. 62
Jersey, captain of (1542), 2. See Somer-
set
Jersey, Channel Island, 60
Joachim, 110
Joan of Kent, burnt for heresy. 1 39
John of Kent. Sre Joan and Barne
John the Baptist. Saint, i:,:.'
John tlu- KrangcliHt, Saint. 174
Joseph, Dr. . . Cranmer's chaplain. (~>
Jnjrge, Richard (printer). 103
Jonas, an impn-'in-'l Italian, 125
Justices of the Peace, proclamation to,
II
123
Ke I la way or Delaway. .
Ken, 4
Kendal, Baron Parr of, 81
Kent, Joan of, 139. Set Bant
Booths*
Kent, Sheriff of (Sir Robert Southwell).
101
Kent, troubles in, 24, '.'•.
Kctt, Robert, insurgent, afterwards exe-
cuted (1549), 59. IJt;
Kett, William, brother and companion
of Robert. 1 •.'•'.
Krw. Dr. Tumor's boose at, 121, 122
King. Thomas, 125
King's Bench Prison, 136
Kirkby Ik-Hewn, in Leicestershire. 139
Kyngesmyll, William, Dean of Win-
ches:
Lambeth, 130, 131
Lamport. 1 1
Lancaster. Chancelloi of the Duchy of.
53
Latin serrices demanded to be restored,
. 169 to 172
Lawrence of Hamme, James, a warrener.
122
Laycoke, ,123
Lazarus the beggar, 173
Le Grand, 86
Lee, Edward. Archbishop of York (!.".:>!
—1544), 8
Lee, Henry. Mayor of Toreiton >«>), 188
Leezc (qy. Leigha?). in Essex, III
Leicestershire, 2, 139
Lemonyall, a French prisoner, 125
Leominster. 103
Lermouth, a Scot, 137
Lery, the tribe of, 143
Leyson, Dr., 135
Limitation of the Crown, 72, 85, tee. Ste
K<lwanl VI.
Litu-oln I'se serrice books, 128
Lincolnshire troubles in, 1
Lisle, Viscount, 31
London, Bishop of (Cnthbert Tnnstall).
ua
London, Edmund Bonncr, deposed bishop
of. I:M). i:t;. i:<8, Ac. See Bonner
I/>inloa and Westminster, nominated
bishop of (Dr. John Poynet), 137
London, Nicholas Ridley, substituted
bishop of, 3, 43,81
Longer, Pierre, a French prisoner, 125
Lorel, Alice, sister and heiress of Henry
Love!. 95
Lore), Henry, eighth Baron Morley, 95
Lntheranism, dcc'ared fM§lus of, 1 10,
111
INDEX.
203
Machyn, Henry, merchant taylor of
London, his Diary from 1550 to 1563
(Camden Society, 1st Series, No. 42),
95. 138
Magdalen College, Oxford, 131
Magdeburg, 110, 111
Magnus, Dr. Thomas, 132
Malic, Robert, Lord of Palmnre, 124
Mnltravers, Lord Henry Fitzallan. See
Arundell, Karl of
Mary, Princess and afterwards Queen, 3,
4, 20, 21, 23, 31, 34, 38, 42, 43, 54, 72.
82, 6, 89, 104, 116, 119, 129, 133, 135,
136, 138
Mary Queen of Scots, 72
Mary Tndor, the French wife of Charles
Brandon, 2
Mason, Sir John, Dean of Winchester
(1549), 4, 43, 53
Mass said openly for Princess Mary, 20
Maunder (yy. James Monrton, priest), 63
Maurice, Klector of Saxony, 110
Maxfield, Robert Lord, 124*
May, 43
Mayor of Bodmin, Cornwall (Henry
Braye). 63, 184, 188
Mayor of Bristol, 139
Mayor of London (1554, Sir Thomas
White or Sir John Lion), 81
Mclancthon, Philip, 111
Memorials, Ecclesiastical, and Memoirs,
by John Strype, 73, 74, 95
Michias or Micah, 191
Middlesex, grievance at Staines in, 19
Milan, Duchess of, 103
Mi Id may. Sir Walter, 124
Mint, in Southwark, 138
Mon tabor in us, 111. See Mount, Chris-
topher
Montagne or Mountague, Sir Edward,
councillor, 7, 8, 82, 85, 86; his career,
93, 94; Chief Justice of the Common
Pl*>as, 100, 106, 119, 135
Montins, 112. See Mount, Christopher
More, .... one of the insurgents, 74
More, Sir Thomas, 36
Moreinan, Dr 125, 177, 179
Morcton, James, Earl of, 124
Morley, Henry Lorel, eight Baron, 95
Morley, Henry Parker, ninth Baron, 94,
95
Morysinc, Sir Richard, 104
Moses, 149, 166, 189, 190
Moundere als de ioycs, 125
Mount, Christopher, 110 to 112
Mullinax, Sergeant, 124
Newark on Trent, Notts., 132
Noble, James, Scotch prisoner, 1 24
Norfolk, Thomas Howard, third Duke
of (1539), 101, 123, 124
Norfolk, troubles in, 27, 32, 48, 57, 58,
119
Norman and his wife, 3
North, Sir Edward, treasurer and chan-
cellor, of the Court of Augmentations,
20, 21; his career, 37, 38, 73, 81, 85,
88, 100
Northampton, 48
Northampton, William Parr, first Mar-
quis of (1546), 21, 28.36,38,48,60,
58; his career, 81, 82, 85, 88, 93, 119
Northumberland, Sir John Dudley* Lord
\Varwick, &c., Duke of, 3, 20, 21, 30;
his career, 31, 36; his eldest son men-
tioned (Lord Guildford Dudley) 53, 54,
57, 59, 72, 73, 81, 82, 85, 88, 93, 94,
100, 101, 106, 119, 129, 135
Norwich, 48, 59; dean and chapter of,
101
Nottingham, Sheriff of, 38
Nottinghamshire, 132
Nurembnrg, 111
Ogiethorpe, Owen, afterwards Bishop of
Carlisle (1557), 132
Olyver, Dr 135
Oriel College, Oxford, 133
Our Lady and the Holv Angels Chapel.
