Troublous Times in Canada: A History of the Fenian Raids of 1866 and 1870

Project Gutenberg's Troublous Times in Canada, by John A. Macdonald

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org

Title: Troublous Times in Canada
A History of the Fenian Raids of 1866 and 1870

Author: John A. Macdonald

Release Date: October 22, 2006 [EBook #19599]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ASCII

*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TROUBLOUS TIMES IN CANADA ***

Produced by Gardner Buchanan.

TROUBLOUS TIMES IN CANADA

A HISTORY OF THE FENIAN RAIDS OF 1866 AND 1870

BY CAPT. JOHN A. MACDONALD (A Veteran of 1866 and 1870)

Troublous Times in Canada.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Preface.

CHAPTER I.--Unhappy, Ireland Seething in Sedition--The Fenian
Brotherhood--Hatching the Plot--The Movement of '65--A Split in the
Fenian Camp.

CHAPTER II.--The Fenian Convention at Cincinnati--The Birth of the Irish
Republic--"On to Canada"--Gen. Sweeny's Programme.

CHAPTER III.--The First Alarm--Canadian Volunteers Promptly Respond
to the Call of Duty--The Campo Bello Fizzle--Fenians Gather on the
Border--Operations on the Niagara Frontier.

CHAPTER IV.--The Landing in Canada--Preliminary Operations of the Fenian
Forces Near Fort Erie--Advance into the Interior.

CHAPTER V.--The Second Alarm--Grand Uprising of the Canadian
People--Departure of Troops for the Front--Gen. Napier's Plan of
Campaign--List of the Various Corps Called out for Active Service.

CHAPTER VI.--The Battle of Ridgeway--A Baptism of Fire and Blood for the
Canadian Troops--Splendid Coolness and Heroic Courage of the
Volunteers at the Beginning of the Fight Ends in Disaster--The Honor
Roll--Incidents of the Fight--Public Funerals for the Dead.

CHAPTER VII.--The Expedition on the Steamer "W. T. Robb"--Fierce Fight
at Fort Erie--Stiff Resistance of a Gallant Band of Canadians Against a
Fenian Force Ten Times Their Number--List of the Wounded and Captured.

CHAPTER VIII.--The Governor-General's Body Guard--Denison's Rapid
Ride--Col. Peacocke's Movements from Chippawa to Fort Erie--The Bivouac
at Bowen's Farm--Arrival of Col. Lowry's Force at Fort Erie.

CHAPTER IX.--Hurried Evacuation of Canada by Gen. O'Neil--Capture of the
Escaping Fenians by the United States Gunboat "Michigan."

CHAPTER X.--The Chicago Volunteers--A Noble Band of Patriots Return Home
to Defend Their Native Land--A Striking Example of Canadian Patriotism.

CHAPTER XI.--"Johnny Canuck" Afloat--The Toronto Naval Brigade--Splendid
Service on Board the Gunboats--The Beginning of the Canadian
Navy--Arrival of British Tars.

CHAPTER XII.--On the St. Lawrence and Eastern Frontiers--Muster of
Troops at Kingston, Brockville, Prescott, Cornwall and Other Points.

CHAPTER XIII.--On the Vermont Border--Fenians Gather in Large
Numbers--The Fizzle at Pigeon Hill--Arrest of the Fenian General Spier.

CHAPTER XIV.--Fenian Mobilization at Malone, N.Y., and Elsewhere--Gen.
Meade's Prompt Action Stops the Invasion--Arrest of Gen. Sweeny and
Staff.

CHAPTER XV.--The Fenian Prisoners--Correspondence Between the British
and United States Governments Regarding Them.

CHAPTER XVI.--The Canadian Volunteers Receive the Thanks of the
Government, and Warm Praise from the General Commanding and Other
Officers for Their Patriotic Service in Defending the Country.

CHAPTER XVII.--A Retrospect of Events--A Combination of Unfortunate
Circumstances Involve Leading Officers.

CHAPTER XVIII.--Dangers which Existed Previous to Confederation of the
Provinces--Proposals of Annexation to the United States--Lessons Learned
by the Fenian Raid.

Fenian Raid of 1870

CHAPTER I.--Gen. O'Neil Prepares for Another Raid on Canada--Secret
Shipment of Arms to the Frontier.

CHAPTER II.--Another Call to Arms--The Canadian Volunteers Promptly
Respond to the Summons.

CHAPTER III.--Fenians Again Invade Canada--A Raid from Vermont Promptly
Repulsed by a Handful of Canadians.

CHAPTER IV.--Operations on the Missisquoi Frontier--The Battle of
Eccles' Hill--Complete Defeat of the Fenian Army--Arrest of Gen. O'Neil.

CHAPTER. V.--The Canadian Frontier Vigilantly Guarded--Volunteers on
Service at Danger Points all Along the Line.

CHAPTER VI.--Fenians Gather en the Huntingdon Border--Skirmish at Trout
River--The Enemy Routed by the Canadian Troops.

CHAPTER VII.--The Dawn of Peace--The Volunteers Relieved from Further
Service--Thanked by the Dominion Government, Lieutenant-General
Commanding, and the Imperial Government--Medals Bestowed and Crown Lands
Granted to the Veterans in Recognition of Their Services.

Appendix

CHAPTER I.--Full Report of the Investigation by the Court of Inquiry in
Regard to the Conduct of Lieut.-Col. Booker at the Battle of Lime Ridge,
Together with the Evidence Submitted and the Finding of the Court.

CHAPTER II.--Report of the Charges Made Against Lieut.-Col. Dennis,
Regarding his Conduct During the Fight at Fort Erie, with the Opinion
Delivered by the Court of Inquiry who Investigated His Case.

PREFACE.

One of the most dangerous and critical periods in the history of Canada
was that which closely followed the termination of the Civil War between
the Northern and Southern States of America in the year 1865. It is a
strange fact that Canadian authors and historians do not seem to have
fully realized the gravity of the situation that then existed, as the
event has been passed over by them with the barest possible mention.
Thus the people of the present generation know very little of the Fenian
troubles of 1866 and 1870, and the great mass of the young Canadian boys
and girls who are being educated in our Public Schools and Colleges are
in total ignorance of the grave danger which cast dark shadows over this
fair and prosperous Dominion in those stormy days. It was a period
of great peril to this rising young Nation of the North, which might
possibly have ended in the severance of Canada from British dominion.
But happily this was prevented by the prompt measures that were taken
to defend our soil, and the quick response that was made by the resolute
Canadian Volunteers when the bugles sounded the call to assemble for
active service on our frontiers.

The fierce conflict which had been waged in the United States of America
for four long years between the North and the South was terminated by
the subjugation of the latter in the spring of 1865, and the tattered
battle flags of the Confederate forces were furled forever. Over a
million of men, veteran soldiers of both armies, were still in the field
when the Civil War ended, and when these mighty forces were disbanded,
hundreds of thousands of trained warriors were thrown upon their own
resources, without occupation or employment. While the majority of these
soldiers quickly resumed their old business or farming pursuits, yet
there remained idle a vast number of turbulent and restless spirits who
were ready and willing to embark in any fillibustering expedition that
might present itself. These men were all trained and seasoned veterans
of both the Union and Confederate armies--soldiers who were inured
to the hardships and rigors of many campaigns and fierce battles, and
thousands of them readily enrolled themselves under the Fenian banners
in anticipation of a war being inaugurated against the British nation,
with the invasion of Canada as the first step.

The defence of our extensive Canadian frontier depended mainly upon
the volunteer militia force of the scattered Provinces, and to their
patriotism and gallantry in springing to arms when their services
were needed to defend their native land, may be ascribed the glory of
frustrating the attempts of the Fenian invaders to establish themselves
on Canadian soil. True, there were some British regular troops on duty
in Canada in 1866 around which to rally, and they did their duty nobly,
but in the operations on the Niagara frontier especially, it was the
Canadian volunteers who bore the brunt of battle, and by their devotion
to duty, courage and bravery under hostile fire, succeeded in causing
the hasty retirement of the Fenian invaders from our shores, and again,
as in days of yore, preserved Canada to the Empire, as one of the
brightest jewels in the British Crown.

Having personally seen active service on the Niagara frontier during
both of the Fenian Raids of 1866 and 1870, and retaining vivid
recollections of the situation of affairs at the front during these two
campaigns, I will endeavor in the succeeding chapters of this book to
give the reader a faithful account of what occurred on these stirring
occasions. I have not relied on memory alone to present these facts,
but have corroborated my personal knowledge by reference to official
records, and reports of officers, which may be found in the archives of
the Militia Department at Ottawa, and the Ontario Bureau of Archives at
Toronto.

I have endeavored to fully cover the subject, and put on record the
splendid service which our gallant volunteers rendered to their
country in 1866 and 1870. Hoping that the reader will find these pages
interesting, and at all times be ready to emulate their example,

I am yours faithfully.
JOHN A. MACDONALD.
41 Macdonell Ave., Toronto, May, 1910.

CHAPTER I.

UNHAPPY IRELAND SEETHING IN SEDITION--THE FENIAN BROTHERHOOD--HATCHING
THE PLOT--THE MOVEMENT OF '65--A SPLIT IN THE FENIAN CAMP.

Every student of history is aware that for centuries the condition of
affairs in Ireland has not been altogether happy, owing largely to
the revolutionary schemes which have from time to time been hatched by
so-called "patriots" to "free Ireland from the yoke of the oppressor,"
as they termed it in their appeals to the people to incite rebellion,
but more properly speaking to bring about a repeal of the union between
Great Britain and Ireland and establish an Irish nation on Irish soil.
Many brave but misguided men have been led to their death by joining in
such rebellious conspiracies against constitutional government in years
gone by, and still the spirit of discontent and hatred of British rule
is kept smouldering, with occasional outbursts of revolt as succeeding
leaders appear on the scene to inflame the passions of the people.

Of the Irish troubles of earlier years it is not the purpose of
the writer to speak, but rather to deal with events which occurred
immediately prior to and during the period involving the Fenian
invasions of Canada.

For some time previous to the year 1865 the leader of the revolutionary
movement in Ireland was James Stephens. He was a man of considerable
influence among his compatriots, possessed of good executive ability,
and had great capacity for organization along revolutionary lines. Being
an energetic worker and a forcible speaker, he quickly enlisted the
cooperation of other "patriots" in promoting the establishment of
the Fenian Brotherhood, of which he was chosen the "Head Centre" for
Ireland. This organization spread with such rapidity throughout Ireland
and America that it soon became one of the most dangerous and formidable
revolutionary forces ever known in the history of any country.
Its members were oath-bound to use every means to bring about the
emancipation of Ireland from the rule of Great Britain, and to encompass
the downfall of "the bloody Sassenachs" on every hand. After thoroughly
planting the seeds of sedition in Ireland, Head Centre Stephens and
his coadjutor General John O'Mahony visited America for the purpose
of invoking the aid of their compatriots on this side of the Atlantic.
Their idea was to make an attempt to emancipate Ireland by striking
a blow for freedom on the soil of the Emerald Isle itself, and if
successful to establish their cherished Republic firmly, become
recognized as a nation by the different nations of the earth, and
thereafter govern their own affairs. On their arrival in the United
States the Irish envoys received a most enthusiastic welcome from their
countrymen, and receptions were arranged in their honor on their visits
to all of the principal cities in the Union. The speeches delivered at
these gatherings were of the most fervid and enthusiastic nature, and
the hopes of the Irish people rose high in the belief that an Irish
Parliament would soon hold a session in Dublin. Money and men were asked
for from America by Head Centre Stephens, both of which were freely
promised "for the sake of the cause." In due course of time the
Irish-Americans contributed over $200,000 in cash, besides an immense
quantity of war material, towards making the proposed insurrection a
success. Volunteers for active service on Irish soil were numerous, and
everything looked rosy for Head Centre Stephens when he left America for
Ireland to direct "The Movement of '65." But, alas, his high hopes were
doomed to be shattered. The initial steps in the campaign had barely
been taken when "dark clouds in the horizon" began to loom up. A small
vessel, called the "Erin's Hope." had been despatched from America with
a cargo of rifles, ammunition and other war supplies for the use of the
Fenians in Ireland. A company of adventurous patriots were on board to
assist their brethren in "the rising," and all were brave and confident
of success. They had hoped to run into a secluded bay on the coast of
Ireland during the favored hours of night, and land their expedition and
supplies. But on arrival at the chosen point the ship was hailed by a
British man-of-war and captured without resistance. The officers
and crew were consigned to a British dungeon, and the ship and cargo
confiscated. A British spy had kept the authorities informed, and the
war vessel was at the designated point of landing to gather in
the "forlorn hope" of the invaders. Other Irish-Americans who were
constantly arriving as passengers by the ocean steamships to take part
in the conflict were promptly arrested as they landed on the quays,
and the rebellion of 1865 was nipped in the bud. Much dissension and
dissatisfaction then arose within the Fenian Councils. A great deal of
money had been spent and the attempt had proved a failure. The vigilance
of the British authorities was so keen, and arrests so numerous, that
the available prisons were soon filled, and the hopeful warriors who so
valiantly boasted that they would quickly unfurl the "Sunburst of
Erin" on the walls of Dublin Castle were obliged to retire into strict
seclusion until an opportunity occurred to be smuggled out of Ireland by
their friends and stowed away on ships bound back for America.

The failure of the rising in 1865 caused a serious division among the
adherents of the cause in both America and Ireland, and the Fenian
Brotherhood was split into two hostile camps thereby. It was considered
that Stephens' policy of carrying on the rebellious operations in
Ireland was an impossible and suicidal one to the success of the
cause. Many Irish-Americans were languishing behind the bars of British
prisons, with an uncertain fate awaiting them when they were arraigned
for trial, and their comrades in the United States bitterly blamed
Stephens and O'Mahony for the fiasco. Consequently the majority in
America revolted, and seceded from the Stephens faction, claiming that
he had woefully misrepresented the state of affairs that existed in
Ireland, both as regarded preparations for a successful issue, and also
the enthusiasm that was said to sufficiently dominate the people there
to induce them to take up arms when the American contingent arrived.

Col. Wm. R. Roberts, of New York, was the leader of the American
secessionists, who declared their belief that "No direct invasion or
armed insurrection in Ireland would ever be successful in establishing
an Irish Republic upon Irish soil, and placing her once more in her
proper place as a nation among the nations of the earth." The forces of
Col. Roberts gathered strength daily, and soon usurped control of
the Fenian forces in America, much to the chagrin of Stephens and his
followers.

Gen. O'Mahony, who Head Centre Stephens had placed in supreme charge of
the affairs of the Fenian Brotherhood in America, was charged by Colonel
Roberts and his colleagues with having dipped too deep into the treasury
and by extravagance and other questionable methods dissipated the funds
of the Brotherhood. This widened the breach, and Roberts became the
popular idol with the majority of the American Fenians. Yet O'Mahony
held on to office with a ragged remnant of his old retainers to support
him, until finally Roberts triumphed and became the star around which
all of the other Fenian "planets" revolved.

CHAPTER II.

THE FENIAN CONVENTION AT CINCINNATI--THE BIRTH OF THE IRISH
REPUBLIC--"ON TO CANADA!"--GEN. SWEENY'S PROGRAMME.

The seceders from the Stephens faction met in Convention in Cincinnati,
Ohio, in September, 1865, a very large number of delegates being present
from all of the States in the Union. After the usual preliminary oratory
and the adoption of several resolutions, the delegates formed
themselves into a body which they termed "the Senate Wing of the Fenian
Brotherhood." They ridiculed the idea of invading Ireland successfully,
and changed their base of operations. "On to Canada" became their
slogan, and the idea was so popular that they quickly secured the
allegiance of thousands of disappointed Irishmen who were anxious and
ready to strike a blow at England in any quarter In order that there
should be some recognized source from which all orders, proclamations
and edicts could be officially promulgated, it was resolved to form an
Irish Republic (on paper), as the Fenians were without territory
until they captured it. This was accomplished by the adoption of a
constitution framed on the model of that used by the United States. Its
provisions included the usual regulations (both civil and military) for
a Republican form of government, and its unanimous acceptance by the
delegates was received with glad acclaim. Col. Wm. R. Roberts was chosen
as President of the new Republic, and Gen. T. W. Sweeny (who was then
commanding officer of the 16th United States Infantry) as Secretary of
War. The other Cabinet port-folios were handed out to "lesser lights" in
the Fenian fold.

As even Republican governments cannot be maintained, or military
campaigns conducted without the expenditure of money, the Irish
Republic could prove no exception to the rule, and therefore the work
of collecting funds and gathering munitions of war for the invasion
of Canada was immediately commenced. Fenian "circles," or lodges, were
organized in every possible corner of the United States for the purpose
of stirring up the enthusiasm of the Irish people and securing money
to purchase arms and ammunition. Military companies and regiments were
formed wherever practicable, and drilling and parading was pursued
openly during the fall of 1865 and winter of 1866, getting ready for the
coming fray.

Funds were raised in various ways--by voluntary subscriptions, by
holding picnics, excursions, fairs, bazaars and other methods. But the
largest source of revenue was derived by imposing upon the credulity of
the sons and daughters of Erin by the sale to them of bonds of the Irish
Republic, a chimerical dream which was painted in such glowing colors
and presented with such stirring appeals to their patriotism that
hard-earned dollars were pulled out from every nook and cranny in many
Irish homes to invest in these "securities" and thus help along the
cause. The following is a copy of the bond, which will serve to show its
wording:--

No. ...... No. ......

It is Hereby Certified that

The Irish Republic is indebted to ....... or bearer
in the sum of TEN DOLLARS, redeemable six months after
the acknowledgment of THE IRISH NATION, with interest
from the date hereof inclusive, at six per cent, per
annum, payable on presentation of this Bond at the
Treasury of the Irish Republic.

Date ......

[Stamp. Office of the Treasury.]

JOHN O'NEILL,
Agent for the Irish Republic.

In the light of subsequent events, when the dreams of the visionary
enthusiasts have been so rudely dispelled, the sight of one of these
bonds must present as much sadness and pathos to the beholder as the
vision of an old Confederate bank note does to the erstwhile defenders
of the "Lost Cause" of the Southern States.

As the coffers of the Irish Republic began to fill rapidly, the Fenian
leaders became more hopeful and bombastic, while enthusiasm among
the rank and file continued to be worked up to fever pitch. President
Roberts gathered a select coterie about him at his headquarters in New
York to assist in upholding his dignity, and incidentally help to boost
the cause. Plots and plans of all kinds were hatched against Great
Britain, and loud-mouthed orators were kept busy for several months
fanning the embers of Irish patriotism into flame.

General Sweeny was very active during the winter of 1865 and 1866 in
getting his "War Department" fully organized and his field forces ready
for the spring campaign against Canada. His staff was composed of the
following officers, all of whom had seen active service in the Civil
War:--

Chief of Staff--Brigadier-General C. Carroll Tavish.
Chief of Engineer Corps--Col. John Meehan.
Chief of Ordnance--Col. C. H. Rundell.
Engineer Corps--Lieut.-Col. C. H. Tresiliar.
Assistant Adjutant-General--Major E. J. Courtney.
Ordnance Department--Major M. O'Reilly.
Quartermaster--Major M. H. Van Brunt.
Aide-de-Camps--Capt. D. W. Greely and Capt. Daniel O'Connell.

This galaxy of officers strutted majestically around Headquarters garbed
in the gorgeous green and gold uniforms of the Fenian Army, looked wise,
and promised all enquirers that important movements would be made in the
spring. Secret meetings were held almost daily at Headquarters, when the
plan of campaign would be discussed over and over again, and amendments
made wherever necessary. Finally the following plan of operations was
given out in March, 1866, as the gist of one evolved by the Council,
which is said to have embodied Gen. Sweeny's whole strategic
programme:--

"Expeditions for the invasion of Canada will rendezvous at Detroit and
Rochester, and at Ogdensburg and Plattsburg, and at Portland. The
forces assembled at the two first-named points are to operate conjointly
against Toronto, Hamilton, and the west of Upper Canada. From Ogdensburg
and Plattsburg demonstrations will be made against Montreal, and
ultimately Quebec; Kingston will be approached by Cape Vincent, while
Portland will be the general place of embarkation for expeditions
against the capitals of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia."

THE BASES OF OPERATIONS.

"The Canadian and provincial borders once crossed, bases of operations
will be established in the enemy's country, so that international
quarrels with the Washington Government may be evaded. There are to
be lands chosen at the head of Passamaquoddy Bay, Saint John's, on the
Chambly, close to the foot of Lake Champlain; Prescott, on the Saint
Lawrence; Wolfe Island, at the foot of Lake Ontario; Hamilton, Cobourg
Goderich, and Windsor, in Upper Canada. These places are all within
convenient distances of the United States, and afford by water an easy
retreat, as well as cunning receptacles for fresh American levies."

THE FORCES AT THE DISPOSAL OF THE FENIANS.

"The Irish Republic calculates to have, by the first of April, fifteen
millions of dollars at its disposal in ready cash. This will give
transportation and maintenance for one month to thirty thousand men,
a greater number than were ever before mustered to the conquest of the
Canadian possessions. Of this force, eight thousand will carry the line
of the Grand Trunk road west of Hamilton; five thousand, crossing from
Rochester to Cobourg, will be prepared to move either east, in time to
act jointly with three thousand men from Wolfe Island, upon Kingston, or
to take part with the western detachment in the capture of Toronto. All
this, it is believed, will be the work of two weeks. Thus entrenched
securely in Upper Canada, holding all the routes of the Grand Trunk,
sufficient rolling stock secured to control the main line, the Fenians
hope to attract to their colors fifty thousand American Irishmen, and
equip a navy on Lakes Huron, Erie and Ontario. The avenues to return so
being secured, thirty thousand men, under General Sweeny, will move down
the Saint Lawrence, upon Kingston, simultaneously with ten thousand men
by the lines of the Chambly, and these will converge upon Montreal; in
the meantime isolated expeditions from the rendezvous at Saint Andrews
will reduce Saint John and Halifax, these furnishing depots for
privateers and ocean men-of-war to intercept British transports and
effectually close the Saint Lawrence. Quebec will thus fall by the slow
conquest of time; or, if the resources of the garrison should be greater
than the patience of the invaders, the same heights which two Irishmen
have scaled before, will again give foothold to the columns of the
brotherhood."

THE PLAN OF INVASION IN DETAIL.

"At Chicago the Fenians already possess five sailing vessels, a tug, and
two steam transports; at Buffalo they are negotiating for vessels; at
Bay City, Michigan, and at Cleveland they have other craft in process
of refitting; these will simultaneously raise the green flag and stand
ready to succor the land forces. Goderich, Sarnia and Windsor will be
simultaneously occupied; all the available rolling stock seized, and the
main line of the Grand Trunk cut at Grand River, to prevent the passage
of cars and locomotives to Hamilton. The geographical configuration
of the western half of Upper Canada will permit of a few thousand
men holding the entire section of the country between Cobourg and the
Georgian Bay. These are connected by a chain of lakes and water courses,
and the country affords subsistence for a vast army. Horses sufficient
to mount as many cavalry as the Brotherhood can muster, quartermasters'
teams in quantity, and a vast amount of lake shipping, will at once be
reduced to a grand military department, with Hamilton for the capital,
and a loan advertised for. While this is being negotiated, Gen. Sweeny
will push rapidly forward on the line of the Grand Trunk, in time to
superintend the fall of Montreal, where ocean shipping will be found
in great quantity. With the reduction of Montreal a demand will be made
upon the United States for a formal recognition of Canada, whose name
is to be changed at once to New Ireland. While this is being urged, the
green flag will scour all the bays and gulfs in Canada; a Fenian fleet
from San Francisco will carry Vancouver and the Fraser River country,
to give security to the Pacific squadron, rendezvousing at San Juan, and
the rights of belligerents will be enforced from the British Government
by prompt retaliation for the cruelties of British courtmartials."

ABILITY OF THE FENIANS TO HOLD CANADA.

"The population of the British provinces is little above two and a half
millions, and the military resources of the united provinces fall short
of sixty thousand men. Of these nearly ten thousand are of Irish birth
or descent. The States will furnish for the subjugation of these, eighty
thousand veteran troops. With the single exception of Quebec, it is
believed the whole of the British provinces will fall in a single
campaign. During the ensuing winter diversions will be put in motion in
Ireland, and while it is believed the Brotherhood can defy the Queen's
war transports to land an army in the west, arrangements will be
developed to equip a powerful navy for aggressive operations on the sea.
Before the 1st of June, it is thought, fifty commissioned vessels of
war and privateers, carrying three hundred guns, will be afloat, and to
maintain these a tremendous moral influence will be exerted upon every
Irish-American citizen to contribute the utmost to the general fund for
the support of the war.

"By the tempting offer of a surrender of Canada to the United States,
Mr. Seward, it is hoped, will wink at connivance between American
citizens and the Fenian conquerors, and by another summer it is thought
the dominion of the Brotherhood north of the St. Lawrence will be
formally acknowledged by the United States, Russia, and each of the
American republics. The third year of Irish tenure in Canada will, it
is believed, array two of the great powers against Great Britain. John
Mitchell, at Paris, will organize the bureau of foreign agents; and
Ireland, maintaining a position of perpetual revolt, will engage for her
own suppression a considerable part of the regular British levies."

EUROPEAN OPERATIONS.

"At the present time a bureau of operations is being quietly organized
in Paris, where the opposition press has already proclaimed for
Irish nationality. It is Mr. Mitchell who sees that the funds of the
Brotherhood are distributed in Ireland; he also is in correspondence
with liberal statesmen in Great Britain, and conducts the disintegration
of the British army by touching the loyalty of the Irish troops, who
constitute one-third of the Queen's service."

THE CUNARD STEAMERS TO BE SEIZED.

"Among the earliest aggressive operations will be the overhauling of a
Cunard steamer between New York and Cape Race, with her usual allotment
of specie. In like manner the British lines of steamers proceeding from
England to Quebec, Portland, Boston and Halifax, will be arrested and
their funds secured."

THE WAR IN IRELAND.

"Military operations in Ireland must, of necessity, be confined to the
interior. Three military departments will be organized--the Shannon, the
Liffey, and the Foyle--and the campaign will be entirely predatory or
guerilla in its conduct. The British Coast Guard stations will fall easy
conquests, their number and isolation contributing to their ruin; while
from the Wicklow Mountains, through all the rocky fastnesses of Ireland,
the cottagers will descend upon the British garrisons, maintaining
perpetual and bloody rebellion till the better news comes across the sea
or the patience of England is quite worn out."

This was a mighty and stupendous programme truly, but oh how visionary!
It embraced the extreme aspirations of the boldest and most sanguinary
Fenian's, and its publication no doubt served to bring more money into
their treasury. But, alas for human hopes, its execution never happened.
Yet it fired the hearts of the soldiers of the Irish Republican Army,
and they eagerly awaited the summons to march "On to Canada." All
through that winter drilling and preparation continued, and the
enthusiasm of the men was kept warm by fervid oratory appealing to their
patriotism, while they boldly chanted their song:--

"We are a Fenian Brotherhood,
skilled in the arts of war.
And we're going to fight for Ireland,
the land that we adore.
Many battles we have won,
along with the boys in blue.
And we'll go and capture Canada,
for we've nothing else to do."

Meanwhile the Canadian Government deemed it prudent to place troops
at some of the exposed points along the border, and on the 15th of
November, 1865, the following volunteer corps were called out for
Frontier Service, and were stationed at the following places, the whole
force being under the command of the Lieutenant-General commanding Her
Majesty's Forces in North America:--

_At Prescott_--The Ottawa Garrison Battery of Artillery; Capt. A. G.
Forrest. First Lieutenant W. Duck, and Second Lieutenant Albert Parson.

The Morrisburg Garrison Battery of Artillery; Capt. T. S. Rubidge. First
Lieutenant Peter A. Eagleson, and Second Lieutenant G. S. L. Stoddart.

_At Niagara_--Quebec Rifle Company; Capt. D. Gagnier, Lieut. Elzear
Garneau, and Ensign Thos. H. A. Roy.

Montreal Rifle Company; Capt. P. J. M. Cinqmars, Lieut. J. O. Labranche,
and Ensign G. d'O. d'Orsonnens.

_At Sarnia_--Toronto Rifle Company; Capt. Wm. D. Jarvis, Lieut. Farquhar
Morrison, and Ensign W. C. Campbell.

Woodstock Rifle Company; Capt. Henry B. Beard, Lieut. John Matthewson,
and Ensign James C'oad.

_At Windsor_--Hamilton Infantry Company; Capt. Henry E. Irving, Lieut.
Robert Grant, and Ensign J. J. Hebden.

London Infantry Company; Capt. Arch. Macpherson. Lieut. Edward W.
Griffith, and Ensign George Ellis.

_At Sandwich_--Port Hope Infantry Company; Capt. A. T. H. Williams,
Lieut. James F. McLeod, and Ensign Francis E. Johnson.

Major C. F. Hill, of the First Prince of Wales Regiment (Montreal),
was in command of the forces stationed at Sandwich, Windsor and Sarnia.
These troops were kept on service for several months, and their presence
at the points named and the constant vigilance maintained, had an effect
in warning the Fenians that Canada's sons were alive to the duty of the
hour, and were resolved to guard and protect their homes and firesides
from desecration by invading foes or sacrifice their lives if necessary
in performing that sacred duty.

THE BROCKVILLE RIFLES.

While the above detachments were on service at the points named, the
danger was equally great at other places, especially along the St.
Lawrence frontier. The town of Brockville was particularly exposed to
attack, as during the winter months the river is usually frozen over,
which would afford the Fenians an easy way of crossing on a solid bridge
of ice. At this time the town was exceptionally fortunate in having a
most excellent volunteer military corps as one of its most popular local
institutions, which was known as the Brockville Rifle Company. This
command figured so prominently in the service of the Volunteer Militia
Force of Canada in the early days that it deserves special mention in
the records of the country.

The Brockville Rifles was one of the first companies organized under
the Volunteer Militia Act, being promoted in the spring of 1855 by Capt.
Smythe (who was afterward captain of a company in H. M. 100th Regiment,
which was raised in Canada in 1857 and 1858 for service in the British
Army, and who subsequently became commanding officer of that regiment).

As Brockville and vicinity was first settled in 1783 and 1784 by the
U. E. Loyalists (all of whom had borne arms in defence of the British
Crown), their descendants have always been noted for their unswerving
loyalty and fealty to the Mother Country. Therefore when the opportunity
was offered to its citizens to exemplify their patriotism by serving
their Queen and country, they promptly obeyed the call, and in a short
time the ranks of the Brockville Rifles were filled up, and drilling
commenced. The muster roll was sent in to Militia Headquarters, and the
Company was formally gazetted on September 5th, 1855. Among the names
that appear on the first roll of this Company are those of William H.
Jackson and Wilmot H. Cole, both of whom are still living at this date,
and are supposed to be the only two survivors of the old corps. Each
of these gentlemen took a great interest in military affairs, and after
duly qualifying themselves, were gradually promoted in the service until
they attained high commands--the former being appointed one of the first
Brigade Majors under the Militia Act of 1862 (and subsequently
becoming a Deputy Adjutant-General, who discharged important duties at
Brockville, London, Winnipeg and Ottawa), while Wilmot H. Cole, after
serving through all the grades, rose to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel
of the Forty-first Battalion (of which the Brockville Rifles was always
No. 1 Company), the duties of which position he filled with great
ability and credit for twenty-seven consecutive years, retiring on July
1st, 1898.

The Brockville Rifle Company was selected by the Government as one
of the units to form the regiment organized in 1864, under command of
Lieut.-Col. W. Osborne Smith, to guard the St. Clair and Detroit River
frontiers (extending from Sarnia on the north to Amherstburg on the
south) for the purpose of preventing raids from Canadian territory
on the United States by organized gangs of desperate men from the
Confederate States, who had come north for that purpose.

The Canadian regiment had its headquarters at Windsor, with detachments
posted at that point, and at Sarnia, Chatham, Sandwich and Amherstburg.
To the latter point the Brockville and Belleville Rifle Companies were
sent in command of the following officers:--

Brockville Rifle Company--Major James Crawford, Lieut. W. H. Cole, and
Ensign Edmund W. Windeat.

Belleville Rifle Company--Capt. Charles G. Le Vesconte. Lieut. James
Brown, and Ensign Mackenzie Bowell.

The two companies at Amherstburg improved their time by engaging in
constant drill, and by the maintenance of strict discipline and close
attention to the duties required of them, they became very efficient.
After five months of frontier service the regiment was relieved on the
4th of May, 1865, and returned to their homes.

In the fall of 1865 the Fenians began to get very active, and the
feeling prevailed among the people of Brockville that some provision
should be made for the protection of that town. The Brockville Rifles at
that time was in a very efficient condition, having four officers and 85
rank and file, as follows:--Major James Crawford in command, Lieut. W.
H. Cole, Ensign E. W. Windeat and 65 non-commissioned officers and men,
with an additional gun detachment composed of one officer and 20 men,
equipped with a 6-pound brass field gun, under command of Lieut. Robert
Bowie, who had been at Amherstburg with the company the year previous.
(Lieut. Bowie was born a soldier, his father having held an important
command in the Tower of London, and had private quarters there with his
wife when Robert, his only son, was born.)

Major Crawford called his officers together, and after a discussion of
what might happen to Brockville in its unprotected condition, it was
decided to make the following offer to the Militia Department:--As the
Company was now 85 strong, they would enlist 15 more men, making a total
of 100. The men would be called out at 6.30 p.m. every day, given a
two hours' drill; an officer's guard to be mounted, to consist of one
sergeant, one corporal and 24 men; sentries to be posted at seven of
the most exposed places, including one at each of the two banks; the
non-commissioned officers and men to be paid 25 cents each per day, the
officers giving their services free, and if the Department would furnish
the necessary bedding the Company would have 60 of the remaining men
sleep in the Armory every night, to be ready for any emergency. This
would enable the men to attend to their usual daily avocations and
not interfere with the business requirements of their employers. This
patriotic offer was at once accepted by the Government, and orders were
issued to have the duties carried out as above stated, which was done
in every detail from the 15th of December, 1865, to the eventful day in
March, 1866, when the first general call was made on the Volunteer Force
for service on the frontier.

CHAPTER III.

THE FIRST ALARM--CANADIAN VOLUNTEERS PROMPTLY RESPOND TO THE CALL OF
DUTY--THE CAMPO BELLO FIZZLE--FENIANS GATHER ON THE BORDER--OPERATIONS
ON THE NIAGARA FRONTIER.

Early in the month of March, 1866, considerable activity was observable
among the Fenians in both the United States and Ireland, and it became
known to the authorities that a "rising" was contemplated, to occur on
St. Patrick's Day. That a simultaneous raid on Canada had been planned
was evident, and as the Government maintained a force of secret service
agents in the principal American cities to keep watch on the movements
of the Fenians, reliable information was furnished which was regarded
of sufficient importance by the Canadian authorities to warrant prompt
action in putting the country in a state of defence. Accordingly on
the 7th of March a General Order was issued by Col. P. L. Macdougall,
Adjutant-General of the Canadian Militia, calling out 10,000 volunteers
for active service. The summons was flashed across the wires to all
points in the Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, and fourteen thousand
men promptly responded to the call. By 4 o'clock on the following
day these forces were all assembled at their respective headquarters,
awaiting further orders. So eager were the young men of Canada to
perform their duty in those trying times that a force of 50,000 could
have been raised as easily as the number called for. Most of the
companies and battalions were reported "over strength" when the returns
were received at headquarters, and the Government decided to retain the
whole 14,000 on service pending developments of the enemy's movements.
Lieut.-General Sir John Michel (then commanding Her Majesty's forces
in North America) was placed in supreme command, with Major-Gen. James
Lindsay in command of the troops in Canada East, and Major-Gen. G.
Napier, C.B., in charge of the forces in Canada West.

On the 8th of March, the following companies were ordered to report
for duty to Major Crawford at Brockville for the purpose of forming a
Provisional Battalion:--

Perth Rifle Company--Capt. Edmund Spillman.
Gananoque Rifle Company--Capt. Robert McCrum.
Carleton Place Rifle Company--Capt. James Poole.
Perth Infantry Company--Capt. Thomas Scott.
Almonte Infantry Company--Capt. James D. Gemmill.
Brockville Infantry Company--Capt. Jacob D. Buell.

The above units promptly reported, and the organization of the Battalion
was effected by a mergement of them with the Brockville Rifles, which
was placed on full service and divided, the right half forming a company
of 50 men under Capt. W. H. Cole, and the left half (50 men) placed in
command of Lieut. Windeat. Lieut. Robert Bowie was appointed Adjutant of
the new Battalion thus created.

Thirty Spencer rifles were issued to the Brockville Rifles, and given
to Capt. Cole's company. That officer compiled a drill manual which
instructed the men armed with the repeating rifles to act on the same
words of command issued to those who had the muzzle-loading Enfields,
which was so excellent in practice that he was afterwards highly
complimented by Major-General Lindsay when the Battalion was inspected
by him in the following May. This Battalion remained on duty at
Brockville until about the 16th of May, when they were released from
further service and permitted to return to their homes.

For several weeks the country was kept in a state of feverish,
excitement, as all sorts of rumors of intended raids at different points
were prevalent. Constant drilling and vigilance was maintained, and all
the avenues of approach to the frontier towns and exposed points were
closely guarded. The weather was very severe that winter, especially
during the period the troops were on duty, and many of the survivors
of those eventful days will doubtless remember the frost-bites they
received while pacing their dreary beats on guard duty, and the many
other discomforts which fell to their lot.

The 17th of March passed without the anticipated attacks being made,
however, and the fears of the people were gradually allayed. The Fenians
had evidently reconsidered their plans so far as Canada was concerned,
as the Frost King held sway with rigid severity, and decided to delay
their invasion until early summer. On the 28th of March the force
on active service was reduced from 14,000 to 10,000 (the original
prescribed number), and on the 31st of March all were relieved from
permanent duty with the exception of the advanced frontier posts, but
were required to parade and drill on two days of each week at local
headquarters.

Meanwhile the Fenians kept up their drill and warlike preparations.
Immense quantities of arms and ammunition were purchased and shipped to
various points in the United States contiguous to the Canadian frontier,
where they could quickly be obtained by the invaders when wanted.

During the early part of April a number of Fenians gathered in the towns
of Eastport and Calais, in the State of Maine, with the avowed purpose
of capturing the Island of Campo Bello, a British possession at the
mouth of the St. Croix River, on the boundary line between the Province
of New Brunswick and the United States. This expedition was under the
direction of "General" Dorian, Killian, who was one of the leading
lights of the O'Mahony faction of the Fenian Brotherhood. This move was
made contrary to the fixed policy of the Stephens-O'Mahony wing of
the Fenian organization, but something had to be done to satisfy the
impatient people who were providing the funds to inaugurate the war and
were clamoring for immediate action. So after considerable deliberation
and hesitation, General O'Mahony gave his consent to the proposed
invasion, and preparations were hurriedly made. A vessel was chartered
at New York, and being loaded with arms and ammunition, sailed for
Eastport, Maine. The rank and file of the Fenian force gathered quietly
at Eastport, Calais and adjacent towns, and awaited the arrival of their
armament. In the meantime the Canadian military authorities were getting
ready to meet the filibusters, and strong forces of volunteers were
posted along the New Brunswick frontier to watch events and be prepared
for action as soon as the Fenians attempted to make a landing. Three
British war vessels steamed quietly into the St. Croix River, ready for
instant service, and a couple of American gunboats were also on guard
to prevent a crossing. General Meade, with a battalion of United States
troops, arrived at Eastport, with orders from the American Government to
see that a breach of the Neutrality Act was not committed. On the same
day the vessel with arms for the Fenians sailed into Eastport harbor and
was promptly seized by the United States officials. This was "the last
straw" to break the hopes of the Fenians, and they left for their homes
without accomplishing anything, utterly dejected, hungry and weary,
and bitterly cursing their leaders, and the American authorities
particularly, for preventing them from crossing the line. This fiasco
was a mortifying blow to General O'Mahony and his supporters, and the
cohorts of Roberts and Sweeny gained more confidence and support as the
star of the Stephens faction grew dimmer.

The remainder of April and the month of May passed away quietly, and the
people of Canada had almost dismissed the Fenian "bugaboo" from their
minds, and were enjoying a period of peace and prosperity, when again
the Demon of War loomed up on the border more terrible than ever. This
time it was the Roberts-Sweeny section of the Fenian Brotherhood who
were bent on making trouble for Canada, and if possible carry out their
elaborate plan of campaign for conquering our Provinces. All during the
winter and spring the Fenian leaders had been secretly and sedulously at
work making preparations for simultaneous raids on Canada at different
places, and towards the end of May the Irish Republican Army began
massing on the border for that purpose. At strategic points all along
our extensive frontier the Fenian forces were quietly gathering,
evidently with the purpose of trying to work out the wide scheme of Gen.
Sweeny to capture Canada and hand us over body and bones to the United
States.

At St. Albans, Vermont, and adjacent villages, a large force gathered
for the purpose of making a raid from that quarter, in the possible hope
that with the reinforcements they expected, they might be able to hold
that section of country and operate against the City of Montreal with
some degree of success, in conjunction with two other columns which were
expected to carry the St. Lawrence line.

At Malone, New York, another strong force assembled under the command of
the Fenian Gen. M. J. Heffernan, who announced his intention of making
an attack on Cornwall. Gen. Murphy and Gen. O'Reilly, both veteran
officers of the Union Army in the Civil War, were attached to this
column, and were very assiduous in their efforts to make it an efficient
fighting force.

At Ogdensburg, New York, Gen. Sweeny personally supervised the
mobilization of a large contingent of his warriors. This column was
organized for the purpose of attacking Prescott, Brockville, and other
points along the St. Lawrence, and after taking possession of the
Canadian shore and the Grand Trunk Railway, be available for his plan
of sweeping the whole country east as far as Montreal, and join with
the other columns (which were to start from Malone and St. Albans) in
capturing that city.

Cape Vincent, Oswego, Rochester and other points along the Upper St.
Lawrence and Lake Ontario were places of rendezvous for the Fenian
troops who were steadily arriving from the interior of New York State,
while the Western and Southern contingents gathered at Detroit, Toledo,
Cleveland, Erie and Buffalo.

As the Niagara frontier possesses many attractions for an invading force
(as in the days of 1812 and 1814), it was decided to again make that
historic territory one of the arenas for hostile operations. Gen. Sweeny
fondly nursed the hope that while our forces were busily engaged there,
that he would be able to make crossings at two or three other points
along the border. As the scene of the first active operations was
presented on the Niagara Peninsula, I will relate those events first,
and then return to a description of what was occurring on the St.
Lawrence and Vermont borders.

For some days previous to the 31st of May large numbers of mysterious
strangers were noticed to be gathering in some of the towns and
cities adjacent to the Niagara frontier. In Buffalo particularly this
mobilization of men with a purpose was observable, but so reticent were
they, and so careful of their movements causing comment, that suspicions
were partially disarmed. Yet these strangers were all Fenian soldiers,
who were silently and quickly gathering from various States of the Union
with a determined intention to make a quick dash on Canada, which
they hoped to capture, and set up their standards upon our soil. All
preparations for the _coup_ had been made, and yet the people of Canada
seemed to dream not of their peril.

Towards midnight on the 31st of May those strangers in Buffalo were
noticed to be assembling in groups, squads and companies, and moving as
if by a pre-arranged programme in the direction of Black Rock, two or
three miles north of the city, on the Niagara River. Suspicious-looking
waggons and furniture vans were also moving in the same direction.
These were loaded with arms and ammunition for the use of "the Army of
Conquest," but no attempt was made by the United States authorities to
stop the expedition, although it was a clear breach of the Neutrality
Act then in force between the two countries. At the hour of midnight,
when the peaceful citizens on the Canadian side of the Niagara River
were slumbering in their beds, the Fenian hordes were steadily gathering
on the other side of the shimmering stream and making preparations to
effect a crossing. Two powerful tugs and several canal boats had been
chartered to convey the Fenians across to Canada, and these were quickly
and quietly loaded with men and munitions of war, As the grey dawn
of day was breaking on the morning of the 1st of June, the Fenian
transports started across the river. The troops consisted of one brigade
of the Irish Republican Army, under command of Gen. John O'Neil, a
veteran soldier who had seen much active service and hard fighting in
the American Civil War. This brigade was composed of the 13th Regiment
(Col. O'Neill), from Tennessee; 17th Regiment (Col. Owen Starr), from
Kentucky; 18th Regiment (Lieut.-Col. John Grace), from Ohio; the 7th
Regiment (Col. John Hoye), from Buffalo, N.Y., and a detachment of
troops from Indiana. The whole number was estimated to be about 1,500
men, who were principally veteran soldiers of the Northern and Southern
armies.

This was the "forlorn hope" who were expected to make the first landing
and hold the country until sufficient reinforcements could be rushed
across the border to enable them to make a success of the campaign.
Buffalo was full of Fenians and their sympathizers at that time, and
thousands were coming into the city every day to take part in the
invasion.

It was an opportune time for such a movement, as the popular feeling
of the American people was not altogether amicable or friendly to the
British nation, and it was the hope of the promoters of the raid that
something might occur which would give them the countenance and support
of the United States. It is a well-known fact that under the political
system of America the Irish vote is a dominant factor in elections, and
all classes of citizens who aspire to public office are more or less
controlled by that element. Consequently the vigilance of many of
Uncle Sam's officials was relaxed, and they winked the other eye as the
invaders marched towards Canada, instead of endeavoring to stop them
from committing a breach of the law of nations in regard to neutrality.

It was asserted in the public press of the United States and proclaimed
by the Fenians themselves at that time, that Andrew Johnson (who was
then President of the United States) and Secretary of State Seward
openly encouraged the invasion for the purpose of turning it to
political account in the settlement of the Alabama Claims with Great
Britain. In view of the fact that he held back the issuance of his
proclamation forbidding a breach of the Neutrality Act for _five
full days after_ the Raid had been made, there was manifestly some
understanding between President Johnson and the Fenian leaders, as the
American authorities were perfectly cognizant of what was intended long
before Gen. O'Neil crossed the boundary, and might have been prevented
from doing so, had the United States officials at Buffalo exercised such
due vigilance as Gen. Meade did in the Campo Bello affair.

CHAPTER IV.

THE LANDING IN CANADA--PRELIMINARY OPERATIONS OF THE FENIAN FORCES NEAR
FORT ERIE--ADVANCE INTO THE INTERIOR.

About half-past three o'clock on the morning of June 1st the peaceful
shores of Canada were reached by the invaders. The embarkation was made
at Pratt's Iron Furnace Dock on the American side, and the landing took
place at what was then known as the Lower Ferry Dock, about a mile
below the village of Fort Erie. Just as the boats struck the shore, the
color-bearers of Col. Owen Starr's 17th Kentucky Regiment sprang on to
Canadian soil and unfurled their Irish flags amid terrific cheering by
the Fenian troops. This was the first intimation that the people of the
quiet vicinity received that an invasion had actually occurred, and it
was a terrible awakening from peaceful slumber to most of them. There
were no Canadian troops whatever within 25 miles of Fort Erie, and the
invaders had it all their own way. The war material was quickly unloaded
from the canal boats, and Gen. O'Neil at once began making dispositions
of his force to hold his ground. The total number of troops that came
over by the first boats was stated to be 1,340, with 2,500 stand of
arms. This force was rapidly augmented during the day by reinforcements,
so that by evening the strength of the Fenian army in Canada amounted to
about 2,000 men.

After posting guards and throwing out pickets in various directions,
Gen. O'Neil marched up to the village of Fort Erie with the main portion
of his brigade, which he occupied without resistance. He then made
requisition on the village authorities for meals for his men. He stated
that he would do no personal injury to private citizens, but wanted
food and horses, and these he proposed to take forcibly if they were not
furnished willingly. Dr. Kempson, the Reeve of the village, in order to
protect the citizens and prevent pillage, at once called a meeting of
the Municipal Council, who decided to provide the food demanded. In some
cases Fenian bonds were offered in payment for articles, but were not
acceptable to the Canadian people, and were courteously and firmly
refused.

Immediately after breakfast had been served and rations distributed,
Gen. O'Neil made details of troops for various purposes. Guards were
posted all along the river front, from the ruins of old Fort Erie to a
point below Haggart's Dock, who were instructed to shoot any person
who attempted to interfere with them. Detachments were sent to cut the
telegraph wires and destroy part of the Buffalo and Lake Huron railway
track (now the Grand Trunk), which was quickly done. A detail under
command of Capt. Geary, of the 17th Kentucky Regiment, was despatched
to burn Sauerwine's Bridge, on the railway track between Fort Erie and
Ridgeway, and tear up the rails. This was only partially accomplished,
as after the Fenians left some of the people residing in the vicinity
rallied and extinguished the flames in the burning bridge before much
serious damage was done. The railway track, however, was torn up for a
considerable distance by the raiders.

An early morning train on the B. & L. H. Railway narrowly escaped
capture by a detail of troops sent for that purpose. The train had
just succeeded in transferring its passengers to the ferry boat
"International" and was starting back westward empty, when the Fenians
put in their appearance. The plucky engineer, seeing the danger, pulled
the throttle of his engine wide open and saved the train from capture by
a narrow margin.

After committing sundry other depredations in the way of cutting
telegraph wires and destroying public property. Gen. O'Neil marched the
main body of his troops down, the River Road to Frenchman's Creek, where
they encamped in an orchard on Newbigging's Farm, about half, a
mile north of the Lower Ferry. Here the Fenians began work on the
construction of a line of breastworks and entrenchments, which kept them
busily employed all afternoon.

A detachment of the 7th Buffalo Regiment, under command of Capt.
Donohue, made a reconnaissance in the direction of Chippawa during the
afternoon, and after discovering a party of mounted farmers, who they
mistook for Canadian cavalry, fired a volley at them without effect and
then retreated valiantly back to the Fenian camp, bombastically boasting
that they had routed a strong force of British troops.

Other details had been busy seizing horses and food supplies, and
mounted scouts galloped for miles in all directions, scouring the
country seeking information as to the whereabouts of the Canadian
forces, and at the same time distributing copies of the following
proclamation:--

"To the People of British America:

"We come among you as the foes of British rule in Ireland, We have taken
up the sword to strike down the oppressors' rod, to deliver Ireland from
the tyrant, the despoiler, the robber. We have registered our oaths upon
the altar of our country in the full view of heaven and sent up our vows
to the throne of Him who inspired them. Then, looking about us for an
enemy, we find him here, here in your midst, where he is most vulnerable
and convenient to our strength... We have no issue with the people of
these Provinces, and wish to have none but the most friendly relations.
Our weapons are for the oppressors of Ireland. Our bows shall be
directed only against the power of England; her privileges alone shall
we invade, not yours. We do not propose to divest you of a solitary
right you now enjoy... We are here neither as murderers, nor robbers,
for plunder and spoliation. We are here as the Irish army of liberation,
the friends of liberty against despotism, of democracy against
aristocracy, of the people against their oppressors. In a word, our war
is with the armed power of England, not with the people, not with these
Provinces. Against England, upon land and sea, till Ireland is free...
To Irishmen throughout these Provinces we appeal in the name of seven
centuries of British iniquity and Irish misery and suffering, in the
names of our murdered sires, our desolate homes, our desecrated altars,
our million of famine graves, our insulted name and race--to stretch
forth the hand of brotherhood in the holy cause of fatherland, and
smite the tyrant where we can. We conjure you, our countrymen, who from
misfortune inflicted by the very tyranny you are serving, or from any
other cause, have been forced to enter the ranks of the enemy, not to be
willing instruments of your country's death or degradation. No uniform,
and surely not the blood-dyed coat of England, can emancipate you from
the natural law that binds your allegiance to Ireland, to liberty, to
right, to justice. To the friends of Ireland, of freedom, of humanity,
of the people, we offer the olive branch of peace and the honest grasp
of friendship. Take it Irishmen, Frenchmen, American, take it all and
trust it... We wish to meet with friends; we are prepared to meet with
enemies. We shall endeavor to merit the confidence of the former, and
the latter can expect from us but the leniency of a determined though
generous foe and the restraints and relations imposed by civilized
warfare.

"(Signed) T. W. SWEENY.

"Major-General Commanding the Armies of Ireland."

During the afternoon and evening there was considerable excitement and
uneasiness in the Fenian camp, caused by rumors of the near approach
of the Canadian troops, and officers and men steadily prepared for any
emergency. Gen. O'Neil had been expecting heavy reinforcements all day,
but they failed to appear, although it was estimated that there were
over 10,000 Fenians then assembled in Buffalo and vicinity, with a
plentiful supply of arms and ammunition. A few came over in rowboats as
evening approached, but the large forces that were expected remained on
the other side, cautiously awaiting developments.

It was the evident intention of the Fenian army to penetrate the
country and capture and destroy the Welland Canal, and subsequent events
confirmed that as part of their plan of campaign.

As the shades of night fell, strong guards were posted around the Fenian
camp, and the roads leading thereto were effectively picketed. From
reports brought in by his scouts and spies, Gen. O'Neil learned that two
Canadian columns were being mobilized--one at Chippawa and the other
at Port Colborne--and he resolved to make a quick dash on one of these
before a junction could be effected between the two, counting upon
a surprise and the prestige of his men as veteran soldiers to win a
victory. A council of war was therefore held by O'Neil and his officers,
and it was resolved to make an advance immediately.

About 10 o'clock that night the men were aroused and commanded to "fall
in" for the movement forward. A large quantity of arms and ammunition
which had been brought over for the use of the expected reinforcements
was now found to be an impediment, and O'Neil decided to destroy them
to prevent their falling into the hands of the Canadians. Consequently
hundreds of rifles and other munitions of war were burned or thrown into
Frenchman's Creek before leaving their camp.

The Fenian column then started down the River Road towards Black Creek.
On arrival at a point near that stream they bivouacked by the roadside
and awaited reports of scouts. It was here that Gen. O'Neil learned that
a force of Canadian volunteers would leave Port Colborne for Ridgeway
early on the morning of June 2nd, and he decided to go forward and
attack them. It was just about daybreak that he put his brigade in
motion and moved west by an old bush road until he struck the Ridge
Road, which bears south-west from the river to Ridgeway. As they marched
along the latter highway in the early hours of a bright, beautiful
morning, the Fenians were in fine fettle and "spoiling for a fight."
They had some mounted scouts in advance, cautiously feeling the way.
When within a few miles of Ridgeway Station this advance guard heard the
whistle of a locomotive, and soon after bugle calls, which signified the
arrival of the Canadian troops. The scouts galloped back to O'Neil
with the information, and he at once halted his brigade, closed up his
column, and began making preparations for battle.

Gen. O'Neil's experience in the military campaigns of the Civil War had
taught him many useful lessons, which he had evidently profited by, as
his choice of a battleground on Limestone Ridge was admirable, and the
skilful disposition he made of his forces was commensurate with the
ability of a high-class tactician.

Limestone Ridge, along which the so-called "Ridge Road" runs, has an
elevation of about 35 feet over the surrounding country, and at the
point where O'Neil took up his main position is about half a mile wide,
with patches of bush and clumps of trees alternating with open fields.
On both sides the country is comparatively cleared, so that an extensive
view is obtainable from the summit of the ridge, which was of decided
advantage to O'Neil, as he could watch the approach of advancing troops
from almost any direction. Here he posted his brigade and hastily began
the construction of breastworks and barricades of fence rails and earth.
A force of sharpshooters and skirmishers were thrown out well to the
front and along the flanks of this position, and after all dispositions
for battle had been carefully made, Gen. O'Neil coolly awaited the
arrival of the Canadian troops, who were advancing from Ridgeway totally
ignorant of the fact that there was a lion in their path.

CHAPTER V.

THE SECOND ALARM--GRAND UPRISING OF THE CANADIAN PEOPLE --DEPARTURE OF
TROOPS FOR THE FRONT--GEN. NAPIER'S PLAN OF CAMPAIGN.

Late on the night of the 31st of May, 1866, the second call to arms
was telegraphed from Ottawa, and within an hour the sound of bugles and
alarm bells was heard echoing and ringing in nearly every city, town and
village in the country. The alacrity with which our volunteers responded
to the summons on that eventful night is without a parallel in the
history of any nation. The whole country was aroused, and all were eager
to go to the front. Many young men pleadingly begged for a chance
to join the already "over strength" companies who could not be
accommodated, and were reluctantly obliged to satisfy their military
ardor by enrolling themselves in the Home Guards and shouldering rifles
for patrol duty.

