COLLECTION OF PURITAN AND
ENGLISH THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE
f
LIBRARY OF THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY
PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY
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THE TRUE
HISTORY
COUNCILS
Enlarged and Defended,
Againftthe Deceits of a pretended Vindicator of the Pri-
mitive Church,but infl^ed oftheTympanite&Tyran-
ny of fome Prelates many hundred years after Chrift.
With a Detection of the falfe Hiftory of Edward Lcrd
Bifhop ofCorke and Roffe in Ireland.
And a Specimen of the way by which tfiis Generation
confuteth their Adverfaries in federal Inftances.
And a Preface abbreviating much of Ludolphus's Hifto-
ry of Halajfu.
Written : j fhew their dangerous Errour, who think that a gene-
ral Council^ or Coiledge of Bifhops, is a fupream Governour
of all the Chrlftian World, with power of Univerfal Legifla-
tion, Judgment and Execution, and that Chrifts Laws with-
out their Univerfal Laws,are not fufficient for the Churches Uni-
ty and Concord.
By R I C HARDVB A X T E R, a Lover of Truth, Love,
and Peace, and a Hater of Lyings Malignity, and. Terfecuticn.
To which is added by another Hand, a Defence of a Book, En-
tituled, No Evidence for Diocefan Churches. Wherein what is
further produced out of Scripture, and ancient Authors, for
Diocefan Churches, is difcuffed.
I London Printed for Tho. ?artyurft, at the Bible and Three Crowns, at
the lower end of Cbeapfide, near Mmta Chappel. 1 63 2.
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To the Pious and Peaceable Proteftant-Cdnform-
ing Minifters, who are againft our Subje<%ion
to a Foreign Jurifdidtion. The- notice of the :
Reafbn of this Book, with a Breviate of Ludol
pirns Habaffian Hiftory,
V-
Reverend Brethren 3
WHen after the ejfeffs of our calamitous di
vifions , the rejoycing Hat ion fuppofed
they had been united, in our King new-
ly reflored (by a General and Army
which had been fighting againft himjnvited&flrengthned
by the City }3 many other sJ3 an Aft of Oblivion feerned to
have prepared for future amity ; fome little thought
that men were about going further from each other than
they were before : Bu t the Malady was evident to fuch
of us as were called to attempt a Cure, and neither the
Caufes nor the Prognofticks hard to be known. A cer-
tain and cheap Remedy was obvious ; but no Tleas, no
cPetitionsi could get nan to accept it. The Symptomes
then threatnedfar worfe thanyet hath come to pafs,God
being more merciful to us than mijiaken men. We were
then judged criminal forforefeemg and foretelling what
Fruit the Seed then [own would bring forth : And fine e
then the Sowers fay the Foretellers are the caufe of all.
We quickly fiwy that inftead of hoping for any Concord \
and healing of the Bones which then were broken, it
A 2 would
lhe rreiace,
would become our Care and too hard work, to endeavour
to fr event a greater breach. Though we thought Two
Thoufandfuch Minifters as were filenced would be mifty
when others thought it a blefftng to be rid of them, we
then pared, andfome hoped, that no [mall number more
would follow them.
It was not you that caft fuch out \ nor is it you that
wifljthe continuance and incre a fe oftheCaufes. We agree
with you in all points of the Chriftian Reformed Religi-
on : and concerning the evil of all the fins which we fear
by Conforming to commit, though we agree not of the
meaning of thofe Oaths, Tromifes^rojefftons, and^Pra-
Bices, which are the matter feared. We live in unfeign-
ed Love and Communion with thofe that love Truth, Ho-
lme fs and Teace, notwithftanding fuch differences as
thefe. God hath not laid our Salvation or Communion
upon cur agreeing about the meaning of every word or
Sentence in the Bible , much lefs on our agreeing of the
fenfe of every word in all the Laws and Canons of men*
Two things we earnefily re que ft of you , for the fake
of the Chriftian Religion, this trembling Nation, and
your own and others Souls, i. That you will in your
cPariJJj Relations ferioufty ufe your beft endeavours to
•promote true Godlinefs and Brotherly Love, and to
heal the fad Divifions of the Churches : We believe that,
it muft be much by the Parochial Minifters and Affem-
blies y that Piety and Troteftant Verity muft be kepi
up : And what we may not do, we pray that you may
do it who are allowed. 2. That you will join with us
again/} all Foreign Jurifdi&ion, Ecclefufiicalor Civil.
The Tarty which we dread I have given you fome ac-
count of in my Reply to Mr. Dodwell. By their Fruits
you may know them. 1. They are fuch as labour to mike
our Breaches wider, ly rendring thofe that they differt
from
The Preface.
from odious , which commonly is by falfe accusations;
They call out for Execution by the Sword againft thoft
that dare not do as.they do, and cry, Goon , abate no-
thing; they are famous Schifmaticks, rebellious: They
might eafily have learnt this Language, without flaying
long in the Vniverfities, and without all the Brtmftone
Books that teach it them. ' An invifible Tutor can foon
teach it them without Book. He that hateth his Bro-
ther is a murtherer, and hath not eternal Life abiding
in him. 2. They are for an univerfal humane Govern-
ment, with power of Legiflation and Judgment over the
whole Chriftian World. How to call it they are not yet
agreed 9 whether Ariffocratical, or Monarchical r or
mixt. Some of them fay that it is in the Collegium Epif-
eoporum, governing per Literas formatas, for fear left
if they fay, It ism Councils, they J}jould]>refently be con-
futed by the copious Evidence which we produce againft
them. Andyet they may well think that men will ask
them {When did all the Bifhops on Earth make Laws
for all the Chriftian World, orpafs Sentences on Offen-
ders without ever meeting together ? And how came
they to know each others minds ? and which way the
major Vote went ? And what, and where are thofe Laws
which we mufl all be governed by, which neither God
nor Councils made ? The Canons were all made by
Councils.
If you fay that I describe men fo mad, as that lmujl
be thought to wrong themr I now. only ask you, whether
our Cafe be not difmal when fuch ?ne-n as you call mad,
have power to bring us and keep us in our T)ivificns ;
or to do much towards it without much contradiction!
But others who know that fuch palpable darknefs will
not ferve their caufe, do openly jay, that it is General
Councils which are the Legiflative and judging Govern
nours
The Preface.
nours to the whole Church on Earth, as one Political
Body. For they know that we have no other Laws be-
(ides Gods and theirs, pretended to be made for all the
World. But when the Cafes opened by me in the Second
part of my Key for Catholicks, and elfe where, dofdence
them, this Fort alfo is deferted by them. Even Albert.
Pighius hath rendred it ridiculous, i. Jf this be the
i I fpecijyifl& or unifying Head, or fumma Poteftas of the
Universal Church, then it is not monarchical but Arifto- -
cratical. i. Then the Church is no Church, when for
hundreds of Fears there are no General Councils, an effen-
tial part being wanting. And they that own but the 4
or 6 firfi General Councils, make the Church no Church,
or to have been without its eJfentiatingGovemmentthefe
Thousand Fears. And by what proof , be fides their incre*
dibleWvrd, can they tell the Church, that they are fub-
j elf to the fix firfi General Councils, and yet not to the
[event h, eighth, ninth, oranyfince^ 3. I have oft (^a*
gainFt Johnfon, and elfewhere,') proved that there ne-
ver was an universal Council of all the Churches, but on-
ly of part of thofe in the Roman Empire ; Were there no
prooj but from the recorded Names of the Callers of Coun-
cils , and all the Subscribers , it is unanswerable.
4. Who knows not that the Church is now divided into
about Twelve SeBs, all condemning one another^ And
\\ that they are under the Tower of various ^Princes, and
many Enemies to Chriftiamty , who will never agree
to give them leave to travel to General Councils^ And
who (hall call them, or hew long time will ycu give the
Bijheps of Antiocb, Alexandria, the Jacobites, Abaffines,
IMcftorians, Armenians, Mufcovites, and all the reft, to
learn fo much of each others Languages, as to debate in-
telligibly matters cf fuch moment, as Laws for all the
World mufl be. Fwenty more fuch abfurdities , make
this
The Preface.
this Ariflocracy over all the World, as wad' a conceit as
that for ement tone d: And when we know already what
the Christian Parties hold, and that the [aid Jacobites,
Neftorians, Armenians, CircafTians, Mengrelians,Greeks,
Mufcovites, &c. are jar more than either Protefratits or
Tariffs, do we not know that in Councils if they have free
Votes they will judge accordingly againft both.
But this Jort of men are well aware, that the Church
is always, but Councils are rare, and it's, at leaft ,
uncertain whether ever there will be more; and the Ar-
ticles of the Church of England fiy, They may not be
called without the Will of Princes,- and the Church is
now under fo many contrary Trinces as are never like
to agree hrr-etc. And they knew that fome body muft call
them, and fame body muft pre fide y &c. Therefore they
are fori ed \ o fpeak outy and fay, that the Pope is St.Pf-
frftSucceflbr, the prime Patriarch, and prmcipiumVni-
tatst, and muft call Councils, and asPrefident moderate
and difference the lawful from the unlawful .• And that
in the Intervals of Councils he as Patriarch is to govern
at leaft the !VeIiy and that every Diocefane being ex Of-
ficio, the Reprefenter of hisDiocefs, and every Metro-
politane of his Province, and every Patriarch of his Pa-
triarchate, what thefe do all the Bifliops on Earth do,
Andfo the Riddle of a Collegium Paftorum is opened,
end all comet h but to this, that the Italians are Papifts,
who would have the Tope rule Arbitrarily, as above
Councils; but the French are no Tapifts , who would
have the Tope rule only by the Canons or Church Tarlia-
ments, and to be fingulis Major, at univerfis Minor, This
is the true Reformation of Church-Government , in which
the Engliffj Jhould (by them) agree. And now you know
what 1 am warning you to beware of
We are for atwi$tf§ cwjmfficr of the civil Tower
The Preface.
nnd the Ecclefiaftical, and for Christian Kingdoms, and
Churches, fofar national as to he ruled and protected by
Christian 'Kings, in the great ejt Love and Concord that
can be will obtained: And for Councils nee effary to fuch
ends: But we are. not for fetting up a Foreign Jurifdi-
I {lion over King and Kingdom, Church and Souls, upon
■ the fa If e claim ofuncapable Z) fur per s. One of your felves
in a [mail Book called, The whole Duty of Nations, and
another, Dr. Ifaac Barrow againft Papal and all Foreign
Jurifdi&ion, {ptblijhed by 2>. Tillotfon) have (poken
our thoughts fo fully, as that we only intreatyou to take
thofe for ourfenje, and concurr with us therein for our
common Teace and Safety.
We reverence all Councils fo far as they have done
good-, we are even for the Advice and Concord <?/" Fo-
reigners; but not their Jurifdiclion.
If you know the difference between an Ajfembly of
Princes confultingfor Peace and Concord.anda Senate to
govern all thofe Princes as their SubjecJs, you will know
the difference between our Reverence to Foreign Councils,
and the Obedience to them now challenged as the only
way to avoid Schifm. I hope you will join with us in being
called Schifmaticks both to Italian and French Vapifts.
The great Inftrument of fuch mens T>efign being to o-
ver- extol Councils called General, and to hide their Mis-
carriages, and fo by f life Hiftory to deceive their credu-
lous -parly who cannot have while, to fearch after the
truth, I took it to be my "Duty to tell fuch men the truth
out of the moft credible Hiftorians, especially out of the
Councils themfelves as written by our great eft Adverfa-
vies ; that they may truly know what fuch Bifljops and
Councils have done. Among others this, exafferaied a
Writer^ (by fame called Mr. Morrice,) who would make
men believe that I have wronged Councils and Bi (hops,
and
The Prefaced
and falfified Hiftory; and divers other accusation*
he brings, to which I have tendered you mine Answer.
I have heard men reverence the Englifti Synods, who
yet thought that the 5th96th,7th, %th Excommunicating
Canons and the late Engines to cafl out 2000 Minifters,
f roved them fuch to England as I will not denominate.
I have heard men reverence the prefent Miniftry andV-
mverjities, who yet have fad, that they fear more hurt
from the worfer part of them to England, than theyjhould
do from an Army of Foreign Enemies whom we might
reft/I.
I write much, and in great weakness and hafte^ and
have not time for due perufal : And my judgment isra-
ther to do it when I think it neceffary, oilcan, than not
at all. And Mr. M. would make Jm Reader* believe ;
when he hath found a word of Theodorets haftily mifta-
ken, and Calami tranflated Quils, and fuch matter for
a few triflmgcavils, that he hath vindicated the Coun-
cils and Bifhops, and proved me afalfe Hiftorian.
Andean we have a harder cenfure of General Councils
than his own Reverend Lords and Tatronspafs upon .
them, who tell us that there is but fix of all the multi-
tude to be owned. If all the reft are to be rejected, I think
the faults ofthofejfix may be made known, againft their
jDefigns who would bring us under a Foreign JurifditJi-
on, by thi art of over-magnifying General Ccnncils.
I confefs theje men have great advantage againft all
that fuch as I can fay ,' for they have got a fort of Fol-
lowers who will take their words, and are far from ha-
ving will or wit impartially themselves to read the Hi-
flories and try the cafe ; but will {wear that we are all
Rogues and Schematic ks, and unfit to be fuffered- And
they have got young Reverend Priefts, who can cry, away
with them, execute the Laws ; being confeious how much
[a] lefi
The Preface.
lefs able they are to confute us, than the Gaoler is : But
this h but a "Dream : The morning is near, when we f jail
all aw ike. Terhapf you remember the jeaftingfory with
which Sagitarius begins the Trejace to his Me-
tafbyficksx Indeed the hyflerical fufocating Vapours do
07' dm inly (o work^ that in a place vf T erjumes or fweet-
nefs the Worn eh v faint and fwoun away as dead; andCa-
■ y or AjfdFoetida, called Stercus Diaboli, or fuch like
(link^rrviveth them like a Cordial And worfe vapours
affeEt the men we {peak of: Motions of Love they can-
not bear; but reviling and fal[e accufivg Books and
Speeches are Food and Medicine to them.
One of my chief Ccntr over fie s with Mr. M, is about,
the Acts and Effects of the Councils of Ephefus andCvX-
cedon, about the Nejlorian and Eutychian and Mono-
th elite Cont r over fie s. That the ijfue was mofi dolefulTDi-
vijions of the Chrifian World, unhealed to this day , is
pafl the denial of fober men. Whether this was long of
the Bijhop- and Councils is the que f ion. I have fully
proved that Neftorius, Cyril, and Dioi'corns were all of
the fame Faith and differed but in wording the fame
fenje : And if fo, judge how much the World is beholden
toihefe Councils of'Bi/hops .• But this Mr. M. takethfor
afalje Report.
Becaufe it is our mofi important difference, I will here
give the Reader an account op the Effect of fhefe Cam-
cils even to our times, in the great Empire c/Haballia,
out of the much praifed Uiflory fl/Job Ludolphus.
Lib.;, c. 8. In order to declare the Religion of the Ha-
baflines he frfl declareth the Succefs of the Council of
Calcedon, thus,-- [ Damnatus Diofcoms Patriarcha
Alexandrinus tanquam Eutychis Dcfenfor & Hasrefiar-
eha, verheribus quoaue mul&atus Sc in cxilium eje&us
fair, alio Patriarcha Catholico in locum ejus iuffe&o---
Atrox
/
The Preface,
Atrox exinde in Ecclefia Alexandrina Schifma, czdc &
fanguine continuatum, in caufa fait, ut non folum mul-
to maxima pars Ecclefise Alexand. a reliqua Ecclefia
Catholica avelleretur, fed&iEgjptus ipfa, attritis in*
colarum viribus.in Saracenorumpoteflatem veniret; qui
difcordia Chriftianorum, utrofque opprefTerunt ,• ut exi-
guum, proh dolor ! veftigium Chi iftianas Religionis nunc
in JEgy pto fuperfit.Hsec atque alia talia Scriptores noftri.
And the /ofs 0/Egypt and the South, fo firengthened
the Enemies of ChrifHanity, that this breach let in^De-
flruEiion to the whole Chriffian Empire : But the lofs
of the whole Empire and Introduction oj Mahomet anifm,
in the Eyes of our fiery Canoneers, is no dijljonour tothefe
Councils: It is but Jaywg, It was all long ofDiofcorus,
and the Hereticks : And were not thefe Hereticks alfo
Tr elates andTrelaticafo
But he procedeth, [" But the ^Ethiopians thus re-
c< port it, that Diofcorm and his SuccefTors, and their
<; followers did greatly complain of the Injury done
" them ; for he neither followed Eutyches, nor ever de-
M nied or confounded the Divinity or Humanity really
" exiftinginChrift,but only was unwilling to acknowlcdg
" the word [Narure] to be common to the Divinftyand
11 Humanity of Chriit; anJ only avoided this, leftcon-
il trary to the mind of the Catholick Church, and the
" Decrees of the General Council at Ephefits, two per-
41 fons of Chrift (hould be afferted : For that would fol-
"low, if we admit Two Natures, and two Wills in
" Chrift. And the word [cpu'ens] [Nature'] fignifyingfom-
u what born or created, no way fitteth the Divinity:
* Nor can the mind conceive of two Wills, in two Na-
<c tures united in one perfon, without Divifion, Separa-
" tion, orDiftance.- And the Humane Nature exalted
" into the ftate of Glory, doth not will, do, or fuffer the
[ a i ] " fame
The Pretace.
4< fame which it willed, did and differed in the (late of
l€ Exinanition; and fo in the preftnt date of Glory ,
" the humanity doth neither will nor judge any thing
€C but what the Divinity at once willeth and judgeth.
" And this being our known Judgment , the queftion
4i feemeth idle, and a meer ftrife of Words, for which
<4 Chriftians fliould not have hated one another. At Cdl-
44 cedon they proceeded irom Words to Blows, and
44 fought more than they difputed: And c£zofcorm was
" condemned abfent, neither heard nor well underftood,
44 as obftinate and guilty of Herefie in Hatred and En-
4< vy rather than by right.]
This is the Habaflincs Opinion of the Council and Con-'
troverjie, falfe no doubt in our Canoneers Judgment, (for
alas they are unlearned men ; ) but indeed much truer
and wifer than their Adversaries.
Heproceedeth, 4Primoreperiomnidubiocarere, quod
* Habeffini rejiciunt consilium Chalcedonenfe -- i. Ob-
* fervavi eos in hoc errore e(Fe, quafi Patres Concilii Cal-
* ced. Hypoftafin Chrifti dividere, & contra pr^ecedens
* Concilium Ephefinum ex una duas perfonas facere vo-
1 luerint— Hanc ob caufamdamnant LeonemPapam,&
4 in coelum extollunt fuum Diofcorum tanquam Ortho-
4 doxae fidei hyperafpiften qui juftozelo diploma Leonis
4 ad fe datum diJaceravit,- eumque Martyri affimilant, ob
* accepta verbera, excuflbs dentes & evalfam barbam.]
(But it eafed the Spleen of the Bfs. at prefent, and then
all the following lofs feems tolerable.)Be addeth, [4.Con-
1 flat ex multis locis, quod utrumque abftradtum, Divi-
* nitatem & Humanitatem, conjun&im in Chrifto aperte
1 confiteantur. Quid autem hoc aliud eft, quam agnofce-
4 re duas fimul naturas in Chrifto. ?. Tellezius ex Rela-
4 tione Patrum focietatis teftatur [utramque naturam]
' reperiri in eorum libris. 6* Hejhews that the Habajfmes
4 words
The Preface-
c words have various fignifc -at ion , and by two natures,
4 they mean twoPerfons--\Vhich(p/r/6Ludolphus)vvhcnI
'read and confider, I find all to be confufed and per-
* plexed .• There is no certain Hate of the queftion, and
c the words are out of meafure equivocal. Perhaps is.'**
* tyches himfelf could not tell what fort of Nature was
'madeoftwo, and what was its name, and what wasits
* qualities: But that he was fuch a fool as to think that
' the Natures in Chri'ft were fo confufed as Water is with
'Wine, and that in fo abfurd an Opinion he had molt
'wife men agreeing with him; thisalmolt exceedeth all
4 belief: Certainly the Ethiopians are not guilty of fo
c grofs a Herefie. Wherefore I confefs I cannot under-
* ftand what thofe frequent Difputations were, which
* the Jefuitshad with the Kabaffiines, of two Natures in
'Chrift, in which they fay they had ftill theworfe, be-
* ing convidted by their ownBooks,which I eafily believe,
* feeing they mod willingly confefs Chrifts Divinity and
' Humanity. To me it feemeth likely only that they
4 could not agree in words.Do but explain to them that by
* Natures in Chrift we mean his Divinity and Humanity,
4 & then ask them which Nature is it that fai?eth inChril/.
'Mod certainly they will anfwer that neither the Divi-
* vinity nor Humanity failed, but both continue eternal-
c ly. And fo it's plain, that they take the word Nature
*in a far other fenfe than we, and that the true ftate of
* the queftion with them is, whether and by what com-
mon Name the two abftra&s are to be denominated,
4 which they undoubtedly confefs.
Now good Mr. Morrice, (with your Lords) yea mujl
pardon me, (or choose) for thinking that it is not necef-
fary to Salvation, or to keep the Church from utter con-
fufion, to be fuch Criticks in Grammar or Metaplyr
Jicks, as to revive the queftions about the fence oj Na-
ture,.
The Prerace.
ture, and Unity, or Duality, which yon no better re-
fclveyour [elves ; I fay, it is not neccjj'ary by Gods Law,
but by the Councils * And ifl be a Schtfmatickfor hold-
ing that Chrifts Vniverfal Law is fo Sufficient for his
Church, as that a Legijl.it ive Tower in Councils to make
fuch Laws asJJoalltear allto pieces theChurckesfor i joo
Tears, and teach our Holy Fathers to damn Millions of
the Innocent, is not either neceffary or defireable; a
Schifmatick I will continue.
Ludolphus proceeding to open the ambiguity of the
words, addeth, [4 A famous Country-manor ours, who
''anno 1634. dwelling in Egypt, read the Books of the
'Cophties (Tet. Beylmot Lubeck.*) judged that [the
' Diffent of the Parties was more in their fear of the Se-
* quele, than in the matter itfelf : For the Greeks would
1 obviate the Hereticks who confound Chrifts Divinity
' and Humanity : And the Cophties thofe who feign two
* Perfons in Chrifh] And it indeed this be the cafe, that
1 the Fight either of old was, or ftill is only about the
' fenfe of words;verily no kind of Tears can be fo ftiarp,as
* to fuffice to weep for this unhappy Word-War ; NoBreaft
4 can be fo hard which would not mourn for the unhappy
Contentions of them, to whom Chrift by his own ex-
4 ample folicitoufly commended the ftri&eft Bond of Cha-
1 rity : No mind can be fo cruel, which for the name of
1 [Nature] would loofe the knot of Concord between
4 thofe whofe Nature the eternal Word afiumcth into
1 his mod facred Hypoftafis. ]
Fie, Mr. Ludolphus, canyon fo well defcribe Ethiopia,
and no better know your Neighbours! Come ///to England
and you may fobn know the Reverend and Right Re-
verend, who will not only defend this Councils Acls,and
condemn thofe that be not of their mind, but are ready
to do the like themselves, and triumph over the thoufands
filenced
The Preface.
JHenced, as they judge, for lejfer things ; yea, and make
that Councils Canons fuch a Law to theVniverfilChu
as that all are Schismatic ks that obey it not.
i?^Ludolphus^YJ confide ring,addeth,[b\xiiAch is the
Infirmity of our mod corrupt Nature, that where once
Ambition hath begun, and from Ambition Emulation,
and from Emulation Envy, and from Envy Hatred, the
mind poffeiTed with (fuch) afTe&ions, no more percciv-
eth Truth, but as with Ears and Eyes fhut up, neither
heareth nor feeth, how or with what mind any thing is
fpoken or written by the other fide.
O Sir, now J perceive you understand more than you
Jetmedto do.
But yet the Hijtory is behindXhe ^Pcpe hath long had a
great dejire to be the Church Governour c^Habailia, but
could never come to know it, much lefs to bear Rule over
it. At I jff the Portugals \ getting poffeffion offome Mari-
time farts ', whence with much difficulty it was poffible
to come to them, the Tope got them to help the Kabaf-
fines in a dangerous War which they had againft their
Neighbour Mahometanes and Heathens , on condition
that the HabafTmes would receive a Patriarch and Je-
Juites from Rome y The Portugals Guns, (which that
Country had not) and their own neceffuy, made the Ha-
bzffmzs confent ; The Roman Patriarch and Jefuits came
ever. The cujiom of Habaffia had long been to receive a
Metropolitan called their Abuna , from the Patri-
arch of Alexandria, who being a poor unlearned Sub) utl,
and almoft Slave totbeTurk, made Abunas and Priefs
as unlearned as himfelf: when the Jefuits came fur 'ni fe-
ed with Arts ^nd Sciences, the matter came to longitif-
piles ; for the 'People, tfpecially'the Monks and the Ru-
lers, were loth to change their old accuftomed Religion,
sailed the Alexandrian , for that called the Romane :
The
u
The P ret ace.
71: e King would needs have it done by hearing both par-
tus [peak: But the learned Jefuites were ft ill too hard for
the unlearned HabafJJnes : One King feemed to like the
Romanes, but his Son (Claudius) fiiffiy rejiftedthem:
Others afterward again needed help, atid received themf
and by theirT)ifputes feemed really tobeforthttn, feeing
how much the Jefuites excelled their IPriefts ; fpecially
K. Zadengelus, being taken with the Jefuits Treachifig%
when all his own Clergy only read Litnrgies&Homiliesy
&neverpreacht:tlefct up theRomanecPatriarch& power +
& KSuihcus after him [ware Obedience to theT operand
refolut-ely efiabli/Led Tcpery : Difputcs brought him to
it : And the Jefuites knowmg^that it muft be fomthing
which [eemed to be ofjVeigbt, which muft make the Em-
pire fubmit to a Change of their Religion^ accufe the Abaf-
fines as erring with the Eutychian$,in rejccJwgthe Coun-
cil cj Calcedon, and denying two Natures and Wills in
Chrift. Tim was chofen as the main Subjett of the great
T)ifputes : The Empercur was convinced of their Here-
fie, and became a refolute Profelite to Rome.- And To*
pery Eight Hears had the upper ruling hand.
But all this while the Empire was in difcontent : The
rRoyal Family and the Sub-Cioverncurs oft broke out into
Rebellion. To befhortynany bloody battels were fought The
/Emperour ufually had the Victory : But when one f eld of
| blood was dried up, a new Rebellion [till Sprungup. The
Tapifisftill told the K that God gave him the Viclory for
owning his Church and Caufe. His Rulers, Triefts, and
Monks told him he killed his Subjeffs, and in the end
would lofe his Empire for nothing but bare words. Af-
ter many fights in the Lift about Eight Thcujand of his
Subjects called his Enemies, were killed: The Kings cwn
adherents being no friends to the Roman Change, defired
the King to view the dead, and made to him presently
this
The Preface.
thisSpeech: 'Thefewere notHeat hens nor Mahometanes,
* in whofe death we might juftfy rejoice:They wereChri
4 ftians;they were formerly yourSubje<3:$,our6buntrymcn ,
* andnear in Body fome of them to you, and fome to us :
4 How much better might fo many valiant Breads have
c been fet againft the deadly Enemies of your Kingdom.
'■It's no victory which is got upon Citizens ; with the
J Sword by which you kill them, you (tab your felf. Thole
4 whom we perfecute with fo terrible a War do not hate
'us, but only are againft that Worfliip which we force
c them to: How many have we already killed for the
' changing of Religion (Sacromm ? ) How many more
■ are there yet to De killed ? What end will there be of
* Fighting? Give over we befeech you, to drive them to
* your new Religious things (novafacra,') left they give
4 over to obey you, elfe there will never be a fafe peace]
TeajheKwgs eldefl Son and hisBrother got the Gallans
(Heathens ,) that had been Souldiers [or the King, to tell
him they would fight againft his 7)ijfenting Chrtfiiansno
more. The K. growing weary of War, and feeing and
hearing all this, changed his mind, and called a Council,
in which it was agreed, [That the Alexandrian Religi-
on Ihould be reftored: And to effect this they declared,
that indeed the Roman Religion was the very fame.-
Both faid that Chriit is true God and true Man : And to
fay, There is one Nature, or there are two, are words of
fmall moment, and not worthy the ruining of the Em-
pire,! Aadthus the King was brought to give Liberty of
Religion to the DifTenters.
The Romane Patriarch underfhnding all this, gceth
with the Biihop and Jcfuits to the King, andmide this
Speech to him, [ 'I thought we had been lately Conque-
'rours, bat behold we are conquered : The Rebels that
4 were: conquered have obtained tlmt which they de fired :
[ b ] 4 Be-
The Preface.
K Before the Fight was the time of Vowing and Promising,
k but now is the time of Performing: The Catholickand
Portugal Soldiers got the Vi&ory, God profpering the
*CathoIick Religion: But now what thanks is given him?
4 When his decreed the other day, that the Alexandri-
1 an Religion fhall be freely permitted. And here you
4 ccnfult not with the Bps. and Religious men, but the
1 duli Vulgar, and Gallanes and Mahomctanes, yea and
4 Women pafs Sentence of Religion : Bethink you how
4 many Vi&oriesyou have won againft the Rebels fince
4 you followed the Romane Religion. Remember that it
4 was nor as conftrained by Arms or Fear, but induced by
* free Will, that you embraced it as the truer. Nor did
' we come to you of our own accord, but were fent by
4 the Pope of Rome, the higheft Prelate, and the King of
.* 'Portugal, and this at your Requeft. Nor did they ever
4 intend any thing (againft you]) but only to join your
4 Kingdom to the Church of Rome. Take heed therefore
* left you provoke them to juft Indignation : They are
4 far off you, but God is near you, and will demand the
4 fatisfadiion which is due to them, you will inure an in-
* delible Blot on the Lyon of the tribe of Judah, with
4 whom your Enfigns fliine; and will imprint a ftain on
4 your Glory and your Nation .• In a word,you will caufe
4 fo many fins by your Apoftafie, as, that I may not fee
• 4 them, nor the Vengeance of God, which hangeth over
'you, I defire you to command that my Head may be
* presently cut off] Thus lay the Parriarch, Bp. and Je-
fuits at the Kings feet in tears.
Readers, Left you think that I have miftranjlatedr
to ft the matter to our times , I intreat the learned to
try it by the Original: Toupee that the things that arc,
haze been, and that fin fo blindelb and hardeneth fin-
ners, that one Age md Country will take no warning by
many others. Ton
ThePreface.
Ton fee here that the Name and Inter efi of God and Re
ligion, and the Church may be pleaded by a blind ambiti-
ous Clergy, for the murdering of thoufands for a bare
difference of Names and Words , and Gods Judgments
threatned againjl thofrthat will net go on in killing and
deftroying, and making Kingdoms de folate By Cruelty :
And that the hurt Satan doth by Witches and Highway
Robbers, it a flea biting in cemparifon of what he doth
by ambitions Tr elates and valiant Soldiers. The dif
malleft Story of the fuccefs of Witches is that of the Swedes
Witches, by Mr. Hornick tranflated; But what is the
killing of now and then cne9 to the Murder of fo many
Thoufands , the Ruine of fo many Kingdoms, tht Silencing
of fo many Thoufand faithful Pre at hers, the Perfecting
of fo many Thoufand godly Chriftians, and the engaging
the Chriftian World in Hatred and War, as the Topijh
'Prelates have been guilty of!
But you I expert the Anfwer of King Sufneus to the Pa-
triarch.
LudoJphus thus proceedeth, (li. \. c. n.) [c The King
'unmoved briefly anfwereth, that he had done as much
' as he was able, but could do no more. And that thebu-
* finefs was not about the total change of Religion, but
'only about»the grant or (Ubeny) of certain Rites for
'Ceremonies.)
(O Sir, you had been happier if you had known that
foonerf)
'The Patriarch anfwered, that he himfelf had indul-
' ged fome things, and was about to indulge more, which
'concern not the fubftance of Faith, (you are for Tole-
ration till the Fires are kindle dy) fo be it another EdicSfc
might be proclaimed , that there might be no other
change. The King gave him no other Anfwer, but that
the next day he would fend fome to treat with the Fa-
thers, [bi] They
The Preface.
They that were for the Alexandrian Religion go to
the Emperour, and by Abba Athanafim requeft, that
by a publick Edid he would allow his Subjects to em-
brace the Religion of their Anceftors, elfe the Kingdom
would be ruined. The King confenred, and fent fome to
the Patriarch, to acquaint him with it. Thefe upbraid
him with the many defections of the People. * Minis,
'Caabraely Ttcla-George^Sertzax, with many A.lyriades'
4 flain : And that the La/lenfes yet fought for the old Re-
c ligion, and all ran to them. But the King was deferted,
4 all the Habaffines defiring tkeir old Religion. But that
c they that would might follow the Roman Religion,
The Tafifts feeing that they could get no better but
a Toleration, fent to the King this Answer by Emanuel
d* Almeyda, That ['the Patriarch underftood, that both
'Religions were tolerated in his Kingdom, and. now he
c loved Ethiopia equally with his own Country Tortu-
lgal, and would prefently grant as much as mightftand
* with the purity of Dodrine, (viz.oi the two Natures)
* But there muft be difference made between thofe who
* had not yet received the Roman Religion, and with
4 them they might agree; but thofe that had given up
4 themfelves to it, and had ufed the facrod Confeffion
* andCommunion, might not be fuffered to return to the
* Alexandrian Religion without grievous Sin.] By this
temperament the Patriarch would have kept the King
and all his Court; for thefe had profefled the Roman
Religion. But the King weakened with Age and Sicknefs
^avethem no other Anfwer but, [' But howpanthatbe
1 dono, for I have not now the Power of the Kingdom?]
Home went the Prelates and Jefuits : And prefently the
Trumpets and Drums founded, and the Crier proclaim-
ed, [ * Oyes, Oyes, (Hear ye) We firft propofed to you
4 the
The Preface*
'the Romane Religion, taking it for good; but an in-
' numerable multitude of men perifhed, with JElius^Ca-
1 brall^ Tula-George, Sertzaxoy and with the Country
* La/fenfes; Wherefore we now grant you the Religion
* of your Anceflors : It fhall be lawful hereafter for the
* Alexandrian Clergy to frequent their Churches, and to
4 have their Arcula for the Eucharift, and to read their
'Liturgy in the old manner.- So farewel, and Rejoice]
It is incredible with what joy this Edidt W2S received
by the People, and how the whole Camps applauded and
rejoiced, as if they had been delivered from an invading
Enemy, fpecially the Monks and Clergy having feit the
Fathers greateft hatred, did lift up to Heaven their joy
ful voices : The Vulgar Men and Women danced, the
Soldiers prayed all Profperity to thflBJperour: They
broke their own Rofaries, and other mens as they met
them, and burned fome, faying, 'That it was enough for
'them that they BELIEVE CHRIST TO BE TRUE GOD
'and TRUE MAN, and THERE IS NO NEED OF
' DISPUTING ABOUT TWO NATURES, and fo they
returned to the old way..
It's worth the noting here, that the Papifts way was
cafi out as Novelty, and the other kept on the account of "
Antiquity : For Habaffia never had received the Tope
till the Portugals came to help them. Tet are they not
ajhamedhere to call theirs the old Religion, becaufe when
they had banifhed the old, [which was Jimp le Chrifiia-
nity) we returned to it by Reformation.
Befides the T^cclrine of Two Natures, about which
they piw they agreed in fenfe, while the Jefuites Here-
ticatedthem^ tbreeahings much alienated the Habatfincs.'
i- Denying them the Sacrament of the Eucharift in both
kinds, 2. Rebaptifmg their Children. 3. Reordain-
ing their Priefls,
This
The Preface.
This much being done, the Tapfts were by degrees
Joon overcome, i. TheTatriarch is accufea ] for j? reach-
i fig Sedition.- i. Then the Temples are taken from them,
and they break their own Images left the Habaftines
Jhould do it in [com. 3 . On Sept 16. 1631. the King died,
and his Son Bafiiides was againft them. 4. Ras-Secl-
axus their mofi powerful Jriend is banijhed, and others
after him. 5, Vpon more Accusations their Far me s,
Goods, and Guns are feifed on. 6. They are confined to
Fremona .• Thence they -petition again for new Difputati-
ens : The KingBzCihdcs anfwereth them thus by writing:
[ 'What 1 did heretofore was done by my Fathers
4 command, whom I muft needs obey, (o that bv his
'conduct I mjJfcWar againft my Kindred and Sub-
4 jedts. But afterthe lad Ba tie in Wainadega, both learn-
* ed and unlearned, Clergy and Laity, Civil and Military
' men, great and fmall, fearlefly faid to my Father the
* King, How long fhali we be vexed & tired with unprofita-
* ble rhings? How long ftiall we fight againft ourBrethren
4 and near Friends, cutting off our Right Hand with our
4 Left? Hew long fliall we turn our S.vords againft our
* own Bowels, when yet by the Roman Belief we know
4 nothing but what we knew before? For what the Ro-
4 manes call two Natures in Chrift, the Divinity and Hu-
1 manity, we knew it long ago, from the beginning even
4 unto this day: For we all believe that the fame Chrift
* our Lord is perfect God and perfedl Man ; perfed: God
1 in his Divinity, and perfect Man in his Humanity : But
' whereas thofe Natures are not feparated, nor divided,
* (for each of themfuhfifleth, not by itfelf, but conjunct
1 withthe other) therefore we fay not that they are two
4 things, for one is m&de of two, yet fo as that the Na-
4 flrres are nor confoiiaded or mixed in his Being. This
' Cuatroverfie therefore is of fmall moment among us :
'Nor
The Preface.
* Nor did we fight much for this ; but fpecially for this
'caufe, that the Blood was denied the Laity m theliu-
'charift, whenas Chrift himfelf faid in the Gofpcl , ex-
4cept ye eat the Flefh of the Son of Man, and drink his
* Blood ye fhallnot have eternal Life.— But they deteft-
* ed nothing more than the Reiteration of Bapnfrns, as
' if before the Fathers rebaptizedus we had been Hea-
' thens or Publicanes: And that thty Ileordained our
4 Puefts and Deacon?.— You toolate offer us now that
* which might have been yielded at the firft; for there is
'now no returning to that which ail look at with the
" greateit horrour and detefiation, and therefore all fur-
* ther Conferences will be in vain.]
In fort the 'Patriarch and all the reft were utterly
banifhed outofthe Empire . Ludolph. J. 5. c.i 5,
1 add one hut thing (ex cap. 1 4.) to end the ft ory. As the
new Alexandrian Abuna was coming oik of Egypt, the
foresaid Z)r. Peter Heyling of Lubeck being then in
Egypt, took that opportunity to fee Habaffia, and went
with him\On the Borders tf/Suagena they met the depart-
ing Roman Tstriarch; where Peter Heyling enters the
Lift with hirtfSfo handled him as made it appear \that it
was only tire poor Habatfine Triefts utile arneanefs .which
had give* the Jefuits their Succefs .• And the Tatriarch
at the parting, jighing {aid to his Company, If this Do-
ctor come into Habajfu, he will precipitate them in-
to che extreamefl: Herefie. But what became of him is
yet unknown.
And fo much for this Uiftory of the Roman C on que ft in
Habaffia, by the Calcedon Council, and the Hereticating
the HabafTines , about the one or two Natures, and the
Eight years poffef/ion Tcpery got by ity and the many
bloody Battles fought for it, the Tril itvs jpowerJulOra*
t.ory for it, and ike CP copies more powerful again fl it;
The Prerace.
f he Kings mind changed t?y fad experience, and the Ta*
pifts finally Extirpated. "
And it is exceeding observable, that their veryVicJo-
ries were their Ruine, and the lafl and greatefl which
killed 8 coo, was it that overcame them, when they
ihcught they had dene their work. And thofe that
conquered for them drove them out, when they confider-
ed what they had done : But had it not been better known
at a cheaper rate ?
This Tragedy is but the fruit of the Council which Mr.
Morrice juftifieth: The fruit of a Church determination
above i io£> years ago. If you had feen the Fields of blood
in Habaffia, would it not have inclined you to my Opi-
nion again ft Mr. M. Or if he had feen ity would it %ot
have changed his mindl I doubt it would not , becaufe
the Silencmgs andCalamities in England no more move
fuch men ; and becaufe they ftill call for Execution a-
gainft thofe that obey not all their 'Oaths and ' Ceremonies^
and will abate nothnig,what ever it maycoft theLand.by
the firengthening of them that are for ov./Divifion:And
becaufe the 11 coy ears experience hath not yet been enough
to make them fee the faultinefs of fuch Bijhtts^i) Councils,
nay, becauf thy yet take not all Gods Laws in Nature
and Scripture j or Sufficient to Rule the Catholic k Church
in Religion^ without the Laws of thefe fame Councils,
which hive h id fuch effects : But fome Bijho^s and
Clegy-Mtn yet fiand to it , thit All mult be taken as
Schifmaticks who obey not thefe fame Counci^Decrecs,
04 the Laws of the Universal Church.
A"d if Ludolphus and the Aballines can fay fo much
agunfi htercticatmg thofe callt d Eutychians, much more
m iy be (aid for the Neitorians, to prove that the Contro*
ve>-\y w is but verb il.