York, 132
Oxford, 131 to 134, 136
Oxfordshire, 26, 27, 2 i
Oza, otherwise Uzzah, 143
Paget, Robert, the insurgent brother of
William, 53, 55, 74
Paget, Sir William, afterwards Lord
Paget of Beaudcsert, 19, 24, 39, 42;
his career, 53, 60, 64, 65, 67, 73, 85,
90, 102, 119, 134, 135
Palladcn, Richard, a prisoner, 126
1 ':i; n in tv. Robert Malic, F/ord of, 124
Papists, Udall's description of, 146
Pardons for the rebels, 65
Paris, 192
Parker, Henry, ninth Baron Morley, 94
Parker, Henry, tenth Baron Morley, 95
204
INDKX.
Parker. Dr. Matthew, afterwards Arch-
bishop of Canterbury. 130, 133
Parker. Sir William. HI
I'arr. Anne. -i-t. r <>f Catherine, 23
1'arr. Catherine. Queen, 23
Partridge. Sir Mil*-. 122
Paternoster, to be used in the vernacular
and understood, 164
Paal.St.. 142. 143. ISO. 190, 191
Paalet. Sir llii-h. 52, 63, 64
Paulct. Sir .John. 52
Paalet. Sir William, Baron St. .Mm of
Basing, afterwards Marquis of Win-
chester, bis career, 34. See St. John
Paul lr. Pietro, Italian prisoner, 126
Pauls Cross, 130, 136. Set St. Paul's
Peckham, Sir Kdmnml. high treasurer of
the Mint <i:,4'.»), 96
Pembroke, William Herbert, first Karl
of (1468), 23 (second creation 1551),
1, 23, tic. See Herbert
Penbroke, Svmon. prisoner, 125
Penrith, John Bird, Suffragan Bishop
of, 136
Peter, Sir William, 107, &c. See Petre,
Sir William
Petre. William, secretary, 14, 19, 2O. 21.
24, 34, 39; his career, 42, 43, 45, 49,
51 to 63, 55, 62, 64, 72, 73, 80, 84, 85,
88 to 90, 93, 102, 106, 107
Petrt MSS., here printed, from the ori-
ginals »t the Inner Temple, 6. 7, 15,
20 to 22. 25, 27, 30. 34. 35, 37, 38, 44,
46, 47. 50, 52, 53, 60, 63, 67, 68, 73, 74,
0,88,111
Pharao. 166, 191
Philip of Spain, husband of Queen Mary,
38, 43, 64. 82
Philippe, Mr of Cornwall, 37
Piers, probably William. 29
Plymouth, the Mayor of, 33, 35
Plymouth, relief of, 61
Pocock, Nicholas, his edit, of Burnet's
Reformation. 75, 84, 104, 129
Pole. Reginald. Cardinal, afterwards
Archbishop of Canterbury, 38, 82, 13H,
180. 1 - 1
Pomeray, Sir Thomas, concerning his
pardon, 49; to be searched for, 68
Poole, in Dorsetshire, 29, 47, 49
Portsmouth. 29
rtojljat, I)r. John, Bishop of Rochester,
afterwards of Winchester. I :<7
Priry Seal, Lord. See Russell, Sir John
Proclamations in Cornwall and Devon-
shire. 41 to 43, 69 to 71, 95, 96, 108.