In the town of St. Catharines the excitement was intense, on account
of its near proximity to the border and the alarming reports that were
being circulated of the near approach of the enemy. The town companies
of the 19th Lincoln Battalion, under command of Lieut.-Col. J. G.
Currie, and the St. Catharines Battery of Garrison Artillery, under
Capt. George Stoker and Lieut. James Wilson, were speedily mustered,
and all through the night kept faithful vigils on guard duty, anxiously
awaiting orders to move to the frontier. A Home Guard was hastily
organized and equipped, and every citizen vied with his neighbor to
shoulder his share of the responsibility in defending their homes and
kindred from the attacks of the invaders.

At Toronto the Queen's Own Rifles, the Tenth Royals, the Toronto
Garrison Battery, and the Toronto Naval Brigade, were quickly assembled
at the drill shed and preparations made to leave for the front at a
moment's notice. The citizens of the loyal old city of Toronto, who had
on many previous occasions rallied around the flag of their country when
danger threatened, were so strongly imbued with that patriotic feeling
which prevailed everywhere that they immediately enrolled a Home Guard
to defend the city in the absence of the volunteer regiments, and
faithfully and well was that duty performed.

The same intense patriotism was manifested by the people of Canada
generally, and a general muster of all military commands prevailed
wherever organized.

LIST OF TROOPS CALLED OUT FOR ACTIVE SERVICE.

As a matter of record and interest to the survivors of the Fenian Raid
of 1866, copies of the General Orders issued by the Militia Department,
designating the troops that were called out for active service on the
1st and 2nd of June. 1866, together with a list of the new companies
organized, are herewith given:

HEADQUARTERS, OTTAWA, 1st June, '66.

GENERAL ORDERS, No. 1.

The Governor-General and Commander-in-Chief directs that the following
named corps be called out for active service, and that the said corps
be immediately assembled and billetted at their respective headquarters,
there to await such orders for their movement as may be directed by the
Commander-in-Chief:

UPPER CANADA.

Windsor Garrison Battery.
Goderich Garrison Battery.
St. Catharines Garrison Battery.
Toronto Garrison Battery.
Port Stanley Naval Company.
Dunnville Naval Company.
Hamilton Naval Company.
Toronto Naval Company.
Mount Pleasant Infantry Company.
Paris Rifle Company.
Brantford Rifles, 2 Companies.
Kincardine Infantry, 2 Companies.
Paisley Infantry Company.
Southampton Rifle Company.
Vienna Infantry Company.
St. Thomas Rifle Company.
Windsor Infantry Company.
Sandwich Infantry Company.
Leamington Infantry Company.
Amherstburg Infantry Company.
Gosfield Rifle Company.
Durham Infantry Company.
Mount Forest Rifle Company.
Leith Rifle Company.
Dunnville Rifle Company.
York Rifle Company.
20th Battalion, St. Catharines, 5 Companies.
7th Battalion, London. 6 Companies.
Komoka Rifle Company.
Villa Nova Rifle Company.
Simcoe Rifle Company.
Port Rowan Rifle Company.
Walsingham Rifle Company.
Ingersoll Infantry Company.
Drumbo Infantry Company.
22nd Battalion Oxford Rifles, Woodstock, 4 Companies.
Brampton Infantry and Rifle Companies.
Albion Infantry Company.
Derry West Infantry Company.
Alton Infantry Company.
Grahamsville Infantry Company.
Stratford Infantry Company.
Bradford Infantry Company.
Barrie Infantry and Rifle Companies.
Collingwood Rifle Companies.
Cookstown Rifle Company.
Orangeville Infantry Company.
Fergus Rifle Company.
Elora Rifle Company.
Caledonia Rifle Company.
Stewartown Infantry Company.
Georgetown Infantry Company.
Norval Infantry Company.
Oakville Rifle Company.
Seaforth Infantry Company.
Chatham Infantry, 2 Companies.
Blenheim Infantry Company.
19th Battalion, St. Catharines, 6 Companies.
13th Battalion, Hamilton, 6 Companies.
Aurora Infantry Company.
Lloydtown Infantry Company.
King Infantry Company.
Scarborough Rifle Company.
2nd Battalion, Queen's Own Rifles, Toronto, 11 Companies.
10th Battalion (Royals), Toronto, 8 Companies.

LOWER CANADA.

Franklin Infantry Company.
Durham Infantry Company.
Hinchinbrooke Rifle Company.
Athelstan Infantry Company.
Rockburn Infantry Company.
Huntingdon Infantry, 2 Companies.
Hemmingford Infantry Company.
Roxham Infantry Company.
Lacolle Infantry Company (21st Battalion).
St. John's Infantry Company (21st Battalion).
Havelock Rifle Company.
Granby Infantry, 2 Companies.
Waterloo Infantry, 2 Companies.
Freleighsburg Infantry Company.
Phillipsburg Infantry Company.
Montreal Infantry, 6 Companies.

OTTAWA, 2nd June. 1866.

GENERAL ORDERS, No. 2.

The Governor-General and Commander-in-Chief has been pleased to call out
for active service the following corps in addition to those called out
by General Order No. 1, of yesterday's date:

UPPER CANADA.

1st Frontenac Troop Cavalry, Kingston.
1st Squadron Volunteer Light Cavalry, County of York.
Grimsby Troop Cavalry.
London Troop Cavalry.
St. Thomas Troop Cavalry.
Governor-General's Body Guard, Toronto.
Kingston Field Battery.
Hamilton Field Battery.
Welland Canal Field Battery.
London Field Battery.
14th Battalion Rifles. Kingston.
Brockville Rifle and Infantry Companies.

LOWER CANADA.

Varennes Infantry Company.
Napiersville Infantry Company.
St. Remi Infantry Company.
St. Luc's Infantry Company, 21st Battalion.
Sherbrooke Rifles, 2 Companies.
Danville Rifle Company.
Bury Infantry Company.
Richmond Infantry Company.
Melbourne Infantry Company.
2nd Lennoxville Rifle Company.

On 2nd June the following new companies were placed on
the list of the Volunteer Militia of Canada:

UPPER CANADA.

Oil Springs Infantry Company.
Bayfield Infantry Company.
Galt Infantry Company.
Oro Infantry Company.
Aylmer Infantry Company.
Strathroy Infantry Company.
Orillia Infantry Company.
Woodstock Infantry Company.
Wolfe Island Infantry Company.
Tamworth Infantry Company.
Kemptville Infantry Company.
Sydney Infantry Company
Hillsboro Infantry Company.
Dundas Infantry Company.
Bobcaygeon Infantry Company.
Bearbrook Infantry Company.
St. Mary's Infantry Company.
Clinton Infantry Company.
Huntley Infantry Company.
Widder Infantry Company.
Peterboro Infantry Company.
Edwardsburg Infantry Company.
Parkhill Infantry Company.
Stirling Infantry Company.
Ottawa Garrison Artillery (3rd Battery).
Waterloo Infantry Company.
Warwick Infantry Company.
Amherst Island Infantry Company.
Napanee Garrison Artillery.
Port Hope Garrison Artillery.
10th Royals, Toronto (2 additional Companies).

LOWER CANADA.

Stanstead Infantry Company.
Coaticooke Infantry Company.
Ste. Hyacinthe Infantry Company.
Sorel Infantry Company.
Tingwick Infantry Company.
Winslow Infantry Company,
Clarenceville Infantry Company.
Elgin Infantry Company.
Longueuil Infantry Company.
Boucherville Infantry Company.
Vercheres Infantry Company.
Abercorn Infantry Company.
Huntingdon Infantry (3rd Company).
St. Pie Infantry Company.
Vaudreuil Infantry Company.
St. Martine Infantry Company.
St. Athanase Infantry Company.
Beauharnois Infantry Company.
Knowlton Infantry Company.
Sutton Infantry Company.

On the evening of the 2nd of June the whole of the Volunteer Force
not already called out or enumerated in the above-mentioned lists, was
placed on active service, and on Sunday, the 3rd of June, the Province
had more than 20,000 men under arms, besides the numerous companies
of Home Guards. The entire force turned out not only willingly, but
eagerly, although at a season of the year when their business interests
suffered greatly by their absence. It was enough for every militia man
to know that the country needed his services, and personal interests
were cheerfully sacrificed. Instances of devotion to Queen and country
were general. Business matters were but a secondary consideration.
Merchants and their clerks left their shops, students their colleges,
professional men their offices, while factories were shut down and
farmers left their ploughs in the furrows to take up their rifles
to assist in the national defence. Those who were obliged by age or
infirmities to stay at home were not idle, but nobly did their part in
raising funds to assist the families of those bread-winners who had gone
to serve on the frontier posts. All over the country large sums were
raised for this purpose, and the patriotic Relief Committees were
exceptionally busy attending to the proper distribution of food and
supplies, both among the volunteers and the needy families who were
depending upon them.

In the order calling out the troops for active service the
Governor-General placed the whole force under the command of Lieut.-Gen.
Sir John Michel, and added:

In former times the Commander-in-Chief has had occasion to call for
the active services of the volunteer force to maintain international
obligations, and as a precaution against threatened action. These
threats have now ripened into actual fact. The soil of Canada has been
invaded, not in the practice of legitimate warfare, but by a lawless and
piratical band in defiance of all moral right, and in utter disregard
of all the obligations which civilization enforces on mankind. Upon
the people of Canada this state of things imposes the duty of defending
their altars, their homes and their property from desecration, pillage
and spoilation. The Commander-in-Chief relies on the courage and loyalty
of the volunteer force and looks with confidence for the blessings of
Providence on their performance of the sacred duty which circumstances
have cast upon them.

MAJOR-GEN. NAPIER'S PLAN OF CAMPAIGN.

As the Niagara district was chosen by the Fenians to be the theatre of
their first operations, Gen. Napier quickly made preparations to occupy
the salient points of this important territory. The Welland Canal,
connecting Lake Erie with Lake Ontario, runs from Port Colborne on the
former lake to Port Dalhousie on the latter (a distance of 26 miles),
and lies at an average distance of about 13 miles inland from the
Niagara River. The Welland Railway also connected these two points,
running nearly parallel with the canal. To protect these two arteries of
commerce from destruction was a desideratum to the General commanding,
and his plan of campaign was framed on these lines. Port Colborne lies
about 19 miles west of Fort Erie, and Gen. Napier decided to mobilize a
force at that point and another at St. Catharines, 10 miles west of
the Niagara River. These were two very strategic points at which to
concentrate troops for the defence of the Niagara frontier, as they
possessed excellent advantages as bases of supply for the sustenance
of columns operating in any quarter of the district. On account of the
favorable rail communication with each of those places, troops could be
moved rapidly by trains from the interior, and would always be within
easy striking distance of an invading force on any portion of the
Niagara frontier. Therefore orders were issued to commanding officers to
assemble their corps immediately at their respective local headquarters,
and await further instructions.

The first body of troops which left for the front was the Queen's Own
Rifles, of Toronto, with a total strength of 480 of all ranks. The
regiment was assembled at the Drill Shed on Front Street at 4 o'clock on
the morning of June 1st, and received orders to proceed to Port Colborne
without delay. At 6.30 a.m. they embarked on board the steamer "City of
Toronto" for Port Dalhousie, where they entrained on the Welland Railway
for Port Colborne. Lieut.-Col. J. S. Dennis, Brigade Major of the Fifth
Military District, was in command. This officer had received orders
from Gen. Napier to occupy Port Colborne, and if necessary entrench a
position there and await reinforcements and further orders before an
attack was made on the enemy. The Queen's Own arrived at Port Colborne
about noon, and there being no indications of the enemy in the near
vicinity, the men were billetted among the citizens for dinner, as by
somebody's oversight no rations or food supply of any kind had been
forwarded for the sustenance of the troops.

Lieut.-Col. Dennis sent out couriers and mounted scouts to glean
information of the whereabouts of the enemy, who he finally located
at their camp near Fort Erie. During the afternoon the Thirteenth
Battalion, of Hamilton, under command of Lieut.-Col. A. Booker, arrived
at Port Colborne from Dunnville, accompanied by the York and Caledonia
Rifle Companies. These reinforcements made a total force of about 850
troops at Port Colborne, and as Lieut.-Col. Booker was the ranking
officer present, he took command of the column.

Meanwhile other troops were on the move towards the frontier. As before
mentioned. Gen. Napier had decided to also mobilize a force at St.
Catharines, and orders were given to Col. Geo. Peacocke, commanding
Her Majesty's 16th Regiment, to proceed thither with the forces at his
command, and assume charge of the operations for the defence of the
frontier. At 12.40 o'clock (noon) a force consisting of three companies
of Her Majesty's 47th Regiment, under command of Major Lauder, and the
Grey Battery of Royal Artillery, commanded by Lieut.-Col. Hoste, C.B.,
left Toronto via the Great Western Railway for St. Catharines. At
Hamilton this contingent was joined by Col. Peacocke with 200 men of the
16th Regiment, and the whole force proceeded to their destination. On
arrival at St. Catharines Col. Peacocke received telegrams advising
him that a strong body of Fenians were marching towards Chippawa, so he
resolved to move forward his force at once to that point and endeavor
to save the bridges across the Welland River (or Chippawa Creek) from
destruction.

[Picture (page 47) 0047.gif, a map

KEY TO MAP.

(a) Where Fenians landed, (b) Fenian Camp 1st June, (c) Fenian bivouac
night of 1st June, (d) Point at which Fenian pursuit was abandoned, (e)
Fenian Camp near the old Fort, night of 2nd June, from which point they
evacuated Canada, (f) Col. Peacocke's forces, night of June 1st. (g)
Col. Peacocke's Camp at noon, June 2nd. (h) Col. Peacocke's bivouac at
Bowen's Farm, night of 2nd June.]

He issued immediate orders for the Tenth Royals of Toronto, two more
companies of H. M. 47th Regiment, the Nineteenth Lincoln Battalion, and
Capt. Stoker's Battery of Garrison Artillery, from St. Catharines, to
reinforce him at Chippawa. These troops moved promptly forward, and
before daylight all were bivouacked on the streets of the quiet village
of Chippawa. No provision had been made for sheltering our volunteers,
as neither tents or blankets had been issued, so the weary, jaded troops
were content to lie out on the green sward under the star-lit canopy of
heaven, with the gentle June dew falling on their sleeping forms, until
at sunrise the bugles sounding the reveille awoke them to a realization
of the hard fare of a soldier's life on active service. By some blunder
of somebody no food had been provided for the volunteer battalions, nor
haversacks to carry it in if they did have it, so fortunate indeed was
he who received breakfast that morning. As the majority of the men had
left their homes early the day before, and had eaten very little since,
they keenly felt the pangs of hunger. But the patriotic people of
Chippawa did their best to cater to their needs, and were unsparing
in their efforts to provide the meals so urgently required, while the
regular troops shared their rations of hard tack, cheese, meat and tea
cheerfully with their Canadian comrades.

Although the Fenians had openly flaunted their intention of invading
Canada, and the secret service agents had made minute reports of the
determination of the marauders to make a raid, still the Canadian
military authorities seemed apathetic, and took very little heed of the
warnings until the eve of the event. Plenty of time was accorded the
Government to have the whole force properly equipped and in readiness,
but when the bugles sounded the alarm and the volunteers promptly
assembled to meet the foe, there was a woeful lack of the necessaries
which are indispensable to a successful campaign, namely, an available
supply of military stores, commissary and medical supplies. Many of the
companies and battalions which moved promptly to the front were totally
unprovided even with canteens or water bottles, and had to depend on
creeks or roadside ditches for a drink of water wherewith to allay their
thirst, which they scooped up in their hands or caps as best they could.
But "Johnny Canuck" never murmured, and marched cheerfully onward in the
shoes in which he usually stood, without provisions and weighted down
with heavy padded uniforms (which were designed for winter wear),
carrying a heavy rifle and accoutrements, with forty rounds of ball
cartridges in his pouch and twenty more in his pockets for ballast.
Still he had a stout heart within his breast, and a resolute
determination to do his duty in assisting to drive the invaders from
the shores of his native land served to impel him onward as he marched
through the choking dust of clay roads on a blazing hot June day, gaily
joining in the refrain of the old marching song:--

"Tramp, tramp, tramp, our boys are marching.
Cheer up, let the Fenians come!
For beneath the Union Jack we'll drive the rabble back
And we'll fight for our beloved Canadian home."

Those were stirring days, and many an old volunteer who participated in
the forced marches and hardships of the campaign on the Niagara frontier
particularly, still retains vivid recollections of that strenuous
period.

On the evening of the 1st of June, Col. Peacocke received definite
reports that the Fenians were still occupying their camp at Frenchman's
Creek, and at once conceived the plan of uniting the forces at Port
Colborne with his own column at Stevensville (a small country hamlet
about seven miles south-west of Chippawa) and make a combined attack on
Gen. O'Neil's position as soon as the junction of the two columns was
effected. He accordingly despatched Capt. Chas. S. Akers (an officer of
the Royal Engineers) across the country about midnight with orders to
Lieut.-Col. Booker to leave Port Colborne for Ridgeway by rail at five
o'clock next morning, and after detraining his troops at that station to
march by the nearest road to Stevensville, where he expected to meet
him with his column about 10 o'clock. Capt. Akers was given minute
instructions by Col. Peacocke as to the time he proposed to leave
Chippawa (6 o'clock) and also the route of his march, so that
Lieut.-Col. Booker could be thoroughly informed of his plans.

Capt. Akers arrived at Port Colborne about 2 o'clock a.m., on June 2nd,
and after delivering his despatches and verbal orders, had a conference
with Lieut.-Col. Booker and Lieut.-Col. Dennis as to the situation of
affairs at the front, which resulted in a proposal by Lieut.-Col.
Dennis that Col. Peacocke's plans should be altered (contingent on that
officer's consent) and that Lieut.-Col. Booker's column should advance
on Fort Erie direct and join Col. Peacocke near Frenchman's Creek,
instead of at Stevensville. This proposal was telegraphed to Col.
Peacocke, who promptly negatived any change in his plans, and insisted
on his original orders being obeyed.

Previous to the issuance of his order to Lieut.-Col. Booker, Col.
Peacocke had telegraphed to Lieut.-Col. Dennis that he had ordered the
International Ferry steamer to proceed from Fort Erie to Port Colborne,
and instructed him to put a gun detachment on board and patrol the
Niagara River from Fort Erie to Chippawa. As this steamer had not
arrived at 10.30 p.m., Lieut.-Col. Dennis availed himself of the
patriotic offer of Capt. Lachlan McCallum, owner of the powerful tug
"W. T. Robb," to place that boat at his disposal. Capt. McCallum was
the commanding officer of the Dunnville Naval Brigade, and the boat
was lying at her dock at that place when he received a telegram from
Lieut.-Col. Dennis shortly after midnight to proceed to Port Colborne
without delay. He quickly mustered his crew and the members of his Naval
Brigade and left Dunnville at 2 o'clock a.m., arriving at Port Colborne
at about 4 a.m. Meanwhile the Welland Canal Field Battery, under
command of Capt. Richard S. King, of Port Robinson, had reported at Port
Colborne, and received orders to embark on the "W. T. Robb," for the
proposed reconnaissance to the Niagara River. For some unaccountable
reason the field guns of this splendid Battery, which was one of
the most efficient in the Province at that time, had been removed
to Hamilton a few months previously, and their only armament on this
occasion was short Enfield rifles with sword bayonets. They mustered
three officers and 59 men when they joined the Dunnville Naval Brigade
on board the tug. The latter corps consisted of three officers and 43
men, armed with Enfield rifles and equipment, but were without uniforms.
Thus the total strength of the combatant forces which left Port Colborne
on the "W. T. Robb" was 108 of all ranks. Without waiting for a reply
from Col. Peacocke relative to the change in plans suggested by the
conference, Lieut.-Col. Dennis, accompanied by Capt. Akers, went on
board the tug, and assuming command of the expedition, ordered the
vessel to proceed at once to Fort Erie.

Shortly after the "W. T. Robb" left the harbor, a telegram was received
by Lieut.-Col. Booker from Col. Peacocke, ordering him to adhere to his
original instructions, and to leave Port Colborne for Ridgeway not later
than 5.30 a.m., to disembark there and march to Stevensville, so as to
effect the junction with his column at the specified hour. Lieut.-Col.
Booker's troops were already on board the train, having remained in the
cars nearly all night with very little sleep, and after being served a
hasty and very meagre breakfast, the train started from Port Colborne
about 5 o'clock. The total strength of the forces (which consisted
of the Queen's Own Rifles, the Thirteenth Battalion, and the York and
Caledonia Rifle Companies) was about 840 men. Preceded by a pilot engine
the train moved carefully eastward until it reached Ridgeway station,
where the force was detrained and formed up in column of march. It was
then found impossible to obtain horses and waggons at Ridgeway for the
transport of the stores, so that a large quantity of supplies and
other material which was urgently required had to be sent back to Port
Colborne by the returning train. This was a lamentable state of affairs,
which did not reflect much credit on the ability of some officer whose
duty it was to look after such matters.

Although Col. Peacocke had notified Lieut.-Col. Booker that he
would leave Chippawa with his column at 6 o'clock on his march for
Stevensville to form the proposed junction of forces, he was nearly two
hours late of his scheduled time in doing so, which had an important
bearing on the fortunes of the day, and the events which might have been
averted. The reinforcements (consisting of two companies of H. M. 47th
Regiment, the 19th Lincoln Battalion, the 10th Royals of Toronto, and
Stoker's Battery of Artillery, from St. Catharines) had arrived during
the night and early hours of the morning. Some time was lost in getting
the column ready for the advance, and it was not until 7 o'clock that
the "assembly" was sounded for the companies to "fall in." The troops
hurriedly bundled on their accoutrements and equipments, and in a
quarter of an hour were ready for the march. Another half hour was lost
in inspection, "telling off" the battalions, serving out ammunition and
other preliminaries, so it was nearly 8 o 'clock when the bugle sounded
"the advance" and the column was put in motion.

H. M. 16th Regiment supplied the advance guard, with the usual look-out
and flanking files. The main body of the advance was commanded by Capt.
Home and Lieut. Taylor, and the support by Lieut. Reid. The remainder
of the column was formed in the following order: The right wing of H. M.
16th Regiment, under command of Major Grant; the Grey Battery of Royal
Artillery (with six Armstrong guns), under Col. Hoste; H. M. 47th
Regiment, under Lieut.-Col. Villiers and Major Lauder; the Nineteenth
(Lincoln) Battalion (seven companies, with a strength of 350), and the
Tenth Royals of Toronto (417 strong). The volunteer battalions were
officered as follows:

NINETEENTH BATTALION--Lieut.-Col. James G. Currie in command; Majors,
John Powell and T. L. Helliwell; Adjutant, Silas Spillett. No. 1
Co.--Capt. Ed. Thompson. Lieut. Johnson Clench. No. 2 Co.--Capt. Fred
W. Macdonald, Lieut. F. Benson. No. 3 Co.--Capt. Wm. Kew, Lieut. J. K.
Osborne, Ensign Kew. No. 4 Co.--Capt. Mathias Konkle, Lieut. G. Walker,
Ensign Wolverton. No. 8 Co.--Capt. Henry Carlisle, Lieut. Edwin
I. Parnell, Ensign Josiah G. Holmes. Surgeon, Edwin Goodman, M.D.;
Quartermaster, Wm. McGhie. (The Clifton and Port Dalhousie Companies of
this Battalion were left to guard the Suspension Bridge, and the Thorold
Company was sent to Port Colborne to guard the Welland Canal).

THE TENTH ROYALS--Lieut.-Col., A. Brunel; Majors, James Worthington and
John Boxall (in command during march); Adjutant, C. H. Connon. No.
1 Co.--Capt. Geo. McMurrich, Lieut. John Paterson, Ensign F. Barlow
Cumberland. No. 2 Co.--Capt. Geo. B. Hamilton. Lieut. Fred Richardson,
Ensign Alex. Macdonald. No. 3 Co.--Lieut. H. J. Browne in command,
Ensign Walter H. Barrett. No. 4 Co.--Capt. Wm. A. Stollery, Lieut.
Arthur Coleman, Ensign W. D. Rogers. No. 5 Co.--Capt. Geo. W. Musson,
Lieut. Chas. S. Musson, Ensign J. Widmer Rolph. No. 6 Co.--Capt. J. W.
Laurence, Lieut. C. J. H. Winstanley, Ensign Hayward. No. 7 Co.--Capt.
J. W. Hetherington, Lieut. G. Brunei. No. 8 Co.--Lieut. T. Brunei in
command, Ensign L. Sherwood. Surgeon, Dr. J. H. Richardson; Assist.
Surgeon, Dr. James Newcombe; Paymaster, Capt. John H. Ritchey;
Quartermaster, Capt. Rufus Skinner.

The St. Catharines Garrison Battery of Artillery, under command of Capt.
George Stoker and Lieut. James Wilson, was left at Chippawa to hold that
place and guard the bridges.

A very grave error or oversight was made by the General Commanding in
not providing a force of cavalry to thoroughly scour the country in
advance of both of these columns before they started feeling their
way through a district that was practically unknown to the commanding
officers, and which was reported to be occupied by marauding parties of
the enemy. Had this been done on the first of June, and cavalry
scouts been employed on all the leading roads and highways gathering
information of the whereabouts and doings of Gen. O'Neil and his forces,
the events which subsequently transpired might have ended more happily.
At the eleventh hour the Militia authorities saw the necessity of
employing cavalry in the operations, and called out a portion of that
extremely useful branch of the service. One of these cavalry troops (the
Governor-General's Body Guard, of Toronto, under command of Major Geo.
T. Denison), performed splendid service in this direction, an account of
which will be given in a subsequent chapter.

Col. Peacocke marched from Chippawa by the River Road for Black Creek
on his way to Stevensville, a rather round-about route, which added some
miles to his journey and caused considerable loss of time. The day was
an oppressively close one, with not a breath of air stirring, and as
the sun rose higher in the heavens it cast forth a brassy heat that was
almost unbearable, and had a telling effect on the men, who were soon
drenched with perspiration and covered with dust. By 11 o'clock the heat
became more intense and the dust more denser, and the jaded soldiers
began to show signs of weariness, when Col. Peacocke resolved to halt
his column at New Germany, a point about three miles from Stevensville,
having covered 12 1/4 measured miles on this strenuous march.

CHAPTER VI.

THE BATTLE OF RIDGEWAY--A BAPTISM OF FIRE AND BLOOD FOR THE CANADIAN
TROOPS--SPLENDID COOLNESS AND HEROIC COURAGE OF THE VOLUNTEERS AT THE
BEGINNING OF THE FIGHT ENDS IN DISASTER.

The second of June, 1866, was an eventful day for the Canadian troops
who were operating on the Niagara frontier. They had hurriedly left
their homes, the majority of them wholly unprovided with the means of
subsistence, and illy equipped for campaigning, to combat a band of
veteran troops who were bent on capturing Canada. A large proportion
of our volunteers were mere youths who had left their colleges, office
work, mercantile and other occupations, to go forth at their country's
call, and had never encountered the perils of war or seen a hostile
shot fired in their lives. But the high spirit of courage and patriotism
which animated the hearts of all, rendered them self-reliant and
determined to do their utmost in performing their sacred duty to their
Queen and country.

In the preceding chapter a general idea of Col. Peacock's plan of
campaign was given, and as Lieut.-Col. Booker's force was the first to
move in carrying out that plan, it will be necessary to describe the
operations of this command in detail, so that the reader may acquire
a comprehensive knowledge of the exciting events which succeeded each
other rapidly during the time this gallant force was in action.

A few minutes after 7 o'clock Lieut.-Col. Booker put his column in
motion from Ridgeway station. The troops had previously been instructed
to "load with ball cartridge," and all were keen to meet the enemy. Just
before leaving, Lieut.-Col. Booker had been informed by several farmers
of the neighborhood that the Fenians were only a short distance in his
front, but he could scarcely believe so many conflicting stories, as the
last official information he had received was that O'Neil was still at
his camp at Frenchman's Creek. Although he considered the information
unreliable, still he resolved to be prudent, and keep a sharp lookout
for "breakers ahead." The usual military precautions which govern an
advance into a hostile country were taken by him, and the advance guard
and commanding officers warned to be on the alert.

The Queen's Own Rifles, under command of Major Charles T. Gillmor,
led the van, followed by the York Rifle Company (Capt. Davis), the
Thirteenth Battalion, under command of Major Skinner, and the Caledonia
Rifle Company, under Capt. Jackson, in the order named. No. 5 Company
of the Queen's Own (who were armed with Spencer repeating rifles) formed
the advance guard, and the Caledonia Rifles the rear guard.

After proceeding about two miles along the Ridge Road the advance guard
signalled back the intelligence that there were indications of the enemy
in front. The column was then halted on the road, and flanking parties
were detailed to scour the woods to the right and left. Proceeding a
little further it became apparent that the Fenians were in position
about half a mile north of the Garrison Road.

As the Canadian troops carefully moved forward, the advance guard (No.
5 Co., Q.O.R.), extended from its centre, with No. 1 Company on its left
and No. 2 Company on its right as skirmishers. No. 3 Company acted
as centre supports, No. 4 Company left supports. No. 7 Company as
a flanking party to the left, supported by No. 8 Company, and No. 6
Company flanking to the right. Nos. 9 and 10 Companies were in reserve.
After an advance of about half a mile in this formation No. 6 Company
was sent as a support to No. 2 Company on the right.

The Canadians bravely advanced until they were met by a heavy fire from
the Fenians' sharpshooters, who were extended behind rail fences and
clumps of bushes, their main force being posted behind breastworks in a
wood some distance in their rear. The Queen's Own promptly returned the
fire and continued to advance steadily. The firing then became general,
being most galling on the right and centre of the Canadian line.

The first Canadian to fall by a Fenian bullet was Ensign Malcolm
McEachren, a brave officer of No. 5 Co., Q.O.R., who was mortally
wounded in the stomach and died on the field about twenty minutes later.

For over an hour the gallant Queen's Own continued to drive the enemy
before them, and one after another of their positions was carried, until
they had the Fenians forced back to their main breastworks in the woods.
By this time the Queen's Own had nearly exhausted their ammunition, and
No. 5 Company had fired every round of their Spencer rifle cartridges.
So that it became necessary for Major Gillmor to ask for relief.

The Thirteenth Battalion was the reserve force of the column, and it now
became their turn to go into action. Lieut.-Col. Booker at once ordered
the right wing of the reserve to deploy on the rear company to the
right and extend. Major Skinner commanded the Thirteenth, and acted very
courageously. He executed the movement with great skill and ability. No.
1 Company of the Thirteenth Battalion was on the right of the line
and the York Rifles on the left. The troops advanced with coolness and
bravery and were heartily cheered by the Queen's Own as they took their
place in the battle line. The left wing of the Thirteenth moved up as
the supports of their comrades of the same Battalion, and the Queen's
Own then became the reserve. The fighting line of the Thirteenth
continued the "drive" of the enemy into their entrenchments, and their
hearty cheers as they pushed on to the attack were answered by the yells
of the Fenians, who were preparing to make a charge.

Observing a movement on the part of O 'Neil which threatened his right
flank, Lieut.-Col. Booker requested Major Gillmor to keep a sharp
lookout for the cross-roads on which the reserve rested, and to send two
companies from the reserve to occupy and hold the woods on the hill to
the right of his line. Major Gillmor sent the Highland Company of the
Queen's Own to perform that duty.

Just at this time (about 9.30 a.m.) two telegrams were handed to
Lieut.-Col. Booker by a gentleman who had then arrived from Port
Colborne. Both messages were from Col. Peacocke, one stating that he
could not leave Chippawa until 7 o'clock, and the other advising him
to "be cautious in feeling his way for fear obstacles should prevent
a junction." This was disappointing news to Lieut.-Col. Booker. He had
already struck an "obstacle," and had to overcome it alone, as there was
now no chance of any succor from Col. Peacocke.

[Picture (page 49) 0057.gif, a map]

To make matters worse, a few moments later Major Gillmor reported that
the Highland Company had been compelled to leave the woods on the right
of his position, as they had found that point occupied by Fenians.
Almost simultaneously the cry of "Cavalry! Look out for cavalry!" came
down the road, and some of our men were observed doubling down the
hill. As the alarm was repeated when a few Fenian horsemen were observed
advancing from around the corner of a piece of bush, Lieut.-Col. Booker
ordered the reserve (which was composed of the Queen's Own) to "Prepare
for Cavalry," and Companies Nos. 1, 2, 3, 5 and 8 promptly "formed
square" on the road. As soon as it was discovered that the alarm was
a false one, the order was given to "Reform Column," and for the two
leading companies (Nos. 1 and 2) to "extend." On reforming, the reserve,
being too close to the skirmish line, was ordered to retire. The left
wing of the Thirteenth, who were in rear, seeing the four companies of
the Queen's Own reserve retiring, and thinking a general retreat had
been ordered, broke and retired in a panic, on seeing which the Queen's
Own reserve also hurriedly retired. The bugles now having sounded the
"Retire." Nos. 1 and 2 Companies of the Queen's Own fell back and seeing
their comrades in disorder they too became demoralized. The Fenians,
who were about ready to quit the fight and flee from the field when this
unfortunate circumstance occurred, now saw their opportunity, and were
quick to avail themselves of it. Their rifle fire became hotter and more
incessant than ever, and as the Canadian troops were all huddled up in
a narrow road, their murderous volleys were very destructive. It was a
vain effort on the part of the officers to check the retreat and rally
the men for the first few hundred yards, but after a while they cooled
down and retired in an orderly manner, occasionally turning around to
take a parting shot at the Fenians, who were pursuing them. Occasionally
a squad or company would halt and deliver a well-directed volley, but no
general formation could be accomplished, as the troops were practically
demoralized.

[Picture (page 51) 0059.gif, a map]

The Fenians followed in pursuit as fur as Ridgeway Station, when they
turned east and retreated to Fort Erie, no doubt thinking that a fresh
column of Canadian troops would endeavor to effect their capture.
Lieut.-Col. Booker, seeing that it was impossible to get the troops in
good fighting condition again that day, decided to order a retreat to
Port Colborne, where they arrived during the afternoon, utterly worn out
from loss of sleep and their strenuous exertions during the day.

THE HONOR ROLL.

The following is a list of the Canadians killed and
wounded in the action at Ridgeway:

QUEEN'S OWN RIFLES.

_Killed._

Ensign Malcolm McEachren, No. 5 Company.
Lance-Corporal Mark Defries, No. 3 Company.
Private William Smith, No. 2 Company.
Private Christopher Alderson, No. 7 Company.
Private Malcolm McKenzie, No. 9 Company.
Private Wm. F. Tempest, No. 9 Company.
Private J. H. Mewburn, No. 9 Company.
Sergt. Hugh Matheson (died on June 9th), No. 2 Company.
Corporal F. Lackey (died on June 11th), No. 2 Company.

_Wounded._

Ensign Wm. Fahey (in knee), No. 1 Company.
Private Oulster (calf of leg), No. 1 Company.
Private Wm. Thompson (neck). No. 2 Company.
Capt. J. B. Boustead (contusion), No. 3 Company.
Lieut. J. H. Beaven (thigh), No. 3 Company.
Private Charles Winter (thigh), No. 3 Company.
Private Chas. Lugsdin (lung and arm). No. 4 Company.
Private Chas. Bell (knee), No. 5 Company.
Private Copp (wrist). No. 5 Company.
Lieut. W. C. Campbell (shoulder), No. 6 Company.
Corporal Paul Robbing (knee, leg amputated), No. 6 Company.
Private Rutherford (foot), No. 6 Company.
Sergt. W. Foster (side), No. 7 Company.
Private E. T. Paul (knee), No. 9 Company.
Private R. E. Kingsford (leg). No. 9 Company.
Private E. G. Paterson (arm). No. 9 Company.
Private W. H. Vandersmissen (groin), No. 9 Company.
Color-Sergt. P. McHardy (arm), No. 10 Company.
Private White (arm, amputated), No. 10 Company.
Private Alex. Muir (arm dislocated), No. 10 Company.
Sergt. Forbes (arm), No. 10 Company.

THIRTEENTH BATTALION.

_Died._--Private Morrison, No. 3 Company.

_Wounded._--Lieut. Routh, severely in left side; Private McKenzie, wound
in foot; Private George Mackenzie, left arm; Private Edwin Hillier,
wound in neck; Private Stuart, flesh wound in neck; Private Powell,
wound in thigh; Sergt. J. M. Young, H. W. Simons, B. W. Sutherland,
Alex. Henderson, John Crossman, James Cahill, W. Irving, W. T. Urquhart,
and W. B. Nicholls.

YORK RIFLES.

_Wounded._--Sergt. Jack, in thigh; B. J. Cranston, Oneida.

The unfortunate termination of the battle of Ridgeway was a great
disappointment to the rank and file in Lieut.-Col. Booker's force,
and he was severely condemned for having given the fatal order which
resulted in huddling up his men in a "square" in an exposed position,
and finally resulted in the retrograde movement. But under similar
circumstances any other officer might have done likewise, and to his
credit it may be recorded that he did his best afterwards to retrieve
the consequences of his error, and by personal courage on the field
endeavored to stop the retreat. He had no staff to assist him, and
was the only mounted officer on the Canadian side, so that he was at a
disadvantage. Moreover, he had never previously manoeuvred a brigade,
even on parade, and to handle one in battle was a trying ordeal to an
inexperienced officer who had never before been under fire.

It was a most disastrous occurrence, for in another ten minutes of
fighting Gen. O'Neill's forces would have been defeated and in full
retreat. In fact, O'Neil Himself afterwards admitted this, and stated
that if the Canadians had fought five minutes longer his forces would
have given way, as they were fast becoming demoralized and were making
preparations for flight. He complimented our men highly on their courage
and steadiness, and said that he had mistaken them for regular British
troops, and could not believe that they were merely Canadian volunteers,
without any previous experience in warfare.

An observer who was present at the battle states that "there were no
faint hearts in the whole Canadian line while under fire, but with the
steadfastness of old soldiers trained in battle, the gallant youths
stood up to perform honorably and creditably the stern task which they
saw was before them. The officers, by word and act, gave their men
whatever slight encouragement was needed, and each vied with the other
in enthusiasm and firmness of purpose."

On the retreat from Ridgeway the dead and severely wounded were of
necessity left on the field, but during the afternoon and evening were
collected by the people residing in the vicinity and conveyed to near-by
houses, where the wounded received every attention that it was possible
to bestow until the arrival of medical aid. As soon as it became known
in Toronto that a battle had been fought, the following surgeons left
for the front by the 1 p.m. train: Doctors Tempest, Rowell, Stevenson,
Howson, Agnew, Pollock, De Grassi and Dack. They arrived at Port
Colborne at 9 a.m. and Dr. Tempest immediately conferred with Dr.
Thorburn, Surgeon of the Queen's Own, who had retired to Port Colborne
with his regiment. It was just at this moment that Dr. Tempest received
the sad intelligence that his own son had been killed in the engagement,
which was a crushing blow to the patriotic father. He, however, remained
at his post of duty, carefully supervising details in the movement
of several surgeons to the battlefield, fourteen miles distant, and
directed affairs at Port Colborne to receive the wounded on their
arrival at that point. No vehicles were available at Port Colborne, but
Doctors Stevenson and Howson, noticing a farmer's waggon passing by,
impressed it into the service and started together for the battle
ground, where they arrived about 2 o'clock Sunday morning. They found
our wounded in the houses in the neighborhood, and with the assistance
of Dr. Clark, of St. Catharines, Doctors Brewster and Duncan, of Port
Colborne, and Dr. Allen, quickly dressed the wounds of all of the
wounded. The dead were sent on to Port Colborne in waggons, and a train
was ordered to proceed to Ridgeway to bring back the wounded. This train
left Ridgeway in charge of Doctors Stevenson and Howson at 1 o'clock
on Sunday, and soon after arrived at Port Colborne, where it was met
by Doctors Tempest, Beaumont and other medical men. Several of the most
severely wounded, whose cases demanded rest and more careful surgical
treatment, were left in charge of the surgeons at Port Colborne, while
others were removed to the improvised hospital in the Town Hall at St.
Catharines, and the remainder conveyed to Port Dalhousie, where they
were carefully carried on board the "City of Toronto." After the wounded
had been comfortably placed on mattresses and stretchers, the bodies
of six of the dead soldiers (Ensign McEachren, Corporal Defries, and
Privates Smith, Alderson, McKenzie and Tempest), encased in the plain
wooden coffins which had been provided for them at Port Colborne, were
reverently carried on board, and the steamer started on its sorrowful
trip to Toronto.

A Toronto paper, in reciting the circumstance of the sad home-coming of
the dead and wounded heroes, said:

At 9 o'clock in the evening the bells of the city began to toll
mournfully as the lights of the "City of Toronto," freighted with dead
and wounded from the battle field, were seen entering the harbor, and
every street and avenue began to pour their throngs of sympathizing
citizens to Yonge street wharf, where strong pickets of volunteers were
drawn up to keep the dense crowd already assembled from pressing over
the dock. Ominous files of hearses, with cabs and carriages, passed over
the wharf, and the pickets again closed upon the multitude, vast numbers
betaking themselves to the neighboring wharves and storehouses and
literally swarmed over every post of observation. We do not think that
gloomy Sunday night will soon be forgotten by any of the myriads who,
as the soft south-eastern wind dashed the waves against the esplanade,
awaited in melancholy expectation the approaching steamer. The wharf was
densely crowded with an anxious crowd to witness the arrival of the poor
fellows. A strong guard had to be stationed across the street at
the entrance of the wharf, and no one was allowed to pass except the
committee and those privileged with a pass. At half past nine the
steamer arrived, and the committee immediately went on board and
assisted in the removal of the wounded. many of whom were lying on
mattresses with their legs and arms in bandages, some of them apparently
in great pain. A company of the 47th was in waiting with ambulances to
convey the wounded out of the boat to cabs. Six dead bodies were
brought down in coffins, their names being McEachren, Defries, Alderson,
Tempest. McKenzie and Smith. The wounded who arrived were Capt.
Boustead, Ensign Fahey, Kingsford, Lakey, Robins, VanderSmissen,
Patterson, Webster, Muir and Elliott. Lugsden and Mathieson were left
at Port Colborne, they being too much injured to be removed. The wounded
were conveyed in cabs to their residences, and the dead to the houses of
their friends.

INCIDENTS OF THE BATTLE.

A daring deed of bravery was performed by Private John H. Noverre,
of No. 5 Co., Q.O.R., while the battle was at its hottest stage. When
Ensign McEachren received his fatal wound, his belts and sword were
removed from his body and left in a fence corner. As the Fenians were
working up in that direction, Mr. Noverre determined to run the risk
of recovering his dead comrade's equipments, rather than have them fall
into the hands of an exultant enemy. Therefore he ran across the line of
fire amid a storm of bullets, secured the sword and belts, and regained
the Canadian lines unscathed just as the retreat began. The exertion of
the race and the excessive heat proved too much for him, however, and he
suffered sun-stroke, which necessitated his being carried from the field
and borne to Port Colborne by his comrades, from whence he was sent to
the hospital at St. Catharines for treatment, and soon recovered.

Ensign Wm. Fahey, of No. 1 Company, was about the last man struck,
while assisting to cover the retreat. He was using the rifle of a
fallen comrade on the firing line when he was struck in the knee. He was
assisted to a neighboring house and was kindly treated by the Fenians
when they took possession.

Private R. W. Hines, of No. 8 Co., Queen's Own, was taken prisoner by a
squad of Fenians and his rifle taken from him and handed to one of their
officers. The officer took the rifle, and after eyeing it critically,
grabbed it by the barrel and with a profane remark that it would never
shoot another Fenian, smashed the stock against a boulder. The Canadian
gun, being loaded and at full cock, went off with the concussion, and
the bullet passed through the Fenian's body, killing him instantly.

It is related that a private of the Queen's Own was in conflict with
two Fenians, who pressed him at the point of the bayonet. He retreated
across a fence and fell, when one of the Fenians dashed at him with his
bayonet and pinned him to the ground, the bayonet passing through his
arm. He pulled a revolver with the other hand and shot the Fenians one
after another and escaped.

Private Graham, of the Queen's Own, in getting over a fence, caught his
foot between the top rails and swung over, his head downwards, and was
unable to extricate himself. A shower of Fenian bullets whistled around
him without injury, when a comrade came to his rescue and relieved him,
but was himself seriously wounded.

Private R. E. Kingsford, of No. 9 Co., Queen's Own (now Police
Magistrate at Toronto), was wounded and taken prisoner. The Fenians
carried him to a farm house, procured him refreshments, and took great
care of him while he was in their hands.

Major Cattley, of the 13th Battalion, had a spur knocked off his heel by
a bullet while climbing a fence, and a private of the same battalion had
the ball on the top of his shako shot away.

Private Shuttleworth, of the 13th, had a narrow and extraordinary
escape. While he was in the act of firing, the muzzle of his rifle was
shot into by a Fenian musket ball and torn open.

It is recounted that Lieut. Routh, of the 13th Battalion, turned his
company towards the enemy three times during the retreat and delivered
volleys at the advancing foe. He called out to the men to stand their
ground, but just at that moment he was struck by a spent ball on the
hip. He rallied, and said it was lucky it was no worse, and exclaimed.
"I will not run. I will die first," but he was again struck by a ball
through the left side, when he dropped and was carried off the field by
two of his men.

Capt. Sherwood, of No. 8 Co., Q.O.R., had the band taken off his collar
and a piece taken out of the sleeve of his tunic by a bullet, without
being even wounded.

Sergt. Foster, of No. 7 Co., Q.O.R., was struck by a bullet over the
heart, tearing his tunic and grazing the skin, but leaving him otherwise
uninjured.

Mr. P. E. Noverre, of No. 5 Co., Q.O.R., relates that during the
progress of the fight a patriotic lady and her little daughter, who
resided in the neighborhood of the battlefield, were busy carrying water
for the thirsty soldiers to drink. They were right in the line of fire,
but seemed to disdain the danger. Suddenly a Fenian bullet perforated
the tin pail the little girl was carrying, and she remarked, "Mother,
the pail is leaking; it won't hold water." Mr. Noverre was being served
with a drink by the lady at the time, when another bullet whizzed past
his ear and severely wounded a soldier of the 13th Battalion who was
standing behind him.

C. H. Murdock, a bugler attached to No. 10 Co., Q.O.R., was conspicuous
for his gallantry in carrying water to the men of the Highland Company
during the hottest part of the action, and had several narrow escapes
from the Fenian bullets which rattled around him.

Mr. Phil. E. Noverre was an eye-witness to the interment of eleven
Fenians in a field near Fort Erie. These bodies were found by our troops
on arrival at Fort Erie on Sunday, and it is supposed the men were
killed during the two actions at Ridgeway and Fort Erie. Five or six
more were buried on the Ridgeway battlefield.

A correspondent of the Toronto _Leader_, who was present during the
engagement at Ridgeway, gave the following vivid account, of his
personal experiences:

At the time the disastrous retreat of our troops commenced I was
requested by his comrade to assist a wounded soldier of the Queen's Own
to Hoffman's tavern, then about half a mile distant. The whole force
rushed past us. We found on reaching the tavern that, with the exception
of some more wounded whom we found there, we were the only parties left.
We had barely time to deposit our burden when the advance guard of
the Fenians rushed up and surrounded the tavern, flushed with apparent
victory, and wild with excitement. They presented such an appearance as
I certainly shall not soon forget. They were the most cut-throat-looking
set of ruffians that could well be imagined. Supposing me to be the
landlord, they immediately demanded liquor. In vain I urged that I was
as much a stranger as themselves. Their leader presented a revolver
at me, and ordered me behind the bar; every decanter was empty. They
insisted that I had hid everything away. I examined every jar, without
success. Fortunately I discovered a small keg, which on examination I
found to contain about a gallon of old rye whiskey. This I distributed
among them and think I must have treated about fifty. This mollified
them in some degree, and after slaking their thirst at the well that
party proceeded on its way without molesting me further. I then,
assisted by the young volunteer whose comrade we had brought in,
proceeded to render what assistance we could to the wounded men, one of
whom was Private Lugsden of the Queen's Own, badly wounded in the chest,
when we were interrupted by the arrival of another detachment under the
command of a Capt. Lacken, who marched my assistant off a prisoner. I
remonstrated with him upon the cruelty of leaving me alone with all the
wounded, when he detailed one of his own men to assist me and went his
way. About one hundred yards from the tavern, on the west side of the
road, I found a poor fellow of the Queen's Own lying on his face near
the fence. I knelt down beside him and found that he was sensible. He
told me his name was Mark Defries, and that he was shot through the
back. He knew that he was dying. He requested me to take a ring from his
finger and send it with a message to a young lady in Toronto. He also
requested me to take his watch and send it to his father, whose address
he gave me. This I attempted to do, but he could not endure to be
touched. He told me it would do to take it after he was dead. I
conversed with him for some time, when I left him to try to obtain some
assistance to have him removed into the house. I was then placed under
arrest by a Fenian, by order of his commanding officers, and conveyed to
a farm house, where I found two of our wounded men, young VanderSmissen,
of the University Rifles, badly wounded in the thigh, and Corporal
Lakey, shot through the mouth. With the assistance of the Fenian sentry
I had them both put to bed and rendered them all the assistance in my
power; for, be it noticed, that we could not find man, woman nor child
in a circuit of miles, all fled in terror. When I could not do any more
in that house, I requested the sentry to march me to the commanding
officer, who was then at the tavern. He rode a sorrel horse, which was
then at the door, and about half a mile from where we then were. I found
him to be a very mild-looking young man, civil and courteous, evidently
well educated. I stated my business at once, which was that I might
obtain from him a written authority to go through their lines and visit
the wounded on both sides without molestation. This he readily consented
to, and gave me a document to that effect, signed Major McDonnell,
commanding Division F. B. I had now perfect freedom to go wherever I
wanted to. I immediately went in search of young Defries, but found that
he had been removed. I returned to the tavern and found him lying in
a back room dead. I then asked the landlord, who had by this time
returned, to witness me taking the watch at his request, but after
feeling him all over, the watch was gone. It had been taken from him, no
doubt, by some Fenian marauder. I sent the ring, enclosed in a letter,
to the young lady; I also wrote to his father's address, stating all the
circumstances.

[Picture (page 67) 0067.gif, caption: Hoffman's Tavern, known as "the
smuggler's home."]

I found there were more of our wounded men in another frame house about
a mile further, on the Fort Erie road. I proceeded there and found the
place guarded with Fenian sentries, but my protection was all potent.
They, supposing me to be a surgeon, gave me every facility. I found,
among others whose names I failed to ascertain, young Kingsford, of
the University Rifles, lying on a lounge, badly wounded in the leg, but
remarkably cheerful. I also found a young man named Hamilton, of the
13th Battalion, with a very bad wound in the right side. He had been
attended to by a Fenian surgeon; he was lying on his face and suffering
much. At his request I examined his wound and placed a bandage around
it to stop the bleeding. There was also another young man of the Queen's
Own lying on the floor in strong convulsions, evidently in a dying
state, singular to say, without a wound upon his body. In another room
in the same house I found another young man badly wounded. At this time
a Fenian was brought in on a stretcher in a dying state. I ordered his
comrades to cut his shirt open, when I found an ugly wound just under
his left arm, which I have no doubt penetrated a vital part. I got water
and washed the wound; he was sensible and able to tell me that his name
was James Gerrahty, from Cincinnati, and that one of his own comrades
had shot him by mistake, and that he freely forgave him. He died in
about thirteen minutes, one of his comrades holding a crucifix before
him as long as he could see it. We buried him in an orchard adjoining,
the same evening.

Another Fenian was now brought in with a very bad wound in the neck.
He was a very rough-looking fellow. I washed his wound also. He was
afterwards removed to the hospital at St. Catharines. On leaving the
house my attention was called to the dead body of one of the Queen's Own
lying across the road, a very powerful man. He was shot through the head
and presented a horrid spectacle. A little further on I found a group
of three armed Fenians, who were watching over a wounded comrade. I
was called upon to assist him. His comrades stripped him, and I found a
gunshot wound in the hip, having passed right through, leaving two very
ugly wounds. I washed him also and left him.

I now returned to the tavern. By this time the main body had returned,
after having pillaged the village of Ridgeway, ransacking the principal
stores, taverns, etc., and were now resting on a rising ground almost
immediately opposite the tavern. The green flag, on which was emblazoned
a large golden harp, was floating to the breeze in their centre. An
officer, whom I soon found was their Adjutant, rode across to me and
told me that two of our wounded men were lying on the road about fifty
rods from us, nearer Ridgeway, a circumstance I was not before aware of.
Desiring that I should procure some assistance to have them removed from
the sun's scorching influence, which at that time was very powerful,
I told him I had not a man left but the wounded. I suggested to him to
detail four of his stoutest fellows and place them under my authority
for a few minutes, which he readily agreed to. I marched them off, but
before reaching the poor fellows their bugle sounded the assembly, when
they all started off and left me without assistance. I may mention here
that this officer gave me an authority in writing to remove the wounded
to where they might obtain proper medical assistance. Accompanied by a
young man of the Queen's Own, who was slightly wounded in the wrist, I
proceeded to the poor fellows who were lying on the road. We were unable
to remove them, but gave them water to drink and put the overcoats that
we picked up on the road in such a way as to shelter them from the sun.
We then proceeded to Ridgeway to try to obtain assistance to remove
those that were able, or nurses to attend upon the poor fellows, or men
to move the dead and wounded that were still exposed on the road, as
well as to try to procure teams to take them to Port Colborne, but with
the exception of three men who agreed to go and move the men off the
road, and one colored woman, whom I pressed into service, I could get no
further assistance.

The horses had been all driven away for fear of them being taken. In
going into a farmer's house in the immediate neighborhood of Ridgeway I
knocked and could not obtain admission. I then went to the kitchen
door, and opening another door, I found lying on the bed a poor young
volunteer of the Queen's Own. I learned from himself that he was a son
of the Rev. Mr. McKenzie, and was badly wounded, I think, in the arm. He
was lying there alone, the house being deserted by all its inhabitants.
I promised to send him assistance, which I did.

Returning from my fruitless errand, I met Dr. Elliot, of Port Colborne,
who in the interim had been visiting the wounded men. He agreed to find
ways and means to convey me to Port Colborne to report to the medical
staff, with a view to sending immediate relief. On returning to Ridgeway
I fortunately found a farmer's horse and buggy, and immediately drove to
Port Colborne, when I reported to Dr. Thorburn, of the Queen's Own, who
authorized me to press into the service all the teams necessary to bring
up the dead and wounded, which was accomplished with little delay. A
medical staff, consisting of Dr. Clark, of St. Catharines; Dr. Fraser,
of Font-hill; Dr. Downie, Dr. Allen, of Brantford, and others, proceeded
at once to the battle-ground, attending carefully to the wounded, but
it was deemed advisable for the medical men to remain with them and
accompany them by railway next day to Port Colborne. We, however,
brought with us two wounded Fenian prisoners, who were taken to the
hospital at St. Catharines. We also brought the bodies of the honored
dead. We arrived at Port Colborne with our melancholy burden, about six
o'clock a.m. on the 3rd. I may mention that two of the wounded men, whom
I left alive in the afternoon, were dead when we returned in evening.
Thus terminated the day of horrors. God grant that it may never be my
lot to relate similar experiences.

As an evidence of the coolness and courage which was exemplified by many
of our citizen soldiers, it is related by one of his men that Ensign
Wm. Fahey, of No. 1 Company of the Queen's Own, when that company
was advancing in skirmishing order in the face of a hot fire, kept
continually encouraging his comrades in both words and action. When the
bullets were flying around them he shouted, "Boys, keep a stiff upper
lip!" and when a little later he was shot through the left knee and was
being carried off the field, he again encouraged them by shouting, "No.
1, do your duty!" Such bravery under such circumstances will tend to
show the sort of material of which our volunteers was composed.

An officer who fell on the firing line during the final stage of the
battle was taken prisoner by the Fenians. When asked by the officer in
command of the enemy what troops confronted them, and being told they
were Canadian volunteers, he would hardly believe it. Their Adjutant
said that during his experience in the Civil War he had never seen
troops extending in such order and steadiness as our men did that
morning. He was under the impression that they were British regulars.