There U m Biblioth. Par. To. 6. p. 1 3 1. the Mifh qua
utun-
The Preface.
utuntur antiqui Chriftiani Epifcopatus Angamallenfis in
Montanis Mallabarici Regni apud Indos Oricntalcs, o
mendata & ab erroribus blafphemiifque Neftorianomm
expurgata per Alexium Menefium Archiepifcopum Goa-
num an. 1599. I had rather have had it with all its
Err ours , that voe might have truly known how much
is genuine. But it being one of the mo ft Scriptural, rati^
onal, and well compofed Liturgies of all there publiflj-
ed: It would make one think, 1. That thefe Neftorians
were not fo bad a people as their Anathematifers would
haw made the world believe them. i. That the Banifh-
ment of the Neftorians and Eutychians accidentally pre*
ved a great means of theChurches enlargement beyond the
bounds of the Romane Empire, whither they were ba-
nifhed: And this is plain in current Hiftory.
I have given you wis account ofmyDefign in both the
Books, (The Hiftory of Councils, with its Vindication.
and the following Treat ife.) I add an Anfwer to a Lord
Si/hop of Cbrke and Rofle, who hath written mary Hi-
ftorical Untruths by his credulity, believing falfe Re-
porters. As to his and others Reprehenjion ofmyjloarp
unpeaceable words, my. Cafe is hard; My own Confer-
ence at once forbids tnetojuftifie my Stile orTaffion ; and
alfo tells me that if making odious Gods fervants, fi-
lencing and perfecting faithful Minifters, and Perjury,
jhould prove as great a guilt and danger ofT>eJtruc~iion to
the Land, as is fearedyI cannot jaftifie my long Silence^
nor that I ufe no more plainness and fervency in calling
the guilty to Repent.
[c] THE
The CONTENTS.
I. A Specimen of the Way by which this Generation confuteth
XJL their Adversaries m fever al Inftances*
II. In the General Part :
§ i. Hard for young men to know what Teachers or Hiftory to
§ 7. temping Reafons for Papacy. § 8. Evident atainft
tt. § 9. The Steps by which Bijhops afcended to Papacy. & J
§ 1 ^ . The different Opinions of Popery in the Englffh
$ .18 TheCafe cf F ac~l decerned, what Judgment I fettled in
about Church-Power. ' 6 jmuam
lime F°Y "hAt MU M' ^^ m0U Withf° WUCh difPU«f»" *
§22. Inftances of above an Hundred Councils, beSdes Particu-
lar B.Jhops, all be fore An. xoyo. ./ whom I appeal to the Con fci
TcVi Mer Me"> wbether the> have ^*t£$4
General hfiances of the greater Schifmsfince then bj popl/h Bps.
Some gvejl.ons put to Mr. M. and feme Seafonsto abate hisd,f.
pleaju'e. ■>
jr^2LaUteBo°kofthemor79fmyLi^ *• pw'vtb
§ 24. Whether I be guilt, of falling H.fiory.
rl «e Ppart'cu,ar yAnfwer t0 Mr. MS Vindication;
B^PLTdhcoRuent "niBeflltt of *> **H °f «* **& •/
c2ctca%y%Zpk » tdl * th< **>* <•* CouncUs
r^ l' ?J,M,r- M'* Imb,fir> toJhew m< }° b° Earned.
Ch. 4. Whether! va.nl, name Htforians which /never read
Ch. y. Ofmyufe ofTranflations, and following Binniui.
Ch. 6. H„ charge of my o^n mifiranfiatims andmtfiakcs.
Ch. 7. Hufalfe Suppofition that I am only for a Church of one
Congregation. ' i J
*£»' >8' ??/# '/'?&'*- ** Iam a^iKfi Dioccfanes,
Vihcnti s only tie tit fpecees. *
t^ns9' A>Ui th'n Iam,t T"dePendent> *»*)« plead for Fresbj-
of?UHl'rH'Sff! fr4**''™ thM l »*% the BtMs ^e caufe
oj all Hertpts and Sckifms, • Cb* i •
The Contents.
Ch. xT9 And that I mention all the Bijhops Faults and none of
their Goodnefs.
Ch, 12. His Accufation of Spite, Malice, and Railing examin-
ed, Dr. Burnet fatisfied,
Cb.13. HisSuppofition that I fpeab^againft aliBi/hops Councils,
Ch. 14. Some mens Credit about ancient Hiftory, tried by their
Hifhry of this Age, Twenty Inflances of the Hiftory of cur times*
My own experience of it. Whether I hate compliance with Superi-
ours3 or to preach by Licence.
Ch. 15*. Mr, M's Magifierial author ifing or reletting what Hi-
ftorians hepleafes. His Accufation of Socrates aadSozomcne,and
valuing Valefius, Sirmond, &c.
Ch. 16. His Obfervation on my Notes of credible and incredi-
ble Hiftory. His Inftances of my Railing particularly confidered.
Whether the word [Her eucat'mg] be railing or caufelcfs. An In-
stance of Fifty five ofBp. St. Philaftrius'j accufed Henfies, by which
I dt fire any fob >er man to judge. Other Inftances. Whether St. The-
ophiIus5 or Socrates and Sozomene were the Criminals, Even
Pe/?<?Honorius and Vigilius hereticatedfor being wifir than other
Popes,
Ch. 17. Of his Cenfure of my Defign and Church- Principles :
Whether I be guilty of expofing Chrifiianity wore than Julian & Lu-
cian,
Ch. iB. Of his id Chap. Who is mcfi againfi Difcipline.Of Ana-
thematifing. Whether Novatus was a Bijhop or an ardaimngPresby-
ter. Councils for rebapt ifing. His Self-contradictions. Seme J>hieft't-
ons to him. Whether the Diocefane.P**^ (as Mr, Dodwel^) who
nullifie our Sacraments^ are Hcreticks^if the Re-baptifers were fitch.
The old qu, was not of Rebaptifing Hereticks^ but of fuch as Here-
tickj hadbaptifed. Of the Donatifts and many Councils, Ofeur
Liturgy's Rule to find Eafter-day. What the Novatians held. Pe-
tavius*«^ Albafpineus Testimony of them. His quarrels about Epi-
phanius, t he Arians, the Audians divers Synods. Antioch. Of the
Circumcellians.Opcacus of the Donatifts as Brethren. His Ex-
-cufe of the Bifhops.
Ch. 19. Of the ifl General Council at C. P. Whether Bijhops
followed Emperours, Their ufage of Greg. Nazianz. . Of the Prif-
cillianift$,r&<? Bijhops, and Martin. Of my Letter to Dr, Hill. Of
the Council at Capua. Jovinian^ Eafter, African Bps, Donatifts,
Theophilus. Altars,
Ch.w
The Contents.
Cb. 20. His 5 Chap. Of the ift Ephef. Council. His retfding
Socrates and Sozomene, as againfi Cyril. Cyrils Story. Of the
Presbyterians Cruelty. Neftorius Cafe. His cavils againft my Tranf
lattons. The effetts of that Council at this day confidered.
Ch. 21. Of the 2d Ephef. Council. Of Cyril, the Eutychians,1
and Diofcorus.
Ch.2i. Of the Calcedon Council: Pulcheria and Eudocia,1
What one found man can do in a Council. Whether our late Concili-
atory Endeavours about Arminianifm, have been as vain as thefe
Councils. Of TheodoCi'. and the Eutychians.T/^ whole flory of that
Council. Luther <*/ well as I, maizes the Contr over fie verbal. Of the
BiJJcops Peccavimus.- Many Accufat ions refe lied: More of tlic
Councils Succeffes, and late Conciliators. The Weftminfter Synod.
Mr. M's way of Concord. Of the old Conformity and ours. Mr% Ed-
wards Gangrena, and the late Sells and Herefies.
Ch. 24, Of his qth Chaffer. Of the old Herefies. Whether Pre*
jeSls for Moderation have been the chief diftr afters of the Church.
He eft faljly faith, that I charge the Bifhops with all the herefies in
the world. What it is that I jay of them. The true caufe of Schifm
confeffed. His mifre forts of the caufe and Bifhops. His falfe faying of
me that I com fared Oliver and his fon to David and Solomon My
frofefl Repentance which he feigneth me anEnemy to. What Noncon-
formity is3 and what his mifreports of it. An explicatory profeffion
of the meaning of this Boo^gainft Miftnter prefers.
THE
(»)
• ■ ■ .
»...*'" " ' ' ' ' ' ' • •
■ III ' ""
THE
Ready Way
O F
Confuting $tr. 0ajctet,
SPECIMEN
PRESENTMODE
O F
Controverfie in England.
" ■ . » - i i i ■ i ■ i ' i i i. ^ ^s
Job. 8. 44. 1 King. 22. 22. Pr^u. 29.. 12..
& 19.5^ 9. K^ 21. 8. & 22. 15..
IN 1661. Dr. Borernan of Trinity-CoIledgeinCa'mbridge, PubliftV
ed a Book againft me* as having written to Dr. Hill againfb
Phyfical-Tredetermination to Sin } and in it faith, That it is re-
ported^ That I kjU'd a Man with my own Hand in cold Blood ; and
if it be not trtte y / am not the fir & that have been wronged. The Man,
though promoted to the Charge of this Parifc, St. Giles in the Fields^
A . - was
(O
was accounted fo.weak, (forbearing his Miniftry,.and faying he was
fufpended fome Years before he died) that I thought it vain to take
publick Notice of his Words \ neither imagining whence he had
them, nor ever hearing of them before.
But a few Weeks before the late Plot was reported, one Mr. P.-
came to me, and told me, - That at the CofFeerHoufe in FuMcrs-
Rej.ts, where P apsis and Protectants ufed familiarly to meet ; he pro-
voking the Papists to Anfwer my Books, orto Difpute with me, was
anlwercd by a Gentleman of this Parifh, faid to be of the Church
of England, That \_Mr . Baxter had kjjld a Alan in cold Blood with his
own Hand.~] Mr. P. provoked him by a Wager to* make it good.
He refilling the Wager, was told, He mould hear of it p-.iblkkly,
unkfs he would ask me Forgivenefs. » After fome time, the Gentle-
man came to me with Mr. Tailor ough^Qmce imprifoned, as is known)
and with great Civility, ask't me Forgivenefs. He was the Son of
a Knight, and Judge, of my Acquaintance ^ and had an Aunt, that
had been my very dear Friend. I told him, That Slandering is fo
common, and asking Forgivenefs fo rare, that 1 took it for a note
of great Ingenuity in him } and, as I mull forgive all Men as a Chri-
flian, fo I .could eaiiiy 'forgive any wrong to one related to fuch a
Friend of mine. He told me, He was refolved openly to confefs his
Fault, and to vindicate mc on all Occalions.
Accordingly, at the fame Coilee Houfe, he openly declared his
Repentance. Upon which, Mr. P. tells me, That Mr. G. an A-
ged Lawyer, Brother to the Lady Ab. was difpleafed, and faid,
He would prove the thing true by many Witxeifes" : (And, faith
Mr. P. the Story among foine of them was, Tnat a linker did
beat his Kettle at iny Door, and being dilturbed by him, I pi/toll'd
him, and was tryed for my Life at Worcester?) Mr. P. faid, He
provoked Mr. G. to lay a Wager oh it: And he refilling, was
told, [Then he jhould hear of it in We si minsbcr- Ha117\ Upon this,
faith Mr. P. his Feilow-C^W/d^.ingenuoufly refolved to difown
him, unljefs he would ask Forgivenefs \ whiclrhe being unwilling to
come to me to do, Mr. P. faith, He at laft performed before Himy
and Capt. Edmund Hampden.
All this being done without my Knowledge (till after,) Iwas re-
lating it to Mr. John Humfrey : Why (Taith hej / did twelve Tears
/tjroijear Dr. Allcflry, now Regms-Profeffor in Oxford, fay the /;%,
That he could not thinhjwell of that Man-) that had kl^d a Man in cold
Blood with his own Hand.
I little
(?)
I little regarded all the reft : But Dr. AlUViry had many Years
been my old School Fellow \ many a time I had taught him \ and he
was the belt at Learning, and of the honeftefl Difpofition of any
Boy that ever 1 knew ; and I thought, if Parties could draw fuch as
"he into fuch Guilt, there was little Account to be made of the Re-
ports or Hitter/ of Men, if once they fell into different Factions.-
Wherefore, i wrote w him what Mr. Hmnfrey told me, and received
from him this her .: ingenuouS Letter, which I here annex.
And as to all this Stc -\ I do here folemnly profefs, That I'never
killed, wounded, or hurt any Man in my Life, (fave one Man,
whoie Leg I hurt with playful Wreftling, when I was a Boy, and
once or twice boxii g with Sehobi-Bpys, and correcting Lads when
I was one Year a Sthool Mailer.) Nor in all the Wars, or in my Life,
did 1 ever fee any other kill any Man, fave o le \ and that was at the
farue Bickering, (about Forty of a Side) wnen Jennings was wound-
ed : While they were Fighting with him in one great Field, I be-
ing in another near the Houfe, faw the Souldiers offering Quarter
to a Foor-Souldier, and promifinghim Safety, if he would lay down
his Musket \ ■ which he did not, but ilruck at them , and Captain
HJi.'h fhot him dead : And it proved sfter to be a Welfi-man, that
undei itood not E.ighfh ; which grieved them when they knew it.
I have gone rhe next day where Fights have been, and feen many
dead, when I had nothing to do with the Armies of either Part.
But 1 never few any, to my Knowledge, kill or hurt any Man, but
this one.
Dr. Alkjlrfs Letter : (Which I.fliould notPubiifh, but that
even in Oxford, and elfe where among the Clergy, the Re-
port yet goeth on. )
SIR,
Mujt profefs fmcerely, That T cannot recollect I ever f aid
fuch Words of you to Mr. Humfrey, as itfiems he does affirm
- did: But yet I cannot but acknowledge-, itisverypoffible, that
I related, (and may be, to Mzfr) That I had heard, you kilPd a
Man in cold Blood : S^nce I very rvell remember , that above
Thirty Tears fince, at the End of the War, 1 heard thftfub-
A 2, Uckly
(4)
Hckly fpoken before Company ', and with tins farther Circum-
fl&nce, that it was aSouldier, who had been a Prifbmr forte
Hours. Now this Report relating to the Wan , in which {I fear)
fuch Things were no great Rarities , and from my very tender
Tout h y I having not had the leafi Comer fe with you, nor likely-
of anv for the future, did not therefore apprehend, at prefect,
any Concern or Occafion of inquiring, whether it were true ; of
which, upon that confident Ajfeveration, I did make m do ibt.
And I took fo little thought of laying up the Relation, that I
protefi to you, as in the Prefence of Almighty God, it is impojfi-
ble for me to recover, who made up that Company in which I
heard it, or from whom I heard it : And I wonder, how it came
into my Mind, to fay that I had heard ity fo long after. But
however, though it be fome Eafe to me, to believe the late Dif-
courfes of it, do not come from my relating fo long fi/ice that I
, htar 'd ity neither are likely to receive any Confirmation from it,
unlefs it be made more Publick thin J have made it ; yet I do
frofefs, it is a great Affliction to me, to have fpoken that, though
but as a Report, which {it feemr) was a Slander, (for fo I be-
lieve ity upon your Ajfeveration) and not having endeavoured
to know whether it were true. And, as I have begd G od's For-
givenefs of it ; fo T heartily defire, Tou will forgive me : And
if I could direct my f elf to any other way of Satisfaction, I would
give it. This is the whole Account lean give of this Matter ;
- to which I/hall only add, That lam,
Eatcn-Coll/Dec. SIR,
13. it>79*
Your very Affe&ionate Servant,
Richard AUefiry.
II. In the Preface tor the* Life of Dr. Htylin are thefe Words.
Mr. Baxter may he f leafed to call to mind, what: wot done t& ont Major
Jennings,'/* lafiWar^ in that Bight that- wo* ktweenLyndfcl and Lorg-
ford*, in tbt County of Salop ; where the Kings Party, having unfortu-
nately the worfi of the Bays thtfoer Man was firift almefi naked, and left
for
m
♦
fcr dead in the Field: Bit Air. Baxter, and om Lieutenant Hfirdmar,
f rf&tff their Wallajtmong thewomded and dead Bodies, perceived feme Life
left tn the Major, ahdHurdn&n run him through the Body in cold Blor
A/r. Baxter all the. while looking on, and taking off with his own Hand, the
Kings Picture from about his Neckj telling him, as he was fwiming in bit
Gear, That he was a Pcpifo Rogue, and that was his Crucifix : Which Pi-
cture was keft by Mr. Baxter for many Tears, till it was got from him (but
not without much difficulty) by one Mr. Somerfiild, who then lived r
Sir Thomas Rous, andgenercufly reslored it to the poor man, now 'alive
at Wick near Perfhore in Worcefterfhire, although at the Fight fuppo-
fedtobe dead: being, after the Wounds given him, dragdupanddovonr.hr
Field by the mercilefs Souldiers; Mr. Baxter approving of thz inhujr.ar.i-
ty, by feeding his Eyes with fo bloody, and fo barbarous a Spectacle.
I Thomas Jennings, Sttbfcribeto the truth of this Narrative abovemr--
tioned ; andhave hereunto put my Hand and Seal thisfecend Day c/MarcJ?
1682. Thomas Jennings. Signed and Sealed, March 2. 1682. in the
Pre fence of John Clark, Minister of Wick, Thomas Dacke. Publijhed
by George Vernon, Minister.
The like was before Publilhed by Roger U Strange.
Anfw. I do not think Major Jennings knowingly made this Lye, but
was directed by feme bodies Report, and my fending him the Med.d.
I do folemnly proteft, 1 . That, to my Knowledge, I never faw Ma-
jor Jennings: 2. That I never faw Man wound, hurt, flrip, or touch
him : 3 . That I never fpake a word to him, much lefs any word here
affirmed : 4. T h2t I neither took the Picture from about his Neck,
nor faw whodid it : 5. That I was not in theField,when it was done :
6. That I walked not among any wounded or dead y nor heard of
any kild.but the" one Man before-me tioncd. 7. That the Pi&ure was
never got from me with difficulty. But that this is the Truth: The
Parliament had a few Men in Longford Houfe, and' the King at Lynd-
fet, about a Mile and a half a-funder -, who ufed oft to sk'frmifti, and
dare each other in the Fields between: My Innocent Father being
Prifoner at 'Lyndfel, and I beihg at Longford, rcfolved not to go
thence till he was delivered. Ifawthe Souldiersgo out, as they oft
did, and in another Field difcernedthem to meet and Fight : I \:r ,v
noty that they had feen Jennings -, but, being in the Houfe, a Soul-
dier fhewed a tmalVMiktl of Guilt Silver, bigger than a Shilling;
at d tokbus, That he wounded Jennings, and took' his Coat, afctt1
toofrthat Medhi from about his Neck : I bought it of him for 18 J.
no one offering hnfmore. And fome Years after (the firft:time that1
I heard
. (6)
I heard where he w^, freely defired Mr. Somerfieldto give it him from
me, that had never feen him -, fuppofing it was a mark of Honour,
which might be ufefui to him. And now all thefe Lies, are all the
Thanks that ever I had.
III. The Obfervator,N. 96. faith, [T or. Wlio faith, t hey (the Presby-
terians) brought in theKmgi>e fides your fdf ? Wh. y*/r.Hunt, the Author
of the Conformists Plea, Air. Baxter and who not ?
Tor. Prethee ask^Mr. Baxter, If he knows who it was, that went with
five or fix more of his own Cloth and Char after, to General Monk, upon
his coming up to London, *tf 1659 ; and finding a great deal of Company
with him, told his Excellency, That he found his time was precious, and fo
would not trouble him with- many Words : But as they were of great weight,
fo he hoped, they would make an anfwerable Jmprcjfwn on him : I hear a
Report, Sir, (faith he) that you have fome thoughts of calling backjhe
King ; but it is my^ Senfe, ' and the Senfe of thefe Gentlemen herewith me,
that it is a thing you ought not to do on any termes : For Prophannefs is fo
infepar able from the Royal Party, that if ever you bring the King backjhe
Power of G odlinefs willmoJi certainly depart from this Land.
Anfw. Dr. Afanton f and whether any other, I remember not) went
once with me to General Monkj, and it was to congratulate him ; but
with this requeft, That he would take care, that Debauchery and Con-
tempt of Religion might not be let loofe, upon any mens pretence of being for
the King, as it already began with fome to be. But there was not one
word by me fpoken, (or by any one, to my remembrance) againft his
calling backjhe King, nor any of the reft hereadjoyned -, but as to me,
it is a meer Fidion.
And the AT^wasfofenfibleofthefame that I faid, that he fent
oyer a Proclamation againft fuch Men, as while they caMed them-
felves the Kmgs Party, did live in Debauchery and Prophannefs ;
wkich Proclamation fo rejoyced them that were after Nonconformists,
that they read it publickly in the Churches. Such grofs Falfhoods as
thefe, are part of the Evil deprecated.
As to his Queftion, Whether the Presbyterians brought in the King f
Who can affirm or deny any thing of equivocal Words ? A Pfesbyte-
ri.wis, who thefe Men will call fuch. They that in the Face of the
World deny the Publick Afts of Three Kingdoms, in the Age
they were done in, no wonder if they multiply the groiTeft Lies of
fuch as I. The Parties that reftored the King, were thefe-, 1. Ther
Excluded Members of the Ung Parliament^ the Minifters that were
iince
* [ (7)
fince filenced ; and the fruflrated endeavours of the Scotch A; ,
Sir George Booth, Sir Thomas Middleton, joyning with fomeofthe
Kings Souldiers, prepared Mens minds to it. 2 General Atonkty anid
his Army, who were Fighting againit the King a little before, repreP
O omvcels Army. • 3. The Long- Parliament Members reftored, agreed
todilTolve themfeives, and fee up a Council to call home the King:
4. Sir Thomas Allen, Lord Mayor, and the Aldermen, invited General
MonV^'wito the City, who joyning with him, turned the Scales.
5 . The City Minifters (called. Presbytena?is) perfwaded the Lord May-
or to this, and wrote to Mctiks Colonels (called Presbyterians) to be
fortheTung: (fpeciallyMr. Afr, by Mr. Calamys Couniel.) 6. The
Lord Alazarine, Lord Broghil, and others of the fame Party in Ire-
land, contributed their help ; and Colonel Badges, with others, lur-
prizedD/^//tf'Caftle. 7. Many of the Old Parliament Men openly*
provoked Gen Monkj, and fecretly perfwaded and treated with himr
to bring in the King (whom the Earl of Angle fiy, the Earl of Shaftf-
bury, and others yet living, can Name to you.) 8. The Parliament
called by General Mor\, (by agreement with the Lo-ng-Parliament,)
accounted mollly of the fame Party, Voted the Kings Return : Which
no doubt alfo, the Old Ro.yalifb molt earnefily dehYed, and en-
deavoured.
Thisisthe Hiflorical Truth -, which if in this Age, Men will deny,
I will bear any lies that they fliall fay or fwear of me.
Now, either the f ore f aid Armies, Parliament men, Mi?;is~hers, &C.
were Presbyterians, or not. If they were not *, then, I. Say no more,
that it was Presbyterians that rat fed War agJtinft the King ; but that it
was the Epifiof.il Men, if thefe were fuch. 2. Why then have you cal-
led them Presbyterians fo long, and do fo ftill ? But if they were Prtf-
byterians, then it was fitch that Reftored the King. But alas, how con-
temptible, yea, how7 odious is Truth grown to this Generation !
IV. There is yet a more Famous Hiftorian, than any of thefe,
though unnamed ; who pretending to militate after Dr. Stilling fleet,
as in a 2d. Part againsl Separatton,takcs on him to give you theHifto-
ry of my Life. Partly making it my Reproach, that when 1 grew to
llnderitanding, I reinembred how many Drunken or Ignorant Ren-
ders had been my Teachers : Partly raking up retraced and oblite-
rated Paifages of Old Writings *, while at once they perfwade me
to Reviews and Retractations : Partly heaping up abundance of
down right FaMhoods : Partly clipping Sentences, and leaving out
the
(8)
the part that fliouU, *nake them underftood,and turning true Words,
by perverfion, into Falfhoods : And partly by mixing this known
Truth, [That I was on the Parliaments fide, and openly declared it, ,]
But when at the uew Models I faw that they changed their Caufe, I
changed my Pra&ioe, & was from the Day that I went into the Army,
a.refolved Qppofer of all that they did,to the Changing of the Govern-
?r:m, & their Vfurpation:, & was fent among them to that end } which
was immediately after Nafeby Fight : And continued openly disown-
ing the llfurpation, and the Means thatfet it up. And though I was
Preaching and Writing againlt the feidllfurpers, when an Army was
Fighting for them, a^aipft the King, and the King knew how to for-
give and Honour them, that did fo much to his Refloration , yet are,
the Accufers fo far from forgiving thofe that never perfonally hurt
a Man, that they forbear not multiplying falfe Accufations -, yea, and
accufing thofe Minilters, and private Men that never had to do with
Wars: Yea, the feme Men that then wrote again ft me for the Chan-
gers andUfurpers, have fince been the fierce Accufers of us, thatop-
pofed them.
And if thefe Men be unfatisfyed ofmy prefent Judgment, I have no
hope of giving them Satisfaction, if all will not do it, which I have
largely written in my Second Tie a for Peace, for Loyalty, and againft
Rebellion; and all my Confutation of Head's Politicks, in the Lalt
Part ofmy Chriftian Dirt fiery ', with much more.
. But. this Book mull have ( if any) a Peculiar Anfwer.
V. Lately, when I taught my Hearers, That we muft not make the
World believe, that we are under greater Sufferings, than we are, nor be
unthankful for onr Peace, and that we muft when any hurt us, hove and for ~
give them, and fee that we fail not of our Duty to them ; but not for fake
the owning, andjittt defending by Scripture-Evidence the Truth oppo fed.
They Printed, that I Bid the People Reftsl, and not ft and ft til, and dye like
Bogs. And 1. was put tbe next Day to appeal to many Hundred Hear-
ers, who all, knew, that the Accufation was molt impudent Lies*
This is our prefent Cafe,
VI. The Players, 1 hope, exped no Anfwer to their Part.
LonoLony Printed for R. Javeway, in jQueeas-Hedd-dl/ej, in
Pater-'Nofter- R on>, 1682.
CO
The General Tart containing the Dejign and Sum of this
and the former SooA, that it may be under -flood Tbbat
it is that Mr. Morrice defendetb, and oppofetb ; and
what it is that I maintain or blame y and by what Evi-
dence.
i
§ i.TF Have been thefe forty years much troubled with the
temptation to wonder, why God fuffers moft of the
World to lie drown'd in Ignorance, Infidelity and Sen-
fuality, and the Church of Profeffed Chriftians to live
in fo great Scandal, Contention, Divifion, and for the greater
number, in a Militant Enmity againft the Word, Will, Way, and
Servants of Chrift, while in Baptifm they are Lifted under him.
But of late fince Experience tells me of the marvelous Diverfity
of Humane Interefts and Apprehenfions, and the deep Enmity
of the Flefhly Mind to Spiritual things, I admire the Wifdom
and Providence of God, that there is fo much Order,and Peace,
and Love in the World of Mankind as there is : And that all
men live not as in a continual War. And I perceive that if God
had not preferved by Common Grace fome remnants of Moral
Honefty in the World, and had not alfo fanctified a peculiar
People, whole New Nature is LOVE, the Sons of Men would
have been far worfe than Bears and Wolves to one another $
and a man would have fled with greater fear from the fight of
another man, than from a Snake or Tyger. But God hath not
left himfelf without witnefs, in his Works, and daily Provider
ces, and in the Confcicnces of thofe who have not finned them-
felves into Brutes or Devils. And hence it is that there is fome
B Govern-
(2)
Government and Order in the World, and that fin is afhamed of
its proper name, and even they that live in Pride, Govetoufnefs,
Ambition, Lying, Perfecution, ch\ cannot endure to hear the
name of that which they can endure to keep and praclife^ and
cannot endure to forfake.
§ 2. And indeed it is a great Credit to Hotiefly and Piety, to
Truth, and Love, and Peace, and fufiice, that the deadliest Ene-
mies of them are ambitious of their Names ; and though they
will damn their Souls rather than be fuch5 they will challenge
and draw upon any man that denieth them to be fuch.
And I muft profefs, that I fetch hence a great confirmation
of the Immortality of Souls, and a Future Life of Retribution,
For if there were not a very great difference between Moral
Good and Evil, whatfhould make all the world, even the worft
of men, be lb defirous to be accounted Good, and fo impatient
of being thought and called naught, and as they deferve. And if
the difference be fo vaft here, muft there not needs be a Go-
vernour of the World that hath made fuch a difference by his
Laws and Providence, and who will make a greater difference
hereafter, when the End and Judgment cometh.
§ 3. Among other Gaufes of Humane Pravity and Confufion,
one is the exceeding difficulty that young men mefct with, in
the communication of fo much Knowledge as they muft necef-
farily receive from others. Knowledge is not born with them :
It is but the power and capacity of ir, and not the atl in which an
Infant excels a Dog. And how (hall they have it but by Objects
and Communication ? And Oljects tell them not things paft, the
Knowledge of which is necefiary to make them underftand
things prefent, and to come; and without which it is not pof-
fible to be wife. And God teacheth not Men now by Angels
fent from Heaven, but by Men that were taught themfelves be-
fore 5 and by his Spirit bleffing mens endeavours. And when I
have faid {by Man\ how bad.how fad a creature have I named ?
Alas ! David's hafte Pfal. 1 16, was not erroneous paffionj nor
Paul's words, Rom. 3. a flander, when they called all men Lyers,
that is untrufty 5 and fo little do men know that muft teach
others, and fomuch doth all corruption incline them to love flat-
tering LieSj and to take flefhly Intereft, the World, and the De-
vil for their Teachers, and to hate the Light, becaufe itdifgra-
ceth their hearts and deeds, and fo much goeth to make a man
wife.,
wife, that ic muft be a wonder of merciful Providence that fnaii
help young men to Teachers that fhall not be their Deceivers.
There were ever comparatively few that were truly wife and
trufty, and thefe ufually defpifed in the World.
§ 4. And bow fhould young men know who thefe are ? This
is the grand difficulty that maketh the Errour of the World fa
uncurable. It requireth much wifdom to know who is wife,
and to be truftedj who can well difcern and value that Know-
ledge in another, which he is a granger to himfelf ? Experience
tells us, that young unexperienced men do commonly receive
that man's Opinions, 1. Who hath by nearnefs, or fbme acci-
dent the greateft advantage in their efteem and love : 2. Or his
that fpeaks moft for their flefhly Intereft, and for that which
they would have to be true : 3. Or his that hath the laft wordl
It cannot be expected that they judge of any thing, beyond the
advantage of their fenfes, and the Netitia communesy accord-
ing to Evidence of Truth, which muft be received by long and
ferious ftudy, and by willing honeft minds, and by the help of an*
tecedent Verities.
§ 5:. In this therefore Divine free Elettion is very manifeft $
As in giving the Gofpel to fbme Nations in the World, when
moft others never have it, fo in giving fome young perfonsthe
bieffing of good Education, and Teachers, and chufing for them
that were unable to chufe well for themfe Ives 5 as alfo in blef-
fing the fame helps to one, which are defpifed by another. And
verily when I have been long ftalled with the difficulties about
Election and Differencing Grace, undeniable Experience hath been
my chief Conviction. If the Gofpel be true, the common world-
ly flefhly fort5 that areforChrift but by Tradition, Law andCu*
ftotiij and are religious for worldly ends, and no farther than the
Intereft of the Flefh and World will give them leave, have no
true Saving Grace at all. And the reft that ferioufly believe
and feek a better Life, and live above flefhly worldly Interefts,
are in moft places few, and made the fcorn and hatred of the
reft. And if de fatto, God do fanctifie only a peculiar People,
who can deny his differencing Will and Grace ?
§ 6. I was my felf in my Childhood ignorant what Teachers
among fuch diverfity I fhould prefer. And firft God had fuch a
witnels in my Confcience, that Virtue and Holinefs were better
than Vice and Sw> that it made me think that the fort of
B 2 Teachers
(4)
Teachers who Traded meerly for the World, and never fpake a
ferious word of Heaven, nor differed from fober Heathens, but
in Opinion j yea, that endeavoured to make ferious Godlinefc
ro feem but Hypocrifie, were not like to be the wifeft and moft
rrufty men. And yet how to judge among the ferious, which
were right, was long too hard for me,
§ 7. When I came to confider ofthe Divifions of the Chriftian
World.and heard the Fapifts pretend to Catholicifm, and call all
others Schifmaticks or Hereticks,it fometime feemed a plaufiblc
Opinion, that the greateft Power and Dignity of the Clergy, was
the Intereft of Cbriftianity : By Ricbes,Honour and Power, they
may protect the Godly, and keep Religion from Contempt a-
mong the worldly fort of men, or from oppreffun at the leaft.
2. And I faw that in all Ages and Countries of the World,
Hiftorians tell us how rare a thing, a wife and holy Prince hath
beeiij and how commonly by Wealth and Greatnefs they have
been bred up in that Senfuality and Pride, which hath made
them the Capital Enemies to ferious Piety 5 if not the Perfecu-
tors of it.
3. 1 thought with my felt if fuch godly Chriftians, as much va-
lue the Intereft of Religion had lived in fuch times and places,
where Rulers were Perfecutors of the Truth, how glad would
they have been to have had the Power of Church-matters put
into the hands of their Chofen Paftors, what would they have
defired more ?
4. And I read that till Riches and honours were annexed ro the
Office, the People had ftill the Choice of their own Paftors, and
therefore could not chufe but wifh their Eftates and Lives, and all,
as well as their Religion, to be as much as might be in their
hands. And fo no doubt when the Bifhopswrere advanced to great
Diocefles, and Power, it was by thedefire ofthe moft Religious
Chriftians, who valued moft the Intereft ofthe Church.
j. And I could not but obferve, that though Cbrift gave his
Apoftles no Power ofthe Sword, he fet them above other Mini-
ilers, not only in Miraculous Gifts, and Infallible teftifying and
recording his Commands and works, but in fome fort of over-
fighr, which feemeth a thing appointed for Continuance as well
as preaching.
6. And I thought that if Church Grandure were the Intereft
of Religion and Unity the ftrength of the Church, it lookt very
plaufibly
(5)
plaufibly to reafon, that as Bifhops were over Presbyter?, fo
iherefhould be fome over Bifhops ; and that National Churches
(hou'd by fuch Government be hindered from Schifm and Here-
fie as well as Parochial. And that Diocefans and Metropolitans
Power mould be derived from a Superiour as well as Presbyters-.
And tbat w hen poor Subjects dare not reprove a Prince, fome
that are above fearing his Power may.
7. And when I read the Popes Claim,I thought it feemed not
improbable, that Petrus primus, and pafce oves meas, andfuper
banc Petram were not fpoken in vain And thefe though:*
pleaded thus for Church-Grandeur in Prelates and Popes.
§ 8. On the other fide., I faw 1. ThatChrift faid, HisKing-
com was not of this world, and comes net u*m J^/lnfo**, with
obfervablePomp. And that when they ftrove who fbould be
greateft, he reproved them, and Concluded [w >it b you it ft all not
t>efo~j and that the moft ferviceable is to be accounted thegreateftj
that Peter himfelf accordingly defcribeth their office, 1 Pet. e.
2. I find that Chrift appointed them another fort of work to
do, even- to -Preach the Gofnel #to all Nations through all
(freights, difficulties and furferings, and to baptize, and teach
Chriftians to obferve the Lawsof Chrift. And that as he never
put the 5word into their hand, fo an official declaring and ap-
plying hU Word to voluntary Difciples was all their Office, as
ordinary Paftorsto be continued.
3. I find that Chrift fent them out by two and two,as if it had
been done on forefight, that men would erect a Church- Monar-
chy : And tbat no Scripture tells us of any divifion of the Church
into Diocefles, where ore Apoftle was a Monarch5or had Power
above the reft,or was his Peculiar Province: Nor tbat the twelve
fettled twelve fuch, or any as the feats of their Succeffors.
4. 1 find not that ever any one ApoftleexercjTed Government
over tbe reft : Nor that ever Chrift gave the reft any Command
or Direction to obey any one $ Nor tbat ever the Contending
or Schifmatical fort of Chriftians were directed to end their
ftrife, by taking any one for the Head who muft determine all
their Controverfies : And that they that faid [/ am of Cephas'}
are reproved with the reft. And tbat all are called Mem-
bers of the Body, and only Chrift the Head. And if it had been
his will that One Vniverfal Head ox Power fhould have been let
up as the Princlpium, or Center of Unity, it is a matter of fo
great .
yaence,that it is net to be believed thftt GUrh:
.ave plainly commanded it.
- f. 1 find that Chrift bath himfeifdone the work, for which
HumMH Govtmmtnt (by Pope or
Councils) ispretendc He hath made and caufed his a-
pottles (peculiarly qualified fbr it J to record llniverfal ChurcU-
l,2v. | even ai many u are UnivertaKy r.ecellary : And if lb,
I cannot but think, I c hath done it better than Man can
dOi 2. And that to add more unneceffarily mult needs be a
c and burden to the Church; ;. A d that i: nmft be an
ufurping the I ver of Chrift : For if chert be no other llniverfal
there is no other that hath Authority to make Uni*
veria! Law*. Therefore this is Trealbn againit Chrilt, and a
making Man a Yice-Chritt,
6. I found chat there is not Co much as a X.iturAl Capacity
in any one, or many, for an llniverfal Government: Church-
Government being of fuch a nature as maketh it far more im-
partible, than for one Monarch or Ariftocracy to Govern all the
:h : And to do it by a trujy General Council, or by the Dif-
futed Fifhops of all the World is further from poiFibility than to
do it bv a Pope.
7. I torch t the Councils pretended to be General,to fee whe-
ther they had made any better Laws than ChriiVs, or made any
defirab'e addition. And I found 1. That while they were not
wholly Papifts, they never pretended to make Canons for any
Chrhtians, but only thofe in the acw.i» Empire. 2. And that it
had been much happier for the Churches if they had made no
more Laws than Chriir had made them, for holy Doctrine, Wor-
fhip, and Church Difcipline, and had only as Teachers expound-
ed and applied the Laws of Chrift.
8. I confidered the Prclent State of the Church llniverfal,
and I find it inch as no Party of Chriftians in the World doth
own. The Pope pleadeth for an llniverfal Soveraignty, and all
his Clergy do the fame $ fome faying it is in Councils, fome in
the Pope, and moft in both together, or Councils approved by
the Pope : And Proteltanrs, Greeks, Neftorians, Jacobites, and
almoft all other Chriitians in the World, accufe this Rcmtn
Church and Claim.
The Papifts condemn the reft: The Creeks, Arminians, and aft*
moft all the reft accufe each other,
9. *
(?)
9. I confidered what Popery is, that is. Clergy -Power in \:s
height, and what it hath done in the World. And I found i. A
wolul defcription of the lives of multitudes of Popes, recorded
by their own moft credited Hiftorians. And x, I found multi-
tudes of vicious Canons obtruded by them as Laws on the Uni-
vcrfal Church. 3. I found moft doleful Hiftories of the Wars
and Rebellions that they have caufed from Age to Age. 4. I
found that they have corrupted the Doctrine of Chrift in abun-
dance of particulars. 5. And that they have lockt up the Sa-
cred Scriptures from the Vulgar, as they have not done their
Canons. 6. And that they have turned God's Spiritual Wor-
ship into a multitude of Superfluous Riies, and fcenical Cere-
monies and Shews. 7. And that they have turned Spiritual
Charch-Difcipline into a fecular fort of Tyranny. 8. And that
they have moft fchifmatically unchurched the reft of the Church-
es, becaufe they are not Subjects of the Pope. 9. And that they
have branded the foundeft Churches with the name of Here-
t '^ks,while they are the grand Herefie of the World. 1 o. And that
they have been and are the greateft Silencers of found Preach-
ers, and hinderers of true Piety and Reformation in the Church.
11. And that they have wofully vitiated the People that are
their Subjects, fo that cdious wickednefs fed by Ignorance, a-
bounds among them 5 and it is their Votaries that are called Re-
I'.gf'otu, and a few Canonized perfons Saints ; as if Religion and
Sanctity were rarities, or any could be faved without them.
12. Laftly, I find that they have lived upon Blood,like Leeches,
and have been the cruelleft Perfecutors of holy men, on pre-
tence of killing Hereticks: And that it is this to which they
truft.
10. I took not this notice of them upon meer prejudice, but
have read, I chink, as many Papifts Books, as Proteftants, or any
other againft them. Nor have I taken it upon dark Scripture
Prophecies, fufpecting my uoderftanding of them: But 1. The
matter of fact from themfelves-: 2. Againft their Papal Supre-
macy from fuch Arguments as are fully collected by Dr. Barrow.
3. Againft their heinous Church- corruptions, from fuch Moral
Evidence as Dr.H. Moore hath fully gathered in his Mjfiery of
Iniquity. 4, Againft their pretences of Tradition and Antiquity,
I fetcht my Arguments from the Hiftories and Authors which
they themfelves alledge, and efpecially their Councils, with the
Fathers Writings. § 9. Seeing
(8)
§ 9" Seeing the Church in this fad Condition, and the Papal
part lb greatly vitiated, I confidered how long it had fo been.
And I round that the Pope and his Bifhops grew not up like a
Mufhroom in aday$ but had been long in thriving to maturity:
And I met with no man that could jufr tell what Year or what
Age the difeafe or tumor did begin. Bifhop Bromball thinks if i
they will abate their laft 400 years Innovations, we may have
hope of agreeing with them. Bifhop Gunning will own no General
Councils,but the ftti\ fixj fome will receive eights fomebut four.
Mr, Momce here goeth no further in his defence of them, what-
ever he think. Some begin Popery with Leo the great, fome
with Gregorys SuccelTour. But it is moft certain that it was firft
an Embrio, and next an Infant and fo grew up from Childhood
to maturity bydegrees.And the firft Church-corruption was not
that which we now call Popery. And it is as certain that the tu-
mor did neither begin nor grow up in the Bifhop of Rome alone,
but in other Bifhops, who grew up withhim,& were his ftrength
and Councils, and he their Head.