See Antiquaries Society and (irafton
Protector, the Lord, pauim. See Som-
erset, K«l mini Seymour
Purbeck, 29
Reading. 123
Rebellion in Norfolk, 27, &c. &* Nor-
folk
Receiver, the King's (Brystowe), 25
Kco-irrr. the Protector's (Croche), 25
Record Office, Domestic Papers of
Edward VI. at the, 1, 3, 4, 8, 11, 12,
14, 19, 77 to 80, 83, 86, 92, 94, 102,
104, 106, 108, 113, 118, 120, 123, 127,
131, 133
Rcformatio Legum Kcclesiasticarnm, 72.
108
Reformation, Bnrnet's, 75, 84, 104, 129
Reynolds, Dr ,7
Rich, Richard. Baron Rich, of Leexe,
chancellor, 7, 8, 20, 24, 30, 34 ; his
«ner, 36, 37, 39, 42, 45, 49, 51, 52,
60, 62. 64, 72, 81, 82, 85, 88, 93, 100.
101, 129
Richardson, Thomas, cleric and prisoner.
125
Richmond, 6, 7, 19, 20, 33, 121
Ridley, Nicholas, Bishop of London,
(1650— 1553), 3, 43, 81
Ringleaders to be sent for trial, 63
Rochester. Bishop of (John Fisher.
1604), 36
Rochester. Bishop of (Nicholas Heath.
1540), 138
Rochester. Bishop of (John Poynet,
1660), 137
Rochford, George Bolcyn, Lord, 119
Rome. 1 •.:. 180
Rose, Richard, pursuivant, 129
Rosfthampton, 121
Ronvett, Jacques, imprisoned French-
man, 125
Russell, Sir John, Baron Russell, Lord
Priry Seal (1542), and Karl of Bed-
ford. 6, 8 to 1 1 ; his career, 12, 15, 22.
29, 38, 40, 42, 44. 46, 47, 60, 51, 63,62,
63, 66, 73, 74, 78 to 80, 82, 86, 90, 92,
100, 102, 129, 134
Rutland, Henry Manners, second Karl
of (IMftXtt
Rut UT, a carter, 121
INDEX.
205
Rybald, Sir John, prisoner, 124
Rymer, Thomas, his Foedera, 43
Sadleyr or Sadler, Sir Ralph, 20, 24,
72, 73, 82, 85, 88, 93; signs proclama-
tion against Somerset, 100
Safe conduct demanded for Humphrey
Arnndel and Henry Braye, 184
Sainga, Pierre, 62
St. Asaph's, Bishop of (1536, William
Barlow), 133
St. David's, Bishop of (1536, William
Barlow), 133
St. John, Sir William Paolet, Baron St.
John, of Basing, 7, 8, 20, 24, 30; his
career, 34, 36, 37, 39, 42, 45, 49 to 52;
created Earl of Wiltshire, 53, 60, 62,
64, 65, 67, 72, 73, 81, 86, 88, 93; signs
proclamation against Somerset's evil
government, 100, 119, 129- made Lord
Treasurer, 134, 135
St. Leonard's, York, 132
St. Mary-le-bow, 45
St. Mary Magdalene, Bridgnorth Castle,
132
St. Mary Overy's Church, Sonthwark,
136
St. Paul's Church, the old cathedral, 45,
51
St. Paul's Cross, preaching station, 130,
186
St Stephen's College, Westminster, 123
Salisbury, 15, 23
Sampford Courtney, 15
Sark or Serk, Channel Island, 60
Sariiiu Use, Service-books, to be destroyed,
128
Saxony, Dnke Henry of (1544), 112
Saxony, Elector Manrice of (1541), 110
Scotland, Somerset's expedition into, 82;
loss of Hadington, 116, 149
Scots disaffected during Protectorate, 13,
124, 137, 149
Seckendorff's History, 112
Segar, William, a chief captain and
subscriber of the articles, 188
Semaryall, a French prisoner in the
Tower, 125
Semere, Andrew, French prisoner in the
Tower, 1 25
Sempringham, Monks of the Order of, 3
Serk or Sark, 60
Servants in attendance to be limited in
nnmber, 182
CAMD. 80C.