PUBLIC FUNERALS FOR THE DEAD.

On Tuesday afternoon, June 5th, the bodies of Ensign McEachren, Corporal
Defries and Privates Smith, Alderson and Tempest were interred in St,
James' Cemetery, Toronto, with full military honors. It was a public
funeral, and one of the most solemn and imposing _corteges_ that ever
passed through the streets of Toronto. The bodies of the five dead
heroes were placed upon a catafalque which had been specially prepared
to convey the remains to their last resting places, and at 3.50 p.m. the
procession started from the Drill Shed to the Cemetery, preceded by the
Band of the 47th Regiment, playing the Dead March. The Lloydtown Rifle
Company acted as the firing party, and the _cortege_ included all the
military units in the city, besides fraternal societies, the Mayor and
Corporation. Major-Gen. Napier and staff, and citizens on foot and
in carriages. All along the line of march the shops were closed and
buildings draped in mourning. An immense concourse of people lined the
streets, and a general feeling of mournfulness and sadness pervaded the
community as the procession moved slowly on to the solemn strains of the
band and the tolling of all the bells in the city. After the service at
the Cemetery had been concluded, the usual volleys were fired over the
remains by the Lloydtown Rifles, and all that was mortal of those five
heroes who had sacrificed their lives on the field of battle for their
country were laid away to eternal rest.

The body of Malcolm McKenzie was sent to his old home at Woodstock for
burial, and that of Private J. H. Mewburn to Stamford. Both of these
dead soldiers were buried the same day, with full military honors, and
were laid to rest with the deepest reverence by their comrades and the
people of the communities in which they had lived and been honored.

On the 9th of June Sergt. Hugh Matheson, of No. 2 Company, Queen's Own
Rifles, died in the hospital at St. Catharines, from wounds received at
Ridgeway, and on the 11th Corporal F. Lackey, of the same company, died
in Toronto, from the effects of a cruel wound in the upper jaw, received
in the same battle. The remains of these two soldiers were also given a
public funeral, as large and imposing as had been accorded to their dead
comrades a week previously. At St. James' Cemetery the same service took
place as at the previous funerals, Rev. Mr. Grasett reading the burial
service of the Church of England, after which the Upper Canada College
Company of the Queen's Own fired the customary volleys over the remains,
which were then placed in the vault of the Cemetery Chapel.

Thus were laid to rest the bodies of nine Canadian heroes whose names
and deeds are engraved deeply on the tablets of their country's history,
and whose memory is warmly preserved in the hearts of their surviving
comrades, who annually decorate their graves with flowers, flags and
garlands on each recurring anniversary of the battle in which they gave
up their lives.

A handsome monument was erected in the Queen's Park, Toronto, to
perpetuate their memory, while at the entrance of the Ontario Parliament
Buildings the Provincial Government has also erected a brass memorial
plate in commemoration of their patriotic deeds in shedding their life's
blood for the honor of their country and its flag. "_Dulce et decorum
est pro patria mori._"

LIST OF OFFICERS WHO PARTICIPATED IN THE BATTLE.

The following is a list of the officers in command of the battalions
and companies which formed Lieut.-Col. Booker's column, all of whom were
present at the battle of Lime Ridge and took part in the action:--

QUEEN'S OWN RIFLES.

Major Chas. T. Gillmor in command.

No. 1 Company--Capt. John Brown, Lieut. Joseph Davids. Ensign Win. Fahey
(wounded).

No. 2 Company--Capt. Fred. E. Dixon, Lieut. Farquhar Morrison, Ensign
James Bennett.

No. 3 Company--Capt. J. B. Boustead, Lieut. James H. Beavan, Ensign Wm.
Wharin.

No. 4 Company--Capt. John Douglas, Lieut. Wm. Arthurs. Ensign John H.
Davis.

No. 5 Company--Capt. John Edwards, Lieut. Alex. G. Lee, Ensign Malcolm
McEachren (killed).

No. 6 Company--Capt. G. M. Adam, Lieut. Wm. C. Campbell, Ensign T. A.
McLean.

No. 7 Company--Capt. A. Macpherson, Lieut. John G. R. Stinson, Ensign
Smith.

No. 8 Co.--Capt. L. P. Sherwood, Lieut. John O'Reilly.

No. 9 (Trinity Coll.) Co.--Acting Captain Geo. Y. Whitney.

No. 10 (Highland) Company---Capt. John Gardner, Lieut. Robert H. Ramsay,
Ensign Donald Gibson.

Staff Paymaster, Capt. W. H. Harris; Quartermaster, Capt. James Jackson;
Adjutant. Capt. Wm. D. Otter; Surgeon, James Thorburn, M.D.; Assistant
Surgeon, Samuel P. May, M.D.

THIRTEENTH BATTALION.

Major James A. Skinner in command; Major Stephen T. Cattley.

No. 1 Company--Capt. Robert Grant, Lieut. John M. Gibson, Ensign
McKenzie.

No. 2 Company--Capt. John H. Watson, Lieut. Chas. R. M. Sewell.

No. 3 Company--Lieut. John W. Ferguson; Ensign Charles Armstrong.

No. 4 Company--Lieut. Percy G. Routh (severely wounded). Ensign J. B.
Young.

No. 5 Company--Capt. Alex H. Askin, Lieut. F. E. Ritchie.

No. 6 Company--Ensign W. Roy.

Adjutant. Capt. John Henery.

YORK RIFLES.

Capt. Robert H. Davis, Lieut. Davis, Ensign Jeffrey Hill.

CALEDONIA RIFLES.

Capt. William Jackson. Lieut. Robert Thorburn, Ensign Chrystal, Ensign
Ronald McKinnon (attached).

Many of those above mentioned have passed away to eternal rest,
yet their memories linger lovingly in the hearts and minds of their
surviving comrades, who are personally cognizant of their patriotic
deeds in defence of their country. By those old soldiers they will never
be forgotten while life remains.

Of those old comrades who still survive, there are some who have
achieved honor and distinction in the service of their country, among
whom may be mentioned the Hon. John M. Gibson (Lieutenant-Governor of
Ontario), and Brigadier-General Wm. D. Otter, C.V.O., C.B., Chief of the
General Staff of the Active Militia of Canada, both of whom were under
fire at Lime Ridge. In other walks of life many of those old veterans
have achieved fame and success, and have proved an honor and a credit to
the country they have spent their lives in endeavoring to upbuild.

CHAPTER VII.

THE EXPEDITION ON THE STEAMER "W. T. ROBB"--FIERCE FIGHT AT FORT
ERIE--STIFF RESISTANCE OF A GALLANT BAND OF CANADIANS AGAINST A FENIAN
FORCE TEN TIMES THEIR NUMBER.

After the steamer "W. T. Robb" cleared from the mouth of the harbor at
Port Colborne, her prow was turned eastward, and under full steam the
staunch little craft proceeded to the Niagara River. The morning was a
most beautiful one, and the surface of Lake Erie was as calm and glassy
as a mill-pond. All on board were in the best of spirits, and their
stout hearts beat high in the hope that they would be able to render
their country some signal service in faithfully performing the duty for
which they had been detailed.

After a quick run the "W. T. Robb" entered the inlet of the Niagara and
started down stream. The expedition had not proceeded far when the boat
was stopped by an armed patrol tug from the United States man-of-war
"Michigan." The officer in command, on becoming acquainted with the
nature of the Canadian steamer's mission, courteously gave Lieut.-Col.
Dennis what information he possessed regarding the operations of the
Fenians, and stated that Gen. O'Neil had "broke camp" at the Newbigging
Farm during the night and moved off down the River Road.

The "W. T. Robb" continued on down the river to Black Creek, where
Lieut.-Col. Dennis learned that the Fenian forces were then at a point
about two miles south of New Germany. A messenger was despatched to
Col. Peacocke, giving all the information obtainable, and as Lieut.-Col.
Dennis was of the opinion that the modified plans arranged by the
conference of officers at Port Colborne had been assented to by Col.
Peacocke, and that the two columns were working in unison along these
lines, he ordered the "Robb" to return to Fort Erie to meet Lieut.-Col.
Booker's force as arranged. But on arrival there he was disappointed to
find that the connection had not been made, and as he was in ignorance
of Col. Peacocke's definite orders to Lieut.-Col. Booker, after he
had left Port Colborne that morning, he was somewhat nonplussed at the
failure of Lieut.-Col. Booker to join him at Fort Erie.

But as the plan had seemed to have mysteriously miscarried, Lieut.-Col.
Dennis resolved to do something on his own account. He therefore decided
to employ his force in patrolling the river, and endeavor to intercept
the retreat of any Fenians who might attempt to escape back to the
American shore. Capt. Akers having assented to this programme, a force
was landed at Fort Erie, who picked up a number of Fenian stragglers.
These men were placed on board of the "Robb" under guard, and while the
steamer slowly drifted down the stream the Welland Canal Field Battery
and a portion of the Naval Brigade patrolled the shore and scoured the
woods and by-roads for some miles, in the course of which "round up"
they gathered in another batch of prisoners. On arrival of the patrol
parties at a point on the river about two miles above Black Creek, all
were taken aboard the steamer by means of rowboats, and after securing
the prisoners in the hold, the "Robb" was again headed for Fort Erie.
On arrival there she was moored to the dock, when a detachment of the
Welland Canal Battery again landed and brought in still another squad of
Fenian prisoners, who were confined in the hold with the rest of their
comrades.

After the boat had lain at the wharf for some time, Lieut.-Col. Dennis
conceived the idea of landing all of the prisoners and leaving them
under guard of the Welland Canal Battery at Fort Eric, while he and
Capt. Akers would go around to Port Colborne with the "Robb" on a
reconnoitering expedition and obtain further instructions and orders.
This cool proposition did not appeal favorably to Capt. King, and he
naturally remonstrated strongly against such action, especially in
regard to leaving so many prisoners in his charge, as they outnumbered
the strength of his command, and in his isolated position there was a
strong possibility that they might be rescued by their friends from the
other side of the river before assistance could reach him. Lieut.-Col.
Dennis, however, was obdurate, and was making arrangements to billet the
Welland Canal Battery in the village when the intelligence came that a
battle had been fought at Ridgeway, and that the Fenians were on their
way back to Fort Erie, moving rapidly.

Lieut.-Col. Dennis did not place much reliance on this rumor, and seemed
determined to carry out his plan of leaving the Battery on shore. But
Capt. King was solicitous for the safety of his men and the prisoners,
and after some parley Lieut.-Col. Dennis allowed the Battery to go
aboard the steamer. But they were scarcely at their quarters when he
changed his mind and ordered them all on shore again, together with a
portion of the Naval Brigade. Altogether the force landed consisted of
76 combatants, consisting of three officers and 54 men of the Welland
Canal Field Battery, and two officers and 18 men of the Dunnville Naval
Brigade.

Meanwhile (about 2 p.m.) Capt. Akers had secured a horse and buggy and
drove up to the Buffalo & Lake Huron Railway telegraph office, seeking
information. While there the Fenian forces suddenly appeared, and he
was cut off from returning to the steamer by the rapid advance into
the village of the Fenian skirmishers. By sheer good fortune he escaped
capture, and by taking a secluded route along the lake shore reached
Port Colborne safely about 7 o'clock in the evening.

Then Lieut.-Col. Dennis perceived his error, and with a realization that
the warnings he had received of the near approach of the Fenians were
correct, he appears to have become excited and confused. He had about 60
prisoners on board the "Robb," and after securing them well in the hold,
ordered the Captain to cast off his lines and get out into the stream,
which was speedily done.

About 2.15 o'clock he formed up his little command and advanced up the
main street about 150 yards to meet the advancing Fenian forces, who
were coming down the street in large numbers. When they approached
within a distance of 200 yards they Commenced a fusilade of rifle fire
on the Canadians, who immediately retaliated by delivering a volley,
which was executed with such precision that the Fenian advance was
checked. Another volley from the Canadians also had a telling effect,
and several of the enemy dropped in their tracks. By this time the
Fenians were approaching from several directions, and a severe flank
fire was opened on the Canadians, who were exposed on the road in
close formation. Opposed to them on the street was a detachment of 150
Fenians, led by Col. Bailey, while the main body of Gen. O'Neil's forces
were coming down over the hill from the west in large numbers.

The firing was now terrific, and bullets were flying thick and fast,
with men falling on both sides. About half-past 2 o'clock the Fenians
fired a general volley, and Gen. O'Neil ordered a charge with fixed
bayonets. With a wild Irish cheer the Fenians dashed down the village
street, but were promptly stopped by another volley from the Canadians,
and more men dropped. Among those who fell was Col. Bailey, the Fenian
leader, who received a bullet through his breast. Fearing another charge
and the ultimate capture of his force, Lieut.-Col. Dennis then ordered
his men to retreat, and do the best they could to get safely away, each
man for himself. He set the example and vanished. But his soldiers were
made of different timber. The Welland and Dunnville men stood up to
their work and contested every foot of ground, as they slowly and
doggedly retired from one position to another, dodging from cover to
cover, and firing into the enemy's ranks as fast as they could load.

Capt. King rallied a portion of his battery behind a pile of cordwood
on the dock, and made a determined stand against the enemy until he
fell with a bullet through his ankle, which shattered the bone. Still
he fought on, and even while lying on the dock, grievously wounded,
he emptied his revolver at the Fenians and kept cheering his men on to
fight to the last. This they did courageously and nobly until they were
flanked out of their position and taken prisoners.

Another portion of the Battery, under Lieut. A. K. Scholfield, and some
of the Naval Brigade, under Capt. McCallum and Lieut. Angus Macdonald,
retreated northward along the street stubbornly fighting every yard
of the way until they reached the large frame residence of Mr. George
Lewis, adjoining a small building which was used as the village post
office. Here about thirty of their number took possession of the
building, while the remainder (under command of Capt. McCallum)
continued on down the River Road under a galling fire.

[Picture (page 77) 0077.gif]

The men who occupied the Lewis mansion resolutely continued the battle,
firing through the doors and windows with such steadiness that the
Fenians were glad to get under cover behind a pile of cordwood, from
which place of security they fairly riddled the house with bullets. How
the Canadians in this old frame building escaped the deadly missiles is
a miracle, for, strange to say, none were injured, although exposed to
a perfect hail-storm of bullets which crashed through the thin boards,
lath and plaster, in all directions. After this gallant band had fired
their last round of ammunition, they saw that further resistance was
useless, and discreetly surrendered.

While the battle was in progress the American shore was lined with
spectators, who cheered the Fenians lustily whenever it appeared to them
from a safe distance that the Canadians were suffering losses or being
defeated.

In the meantime Capt. McCallum and his detachment had fought themselves
clear of the range of the Fenian rifles and retired down the River Road
about three miles, where they were discovered by Lieut. Walter T. Robb,
sailing master of the steamer, and taken on board. Capt. McCallum
then decided to proceed to Port Colborne and send the captured Fenian
prisoners who were in the hold of the vessel to a place of safety. He
accordingly ordered the boat to head for that port, and while going
past Fort Erie village was obliged to run the gauntlet of a heavy Fenian
rifle fire for more than a mile. Although many bullets struck the boat,
and some passed through the wheel-house uncomfortably near the heads of
Capt. McCallum and Lieut. Robb, no person was injured by any of them.

Capt. McCallum arrived at Port Colborne at 6.30 o'clock that evening
with 59 prisoners, who he handed over to Lieut.-Col. W. McGiverin,
of the 20th Battalion, with a full list of their names and commitment
papers. These men were sent to Brantford the same evening in charge of
the Special Service Company of the St. Catharines Home Guard, and lodged
in the jail at that place for safe keeping.

While the Canadians were still fighting desperately in the streets of
Fort Erie, encompassed by a force of fully 800 Fenians (as nearly the
whole of O'Neil's brigade was there by that time). Lieut.-Col. Dennis
succeeded in reaching the residence of a Mr. Thomas, in the village,
where he lay concealed until evening, when he disguised himself, and
getting through the Fenian lines without being detected, struck across
the country in search of Col. Peacocke's column, which he found in
bivouac at Bowen's Farm (about three miles north-west of Fort Erie) at 3
o'clock the next morning, and reported his mishap.

[Picture (page 79) 0079.gif with caption "THE LEWIS HOUSE AND POST
OFFICE AT FORT ERIE."]

The Canadians who were captured at Fort Erie were well treated by Gen.
O'Neil, who complimented them highly on the bravery and courage they had
displayed during the battle, and bestowed upon them kind attentions.

The Fenian losses were heavy in comparison with the Canadian casualties
at Fort Erie. Four of their number were killed, five more mortally
wounded, and a large number sustained wounds from rifle balls and
bayonet thrusts at the hands of the Canadians.

Although the engagement only lasted for less than an hour, it was hot
and spirited throughout, and the valiant phalanx of 70 men who held
their own under such trying circumstances, in the face of fully 800
veteran soldiers, fully deserve the greatest honor and credit that can
be given by the Canadian people, and are well worthy of having their
heroic deeds handed down to posterity on the pages of our country's
history.

The following is a list of the casualties on the Canadian side during
the engagement at Fort Erie:

Welland Canal Field Battery.--Killed--None. Wounded--Capt. Richard S.
King, in ankle (leg amputated); Gunner John Bradley, above knee (leg
amputated); Gunner Fergus Scholfield, below knee (leg amputated); Gunner
John Herbison, wounded severely in leg; Gunner R. Thomas, wounded in
thigh severely.

Dunnville Naval Brigade.--Nelson Bush, bayonet wound in chest.

CAPTURED.

Welland Canal Field Battery.--Lieut. A. K. Scholfield. Lieut. Chas.
Nimmo. Sergt.-Major Wm. Boyle, Farrier-Sergeant Isaac Drew, Gunners
Robert Offspring, Gideon Griswold, Wm. Brown, John Waters. Patrick
Roach. Samuel Cook, Thomas Boyle, Stephen Beattie, Vilroy McKee. Joseph
Reavly, Jonathan W. Hagar, Isaac Pew, William Black. Robert Armstrong,
Jacob Gardner, Edward Armstrong. J. H. Boyle. James Coleman, Chas.
Campbell, Isaac Dickerson. S. Radcliffe. Morris Weaver.

Dunnville Naval Brigade.--Second Lieut. Angus Macdonald. Samuel
McCormack, James Robertson, Abram Thewlis, Geo. B. McGee, Thomas
Arderly. Wm. Burgess, Harry Neff, Wm. Nugent, and Joseph Gamble.

The following Canadians were also prisoners in the hands of the Fenians,
having been captured at Ridgeway and brought back to Fort Erie by Gen.
O'Neil, who subsequently abandoned them when he made his flight back
across the river:

Thirteenth Battalion--Jas. S. Greenhill and Joseph Simpson.

Queen's Own Rifles--R, W. Hines (No. 8 Company), Wm. Ellis (No. 9
Company). D. Junor (No. 9 Company), and Colin Forsythe (No. 10. Highland
Company).

FENIAN LOSSES.

The casualties of the Fenians were heavy in both engagements, but the
exact number is unobtainable, as no record was kept, and many of their
wounded were removed to the United States and lost track of. At Ridgeway
it is known that at least ten Fenians were killed, and quite a number
severely wounded, some of whom afterwards died in Buffalo from their
injuries. During the Fort Erie fight nine Fenians lost their lives and
fourteen were wounded, most of them seriously.

The bravery and courage of the men who composed the Welland Canal Field
Battery and the Dunnville Naval Brigade in standing up before an enemy
nearly ten times their number, and fighting valiantly until the last
round of their ammunition was expended and they were obliged to succumb
to overpowering forces, will serve to show the resolute spirit and
determination of these gallant troops. They were truly "a Spartan band,"
who were ready to sacrifice their lives on the spot, and their valor
won the admiration of even the Fenians themselves, who complimented them
highly on the stiff resistance they made, in the face of unequal odds,
in the engagement.

The following personal narration of the fight, which was given by
a member of the Dunnville Naval Brigade who participated in the
engagement, is so vivid and graphic that I am pleased to reproduce it,
as it gives a faithful and accurate account of the operations of the
small Canadian force at Fort Erie on that eventful occasion:

On Friday, June 1st, at 10 p.m., Captain McCallum received a telegram to
ship his men on the tug Robb, and proceed immediately to Port Colborne.
About 2 a.m. on Saturday (2nd) we started, and arrived there a little
after 4 a.m. We then took on the Welland Field Battery, numbering 59
men and 3 officers, commanded by Capt. King, of Port Robinson, which,
together with the 43 men and 3 officers composing the Naval Brigade,
made a total of 108 men. Col. Dennis, of the volunteer force, then came
on board and took command of the expedition, when we at once started
for Fort Erie, to co-operate with the gallant Queen's Own and the 13th
Battalion, who were to leave Port Colborne early that morning for the
same place. As we approached the village of Fort Erie all the men were
sent below, leaving no one on deck but an officer dressed in civilian
clothes. Nothing could be seen but the Fenian pickets and some
stragglers. We went down the river nine miles, and received information
that the main body of the Fenian army had fallen back to a wood some
six or seven miles distant; but could gain no positive information as
to their whereabouts. The movement was made about 3 o'clock a.m.; but in
order to guard against surprise, they left their pickets behind. These
our officers determined to capture, as well as all the stragglers.
The boat then steamed back to Fort Erie, when a party of four men went
ashore and succeeded in taking seven prisoners the first haul. The
Welland Field Battery was also landed, with instructions to scour the
woods along the liver bank for stragglers. The boat was then headed
down the stream, and was proceeding very slowly, keeping a sharp lookout
along the bank. We had not gone far before discovering a small body of
eight or ten Fenians ahead of us, armed with rifles and bayonets fixed,
who were about to get into a small boat and re-cross to the American
shore. The speed of our boat was immediately increased, and on arriving
opposite them an officer and eleven men got into a yawl and pulled for
the shore. The enemy looked at us for a moment or two and then took
to their heels and ran, thinking, no doubt, that we had a large gun on
board to support our men. This, however, was not the case; but had the
authorities placed one on board at Port Colborne, the casualties to be
hereafter mentioned would never have occurred. Two of the squad were
captured, however, and we proceeded down the river, sending out small
parties of from eight to ten men until there were no more men to be
spared. The parties were instructed to pick up all the stragglers and
pickets they could, and hold them until the boat returned. On our return
we picked up our men and their prisoners, together with the Battery and
their prisoners, and proceeded to Fort Erie and tied up to the wharf
of the Niagara River Railroad. We had not been there long before
intelligence reached us that the Fenians were coming down the Garrison
Road in force, and would be in the village in ten minutes. Col. Dennis
seemed confused, and like the rest of us, thought they were being driven
by the Queen's Own (at that time we were ignorant of the repulse of
those forces). The moment they were seen approaching the Field Battery
(which had been landed) were ordered aboard, and in another minute was
again ordered ashore. Capt. McCallum was then asked how many of the
Naval Brigade could be spared for a support. He replied that he thought
it very imprudent to attempt an attack upon so large a force with his
small body, and advised Lieut.-Col. Dennis to retire to the boat, and
push out into the stream and endeavor to ascertain their strength and
movements. The Colonel, however, decided to meet them. Capt. McCallum
then said he would give him 25 men, himself and 2nd Lieutenant (leaving
only seven men besides the crew on board to guard the prisoners, 59 in
number). The Colonel formed his line in the open street opposite the
hill in the rear of the village, but partially hid from him by some
buildings on his right flank. In a moment the enemy appeared, coming
over the hill in every direction; the buildings before mentioned hid
them from view until they were upon him. From our position on the boat
we could see all that was going on, and Lieut. W. T. Robb, of the Naval
Brigade, seeing the small band was in great danger of being cut off,
called to the Colonel that he was being outflanked and pointed to the
hill, but he was not heard, and in a moment more the whole body were
surrounded. It was, you may be sure, sickening to see one's friends and
neighbors in such a perilous position, but even in this trying moment
they did not at once surrender. Captains McCallum and King called on the
Colonel to order the men to fire. He said no, but ordered them to the
"right about," instead of "left half face," towards the boat; he, I
suppose, mistaking the lower wharf for the one the boat was moored to,
and started on a run, the men following. The enemy fired a volley in
their rear, making one poor fellow kiss the dust, the balls striking the
ground at their feet. The Captains called on their men to turn and
fire, which they did with some effect. The next volley from the Fenians
brought poor Capt. King down, and two others. Capt. McCallum called out
to scatter, which was done; the enemy at this time were within 40 or 50
yards of them. We on the boat, with the aid of the crew who had rifles,
tried to draw the fire of the Fenians, who were coming down Front
street, on the boat, which we succeeded in doing. Their Adjutant, who
was on horseback, here fell, and after picking him up they directed
their fire at us and made a furious attempt to capture the boat. In this
they were foiled by our cutting the line and backing down the stream,
receiving at the same time a volley by way of a parting salute. By this
time our men and the Battery had got into a house attached to the Post
Office, from which they continued to resist the attack by every means in
their power. Not a great deal of injury was inflicted upon the attacking
party owing to a wood pile in the vicinity, behind which the enemy took
shelter until our men had emptied their pouches and all the ammunition
with them was gone. The Fenians then came up and demanded their
surrender, which was at first refused. On the answer being given, fire
was applied to the house in two places, the enemy standing around with
bayonets fixed to prevent any one from escaping. Our men, seeing no way
of escaping, then surrendered, determined to run the chance of being
shot to being roasted. After disarming our men, some of the lowest of
the Fenians threatened to shoot the prisoners for making a resistance
while in the house. Col. O'Neil and the other officers prevented any
violence being done, and at the same time threatened to shoot the
first one who ill-treated the prisoners. In the meantime 15 men of
the Battery, with Capt. McCallum and two of the Naval Brigade, were
retreating down the river, a body of Fenians in full pursuit, exclaiming
"Shoot the b--y officer." One who had got within ten feet of the Captain
shot at him twice with a revolver, missing him each time, when one of
the Brigade, named Calback, bayoneted him in the neck, turned and shot
another through the heart, and then said to the Captain that the balls
were coming too thick for comfort, advising him at the same time to take
care of himself. Seeing our boat coming to the rescue of the Captain and
the others, the enemy gave up the chase. It was high time for some more
to come on board. As I have before mentioned, there were but seven left
to take care of the 59 prisoners and work the ship. No doubt they would
have attempted to rise had it not been for a few rifles at full
cock pointed at them. Seeing our own perilous position with an enemy
numbering 900 at Fort Erie, and thousands of sympathizing spectators
on the opposite shore, our Captain determined to run the gauntlet and
proceed to Port Colborne with his prisoners, fearing that the enemy
might get a tug or two in Buffalo and attempt their rescue, thus causing
more loss of life than was necessary. We then steamed up the river,
close to the American shore, in silence, having been forbidden to fire
while in American waters. As soon as we arrived opposite Lower Black
Rock, the Fenians opened a furious fire upon us, and continued firing
while we were going a distance of three-quarters of a mile. Their whole
aim seemed to be the pilot-house, through which six shots passed, one
of them grazing the head of our gallant Lieutenant Robb, who remarked to
the wheelsman to jump up and take his place in case he fell. Those six
shots struck the boat, doing no further injury than disfiguring the
woodwork and painting. We arrived safely at Port Colborne and marched
our prisoners to the railway station amid the deafening cheers of the
volunteers and the citizens. Our officer delivered them to Lieut.-Col.
Wm. McGiverin, who escorted them to Brantford, guarded by thirty men
of the St. Catharines Special Service Company of Home Guards. A more
rascally set of vagabonds were never congregated together. There were
a great many Dunnville people at the Port on our arrival, and when they
heard of the capture of our men volunteered to go and attempt their
rescue; but owing to the scarcity of arms we could not accept them,
besides we could not move without orders. These we received after
waiting some time, which was to cruise along the lake as far as Windmill
Point and no further. (It was a great pity we had not a gun on board
and gone to Fort Erie, for if we had we could have captured or sunk
the whole of the Fenian army, either of which would have given us great
pleasure). On our return again to Port Colborne we received orders
to proceed to Fort Erie, the Commander offering us as many men as we
wanted. Our Captain said twelve good ones were all he wanted; these
were immediately furnished him and we started. On our way down we built
breastworks of cordwood along the bulwarks of the boat. These were
impregnable to rifle bullets. When within six miles of Fort Erie
two volunteers were called for to go ashore without arms and proceed
cautiously down the lake and gather what information they could. All
offered, but young Murdy and Edie were the chosen ones, two as brave
boys as ever sun shone on. They went ashore, and then the boat resumed
her journey. On turning into the river we saw the place was occupied
by our troops, and the enemy in a scow made fast to the U. S. steamer
Michigan, on the American shore. You may imagine the satisfaction this
state of things gave us, nearly as much as if we had captured them
ourselves. Our boys were much disappointed on finding the bird flown.
We had heard of the repulse of the "Queen's Own" at Port Colborne, and
every one went down with the determination to do all in their power to
avenge their loss. Our joy was unbounded when we reached the wharf at
finding our Second Lieutenant, Angus McDonald, and the greater part of
our men, together with the most of the men belonging to the Battery.
There were not many of our men taken, as they had no uniform, except
the officers, and after slipping off their belts, they looked like
civilians, in which capacity they effected their escape, and at once
proceeded to Port Colborne and Dunnville to report themselves. Strange
to say, the only one of our company touched was by a bayonet in the
breast; not so bad as to prevent him from doing duty. The Welland Canal
Field Battery was not so fortunate, having five wounded, namely: Captain
King, leg, below the knee, amputated; Fergus Scholfield, foot amputated;
John Bradley, leg amputated; John Herbison, wounded in the leg, and
another with a flesh wound through the thigh. The Fenian casualties were
Major Bigelow, with five balls through his breast, an Adjutant and
six men killed, all shot through the breast, besides fourteen wounded,
making in all twenty-two casualties--_the gallant Queen's Own were
avenged_. The Fenian officers and men told the prisoners at the camp
that their strength was 640 engaged in the fight, and 260 on the top of
the hill as a reserve, and if all the Canadians fought as well as they
did, they feared it would be a hard struggle, but they were determined
to conquer.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL'S BODY GUARD--DENISON'S RAPID RIDE --COL.
PEACOCKE'S MOVEMENTS--ARRIVAL OF COL. LOWRY WITH REINFORCEMENTS.

It was not until late in the afternoon of June 1st that the Militia
Department considered the necessity of calling on the services of
cavalry troops for duty on the frontier. Had this been done twenty-four
hours earlier the calamity which occurred at Ridgeway and the disaster
at Fort Erie might have been averted, and the whole campaign had a
different termination. The omission was a serious mistake, which was
subsequently realized. It is perilous and suicidal to move columns
of infantry in war times without having the advance and flanks well
protected by mounted troops, and scouts employed to glean information
of the location and strength of the enemy. Therefore this branch is
indispensable, as they are rightly termed "the eyes and ears of an
army," ever watchful and on the alert for impending danger, or for an
opportunity to strike a crushing blow.

In the Niagara District campaign this omission was painfully in
evidence. At Chippawa, Col. Peacocke had to rely on meagre and
conflicting reports of the whereabouts of the enemy which were brought
in to him from various sources, more or less unreliable, while Col.
Booker was in a similar position before advancing on the Fenian force
at Ridgeway. Had an efficient troop of cavalry scouts been employed
to thoroughly scour the country in advance of these two columns, a
different tale might be related of their operations.

It was after 3 o'clock on June 1st when Major Geo. T. Denison received
orders to assemble the Governor-General's Body Guard, and proceed to the
front next morning. The Major moved quickly, and during the evening and
night had his non-commissioned officers riding hard through the country
warning out his troopers. The place of rendezvous was the Toronto
Exhibition Grounds, and by day-break the troop was all mustered in
saddle, and ready for service. At 8 o'clock a.m. on June 2nd they left
by the steamer "City of Toronto" for Port Dalhousie, where they arrived
about 11.30. Major Denison immediately entrained his men and horses on
the Welland Railway and proceeded to Port Robinson, being under orders
to report to Col. Peacocke. At Port Robinson the troop detrained, and
after hastily feeding the horses and men, started for Chippawa on a
gallop. On arrival there the troop halted for an hour or two, to have
the horses' shoes reset; which being attended to, the command again took
the road for New Germany, where he reported to Col. Peacocke about 5.30.
This gallant corps had moved with such celerity that within ten hours
after leaving Toronto they were at the extreme front, a good deal of the
distance having been covered by hard and rapid riding.

Col. Peacocke was just on the point of moving off to resume his march
from New Germany when the Body Guard arrived, and that officer ordered
Major Denison to lead the advance of the column. Without dismounting,
although the men and horses were both jaded and tired, they promptly
spurred on to the front, and threw out scouts to the right and left.
Major Denison was restrained from pushing ahead too rapidly, as he was
obliged to regulate his march by the pace of the infantry, and his men
chafed with the tardiness, as they were all eager to get into a brush
with the enemy.

After a march of about nine miles they arrived at Bowen's Farm, about
three miles northwest of Fort Erie. It was just getting dusk, and the
troopers were approaching a piece of dense bush which flanked both sides
of the road. When within about 200 yards of the bush the advance files
of the cavalry discovered some men in the road, and signalled back
the information. A halt was then ordered and Major Denison personally
galloped forward, and on inquiry learned from his videttes that a force
of the enemy were in front, and that several men had been observed going
into the woods on the right. A search was made of the bush, but as the
shades of night had fallen fast it was impossible to grope through
the woods, and fearing an ambuscade Col. Peacocke resolved to halt his
column for the night. In the meantime he had sent two companies of the
16th Regiment to scour the woods, but owing to the darkness they were
unable to do so. Having been told by some person that a bridge on the
road had been broken down, which rendered it impassable for his troops,
Col. Peacocke decided to bivouac where he was, so recalled the two
companies of the 16th, and made dispositions of his force to guard
against a night attack. The 47th Regiment was formed in line to the
right of the road, with one company of the same corps about 200 yards
in advance, extended as skirmishers. The 10th Royals, of Toronto,
were formed up as a support for the 47th, with two companies of that
battalion wheeling to the right and extending as skirmishers, so as to
fully cover the right flank of the column. The 16th Regiment was
placed in a similar position on the left of the road, supported by the
Nineteenth Lincoln Battalion, in the same formation. These troops laid
in a ploughed field all night, sleeping on their arms, while the guards
and sentinels were exceedingly watchful and vigilant. The cavalry and
artillery remained in column on the road, with the baggage waggons in
their rear.

About dark the St. Catharines Battery of Garrison Artillery, under
command of Lieut. James Wilson, arrived at the bivouac, and was placed
as the rear guard. This command, which had been left at Chippawa when
Col. Peacocke's column had marched out in the morning, had been relieved
at 4 p.m., and ordered to proceed at once to the front. They made a
wonderfully quick march, covering the entire distance of about 17
miles in less than five hours, without a halt, and arrived at their
destination with every member of the Battery in line--a feat which
earned for them the title of "Stoker's Foot Cavalry." This battery
had left their field guns at St. Catharines and were armed with short
Enfield rifles, acting as infantry. So they were formed up across
the road, facing to the rear, and after posting the usual guards and
sentinels, the remainder were glad to lie down in the dusty road and go
to sleep supperless.

As it was generally supposed that the enemy were in force in the near
vicinity, no fires were allowed to be lighted, and as the night was
pretty cool and no blankets were available, the situation was not
altogether comfortable. Yet the boys made the most of it, with the hope
that by daylight they would have an opportunity of meeting the Fenians
and proving the quality of their mettle.

As the night wore on Col. Peacocke received information that 2,000 or
3,000 reinforcements had crossed over from the American side and joined
the Fenians. Lieut.-Col. Dennis had also come in to the Canadian lines
and told of his defeat at Fort Erie the day before, while the reports
received of the Ridgeway fight, with numerous other rumors of impending
dangers, all combined to lead Col. Peacocke to believe that he would
soon be up against a serious proposition.

About 4.30 o'clock in the morning (June 3rd) the soldiers arose from
their rude couches on mother earth and began the task of getting the
stiffness out of their joints as they moved about in quest of rations.
Fortunately during the night some waggons loaded with bread, beef and
groceries had arrived, but the necessities of hunger were so keen that
the men could hardly wait for a proper distribution of the supplies.
There was no means of cooking meat except by toasting it on the end of
a ramrod poked over a fire of fence rails, but that was only a trifling
matter to a hungry soldier. Loaves of bread were torn asunder in chunks,
as bread-knives were not in evidence, while butter was spread by means
of a chip. But the absence of table etiquette was not considered, so
long as the purpose was served. There were no utensils for making tea
or coffee, so the men had to dispense with these comforts and content
themselves with a drink out of a roadside ditch.

Shortly after 5 o'clock Lieut.-Col. the Hon. John Hillyard Cameron
(an old-time politician of prominence) arrived at Col. Peacocke's
headquarters on horseback, and reported that the main body of the Fenian
army had evacuated Canada, but that there were yet some of their forces
straggling in the neighborhood.

Immediately the "assembly" was sounded, and Col. Peacocke formed up
his column for an advance toward Fort Erie. Major Geo. T. Denison was
ordered to scour the country with the Governor-General's Body Guard,
and to enter the village and send back reports. Shortly afterward Major
Denison reported that he was informed there was still a body of Fenians
about the Old Fort, while farmers residing in the neighborhood said
there were a number of stragglers lingering in the woods.

Accordingly Col. Peacocke made his arrangements to sweep the whole
southeast angle of the Peninsula clear up to the Old Fort. On leaving
the bivouac the column moved out by the Gilmore road, leading towards
the Niagara River. The Grey Battery of Royal Artillery was ordered
to the head of the column, in anticipation of having some shelling to
perform. As the infantry halted by the roadside to allow this gallant
battery to pass to the front on a gallop, the sight was inspiriting and
elicited hearty cheers. The magnificent horses, throwing into play their
splendid muscles, whisked the heavy guns along like so many feathers,
while the drivers and gunners maintained their seats like centaurs,
notwithstanding the bumps and jolts they encountered while bounding over
the ruts and roadside ditches of a rough country highway. On arrival at
a cross road leading south from the Gilmore road towards Lake Erie,
a portion of the column, consisting of the 47th Regiment and the 19th
Battalion moved off to the right, while the 16th Regiment, the 10th
Royals and the St. Catharines Garrison Artillery continued on eastward.
By this means all egress from the village of Fort Erie was effectually
cut off. After traversing these roads for a short distance, lines of
skirmishers were thrown out, and an advance through the fields in a
sweeping semi-circle was begun. The troops had not proceeded far when
two men were seen getting over a fence on the edge of a piece of bush.
Both were carrying guns, and being in civilians' dress, were mistaken
for Fenians. A volley was fired by the 47th, when both were observed to
fall over the fence. On arrival of the skirmishers at the spot it was
found that the two men were loyal Canadian citizens (Messrs. Bart.
McDonald and A. Dobbie, of Thorold) who had armed themselves as Home
Guards and gone to the front to assist in driving the enemy from our
shores. Unfortunately they were too zealous and imprudent in getting
beyond our lines, and drew upon themselves the fire of their friends.
Mr. McDonald was so badly wounded that he died shortly afterwards, but
Mr. Dobbie miraculously escaped injury.

As the skirmish lines moved onward the woods were thoroughly searched,
and quite a number of Fenian stragglers were discovered in hiding and
taken prisoners. During the time the drag-net of skirmishers was spread
about fifty Fenians were gathered in.

At the home of "Major" Canty (a B. & L. H. railway section foreman who
held a commission in the Fenian army) several prisoners were taken,
among them being Rev. John McMahon (a Catholic priest) and two wounded
Fenians named Whalen and Kiely. In the barn adjoining Canty's house
was stretched the body of Lieut. Edward K. Lonergan, of the 7th Irish
Republican Regiment, of Buffalo. He had been killed at Ridgeway and
the body brought back to Canty's barn and abandoned there. Several more
Fenians were discovered under the barn, and more in a haystack near by,
all of whom were taken in charge.

In the loft of Major Canty's house were found a number of overcoats
belonging to the Queen's Own, and also some rifles which the retreating
Fenians had carried back from the battle-field of Ridgeway. The "Major"
was not at home when the Canadians called, so his guests were quietly
placed under guard, and in due time conducted to a place of safety to
stand their trial with the rest of the prisoners.

On arrival in the village of Fort Erie, the Canadian troops were much
mortified and chagrined to find that O'Neil and his followers had
escaped, and the only satisfaction they had was to gaze across the
waters of the Niagara and see a scow-load of Fenians lying astern of
the United States man-of-war "Michigan" as prisoners of the American
Government.

On leaving Bowen's Farm, Major G. T. Denison started direct for the
River Road with the Governor-General's Body Guard on a reconnaissance.
Details were made by him to scour the country roads, which was
thoroughly done, and being informed that there were a number of Fenians
still at Fort Erie he proceeded on a gallop to the village, where he
arrived at about 6 a.m. Major Denison's troop was the first Canadian
force to reach Fort Erie after the battle, and they were received with
great joy and delight by the citizens and also the Canadians who were
prisoners in the hands of Gen. O'Neil the day previous.

A number of Fenians were gathered in by the troopers, and placed under
guard. This command did excellent service subsequently in patrolling the
river bank and providing cavalry pickets for the force which occupied
Fort Erie during the next few weeks.

On the afternoon of June 2nd, Lieut.-Col. R. W. Lowry, of Her
Majesty's 47th Regiment, received orders to proceed to the front with
reinforcements, and left Toronto at 2 p.m. via the Great Western Railway
with Capt. Crowe's Battery of Royal Artillery, equipped with four field
guns. He was accompanied by Col. Wolseley (afterward Field Marshal
Lord Wolseley), who was then serving in Canada as Assistant
Quartermaster-General on the staff of the Lieut.-General commanding Her
Majesty's Forces in British America; and by Lieut. Turner, R.E.; Lieut.
Dent, 47th Regiment, and Lieut.-Col. Cumberland, A.D.C., of Toronto. At
Oakville he was joined by Capt. Chisholm's Rifle Company, 52 rank and
file. On arrival at Hamilton Col. Lowry learned that the detachments of
the 16th Regiment and 60th Royal Rifles which were under orders to join
him there, had already left for the Niagara frontier to reinforce Col.
Peacocke, who had twice telegraphed for reinforcements. Col. Lowry
therefore decided to proceed to Clifton, and from thence move to the
support of Col. Peacocke. During the evening he was joined at Clifton by
a provisional battalion composed of the Barrie, Cookstown. Scarborough,
Columbus, Whitby and Oakville rifle companies, about 350 strong, under
command of Lieut.-Col. Stephens.

At 3.40 a.m. on June 3rd, Col. Lowry, with Capt. Crowe's Battery and
Lieut.-Col. Stephens' battalion, left Clifton by the Erie and Niagara
Railway for Black Creek. Shortly after his arrival there (at daybreak)
he was joined by 200 rank and file of the 60th Rifles under Capt.
Travers, and 140 of the 16th Regiment under command of Capt. Hogge,
which troops had bivouacked at New Germany overnight. On the report of
Lieut.-Col. John Hillyard Cameron that the Erie and Niagara Railway was
passable to a point near Fort Erie, Col. Lowry moved his column by rail
as far as Frenchman's Creek (Gen. O'Neil's old camp ground). Here he
detrained his troops, and throwing out an advanced guard and flanking
lines of skirmishers, moved promptly forward towards Fort Erie. Col,
Wolseley had preceded the column on horseback, and meeting Major
Denison's troopers, who already had possession of the village, found
that Gen. O'Neil and his army had left the country and were beyond the
pale of punishment by our forces.

Col. Lowry's column reached Fort Erie about 8 o'clock, and shortly after
Col. Peacockes force swept in from the west, bringing with them the
spoils of victory in the shape of about sixty prisoners, being part of
the picket line which Gen. O'Neil had abandoned during the night.

The whole force was then placed in position on the high ground in rear
of the village and went into camp. Guards, patrols and pickets were
posted in every direction, and all precautions taken that the occasion
demanded.

During the afternoon Capt. Akers arrived from Port Colborne with the
Queen's Own Rifles, 7th Battalion of London, four companies of the 22nd
Oxford Rifles (with the Drumbo Infantry Company attached), the Caledonia
Rifle Company, the Thorold Infantry Company, and the St. Catharines Home
Guards, about 1,000 men altogether.

When the three columns were all assembled on the heights at Fort Erie
they presented a formidable and imposing spectacle to the many thousands
of Americans and Fenians who crowded the river banks and points of
vantage for sight-seeing on the American side. It seemed as if the whole
population of Buffalo and surrounding country were gathered on the river
shore that pleasant Sunday afternoon to gaze upon the British camp
and watch the movements of the soldiers. The rows of white tents,
the scarlet uniforms of the infantry, and the blue of the cavalry and
artillery, intermingled with the dark green of the rifle companies,
certainly gave a variety of color, while the steadiness and regularity
with which the different units performed their evolutions must have
convinced the on-lookers (especially the Fenians) that it was just as
well for them that they were safely out of harm's way.

In the course of the day a steam launch arrived at the Fort Erie dock
with a message from Captain Bryson, commander of the U. S. steamer
"Michigan," to Colonel Lowry, inviting him to go aboard that vessel and
have an interview with himself and Mr. H. W. Hemans (the British Consul
at Buffalo) regarding matters in connection with the Fenians. To this
proposal Col. Lowry immediately assented, and accompanied by Col.
Wolseley, Capt. Crowe, R.A., and Lieut. Turner, R.E., proceeded on board
the American steamer. They were courteously received by Capt. Bryson,
who introduced Mr. M. Dane, the United States District Attorney; General
Barry, the commander of the United States troops on the frontier, and
Mr. H. W. Hemans, the British Consul. An interesting conference was
held, in the course of which the American officials expressed their
reprehension of the infraction of international law by the Fenians,
and assured Col. Lowry that nothing in their power had been or would be
neglected to arrest such infraction, and that they had prevented many
Fenian reinforcements from getting across to Canada during the two
previous nights. In the meantime Col. Lowry was assured that the 600 or
700 prisoners who had been captured by the "Michigan" would be rigidly
guarded until instructions were received from Washington as to their
disposal.

After the conference Col. Lowry and his staff returned to camp, where
orders were waiting to despatch Capt. Crowe's Battery, with four field
guns, and 200 men of the 47th Regiment under command of Major Lauder,
to Kingston without delay, as that point was threatened. This force left
Fort Erie by rail at 7 o'clock that evening, taking with them 22 Fenian
prisoners who had been committed to the Toronto jail.

Shortly afterward another telegram arrived ordering that the detachment
of the 60th Rifles, one company of the 16th Regiment and the 7th
Battalion of London volunteers be forwarded to London as soon as
possible. Owing to lack of railway transport these troops were unable
to leave Fort Brie until 10.30 the following morning, when 800 men were
despatched to London by the Erie & Niagara and Great Western Railways,
via Clifton and Hamilton.

At 1.30 a.m. of June 5th, the Queen's Own and the York and Caledonia
Rifles were quietly aroused and ordered to strike tents, parade, and
entrain on cars which were in waiting to convey them to Stratford. The
work of packing up was quickly accomplished, and at 6 o 'clock the train
left Fort Erie for its destination, the troops being accompanied by Col.
Garnet S. Wolseley, A.Q.M.G., of Her Majesty's Forces. They arrived at
Stratford at 5 p.m., and were immediately billetted among the citizens.
At this time it was feared that the Fenians contemplated an attack on
the frontier of the western portion of the Province, and it was deemed
advisable to have a sufficient force mustered at a convenient point,
to be available in case of emergency. The force collected at Stratford
consisted of Capt. Gore's Battery of Royal Artillery, two companies of
H. M. 16th Regiment, the Queen's Own and the York and Caledonia Rifles,
the whole being under command of Col. Wolseley.

The withdrawal of these troops from Fort Erie reduced Col. Lowry's
force to about 2,000 men, but they were sufficient to over-awe the 8,000
Fenians who were still hanging around Buffalo and vicinity with the
intention of making another raid as soon as they could escape the
vigilance of the United States authorities, who were now determined to
prevent any further incursions if possible.

The Thirteenth Battalion, of Hamilton, under Major Skinner, garrisoned
Port Colborne, and guarded the approach to the Welland Canal.

At Clifton and Suspension Bridge a provisional battalion consisting of
the Collingwood. Aurora. Bradford, Derry West and Grahamsville companies
were assembled under command of Lieut.-Col. Robert B. Denison, while
two more companies were stationed at Chippawa, so that the whole Niagara
frontier was carefully guarded.

[Picture (page 95) 0095.gif Caption: CANTEEN OF THE NINETEENTH BATTALION
AT FORT ERIE. JUNE, '66.]

At St. Catharines several other companies were billetted, who were ready
to move in any direction that their services might be required.

Toronto was also well garrisoned with troops which arrived on Sunday,
among which were the following:--The Cobourg Cavalry, Col. Boulton, 40
men and 40 horses; Cobourg Battery, Capt. Dumble. 46 men; Ashburnham
Infantry. Capt. Rogers, 32 men; Peterboro Infantry, Capt. Kennedy, 50
men; Campbellford Infantry, Capt. Lin, 40 men; Lakefield Infantry,
Capt. Leigh, 31 men; Cobourg Infantry, Capt. Elliott, 45 men; Peterboro
Rifles, Capt. Poole, 44 men; Cobourg Rifles, Capt. Smith, 47 men;
Bowmanville Rifles, Lieut.-Col. Cubitt, 40 men; Port Hope Rifles, Capt.
Williams, 42 men, and several other companies which arrived later.

CHAPTER IX.

HURRIED EVACUATION OF CANADA BY GEN. O'NEIL--CAPTURE OF THE ESCAPING
FENIANS BY THE UNITED STATES GUNBOAT MICHIGAN.

After the smoke of battle had wafted away from the streets of Fort
Erie, and the dead and wounded removed, Gen. O'Neil gathered his troops
together and marched up to the ruins of the "Old Fort," situated on a
point at the inlet of the Niagara River from Lake Erie. Here they went
into camp, and began to make preparations for defence, as they fully
expected to be attacked early next morning by Col. Peacocke's column and
other forces who were advancing from the interior. It was a very anxious
time for Gen. O'Neil and his officers, and they spent some hours in
earnest deliberation as to what would be the best course for them to
pursue. They were now between "the devil and the deep sea," with the
wide river and lake in front of them, and an avenging army of British
and Canadian troops, well equipped with cavalry, artillery and trained
infantry, gradually tightening the coils around their position from the
rear, in which direction there was no avenue of escape. It was indeed
a serious predicament, and the only hope of the Fenians rested in the
possibility of being able to escape across the river and abandon their
project to capture Canada, at this point at least. To guard against
surprises, Gen. O'Neil had left his picket lines extended over a large
area of country, and scouts and patrols were still on duty on the
country roads and along the river bank. Reinforcements were expected
over from Buffalo that night, and O'Neil personally felt disposed to
fortify his brigade in the ruins of the Old Fort and fight to a finish.
But by this time the American authorities had aroused, and instructed
Gen. W. F. Barry (the United States officer in command at Buffalo),
to stop any more Fenian troops from crossing into Canada, and in the
performance of this duty he exhibited great energy. There were thousands
of Fenians ready and eager to cross the border to reinforce O'Neil.
but the presence of the United States gunboat "Michigan" and several
regiments and batteries of American regular troops, prevented the
movement. Therefore the Fenians who were marooned in Canada, with
visions of a hangman's noose dangling before them, became desperate and
despondent. They knew very well that a concentration of the Canadian
forces was going on, and that at the first break of day an attack was
likely to be made, from which there would be no alternative but to "die
in the last ditch" or surrender. They had encountered the raw Canadian
volunteers and experienced two bitter tastes of hard fighting during the
day, and were quite satisfied. So they decided to get out of Canada
as quickly as possible. The officers and men were dispirited and
crestfallen, and bitterly blamed Gen. Sweeny and other high Fenian
officials for not having sent over the promised reinforcements in ample
time to ensure the success of the expedition. When the twilight deepened
and the darkness of night fell, a feeling of gloom pervaded the Fenian
camp. The men had eaten their evening meal, which had about exhausted
their Quartermaster's stores, and there was nothing in sight for
breakfast on the morrow. As they gathered around their camp-fires or lay
upon the grass in groups, discussing the day's events and their possible
chance of succor, the suspense became terrible. The conviction finally
became forced upon them that without reinforcements or rescue they would
be utterly lost, and many of them were not prepared to take any chances,
so before 10 o'clock quite a number deserted their standards and
wandered down along the water front in search of some means of getting
back across the river. Boats were seized wherever found, and, loaded to
the gunwales, the fugitives plied their oars vigorously in their haste
to cross the stream. Others trusted themselves to single planks upon
which to gain support while they endeavored to swim across the current.
The covering of one of the docks afforded the means for this purpose. It
was a very risky method of navigation, and it is generally supposed
that several of the Fenian "Leanders" who attempted the passage of the
Niagara "Hellespont" in this way lost their lives in doing so, as they
were reported "missing" afterwards.

Late that night signal lights were displayed from the American shore,
which by the Fenian code signified to Gen. O'Neil that a movement was on
foot in Buffalo to attempt to run the blockade with reinforcements. But
the remnant of the Fenian army which was bivouacked in the ruins of old
Fort Erie was too much demoralized to take any further interest in the
campaign, and signalled back the information that the reinforcements
were too late--that they intended to evacuate the country, and needed
speedy relief.

About midnight two steam tugs, with a couple of canal boats in tow,
quietly slipped out of Buffalo Creek, and escaping the vigilance of
the American authorities, headed for the Canadian shore. These boats
contained about 500 reinforcements for the Fenians, but when about half
way over the river the transports were met by a messenger in a rowboat
with an order from Gen. O'Neil, directing them to return to Buffalo,
disembark all the troops, and immediately proceed back to Fort Erie
to carry off the remainder of his men. The order was obeyed, and at 1
o'clock on the morning of June 3rd all in the camp were shipped on board
of the canal boats and started back across the river. When about half
way over, and in American waters, the retreating army was hailed by
the armed tug "Harrison," under command of Acting Master Morris of the
gunboat "Michigan," who demanded an immediate surrender to the United
States authorities. The order not being promptly obeyed, it was repeated
with a threat to sink the canal boats if not immediately complied with.
Gen. O'Neil, realizing that resistance was useless, then surrendered the
remnant of his command. The "Michigan" was signalled, and having steam
up and anchor tripped, came alongside, and taking the tug and canal
boats in tow, proceeded down the river to a point opposite Black Rock,
where she dropped anchor in mid-stream and placed a guard over the
prisoners. Gen. O'Neil and his principal officers were taken on board
the "Michigan," while the rank and file were left huddled up on the
canal boats for the night.

When the main body of the Fenians evacuated Canada their movement was
executed so hurriedly that the officers did not take time to notify
their pickets and patrols, who were still faithfully performing their
duties, so that about 150 of these "patriots" were deserted by their
comrades and exposed to the halter. Great indignation was manifested
by these men at being left as they were on outpost duty without any
notification of the proposed withdrawal of the Fenians from Canada.
Had it not been for the approach of Major Denison's cavalry, which
encountered their picket line at Bowen's Farm and caused their retreat
to Fort Erie, none of them would probably have learned of the evacuation
in time to escape. As it was, a large number of these men were captured
by the Canadians the next day and consigned to prison, while the
remainder managed to get across the border in various ways.

Commander Bryson, of the "Michigan," at once telegraphed to the United
States authorities at Washington, reporting the capture of the main
portion of Gen. O'Neil's forces, and asked for instructions regarding
their disposition. Pending official correspondence between the two
Governments relative to the prisoners, they were kept under close guard
for a day or two. But as the British Government made no immediate demand
for their extradition, the rank and file were liberated on their own
recognizances to the amount of $500 each, binding them to appear if a
complaint was lodged against them.

Gen. O'Neil and the other officers who were captured by the "Michigan"
were released on bail, to appear when called on for trial on charges
of violations of the neutrality laws, but the proceedings were quietly
dropped, and thus the matter ended.

This disposal of the prisoners captured by the "Michigan" did not meet
with popular approval in Canada, where our people were mourning the
loss of some of our bravest and best young volunteers, and feelings
of resentment held sway for some time. It was thought that an example
should have been made of the leaders at least, but the diplomats who
had charge of the matter evidently felt that a policy of moderation and
leniency might be exercised with beneficial results at that particular
time, and the raiders were not further molested.