§ 10. It is known when the Greeks and Romans began moft
notably to ftrive which mould be greateft, and how the divifion
increafed, and when and how it came to an anathematizing or
excommunicating each other.
§ 1 1. It's notorious that it was from the Councils of Calcedon,
and Ephefus, that the great feparated bodies of Neftorians and
Etttycbians (now called facohites) that pofiefs the Eafi and South,
were broken off with NeftoriM and Diofcorusi and fo continue
to this day.
§ n. I confidered who were the Chief Authors of all thefe
lamentable Schifms, and Church- corruptions in the feveral Ages
when they rofe, and who continue them to this day: And I
found that many Princes were much to be blamed, and the Peo-
ple not Innocent, no not the Religious Monks. But the Bifhops
that had the main Church-power, by abufmg it, were with their
Clergy the principal Caufes,and foare to this dayp The breaches
might yet be healed in Eaft, Weft, and South, were it not for
them.
§ 13. Finding this in Hiftory of undoubted Truth, I next
confidered what was the Caufethat the Bifhops and their Clergy
fhould become fuch Church-corrupters and Dividers, and ftill
continue the Churches miferies,
And
(9)
And I found as followcth, i. That none are ab;c to do fo
much hurt as thofe that have the greateft Parts, Poiverjr.urcft
and Truft. None kill fo many (except SouldiersJ as thofe Fhyli-
cians who are entrufted to heal and fave them. If five hundred
neighbours miftake a man's Difeafe, whom he never trufted, it
hurts him not : But an unskilful Nurfe or Parent may kill a lick
Childjand an unskilful or unfaithfulPhyfician may kill multitudes.
2. And there goeth fo much to make a man a skilful, faithful
Paftor, as that fuch are rare. A% a Phyfician is like to kill his
Patient, if he miftake but fomc one thing in his Difeafe, or fome
Ingredient in his Medicine, though he were right in all the reft:
So if a Guide of Souls were excellent h all other things what
work one Opinion, yea or unskilful word may make , not only
the cafe of the Nejlcri.ani9 E*t)chians, Monot Elites, 8rp< tell us,.,
but even the ftriferhat arofe in the Church about Hjpjhtfismd
Ferfina, which had almoft hereticated ferom himfelf, for all hi?
skill in the Languages : And the cafe of the Greeks and Latines
about [F/7/o^}j and abundar.ee fuch*
3. And Frtde is the Heart of the Old Man 5 firft living, and
laft dying. And grea^Power, great Parts, and great Efts em do
feed it, iftrueGracedo not mortifie it. Knowledge purfeth up$
and efpecially when men live among the ignorant and unlearned,
and are but half Learned themfelves, and are thought by the
people and themfelves, to be much wifer than they are: Inter
aoecos lujcus Rex.
4. And Selftjhnefs is the very fum of all positive iniquity: And*
Pride and Selfiffinefs make men ciefirous to be the Idols of the
World, and to feem as Gods knowing good and evil, and to
have their will of all that they have to do with.
5". And the ftrongeft temptations ufe to caufe the greateft fins. .
§ 14. Thefe Generals prefuppofed, it is moft clear, i.Thac
the remnant of thefe fins', even in Chrift's Apoftles, fet them on
ftriving whofhould be greateft, and made James dXidJohn defire
preheminence, and alfo to have called for Fire from Heavenjand
made them after Chrift's. Refurrection, hope that he would have
reftored the Earthly Kingdom unto Ifrad. And it put Paul to
vindicate his Apoftlefliip againft many that difparaged him 5 As
it made Dietrepks, who loved to have the preheminence, to
caft out the Brethren, and fpeak evil of John ; It gave Peter oc-
cafionto warn the Bi(hops not to Lord it over Cod's Heritage,
Q but.
(10)
to be Examples to the Flocl^, overfeeing them net by- cort-
ftrainr, but willingly.
2. Even in good men this fault, though not in a reigning de-
cree, did live more in others afterwards, that had nor that mea-
sure of the Spirit as the Apoftles had to overcome it. And if
even in Paul's daies he had none like-minded to Timdthj^ho na-
turally cared for the good of all; for all (too muchj fought
their own, and not the things that are Jefus Chrift's, as Demas
forfook him for fome worldly Interelt -, what wonder is ir if af-
terward Pride and Worldlinefs grew greater, and Herefies and
• Strifes increafed.
3. Yet while Chriftianity was a fuffering and laborious State,
the Paftors of the Churches were commonly the beft men, thac
had more Knowledge, Holinefs and Love than others, and the
Churches profpered under the Crofs : They that fpared not
their labours, but imitated the pattern fet by Panl, Atts 20. did
not ftrive who fhould have the largeft Diocefs, and undertake
that which they could not do, but they ftrove to do as much as
they were able, and to increafe and edifle the Flock.
4. But when extraordinary Gifts abated* and acquired Ones
became more neceflary3 and few Philofophers turned Chriftians,
able Taking Preachers or Orators grew fewer, and thofe few
that were eminent in knowledge and Speech were juftly pre-
ferred before the relr. And ufually fome one man had the chief
hand in converting men, and gathering a Church in each parti-
cular Town, and then he rightfully was taken for their Paftor :
And it being found that the publick and private care of Souls re-
quired in each Church, where were fit men-, mo re than one Pa-
ftor j \ It was not meet that more fhould be brought to him that
8 was there before, without his approbation and confentj but that
4 he were to the juniors as a Father; And becaufe the relt were u-
fually below him in Gifts and Worth, it was thought but meet
that they fhould do what they did by his confent : And alfo to
avoid Divifions, to which they were over-prone, it was Judged
fit that one fhould have the preheminence, and a negative, and
partly ruling Vote.
5. The Churches, which in the beginning had thefe Bifhops
and Fellow- Presbyters, were fingle Congregations : And fhortly
they grew to be more than could meet together in fome few
great Cities % Perfecution hindering them from very large Af-
lemblies,
(II) .
femblies, beftties their want of large capacious Temples. Dr.
Hammond thinks that there is no evidence, that in Scripture-
time there were any other Presbyters than Bifoops, and conse-
quently aBifhop had but one Congregation, unlefs he went one
hour to one, and another to another, which was not their
life. But doubtiefs in this he is miilaken, as the many Speakeis
as Corinth (hew.
6. TheGreatnefc of the Roman Empire was prepared by God
to be then an exceeding great furtherance of the Gofpel : For
under the fame Civil Laws and Power?, where one or two Lan-
guages were underftood by moil, Chriftians had the far greater*
advantage for Communication. Want of forreign Languages is
now our great hinderance from Preaching the Gofpel to ether
Nations of the World : And the Confufion at Babel was an un-
fpeakable Judgment. But as Ships, yea Navies, can fail on the
Ocean, when final! Barks or Boats only can pafs on Rivers 5 fo
the vaftnefs of the Reman Empire was a great help to thcChurch,
by Communication , Language and AccefTes : But efpecialiy
when the Emperour became Chriftian, the advantage was ex-
ceeding great : Whereas now the Greatnefs of the Tttrkjjh, Tar*
tarian fklxdoftan Empire, are great Impediments to the Gofpel 5
becaufe the Barbarians are more cruel Enemies than the Civil
Romans (notwithstanding the ten Perfections) were; and their
oppofition is the moreextenfive by the extent of their Domi-
nions $. and the Chriftian Churches having now more fcandalized
the Infidels by their corruptions. While they were not corrupt-
ed by worldly power and wealth* the great holinefs of the
Churches convinced the fober part of the Empire. Albafyintus
fhews us clearly that their ftri&nefs was fo great, that they en-
dured no notable fcandalous fin among them 5 yea and came ve-
ry near to the Novatians in their Discipline : And that it was
not for greater ftridtnefs that the Novatians were condemned,
but for denying the Power of the Church to abfolve men peni-
tent that finned afcer Baptifm. And their Canons (new it. And
it is certain,, that Chriftians obeying ?ault avoided the Heathen
Judicatures as much as might be, and cenfured thofe that did
not, and ended their Differences by the way of Arbitration, and
took the Bifhop with the Confent of bis Clergy to be an Au-
thorized Arbitrator 5 and thus the affairs of all the Chriftians
being caft upon him, - and lie having no power to force any
C 2 ma.v
c1l
\
(12)
man, but only to govern Volunteers, theBimops were con-
(trained to make their Rules of Difcipline fo much the ftri&er,
that all that would not renounce Chriftianity, and Church-
Communion, might be brought to Obedience to efcape Excom-
munication.
7. God having made the Great Yowr and Extent of the Ro-
man Empire, fo great a means for the propagation of Chriftiani-
tv, the Chriitians thought that the Greater they grew them-
felves, the more it would tend to the Churches deliverance,,
from contempt and perfecution : And their advancement lay in
"that advancement of the Bifhops, which private men could not
expect, fave only by fubfequent participation. Hereupon the
Bifhops, by the Peoples content, endeavoured to form the Go-
\ vernment of the Church within the- Empire, into a conformity
to the Government of the Empire: And they contrived that
thofe Cities whofe Govemonrs had the chief Civil Power,their
Biflhops mould have anfwerable Church-Power; the Glory of
the Empire drawing them for Teeming Intereft, into imitation.
8. From the like Principles they defired greatly the enlarge-
ment of the Churches of which they were Overfeers : And
whereas Chriflhad made fingle Churches like Schools, and eve-
ry ftated Worfhipping Church, was alfo a Governed Church, as
every School hath its School-Mafters, one, or more, by degrees
thefe Churches were by degeneration quite altered into other
things : Firft, They were like a Parochial Church, which add-
eth Chappels: They thought not fo contemptibly of tbePaftoral
work as we do, but found enough, as is laid, for many men in a
Church of a few hundred or thoufand fouls .• And when by Per-
fecution, or Numbers, or Diftance, tbey could not all meet or-
dinarily in one place, they appointed them to meet. under feve-
ral Presbyters, in feveral places, but without appropriating a
particular Presbyter to each AfTembly.
2. After they appropriated them to their diftincl: charges,
and diftinguifhed a ftated Worfhipping company from a Govern-
ed Church, the Bifhopand his Confiftory ruling all in common ;
and the People tyed to communicate only at the Bifhops Altar,
and elfewhere to be but Hearers and Worfhippcrs.
3. After that they fetup Altars u-p and down for Monuments
and Memorials of Nkrtyrs^nd then in the Presbyters Chappefsj
yet fo that the People were at Eafic\ WhibftntMr, ana the Na-
tsvtty,
tivity, to communicate with the Eifhop in the Mother Church
or Cathedral.
4. Then when Country-Village? diftarrt had a great irxreafe
of Uhriftians, they allowed Country-Bifhops, Chore pifcopos, (pro-
ved by Petaviusxo be true Bifhops; if they were nor,Presbyters
ordained.) But they muft be fubjeel: to the City Bifhop. f. Afrer
this they decreed that very little Cities ihould have no Bifnope,
ne vHtfcai nomsn Bpifcopi ; whenas before that every City had
a Bifhop and Elders,that had Chriftians enow : And every Town,
like our Corporations, or Market-Towns, were called Cities:
*BA/<4jd not'fignific only fuch as we now call Cities diftinft from
fuch Towns ; were they no bigger than Cenchrea, Majufna* and
fuch others clofe to greater Cities, they had Bifhops. Yea every
Church was to have their Elders, (and confequently Bifhops,faith
Dr. Hammond) where ever it was, by the Rule of the Holy
Ghoft, Acts 14.23. And God never faid, Let there be .no
Churches but in Cities : Elfe when an Emperour would put
down all the Cities, or many, he fhould put down as many
Churches.
6. After this they fet upPatriarks as before they had doneMe-
tropolitans: And ir was three that they firft fet up (but no
where out of the Empire: J And the Papifts find in thelnftitu-
tion the myftery of Trinity in Unity : For they could not find
any where Twelve Seats SuccefFors to the Twelve Apoftles $ and
fo they feigned, that Veter being the Center of Unity, The Tri-
nity flowed from him. 1. He as Bifhop erected the Antiocht-
ai Patriarchate. 2. By St. Mar^hh Difciple, the Alexandri-
an. And 3. By his final Epifcopacy the Roman, faith foh.Dar-
tist de ftatu Ecckf. tempore Apvftolt% pag. 23, 24, \Jmitatur
Ecclsfa D um ut trinum in Per fonts & unum in effentU, quatenus
fcilicef una dr eadem Ec clef a eft multiplex ratione locorum-, nam
diftrihutio prima(& generalis omnium Ecclefarum fait in tres Pa-
triarcbat:iss Romanzm, Alexander mum, & Antiscienumy ut unum
eptpcr tres Ami ft it es Saccrdotium ad Trinitatis in far cut una eft
atque individua poteftas ut rette interpret atur S)mmachus Pap. ad
Eonwm--- Dicendum eft quod ficut in Trinitate una exiftente ef-
fcxtui, tamen perfna d'.ffsrentes exiftunt^ it a Ecclefa una eft effen-
ti.iy licet plnres particuUres ex if ant : Et fcui omnes Trim tat is
pcrfina ortginem fumznt d Patrey qui eft ortgp Fili:y & met que Sp.
Santti) it a Ecclefa ortgo eft Roth ana aliarum.]
7. After
7. At the fame time ihey began to defcribe Churches or Bi-
fhops Provinces by the Meafures of Land, which before were
defcribed by the Perfons of Volunteers, inhabiting near each
other, faith the aforefaid Dartis p. 128. Et fane din duravit Hit
mo: tanquam Apoftolicus in Ecclejiis^ at non effent alii termini
EpifcQpatUi qttam muhitudo tor am quos ad fide m convert ijf cm &
baptiz-a/fent, which he proveth out of the Canons.
8. Rome being the imperial Seat, the Bifhop of Rome was
neareft the Emperour and fiibordinate Rulers, and (b mo ft capa-
ble to make Friends for Chriftians under any Accusations and
Perfecution?* by which advantage all Chriftians through the
Empire needing and being glad of fuch help, did willingly give
the Primacy to the Romane Fatriark.
9. The Emperor Confi amine turning Chriftian, and taking them
for his fureft Souldiers, refolved to raife them as high as he
well could, for the intereft of Chriftianity and his own, and
thereby to work down the Heathens by degrees, and according*
ly gave them chief Countenance , and chief Power 5 and their
Bifhops being their chief men, it muft be done by exalting them.
He made them the authorized Judges of -all Chriftians that de-
fired it, even in criminal cafes. He yet gave not the Bifhops the
power of the Sword 5 but if any Chriftians had committed For*
nication, Adultery, Perjury., yea Murder, the Bifhop was to pu-
nifh them by Pennance and Sufpenfion from the Sacrament :
Befides which,Chriftians had the chief Preferments as they were
capable of in the Armies and Civil Government: So that they
triumphed over their late Perfecutors, AndnowHonour,Power
and Wealth, were moft on the Chriftians fide, but efpecialLy the
Biftiops.
10. Worldly Intereft being now on the Churches fide5 much
of the World by fuch Motives crowded into the Churchy and no
man can imagine that it could be otherwife, who confiders
which way the Vulgar go, and how apt to be of the Prince's
mind, and how much nature inclineth to flcfhly Intereft: Who
had nor rather be kept from the Sacrament and Communion for
a crime, till be profefs Repentance, than to be hanged or ba-
nifhed, or ruined for it ?
But cfpecially the Temptation was ftrongeft to the Biftiops, '
whofe baits were the moft alluring: And ever fince then they
that moft \ovttiYealthpowr nn&Honoitr (that is, the worft, molt
woridly
0>)
vtorldly men) have been the moft eager defirers and teekers of
Bifhopricks: And while humble holy men mutt rather be fought
to, fuch earneft feekers are like to be the ordinary finders and
poffeffors.
ii. But yet three things kept up for fome tirme a confide-
rabte number of godly Bifhops in theChurches, which with the
humble Presbyters, kept up the Intereft of found and practical
Religion.
i. Thofe that had been tryed worthy men before Conftan*
tines converfion, and the Bifhop's exaltation, kept their Integri-
ty in the main j though in the Nicene Council their conten-
tious Libels (hewed that we are more beholden to Conftantine
than to them, that they fell not into fuch ftrifeas their Saccef-
fors did. Good men may be carryed too far in Pride and Strife,
but they will not be mattered by them, and turn againft the
Power of Godlinefs.
2. The People and Inferiour Clergy had the choice of their
Bifhops : And fo (though they oft had tumults, as in popular
Elections it will be) yet the worft ambitious men were long
kept out, and the beft oft chofen, till the People and Presbyters
themfelves were corrupted.
3. And divers good Emperours arofe that took fome care to
promote the beft : But alas ! this had fad and frequent inter-
ruptions.
12, For the Arlans poffeft Conftantine hrmfelf with hard
thoughts of Atbanaftm and his Adherents : And it could not be
expected that Julian fhould countenance the beft, when Conftan-
tim and VaUm had done fo much againft them, and got moft of
all the Churches headed by Arian Bifhops 5 to fay nothing yet
of after times.
13. But now iW6 things became matter of Contention a~
mong the Bifhops and their Clergy, and increafed the ftrife
from time to time. The firft and chief was the Old Caufe great-
ly ftrengthened, *#'&, Whojhould be greateft t Who fhould have
the largeft, fatteft, and moft Ruling Diocefs and Seat ? The
other was, Wbofloottld be taken for the moft Orthodox , and wbofe
Explications of the Faith Jhould be taken for the foundeft ; efpe-
cially about the defcription of the Per fin and immanent atts of
Chrift ? Or briefly, 1. Jurifdiftion and Greatnefs : 2. Wifdom
and hard words.
14. Now
(i6)
14. Now alfo Conftantinople contended with Rome, and being
the Seat of the Empire which they judged to be the true Rea-
Ton of Church-preheminence, they rtfirft modeftly took rbefe-
cond place: And now the Trinity of Patriarchs was turned to
ftvejertifalem being made the fifth. At all this Rome grudged.
if. All this while the old Difcipline of the Church was tole-
rably kept up; i.Becaufe though much of the world had got ir-
to the Church., yet a very great part were tenacious of their
HeathenifhCuftoms, and prejudiced againft Chriftians by their
Contentions, (odioufly defcribed by Am. Marcellinus, and many
others, and prejudiced againft Confi amine for his Son Crifpus and
Sopaters death, &C. and againft Conftantiw for the Murder ©f^-
lian'i Relations; and being taken with the plaufible parrs of p-i-
Han, and with the great Learning and highly extolled Lives of
Tlotinus) VorphyriuS) fambhcbut, lALdefitis, Mavcimu^ VrcereJiM,
LibaniuSy ChrjfanthiKs, and fuch others, defcribed by Emiaptu*)
&C, fo that except Rome and Alexandria for 100 years/an j fbme
few of the very great Churches for 400, the Churches were no
greater than one Bifhop and his ConfefTus, might tolerably go-
vern by the Keys. 2. And all this while all the Presbyters were
Church-Governours as well as the Bifhop, though he was their
Chief, and all Excommunications were to be done by joint con-
fent; And fo many Church-Governours may do more than one.
16. Tben Councils called General, having bytbe Emperours
Grant, and the Clergies Defire and Confent,the Supreme Church-
Power, it was in thefe Councils that the Pride, Ambition and
Domination of all the worldly Prelates that were too foon got
in, didexercife itfelfas the valour and wit of Souldiers in a field
of War: And as 1. The good men yet among them ; 2. And
the Articles of Faith yet retained by them, did caufe them to do
much good againft fome Herefies and £>iforders,fo the Pride afid
Turbulency, yea ignorance of the reft, caufed them to become
theoccafions of the doleful Schifms, and Herefies^ and Enmity
of Chriftians againft each other, which continue to this day un-
healed.
17. Thefe hurtfal Contentions in Councils at flrft prevailed
but little, and that at Nice did much more good (I think) than
harm : And after at Qwjrant : a little more hurt was done, and
lunch good: And thofe that followed did worfe and worfe,
till the proud worldly Spirit contracted Malignity, and fo much
prevailed,
(17)
^prevailed, that for a thoufard years at leaft the Bifhops with
their Prelatical Clergy and their Councils have been the grand
Corruption and Plague of the Church j which many of the moft
Learned Expofitors of the Revelation^ take to be the Image of
the Beajt 5 and Dr. H. Moore calls it a Heathemjb Chriftiamty9
which they have made their Religion. 1 ' ~*~
1 8. In their progreft to all this, as the Diocefles firft g*ew up
from our Parochial Magnitude towards that of the prefer.c Dio*
cefan, lb the very Paftoral Power of all the reft of the Presby-
ters, was by degrees taken away, fo far as that they had no
contenting power in Ordinations or Excommunications, unlefs
the Bifhop would chufe a few for his Council : fo that the proper
power of the King's was confined to one Bifhop over many
hundred Parifhesj and fo Difcipline became an impoflible
thing, fave as it ferved the Bifhops againft fome that theydif-
liked : And fo the Church which was as the Garden of Chrifr,
became like the Commons, and good and bad were little diffe-
renced in Communion.
19. Yet becaufe the Power muft ftill be ufeful to the Bifhops
ends, as he fees caufe, fome fhadow of the old exercife muft be
kept up : But the Bifhop having not leifure for the tenth part of
the labour which this very fhauow required, Lay- men are made
his Chancellours to decree Excommunications and Abfolutions,
and to Govern by the Church Keys ; like a fecular Court : And
CommiflaYies, Officials, Surrogates, and other hard names and
things, are fet up inftead of the Presbyters and their Antient
Office.
20. By this time the Antient Species of the Churches was a!-
teredr and whereas it was long held, that a Church and Bifhop
were Corre!ates,and there were no more Churches than Bifhops,
cow many hundred or a thoufand Parifhes are become no
Churches,but parts of one Diocefan Church,which is the lowefr,
and manv fcore or hundred of the old fort of Bifhops, all caft
out andfwallowed up by one. Juft as if a thoufand, or fome
hundred Schools fhould have but one Governing Schoolmafter,
and be but one School, but each part have an Ufher to read to
the Boyes, and tell the one Schoolmafter as a Monitor what they
did amifs $ but might correct none, nor put them out.
21. 'By this time they began to live on blood $ and even as
they fweiled in the beginning> cruelty grew up equally with
D Pride ;
Pride : For Reafon and Scripture were not on^their fide, nor
would juftifie their Caufe and them, and therefore violence
mult do it : They defired not the bare title of Power, but the
exercife of it,to promote the Ifliies of their Wit and Will. They
began with rafh filencing, ejecting anddepofing Difltnters, and
thence to anathematizing them, and thence to banifhing, till at
laft it grew up to tormenting in the Inquifuion, and burning
them.
2x. And whereas (rotwithftanding the petty Herefies among
Chriftians too earlyj the glory of the Antient perfecuted Chri-
stians was their entire Love and Concord, and the fhame of the
Philofophers was their difcordjit came to that pafs,that where-
as a Herefie of old did ftart up among a few for a fm all time,
like our Ranters and Quakers, who fhame Religion no more than
Bedlams fhame Reafon : Now the great Continents of theEartfc
have been the Seats of the millions of thofe called Hereticks
and Schifmaticks by each other, about 1400 or 13 00 years. Ea-
fdius in Prapar. & Dcmonftr. copioufly fhevveth that the Philo-
fophers were 'all confounded in diffention (and yet did not per-
fecute each other) but that the Chriftians were all of One Reli-
gion, cleaving to one Sacred Word ofGod : Of which alfo fee
Rajmt Breganitim in Theol. Gent, de Cogn. Dei, Euar. $. cap. 8»
To be Lovers of good men,was the character of the old Bifhops:
To be dividers, and haters, and flanderers,and fi!encer*,and per-
secutors, and murderers of them, grew up with corrupters
Pride.
23. And with thefe did gradually grow up corruptions of
Doctrine, even while they pretended a burning Zeal sgainft He-
refie j and corruption of God's publick Worfhip,. till it grew
up to all the Mafs and Roman Impurities.
24. And to fecure all this againft Reformation, ridiculous
Legends, and falfification of Churcr>Hifrory, made it hard for
posterity what to believe, or whom.
§ 1 j. Being thus farfure of the matter of fad, by what de-
grees Prelacy grew up to the height, that it hath now attained
in the World abroad, I confidered what men thought of it now
at home (I am fpeaking yet but of matter of faCty) and I found
great diverfity in mens thoughts of it.
1. As to the Reman heightj found that the Church of England
ifmce the Reformation till A.BX^'s time took thePope to be the
Anti-
09)
Antichrift; It was in thrir Church- books : Many other Bifhops,
as well as Bifhop Downam, have written for it : W-hat Bifhop
Morton. and Hall, and Abbot, and abundance fuch have written
againft Popery I need not name.
2. I found chat then the ftream began to turn/ and the name
of Antichrift was -put out, and our Reconciliation with Rome
wjs taken to be a hopeful work, and actually endeavoured
(which by their converfion all good men defire.)
3. I found thac many among us of greateft reverence and
riamejiad laid down fuch tearms as thefe, Ct [That the Catho-
" lick Church is one Vifible Society under one humane Govern-
" ing Soveraignty : That this Univerfal Soveraign hath power of
"Univerfal Legislation and Judgment: That the Colledge of
" Bifhops through all the World, are this one Supreme Univer-
" fal Soveraign : That they exercife it in GenerafcCouncils when
c' they (it: That every Bifhop is by Office the Reprefentative
" of his Diocefan Church } and thefe Bifhops may, or muft have
" Metropolitans and Patriarchs 5 and by thefe Patriarchs and
u Metropolitans /w liter as format as, and their Nuntii theVm-
c< verfal Supreme Colledge may exercife their Power over all the
*c World : And what they do thus, the Church or Colledge doth,
"in the intervals of General Councils: That the Pope of
" Rome is to be acknowledged the Trincipium Vnitatis to this
«f Univerfal Church and Colledge of Bifhops, and the Ordinary
" Prefident of General Councils ex Officio. That Councils called
*t without the Prefident who hath the fole power, are unlawful
" AfTemblies, and punifhable Routs. That the approbation of
" the Prefident, (if not of the moft of the Patriarchs; is the
" note by which an authoriz'd obliging 'Council is to be known
c from others. That the Pope "is to be obeyed accordingly as
" Prime Patriarch, Vrincipium Vnitatis, Prefident of General
"Councils, and Patriarch of the Weft. That all that will not
Cf unite with the Church of Rome on thefe teafms, are Schifma*
" ticks, and fo to be accounted and ufed. That thofe that thus
" unite with the Church of Rome, are no Papifts : But a Papift
" is only one that holdeth all to be ;uft and good thac is done
^ by Popes, or at leaft one that is for the Pope's Abfolute
f Power of Governing above Canon- Laws and Church-Parlia-
t ments or Councils. And that if they will but abate their Jaft
c<400 years Inaavations, or at leaft not impofe them on others,
D z "we
(to)
•? we may unite with the Church of Rome, though they claim
■f as Peter's SuccefTors, the Univerfal Supremacy at lea ft to be
" exercifed according to the Canons of Councils. And that it
ff is not the Chureh of Rome, but the Court of Rome, which at
" prefent we may not unite with. That the Church of Rome is
c< a true Church, and hath had an uninterrupted SucceiTion, and
" its Sacraments true Sacraments :But none of thofe Proteftanc
u Churches are true Churches, that have notDiocefan fiifhopsj
" nor any of their Paftors true Minifters of Chrift, who have not
n Diocefan Epifcopal Ordination ; nor any that have fuch,unfefs
" it hath as fuch been conveyed down from the Apoftles by un-
*c interrupted SucceiTion by fuch Diocefans. That fuch men have
"no true Sacraments, God not owning what is done by any not
Cc fo ordained : That therefore they have noCovenant-promife
" of3 or right to Pardon and Salvation, becaufe fuch right is
cf given onJy by the Sacrament : That therefore all fuch Pre--
" teftants Sacraments are but nullities, and a prophanation of
Cc holy things: And that the Holy Ghoft being the Inftituter of
u thefe (acred things,it is the fin againft the Holy Ghoft to under-
" take and exercife theMiniftry,&: celebrate Sacraments without
c' fuch uninterrupted fuccefllve Ordination. That an Ordained
"Minifter, hath no more power than was intended him by his
*' Ordainers : That in fuch Presbyterians, or Epifcopal Churches,
iC which have their power from theOrdainers,and (o far for want
" of Succeflion,are nullities 5 it is fafe for men (as e.g. in France)
" to be rather of the Roman Church than theirs.
§ 16. And as I found this Doctrine in the afcendent in Eng-
land^ fo I met with fuch as were for ufing Proteftants according-
ly, even for the filencing of them by thoufands, if they would
not fwear^ profeft, promife, and do all that And for ufing the
People accordingly. And abating neither big* nor little, an
Oath or a Ceremony to unite or fave them. And I lived in an
Age where thefe things were no idle fpeculations.
§ 17. Being thus far fure of the Matter of FacT, I ftudied as
tfeil as I was able to kuow which of theie waies was right : And
I faw that either Popery that is, the Popes univerfal Headfhip
or GoverjHnemr Is of Divine Inftirution, or elfs it is a heinous 11-
furpation, and foimeth a fore of Church which is not on any pre-
tence of Concord to be owned. And as to the flrft I hdve faid
before and irj many Books what I have to fay againft it 3 which
is
(2Ij
is all fummed up in Doftor Iz.. Barrow, and Doctor H. Moire ,
and largely told the world by Cb*mi$rs Stdscl, Wbitakjsf>J9Vfeli
Vfber, Morton, Wh'ite% C'nlltngtyirt h^CrakenthoYne , and abundance
more. And I thought it ftrange if either Papacy, or that Tym-
panite of the Clergy which tended to it, were of God3 that the
Eerfons fhould be ordinarily fo bad,, and it fhould introduce fo
great mifchief' in doctrine, worfhip and practice over the Chri-
ftian world,and bring the Church into fucli a divided and pollut-
ed (rate, and that as the Clergy f.velled the Body mould pine
away, and the Spirit ofholinefs and Love be turned into the
Skeliecon of Ceremony and Formality, and into hatred, cruelty,
and tearing and tormenting pains.
§ 1 8. Upon ail fuch thoughts I concluded in thefe refolurionsj
i* That I muft not accufe any Office made by God, for mens
abufe of it. 2. Nor mult I accufe the good for the faults of the
bad. 3. Nor Confound the Office it felf, with its difeafe, and
the accidental Tympanite. 4, Nor aggravate humane infirmities
in good men, as if they were the crimes of malignant Enemies.
5fc Much lefs lay any of the blame on Chriftianity cr Piety, when
nothing in the world is fo much againft all thefe Evils, nor
would they have been fo far limited, reftrained or refilled, had
it not been for that Chriftianity arid Piety that was kept up a-
gainft it $,nor is there any other cure of it. It is not by Religion* ,
bat for want of more true and ferious Religion, that all thefe mif-
chiefs have fo lamentably prevailed.
§ 19. 1 therefore refolving to avoid extreams, concluded thusj
1. That it is moft certain that Chrift is the only Head of the
Church.
2. And that as fuch he himfelf did make univerfal Laws, and
will be the final univerfal Judge, and there is no other that bath
univerfal Legiflative and Judicial Power but he.
3. As fuch he inftituted necefTary Church-Officers ; firfr, ex-
traordinary ones to be his Inftruments in Legitimation, as Mofes
was to the Jews, giving them his Spirit extraordinarily for that
ufe", to bring all that he taught them to their remembrance, and
guide them to deliver and record all his Commands: And or-
dinary Minifters fas the Priefts and Levites to the Jews) to
teach and apply thefe Commands, or univerfal Laws, to the end
of the World3 but not to add, diminifh or alter them.
4. That the formal Eflence of this continued Sacred Mlniftry
confifteth
ccnfiiteth in a derived Fewer and uj ligation lft iubofdination to
Chrift as Prophet, Pried and King, to Teach, to Guide the
Churches in holy Worfhip, and to Rule them by the Paftoral
Power, which maketh them Ministerial Judges ofmens capacity
for Church-Communion $ but they have as fuch no forcing
power of the 5 word.
f. That there are two forts of thefe Min'fters accidentally
dUtinguifhed: i. Such as are only ordained to the Miniftry in
"general, and not fpecially related to any one particular Church
more than other • whofe work is to do their beft to Teach In-
fidels, and baptize them, and gather Churches, and occafionally
to Officiate orderly in fuch Churches where they come as need
their help. 2. Thofe that have moreover an additional call to
be the ftated Paftors,Overfeers. or Gu'des of particular Churches
as fixed Officers ofChrift. All which have the three forefaid EC-
fentials of the Office, to Teach, Worfhip and Rule.
6. T*hat the Office of thefe men is to be performed by them-
felves, and no Lay-man may do any Effential part of them by
their deligation, and therefore ( as in Phyficians, Tutors, &C.)
necefTary Perfonal abilities are as effential as the neceffary difpo*
fit 10 materia is adreceptionem alicuj m ■forma. And ex qnovis ligno
no n fit mercuriw.
7. That it is very much,and great, and moft important work,
which thefc Minifters have to do. To Preach God's Word un*
xlerftandingly, faithfully, conftantly, fervently 5 torefolvethe
doubtful, to reprove the fcandalous* to perfuade the obftinate,
to confute gainfayers^ to comfort the fad, and ftrengthenthe
weak, particularly as there is occafion. To vifit thefick, Cate-
chize, Baptize, befides all ads of publick Government There-
fore one man cannot poffibly do all this for too great a number
of fouls, but great Congregations mud have many Minifters : A~d
fb they had in the Primitive Church, where the moft able
Speakers preacht ufually in publick, and the reft did more of
the perfonal and more private work.
8. And whereas it was very early that moft fingle Churches
had one that had a preheminence amongft the reft (not as of
another Office, but as a Prefident in a Colledge of Philofbphers,
Phyficians or Divine Students, to be a Governour over thofe of
his own profeftion, by moderate Guidance,) and it is not un-
meet, that when one worthy Teacher hath guttered a Church,
and
and brought up younger Chriftians to Minifterial abilities, that
they when they are ordained fhould take him for their Father, I
will never gainfay fuch an Epifcopacy in Tingle Churches ( that
is, focieties of Chriftians combined for perfonal Communion in
Doctrine^ Worfhip and Holy living under fuch Paitors as afore-
faid.)
9. And becaufe I find that the Apoftles and Evangelifts had a
Minifterial care of many Churches to teach, reprove, exhort the
Paftors and People; And though the Apoftles extraordinary
power and work cea(ed,yet tyarch-Ovcrfight as well as Preach-
ing being an ordinary continued work; and when I find Chrift
Inch inftiruted fome Teachers over many Churches, I dare noc
fdy that he hath repealed this till I can prove it. And the nature
of the thing tells us, that if fome grave holy men have the care
of coun felling and warning and reproving the Minifters of many
Churches who are below them in parts and worth; It may d >
much good and can do no harm . to the Churches, while they
have no power of force or tyranny, Therefore I refolved never
to fpeak or do any thing againft fuch Biftiops of Bimops, though
Diocefan.
§. 20. Thus far I have oft declared my felffor Epifcopacy:
But finding in all the aforefaid Hiftory, how the Church came to
fhe woful State that it hath been in thefe 1200 years, and what
it furlereth by the Bimops and their Cergy in almoft all parts-
of the Chriftian World j and that even the Englijh Diocefans
can endure no more Parochial Paftoral Difcipline than they do*
(I mean fuch as Bticer in Ssripr. Anglic, preft fo vehemently on
King Edw. and the B;fhopsj and that they cannot contentedly
hold their Lordfhips, Wealth and Honours, without filencing
and ruining Twothoufand fuch, as I, or better ; and ufing many
thoufands of godly Chriftians as they do 5 and finding that I and-
(bch others are accufed as being difobedient to them — and
for not fwearing,and covenanting*never to endeavour any alte-
ration of their prefent Ciurch-Governmertr, and ail excommu-
nicate by the Canon that fay there is any thing in it (even from
the Archdeacon downward to [the refl in Office ] repugnant to
tfo Word ofGody I took it at laft to be my duty to give the*
Reafons of my diffent in a full Treatife of Epifcopacy.
And becaufe I perceived young men and ftrangers to for-
mer timeSj deceived by the general noife, How Anttint and
"Vnivsrfitl Epifcopacy hath been-, as if all that is called Epifcopacy
were but one and rhe fame thing; or as if .ve were againft the
Primitive Epifcopacy j therefore I fuddenly (ard too b*?iti!y for
want of time,) beftowed a few weeks in fumming up the Heads
of the Hiftory of Bifhops ard Councils, out of a tew Hutorians
which were moft common, nexr. at hand^ and of molt credit
with thofe whole faults I opened :That it might be truly known
Hurv much the tumifisd degenerate fort of Prelacy had canfed the
Divifions and Calamities of the Church,
§ 21. For this Mr. M^rrice fasia me faith) and many more
are lb greatly offended with me, and fay of me herein what they
do. And on pretence of Vindicating the Primitive Church which
untruly implyeth that I who vindicated it againft corrupters did
oppofe it,! hedefendeth the corruptions and finful mifcarriages
and difeafesof the Prelates : And this he doth, i. By ftriving to
make me contemptible as unlearned^ as if that would excufe the
fins which I rehearfe and lament:He findeth in one place through
myihafte and heed Ie(hefs,a word ofTheodorer mifplaced, and the
word [Calami"] tranflated JguMs, which he thinks (hould be
Reeds $ and one or two more fachj as if he prevaricated, and
had a defign to extol the Book,which he Mi ds no more and grea-
ter fault in, than he really hath done. And he proveth it Iikelj
that I never faw the Hiftories that ftood by me near twenty
years, becaufe the Printer put a Comma between \Marquarduf]
and [Freherw] (I think there are a dozen Comma's mifplaced in
my whole Book ->) when he himfelf faith of his own Book {The
faults that have efcaped are almofi infinite .] But of thefe things
more anon*
2. He loudly and frequently chatgeth me with malicious fal-
fifying Hiftory 5 and when he comcth to the proof, I have
{hewed you who the falfifier i?.
3. The grrat thing I amaccufed of, is making the Bifhops
more the c ufes of Herefie^Schlfm and Violence,than they were :
And of th t 1 havefaid nothing, bur what 1 chi rrk I have fully
proved. And let the Reauer ;u gebv this following Catalogue.
Domineering Pride hath been <hc chief caufe of Herefies and
Schilm?, dpecially working in theClergy to tumid Prelacy and
Tyranny.
I. I before noted how the Anoftles began roftrive who mould
be greateft, till the effufion of the Spirit after Chrifts rebukes
had
(*5>
had cured them. And what tiranny Diotrephes ufed through love
of Preheminence.
U. If the doubtful ftories otSimon Magus be true., his tumor
was more than Papal ; And Epiphanim makes Mcnander, Satur-
mlw, Baftlides, to be but his Off-fpring. The Original of the 2Vt-
colaitans and Gnoftickj (who Epiphamus faith, had enfnared him-
felfonce ) is utterly uncertain; Carpocras, Cerinthus, Ebion^a-
lenunusy Secundtts, Ptolomaus, were all but Birds of the fame
Gnoftickj Neft, a crazed fort of men that mingled Chnftianity,
Platonifm, and Magical Imaginations 5 and what they were
themfelves, is not kno^vn : Such was Marcus, Colarbafus, He-
racleo/ty the Oph:tat the Cainites, the Sethians, Cerdo\ Martion
was a Bifhop's Son caft out for vice 5 and Lucim> Apelles and
Severn* his Off-fpring, the Heads of their little Sefts 9 whether
Bifhops or not, is unknown. What kind of Hereticks Tertullian,
Tatianus, and Origen were, and how many faults as foul Lallan-
n'/^and many not numbered with Hereticks havens well known :
And among all thefe in thofe early daies, till there were Popes
and Diocefans (fuch as now) in the world, none fuch could be
Hereticks.
III. Many Councils contended about the time of Eafter, and
ViEior with one part of Bifhops, excommunicated Polycrates
and the Arian Bifhops 5 while, as Socrates and Socmen tell us,
the Churches that left it indifferent had peace.
IV. A Council of the belt Bifhops at Carthage decreed Re-
baptizing.
V. A Council of the Bifhops of Cappadocia.Ciliciafialatia^c^ \
at Iconittm, for Rebaptizing thofe Baptized by Hereticks : And yf-
Stephen Bifhop of Rome excommunicated them all.
VI. A Council at Synadis, and divers others decreed the fame
Rebaptiz'ng.
VII. Divers more African Councils of good Bifhops with
Cyprian, decree the fame, whom Stephen Bifhop of Rome con-
demned.
VIII. Divers Bifhops are faid to be Sabellian Hereticks.
IX. Paulus Samofatenus Bifhop of Antioch was a Heretick.!
X. The Council of Bifhops at Cirtain Numidia under Secun-
dum Mr. M. calls worfe than I do.
XI. A Carthage Council of 70 Bifhops An. 306. fet up the
Donatifts Schism, ftriving for the preheminence. who fhould be
Bifhop of Carthage, E XII. An.
(x6)
XII. An. 308. Another Donatifts Council had 270 Bifhops.
Many more Councils they had.
XIII. The firft General Council at Nice wehonour,and affent
to its Creed: But thank Confiantine for burning all their Lrbels,
and keeping peace by his p-refence and fpeech.
XIV. The Schii'm made by MeUtin* and Peter, Bithops,is well
known.
XV. The Here(ieofv4n'//.f (a Presbyter that would have been
a Prelate ) quickly infefted Eafebms Nicomed. if not Efffebim
Cafarvnjis, and divers other Bifhops.
XVI. Epiphanies faitb3 that Audius was driven to his Herefie
by being Jong abufed, beaten, and at laft excommunicated for
reproving the Bifhops and Pfiefts for their Covetoufhefs^ Luxu-
ry, and other fins: And fo he became a Bifhop himfelf.