Sessay, in Yorkshire, 132
Sety, a yeoman usher, 122
Severn estnary, 61
Seymour, Lady Anne, daughter of Lord
Protector Somerset, 31
Seymour, Edward, Lord Protector of
England, Dnke of Somerset, his titles
and career, 1,2, etc. See Somerset
Seymour, Sir Edward otherwise Lord
Edward (son of the Protector Somer-
set), afterwards Baron Beanchamp
and Earl of Hertford, 79, 80
Seymour, Sir Harry, 77, 78
Seymour, the Lady Jane, third Queen of
Henry VIII., 2
Seymour, Sir Thomas (brother of Ed-
ward the Lord Protector Somerset,
and of the Queen Jane Seymour),
Lord Seymour of Sndelye, High Ad-
miral of England, 38, 39, 42; com-
mitted to the Tower, 50; executed
after attainder, 72, 85; Sndeley men-
tioned, 123
Sheep, payment for, 16
Sheffield, Edmund, first Baron (1547),
slain at Norwich by a butcher, 48, 59
Sherbnrn, in Dorset, 11
Sherrington or Sharington, Sir William,
treasurer of the King's Mint at Bristol,
123; a prisoner, and pardoned, 125
Shrewsbury, Francis Talbot, eighth Earl
of, 7; his career, 81, 82; 85, 86, 88,
93; signs proclamation against So-
merset, 100, 119
Shyne grounds, 121,122
Sibthorp, 132
Sion or Syon, 13, 24, 27, 74, 121 to 123
Sloeman, John, a chief captain of the
insurgents, and subscriber to their
Articles, 188
Smith or Smyth, George, brother of Sir
Thomas, 106
Smith or Smyth, Sir Thomas, Secretary,
34, 42, 45, 53, 55, 90, 102; sequestered
from the Council mid Secretaryship.
106; his career, 107 to 109; one of his
perquisites, on alum, 123; imprisoned
as adherent of Somerset, 1 26 ; but
released in the following February,
UM
Smith, William, a Richmond carter, I'.'l
Somerset, Anne (daughter of Sir K<1-
ward Stanhope, of Slid ford, Notts.),
Duchess of, 121
MM
IM'i.X.
Somerset, chief conspirators against the
Lord Protector, Warwick and South-
well, first organizers. Srr Arnn.i.-l.
Baker, Cheney, Gage, HerU-rt. ]•'..
Montague, Kdward North. N»rthamp-
ton, Petre, Hirh, Russell, Sadler,
Shrewsbury. Southampton, Sir Ri-
chard Southwell, Warwick, Wcnt-
wonh, the Wottons, Kdward and
Nicholas, Yorke; to whom may be
added Wingficld
Somerset : Edward Seymour, V
Beanchamp, Captain of Jersey, Karl
of Hertford, Great Chamberlain for
life, Lord Protector of Kngland in
minority of Kdward VI., Baron Sey-
mour, and Duke of Somerset (1547),
1 to 3, 6, 7, 8, 11, 14, 19 to 21, 24, 25,
27, 28, 30, 34, 3fi, 37, 39, 42, 43, 45,
46, 49, 62, 63, 65. 60. r,2, «54. 65, 67,
72 to 74, 76 to 90; falls into discredit,
92 to 94 ; is proclaimed, 95 to 98 ;
101; 102,103, 105, 107 to 110,112;
denounced to the ambassadors, 113 to
118; declared to be in custody. 119;
as also his servant*, 12": inventory of
his removed chattel-*, 121 to 124; on-
fined in the Tower, 126, 127; 129;
the conspirators against him (See
Somerset. Conspirators), 135, 138; li-
mited restitution proposed for his
benefit, 139; described by Nicholas
Udall as the King's " most dear uncle
Kdward," 149, 187
Somerset House, near Strand Bridge
Somersetshire troubles among the Com-
mons in, 1, 8, 11, 31, 32, 47, 64,
66
Soter, Bishop of Rome (168, martyred
under Marcus Antoninus), 158
Southampton, Thomas Wriothesley, Earl
«f, 4:»: formerly Secretary of State
(1538), bis career, 49 to 52; Baron
Wriothesley of Titchficld, Lord Chan-
ccllor (1544), and Earl of South-
ampton, 60; 51, 60, 72, 83, 85, Kg, 93;
signs the proclamation against Somer-
set, 100; driven from the Council. 1<>] ,
119; 126
188
Southwell, Sir Richard, 85, 88; his ca-
reer, including the signing proclama-
tion denouncing the Protector Somer-
set, against whom he was a chief
contriver and conspirator. 101; an-
nounces him to be in custody, 119
Smthwell, Sir Robert, brother of Ri-
chard, Master of the Rolls and Privy
Councillor in the reign of Henry
VIII.. 101
Speke, Sir Thomas, 52
Spinola, 32
Staines, the bridge and town of, 19
St:inhi.|M-, Sir Michael, 106; imprisoned,
1 2rt
Stanhope's house at Bedding, Mr. (pro-
bably Sir Michael), 121
Stephen-ton, John, imprisoned, 125
Stepney manor, ; 1 '.•
Stonrton, Lord (probably Charles Stonr-
ton, seventh Baron, who was in 1551
executed at Salisbury for mnnlcr <>f
the Hargills, father and son), 1. ('/.
Prefaer, xri.
Stow, John, 90
Stowcll, bringer of news, 15
Strasbnrg or Argentina, 110, 111
Strype, John, hi- K.rlcsiastical Memo-
rial*. Jkc., 7. s, IM. 73, 74,95
Succession, Kdward VI. 's device for the,
63. 85, 94, 101, tic. Srr Edward VI.