The City of Buffalo, on the 4th of June, was full of Fenians. They had
been arriving from all parts to take part in the raid, and only for the
vigilance of the United States troops, were prepared to make another
attempt to cross the line. But General Meade was firm in his resolve to
prevent further disturbances, and issued the following order:

Headquarters Mil. Div. Atlantic. Buffalo, June 3, 1866.

Brevet Maj.-Gen. Barry:

General,--Orders will be sent you from Headquarters, Department of the
East, assigning you to the command of the District of Ontario, extending
from Erie, Pa., to Oswego, New York, both places included, Headquarters
at Buffalo. In advance of the orders and accompanying instructions, I
direct you to use the force at your command to preserve the
neutrality by preventing the crossing of armed bodies, by cutting off
reinforcements or supplies, by seizing all arms, munitions, etc., which
you have reason to believe are destined to be used unlawfully--in fine,
taking all measures precautionary and otherwise to prevent violation
of law. For this purpose you will move the forces under your command
to such points as are threatened, and you will employ vessels, tugs, or
others, such as can be procured, for watching the river and lake shores,
and taking all such measures as in your judgment the emergency requires.

Very respectfully,

GEO. G. MEADE, Major-General Commanding.

In accordance with the above instructions, Gen. Barry very thoroughly
guarded the United States frontier with troops, while the United States
man-of-war "Michigan," the "Fessenden," and other armed steamers,
patrolled the lakes and the Niagara River with the full determination to
rigidly carry out Gen. Meade's orders. This was a crushing blow to the
hopes of the rank and file of the Irish Republican Army, and there were
many who were inclined to defy the Federal authorities and fight
their way over the border. But wiser counsels prevailed, and the
fiery subordinates were obliged to submit to the law and await another
opportunity.

During the following ten days the people of Buffalo had a horde of very
undesirable guests within their gates. The majority of the Fenian
troops were without means of subsistence, and became a charge upon the
authorities and their sympathizers. The question of their disposal was
at last decided by the United States Government offering transportation
to their homes to all who would agree to sign the following:

FORM OF PAROLE.

We, the undersigned, belonging to the Fenian Brotherhood, being now
assembled in Buffalo, with intentions which have been decided by the
United States authorities as in violation of the neutrality laws of
the United States; but being now desirous to return to our homes, do
severally agree and promise to abandon our expedition against Canada,
desist from any violation of the neutrality laws of the United States,
and return immediately to our respective homes.

This offer was largely taken advantage of, and muster rolls were made
out as rapidly as possible. The number of signatures obtained to the
written paroles was 5,166 during the afternoon of June 15th, and that
night these men departed for their homes, much to the relief of the
citizens of Buffalo, who had become weary of their guests.

Previous to the departure of the disappointed warriors from Buffalo, the
Fenian General Burns issued the following farewell address:

Buffalo, June 14, 1860.

To the Officers and Soldiers of the Irish Republican Army in Buffalo:

Brothers,--Orders having been received from President Roberts,
requesting you to return to your homes, it becomes my duty to promulgate
said order in this department. Having been but a few days among you,
and witnessing with pride your manly bearing and soldierly conduct in
refraining from all acts of lawlessness on the citizens of this city, it
grieves me to part with you so soon. I had hoped to lead you against the
common enemy of human freedom, viz., England, and would have done so had
not the extreme vigilance of the United States Government frustrated
our plans. It was the United States, and not England, that impeded our
onward march to freedom. Return to your homes for the present, with
the conviction that this impediment will soon be removed by the
representatives of the nation. Be firm in your determination to renew
the contest when duty calls you forth; the cause is too sacred to falter
for a moment. Let your present disappointment only prompt you to
renewed energy in the future. Be patient, bide your time, organize your
strength, and as liberty is your watch-word, it will finally be your
sword. In leaving this city, where you have bountifully shared the
hospitality of the citizens, I beg of you to maintain the same decorum
that has characterized your actions whilst here.

(Signed) M. W. BURNS, Brigadier General Commanding Irish Army at
Buffalo.

CHAPTER X.

THE CHICAGO VOLUNTEERS--A NOBLE BAND OF PATRIOTS RETURN HOME TO DEFEND
THEIR NATIVE LAND--A STRIKING EXAMPLE OF CANADIAN PATRIOTISM.

No matter where you find a true Canadian, he holds in the depths of his
heart a love and reverence for his native land and its flag which cannot
be uprooted. He may "roam 'neath alien skies" or tread a foreign shore,
but his heart ever beats true to his homeland, and when his services are
required in defence of her shores he does not as a rule require to be
summoned hence. He acts on the impulse of the occasion, and quickly
buckles on his armor to take the field for the honor of his country.

This national trait was never more spontaneously illustrated than during
the perilous periods of the Fenian Raids. Many of the stalwart sons of
Canada were temporarily residing in the United States at these times,
and had exceptional opportunities of noticing the constant preparations
that were being made by the Fenian plotters to invade the land of their
birth. Oft-times, perhaps, they were reminded by their American and
Fenian shopmates or fellow-employees, of the fact that they were aliens,
who were only permitted to reside in the United States on sufferance,
and insults and epithets would be hurled at them because they were
"bloody Canucks." But the Canadian boys always kept a stiff upper lip,
and when insolence became too intolerable they were not afraid to assert
their manhood by the use of a little physical force, and teach their
tormentors that a Canadian has rights which _all_ men are bound to
respect.

Quite a colony of Canadians resided in the City of Chicago, Illinois,
in 1866, many of them holding lucrative positions in employment where
brains, energy and confidence were the chief essentials required. As
a natural result these loyal boys chafed in spirit, and their breasts
heaved in indignation, when they observed the open encouragement
and financial assistance which was being given to the Fenians by the
citizens of that metropolis to enable them to carry out their nefarious
plans to conquer Canada.

For the purpose of meeting together for mutual counsel, and more firmly
welding the bonds of loyalty and unity among themselves, these young
men organized the "Chicago Canadian Society," with Mr. John Ford (an old
Toronto boy) as President. The formation of this Association in one of
the hottest hot-beds of Fenianism in America, required men of courage
and reliance to uphold its principles, and in this they were specially
fortunate. From the President down to the most youthful member they were
all "hearts of oak"--men who unflinchingly stood by their principles,
and had their love of country so deep at heart that they resolved to
sacrifice their positions and return to their native land to offer
their services to the Government as soon as occasion demanded. They
accordingly organized a military company, with the sturdy patriot. John
Ford, as their Captain, and began drilling.

They had not long to wait before the news was received in Chicago that
the Fenians had landed in Canada, and that the time for action had
arrived. So the "Chicago Volunteers" at once decided to individually
resign their situations and leave for "the Land of the Maple" to fight
for their flag. While the Company was making preparations for their
journey, Capt. Ford was sent ahead to make the necessary arrangements at
Windsor for their reception, and to formally offer their services to the
Government. Capt. Ford had a dangerous trip _en route_, as many of the
most violent Chicago Fenians knew him personally and were inclined to
"put him out of business." But the Captain was a stalwart, determined
young man, full of fire and courage, and being ready for any emergency,
he succeeded in getting through to Windsor without any serious trouble,
although dogged all the way by Fenians, who only waited an opportunity
to assault him. On arrival at Windsor he consulted with Mr. Gilbert
McMicken, the Police Magistrate, who advised him to proceed on to
Toronto with his Company. He then telegraphed his comrades to come
along, and they quickly answered the summons. That night the whole
Company of 57 men left Chicago for Canada, and great was their delight
when they lined up at Windsor the next morning under the folds of the
Union Jack, and gave three hearty cheers for their Queen and country.
Two companies of volunteers, accompanied by the Mayor and a large
concourse of citizens, were at the railway ferry dock to meet the boys,
and gave them a great reception.

They then proceeded by the Great Western Railway to Toronto, receiving
hearty ovations at London, Hamilton and every station at which they
stopped, until they arrived at their destination at 10 o'clock on
the night of June 5th. They were met at the depot by a guard of honor
composed of two companies of volunteers, His Worship Mayor Metcalfe, and
a large number of citizens, and escorted to the Drill Shed, where short
addresses were delivered to them by the Mayor, Hon. George Brown, Mr. T.
M. Daly, and others, thanking them warmly for their patriotism and manly
conduct in making personal sacrifices to return to their native soil and
defend their country in a time of peril.

Capt. Ford and Lieut. G. R. Kingsmill replied in suitable terms on
behalf of their Chicago comrades, saying that they could vouch that
every man would do his duty fearlessly, should their services be
required. They both stated that if necessary an entire regiment could
have been raised in Chicago for the defence of Canada, so ardent were
the Canadians in that city to assist in driving out the invaders.

After hearty cheers had been given for the Queen, the Chicago
Volunteers, and the men on duty at the front, the Chicago men were
marched to the Metropolitan Hotel and the Robinson House, where
refreshments and lodgings had been provided for them for the night.

On the following morning this band of patriots formally tendered their
services to the Government as a company to be enrolled as volunteers
for the defence of the Province. The Mayor and Col. Durie (Assistant
Adjutant-General) called on Gen. Napier, and presented the offer, which
was immediately accepted by the General on behalf of the Government. At
the same time he spoke in the most complimentary terms of the patriotic
spirit evinced by these gallant young men, and desired Col. Durie and
the Mayor to convey his views to them.

The corps was named "_No. 1 Company of Volunteers for Canada_," and the
following officers were chosen: Captain. John Ford; Lieutenant, George
R. Kingsmill; Ensign. Hector Ross; 1st Sergeant, Samuel Ridout; 2nd
Sergeant, T. D. Skinner; 3rd Sergeant, W. F. Collins; 4th Sergeant, J.
H. Cornish; 1st Corporal,

John Allen; 2nd Corporal, G. J. Fitzsimmons; 3rd Corporal, John Ginn;
Lance Corporal, George McKay. The privates were: C. T. Wright. B.
Baskerville, R. Gilbert. T. English, R. Mason, J. Moore, F. Gatrell,
T. G. Rice. R. S. Shenston, W. E. Richards, W. Grain, W. Skinner, C. J.
Mitchell. S. Langford, J. Cavers, S. McKay, G. B. Roberts. J. Hillman.
F. Baker, J. C. Keighley, J. J. Innes, C. Rubidge. L. Werden. W. Orr.
J. Fraser, J. Wickens, J. G. Kinnear, W. H. Rice, George Morehead, John
Travers, W. Beck, Luke E. Kingsmill, S. Gordon, E. Smith, G. Mothersill.
W. S. Cottingham, S. Langford, A. Babley, J. W. Dunn, S. McCallum, W.
Ford, 0. S. Hillman. J. Healey, C. C. Baines, James J. James, and F. W.
Nation.

The Chicago Volunteers remained on guard duty at Toronto until all
danger was passed, when they were relieved from service and permitted to
return to their homes. Previous to their departure a grand reception was
given in their honor at the Music Hall, where an immense concourse of
people assembled to assist in paying them a royal tribute of praise for
their loyal service.

His Worship Mayor Metcalfe presided, and after delivering a splendid
patriotic oration, presented Capt. Ford and his comrades with an address
from the Mayor and Corporation of the City of Toronto, expressive of the
high opinion of their patriotism that prevailed among the citizens and
their countrymen generally.

The address was accompanied by the presentation of a handsome Union
Jack, on which was inscribed, "Presented to the Chicago Volunteers by
the City Council. Toronto."

Capt. Ford and his officers replied in fitting terms to the sentiments
expressed by the Mayor, and assured him that should occasion ever again
arise to necessitate their services, they would promptly respond to the
summons.

Capt. John Ford (who at the date of issue of this book is still alive
and as full of fire and patriotism as in days of yore) is a well-known
and highly respected citizen of Toronto, whose friends are many. By
request of the author he has given the following personal recollections
of the organization of "The Chicago Volunteers" and their trip home to
Canada, which I feel will prove of great interest to the reader:--

"As all old citizens of Toronto will well remember, they had for
neighbors years ago some who were keen sympathizers with the Fenians,
and whose relatives were seen in Fenian processions in Chicago and other
American cities. As circumstances took many young men from Canada to the
States, we found on foregathering on one occasion in the old Post
Office in Chicago, in 1864, that we numbered 75, all former citizens
of Toronto. We then organized the "Chicago Canadian Society," meeting
weekly for drill and social purposes in the hall of the American
Protestant Association. Our drill instructors were Military School
cadets, holding first and second-class certificates. We found that the
Fenian organization was raising money and manufacturing pikes, and
in the year 1864 they held an Irish National Fair for the purpose of
increasing their fund. Quite a number of Canadians visited the Fair, and
saw soil or turf from Ireland sold in envelopes for 25 cents each, and
also "Irish bonds," to be redeemed on the consummation of the object of
the Fenian organization, or the capture of Canada; and to show the ease
in which they expected to accomplish this end, a stuffed lion was shown
with its tail between its legs, and head down, covered with a calf-skin.
On lifting the calf-skin the calf's head appeared, their idea evidently
being to cast ridicule on the bravery of the British lion or the nation.

"On the evening of May 24th, 1865, we held a banquet in the Washington
Coffee House, which was largely attended, and the toast of 'The Queen
and Royal Family,' and other patriotic sentiments, were enthusiastically
honored.

"On attending one of the Fenian recruiting meetings in Metropolitan
Hall, we saw upwards of 1,000 veteran cavalry men enrolled for service,
who, it was announced, were to be mounted on horses between Hamilton and
Toronto. This enrollment was only part of the 37,000 guaranteed by
the delegates from Illinois at the National Convention of the Fenian
Brotherhood in 1865, when the total guarantee was 250,000 men. Needless
to say, we were thoroughly alarmed, and prepared to leave for home on
short notice.

"On the day of the Raid (June 2nd, 1866) at about 3 p.m., it was
reported in Chicago that 30,000 men had crossed into Canada, had
destroyed the Welland Canal, and were advancing on Stoney Creek,
expecting to be in Hamilton that night. We had wired Toronto for
information, and went from one telegraph office to another in vain for
answers. We found out afterwards that our telegrams were lying unopened
on Mayor Metcalfe's table on the following Tuesday, as that gentleman
was away at the front.

"We held a meeting at Chicago on Saturday, June 2nd, 1866, and organized
a second company to follow the first to Canada, provided their services
would be accepted and they could get to the front. The St. George's
Society guaranteed to organize more companies, which would total 1,000
men.

"Comrade Forbes and myself were appointed delegates to proceed to
Detroit and open communications with the military authorities at
Windsor, and offer our services. We arrived at Detroit at early dawn
on Monday, June 4th, and were very much relieved, on looking across the
river through the haze, to recognize the scarlet coats of the soldiers
on duty on the Canadian shore. We crossed to Windsor, and met Col.
McMicken; who immediately wired Hon. John A. Macdonald, Minister of
Militia, tendering our services. The answer arrived in Windsor between
3 and 4 o'clock, when Col. McMicken advised me to wire the company in
Chicago, and to avoid international complications he instructed us to
do this in a private manner. We then sent the following message to
the company: 'Ship what you have, and buy up the rest.' In Chicago the
company awaited instructions in the A. P. A. Hall, and on receiving
our telegram they marched to the depot through enthusiastic crowds of
sympathizers, singing, "Rule, Britannia" and other patriotic songs. On
arrival at the depot, Dr. Bigelow, a sympathizer, took off his Panama
hat, placed a $5 greenback in it, and passed it around, raising $20
more than was required to pay the Michigan Central Railroad for two
first-class coaches, which had been arranged for by Lieut. Kingsmill
with the General Manager of the Michigan Central, who very courteously
allowed us the same rates charged the United States Government when
moving troops. Lieut. Kingsmill agreed to place a guard at each end of
the coaches, and allow no one to enter except members of the company.

"The company arrived at Detroit early on Tuesday morning, June 5th. Col.
McMicken gave Comrade Forbes and myself a pass to go to Detroit and meet
the company, advising us to allow no demonstration until we had passed
the centre of the river and were in Canadian waters. The company
followed the advice, and when the steamer crossed the line the men
went wild with enthusiasm, and were royally received in Windsor by the
military authorities. This was repeated at London and Hamilton. The
company arrived in Toronto on the night of Tuesday, June 5th. It took
the entire police force to get the men off the train, owing to the
delight of their friends and the cheering crowds who came to welcome us
home. The company was then escorted to the Drill Shed by the military
companies, where patriotic speeches were made by Mayor Metcalfe, Hon.
Geo. Brown, and others."

Chicago was not alone in the matter of exemplifying Canadian patriotism
during this trying period, as loyal sons of Canada came trooping home
from nearly every quarter of the United States, and gallantly took their
places in the ranks wherever a vacant place could be found. Thousands
of others wrote home, volunteering their services if necessity required.
These men deserve special mention on the pages of Canadian history,
and it is a pleasure to the author of this book to put on record the
splendid spirit of patriotism they displayed when their beloved Canada
was in danger. Very many of them have passed away from earth, but their
memories and worth will long be remembered by those who knew them best.
To their descendants, and to all young Canadians, the loyal spirit
which animated them should strongly appeal, and their deeds be emulated
whenever danger threatens their native land.

CHAPTER XI.

JOHNNY CANUCK AFLOAT--SPLENDID SERVICE ON BOARD THE GUNBOATS--THE
BEGINNING OF THE CANADIAN NAVY--ARRIVAL OF BRITISH TARS.

Concurrent with the mustering of troops to act on land, the need of
naval forces to patrol our lakes and rivers was fully realized, so
preparations were quickly made in that direction. The Toronto Naval
Brigade, commanded by Capt. W. P. McMaster, was a very efficient and
well-disciplined corps of brave and hardy men, who were among the first
to respond to the call of duty. The Government chartered the powerful
steam tug "Rescue," which being properly armed, was placed in commission
as the first boat in the Canadian Navy. She was manned by the Toronto
Naval Brigade, and sailed out of Toronto Harbor on June 4th under sealed
orders. She arrived at Port Dalhousie the same evening and proceeded
through the Welland Canal and Lake Erie to Windsor, where trouble was
expected. Her officers and crew were a resolute and able lot of men, who
were patriotic to the core, and were keen to get into action with the
enemy. It had been rumored that a Fenian fleet was being fitted out on
the Upper Lakes to assist in Gen. Sweeny's programme, therefore all on
board the "Rescue" were vigilant and expectant that they would have
an opportunity to meet a Fenian gunboat on Lake Erie and prove their
mettle.

The roster of the Toronto Naval Brigade on this expedition was
as follows: Captain. W. F. McMaster; Lieutenant, Alex. McGregor;
Sub-Lieutenant, E. B. Vankoughnet; Surgeon, N. McMaster; Gunner,
John Field; Boatswain. R. Montgomery; Chief Engineer, J. Nicholson;
Midshipmen, R. Wilson and A. Miller; Paymaster. Joseph Fletcher;
Quartermaster, George Wyatt; Assistant Engineers, James Findlay and John
Young; Gunner's Mate, James Morrison; Boatswain's Mates, James Ford
and Richard Ardagh; Carpenter, Joseph Smith; Carpenter's Mate, John
Clendinning; Armorer, Fred Oakley; Seamen, Thos. G. Cable, George
Mackay, Wm. A. Wilson, John Bolam, Harry Sewart Crewe, George Fox,
Wm. W. Fox, George Poulter, Samuel Crangle, Ed. Metcalfe, Fred Walker,
Samuel Mountain, Charles Corin, Wm. Miles, Ed. Scadding, Joseph Fetters,
Thos. Hutchinson, James Humphrey, Wm. Dillon, Wm. Maclear, Chas.
Callighan, R. Y. Ellis, Joseph Bywater, John Graham, James Ferguson,
Fred Yates, Harry Y. Young, George Mutton, Edward Turner, Wm. Pedlow,
Samuel Pettigrew, W. J. McClure, Ben. Cope, Thos. Spence, James Craig,
Clarence Cooch, W. Cooch, T. Mulholland, Sam. Parker, E. J. Hobson, J.
G. Hutchinson, Thos. Lunday, Geo. Williams, George Oakley; Powder Boys,
F. H. Moulson and Gus Ellis.

Mr. E. B. Vankoughnet (a Toronto boy, who was then serving as a
midshipman on board Her Majesty's warship "Aurora," lying at Quebec, and
who was home on a visit at the time) wired his commanding officer for
leave to join the "Rescue," and being granted permission, reported for
duty to Capt. McMaster and was attached to the Toronto Naval Brigade as
Sub-Lieutenant on board the "Rescue" before she sailed.

As an example of the alacrity which marked the men of the Toronto Naval
Brigade, it may be mentioned that when they received orders to go on
board the "Rescue" on Sunday morning, June 3rd, and fit her up for
service, they responded so promptly that before evening they had put 67
tons of coal on board, besides transforming the boat from a peaceful tug
to a veritable gunboat by making such alterations as were necessary for
that purpose. All were workers, and "handy men" either ashore or afloat,
and that night everything was so snug and secure that they took up their
quarters on board, fully provisioned for a cruise. Early next morning
the "Rescue" steamed up to the Queen's Wharf and took on board her
armament and ammunition. A large 32-pound gun was mounted on the main
deck, in a position available for service in any direction required,
while the projectiles were placed in pyramidal piles near-by, so as to
be convenient for quick action.

On the afternoon of the 5th of June, while proceeding up Lake Erie, a
suspicious-looking steamer was seen approaching from the west. Heavy
clouds of black smoke belched forth from her funnels, and she appeared
to be heading for the "Rescue" under full speed. As rumors of a Fenian
flotilla on the Upper Lakes had prevailed, it was conjectured that this
strange craft might be one of the enemy's gunboats, and consequently its
appearance caused some excitement on board the "Rescue." The men were
called to quarters, the 32-pounder loaded and charged with chain-shot,
and every preparation made to give battle in case the approaching
steamer should happen to be a foe. As it came nearer it was seen that
she was a side-wheeler, and was evidently crowding on all steam. Jack
Fields (an experienced gunner) took charge of the 32-pounder, which
he carefully trained on the stranger, and remarked: "We will take that
walking-beam out of her." All were now expectant, and ready for action,
awaiting orders to fire. But as the steamer approached closer it was
learned that she was the United States revenue cutter "Fessenden," which
was on patrol duty on Lake Erie, on the look-out for Fenians also, and
her commander had intended to overhaul the "Rescue," as he likewise
thought her suspicious-looking. After a friendly "hail" and mutual
explanations, both steamers proceeded on their way.

At about 12 o'clock that night, when about off Port Stanley, a heavy
storm of wind and rain arose, and the crew of the "Rescue" experienced a
very rough time. The boat pitched and rolled in the trough of the heavy
seas, and she sprang a leak. The big gun threatened to break loose from
its lashings, and had to be thoroughly secured by cables. The round
shot, which had been built up in pyramids on the deck, got away from
their base-frames and were rolling in every direction, while the high
waves swept over the bulwarks, deluging the men with water. During the
whole of the night and part of the next day the men were kept constantly
at the pumps, and by dint of hard work succeeded in keeping the boat
afloat until the gale subsided and they entered calmer waters. The crew
were pretty well worn out with hunger and fatigue when they reached
the mouth of the Detroit River on the evening of the 6th of June. They
arrived at Windsor about 8 o'clock on the same night, weary, but none
the worse of their experience in a Lake Erie storm, which is said by old
sailors to be the worst that can rage on any sea.

As matters looked serious along the Detroit River and Upper Lakes,
it was decided to strengthen the naval force at Windsor by equipping
another boat for service. Therefore the staunch ferry steamer "Michigan"
was chartered and details of British tars from Her Majesty's Ship
"Aurora" were brought up from Quebec to form her crew, and also to
relieve the Toronto Naval Brigade from duty on the "Rescue," as Capt.
McMaster had received orders to transfer his command to the "Magnet"
and cruise the lakes. Both the "Michigan" and the "Rescue" were then
efficiently armed and equipped for the naval service required, and
went into commission under British officers and crews. Each boat had
an armament of two Armstrong ship guns (9 and 12-pounders), with full
supplies of ammunition, and were manned by one Lieutenant, one Second
Lieutenant, and midshipmen, doctors, carpenters, etc., with about 90
seamen, 22 marines and seven other officers, all armed with rifles,
cutlasses, revolvers and dirks. Lieut. Fairlie, R.N., and Lieut. Heron,
R.N. (both of the British man-of-war "Aurora"), were placed in command
of the "Rescue" and "Michigan," respectively.

On being relieved from duty on the "Rescue" by the British seamen,
Capt. McMaster and his men proceeded to Toronto to fit out the steamer
"Magnet" for lake service. They had just completed this arduous work
and were awaiting sailing instructions, when an order came that their
services were not needed for the present. In relieving them from further
service they were specially thanked by Gen. Napier for the creditable
manner in which they had done their duty, in the following order:

Assistant Adjt.-General's Office. Toronto, June 10. 1866.

Sir,--I am directed by Maj.-Gen. Napier, C.B., commanding Her Majesty's
forces and volunteers, Canada West, to express to you his thanks for
the efficient services rendered by the Naval Brigade under your command,
particularly recently, when required to take charge of and convert the
steamer "Rescue" into a gunboat, in discharging her cargo and getting
the necessary armament on board in a very short time and in a highly
creditable manner; and, when relieved from the charge of the "Rescue."
in performing similar good services when placed in command of the
steamer "Magnet." And the Major-General will not fail to again
avail himself of the services of the Naval Brigade afloat should an
opportunity occur, and will have great pleasure in bringing before the
notice of His Excellency the Governor-General the important and valuable
services which they have rendered.

I have the honor to be, Sir,
Your obedient servant,

Capt. McMaster,
Commanding Naval Brigade, Toronto.

W.M. S. DURIE,
Lt.-Col., A.A.G.M.

On the St. Lawrence River the necessity for a patrol of gunboats
was also very manifest, and the Government fitted out the steamer
"Watertown" for such service. She was placed in command of Lieut.
French, and was employed in cruising the upper part of the St. Lawrence
and the lower portion of Lake Ontario, making her port of rendezvous at
Kingston.

The gunboat "St. Andrew," commanded by Lieut. Spencer Smith, R.N., and
manned by a detachment of British man-of-warsmen, patrolled the St.
Lawrence between Brockville and Gananoque. She carried five guns, and
her crew were armed with the usual fighting equipment of seamen in the
British navy.

The steamer "Wabuno" was armed and placed in commission to cruise on
the Georgian Bay, in which waters her crew performed active and vigilant
service on patrol duty for several weeks.

On the Niagara River and Lake Erie the steamer "W. T. Robb" was retained
in commission and fitted up for service as a cruiser. In addition to
the Dunnville Naval Brigade, a detachment of the St. Catharines Garrison
Battery (under command of Lieut. James Wilson) was placed on board
with two guns, a 9-pounder and a 12-pound howitzer, and the necessary
complement of small arms. The wheel-house and cabins were covered with
boiler plates, and the bulwarks strengthened by heavy planking for the
protection of her crew, so that she was soon converted into a formidable
craft and admirably fitted for the work she was detailed to do. This
boat was kept busy patrolling the Niagara River and the lower portion of
Lake Erie, and her crew did excellent night and day service during the
time she was so employed.

At Montreal the gunboat "Royal" was fitted out and despatched through
the St. Lawrence Canals and River. She was armed with an Armstrong
12-pounder and a brass howitzer forward, and a 12-pound Armstrong gun
aft. Her batteries around bows and stern were cased with iron for the
protection of the men working the guns, and her wheel-house protected
with sand-bags, making her secure against rifle fire. The gun-boats
"Hercules" and "Canada" were also put in commission at Montreal and
thoroughly outfitted for service on the lakes and river.

To aid in the protection of Montreal harbor H. M. ship "Rosario" (Capt.
Versturme) was despatched from Quebec to that point. She was a steam
screw sloop of 673 tons and 150 horsepower, with an armament of eleven
guns, and had a full complement of British sailors and marines.

At Hamilton and Port Stanley the Naval Brigades stationed at these
points performed shore duty, and did it well. Danger hovered everywhere,
and the utmost vigilance was necessary to guard every point. The country
was overrun with Fenian spies and emissaries, and arrests of suspicious
characters were numerous. Even at home there were traitors who needed
watching, as there were some who were ready to give countenance and
support to the enemy. Thus the companies who remained at their local
headquarters, and the Home Guards who were enrolled for home protection,
did remarkably good service along those lines.

CHAPTER XII.

ON THE ST. LAWRENCE AND EASTERN FRONTIERS--MUSTER OF TROOPS AT KINGSTON,
BROCKVILLE, PRESCOTT, CORNWALL AND OTHER POINTS.

While the sanguinary engagements which have been related in the
preceding pages were in progress on the Niagara frontier, the danger
of invasion was just as imminent at many other points along our border
line, and excitement was consequently as intense. It was felt at the
time, and subsequently confirmed as correct, that the diversion of Gen.
O'Neil at Fort Erie was only a prelude to cover more formidable attacks
along the line of the St. Lawrence, and the frontier of the Eastern
Townships of Quebec.

To guard this lengthy border was the first precaution taken by the
Government, and all troops that were available east of Toronto were
promptly called out for active service. Along the St. Lawrence River the
points most seriously threatened were Kingston, Brockville, Prescott
and Cornwall, and the attention of the Lieutenant-General Commanding
was immediately directed towards making adequate provision for the
protection of those places.

At Kingston the 14th Battalion of Rifles, the Kingston Field Battery,
the First Frontenac Troop of Cavalry, and the Garden Island and
Portsmouth Infantry Companies, were assembled and equipped, ready to
proceed to any point where their services might be required. The forts
were garrisoned by regular troops, and the city put in a proper state of
defence. On Sunday, the 3rd of June, just as the garrison was returning
from church parade, Lieut.-Col. John Paton received orders to proceed
at once with the 14th Rifles to Cornwall. The Battalion started that
evening by special train for their destination, amid tremendous cheering
by the patriotic citizens.

The force which was mobilized at Prescott on June 3rd consisted of
one division of the Ottawa Field Battery, with two guns; the Gananoque
Battery of Garrison Artillery; three companies of the Prince Consort's
Own Rifle Brigade (regulars), under Major Newdegate; the left wing
of the 25th King's Own Borderers (regulars); the 18th (Hawkesbury)
Battalion, under command of Lieut.-Col. John Hamilton; Nos. 1 and 2
Companies of the Ottawa Rifles; the Pakenham and Fitzroy Companies of
Infantry; and the 15th (Belleville) Battalion of Infantry, under command
of Lieut.-Col. A. A. Campbell. Old Fort Wellington was strengthened
and well equipped with three batteries of garrison artillery, and every
detail arranged to properly protect the town. All of the danger points
were so securely guarded by this efficient garrison (which was under the
command of Col. F. T. Atcherly, D.A.G.) that the invaders would have met
with an amazingly hot reception had they carried out their threatened
intentions to cross the river anywhere in that vicinity.

Lieut.-Col. Crawford had command of the force which was assembled at
Brockville, consisting of a battalion composed of the Brockville Rifles,
Gananoque Rifles, Brockville Infantry, Perth Rifles, Perth Infantry,
Carleton Place Rifles, and Almonte Infantry. These companies were
exceedingly efficient, and did great service in guarding the river front
and railway communications at Brockville. Col. Crawford and his troops
received great praise from the Major-General for the very satisfactory
manner in which they did their duty on these trying occasions.

The City of Ottawa was garrisoned by the Civil Service Rifles, Major
Ross' Artillery Company, the Bell's Corners Infantry Company, and other
companies from the neighborhood, assisted by a strong Home Guard.

The Grand Trunk Railway bridges at Vaudreuil, St. Ann's and Lachine were
guarded by the St. Therese, Como and Varennes Infantry Companies, this
arduous duty being very accurately and vigilantly performed by the corps
mentioned.

At Cornwall the situation was exceedingly serious, as it was known that
Gen. Sweeny had particular designs on that place, and was making every
preparation to deliver an attack. The possession of the canals was one
of his chief desires, and to ward off such an attempt a strong force was
quickly mobilized at this point of danger. On the 2nd of June a public
meeting of citizens was called and a committee appointed to act in
concert with the military commandant in putting the town in a thorough
state of defence. A patrol was established for ten miles up and down the
river by the local companies, and navigation on the river and through
the canal was stopped. Early on the 3rd of June troops began arriving
from different points, and by the following morning over 2,000 had
been assembled under the command of Col. T. H. Pakenham, of H. M. 30th
Regiment. The Canadian force which was mustered at Cornwall was
composed of the 14th (Kingston) Battalion, the 25th Regiment (King's
Own Borderers), the 11th Argenteuil Rangers, a portion of H. M. 30th
Regiment, one division of the Ottawa Field Battery, the 6th Hochelaga
Light Infantry, two companies of Ottawa Rifles, and two Cornwall
companies.

On the St. John's and Missisquoi frontiers the local companies of
Frelighsburg, Philipsburg, Granby and Waterloo were posted, under
command of Col. F. R. Elrington, of the P. C. O. Rifle Brigade, and kept
a sharp look-out for the appearance of the enemy. They received numerous
"alarms." but beyond a general expectancy of a conflict which kept them
on the alert, they did not have an opportunity of proving their valor.

Lieut.-Col. W. Osborne Smith, D.A.G., had command of the troops which
were assembled on the Huntingdon and Hemmingford frontiers, which
consisted of the 1st Prince of Wales Rifles (Lieut.-Col. B. Devlin), of
Montreal; the Victoria Rifles, of Montreal; one division of Capt. A.
A. Stevenson's Field Battery, of Montreal; the Hemmingford. Roxham and
Havelock Infantry Companies, and a detachment of the Montreal Cavalry.
With this force he proceeded to Hemmingford, where he halted on the
3rd and sent out scouts to observe the operations of the enemy on
the frontier. Learning that an attack was likely to be made on the
Huntingdon frontier. Col. Smith left next morning at daybreak with
his column for the threatened point. The weather was exceedingly
unfavorable, as it rained incessantly all day, and the roads were in
a very bad state. Still he pushed on, and covered 37 miles, which his
troops accomplished in a splendid manner, and went into camp that
night with only two patients reported on the hospital returns as being
incapacitated by the fatiguing march. The direct approach to Huntingdon
from Malone, where the Fenians were mobilizing, is by the Trout River
Road, and across this path Col. Smith constructed a line of breastworks
and awaited the approach of the enemy. His position was admirably
chosen, and had Gen. Sweeny made an advance down the Chateauguay Valley,
he would have met with such a stout resistance that his defeat would
have been certain, as the Canadian position was impregnable. For a few
days all kinds of rumors were current of an advance being made by the
Fenians, and constant vigilance was maintained, but the attack failed to
eventuate.

Lieut.-Col. George Browne, D.A.G., with the 1st and 2nd Huntingdon
Infantry Companies; the Athelstan, Durham and Rockburn Infantry
Companies, and the Hinchinbrooke Rifle Company, also assisted to hold
the Huntingdon line, and did good service in keeping guard on the
frontier.

With the salient points along the Canadian border being thus securely
guarded, and every soldier on the _qui vive_, the Fenian troops would
most certainly have encountered very strong opposition before they could
carry out their designs to conquer Canada.

CHAPTER XIII.

ON THE VERMONT BORDER--FENIANS GATHER IN LARGE NUMBERS--THE FIZZLE AT
PIGEON HILL--ARREST OF GEN. SPIER.

During the night of the 31st of May a general movement of Fenian troops
was commenced from different towns and cities in the New England States
towards their point of concentration at St. Albans, Vermont. This force
was designated as the "Right Wing of the Irish Republican Army," and
was commanded by Gen. Spier, with Gen. Mahon, of Boston, as his Chief
of Staff. By noon of the 1st of June over 800 men had reported to Gen.
Spier, and during the following twenty-four hours their number had
increased to about 1,800. Like their comrades who had assembled at
Buffalo, they travelled in small squads and companies, unarmed, and
were reticent as to their intentions while in American territory.
They quietly scattered about the town in groups and made no disorderly
demonstrations, as they seemed to be under some sort of military
restraint or orders. Every train that arrived from the east or the south
brought in fresh contingents, who on arrival received their orders and
silently distributed themselves among the small towns and villages along
the Vermont border. For some time previous cases of arms and ammunition
had been shipped to convenient points where they would be ready for
distribution, and staff officers were busy looking after this war
material and getting everything ready for the equipment of the
expedition. For a day or two matters looked very promising for Gen.
Spier. Thirteen thousand troops had been promised to him by Gen. Sweeny,
with an unlimited supply of arms and ammunition, and his hopes soared
high. But alas for human reckoning! The fates proved unkind, as
subsequent developments proved.

On the 4th of June the Boston contingent of Fenians, about 400 in
number, arrived at St. Albans, without arms. Of this command about 200
were sent to Fairfield, Vt., a village eight miles east of St. Albans,
and quite close to the Canadian frontier, where a column was being
mobilized to cross the border.

At East Highgate, Vt., the Fenians established a camp and made
preparations for an advance into Canadian territory from that point.

All along the border of Missisquoi County, in Quebec, the invaders
gathered in groups, companies and regiments, awaiting their arms and
orders to move. Finally a sufficient force was equipped to make a
forward movement, as the men were getting impatient, and on the 4th
of June Gen. Spier led his advance guard across the frontier into St.
Armands, where he established his camp and set up his headquarters at
Pigeon Hill, from the summit of which he flaunted a large green flag.

There were about 1,000 men in this brigade, which was officered by
several old soldiers who had achieved distinction in the American Civil
War, among whom were Gen. Mahon, of the 9th Massachusetts, Col. Coutri,
and others of prominence.

The only Canadian force in the vicinity of St. Armands was composed of
three companies of infantry, consisting of nine officers and about 100
non-commissioned officers and men, the whole being under command of
Capt. W. Carter, of H. M. 16th Regiment. These troops were all raw
volunteers, who were very deficient in drill or military experience,
some of whom had never handled a rifle before, but all were willing and
anxious to contest Gen. Spier's advance, and were brave to a fault.

As soon as the Fenians appeared in force at St. Armands, Capt. Carter
hastily withdrew his force to the interior, as he said he was under
the impression that it was not intended that he should bring on an
engagement until he was properly reinforced, as his command was only an
outpost. For his action in retiring so early he was severely criticized
and reprimanded for his "error in judgment in retreating without
sufficient reason," while his troops never forgave him for what they
considered an exhibition of cowardice.

The main body of Gen. Spier's forces had advanced about a mile into
Canadian territory, and took possession of all the houses and barns in
the vicinity for their quarters. Their scouts and pickets were thrown
out three or four miles in advance, and for some days they were in
complete possession of the country. During this time the Fenians
conducted themselves in a most lawless manner, robbing and stealing, and
wantonly destroying property. All of the citizens and farmers residing
in the neighborhood were the victims of pillage, being robbed of horses,
provisions, valuables, etc., while cattle, sheep, poultry and other live
stock were confiscated and slaughtered for the use of the raiders.

As the days passed by and the promised arms and reinforcements for Gen.
Spier failed to materialize, he became restless and disheartened. The
United States authorities had seized all of the arms and ammunition that
could be discovered, and the fact was forced on the deluded General's
mind that if he did not leave Canada soon a strong force of British
troops would be upon him and annihilate his command. Moreover, the
demoralization of his whole army was becoming complete, and both
officers and men refused to do duty any longer. Desertions were taking
place in a wholesale manner, and in several instances Colonels marched
off with their entire commands and re-crossed the line. He therefore
convened a Council of War to consider the situation. It was of short
duration, as the officers were of the unanimous opinion that there was
no other course left for them but to retrace their steps and give up
the idea of invading Canada. The reinforcements, arms, provisions and
munitions of war that had been so liberally promised, had failed to
reach them, and weakened as they were by such wholesale desertions to
the rear, it was deemed by old soldiers to be nothing but madness to
remain where they were, as they would be wholly unable with such a small
force to make even a decent show of a fight, should they happen to
be attacked, and it was at once determined to give up the intended
invasion, leave Canada, and head back for the United States.

Therefore Gen. Spier ordered Col. Coutri and Col. O'Connor to form up
their men and march them back to St. Albans to report to Gen. Sweeny.
Both of these officers were deeply affected as they proceeded to carry
out their orders, as they wanted to stay and fight it out.

The men were formed in companies, but many went off on their own
responsibility, and at 9.30 o'clock on the morning of June 9th, all that
was left of the grand "Right Wing" were marching back across the border
to the United States. The men had a few rounds of ammunition left in
their pouches, and immediately commenced firing off their muskets and
rifles in a most promiscuous manner. Arms, plunder and everything else
that the men could carry off with them on their retreat were lashed upon
their backs or packed in satchels, and quite a number of new suits of
clothes, hats, shoes and other valuables which they had pilfered were
carried off by them. Several horses were also taken across the line by
the marauders.

Generals Spier and Mahon marched on foot among their retreating troops,
and were very much downcast. Gen. Spier said that he would rather have
been shot than have left Canada in the manner he was obliged to, while
Gen. Mahon wept with rage at the thought of having to abandon the
invasion. Most of the officers expressed themselves as being ashamed of
the affair, and would rather never go home. After all their boasting
of how easily they would capture Canada and set up their visionary
Republic, the disgraceful manner in which the whole campaign terminated,
without so much as a slight skirmish having taken place, was more than
they could bear. There were many brave yet deluded men who joined the
expedition with a determination to fight, but the majority of them were
"nothing more or less than an armed mob, roving about wherever they
pleased, robbing the houses and insulting and abusing women and
children." as stated by a newspaper correspondent.

When the retreating raiders reached United States territory they found
detachments of American troops stationed upon all the roads leading
to St. Albans, who had received instructions to seize all the arms the
Fenians might have in their possession. As the majority of them had
thrown away their muskets, sabres and ammunition on their retreat, there
was not much left for the United States troops to gather up, but what
little there was left was promptly seized.

Upon arrival on the American side of the line Gen. Spier and his staff
surrendered to Col. Livingston, of the United States Army, and were
taken to St. Albans and placed under heavy bonds to await trial for
violation of the neutrality laws.

A portion of Spier's army who were stationed at a point about eight
miles from St. Armand when the main body retreated, were charged upon by
40 men of the Montreal Guides, and in the skirmish several Fenians were
killed and sixteen taken prisoners, who were conveyed to Montreal. There
were no casualties on the Canadian side.

On the night of the 9th of June a train left St. Albans for the east
with nearly 1,000 Fenians bound for their homes, while many others were
left skulking around the country in the hope that another raid would
soon be organized, whereby they could have an opportunity of securing
more booty.

On the 22nd of June a small party of these marauders came on a
reconnoitering expedition to Pigeon Hill, and on arriving at the outpost
began firing at the Richelieu Light Infantry sentinel who was stationed
there. They were in a thick bush off the road, leading across the
lines to Franklin County. As soon as they were perceived, the Canadian
detachment made an endeavor to get between the Fenians and American
territory, for the purpose of intercepting their retreat. But the
Fenians fled through a swamp and managed to effect their escape. About
twenty shots were fired, but without effect.

This was the last episode of the Pigeon Hill affair, and in another week
peace and quietness again prevailed along the Vermont border.

CHAPTER XIV.

FENIAN MOBILIZATION AT MALONE AND ELSEWHERE--GEN. MEADE'S PROMPT ACTION
STOPS THE INVASION--ARREST OF GEN. SWEENY AND STAFF.

The principal points of rendezvous for the Fenians who were intended to
operate on the St. Lawrence frontier were Ogdensburg, Watertown, Malone
and Potsdam, in the State of New York, and at these places large bodies
of men began concentrating during the first two or three days in June.
General Sweeny was in personal command of the troops of the Irish
Republican Army in that department, and had made every arrangement to
invade Canada along that line, in accordance with his original plan of
campaign. He made his headquarters at Ogdensburg for a time, and from
there directed the mobilization of his columns for the contemplated
attacks on Prescott, Cornwall and other points on the Canadian border.

Meanwhile Gen. Michael J. Heffernan, Gen. Murphy, and Gen. O'Reilly,
were at Malone, N.Y., perfecting the military organization of the column
which was intended to attack Cornwall. These officers were all old
soldiers, who had held commands in the United States service during the
Civil War, and were well posted in the business they had on hand.

While the Fenian leaders were thus employed in getting their forces
ready for the movement across the line, Major-General Geo. Meade (the
commander of the United States troops) was equally active and vigilant
in his determined efforts to stop the promised invasion. He ordered the
seizure by the United States officials of all arms and ammunitions of
war intended for use by the Fenians that could be located on American
territory, and forbade the railways and other transportation companies
from carrying further supplies of such material to the frontier. These
orders were rigidly complied with, and seizures of arms and ammunition
were made at Rouse's Point, Malone, Potsdam, Ogdensburg, Watertown, St.
Albans and other places, which considerably disconcerted Gen. Sweeny's
plans and thwarted his whole scheme. The presence of United States
troops, which had been moved north from various military stations to
support Gen. Meade in his efforts to prevent another breach of the
Neutrality Act, also had a deterrent effect on the Fenians, and they
became disheartened.

On the afternoon of the 4th of June, Major-General Meade ordered the
United States Marshal at Watertown, N.Y., to intercept, seize and hold
two carloads of Fenian war material which were on the way from Rome to
Potsdam Junction and Malone. On arrival of the train at Watertown the
Deputy Marshal was in waiting and promptly carried out the instructions.
A carload of Fenian soldiers who were on the same train got off the
car and angrily remonstrated with the officer when they learned of the
seizure, but he was obdurate and retained possession of the two cars,
which he had side-tracked. The Fenians remained at Watertown and began
plotting for the recapture of the arms and ammunition. Not realizing
that any interference with the majesty of the law would be attempted,
the Marshal did not deem it necessary to place a strong guard over the
two cars, and the Fenians determined to re-possess them. On arrival of
the evening express train from the south they gathered around it and
captured not only that train, but their two cars of supplies, and taking
charge themselves, ran the whole outfit off to De Kalb Junction before
they were recaptured. Several other instances of defiance of lawful
authority were reported, but Gen. Meade meant _business_, and these
infractions of his orders and the laws of the United States only served
to make him more determined than ever to strangle the hopes of the
Fenians before they had an opportunity of carrying out their designs.

PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S PROCLAMATION.

The tardy proclamation of President Johnson was finally issued on the
6th of June, almost a week after the Fenians, under Gen. O'Neil had
crossed over the Niagara. Its delay seemed significant to the Canadian
people, as the President and his Cabinet were fully aware that the
Fenians had been making active preparations for months previously to
invade Canada, and made no secret of their intentions. The following is
the text of the proclamation:--

By the President of the United States of America--A Proclamation.

Whereas, it has become known to me that certain evil-disposed persons
have, within the territory and jurisdiction of the United States, begun
and set on foot, and have provided and prepared, and are still engaged
in providing and preparing, means for such a military expedition and
enterprise to be carried on from territory and jurisdiction of the
United States against colonies, districts and people of British North
America within the dominions of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland, with which said colonies, districts, and people, and kingdom,
the United States are at peace; and whereas, the proceedings aforesaid
constitute a high misdemeanor, forbidden by the laws of the United
States as well as by the laws of nations;

Now, therefore, for the purpose of preventing the carrying on of the
unlawful expedition and enterprise aforesaid from the territory and
jurisdiction of the United States, and to maintain the public peace,
as well as the national honor, and enforce obedience and respect to the
laws of the United States;

I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, do admonish and warn
all good citizens of the United States against taking part in or in
anywise aiding, countenancing or abetting such unlawful proceedings;
and I do exhort all judges, magistrates, marshals and officers in the
service of the United States to employ all their lawful authority and
power to prevent and defeat the aforesaid unlawful proceedings, and to
arrest and bring to justice all persons who may be engaged therein, and
in pursuance to the Act of Congress in such cases made and provided.

I do further authorize and empower Major-General G. G. Meade, Commander
of the Military Division of the Atlantic, to employ the land and naval
forces of the United States, and militia thereof, to arrest and pre
vent the setting on foot and carrying on the expedition and enterprise
aforesaid.

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

Done in the City of Washington the sixth day of June, in the year of our
Lord 1866, and in the independence of the United States the 90th.

ANDREW JOHNSON.

By the President, WM. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.

Although President Johnson did not issue his neutrality proclamation
until the 6th of June, orders had previously been issued to United
States officers to stop further invasions, and Gen. Meade exhibited
great energy and promptness in carrying out instructions so far as his
Department was concerned. Fenians were gathering in thousands, with
the understanding that their equipment would be at the border on their
arrival, but the bulk of the coveted armament was prevented from falling
into their hands owing to the watchfulness of Gen. Meade's staff of
officials. This action on the part of the United States authorities
deeply incensed the Fenian leaders, and they were disposed to resent any
interference with their plans. During an interview between Gen. Meade
and the Fenian Generals Heffernan and Murphy, at Malone, the former
complained of the interference of the United States Government, and
bitterly remarked: "We have been lured on by the Cabinet, and used
for the purpose of Mr. Seward. They encouraged us on to this thing. We
bought our rifles from your arsenals, and were given to understand
that you would not interfere. But this thing is not dead yet. We will
succeed. We have our orders from General Sweeny, and we can and will
perform them. If we get arms we will cross into Canada. We shall fight
your regulars if they oppose us." General Meade replied: "I have got
orders, too, and I shall fight you to enforce the neutrality laws."

In the performance of his duty Gen. Meade was inflexible, and would not
stand any bluff or bluster from the Fenian leaders. On the contrary,
he became very aggressive in compelling them to respect the laws and
authority of the United States, and largely through his firmness and
stern efforts the whole Fenian campaign was abandoned.

ARREST OF PRESIDENT ROBERTS.

On the 8th of June the United States Government caused the arrest of
Col. W. B. Roberts, President of the Irish Republic, on a charge of
conspiracy and violation of the Neutrality Act. He was brought before
United States Commissioner Betts, at New York, and committed to
jail pending a hearing of his case. From the quiet precincts of his
contracted quarters he issued several proclamations, which teemed with
gasconade and valiant promises, of which the following is a sample:

Ludlow St. Jail, New York, June 11, 1866. To the Fenian Brotherhood and
Irishmen of America:

Friends and Countrymen,--The Irish people of America are again united in
the cause of Irish independence and universal freedom. The cheer which
arose from the Irish soldiers at Limestone Ridge as the English foe
went fleeing before their avenging steel, had found a responsive echo in
every Irish heart and made us one in love, purpose and resolve. We
see, after ages of your oppression, the unquenchable desire for Irish
independence blaze forth anew, and as it sweeps along the cities and
prairies of this vast continent it gathers within its magic influence
five millions of Irish hearts and twice five millions of friends
of freedom and foes of despotism! Arise, then, my countrymen! Nerve
yourselves for the struggle so nobly commenced. Cast aside every
consideration that would darken the bright hopes of your enslaved
countrymen. Be true to liberty, your country, and your God; and your
native land, instead of being a lazar-house of slavery, will soon be the
garden of freedom. Stand by the cause! Be not dismayed by obstacles you
meet; you must surmount them, and you will. Let cowardice and ignorance
desert and denounce you--what of that? The true men are still with us,
and the struggle must not be abandoned, even though our soldiers should
be compelled through the over-zeal of United States officers to abandon
the present campaign. There is no turning back for us, my countrymen.
Our movement must and will advance. Retrogression would entail certain
infamy and bring a deeper stain upon your country and race, and it is
as legitimate for you to attack English power in Canada as it was for
England to attack France there, or France and America England. Remember,
in union there is strength, and that Union which has been cemented by
the blood of our gallant brothers must be eternal, and let that man be
anathemized and banned who with lying lip or evil heart would dare to
weaken or dissolve it. Be true to Ireland--steadfast in the right and
undismayed by obstacles, and remember that--

"Freedom's battle once begun--
Bequeathed from bleeding sire to son--
Though baffled oft, is ever won!"

I remain, with unchanged determination and regard, your countryman,

WM. R. ROBERTS, President Fenian Brotherhood.

While President Roberts was busy in penning his proclamations and
exhorting his deluded followers to stand by the cause and "keep their
powder dry" for a future attempt, the Revolutionary Committee of the
Irish Republic were also sending out appeals to all lovers of Republican
liberty, invoking further aid, from one of which circulars the following
is an extract:

Let the Irish citizens in particular send in commissary stores, such as
bread, meat, coffee, sugar, etc., just what each one would like at home.
We want all the money you can raise for other purposes--what purposes
the people can guess. Let no person imagine that the cause is defeated
or that the men who have sworn to free their native land or die, will
abandon their cause. A few over-zealous officials have placed some
obstacles in our way. The voice of the great American people is at last
heard in her halls of Congress, not from a single individual, but
from the representatives of thirty, millions, and true to her natural
instincts, they raise their voices for the oppressed. God bless them!
They will raise many an anxious spirit through the world and make
tyrants tremble on their thrones as the cry goes forth, "America is the
defender of liberty." Let the people take heart throughout the land.
Call meetings, pass resolutions, pledge support to the men who inscribe
on their banner universal liberty. Be patient, but work! work! Collect
money. Have your men ready, and when the cry of fight goes forth, let
them come as individuals if they cannot come as companies or regiments.

As a large number of Fenians had gathered at Malone with very hostile
intentions, Gen. Meade gave particular attention to the marauders
who had mustered there. They had taken possession of the old military
barracks at Malone, and were running the town to suit their own
inclinations. As the days wore on and the prospects of their receiving
arms and supplies to equip the invaders became more and more remote,
the leaders chafed, fumed and fretted alternately, and finally became
absolutely discouraged. Their fondest hopes were blasted, and they
bitterly berated the United States Government in blasphemous language
for stopping their expeditions. While the officers were in this frame of
mind, their soldiers were worse. They were living on short rations, and
their promise of a pleasant sojourn in "The Land of Plenty," where they
hoped to revel in all the luxuries of life (when they captured it), was
likely to prove but an empty dream. They were becoming turbulent and
demonstrative, and it was finally found necessary to invoke the majesty
of military power to keep them in subjection. Desertions were now
frequent, and they had become a disorganized mob rather than a
disciplined army. As this state of affairs was a menace to the public
safety of the citizens of Malone. Gen. Meade took a firm grasp of the
situation and issued the following order:

MALONE, N.Y., June 9th, 1866.

All persons assembled at this place in connection with, and in aid of
the Fenian organization for the purpose of invading Canada, are hereby
ordered, in compliance with the President's proclamation, to desist from
their enterprise and disband. The men of the expeditionary force will,
on application to the officer in command of the United States forces,
on giving their names and residences, and satisfying him that they
are unable to provide their own transportation, be provided with
transportation to their homes; and all officers below the rank of field
officers who are unable to provide their own transportation, on giving
their parole to abandon the enterprise, will be allowed to return to
their homes; officers above the rank of field officers will be required
to give such bonds as may be satisfactory to the civil authorities;
it being the determination of the United States Government to preserve
neutrality, and the most stringent measures having been taken to prevent
all accessions of men and material, the Commanding General trusts that
these liberal offers will have the effect of causing the expedition,
now hopeless, to be quietly and peaceably abandoned; and he confidently
expects that all those who have any respect for the authority of the
United States will conform to the requirements of the President's
proclamation; and of this, which if not promptly obeyed, a sufficient
force will be brought to bear to compel obedience.

(Signed) GEORGE G. MEADE, Major-General, U.S.A.

In compliance with this order, the majority of the men immediately gave
their paroles, and for the next day or two trains were filled with the
discomfitted warriors returning to their homes. All thoughts of the
capture of Canada had vanished, and peace reigned once more on the
border line.

The day previous, while Gen. Sweeny and Col. Meehan were actively
engaged in mobilizing troops and directing operations on the Vermont
frontier, warrants were served upon them by the United States
authorities for violation of the Neutrality Act. They were arraigned
before the United States Commissioner at Burlington, Vt., when they
waived examination, and bail was fixed for Sweeny at $20,000 and Meehan
at $5,000, to appear for trial at the July term of the United States
District Court. Meanwhile other prominent leaders were being arrested
at other points. With the President, the Secretary of War, and other
members of the Irish Republican Cabinet under arrest, and many others of
lesser note being "wanted" by American officers for infractions of the
law, the hopes of the invaders sank below zero, and their warlike zeal
vanished away.

FENIANISM IN CONGRESS.