XVII. EvJebiHs Nicom. made Bifhop ofConftantinople fwhom
you tell us VaUfins thinks was no Heretick) hired a Whore at
^intiocb, to father her Child on Eufiarhius the Bifhop there, and
got more Bifhops to depofe him, and the Emperour to banifh
him.
XVIII. A Council of Bifhops at 7y;'eun;uflly condemn and per-
fecute Athanapus.
XIX. Three Bifhops (faith Mr. M. overcome with too much
Wine and perfuafion) ordained Novatian falfly Bifhop of Rome
(before this aforementioned.)
XX. A Council at ^emjakm An. 335. tryed and approved
Arim Faith, and reftored him.
XXL A Council at Constantinople condemned Marcellus Ancj-
ranus, and Athanafins, and juftified Arius.
XXII. A Council of near 100 Bifhops at Antiocb, 36 being
Arians9 depofed At b ana fins.
XXIII. Another Council ixAntioch make a new Creed with.
OUt [ouaxnQ- ,1
XXIV. A Council of 576 Bifhops at Sard.ca^ decree Appeals
to Rome, which Anguftin and the African Bifhops were againfr.
XXV. The Semi-Arian Bifhops went to Pbilippopolis^nd con-
demned fuch as the other at Sardica had abfolved, but call out
[ooca^©-] as not fcriptural, and caft dreadful accufationson Atba-
nafiw, Paulas C. P. and Marc e Has.
XXVI. An, 3 yo. A Council at Milan received Vrfacius and
Valens^ Arians.
XXVII. Stephen
(17)
XXVII. Stephen an Arian Bifhop hired a Whore to go in to
Bifhop Euphrates-, and this Enphratas after turned Photinian.
XXVIII. An. 3 5* 3. A Council at -^r/n condemn Athanafius.
XXIX. ^w. 35?. A General Council at Mihn of above 3 as
Wcftern Bifhops (though the Eaftern that were moft Arian could
not come,) where Athanafixs was condemned, and communion
with the Arums fublcribed.
XXX. An, 356. A Council at Byterris condemned and ba-
mmed HUarv, and condemned them as Separatifts or Schifma-
ticks that renounced the Arian Communion.
XXXI. A General Council at Sirmium of 300 Weftern Bifhops
befides the Eaftern, made three different Creeds, condemned
Athanafws, left out the word [Subftance] made P. Liber itts^nd
old Ofius fubfcribe againft Athanajms.
XXXII. The Oriental Bifhops at Aneyra were only for
£ opufafftt ] and not [ ofioiaiQ- ] and wilh Macedonia againft the
Godhead of the Holy Ghoft.
XXXIII. A General Council 400 Bifhops met at Ariminum }
of whom moft at firft were Orthodox; but after when the Em-
perour interpofed,fubfcribed to the Arian Party.
XXXIV.The reft fate at Selettcia^nd were moreOrthodox,but
divided into Acacians, who were for leaving out [Subftancc] and
Semi- Arians, who were for [LikeSubftancei] Sulp, Severus tells
ui3 that many Bifhops quieted their Confidences by [[ubjcribing
in their own fenfe'} and fo deceived the Avians that thought
they had won them.
XXXV. A Council at C> P. made a Ninth Creed, leaving out
ISubftance and Hypoftafis, The Semi-Arians for this banifhed the
Authors.
XXXVI. A Council at Antioch caft out Mdetitts, and made a
Tenth Creed, worfe than the reft.
XXXVII. fulian Re igning, A 'thanafius calls a Council ztAlex*
tndria, which had almoft divided Eaft and Weft about the
names \_Hypoftafis and Perfona {] but that fbme wife men per-
fuaded them that the words were both of the fame fignificationj
which yet was hardly entertained afterward.
XXXVIII. A Council at Antioch of Semi-Arians Petitioned ?o-
vianus to caft out the Acacians 5 till they knew his mind,and then
the Arian Bifhops turned Orthodox.
XXXIX. At a Synod mTyana Euftath.Sebafl. denied [^i«©-]
and the Godhead of the Holy Ghoft* E a XL, An
XL. An Arian Council of Bifhops in Carta under Valens : And
another at Singeduni in Mifia%
XLI. Damafus in a Roman Council condemneth Sifinnius for
Conventicles : For at the Election in the Church they fought
for thefe two: And Damafus his Party one day left 137 dead
bodies behind them, and got the better.
XLII. Falensby cruelty fet up Arian Bifhops in a great part
* oftheEafr.
XLIII. The firft General Council at C. P. is commonly called
the Second General, when yet that at SardUa , Ar'tminum ,
Sirmium , Milan, were General alfo.: They were many
good men, and did good : But how they ufed Nauan^en to the
great grief of the Church of C. P. and how Naz.ianz.en defcrib-
eth them, I defire the Reader to take from his own words.,
and not from mine, or Mr. M.
XLIV. The Council at Cafar jiugufla did that which made
Martin feparate from them and all their Councils after to M\%
death.
XLV. A Council at C. P. fet up Flavian at Antiochy and a
Council at Rome were for Paulinas : The former advance C. P.
and ferufalem.
XLVI. Many Schifmatical Councils of Donatifl Bifhops fol-
lowed.
XLVII. For Theophslus cafe I refer you to Socrates and Svxjir
mene.
XLVIII. Epiphanim his Schifmatical ufage ofChryfoftomis un-
excufable.
XLIX. Andfo xsTheophilus profecution of him, and a Synod
of Bifhops caftinghim our, and Cyril* s refitting the reftoring of
his name when dead, and reviling the foannites that kept fepa-
rated Meetings for his fake.
L. The Diofpolitan Council abfolved Pelagius. Divers Car-
thage Councils condemned him. P. Innocent condemned him*
Zofimus once abfolved him,, and condemned his accufers.
The Bifhops caft out for Simony, I will not number here.
LI. The Contentions between Boniface jand Eulalius, and o«
thers after them to get the Bifhoprick of Rome, are fo many as
I will not number them. And the ftriving of three Bifhops fuc-
ceffively againft the African Fathers for the Roman fuper-emi-
v nence and Appeals to Rome, are commonly known,
LII. One
C*5»
LIL (Jnc of Bifhop Boniface's Decrees is, That £Ara Btjfbop
/ball be brought before any fudge, Civil or Military either for anj
Civil or Criminal Cauje.~\
Llir.Whac the firft General Council at Ephefw did intheOufe
ofNefiorias I have fully opened: Derodons Evidence is undeniable,
that Neftorius was Orthodox as to the Matter, though he mif-
took as to words, in thinking that Mary fhould no't be called
Tb: Mother of God, but ofChrift who is God, ( which Luther alfo
fhews.) Yet fince that Councils anathematizing him, a great body
of Chnftians in many Eaftern Kingdoms, to this day are a party
hereticated by the reft. Is not fuch an effect of 1200 years con-r
tinuance, a witnefs of the failing of that Council?
LIV. TheBiftiops of C. P. and Alexandria ft riving which
fhould be greateft, a Council at C P. decided it forC. P. where
Thsodoret was for Alexandria, and fell under difpleafare.
LV, Leo M. Bifnop of Rome, claims the title of Head of the
Catholick^C hutch.
LVI. Two Councils at C. P. one againft Emyches and the other
for him.
LVII. The fecond Gouncil at Ephefm is fo heavily accufed by
Mr. M. and fuch others, that I need not accufe it more. FU-
iiianus of C. P.. was there hurt to death. Yet Bellarmin confef-
feth it wanted nothing of a true General Council but the Popes
approbation.
LVIII. A Council at Alexandria under Diofcorns excommn-
cateth Leo.
LIX. What the Council of Calcedon hath done I have ihewed:
Inftead of reconciling the > Neftorian and £/#/^V2« Controverfics /
by a skillful explication of their ambiguous unfit words, they^yL
Anathematized both and banimedDi^TV^.And ever fince to this
day, the Eutjcbians and Neftorians are feparated DhTenters.
LX. Ac Alex and. the Bifaops party that the Council was for
(ProteriM6)ax\& Timothy whom Diofcorm party werefor,fb raged,
that they murdered Proteriw, and.dragg'd his carkafs'in the
ftreets,and bit his ftefh : Avd each party ftill accufed the other. .
LXf. Pulcheria (Theodojiw's Sifter and Martian's Wife ) be-
ing for the Council, and Eudocia Theodofuii's Widdow for Diofcc-
r/^, they animated the feveral Parties of Bifhops and Monks : Ani
in Palefiine fuvenalB'iihop of ferufalem was expelled, Severianu*
Bifhop of Schnhopolis killed, &c.
LXIL Lu*
l}0)
LXII. Leo the Emperour commanding obedience tp the Cat-
cedm Council, at Alexandr ;<*and Am loch the Armies of contend-
ing Bifhops were in continual war, calling each other Neftorians
and Eutjcmnns 5 one Bifhop banifhed by the Emperour, the con-
trary Bifhop murdered by the people, and cart into the River %
the next getting the better again, ehr.
LXIIF. In Martiarh and Leo's daies mcft Bifhops fubfcribed
to the Council. When Bafilifcm ufurped, and was againft the
Council, faith Nicepb. three Patriarchs, and Hvc hundred Bifhops
renounced it, molt before having damned its adverfaries. Btfi-
lifius recanteth his Commands, and commandeth all to be for
the Council, and the Bifhops obey him, fave thofe of A fa, Zcno
recovereth the Empire, and is for the Council, and the Afian
Bifhops turn for it , and fay they fubfcribed to 5^///r«/atfirft
for fear. Zeno feeing it impoflible otherwife to make Peace,
leaveth all indifferent whether they will fubferibe the Council
or nor. Then the War grew hotter between the Bifhops and
their Armies againft each other, fpecially the Patriarchs 5 all be-
ing in Confufion , at Alexand. Antioch and C. P. and no Em-
perour wife enough to quiet them.
LXlV. Anaftafipts a peaceable man, made Emperour, leaveth
all te th'nk of the Council as they will : Then the B (hops fall
into three Parties 5 fome for every word in the Council 5 fome
anathematizing it, and fome for the indifferency : The Eaft one
way, the Weft another, and LybU another; yea each Country
divided among themfelves : Saith Niccph. So great confufion
And blindnefs of mind befell the whole World. The Emperour falls
upon the impeaceable of both fides : At his own place C. P. the
Sedition of the People overcame him, for their Council Bifhop,
which tarred the Emperour more againft the Council, and that
Bifhop and the reft.
LXV. At Amioch the Armies of two Bifhops fought it out,
and theCouncil Party getting the better, killed fo many Monks,
as to fave the labour of burying thtm, they caft their bodies in-
to the River: And after another Party of them made as great
a (laughter. For this blood the Emperour banifh'd FUvianus the
CouncilBifhop:This was called Perfecution./Vf.^tf.beingdead,
tie Bifhops of Alex, Egypt and Lybia, fell all into pieces among
themfelves,and had feparate Meetings : The reft of theEaftfepa-
rated from the Weft, becaufe the Weft refufed Communion with
them,
f?0
them unJefs they would anathematize Neftcrius, Eutjch-s, Di-
cfcorus, Moggus, and Acacius : And yec faith NUeph. J$*iger-
mani Diofcori & Ew y >cbst it feB at ores jnere, ad max imam pauat li-
tem redattifstnt .Note ihziFlavian theCouncilBifhop for fear with
his Fello v Bifhops frhreatned by Bifhop Xenaits) fubferibed an
Anathema againft Theodore^ Theodorite, Ibas, as Neftorians: The
IfdHrian Bifhops yield to anathematize the Council. Sevsrm a
fierce Enemy of the Neftorians made Patriirch at Antioch, for-
ced many Bifhops to renounce the Council 5 and many ro fly.
The Ifamriz* Biih)ps repent and condemn Severm : Tne Empe-
rour commanded out two Bifhops for condemning their Pa-
triarch : The People defend them, and force the Emperour to
defift, becaufe he would fhed no blood for Bifhops. HeLas
Bifhop of Jerufalcm9Qvi all the Bifhops in f'uch confufion, that he
would communicate with none of them, but the Bifhop of C. P.
The Monks at Jerttfalem proclaim Anathema to all that equal not
the jour Councils to the four Evavgelifts, and write to the Emperour
that they vconld make good the conflicl to blood, and went about to
engage men to the Council : The Emperour commanded the
Bifhop to reform this: He refufeth. The Emperour fendeth
Souldiers to compel them, and the Bifhops and Monks forcibly
caft theTn out of the Church. He fent Olympic with a ftronger
band, who cifl out the Bifhop: The next Bifhops and more
Souldiers had yet more conflicts after this, and the SouIJiers
driven away by force.
LXVI. Fdix of Rome, with 77 Bifhops, excommunicate Aca*
ciftsof C. P. f with a \^Nanquam Anaihematis vincutis exnendui)
and their own two Bilhops that obeyed the Emperour in com-
municating. The Schifm between Laurent ins and Symmachvs,
came to blood-fhed, when five or fix Councils laboured to heal
it. Symmachns excemmunicatetb the Emperour and Bifhop of
C. P. as communicating with Heretick* 5 but not an Arian
King then at Rome.
LXVII. A Council of 80 Bifhops at Sidon anathematize the
Council of CtlcedoHj.
The ft riving Parties keep upftill in great Bodies, and the Met-
rites (as they call thofe that obeyed Kings and the Council)
have one Patriarch at Damafius, the Emychian Jacobites one at
Mefopotamia, the Maronites one at M. Libanus, all called Pa-
triarchs ofAntioch) (and the Remans make a fourth of the fame
tide)
(30
title) and the NeftoYians have their Patriarch at Muz.nl.
Of the many Herefies or Seels that rofe up from the intem-
perate opposition to Nefforias, and the woful ruines they made
in the Eaft after the Calcedon Councils, and all caufed by Pride
and Profperity, and wantonnefs of Wit, and ftopt only by the
Conqueft of the Saracens and Arabians, and how orthodox now
in their Captivity and Poverty they all are, even the Jacobites,
the Neftorians, the Armenians, the Cophti, the Abeffmes^ the
Indians, and the Maronites, fee the notable words of Brurwrod
Enquir.p. i8o, i8i3 182, 183. As alfo how the Verfim King
was a great caufe of the fpreading of the Nefiorians through
his Dominions,
LXVIIL The Eaft and Weft were divided in fufi'irh Reign5on
the Qjeftion, whether the names of two Orthodox dead Bifhops
fhould be reftored into the Dypticks, even Euphemius and Ma-
cedonius, whom the Pope had damned as communicating with
Hereticks5 the Bifhops of the Eaft being for k9 and the Weft a-
gainftit.
LXIX. fuftin turning theftreamfor the Calced. Council, the
Bifhops in a Council at ferufalem, and another at Tyre are for it,
and condemn Sevems. And a Roman Council condemneth the
three dead Bifhops of C. P. Acacius, Euphemius and Macedo*
Yiius.
LXX. So far were the Bifhops yet from Peace, that Jufliniatt
being Emperour, headed the Council Party, and his Wife the ad-
verfe Party.
About 30000 they fay were then killed inCsP; at an Infur-
rection.
LXXI. A mifchievous Schifm for the Bifhoprick at Rome, be-
tween Boniface 2. and Diofcorus and Agapetus after Boniface*
LXXII. In fuftinians time a Controverfie arofe, whether we
may fay [One of the Trinity was crucified? ] Hormifda Bifhop of
Rome CM No. The Nefiorians took hold of this and faid, \Jhsn
we may not fay Mary was Mother to one of the Trinity."] Jujtinian
fent for a Council about it to Pope fobm He and his Bifhops
concluded contrary to Hormifda, that we may fay [One of the
Trinity was crucified."] And fay Baronius and Binius [_Ita mutatis
hoftibus arma mutari neceffe fuitT] Faith changeth as occafions
change. Reader, if chou feeft not here how Bifhops have bro-
ken the Church in pieces , Irauftnottell thee, left Mr. M. be
angry. I in.
V
I Intreat the Reader to fee what I faid, Hift. p. i J 2. of the
Conference of Hypatius and. the Eutychians.
LXXIII. A Council at C. P. calls their Bifhop Patriarch*
Oecumenicus, and condemn divers Bifhops, as doth a Council ac
ftfufalem,
LXXIV. At Rojne the Arian King made Silverius Bifhop,'
and others chofe VigUius that murdered him. VigUius excom-
municated Mcnna or C. P. which fuflim'an revenged.
LXXV. A new Controverfie is ltaced whether thrifts body
was corruptible: The denyers had Gainas A. Bifhop 5 The affir-
mers had Thecdofius ; The firft were called Phantafiafta, the o-
ther Corrupt icol#. Moft were for Gainas, but the Soldiers for
Theodofmr. They fought many daies, and the Soldiers killed ma-
ny, and many of them were kiHed, and the Women withftones
from the top of the houfes, and the Soldiers with fire, continued
the war: And thedivifion continued in Liberatus's daies: fufti-
nian was fo zealous for the Council ofCalcedon, that he murder-
ed thoufands (as they fay ) in Egypt, and yet dyed a reputed
Heretick himfeif, being for the Corrupt UoU, and Evagrius faith,
when he had fet the whole world in tumult, he was damned him-
feif. But God beft knoweth that.
LXXVf . A Council at Barcelona Decree that Priefts muft cut
their beards, but not fhave them.
LXXVII. By the Cheat of an Eatycbian Bifhop fuftinian was
perfuaded that the condemning of fome Writings of Theodora
Afopfueft, Theodorite and Ikas9 would reconcile the Bifhops: He
calls a General Council at C. P. to that end (ufually called the
jth)His Letters are read opening the doleful divifions, that
the Churches had no Communion with one another, &c. The
three Bifhops writings are read : Theodorite charged by this Ge-
neral Council with that fait Epiftle againftdead Cyril, and a like
Speech at Antioch, and none vindicated him : Binitts and Mr.
Morice and others fay the Letter is forged : I know not 5 But
the Tria Capitula are condemned. And now this General Council
hath made a new dividing fnare. Many that were for the Calce-
don Council feared this was a condemning of what they did in
receiving Theodorite^ &c. The Adverfaries were never the more
fatisfyed j but faith B mitts himfeif [ The end-was not obtained, but
a moft grievous mifchief added to the Church— The whole Catholic^
Church was torn by Schifm, and worJe,the Emperourftir^dup Per-
F jecution,
'[edition, depofed or banijhed P,V\g\\\US: But left the Eaft Jhould
allforfakethe Weft, he recanted and conferred to the Council. Doth
cither the work, or the effect commend this General Council?
LXXVIII. A Council of ferujalem fave one Bifhop, prefently
received this Decree.
LXXIX. A Weftern Council at AquiUia condemn this fth
General Council atC. P.and (faith Binim)feparatedfrom the whole
CatholickChurch(even from Rome) for an hundred years tz'l Sergius
reconciled them. J^Were the Weitern Bifhops or the Pope then
the Weftern Church ? -So many feparated, that Vigiiins being
dead, there could but two Bifhops (and a Presbyter ) be got to
or Jain Pelagius his SuccefTor. But the Emperour and his Pope
perfecute the Bifhops, and the Schifm feemed defperate.
LXXX. Another Council at C. P. An. 5:87. decree that John
Bifhop of C. P. be called The Vniverfal Bi/Jjop 5 which greatly in-
creafed the Churches divifions.
LXXXI. King Gumhram called a Council at Mafcon An. 589.
finding all things grow worfe and worfe, & all long of the Bifhops
©nly, faith Binivu,
LXXXII. Even Great Gregory called a Synod againft the dif.
fenting Bifhops, and they not obeying hisfummons,the Bifhop
ofAquileia was ruined ( the Weftern Head) Sabinian that fuc-
ceeded Gregory would have had his Books burnt. Boniface the
third got Phocas the Murderer to declare Rome the Chief
Bifhops Seat (He to whom Greg, had fung L&tentur coe'i, & ex-
tiket terra^Scc.)
LXXXIII. Next rofe up the Monothelite Controverfie. Cyrus.
Bifhop of Alexand. to end the Controverfies aforementioned.,
was told that to ufe the word [Dei virilis operatio & voluntas}
would unite them alJ,which paft as fattsfatlion in a Council at A-
lexand. 1\ Honorius perfuaded them to filence [One~\ and [Tir*?.]
But this Counfel was rejected., and now whether Chrift had
[One or Two Wills and Operations^ became as defide^ the new-
War of the Bifhops through the world. Some were for [One]
and fome for [Twoj as if [Will and Operation, and One or Tw~]-
were words that had but one fignification; When every Novice
in Philofophy muft grant that Chrift's Will and Operation in fome
/enfe, was bur One, and in other fenfes Tiv<?5 as I have proved.
But Sergius Bifhop of Conh1. fet it on foot, TIeraclius being'for
ir3 and Pjrrhus his SuccefTor followed it oa. And Sergius by a
Council
05)
Council of Biftiops at C. P. decreed for [One Will-]
The Opinion and the Emperour Conjtans his fifencing both,
are condemned at Rome, The Pope, Emperours and Bifhops,
are all condemned, and perfecting each other about ir.
LXXXIV. Cottft. Pogonat. called a General Council at C* P.
called the 6tb, which condemned Macarius Bifhop of Ant% and
the pacificatory Epiftles of P. Honorius and Sergius as Heretical,
and all that were for One Will^ and Que Operation of Chrift $
I. As denominated anaturis & earum principiis feu facpiltatibus^
the Divine and Humane Will and Operations were and are Two :
i. As denominated ab unit ate perfona j they are the Will avid Ope-
rations of Oneperfon, and (b far may be called One. 3. As deno-
minated ab unit ate okjetliva they are One : The Divine and Hu-
mane Nature will the fame thing, fo far as the Humane willeths
and do fo far the fame work : But if any will make a new He-
refieby difputing whether the Divine Nature alone do not
will and acl fomewhat without the volition and aUion of the Hu-
mane (fince the Incarnation^ they (hall have no company of
mine in it. 4. In the fenfe as the Operation of the principal
and inftrumentalCaufeare One^ producing One Efetl-y foChrift's
Divine and Humane Operations are One. $\ As Confent deno-*
minateth Vnity^nd the Old Chriftians are faid to be of One heart
and foul, One mmd and mouth $ and Chrift prayeth that we may
be One in him,fo his Will and Operation are One% 6. Yea if there
be a fort oiVnion between Chrift & his Members, and between
the Bleffed in Heaven, which is quite beyond ourprefent com-
prebenfion, it is much much more fo between drift's Divinz
and Humane Will and Operations.
And now Reader, whether it was well done topafs over thefe
and many other needful diftin&ions^ and to put men barely to
fay that Chrift's Will and Operations were not One^but Two^vhttl
really they were both One and Two 5 :nd to make the Pope him-
feif a Heretick, for one of the wifeft Epiftles that ever Pope
wrote (lam no fuch enemy to a Pope as to be partial -J and to
divide t&e very Weftera Church from Rome, and make AquileU
its Head for an hundred years, and to. fet all the Roman Empire
in a fl3me, anuthemariz-ngand fcparating from one another, tie-
ask each 'other ,
ste wifely and
to blame for
F z blaming
blaming it, then good and evil is but what every difeafed foul
will make it. Mr. Mortice and his Matters, that honour their
Leviathan for fuch works asthefe, do tell us/bat they would da
it themfelves were it to be done again. And let it be their work,
and the reward be theirs: For my part I abhor and renounce ir.
LXXXV. Faith and Salvationnow depended fo much on Arith-
metick, that%the Bifhops of Spain raifed another Arithmetical
ControverUe , afTerting Three Subftances in Chrifi, bis Divinity^
his Soul^ and his Body y and fay5 [ A Will begat a Will, that L%
the Divine, the Humanc.~\ Thefe things are true. But the wife
Pope was fo affrighted with Arithmetical Cuntr over fits by expe-
rience of the mifchievous Effects, that Ifc cautioned them much
about ir, and for that fome judged him errone
LXXXVI. The Council at Trull was one of the heft that ever
they had, yet (hewed the Core of the Churches Plague,, by de-
creeingj That whatever alteration the Imperial Tower mtketh on
any City^ the Ecclefiaftical Order Jhall follow it. This Clergy am-
bition nurft up Anti-Chrift.
LXXXVIL A Council at Aquileia condemned the 5th General
Council for condemning the Tria capitula.
JLXXXVIII. Pope Sergius condemning the Trullans Council, the
Emperour commanded him to be a Prifoner, and the Soulditrs*.
bribed refcued him.
LXXXIX, Bardanes Thilippicus being made Emperor, he cal-
ieth a General Council at C.P. where, faith Bwius, out of the
£aft there were. innumerable Bifhops, (which is notfaidof any o-
ther Council) who all condemned the 6th General Council, and
their Decrees of Two Wills and Operations.
Here (not I, but) Bar oni us and Bmius fay [Thus at the Beck of
An Emperour, andthe Will of a Monothelite Patriarchy the holy 6th >
Synod is condemned \and what they f aid of Two Wills with Chrifiy and
two Operations, and all retraced by the Decree and Subfcription
efvery many Oriental Bifhops, that were in one moment turned from
being Catholick to be Monothehtes\ But do they forget the 100
Year, that even the Weft made a head againft-the ? th Council
and the Pope.
XC. Next all the World is fet together by the Ears about
Images, for which the Pope rebelled againft and rejected the
Emperour for Charles Maxteloi France.
Ajid FopeZachary bid Boniface call a Council to eject the Af-
(kllQizti Antipodes* XCI. It
U7)
CXI. Ffl a General Council at C.T. 338 Bifhops condemn-
ed the worfhipping of Images^ and fwear men not to adore
therm, and derrroyed reliques, &c. and decreed, that Chrift's
Body is not flefh in Heaven: Bat the Pope and Weftern B (hops
of his Party, condemn this Council.
XCll. The C7r^Bifhops condemn the RomanB\(hov$ for add-
U wg [F///^] to the Creed, and fo another occafion ofSchifmis
1 raifed>
XCIII. The Schifms in Italy zvARcme itfeif now grew fo great
and the Effect's in Blood and Confufions fo difmal , that I mult
not number them one by one.
XCIV. Conji amine and Let Ijkkri Emperours, being dead, a
(Woman Irene, and her Infant Son are for Images, and call a ue-
ncral Council for them at Nice, where Tharafws Bifhop of C
P. got the B.fhopsto carry it for Images and Reliques, and the
Chief Bifhops that had condemned them before, nowcryed/w-
cavimus, and condemned thefe that were againft adoration of
Images, &c. If Mr. Morrice call me an Enemy to Repentance
for reciting this, I cannot help ir.
XCV. Yet more Schifm : Two Bifhops, F'celix and EV.pandus,
fay, Tluti Chrift as the eternal Word was Gods natural Sonl but as
Man he was but his adopted Son : (thinking that duo fundaments. y
viz. Generati* tterna, & temporalis, duas faciunt Relations, fili-
ationis in uia perfona. ] But Councils condemned them as mak-v
ing two Sons. And the great Council at Franhjord condemning
the fecond Council of Nice, and Image-worfhip, condemn alio
thefe two Bifhops, 1, For faying Chrifi was God's AdcptedSon j
2. And that bj Grace j 3 . And that he was a Servant. Is any of.
this falfe 5 not excluding a higher title ?
The Council concludeth that Cbrifl was not a Servant fubjetl--
ed to God bj penal fervitude: Sure it was part of his fuffering for
our fins, to be in the form of a Servant, Phil. 2.7.
XCVI. Binius faith the FUioqt was added to the Creed by
the Spanijh and French Bifhops without the Pope.
XCVII. One Council at C. P. reftored him that married the
Emperour adulteroufly to another wife: And another condemn-
ed Theod. Studita and Plato, for being againft it.
XCVIIL The moft excellent Emperour Ludov. Piuswu fo>
zealous to reform the Bifhops, that they hated him, and in a
Council at Compendium (Compeigne) moft perfidioufly depofed
hid*
Dim, ana aicer oaieiy aouieci mm, even witnout me rope.
XCIX. As to pleafe his Son Lothariw, they depofed the Fa-
ther 5 fo when he was beaten by his Brethren, they after in a
Council at Aquifgrane {Aken) depofed Lothariast accufing him
as they did his Father*
C. At c. P. a Council was called by the power of another
Woman Theodora and the Bifhops that had under divers Empe-
rours condemned Image- worfhip, now turn to it again, and ana-
thematize on a fudden the oppofers.
CI. The Bifhops own Lotharios Adulterous marriage with
Waldtada.
CII. The Councils that fet up and pull'd down Ignatius and
Tintim at C. P. and the woful ftir that they made as Emperours
changed, were lamentable.
GUI. Many contrary Councils were between the French
Bifhops that were for Lotharius divorce and the Pope.
CIV. Bafd the Emperour writes to the Pope to pardon all his
Bifhops, or e!fe they fhould be without, becaufe all had mifcar-
ried, and turned with the times.
CV. A General Council at Conft. called by the Paplfts, Ujs
Eighth General Come //, condemned Photitts again, and-fetup /g- .
natiuS) and the Changers crytd, peccavimus^ and make extreme
Decrees for Images (But they well condemn Subscribing to be
true to their Patriarchs and Bifhops-,) but decree that all Princes
and Subjects worfhip the Bifhops, who mult not fall down to
them. Other horrid Elevations of Prelates above Princes they
decreed — faying, A Bifhop, though it be mamfefi that he is defti-,
tute of all Firtue of Religion, jet ts aPafior $ and the Sheep muft
not refift the Shepherd.
CVI. A dangerous Rent between Rome andC. P. what Bifhop
fhould have the Bulgarians.
CVIL A Council at JVLtz. called Prtdatorium, gave the King-.
dom: to Car. Calv. unjuftly.
CVIIL A Council at Pavia falfly make Charles Emperour.
CIX. Another (Pontigonsnfe) confirmed it 5 (the Pope: chim-
ing the Power.)
CX. A Roman Council unjnftly made Lndov. 3. Emperour.
CXI. A General Council at C. P. again fet Mp-Pbotius, and call
out IFUiofa]
CXII. The*Roman adlions for and againft P. Formofus, are
odious to allfober Chriftians Ears, CXIII. A
\
(19)
CXIII. A Council at Sojfons confirm the A. Bifhoprick of"
Rhemss to a Child of five years old, Son to the E. of Aqmtane,
Divers other Councils do and undo about the fame Caufe.
CXIV. TheHiilory of the Bifhops of Rome and their Councils
from hence forward is fo lamentable that even the mofl: flattering
Papift Hiftorians mention them with deteftation. So that I limit
not fray to name many particulars.
CXV. An. 1049. A Roman Council wis fain topardoo Simo-
niacal Bifhops and Pried?, became the Cy was, that elfe none
would be left to officiate.
CXVI. Beirg come into rhe Rowan fmfe, I will pafs above an
hundred more of the Councils of this woful fort of B mops, left
Mr. Mrrrice think that I fuppofe him to vindicate them, or not
to abhor them. Only remembering my Reader ofafew General
or notable things : vfc.
I. The multitude of Schifm% and long vacancies at Rone $
and the horrid incapacity of very many Popes, which prove an in-
terrupted fucce.Tion.
II.The horrid wars that long infefted Italy by the Popes means..
III. The difmal wars with many Emperours, and the Bifhops
and Councils half on one fide and half on the other.
IV. TheC^uncil that called the Emperours and others Prin-
ces power of inverting Bifhops, the Henri ci a nHercfie,. and;
judg'd the Bifhops that had been for it to-be dig'd out of their
graves and burnt.
V. The Subjecting and debating of all Chriftian Princes, mak-
ing them but as the Body, and the Moon, and the Bifhops, to be
as the foul and the fun. Efpecially the General Lateran Council
which decreed Tranfubftantiation, and all to be Hereticks that
denied it ; And oblige all temporal Lords to exterminate all fucU
Hereticks on pain of Excommunication, depofition & damnation.
VI. The Councils ofConflance and Bafils that were for Refor-
mation how falQyand cruelly they dealt with ///wand Jerome
and rejected the four great requefts of the Bohemians, and fixed
their pollutions.
VII. The Councils of Florence, and that of "Trent, ,which had
more Learned men, who yet more obftinately managed the En-
mity to Reformation.
VIII. The p re fen r State of the Univerfal Church throughout;-
the World as it is divided into Papifts, Pr weft [ants, Greek*, Mof-
covitesy
(4o)
-covites, Georgians, with the Circajfians and Mengrelians, Ame~
nlans9 Neftorians, Jacobites, Copbtts, Abafinet, Maronites, Aiel-
chites\ And what thoughts thefe have of one another.
And I would deiire Mr. Momce to tell us,
i. Whether he believes not verily that all thefe Inftances
prove that the Bifhops have been the chief caufe3 and that by
Ambition, Pride and Worldlinefs ?
2. Whether it be not the Bifhops that in the Roman and
other Parties now, are the greateft hi nderers of Reformation,
and of Concord ? and it would not be foon done were it not
through them ?
*. Where it is that he will (top in his Vindication of the
Bifhops and their Councils, and go no further ? and by what co-
gent reafon?
4. Whether he thought he had well defended the Church-
Tyranny which I accufed ? i. By vindicating the firft Ages, and
others whom I praifed,and accufed nCt^i, And by letting fall his
Vindication (favea few confequent quibbles) at the fourth Ge-
neral Council; which was in 451. Andfo feems to vindicate the
Bifhops and Councils but for the fpace of iyo years of the time
that I mentioned their degeneration?
5. Whether if the Bifhops had been willing when they had
the King's Commiffion to make neceflary alteration, or were but
to this day willing to prefer things neceflary before things hurt-
ful or indifferent, we might not live in happy and holy Love
and Peace in England ?
6. Whether he can blame a man that believes in Chrift, for
lamenting the doleful corruption and divifion of the Chriftian
world, and for enquiring of, and lamenting the finful caufes..
7. If that Church Prelacy which they juftly call the beft in all
the world can endure no more Parifh Difcipline than we have*
nor can endure fuch a Miniftry as are filenced by hundreds or
thoufands ("than whom no Nation on Earth abroad that I can
hear of hath better) can you blame us for fufpecYmg that fome-
what is amifs with them, and more with others r
8. I hope ycu w4il.y<et remember that I did not appear as an
accufer of Prelacy or Conformity, but as importuned by your
fdvcsto give the reafons why I dare not take your Covenant
and Oath never to endeavour any alteration of your Church Go-
vernment: and that after feventeen yeers filence. My prayers
to
(40
to God fhall be my endeavour for thefe following Alterations.
i. That the Primitive Difcipline may be exercifed intbePa-
rifh Churches,as Bucer importuned the King and Bifhops de Regno
2. That to that end we may either have fo many Bifhops un-
der the Diocefan as be capable to do it, or the Presbyters ena-
bled, allowed and oWjged to do ir.
3. Ancfthatwemaynot inftead of it have only ad iftant Court
of men that know not the Parifhioners., where a Lay Chancellour
decreeth Excommunication, and Abfolution, which the Paridi
Prieft mult publifli, though his confcience be againft it.
4. And that Diocefans may not filence faithful Minifters with-
out fuch caufe asChrift will allow, nor fet up ignorant bad ones
and bind the Parishioners to hear and communicate with no
other. I am fo far from precife expectations from Diocefans, or
from reviling them, that I do conftantly praife them as very good
Bifhops who do no harm, or but a little,and if they fhould never
preach themfe!ves,fo they will not hinder others.
9. And as for my calling Things and Perfons as they are, I
hope you will not fay that it was out of Malice thtt'Anaftajius
Plat in a, Majfonius, Stella, Sigibert, Baronius, Genebrard, Bin-
nius, &c. have recorded fuch horrid crimes of Popes, and others
alfo of Prelates. And is it malice in me to tranfcribe their Hi-
ftory?
I am of Dr. Henry M core's mind, who faith, \My fiery of Iniq*
p. 388. " Hence it is plain that they are the true ft friends to
" Chriftendom, even to Rome it felfo that do not foot h them up in
u their fins, by mitigating and hiding their foul mifcarriagcsi but
€< deal apzrtly and plainly with them for their ownfafety 5 that nei-
" thcr admit; nor invent fubt erf uges to countenance or palliate their
ef Idolatrous and foperftitious pratlices, but tell them plainly how
Cf much they are apoftatiz,edfrom the trueWorJhip ofGodandChrifi
tc into Paganifm and Idolatry. Better are the rebukes of a faithful
fi friend ', than the hired flatteries of a globing mercenary.'} I pray
mark this well
10. I take two things to be the degenerating and corruption
of Epifcopacy,
1. When they became fo bad that they were not willing to
do good according to their undertaken Office. Bad men will
do ill in any place.
G 2. When
14*)
2. When they had put themfelves into a ftate of incapacity'^
that they could not do the Good undertaken, were they never fo
willing.
i. Since great Baits of Wealth and Domination have tempted
the worft men to be the Seekers,Bifnops have rarely been good,
except under a Saint-like Prince or People ihat had the Choice 5
nor are ever like to be. And what work mk Enemies of Holi-
nefs will make by abufing Gbrift's Name againft himfelf, is eafie
to know5*fuch will take the beft men for the word, and call
them all thai's naught, tlut they may quiet their Consciences in
deftroying them.
2. And fmce a Diocefs of many hundred or fcore Parifhes-
hath had but one Bifhop for Discipline, the work is become
■impofltble to the belt* But when a few Bad men will rnercinarily
undertake Impolfibilities,and fo.Badvefs and J&poflibility go to-
gether, alas, what hope, but of a better world above ?
Saith Lptthzr ds Concil. & Ecckf.p. 300. Ssdquam fttnt intent*
hanc craffktn & afininam fatttitafem f(WnU$ Epifcopxs nownnqnam
babet ires Epifcopatus vel Diocefes> & tamen vocal ur Vnitts Vxo-
ris mar it us, & cam habet tantum unum Epifcopatvms tamen inter-
dnm habet centum^ due cat as, qningentas Varcchias, ant etiam
flares, & vocatur tamen Sponfus unim Ecclejia —Hi .non font
digami- —Tarn infwlfas & inept ifjimas n&<>iasrecipit mens humana\.
it a permittente Deo cum a vet bo difccHimxs, & omnia limatius &
fxbtilitis fcrtitamar .qitam ipfe vnlt nos fi*AN&k] Whether you re-
verence Lifar any more than Calvin I .know not.
1 1* To conclude this matter, two things I defire you, or at
leaft the Reader to confider,
1. Whether it be not a dreadful thing for a man to make the
Church corrupting, dividifrg and confounding fin?, to be all his
own by defending or exculing them, on a falfe pretence of Vin-
dicating the Primitive Church Government, which was contra-
ry to them ?
2. Whether you rruft to Truth and Evidence, or to Intereft
and depraved Judgments, if you ttiink men fhall believe that
you have confuted all this undoubted Hiftory, and the prefent
experience of ail the woful Chriftian World, by a general Cry
thitX write falily and malicioufly, or by faying that I. am un-
learned, or that I trufted to a Tranflation, or Binnius, or that
Mmifis miftook the year, (things that I. will not turn over my
Book&
(43)
Books to try,) or that I mifplaced or mifunderftood a word of
Iheodorite, or miftranflated CaUmi, or fuch like. Such Believers
of you are guilty of their own deceit.
§ 22. There is lately publifhed by a namefcfs Prelatifr, to
fhew the World what Spirit he. is of, a Book pretending by the
defcription of my Life from J640. till 1681. to prove me one
of the worft men alive. To that I will now fay but thefe few
words.
1. That let them take me to be as bad as they will, fo they
would have fo me mercy on their own and others Souls,and the
Church of God.
2. That it's no wonder that we differ about Antient Times
and Hiftory, and prefent Impofitions, when the main difference
in our Times is, who are godly, yea tolerable Chriftians, and
who are intolerable Rogues 5 and thofe that fas before God)
by long and intimate acquaintance^ judge to be the moft ferious,
confcionable, humble, holy MinifterS and People that were ever
known to me, are the Perfons that the Prelatifts profecute, fi~
lence,and cry out againft as the moft intolerable wicked Ene-
mies of Piety, Truth and Peace. What is it that is the root of
this ?
3. That this forefaid Book is one continued Calumny,un wor-
thy of an Anfwer, partly-making my duty my fin fas that I di£
liked the many drunken Readers that were the Teachers of my
Youth, &c.) and partly perverting fcraps of fentences 5 and
partly reciting one revoked Book,, and a few retraced fentences
of another, when Augttftin is commended for retracing far
more, and filling it with a multitude of moft grofs untruths,of his
own fiftion.
• 4. That as to his and Mr. Mortice and others talk of the
Wars I fay."
1. That I never thought the Parliament blameleft.
2. That yet on Bilfo>f$ grounds I was in my Judgment, and
Speech, and A&ion, comparatively for them while they made
their CommilTi ons to Effex for King and Parliament.
3. That from N^sby Fight I wholly laboured to have drawn
off their Souldiers from Errour, and Rebellion, and Ufurpationj
in which I did and fuffered more than multitudes of my Ac*
cufers.
4* That I never went fo far againft the Power of the King as
G z R. Hooker
(44)
R. Hooker whom I have long ago confuted.
5. That I never (truck or hurt man in the, wars.
6. That I will confent to be filenced and imprifoned if they
will but give tkofe Minifters leave to preach Chrifts Gofpel that
never had to do with wars (unlefs for the King.)
7. That when our beginning Concord had reftored the King,
the 5<7<tf j,though unfuccefsfully fought for him,Mow^& his Army,
that had blood ilyf at D//«£W,&c.)fought againfthim,had with the
Concurrence of Sir Tho. Allen, the Londoners and Presbyterians
reftored him, when the King by them came in Triumph, Ho-
noured Monk and others of them, confeft them the Caufe of his
Reftoration, paft an Aft of Oblivion that we might all live in fu-
ture Peace, I fay, If after all this it be Prelacy and C'ergy In-
tereft and Spirit, that will rub over all the healed wounds, and
itrive again what ever it coft us to ulcerate the peoples mind33
and refolve that the Land and Church (hal! have no Peace, but
by the deftruttion of fuch as reftored the King ; I (hall think ne-
ver the better of Prelacy for this. But ask them, why did you
not Speak it out in 1660 to M<?«^and his Army, or till now.