Sndeley, a former residence of High
Admiral Thomas Seymour, 123
Suffolk, Charles Brandon, first Duke of
(1514—1545), 1; his career, 2, Sic.;
at reception of Anne of Geres (1539),
135
Suffolk, Henry Brandon, second Duke
of (1545—1551), who died on the
same day as his brother Charles, both
being sons of Catherine Baroness
Wi Hough by d'Eresbv, and the first
Duke ..f Suffolk, 2
Suffolk, Henry lirey, Duke of (1561),
successor to the Brandons, his career,
2. his downfall, 101, 129
Suffolk, troubles in, 24. 32, 48, 68
Sun. lay Baptisms, 16, 163
Supplication of the Commons of Devon
and Cornwall, to which the king sent
answer, 19,20
Surrey, commotions in, 24
Surrey, Henry Howard (judicially mur-
dered in 1646: son of Thomas, third
Duke of Norfolk), Earl of, 101
Sussex, Sir Henry Ratcliffe, seeoad Earl
of, 81, 106
Syon, 13, 24, 27, 74. 121 to l.':t
INDEX.
207
Talbot, Francis, fifth or eighth Earl of
Shrewsbury (1541), his career, 81, 82
Talbot, George, fourth or seventh Karl
of Shrewsbury (1473), 82
Talbot, John, first or fourth Earl of
Shrewsbury (1442—1453), 82
Thanks officially rendered to helpers
against the insurgents, 65
Thirsk, Yorkshire, 132
Thistleworth,122
Thompson (perhaps Richard), the Pirate
at the Severn, 61
Thompson or Tompson, John, priest, and
one of the four governors of the in-
surgents' camp, 188
Thompson or Tomson, Richard, a pri-
soner in the Tower, 125
Thyn or Thynne, Sir John, 106, 123,
126
Tier i icv. Canon, his edition of Dod's
. Church History, 21, 22
Tomson, Richard, and John Tompson.
Sec Thompson
Toreiton (probably Torrington, Devon),
1-
Travers, Mr 12, 30, 34, 41, 50
Treatise on Marriage, occasioned by the
Pretended Divorce of Henry VIII.
from Catherine of Arragon, by Dr.
Nicholas Harpsfield, edited by Nicholas
Pocock, 3 (Camden Society, New
Series, No. 21).
Trenchard, Sir Thomas, 28
Troubles at Frankfort quoted, 7
Tnnstall, Cnthbert, Bishop of London
(1522). afterwards of Durham (1530),
77, 136
Turner (afterwards Cox), Mrs. Jane
(ni-e Ander), wife of William, 4
Turner, Dr. William, Somerset's do-
mestic physician, 3, 4, 122; begs the
Presidentship of Magdalen College,
Oxford, 131, 132; seeks some other
preferment, nnd becomes Dean of Bath
and Wells, 133, 134
Tyburn, execution of the insurgent
leaders, Humphrey Annul. -I. John
Wyndslow, John Bury, and Thomas
Holmes, at, 126
Tytler, Patrick Fraser, his England
under the reigns of Ivlwiml VI. and
Mary (1839), 19, 64, 76, 78, 80, 90,
102, 109,116, 119, 124
Udall, Nicholas (for account of his
career see the Preface, separately in-
dexed, xviii. to xxv.i. his Answer to
the Commoners of Devonshire and
Cornwall (printed complete from
Royal MS. 18 B. xi. fol. 1 to 40), with
consideration of their Sixteen Articles,
141 to 193
Underbill, Thomas, a chief captain
among the insurgents, 49, 54, 188
Unthanke, the imprisoned parson of
Hedley, 125
Vane or Fane, Sir Ralph, 123; impri-
soned in the Tower, 126
Vanghan, Sir Stephen, 11
Walden in Essex, 45
Wales, 1, 35, 44
Warden of the Cinque Ports (1540 —
1558), 85. See Cheney, T.
Warwick, John Dudley, Earl of (after-
wards Duke of Northumberland), 20,
21, 30 ; his career, 31, 34, 36, 39, 48,
50, 57, 59, 73, 81, 82, 85, 93, 100, 101,
106, 118, 129, 134, 13.'). See also
Dudley, John, and Northumberland
Wells. See Bath and Wells
Wentworth, Thomas, first Lord (1529 —
1551), 119
Wentworth, Thomas, second Lord (1551),
Deputy of Calais (1559 trial), 81 ; one
of the earliest adherents of Princess
Mary, 119
West, Nicholas, Bishop of Ely (1515—
1534). 129
West, William, a prisoner, 125
Westminster Abbey, burial of Edward
VI. in, 82
Westminster, Bishop of London and
(Dr. John Poynet proposed), 137
Westminster, Letters of Council, &c.
sent from, 21, 28,30, 36, 37, 39, 42,
45, 46, 48, 55, 64, 65, 67, 72, 73, 82,
106, 129
Westminster, St. Stephen's College, 1 23
Wetherhedd, . . ., Surveyor of Works,
residing at Thistleworth, 122
Whaly, Mr , at Wimbledon, 121
Whelps of the Romish litter (Udall's
amenities of literature and theological
controversy), 141; Antichrist's whelps
(ditto), 191
2.vs
IXDI.X.