As nearly all of the prominent Fenian leaders had been placed under
arrest for transgression of United States laws, and quite a number of
their deluded followers who were captured in Canada were confined in
Canadian prisons awaiting trial, the seriousness of their offences began
to dawn upon the minds of those implicated in the movement. The good
offices of the United States Government were then eagerly sought by
their friends and supporters to get them out of the meshes of the net,
and earnest appeals were made to the State Department for some action
along these lines. Every possible pressure was brought to bear on
Congress and the United States Senate to secure the influence of those
two important legislative bodies in taking up the Fenian cause. But
it was a delicate question to handle, and although there were some
Congressmen who introduced the matter into the House of Representatives,
and made fiery speeches in support of their resolutions, the majority
failed to concur, as they rightly conjectured that if the United States
gave the Fenians the recognition and liberty of action they desired, it
might end in embroiling them in war with Great Britain, for which they
were not prepared.

On June 11th, 1866, Congressman Ancona, of Pennsylvania, offered the
following preamble and resolution in the United States Congress:

Whereas, the Irish people and their brothers and friends in this
country are moved by a patriotic purpose to assist the independence
and re-establish the nationality of Ireland, and whereas the active
sympathies of the people of the United States are naturally with all men
who struggle to achieve such ends, more especially, when those engaged
therein are the known friends of our Government, as are the people of
the Irish race, they having shed their blood in defence of our flag in
every battle of every war in which the Republic has been engaged; and
whereas the British Government against which they are struggling is
entitled to no other or greater consideration from us, a nation, than
that demanded by the strict letter of international law, for the reason
that during our late Civil War that Government did in effect, by its
conduct repeal its neutrality laws; and whereas when reparation is
demanded for damages to our commerce, resulting from the wilful
neglect of Great Britain to enforce the same, she arrogantly denies all
responsibility, and claims to be the judge in her own cause; and whereas
the existence of the neutrality law of 1818 compels the executive
department of this Government to discriminate most harshly against those
who have ever been, and are now, our friends, in favor of those who
have been faithless, not only to the general principles of comity which
should exist between friendly States, but also to the written law of
their own nation on this subject; therefore, be it resolved, that the
Committee on Foreign Affairs be instructed to report a bill repealing
an Act approved April 20th, 1818, it being the neutrality law, under
the terms of which the President's proclamation against the Fenians was
issued.

It is needless to say that the good sense of Congress prevailed, and the
resolution was consigned to the morgue which is the receptacle for all
undesirable resolutions.

CHAPTER XV.

THE FENIAN PRISONERS--CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN SECRETARY SEWARD AND THE
BRITISH MINISTER.

The question of the ultimate fate of the Fenian prisoners who had
fallen into our hands was one which received considerable thought and
discussion. While the temper of the Canadian people was not favorable
to any leniency being shown to them in those sad days in June when they
viewed the death and desolation that had been caused by the raiders,
yet all felt constrained to give them the full benefit of British
justice--fair trials and an opportunity to separate the guilty from
the innocent. The authorities further resolved to be not too hasty in
bringing the unfortunates before the tribunal, as in the excited state
of the public mind such action might prove disastrous to the accused.
This policy was a wise and just one, and met with general approval.

While these Irish-Americans were penned up in Canadian prisons their
friends across the line were using every effort to effect their release
by supplicating President Johnson and Secretary Seward to interpose
in their behalf, and at last succeeded in getting some resolutions put
through Congress with this object in view.

Secretary Seward took the question up in an official way with Sir
Frederick W. A. Bruce, the British Minister at Washington, who forwarded
the documents relating to the matter to the British and Canadian
Governments, and no doubt this friendly interposition had some effect
in influencing the authorities to adopt the humane policy which
subsequently prevailed.

During the month of June the Fenian prisoners who had been captured
at Fort Erie and vicinity and lodged in the jails at Brantford and
elsewhere, were removed to Toronto Jail and placed under special guard
until their cases could receive due consideration by the authorities. At
a preliminary investigation a large number of these men were discharged
for want of sufficient evidence to convict, and were deported from the
country. About forty were held for trial. Some of these were British
subjects, while the remainder claimed American citizenship. The former
were charged with high treason, the penalty for which is death. Those
claiming to be aliens, and citizens of the United States, were indicted
under an old statute which was enacted during the period of the Canadian
Rebellion of 1837, which provided that subjects of a foreign state
who entered Canada for the purpose of levying war rendered themselves
liable, on conviction, to the death penalty.

On the 26th of July, 1866, President Andrew Johnson sent to the United
States Congress the following documents from the Department of State,
in reply to two resolutions of the House of Representatives, the first
requesting him to urge upon the Canadian authorities, and also upon
the British Government, the release of the Fenian prisoners captured
in Canada; and the second requesting him to cause the prosecutions
instituted in the United States against the Fenians to be discontinued,
if not incompatible with the public interest:--

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, July 26, 1866. To the President:--

The Secretary of State, to whom was referred two resolutions of the
House of Representatives, passed on the 23rd of July, instant, in the
following words, respectively:--

"Resolved, that the House of Representatives respectfully request the
President of the United States to urge upon the Canadian authorities,
and also the British Government, the release of the Fenian prisoners
recently captured in Canada.

"Resolved, that the House respectfully request the President to cause
the prosecutions instituted in the United States courts against the
Fenians, to be discontinued, if compatible with the public interests."

Has the honor to report, in regard to the first resolution, that the
Government of the United States holds no correspondence directly
upon any subject with the Canadian authorities mentioned in the
said resolution, or with the authorities of any colony, province or
dependency of any other sovereign state; and that, on the contrary, all
its correspondence concerning questions which arise in, or effect, or
relate to such colonies, provinces or dependencies, is always conducted
exclusively with such foreign governments.

On the 11th of June last a note was addressed by this department to
the Honorable Sir Frederick W. A. Bruce, Her Majesty's Minister
Plenipotentiary residing in the United States, of which a copy is
hereunto annexed. It is proper to say, in relation to that note, first,
that the reports mentioned therein to the effect that prisoners had
been taken on the soil of the United States and conveyed to Canada, and
threatened by Canadian agents with immediate execution without legal
trial, were found on examination to be untrue and without foundation in
fact. It is due to the British Government to say, in the second place,
that the representations made in the said note have been received by the
British Government and by the Canadian authorities in a friendly manner.

The resolution of the House of Representatives first recited,
harmonizing, as it does, with the spirit of the aforesaid note, will be
brought to the attention of Her Majesty's Government and of the
Canadian authorities, with the expression of a belief on the part of
the President that affairs upon the frontier have happily come to a
condition in which the clemency requested by Congress may be extended
without danger to the public peace, and with advantage to the interests
of peace and harmony between the two nations.

I have already received your directions that the second of said
resolutions be taken into consideration by the proper departments of the
Government, with a desire that it may be found practicable to reconcile
the humane policy recommended with the maintenance of law and order, the
safety of the public peace, and the good faith and honor of the United
States.

Respectfully submitted, WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, June 11, 1866.

Sir,--The Secretary of War has laid before the President several
despatches which were received yesterday and to-day from Major-Gen.
Meade, who is commanding the United States forces on the Canadian
frontier. These communications warrant the President in believing that
the so-called Fenian expedition is now entirely, at an end, and that
order and tranquility may be expected to prevail henceforth on that
border. I regret, however, that I am obliged to connect with this
gratifying information the further statement that reports have reached
Major-Gen. Meade to the effect that some of the Canadian or British
troops have crossed the line and entered within the territory and
jurisdiction of the United States. It is even said that this entry took
place after the disturbers of the peace under the command of the leader
Spear had relinquished their forbidden enterprise and withdrawn within
the boundary line of the United States. The reports go so far as to
say that prisoners have been taken on the soil of the United States and
conveyed to Canada, and that the Canadian agents have threatened that
these prisoners, together with such stragglers as may now lie found
within the Canadian lines, will be executed without legal trial. It
is believed that these reports are exaggerated. Care has been taken by
Major-Gen. Meade to have them promptly investigated.

In the meantime I am instructed by the President to represent to you,
and through you to the British and Canadian authorities, that this
Government would not look without serious concern upon the practice of
any retaliation or other illegal proceedings upon the persons of such of
the offenders as have fallen, or shall hereafter fall, into the hands
of the Canadian authorities. I respectfully invite your attention to the
subject, with the confident expectation that no proceedings that are not
authorized and in conformity with law, will be taken against persons of
that class, and in the hope that even the customary administration of
the law will be tempered with special forbearance and clemency. In view
of the effective proceedings which this Government has adopted in regard
to the disturbances now so fortunately ended, these representations
would have been made by me without waiting to be moved from any other
quarter. They are now made, however, with the approval of Major-Gen.
Meade, and I believe that they will receive the concurrence of the
Congress and people of the United States.

I have the honor to be, sir,
Your obedient servant,
WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

The Hon. Frederick W. A. Bruce.

TRIALS OF THE FENIAN PRISONERS.

The Fall Assizes of the Court of Oyer and Terminer and General Jail
Delivery for the United Counties of York and Peel, opened at Toronto on
October 8th, 1866, His Lordship the Hon. Justice John Wilson being named
in the commission to preside over the Court of Justice which was to
decide the fate of the Fenian prisoners. The indictments were read, and
after an able and exhaustive address to the Grand Jury by Judge Wilson,
in which he went fully into every phase of the case, and explained the
statute under which the prisoners were to be tried, the documents were
handed over to the Grand Jury for their consideration.

When the Court resumed its sitting on October 17th for the trial of the
accused, the Grand Jury presented true bills against three of the
most prominent prisoners in custody, viz., Robert Blosse Lynch, of
Louisville, Ky. (said to be a colonel in the Fenian forces at Fort Erie
and Lime Ridge); David F. Lumsden, who claimed to be an Episcopalian
clergyman, from Nunda, N.Y., and John McMahon, who stated that he was a
Roman Catholic priest, from Anderson, Indiana. Lynch was first placed
in the dock, and the indictment read, to which he pleaded "not guilty."
Lumsden and McMahon were next charged, and also entered the same plea.
The prisoners not being ready to proceed with their trials, they were
remanded until October 24th, when the Court re-opened and the trials
proceeded with. The counsel for the Crown were Hon. John Hillyard
Cameron, Q.C. (Solicitor-General for Upper Canada), Messrs. Robert A.
Harrison, John McNab, James Paterson and John Paterson.

The first prisoner placed in the dock was Col. Robert B. Lynch,
who stated that he had no connection with the Fenian Army, but had
accompanied the expedition as a reporter for the Louisville _Courier_.
A large number of Canadian residents of Fort Erie and vicinity, however,
testified that they had seen him wearing a sword and in command of a
body of Fenian troops at that place. The evidence of his guilt was so
overwhelming that the jury returned a verdict of guilty, and Colonel
Lynch was sentenced to be hanged on the 13th of December. He received
the sentence with composure and was removed back to the jail.

Rev. John McMahon was then placed on trial. He claimed that he had only
went with the Fenians in a spiritual capacity, and to look after the
wounded and dying. He said he was at Lime Ridge and attended to both
Fenians and Canadians alike while there. His statements did not accord
with the evidence given by other reliable witnesses who saw him giving
aid and encouragement to Fenian soldiers at Fort Erie, and after a fair
and impartial trial he was found guilty and sentenced to be executed
with Lynch on December 13th.

Pending appeal proceedings these executions were deferred.

David F. Lumsden was brought up for trial on November 3rd. He was
formerly rector of Trinity Church at Syracuse, N.Y., where he had a
reputation of being too fond of drink, rendering himself subject to
discipline for intemperance, and had been cited to appear before Bishop
Coxe (Bishop of the Episcopal Church in the Western Diocese of New
York), who sent him to Nunda, N.Y., in the hope that he might redeem
himself. But he had again fallen from grace and was on a big spree in
Buffalo when he drifted over to Fort Erie, and was arrested on suspicion
of being implicated with the Fenians. After hearing all the evidence,
which was in favor of the prisoner, the jury retired and brought in a
verdict of "not guilty," and he was discharged.

True bills were then rendered by the Grand Jury in the cases of the
other prisoners who were held in custody.

On Nov. 7th. William Slavin was found guilty and sentenced to death. On
the same date Benjamin Parry (a lad 16 years of age, from Cincinnati),
was discharged.

On Nov. 9th. Daniel Drummond, who was arrested at Fort Erie, was
discharged, as there was not sufficient evidence to convict.

On Nov. 10th, William Hayden was found guilty and sentenced to death,
while William Duggan was discharged.

On Nov. 14th, Daniel Whalen and John Quinn were both found guilty and
sentenced to be hanged.

On Nov. 15th, Thomas School was found guilty and received the death
sentence, while Patrick Donohue was discharged.

On Jan. 11th, 1867, Timothy Kiely (who was found wounded in a hay-loft
at Major Canty's house near Fort Erie, on June 3rd, and who had been
engaged in the battle at Lime Ridge), was found guilty and sentenced
to death. On the same day John Smith proved his innocence and was
discharged.

On Jan. 12th, Patrick O'Neil and Patrick McGrath were found guilty of
high treason, and on the day following Thomas H. Maxwell was convicted
for the same crime. Those three men were British subjects, and each
received the death sentence.

On Jan. 14th James Burke and Patrick Norton were found guilty and
sentence deferred. On Jan. 15th John O'Connor, Daniel Quinn and John
Rogan were found guilty, while Patrick Keating, James Spanieling and Wm.
Baxter escaped conviction, owing to lack of sufficient evidence.

On Jan. 18th. Peter Paul Ledwith was found guilty and James Macdonough
discharged.

On Jan. 21st, Thomas Cooney (who was present at Lime Ridge) was
found guilty, and George J. Matthews (who was arrested at Thorold in
September. 1866, by some troopers of the Governor-General's Body Guard,
for having stated that he had been sent out from Buffalo as a scout by
the Fenians, who contemplated another raid) was acquitted for want of
evidence.

On Jan. 22nd Michael Purtell was found guilty of high treason, and
remanded for sentence. Owen Kennedy, an American who was arrested at
Fort Erie, was found guilty with a recommendation to mercy.

On Jan. 24th John Gallagher, of Cincinnati, was found guilty and
remanded for sentence, while Thomas King, an American, was discharged.

On Jan. 25th Barney Dunn was convicted, while Wm. Orr, John Hughes,
Frederick Fry and James Diamond were acquitted for lack of sufficient
evidence. On Jan. 29th John Grace and John Cooney were also acquitted.

This disposed of all the Fenian cases on the calendar.

The Court re-opened on Jan. 30th, His Lordship Mr. Justice Morrison
presiding, for the purpose of finally disposing of the cases of eleven
of the prisoners who had been convicted but not yet sentenced. After the
usual Court preliminaries had been concluded, and the prisoners placed
in the dock, Hon. Mr. Cameron moved that the sentence of the Court be
passed upon the following prisoners:--Patrick Norton, Thos. H. Maxwell,
Patrick O'Neil, James Burke, Daniel Quinn, Peter Ledwith, John O'Connor,
John Rogers, Owen Kennedy. Barney Dunn and John Gallagher.

His Lordship then sentenced all of the above named to be hanged on the
5th of March.

Appeals were made to higher Courts in several of the cases, but all were
disallowed, and it seemed for a time as if a wholesale execution of the
prisoners on the gibbet would be the result. But the better feelings of
the Canadian people prevailed, and by appeals for clemency, in the cause
of humanity, our country was relieved from the gruesome spectacle of
witnessing over a score of these unfortunate dupes dangling from the
gallows in expiation of their crimes. That they deserved such a fate
is undoubted. They entered our peaceful country with murder in their
hearts, and carried out a portion of their programme of butchery, but
their leaders escaped, and it would have been poor satisfaction to exact
the extreme penalty on those deluded followers who happened to fall into
our hands. Therefore all of their lives were spared.

The sentences imposed were commuted to imprisonment in the Provincial
Penitentiary at Kingston for various terms, according to the degree of
guilt of the accused, and a few years afterward the last of them was
released from the grasp of Canadian justice.

CHAPTER XVI.

THE CANADIAN VOLUNTEERS RELEASED FROM DUTY AT THE FRONT AND RETURNED TO
THEIR HOMES--THEY EARNED THE GRATITUDE OF THEIR COUNTRY AND RECEIVED IT.

After about three weeks of active service, the Canadian volunteers who
were on duty at the front were relieved and sent home. Although matters
were still in an unsettled state among the Fenians in the United States,
and threats were constantly being made of more trouble, yet the occasion
was not considered of sufficient serious importance to require the
services of the force posted on the frontier for a longer period. The
Government was well aware that when occasion demanded the same troops
would again take up arms as promptly and cheerfully as on previous
occasions, and relied on their patriotic service being immediately
available whenever required. In relieving the troops from further duty,
the Commander-in-Chief promulgated the following order:--

OTTAWA, June 23rd, 1866.

In relieving the volunteers, for the present, from active duty,
the Commander-in-Chief desires to make known to the officers and
non-commissioned officers and men of the force, the pride and
satisfaction with which he has witnessed the patriotism and energy
displayed by them in their instantaneous response to the call to
arms. The Commander-in-Chief wishes to express his admiration of the
promptitude with which, on the only occasion when an opportunity was
afforded them of meeting the enemy, the volunteers went under fire, and
his deep sympathy with the friends and relations of those who there met
a soldier's death. The discipline and good conduct of the force while
on service has secured the approbation of their military commanders,
and has been most favorably reported on to the Commander-in-Chief. The
Commander-in-Chief wishes to impress on the minds of the volunteers
that, though the late attack on the Province has proved a failure, the
organization by means of which it was attempted still exists, and that
its leaders do not hesitate to declare publicly that they meditate
a renewal of the invasion. Under these circumstances, the
Commander-in-Chief trusts that the volunteer force generally will
continue at all convenient times to perfect themselves in drill and
discipline, so that they may be able successfully to repel any future
aggression that may be attempted.

MAJOR-GENERAL NAPIER'S ORDER.

Major-Gen. Napier, who commanded the troops in Canada West, returned
thanks, in appreciation of their services, by issuing the following:--

BRIGADE OFFICE, TORONTO, June 18th, 1866.

Major-General Napier, C.B., Commanding the First Military District,
Canada West, cannot allow the volunteers under his command to return
home without tendering them his best thanks for the patriotic way they
responded to the Governor-General's call for further services, as well
as for their general good conduct whilst in the field. Although only a
few were fortunate enough to be engaged with the enemy, the whole force
were equally ready and anxious to meet him. The Major-General feels sure
that should their services be again required, they will show the same
fine spirit, and turn out to a man in the defence of their country. The
Major-General, in bidding them farewell for the present, trusts that
they will keep up their present efficient state, which can only be done
by constantly attending to their drill whenever they have an opportunity
of doing so.

By order.
(Signed) H. NANGLE.
Captain and Brigade Major.

MAJOR-GENERAL LINDSAY's ORDER.

Major-Gen. Lindsay also commended the volunteers for their prompt
response to the call of duty, and their valued and faithful service in
the field, in the language contained in the following order:--

BRIGADE OFFICE, MONTREAL. 23rd June. 1866. DISTRICT ORDER.

The emergency which has caused the Volunteer Militia Force of Canada
to spring to arms, having passed by, the Major-General commanding the
District acknowledges the important services they have rendered.

The patriotic spirit, exhibited both by employers and the employed,
placed at the service of the Crown, in a few hours, a force of upwards
of 22,000 men in the two Canadas, which, if the occasion had been of
more serious character, could have been augmented to such numbers as the
Government might have required.

The various corps sent out to the front have shown a zeal and aptitude
in the performance of their duties as soldiers, which is calculated to
inspire the greatest confidence; while some of the battalions have had
severe and difficult marches to perform, all have undergone considerable
hardships in most unfavourable weather.

While the good faith and firmness of the General Commanding the U.S.
troops on the frontier had the effect of preventing larger assemblies of
armed men, and while in the end the long-threatened attempt at invasion
proved a miserable failure, the Major-General feels confident that
the volunteer force have only one regret, that they have not had the
opportunity of driving from the soil of Canada those misguided men, who,
under the flimsy veil of so-called patriotic feeling, would have carried
war into a country with which they have no pretence of quarrel.

The Major-General feels convinced that, shoulder to shoulder with the
regular troops of Her Majesty, the volunteer militia force of this
Province would, if they had been brought in contact with an enemy, have
proved themselves worthy of the approbation of their fellow-countrymen,
and that they would, as their predecessors had done in times long
past, have successfully defended their country, and kept it against all
aggressors.

While anxious for peace, Canada is showing herself prepared for war; and
the Major-General is gratified in bearing his testimony to the noble and
independent spirit, which proves that Canada has reason to be proud of
her citizen soldiers.

By order,
H. C. HEALEY,
Major of Brigade.

SPECIAL THANKS TO THE QUEEN'S OWN.

The splendid services of the Queen's Own Rifles in the campaign were
officially recognized by the General Commanding in the promulgation of
the following order:--

ASSIST. ADJ.-.GENERAL'S OFFICE, TORONTO, June 8, 1860.

Sir,--I am directed by Major-General Napier, C.B., commanding 1st
Military Division, C.W., to acknowledge the receipt of a copy of your
despatch dated Stratford. June 6th, 1866, addressed to Lieut.-Col.
Lowry, 47th Regiment, detailing the operations of the Volunteer force on
the morning of the 2nd, in which the Queen's Own were engaged with the
enemy.

It is now my gratifying duty to convey to you not only the approbation
but the very great pleasure the Major-General experienced in hearing
from you of the good conduct of the officers, non-commissioned officers
and men of the regiment under your command on that occasion.

That they fully confirmed and justified the good opinion that the
Major-General always entertained of them, by their conduct in meeting
for the first time the enemies of their Queen and country.

The Major-General feels quite sure that the regiment will always cherish
and sustain the character now so nobly won by the Queen's Own.

I have also to express to you, by the Major-General's desire, his entire
approbation of the very able and gallant manner in which you commanded
the Queen's Own under very trying circumstances, and it will give him
much pleasure in bringing before His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief,
the gallant service rendered by the Queen's Own on the occasion, which
you will be good enough to convey to the officers, non-commissioned
officers and men of the regiment under your command.

I have the honor to be, Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
W. S. DURIE,
Lieut.-Col., A.A.G.M.
Major Charles T. Gilmor. Queen's Own Rifles.

CANADIAN PATRIOTISM.

Lord Monck's communication to the Imperial Secretary of State may also
be quoted as showing his views concerning the patriotic conduct of
Canadians who were at the time residing in the United States:--

OTTAWA, June 14, 1866.

Sir,--I have had the satisfaction in other communications to report to
you the excellent spirit evinced by the resident population of Canada in
connection with the late Fenian attack on the Province. There has been
in addition an exhibition of patriotism and devotion on the part of
Canadians who happened to be domiciled at the time of the disturbance
outside of the Province, which deserves, I think, special mention and
praise. Immediately after the news of the inroad on the Province reached
Chicago, sixty young Canadians who were resident there engaged in
various employments gave up their situations and repaired by railroad
to Canada to give their aid in defending the land of their birth. These
young men have been formed into a Volunteer Company and are now doing
duty at Toronto.

I had also a communication from Her Majesty's Consul at New York to the
effect that a large number of Canadians, resident there, were prepared
to abandon their occupations and come to assist in the repulse of the
invaders of Canada if I considered their services necessary. I informed
Mr. Archibald by telegraph that I did not require their aid, but begged
him to express to them my gratitude for the exhibition of their loyalty.
Such conduct speaks for itself, and I would not weaken the effect of the
bare relation of the facts by any attempts at eulogy on my part.

I have, etc.
(Signed) MONCK.
The Right Hon. Edward Cardwell, Secretary of State.

PROM THE IMPERIAL GOVERNMENT.

The following General Order, contained in a letter communicated through
the regular official channel to His Excellency the Governor-General and
Commander-in-Chief (Right Hon. Viscount Monck), was duly promulgated
through the Department of Militia of Canada:--

HORSE GUARDS, July 21st, 1866.

The Under-Secretary of State for War:--

Sir,--With reference to the several reports which have been received
from the General Officer Commanding in Canada relative to the Fenian
movement in that Province, and to the measures taken by the colonists
for repelling any Fenian attack, I am directed by the Field Marshal
Commanding-in-Chief to request that you will acquaint the Secretary of
State for War that His Royal Highness, having observed the alacrity,
loyalty and zeal shown by the volunteers and militia forces of Canada
in having come forward for the defence of the colony on the late trying
occasion, in support of the troops, is very desirous of expressing to
the force his full appreciation of their gallant and energetic behavior,
and the very great gratification and satisfaction he has thereby
experienced. And His Royal Highness trusts, therefore, that
Lieut.-General Peel will see no objection to the necessary communication
being made by him to the Colonial Office, with the view to His Royal
Highness' sentiments, as above expressed, being made known through the
proper channel to the volunteers and militia of Canada, lately employed
against the Fenians.

I am, etc.,
W. F. FOSTER.

LORD MONCK'S ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF AMERICAN INTERVENTION.

In acknowledgment of the service rendered by the United States
Government in checking the invasion, Lord Monck, the Governor-General of
Canada, sent the following despatch to Sir Frederick Bruce, the British
Minister at Washington, for presentation to Secretary of State Seward:--

OTTAWA, June 11th, 1866.

Sir,--I have learned from the public press the terms of the Proclamation
which the President of the United States of America has promulgated
against the hostile designs of the Fenians on the Province, the
Government of which I have the honor to administer. I have also, by
the same means, been made acquainted with the orders issued by the
Attorney-General of the United States and other officers of the
Administration of that country for the apprehension of the persons
of Fenian conspirators and the stoppage and seizure of arms and
other supplies intended to be used by them against Canada. As these
proceedings of the Government of the United States have materially
tended to defeat the hostile purposes of the Fenians against this
Province, I shall feel much obliged if you will convey to the Secretary
of State for the United States my acknowledgments of the course which
has been adopted by that Government in reference to this matter.

I have, etc...
(Signed) MONCK.

LORD MONCK'S REPORT TO THE IMPERIAL GOVERNMENT.

In presenting his report to the Right Hon. E. Cardwell, Secretary of
State of the British Government, Lord Monck sent the following despatch,
which was accompanied by the reports of the Lieutenant-General and other
officers who were in command of troops during the campaign:--

OTTAWA. June 14th, 1866.

Sir,--I have the honor to transmit for your information, the reports to
the Lieutenant-General commanding Her Majesty's forces of the several
officers, relating to the proceedings connected with the late
Fenian invasion at Fort Erie, Canada West. I think these documents
substantially corroborate the account which I gave you from telegraphic
and other information in my despatches of the 1st, 4th and 8th instant.

From all the information I have received, I am now satisfied that a very
large and comprehensive plan of attack had been arranged by the party
which is popularly known as the Sweeny-Roberts section of the Fenian
Brotherhood.

The plan of invasion, in addition to the attempt on the Niagara
frontier--the only one which actually occurred--appears to have embraced
attacks on the line of the Richelieu and Lake Champlain, and also on
the frontier in the neighborhood of Prescott and Cornwall, where I have
reason to think the principal demonstration was intended.

For the latter object, large bodies of men, sent by railroad from almost
all parts of the United States, were assembled at a place called Malone,
in the State of New York, and at Potsdam, also in the State of New York,
and with a view to the former, St. Albans and its neighborhood in the
State of Vermont was selected as the place of assemblage.

Large supplies of arms, accoutrements and ammunition were also attempted
to be forwarded by railroad to these points, but owing to the active
intervention of the authorities of the United States--as soon as it
became apparent that a breach of international law had been committed
by these persons--a very large portion of these supplies never reached
their destination.

It is not easy to arrive at a trustworthy estimate of the number of men
who actually arrived at their different points of rendezvous. It has
been reported at times that there were at Potsdam, Malone, and the
intervening country, as many as ten thousand men, and similar rumors
have been from time to time circulated of the force at St. Albans and
its neighborhood. From the best opinion I can form, however, I shall
be inclined to think that the number of Fenians in the vicinity of St.
Albans never exceeded two thousand men, and that three thousand would
be a fair allowance for those assembled at Potsdam, Malone, and the
surrounding counties. The men have been represented to me as having,
many of them, served in the late Civil War in the United States--to
have had a considerable amount of small arms of a good and efficient
description. I have not heard of their possessing any artillery, and I
am informed that they were deficient in the supplies of ammunition and
totally destitute of all the other equipments of an organized force.
They appear to have relied very much on assistance from the inhabitants
of the Province, as the force which invaded Fort Erie brought with
them--as I am told--a large quantity of spare arms to put in the hands
of their sympathizers whom they expected to join them. I have in
my former despatches noticed the measures which were adopted by
the Provincial Government in order to place at the disposal of the
Lieutenant-General commanding Her Majesty's forces, the Provincial
resources available for defence, both by land and water. The reports of
the officers of the army and volunteers, which I transmit, will acquaint
you with the manner in which these means were used by the officers in
command. I am happy to be able to bear my tribute to the energy and good
faith exhibited by the American Government and its officials in checking
all infractions of international obligations on the part of any portion
of its citizens from the moment that it became evident that an
invasion of the Province by the Fenians had actually taken place.
The determination of the Government of the United States to stop the
transportation of men and supplies to the places of assembly, rendered
even the temporary success on the part of the Fenians impossible; while
the large forces which the Lieutenant-General commanding was able
to concentrate at each of the points threatened, had the effect of
deterring from an attack the portion of the conspirators who had already
arrived at their places of rendezvous. No invasion in force occurred
except at Fort Erie. A slight incursion took place at a place called
St. Armand, about thirteen miles from St. John's, on the borders of
the County of Missisquoi, which ended in the capture of about sixteen
prisoners, without any loss on our side.

The latest accounts I have received announced that the men who had
congregated at the different points of assembly were being transmitted
to their homes at the expense of the Government of the United States,
most of the leaders having been arrested and held to bail to answer for
their conduct.

Although I deplore the loss which the Volunteer Force suffered when
engaged on the 2nd of June at Lime Ridge, amounting to six killed and
thirty-one wounded. I think it is a matter for congratulation that a
movement which might have been so formidable has collapsed with so small
an amount of loss, either of life or property. I think it is also a
source of satisfaction that such strong proofs have been afforded of
the spirit which animates the Canadian people, of their loyalty to the
throne, of their appreciation of the free institutions under which they
live, and of their readiness at all times to prove their sense of the
value of these institutions by incurring expense and personal risk in
the defence of them. The period of the year at which the people have
been called on to make these sacrifices of timely serving in the
volunteer ranks has been the most inconvenient that could have been
selected, yet I have never heard a murmur from any quarter at the
necessity of suspending industrial occupation involving the risk of a
whole year's production, while I have received information of a good
deal of discontent on the part of those who were anxious to give their
services, but whose presence in the ranks was not considered necessary.

I have to express my very high sense of the services performed by
Lieutenant-General Sir J. Michel and the officers under his command
in the able disposition of troops, both regulars and volunteers. The
officers of the Royal Navy stationed at Quebec and Montreal deserve the
highest credit for the rapidity with which they extemporized gunboats
for the defence of the St. Lawrence and the Lakes. I have already spoken
of the admirable spirit displayed by the Volunteer Force, both officers
and men. I have every reason to believe that their conduct as regards
discipline and order has entitled them to as much commendation as does
their spirit of patriotism and self-reliance.

I desire particularly to bring before your notice the ability and energy
exhibited by Colonel Macdougall, A.G.M., with a view to having
his services specially mentioned to His Royal Highness, the
Commander-in-Chief. This officer has not yet been one year in Canada,
yet so admirable is the system of organization which he has established
that he is able within a few hours to assemble on any given point over a
line of more than 1,000 miles, masses of volunteers who at the time the
order was given were scattered over the country pursuing their ordinary
avocations. While I attribute full credit to the excellent spirit of the
people for its share in this effect, I think the administrative
ability which has given practical operation to this good feeling of the
population ought to have its meed of praise and in the interests of the
public service on some possible future emergency ought not to be left
without official record.

There are prisoners in our hands to the number of about one hundred and
fifty. (I have not yet received official returns of them), whose trial
will be proceeded with at an early day.

I confidently expect within a few days to be able to dismiss to their
homes the great majority of the Volunteers, and my firm conviction is,
that this disturbance will produce beneficial effects by discrediting
Fenian enterprises, exhibiting the futility of any attempt at invasion
of the Province, and showing the absence of all disaffection amongst any
portion of the people of Canada.

I have, etc.,

(Signed) MONCK.

The Right Honorable E. Cardwell.

WELLAND COUNTY HONORS THE BRAVE.

The services of the officers and men of the Welland Canal Field Battery
and the Dunnville Naval Brigade--for their gallantry in the fight at
Fort Erie--were recognized by the Municipal Council of the County of
Welland by the public presentation to each of them of a handsome silver
medal, commemorative of the occasion. In addition, Capt. King and Capt.
McCallum were each presented with handsome swords of honor by the County
Council, as special marks of appreciation of their bravery by the people
of the county. To each of the wounded a grant of 100 acres of the lands
owned by the county in the Cranberry Marsh was given. In addition to the
above honors the Corporation of the Village of Fort Erie presented Capt.
King with a valuable sword as a testimonial of their recognition of his
services at that place on the 2nd of June.

CHAPTER XVII.

A RETROSPECT OF EVENTS--A COMBINATION OF UNFORTUNATE CIRCUMSTANCES
INVOLVE LEADING OFFICERS.

That the campaign on the Niagara frontier might have been conducted on
lines which would have proved much more satisfactory for the success
of the Canadian forces, is admitted. It seemed to be a combination
of errors and omissions from the beginning, which furnished food for
unfavorable criticism and condemnation by journalistic and arm-chair
critics which created impressions on the public mind that exist even at
the present day. Of course each critic would have done different--this
plan or that plan "should have been" adopted, regardless of all military
rules. The trite saying that "nothing succeeds like success" should be
supplemented by adding, "and nothing more reprehensive than failure." In
military operations success or defeat are in the scales, and the least
little occurrence is liable to outbalance the other. No matter how
carefully a commanding officer may lay his plans, or how minutely he may
explain them to his staff and subordinates, if one does not do his part
in promptly carrying out instructions at the proper moment, the whole
machinery is thrown out of gear, and failure is the inevitable result.

In the first place, while Gen. Napier's plan of campaign was excellent
in itself, there were several very important things omitted that were
essential to its success. That of the greatest importance was the lack
of proper provision being made for obtaining information of the exact
position and movements of the enemy, such as a corps of competent scouts
could have given. That omission is fatal to the success of any military
movement. Again, those who were in command of columns on the 2nd of June
do not seem to have had an intelligent idea of the country they were
about to move over, and had to rely on whatever chance information they
could obtain, much of which, in the excited state of the minds of
the people, was unreliable. To condemn any particular officer for an
unlooked-for disaster is a serious matter, unless such defeat is clearly
the result of his own negligence, or some movement of which he had
personal control. Therefore critics should always be careful to put the
saddle of blame on the right horse.

As Col. Peacocke had been assigned to the immediate command of the
troops operating on the Niagara frontier by Gen. Napier, it will be
noted (as related in a former chapter) that he arrived at Chippawa on
the evening of June 1st, with a considerable number of regular troops
and a complete battery of field guns, manned by experienced gunners of
the Royal Artillery. His reinforcements from Toronto and St. Catharines
were closely following, and quickly available. That night he sent Capt.
Akers across the country with definite orders to Lieut.-Col. Booker to
move eastward to Ridgeway by rail at 5 o'clock the next morning, and
effect a junction with his (Col. Peacocke's) column at Stevensville at
10 o'clock. These instructions stated that Col. Peacocke would leave
Chippawa at 6 a.m., and in accordance with this programme Lieut.-Col.
Booker proceeded to carry out his orders. On the other hand, it was
nearly 8 o 'clock before Col. Peacocke left Chippawa, which threw the
whole programme out of joint by nearly two hours. Various excuses were
made for the delay, but some of them were not very tenable. The regulars
had had a good night's rest, and the volunteers (who were all on the
ground at Chippawa before 4.30 a.m.) were eager and willing to proceed.
Why he did not leave Chippawa by at least 6 o'clock (in the cool hours
of the morning) is not sufficiently clear. A pilot engine was sent up
the line of the Erie & Niagara Railway early in the morning, upon which
were Lieut.-Col. John Hillyard Cameron and a detail of riflemen from the
St. Catharines Battery of Artillery. They made a reconnaissance nearly
as far as Black Creek, and returned with the report that they had not
observed any signs of the enemy between Chippawa and that point. This
was before Col. Peacocke started on his march. Why could it not have
been possible for him to have moved a portion of his advance up by train
as far as Black Creek, was a question that was prevalent at the time.
But Col. Peacocke was not apparently taking any chances. He appears to
have been overly cautious, and was disposed to adopt the old-time method
of plodding along the beaten trail. Here again he made a mistake in
taking "the longest way around" to reach Stevensville, while the intense
heat and dust began to tell on his troops, which compelled him to halt
at New Germany about 11 o'clock. Before reaching there he was informed
of the disaster at Ridgeway by parties who had arrived from the
battle-field. Why, then, did he not push on in search of the enemy,
instead of remaining at New Germany until 5.30 p.m.? is another
question. Excuses are easily framed and plausibly given in reports,
but the country generally, and his soldiers particularly, have always
thought that he might have managed to have got into a conflict with the
enemy in some way. Col. Peacocke was a very fine gentleman, and had the
reputation of being a skilful military officer, but his extreme caution
in this campaign spoiled all chances of any success in winning the
renown that might have been his portion had he acted with snap and
celerity of movement in battering the Fenian army before they left
Canada. He had the opportunity, the men and the guns, but he let his
golden chances slip by while he idly passed away the time "resting" at
Chippawa and New Germany.

Capt. Akers was another officer whose action in consenting with the
ideas of Lieut.-Col. Dennis to change the plans of their commanding
officer is inexplicable. Why these two officers should have dared to
assume such responsibility is beyond all comprehension. A soldier's
first duty is obedience to orders, and as these had been definitely
issued by Col. Peacocke, it was manifestly not their business to change
them, but to see that they were rigidly carried out. For that purpose
Capt. Akers had been specially despatched from Chippawa to Port
Colborne; but in less than half an hour after his arrival he was busily
engaged with Lieut.-Col. Dennis and Lieut.-Col. Booker in concocting a
new plan of campaign. After deciding on what they intended to do, they
condescendingly notified Col. Peacocke of the change in his own plans,
and without, waiting for a reply they started off for Fort Erie on
the steamer "W. T. Robb" to put them in execution. Such assumption was
certainly astounding, and no doubt Col. Peacocke had a choleric fit
when he was apprised of it. This was another mistake, which contributed
largely to the defeat of Col. Peacocke's purposes, and left a cloud on
the military prestige of both Lieut.-Col. Dennis and Capt. Akers. As
Lieut.-Col. Booker had also been persuaded to join in the new plan,
he was making his arrangements to do so when he received an imperative
order by telegraph from Col. Peacocke to adhere to his original
instructions.

As Lieut.-Col. Dennis and Capt. Akers sailed away in high hope from Port
Colborne, they probably built the fairy air castles which were doomed to
totter and fall before night. It did not seem to occur to them that Col.
Peacocke's sanction to, and co-operation in, their change of plan would
be necessary to ensure success. Therefore their disappointment must have
been great when they found that Lieut.-Col. Booker failed to arrive at
Fort Erie at 7 o'clock, as provided in their new arrangement. At this
hour Lieut.-Col. Booker was leaving Ridgeway (in pursuance of his latest
orders) on his march for Stevensville, and soon after had the misfortune
to strike the enemy in force. And thereby hangs another tale of a grave
mistake, which brought considerable censure to that officer. The story
of the battle is told elsewhere, and need not be repeated.

In the light of official reports and the testimony of officers and
men who were engaged in the battle of Lime Ridge, the disaster which
occurred to Lieut.-Col. Booker's column (almost in the moment of
victory) can be attributed wholly to a fatal order being given at the
most critical time in the progress of the fight. Lieut.-Col. Booker had
up to that eventful moment displayed singular sagacity and wisdom in the
handling of his troops, and had correctly followed the usual military
rules which would be applicable to the occasion. But somebody appears to
have originated the report that the enemy were about to make a cavalry
charge, and at this crisis, when the troops were ordered to "Form
square," the demon of disaster suddenly appeared. It was the proper
order to have given had there really been a cavalry force advancing, but
as the alarm originated in the imagination of others, for which there
was no valid reason, the movement proved a mistake which turned the tide
of battle and caused the dire disaster for which Lieut.-Col. Booker was,
and is to this day, most unjustly blamed. A little reflection on the
part of his critics might have tended to tone down their asperity and
given him some credit for what he did do, both before and after the
unfortunate order was given. But some person had to take the blame,
and Lieut.-Col. Hooker was made the victim of circumstances. Here was
a volunteer Colonel (who had never previously commanded a brigade)
suddenly placed in command of the whole column because he happened to
be the senior officer present, and ordered to advance across the path
of the enemy to make a junction with Col. Peacocke's forces at
Stevensville. His orders were to leave Port Colborne at a certain hour,
which he did--exactly on time. He was handicapped in many ways, yet he
did his duty and carried out the orders he received to the letter. He
had neither cavalry, artillery or scouts with his column, so that his
position was not a very enviable one. Had Capt. Akers remained with Col.
Booker instead of going off on an excursion with Lieut.-Col. Dennis
on the tug "Robb," his presence might have made some difference in the
fortunes of the battle at Lime Ridge. Lieut.-Col. Booker had no staff
officer to assist him, and in this position Capt. Akers might have been
of some service, and won more glory than he did in the campaign. As to
Lieut.-Col. Booker's conduct on the field at Lime Ridge (which was so
unfavorably commented upon by the public press and carping critics who
accepted the multitude of erroneous rumors that were prevalent during
that period of excitement), it may lie stated that the whole affair was
fully investigated by a Military Court of Inquiry, composed of three
competent officers of high and honorable standing, who took the sworn
testimony of a large number of officers and men who were engaged in the
battle. As the whole evidence, and a full report of the proceedings of
the Court, are published as an appendix to this book, it will prove very
interesting to the reader, and serve to give an intelligent idea of
the events narrated, from which you can draw your own conclusions as to
whether Lieut.-Col. Booker was unjustly censured or not.

Another officer who was roundly condemned by the officers and men under
his command, and by the public generally, for his singular conduct
during the engagement at Fort Erie, was Lieut.-Col. J. S. Dennis, who
was in command of the expedition on the steamer "W. T. Robb." Grave
charges were filed against this officer, which resulted in a Court of
Inquiry being appointed to investigate the case. As the charges made
and the finding of the Court will be found in the latter portion of the
appendix of this book, the writer will not discuss them here. Suffice
it to say that the officers and men of the force which he landed on the
dock at Port Erie on the 2nd of June, and placed in great jeopardy and
peril, were not at all satisfied with the opinion of the Court, which
they considered in the nature of a "white-wash" for Lieut.-Col. Dennis
(and a thin coat at that), as the President of the Court dissented from
the finding of his two colleagues on two charges, but was over-ruled by
them.

CHAPTER XVIII.

DANGERS WHICH EXISTED PREVIOUS TO CONFEDERATION OF THE
PROVINCES--PROPOSALS OF ANNEXATION TO THE UNITED STATES--LESSONS LEARNED
BY THE FENIAN RAID.

Forty-four years have elapsed since the perilous events recorded in
the preceding pages occurred. A new generation has come and grown into
middle life, while the second generation is now budding forth into
manhood and womanhood. How many of these are conversant with the history
of their own country? Beyond a very vague knowledge of what has been
taught to them in a superficial manner in our schools and colleges, and
the fragmentary reminiscences that may have been recounted to them by
their sires and grandsires who passed through these troublous times, it
is doubtful whether even one-tenth of our present population have any
idea of just how near Canada came to being absorbed by the United States
in that critical period.

At that time Canada was in a peculiar position, which may be described
as "a house divided within itself," as there was no cohesion among the
scattered Provinces, each regulating its own affairs, with the exception
of Canada East and Canada West (now Quebec and Ontario) who were
governed by the same Parliament. The situation was certainly a dark and
serious one. We had subtle traitors at home and scheming enemies abroad
who labored assiduously to bring about annexation, but the stern spirit
of loyalty to the British Crown which pervaded the hearts of the people
as a whole, and the wise statesmanship of that noble group of patriots
whose names will go ringing down through the corridors of time in the
existence of our nation as "The Fathers of Confederation," saved the
situation, and made Canada what it is to-day, a heritage of which our
sons and daughters may well feel proud.

It was during the year 1866 that the apostles of Confederation were busy
educating the people of the different Provinces in the creed of that
very desirable proposition. While they met serious opposition in some
portions of what is now our grand Dominion, yet in others the proposal
was received favorably, while one or two of the Provinces expressed an
antipathy to the movement. But just at this time two important events
occurred which had a material bearing on the question, and had an effect
in bringing about the Union. The first was the sudden abrogation by the
United States of the Reciprocity Treaty which for some years had existed
between the Canadian Provinces and that country, and the second the
Fenian Raid. Each of these events sent a thrill through the
Canadian people which fired their hearts and settled the project
of Confederation. The necessity of united action in defence, and
co-operation in other matters for the benefit of the whole, was heartily
admitted, and forthwith the Provinces joined hands and hearts in
bringing about its early consummation. The full meaning of the motto,
"United we Stand--Divided we Fall," was realized by the majority, and
the necessary legislation was carried through the several Provincial
Parliaments that year, which received Imperial sanction, and resulted in
the birth of the Dominion of Canada on July 1st, 1867.

While the campaign for Confederation was in progress, and its stalwart
advocates were using their best endeavors throughout the country to
bring the project to fruition, considerable opposition was manifested by
a certain section who favored annexation to the United States. These men
were backed up by American influences, and went so far as to secure the
assistance of several prominent United States Congressmen to draft a
proposal whereby the Provinces of Canada might become annexed and made
certain States of the Union. The subject was discussed seriously by a
large section of the American press, while statesmen and others who
were eager to acquire our territory lost no opportunity to present their
views in that respect.

While the annexation pot was boiling, and the Fenians were still
threatening another raid, the question was brought before the American
people in a tangible form. On the 2nd of July, 1866, the following bill
was reported to the United States Congress by Representative Banks, and
recommitted to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. As viewed in the light
of the present day, its provisions contain very interesting reading:--

_A Bill for the admission of the States of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick,
Canada East and Canada West, and for the organization of the Territories
of Selkirk, Saskatchewan and Columbia._

SEC. 1. _Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States, of America in Congress assembled,_ That the President
of the United States is hereby authorized and directed, whenever notice
shall be deposited in the Department of State, that the Governments of
Great Britain and the Provinces of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince
Edward Island, Newfoundland, Canada, British Columbia, and Vancouver's
Island, have accepted the proposition hereinafter made by the United
States, to publish by proclamation that, from the date thereof, the
States of Nova-Scotia, New Brunswick, Canada East and Canada West, and
the Territories of Selkirk, Saskatchewan, and Columbia, with limits and
rights as by this Act defined, are constituted and admitted as States
and Territories of the United States of America.

SEC. 2. _Be it further enacted, etc.,_ That the following articles are
hereby proposed, and from the date of the proclamation of the President
of the United States shall take effect, as irrevocable conditions of the
admission of the States of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Canada East
and Canada West, and the future States of Selkirk, Saskatchewan and
Columbia, to wit:

Article I. All public lands not sold or granted; canals, public
harbours, lighthouses and piers; river and lake improvements; railways,
mortgages and other debts due by railway companies to the Provinces;
custom houses and post offices shall vest in the United States; but all
other public works and property shall belong to the State Governments
respectively, hereby constituted, together with all sums due from
purchasers or lessees of lands, mines, or minerals at the time of the
union.

Article II. In consideration of public lands, works, and property vested
as aforesaid in the United States, the United States will assume
and discharge the funded debt and contingent liabilities of the late
Provinces at rates of interest not exceeding five per centum, to
the amount of $85,700,000, apportioned as follows: To Canada West,
$36,500,000; to Canada East, $29,000,000; to Nova Scotia, $8,000,000;
to New Brunswick, $7,000,000; to Newfoundland, $3,200,000; and to Prince
Edward Island, $2,000,000; and in further consideration of the transfer
by said Provinces to the United States of the power to levy import and
export duties, the United States will make an annual grant of $1,646,000
in aid of local expenditures, to be apportioned as follows: To Canada
West, $700,000; to Canada East, $550,000; to Nova Scotia. $165,000; to
Newfoundland, $65,000; to Prince Edward Island, $40,000.

Article III. For all purposes of State organization and representation
in the Congress of the United States. Newfoundland shall be a part of
Canada East, and Prince Edward Island shall be a part of Nova Scotia,
except that each shall always be a separate representative district, and
entitled to elect at least one member of the House of Representatives,
and except also that the municipal authorities of Newfoundland and
Prince Edward Island shall receive the indemnities agreed to be paid by
the United States in Article II.

Article IV. Territorial divisions are established as follows: (1) New
Brunswick, with its present limits; (2) Nova Scotia, with the addition
of Prince Edward Island; (3) Canada East, with the addition of
Newfoundland and all territory east of longitude 80 deg, and south of
Hudson Straits; (4) Canada West, with the addition of territory south
of Hudson's Bay, and between longitude 80 and 90 deg.; (5) Selkirk
Territory, bounded east by longitude 90 deg., south by the late boundary
of the United States, west by longitude 105 deg., and north by the
Arctic Circle; (6) Saskatchewan Territory, bounded east by longitude 105
deg., south by latitude 49 deg., west by the Rocky Mountains, and north
by latitude 70 deg.; (7) Columbia Territory, including Vancouver's
Island and Queen Charlotte's Island, and bounded east and north by the
Rocky Mountains, south by latitude 40 deg., and west by the Pacific
Ocean and Russian America. But Congress reserves the right of changing
the limits and subdividing the areas of the western territories at
discretion.

Article V. Until the next decennial revision, representation in the
House of Representatives shall be as follows: Canada West, 12 members;
Canada East, including Newfoundland, 11 members; New Brunswick, 2
members; Nova Scotia, including Prince Edward Island, 4 members.

Article VI. The Congress of the United States shall enact, in favour of
the proposed Territories of Selkirk, Saskatchewan and Columbia, all the
provisions of the Act organizing the Territory of Montana, so far as
they can be made applicable.

Article VII. The United States, by the construction of new canals, of
the enlargement of existing canals, and by the improvement of shoals,
will so aid the navigation of the St. Lawrence River and the Great Lakes
that vessels of fifteen hundred tons burden shall pass from the Gulf
of St. Lawrence to Lakes Superior and Michigan; _Provided_ that the
expenditure under this Article shall not exceed $50,000,000.

Article VIII. The United States will appropriate and pay to "The
European and North American Railway Company of Maine" the sum of
$2,000,000 upon the construction of a continuous line of railroad from
Bangor, in Maine, to St. John, in New Brunswick; _Provided_ said "The
European and North American Railway Company of Maine" shall release the
Government of the United States from all claims held by its assignees of
the States of Maine and Massachusetts.

Article IX. To aid the construction of a railway from Truro, in Nova
Scotia, to Riviere du Loup, in Canada East, and a railway from the
city of Ottawa, by way of Sault Ste. Marie, Bayfield and Superior, in
Wisconsin. Pembina and Fort Garry, on the Red River of the North, and
the Valley of North Saskatchewan River, to some point on the Pacific
Ocean north of latitude 49 degrees, the United States will grant lands
along the lines of said roads to the amount of twenty sections, or
12,800 acres, per mile, to be selected and sold in the manner prescribed
in the Act, to aid the construction of the Northern Pacific Railroad,
approved July 2, 1862 and Acts amendatory thereof; and, in addition to
said grants of land, the United States will further guarantee dividends
of five per cent, upon the stock of the company or companies which
may be authorized by Congress to undertake the construction of said
railways; _Provided_ that such guarantee of stock shall not exceed the
sum of $30,000 per mile, and Congress shall regulate the securities for
advances on account thereof.

Article X. The public lands in the late Provinces, as far as
practicable, shall be surveyed according to the rectangular system of
the General Land Office of the United States; and in the territories
west of longitude 90 degrees, or western boundary of Canada West,
Sections sixteen and thirty-six shall be granted for the encouragement
of schools, and after the organization of the territories into the
States, 5 per centum of the net proceeds of sales of public lands shall
be paid into their treasurers as a fund for the improvement of roads and
rivers.

Article XI. The United States will pay $10,000,000 to the Hudson Bay
Company in full discharge of all claims to territory or jurisdiction
in North America, whether founded on the charter of the company or any
treaty, law or usage.

Article XII. It shall be devolved upon the Legislatures of New
Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Canada East and Canada West, to conjoin the
tenure of office and the local institutions of said States to the
Constitution and laws of the United States, subject to revision by
Congress.

SEC. 3. _Be it further enacted, etc.,_ If Prince Edward Island or
Newfoundland, or either of those Provinces, shall decline union with the
United States, and the remaining Provinces, with the consent of
Great Britain, shall accept the proposition of the United States,
the foregoing stipulations in favor of Prince Edward Island and
Newfoundland, or either of them, will be omitted; but in all other
respects the United States will give full effect to the plan of union.
If Prince Edward Island, Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick
shall decline the proposition, but Canada, British Columbia and
Vancouver Island shall, with the consent of Great Britain, accept the
same, the construction of a railway from Truro to Riviere du Loup, with
all stipulations relating to the Maritime Provinces, will form no part
of the proposed plan of union, but the same will be consummated in
all other respects. If Canada shall decline the proposition, then the
stipulations in regard to the St. Lawrence canals and a railway from
Ottawa to Sault Ste. Marie, with the Canadian clause of debt and revenue
indemnity, will be relinquished. If the plan of union shall only be
accepted in regard to the north-western territory and the Pacific
Provinces, the United States will aid the construction, on the terms
named, of a railway from the western extremity of Lake Superior, in the
State of Minnesota, by way of Pembina, Fort Garry and the Valley of the
Saskatchewan, to the Pacific Coast, north of latitude 49 deg., besides
securing all the rights and privileges of an American territory to the
proposed Territories of Selkirk. Saskatchewan and Columbia.

The "generosity" of the above proposal was very kind of our neighbors,
but it had no avail. The abrogation of the Reciprocity Treaty and
encouragement of the Fenian Raids by the American people had put the
Canadians on their mettle and stiffened their backbone, so that neither
retaliatory threats or honeyed allurements had any effect in changing
their minds from carving out their own destiny under the broad folds of
the Union Jack. How well this has been done by the earnest efforts and
honest toil of our people, guided by the wisdom and sagacity of those
statesmen who laid the foundation of our Dominion as it exists at
present, is for other nations and other people to judge. Canada enjoys a
prominent position in the estimation of the world to-day, and under the
blessings of the Most High we will continue on in the march of progress
and development of our bountiful resources.

The Fenian Raid, although it cost Canada sacrifices in precious lives
and the expenditure of millions of money, proved of benefit to our young
country in several ways. In the first place, it demonstrated the fact
that the Canadians were loyal and patriotic to their heart's last drop
in preserving British connection, and were true to their Flag and the
freedom it symbolized. Again, the invasion enlightened the Fenian foemen
and all other schemers who cast covetous eyes in our direction, that the
Canadians were capable of protecting themselves, and were ready at all
times to do their duty on the field of battle in defence of their native
land and its institutions. Finally, it taught our people a lasting
lesson in self-reliance, which should be instilled into the hearts and
minds of our future generations, so that they too may always be found
prepared to accept their share of responsibility in defending their
country in times of peril and danger.

The Fenian Raid of 1870

CHAPTER I.

GEN. O'NEIL PREPARES FOR ANOTHER RAID ON CANADA--SECRET SHIPMENT OF ARMS
TO THE FRONTIER.

In the early spring of 1870, the irrepressible General O'Neil (who was
then President of the Fenian Brotherhood) decided that another diversion
should be made on the Canadian frontier, and actively began making
preparations to mass his forces for the invasion.

During the fall and winter of 1869 and 1870 all of the "circles" and
existing military organizations were busy raising the necessary funds
and gathering together the war equipment. The utmost secrecy was
observed on this occasion, as the Fenian leaders were very careful to
avoid a repetition of the intervention of the United States authorities
in thwarting their plans, to cross the border, as was the case in 1866.
So they worked unceasingly and enthusiastically in maturing their plans,
while they maintained absolute silence as to their intentions. The
boasting bombast which had been so largely indulged in previous to the
Raid of 1866 was not manifested on this occasion, consequently little
interest was taken by the general public in Fenian affairs.

During the month of December, 1869, the Ninth Annual Convention of the
Fenian Brotherhood was held in New York City. At this convocation there
was a large gathering of delegates, every State in the Union being
represented. All wore an air of confidence and suppressed emotion. While
enthusiastic and determined at heart, they were careful to conceal their
feelings, so as to avoid betrayal, by the least sign or word, of the
result of their deliberations or the designs of their leaders.