§ 23. And whereas that Advocate (defcribed ?«h,8.) and you
are (till deceiving the ignorant by facing men down with Confi-
dence that Hie in faying that [ Two Epifcopd Parties began the
War in England and the Papifls and Frefbyterians came in but a*s
Auxiliaries^ I again fay,
1, Allow me but reafonable leave, and I will prove it to the
fhameofyou if you deny it.
2. At prefent I will but recite one claufe in Whitlockj Memo-
rials, pag. 45:. even after they thought themfelves under a ne-
ceffuy to pleafe the Scots as far as they could. [" Anno 1640.
u The Commons had debate about a new Form of Ecclcfiaftical Gc-
u vernment, and fuly 17. agreed, That every Shire Jloall be a fevt-
cc ral Diocefs ; a Presbytery of Twelve Divines in each Shire, and
cc a Prefident as a Bijhop over them 5 and he with the ajfiftance of
<c fome of the Presbytery to ordain, fufpcnd, deprive, degrade and
<c excommunicate. To hzve a Diocefan Synod once a year, and
iC every third year a National Synod, and they to make Canons , but
<c none to be binding till confirmed by Parliament,
C( The Primate of Armagh offered an expedient for conjunBio*
u in point of Difcipline% that Epifcopal and Presbyterian Govern-
^ mcut might not be at 4 far dlfiavge^ but reducing Epifcopacy to
cc th*
n ths Form of Synodical Government in the Primitive Ciurch
Were not thefe men Epifcopal ? It's much like Mr. Tho/n-
dik/s own motions faving his Opinion for Forein JurifdicYion.
§ 24. As to your fir ft and laft Chapters, and about the
Antient Extent of Churches, while my Treatife of Epifcopacy,
which fully confuteth you, is unanfwered j if I repeat it again, it
will not be read by weary men. And another hath anfwered
thofe parts of your Book, which is ready for the Prefc.
I after tell you where Chrjfoftcm even in his time numbers
the Chriftians in that great Imperial City to be an hundred
thoufand,that is as many as in Martins and Stepney Pa-rimes, and
perhaps in Giles Cripplegate too.
§ 2f. To conclude, Whereas Mr. M. in general chargeth me
as falfifying H ftory, I frill call myftlfa HATER of FALSE
HISTORY, and loath W[r.Morrict9$ Hiftory, becaifc it is falfe:
Bat if he will inftead of falsifying and trifling, (hew me any falfe
H.ftory that I have owned, I will thank him unfeignedly, and re-
tracl: it. Bat factious reproaching of good men, and painting
the deformed face of Vice, go not with me for convincing
proof. If I am not nearof kin to Eftfrnxs, I am a ftranger to
my feif, even as Memla, and M. Adamus defcribe him, \_Ingeni*
er at (implex ; adeo abhorrent a mendacio, tit pxellus etiam odijfet
pwes - menttentes ; & fenex ad illorum adfpeftum etiam cor pots
commoveretur. Dignitatem 01 magnarum divitiarum contumax
contemptor ; neqae quicqaam pritis itio babttit ac li-jeitate.'} And
I think, as it isfaid otCtifpinian, [_Ratus fe fattsfaclnrt<m mgenuo
Ldhri, fiqua vcrijftma ejfe comperijj'et ftmpLc'ffima oratione man*
daret pofteritati : fatis enim eft h'ftorico (jit pr&cUre dixit apfid
Cicsronem Catullus), non ejfe Mendacem."]
And as to my ends and expectation?, I am not Co vain as to
write with any great hope of perfuading many, if any who are
pofleft of large Diocefs, Wealth and Power, to for fake them,
muchlefs to cure the common Thirft that corrupted Nature is
pofleft with, and to be the means of a Publick Reformation : if
I may fatisfie my Confcience, and fave fome from being decei-
ved by falfe Hiftory about the Caufes of the Antient Schifms,
it's all that I can hope for : Hid I lived in Alb. Crantzius daies,
I might perhaps have faid as he of Luther [Frater, Frater9 abi
in cetlam tuaP^% & die Mtferere m:i Deus ;] Et de Canonic it
«pt (£ylty&nv diftis, Nwquam pojfe cos redHti ad meliortm frngem*
ttfi
(46)
nijlprius a vlrU dottis expu^utta arcs (*. e. Vap.tttt.)
' And for my felf, none of the Inter cfted mens reproaches are
unexpected to me : Anger will fpeak. I know what tbePapifts
fay of the Reformers, and all the Proteftants : And yet I expert
that all at laft will* turn to thedifgrace offalfhood,- by putting
men to fearch Church-Hiftory for the Truth.
The cafe oi Capnio is worth a brief recital. A covetous Jew
pretending Converfion, contrived with the Fryers and Inquifi-
tors, to get a great deal of money from the Jews, by procuring
an Edift from the Emperour to burn sll the Jews Books, that
fo they might purchafe them of the Fryers. The Emperour
will firft hear what Capnio a great Hebrician faith : Capnio ad-
vifeth to fpare all that only promoted the Hebrew Literature,
and burn only thofe that were written againft Chrift. Hock?
ftrate and the Fryers were vext thus to lofe the prey, and accu-
fed Capnio of Herefie : The caufc is oft tryed,efpecially at Rome :
All the Learned Hebricians were for Capnio : The Fryers raged
the more: This awakened many Learned men to fearch into the
Caufe, and armed them againft the Fryers. Galatinm, Hmten^
Erafmus, cVc. are for Capmo. The Fryers accufe them alfo of
Herefie : But by this they ftirred np fuch a Party of the moft
Learned men againft them, that when Tez,elitts came to vend
his Indigencies, Luther hud fo many ready to /oyn againft the
Inquifitors and Mercenary cheating Fryers, as greatly furthered
the Reformation. And two or three ingenuous Conformifts who
have lately written againft the violent battering Canoneers, do
tell us that fome are like to be excited by the Overdoing of the
Accufing filencing Party, to fearch better into the matter of
Fact and Right, till they can diftinguifh between an Eucrafic
and a Tympanite.
Or if this world be incurable, they cannot keep us out of the
heavenly femfalem, where there is no Errour, Schifm, nor Per-
fection, becaufe no Ignorance, Malignity or Pride, but the
General Aftembly of perfect Spirits, are united in one perfect
Head ^ in perfect Life, and Light, and Love.
The
(47)
The particular Defence of the HiPcory
of Councils and Scliifms.
Art Account to Mr. Morrice why my mentioning the Chu>xh»
difl ratling fins cj the Clergy ', when worldly grandeur cor*
ruptedthem, is not a TJijhoymr/hig, but a Honouring of
the Primitive Church. And to vindicate thofe fins is no
Vindicat ion of the Primitive Church.
§
CHAP, I,
The Reafon and Dcfign of my Hifiory of Bifoops and Councils..
i.TH E Y that know the men with whom I have to do, and
A the Caufe which 1 have in Controverfie with them, will
eafily underftand my purpofe.. The Perfons with whom I am to
deal, are fuch as bold,
i. That a General Council of Bifhops or the Col ledge of
Bifho'ps Governing per Litems format as out of Council, are the
Supreme Governing Power over the Univerfal Church o%n Earth,
having the Power of Univerfal Legiflation an*d Judgment-..
2. That among thefe the Pope is juftly the Patriarch of the
Weft, and the Principitimunitatis to the whole, and the ordinary
Prefident in fuch Councils. And fay fome, It belongs only to the
Prefident'to call them, and they are but rebellious Routs thataf-
(emble without a ;uli call.
3. That there is no concord to be had but in the Obedience to<
this Univerfal Governing Church. But all Perfons and all Nati-
onal Churches are Schifmaticks who live not in fuch Subje-
ction and obedience.
4. that fuch as the Diocefah Epifcopacy which is over one
loweft Church containing hundreds or multitudes of Parifhes
and Altars without any other Bifhop but the faid Diocefan is
that Epifcopacy which all muft be fub/ett to3 while it is fubkclr.
to the Univerfal fupreme.
5. That every Chriftian muft hold fubjecYive Communion
with the Bifhop of the place where he liveth: And fay fome^
(4«)
Draft not praftife contrary to his Commands, nor appeal for fuch
practice to Scripture or to God.
6. That if this fupreme Power filence theDiccefans, or thefe
Diocetens filence all the Minilters in City or Country, they muft
Ceafe their Miniftry andforftke the Flock*.
7. And fay divers of them, They are no true Churche*, or
Minilters, that have not ordination from fuch Diocefans, yea by
an uninterrupted fuccdfion from the Apoftles : And for want of
this the Forein reformed Churches are no true Churches, but the
Church of Rome is.
Much more of this Nature I have already tranfcribedf and
confuted ) out of A. Biftiop BrombaII,Dr. Heylins Life of A. Bi-
fhop Laud, Mr Tb$mdikit Mr Dod-well and divers others.
§ 2. The firft thing then in my intention is to (hew that the
Reman Grandeur which is thought to be the Glory of the Church
on Earth, and the*neceflary means of its Unity, fafety and true
profperity,hath proved dean contrary, even the means ofCburch
corruption in Doftrine, Worfhip, Discipline <Sc Convention, the
Soil of the moft odious crimes, the means of tyranny, fuppref-
fion of true piety, and perkcution of Gods faithful Servants, and
of rebellious, War and cruel blocdfhcd,
§ 3. To this end I defcribed the fteps by which the Clergy
afcended'to the Papal height : For as all Proteftants juftly main-
tain that their Corruption of Doftrine & Worfhip came not in at
once but by flow degrees, fo do they alfo of the Papal Govern-
ment and difcipline. And they con>monly (hew the vanity off he
Papifts demand,who ask us who was the man,and which was the
year, as if the world had gone to bed in fimple Chriftianity, and
awaked Papifts thenext morr.'rg.Whercas it is moft evident in all
Church hiftory that theCIergy^eaving the Chriftian Purity,Sim-
p)icity and Love, did climb the Ldder ftepby ftep till they amen-
ded to the Papal height. And it's a meer dream of them that think
it was the Bp- of Rome alone that thus afcended,and not the Army
that made him their General : As'the boat nfeth with the waters,
fo did the Pope with the attending Clergy : Others ftrove for
fuperiority as he ftrove for Supremacy :The ftrife began an.org
Chrii'ts Apoftles who fhouldbe greateft, and who fhould, fir next
him in his Kingdom } And though Chrift then fupprcit it by his
Word and Spirit, and the fufrerings of the Church took down
thofe afpiring thoughts, as foon as Cwftwtine had fet tbem the
Ladder
(49)
Ladder, what fcrambling was there who fiiould climb higheft.
Yea Confl ant inople ftrove for the Supremacy h(c]f.
§ 3. And I rhe rather mentioned this becaufe I found fome late
learned Expofitors of the Revelations, taking this* inordinrte af-
cenr, for the promifed glory and felicitvof the Church on Earths
and taking it for the fulfilling of many ofthofe prophecies and
promifes which fome applyed to the Millennium, and fome to
the heavenly (rate. And doubrlefs H.lddrand and his adherents
had (ucli thought*, and did believe that their rule over Emper-
ours3 Kings and Kingdoms, by the Power of the Keyset the
Kingdom of heaven, was the true Glory of the Church, and rhe
Reign of Chrift, and that all the honour W2s indeed given to
Chrift as King of the Church, which was thus given to the Pope
and the Church-Parliaments of Bifhcps. C-.itnpa,:. Del
doth but fpeak the thoughts of greater Clergy men when he ?p-
plyeth the forefaid Texts to prove that the Popes Univcrfal Mo-
narchy is the true Ivn-dcm of Chrift on Earth, to v.hicli all
Monarcbs and Men muft ftoop.
And Nature is fo apt to entertain fuch thoughts, efpecially in
the Clergy, who think of it as their own profperky and glory,
that it is no wonder, if as J^w;***, and his Fifth Monarchy men,
did itch to be getting up under the name of the Reign of Chrift,
and Co did John of Lejdcn and his Company at Mu*jjkr\ fo the
Fifth Monarchy C'ergy men, who can afpire more [ lauflbly, do
long to be climbing,' and are very reconcilable to Papal Great-
nefs; and where* Popery is become a diftafied name3they nev
thelefs defire their fh:re in the Power, Honour and Wealth, and
under pretence of Peace and Concord among all Chriftians, and
reftcrirg the Church to its Unity and Strength, they ftrive for
much of the famethinf, and think it enough ro avoid the n?.me :
And the Pope mail be but I itis, and the Prefi-
cknt of the Clergy or Councils, Get but the poor trick of cal-
ling nothing Popery but the Pope's Arbitrary abfolute Power,
and do but tiebim to Ru'e by the Content and L
Parliament?, tfm fe, let up the French Cluirch-Governnoit, and
then they arc no Paptfis. Do net the French Proteftants de'erve
all their fufferings then for calling the CHorefi or Bifhops there
Papifts, and (eparating from I vernment ?
§ 9. And it was not the L-aft of my Motives to try, were it
polfible to cure their Lcve- kill; lit, who think that all
H are
(5°)
are Enemies to Unity and Peace, who are not for Obedience to
this Univerfal or Superlative Prelacy,and to fave us all from that
confufion and calamity, which this Opinion is carrying on, while
the Patrons of it think that all arc to be profecuted, filenced,
ruined as Rebellious Enemies to the Ruling Church, who do
not fub)e& themfelves to fuch a Prelacy $ and that we muft or
can have no Chriftian Church- Concord, but by Obedience to
the Univerfal Church, as Bifhop Gunning hath over and over
told me, that is, to the Univerfal Colledge of their fort of
Bimops : Yea not only the Papifts, but thele Bifhops among us,
to this purpofe repeat and apply P/W.72.1 i. Yea all Kings fhall
fall down before hrm : All Nations (hall ferve him. Or Ifa.
<~o. 12. For the Nation and Kingdom that will not fcrve thee
Jhali penjh: Tea thofe Nations JJoail be utterly vcafted}'] which
Bifhop Gunning applyeth to the Epifcopal Univerfal-Govern-
ing Colledge.
Thefe are terrible threatnings, as they fhew the principles
and purpofes of men, however they miftake the mind of God.
Few parts of Europe have had more long and cruel Wars, than
Italy it felf, where thefe Principles have obtained : But the
blood ofthoufands of fincere Chriftians hath been a Sacrifice to
thefe Principles in the Clergy. When we read in Jefuires,Fryers
and Prelates, found Chriftians called Hereticks, and all fuch He-
reticks called, mortal, odious, wicked, pernicious, intollerable
Enemies to the Church, whom all good men are bound to en-
deavour to root out and deftroy ; when we hear our neigh-
bour Papifts fay, It is no more (in to kill an Hcretick^tban a Dog :
And when we hear and read our Clergy calling out to Magi-
ftrates for yet more Execution upon m^ for not obeying them
sgainft that which we undoubtedly take for the Law of God 5
and the nearer any man is to the Papifts, ufually the more he is
for our deftrucYion, and for their way of cruelty, I thought it
time to try if it were poflible. if not to fave the Land from this
confuting fire, yet at leaft to fave fome Souls who elfe were
like to be tempted to malignant Enmity to the beft and trueft
Chriftians, and to perifh-for ever by this deceit.
How many honeft paffages are in Mr. Thomdikt which mew
rhat it was not any worldly j'ntereft of his own that moved himj
but yet the Power of this Errour [ Of a, Church that xvasVm-
verfillj One hj One Ruling Colledge or Council of Vrelates^ of
which
(50
which the Tope was the rightful Prejidcntfoc."] which muft be ac-
knowledged by all Nations and Perfons, that will have Chriftian
Communion and not be condemned Schifmaticks, prevailed with
him to theexclufion of all DifTenters, and confining his Commu-
nion to thofe only who owned and obeyed This Vniverfal Go-
verning Church.
§ 6. And as long as this Opinion prevaileth,efpecially in men
of Power and Reverence who take other mens belief and obe-
dience for their unqueftionable right, where can we think hatred
and Perfecution will ftop. Will not they (till think that they
that kill or filenceor imprifon or banifh us,, do God fetvice, and
that the Magiftrate that doth not punifh us deferveth puniQV
ment from God, if not alfo from the Church. And they that are
moil: for Seldom preaching, and can difpenfe with our Minifte-
rial labour therein, will not be indifferent as to the filencing, im-
prifoningor deftroying us.
§ 7. Whether we have any reafon to refufefwearing orfub-
fcribing to them, and never to endeavour any alteration of their
Government as it is in England, I have fincerely endeavoured to
(hew in my Treatife of Epifcopacy. And if Chriftian Conco.rd
and Communion be fo hard and narrow a thing, as that no men
are Capable of it who are not of a higher form than I, as to un-
derftanding, impartiality and wiliingnefs to know theTruth, the
Church andChriftianity are things beyond my capacity and reach:
But I doubt not but ic is humane errour that would dwindle it
into fo fmall a SeeX
§ 8. Alas what Perfons for Knowledge and Life can they
bear with in their Communion, who cjunotbear with fuch as
they fi'er.ce and ruinein this Land ! And the Papilte can receive
even thofe that know notChrift if they do but profefs o&edience
to the Clergy-Chr-c*\ Lathers words are harm, but I will re-
cite xhtm a; Co-idh:: P**t 3. Pag 2QI. Si monZr-ivsrint mihi
unum aliqttem ex 4 mzhttudine q;ti pejjit aqxare umm 4/-
pha'vitarium in all qua erudita Schola, ant in fuwma dotlrlu<z
Cbrifiiana, vel in Scriptura Sacratantum prof cerint, quantum una
aliq'id paella feptem annorum \ tunc illis concedam palam— nip
quod plus callent traditionum httmanarum, & S)<!cphantiarum :
Jgjtcd valde credo, & firmius quam in Deurn credn^ cum me con-
vacant fatlo ipfo ut credam.To this pafs did the Clergies afpiring
then bring the Church, when worthy men were filenced and per-
H 2 fecuted .
(*0
fecuted.And we are unwilling of any thing that looketh towards
a differencing men ib contrary to that which Chrift will maks
at laft.
CHAP. II.
Whether we have any reafon to repwt the Faults of fome Bijhops
and Councils, from the beginning of their Depravation till the Lijl ?
§ i.'irHat I had great reafon for it^ I think what is before
A fdid will evince 5 when we fee men deitroying Chri-
ft ian Love, themfdves, and us, and the Land, could they pre-
vail, by their erroneous endeavour to grant no Concord, Com-
munion nor Peace, to no Chriftians how ccnfcionabJe otherwife
foever3who cannot unite in a fpecies of Prelacy which they be-
lieve (by fuch evidence as I have given) to be contrary to the
Law of Chrift". To the fdving men from Herelie and Schifrn
now, our oppofers ( and we) do judge it ufeful, to know how
Hereticks and Dividers mifcarried heretofore, that others may
beware. And is it not as true if Bifh ps be the Dividers i And
alfo when the Clergies Ambition ind Uiu'pation have brought
that upon the Chriltian World which it languifheth and groan-
eth under in Esft and Weit , is irnot needful to open the be-
ginning and progrefs of the difeafe, by fuch as had rather ic
were cured, than the Church deftroyed by it ?
§ i. Among the mult, ude of Pruteltant Church- Hiftorians
anu Ctt«)no!bger$3 how few are there that do not do the fame,
though in various degrees ? He that will read the Msgdcbur-
gtnfcf, or Lucas O/iandcr, Iliytiei Tcft. Vtrit, Mc'antlhon hi'mfelf,
and Car ion FuKccivs^yta. peaceable holy Bncholtz~er^ Alicrelim,
Nenr.der, Phil, Parens, Hen. Gather let h^fke. yea or f alius or
fof. Scaliger, St>lm*fius, Hot toman, Hottinger^ Morney^ (hall lee
the faults of Bifhops opened before this day.
§ 3. The pious and moderate* Papiftt themfdves report and
lament them : Such as Clemangis, Vdagius Alvarus, MtranduU,
Feru>, fof.^cofla, Lud, Vives, Gcrjon, Ersfmus, an J many other
fuch.
§ 4. The antient Godly Bifhops are they who for the moft
pare
part have been freeft in reprehending the vices of the reft* e
^cially Greg. Naz.ianz.en, and Chryfoftom, and many antient godly
Presbyters have been as free_, as Gildas, Ifidore-Petufiota, Sal-
vian, Snip. Severn*, Bernard.
§ f. And if I have wronged the Bifhops or Popes in this
Abridgment, their ownHiftorians,yea their chief flatterers have
wronged them. One Pope angered Platir.aby imprifoning him :
Yet if he be partial it is for the Clergy, and not agairift them.
But who will believe that Binning Baronius9 Crab, Gencbra d0
Bellarmine^ Petavtas, and fuch others have fpoken too hardly
of them. There is no one man that I took fo much from as
BinniUs: And what mould move him to name fo many of the
mifcarriages of the Councils, but the neceflity of reciting the
A els ofthe Councils hiftorically as he found them ?
§ 6. The Sacred Scriptures record the Crimes of the befi:
men in all the Ages of which they write, even Adams ^ Noes,
Lots, Aarons, Davids, Solomons, Heztk^ahs, fofiabs, Peters, all
the ApoftJe*3dv. And it was not done out of fpite or malice y
but as a nectffary warning to us all.
§ 7. The fa 1 (hood of Hiftory is an intolerable abufe of man-
kind : To know nothing done before our times3:s to {hut up man-
kind in a -dungeon $ and falfe Hiftory is worfe than none. And
it may be falfe and deceitful in defeft as well as excefs. He that
fhould record all that was good in the Popes, and omit all the
reft, would be a dangerous deceiver of the world, and do more
than hath been done to make all Chriftians Papifts. Yen
tell us your felves, that he that fhould write the Hiftory of
Crcmivell, e. g. or of any Setft that you are againft, and mould'
leave out all their faults, would be taken for a falfe Hiftorian.
§ 8. They that write the Hiftory of mens Lives, do ufe to
record their Parentage, Birth and Education :' And fomuft he
that will truly write the HiHory of Gburch-Tyranny, Perfec-
tion and Schifrn. Thcf end is not well underftood without the
beginning. Who is it that heareth how many Ages the Chri-
ftian world hath been divided into Papifts, Greek?? facobius,Ne-
fiorians, A'hlcbites,&c, and that feeth what work the Papacy
msde, but will ask how all this came to pals f Did
the man thntdied of Gluttony, fwallow all at onemcrfel ? or
rather one bit after another f And when the Clergy have ven-
tured on one merry Cup, or one pleafant mcrfel in excefs, it's
eaf:e:
154)
eafie to make them believe that one,and one5and one Cup mores
one3 and one, and one bit more, is no more unlawful than the
firft. Tvinvipii) ubfta% is the Rule of Safety.
If Papifts intending the recovery of England to the Pope
fhould fay [rc La us but firft get them under the Oaths ^Covenants
uwd Practices which we will call Conformity^ and fo caft out mo ft
c that daft not fn^ and by th s engage them as two Armies in con-
*? trarj Inter eft to fight agairft each other , and it will be an eafie
" waiter to bring \ 'he fiv allow. \g Tarty to go further by degree s3 and
<c to believe that as a Farifh Church mujt not be t no1- pendent as to
u the Diocefany nor the Diocefan to the Metropolitkal or National,
" fo neither muft a National be independent as to the Vniverfal :
(i And that the Vniverfal therefore mu ft have its known flat ed Go-
" vernment as well as the National, J Were it not neceflary here
for him that would fave the Land from Popery to (hew the
danger of the firft degrees.
The ufual Method is not to ufe Boccalines Roman Engine,
which will help a man to fwallow a Pompion that he may get
down a Pill, but to fwallow alelfer Pill firft and a bigger next,
till the Pompion will go down. Infancy is before manhood.
§ 9. But the great neceffity wasasaforefaid, from the reviv-
ed or rather Continued attempts, of imitating the fatal ambitions
and Contentious malady. If Prifcillians, or Gnofticks fhould rife
row among us, were it not our duty to fet before them the
hiftoryofthe mifcarriage of their predeceffours. And when men
are fo much fet on reftoring an Univerfal Supremacy, is it not
meet to (hew them where, and when, and with what fuccef* the
afpiring humour did begin. If we have fmall vifible probabili-
ty ofefcaping, we muft yet before we come to Smithfield,tmz-
fy aur Confidences that we betrayed not the Church.
CHAP. III.
Of Mr. M's notice that I am Vnlearned.
§i.AyTR. AP% Preface Contradeth the Chief things which
iVX he hath to fay a gain ft me in his book, that the
Reader may find them there all together. And of thele [that I
urn unlearned ] is not the leaft. And ifthat be any of his queftion
I affure him it (hall be none of mine. I am not yet Co vain as
to
(55)
to plead for my Learning : Yea, I will gratify him (though
heaccufe me of being againft repentance ) with an unfeigned
confefllon that my ignorance is far greater than his accufatiort
of mharnednefs doth import. Alas I want the knowledge of far
more excellent things than languages. I do but imperfeftly
know my felf,my own foul, my own thoughts and underftanding:
Ifcarce well know what knowing is. Verily if no knowledge be
properly true that is not adequate to the object I know nothing :
And fubferibe to Z anchez.^uod nihil Scaur, (by fuch as I.) Alas
Sir I groan in darknefs from day to day,Sr I know nor how to be
delivered ! How little do I k«iow of ihat God whom the whole
Creation preacheth,and of that Society which I hope to be joyn-
ed with fur ever, and that world which muft be my hope and
portion, or I am undone. Many whom IamConftrained to difient
from upbraid me with my ignorance,andI fuppofe it is that for
which they filence me, reproach, hate and profecute me 3 even
becaufelbave not knowledge enough to difcern that all their
impofuions are lawful ( or elfe I know not what it is for ) Bjt
none of them all can ( and* will ) tell me, how I mould be deli-
vered from this ignorance: If they fay, [/* muft be by bardftudf] I
can ftudy no harder than I have done.If they fay [[muft be willing
to k*ow the truth j I take my felffor fure that I am fo : If in thac
alfo lam ignorant, in thinking that I know my own mind when
I do not, what elfe then can I hope to know ? If they fay [ Ton
mnft be impart id ] I think I am fo, faving that I muft not deny
or a ft away the truths already received. If they fay [ Ton
Jloouldr-ad the ftme boot's which have convinced us~] I read far
more of the P^piftsand PreUtifts and other fells that write againft
me, than of thofe that are for me. And the more I read the
more I am confirmed. And when thefe men preach and write
againft the Cdvimfts, they render them odious as holding thae
menars mccjfitated to fin and to be damned, and that it is long of
Gods Decree which cannot be refifted: Therefore I fuppofe they will
not lay the Caufe on God. I do then eonfefs my Ignorance., of
matters a tboufandfold greater and more needful than thofe
which they mention in their accufations. I eonfefs my fel fun-
learned : But I intreat them that tell me of my difeafe f which I
know to my daily grief much better than they ) to tell me alfo
how I may be cured.If they fay that it muft be by Fines aid Im-
frifonment it hath been tryed & I am yet uncured 1 I hope they
will
(5«)
^riil not pronounce me remedi!ef3 and not te!! me why5 who
ufe themfelves to fpeak againft thofe that preach men into de-
fperationjwould they but tell me the fecret how fb many thou-
fands of them came to be Co much wifer than I, in farlhorter
time.and with far lefs ftudy., it would be (if true) an acceptable
deed of Charity ; rather than to tell me of the Ignorance which
I cannot help. Could I but know needful truth in Engtifh, I would
joyfully allow them to glory of being more skilful in all the Ori-
ental Tongues3and alfo in French, Ir if >, Spamjh and Italia?: ,than
I am.
CHAP. IV.
■ Of his Accufation, that I vainly name Hiflorians which I
never f aw or re. id.
§ i.T Muftprofefs that it never was my purpofe to tell the
X world how many Hiftorians I have read $ nor to abridge
all that I have read i And thofe that I have moft read I have
there made no mention of* as not being for my intended end :
.And multitudes that ftood by me, I never opened to the writing
of this hiftory, my defign being chiefly againft the Papifts and
thofe Proteftants who moft efteem their writings, and had rather
unite with the French Papift Church, than with us Nonconfor-
ming : Therefore when I was part the firft 400 or 5*00 years,
it was the greateft and moft flattering Popifh hiftorians that I
abriged, as ad hominem being Jikeft not to be denyed.
I toM the reader that I made not ufe of Lutfar the Magde-
6tirgenfes, nor the Collections ofGoldaftw, Marquardns Frehertts,
Reaberus, Fifloriiu^fkc. ] And the Printer having put a Comma
between Marquardu* and Frehcrm^ he Conje&ures that I took
him for two men3 becaufe I added not the Chriftian names cfths
reft : And he concludes that Twhoever this mifia^e belongs to, it's
■plain that M'.R. had but little acquaintance, with thofe CoUetlions.'}
For I nam? fome of the Authors therein.
Anf Seeing thefe things are thought juft matter for our ac-
cufers turn,- I will crave the Readers patience with fuch little
tilings while I tell him the truth. It is about 25: years fince I
read the German Hiftory in the Colleftions of Freherns, Renbe-
rm wAP/forim, and about 30 years firxe I read the Golleftions
of
4>f Goldaftm : The Magdelwgenfes ^Ofunder ^Sleidav^ or any fuch
Proteftants I thought vain to alledge to Papifts. About feven
or eight years ago as I remember, I was accufed for Preach-
ing, and Fined by Sir Thomas Davis ; and the Warrant was fent
by him to Sir Edm. Bury Godfrey ro levy it on me by Diftrefs :
I had no way to avoid it but bona fide , to make away all that I
had : Among the reft I made away my Library, only borrowing
part of it for my ufe. I purpofed to have given it almoft all to
Cambridge in New- England : But Mr. Knowles f yet living) wliD
knew their Library,tc!d me that Sir Kenclme D'gby had already
given them the Fathers5Ccuncils and Schoolmen, but it was Hi-
itory and Commentators which they wanted. Whereupon I fent
themfome of my Commentator?, and fome Hif.orians among
which were Frcberus, Reuberus and Ti florins Collections, and
Nauclevus^ Sibellicus, Thuanus^ Jof. Sczhger de Emendat, Temp.
&c j B: t Gddafrtis I kept by me ( as borrowed ) and many
more which I could not fpare * ard the Fathers and Councils
and Schoolmen I was ftopt from fending. Now whether I was
unacquainted with thole that partly ftand yet army Elbow, and
which I had read fo long 2go, muft depend on the Credit of my
Memory • snd I confefs my Memory \% of late grown weak, but
not fo weak as to think that Marquardfts Fsefcrtts was roc
one man, ard a Palatinate Councillor, though it be names that
I moft forger ; why I gave not the Cbriften names of Rcubtrtu
and PtftvriKs, whether becaufe I for gat them, or becaufe I mind-
ed not fo fm all a thing, rot dreaming what would be inferred
from ir, [remember nor. But when I wrote that abridgment, I
made ufe of none that I thought the Papifts would except a-
gainft ; For the firft apes I pothered what I remembredout of
the Fathers, and out of Evftbiu*, Socrates, Soz^omen^ Evagriw,
Theodoret, the Tr ipa? t tr e ^N ' ,c?fhor w, Lihcrat w , Brev. lri€zor Vtic.
Beda,and fuch others as are by them received: Be fides which I
principally followed and E< i orfrzed Binning and Qrab, and part-
ly Baron Hi , wish Fia;i;.^i Oxughrizs Bantir.ius^ Stella, Vet alius >
and others of their own. And i 'rtfolvrd I would not ib much as
open Goldjiftiss, Or any Proteftant Collector, that thev might not
e.xcrpt againit their Credit, aud reje<ft them as m&liciet'S curf.d
Jhrttick** as Ltl-be do:h M Ichlor G>l<J»ft*s and alrnoft ajl
fjch others as he mention? ; *nd as Gretferi Sanders, snd other
Papiils tomihenly do. Therefore even thofe Hiftoncs which
J be
be in Goldajlm.l would not take as out of him, but fome of them
from the books published by others, and fbme as cited by
BinniiU) Petavittsfx other fuch. And this is now the proof of my
Vanity.
§ 2. It is a miftake if he think that I intended fas he fpeaks^)
to be a Compiler of General Church Hi ft or j ; When I profe (Ted but
to acquaint theEnglifh Reader with the true matter of fa&out of
the Papifts themfelves, whac the ambitious part of Blfliops and
Councils have done, and by what degrees the Papacy fprang up,
and whether fubjection to the afcendent exort Prelacy be ab-
folutely neceffary to Concord and Salvation.
§ 3. As to his faying [ / am the fir ft that ever reckoned Na-
zianzen among Hi fter ians , ] I take the writings of tbe Fathers,
efpecially fftjtifi^ Clemens Alex. Tertttllian, Cyprian, Eufebius, Ba~
Jilj Na7~ianz.cn, Hierom, Chryfoftom, Auguftrn, to be the beft part
ofChurchHiftory, efpecially their Epiities. And of this opinion
I am not the firfr.
CHAP. V.
Of his Accufation of my citing Hanmer and ether Irar.fl-ttors^ and
being deceived by Binnius andfuch others.
§ 1. I.TTE accufeth me for not uling Valeftus his Edition of
X"l Eufebius and thofe Editions of the Councils which-
he accounteth the beft : To which I fay,
1. I am not Rich Enough to buy them, nor can keep them if.
I had them. Muft none write but Rich men f The French Coun-
cils would coft more than many of us are worth : We have had
no Ecclefiaftical maintenance thefe 19 years 5 and we cannot
keep the books we have. Luther wrote his book de Conciliis
when it feems he had never read many of the Councils Acts, but
as related by Eufebius Socrates, So&omcn, and the Tripartite Hifto-
ry.
2. Dr.Jamcshtth long ago warned all Scholars to make much
of Crab and other old ones, ( and the Fathers as Printed zt>Ba~
Itf by Erafmus, Amcrbachius% &c.) and not to trull much to new
Editions, as coming through untrufty hands.
(59)
3. l&Valefius a man of fo much credit with you ? Do you be-
lieve what he faith oiGrotim as being in judgment for the Pa-
pa! Church, and only in prudence delaying his yifible Communion
with them, that be might draw in many with him ? ( rale fin
Orat.de Petavio: ) If he lye in this, and the fuccefs otPetaviws
on GrotwS) why fhould he be more trufted than others ?If not,
I need not tell you what to think of thofe Bifhops and Drs.who
profefs to be of the fame mind and Church as Grotius j nor again
to tell you who they be.
4. My defign led me not to make ufe of Criticks, but only to
tell the world3 what the Papifts themfelves confefs, fuchas I
have throughout cited.
§ 2. As for my ufing Hanmers Tranfiation of Eufeb'ius and
Socrates, my cafe was as before described: Vak ft 'us I had not :
Grineus I made ufe of heretofore. But fince I was by conftraint
deprived both of my books and money to buy more, when I
wrote that Abridgment I bad only Hanmers Tranfiation left me.
And if that fort of men that forced me to give away my book?,
to keep them from heing diftreinedon3 will make ufe of this to
prove me ignorant of them, the matter is very final! to me.
If you fay, I fhould not then have written, I anfwer, could
they fohave filenced us in the Pulpir, they had more anfwercd
theirown judgment than mine. I had no ufe for Criticks, nor for
any thing in Eufebius and Socrates that depends on the credit of
the Tranflator.
§ 3. As to his oft noting that in Tranflations., and fometime
in Chronology I err by following Binmus^ I anfwer, had I written
a full Church Hiftory, I fhould better have examined him and
others. But I lay no ftrefs of my caufe of any oiEinnius hisTran-
flations, nor will I undertake for any Hiftorian that I cite: My
bufineVs was but to tell thofe that believe Binn'mszx\<\ BaroniHs%
and fuch other, what they fay. Nor do I yet intend to beftow
any time., in examining whether he wrong Binmus or not, it be-
ing nothing to my caufe nor me, whether he miftook a year, or
the meaning of a word of the Authors- whom heciteth.
§ 4. He faith I ufe an old uncorreYt Edition of Binmus 1 606.
< An[. It is thar which is in mod common ufe, entituled, Rtagru-
ta^ AucIa^ notis l/tufirata, dedicated to the Pope, and to C^Ba-
ronius, ejus monim fcripta, qtiivetercm itUmim€ndofam> mutilim
& confufan ccmpilAt^j-.em mlUe locis iil*ftravit,<kQ. commonly
I 1 preferred
{CO)
Preferred'befjre Crab, Sarins, Niaolinus, Sec. But any quarrel
fcrveth fome men.
G H A P. VI.
Oj his Acc^tions of my -own M$ rat fiat ions and Mifiakfs.
§ i /^\P tncfe there are two real Overilghts which he
\J nameth, committed by too much haft and heedlef-
nefs : The one is, that I mifplaced {}rere~\ in the TrunlLtion of a
Speech of Theodoras -, a grofs overfight I confefs : The other,
that I put [Epifcoptyas if it had been the Genhive cafe, when it
was the Nominative plural } which alfo was a heedlefc ever fight.
And about the death of Sttphanw, he noteth my miftrarfLting
Calami 3 and I imagine yet he is fcarce certain what it fignitied
himfelf. As for his note of my ufe of [Scripture"] about the
Epbcfine Council, I purpofely kept to the literal Tranflation, that
none might fay I did miftranflate it -, but I never faid that by the
Scriptures was meant the Bible.
§ 2. This \Accufer puts too great an honour on flicha Hiftory
2$ mine, which goerh through fo many ^ges and A<fb,in noting
To few? and fuch iictle things. Lnever pretended to be as good
an FMorian as he is 3 yet I do not think that it v\as any thing
but a flip of memory that made him put BujiaihiM ir.ftead of
Flavian, as kickt to death at Eph>fw. And me;hinks he thit
thus begins his Errata of his own Book [H><? faults that t>ave
efcapedare almjft infinite :] mould not for one fd}fc Com,na of
the Printers, have paffld the forefaid cenfure of me.
But doth not this Learned Hiftorian know,, how ordinarily the
greateft of them do charge one another with manifold Errcursi
*nd of far greater moment than thefe fore mentioned. How few
Hiftorians do not this ? Yea what bitter cenfures doth he pafs
hknrelf on no lower Hiftorians than Socxates and Sozomen f h
would be tedious to give you the Inftances that every fuch Book
afTordetb. I fee he value th Lalbe the Jefuite. How oft doth
he accufe Hiftorians of Errour, Ignorance, Malice, &c. e.g. de
sfnaftajio Biblioth. fo eminent a Writer of the Popes Lives, yet
£ Err at Pofiim & fiqni alii enm Anaflafio Vresbjtero, & c. ] And
even
1(6i)
even of that famous Hiftory of the Popes,, [_Onnphrius Punm-
nifif, Gerb. Pojfias, & plenque alii nitimam cenfent effe *b An#-
ftapo fcriptamyNicoiai I. Papa Vttam3 & a Gululmo S.R.E, Bib*
liotbecario additas fttiffe Hadr. 2. & Stepb. 6. P. Pitas : Verum
Cafdinalis Barouifts its fefrdgatftr eidemque auclori omnes til At
afcnbit $ fum qaoqac qui a Damafo Papat&c.^ Here the greatcft
Hiftoruns differ about one of the molt noted Hittories.
Of Augttftiti 's- Works (To. 1, p. 129.) he rells you that BclUr-
mine tells us not what Edition he ufed : But it's certain he ufed
not the AntwerpyOT VUminian Edition, which was the belt., and
the Original of all the reft.]
T7. 132. Rivet and Ptrkjns are derided for difowning lone'
Epiftfcf.
P. 1 3 f. Erafmi, Riveti fimiliumqwe ridctxr a doclis cenfxra
(viz.. de lib. Cfinrinetj.) Antf I profefs my (elf Jefs skilful in fuch
matters than Efafmus,
Et ibid. Erafmus & He fins Juliana opus ' illtid tr -buer evident ur%
Pamtluts tanq^im incerti Author is aliegat : Nos cum Livanien*-
ftbus BcllarmiKo, alufqne Catbohcis siugufiim effe cenjemus, nee
trie a Rivet 1 dftcrrent,
V. 136. Qiaft. Vet%& Novi Te/t. non- fitnt Auguflini tit facile
tmncsconfentixbt ; Jj)jdamv+s jub ejus nomine citato reperiantar ab
£pi [caput Ltttetia Par if An. 824. Con$r egat is & quibufdxm alas.
Of Aufomus the Poet, p. 171. he faith, [_£>*am falfa fmt qua
de eo fc'ipfic Jo. Tritbtmms qu'ivts vel ex tpfa lellione innlliget.
Of AiAMHAB* p. 173. \J^x Trithemit encomia h&c dnbio proad
omni oi>litcranda: [J§Jj« metro Virgiliumi Cicercnem profa aqttat,
ne dicamfhpsrat : J Sunt cnim falfijftma iis qtti gufittm aliquem la>-
tinitatis babent.
Of Beda3p 184. See what he faith of Will Malmsburj^ Mat,.
Wcftminft. f^i'jfixs and Baroniw.
Of B.etbitit, p. 204. Hi.norim Augnftod. — ubt falfo narrat
Medio la n 1 intt rft ttttm fuiffi - - -
P. 217. Piura adverfts Lemclavium3 primnm eorum editor ent'
dtcUmavit Jac. Billius (de Cdfario.')
DeCljuAioScote,p.zl8. Tbo. Dempftertis mtilta pro more fm
indigefta tffudii—
De Gerfone^p. 565'. E'rat pofl Pcfftvinum Maraccius qui Joan,
htinc Monacham or Amis cce!efti—*JJerri~_—Idtm quoqtte ex Patro~
loqo eradendnm,
& Sec.