.mtidc acceptance of the Holy
Communion recommended, 158,159
Will of Kdw&rd VI. for the succession
of Lady Jane Grey, 94, *c -
Edward VI. and Succession
Will of Henry VIII. appointing sixteen
executors, 38, 42, 78, 81, 85, 88, 101,
I.e., 136
Willou^hby d'Kresby, Catharine, Baro-
ne«B (mother of Henry and Charles
Brandon, who died of the plague,
both on one day), 2
Willonghby d'Eresby, Peregrine Bertie,
Lord, 26
Wilton, 113
Wilton. William, Lord Grey de, 25; his
career, 26. 27 to 29, 3:>, :t3
Wiltshire, William 1'aulct. Karl of, 21;
his career, 34; 53, 134, etc. >W M.
John. W
Wilt-liin-. commotions in, 1 1,23, 32, 44
Wimbledon, Surrey, 121
Winchester, Bishop of (Stephen Gar-
diner. 1.131 — 1551 and 1553—1557)
Winchester, Bishop of (John Poynet,
1551—1553)
Winchester, Bishop of (Thomas Wolsey,
1529—1531), 12,86
Winchester, Deanery of, 3, 4
Winchester, Marqnis of (Sir William
I'anlet, Baron St. John of Basing,
Karl of Wiltshire), 21; his career, 34.
See St. John
Winder, Council letters sent from, 36
42,53,76,83,86,88 to 91, 94, 104 to
I(i7. 1 is. 119, 121, 122. l:»2
Wingfield.Sir Anthony. 7, 9, 84, 36,39;
his career, 42, 48 ; 45, 96, 1 1 '.'
Wit ton burg, 110
Wolf or Wulf, Edward, 100; imprisoned,
1 L'f,
Wolsey, Thomas, Cardinal, Bishop of
Winchester, and Archbishop of York,
1.'. 86
Wood, Anthony a, his Athena: Oxoni-
enses, *c., 103, 132
Woolcombe's Gleanings, Cotton and, 62.
73
Worcester, Bishop of (Nicholas Heath,
1644—1562 and 1653—1666), his
1 . r> • r. I .."
Worcester, Bishop of (John Hooper,
1662—1663), 130
Wotton, Sir Edward, brother
cholas, 135; his career. 7:i. KH:
Wotton, Dr. Nicholas, Dean of Canter-
bun-, 86, 88, 98, 101; his career, 135
Wriothi-lt-y. Churli*. Windsor Herald,
his Chronicle of England durinp the
Reigns of the Tndors (Camden
Society's New Series, NOB. 1 1 and 20).
See Wriothesley's Chronicle.
Wriotheslcy of Titchfield, Sir Thomas,
Baron Wriothesley, Lord Chancellor,
afterwards Earl of Southampton, 34,
88, 42; his career, 49 to 59; 60. 72,
83, 86, 88, 90, 93, 100, 110, 119, 126.
See Southampton
Wriot lire-ley's Chronicle, quoted, 1,61,
125 138
WuTf or Wolf, Edward, 106,126
Wyntt. Sir Thomas, his rising in Kent
(1553—1664), 81, 89, 101
Wyncestlo (probably the same as John
Wyndslow ).:.», llv.
Wvndslow. John, imprisoned, 126. See
W\ ncestlo, 64
York, Archbishop of (Nicholas Heath.
1665—1560)
York, Archbishop of (Robert Holgate,
1544—1555)
York, Archbishop of (Kdward Lee, 1531
—1644)
York, Archbishop of (Thomas Wolsey,
1614—1531)
York, Archdeacon of the East Hiding
(Dr. John Dakyn), 13:'
York, Archdeacon of the East Riding
(Dr. Thomas Magnus, known as
" Among Us "), 132
York, Chapel of Our Lady and the Holy
Apostles, 132
York, Dean of (Dr. Nicholas Wotton,
1544), 135
York, Hospital of St. Leonard, 132
York. Prel-cndary of (Dr. William Clay-
burgh, 1549—1554), 132
York, Visitation in the Prorince of
(June 24, 1559), 82
Sir John, Sheriff of London
(I.MH, with Augustine Hind), his
career, 138
Zacharic or Zacharias, father of St. John
the Baptist, 162
January 1885.