At this meeting the Fenian Senate announced that complete arrangements
had been secretly made for the second invasion of Canada, and asked that
the delegates should ratify the programme. The announcement was hailed
with great satisfaction by all present, and for some moments a regular
pandemonium of cheers and yells of approval prevailed.

After order had been restored, Gen. O'Neil and others vehemently
addressed the delegates, and worked up their patriotic feelings to such
a hot pitch that each and every man present pledged himself to assist in
the enterprise to the fullest extent of his power, even unto death.

A Council of War was then held, when it was resolved to begin active
operations as early in the spring of 1870 as the roads would permit of
the movement of troops. Brigadier-General M. Kerwin was then the Fenian
Secretary of War, and during the next few months was very busy with his
staff, getting everything in readiness. His orders and addresses to the
Irish Republican Army were of such a patriotic and inspiring character
that the officers and men of the various commands were constantly kept
in a state of warlike excitement, which they controlled with marvellous
secrecy. The months of January and February were spent in quiet
preparation, and in March Gen. Kerwin issued a mandate that all military
organizations of the Fenian Brotherhood should hold themselves in
readiness to move forward to the Canadian frontier as soon as the final
orders were issued. Meanwhile cases of arms, ammunition and other war
material were being secretly shipped to different points along the
border under various guises, and trusted officers were at the designated
points to receive them and store them away in secluded hiding places
until they were required. Everything was going along very satisfactory
to the Fenian leaders, and it seemed to them as if Uncle Sam and the
Canadian Government would both be caught napping.

During the first week in April Gen. O'Neil and some of his staff arrived
at a point on the Vermont border to inspect the munitions of war and see
that his directions were being properly carried out. Fifteen thousand
stands of arms, and almost three million rounds of ammunition, had
been actually received and carefully stored at various places along the
frontier between Ogdensburg and St. Albans. Several thousands of these
arms were breech-loading rifles of heavy calibre, for which there was an
unlimited amount of cartridges.

Malone, N.Y., and St. Albans, Vermont, were again selected as bases
of operations by Gen. O'Neil, and these towns were to be his principal
places of muster. When he had concluded his examination of "affairs at
the front," the valiant General was in high spirits, occasioned by the
belief that he would steal a march on the Canadian Government and again
be over the border before his intention was observed. He had taken great
pains to have every preliminary preparation minutely made, and the fact
that he had already smuggled an armament for fully 15,000 men to
the frontier without exciting the suspicion of the usually vigilant
officials of the United States, gave him considerable satisfaction and
confidence. His plan of campaign was to rush the Fenian troops across
the border without delay, and to entrench themselves at points where
reinforcements could rally around them as supports when they had
obtained a foot-hold. Malone and Franklin were chosen as the points from
which the raiders were to make their forays, his chief object being,
as before, to destroy the canal systems, and by cutting the railroad
communication between Montreal and the West, hamper the movement of
Canadian troops and cause consternation among the people.

CHAPTER II.

ANOTHER CALL TO ARMS--FENIANS AGAIN THREATEN AN INVASION--GALLANT
RESPONSE BY THE CANADIAN VOLUNTEERS.

Early in the month of April the Government was apprised by its secret
service agents that Fenian trouble was again brewing on the frontier,
and from details of the plot given, the Vermont border was specially
designated as the quarter from which an invasion was extremely probable.
Prompt measures were at once taken by Sir George E. Cartier, the
Minister of Militia and Defence, to prepare for such an emergency, and
complete arrangements were made to guard our entire frontier whenever
necessary.

Notwithstanding their great secrecy, and the surreptitious methods the
Fenians employed to smuggle their arms, ammunition and war supplies
to the border during the winter months, the Government was kept fully
informed of every movement by reliable officials, who had special means
of getting inside information.

As matters became more threatening, and acting on additional information
received, the Government considered it advisable to call out a force of
5,000 men for active service on the frontier of the Province of Quebec,
the whole to be under the chief command of the Lieutenant-General
commanding Her Majesty's regular troops in Canada, with Col. W. Osborne
Smith, D.A.G. of Military District, No. 5, in command of the troops
operating on the south-eastern frontier.

On April 11th the call to arms was made, and the different battalions
and companies responded with their usual promptitude and alacrity, so
that within 48 hours all were assembled at their posts on the frontier
to which they had been assigned, ready for action.

The Cookshire Troop of Cavalry, under command of Lieut. Taylor, was
stationed at Frelighsburg, with pickets at Pigeon Hill and Abbott's
Corners. The 52nd Battalion, under command of Lieut.-Col. P. Miller,
was posted at Frelighsburg, with detachments stationed as pickets at
Mansonville, Abercorn and Cook's Corners.

The 60th Battalion, under Lieut.-Col. B. Chamberlin, had its
headquarters at Pigeon Hill, with detachments at St. Armand and
Philipsburg.

On the Huntingdon frontier the troops were posted as follows:

At Huntingdon--No. 1 Troop, Montreal Cavalry, in command of Capt. Muir,
with videttes at Franklin and Hemmingford; the 50th Battalion, commanded
by Lieut.-Col. McEachren; and the 51st Battalion, under command of
Lieut.-Col. Rogers, with detachments at Franklin and Havelock.

At Beauharnois--The Beauharnois Battalion, under Lieut.-Col. Rodin, with
a detachment at Valleyfield, guarded the canals.

While the above forces thoroughly covered the exposed points on the
frontier, the following troops were held in reserve at Montreal, ready
to go at a moment's notice to any point where their services might
be urgently required: Montreal Garrison Artillery, two companies
of Engineers, 1st Battalion (Prince of Wales Rifles). 3rd Battalion
(Victoria Rifles), 5th Battalion (Royal Light Infantry). 6th Battalion
(Hochelaga Light Infantry), First Provisional Battalion, Second
Provisional Battalion, 65th Battalion (Mount Royal Rifles), 4th
Battalion (Chasseurs Canadiens)--a total of all ranks of 1,940.

At Quebec a force of 1,617 officers and men of the Sixth Military
District were concentrated, ready for duty anywhere.

On the 12th of April a further call was made for troops to guard the
St. Clair River frontier, in Western Ontario, which was completed as
follows:

At Sarnia--The London Field Battery, with two field guns (manned
and horsed by 35 gunners and drivers), and two companies of the 7th
Battalion of London, under command of Lieut.-Col. Shanly.

At Windsor--The Windsor and Leamington Companies of Infantry (each 55
strong), with Major Walker, of the 7th Battalion, in command.

In addition to the above troops, companies of the Grand Trunk Railway
Brigade were judiciously posted at certain vulnerable points along the
line of that railway by its commander. Lieut.-Col. C. J. Brydges, so
that in all a force of fully 6,000 men were stationed on duty where
required within a very short period.

These troops remained on active service until the 21st of April, when it
was considered advisable to release all from duty with the exception
of the 50th, 51st, 52nd, 60th and Beanharnois Battalions, and the two
troops of cavalry originally placed on the south-eastern frontier, who
remained on duty until the 29th of April, when they were also withdrawn.
The Government was confident of the fact that the services of the
volunteers would be cheerfully and promptly given whenever they would
again be called upon, and in relieving them from duty, thanked them
warmly for their service, and reminded them that it might be necessary
to rally again to the colors almost any day, and to be ready to respond
to the call.

CHAPTER III.

GEN. O'NEIL AGAIN INVADES CANADA--A RAID MADE FROM VERMONT PROMPTLY
REPULSED BY A HANDFUL OF CANADIANS.

About the middle of May orders went forth from Gen. O'Neil for the
Fenian forces to again take the field, and a week later they began to
assemble in the border cities, towns and villages of the United States,
ready for another campaign against Canada. The rallying points were the
same as those designated in Gen. Sweeny's plan of campaign in 1866. Gen.
O'Neil seems to have considered that his chances of success would be
better on the eastern frontier than by again attempting the invasion of
the Niagara District, although his plan was to muster a strong force in
Buffalo, as before, and, if opportunity offered, and he was successful
in the east, to again attempt the passage of the Niagara. Consequently
he gave his personal attention to the troops that were gathering on the
Northern New York and Vermont frontiers, and directed the mobilization
of the divisions at Malone and St. Albans, with the intention of
following out Sweeny's old programme of conquest, while several officers
of experience would lead in the attacks on other points.

The 24th of May (Queen's Birthday) was the date selected for the
invasion, and the night previous every train bound north from New
York, Boston, and the New England States, carried contingents of Fenian
soldiers on their way to the appointed rendezvous on the border. Gen.
O'Neil established his headquarters at Franklin, Vermont, where his
staff were energetically at work equipping the troops as they arrived.
O'Neil fully expected that from 2,000 to 3,000 Fenians would
have assembled at Franklin on the 24th, but through some delay in
transportation the bulk of the forces failed to appear. Only about 800
had reported themselves, and the tardiness of movement of the remainder
of the army threatened a fatal ending to the enterprise. O'Neil chafed
under his disappointment, and sent urgent telegrams and messengers to
hurry up the laggards, but the morning of the 25th dawned without the
arrival of the expected soldiers. Gen. O'Neil then became so impatient
that he could bear the suspense no longer. He was fearful of the
interposition of the United States authorities, and resolved to
immediately advance into Canada with the force present under his
command, and leave his reinforcements to follow.

The Fenian camp was located at Hubbard's Farm (about half a mile
from Franklin), and the officers were busy there distributing arms,
ammunition and equipment. They had collected armament for about
3,000 men, and the cases were opened and scattered along the road
to facilitate the quick issue of rifles and cartridges to the
reinforcements as soon as they arrived.

On the 24th of May President U. S. Grant had issued his proclamation
forbidding a breach of the Neutrality Act. and the United States
officials were prompt in their endeavors to stop the raid. Gen. George
P. Foster (United States Marshal) called on Gen. O'Neil at Franklin,
and after reading to him President Grant's proclamation, endeavored
to dissuade him from advancing over the line. But the Fenian General
refused to comply with his advice, and expressed his contempt for the
President in language more forcible and profane than polite. As Gen.
Foster had no troops at his command to compel obedience by the Fenian
leaders, he crossed over the line and informed the Canadian commander
(Col. Chamberlain) of O'Neil's designs and his inability to stop the
raiders.

About 11 o'clock on May 25th Gen. O'Neil mounted his horse and rode down
from Franklin to the Fenian camp. He realized that if he did not move
quickly there was a probability of the arrival of United States troops
to stop the expedition; therefore he gave immediate orders to his men to
"fall in" for the advance across the border. When the troops were formed
up, he addressed them as follows:--

"Soldiers! This is the advance guard of the Irish-American army for
the liberation of Ireland from the yoke of the oppressor. For your own
country you enter that of the enemy. The eyes of your countrymen are
upon you. Forward--March!"

At the word of command the column moved promptly, with Gen. O'Neil and
Gen. Donnelly (his Chief-of-Staff) at the head, and the green flag of
the Irish Republic flapping in the wind. The Fenian column was formed in
three divisions, consisting of an advance guard of skirmishers, a strong
support of about 200 men, and the balance of their troops in reserve.
They had only a short distance to go before they reached the boundary
line. Some eight rods north of the line (on the Canadian side) is a
gully through which runs a small brook known locally as "Chickabiddy
Creek," over which the road is bridged, and beyond which are the rocky
heights of Eccles' Hill, where a small Canadian force was entrenched
among the rocks and trees awaiting the approach of the invaders.

The house of Alva Richards, about ten rods south of the border line, on
the road from Franklin to Cook's Corners, was chosen by Gen. O'Neil as
his headquarters. From the Richards house to the Canadian position was a
distance of only about a quarter of a mile.

Immediately after crossing the boundary, the Burlington (Vermont)
Company of Fenians (about fifty men), under command of Capt. Cronan,
dashed down the hill to form a skirmish line across the brook. Just as
they did so the Canadians opened fire. At the first volley Private John
Rowe was instantly killed, and Lieut. John Hallinan received a flesh
wound in the arm. The company wavered, and receiving no support, fell
back to the shelter of the Richards house and outbuildings. The next
company (under Capt. Carey) joined Capt. Cronan in the rear of the
house, and commenced firing. Soon afterwards Private James Keenan
ventured out too far and received a ball in the leg, near the ankle.
This hot reception, and the sharp fire of the Canadians, caused
a stampede, and Gen. O'Neil endeavored to rally his troops by the
following address:--

"Men of Ireland! I am ashamed of you. You have acted disgracefully, but
you will have another chance of showing whether you are cravens or not.
Comrades, we must not, _we dare not_, go back now, with the stain of
cowardice upon us. Comrades. I will lead you again, and if you will not
follow me, I will go on with my officers and die in your front. I leave
you now under command of Gen. Boyle O'Reilly."

After this brave utterance, Gen. O'Neil (who had been across the border
on an eminence opposite the Canadian position, watching events) retired
to an attic window in the Richards house, from which point he intended
to observe the fortunes of the day. But the Canadian riflemen having
discovered his presence there, directed their fire upon him, and Mr.
Richards ordered O'Neil to leave his residence, which was getting
seriously damaged by bullets. Just as he went out of the house, General
Foster (United States Marshal), with a couple of his officers, stepped
forward and arrested O'Neil for breach of the Neutrality Act. At first
the Fenian General was very wrathy, and threatened to use force if he
was not released, but on Gen. Foster placing a revolver at his head and
intimating that he would shoot if he did not submit. O'Neil's courage
quailed, and he surrendered. He was shoved into a covered carriage and
driven off to St. Albans under guard of two men, very much dejected.

By this time a contingent of about 500 Fenians had arrived from St.
Albans, and were being armed and equipped at the Fenian camp for the
purpose of making another dash. As O'Neil had been so unceremoniously
whisked away by Gen. Foster, the Fenian army was now without a leader.
So a Council of War was held, all of the leading Fenian officers in the
field being present. Reinforcements were now arriving hourly, and strong
efforts were made to induce Gen. John Boyle O'Reilly (a noted Irish
patriot) to take command and again lead them on to glory. The Council
convened in an open glade near the Fenian camp, where, surrounded by
their troops, the leaders pleaded with Gen. O'Reilly to assume command,
but he could not be prevailed upon to accept the risk, and the spirits
of the raiders sank as they began to realize the hopelessness of their
position.

Early next morning Gen. Spier arrived at St. Albans and endeavored to
bring order out of chaos, and continue O'Neil's plan of invasion. But
by this time the golden opportunity had slipped by, and all chances of
success had vanished. A strong force of Canadians had arrived at the
frontier, determined to resist every foot of advance into Canadian
territory, while a body of United States troops appeared in the rear
of the Fenian army for the purpose of making arrests for breach of the
neutrality laws. Being caught between two fires, they thought discretion
was the better part of valor, and fled in dismay. And thus the grand
"Army of the Irish Republic" melted away in disorganized mobs.

At Malone similar conditions existed, and the large number of Fenians
assembled there were quickly dissolved by the United States troops and
all their war material seized by the United States authorities.

A description of the fight at Eccles' Hill, as viewed from the Canadian
side, is given in the succeeding chapter.

CHAPTER IV.

OPERATIONS ON THE MISSISQUOI FRONTIER--THE BATTLE OF ECCLES'
HILL--COMPLETE DEFEAT OF THE FENIAN ARMY.

On the morning of the 24th of May Lieut.-Col. W. Osborne Smith, Deputy
Adjutant-General of the Fifth Military District, at Montreal, received
advices from trustworthy sources that the Fenians were again assembling
on the Vermont border, and that telegraph wires had been cut in several
places by them. He at once notified the authorities at Ottawa by wire
of these events, and asked for instructions in regard to calling out the
forces under his command for active service.

As was customary, the whole of the Montreal Garrison had been assembled
that day for the usual parade and review in honor of Her Majesty's
birthday. As the hours wore on and no reply had been received from
Ottawa by Col. Smith in answer to his telegrams, he promptly took the
extreme responsibility permitted by the 60th Section of the Militia
Act, and called out for service a large portion of the troops of his
district, including all the frontier and Montreal corps. He reported his
action to the Lieutenant-General Commanding, who approved of his action
and his suggestions as to the disposal of the troops instantly required
on the frontier, and further ordered that he should personally assume
command at the threatened point of attack in the neighborhood of
Frelighsburg.

He then addressed the men on parade, informing them that the Fenians
were on the frontier with warlike intentions, and that from that moment
they were on active service; moreover, that he required five companies
at once to proceed to the frontier under his command. The entire brigade
responded with great enthusiasm, and was ready there and then to
move off to the border to meet the enemy. As the whole force was not
required. Col. Smith made his selections and left for the front within a
few hours, taking with him the Montreal Troop of Cavalry, and companies
from the 1st Prince of Wales Rifles. 3rd Victoria Rifles, 5th Royals,
6th Battalion Hochelaga Light Infantry, together with one officer and
20 men of the Montreal Garrison Artillery. The latter contingent was
detailed to reinforce Isle aux Noix, while the remainder of the force
proceeded on to St. John's. On arrival there the Montreal troops (with
the exception of the cavalry and the company of Victoria Rifles) were
left to garrison St. John's, together with the 21st Battalion and the
St. John's Garrison Battery of Artillery. Lieut.-Col. Fletcher was left
in command at St. John's, with instructions to secure the safety of
that place from a sudden dash by the enemy, and on the following morning
proceed to the Huntingdon frontier and assume command of the troops
assembled there. A party of the 21st Battalion (Richelieu Light
Infantry) was detached at Malmaison to guard the bridge over the Pike
River at that place.

About midnight Col. Smith arrived at Stanbridge Station with the
Montreal Cavalry Troop and the one company of the Victoria Rifles. After
detraining the troops he at once started on his march to Stanbridge
(about eight miles distant). The roads were deep and miry from heavy
rain, and the night intensely dark, but the men, who had been under arms
and with little refreshment since early morning, performed the march
uncomplainingly, and were eager to press on to the front.

At Stanbridge the 60th Missisquoi Battalion, under command of
Lieut.-Col. Brown Chamberlin, were assembling, and on arrival there Col.
Smith learned that a Fenian force had gathered near Franklin, Vermont,
and were preparing to make a dash across the border in the vicinity of
Eccles' Hill.

During the previous night about thirty farmers of the neighborhood (who
had armed and enrolled themselves as a Home Guard, under the leadership
of Mr. Asa Westover, of Dunham) occupied Eccles' Hill, a strong position
on the frontier, with the determined intention to keep the Fenians in
check until the arrival of the regular volunteer force. On Lieut.-Col.
Chamberlin's arrival at Stanbridge on the night of the 24th he found
No. 3 Company of the 60th Battalion assembled, and was informed by Capt.
Kemp, his Adjutant, of the state of affairs at the front. He was quick
to act, and sent forward a picket to Cook's Corners, in support of
the party occupying Eccles' Hill, with instructions to move forward at
daylight and reinforce it. Another detachment of 24 men, under Capt.
Bockus of No. 5 Company of the 60th, were ordered to move up as
supports to Cook's Corners at daylight, and later to reinforce the men
in their position at the Hill. In the early hours of the morning two
prisoners were captured by the farmers near their position, one of whom
was a Fenian captain named Murphy, and the other one of his men. They
were sent under guard of a corporal and two men to Stanbridge. This left
Lieut.-Col. Chamberlin's total force at the front three officers and 46
men of the 60th Battalion, and 35 farmers.

Lieut.-Col. Chamberlin made his dispositions by placing a picket, of
one officer and ten men on his right rear, and the remainder of the
volunteers (two officers and 36 men) were posted among the rocks and
trees, and behind the fences stretching from the road to the crest of
the hill, while the right flank was protected by the 35 farmers, most of
whom were sharp-shooters. Thus Lieut.-Col. Chamberlin's combined force
to resist an attack was two officers and 71 men.

On a hill about 300 yards distant, across the American border, the
sentries of the advanced guard of the enemy were visible, while a short
distance beyond their main body were preparing for an advance on to
Canadian soil.

Shortly before 12 o'clock (noon). General Foster, the United States
Marshal for the Northern District of Vermont, drove over to the Canadian
lines and had an interview with Lieut.-Col. Chamberlin. He said that he
desired to offer assurances that his Government and himself personally
were doing all that was possible to prevent a raid, and that the United
States troops were being moved up to assist him in the discharge of his
duty and enforcement of the neutrality laws as fast as they could be
transported. He also stated that he was charged with a message from
Gen. O'Neil, to say that those under his command would not make war upon
women or children, nor be permitted to plunder peaceable inhabitants,
but would conduct their war in the manner approved among civilized
nations.

Col. Chamberlin replied that he would receive no message from men who
were mere pirates and marauders, and it was scarcely satisfactory to
those whom they intended to murder, because they were in arms for the
defence of their Government and country, that their piracy would not be
attended with unusual barbarities.

While they were still in conversation, the head of the Fenian column
began to advance. Lieut.-Col. Chamberlin called Gen. Foster's attention
to the fact, who replied, "I thought they intended to attack you soon,
but not so soon as this." He then drove away in the direction of and
past the advancing Fenian column.

Lieut.-Col. Chamberlin then hastily made such disposition of his small
force as seemed most advantageous, with Capt. Bockus on the left of the
skirmish line, which rested on the main road.

The enemy advanced in close column, about 200 strong, with an advance
guard about 100 yards ahead of the main body. On its approach to the
boundary line it was ordered to move at the double, and the advance
guard rushed across. As soon as it was on Canadian soil, Lieut.-Col.
Chamberlin's men opened fire on the advance guard. The fire was returned
from the main column of attack, which was still within United States
territory. The conflict then became general. Upon the first volley from
the Canadians one man in the leading section of the Fenian advance guard
was shot dead and others wounded. The remaining men comprising it then
sought refuge behind the neighboring barns and under a bridge near at
hand. The main body halted, wavered, partially rallied again, and then,
being galled by the well-directed fire of the Canadians, broke and ran
for cover behind the houses and stone fences along the road, or made
their way to a wood which crowned the summit of the hill opposite to our
position on the western side of the road, another man being killed
and several more wounded while seeking this shelter. From this time a
desultory fire was kept up from behind trees and fences.

Col. Smith was on the way to Stanbridge for the purpose of ordering up
reinforcements to strengthen the position at Eccles' Hill, when he was
overtaken by a mounted messenger sent by Lieut.-Col. Chamberlin, stating
that the Fenians were on the point of attack. He therefore ordered his
aide (Capt. Gascoigne) to hasten on to Stanbridge and bring up every
available man, and at once rode back to Eccles' Hill. On arrival there
he found that the first attack had been bravely repulsed by Lieut.-Col.
Chamberlin's men, and assumed command of the future operations. The
total force of the Fenians had not yet been brought into action, their
reserve of 350 or 400 men being still on the American side of the border
line. A possible attack being feared from this force, Col. Smith took
every precaution to hold his own until reinforcements arrived. About
2.30 p.m. the Montreal Troop of Cavalry, a company of the Victoria
Rifles, and another detachment of 20 men of the 60th Battalion, reached
the Canadian position from Stanbridge. With this additional force Col.
Smith was enabled to strengthen his skirmish line, and better secure the
right flank of his position. Firing was kept up until about 5 o'clock,
when the Fenian fire began to slacken, with the exception of a few
dropping shots from the enemy, who had taken shelter in the houses
along the road. These riflemen were carefully marked by the Canadian
skirmishers, and searched for by a shower of bullets whenever a shot was
fired.

About 6 o'clock the Fenians were busy getting a field gun in position,
and had it placed about 1,200 yards in front of the Canadian line. But
before it was fired Col. Smith ordered an advance of his force, the
detachment of the 60th Battalion and the Home Guards advancing in
skirmishing order, and the company of Victoria Rifles covering their
advance from the slope of the hill. This movement was well executed,
and had the effect of driving the Fenians from their cover in all
directions, in full flight. Not over a dozen shots were fired by them
against the Canadians in their retreat. They threw away their arms,
accoutrements and clothing as they ran, and did not stop until they were
far over the American border.

At nightfall three shots were fired by the Fenians from their field gun,
but their aim was faulty, and the shots did no damage to our men. During
the whole engagement not one of the Canadians was even wounded.

The Fenian loss was four or five killed and 15 or 18 wounded. Three
of their dead were at one time plainly in view from our lines, while
another was reported as lying dead in a brook at the foot of the hill.
Among the wounded was the Fenian General Donnelly. During the night
lights were seen moving over the fields in search of the Fenian dead and
wounded, who were removed to the United States by civilians. After his
defeat the repulsed General O'Neil took refuge in a brick house, from
which he was turned out by the owner. He then hastened to the rear, and
on arrival on American territory was arrested by Gen. Foster, the United
States Marshal, for breach of the neutrality laws.

The Canadian troops held their position and laid on their arms all
night, expecting another attack, but the enemy had seen enough of
Canadian valor, and did not make the attempt again to renew the combat.

On the following morning the Fenians abandoned their camp at Hubbard's
Farm, leaving large quantities of arms, ammunition and clothing, which
were seized by the United States Government. Their rifles were the best
obtainable at that time, being breech-loading Springfields and Spencers
of the latest pattern. Their field-piece (which was a breech-loading
rifled steel gun) was captured on Canadian soil, and is one of the
trophies held by the Missisquoi Home Guard in memory of O'Neil's dismal
failure to capture Canada in 1870.

CHAPTER V.

THE ONTARIO FRONTIER VIGILANTLY GUARDED--VOLUNTEERS ON SERVICE AT DANGER
POINTS ALL ALONG THE LINE.

On the frontier of the Province of Ontario the danger of invasion was
just as imminent as in the East, as Fenians were assembling at all
points with definite objects in view. The invasion was well planned, but
its execution was very poorly managed. It was not the intention of the
Fenian leaders to bring on battles at either Eccles' Hill or Trout River
unless success was well assured. These were only intended to be feints
to draw the attention of the Canadians, while the main attacks were
to be made at Cornwall and Prescott, with another heavy attack on the
Niagara frontier if opportunity offered. Their object (as in 1866)
was to destroy the St. Lawrence and Welland Canals and cut railway
communication wherever practicable, thus preventing rapid concentration
of Canadian troops while they proceeded to occupy the country. In
conformity with their plans the Fenian troops gathered at convenient
places to make their raids on the objective points in Ontario they had
in view.

Owing to the extreme probability of an attack being made on Cornwall by
the Fenians who had gathered at Malone, N.Y., it was deemed advisable by
the Government to assemble a large force for the defence of that place
as speedily as possible. Therefore orders were wired at 2 p.m. on May
24th to Lieut.-Col. F. T. Atcherly, Deputy Adjutant-General of the
4th Military District, to call out the militia force at Brockville and
Prescott forthwith for active service. This was immediately accomplished
and guards posted for the protection of these towns. On the following
day he received instructions to proceed at once to Cornwall and assume
command of the force there. He arrived at Cornwall that night with
the Iroquois Battery of Garrison Artillery, and in conjunction with
Lieut.-Col. Bergin, commanding the 59th Battalion, made all the
necessary dispositions of guards for the protection of the town and the
locks and bridges on the Cornwall Canal. In the meantime the entire
59th Battalion had been mustered, and on the following day his force
was strengthened by the arrival of a demi-battery of the Ottawa Field
Artillery, with two guns and 23 horses, under command of Capt. Forsyth,
and also the Ottawa Brigade of Garrison Artillery, under Lieut.-Col.
Forrest. About the same time the 18th Battalion began to arrive from
L'Orignal, having been conveyed the whole distance in waggons. During
the afternoon the 41st Battalion, under command of Lieut.-Col. Crawford,
arrived by steamer from Brockville. In addition to this force, a corps
of mounted scouts of about 60 men had been organized by Lieut.-Col.
Bergin, and placed under command of Capt. Mattice. This company did most
excellent service at night, patrolling along the banks of the canal from
the guard lock at Dickinson's Landing to the village of Summerstown, a
distance of about 21 miles. Strong pickets were posted every night to
guard the culverts in the canal at various places. At the guard lock
at the head of the canal, No. 5 Company of the 59th Battalion, under
command of Capt. Bredin, was stationed, and did very excellent
service. The town of Cornwall and the lower locks of the canal were so
efficiently guarded and the surrounding country so thoroughly patrolled,
that had an attack been made the invaders would certainly have met with
a decidedly hot reception by Col. Atcherley's force.

While the land forces were so arduously performing their duties, the
steamer "Prince Alfred" was employed in patrolling the river. She was
manned by a detachment of artillerymen and sharp-shooters, who
were unceasing in their vigilance to overhaul any craft that looked
suspicious.

Lieut.-Col. W. H. Jackson, Brigade Major of the 8th Brigade Division,
was in command of the force which assembled at Prescott, and performed
the arduous duties required of him most efficiently. On the departure
of Lieut.-Col. F. T. Atcherly to take command of the force at Cornwall,
Lieut.-Col. Jackson was instructed to assume command of the forces which
were concentrating at Preseott. A large body of Fenians had gathered
at Ogdensburg, just across the river, and rumors were rife that they
intended making a crossing. He accordingly took prompt precautions to
place that important point in a state of defence. The troops at his
command were one division of the Ottawa Field Battery, with two guns;
the Ottawa Rifle Company (Capt. Mowat), the 43rd Carleton Battalion
(Lieut.-Col. Bearman), and the 56th Battalion Lisgar Rifles (Lieut.-Col.
Jessup). In addition he had two companies of Railway Guards, making his
total force about 750 officers and men. With this command he thoroughly
guarded, picketed and patrolled every important point east, west and
north, and so keen was his vigilance that the enemy across the river
could find no loop-hole for an attack and abandoned their intention.
This force was kept on duty until the 3rd of June, when the danger
having passed, they were relieved from further service.

The situation at Brockville was as grave as at other points along the
frontier, owing to its close contiguity to the American shore. It was
the headquarters of the 42nd Battalion, which was speedily mustered
under command of Lieut.-Col. J. D. Buell. Several of the companies of
this corps were located many miles from headquarters, but on receiving
the call for active service they moved with remarkable activity, and
arrived at the frontier within 24 hours after the summons had been sent
forth. No. 4 Company (Capt. Allan Fraser), from Fitzroy, had about
80 miles to travel, partly by waggon and partly by rail. They quickly
mustered at Kinburn and moved with such celerity that they reported at
Brockville early the next morning. Such, indeed, was the spirit that
prevailed among the volunteers everywhere, and to their promptness is
due the defeat of the enemy's plans. The Forty-second did very great
service in protecting the railway docks and other points of landing at
Brockville, besides patrolling the river banks as far east as Maitland,
thus keeping up a chain of communication with the garrison at Prescott.
Several "scares" occurred during the time they were on service, which
caused sleepless nights, but by their vigilance the Fenians were
deterred from making an attack. All were prompt, willing and eager to
obey every command, and were warmly commended for the soldierly manner
in which they performed their duty.

For the protection of the Niagara frontier, all available troops in the
immediate vicinity were called out for active service on the 24th of
May. The Nineteenth Lincoln Battalion, under command of Lieut.-Col. J.
G. Currie, the St. Catharines Troop of Cavalry under Capt. Gregory, and
the St. Catharines Battery of Garrison Artillery, were quickly assembled
and placed on active service. One company of the 19th was detached
to guard the Suspension Bridge at Clifton, in conjunction with three
companies of the 44th Welland Battalion. The remainder of the 19th
Battalion were posted as follows:--Two companies (with regimental
staff) consisting of 12 officers and 87 men, at St. Catharines and Port
Dalhousie; one company (Capt. Upper) with three officers and 42 men at
Niagara; three officers and 42 men at Port Robinson, three officers and
42 men at Welland, and three officers and 42 men at Allanburg.

The St. Catharines Troop of Cavalry (Capt. Gregory) was despatched to
Chippawa to patrol the River Road between that point and Fort Erie--one
officer and 13 troopers being stationed at Chippawa; one officer and
13 men at Black Creek, and one officer and 14 men at Fort Erie. This
command maintained a complete system of patrols along the upper Niagara
River. Two companies of the 44th Battalion were also stationed at
Chippawa to guard the bridges and approaches to that place.

The St. Catharines Battery of Garrison Artillery (Capt. Thomas Oswald)
was attached to the 19th Battalion, a portion of the Battery, under
Lieut. J. G. Holmes, doing duty in guarding the locks on the Welland
Canal at Allanburg, and the remainder being placed on board the tug
"Clara Carter" with two field guns, which boat was employed to cruise
Lake Erie and the Niagara River.

The Queenston Mounted Infantry, under command of Capt. Robert Currie,
maintained an efficient patrol of the lower Niagara frontier, with two
officers and 18 men at Niagara, and one officer and 18 men at Queenston.

The 37th Haldimand Battalion was ordered to Port Colborne, and also the
Welland Canal, Field Battery, where they maintained a vigilant, guard
on the entrance to the Welland Canal, which was threatened by an Fenian
attack.

The United States gunboat "Michigan" was at Port Colborne on the 24th,
and left on a cruise along the shores of Lake Erie with positive orders
from the American Government to sink any piratical craft that might
attempt to make a crossing. The Fenians assembled at Buffalo were
anxious to get over into Canada, but could not get any ship owners
willing to take the risk in face of such orders.

With the Niagara frontier thus protected and the remainder of the Active
Militia in Toronto, Hamilton, Brantford and all other points in the
Second Military District under orders to be prepared to move whenever
their services might be required, the danger was averted, and the alarm
of the people of that section soon subsided. The total strength of the
force on active service on the Niagara frontier at that time (under
command of Lieut-Col. Durie, D.A.G.) amounted to 1,159, consisting of 93
officers and 966 men, with 147 horses and four guns.

To guard the St. Clair River frontier, a sufficient force was placed
on active service to keep in check any raiders that might attempt a
crossing from the State of Michigan, while all of the troops in the
First Military District were warned to be ready to move to the front
when summoned. The troops called out were posted as follows:--

_At Sarnia_--London Field Battery, with two guns, three officers, 30
men and 25 horses, Lieut.-Col. Shanly commanding; Mooretown Mounted
Infantry, three officers, 39 men and 42 horses, Capt. Stewart
commanding; 27th Battalion of Infantry, 24 officers and 224 men,
Lieut.-Col. Davis commanding.

_At Windsor_--St. Thomas Cavalry Troop (Capt. Borbridge), six officers,
42 men and 45 horses; Leamington Infantry Company (Capt. Wilkinson),
three officers and 45 men; Windsor Infantry Company (Capt. Richards),
three officers and 42 men; Bothwell Infantry Company (Capt. Chambers),
three officers and 40 men; Lobo Infantry Company (Capt. Stevenson),
three officers and 47 men.

Ceaseless vigilance was in evidence everywhere among the volunteers who
guarded the points above mentioned, and the troops on duty were fully
prepared for any invading force that might set foot on our soil. But
fortunately the Province of Ontario was spared a repetition of the
events of 1866, although it was not the fault of the enemy, who made
strenuous efforts to get over the border. In 1870 President Grant took
prompt measures to prevent unlawful expeditions from leaving the United
States, and through the watchfulness of the American Government the
designs of the Fenian leaders were defeated. Generals O'Neil, Starr,
Gleason, O'Reilly, Donnelly and others had been promptly arrested by the
United States authorities, and the rank and file soon abandoned their
campaigns and returned to their homes.

PERSONAL REMINISCENCES.

While perusing the fyles of the Toronto _Globe_ in the Public Reference
Library recently, my eye caught the following item in the issue of that
journal dated June 1st, 1870, which brought back to memory personal
reminiscences which may be of interest:

"The St. Catharines Journal says that three young Canadians in Corry,
Pa., named respectively John A. and George Macdonald, of St. Catharines,
and Thomas Kennedy, of Niagara, hearing that the Fenians were on
Canadian soil, determined to be on hand in the hour of danger, and at
once took train for home, arriving at St. Catharines last Wednesday
night (May 25th). It is no small thing for a working man to throw up a
situation and sacrifice all for their love of country, and Canada should
be proud of such sons."

At the time the Fenians were getting ready to make their second invasion
of Canada in 1870, the writer of this book was employed as a newspaper
reporter in a town in Pennsylvania where Fenianism was rampant, and
in the course of my daily duties had rare opportunities for gleaning
information as to the intentions of "the Brotherhood." I noticed that
preparations were being made with the utmost secrecy possible, and that
those who were engaged in organizing the movement were men of the most
determined and desperate character. I chanced to know some of them
personally, and by a careful process of reportorial "interviewing,"
learned that a sudden dash on Canadian territory was to be made within
a few days. The chief desire of the leaders was to keep their intentions
from the knowledge of the United States authorities, and they were very
averse to giving the least publicity as to their movements.

However, in a casual way I received information from a reliable source
that large numbers of men were on their way from the southern part
of Pennsylvania. Ohio. Indiana. Kentucky, Tennessee and other places,
travelling as ordinary passengers, and that they would rendezvous at
Erie. Dunkirk. Buffalo, Niagara Falls and other places along the
border, where they were to receive their equipment. This news I duly
communicated to my friends at home (St. Catharines) and gave them notice
that trouble was impending.

The next day (25th of May) things were looking more serious. About 9
o'clock in the morning I went down to the railway depot on my quest
for "news items." and found that two trains had just arrived--one from
Pittsburgh and the other from Central Ohio, on which were an unusually
large number of men, who were bound for Buffalo. They were swarming on
the station platforms and patronizing nearby saloons and restaurants
freely while waiting for train connections. I wanted more information,
and mingled with them with the intention of getting it. Most of them
were very reticent, but I finally found out, by judicious pumping of
a burly fellow from Pittsburgh, that they were Fenians on their way to
Canada. I instantly made up my mind that it was time for me to go home.
I had previously written to the Captain of my old corps (in which I
had served at Fort Erie in 1866) giving him "pointers" as to what the
Fenians were doing, and notifying him that I would be home to fill my
place in the ranks when occasion required. I considered that the time
had now arrived for prompt action on my part, and as the train was due
to leave within an hour, I hurried over to my employer and explained
matters, resigned my situation, got my salary, secured my valise (which
I had already packed), and was ready to leave in less than half an hour.
My brother (George M. Macdonald), who was also employed on the same
paper as myself, did likewise, and when we were leaving the office our
employer very cordially commended our action and bade us "God speed" on
our journey, at the same time handing us a roll of money "for present
use," as he expressed it, and adding that when the trouble was over
and we were ready to return, our situations would be open for us. Such
generous kindness, and the warm words of appreciation of our services
which accompanied the genial "good-by" of our employer, touched us both
deeply, and have remained in my memory ever since as one of the bright
spots in my life. On our way to the station we met another Canadian
(Thomas Kennedy), whose old home was at Niagara, where he belonged to
No. 1 Company of the 19th Battalion. He was greatly "worked up" when he
saw the Fenian contingent getting ready to start, and when we informed
him of our intentions, he resolutely remarked. "Boys, I'm going home,
too; and as I haven't got time to go down to my boarding-house for my
clothes, I'll go just as I am. We'll be in uniform in Canada to-morrow."
So he came with us. By this time the train was ready to leave, and we
managed to get a double seat in one end of the car. The coach we were in
was soon filled with Fenians, and the vacant seat beside me was taken
by a sturdy-looking fellow who confidentially told us that he was a
Sergeant in a company from Cincinnati, and that a large force of
"the byes" were proceeding to the frontier. From this soldier we got
considerable valuable information as to the strength and composition of
the troops on the train, and also those following, which was carefully
stored in our memories and afterwards duly reported to the Canadian
authorities. Two or three times this Sergeant inquired what company of
Fenians we belonged to, but we artfully managed to evade a direct answer
to his questions, and switched the conversation in another direction.
Had he realized or became aware of the fact that we were Canadians on
our way home to take up arms against him and his comrades, there is no
doubt but that we would have had a very unpleasant experience on that
car. Quite a number of the Fenians on board were under the influence of
liquor, and as they pushed around their bottles of whiskey several of
them forgot the lessons of caution that had been impressed upon them by
their officers, and became very talkative as to their organization
and intentions. Our ears were strained to catch every syllable, and we
gathered considerable desired information that otherwise would not have
leaked out. On arrival at Dunkirk our travelling companion (the Fenian
Sergeant) left the train with about twenty men, bidding us a friendly
farewell and saying that perhaps we might soon meet again, "in the camp
or in the field." We hoped the latter, but did not consider it necessary
to explain our thoughts. We were much pleased to lose this gentleman's
company, as he had again began to persistently ask us awkward questions
as to what Irish Republican Regiment we were in, and who were our
officers; also what Fenian "circle" we belonged to, and who was the
"Centre" of it. Such queries were so very pointed and direct that we
were obliged to use all sorts of evasions and diplomacy to throw our
interlocutor off his guard. Before we reached Buffalo another chap
approached us, and began asking a series of vexing questions, but
fortunately the conductor just then happened to come through the car,
and we disposed of the inquisitive Fenian by halting the train official
and asking him a lot of questions about railway connections for points
east, and other matters, of which we knew as much as he did. The Fenian
stood by for a while listening, until a comrade in the centre of the car
called him to partake of some liquid refreshments. He promptly responded
to the summons, and after a liberal libation from the neck of a bottle
he seemed to forget all about us, for which we were duly thankful. A few
moments afterward our Fenian friend broke forth into song in stentorian
tones, in which the rest of his comrades joined in the rendition of
"The Wearin' o' the Green." This diversion drew their attention from our
direction until the train finally rolled into the Exchange Street Depot
at Buffalo. We quietly slipped off the rear platform of the car, and
were obliged to elbow our way through a throng of Fenians who had
gathered to meet the new arrivals. On reaching the street we quickly
proceeded across to the Erie Street Station, where we caught the evening
train for Suspension Bridge. This train also was pretty well tilled with
Fenians, but we were not bothered by any of them on the way. Soon after
we crossed the Niagara River and were on Canadian soil. To express our
gratification and pleasure to be once more at home in our native land,
cannot be fully expressed in words, so I will leave the feeling to be
imagined by the reader.

That night at 9 o'clock my brother and myself reported to Capt. Thomas
Oswald in the Drill Shed at St. Catharines. The old St. Catharines
Battery of Garrison Artillery was on parade, and when we made our
appearance we received such a hearty reception and ovation that the
ringing cheers of my old comrades and their spontaneous greetings still
haunt my memory. We were immediately ushered into the Armory by the
Quartermaster-Sergeant, who issued to us our uniforms and equipments,
and in half an hour we were again in the ranks, ready for service in
defence of Canada.

Both my brother George and Comrade Tom Kennedy have long since passed
away to eternal rest, and as an affectionate tribute to their memory and
worth, and in remembrance of their loyal devotion to Queen and country.
I deem it fitting to here put on record this evidence of the high spirit
of patriotism which inspired these noble boys to respond to the call of
duty when dancer threatened their native land.

CHAPTER VI.

FENIANS GATHER ON THE HUNTINGDON BORDER--SKIRMISH AT TROUT RIVER--THE
ENEMY ROUTED BY THE CANADIAN TROOPS.

Simultaneous with Gen. O'Neil's raid into Canada at Eccles' Hill on May
25th, an invasion took place on the Huntingdon border, when a strong
force of Fenians under command of Generals Starr and Gleason advanced
about a mile and a half into the Province of Quebec, on the line of
the Trout River. On arrival at a chosen position which possessed
great advantages for a successful defence, they began throwing up
entrenchments, and prepared to make a determined stand. A whole day was
spent in the work of constructing rifle pits and breastworks, but being
no doubt discouraged by the news of O'Neil's defeat at Eccles' Hill,
they abandoned their position on the 26th and returned to their camp on
the American side of the line. While there they evidently received
some encouragement and reinforcements, as they returned to their
entrenchments in Canada early on the morning of Friday, the 27th of
May, and re-occupied their works, which they busily began to strengthen.
Their rifle pits were dug in front of some hop-fields, defended
by stockades, with a stout barricade across the road. The line of
entrenchments rested on the river on one side and a dense wood on
the other, while their centre was strongly protected by a forest of
hop-poles, through which their retreat, in case of necessity, would
be comparatively safe. The whole position was chosen with considerable
skill, and was so strong that 500 men could easily have held off several
thousands for a considerable length of time, had they been properly
directed.

The Canadian force chosen to operate against this column of the enemy
was composed of H. M. 69th Regiment, the 50th Battalion (Huntingdon
Borderers), and the Montreal Garrison Artillery, the whole under command
of Col. Bagot. At 3 o'clock in the morning of the 27th, the Montreal
Garrison Artillery and the Huntingdon Borderers were ordered on the
march from Huntingdon Village, where they had arrived the previous
night. In less than two hours the whole force was on the move along the
road leading to Holbrook's Corners. At 8 o'clock the entire column had
reached Hendersonville, which is two miles from Holbrook's, and there
one company of the Montreal Garrison Artillery (under Capt. Rose) was
ordered to proceed along the concession road to the west in order to
flank the enemy, whose glittering bayonets were plainly visible in
the sunlight as they were drilling in a field about a mile and a half
distant.

The advance guard of the Fenians were posted behind a very strong
entrenchment, with their right flank resting on the river and their left
covered by the woods. Their skirmishers were about 150 in number, and
their supports and reserves (amounting to about 300 or 400 more) were
stationed a short distance in the rear.

The Huntingdon Borderers formed the Canadian advance guard, and as soon
as they had approached within about 300 yards of the Fenian position,
were deployed in skirmishing order, and advanced with great gallantry.
The centre support was composed of one company of the 69th Regiment,
under Capt. Mansfield and Lieut. Atcheson. The remainder of the 69th,
under Major Smythe, was drawn up in quarter distance column as a
reserve. One company of the Montreal Garrison Artillery (under Capt.
Doucet) marched across the bridge and along the road on the left, and
afterwards took part in the engagement with those who had been sent in
the opposite direction further back, to prevent a flanking movement from
either side. The remainder of the Artillery and Engineers, under Capt.
Hall, marched to the front as a reserve, but afterwards returned to
Holbrook Bridge, which it was feared the Fenians might attempt to
capture, and advance along the south side of the river. The skirmish
line advanced with great steadiness against the enemy behind the
entrenchments. The Fenians fired three volleys as they advanced, the
fire being promptly returned by our men as they gallantly moved forward.
When the Canadians came within 100 yards of the entrenchments, the
Fenians fell back through the hop-field, firing as they retreated, and
when they got beyond its protection, ran for the buildings further back,
where it was thought they would make a stand. Col. Bagot then ordered
Capt. Mansfield's company of the 69th to fix bayonets and charge,
which was done in grand style, amid loud cheering, and resulted in
the complete rout of the Fenians. Capt. Hall's Battery of the Montreal
Garrison Artillery, directed by Lieut. Fitzgeorge, cleared the wood on
the left in a very thorough manner, and soon the whole Fenian army were
in a helter-skelter race out of Canada and back to American territory.
When the Canadian troops reached the boundary Col. Bagot had great
difficulty in restraining them from crossing into the United States
after the fugitives, so eager were they to effect the capture of the
marauders. The Fenians were so swift in their retreat that only one
was captured, but three men were killed and several wounded during the
fight. No losses occurred among the Canadians.

The Fenians were utterly dispirited and completely demoralized, and
when their commanders (Gen. Starr and Gen. Gleason) were arrested at
St. Albans by the United States authorities on the following day, they
abandoned all further thoughts of invading Canada, and left for their
homes thoroughly sick of their experience on their excursion to Trout
River.

At Buffalo, Detroit, Ogdensburg, and other points where Fenians had
gathered for the purpose of invading Canada, the news of the fizzles at
Eccles' Hill and Trout River caused consternation and depression among
their ranks, and the fact that Gen. O'Neil and several others of their
military leaders were in jail on serious charges, served to put an end
to all thoughts of continuing the movement, and they hastily dispersed
and returned to their homes.

Gen. O'Neil was brought to trial some time after by the United States
Government, on a charge of violation of the Neutrality Laws, and was
sentenced to six months' imprisonment. This was a hard blow to the
Fenian organization, and it gradually went to pieces.

But the warlike spirit had not died out in O'Neil, and he began to plan
new ideas. His hatred of British institutions appears to have been so
deep-seated that he was willing to sacrifice not only his liberty,
but life itself, to undertake any scheme that had for its object their
overthrow, and it was not long before he was again implicated in a plot
against the Dominion of Canada.

Shortly after his release from prison in 1870, he entered into a
conspiracy with emissaries of the rebel Louis Riel to assist in a great
uprising in the Canadian Northwest, in which the Indians and half-breeds
were to be utilized. O'Neil was ready for anything, and consented
to invoke Fenian aid in conjunction with Riel's rebellious plans, by
participating in an invasion of Manitoba. He managed to obtain a few
hundred stands of breech-loading rifles and a quantity of ammunition
that had escaped seizure by the United States authorities at the time of
the Fenian Raid of 1870, and with the assistance of Gen. J. J. Donnelly,
he fitted out an expedition on the Minnesota frontier. He started from
Port Pembina, Minn., on October 5th, 1871, to invade Manitoba and raise
his standard, but had barely crossed over the boundary line when he was
arrested, with his troops. All of their armament was seized and they
were marched back as prisoners to Pembina and handed over to the United
States authorities. They were indicted on charges of breach of the
Neutrality Laws, but at the trial were acquitted on some slight
technicality.

This ended Gen. O'Neil's career as a filibuster, and becoming
disheartened and discouraged by his failures, he began drinking heavily,
and soon became a wreck, subsequently dying alone and miserable as the
result of his excesses, "unwept, unhonored and unsung."

CHAPTER VII.

THE DAWN OF PEACE--THE VOLUNTEERS RELIEVED FROM FURTHER SERVICE--THANKED
BY THE GOVERNMENT AND THE LIEUTENANT-GENERAL COMMANDING.

The active militia of the Dominion which was called out for active
service remained on duty wherever posted until all signs of danger had
disappeared, and were then withdrawn by degrees, until on the 3rd of
June all were released from duty and directed to return to their homes.

The Honorable Minister of Militia, in his report of the military
operations, paid the following tribute to the gallantry of the volunteer
militia force on this occasion:--

"Although the honor and satisfaction of repelling these lawless invaders
had fallen to the lot of a few gallant men of the active militia, the
desire evinced by the whole force called out to be afforded a similar
opportunity of inflicting well-merited punishment on those daring to
invade Canadian soil, was universally and ardently longed for; and,
doubtless, had any attempt been made in force by the enemy to penetrate
into the country, they would have met with heavier punishment than they
experienced in this futile attempt--all classes in the Dominion (both
French as well as English-speaking Canadians) having turned out manfully
in so good a cause; and when it is considered that a great majority of
the militia men called out are farmers, that the call made upon them was
in the midst of their sowing season, that at the first sound of danger
they gave up their work, abandoning their fields and their families,
risking, perhaps, the loss of a whole year's crop, and the manifest
distress which such would have entailed, it is not too much to say that
they have well-earned the gratitude and admiration of their Queen and
country for the self-sacrifice they exhibited, and the courage and
loyalty they displayed.

"As an interesting proof of the loyalty and patriotism displayed by
Canadians who at this period (as in 1866) were resident in the United
States, many of them came home at the first note of alarm to take their
places in the ranks of the active militia force to assist in defence
of their country, for which they received the special thanks of the
Government."

The Lieutenant-General in command of Her Majesty's troops in Canada,
who was in supreme control of the active militia force of Canada, also
recognized their faithful service by issuing the following order:--

HEADQUARTERS, MONTREAL, 4th June, 1870.

GENERAL ORDERS No. 1.

Canada has once more been invaded by a body of Fenians, who are
citizens of the United States, and who have again taken advantage of the
institutions of that country to move without disguise large numbers of
men and warlike stores to the Missisquoi and Huntingdon frontiers, for
the purpose of levying war upon a peaceful community.

From both these points the invading forces have been instantly driven
with loss and in confusion, throwing away their arms, ammunition and
clothing, and seeking shelter within the United States. Acting with a
scrupulous regard for the inviolability of a neighboring territory,
the troops were ordered to the halt, even though in pursuit, upon the
border.

The result of the whole affair is mainly due to the promptitude with
which the militia responded to the call to arms, and to the rapidity
with which their movements to the front were carried out, and the
self-reliance and steadiness shown by this force, as well as by the
armed inhabitants on the frontier. The regular troops were kept in
support, except on the Huntingdon frontier, where one company took part
in the skirmish.

The proclamation of the President, and the arrival of the Federal troops
at St. Albans and Malone, were too late to prevent the collection and
transport of warlike stores, or an inroad into Canada.

The reproach of invaded British territory, and the dread of insult
and robbery, have thus been removed by a handful of Canadians, and the
Lieutenant-General does not doubt that such services will receive the
recognition of the Imperial Government.

The Lieutenant-General congratulates the militia upon this exhibition of
their promptness, discipline and training, and in dismissing the men to
their homes, he bids them carry with them the assurance that their manly
spirit is a guarantee for the defence of Canada.

By order,

J. E. THACKWELL, D.A.G.

In consideration of their services at Eccles' Hill and on the Huntingdon
frontier. Her Majesty the Queen was graciously pleased to bestow the
Order of St. Michael and St. George (third class) upon the following
officers: Lieut.-Col. Osborne Smith, Commandant Military District No. 5;
Lieut.-Col. Fletcher. Brigade Major. Second Brigade. Military District
No. 5; Lieut.-Col. Brown Chamberlin, commanding 60th (Missisquoi)
Battalion, and Lieut.-Col. McEachern, commanding the 50th (Huntingdon)
Battalion.

MEDALS GRANTED BY THE QUEEN.

In 1899 the services of the survivors of the Fenian Raids of 1866 and
1870, and the Red River Rebellion, were recognized by Her Majesty Queen
Victoria in the bestowal upon each of them of a General Service Medal,
for the loyalty and patriotism they displayed in assisting to defend
their country and flag in those times of danger. The medals are of the
standard pattern adopted by the British Government for military service.
Each medal bears the name and rank of the recipient stamped upon the
edge. A clasp bearing the words "Fenian Raid, 1866" (crossing a scarlet
and white ribbon) surmounts the medallion bearing the vignette of Queen
Victoria on one side, and on the obverse a design emblematic of the
Dominion of Canada. For those who served in 1870 the same medal was
granted, with lettering to correspond, while to the volunteers who were
on duty on both occasions, an extra clasp was issued, to denote service
in both 1866 and 1870. These medals are highly prized by the veterans of
the Fenian Raids, as they are commemorative of a time in the history of
Canada which they will never forget.

It is possible that a large proportion of the recipients of the medals
are not aware of how and where the idea originated which finally
resulted in their obtaining these special marks of the Queen's favor.
Therefore it may be as well to present the facts here. On the occasion
of the celebration of the Queen's Jubilee in 1897, a large committee of
loyal citizens of Toronto was organized for the purpose of arranging
for a proper observance of the event, and among the members of that
committee were quite a number of military men. At one of the meetings,
held in the City Hall, Toronto, the following resolution was presented
and unanimously adopted:--

"Moved by Capt. S. Bruce Harman, seconded by Lieut. R. E. Kingsford,
That the following Committee be appointed to report the necessary steps
to obtain a Medal, or other suitable Decoration, to be awarded to the
Canadian Militia who took part in the campaigns of 1837, 1866 and 1870,
viz.: Lieut.-Col. G. D. Dawson, Lieut.-Col. Vance Graveley, Lieut.-Col.
Orlando Dunn, Major Frederick E. Dixon, Major R. Y. Ellis, Major
Fredrick Manley, Capt. S. Bruce Harman, Capt. Wm. Fahey and Lieut. R. E.
Kingsford."

This committee went earnestly to work, and after deciding on the mode of
procedure, issued a large number of blank petitions, which were sent
out through the country. It is needless to say that these were very
numerously signed and returned to the committee, who forwarded their
petition in a handsomely bound volume to Her Majesty Queen Victoria
through the proper channels. The Dominion Government acquiesced in the
request, and the result was that the petition was granted, and the issue
of the medals authorized, the veterans of the Red River Rebellion also
being honored with the decoration.

GRANTS OF CROWN LANDS FROM THE PROVINCE OF ONTARIO.

The Province of Ontario also generously recognized the service of those
who defended the Provincial domain by giving a grant of 160 acres of
Crown lands to each of the veterans of the Fenian Raids who were on
active service in Ontario during those periods.

RECOGNITION BY THE DOMINION OF CANADA.