(6i)
'"See what he faith dejulto Africano, that the Annot at tones
eruditijf. in Eufeb. Ecclef. Hift. — Opinioni nofira in plerifque ad~
vet{antm\] I fuppofe he means that Olefins which I wanted.
And de fuftino MaxttScaligerum erraffe, &c.~] Et p. 8^3 . (/«-
figne mendttm ex Trithemio9 Gefneroy Simlero^ Sexte} Fojfevino,
Bdlarmino, Mira?o, aliifque propagatum--)
To. 2. p. 361. Smaragdos duos in mum conftidermt, Trithe-
mitis, Sixtus Sencnfis, Pojfevinus, Bellarminus^ Mir&ui aliiqut
pkjfim — ] Abundance fuch charges tell us how much greater
Errours are charged on thegreateft Hiftorians, than Mr. Morrice
chargeth on me, with the leaft (hew of probability.
How many fcore of Hiftorians doth Blondell cite, who he thinks
have falfly told us of a Pope Joan ?
What abundance of faults would Caufabon have found in Baro-
titis, if he had lived to go through him as he began ? And I pro-
ftfs my (elf much more ignorant in Hiftory than Baronius.
It would be tedious to number all the grofc Errours that
■Vojfius cite th de fcript or. Gr<ecis& Latinis j e.g. in the Later.
p. 230. Hos duos confudit Trithemius — vid. qua habet de Flac. AU
cuino>p. 290,291,292. De Vfuardo^p. 29 j. com. Gualterium &
Baromum, Wicelium^p. 29 6. & cap. 32. deTwpino contra Trithe-
mium & altos. Et cap. $$.de Walafr, Strab. Tritthenius vehemen-
ter errat—Et Laur. Surihrn Bellarmin. in Cat ah CT alios non-
nullos in err or em induxit.
Vid. & qua de Atmoino, p. 308, 309. habet t & contra Vejfe-
<vinum,p. 3 10. & contra alios, 311. Et contra Baronium, Brest-
Hum. &c. 5 1 2. Et de Haimone cap. 3 5*. contra itritthenitim, & de
Rabano Ad aura, p. 215. Et de Landnlph. Sagace contra Ctf.Or-
landium. De Anajtaf.c. 3 $'./>. 319. De Hincmaro contra Tritthc-
nium^CxiG.p. 320. But I muit not tire the Reader: Multitudes
of fuch Inftances this one Author gives us : And how few Histo-
rians charge not others wkh Errours (b much greater,and more
than Mr. M. with any Truth accufeth me of.
§ 3. As to his notes on my Titles of fbme Councils, it's paft
my memory, whether it was my carelefnefs, or (as I think) the
Printer's Errour^to put [a Council at Aranfxcan^Toletan Regien[st
for Concilium Aranficar.umtToletanumi Rhegienfe.~\ If it was my
a6r5 i forgot that I had firft put the Subltantivc in Englifb. But
he may oft find the fame names ufed to his mind : And fure it is
[io falsification of the.Hiitory.
§ 4 But
J '
§ 4, But he hatha far greater charge againft me, that I 'did
not apprehend the mind of the Council at Tours ; why f> ? The
words are [_Nos veto Jiquos Lex perimi j bet9 fi cupiunt audire
pr&conem, vdumus ut convert ant ur ad v it aw : Nam perimendi font
oris gladio & communione privandi fi relitla fibi feniorum deer eta
obfervare noluerint, &c. Here he faith the meaning is, [The Ec-
cleliaftical Laws do punifh fuch with perpetual Excommunica-
tions, yet this Council thought fit to mitigate ir,£h\] The Que-
ftion is. Whether [\J§>*/*j Lex perimi jubet, fignifie Dtatb, or Ex-
communication ?] 1 take it to be Death, and that the Council
faith [Though by the Law fuch are to Die, if they will hear the
Preacher, we will have them converted to Life i But fb that if
they will not be feparated, the Church Sword of Excommunica-
tion (hall cut them off inftead of Death. ]My Reafons why [Lex pe-
rimi ;«^r]fignifiethDeatb5are from the exprefs foregoing words,.
\_£hna etiam Lex Romana confiituit, ut autcunqae Jacratam Deo
Virginem vel Vidnam fortajfe rapuerit, fi poftea eis de conjuntlione
convenerit, capitis fententiaferiantur. ltemfiquis^ non dicam ra-
pere}f:d attentare matrimonii conjungendi caufa% Jacram Virgmem
aufus fuerir, capitis fententia feriatur. Cum etiam in Chrcnicis
babeatur de rirqinibus G ent ilium -tempore y qu<t fe de& Vefla Jacra-
verant, poflmijfo propofito & corrupta virgwa/i gratia, Legalifen^
tentia vivas in terra fuijfe defojfas. If none of this fignifie Death :
I confefs I underftand not Latine. I thought the Council meant
Death by [Lex perimi jubetf] but they would be more merci-
ful 5 which I blamed them not for, but noted here what many
other Canons inftance, where they alfo punifh murder but with
keeping men from Communion, that this agreeth with/ foinc
Sectaries Opinion. I leave Mr. M's. great skill in expounding
Councils here to any equal Judge. But if I ignorantly miftake
in all this, and neither [Capitis fententia feriaxtur] nor [Vivas
in terra defojfas'} fignifie Death, but Excommunication, yet
many other Canons after cited fully tell us of the Bifhops
Clemency.
chap:
V047
CHAP. VII.
Mr M's.Expofttion of Church Hi fiory try eel fy his Expo ft ion of my
own words : slnd I. Of his falfe fuppofition that I am orVyfor *
•Church of one Congregation meeting in one place.
§ i/lFfo many repetitions of my Opinion cannot fave Mr M.
A from Co untrug a fuppofition of my (elf, I mult not too
far jruft him, of the fence of thofe that he is as diftant from as I.
Yet this fuppofition running through all his book, (hews that he
wrote itagainft he knew not whom nor what. His foundation is
becaufe I define a (InglcChurch by Perfond prefent Communion,
§ 2. I do Co; And i. Doth he think there is no fuch thing as
Chriftians conjoyned for aflembling in Gods ordinary worfhip,
•under the Conduct of their Proper Paftors.l will not cenfure him
lb hardly as to think he will deny it. ' 2. Are thefe Churches or
not. I fuppofe he will fay, Yea, 3. But is there no Perjonal Pre'
f nt Communion but in publick worfhip. Yes fure Neighbours who
vvoTfhipGod in divers places, may yet live in the Knowledge
and conversion of each other $ and may meet for Election of
Officers,and other Church bufine(Tes,and may frequently exhort,
reprovcand admonifli each other, and relieve each other in dai-
ly wants j and many meet (bmetimes by turns in the fame place,
where they all cannot meet at once: We have great Towns,
( like Ipfvich, Plymouth Sbrewfbury, 6Vc. ) which have many Pa-
rimes, and yet Neighbourhood maketh them capable of [Perfonal
Communion in Prejence ] as diftinct from [ Communion by Letters
or Dciegats with thofe that we neither fee nor £tf<nv.]And we have
many great Pariihes which have feveral Chappels, where the
People ordinarily meet yer per vices fome one time and feme ano-
ther come to the Parim Churches. Have thefe no Parochial Per-
fonal Communion}
To the well-being of a Church, I confefs I would not have a
firgfc Church of the lo^vefrfpccies have too manv, nor too few :
No more than whofe Pe» f >nal Communion fhould be frequent in
Gods publick worfhip. Nor fo few as fhouU not fully employ
more Minifters.of Chrift than one. Burto thei>e/>gofa Church,
L^ . Ion,y
l oniy require mat tne una 01 tneir Aiiociaujon De rerjonai Com-
munion as diftincT: from diftant Communion by Letters and dele-
gates. And by [ Communion ] I mean not only the Sacrament.
§ 2. It is in vain therefore to anfwer a book that goeth on
fuch falfe fuppofitions, and a man that will facedown the world
that I plead for that which I never owned, and fo frequently dis-
claim.
CHAP. VII L
Of b'<s falfe fuppofit ion that I amagainft Dioc-efan Bifl:cps% bee au fc
I am againjl that fpecies of them which puts down all the BiJJjcps
of jingle Churches, and thefe Churches thcmfelves*
§ i.HTHis fuppofition goeth through almoft all the book: In
his preface he faith [ The ftperiority of Bifhops over Prc-
fbyters is acknowledged by Catholicks^nd Schifmat'ickj & Heretick/^
&c. and yet this Church hiflory would have us believe the Contrary,^
And fo throughout.
§ 2. And yet to.fliew that he knew the Contrary in one
place heconfeffeth it, and defcribed part of my judgment, and
faith that none will be of my mind in it, but it is lingular to
my felf: Yea I had in my Difput. of Church Government,
which he taketh on him in part to anfwer, and in my Treat, of
Epifcopacy which tic alfo pretends to anfwer in part? told them
of mure forts of Bifhops than one that I oppofenor5 no not A.
Bifhops themfelves : And cne of them hereupon notes it as if I
differed but about the name, fubmitting to Diocefansfo they may
but be called A. Bifliops. To whom I anfwered that A. Bifhops
have Bifhops under them, fo that though I over and over
even totedioufnefs tell them it is the depofmg of all the fir j for
I owe ft Species of Bijhnps and Churches^znd Corfftquenfiy zWFoffibi-
lityofirtie-Di\ip!ine that I oppofe^md (ubmit to any that overfce
many fuch Churches without deftroying them and their privi-
leges inftituted by Chrift] I fpeak Kill in vain to them: Thefe
true Hiftorians face down the world that I write whole books
to the clean contrary.
K CHAP.
CHAP. IX.
Of bis [apportion that I am an I nde pe ndcM^ and )et that ~I plead for
the catijeoftb$ Prefbyterians.
§ i HpHis is alio a fuppoficion that is part of the Stamina of
his Book ; and how fir he is to be believed herein
judge by the evidence following.
i. He knew what I (aid before for three forts of Bifhops,
i. Epifccpi Gregi*, Overfeers of fmgle loweft Churches, as of
Divine Infticution: 2. For Ep'fcopi Epifcoporttm, or Prefidents.
Bifhops ejufdem Ordinis jion ejnfdsm Gradxsjn the fame Churches,
as of early Humane Inftitution, which I refift nor. 3. Epifcopi
EplfcopoYum, Overfeers of many Churches, which I fhfpectto
be SuccefTors of the Apoftles, and of fuch as Timothy 3Titi&, &c.
in the continued ordinary part of their work, (exercifing no
other Power than they did :) Infomuch that Dr. Sherlock would
be thought Co much lefs Epifcopal than I, as that he faith; It H
Antichriftian to ailert Epijcvpos Epifcoporum.
§ 2. And Dr. Parker hath newly wrircen a Book for Epifco-
pacy, which I hear many defpife $ but for my parr I take to be
the ftrongeft that I have feen written for ir thefe twenty years ^
but to no purpofe againft me ; fur it is but foi* Epifcopacy in -ge-
neral, which I oppofe not. It excellent well improved* the Ar-
guments of the K. and Bifhops at the Ifle of Wight 5 even th.it
one Argument that a Superiority of fome over others being
fettled by Chrift and his Apoftles, that Form muft be fuppofed
to continue, unlefs wetoave clear proof of the Repeal or Cdia-
tion. I have oft (aid the fame 5 I could never anfwer that Ar-
gument : But this will not juftifie the depofing of thousands of
Bifhops ar.dthurches, and of their Difcipline, to turn them ali
into two or three Diocefans.
§ 3. Affo he knoweth that I have written thefe 35- years
aguinit Lay Elders ; believing that the Colledge of Elders which
of old affiled the Bifhops, were none of them Lay- men, nor un-
ordained, but of the fame Order, though not Degree, with the
Biihop himfelfi
§ *
{67)
§ 4- And I have alfo written that Synods of Bifhops or Pref-
tyters tfte but for Concord, and have not as fuch by a major
Vote a proper Government of the minor part or abfent: Much
lefs that Gaffes, and other Aflemblies, are the flared Church -
Government which all moft obey : And are the Presbyterians
of any of the three forementioned Opinions ?
§ $\ I ever held a neceffity of manifold dependance of alj
Chriitians and Churches. As all depend on Chriir as their Head,
fo do all thePeopleon the Paftors, as their authorized Guides,
whom they muft not Rule,butbe Pviiled by,r The f,<$. 11,11. H(b.
13. 17, 24. And all tbete Churches depend on each other for
Communion and Mutual Help, as many Corporations in one
Kingdom. And frequent Synods well ufed, are greatly helpful
to thefcends : And the Command of doing as much as we can
in Love and Concord, >loth bind all the particular perfbns to
concur with the Synods in all things that terd to the Peace and
Edification of the Church, or are not againft ir. And more
than fo, if the general Vifitors or B'fhops that take care of ma-
ny Churches, do by God's Word direc\, inftrucl, reprove, ad-
monifh the particular Bifhops and Churches they ought with
reverence to hear them and obey them. And if Independents
really are for all this, why do thefe Accufers reprefent them
odioufly, as if it were no fuch matter, but they were meerly
for Church-Democracy ? Either you are not to believed in
what you fay of them, ©r of me.
§ 6. I know we have men that fay, that on pretence of ac-
knowledging all this Epifcopacy, I pur down all, becaufe I take
from them the power of the Sword, and leave all to defpife
them if they plcafe. Ar<£ This indeed is the power that under
the name of Epifccpacy now too msny mean. Bifhop Biijon
knew no Power bqt Magiftrates by the Sword, and Minifters -by
the Word. But why name I one man ? It is the common Opi-
nion of Protectants, and moft fober Papifts, that BiOiops as fuch
have no power of force en Body or Purfe. But we deny not the
forcing Power of the Magiftrate. 3. Ratwc heartily wi(h that
they would keep it in their cwn band?, and never ufe it to force
unwilling men into the Church, or to Church Communion; high
Priviledges which no unwilling perfon hath any right to. This
is my Independency,-
K z CHAP.
(6%)
CHAP. X.
Of his Accufation, That I make the Bifhops the Authors of all
Hertfes and Schifms , as diftintt. from Presbyters 3 Monks
and People.
§ i.T^His alfo runs throughout his Book 5 and muft fuch
A Books be aniwercd or believed ? I never denyed the
guilt and concurrence of others with them. I only fay, That as
Bifhops were the Chief, Co they had the chief hand, as far as I
can yet learn, in Herefies and. Schifms, fince they came to their
height of Power,, and fpecially in thofe grand Herefies and
Schifms, which have broken, and keep the Churches in thofe
great Se&s and Parties, which in Eaft and Weft it cor.fi fteth of
to this day. I never doubted or denyed but that 1. The He-
refies that were raifed before the Church had any Patriarchs,
or the turgent fort of Bifhops, were certainly raifed without
them. 2. And afterward fometime a Presbyter began a He-
refie. 3. And the Bifhops were but as the Generals of the
Arrny in all theChurch Civil Wars. But I never denyed but the
Prelatical Priefts, Monks, and multitude were their obfequious
Army.
§ 2. Mr. M. faith, That thofe Bifhops that were Herericks,
were moftly fucb, or inclined to it before. Anfvr. 1. Was there
then a good Succeffion of Ordination , when the World groan-
ed to find, it felf Arian ? Were all thefe Avians before their
Confecration ?
Anfw. 2. Were they not all Prelatical Presbyters that afpi<-
red to be Bifhops, and fo as they fay had a Pope or Bifhop in
their bellies. I never thought that Prelatical Priefts that flu-
died Preferment, and longed to be Bifhops, had no hand in
Herefies nor Schifms, no- more than that the Roman Clergy are
innocent herein, and the fault is in the Pope alone. What a
deal then of this man's Book is loft and worfe, on fuch fuppo-
fitions i
CHAP. XI.
(69)
CHAP. XL
Of his confident Accufation, that f mention all the faults of t-:f
Bifhops, and none of their Goodneft^ or Good Deeds.
§ i.TPHis a! Co is a chief part of the Warp or Stamen of his
Book. In bis Preface he frith, ["This Hifiory of
" Bifaops is nothing elfe but an Account of all the faults that Bifkupt
" have committed m the fev:ral Ages of the Church, without Any.
" Mention of their Good Aftions, of their P/ety and Severity of
lt their Lives 5 of their Zeal for the Faith t&cf]
Anfiv. 1. Whether this Fundamental Acculation be true or
falfe, lee the Reader who loveth Truth fre 1 . in the very h:fo
Chapt. from § 41. to the end. 2. Through all the Book
where I oft praife good Bifhops, good Councels, and g;ood
Canons, and good Books and Deed?. 3. In the two laft Chap-
ters of the Book, written purpofely to hinder an ill ufe of the
Biftiops faults.
In tbetirlt Chapter [" Very many of the Bfoops themfelveswere-
" humble , hoi/, faithful men, that grieved for the mifc carriages of
"the rcfl : Though fuch excellent perfons as Gregory of Neoat-
<: farea, Greg. NazJanz*. Greg. N/ffcn, Bafil, Chryfjjtom, Augit-
" fline, Hillary, Profper, Fulgent iua^fke. were not very common,.
u no doubt but there were many that wrote nor Books, nor
f* came Co much into the notice of the World, but avoided con--
*c tention3 and factious ftirs, that quietly and honeftly conduct-
0 ed the Flocks in the waies of Piety, Love, and Juftice. And
u fome of ihem (as Sr. Martin) feparated from the Councils and
tr Communion of the prevailing turbulent fort of the Prelates,.
*'to figmfie the difwung oj 'their fins .]
Of the Ahtients before the world crowded into the Church,
1 never trade qu eft ion ; Such as Clemens^ Folycarp, Ignatius Jre-
nxuf,and then ft.
Kow oft I have praifed holy Cyprian, and the African Bifhops
and Councils, he fometime confefletb.
1 What I fay cf Atticus, Proclus, and other peaceable Biftiops,
you may fee/?. 17. and very oft. Yea of the Bifhops of many
Sect?i much oithe Albigenfesp&.p* 17, 1 8» Yea-
(70)
Yea of the good that was done by the very worldly fort
p. 18, 19, 20. Yea of the Papifts Bifhops that were pious
/>. 20. § 46.
And § 47. I vindicate the excellency of the Sacred Office.
And § 53, 5*3, 5-9, 60. I plead for Epifcopacy ic fe!f in the jufti-
fiable fpecies of ft:
§ 2. But perhaps he will fay, that at leaftl fay more of
their faults than thcir.virtues: I anfvver, of fuch good Bifhops as
Cyprian, Baft, Greg. Naz.ianz~en3 Chryfoftom, Attinfkin, Hillary,
Martin^ &c. I fpeak of their virtues and nothing at all ('that I
remember) of their faults. Of fuch zsTheophilus, and Cyril Alex-
andria 2iT\<iEpiphanii44,<&cA fpeak of their virtues and fome of
their faults ( as thefcripture doth of many good mens. ) Of the
more ambitious, turbulent forr, I fpeak only or moftly of their
faults : For I profefs not to write a Hiftory of their Jives, but
to inform the ignorant what Spirit it is that brought in Church
tyranny and divifions. I denyed none of their virtues^ though it
was not my '~ ork to record them.
Whiielam confuting the Errours ofyourbook,do I wrong you
unlefs I write a Catalogue of your good works. Monuy, Wyri-
cm, and many others have gathered a Catalogue of old witnelTes
for Protdtant Verities. And Bifliop Morton hath cited multi-
tudes of Papifts againft their party : Have they wronged them
becaufe they have notalfocited all that the fame (aid for the
Roman canCel I have mentioned the virtues of fome of thr Popes,
even of Greg, 7. but of many others I have only mentioned their
vices: This is not to deny any good that is in them: Nor do
you accufe vour (elves of any injuftice when y^u tell the w Id
how bad mi., the Parliaments have bin, and 'how bad Cromwell
and the Armies, and how bad the Nonconformiits are, and I in
particular, without naming any of their geed deeds or virtues':
Becaufe ir is not yo'ur bufincft.
CHAP.
TtTJ
C H A P. X 1 1.
Of his Accufation that I do all in fpitc and malice again fi Bifoops,
and as fifing ill language of them,
§i.4 Nfw. i. Spite and Malice are heartfins : If the fame
j^jL etfrcV may come from other Caufes, how know you
that thefe are the Caufe ?
Anfi.t. Is it from Spight and Malice that Proteftants common-
ly defcribe the vices of the Popes, fuch as Greg. ^.Sergi^^AUx-
.indr.%. Bomface 8. fob.il. and i 3. & 22, 6c 23. 6c Evgcn.^, &c.
And alfothat they fb hardly fpeak of the fefoites,Yea afcd Pa-
pifts commonK7 ? Sure it may come from fome other caufe.
Anf. 3. Is it from Spight and Malice that you recite the tu-
mults of theGVrm^ Anabaptifts,the fsults of thofeat^##jrVr,tbe
Errours of David Gtoygt^ the many Enthufiaftick Sects defcribed
by Bakmm Exercit. (of whom many z$TbattkrHs,Ker/;Pi<^
Behm.n had much very commendable $ andGrotitts praifed fob.
Arr.dc. )ls it from Malice that the Families, Seekers, Quakers,
Anabaptifts,cyf. a7e ufuaily by your party defcribed by their
faults, without any mention of their goodnefs ?
Anf. 4. Is it from Spight and Malice that your Party have
written what they have done of the great faulcinefs of theNort-
conformifts, both former and latter; and that Cahinifisavefo
odioufly reprefented3that the Reformation by them isdtfcribed
by H:yliri and others as Rebellious? That fuch books are written
as Htjlins Aerifts Rcdivivt/s, H. Po'tvUs, the EvangeL Armatntm,
The EccUfi Pcliu the Friendly Debate, the Ccunterminer, the
Vindicar. of Dr. StMhgfieet, the pretended fecond parr3 (which
is a continued Calumny againft my ftff, fo full of particular hlf-
hoods as are not to be without a tedious Volume anfvvered :
And a multitude fuch written to render the N',nccnformifts
odious and unfufferabJe. If all thefc be not written in MaIice,how
knowyoii that mine were .?
Ar,f. y. And whereas fome pretending moderation accufe
me of too bad provoking language, 1. Is there any Comparifon
between the language of any of thefe books5 or yours and Dr,
Sherlock*
w^wK/i,^oaiia num. r ividu uul i_»tai ucu vjuuiy iuuuciaic pirilUU
Downam his Defence of his Vifir. fermon, his frequent charges
[ of fhamdefs, impudent Lying, and much more ] againft a Noin
conformift that gave him no fuch language. Read but the ordi-
nary Writings of fuch as Bifhop Bancroft, Dr. Sut cliff, and molt
others againft the Old Nonconformifts ; and of the Lutherans
againft the Calvinifis, even men that I am perfuaded meant ho-
neftly, but by Faction were exafperated, as Hunnnu, Brentius,
MorUnus, Mir backus, Snepfius, Wigandus, Hejhufius, Andreas,
Selnecerus^ Heerbrand, Caloviut, and many fuch. Read but our
Grammarians, fuch as you may find in the many Volumes of the
Collections of fanus Gruterus, even thofe of Cramer^ and P£/7.
Faraus, and others againft himfelfj where Fools, Knaves, Lyars,
Sots, and worfe, make up much of the ftyle.
Read but our Old Grammarian Reformers againft the Popifh
Priefts, and Schoolmen, I mean Erafmus, Hutten^Faber, and the
reft, what Scorns their Writings do abound with.
I will not refer you to the Qjcen of Navarre, and Stephanas
his World of Wonders, againft the Prieft?, left you think I ap-
prove of theexcefs.
Yea read but the Writings of our famous Learned Criticks,
^«/.and fofeph Scaliger, Heinfms, Sabnafius,&c. from whom the
railing Jefuite Labbe took advantage to fay, Tom.i.p.S^o. [ct Ri-
tc veto pr diver at ^o/epbus Scaliger, homo mi que modefiijfimus,
"qui Edit of es S. Irandi vocat, clamofos , male die entijftmos.
^Ccrcopas, Tartar eos, Fyrifhlcgetkontas, virulent id & probrorum
" concionatores^ editiohtm eolonienfem, cloac'am Sjccph ant i arum,
cC latrinam convitiorum, & (tabubim in[atid7\ Through God's
great mercy, while Malignity is the Complexion of the Ser-
pent's Seed3 and Lying is their Breath, and Murder is their
Work, the names of all thefe fins are odious in the world, and
guile is impatient, and Cannot endure its own name.
Should I but mention the Language of Papifts, how they re-
pretent the holieft Proteftants as Lyars, Deceiver*, Devil?,intol-
lcrab!e5 whom -it is as lawful to kill as D:>gs, Foxes or Toad?j
h vvoufd concern none but thofe of you that ufe to fay, I had
rather be a Papift than a Puritane, or Presbyterian ; -or thofe
that renounce Communion with us, and own it with the Church
of Rome -, who arc, alas, too many. Such Language as Labbcs,
P'oh 1.P.819. is of thefvreeter fort, viz.. <: J^ijqtsis cs [aim is
«tUA
(73)
u tm 4MMv,st Omncs illico Calviniftas^ Luther anos^ SUkinianos
u u4nabaptiflasy Jimilefyue generis humani peftes, Cacod&mor.um
st tnftar e.vecrabere, This is but what we daily hear: But while
we hear it in a Language Co very like from the Papifts, and the
Pulpits and Prefs, and Roger Le Strange is become the Church's
Advocate and Mouth, it will harden them that did ill joyn to-
gether Popery and Prelacy in their rejections.
Honeft Thuanus is amiable and honourable for Speaking well
of all that deferved ir,without partiality: But GerhVofius is pur.
to defend his Father-in-law Junius againit his unjnft cenfure. In-
dcedjunius was a man of Eminent peaceablenefs and moderation,
(I would Armlnius and he had been the utmoft profecutors of
thatControverfie, notwithftanding Dr. Tmjfes undervaluing his
skill in School Divinity) And few men were more unlike Thua-
nus his ill Character than Junius :But Dr Manton hath told me
that he hath been fully informed that it was not Junius that Thua-
nus meant but anetber that dyed that year(" which Junius did not}
and that by fome ill chance a wrong name was put in Contrary
to Thuanus intent.
§ 2. Dr. Bumet is a man whom I much value and honour, and
pleadeth much for peace and moderation, and therefore much
the more amiable to me : I thank him for his reproof of me to my
face jbutbecaufe hegoeth on to vend it as ;uft behind my back,,
where I cannot anfwer him, I tnuft do it here. He faith that [ /
began and that with unchriftiantpr choking language tgainft the Con-
forwifts in my frft Plea for peace, which caufed all the fucceedingt
hcats7\
jinf. 1. 1 have to him and oft in print appealed to humanity
and common fence whether one that was feventeen years filenr,<3:
communicated in the Parifh Churches, and under fcorns, and
ejecYion,imprifonment & mulcts did peaceably continue Commu-
nion with them without reply orfelF defence, and never wrote
againft them, till they had long called out to him to give thern
an account of the reafons of his Nonconformity, and then durft
not provoke them by a difpute, but barely named the matters-
which we /udge unlawful, profefllng not to be the Accufer of
Gonformifts, but only to anfwer the Call of Parliament- men,,
Bifhops, and others that urged us, and threatned us if we would
not tell them what we (tuck at 5 and made this the Juftirlcation
of their profccution of many hundred men: I fay, whether fuch a
L man
K7A)
man tffed a Call to fpeak ? When the King Licenfed us, I bad
before briefly defended our Preaching as Licenfed : But being
thus fummoned by our Profecutors andSuperiours, I told them
what we judged unlawful 5 and was this a beginning of the
Flame ? Was Seventeen years Poverty,, Prohibkioi and Profe-
cution, and all this Importunity,, no provocation or call to fpeak ?
Did this begin? If he were in the Houfe of Cor recti on,and were
beaten but Seventeen years, or Seven years, to confefs the
Caufe for which he fuffere'd, and at laft confeffed it, and one
fhould fay, This was the beginning of the ftrife5 Would he take
this for a good Hiftorian ? And it he bad written Hiftory, would
this report advance the credit of it ?
§ 3. But the fecond thing accufed,isthe unchriftian Language
ofthacBook. Anfo. Doth a genera) Accufation fignifie more
ill of the accufcr, or of the accufed, if it be not proved by par-
ticular Inftances ? I urged him to name the unchriftian words,
and I remember but two Inftances he gave me.
The firft is, that I ufe the word [untruths'] againft my Accu-
fers. And 1. I think the Reader will very rarely find that
word in that Book. 2. Is this fo harm as the common charge
of Lying, ufed even by the moft Learned fuber Conformifts ?
3 . J thought it had been a modeft word : What /hall a man fay
when fuch Volumes of Slander are published againft him and
others, as tends to preach all their Neighbours into hatred
and perfecution of them ? Alas! Doth ,it increafe our crime
to fay, It is untrue i How (hall we then anfwer for our felves
at any Bar ? Is it tollerable voluminoufly to tell the World
down-right falmoods of us ? and is it railing for us to fay, [Thej
are untrue f] What's this but like him that run a man thorow in
wrath with his Sword3 and indi&ed him for crying,oh ? This is
the Church Juftice even of our moderate Hiftorians.
§ 4. But he fairly I fhould not call it[a/rf//£»W3or untruth^
but a miftakj. Anjw* This is a {harper word 5 for it fignifieth
tne fault of the mittaker ufually j whereas by fpeaking de objetto^
that it is falfe, I leave it to others how far the reporter is to
be blamed. But fure moft Logical imputations are Railing?, if
the words \jalfxm~] and [fallaci*] be fiich.
§ 5-. About a month or fix weeks ago the Obfervator, the
Churches Advocate published, That [" a Captain of Horfe of
*' the King**, had the fortune to be diftnountcd, wounded and
"ftn'pr,
(75)
cr ftript, and ai'ChapIain (naming me before) cut from about his
cc neck a Medal, which the King had given him, and thcSouJ-
Cf diers fpared in the heat of blood] I fent him word how falfc
this was : I never faw the man in my life that I know of} much
lefs ever medled with him : But was in a Houfe where a Soul-
dier brought a fmall filver-guilt Medal,about the bignefs of a big
Shilling, and faid, he took it from about the neck of one Captain
Jennings, whofe Life he fpared; He offered it to fale5 and no
one offering him more, I gave him eighteen pence for it in 1643.
as I remember : And about 16481 hearing where Captain fen*
nings was, fuppofing it might be of great ufe to him, I fent ic
him as a gift by one Mr. Sommerfield.'] And this flander is all
the thanks I had. The Church-Advocate wrote me back, that
he had it formally attefted. I craved as a favour of him to
tell me if Captain Jennings be living, how I might write to him.
Heanfwers me, that one was out of the way that he muft firft
fpeak with, and I mould (hortly hear from him. The next I
heard was as a fecond part of Dr. StilUngfleet, the forefaid
Book full of cruel falmood, taken from my having been for the
Parliament, and from many diftorted words of mine : Now
when this Book renders me worfe than a Jew, or Heathen, and
unfit to live, fome I fear will tell abroad that I am a Traitor,
for faying, that [/r is flandtrous or untrue, ~\
§ 6. His fecond Inftancewas thefe words of mine [cc Pardon
<c me for faying, I thinkjhtf Mr. Tombs hath faid more Ufa' truth
"for Anibaptiftry, the late Hungarian for Polygamy, many for
cC Drunfannefs, Stealing, and Lyings in cafes of Neceffity, than ever
w I yet read for the Laivfulnefs of all that I have here defer ibedf\
Anfiv. 1. Is there any Railing or unchriftian Language in theie
words t. which be they ?
Anfw. 2. Do I here fpeak of any but my felf and the Non-
conformifts ? Do I not proteft againft accufing others, and only
fay, what it would be tome, fhould I conform ? And muft I
not, when importuned by Bifhops, Priefts and Rulers, fay what
I fear, left others mould think it intimateth their guiltinefs ?
Can I help that ?
Anfw. 3. Did that man ever underftandingfy confider the
matter, who can doubt of the truth of what Kay ?
I. On the one fide how heinous and many the fins that we fear
are,if we mould conforiD,Imuft not again name,fcr that's it that
provoketfa, L 2 II. Now
(76)
1 1. Now as to the Comparison;
i. Fie appeal to Learned Bi (hop Barlow whether Mr. Tombs
hath not made the Cafe of Anabaptiftry more difficult? Let them,
that deny it confute him better than I have done.
2. And why doth none anfwer the Hungarians book for Poly-
gamy if it be eafier done than the task in queftion.I have known
the man that maintained, that if a King had a barren wife,and his
Kingdom like to be undone by a deftru&ive fucceflor, he might
as lawfully take another wife, as Adams Children might marry
inceftuoufly. And indeed themany unreproved inftances of Po-
iygamy in Abraham, facob, Mofes, David, Solomon, &c. will
allow men more pretence for it, than ever I (aw brought for all
( I fay, but For all ) that I hare named in that hook.
3. And many Phyficianshave faid fo much ("though arnifsj for
the lawfulness of a Drunken Cup inftead of a Vomit & a Cordial
in fome difeafes, as have made it a harder cafe than ours (cems
to me : And I fay not what it (eems to others.
4. And de necejfario concubitu legantur qua a medic is dicim-
tur de far ore merino.
y. And for ftealing nothing but prefent food tofave life5he that
Confiders what God allowed a man to take that went through
an Orchard, Vineyard or Corn-field, and what the Law of na-
ture is, and whether the Kings Army on whofe ftrength the
Safety of King & Kingdom depends,may not violently take food
without the owners content rather than perifh, will find it har-
der to juftifie the denying Chriftendom and Communion to godly
Perfons that fcruple our fort of God Fathers^CrofTmg andKneel-
\x\gt&c. than to confute the aforefaid ftealing, or that which is
meerly tofave life.
6. And as for Lying in cafes ofneceflity,No left men of their
own party than Grotim de fpire Belli and Bifhop fer. Tajlor in
Dttft. Dnbit. have written for it. And though I be againft it,
and many Conformifts for it, yet I will not deny but if the Life
of the King might be faved among Enemies by a Lie ; or the
Life of a Patient by his Phyficians deceiving him by a Lie,much
more may be pretended for it, than for all the heinous fin which
I fear.
§ 7. And if thefe words be uncharitable Railing,what means
have we left to give them that demand it, the Reafons of our
Nonconformity ?
What
(77)
What if we had gone further, and taken it for a crying
Church Crime, and called all the Clergy to Repentance ? If that
which we judge finful be not fo, let them confute us: If it be
fo,and as great as we fear, is it not our duty to bewail it, and
mourn for it? Ez.ek. 9.4. Zeph.i. 17, &c. And is not mincing
and extenuating great fin, an implicit hardening men againft Re-
pentance ? Should one Preach againft Adultery, Fornication,
Perjury, Murder, as about a doubtful Controverfie, or a fmall
thing, and fay but \G00d men are on both fides 5 / dare not fay it
is a fin, though I dare not do it my feif: Or if it be one, it is but
fuch as good men are ordinarily guilty of \ We mufl not judge one
another.'] What were this but (worfe than Eli to his Sons) to
cherifh Sin, and Preach Impenitence, and ferve Satan againft the
Evangelical Preaching of Repentance ?
§ 8, For my Judgment, I profefs it to be the duty of me,
and all men, to ufe no Language of Good mens faults, no,
though they turn Perfecutors upon fome particular Errour, but
what is confident with true Love to the men 3 and to cover
their faults that are private, and meerly perfonal, as far as law-
fully we may 3 but not to make light of publick, aggravated
Crimes, fuch as thofe of Hophni and Phinehas iuor to (hew indif-
ferency towards Buyers and Sellers in the Temple 3 nor to
ftrengthen the Sin which threatneth a Land. If I thought that
hundreds or thoufands of Chrift's faithful Minifters in any
Country were unjuftly hunted and forbidden to Preach the Gof-
pel to a People that truly need it, and this to the unavoidable
-dividing of the People, and the plain making way for a Forreign
Jurifdi&ion, I (htuld take my felf as a guilty hinderer of Repen-
tance, and Enemy to the Publick Safety, if I fhould fay only
[ This is a doubt fnl Controvsrfie between Good, Wife, and Learned
men.]
Labbe ends his To. 1. as justifying his bittereft Reproaches,
with the Authority of Chrift, Peter , /W3 fohn,fude, Ignatius.
And if he had only given great and publick fins, the true names
neceflary to mens knowledge of them, for Repentance orPre-
fervation, thofe Texts, and many more would have juftified
him.
CHAR
(78)
CHAP. XIII.
Of his Suppofition that I /peak, againft all Bifhops Come Us.
§ l.'THis Is not fo. i. I write ofc for the great ufefulnefs of
A Councils. 2. I juftly praife no fmall number of them,
efpecially before the great Riling of the Bifhops, for the firft
300 or 400 years: He once acknowledged it of the African
Councils : And he might have feen the like of many Spanifh^nd
fome French and Germane Councils : The EngUJh I little medled
with. 3. The Firft General Council at Nice I juftly honour $
yea and the Three following, and miny more than three,for the
foundnefs of their Faith, and as having many very laudable
perfons in them; though I (hew the ill effects of their conten-
tion and ambition.
I have heard fome Conformifts confefsthe great Learning and
piety of the Weftminifter Synod in 1642. and of the Synod of
Dort^ where we had Delegates : and yet (harplier fpeak againft
the Acts of both by far,than I have done by any fuch pious Per-
fons. Even they that have honoured Bifhop Carlton, Bifhop
Hall, Bifhop Davenant, Dr.Ward^&c. that were there, have yet
bitterly reproached the Decrees which they fubfcribed. And
how many as well as Dr Heylin have written and fpoken ill of
A. Bifhop VJherJof A. Bifliop Abbot A. Bifhoo Grindai, A. Bi-
fhop Parker (yea of A. Bifhop Whitguift for x)&&Lambeth- Articles
which I juftifie not) who yet have a great honour both for Bi-
fhops and their Councils.
§ 2. But I confefs I am much of Naz.ianz.enh mind, and I
think I am no more agawift them in the general than he was. And
I am againft our fubjection to the Jurifdiction of Forreign Coun-
cils, and the ufe that the Pope and ambitious Clergy have made
of them., to become Mafters of Princes and of the world : I am
not for Ebbo's French Council which depofed Lu do v. Fins, nor
for making them either the Popes Army, or the Army of Pa-
triacks againft each other or of fuch Princes as Conftantim^ Valens>
Theodofius junior , Anaftafim Fhilifpicus^ fftftinian, Irene, &c. to
fulfill their own miftaken wills, how honeft foever the men
might
(79) :
might be. Much lefs am I for fuch work as the Council at Lateran
fnbfnnoc. 3 made,no nor that at Florence*
§ 3 And I take it for anj^ft of great Prudence in this my ac-
cufer, while he is vindicating BiftiopsCouncils,to go no further
than the four firfl: General, when it is many hundred that I
have mentioned. And is it not really an intimated accufation of
them to vindicate fo few of above 400. And thofe fuch as for
their faith we all own.
And yet a man would think by the ftrein of his ftyle and lan-
guage that it were at leaft the greater part of Conncils that he
were pleading for. I fay ftillas Bifhop Bilfon and other Prote-
ftants : Well ordered found Councils we owe great refpecl: and
honour to, for Counfelj ftrength and Concord, but fu 'bj etl 1 on and
Obedience, faith he, if? Owe Taem none, (fave as we are bid, be
all fubject one to another, and ferve one another in Love.)
§ 4. And now I leave any impartial man to judge what an-
fwer luch a book deferved, which goeth upon all thefe foremen-
tioned untrue fuppofitions.
CHAP. XIV.
Some mens Credit about anient Church Htjiorj^ may be conj eft ti-
red at by their Reports of the Hiflory of the twe and place that
W2 live in,
§ i.T^Y their Hiftory of late and prefent things we may con-
J3 jefture at the Creditof not Mr. Mu but others of the
Clergy-accufers and Profecutors of their Brethren. Almoftall
that I remember that write againft me, agree in fuch mifreport-
ing matters of facl, yea the rnoft publick, of the perfons, place
and time, which our fenfes have given us notice of, that we
muft believe them with as great difficulty as we muft believe
Tranfubftantiation, even in oppofirion to all our fenfes and ex-
perience. And whether thoie men be fit Vindicaters of the
Bifhops and Councils above a Thoufand years ago ('which are
blamed by the Hiftorians of th.e.irown Age, and by their own
Confeffions, and by their rnoft fervent Defenders)' who noto-
rioufly mifreport the perfons, and acYions of their own Place
and Age, I think it is not hard to judge. I will
(So)
I wM ktftence in Twenty particulars of pnblick notice 5 for
thofc againft particular perfons, even my feff, are not to be
numbred.
I. It is now commonly taken for true, that the prefent Non-
conformifts, who gave in their Defires for Concord 1660. are
of the fame Judgment as thofe called Nonconformifts hereto-
fore, and whatever can be raked up out of Chrift. Goodman^
Knox^ Kilby, or is reported by Bancroft^ is partly chargeable
on them, when as their propofed Defires yet (hew the world
that they never made any motion againft many things by thofe
aforefaid fcrup!ed3in Do&rine, Worihip, and Ceremony.
And it is commonly fuppofed by them, that the prefent Con-
formity is but the fame as the Old, and the Cafe no harder to
us : And this notwithstanding all the ftill vifible Afts and Alte-
rations, and Additions, which atteft the contrary to all the
world.
II. In moft of their Inve&ives the prefent Nonconformifts-
are argued againft, as if they had been in the Civil War againft
the King j or had been guilty of it more than the Conformifts*
And that War is made a Reafon of their Silencing 3 whereas fo
few of them bad any hand in it, that I have many times told
them,that if they will Silence none but thofe that they can prove
guilty of any War, or Rebellion, or Sedition ? the reft of us will
give rbem a thoofand Thanks, though we fuffer our felvcs. Few
of the prefent Nonconfor mifts were then in the Miniftry, and of
thofe few that were, few now living meddled with War.