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REPORT OF THE COUNCIL
OF
THE CAMDEN SOCIETY,
READ AT THE GENERAL MEETING
ON THE 2ND MAY, 1884.
THE Council of the Camden Society have to regret the loss, by death,
of the following Members —
Right Rev. LORD BISHOP OF ARGYLE.
Sir GEORGE BOWYER.
JAMES CROSSLEY, Esq. F.S.A.
SAMUEL EDWARDS, Esq.
The following have been elected Members of the Society during the
past year : —
BOSTON, U.S.A., FREE LIBRARY.
Rev. ALEXANDER COOKE.
W. N. LAWSON, Esq.
WM. JOHN MERCER, Esq.
D. J. MACLAGAN, Esq.
FRANCIS WM. LEYBOURN POPHAM, Esq.
HENRY Ross, Esq.
Rev. THOS. W. SCOTT.
Rev. Canon WM. STUBBS, D.D., F.S.A. (now Bishop-elect
of Chester).
EUGENE R. WETHEY, Esq.
2 REPORT OP THE COUNCIL, 1884.
The volumes promised in the last Report are now all in the hands of
the Members, or will reach them in a few days.
The books for the year 1884-5 will be : —
1. Papers relating to issue of the Second Prayer Book of Edward VI. Edited
by the Rev. N. POCOCK.
2. Political Memoranda of the fifth Duke of Leeds, 1774, &c. Edited by OSCAR
BROWNING, Esq.
8. Selections from the Lauderdale Papers, Vol. II. Edited by OSMUND AIRY,
Esq.
Of these, the first two are already in the press.
The Council have added to the list of works in preparation an account
of the war in Ireland after the rebellion of 1642, from the pen of Colonel
Plunket, a Catholic officer serving under the Marquis of Ormond, to be
edited by Miss Mary Hickson, which will add to our knowledge of Irish
history during the period which has recently been illustrated by the works
edited by Mr. J. T. Gilbert.
The forthcoming publications will show that the Council have been
glad, by breaking what is to them the new ground of the latter half of the
eighteenth century, to extend the sphere of their labours, and thereby to
render the work of the Society still more attractive than it has hitherto
been.
On the whole, the Council may congratulate the Society on a year of
steady progress, the fruits of which, it is to be hoped, will be seen in the
additional Members who may be attracted to it
By order of the Council,
SAMUEL KAWSON GARDINER, Director.
ALFRED KINGSTON, Secretary.
REPORT OF THE AUDITORS.
WE, the Auditors appointed to audit the Accounts of the Camden Society, report
to the Society, that the Treasurer has exhibited to us an Account of the Receipts and
Expenditure from the 1st of April 1883 to the 31st of March 1884, and that we
have examined the said accounts, with the vouchers relating thereto, and find the same
to be correct and satisfactory.
And we further report that the following is an Abstract of the Receipts and
Expenditure during the period we have mentioned : —
RECEIPTS.
£ «. d.
To Balanceof last year's account... 382 16 6
Received on account of Members
whose Subscriptions were in ar-
rear at last Audit 64 3 0
The like on account of Subscriptions
dueon the 1st of May, 1883 233 2 0
Thelikeon account of Subscriptions
due on the 1st of May, 1884 17 1 0
To two Compositions in lieu of
Annual Subscription 20 0 0
One year's dividend onjf-NJG 3 1
3 per Cent. Consols, standing in
the names of the Trustees of the
Society, deducting Income Tax.. 13 14 0
To Sale of Publications of past
years 15 4 9
To Sale of Promptorium Parvulorum
(3vols.ini) 250
£ «. d.
4748 6 3
EXPENDITURE.
Paid for printing 500 Copies Camden Miscellany,
Vol. VIII 84 9
Do. do. Voyage to Cadiz 59 2
Do. do. Letter Book of Gabriel Harvey 60 &
Paid for Miscellaneous Printing 5 14
Paid for delivery and transmission of Books, with
paper for wrappers, warehousing expenses (in-
cluding Insurance) 26
Paid for Binding 30
I
-
5
6
Legal Expenses 2 2
Paid for making various Transcripts 49
Paid for postages, &c 2
By Balance
£320 3 0
.. 428 3 3
£748 6 3
And we, the Auditors, further state, that the Treasurer has reported to us, that
over and above the present balance of £428 3*. 3d. there are outstanding various
subscriptions of Foreign Members, and of Members resident at a distance from
London, which the Treasurer sees no reason to doubt will shortly be received.
JAMES RAE.
April 25th, 1884.
REPORT OF THE COUNCIL
OP
THE CAMDEN SOCIETY,
READ AT THE GENERAL MEETING
ON THE 4xH MAY, 1885.
IT is with the greatest regret that the Council of the Camden Society
announce that the Secretary of the Society, Alfred Kingston, Esq., died
on April 24. Some of them have lost in him a warm personal friend.