Up to the present date the Dominion Government has not moved in the
matter of recognizing the services of the Veterans of the Fenian
Raids. Deputations have waited upon the Premier and the Government,
and petitions have been presented asking for grants of land, but beyond
specious promises of "consideration of their requests" no progress has
been made in this respect. This is hardly fair or just to the men who
stood on the ramparts of the country with their rifles in hand in times
of peril and danger, and made it possible that the Dominion Government
should now have any land to bestow. Had it not been for the patriotism
of the "Men of '66" it is just a question whether the Dominion of
Canada as now constituted would be in existence to-day. Therefore these
surviving veterans deserve all the recognition that a grateful country
can give. We have millions of acres of vacant lands in our Northwest
which need development, and who is better fitted for settlers than the
resourceful Canadians themselves? We have sons and grandsons who have
the will, the knowledge, the mettle and the courage to break the prairie
sod and bring the virgin soil to successful fruition, and assist in
developing our country's resources. They will lie glad to do this, and
take particular pride in the patrimony of their military ancestors. Then
why not do justice to the Veterans of 1866 and 1870 by putting them on
the same footing as the Dominion Government accorded to the soldiers of
other campaigns? The volunteers who went to Manitoba on the Red River
expedition in 1870 received land grants of 160 acres each. Those who
served in the Northwest Rebellion in 1885 were given scrip to the same
value, while those who went out of Canada to serve in the South African
War were granted 320 acres of Crown lands each. That was quite proper,
but why should our paternal Government make any invidious distinctions?
Surely those who helped to make the Dominion, and bravely guarded her
shores in times of danger, are at least entitled to justice in the
matter of receiving due recognition for their services. Emigrants have
been assisted into Canada from all parts of Europe and given slices of
our public domain, while the bone and sinew of our own people have been
"passed by on the other side." This is not right--it is not patriotic,
neither is it good public policy. Let justice prevail in all things, and
our country will prosper and flourish. One by one the old Veterans of
1866 and 1870 are being finally "mustered out," and in a few years the
last of them will have "crossed the bar." While they are still living
the Government should bestow upon them that tardy recognition which they
have a right to expect, and it is to be hoped that in its wisdom and
sense of justice this act will not be long delayed. Let it never be said
of Canada that--

When war clouds break, and danger is nigh.
"God and the soldiers" is the people's cry.
But when war is o'er and all things righted.
God is forgot and the soldiers slighted.

Not a single volunteer ever thought for one moment of a monetary or
other reward for his services when he shouldered his rifle and went
forth in defence of his country when the bugles sounded. All were moved
by a common patriotic impulse, and unselfishly and faithfully did their
duty. At that time the Government appreciated their service, and was
profuse in thanks, and there the national gratitude seems to have ended
so far as the Fenian Raid Veterans are concerned. But, perhaps, they may
yet be accorded fair play. Let us hope so, for the honor of our country.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE RED RIVER REBELLION--BRUTAL MURDER OF THOMAS SCOTT--ORGANIZATION OF
A MILITARY EXPEDITION TO QUELL RIEL'S REVOLT.

Almost at the same moment that we had Fenian troubles at home, and
threatened invasions of our Quebec and Ontario frontiers, the standard
of revolt had been raised in Manitoba by the turbulent rebel Louis Riel
and his band of half-breeds.

Arrangements had been completed between the Dominion Government and the
Imperial Government with the Hudson's Bay Company, whereby the rights of
the latter to lands in the Northwest Territories were to be transferred
to the Dominion, subject to certain reservations. It was made an express
agreement that the rights of the Indians and half-breeds in certain
territory were to be respected by the Dominion Government. The
arrangement was sanctioned by Parliament, and the sum of 300,000 pounds
sterling was appropriated for the purchase of the Hudson's Bay Company's
titles as specified. In the preceding year Lieut.-Colonel Dennis (of
Fort Erie fame) was sent to the Red River country by the Dominion
Government to institute a system of public surveys. When he appeared
among the half-breeds, and they learned his intention, they strenuously
objected, as they believed by the inauguration of a new system of
survey their titles to the lands which they held might be jeopardized.
Moreover, they thought that they should have been consulted when the
purchase and transfer of the territory was made. The French half-breeds
were especially fearful that the Dominion Government might dispute their
titles to the lands, and gave Colonel Dennis to understand that trouble
might result if he attempted to carry out his plans of survey. In the
meantime Hon. Wm. Macdougall had been appointed Lieutenant-Governor of
the Northwest Territory, and started west for the purpose of assuming
office. He had been warned by Col. Dennis of the unfriendly feeling
which prevailed among the half-breeds in respect to himself and the
Dominion Government, and on arriving at Pembina (Minnesota), he was
more forcibly notified of the disaffection which existed when he
was forbidden by them to cross the border into the territory. He was
determined to go ahead, however, and advanced about two miles over
the line with his party, when he received news from Col. Dennis that
rebellion was rife, and that the insurgents, under the leadership of
Louis Riel, were determined to prevent his further progress. Riel had
posted armed guards at various points along the trails leading from
Pembina to Fort Garry for the purpose of resisting the advance of
Lieutenant-Governor Macdougall, and as there was not a sufficient force
available to overcome the rebels, he was obliged to remain where he was.
Then Riel became emboldened, and seized Fort Garry, where he set up a
"Provisional Government," and organized a force to hold the territory.
During the fall and winter of 1869 and 1870 he held high revels at
Fort Garry, and amused himself by arresting and imprisoning all loyal
Canadians he could lay hands on. Several prominent citizens were
confined in the fort by Riel's order and subjected to insults and
indignities, while their worldly possessions were pillaged and
destroyed. Among those who especially fell under Riel's displeasure was
a loyal Canadian named Thomas Scott. He was a bold and fearless young
man, and his sturdy patriotism to his country and his determined manner
of expressing his views, angered Riel, who ordered him under arrest. He
was taken to Fort Garry and confined in a cell, but made his escape.
He was soon recaptured, and Riel at once convened a court-martial
and sentenced Scott to be shot at 10 o'clock the next morning. The
unfortunate prisoner was not allowed to make any defence. Riel's word
was law, and to gratify his angry passions he ordered the execution to
take place the following morning. Therefore on the 4th of March, 1870,
poor Scott was led outside of the walls of the fort by a party of six
rebels under command of Ambrose Lepine and brutally murdered. When the
news of this inhuman butchery reached Ontario the people of the Province
were filled with feelings of intense indignation, and the public and
press demanded the Government to take immediate action in organizing a
force to stamp out the rebellion and effect the arrest and punishment of
the perpetrators of the crime.

The Government promptly heeded the appeals of the people, and on the
16th of April, 1870, an Order-in-Council was passed by the Cabinet
authorising the organization of a military contingent for service in the
new Province of Manitoba, the principal object being to quell the Riel
Rebellion, arrest the leaders, and establish law and order in that
territory. In accordance with this resolution two battalions of riflemen
were organized, which were designated as the First (Ontario) Battalion,
and the Second (Quebec) Battalion of Rifles. Each battalion consisted
of seven companies, with an establishment of three officers and 50
non-commissioned officers and men to each company. The staff of each
battalion consisted of one Lieutenant-Colonel, one Major, one
Adjutant (with rank of Captain), one Paymaster, one Surgeon, one
Quartermaster-sergeant, one Hospital Sergeant, one Sergeant-Major, one
Armorer-Sergeant, and one Paymaster's Clerk, making the total strength
of each battalion 375 of all ranks. These battalions were composed
of volunteers from existing corps of the Active Militia in the seven
Military Districts of the Provinces of Ontario and Quebec, and the
terms of enlistment were for one year, or longer if their services were
required. The enrolling of the men to form these organizations commenced
on the 1st of May, and the ranks were quickly filled. The various
companies were concentrated at Toronto, where they were clothed and
equipped, and placed under the orders of Colonel Fielden, of Her
Majesty's 60th Royal Rifles. All of the field and line officers were
duly appointed, gazetted, and joined their respective corps in due time,
and in a few weeks the expeditionary force was in excellent condition
for active service.

The following is a roster of the officers who were on active service, in
command of the volunteer corps named, on the Red River Expedition:--

FIRST (ONTARIO) RIFLES.

Lieut.-Col. Samuel P. Jarvis, commanding officer; Major
Griffiths Wainwright.

Captains--Thomas Scott, Thomas Macklem, William M.
Herchmer, William Smith. Alex. R. Macdonald. Daniel H.
McMillan and Henry Cook.

Lieutenants--Donald A. Macdonald, David M. Walker,
William N. Kennedy, Andrew McBride, William J. McMurty,
Samuel B. Harman and James Benson.

Ensigns--A. J. Z. Peebles, Stewart Mulvey, Josiah J.
Bell, Samuel Hamilton, John Biggar, William H. Nash and
Hugh John Macdonald.

Paymaster--Capt. J. F. B. Morrice.

Adjutant--Capt. Win. J. B. Parsons.

Quartermaster--Edward Armstrong.

Surgeon--Alfred Codd, M.D.

SECOND (QUEBEC) RIFLES.

Lieut.-Col. Louis Adolphe Casault, commanding officer;
Major Acheson G. Irvine.

Captains--Z. C. A. L. de Bellefeuille, Allan Macdonald,
Jacques Labranche, Samuel Macdonald, Jean Baptiste Amyot,
John Fraser, Wm. J. Barrett.

Lieutenants--J. W. Vaughan, John P. Fletcher, Edward T.
H. F. Patterson. Oscar Prevost. Maurice E. B. Duchesnay,
Henri Bouthillier, Leonidas de Salaberry.

Ensigns--Ed. S. Bernard, John Allan, George Simard,
Gabriel L. Des Georges, Alphonse de M. H. D'Eschambault,
William W. Ross, Alphonse Tetu.

Paymaster--Lieut. Thos. Howard.

Adjutant--Capt. F. D. Gagnier.

Quartermaster--F. Villiers.

The following officers were appointed to positions on
the Brigade Staff in connection with the expedition:--

Assistant Brigade Major--Major James F. McLeod.

Assistant Control Officer--Capt. A. Peebles.

Orderly Officer on Staff of Commanding Officer--Lieut.
Frederick C. Denison.

The total strength of the expeditionary force amounted to about 1,200,
which was composed of about 350 officers and men of H. M. 60th Royal
Rifles, detachments of Royal Artillery and Engineers, the First and
Second Rifles above mentioned, and a contingent of Canadian voyageurs.

The whole expedition was in command of that gallant soldier Colonel
Garnet S. Wolseley (who afterwards won honor and fame in foreign
campaigns, and became a Field Marshal of the British Army). The troops
left Toronto in May on their long trip to Fort Carry, going by steamboat
to Prince Arthur's Landing (now Port Arthur), from which point they took
the old "Dawson route" to their destination. It was a most difficult
undertaking, but the undaunted courage of the officers and men and their
determination to overcome all obstacles triumphed, as they forced their
way through rivers, lakes, swamps, muskegs and forest until they reached
the prairie land of Manitoba. They were about three months on the way,
arriving at Port Garry on the 24th of August. During this time it became
necessary for the men to cut trails through brake and bramble, construct
corduroy roads, build boats, ascend dangerous rapids, portage stores
and supplies over almost insurmountable places, meanwhile fighting
mosquitoes and black flies, and encountering countless dangers, all of
which they cheerfully performed with their characteristic bravery until
the whole expedition was successfully landed on Manitoba soil without
serious mishap.

Their approach to Fort Garry was made so quietly and quickly that Riel
and his followers had barely time to get out of the fort and scatter
in all directions before the troops arrived, and therefore they did not
have an opportunity of using force to quell the rebellion. Unfortunately
Riel and his lieutenants succeeded in making their escape. Fort Garry
was at once occupied by the column and the Union Jack hoisted on the
flag-staff, amid ringing cheers for the Queen, while the artillery fired
a royal salute.

The arrival of Col. Wolseley's troops was hailed with delight by the
loyal residents of what is now the flourishing city of Winnipeg, as they
had suffered severe persecutions by the rebels during the period that
Riel and his lieutenant Ambrose Lepine held sway in their career of
rebellion. Lawful authority was quickly established, and all fragments
of the revolt being stamped out by Col. Wolseley, the loyal citizens
took up the work of temporary organization of the necessary civil
institutions for the proper government of the Province, pending
the arrival of Hon. Mr. Archibald, who had been appointed
Lieutenant-Governor of the new domain. In this work Mr. Donald A.
Smith (now Lord Strathcona) proved a tower of strength, and with
the assistance of Dr. John Schultz and other loyal residents of the
Province, matters were soon shaped into a state of peace, progress and
prosperity.

Lieutenant-Governor Archibald arrived at Fort Garry on Sept. 2nd, and
a few days later assumed the duties of his office. When it became
absolutely certain that all of the embers of the rebellion had been
extinguished, Colonel Wolseley returned to the east with the regular
troops, leaving the Canadian volunteers still on duty in Manitoba. They
remained at Fort Garry until the following spring, when their services
being no longer required they were ordered home for "muster out."

That the Canadian volunteers and voyageurs acquitted themselves
creditably on the occasion of the Red River Rebellion is a matter of
history, and that their services were highly appreciated by Colonel
Wolseley is evidenced by the fact that when he was put in command of the
British troops operating in the Egyptian campaign, and desired a method
of transporting his troops and stores up the River Nile, he remembered
his Red River experience, and promptly asked for a contingent of
Canadian voyageurs to handle his system of transport by the great
water route, and got them. That they did their duty in the Land of the
Pharoahs as thoroughly as they did on previous occasions at home, will
always stand to their credit in the annals of the British Army.

APPENDIX

CHAPTER I.

THE BOOKER INVESTIGATION--RESULT OF THE FINDING OF THE COURT OF INQUIRY
REGARDING THE CAUSE OP THE RETREAT AT RIDGEWAY.

The following is a report of the proceedings of the Court of Inquiry
held at Hamilton on Tuesday, July 3rd, 1866, by order of His Excellency
the Commander-in-Chief, on the application of Lieut.-Col. Booker, to
examine and report on the circumstances connected with the engagement at
Lime Ridge (or Ridgeway) on June 2nd:

The following officers composed the Court: President, Col. George T.
Denison, Commandant Volunteer Militia, Toronto; members--Lieut.-Col.
James Shanly, London; Lieut.-Col. G. K. Chisholm, Commanding Oakville
Rifle Company, Oakville.

The letter of instructions from Col. P. L. Macdougall, the
Adjutant-General of Militia, for the guidance of the Court, addressed
to Col. Denison (the President), and also the letter from Lieut.-Col.
Durie, by the authority of the Adjutant-General, on the same subject
(also addressed to the President) were both read and duly considered by
the Court previous to their entering upon the subject of inquiry.

Lieut.-Col. Booker having previously received due notice of the sitting
of the Court and of the object of the inquiry, was permitted to be
present, and he desired liberty of the Court to put in a written
narrative of events as they occurred from the time he left Hamilton
until he returned from Lime Ridge to Port Colborne.

The orders for the assembling of the Court were then produced and read,
as follows:--

GOVERNMENT ORDERS.

On application of Lieut.-Col. Booker, the Commander-in-Chief directs the
assembly of a Court of Inquiry at Hamilton, on Tuesday, the 3rd of July,
1866, to examine witnesses and report on the circumstances connected
with the late engagement at Lime Ridge. President, Col. G. T. Denison;
members, Lieut.-Col. James Shanly, and Lieut.-Col. G. K. Chisholm.

(Signed) P. L. MACDOUGALL,
Colonel, A.G.M.
WM. L. DURIE,
Lieut.-Col., A.A.G.M.

OTTAWA, 24th June, 1866.
[A true copy].

TORONTO, 2nd July, 1866.

Sir,--In reply to your inquiries on Saturday last, I am directed to
inform you that "the Court of Inquiry is to be closed," and that Col.
Booker can produce any evidence he thinks proper. If the Court requires
further evidence it may produce witnesses.

I beg to remain,
Yours truly,
WM. L. DURIE,
Lieut.-Col., D.A.G.M.

COL. DENISON, President Court of Inquiry.

OTTAWA, June 23rd, 1866.

Sir,--I have the honor to instruct you that the Court of Inquiry
of which you are named President, is ordered on the application of
Lieut.-Col. Booker, in order to give that officer the opportunity of
disproving the unfavorable imputations which have been cast upon him in
the public prints. You will therefore be pleased to take all evidence
which may be produced before the Court by Lieut.-Col. Booker, and you
will also endeavor to procure all other evidence which may tend to
elucidate the truth.

The opinion of the Court of Inquiry must, of course, be based on
and sustained by such evidence only as is embodied in the written
proceedings. I have the honor to be, sir,

Your very obedient servant,
P. L. MACDOUGALL,
Colonel, A.G.M.

COL. G. T. DENISON, President Court of Inquiry, Toronto.

The Court then considered the application of Lieut.-Col. Booker to put
in his narrative, and after due deliberation came to the conclusion that
they should comply with his request, and accordingly gave him permission
to put in his written statement.

Lieut.-Col. Booker then read and afterwards handed in to the Court the
following statement of his connection with the operations of the troops
under his command in the engagement at Lime Ridge:

NARRATIVE.

On the morning of the 1st of June, 1866, at the hour of 5.30, I received
the following telegraphic message from Lieut.-Col. Durie, A.A.G.M.:

TORONTO, June 1st, 1866.

_To Lieut.-Col. Booker, Commandant:_

Call out your regiment for active service at once, and proceed by
special train to Dunnville via Paris immediately. Complete your men to
sixty rounds per man. Take spare ammunition with you. Ascertain enemy's
position as you progress, who are reported to have landed at Fort Erie.
In proceeding to Dunnville stop at Caledonia Station and take command of
two volunteer companies (Caledonia and York) in readiness there. Better
take cars with you for their transport.

If Port Colborne is occupied by the enemy, secure yourself at Dunnville
and report to me.

By Order,
(Signed) Wm. L. DURIE,
Lieut.-Col., A.A.G.M.

And I proceeded to warn the Thirteenth Battalion, under my command,
for immediate active service. The members mustered rapidly at the
rendezvous, but as many came without overcoats or breakfasts, I caused
them to return home for breakfast and report again within the hour,
instructing them to bring their overcoats, and those who had them, their
haversacks with food. I cautioned them that I could not tell when nor
where they would have the next opportunity for a meal.

At about 7 a.m. the Commandant (Col. Peacocke) informed me that he also
was under orders to leave. Shortly afterwards the manager of the Great
Western Railway notified me that the cars were ready for transport.

The 13th Battalion, say 265 of all ranks, embarked at 9.30 a.m., and
proceeded by way of Paris to Dunnville, taking up the York and Caledonia
Companies (Captains Davis and Jackson), who reported 95 of all ranks.

On arrival at Dunnville, where we expected to remain during the night,
we were met by the Reeve of the town, who provided the men with billets,
and I reported our arrival to Col. Peacocke by telegraph. We were at
dinner when I received the following telegram:

BY TELEGRAPH FROM CLIFTON, June 1st.

_To Commander Hamilton Volunteers, Dunnville:_

Go on to Port Colborne at once.

(Signed) G. PEACOCKE.

A few minutes sufficed to see all on the cars (which had been retained
at Dunnville for orders) en route for our destination, which we reached
at about 11 o'clock p.m. We found the Queen's Own of Toronto had
preceded us during the afternoon (say 480 of all ranks). The Queen's
Own had secured all the billets, and the command with me endeavored to
settle themselves as best they could in the cars for the night.

During the night, at my request, Major Skinner endeavored to secure a
bread ration for the men: Some biscuits and bread were obtained, and
that officer reported to me that the baker would prepare a batch of
bread to be ready at 3 a.m. of the 2nd June.

I may now mention that, being the senior officer present, the entire
command of the force at Port Colborne devolved on me. About midnight I
received the following despatch by telegraph:

By TELEGRAPH PROM CHIPPAWA, 2nd June, 1866.

_To Officer Commanding at Port Colborne:_

I have sent Captain Akers to communicate with you. He will be with you
at about half-past one. Send back the Great Western cars, if, after
seeing Captain Akers, you think they are not wanted. If you get the
ferry boat, send a detachment to patrol the river.

(Signed) G. PEACOCKE, Colonel.

Capt. Akers arrived punctually. On his arrival it appeared that
Lieut.-Col. Dennis and myself were in possession of later and more
reliable information of the position of the enemy than Colonel Peacocke
seemed to have had when Captain Akers had left him at midnight. It then
seemed necessary to inquire whether the original plan for a junction at
Stevensville, to attack the enemy, supposed to be encamped near Black
Creek, should be adhered to, when it appeared they were encamped much
higher up the river, and nearer to Fort Erie.

It was therefore proposed that the tug boat "W. T. Robb," whose Captain
had expressed a desire to be of service, should patrol the shore of
the lake as far as Fort Erie, and endeavor to communicate with Col.
Peacocke's command. It was at the same time suggested that I should
take my command down by rail to the railroad buildings at Fort Erie,
and occupy and hold them until 7 a.m. If not communicated with before
7 a.m., to proceed to Frenchman's Creek, on the north side of which, it
had been reported to me by an officer of Her Majesty's Customs at Fort
Erie, that the Fenians were encamped not more than 450 strong; that they
had during the day stolen 45 or 50 horses, and were drinking freely.

It was also suggested that in the event of my not being communicated
with before 7 a.m. (and then being at Fort Erie), I should proceed to
Frenchman's Creek and attack the enemy, if still there. This command,
however, was to depend upon the approval of Colonel Peacocke.

In the meantime, and before I had received the telegram (No. 4)
Lieut.-Col. Dennis and Captain Akers had left in the tug (in company
with the Welland Field Battery, armed with short Enfields, under the
command of Captain King) for Fort Erie, Captain Akers, at the last
moment, leaving the final arrangement with me, which I took down as
follows:

"_Memo_.--Move at not later than 5.30; 5 o'clock if bread be ready. Move
to depot at Fort Erie and wait till 7. If not communicated with before
7, move to Frenchman's Creek. If 'No' by telegraph, disembark at
Ridgeway and move to Stevensville at 9 to 9.30 a.m. Send pilot engine to
communicate with Lieut.-Col. Dennis at Erie and with telegrams."

Soon after their departure I received Col. Peacocke's telegraph, as
follows:

BY TELEGRAPH FROM CHIPPAWA, June 2nd, 3.50 a.m.

_To Commanding Officer, Port Colborne:_

Have received your message of 3 a.m. I do not approve of it. Follow
original plan. Acknowledge receipt of this.

(Signed) G. PEACOCKE.

This negatived our proposed change of plan, and left me to follow the
instructions which I had received from Colonel Peacocke through Captain
Akers, namely:

"Move at not later than 5.30; 5 o'clock if bread be ready. * * *
Disembark at Ridgeway and march to Stevensville at 9 to 9.30 a.m."

The bread ration having been secured, the train left Port Colborne
soon after 5 a.m. en route for Stevensville. The only horse on the cars
belonged to Major Skinner, 13th Battalion, who had kindly offered him
for my service. I expressed a desire that the field officers of the
Queen's Own would take their horses, but was met by the reply that they
would be of no use in the woods where we should likely be, and that it
was thought best not to take them.

I sent a pilot engine in advance of the train some ten or fifteen
minutes, and instructed its driver, if possible, to communicate with
Fort Erie. The train with the volunteers proceeded very slowly and
cautiously, and arrived at Ridgeway without a sign of obstruction, after
more than an hour from its departure from Port Colborne. At Ridgeway we
formed battalions in column of companies, right in front.

Means of conveyance for my stores not being at hand. I thought best to
distribute as much spare ammunition amongst the men as possible, and
requested those who could do so to carry an extra ten rounds in their
pockets. At this time it was reported to me that the Caledonia Rifle
Company had no percussion caps, and but few rounds of cartridge.
I supplied them from the spare ammunition of the 13th Battalion. I
endeavored to procure a horse or team for my medical officers' stores,
but without success, and failing means of transport, I returned tents
and blankets to Port Colborne, relieving the cars from further waiting
at Ridgeway.

After a little delay I requested Major Gillmor (as the Queen's Own was
the senior battalion) to take the lead of the column, and as one of his
companies was armed with the Spencer repeating rifle, that it should
form the advance guard.

When the battalions were proved, and before forming the advance guard.
I gave the order to the column, "With ball cartridge--load." I made
inquiries from the inhabitants as to their knowledge of the whereabouts
of the enemy. The reports were contradictory and evidently unreliable.
To take proper precaution and keep my appointment at Stevensville was my
obvious duty.

The column of route was formed as follows: Advance guard of Queen's
Own; remainder of the battalion, Major Gillmor commanding; York Rifles.
Captain Davis; the 13th Battalion, Major Skinner in command; the
Caledonia Rifles (Captain Jackson), forming the rear guard. On the
advance I was in the centre of the column, looking out for signs of
the enemy. After proceeding about two miles the advance guard signalled
indications of men moving in our front. The column (say 840 of all
ranks) was hereupon halted on the road. I gave the horse on which I rode
to the Orderly, in order that I might carefully examine with my field
glass the country over which we were advancing. Soon after I observed
loose horses moving about in the woods to our left front, but saw no
men.

Before ordering the advance, flanking parties were thrown out to scour
the woods, right and left. This duty was performed by companies of the
Queen's Own. Proceeding in this order for some distance, a volley was
fired upon our advancing men from behind the zig-zag fences in the open.
Our volunteers accepted the challenge. The affair had commenced.

The Queen's Own, as skirmishers and supports, slowly advanced, pushing
back the enemy. We were gradually changing our front to the right, when
Major Gillmor wished me to relieve the Queen's Own and send out the
reserves, as his men were falling short of ammunition, and that one
company (No. 5) had none for their Spencer rifles. I at once directed
the right wing of the reserve to deploy on the rear company to the right
and to extend. Major Skinner commanded the 13th Battalion, and acted
throughout out very gallantly. The movement was admirably executed. The
York Rifles were on the left and No. 1 Company of the 13th Battalion on
the right of the line. A hearty cheer was given by the Queen's Own when
they saw the 13th advancing, who, with the company named, relieved
the Queen's Own, supported by the left wing of the reserve, which was
composed of the 13th Battalion. The Queen's Own then became the reserve.
The 13th and York Rifles in advance, driving the enemy before them
to the woods, cheered heartily and were answered by the yells of the
Fenians. I felt anxious about our right flank, as with my glass I
noticed the enemy throwing back his right into the woods. I requested
Major Gillmor, who was in command of the reserve, to keep a sharp
look-out for the cross roads on which the reserve rested, and to send
two companies from the reserve to occupy and hold the woods on the hill
to our right. He sent the Highland Company of the Queen's Own to perform
that duty.

At this time (nearly 9.30 a.m.) two telegrams were brought to me by a
gentleman from Port Colborne, one informing me that the column under
Col. Peacocke could not move until 7 o'clock, and the other in the
following words:

CHIPPAWA, June 2, 5.30 a.m.

_To the Officer Commanding, Port Colborne:_

Be cautious in feeling your way, for fear obstacles should prevent a
junction. If possible open communication with me, and I will do the
same.

(Signed) G. PEACOCKE.

At this unexpected information I was much disappointed. Major Gillmor
was then with me, and I showed it to him. I at once realized that the
force which I had expected about this hour at Stevensville could not
now render me assistance, and turning to Detective Armstrong (who
had accompanied us from Hamilton and obtained a horse at Ridgeway), I
desired him to convey to Col. Peacocke a message I wrote on the telegram
I had just received, to the effect that the enemy had attacked us in
force at 7.30, three miles south of Stevensville.

Immediately afterwards Major Gillmor reported that the Highland Company
had been compelled to leave the woods on our right, as they had found
the woods occupied by Fenians. Almost simultaneously cries of "Cavalry"
and "Look out for cavalry" came down the road. I then observed men
doubling down the hill. In the next few moments events succeeded each
other very rapidly. As the cry came down the road, directions were given
the reserves on the road to "Form square." At this crisis the fire of
the enemy came heavily to our right flank, as well as into the front
and rear of our force in advance. I saw nothing to justify the first
impression that we were to be attacked by cavalry. I gave the word to
"Re-form column," with the view of deploying, when to my surprise I
found the rear of the reserve which had formed part of the square had
dissipated, and moving down the road. Major Gillmor came and reported to
me that the enemy was bringing up his reserves. I asked him how he knew.
He replied that he saw them himself. I then inquired, "In what shape?"
when he replied, "In column--in mass of column." I then ordered to
retire. But the confusion had become a panic. The Thirteenth did all
that men could do under the circumstances, and were the last in the
retreat, which became general.

Many men were trodden down. I endeavored to rally the retreating mass,
and gave orders to hold the woods on either side, and some little
distance down the road was assisted by Surgeon Ryall (of the Thirteenth)
and several men, but all of no avail. Bugler Clarke (of the Queen's Own)
sounded "the halt" at my request several times. The horse was brought
to me and I mounted and rode amongst the men. I entreated them to
rally, and implored them to halt, but without effect. If I could form at
Ridgeway I might refrain order. I there found Lieutenant Arthurs, of the
Queen's Own, and other officers, attempting to rally and form companies.
I called for "coverers" for the men to form. I was answered that the men
could not find their officers. I then ordered the men to fall in so as
to show a good front. The attempt was made, but without success, and
I ordered the retreat upon Port Colborne, towards which place many had
previously turned their steps. I requested a gentleman from Toronto
(Mr. George Arthurs), who was present at Ridgeway, and mounted, to ride
forward to Port Colborne and report that we were retiring, and to send
help down the road for the stragglers. I saw that the colors of the
Thirteenth were safe, and I moved off with the column. A short distance
from Ridgeway I dismounted and walked with a member of the Queen's Own
who was wounded, and kept the road afterwards for some time with him.
A volunteer rode the horse into Port Colborne, where we arrived, much
fatigued and distressed, at about 3 p.m. Nearly two miles from Port
Colborne I was, with others, taken up by the second train which came
down the road to meet us. The train took up several officers of the 13th
and the Queen's Own.

At Port Colborne, through the kindness of Mr. Pring, the Collector of
Customs, I was provided with the requisites for writing my despatches
to the Major-General Commanding and to Colonel Peacocke. The drafts were
perused by Major Gillmor; and one despatch was copied by Major Cattley
of the Thirteenth and the other by a non-commissioned officer of the
Queen's Own.

Shortly after returning to Port Colborne I received advice of ten
companies of volunteers from Paris. Others arrived during the
evening. Among the latter were the Home Guard of St. Catharines, under
Lieut.-Col. McGiverin. I beg leave especially to thank that officer for
the assistance he afforded, and for very generously dividing with my
command the provisions lie had brought from St. Catharines with him for
his own men.

Prisoners were being brought in in numbers, and every question was
referred to me personally. I had no Major of Brigade, no aide, no staff,
not even an office clerk of whose services I could at the moment
avail myself, while farmers as scouts were coming in with their varied
reports. I felt it due to the large force of volunteers under my
command to request the Major-General Commanding to relieve me and send
a professional soldier (one from whom I might take my orders) to assume
the command.

When at Port Colborne I reported that the Thirteenth and Queen's Own
were alike tired and hungry, and that if it were possible they should
have a day's rest, and that those volunteers who had arrived during the
day of the 2nd of June at Port Colborne should be sent forward first.

I pointed out that uncooked rations, which it was intended to serve out
to the Queen's Own and the Thirteenth, would not benefit them, as they
were without the necessary appliances to cook and make use of them. But
it was not by my wish that the Thirteenth were detained at Port Colborne
on the morning of the 3rd June, while the Queen's Own were ordered to
march on to Fort Erie. I was anxious that both should be thoroughly
refreshed, and I felt regret that the companions of the day previous
should be separated, as they were equally able to proceed.

Then, either from misunderstanding, or perhaps that I was not
sufficiently explicit, I found that I had been relieved from the command
of my own battalion, and not of the general command only, as I had
expected. I immediately communicated with Majors Skinner and Cattley
that I had been relieved.

The history of my connection with the campaign, which resulted in
the expulsion of the Fenians from the Niagara District, has now been
detailed, from the moment I received orders until I was relieved from
command. I submit to those to whom the inquiry of my conduct on the
occasion may be entrusted, that the state of affairs which existed at
Port Colborne on my arrival at 11 o'clock p.m. on Friday. 1st of June,
will be better understood if the communications which previously passed
between Colonel Peacocke and the officer commanding at Port Colborne
were obtained. I have reason to believe that they will bear materially
in explaining the plans proposed and under consideration before Captain
Akers' arrival, and the propriety of the modification which, if Colonel
Peacocke's approval were obtained, was to have been pursued.

I further submit the official despatches connected with the affair at
Lime Ridge, published by authority in the _Canada Gazette_ of Saturday,
23rd June, 1866. Upon two points I expect inquiry will be directed,
namely, to the capacity and care shown by me for the command entrusted
to me, and my personal conduct on the field. On this latter point I ask
for the evidence of those who are present.

That every precaution and every consideration for the comfort and
advantage of my battalion which the circumstances did permit, I
confidently assert were taken.

The volunteer force from Hamilton answered to the call for service with
alacrity. The entire force which I had the honor to command was
animated with the highest feelings of patriotism and zeal. All personal
considerations gave way, all hardships were borne cheerfully and without
a murmur. We had but one wish--to meet the enemy; and but one hope, to
aid in his discomfiture; and if under the trying circumstances in which
we were placed the result was not so triumphant as the devotion and
heroism of the volunteers deserved, I trust that as their conduct cannot
be impugned, the Court of Inquiry will, on appreciation of the facts,
exonerate their commanding officer from the complete want of success of
an attack which undoubtedly caused the enemy to abandon their plans of
invasion and commence their retreat.

A. BOOKER,

Lieut.-Colonel.

The Court then proceeded to the examination of witnesses.

The first witness called by Lieut.-Col. Booker was Major Chas. T.
Gillmor, commanding the Second Battalion, or Queen's Own Rifles.

MAJOR GILLMOR'S EVIDENCE.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--When I relieved the Queen's Own
and advanced the Thirteenth, did you report to me that your men were
becoming short of ammunition?

Major Gillmor--On some one occasion I mentioned that one or two
companies stated to me that they were short of ammunition.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--When the Thirteenth were in action,
did you send out the Highland Company, at my request, to hold the woods
to our right, and the road, from the reserve?

Answer--I did send out the Highland Company with orders as described,
but I cannot say if it was before or after the Thirteenth went out.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--What did they report on their return?

Answer--I don't recollect their return. I believe them to be the last to
leave the field.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--Did you hear the cry of "Cavalry"?

Answer--Yes.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--Did you see the Fenian reserves
advancing after the cry of "Cavalry'"?

Answer--No.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--Did you see that we were outflanked to
the right?

Answer--No, I believe it was the reserve. I could not see the extreme
right.

Question from the Court--On what do you ground your belief that they
were not outflanked on the right?

Answer--Principally on the statements of the officers and men who were
out skirmishing on the right.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--Did you notice men coming down
the hill to our front at a double, in front of the reserves, crying
"Cavalry"?

Answer--No.

Question from the Court--When three companies of the Thirteenth were
sent out to relieve the Queen's Own, had the movement been executed
before the retreat was sounded?

Answer--No, so far as my knowledge extends. Both lines of skirmishers,
Rifles and Thirteenth, came in together.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--Was the endeavor made to bring the men
out of square into column?

Answer--Yes. They did re-form column.

Question--Was the rear of the column or square now in retreat?

Answer--No. Not at that time.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--Do you consider there was a panic when
the retreat commenced?

Answer--I think the retreat was caused by a panic. After the column
was re-formed I ordered the two leading companies again to extend and
skirmish. They did so. I ordered the rest of the column, which at that
time was composed of Queen's Own and Thirteenth mixed together, to
retire, as they were exposed to a heavy fire on the front and right from
the enemy's front and left. This order was being obeyed by the men with
reasonable steadiness, when as I was standing in rear of the retiring
column, I heard them cheer loudly and call out "reinforcements." I
then saw some men in red, whom I believe were the left wing of the
Thirteenth, and whom these men, I suppose, took to be reinforcements.
When these men in red heard the cheer they broke and retired. Then the
whole column became disorganized. This was about 9 o'clock a.m. The
first shot was fired about half-past seven a.m.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--Did you believe, when you saw my
despatches to Col. Peacocke and Gen. Napier, that they were correct, and
did you concur in the correctness of them when you were with me in the
customs office at Port Colborne?

Answer--Yes, the general tenor of the report was correct, and I assented
to it.

Question from the Court--Is there anything in Lieut.-Col. Booker's
report, just read to you, that places the Thirteenth Battalion in a
false position?

Answer--No.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--Do you think the men could have been
rallied after they had commenced the retreat?

Answer--The whole force could not have been, but I could have rallied
two or three hundred men around me at any time during the retreat, had
I been disposed to do so. Officers of both the Queen's Own and the
Thirteenth were frantically exerting themselves to rally their men, but,
knowing that I could not be relieved by Col. Peacocke, and fearing that
the enemy might pass to our rear, I thought it wiser to conduct the
retreat in as orderly a manner as I could.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--Were you satisfied with my conduct on
the field?

Answer--Col. Booker asked me the same question in Port Colborne, and I
now give him the same answer that I did then, which was, that I could
see nothing in his conduct to disapprove of, except with regard to the
formation of the squares, which I thought at that time was a mistake,
and I think so still.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--As you were not mounted, would you
explain the reason why you did not take your horse with, you when you
left Port Colborne?

Answer--I had my horse at the station at Port Colborne, when Mr.
Magrath, the manager, told me that I could not get him off the cars at
Ridgeway without breaking his legs, there being no platforms.

EVIDENCE OF CHARLES CLARKE.

The second witness called by Lieut.-Col. Booker was Charles Clarke, a
Government detective officer, by commission from Mr. G. McMicken, the
stipendiary Magistrate at Windsor.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--Were you with the volunteers in the
affair at Lime Ridge on the 2nd June?

Answer--Yes.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--Did you see the square disperse?

Answer--Yes. I was with the reserve in the ranks when the square was
formed. A number of men, as they were coming in as the reserve, cried
out, "Prepare to receive cavalry!" I should say it came from as many as
fifty men. I saw the column re-formed. At this time a body of red-coats
were coming around a curve in the road about two hundred yards in rear
of the square. The Queen's Own and those of the Thirteenth began to
cheer, supposing them to belong to the 47th Regiment coming to their
relief. As soon as we ascertained that they were not the 47th, we
supposed that they were two companies of the Thirteenth who had
been driven in by main force, and the result was that we became
panic-stricken, and we all broke. I saw several officers belonging to
the Queen's Own and the Thirteenth attempting to rally the men. I saw
Lieut.-Col. Booker attempting to rally the men, telling them to get into
the bush on each side of the road, about four or six hundred yards from
where they commenced to retreat. He got the bugler to sound the "halt"
several times, and I heard the bugler say he was tired sounding the
"halt." The men continued to retreat, except sixteen or seventeen of
us, who got over the fence into the bush on our left, but had to leave
because the main body continued their retreat towards Ridgeway. At
Ridgeway I saw Lieut.-Col. Booker with four officers of the Thirteenth
and one of the Queen's Own, each with a revolver in his hand, and
Lieut.-Col. Booker had his sword, threatening to shoot the men if they
did not stop. They broke through the line of these officers.

Question from the Court--When Lieut.-Col. Booker ordered the battalions
that were retreating to get into the woods on each side of the road,
what was your impression of his object?

Answer--He wanted to make a stand by getting-into the bush to repulse
the Fenians, and it was a splendid opportunity, from the country being
so open in front of the bush. I served nearly six years in India in the
40th Regiment, and during the affair in Candahar.

Question from the Court--Did you see Lieut.-Col. Booker on the field
before and during the retreat?

Answer--Yes, several times.

Question from the Court--Did you observe anything in his conduct which
appeared to you like shirking his duties?

Answer--No. On the contrary, I saw him urging on a company of the
Thirteenth, which appeared to be dilatory.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--Do you recollect the fact of our force
being outflanked to our right?

Answer--Yes.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--Was the firing from the Fenians more
rapid than from our men?

Answer--Yes, much more so. Part of the time it was like file firing. I
am since aware that they used both the Sharpe and Spencer rifles.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--Did you receive a letter from Major
Gillmor and other officers of the Queen's Own, complimenting you for
your coolness and conduct at Lime Ridge?

Answer--I did.

EVIDENCE OF GEORGE ARTHURS.

The third witness called by Lieut.-Col. Booker was Mr. George Allan
Arthurs.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--Were you at Ridgeway on the 2nd of
June, and what did you see there?

Answer--I was there, and was at Ridgeway when the army was retreating. I
there saw the bugler come from the field on Lieut.-Col. Booker's
horse. My brother (Lieutenant Arthurs, of the Queen's Own) mounted the
Colonel's horse and drew his pistol, and threatened to shoot the first
man that did not do his duty. Lieut.-Col. Booker came up as my brother
was checking the retreat. He mounted his own horse and rode back towards
the field to consult with his officers. The retreat was checked so far
by my brother that he "told off" a company of men composed of red coats
and green coats. I did not see any exhibition on the part of Lieut.-Col.
Booker of either cowardice or fear.

EVIDENCE OF JOHN DOUGLAS.

The fourth witness called by Lieut.-Col. Booker was John Douglas,
Captain of No. 4 Company of the Queen's Own Rifles.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--Did you, on the 2nd of June last, see
me at Lime Ridge?

Answer--Yes, in front of your command, under fire.

Question from the Court--Did his conduct on this occasion attract your
attention?

Answer--Yes. It struck me that he was not very careful of his own
safety, he being in front of the column of the Queen's Own, and clothed
in scarlet. He was directing the movements, with a field-glass in his
hands. This was when the Queen's Own were in column, after part of the
Thirteenth had gone out in skirmishing order. I saw no hanging back on
the part of any officer or man up to that time.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--How did Col. Booker go from Ridgeway
to Port Colborne?

Answer--I found Lieut.-Col. Booker on the last train going into Port
Colborne. Major Gillmor and several officers of both regiments, with men
of both regiments, were in the same train. The great bulk of the force
had preceded them.

EVIDENCE OF LIEUTENANT ARTHURS.

The fifth witness called by Lieut.-Col. Booker was Lieut. William
Arthurs, of No. 4 Company of the Queen's Own.

Question by Lieut.-Col. Booker--Were you at Ridgeway as Lieut.-Col.
Booker arrived there during the retreat on the 2nd of June, and what did
you see?

Answer--Yes. I saw Col. Booker on the retreat, and he seemed no way
flurried or excited, but quite cool and collected. He spoke to the men.
He asked them to form on their coverers. Several companies were formed
up and retreated in order.

EVIDENCE OF FRANCIS CLARKE.

The sixth witness called by Lieut.-Col. Booker was Francis Clark.
Bugle-Major of the Queen's Own Rifles.

Question from the Court--Did you sound the "halt" on the 2nd of June, by
order of Lieut.-Col. Booker during the retreat?

Answer--Yes, repeatedly. He used his best endeavors to halt the men, and
then he went forward amongst the men and asked them to halt and front
and form. It had no effect, and he said, "Oh, God! what is this?" They
still moved on. They retreated, red and green mixed together, as far as
I could see, to the turn of the road.

EVIDENCE OF ALEXANDER MUIR.

The seventh witness called by Lieut.-Col. Booker was Alexander Muir,
a private in the Highland Company of the Queen's Own, a Lieutenant of
Militia, and President of the Highland Company at that time in its civil
organization.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--Were you at Lime Ridge on the 2nd of
June, and will you recite what you saw there?

Answer--After leaving the cars at Ridgeway, before marching, the whole
force received orders. "With ball cartridge--load!" The column then
advanced. After proceeding about two and a half miles. I perceived a
number of horses (between twelve and fifteen in number) loose in an open
near the corner of a bush, about three-quarters of a mile in front of
the left side of the road. These having attracted my attention, I also
perceived a number of men flitting among the trees, near to the horses.
I cried out. "I see the Fenians--there are the Fenians!" My discovery
was made known to Col. Booker, who, perhaps, from hearing my cry, came
up to me. I was the left hand front rank man of the Highland Company,
the rear company of the battalion. He gave the order to halt. He then
asked me, "Where?" I pointed out to him where I saw the men and the
horses. He had a field-glass which he then used. He tried to use it on
horseback, but his horse was so restive that he could not use the glass.
He then dismounted by my side. At this moment Major Gillmor came up. I
directed him to the proper point to see them. Both Col. Booker and Major
Gillmor seemed convinced that all was not right in the bush. The leading
company of the column was then sent out to reconnoitre to the left in
the direction of these horses, in skirmishing order, supported by the
next company. The column remained at the halt. After the skirmishers had
advanced to within a short distance of where the horses were, the bugle
sounded the "retire" or the "incline" to the skirmishers, and the column
was advanced. The near party of the advance guard halted at the same
time the column halted, and just after the column was again put in
motion, I saw several of them, if not all of them, with their hats on
their rifles raised in the air and moving them, indicating thereby that
the enemy was in sight. The column was again halted. At that moment
a bullet came whistling from the direction of an orchard on our right
front. This was the first shot, and came close to Capt. Gardner and
myself. Here the Queen's Own were ordered to skirmish, and our company
furnished the right company of the line of skirmishers, and in this
order we advanced in a northerly direction. The firing commenced
opposite the centre of the line of skirmishers immediately upon their
advancing. We continued advancing and firing for some distance, perhaps
three hundred yards at that time, when the order came for the Queen's
Own to fall back on its supports. We had then been under fire for
three-quarters of an hour. I distinctly heard Col. Booker's words of
command, given with coolness and deliberation, as we were going into
action. The Queen's Own were then relieved by the Thirteenth. The
Thirteenth advanced in skirmishing order, appearing to take the ground
which had previously been occupied by the Queen's Own, the enemy
continuing their fire during the advance of the Thirteenth. The enemy
had evidently been previously driven back by the Queen's Own. An order
from Col. Booker now came to our company, which was then under cover
of the school-house, acting in reserve, directing our company to take
possession of the road to the right which led in the direction of Fort
Erie, because the enemy was manoeuvring to outflank our right. Capt.
Gardner was told it was an important position, and he then advanced our
company till we came opposite a bush north of the road. He then ordered
us to advance in skirmishing order through that bush, which we did.
After passing through the bush we came to a wheat-field, on the opposite
side of which we found the Fenians thickly posted opposite our front and
to our right. When we entered the bush they had evidently been in the
same bush at the farther side of it, and had retreated on our advance to
the other side of the wheat field. We had reason to know this, because
we found quantities of their ammunition, a company sheet roll, and
a blank book, a roll book, also a Fenian drill book with the name
of "Capt. George Sweeny, Company B, 19th Regiment, Irish Republic
Volunteers, Cincinnati, Ohio." The roll book contained about 120 names,
with the trades, residences and callings of the men. I have seen the
list of Fenian prisoners captured and now in Toronto Jail, and I believe
that some of the names are the same as those in the roll book. We
commenced firing upon the enemy as soon as we saw them, and they began
to retreat. They were about 200 yards from us. We fired here for some
time, until an order came to advance from Capt. Gardner, and we leaped
over the fence and entered the wheat field. We fired from this wheat
field for some time. After entering the wheat field I saw the line of
the Thirteenth Battalion to my left, below me, in skirmishing order,
advancing towards the enemy. While they were thus advancing I distinctly
saw the enemy retreating a long distance before them towards a bush in
the rear. Suddenly they seemed to rally, and came down upon the line of
the Thirteenth, yelling. At this moment I saw a wavering in the line
of the Thirteenth. The Fenians advanced in a loose manner, but in great
strength. Here the Thirteenth retreated at the double, but I did not
hear the "retire" sounded for that purpose. As the Fenians rushed upon
the Thirteenth, we from our positions gave them two or three volleys,
which seemed to check them, and their left swerved inwards from us
towards their own centre. While we were here in this position, Sergeant
Bain, of our company, called out, "Retire, retire!" We then retired
firing. I heard the bugle call to retire. When I came to the
school-house I was surprised to see our forces marching back again
towards Ridgeway. I turned round and saw the Fenians advancing from the
orchard on the road at the same place where I saw our advance guard give
the signal before the action commenced. I thought there were as many as
600 or 700 on the road, and more moving out of the orchard. I leaned my
rifle over a fence and took my last shot at them with one arm (having
previously sustained an injury in my shoulder while getting over a
fence). Several of my comrades fired also. This drew fire upon us from
them, and it was here that McHardy and White were wounded. On my return
to the cross-road at the hotel nine-tenths of our force had passed on
towards Ridgeway. I then saw Col. Booker and spoke to him. He was on
foot. I heard "Halt! halt!" called, but no one seemed to notice it.

Question by Lieut.-Col. Booker--Are you satisfied we were outflanked on
our right?

Answer--Yes.

Question by Lieut.-Col. Booker--Did you see Col. Booker after this?

Answer--I saw him at Ridgeway.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--What was he doing?

Answer--He was standing in conversation with some one on the road.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--Did you see him afterwards, and where?

Answer--I saw him afterwards on the march to Port Colborne, after
leaving Ridgeway.

Question--Did you see him afterwards, and where?

Answer--I saw him afterwards on the march to Port Colborne, after
leaving Ridgeway. I became weak and exhausted and was taken into a house
about 250 yards south by two of my comrades, where Dr. Neff, assisted by
two others, set my left arm and left me alone. I became insensible, and
in that state had lost all recollection of the fight. After I came to
myself I heard a volley and ran to the door. I saw the Fenians surround
the village. I ran to try to catch up to our force, which had all left,
and they fired upon me. I had my arm in a sling, and my tunic flying
from my right shoulder. I overtook the force after running for some
distance (nearly a mile), and there again I saw Col. Booker in rear
of the force. He offered me his horse. I declined the offer, because I
thought it would pain me more to ride than to walk. Where the main road
crosses the railway he dismounted and gave his horse to some one of the
Thirteenth, with some orders to take to Port Colborne. He then took my
arm and assisted me along the track until we got into the last train and
went into Port Colborne.

Question from Lieut.-Col. Booker--How many rounds of ammunition had been
issued to you previous to the engagement, and where issued?

Answer--I received five rounds at Toronto before leaving and thirty at
Port Colborne--that was, I had thirty-five rounds.

RONALD McKINNON'S TESTIMONY.

The eighth witness called by Lieut.-Col. Booker was Ronald Archibald
McKinnon, at that time a cadet in the Military School at Toronto.

Question--Were you present at Lime Ridge on the 2nd of June last, and in
what capacity did you act?

Answer--I was present at the engagement at Lime Ridge, and acted as a
volunteer officer with the Caledonia Rifle Company, though not regularly
attached to that company.

Question--Did you see Lieut. Arthurs mounted on Lieut.-Col. Booker's
horse?

Answer--Yes.

Question--Were you with Lieut. Arthurs, endeavoring to rally the men
near Ridgeway?

Answer--Yes.

Question--Were you there when Lieut.-Col. Booker arrived from the field
at Lime Ridge?

Answer--Yes.

Question--Was Lieut.-Col. Booker mounted when he returned from Lime
Ridge to Ridgeway?

Answer--Yes.

Question--Were you with the rear guard of the column before the action?

Answer--Yes.

Question--When you saw Lieut. Arthurs mounted on Lieut.-Col. Booker's
horse, was it previous to the arrival of Lieut.-Col. Booker mounted on
his return from Lime Ridge?

Answer--I cannot say. But I know that after I saw Lieut. Arthurs on
Lieut.-Col. Booker's horse I saw Lieut.-Col Booker ride back towards
Ridgeway.

ROBERT BENHAM'S TESTIMONY.

Robert Benham, a private in the Thirteenth Battalion (Major Skinner's
groom), was the ninth witness called by Lieut.-Col. Booker.

Question--Did Lieut.-Col. Booker's orderly bring you back the horse
which Col. Booker rode at Lime Ridge before the firing commenced?

Answer--Yes.

Question--During the retreat what became of the horse?

Answer--I was leading him away to Ridgeway when Quartermaster Stoneman
said, "Get on the horse." I then mounted and rode him to Ridgeway, and
there watered him. While I was watering him one of the officers of the
Queen's Own Rifles came and asked me who owned the horse. I told him
that the horse belonged to Major Skinner, but that Col. Booker had been
using him. The officer then took the horse from me and mounted him. I
saw him, while mounted, draw a pistol and endeavor to stop the men by
threatening to shoot if they did not stop. I saw Col. Booker on the
horse afterwards.

CAPT. HENERY'S EVIDENCE.

The tenth witness called by Lieut.-Col. Booker was Capt. Henery,
Adjutant of the Thirteenth Battalion (formerly a Sergeant-Major of the
Coldstream Guards).

Question--Will you recite what from your own knowledge occurred from the
time the Thirteenth were engaged at Lime Ridge until they retired, and
how long they were in action?

Answer--At the commencement of the action, or rather just previously
to the action, the Queen's Own were thrown out to skirmish, the reserve
being composed of the Thirteenth Battalion, with the York and Caledonia
Rifle Companies. Soon afterward the action commenced. The whole force
continued to advance in this order. The reserve then halted, the
skirmishers and supports continuing their advance. We remained halted
only about three minutes before an officer of the Queen's Own came up
and shouted, "Surgeons to the front." I then saw two officers in green
running to the front. I then heard Major Gillmor tell Col. Booker
to deploy the right wing of the Thirteenth Battalion and relieve the
Queen's Own, because their ammunition had been expended. Col. Booker
then gave the command to the Thirteenth Battalion to deploy the right
wing on No. 3 Company, which was executed after advancing a few yards
to enable them to deploy and avoid an obstacle in its way. This wing
was then extended to skirmish and relieve the Queen's Own, from its left
towards the right side of the road. The whole wing and supports were on
the right side of the road. While this deployment was being executed,
several companies of the Queen's Own came and formed in quarter distance
column in rear, forming the reserve. The right wing then advanced and
relieved the Queen's Own in a very steady manner, their supports being
regularly posted. Then I advanced between the supports and skirmishers.
I was not mounted. The support laid down after arriving at the orchard,
under cover. I then left the supports and joined the skirmishers. They
continued firing for some time, receiving the fire of the enemy. There
was then a cry of "Cavalry!" from my right rear. I was on the road with
the left of No. 2 Company on the line of skirmishers. I looked and saw
two or three horses, and cried out that there was no cavalry. I heard no
bugle blow the "retire." When I looked around I saw both red and green
coats running to the rear from the line of skirmishers, in order, but
not firing. I think this retreat was about one hour after the Thirteenth
took the field. I think those of the Queen's Own who formed the reserve
as we were deploying, came in about ten minutes after the firing
commenced.

ROBERT MAUN'S TESTIMONY.

Robert Maun, a private in the 13th Battalion, was the eleventh witness
called by Lieut.-Col. Booker.

Question--Will you state what you saw at Lime Ridge on the 2nd of June?