III. They are fo confident that the Parliament and Army that
began the War in England, were Nonconformifts, yea Presbyte-
rians, and not of the Church of England^ that Mr Minkleyfc here
Mr. Motricey make a renouncing of their Senfes or Underftand-
ings necefTary to the believing of it. And yet they might as
well tell us, that they were all Turks or Papifts. Are not a Par-
liament and an Army things publick enough to be known in the
fame Age ? When we name to them the Chief Lords and
Commons, and Chief Commanders, yet (and lately) living^ who
are known ftill to live in their own Communion 5 and when we
challenge them to name Three Presbyterians that were then in
the Houfe of Lords, or the Houfe of Commons $ or many thac
Were at firft Commanders in the Army* and we name them
the Men that then Commanded,, who were commonly knowrv
to
(80
to be Conformifts of the Church of England. And if they will
not believe their prefent practice and profeilion they may yet go
to them and be Satisfied from their own mouths what were their
former Principles. I have told them of a moft credible Member
of that Parliament yet living,who hath oft profeft to me that he
knew but one Presbyterian in the Houfe of Commons when the
war began,and I have named that one man to thereto try if they
can name another. I expert not that they fhould believe me, or
fuch other concerning thofe whom we knew: But they may be-
lieve the men themfelves yet living5& their moft familiar Friends.
Yea the Records of many foregoing Parliaments, withL*^'*
Life written by Dr. HeylinfuWy Iheweth them that the d infer-
ence arofe i. About the tear of Popery, ( and Arminianifmz.%
they thought tending towards it ) 2. About Property, Loan-
mony3 Knight-mony and afcer Ship-mony,cVc. 3. About Impri-
sonment of members and other Gentlemen.And thefe were ftilf
the quarrel.
But faith Mr, M, How then Jh all we believe our fenfes. Jtnf
See Reader, whether his moft confident Errours about paft things
be any wonder. He is not fo fure of what he faith of the old
Prelates, or the Ne$orianst Etujohians, &c. as he is that he muft
believe his Senfes: And his very fenfes tell him that a Parliament,
even Lords, Commons, and an Army, many of whom are yet
living^ were of another opinion in Religion than ever they were
then acquainted with., and which was known to very few in Eng-
land till afterward. And this contrary to their Prafeflion and pra-
ctice and the fenfes of their acquaintance. Lords are Perfbns
effo publick notice that they may eafilyyetbe informed of the
living and the dead: In the Army the Chief Commanders
were the E. otEJfex, the E. of Bedford ( yet living ) Sxtfohn
Merrick^ the E.of Pet erborough^ Dolbisre, the E.' of Stamford, the
Lord Hafiings (E.of Huntington) the Lord Rochford (E, of Do-
ver) the Lord Fielding (Ex»{ Denbigh) ihe Lord Mtndevile (E9
of Mane heft er ) the Lord Roberts ( now Earl of Radnor and Pre-
fldent of his Majefties Council ) the Lord St. Johns, (killed at
Keinton Fight.,) Only the Lord Sajy and Lord Brooke were known
Independents $ and whether the Lord Wharton (yet living) was
then for Biftiops or againft them I know notj but all the reft
were of the Church of England, And fo were the other Collonels,
SlrHenyC'joMej, the bee Lord Hollis,CQlWUl.B*mpficld9 Col.
M 77;*.
Tho. Grantham, Col. 7 ho. Ballard, C. Sir William Pairjax, U>1:
Charles Effex, Col. Lord Willoughby of Pa'ham, Co). Sir FTift
Wi&r, Col. £<to SW/j, Cap. Lord Grey of Gwty j and I think
then Sir Will. Conflableznd Col. Hampden. What mind Sir Will.
Balfoore was of i know not: But I know his Country man Col.
Brown was too far from a Puritane,
Bl t faith Mr.M.[i.ft's well the Bijhops hadnojhare in it] Anf.
Let Heylm tell you what hand the difference between A.Bifhop
Abbats Church of Englandmd Laud's then little Party had in the
preparations. 2. And was the A. Biihop of Torino Biftiop, who
afterward was a Commander for the Parliament.
But faith he, [ / pray where were the Presbyterians when the
"Parliament took. #p Arms : Were they not then in being i ] Anf An
excellent Hiftorian ! that maintaineth Parliament and Army were
fuch, as he knows not whether they were then in being. Yes
Sir, they were in Holland, and France and Geneva, and Scotland;
and in England there was one John Ball^nd one Mr. Langley, and
afew more fuch old Nonconforming that never were in Arms5
and old John Dody and one Mr. Geree that was againft the war
and dyed for grief of the Kings death : But among thofe called
Puritans,few knew what Presbytery was,till the Scots afterward
brought it in. Much lefsdid Lords, Commons, and Army know
it. In your fenfe Sir they were not then in being3 and therefore
could not fight.
It appears by Bancroft and others that there had been once
Presbyterians in England : But they were dead, and few even
of the few Nonconforming Minifters fucceeded them in the
Study of that point.
But faith he, [ Were they none of them in the honfe ] Anf. Yes,
one f or did they protefl againfi the prcceedings of the Epifcopal
and Erafiians ? Anf. That one went with them. And Non entis
non funt accidentia.]
But faith he [ Can Mr% B. believe ( or think^any one elfe fo
weal^as to be impofed on in a matter fo notoriopts ) that it was a Par'
liamtm of Ep if copals, and Erafiians and not Presbyterians that be-
gan the war?]
Anf Thus youngmen that know not whom they talk of can
controle the moft publick matter of facl: by their conjettures.Go
ask the worthy Matter of the Rolls Sir Harbottle Grimfton,
whofe Speeches were then printed: Ask Sir f^.^/wd His Ma-
yflies
(83)
jetties Sergeant a t Law who was one of them -, or any other of
them yet living. Ask them whether they knewthemfelves and
their companions better than you, who it feems knew them not.
But faith he [ Were thej Ep if copals that voted down Epifcopacy
Root and Branch before the war begun ] Anf. I. Have you proved
that they did fo ? 2. Do you think that acontradiftion? 1. They
had got a belief that Bifhop Laud had got fuch men into the
Seats as were for a Syncretifm with the Papifts ( defcribed by
Heylin) and againft the Subjects Property and Liberty. And it
was the M:n and not the Office that offended them. 2. But be-
caufethey were willing of the favour of the Scots, and thole Lon-
doners who were againft the Biftiops, they pleafed them by vot-
ing down the prefent frame, intending to fet up a moderate
Epifcopacy in its fteadj Yea long after this when many Learned
Divines in the Aflembly declared thcmfelves for Epifcopacy, but
nor for Deans, Cbancellors,&c. They altered the Covenant foas
to defcribe the prefent frame only : And when the Houfe of Lords
took the Covenant, Mr. Coleman fan Erafiian ) gave it them
openly, dec!aring,that it was not meer Epifcopacy that this Co*
venant renounced, but only the EngUJh defcribed Complicate
form. And could they have had fuch Bifhops a* Abbot and the
old Church of England, they had never gone thus far. 3. And
they thought not Epifcopacy itfelf fo neceflary, ( though if mo-
derate the beft fort of Governments ) as to hazard all for ir,
which they thought had been in danger. Even in 1640 July ij.
They Voted a Diocefan in every County, with Twelve Divines
to Govern.
But, faith he, [Were they Epifcopals that Petitioned the King at
Y ork for - Rejormation in Difapline and Worfoip then ? i. e, for
abolifhing Epifcopacy and Common- Prayer f] Anfa. 1. Reform-
ing is not Abolishing. 2. I anfwercd that as to the lafr. When
they feared that the Old Houfe wouid fall on their heads, they
were for pulling of it down, and building a New one, after fuck
a Model as Bifhop Vfier after gave, and the Germane, Swedijh,
and Danifh Churches have 5 which they called the Primitive
Epifcopacy : But before they could do ir, they needed the Scots
help, who brought in the Covenant, which they chofe rather
than to fall into the hands of thofe of whom they had fuch
thoughts and fears, as I need not now defcribe, Prin's Kiftory
of Land's Tryal defcribeth them.
M 2 I- would
(84)
I would ask this confident Hiftorian (wh^fefenfes tell him what
Religion men were of contrary to their daily praftice of communi-
cating in the Varijh-Chftrches conformably) whether the Longeft
Parliamentof all, which made the A&s of Uniformity, the Cor-
poration and Veftry Acts, the Two Afti againft Conventicles,
the Mdrtia Aft, &C. were Presbyterian or Epifcopa! ? Verily,
if thefe were Presbyterians, I am none, nor ever will be : Wc
fhall then have a ftrange definition of a Presbyterian, fuch as
will take in Bifhop Sheldon^ Bifhop Morley, Bifhop Gunning and
fuch others. If not, did not the fear of Poperv make that very
Parliament begin to look fo fowrely on the Clergy, as produ-
ced that which I need not tell you of? And did not molt of the
fame men meet in the next Parliament after, and look yet more
fufpiciotifly on the Clergy ? And the next yet more f And doth
it follow that they were not Epifcopal but Presbyterian? But
fome men are confident againft the Sun- light, and the moft no-
torious Publick Evidence. But I mcfl: confefs that fuch have
{haken my belief of the meer Moral Evidence of moit Hiftory,
and left me only certain of that which hath Evidence, which is
truly Natural,in the Natural IrnpciTibilky of Confpiracy in a Lie.
There were. men heretofore that would fwear that man was
a Puritane, who would not (wear and drink with them, and
would pray in their Families, ?.nd read the Scriptures on the
Lord's Day, while others were dancing. And the word [Puri-
tane] is now vulgarly changed into [Presbyterian'} (by the Cler-
gies Contludh,) And there are fbme Clergy- men that will fay, a
man is a Presbyterian, who reproves them for Drunkennefs and
Swearing, and other Crimes, fpccially if he would not have
Nonconform; its ruined and laid in Gaol with Rogues. In this
fenfe I deny not but Lords, Commons and Army, had many
Puritanes or Presbyterians among them, who yet never knew
what Presbytery was.
But, frith Mr. M. [Were they Epifcopal who pray the King at-
Oxford to abolifh At Bifiops and Bifhops^ &c> that entred into a
Solemn Leagne and Covenant againft Epifcopacy, and for Reforming
the Church after the Presbyterian Platform, and fet up Presbytery
by fo many Ordinances ?]
Anfw. Diftingue temporais none of this Hiftorians Principles.
How long after the War begun was this Petition at Oxford^
this Covenant, and thefe Ordinances ? He proveth them Pref.
V " byterians
byterians at firft when they knew not what it was, becaufe they
were for Presbytery a year or two after: Negatur Sequela. The
Scots taught afterwards the Aflembly,and them that which they
never knew before, 2.And all thefe Petitions & Ordinances (hew-
ed not what they preferred as beft,but what they preferred be-
fore expefted ruine. The I flue proved this, an&Heyl'm confeffeth
it, and faith, They, never fct up Presbytery in any one place
/which yet is not true, though they did not force it.)
3. Do you not know now living, thofe Epifcopal Conforming
whorefufc no part of your Conformity, and are much againft
Presbytery, who fince the Difcovery of the Papifts Plot, are fo
much afraid of Popery, and Co confident that too many of the
Clergy are prepared for ir, that a little more would turn them
from you, though they love Presbytery as little as they love
your felves.
la a word, The Old Clergy and the Parliament Men agreed.
The New Clergy in Bifhop Land's time diftafted them:& the Scots
Presbyterians helping them in their ft rait?, partly turned fome
of them, and partly impofed on them impleading conditions.
But faith be, {The Eraftians and Independents were at firft in*
tonfidsruble, and acted jo) ntly with the Presbyterians^ &C.~]
"Ak[\\\ Thus is Hiftory delivered to the deluded World! Nei-
ther Independency nor Presbytery were underftood by many
till the War was begun. The Scots- CommifTioners by degrees
acquainted them with Presbytery, and Mr. Bur ton's Protection
Frotefted, and the live Dilfenters with Independency : Two or
three Independents were m the Houfe of Lords^ and fome few
in the Houfe of Commons : It was Epifcopal-men that made tp
the ma n Body : Thefe were of two forts .-The one fort thought
Epifcopacy of Divine Inftituticn, but not Chancellors, Deans
and Chapters, Arch- Deacons, Officials^ &c The other fort
thought that Epifcopacy, nor rampant, was the belt Govern-
ment fare humano^ But that the Magiftrate being Chief, might
fet it up, or take it down, as he fee molt for the common good*
Thefe were called by fome Eraftians : And that thefe at firft
were inconfiderable, is Hiftory written in defpight of Evidence.
Let any man 1. Read what Parliaments formerly faid 5 2. And
what many EngUfo Divines wrote for the Jiu humanum againft
the fty Divinnm -, and what Teftfmony Frin hath given of it 5
3.. And YihatDr. St Mngfltet hath produced for it in his Irenicon^
4, And
Vou;
4. And how commonly it was owned by Conformifts then in
Conference 5 ^. And how commonly the Lawyers were for the
Humane Right ; 6. Yea and the Civilians themfelvesj and then
let him take this Hiftorian's word, if he tell Pofterity that the
Parliament and Army, were not Englijlo men.
IV. Thefe Hiftorians candidly tell the world, that the Non-
conformifts, who offered their Defires for Concord 166©. were
Presbyterians, and fo are molt of the Nonconformifts now.
Whereas they never made one motion for Presbytery, for Lay-
Elders, for Ruling ClafTes or Afiemblies, nor againfl: Epifcopacy 5
but only offered the Paper called A. Bifhop VJhtr's Reduction
of Epifcopacy to the Primitive Form ; wherein neither A. Bi-
fliops, nor Bifhops, nor Deans and Chapters, Archdeacons5were
taken down, or any of their Revenues, Lordfhips,or Parliament-
Power. This is Presbytery with thefe Hiftorians.
V. They make the world believe that the main Body of the
Conformifts, are fuch as differed for the King, or complied not
with the Directory and Times of Ufurpation : Whereas u's pub-
Jickly notorious, thatthere are, about 9000 Parifh-Churches in
£#g/W,befides many hundred Cnappels,6Vmany Churches that
had more than one Minifter. And almoit all thefe complied with
the Times or Directory, as the Nonconformifts did : And of all
thefe, it was buta-bout xooo that Conformed not} fo that 7000
or 8000 of them that had kept in, did on a fudden turn Confor-
mifts. And divers that had been in Arms for the Parliament:
Yea, fome that had written for the Engagement when I wrote
againftit; yea fome that had fpoken or written tantum now
Juftification of the Killing of the King. And of thole that ;oyn-
ed with us in our Propofals for Concord, Dr. Worthy and Dr.
Reignolds were made Bifhops, and divers others d:d Conform.
VI. Thefe Hiftorians would make the world believe that the
Prtfl-nt Church, and fuch as they, did more than the Parliamen-
tarian?, and Presbyterians, and Nonconformifts, to reftore the
King 5 when it is notorioufly known, how oft their Attempts
were defeated, and what the Scots Army under Hamilton under-
went, to fay nothing of the next ; and of the Lord Delamo>e's
Attempt, and what the Reftored Parliament did: Butfurelam,
that the Old Parliament Souldiers, and Presbyterian Comman-
ders andSouldien in General Monkj> Army, with thofe in Er.g-
/Wand Ireland that joyned with him, and Sir Thomas AlUn
Lord
Lord Mayor, with the Londoners, at the perfuafion of the Pref
byterian Minifters, drawing Genera! Monk to joyn with them,
did the main work, which the Council and Parliament after fi-
nifhed. When moft of thefe men that will not endure the ob-
livion of Difcord*, nor the Reconciling and Union of the King's
Subjects, do but itart up to revile others, and blow the Goals
again, and reap the fruit of other mens labours, that defire but
to live in Peace.
VII. That there are able worthy men that Conform,
we are far from denying} and we earneftly defire their
Concord, and the fucctfs of their Labour, and I hope love
them as our felves. Buc whereas the Hiftory of this Parcy doth
proclaim how much better and abler Minifters than the Noncon-
formifts are generally put into their Places, that are no Novices
or Ignorant Youths, no Drunkards, nor fcandalous, but mofe la*
borious, skilful Labourers, I will fay nothing, but lee the
Countries judge.
VIII. And whether it be true that there is no need of the
Nonconformists Miniftry, but the Churches are fufficiently fup-
plied without them, both as to the number and quality of their
Teachers, I have in my Apology enquired 5 and with godly
men it's eafily judged.
IX. And whether it be true, that it was only for the Kings
or Bifliops caufe that the Parliament put out-all, or moft of
them that were heretofore removed, I leave to the WitnefTes
and Articles againft them. I am fure I and my neighbour Mi-
nifters petitioned that none that were tolerable pious Minifters,
might be put out for being for the King or Bifliops.
X. It is commonly now recorded and reported that the Pref-
byterians and thofe that now conform not put down Catechi-
zing, and turned the Creed, Lords prayer and Decalogue out of
the Church- Service. Whereas f iffome few Independents did
any of this, ic is more than I know, but) in all our Countrey,
and where I cam^ I remember no Churches that did not ufe the
Creed openly at their baptizing any, and the Decalogue fre-
quently read out of Exod. 20. or Dent. 5. and the Lords prayer
frequently; as we did conftantly„ Buc fome thought that we
were not bound to ufe it every time they prayed. And the Di-
rectory commendeth all thefe to them. And all our Countrey
agreed not only to Catechize publickly, but to take larger time
on
tm tlie week daies to Catechize every family.
X I. Thefe Hiftorians fay that I and fuch others take the things
which we conform not to,tobe but inconveniences and not fmsj
And that we keep the Nation in Schifme while we confefs the
things to be but Indifferent And our writingsarevifible in which
we profeft the contrary, and laboured by many arguments to
prove it and protefted that we would conform if we took them
ot to be fins. And we gave in a Catalogue of what wejudged to
be fins : And this before the New Conformity was impofed : And
fincerhefierceft difpleafure is againft us for telling them what
we account Sin, and how great : When many years together our
Rulers and the People were told that we confeflcd them indif-
ferent and refufed them but to avoid offending our followers.
XII. We frequently hear from them that we oppofe Epifco-
pacy becaufe we cannot be Bifhops our felves : When its known
that nothing could more put men out of all fuch hopes than the
Presbyterians Endeavours that both their power and wealth
fhould be taken down : And he that hath any defires of a Bifhop-
rick fhould fure be for the keeping of them up. And the fame
men reprove us for refufing Bifhopricks and Deanries, and fay
we did it to pleafe the People.
XIV. The new Hiftorians would make us believe that the
Reformed Church of England before Bi (hop Lauds time, were of
their mind that now call themfelves Bifhops and Doctors of the
Church of England, in holding as they do, that there is an Uni-
verfal humane Soveraignty with Legiflative and Judicial power
over all the Churches on earth : and that this is in Councilor an
Univerfal Colledge of Bifhops 5 of which the Pope may beal-
Jovved to be president, and Principium V nit at is ^ &c. and that he
muft be obeyed as Patriarch of the Weft 5 and fo we muft be
under a forreign JurifdicYion. Whereas it is notorioufly known
that before Bifhop Lauds time the doctrine of this Church was
quite Contrary, as may be feenat large in the Apology, the Ar-
ticles of Religion, the writings of the Bifhops and Doctors j Yea
they writ copioufly to prove that the Pope is Antichrift, and put
it into their Liturgy. And Dr. Hey tin tells us that theReafon why
Bifhop Laud got it out was, (that it might not offend the Papifts
and hinder our reconciliation with them} And the Oath of Supre-
macy fweareth us againft all forreign JurifdicYion.
XV. The fame Hiftorians would make us believe that thefe
mens
(»9)
mens doctrine is now the doctrine of the Churcb of EngUki or
agreeable to it. Whereas the Oath of Allegiance is ft ill in force,
and foare the Homilies, and the Articles of Religion and the
Laws and Canons for the Kings Supremacy againftall forreign
JurifJiction.And there is no change made whichalloweth of their
doctrine: And the Church doctrine muft be known by its pub-
lick writings, and not by the opinions cf new rifenmen.
X V I. The new Hiftdrians make the Nonconforming Mini-
Iters to be men grofly ignoranr,preach;ngfa!fe doctrine,of wicked
principles and lives, and not fit to be futfered out of Gaols. And
yet thefe 19. or 20. years how few of them have been convict
ofanyfalfe doctrine ? And I have not heard of four in England
that have ever been convict fmce they were caft our, of being
once drunk, or fornicating, cheating, (wearing, or any ' immo-
rality, unleft preaching and net fwearing. Subscribing, &C be
fuch, nor for falfe doctrine.
XVII. The new H'ftorians have made thoufands believe that
the doctrine or opinions cfthe Nonconforming is for fedition
and rebellion ^ Arra that it is for this that they refufe to renounce
tt.e obligation of the Covenant as to all men befides themfelves
and that they refufe to fubferibe that it is not lawful on any pre-
tence wbatfoever to rakeArmsagainft any CommifTioned by the
King. Whereas we have at large in a fecond Plea for peace
opened our judgments about Loyalty and obedience, ana none
of them will tell us what they would have more, nor where oar
profeftion is too fhort or fruity. Nor have they convict any
of my acquaintance of preaching any 'difloya! doctrine.
X V 1 1 i. Yea they have by writing, preaching and talking
made multitudes believe that the Non conform ilts or Presbyte-
rians have been long hatch;i:g a rebellion againft the King, and
have a Plot to take down Monarchy under pretence of oppofir.g
Popery. And how far thefe Hiftorians are to be b else ved3 true
Froteftanrs by this time partly underftand.
X I X. Yea thefe Hiftoria^s have made multitudes believe
thit the Parliaments that have been difblved here of lare years
have been defigning tcr change the Government of Church ami
(late, under pretence of? . As if that Parliament
that did that for them and a gain ft us which- is done, and made
all the Acts which are foT the Renunciation of the Covenant,
and for all the Dedaratioms/Subfcriptions and Practices Impofcd,
and {'or Fining us 20/. and 40 /. a Sermon, and laying us in Ga^c,
N h«d
bad been for Nonconformifts, and againft Epifcopacy* and they
that made the Militia Act, and fuch other had been againft the
Kingjor his Prerogative : Or the other following had not been of
the lame Religion.
X X. But theboldeft part of their Hiftory ,is their defcription
of the two forts of the People in England, thofe that are for the
prefent Nonconformifts, and thofe that a,re againft them. Thofe
that are againft them, they account the molt Religious, Tempe-
rate, Cbaft, Loyal, Credible, and in a word, the beft people
through the Land (Tor of our Rulers I am not fpeaking.) And
thofe that are for the Nonconforming Minifters, they defame
as the moft proud5 hypocritical, treacherous, difloyal, covetous>
falfe, and in a word, the worft people in the Land ; or as Fovclis
faith, the worft of all mankind, and unfit to live in humane Socie-
ty. How Jong will it be ere the fober people of this Land be-
lieve this Character ? One would think that the quality of the
common Inhabitants of the Land mould not be aControverfie>
or unknown thing. All that I will fay to this Hiftory, js, to tell
the Reader the utmoft of my obfervation and experience from
my Youth up, concerning thefe two forts of men.
Where I was bred before 1640. (which was in divers places)
I knew not one Presbyterian Clergy- man,nor Lay3and but three
or four Nonconforming Minifters. Nay till Mr. Ball wrote for
the Liturgy and againft Can, and Allen^ &e. and till Mr. Bur-
ton Publifhed his Proteftation protefted, I never thought what
Presbytery or Independency were, nor ever fpake with a man
that feemed to know it : And that was in 1641. when the War
was brewing. In the place where rfirft lived, and the Country
about, the People were of two forts : The generality feemed
to mind nothing ferioufly but the body and the world: They
went to Church and would anfwer the Parfon in Refponds and
thence go to dinner, and then to play : They never prayed in
their families,but fome of them going to bed,would fay over the
Creed, and the Lord's Prayer, & fome of them the Hail Mary :
All the year long,.not a ferious word of holy things, or the Life
to come, that I could hear of, proceeded from them. They read
not the Scripture5norany good Book orCatcchifm.Few of them
could read, or had a Biblc:They were of two ranks$ the greater
part were good Husbands as they called them, and favoured of
nothing but their bufinefs or Intereft in the World $ the reft
were Drunkards : Jvloft were Swearers, but not equally : Both
fort*
(90
forts feemed utter ftrangers to any mote of Religion than I have
named ; and loved not to hear any ferious talk of God, or Du-
ty, or Sin, or the Gofpel., or Judgment, or the Life to come :
But fome more hated it than others: The other fort were fuch
as had their Conferences awakened to fome regard of God and
their Everlafting State 5 and according to the various meafures
of their underftanding, did fpeak and live as ferious in the
Chriftian Faith, and would much enquire what was Duty, 'and
what was Sin, and how to pleafe God> and to make fure of Sal-
vation 5 and made this their Bufinefs and Intereft, as the reft
did the world. They read the Scripture, and fuch Books as
The Pratlice of Piety ; and Deut'j Plain Man's Path Way ; and
Dod on the Commandment syd>cc. They ufed to pray in their Fa-
milies, and alone -, fome on the Book, and fome without : They
would not Swear, nor Cur fe, nor take God's Name lightly:
They feared all known fin : They would go to the next Parifh-
Church to hear a Sermon when they had none at their own j
would read the Scripture on the Lord's Day, when others were
playing ::Thefe were^where I lived, about the number of two or
three Families in twentyjand thefe by the reft were called Puri-
tanes, and derided as Hypocrites and Precifians,that would take
on them to be Holy : And efpecially if they told any one of his
Swearing, Drunkennef?, or Ungodlinefs., they were made the
common fcorn. Yet not one of many of them ever fcrupled
Conformity to Bifhops Liturgy or Ceremonies, and it was god-
ly Conformable Minifters that they went from home to hear :
And thefe M;nifters being the ableft Preachers, and of more fe-
rious Piety, were alfo the Objeds of the Vulgar Obloquy as
Puritanes and Precifians themfelves j and accordingly fpoke a-
gainft by many of their Tribe, and envyed for being preferred
by godly men.
This being the Condition of the Vulgar where I was, when I
came into the acquaintance of many Perfons of Honour and
Power, and reputed Learning, I found the fame ferioufnefs in
Religion in fome few before defcribed, and the fame daily fcorn
of that fort of men in others, but differently cloathed : For thefe
would ta'k more bitterly, but yet with a greater fhew of rea-
fon agair.il: the other, than the ignorant Country People did:
And they would fometime t:uk of fome Opinions in Religion,
and fome of them would ufe fome of the Common- Prayer in
N z their
their Houfes, and fame of them would fwear, but feldom, and
fmall Oaths, and lived foberly and civilly $ but ferious talk of
God or Godlinefs, or that which tended to fearth and reform
the Heart and Life, and ferioufly prepare for the Life to come,.
or to awaken Souls to a care of their State and Salvation, they
would at leaft be very weary to hear, if not deride as Puritani-
cal. Mr. Robert: Bolton a Conforming hath fully opened all this
Of both (brts in his Difeourfe of Trite Happincfs, and Dirrftions
for walking mth God: And how the- name Puritan? wis then
if fed.
This being the Fundamental Divifion where I came, fomeof
thefc that were called Puritanes and Hypocrites, for not being
Hypocrites, but ferious in the Religion they proftffed, would
fometimesget together, and_as Drunkards and Sporters would
meet to drink and play, they would (in fbme very- few places,
where there were many of them)meet afterSermonon tbeLord's
Daies to Repeat the Conforming Mlniiiers Sermon, and fing a
Pfilm, and Pray. For this, and forgoing from their own Pa-
riih-Churches, they were firft envied by the Readers, and dry
Teachers, whom they fometime went from, and next profeoraf-
te<Jby Apparitors, Officials, Archdeacons, Commiffaries, Chan-
cellors, and other Epifcopal Miruments : For in former times
there bad been divers Presbyterian Nonconforming, who ear-
neilly pleaded for Parifh-Difcipline (as Buccr aifo did in Opcr.
Anglic.) And tofubdue thefe, divers Canons were made j which
ferved the turn againft thefe Meetings of the Conformable Pu-
riranes, and going from their ownParifh-Churches $ though, the
Old Presbyterians were dc&d9 and very few fucceeded them.
About as many Nonconformists as Counties were" left; and thofe
few molt fiuck at Subfcriprionand Ceremonies, which were the
hinderance of their M niftry5and but few of them ftudiedor un-
..derftood the Presbyterian or Independent Difeiplinary Caufes.
Bat when thefc Conformable Puritanes were thus profecu ted,,
it bred in them hard thoughts of the Bifhops and their Courts,as
Enemies to ferious Piety, and Perfecutors of that which thty
ihould promote: Suffering bred this Opinion and Averfation,
And the ungodly Rabble rejoyced at their troubles, and ap-
plauded the Bifhops for ir, and were every where ready to fee
the Apparitors -on them, or to ask them, Are you holier or
cr thin : Aid their Accufations were readily en-
tertained
(91)
rertained : This much inclined them to hearken to thtm i
were averte to Conformity, when fuch rote dp, and to firch as
were more againft the Bifhops, than there was cauftj 10 i
by this time, the Puritanes took the Bifhops to be Captains and
the Chancellors, Archdeacons,Commill^rie?, Officials and P
their Officers, and the Enemies offeriousG >dHnefr, and the vi-
cious Rabble to be as their Army, to fupprefs trueconfciencious
Obedience to God, and care of mens Silvatjjn. And the cer.-
fured Clergy and Officers took erj< crs to be Suhifin-
ticks3 and Enemies to the Ciurch, unfit to be endured, and fit- to
be protecuted with reproach and pi rt 5 lb that
Puritanes took it to be bur the com .hat ilnee C\i/Vs
daies hath been in the world, between the S
Woman's Seed: And when the ceflors,
Official-', Apparitors, &:. 'Jer fuch a repute, it
was eafie to believe what fh .u' i be fti'J agamft their Office.
And the more the Bidiops thought to cure this bypuniftrmenr,
the more they increafed th'e Opinion; ttiat they were perfecn-
ting Enemies or Godiinefs, and theCaptiti \t Pfopharie.
And when fuch fmful Beginnings had prepared men, the C
Contentions arifing, thofe called Puritanes, moiily were againlt
that fide which they faw the Bifhops and their Neighbour Ene-
mies for : And they were for the Parliament the rather, becatife
they teemed defirous to Reform the Bifhops, and Pveftore the
Liberty of thofewhom they profecuted for the manner of their
terving God. Yet they defired, where-ever I was, to have lived
peaceably at home : But the Drunk irds and Rabble that former-
ly hated them, when they Caw the War beginning,grew inraged;.
and if a man did but Pray, and Sing a Pfalm in his houte, they
would cry [Dow* with tkt Roundheads'] (a word then new made
for them,) and put them in fear of linden violence, and after-
wards brought the King's Souldiers to plunder them of their
goods, and they were fain to run into holes to hide their per-
sons {Martin Crufixt in his Turco-Gr&cia defcribeth much the
like Cite of his Father. ) And when their Goods were gone,
and their Lives in continual danger ^ they were forced to fly for
Food and Shelter : To go among thole til at hated them, they
durlt nor, when they could nordwell among fuch at home. And
thus thoufandj rod into the Parliaments Garrifons, and having-
bo thing there to livr-upon, became Souldfer?;
(94)
We had an honeft-very Old ^rminian (Mr. Nayler) in Coven*
f//5that was againft the Parliaments Caufe 5 and he would fayf
{The King hath the befi Caufe, and the Parliament the befi Men."}
And that he wondred how ic came to pafs, that the generality
of fober Religious men, (hould be all in the wrong, and the molt
Irreligious and Prophane, and Debauched be in the right.] But
he knew but the Vulgar, and not the Grandees, who no doubt
were many of them men of very laudable accomplifhments.
And as the feud of the Bifhops and their Officers and Curates
againft the aforefaid exercifes of Religion occafioned this fad Di-
vifion3fo did the fenfe of this in the minds of thofe called Pu-
ritanes continue too long. Many a time have Ifeen abundance
in great Perplexity, faying [We believed them that profefled
that they took not Arms againft the King, but to execute the
Law on Delinquents and defend themfelves and the Kingdom
from them : We abhor the Regicides and Ufurpers : We would
reftore the King, if we were ftronger than the Army. And yet
we are in doubt how far we (hould actively contribute to our
own calamity: For though the King deferve more than we
can do, we doubt not but the Bifhops will increafe our Burdens
and make greater havock in the Church than heretofore] And
many fate ft ill on this account, and as far as ever I could diP
cern, next the Power of the Army, the fear of the Bifhops was
the chief delay of the Kings return.
I knew not all England; but according to the Extent of my ac-
quaintance, I have truly told you the quality of thofe then
called Puritans and of their Common adverfaries.
And on which fide now proportionably are moll of the moft
undemanding, fober, charitable, confcionable^ and ferioufly re-
ligious Perfons, and on which moft of the contrary fnot fpeak-
ing of any Magiftrates ) I think it neither my work, nor our New
Hiftorians to tell :For people that live among their neighbours,
will believe their fenfes and experience, what ever either he
or I ftiall fay. And I am well afifured that this argument ( which
I think was not found ) [ We cannot believe that God witt fuffer the
Generality of the Religions to be deceived in Jo great a cafet and the
?nofi of the debauched ignorant haters of feriom GedLnefs to be in
theright^"] did prevail with very many that could not try
the Caufe by the Laws and conftitution of the Kingdom.
§ 2. lfl fhould recite the particular unjufi reports of mul-
titudes
titudes of thefe Writers it would be tirefome and Joathicme :
Yea all the miftakes of this Eminent Hiftorian are too many ro
be named : But I will here name one which feems at once to
fmite and fmiJe.
Pag. 217. ["There is a temper which Mr. B. it acquainted
" with that^ is not to be prevailed on, either by threats or promifes
Qt from ths Magtfirate -3 and feems to hate nothmgfo much as compii-
Cc ance with Superiors : Thtre are fame that fcorn to preach by the
*c Licence of the Government^ and place the Kingdom ofChrifi purely
" in oppofnon to Law and Magiftrrtes. 2
Anfw, Note the credibility of this Hiftorian. 1. Doth their
accufation of my flattering the Ufurpers (whom I more openly
difowned thanmoit of his Fraternity) agree with this?
2. Did my Jong and earned Petitioning to be accepted but
in a poor Curates place, though I Preachc for nothing, yea if it
were but in fome ignorant obfcure Village, and only to preach
over the Catechifm^gree with this?
3. Doth my large profeflion of Subje&ion in my Second Plea
for Peace not yet blamed by them herein agree with this ?
4. I willingly took the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy,
and an Oath to be true to the King as his Chaplain in ordinary,
and had this any fuchfignification f
5. Did my begging in vain a Licenfe from Bifhop Morleyy
and craving and obtaining one of Bifhop Sheldon fign\dc this ?
6. .But th e fmile is that one would think by thefe words, I
might have preached by the Governours Licenfe and would
not. And is that true? Did I not preach by the Kings Licenfe,
and the C'ergy blame me for it? And as for the Bifhops Licenfe
I do profefs that it's yet in force, and I do preach by it. If I mi-
stake it is not my refufing it. If he intimate as he feems, that by
the Bifhops Licenfe I might have had leave to preach in the
Parifh Churches,it's now too late:But I would I had known how
to get it. I confefs one Summer in the Countrey about z$
miles off, I did venture upon the Credit of my Licenfe fac
u4merfham, Chejham3 Rickmerfworthj&c.) But it was too pleafing
work to me to becontinued:One Church mSouthwarl^l was once
Jet into, but no more in or near London. I once craved leave of
the moderate Bifhop that now is, that without putting down
the meeting where I was in that great Parifh of Sr. Martin's,
I might preach fometime there and once a day at the Chappcl
which! builr5 which the Parifh Incumbent ufeth, and that he
would quiet the Juitices to that end, and thought I hid had his
confenr : But the Conftables and other Officers it- ' - fi om that
day about a quarter of a year together every Loro'i Day at the
door of the former place of Affemblv, to have apprehended
me by the Juftices warrant if I had gone. And never could I
hear of a man in London that was willing I fhould come into
his Pulpit j but the be ft have refufed it. Nor did I much defire
it here : For it is not to preach to them that have no need that
is my requeft j but to fuch as cannot come into the Parifh Church
or otherwlfe truely need our help. Once I did try to have got
leave two miles out of the City to have preachta Kinfwomans
Funerall Sermon on the right of my Licenfe : But the Minifter
faid, He muft firft ask the Bifhcp, and then denyed me.
Reader, thefe ave the Hiftorians that Charge me with mif-
report of ancient Hiftory, vifible in the mo ft partial Authors
on "the other fide: Judge of them by their Report of the Hifto-
ry of our Place and Age.
CHAP. XV.
\Mr<W£s. way of getting beliefs by a AJtgifteriat condemning the
mofl credible Hiftorians^ and authorising whom hepleafe.
§ i. T-F we had not Eufi&fa, Socrates and Soz.cmcn, how naked
JL flioijfd we be left, and much unacquainted with the
cafe of the Church from the Apoftles 5 ( Befides 7&eodoretsR\-
fbory) tiil 440 And whata fliake is given to the Credit of all
thrfeby Mr. M and others of greater name?
Though Enfebtus bimfelf be by Petaviw and many other Pa-
pifts accounted an Arian,yea. and (eemingly proved fuch, and by
Bellarmine de Script. Eccltf. its faid that Aibanafiw fo calls him,
znd-fcrcw calls him the ^r/^wSignifer and Prince, and the 7th
•General Council fo judgeth him, yet Sccrates vindicateth him,
and thinks he is wronged : And indeed though his own Epiftle
written to his Flock be not juftifyable, incautelousand unjuftify-
?ble words were too Common before his daies ( as Petavius
hath too fully proved ) with thofe that we muft not yet call
Arianu But while BclUrmin: and Mr. M, charge Socrates and
Solemn*
(97)
Socmen zs Novations that is Hereticks themfelves,they deprive
Enfebim of much of their defence, and render his Hiftory the
more fufpicious.
§ 2. And though I know Mr. ^/.hath more partners herein, I
never faw yet any credible proof that either of them were No-
vations: Good Chriftiansarenot afhamed nor afraid to make pro-
feffionof theirReligion.Andthey arefo far from profefTing ir?that
they oft fpeak of the Novations in difowning words. But they
praifed them for the good that is in them ! And would not any
impartial Hutorian do the like/ Muft a man rail at any party J or
hide their Virtues or elfe be taken to be one of them ? I cenfefs
thatfuch as Mr. Af .do fully acquit themfelves from the fufpicion
of being Presbyterians or Nonconform it! s. But fo did not A.
B\(hop GrindaU, Bifhop fewel, A. Bifhop -^w A. Bifhop VJher,
and many more fuch. Sure Candor and Impartiality is Laudable
in Hiltorians $ And Tbuanstsh moft honoured for that. And not-
withftjnding Mr. M*% aflercions of the contrary, I profefs my
felf a lover & honourer of the worth of many of theafpirirg Bi-
fhops that corrupted theChurcb^and of many PopesAandofmany
that continue Church corruptions in the heightjeven many of the
Papifts Cardinals, Schoolmen and Jefuites. Who will not love
and praife the excellent Learning of fuch as Syanz.^Vafqu?^ Vi-
ctoria, Ve.tavim and abundance fuch ? Who will not pra.fe the
piety of fuch as Gerfon , Bcrrcmtus, Sales, and many others ,
though we neverthelefsdifown their Popery? For my part I
highly value the C!earenefs,of multitudes of the School men,and
t^at they have not in whole loads of their volumes fj much
malicious railing as thejefuits ard many of our late Conformifts
have in a few. meets. Doth it follow that I am a Papilt becaufe
I praife them^r that Socrates or Socmen were Novations becaufe
they fpeak well of their faith and pjety.
There are abundance of Malignanrs, thsc acknowledge the
Good Lives of rhofe they call Puritanes fand if he had not
had the late Wars between King and Parliament to fill aii
Mouths and Books agarnft them, the Devi! by this time might
have been at a lofs with what Accufatior.s to reproich them.
For he was put to ufc the Voices ( no names ) of [Roundheads^
Whigs, &c, when their Revilers were called Drunkards Swea-
rers, Dam-me'$, &c.~\ But they that confefi the Good/eproach
them as Hypocrites that do but counterfeit it. Doth this ao
O knowledemert
knowledgment prove them Puritane3. I fuppofeMr. M, know-
cth that no (mall number of Hiftorians and Fathers confefs the
frri&nefs of the Novatians Lives, and yet were no Nov at tans.
And Cunftantine's words to Acefnu imply that he thought him
Angularly ftrkft. Andlvlr. M. faith Pref. [The Novatians., /*;>£
the Author, did not fvffer muck by this Editl^ being befriended by
ths Emperour, who had an efteem for their Bifhop of Q. P. upon the
account of his Hohmfs7\ And may not an Orthodox man confefs
the Piety of others ?
§ 3. But Mr. M. \i Co Migifterial as to fay, Fag, 312. The
ftory tf/Theophilus, and the Monks 0/Nitria, no reafonable man
can believe^ as it is related by Socrates and Sozomen, without
loving a malicious Lie.'] So that Socra*es and Sozomen either be-
lieved not themfelves3 or cKc Loved a malicious Lie,
And Page 3 19 he faith^ [Theftory of TheophiJus his charging
lfidore with double Letters, th it whoever was Conqutrour^ he
might apply himfelfto him in his name , is of the fame pierce with
the reft of Socrates his flo-y concerning that Bijhop; and in all pro-
bability an invention of one of the Monies o/Nitria,]
It feems this Hift'orian believeih Old H;ftorians,as the matters
feem probable or improbable to himfelf. And Co we may take
him for the Univerfai Expofitor of Hiftory : It is not the Old
Hiftorians that we muft believe, but his Conjectures. And thus
he deals with divers others.