All of them can bear witness to the devotion with which he studied the
interests of the Society, and the good judgment and unfailing courtesy and
tact which have for many years made him so valuable both as a counsellor
and in his more immediately official capacity. Since the death of Mr.
Bruce no such loss has befallen the Society.
The Council have also to regret the loss, by death, of the following
Members —
The Very Rev. J. W. BLAKESLEY, D.D. Dean of Lincoln.
The Right Rev. Dr. JACOBSON, Bishop of Chester.
HENRY CHAS.COOTE, Esq. F.S.A.
Mrs. R. J. HOLLOND.
JOHN W. MACKENZIE, Esq.
Dr. N. ROGERS.
Of these Dr. Blakesley, Dr. Jacobson, and Mr. Mackenzie had been
Members of the Society since its establishment in 1838.
2 REPORT OF THE COUNCIL, 1885.
The following have been elected Members of the Society during the
past year: —
Miss LUCY HARRISON.
Professor HENRY MORLEY, LL.D.
ROBERT RIGBY, Esq.
PfcRCY M. THORNTON, Esq.
MKRTON COLLEGE, OXFORD; and
BROOKLYN LIBRARY, NEW YORK.
Of the volumes promised in the last Report, two are already in the
hands of the Members, and the third, consisting of Papers relating to the
Troubles caused by the issue of the second Prayer Book of Edward VI.
will follow in a few days.
For the year 1885-86, the Council proposed to issue : —
1 . Proceedings in the Courts of the Star Chamber and High Commission in tin-
years 1631-2. To be edited by S. R. GARDINER, LL.D. Director.
•2. Custumals of Battle Abbey, temp. Edward I., from a MS. in the Public
Record Office. To be edited by SAMUEL R. BIRD, Esq. F.S.A.
3. Selections from the Lauderdale Papers, Vol. III. To be edited by OSMUND
AIRY, Esq.
In their last Report the Council announced their intention of printing
an account of the war in Ireland after the rebellion of 1642, from the pen
of Colonel Plunket. Further inquiry has, however, shown that the amount
of unpublished matter contained in the MS. was insufficient tu justify its
issue at the expense of the Society, and it has therefore been withdrawn
from the list of suggested publications.
There is, however, no lack of material for the operations of the Society,
and the Council are able to look forward to much useful work in the
future.
By order of the Council,
SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER, Director.
REPORT OF THE AUDITORS.
WE, the Auditors appointed to audit the Accounts of the Camden Society, report
to the Society, that the Treasurer has exhibited to us an Account of the Receipts and
Expenditure from the 1st of April 1884 to the 31st of March 1885, and that we
have examined the said accounts, with the vouchers relating thereto, and find the same
to be correct and satisfactory.
And we further report that the following is an Abstract of the Receipts and
Expenditure during the period we have mentioned : —
£
RECEIPTS. £
To Balance of last year's account... 428
Received on account of Members
whose Subscriptions were in ar-
rear at last Audit 12 0 0
The like on account of Subscriptions
due on the 1st of May, 1884 230 3 0
The like on account of Subscriptions
due on the 1st of May, 1885 18 1 0
One year's dividend on .£466 3 1
3 per Cent. Consols, standing in
the names of the Trustees of the
Society, deducting Income Tax*
To Sale of Publications of past
years 956
To Sale of Prornptorium Parvulorum
(3vols.ini) 3 15 0
Interest on deposit of £200 for two
years 9 10 5
•. </. EXPENDITURE.
;S i Paid for printing 500 Copies Lauderdale Papeis,
t. d.
18 2
vol. i. .: : :..... 97 5 3
Do. do. Memoranda of Duke of Leeds 74 1 3
Do. do. Lauderdale Papers, Vol. II.... 101 12
Paid for Miscellaneous Printing 1015 6
Paid for delivery and transmission of Books, with
paper for wrappers, warehousing expenses (in-
cluding Insurance) 36 15 0
Paid for paper 36 8 0
Paid for Binding 50 7 9
Paid for making various Transcripts 56 3 3
Paid for postages, &c 3 15 3
Clerical Assistance 660
£473 9
By Balance 237 8
£710 18
* NOTE.- -This dividend has not been collected during the current year, owing to the deaths of two of the
Trustees, and consequent delays in getting the stock transferred to fresh Trustees.
And we, the Auditors, further state, that the Treasurer has reported to us, that
over and above the present balance of £237 8*. 8d. there are outstanding various
subscriptions of Foreign Members, and of Members resident at a distance from
London, which the Treasurer sees no reason to doubt will shortly be received.
JAMES RAE.
WYNNE E. BAXTER.
April 25th, 1885.
DA
20
C17
n.s.
no. 37
Camden Society, London
cPublicationsD
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