Answer--I was on duty on the field hospital staff. There was a cry for
the doctor from one of the companies of the Thirteenth, acting as a
support in the orchard. I was sent to find the man, and did so. He had
been wounded in the wrist. He was a rifleman, not one of the Thirteenth.
I saw no other "green" soldier there. Just as we had finished dressing
the man's hand I heard a cry of "Cavalry, cavalry! Look out for
cavalry!" coming from the direction of the right of the skirmish line. I
saw a company of Rifles in line with the skirmishers of the Thirteenth.
I suppose they were the York Rifles. When I heard the cry of "Cavalry!"
I was near the support of one of the companies, and then I also heard an
order given to the reserve to "Form square!" I suggested to the doctor
that we should go to the square formed on the road by the reserve. He
came with me toward the square, but I cannot tell whether he got into
the square or not. I was too late to get in. I threw myself under the
bayonets of the front face of the square. This square was composed of
the Queen's Own, and the color party of the Thirteenth was with them. A
company of the Thirteenth came up at a steady "double." most of them at
"the trail." but some of them at "the slope," and passing the right
face of the square formed in rear of the Queen's Own. I then, finding a
company of my own corps at hand, jumped up, fixed my bayonet, and joined
them. It was then that I saw a few straggling men of the Thirteenth,
mixed up with some Rifles, retiring from the direction of the skirmish
line towards us. An order was then given by a voice, which I took to
be Col. Booker's, to "Reform column," which was done. At this moment a
rather too sharp fire came upon us, but it was rather high to do us much
damage. I then heard an order to "Deploy on the rear company" in the
same voice, which I took to be that of Col. Booker. At this time there
was a company of the Thirteenth which formed the rear company of the
reserve, the rest of the reserve being composed of the Queen's Own. When
the order to deploy was given a heavy volley struck the column, and I
heard a sound which I took to be that of men falling. The column swayed
backwards, as I supposed, from the effects of the fire. The column broke
immediately and commenced a retreat down the road. The main body of the
Thirteenth were at this time in the field, and firing was going on more
to the right. I went down the road with the retreat and felt a heavy
fire from a wood on the left as we retired. I saw several of the enemy
jumping a fence, as if they were intending to pursue the retreating
column. I fired at them, and several others of our men also fired at
them. After I had loaded my rifle I returned from the direction in which
we had just come and met Col. Booker with the Thirteenth following the
Queen's Own, or the retreating column. The Thirteenth were in a confused
mass, and I heard several officers say to Col. Booker. "Let us stop
them," or words to that effect, and prevent a rout. Col. Booker then
said he would go on to the front and stop the men of the retreating
column, and then ran out "at the double" and got in front of nearly all
of the Thirteenth. He then faced about and, flashing his sword about,
said. "For God's sake, men, don't make cowards of yourselves." I had
followed him in search of the doctor, and so had the opportunity of
witnessing this on the part of Col. Booker. I do not know the names
of the officers who said to Col. Booker, "Let us try and stop them and
prevent a rout." The men seemed to pay no attention to Col. Booker's
entreaties for them to stop, but continued the retreat. A man of No. 1
Company, of the Thirteenth, who was shot through the thigh, demanded my
attention, and I went to him. Dr. Ryall was with him attending to him.
We got him on a waggon and took him down the road to Ridgeway. While
going with this man I heard several officers (Col. Booker of the number)
urging the men to stop and take to the woods, as there was good cover
there. I think that Adjutant Henery was one of the officers who urged
the men to do this. At this time I saw a number of the York Rifles
obeying the order to take to the woods. They cried out, "Hurrah for old
York! Let us take to the woods and we will give them hell." There was
only about a dozen of them. I passed on with the waggon, and saw no
more.

Question--Did you hear Lieut.-Col. Booker, when under fire, encouraging
the reserves?

Answer--I heard him joking them about their politeness in bowing to the
bullets that passed over their heads.

MAJOR GILLMOR RECALLED.

Question from the Court--Major Gillmor, state the companies of the
Queen's Own who were first advanced as skirmishers, how armed, and the
amount of ammunition issued to each man.

Answer--No. 5 Company were the entire skirmishers. There were about
forty of them armed with Spencer rifles, and had under thirty rounds for
each man. The remainder of the company were armed with the long Enfield
rifle. Nos. 1 and 2 Companies were the other skirmishers. They were
armed with the long Enfield. The whole regiment had an average of forty
rounds of ammunition per man.

Question--How long were they under fire when the right wing of the
Thirteenth were advanced to their relief?

Answer--I could not form any idea as to the time. The men armed with
the Spencer rifles were relieved by another company long before the
Thirteenth Battalion went out to skirmish.

Question--Who gave the order to "Form square"?

Answer--Lieut.-Col. Booker gave the caution to "Look out for cavalry!"
and I gave the command to "Form square."

Question--Can you state what portion of the Queen's Own were undrilled
recruits?

Answer--They were, as a rule, partially drilled, some men undrilled.
Recruits were joining every week, and all the available men, drilled and
undrilled, were in the field.

Question--What proportion of the whole battalion had not been exercised
with blank cartridge?

Answer--With the exception of one or two days in May, when the whole
battalion were out skirmishing, I am satisfied that half of the men had
never fired a shot.

Question--What proportion of the men had never practised with ball
cartridge?

Answer--The proportion was about the same, about half.

Question--What proportion of the regiment was composed of lads under
twenty years of age?

Answer--I should say more than half of the regiment.

Question--Did you observe any difference in the demeanor of the lads and
the other soldiers going into action?

Answer--No. Each were equally cool. I particularly noticed the companies
that morning as they marched out to the skirmish, and all were equally
cool. I may state here that this was the first occasion on which the
whole regiment had an opportunity to skirmish as a battalion. I also
wish to state that I saw the right wing of the Thirteenth extend
and advance in skirmishing order, and that nothing could exceed the
steadiness and regularity with which they advanced.

EVIDENCE OF W. T. URQUHART.

The thirteenth witness called by Lieut.-Col. Booker was Wm. T. Urquhart,
assistant editor of the Hamilton _Spectator_, who was a private in No. 4
Company. Thirteenth Battalion.

Question--Do you recollect seeing Lieut.-Col. Booker after the fight at
Lime Ridge, and where?

Answer--I do. I saw him on the rising ground immediately in rear of
where the action took place.

Question--Were you exposed to a heavy fire?

Answer--We were.

Question--Were you one of the retreating column?

Answer--In the rear.

Question by the Court--What was Lieut.-Col. Booker doing at the time you
noticed him?

Answer--He was trying to restore order.

Question--Where were you when the right wing went out to skirmish? And
did your skirmishers relieve those in front of you?

Answer--We were on the right. I was in the company forming the support
of the skirmishers on the right, and the skirmishers of our company in
front relieved those of the Rifles in front of them. The Rifles retired
in good order to the reserves. I certainly saw two companies come in,
but I cannot speak as to the whole line.

Question--From the time your skirmishers were posted until the retreat,
how much time elapsed?

Answer--I should think about an hour.

Question--What caused the retreat, in your opinion, and what succeeded?

Answer--We retreated because the bugle sounded "the retreat," and
we were also ordered by Lieut. Routh, the officer in command of our
company, who said shortly afterward that it was a mistake, as it should
have been "the advance," and ordered us to "halt" and "front," and we
did so accordingly. The skirmishers immediately came down upon us, who
were all men of our battalion, and we all retreated together to the
cross-road, near the place where we first deployed. Two or three
companies of Rifles came down this cross-road from the right of the
attack at this moment, and the whole became mingled together and the
formation was immediately destroyed. Several attempts by officers of
the Thirteenth and the Rifles were made to rally or re-form the men.
I noticed Col. Booker and Adjutant Henery do this, and also Ensign
Armstrong, who carried the colors. I saw Lieut. Arthurs endeavoring
to stop the men, and also other Rifle officers whose names I am not
acquainted with.

ADJUTANT HENERY RECALLED.

Question--State the names of the officers of the right wing of the
Thirteenth Battalion who were present when that wing was ordered to
skirmish?

Answer--Major Skinner. Capt. Grant. Lieut. Gibson, and Ensign McKenzie,
of No. 1 Company; Capt. Watson and Lieut. Sewell, of No. 2 Company; and
Lieut. Ferguson, of No. 3 Company.

Question--How long have you been connected with the regiment, and in
what capacity?

Answer--As Drill Instructor and Adjutant, about four years.

Question--About what proportion of the Thirteenth Regiment was wholly
undrilled at the time of the affair at Lime Ridge?

Answer--One man only, and the others were all drilled men.

Question--Had the whole battalion previously been exercised with blank
cartridge?

Answer--Yes, but not frequently.

Question--Had they any practice with ball cartridge?

Answer--I think 180 men had previously had ball practice.

Question--Was a large proportion of the regiment composed of boys under
twenty?

Answer--I think that about 120 were under twenty, and a large proportion
of these were between the ages of 19 and 20 years of age.

Question--Did you observe any difference in the demeanor of the men when
under fire?

Answer--No difference--all seemed equally steady.

Question--What number of rounds had the men of the Thirteenth when going
into action?

Answer--Sixty rounds per man, with caps in proportion.

MAJOR SKINNER'S TESTIMONY.

Major Skinner, of the Thirteenth Battalion, was the next witness
examined.

Question--Were you present at Lime Ridge on the 2nd of June last, when
the right wing of the Thirteenth Battalion was sent out to skirmish?

Answer--Yes.

Question--State the orders given and by whom given for the movement, and
what took place under your observation.

Answer--Col. Hooker said to me at some distance (about ten yards):
"Major Skinner, you will skirmish with the right wing." I then advanced
with the skirmishers. We went over a fence and across a field and over
another fence into an orchard on the right side of the road. We went
through that orchard up to another fence, and there remained for some
time. While approaching this fence the enemy's shots passed over our
heads. After remaining some time at this fence we found their shot
getting closer. We then crossed that fence and passed over a field to
another fence, where we halted and remained for some time. I passed to
the right of the skirmishers of our battalion. I went there because I
saw a number of men in green uniform on our extreme right towards our
front, and knowing they were some of our men, told my men not to fire
upon them. I cannot say that I saw any of the enemy. They fired upon us
from under cover. We met a few skirmishers in green in the orchard. We
passed through them.

Question--Before you deployed, what was the position of your regiment as
regards the Queen's Own?

Answer--The Queen's Own were all away in front, and the York Rifles
also.

Question--How long after the first shot was tired by the enemy was it
until the Thirteenth were ordered to skirmish?

Answer--About ten minutes elapsed from the time the first shot was
fired until some men of the Queen's Own came in, and we were ordered
to relieve the skirmishers. I heard a call for the surgeon to go to the
front about seven minutes before we were ordered to skirmish. At the
same time Ensign McEachren was carried to the rear. After going to the
right of our skirmishers and cautioning the men not to fire upon the men
in green on our right. I went back again to the centre of our men. We
remained there at this fence about a quarter of an hour, and the enemy
getting our range, it became so hot that we again advanced. We ran
across a field this time. The whole of No. 3 Company must have been on
the left of the road. I was on the right of the road. We found a brick
house, with a wooden addition to it. It was locked up with a padlock,
and one of our men opened it. We went in, and opening the front door,
used the house for cover, firing through the doorway. We were about 150
yards from the woods occupied by the enemy. Some one on the left of the
road called out, "Don't you hear the bugle?" I said, "No. What does it
say?" The reply I got was, "Retreat." I then looked around to the rear
for the first time since we came out, and I saw our men at the right
running in. I then heard some one on my left say, "Why, they are
preparing to receive cavalry." I looked around and said, "Where is the
cavalry?" implying that I saw none. I then ran across the road to the
left and saw that the men were all running as fast as they could to the
rear. I ran for a barn and remained there a few moments to get breath,
and then ran for another fence. I saw a few of our men behind me, and
the enemy pursuing them. Two of our men were shot here--Stewart and
Powell. I then made for the road where we had previously deployed,
expecting to find the reserve there. I found none. Our skirmishers were
then comprising men of all of our companies, mixed with those in green.
I suppose there were about 150 red coats and about 30 or 40 in green. I
then asked for the commanding officer, but got no answer. I then asked
for Col. Booker, and one man in the crowd cried out, "He is off, three
miles ahead." I do not know who it was that said so. I then called
for Major Gillmor, and got no reply. I then thought that I should do
something, and I ran to the front of the retreating men on the road
and told them to halt. They paid no attention to me. I called upon an
officer of our battalion, who was on the right of the men retreating, to
draw his sword and see if we could not stop them. We then again went to
the front of our men, retreating backwards for a few minutes, when we
got them to halt. A couple of boys of our regiment had their bayonets
fixed, endeavoring to stop them, and before I could do further a number
of men in green rushed past on the left and one of the boys disappeared,
and then commenced, a further retreat of all present. No companies were
formed for the retreat. I assisted to carry two boys who were wounded by
getting doors and carrying them to Ridgeway. They were Rifles. When we
reached Ridgeway there were about 150 of us, mixed red and green. We
found no one of the force in Ridgeway when we arrived. It was
half-past 10 o'clock when we reached Ridgeway. I remained there about
three-quarters of an hour, the men continually leaving and going on
towards Port Colborne. I left the village just as the Fenians were
coming down the hill. I had about 50 men and officers with me. We took
the road towards Port Colborne. At the turn of the road we halted and
looked back, and saw a large column of about 400 of the enemy marching
down the hill into Ridgeway. I wish to state that the whole regiment
(Thirteenth) had sixty rounds each, and when the order to retreat was
given we had not expended half of our ammunition.

Question--Is there anything of your own knowledge that you wish to state
that it is important this Court should hear?

Answer--No.

ISAAC RYALL'S EVIDENCE.

Dr. Isaac Ryall, Surgeon of the Thirteenth Battalion, was the next
witness examined.

Question--Were you present at Lime Ridge on the 2nd of June last, and in
what capacity?

Answer--Yes, as Surgeon of the Thirteenth Battalion Question--State your
position during the action, and what occurred under your observation.

Answer--I remained with my own battalion until the order was given by
Col. Booker to skirmish and relieve the Queen's Own. The regiment at
this time was standing on the road beyond the tavern. I followed the
line of skirmishers behind No. 4 Company, which passed along the road to
the schoolhouse and then advanced to a fence near an orchard. While
here a man who was wounded came from the front. He was a rifleman, but I
cannot say what corps he belonged to. I examined him and sent him to the
rear. I then returned to my post. A few moments afterwards No. 4 Company
were ordered to advance, and they went over the fence into the orchard.
I then went down to the fence, with the orderlies to assist, and then
passed down the fence until coming near the end of it. I cut across the
angle to the main road, and there I saw Col. Booker with his bugler
and an orderly. The Rifles in reserve were behind Col. Booker, who was
between them and the line of skirmishers on the road. Immediately on
reaching Col. Booker I heard an order or a cry (which was not from Col.
Booker) to "Prepare for cavalry!" I looked around and could not see any
cavalry. I then walked to the rear. I am quite positive that the first
order to "Prepare for cavalry!" was not given by Col. Booker, because I
was quite close to him at the time, and the word came from the front. An
order was then given by Col. Booker to "Form square." which was done.
I am not positive that this order was given by Col. Booker, but I think
so. They did not seem to properly "form square." and in a few seconds
they commenced retreating. The square I have referred to was composed of
Rifles and the color party of the Thirteenth. My orderly (Robert Maun)
was with me at this time. I did not see any of the Thirteenth come up
and form in rear of the square. I was going to the rear and saw them
commence running. I walked down the road, and the men passed me running.
About a quarter of a mile from where the square was formed. I heard Col.
Booker give an order, which I repeated twice, for the men to go into
a wood on the left-hand side of the road. The order did not seem to be
obeyed. I spoke to one man of the Thirteenth, and asked him why he did
not obey the orders. He said he would go in if the others did, but he
would not go in by himself. Immediately after I saw a man named Powell,
of the Thirteenth, who had been wounded and was being assisted by two
men. I examined him and found there was no necessity for immediate
action, and then got him into a waggon and took him to a farmer's house
beyond Ridgeway. I did not see Col. Booker again until I got about
a mile or more from the Ridgeway Station, on the road south of the
railway, he had been giving some stimulants to a sick soldier of the
Thirteenth, who was mounted on his horse. The man 's name was Daniel
Laker. I went on with the men. I saw the Rifles resting themselves by
the roadside, and the Thirteenth passing them after leaving Ridge way.
When we arrived at the point where the railway track crossed the main
road, some of the men took the railway track and some followed the
road. Col. Booker and I both followed the track, and a train shortly
afterwards came up, upon which a number of men got; as many as it would
carry. Col. Booker walked on or remained behind. It was only an engine
and a baggage car. There were no passenger cars.

LIEUT. FERGUSON'S EVIDENCE.

The next witness examined by the Court was Lieut. John William Ferguson,
of No. 3 Company, Thirteenth Battalion.

Question--Did you command No. 3 Company of the Thirteenth Battalion at
the battle of Lime Ridge on the 2nd of June last?

Answer--Yes.

Question--State what took place that day under your own observation.

Answer--About ten or fifteen minutes after the firing commenced, Major
Gillmor came back to the rear and told Col. Booker that his men were
tired and their ammunition nearly expended, and asked Col. Booker to
send out the right wing of the Thirteenth to relieve his men. Col.
Booker then gave the order to the right wing of the Thirteenth to deploy
on No. 3 Company, and this being done, an order was given to extend
from the left. We then advanced over a fence through a field, and in the
middle of the field we were halted by bugle call. In a few minutes "the
advance" was sounded, and we continued advancing until we came under
fire. The Queen's Own were then retiring in good order. We then
commenced firing and advanced across a field. My company had to cross
the road to the left side. Here I changed my front a little to the
right, and saw the enemy about 100 yards off. I heard a bugle sound "the
retreat," and I gave the command to "retire." We retired about forty
yards in line into the original position, firing as we fell back.
While retiring I heard the bugle sound the "advance." I then ordered
my company to advance, but not to fire until they got where they were
before, under cover. I again heard a bugle call which I did not know,
but on inquiry was told it was "the alarm." I looked for the cavalry,
but could see none. I let my men remain where they were. I then heard
the bugle call "the assembly," followed by "the double." I then ordered
the men to make for the square the shortest way they could, and they
retired on the square. Three of them were wounded while retiring at this
time. When I saw the enemy coming out of the woods I went after my men.
I saw Major Skinner and Adjutant Henery making for the same point, that
is, the square. When I reached where the reserve stood, scarcely any men
were there. On my way down I saw one of the Queen's Own lying dead as
I passed. Several ineffectual attempts were made to form up the men. At
Ridgeway I saw Col. Booker on his horse forming up his battalion into
column. They were falling into column of companies, right in front,
facing towards Port Colborne, past Ridgeway. As soon as we had formed
I heard Col. Booker give the command, "Form fours--right. Left
wheel--quick march!" and the column moved off in the direction of Port
Colborne. Col. Booker was in advance of the column until we came near a
wood, when he told us to keep a sharp lookout for firing from the woods,
and he passed back to the rear and towards Ridgeway. The main body of
the Rifles was before us. I did not see Col. Booker again. I saw his
horse pass by with a body on his back in red clothing. This was about
four miles from Port Colborne.

CAPT. B. H. DAVIS' TESTIMONY.

Robert H. Davis, Captain of the York Rifles, was the next witness
called.

Question--Were you present at the engagement at Lime Ridge on the 2nd of
June last?

Answer--I was.

Question--State what position you held in the engagement, and what you
know, of your own knowledge, what occurred.

Answer--When the firing commenced I was in front of the Thirteenth, in
column of reserve. I was sent out with my company alone, as a company
in support of the left skirmishing company of the Queen's Own (that
was Capt. Sherwood's company, Trinity College Rifles). I remained there
until the skirmishers were called in, when I took my company to the
rear in fours, and formed them up in rear of the reserve, which was then
formed by the Queen's Own. After I had halted and fronted the company,
I looked in front of the column and saw the Thirteenth were all out. I
thought I was not in my right place, and I countermarched my company to
the head of the column, taking, as I supposed, the ground I should have
taken when I came in, namely, that held originally by the Thirteenth, to
which I was attached. I had scarcely halted here when the order came for
two more companies to extend, the leading company to take ground to the
left. I went almost over the same ground from which I had just returned,
and got to the left of the skirmishers already extended, when I extended
my own company from the right, the company on my right being a Rifle
company. When within about 500 yards of the enemy, we commenced firing
and advancing. We crossed two fields on the other side of the cross-road
called the Garrison Road. When I had formed my men by a fence to
give them a direct fire into the enemy, I heard a bugle call which my
sergeant said was "the retire." He said that it was a mistake, that it
was "the advance" that was meant. In a few minutes "the advance" was
sounded, and I took my company over the fence behind which they were
lying and told them to get to the next one as soon as they could. When
about half way across the field "the retire" was again sounded, followed
by "the double." I looked along the line of skirmishers and saw them
firing and retiring, and a good many running in. We retired, the men
firing occasionally, until we reached the Garrison Road. I then closed
the company on the centre and crossed the Garrison Road to the next
field, then formed "fours right" and marched to where I had left the
reserve. In the field on the Ridgeway side of the Garrison Road there
was a small farm house on the hill close to the side of the Ridgeway
road, and when I came up with the company to this house I saw a company
of Rifles in close column of sections, kneeling to receive cavalry. I
expressed my surprise at this, and moved my own company up the road.
When I reached the fence alongside of the road I saw a good deal of
confusion, and I asked generally what was the matter, and what they were
going to do. Some officer told me that the order had been given to
"Form square" on the leading company of the reserve. I did this with my
company, and halted in rear of the column. The order was now passed from
the front for the column to retire, and the attempt was made to retire,
and in two minutes all was confusion.

Question--Have you any further information to give the Court respecting
what occurred at the engagement at Lime Ridge?

Answer--I saw several officers of Rifles and infantry using all their
exertions like good men to induce the men to rally and form up again, or
to fight in any way. Among these officers were Major Skinner, Adjutant
Henery, and Captain Gardner, of the Highland Company, Queen's Own. I
had sixty rounds of ball cartridges on going into action, and the men
expended between 15 and 20 rounds each.

CAPTAIN GARDNER EXAMINED.

The next witness called was Capt. John Gardner, of the Queen's Own.

Question--State the company you commanded at Lime Ridge on the 2nd of
June last, and the particulars of the engagement which took place under
your observation.

Answer--I commanded on that occasion No. 10 (or the Highland) Company
of the Queen's Own. After leaving the cars at Ridgeway, the brigade
was formed in quarter distance column, right in front, the Queen's Own
leading, the York Rifles next, then the Thirteenth Battalion, with the
Caledonia Rifles as the rear guard. After loading with ball cartridges.
No. 5 Company of the Queen's Own (Capt. Edwards) was sent out as the
advance guard. I believe that company was detailed for this duty because
it was the only company that was armed with the Spencer rifle. I cannot
say whether we were marching in column of companies or sub-divisions,
but after the advance guard had got out a reasonable distance the column
was moved on. After marching some distance we were halted, and then the
skirmishers were thrown out. The whole brigade then advanced in this
order, and halted once or twice to maintain their proper distance.
Upon seeing what they took to be the enemy on the left, two additional
companies were sent out. At this time Col. Hooker and Major Gillmor
endeavored by the use of their glasses to ascertain where the enemy
were. Then the skirmishers on the left stopped for a moment, when the
bugle sounded "incline to the left." and some of them. I think, raised
their hats upon their rifles, but did not obey the call, probably from
not hearing the bugle call. A sergeant was sent out to tell them
to incline more to the left. He had just reached them, when firing
commenced by two or three shots being fired on the left of the road, and
almost immediately the enemy opened upon us a regular volley from our
front. Our men then returned the fire, continually advancing until they
occupied the ground from which the Fenians first fired upon them. At
this time eight companies of the Queen's Own were out. Nos. 9 and 10
were with the reserve on the road. At this time No. 9 Company was sent
out to the right of the skirmish line, and my company as their support.
I do not think I was two minutes supporting them, when I was ordered to
reinforce the line by joining them. As soon as I did so. No. 9 Company
moved into the wood on my right. I remained fifteen or twenty minutes in
this open field, firing at the enemy who were under cover in the
woods, the bullets coming like hail. I was then relieved by one of the
companies of the Thirteenth Battalion, and I retired to the reserve on
the road. None of my men were injured. I had just halted my company in
rear of the column when Col. Booker came up to Major Gillmor and told
him he wanted a company sent to our right, to prevent the Fenian left
from flanking us. The column at this time forming the reserve was
composed of companies in red and partly of companies in green. Major
Gillmor looked at the column, and said to me. "Captain Gardner, take
your company." At this time the column was standing at the crossing of
the Ridge Road with the Garrison Road. I then faced my company to the
right and marched along the Garrison Road in file, all the time exposed
to the fire of the enemy, until we reached the wood on the right. I
extended while marching towards the woods. I then ordered them to enter
the woods in skirmishing order. We had no support, and so continued
during the engagement. The enemy was in the woods in front of us, and
on our approach retreated. On reaching the other side of the bush they
retired, and we found on the ground they had been occupying several
articles which I believe are still forthcoming. We remained on the edge
of this field firing upon the enemy, who were in the bush opposite, and
kept up their fire upon us. The field between us and the enemy was about
400 yards, varying in width. We continued here engaged with the enemy
for some time, until we heard some cheering on our left front, along the
enemy's line. I thought it was our men cheering and making a dash on the
enemy. I then ordered my men to get over the fence and cross the field
to the left, in the direction from which the cheering came. As soon as
we came to the opening commanding a view of the field, we perceived that
it was the Fenians who had cheered, and were advancing in large numbers
towards our forces. Sergeant Bain, from an elevated position, saw the
enemy coming down on them on a run, and cried out, "Retire, retire!"
Then we made for the head of the column of reserve on the road. In
reaching this point we had to pass through the fire of the advancing
enemy the whole time. At first the fire passed over our heads, but as we
neared the column it lowered, and bullets struck around us everywhere.
My left sub-division alone came in with me. The right sub-division
went with Ensign Gibson through the wood to the rear and around to our
reserve, but I cannot particularize as to them. On crossing the fence
next to the column I met Capt. Davis, of the York Rifles, and saw the
column in the road standing in the form of three sides of a square, and
a number of men standing loosely around. Some of the men in the square
had their bayonets fixed and some had not. I here saw Major Gillmor,
Capt. Otter, Capt. Morrison, Lieut. Bennett, Lieut. Beaven, Capt. Brown,
Capt. Douglas, and perhaps others of the Queen's Own. I also saw Capt.
Henery, Adjutant of the Thirteenth Battalion. Other officers of that
corps might have been there, but I did not see them. Lieut. Ramsay
came in with me, and stayed to the very last. Capt. Davis and myself
organized a strong company of volunteers from this crowd, when Major
Gillmor came up to me and said there was no use in sacrificing these
men, as our main body was retreating towards Ridgeway. These men who
remained in the rear kept up an incessant fire upon the enemy all the
time they were standing there. The fire from the enemy suddenly ceased,
and it was then that Capt. Davis and I endeavored to form up the company
composed of volunteers to make a stand. Major Gillmor having expressed
his opinion that it was no use to sacrifice these men, we all
deliberately retreated towards Ridgeway. As we proceeded a few stray
shots were at one time fired at us, but no further attack was made upon
us.

Question--Have you any further information to give this Court respecting
the engagement at Lime Ridge which you think may be of public interest?

Answer--No.

ENSIGN MACLEAN'S TESTIMONY.

The next witness called by the Court was Thomas A. McLean, Ensign of No.
6 Company of the Queen's Own.

Question--Were you present at the engagement at Lime Ridge on the 2nd of
June?

Answer--I was. Whilst the column was advancing on the road from Ridgeway
to Stevensville, the advance guard gave the signal that the enemy was
in sight. I saw on the left what I took to be a small party of our men
running towards the woods, at a distance of about half a mile. A detail
of several companies from the Queen's Own were now sent out to skirmish,
and our company (No. 6) went out as the right flanking party, being
posted at right angles with the line of skirmishers, in skirmishing
order. We advanced through a wood on our right, feeling for the enemy.
We saw no one and were recalled in about fifteen minutes and sent out as
a support to a company on the right of the road and towards the right
of the skirmishing line. As we were advancing in this order fire was
suddenly opened from the enemy in front along our line, which the
skirmishers immediately returned. As soon as the fire opened the
skirmishers doubled up to cover, and we were advanced to a wheat field
and were ordered to lie down. We again advanced, the enemy retreating.
In about twenty-five minutes the order came to relieve skirmishers. We
at once doubled up, extending on the double, and relieved the company in
front of us, who retired, and I suppose formed our support. Our company,
on getting into the skirmish line, immediately fired and advanced at the
double over two fields. Then there was a check for a short time, with
a sharp fire on both sides. Then we advanced again, inclining rather to
the left, and drove the enemy out of the orchard and from the barn and
fences. We held the barn and orchard for some time. A company of the
Thirteenth came up in extended order in our rear. They did not relieve
us. They were from 50 to 60 yards in rear of us. One or two officers
and two or three men came up to the line of skirmishers, and my men
complained to me that those men of the Thirteenth behind us would shoot
them, as they were firing over the heads of my company. I got up and
asked them if they had come to relieve skirmishers, but got no answer. I
turned around to my men and said. "Boys, peg away. They are not going
to help us." They did not relieve us, but stayed at the fence in rear of
us, and some of them fired from that position over the heads of my men,
and some of them to the left. The firing continued for a little while
after this, and I saw the Fenians advancing down the road. They were
pushing forward their skirmishers and were advancing, as I thought, in a
heavy column of companies. They continued their advance, and we received
an order to retire. We then retired as skirmishers usually do in closing
in on their supports. We came out, but found no support to close upon,
and reached the open space where there was a large body of men formed
into square. After reaching this open space I heard a cry of "Cavalry."
but saw none. I heard a cheer from our square, and from some cause the
rear of the square seemed to turn and go down the road. The square now
seemed to dissolve, and the men formed a confused mixture of red
and green down the road to Ridgeway. Some men halted in the rear and
delivered their fire. Many of the officers used their endeavors to stop
the retreat. I left the main body because I found that from the effect
of a heavy fall I had just received I could not keep up with the column,
and I therefore went into the woods on our right as we were retiring,
and kept out of reach of the enemy. I advanced in line with their
skirmishers as long as their fire lasted, from a half to three-quarters
of a mile. I then stopped and laid down to watch the main body of the
enemy pass along the road. I had a good position to see from, at a
distance of about 400 yards. I noticed that every time our men fired
it checked the enemy, as their long line of skirmishers would halt. The
main body advanced, as I thought, in column of fours. I counted a number
of fours, and then as they passed I gauged another party, and so on
until all passed, and allowing for their advanced skirmishers and rear
guard, I think there were 1,500 men, if they were marching in fours, as
I believe they were. After they had all passed I made for a farm house.
Shortly afterward I left for Col. Peacocke's column, who I heard was
a short distance away, at New Germany. I arrived there at half-past 1
o'clock and reported myself to Col. Peacocke, who ordered me to stay
with his force.

Question--Have you any further information within your own knowledge,
of public interest, to convey to the Court respecting the engagement at
Lime Ridge?

Answer--No.

REV. MR. INGLIS EXAMINED.

The next witness called by the Court was Rev. David Inglis, a
Presbyterian minister.

Question--Were you present at the engagement at Lime? Ridge on the 2nd
of June last?

Answer--I was.

Question--State your position on this occasion, and whatever part of the
action or proceedings that came under your observation that may furnish
any information to the Court.

Answer--I left Ridgeway in the ammunition waggon, and was behind the
main body, among the rear guard. A little before the firing commenced
the rear guard halted, and the waggon in which I rode was brought up
to the rear of the main body. After the firing commenced the rear guard
passed us, and the waggon was then halted. Rev. Mr. Burwash and myself
left the waggon and hastened to the rear of the Thirteenth. A cry was
raised that one of the Queen's Own was wounded. "Where is the doctor?"
We hurried on and met Dr. May with several men of the Queen's Own
bearing Ensign McEachren from the field. They took him into a log house
on the left side of the road, and Dr. May desired me to inform him that
his wound was mortal. I told him so, and spent some time with him
in religious service. I then left him with Rev. Mr. Burwash, whose
parishioner he had been for some time previously, and went out to see if
I could be useful elsewhere. It afterwards took up a position on a
pile of stones on the road which gave me a view of the position of
the troops. I think it was now about twenty minutes since the firing
commenced that killed Ensign McEachren up to the time of my getting upon
the pile of stones. At this time I observed a part of the Thirteenth out
as skirmishers, and other portions of the same regiment in more compact
bodies behind them. I think I saw a company of green coats out on the
right of those companies of the Thirteenth that were skirmishing. At
this time, on the main road near me, were formed up a body of men in
green coats, composed, I should say, of three or four companies, and
with these men were the colors of the Thirteenth Regiment, surrounded by
a few men of that corps. The firing at this time from the enemy was very
rapid. I left this place and went back to the hospital, and returned
again in about half an hour. On my return I noticed that the firing of
the enemy on our left had very materially slackened, but was kept up
regularly, although not so rapidly as on the right. A bugle sounded near
the colors of the Thirteenth produced an obvious commotion among the
men. They were looking about them, very much as though they knew not
what to do. After a short interval another bugle call sounded from near
the centre of the reserve, where the colors were. The men in the reserve
by command formed a square after this bugle sounded. It was not a
perfect square. This was succeeded by another bugle call and words of
command. The result of that was that these men who had "formed square"
were getting back to their former positions. Then came a fourth bugle
call. The effect of this was that the whole line of skirmishers and
those in support of them, as well as those in the road near me, made a
motion to turn around. At this moment a small number of men (about 25
or 30) broke from the ranks and ran down the road, leaving the remainder
standing mostly faced to the rear. These men were all dressed in green.
Immediately behind those that were running away came from six to eight
in red coats, who ran after the others down the road. The skirmishers
and supporters were all retiring. I then ran over to the hospital and
told Dr. May that our men were retiring. He said he would take all the
wounded men with him. Just afterwards I noticed a great rush of men to
the rear. I had left the hospital to see how matters were, and to see if
our men were still retiring, and had started to return, but the rush
of men was so great that I could not get across to the hospital. This
retreat continued, with the red and green mixed together. I passed down
and got up on the ammunition waggon, and found that Dr. May was ahead of
me with his patients. While on the waggon I noticed in the rear of the
retiring column a number of men (between 100 and 200, I think), composed
of red and green, seeming to be drawn up across the road in pretty good
order. Down the road a short distance an attempt was made to rally or
re-form the men, which was to a good extent successful. Before we came
to Ridgeway there was a halt. A man in uniform came and took the horse
which Col. Booker had been using. Shortly after this I saw Col. Booker
on the horse coming towards Ridgeway. From all I saw and heard of the
men. I can bear testimony that with very few exceptions there was no
evidence of cowardice. They displayed good spirit, and were all eager to
meet the Fenians on the following morning.

This concluded the evidence taken by the Court of Inquiry in regard to
the matter under consideration. After due deliberation, and a careful
sifting of all the testimony given, the following was given as the
result of the investigation, which received the approval of the Militia
authorities:--

OPINION.

The Court having duly considered the evidence brought forward by
Lieut.-Col. Booker, as well as such evidence as the Court have
considered necessary, with a view of the further elucidation of the
truth, are of opinion:--

First--That so far as the courage and character of Lieut.-Col. Booker:
with reference to his conduct in the command of the force engaged with
the enemy at Lime Ridge on Saturday, the 2nd of June last, are affected,
there is not the slightest foundation for the unfavorable imputations
cast upon him in the public prints, and most improperly circulated
through that channel and otherwise. On the contrary, the Court desire
to express the further opinion that Lieut.-Col. Booker having, as will
appear, fallen into an error, promptly exerted himself in person to
repair the effects of that error, in a manner which can leave no stain
upon his personal courage and conduct, subsequently to the period of
actual conflict with the force opposed, and also that the disposition of
his forces, the manner in which, before an unseen enemy whose strength
was unknown to him, he planned his attack, and the desire and anxiety
which he showed to carry out these plans to the best of his ability
at points where it was his duty to be, have in conjunction with the
statements of officers and others in evidence before the Court, led the
Court to believe that at no period of that day could want of personal
coolness be imputed to Lieut.-Col. Booker.

With reference to the circumstances connected with the late engagement
at Lime Ridge, this Court are further of opinion that the entire
force under command of Lieut.-Col. Booker, from the formation of the
expedition to the time it came out of action, was under disadvantages
with which Her Majesty's regular forces have seldom or ever, it
is submitted, had to contend--in the want, of cavalry, artillery,
commissariat arrangements, or even the requisite means of carrying
with them cooked provisions, or supplying themselves with water in the
country through which they were about to move, in a season when the
heat rendered it especially needful that this last point should receive
careful attention.

Further, that more than half of the two battalions forming the largest
proportion of the whole force which left Port Colborne for Stevensville
on the morning of the 2nd of June, was composed of youths not exceeding,
and in many instances not having reached twenty years of age; that a
large proportion of the force had been for a very short time accustomed
to bear arms; that a somewhat less proportion had not even been
exercised with blank cartridge, and that practice with ball cartridge
was by very many of the rank and file of that force to be entered upon
for the first time in their lives on that day.

That notwithstanding these disadvantages, the Court have, from the
evidence produced, arrived at the conviction that no force could have
commenced a march with the knowledge that they were advancing into a
country occupied by an enemy whose numbers (exaggerated as they were
afterwards known to be) were unknown to them, and whose position they
might at any moment he called upon to attack, in finer spirits, or
a more ready desire to show by obedience to command, that they were
deserving of the confidence which their employment on the occasion
showed was reposed in their courage, and in this respect no difference
was perceptible between the mere tyros and the more seasoned men of the
expedition.

This the Court find was the state of facts up to the time (which will be
referred to in a later part of this opinion) on the arrival of the force
under Lieut.-Col. Booker at Ridgeway, on the line of the Buffalo and
Lake Huron Railway, and its being formed in open column of companies.
The Court find that the order in which it advanced to form a junction
with the brigade under Col. Peacocke, of Her Majesty's 16th Regiment, at
Stevensville, was as follows:--

The 2nd Battalion (or Queen's Own Rifles) in front, the York Rifles
(attached to the Thirteenth Battalion, of which it formed the leading
company), the Thirteenth Battalion next, and last the Caledonia Rifle
Company, forming the rear guard, the advance guard of the force being
No. 5 Company of the Queen's Own, having forty Spencer rifles as part of
their armament; and the Court are of opinion that Lieut.-Col. Booker, in
advancing, used every precaution by extending companies to skirmish to
the right and left of the road by which he was moving his force, which
military rule and the nature of the country demanded; and that in the
forward movement from Ridgeway, the manner in which it was conducted by
Lieut.-Col. Booker and the officers of the force under his orders, was
regular, and in accordance with the well-understood rules by which such
duties are governed; and here the Court think it their duty to point to
the fact that in Lieut.-Col. Booker his force had a commanding officer
who, for the first time in his experience, found himself in command of
a larger body than one weak battalion on parade; and that this officer,
being without the assistance of any staff, and not even accompanied by a
mounted officer or orderly to transmit his instructions, was placed in a
position of unusual difficulty in the event of coming into contact with
the enemy.

The Court have further found, from the evidence adduced before them,
that the column under Lieut.-Col. Booker was proceeding in this
order and had reached a point on the way leading from Ridgeway to
Stevensville, at about two miles from the former point, when the
advanced guard became aware that the woods on the right and left fronts
of the line of advance were occupied by the enemy; and are further of
opinion, that the movements then directed by Lieut.-Col. Booker and the
subsequent disposition of the force at his disposal (up to a time to
be subsequently mentioned), were in strict accordance with laid down
principles, and such as at least to hold an enemy not greatly superior
in numbers in check, if not to drive them back--and that the manner in
which the movements directed were executed, the advance of the companies
of the Queen's Own sent out to strengthen the skirmishers on the left,
the advance of the right wing of the Thirteenth Battalion extended on
the right of the road, and No. 10 Company of the Queen's Own rather to
the right, was highly creditable to the officers and men, particularly
as during the whole of these movements the force was under fire from an
unseen enemy under cover of the woods, our troops being in open ground
and exposed to the effects of such a fire, which fortunately, though
well sustained, was not very effective.

The Court is of opinion that to this point the direction of the attack
and the position of the attacking force was well and skilfully managed,
and the enemy had been forced back to a considerable distance from the
position when first encountered.

The Court find that at this time, and when everything looked favorable
for the attacking force, there occurred an alarm, of the truth of which
a moment's reflection on the part of the men with whom it originated,
and who appear to have been some of the advanced skirmishers, would have
shown the impossibility. It was to the effect that a force of cavalry
was advancing upon our force, and instantly the cry of "Cavalry", spread
with electric rapidity from the front to where the Colonel stood in
reserve, with which part of the force Lieut.-Col. Booker as commanding
officer remained, and thus assuming the cry to have its origin in the
fact that that officer gave the order "Look out for cavalry!" squares
were formed instantly to meet cavalry, both by the column and by the
skirmishers within hearing of that order--a mistake which, being as
quickly discovered, Lieut.-Col. Booker endeavored to remedy by the order
to "Re-form column."

The Court, with respect to this part of the affair, are of opinion that
to adopt the idle rumor that the enemy's force was partly composed of
cavalry in a country where such an arm could be of scarcely any value in
attack, or to assume, even for a moment, that a mounted corps which he
could not see was advancing at such a rate as to render it necessary
to give the words of caution which he used, was ill-judged, and was the
first act which gave rise to the disorganization of his force, which
then followed.

This Court further find that at this moment, and when the officer
commanding had, as before mentioned, given the order to "Re-form
column," he perceived that the column was rapidly falling back. The
attempt to re-form not having been successful, the men became mingled
together, and that the effect of the mistake just referred to became so
perceptible in the disorganization of the column at a moment when, in
the opinion of this Court, to have given the order to advance would have
had the best effect in the encouragement of the force, and in a very
short period would have effected the rout of the enemy. The officer
in command (apparently hesitating as to whether he should advance or
retreat) unfortunately gave the order to retire, and the bugles having
taken it up at the advanced posts of the attack, our force began to fall
back; and notwithstanding the exertions of the officers, who in every
case shown in the evidence before the Court behaved in a very steady and
energetic manner to rally their broken ranks, the column had retreated
too far in the direction of Ridgeway before the advanced parties had all
came in to render this possible. This being the state of the force at
the time, the officer in command (finding it impossible to rally) with
the concurrence of the next senior officer, whom he consulted, decided
upon falling back on Port Colborne by the road over which he had
advanced.

And the Court lastly finds, that the whole of the wounded and sick were
brought with the retreating column, and that it reached Port Colborne
suffering much from fatigue and hunger, but without further casualties
than those which are already known in the official reports of the
affair.

G. T. DENISON,
Colonel. President.

J. SHANLY,
Lieut.-Colonel.

GEO. K. CHISHOLM,
Lieut.-Colonel.

Hamilton. 12th July, 1866.

THE FORT ERIE DISASTER.

REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE COURT OF INQUIRY APPOINTED TO INVESTIGATE
THE CASE OK LIEUT.-COL. J. STOUGHTON DENNIS.

The appointment of a Court of Inquiry to investigate the charges made
against Lieut.-Col. J. Stoughton Dennis was granted on the request of
that officer himself. From the time that Lieut.-Col. Dennis hastily left
his command battling with the Fenians on the streets of Port Erie, the
men of the Welland Canal Field Battery knew him no more, as he never
came back. Therefore their relations were strained. Most of the men of
the Battery and the Dunnville Naval Brigade were pronounced in their
denunciation of his conduct during the fight, and freely expressed their
minds in this respect.

When Capt. King's wounds permitted his return home to Port Robinson from
the hospital at Buffalo, a large number of people assembled to give him
a welcome. In replying to their greetings, Capt. King incidentally made
mention of the experience of his Battery in the battle at Fort Erie, and
during his remarks voiced the sentiments of his men by publicly accusing
Lieut.-Col. Dennis of cowardice. This charge came to the ears of
Lieut.-Col. Dennis and he demanded a Court of Inquiry to investigate
the matter. In the meantime a formula of six separate charges was filed
against Lieut.-Col. Dennis, and His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief
appointed the following officers as a Court of Inquiry, viz.:--Col. Geo.
T. Denison, President; Lieut.-Col. James Shanly, and Lieut.-Col. S. B.
Fairbanks.

The Court assembled in the City Hotel at Fort Erie, on the 8th of
November, 1866, for the purpose of taking testimony. Among those who
were notified to appear as witnesses were a number of men who had been
engaged in the fight as members of the Welland Canal Field Battery and
the Dunnville Naval Brigade, besides several citizens.

For some reason four members of the Welland Canal Field Battery who had
been summoned to testify were not called upon for their evidence, which
they considered a very strange proceeding as they were all present for
that purpose, and had evidence to offer which would tend to substantiate
Capt. King's allegations. Eight or ten witnesses were examined, when
the Court proceeded to sum up the evidence and consider the charges
_seriatim_. The result was that Lieut.-Col. Dennis was exonerated by the
Court, although Col. Geo. T. Denison (the President) differed from his
colleagues on several important points stated in the charges.

The following is the official report, published in General Orders,
which contains the charges made, the findings and the remarks of His
Excellency the Governor-General on the case:--

VOLUNTEER MILITIA. HEADQUARTERS, OTTAWA, 14th December, 1866.

GENERAL ORDERS No. 1.

The Court of Inquiry lately assembled at Fort Erie on application
of Lieut.-Colonel Dennis, having presented its report, the
Commander-in-Chief directs that the several charges preferred against
that officer, with the opinion of the Court of Inquiry thereupon, be
published for general information.

CHARGES.

1st Charge.--With having at Fort Erie on the afternoon of the 2nd June
last, after having received information that an overwhelming force of
the enemy was advancing on and was within a very short distance of
that place, evinced an utter disregard for the lives and safety of the
officers and men of the Welland Canal Field Battery, and the safekeeping
of a large number of Fenian prisoners in charge of that corps and the
Dunnville Naval Brigade, in this: that he ordered billets to be prepared
for the Battery and told the officer commanding it that he should leave
it and the prisoners in Fort Erie and go on himself to Port Colborne
with the Dunnville Naval Brigade with the steamer "Robb," then lying at
a wharf in Fort Erie.

2nd Charge.--With having at Fort Erie on the afternoon of the 2nd June
last, after he had received information that a large and overwhelming
force of the enemy was within a very short distance from his command,
and that his command was in danger of being destroyed or captured,
and after having himself seen that force approaching, recklessly and
uselessly landed 5 officers and 68 men of the Welland Canal Field
Battery and Dunnville Naval Brigade from the steamer "Robb," marched
them along an exposed road, and posted them in a most dangerous
position, where they were exposed to a front and flanking fire from the
enemy, which course on his part resulted in disaster to his command, the
serious wounding and maiming (some of them for life) of an officer and
five men, and the capture by the enemy of four officers and thirty-two
men of that command.

3rd Charge.--With having at Fort Erie on the afternoon of the 2nd
June last, after having placed his command in the dangerous position
described in Charge No. 2, and when a force of the enemy greatly
superior in numbers to his command was within a very short distance from
and advancing upon his left flank, and another force of the enemy far
stronger than the one first herein mentioned was within a very short
distance of and advancing against his front and preparing to flank his
right, the whole force of the enemy being overwhelming and numbering
500 or 600 men, while his command only numbered 5 officers and 68 men,
neither ordering a retreat to the steamer "Robb," which there was ample
time to effect, and whereby his whole command might have been saved,
nor allowing a fire to be opened on the enemy, but on the contrary,
neglecting to give orders for a retreat, and directing that no order to
fire should be given.

4th Charge.--With having, at Fort Erie, on the afternoon of the 2nd
June last, after he had placed his command in the dangerous and exposed
position described in the preceding charges, and given the order not to
fire as therein mentioned, disgracefully, in the face of the enemy, and
in order to secure his personal safety, deserted his command and left it
without orders of any kind.

5th Charge.--With having, on or about the 4th June last, in a certain
report of his proceedings addressed to Colonel Lowry, commanding the
Niagara frontier, untruly, and knowing it to be untrue, stated that,
having advanced to meet the enemy at Fort Erie on the 2nd June last,
he did, in order to save the prisoners then on board the tug "Robb" and
prevent the enemy from obtaining possession of that vessel, order the
Captain of that vessel to cast off and get into the stream, and ordered
his (Colonel Dennis') men (meaning his command, landed as aforesaid) to
retreat and do the best they could to get away, each man for himself,
when in reality he did not give such orders, and had at the time of
which he alleges he gave them, deserted his command.

6th Charge.--That he was guilty of misconduct at Fort Erie on
the afternoon of the 2nd June last, in this, that having received
information that an overwhelming body of the enemy was then within a
very short distance of and advancing against Fort Erie, and in fact seen
that body himself, he should and might, instead of placing his command
then at Fort Erie in the dangerous position described in Charge No. 2,
have embarked it in the steamer "Robb," so protected that vessel with
materials at hand that she would have been proof against the fire and
weapons of the enemy, and dropping into the stream, held the enemy
in check without any casualty to his command, and prevented them from
escaping to the United States before the arrival of a force sufficiently
strong to capture them.

The Court having proceeded to the examination of the evidence brought
forward against the accused, as well as what he has offered in
exculpation, and having duly considered the same, are of--

OPINION.

As to the 1st Charge.--That the allegation that Lieut.-Colonel
Dennis, after having received information of the near approach of an
overwhelming force, made arrangements for billetting his men at Fort
Erie, thereby raising the inference that in so acting he evinced
disregard for the lives of the officers and men of the party under
his command, is not sustained. And that of the part of this charge
attributing to Lieut.-Colonel Dennis an expressed intention (with or
without such information as he is alleged to have had) of leaving a part
of his command at Fort Erie and taking the steamer and remainder of the
force to Port Colborne, there is not any evidence whatever in support.

As to 2nd Charge.--That this charge, based on the assertion not only
that the accused officer was in possession of certain information,
but had actual personal knowledge of the approach of a large and
overwhelming force of the enemy, is not sustained by the evidence before
the Court. On the contrary, with reference to the alleged knowledge of
that fact, the Court is of opinion that the rumors which immediately
before his party was disembarked to repel any attack on the village
of Fort Erie, were, in so far as regarded the strength of the enemy's
force, so much at variance with previously received information of a
definite nature, as to be disbelieved not only by Lieut.-Colonel Dennis,
but to some extent by the officers who have preferred the charges
against him. And it appears to the Court that it was only after he had
got his men into position, and after they had come into actual contact
with the enemy, that the great superiority in numbers of the attacking
force became a matter of certainty.

As to the 3rd Charge.--That this charge, being also grounded
upon certain knowledge alleged to have been in the possession of
Lieut.-Colonel Dennis at a particular time with respect to the great
superiority of the enemy's force, and that whilst possessing that
knowledge, and there being time to avail himself of the line of
retreat alleged to have been open to him, he neglected to do so, is not
sustained by the evidence before the Court. And with reference to the
remainder of this charge as to the aforesaid officer not allowing a
fire to lie opened upon the enemy, but on the contrary directing that
no order to fire should be given, the Court are further of opinion that
this part of the charge is not only not sustained, but is refuted by the
evidence offered on behalf of Lieut.-Colonel Dennis.

As to the 4th Charge.--That with reference to the grave accusations
contained in this charge, the Court are of opinion that throughout
the whole of the affair, and up to the moment when he ascertained from
personal observation that the enemy was on the point of cutting off his
command by an overwhelming force, the dispositions of his party and the
orders given by Lieut.-Colonel Dennis were carried out and given in a
perfectly collected and regular manner, and that on the retreat of his
force his position was not such as to warrant the use of the language
in which this charge has been framed, nor did Lieut.-Colonel Dennis, as
alleged, leave his force without orders, and that therefore not only is
this charge not sustained, but this Court are further of opinion that
the imputation contained herein against Lieut.-Colonel Dennis is by no
means supported by the evidence.

As to the 5th Charge.--That as to this charge nothing which has
transpired in the evidence offered before this Court having varied
the report made by Lieut.-Colonel Dennis to Colonel Lowry, the officer
commanding on the Niagara frontier, as published in the Gazette of the
23rd of June last, and finding that the statements therein contained are
fully supported by evidence before the Court, this Court are further of
opinion that this charge is not sustained.

As to the 6th Charge.--That with reference to the allegation of
misconduct on the part of Lieut.-Colonel Dennis contained in this
charge, the officers preferring it, having based that assertion on an
opinion which they appear to have formed as to the course which ought to
have been, but was not adopted by Lieut.-Colonel Dennis with the force
at his disposal, the Court are of opinion that although subsequent
events and results may have properly led to the conclusion that such
a course might have resulted in the manner alleged in the charge, no
charge of misconduct in not adopting such a course is sustained, first,
because it does not appear from the evidence that at the time when it
is alleged that this course might have been successfully adopted, the
officer in command had foreseen occasion for it. And also because it is
by no means clear to the Court that there was time after he became aware
of the vicinity of the enemy to have taken the steps suggested in this
charge.

(Signed) GEO. T. DENISON,
Colonel, President.

J. SHANLY,
Lieut.-Colonel.

S. B. FAIRBANKS,
Lieut.-Colonel.

Fort Erie. 8th November, 1866.

Colonel Denison, the President, having been overruled by the majority of
the Court, has signed the proceedings as its President, and now
desires to express his dissent from the finding of the majority for the
following reasons:--

Second Charge.--That as to the first allegation, "that he had received
information that a large and overwhelming force of the enemy was within
a very short distance from his command, and that his command was in
danger of being captured," it appears to be proved by the evidence that
this fact is established. The evidence of Drill Instructor McCracken,
Lieutenant McDonald, Henry Cole, Thomas Carlisle, Lieutenant Nimmo, and
of Lewis Palmer, show clearly that messenger after messenger arrived
with this information, that most of the officers and men were aware of
it, and that the remonstrances of Capt King and Capt. McCallum show not
only their appreciation of the danger, but also afford the strongest
presumption that Lieut.-Colonel Dennis must have been aware of it before
he marched his command off the dock. This is also further established
by the admission of Lieut.-Colonel Dennis in his "Statement of Facts"
submitted to the Court, that he himself, after hearing the report, saw
at least one hundred and fifty of the enemy before landing his men, and
his further statement of his having sent word to the "Robb" to secure
the boat and prisoners in case he was overpowered, and his having
withdrawn his men from Ramsford's Corner to a position near the "Robb,"
all prove the evidence of doubts in his mind as to whether he had
sufficient strength in his command to successfully resist the force
which he was informed was about to attack him. And as to the remainder
of the second charge the evidence proves it conclusively.

Third Charge.--Colonel Denison also dissents from the finding of the
Court upon the third charge, as he is of opinion that the third charge
is proved, with the exception that the allegation that Lieut.-Colonel
Dennis did not allow a fire to be opened on the enemy. On this point
there is a certain amount of rebutting evidence, although the weight of
evidence seems to support the charge.

(Signed) GEO. T. DENISON. Colonel. President.

Fort Erie, 8th November, 1866.

With respect to the foregoing charges and opinion, and to the evidence
generally taken by the Court of Inquiry, His Excellency directs the
publication of the following remarks:

1. Although the order for the assembly of the Court was general in its
terms, the special memorandum of instructions furnished for the guidance
of the President and members, stated that the Court was assembled to
give Lieut.-Col. Dennis an opportunity of refuting charges which had
been "made against his personal conduct on the 2nd June, at Fort Erie,"
and directed the reception of any evidence which might tend to elucidate
the truth.

2. The only one of the above six charges which, strictly speaking, the
Court was required to consider, was the 4th, which imputed disgraceful
and cowardly conduct to the accused officer.

3. His Excellency approves of the opinion of the Court with respect to
the 1st. 3rd. 4th. 5th and 6th charges.

4. With respect to the second charge. His Excellency is of opinion that
Lieut.-Col. Dennis committed an error in judgment in removing the small
force under his command, from the means of secure retreat afforded by
the steamer, before he had ascertained with some degree of certainty the
probable force of the enemy, of whose near approach he was informed;
but if the accusation made against Lieut.-Col. Dennis in this charge be
correct, that he did so remove his force from the shelter of the steamer
for the purpose of attacking an enemy, whose numbers he knew to
be overwhelming--the proceeding savours rather of rashness than of
timidity. Had Lieut.-Col. Dennis been the coward which his accusers
would have the public believe, he would in such a case have eagerly
availed himself of the remonstrances which it is stated were made
to him, to return with the men under his command to the deck of the
steamer.

5. The first charge being one of imputed intention only, the fulfilment
of which it was not attempted to establish, was not a proper charge for
investigation by any Court.

6. The sixth charge is also an improper charge to have preferred or
investigated. No Commanding Officer would be safe if his subordinates
could be allowed to frame a charge of misconduct against him for not
having adopted a particular course, which, judging deliberately after
the event, his accusers might think to have been advisable. There is
no pretence that the course which Lieut.-Col. Dennis is accused of
misconduct for not adopting, was suggested to him and rejected.

END

End of Project Gutenberg's Troublous Times in Canada, by John A. Macdonald

*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TROUBLOUS TIMES IN CANADA ***

***** This file should be named 19599.txt or 19599.zip *****
This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
http://www.gutenberg.org/1/9/5/9/19599/

Produced by Gardner Buchanan.

Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
will be renamed.

Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules,
set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project
Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you
do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is
subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
redistribution.

*** START: FULL LICENSE ***

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
http://gutenberg.org/license).

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the
collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an
individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in
a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check
the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning
the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
copied or distributed:

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org

1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked
to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg-tm License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or
distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
that

- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is
owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments
must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."

- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License. You must require such a user to return or
destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
Project Gutenberg-tm works.

- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
of receipt of the work.

- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the
Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with
the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy
is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm

Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists
because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
http://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.

The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at
809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact
information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
page at http://pglaf.org

For additional contact information:
Dr. Gregory B. Newby
Chief Executive and Director
gbnewby@pglaf.org

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To
SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
particular state visit http://pglaf.org

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.

Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily
keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.

Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:

http://www.gutenberg.org

This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.