§ 4, For my part I profefs, that before I had any Engagement
in thete Controverfies, fince I firft read them, I took Socrates and
Socmen to be two of the moft credible Hiftorians that the
Church had till their Times3 and of many an A^e after them.
I (aid of them, as I ufe to do of Thttantts, A man may trace the
footfteps of Knowledge, and impartial honefty, and foof Vera-
city in their very ftyJe. And there are few of the judicious
Cenfurers of Hiftorians, but def tell us of far more uncertainties
in£;i/f£/'^,and after in Nicephorvs^nd moft that followed,(as far
as I am acquainted with fuch Cenfurers) than in thefe two. And
if their Hiftory be (haken, our lofs will not be fmall. And I doubt
not but the Anathematizing and Condemning Spirit bath done
hurt, which hath made Eufebius an undoubted Arian, and Theo-
dorets firft a Neftorian, and after at the fifth General Council
condemned fome of his Writings, and impofed it on the whole
Chriftian World to condemn them, though many never heard of
them
(99)
them, and that made Rttffintts (and Chryfoftom) Origimfts, and
Origen a Heretick, condemned alfo by a General Council, and
Socrates, and Soz»omen, Novatians, Eplphanim an ignorant cre-
dulous Fabler, Snlpitius Sevcrus^znd Beda, two pious credulous
Reporters of many feigned Miracles^ and one a Millenary, Ni-
cephorus a Fabler, Anaftafius BMfall of Falfhoods, PbH*jfri#j an
ignorant Erroneous Hereticator,C^///^«^j a Semi- Pelagian, Cajfics
dor I Chronic, eft farrago temnlentia in quit 0;:upbrius Pan. Per]
nunqaam cum Eiffebio convenit intuit Vofftys, &c. I fay, Though
it be no wrong to the Church to take. them for fallible, and fuch
as have miftakesf which the Englijh Articles fay even of General
Council*)yetit wrongfully fhaketh al] our belief of ChurchHifto-
ry to call their Credit in matters of faft into queftion for their
Erroursor opinions fake_,w i thou t good Evidence that either they
were ignorant, mif-informed or wilfully lied.Buc ifthe Natrntians
were more ftrift & precife than others, it's rather.like that they
were more and not lefs credible than others, and made more or
notleft confeience of a lye* Certainly that which the reft named
are charged with is fomewhat more as toHiftorical Credit than
to be Novatians : So that if thefe men had been Nova'Sans,
I mould yet fay by the Complexion of their Hiftory that I hey
are two of our moil ufeful and credible Church- Hiftorians.
§ 5. Bat when it ferveth his turn he can gather out of Sozo-
imn that even in Conft amines time, Conft ant inople was [Altoge-
ther a Cbriftian City'] Becaufe he mentioned! the great Enlarge-
ment of it -, and great encreafe of Chriftianity : When as no
man that lived could be a fitter judge of the number of Chrifti-
ans in bis time than Chyfftom: And he that confidered that
there and every where Conftantine left all the Jews and Heathens
nneompelled to be Chriftians, yea and ufed them commonly in
places of dignity and Government in City, Provinces and Armies,
and that they continued in fuch power under many Emperours
after him, will hastily believe that in Conftamine9s time C. P. had
half or a quarter fo many Chriftians as were in the time of^r-
aadim and Chryfoftom-, And yet then Chryfoftom corjeftureth
the Chriftians to be an hundred thoufand, and all the City poor
half as many, but the Jews and Heathens not to be numbrcd.
Sec him one All 4. Horn, it; When he is making the moil of
their eftate and numbers., faith he [ I pray yon tell me : How great
a number of all fats ofmsnhath ojir C'ty ? How many Chriftians '
O 2 m$
• (100)
will you that there be (That is will you grant, or do you think there
be ?) Will you that there be Si^^veU^, an hundred thoufand ? But
bow great is the Number offews and Ethnickj .? How many pounds
of Gold have been gathered ? for Myriads .?) And how great is the
Number of the Poor f (that is,of the whole City ?) I do not think,
they are above fifty thoufand (C&mmelbi. hath put an hundred
thoufand, as Erafmus Tranflation, Huppofe by the Errour of
the Prefs.) Now if there was in Chryfofloms daies but an hun-
dred thoufand (which many fay is not near fo many as there be
in two Parilhes here, Martins and Stepney) it is not like that in
Cox/lam ine*$ Time they were half fo many at moft. And yet I
am far from thinking that there was then no more than ufually
met in an Atfembly, or could fo meet.
§ 6. The Jefuites, Valtfius and Sirmondus^ I am no fit per-
fon to cenfure, But lam notfatisfied why their Credit mould
go as far with me as it doth with him : I have before fpoke of
Vale fiush Recording Grotius as one that defigned to bring many
with him into the Roman Church. And Grotius himfelf faith,
That many of the EngUJh Bifhops were of his mind, as Bifliop
Bromhall, and many Doctors by defending him (eem to be: And
yet when I wrote my Chrtfiian Concord^nd Tve Grotian Religion,
how many cenfiired me as a Slanderer, for faying le(s than Va-
lefius doth* Yet I am falfe with this Hiftorian, and Valefius is a
credible Jefuite.
And he vouchfafethto tell us the Judgment of Valefius , that
Eufebius Nicomed. was no Arian% pa g. 3 32. where, he faith [Eu-
febius of Nicomedia was no Heretic^in the judgment of Valefius :
But if be were, be was not an Heretic^, becaufe he did not begin
the Arch-Herefie^ but followed Arius.]
What the meaning is of the latter words I know not [ If he
were (an Heretick^) he was not anHeretickJ] I conjecture it is one
of the almofl Infinite Errata's of the Printer: (But he fuppofeth
iny Printer's to be mine own :) But that Eufebius Niccmed.
ihould be no Heretick, whom all the ftream of credible Hifto-
rians make to be that Arch-Heretick (I fay not the firft) who
corrupted Conftar.tme his Court and Son, which introduced the
prevalency of Ananifm to the almoft Ruine of the Orthodox
Church, is a thing which he that believeth Valtfius in, muft pre-
fer the Credit of one Jefuite that lived above a thoufand years
after, before the whole current of the beft Hiftorians of the
fame*
(tot)
fame, and many following Ages. And did I ever fo difcredic
the whole ftream of Church-Hiftorians, as on the word of one
Jefuite, to bring them under the fufpicion of fuch a Lie ? But
I confefs I am more inclined to believe a Jefuite, and a Prela-
tift, when they excufe any man of Herefie, than when they ac-
cuse him.
§ 7. In the Preface he tells us that[c< Had 1 consulted SirmondV>
" Edition of the French Councils I mufi have wanted fveral Alle-
" gat ions for theCongregationalwaytwhich are nothing elfe hut Corrupt
* readings of the ancient Canons of the Gallican Church, Nor can we
Q'fufpett Sirmond as too great a favourer of Dioce fan B flops «fince it
" is wellkfoxn how he is charged by the Abbjt of S.Qyrzn under the
" name of Petrus Aurelius.^cr having falfifizda Canon in the Cou-iclt
te of Orange to the prejudice of ths Epifcopal Order] fefuites care
tQ as little for Bijhups as our P rote fl ant Dijf enters can do.~] Anfw. I
doubt not but Sirmond was a very Learned nian,and had not the
Conform ids diverted me or all Church-maintenance, I had been
like to have bought bis French Councils. In the mean time,
that notice which others before him gave of the A&sand Canons
of Councils, fufficed to my furniture, fully to prove the Caufe I
maintained: But I confefs his pretended reafon no whit in-
duceth me to give more credit to a Jefuite than to another
man. Though Albafpineus was a Bifhop, there is fo much Judg-
ment and Honefty appears in his Observations, that I would
fooner believe him about Epifcopacyi than a Jefuite that you
fay is againft it.
But it's as \ncrediWe to me, a* the reft ofhis fpurious Hlfto-
ry, that the fefcites care as In tie for Bijhops as our Trot eft ant Dif
/enters can do, Sure many of thofe called Presbyterians and In-
dependents, would havenoneatalK If this be true, then i.The
Jefuites would have no Bifhops of Rome> though they be his
fworn Servants. 2. Then they would have no Bifhops to be
fubject co the Pope. 5. Then they would have all particular
Churches to be without Bifhops,, or to be unchurcht. 4. Then
they would have Ordination without Bifhops. c.Then they think
not that an uninterrupted Succeflion of Epifcopal O dination is
neceflary to Church or Mfoiftry. 6. Then they think that Bi-
fhops (hotrld not confirm, 7. Then they are againft the Coun-
cils of Bifhops, General or Provincial. 8. And againft Diocefans
Government of the Par ifli Priefts. And yet is a Jefuite a Papift ?
Wonderful !
Wonderful ! that they will venture their Lives in endeavours
for the Church of Ai i»* , ard that they write fo much of and
for Bifcops Councils, and yet are quite againft them.
But if really this be fo, you that take me for incredible, who
am againft but the Corruption of Epifcopyey, do allow me to
take S.;rmondus and Valefius^ and the reft of the Jefuites for in-
credible, who areas much againft the very Office as our Dif-
fenters can be ? But what will not fome Hiftorians confidently
fay?
CHAP. XVI.
Mr. M'-f . Obfer vat ions on my Notes of credible and incredible
Hiftory, Examined,
§ i. I. "p> Ecaufe I fuppofe that common found Senfes are to be
Xj trufted : He i. Infers that I was afleep^ & thought
that I faw all that I relate 5 that is, He that faith he muft be-
lieve fenfe, implies that he feeth all that he reporteth : I am
one of the unlearned, and this Logick is too hard for me: Let
it be his own.
^. He concludes, That we mufl not believe our fenfes, if they
were not Presbyterians but Epifc opal that begm the lats War ('in
England:) As if he had feen not only the Parliament (Lords
and Commons) then, and the Army then (forty years ago al-
moft) but had feen their Religion, or heard or read them then
fo prcfefs it : Whereas I cannot learn yet whether he was then
born, or of capable underftanding, and hath neither fente nor
reafon for what be faith. The Cafe that we are in is very fad,
when both fides fay they have the Evidence of Senfe it felfa-
gainft each other ; what hope then of Reconciliation ? They
that are yet living, that were Lords, Commons, ana1 Comman-
der?, fay their internal Senfe and Self-knowledge told them,
that they were no Presbyterians, butEpifcopal $ and their daily
convert told them, that their Companions were moftly of the
fame Religion and Mind. But Young Men that never conver-
ged with them, know them all better, and that infallibly by
ftcfe icfclf.
§ 2.
§ 2. II. Becaufe I fay,the Hiftory of the Gofpel i* certainly
credible 5 it is ground enough to fay, That All is not. Gcfpel that
J write ; as if I had faid it i?.
§ 3. III. Becaufe I h\\P>ophcts were fure of their Revelation fit
faith. It may be AJr.B. beat da Bene fcnpffii : As if 1 had pre-
tended to be a Prophet.
§ 4. IV. I faid that Hiftory is certain even by Natural Evidence,
when it is the common Agreement of all men of moft contrary
Interefts, &c. in a matter of fact and fenfe to all that knew it.
To which he fairh {The Superiority cf Etfivps ov: r / r.sbyters is
acknowledged by C -it holiest, and Schifinaticks and Hcretickj> *:en °f
very contrary minds, dif pi fit ions and inter efts; and jet this ChurcL-
Htflory would have us believe the contrary a
Anfw. This is our' credible H llorL n.
1. He doth not tell us in what Ages it W3sfo acknowledged j
when thofe who doubt*of the matter of fad, doubt but fome
of 1 00, fome of 1 50, or 200 years: Doth any doubt whether
it be fo now ?
2 He tells us not either what Species of B; (hops the qneftion
is of,\nor what Species of Presbyters, nor wh. t the Superiority
was.
3. H:* fpeaks without dHtinction or Exception^ and fo muft
be underftood to fay that this Church hiftory would have us to be-
lieve that even Prefdent Bifoops Ejufiem Ordinis had de facto no
Superiority at all over Presbyters in the fame Churches and of the
fame order with r^w^which is an untruth fo g'rofsas is no Credit
to our Hsftorian. I have named both morethan one ranckofBi-
(hops whofe Superiority de fure I deny nor : & Popes, Patriarchs^
Primates 5Diocefans who depofed the Biftiops offingle Churches,
whofe Superiority de fatto I fully enough affirm, in the ages and
degrees in which they did afcend.
It he fry that he meant it \_Even frcm the Apofles time^nd that
offuchDiocefans as have [cores or hundreds of true Churches andAl-
ta s without their particular Bifhops, or any Presbyters that were
# Ejufdem Ordinis with the Bifkops, and were Epifcopi Gregis, and
that hadfuch Power of the Keys over their flocks, as curs have not :
or that had fo many fetch Affcmblies thai were no true Churches; j if
he will be proved a Hiftorian worthy Credit., Let him give us
any proof that all men defcribed by him agreed defalto that
there was fo long, fuch a fuperioriry of fuch Bifliops. But thefe
men
u°4;
men deride diftinguifhing, and banifh Loglck, that is Reafon, from
their Hiftory.
§ 5*. V The next Evidence, of certainty which I mentioned, was
from [continued Exiftent vifible Effects which prove their Cattfes.^
And here th»s undiltinguifhing Hiitorian is at it again. The Supe-
riority vf B.'fhops over presbyters is proved by the Laws andCufloms
of ' all Chm<; ties. This hath the fame anfwer, which I will not re-
pear. Either it falfly reporteth my denyal, or it falfl v affirmeth
that all Churches in all ages have left us vifible Etfectsof the
forefaid fpecie*. And I would he would help us that are ignorant
therein with (i>ch Hutory and Evidence from the beginmg of-
the Churches in Scotland, and in the Southern and EalternCoun-
treis that were without the Empire.
§ 6. VI. I fard, that Hiftory is credible which fpeaketh
confemingly againft the known intereft of the authors:and there-
fore I named few teftimonies of the fins ftf Popes and Councils
but of thofe that are their moit Zealous Friends.To this he faith
that my Characters of ancient Bifhopsare taken from their pro-
feffed Enemies, [^a& my account of Athanafiuf^ ThcophyUs, Cyril,
and divers others.]
Jtnfii. Myaccountof^^^^isalmoftal^ifnotall in his
pralfe3 and is not an enemies teitimonv therevalid. If I menti-
on the difpleafure of Conftantine againft frm it is no»- any Chara-
tfler of him, but ofCenftantwe the Agent : Nor dd I think Con-
fiantitiepr Ettfebitu C&far: meet to be numbred wrltb his Enemies;
why did he not inftance in fome words of mine ?
As to Theophylm and Cyril, I do not believe that he can prove
that Socrates and Socmen, and the Hiftorians that Concur with
them, were their Enemies. And if in reciting the Acts of the
Councils I recite their Enemies words, fo doth SuripL^Nicho-
linw, Binnius, B&roniw and all juft writers of thofe ads. And I
do not find that Chryfeftom himfr If, or I fid re Telufiot a hed any
Enmity to them, nor Pope Innocent neither. Ot the reft before.
§ 7. VII. The next degree of credibility that I mentioned
is that whrb dependeth on the Veracity and fitnefs of the re-
porter. Of ' hi:h I named nine things requifite.
Here he fuppofethme one that is unfit; and particluarly faith
[Whether any hath railed vpnh greater in temperance ,and lejs provo^
cation ] An[. 1. I am not the Author of the Hiftory of the men-
tioned Councils or Popes or Biflhops, but the Tranfcriber. Lee
me
me be as bad asyou5 or any of your tribe have made me, that
proveth not that Socrates. So^omen, The odor it e, Nicepborus, &€.
or Bmnim, Baronius,&c. have mifreported what they write. If
I have mifreported thefc authors in any material point, prove ic
and I will foon retraft it.
As for my railing, I expecl: that title from all fuch whofe faults
I name, and call them to repentance : He that calls men to Re-
pent, calleth themfinners,and that is Railing be it never fo grear.
His tirit inltanced railing is Pag, 19. [ A jew turbulent Prelates
Terfecute good 0^0 ] He faith thus I call the prefenr Bifhops of
the Church of England i Doth he mean All or fome ? If All he is
an untrue Hiitorian : He may fee many named before my Apo-
logy whom I except : And if I have named two I have annexed
the proof.
The next is Pag. 46, [ filencingdeftroying Prelates J Anf. Are
there none fuch? Were not about 2000 here filenced ? Do we
not continue fo and impoverifhed almoft 20 years? Have none
perifhed in prifons or with want ? Do men call out for the exe-
cution of the Law3 and plead for our Silencing as a good work,
and take it for railing to have it named ? Doth not Confcicnce
recoil inthefe men when in Pulpits, prels and Conference they
maintain it to be a good work, and tell the world how finful a
thing it is for rulers to fuffer us out of Gaols ? What, are you
now afhamed of your meritorious works ? Sure they are fcant
good if it be railing to name them. You will not fay I rail, if I call
you Preachers. And why do you fay for if I call you Silencers,
if that be as good ?
The next railing is Pag. 73 [ // all the proud, Contentious, am-
bitious, hereticating part ofth' B flops, had been of this Chriftiatt
mind (to endure each other in frnal! to! lerable Differences) What,
fins) Scandal and Jhame , what Crimes, confufion and mifenes had
the Chnftian world efcapsd?] And is this railing ? Hath the Cari-
ftian world had no fuch Bifhops thefe 1000 years ? Have not
whole Kingdoms been forbidden all Gods Publick worfhip by
,fuch, even France and England among the reft? Is it railing to
teil for what litcle things they not only Silenced men^ but burn-
ed and murdered many thoufands ? Were they not proud am-
bitious Prelates that depofed and abufed Lud. Pim^ and thofe
that in Council decreed the digging all the dead Bifhops out of
their graves to be bunt as Herccicks, who were for the Etn-
P perours
perours power oflnveititures? Do I rail it I lay thatureg.j. was
Proud and ambitious when he threatened the Prince ofCaUris
with the lofsofhis dominions, unlefs he made his Bifhop fhave
his beard ? Do not Jew el ^ and all Proteftant writers fay worfe
than this of Papift Bifhops? Is there any fuch thing as pride filen-
cing, burning, 6cc. If yea, muft it never be known, reproved, re-
pented of and (b forgiven to the penitent? And if \ea, than how
fha.ll it be known without proper names? By what name fhould
I have called Silencing but its own and fo of the reit? Gods power
over Conference is marvellous that fin cannot endure its own
name.
• The next railing is the word [ Heretic Ming. J And how could
I have known if he had not told me that this word is railing ?
Did not the Bifhops take it for a great fervice of God., and is ic
railing to name it ? It's true I ufed one word inltead of a Sen-
tence for brevity, to fignifie the Bifhops culpable overdoing in
proclaiming men Hereticks. He that doth not believe that they
did not well, nor do not to this day in Cutting off from the
Church of Chriit all thofe whole Countreys of Chriftians called
Neforiansi Jacobites, Mekhites and the McnotkeliteswA many
fuch I cannot fave him from himfelf who will own all fuch fin and
contract the guilt of it. Hath /iot Bifhop Epiphanies made us
more Hereticks than he needed.?Hath not Bifhop P^/^W^, made
many more than the Devil himfelf made?Left this pafs for railing
once more I will name fbme of them.
I. His lit h fort of Hereticks are thofe that kept Eafter-dayrf*
a wrong time ( as oar Brittains and Scots did.
^. The Millenaries are the nth (fuch as many of the ant tent fa*
thers, and our Mr. Mede, Dr. Twifs, &c.)
3. The ijih Offered Bread and Cheefe at the oblation.
4. The 28; hp 'fit Nc» Wine in New Veffels in the Church.
5. The 29th Put their fingers on their months for Silence.
6. Th? loih Thought that all Prophets ended not with Chrifi.
7. The 3 ^d went without f:ooes.
8. The Novatians are the ^^th.
9. Tve ^\th thought the Ep ifile to the Hebrews was not writ'
tcn'oy ?m\,butby Barnabas or Clemens ? and the Epiftle to Laodi-
cea by Luke.
10. The ^zth are the Orthodox Miletians t hat Communicated
With the Orthodox andfome Arians too.
11. The
(\07)
1 1. The 46th doubted of the diver fny of Heavens.
1 2. The ^"jth being ignorant that there is another Common Earth
invifible, which is the Matrix of all things, do tkin\ to at there is no
■ Earth but this one.
13. The 48/i/j thought that wat.r was the common matter, and
Was alwaies, and not made with the Earth.
1 4. The 49-6 Hercfie denyed that the foul was made before the
body, and 1 he body after joy ned to it : and believed that Godi making
them Male and Female ftrft was to be under fiood of the bodily Stxes:
Whereat (faith he) it was the Soul that was made Mai: and Fe-
male, jind the Soul was made the Sixth day and the body the Jth.
15. The ^oth Hercfie thought that not only Grace, but alfo the
Soul it f elf was by God breathed into man,
6. The 5' \ft is Or\gcn$(that thought our Souls were firfi celefiial
Intellecls, before incorporate (as Mr, Glanvile and many now.)
17. The ^id thought that brutes had fome reafon ( as Mr,
ChambreJ
18. The <e^th thought that Earthquakes have a natural Caufe.
19. The 5 j th Hen fie learned of Trifmegiftus to call the Stars
by the names of Living Creatures (as all Afironcrmers do.)
20. The <$6th thought that there were not many languages before
the confufion 0/BabeJ.
21. The $Jth Here fie thought that the n^r/ie cfa [Tongue] pro-
ceeded firfi of the Jews or of the Pagans.
22. The fith Here fie doubted oj the years and time of Cbrift.
23. The ^Jfh thought ( as many Fathers ) that Angels begat
Giants of women before the flood.
24. The 6 1 ft was that Chriftians were after Jews and Pagan*.
25. The 6id Hen fie faith that Pagans ale born naturally, but
• not Cbrift ians3 that isy that the Soul and body of men are not daily, -
Created by Ch'ifi, but by Nature,
26. The 6%,4 'faith that the number of years from the Creation
was uncertain aid unk$o vn,
27. The 64 thought that the names oj the dates of the wcel^ ("Sun-
day, Monday, &"c.) were made by God firfi and not by Pagans, and
were nanvd from the Planets.
28. The 66' h was that Adam andEve were blind t HI God opened
their Eyes to feethnr n.tkednefs.
29. Thi 6-jtb Henfie wfttteth the Sins of Parents to their Chif-
dun.
P z 30. The
(lO»)
30. The 68 Herefie was of fome troubled about the Bool^ called
Deuteronomy.
31. 7 be 69 thought that thofe fanclified in the Womb were jet
conceived in Jin.
3*. The 70th Here fie thought that the World had been fir ft di-
vided by the Greeks, Egyptian?, and Perfians.
33. The 71 thought there was a former Flood under Deucalion
and Pyrrha.
34. The 72 faith that men are according to (or under} the 12
figns of the Zodiack^ not Rowing* hat thofe izfigns are divers Cli-
matcs, and habitable Regions of the Earth.
3 5* - The 74 Her (fie is that Chri ft defended into Hell to offer
- Repentance there to firmer s.
36. The 7 5 doubted of the nature of the So&l, thinking it was
wade of Fire, cVc. (as many G;tek Fathers did.}
37. The 77 is of Gods hardening Pharaoh., (f£v. where he defers-
btih the Dominicans.)
38. The 79 is that the Tfalms were not (all} made by David :
and it denieth the equality of the T films, as if they were not all
written and placed in the order that the things were done.
39. The 80 Herefie thought that Gods words to Cain [Thou
(bale rule over him] were properly to be under flood, whereas the
meaning was [Thou fhalc rule over thy own evil Thoughts that
are in thy own free Will.]
40. The 8 1 Herefie did not well under ft and the reafon of Gods
Wards to Cain, giving him Life.
41. The 8i Herefie thought that the Stars had their fixed place
I in Heaven, and th:ir courfe, not under fianding that the Stars arer
every night brought cut of feme fee, et place, and fet up for ufe^ and
at morning return to their fecret place tgain, Angtls beingVt cfi-\
dems and D fpofers of thsm^) (thai is y as Jervants bring Candles in-
to the room at night and take them out again.}
42. The 83 doubted (as feme Epfcpd Commentators) of the
Z^^tf/ Can rides, lefl it had 'a carnal Senfe.
43. The 83 Herefie thought, that the Soul of man was naturally
Geds (mage cefore Grace.
44. Tm 87 Herefie thought , that really four living Creatures
mentioned in the Prophets praifed God.
4 j. The 8:> Herefie thought that the Levitical Feafls were late-
rally to be under ftood> not knowing that it was the 8 Feafls of the
Church that were meant. 46. The
(io9)
a6. The 90 Here fie preferred Aquila'j Tr an flat ion before the
Septuagint.
47. The 91 preferred a Iran/tat ion of thirty men Before the Sep-
ta.ig>nt.
48. The 92 preferred another Tradition of fix men before it.
49. Another Herefic preferred the Trahflation 0/Iheodotion
and Symmachus before it.
50. Tbt 94 Here/is preferred the Scriptures found in a Vlffel af-
ter the Captivity before it.
j I. Tht^G^J ou^jt that Melchizedeck had to Father or Mo-
ther, not looping that it's/po^n of him as Uarningthat which his
Father and Mother never taught him.
j2. The 97 hold that the Prophet Zachariah of Fafts, is to be
properly under flood 5 when as it is but tor the fur Fajis of the
Church, viz. for Chr iftmas, Eafter, Epiphany, and Pentccoft.
53. 7*^98 H-rcfte holdeth, that SJomon's great number of
Wives and Concubines^ is literally to be underflood $ whireas it is
meant but of diver fi'.y of Gifts in the Chare b.
54. The 10'©. Her cfie thm+ht that the Me offering Cord in Zj-
charv, was to be under ft oodoj meafuring Jerufalcm literally wh^re-
as it meant the choice of Believer j.
$$. The 10 r Her cfie not under fiandi^g the Myfiical Senfe of the
Cherubim and Seraphim, in Ifaiab, are tfoubUd about 1 ., and m
doubt ( And here he Myftically teRsyouthc MyfticalSe.-fe.)
56 The la ft Here fie thought that one of the Cherubims came to
Ifaidh, and with a Coaltouaoed his Lips, and that it was an Argil
or Ammal with Fire-, whereas it is the Two Tefiaments, and the
Fire of God's Grace,
y To thefe you may add if you pleafe the Here fie of holding Afttb-
; podes, dttermmed by Pope Zachary3 by the Mediation of the holy
Bifioop Boniface, / thinly an Englifh man. And of what peril it is
for Christians to eat Jaye-s^ and Rookjt and Badgers, a.d Haresy
i ana Wood horfes: And La*d mull not be eaten before it is dryed
\ in the Smoa^ or boded on the Fire : Or if it be eaten unboiled, it
\fnuft not be till af er Eafter : And there ma ft be three great Lamps
ft m a fecret place ufthe Church, after the fimditude of the Taber-
nacle ^ which m;ijt be kept burning 3 and at Baptifm others lighted
by them.
Reader, remember 1. That Philafirius as well as Epipbanitu,
wasaBifliopj 2. Yea and a Saint 5 whereas very few Bifhops
of
of all the Councils had the honour to be Sainted,
The-.eiore if you fay that all trefe were noi Anathematized
bv Cotf^ci'ss I anfvver, i. All rhefe are Regiiiicd as Heieticks,
2. nd they held (as Mr. Dodwtlf and his Compary here do)
that he that comaiunicatedi with Hereticks, is to be judged a ' .
Here-rick. 3. And that Hereticks are no pars of the Church.
Aid forget not above all the Henrician Horefie, which deter-
mineth noc only our King, but many Papift Princes to be Here-
ticks, for claiming Invcftiture*.
And now Reader, I unfeignedly hate uncharitablenefs, and
therefore deny no good that wasin fuch Bifhops: Buf I muft no
more be indifferent between Good ar.d Evil, than between Hea-
ven and Hdl $ nor may I judge Chrift a Railer, for faying to
hi? prime Apoflle, [Get thee behind me Satan, thou art an offence
unto mejkcj] It the name oi[Hereticators~] that i?,too rafh pro-
nouncing men Hereticks be railing,I will give thee no Character, .
cenfureor name of the aforefaid pra&ice/or lean devife no name
which may not be called Railing. But judge of it and call it what
you fee caufe.
And again, if you fay, Thefeare not the Decrees of Councils,
Ianfwer, Thefe are but Flea-bitings to the wounds that the
Church bath received from Councils, by Anathematizing.
The next Inftance of Railing in thefe words, which he half
repeateth [Either credible Socrates and others were grefs Lyars9
or this Patriarch and St. was a downright Knave. ] An[t He him-
felt is [q far from denying this, that he makes Socrates and £0-
tLomen not only Lyars, but Lovers of a Lie j for what tl ey fay
of Sr. Theofbilns : And who is it then that is the Railer ? Read
theSiorv.
The next Inftance i?,/>.9f. that I call Bifhops the [Firebrands
of the World^] slnf. The words are thefe [/ take them to be the
Firebrands of the World, and unworthy the regard ofjober men, who
fretendto kpow mens Judgments better than them[dvesy and allow
not tuens own deliberate prcfejfions to be the not tee of their Faith.2
Fthey will fay, that you are Hereticks in heart, though your
Tongue and Life profefs found Dodrine, what means hath arry
man to clear himfelf againft fuch, and keep from their Inqui-
fition Puicks or Flames? Is this Railing?
1 The next Inftance is the Word [Self-conceited Bifoops~] P. 98.
Hiving mentioned the many Logical Niceties neceflary to de-
cide
(
m)
cide the Queftion between the Neftoriant, Epttychians% and the
Orthodox, I faid \_Is it not p;tj 'hit fuci^ife^ionsJhenlA be rai-
ded about the Perfon of CM{vi by felf conceited Bijhops, ani m«de
neceff^ry to Salvation, and the World fet on fire a : d divided by
tbemf\ Reader, remember the Divltioti mid'- by ic cdntrnuefh
ro this day, to the Separation and Condemn,^*. >n of a great part
of the Chriftian World! And is the name [ft If- conceit eg] in de-
ferring thecaufe of this a railing? Ho v much worie ra-lers arc
they that will call a Drunkard a Drunkard, or a Fur iicator a
Fornicator ? Read the fidder words of Ludviphns.
The WC&if4tlin£\% [mercilefs, furies B'fbops, pag 196.] Anf.
There is no fuch word: When I find wbe-e it is I (h*ll fee the
occafion of it. Italy, Piedmont^ Ireland^ &c. have tried thac
there have been fuch.
The laft is pag. 183. [ The Qonfoundcrs of Church; s. ] Anf. f
thought I hid merited of them by my impartiality and lenity :
As after I commend the Wifdom cV peaceablenefs of Pope Hono-
nus, ( though a Genera' Council even for that made him an H?re-
tick,)f » i here jultly commend the Wifdom and Peaceablenefs of
Pope Vigilipts^ who advifed the Council to leave dead men to God
(Theod. Mpf. Thtodoftte jn J lbis~] and not damn them when God
hath judged them already, and jet not to admit any of their wrong opi-
nions'] I Uy [This was the *igb% way : If they vad all dealt as wife-
ly and Coriflianhke , Councils had not been the Confound"?* of the
0\u-ch:r.~\ Is this railing? At Ui\ they forced Pope Vigdius to
fubferibe to chem, and it Co confounded the Churches, that a
great part of Italy itfelf forfook the Church of Rome for ir, and
fet up another head agiinft the Pope an ioo Year*. Was not this
confufiofi? And muft it not be known?
Reader, as far as I understand them, the Paraphrafe of thefe
mens words, is [If we kindle a fire in the Church, name it nor3
much lefs call any to quench it: or elfe wc'H fav it's you thac
kindle it: fay not you are excommunicate or filenced when you
are, though it be by Tboufands :• elfe we will prove that von
are railers : If we lay you in Gaols and take all vou have-, do not
fay, yon hurt us, much lefs you wrong us : take not on vou to
know or feel when you are hurt : elfe we will have an Adion of
railing a?,ainir you.
§ 8 That which followeth I anfwered before : But afrer he
finds a notable piece of my ignorance. The Pope inviting the
King
King of Denmark^ to conquer a Province of Heretick^ I know
not who they were unlefs they were the -Waldenfes: Well gueft%
faith Mr. M. Waldo was in ii6d, 80 Years after. Anf, This
will ferve for men willing to be deceived. It wa,s the Perfons
and Religion, and not the name that I fpoke of. Dorh not he
know that Rainenus himfelf faith, that thofe Perfons (called Al-
bigenfes, Watdenfes, and other fuch names) profelled that their
way of Religion was Apoftolical, and they derived it down from
SUvefters, hat is Confiantmes time ? If I did not guefs well I
wrong no Bt (hops by i t: and i confeffed my Ignorance that I
knew not whom the Pope meant : And why did not this callent
Hiftorian tell us who they were ?
§ 9. Next he hath met with my Ignorance for faving Vienna
near France^ which is in the Borders of France, A / 1. Is that
any (lander of Bifhops or Councils ? 2 Truly I had many a time
read in Councils, that Vienna was in France, and had not forgot
it; if Ferrarius and Cbenu had not alfo told it me ; And whether
it was the fault of the Printer, or of my Hand, or my Ad.mory,
that put near for in, 1 leave it freely to his Judgment, fori ie-
member it not.
And if the manner of Binnius naming it made me call Ordo
Prophet arum in Gelafms a Book, it's no wrong to Epifcopacy.
CHAP. XVII.
His Ccnfhrc of my Dsjign> and Church-Principles^ confidered.
§ 1. AS to this his firft Chapter I have before fliewed bow
jfjL falfly he reporctth mv defign. He faith he never jaw
any thing which more nfletleth on Religion : Lucian and Julian
have left nothing half fo fcandalous tn all their Libels againft Chri-
ftiavs, as this Chare > -Hiftory has r*ked up : Here is nothing to he
feenm his Bjo^ km the Ava?ic", Ignorance, Mifiakes and furious
Contentions of the Gov emu fits of the Qhurcb.
Anf How faife that is rhe Rradcr mav fee in aU the begin-
ning, the two Chapters in.the end, and much in the midit, which
are written contrarily to obviate fuch fahe thoughts 2 Is the
afcendent fort of Prelates that were growing up tomaturiry till
Gregory
(IIJ)
Gregory the Seventh's daies, the whole Church of God t Are
there no other Chriftians ? Is all that is written againft ihe Pope
andfuch Afcendents, written againft Chriftianity ? Did Cbiift
fpeak againft Chriftianity, when he reproved them for ftriving
who mould be greateft ? or Peter, when he counfelled them, as
i Pet.$* And Paul when he (aid, / have no man' like minded ;
for they all feek^t heir own things^ and not the things that are Jefos
Chrift's t Or when he faid, Demas hath forfaken me^ &c ? Or
fohn, when he faiJ, Diotrephes loved to have the preheminence ?
Or all thofe Councils of Bifhops which condemned each other,
far deeplier than I judge any of them ?
What have I faid of Fact cr Canons, which Binnius and their
other Flatterers fay not ? Was it not there extant to the fight of
all?
And that I Recorded not all their Virtue?, i. The Hiftory of
Councils faith little of them. 2. Muft no man (hew the hurt
of Drtinkennefs, Gluttony, &c. and fo of Ambition and Church-
corruption, unlefs he will write fo Voluminous a Hiftory, as to
contain alfo all the good done by all the perfbns whom he
blameth ? I have oft faid, that I wondered that inftead of fo
greedy gathering up all the fcraps of Councils, the Papifts did
not burn them all, as they have done many better Books which
made againft them.
§2.1 was about to anfwer all his firft Chapter, but I find it
fo ufelefs a work, that I (hall eafe my felfand the Reader of
that labour. 1. He takes on him to anfver a Piece of a Difpu-
tation written about 23 years ago, whereas I have lately writ-
ten a Treat ife of Epifcopacy, with fuller proof of the fame
things, which he nameth, and takes on him to anfwer fome pare
of it, andanfwers not: Till he, or fome other, fhew me the
miftakes of that, let them talk on for me in their little Vdi^
rations.
2. Moft that is confiderable which he faith, is anfwered al-
ready in that Book : As his fiction that Vnum Altare in Igna-
tius, figniiieth not an ordinary Communion Table,^. And much
more out of Ignatius ^ and many more is added, which he faith
nothing to.
3. I have before (hewed that he goeth on falfe Suppofition?,
that I am only for a Bifhop of a fingle Congregation, or againft
a-!!, snd many fiich* when yet he himfclf coufeftcch the con-
CL trary,
trary, yea dtndeta me tor making iwelve torts of biinops,
and being for fuch as no Party is like to be pleafed.with.
4 The contradi&ions and miftakes are fo many as would
tire the Reader to perufe an anfwer to them.
And when he hath all done with the numbring of Churches,
(o ver-paffing the full proof of the Primitive Form of them which
I gave as before) he confeffeth that even his great efteemed
Jefajte Falefins, [klieves that the City Church wjs but One even
in Alexandria, and in Dionyfius'j time^, 64.
And while/?. 6j. he makes Petavius and Falefius Co much to
differ, as to gather their contrary Opinions .from the fame
words, and confequently one of them at Jeaft underftood them
not, I that profefs my felf not comparable to either of them,
fpecially Petavitts, in fuch things, am taken for a falfifier, if I
mifunderftand a word that concerneth not the matter of the
Hiftory.
This therefore being not about Ghurch-Hiftory fo much as
againft my Opinion of the Antient Government, when he hath
anfwered the forefaid Treatife of Epifcopacy, if I live not, fome
one may reply, if he deal no better than in this.
CHAP. XVIII.
Of his Second Chapter.
§ i,T)Ag. 78. He would have men believe that itisDif-
X cipline againft real Herefie, that I find fo much fault
with, and afcribe all mifchief to —
*dnfw. Utterly contrary to my moft open ProfefTion: It is
only making thofe things to feem Herefie that are none (either
Truth, or meer difference of words, or fmall miftakes,) or cu-
ring Herefies by rafh Anathema's, without neceffary precedent
means of Conviction, or by Banifhment or Blood.
§ 2] Is this it that you defend the Church for, and we op-
pole it for ? When we would have none in our Churches whom
we know nor, and that have not perfonally3 if at Age, profeft
underftandingly their Faith. And what is the Difcipline that
you exercife onHcreticks? It's enough that you know them
nor.
.
("5)
not, and Co never trouble them. Your Talk and Pamphlets tru-
ly complain what f warms of Hobbift$,Sadduces5Infidels,Atheifts,
are among us : Do they not all live in the Parifhes and Diocefles?
Doth the Bifhop know them? Are any of them Excommuni-
cated ? I could never learn yet how to know who are Mem-
bers of your Churches: Is it all that dwell in the Parifhes?
Then all thefe aforefaid, with Jews and Papifts, are in it : And
then why are ten parts of fome Parifhes futfered without Dif-
cipline to (hun the Parifh Church-Communion ? Is it all that
hear you ? Then i. Ten parts in fome Parifhes,and two or three,
or half in others are not of your Church, and hear you nor, and
many Nonconformifts hear you. 2. And any Infidel may hear.
Bare hearing was never made a Efficient note of a Church-
Member. 3. And how can you tell who all be that hear you
in an uncertain crowd ? 4. And why doth not your Difcipline
meddle with conftant Non-Communicants ?
3. Is it only all that Communicate with you? i.Thefeareyet
fewer, and fo the far greateft part of many or moft Parities
here are let alone to be no Church numbers at all, when they
have been long Baptized, and no c«nfure by difcipline paft on
them. 2. How know you your ftated Communicants, when any
ftranger may come unqueftioned ? The truth is, it is Parifh dif-
cipline which you will not endure. No wonder if you named it
IJfacbars burden. Bucer tn firip, Anglic, and all the Noncon-
formifts after him \op% ftrove'for it in vain. It is the hated
thing. Were it poffible to prevail with you for this, we fiiould
have little difagreement about Cburch Government. But the
Popes that ha^e been the greateft enemies of ir, have yet glo-
ried in a Difcipline to fet up their power over Princes and Peo-
ples, and to have their own wills, and tread down all that are
againft them.
§ 2. To extenuate AnathematitJingX^ Co very Common with
Council?) 'ie tells us P. Si. that [ 4f Let - him be Anathema im-
"ports no more than that we declare our abhorrence of fnch doctrine s^
Cc and will have nothing Common with thofe that prof efs them. 2
Anf. 1. w'e may declare our abhorrence of every known fin
and Errour, in fuch as muft notbe anathematized. 2. By (no-
thing,) I fuppofe you mean not [ not the fame King, Conntrey^
Earth)Airi&c,~\ but [not the fame Church/he fame Chriftjan C m-
mtaion, familiar itj% love, &v~\ Whether you mean [ not the
CLz fame
(n 6)
fame God, drift, &C. ] I know not But do you think the Ana-
thematizing Bifhopsfounreafon.ble, as to renounce all Chriftian
Communion with men and not tell why ? Or to give no better
Reafon than [ We abhor their dotlrineQ How few Churches or!
men have nothing worthy to be abhorred,that is3 No Errour or
iiri ? And mult we renounce Communion with all the Chriftian
world ? No, they were not fb bad : You ufe them hardlier than
I, They -took them to be no true Chriftians, as wanting fome-
what of that faith which is neceffary toSalvation,andE(Tential to
a Chriftian, and fb to have made themfelves no Church-Mem-
bers, and therefore are to be fentenced & avoided accordingly.
And how ordinarily do they expound [ Let him be Anathema']
that is[ Cm off from Chrift ?] Not only HUdebrand fo expounds
it often, but many before him: Whereupon they commonly a-
gree that an Anathematized Heretickis none of the Church, nor
can be faved without repentance.
And indeed to renounce all Communion with Chrifts true
members not Cut off from the Church, is a greater fin than I
charge on them. Though familiarity and fpecially Communion
may be fufpendedD while clfjay of repentance makes the Cafe of
a finner doubtful.
§ 3. Pag. 8x He begins himfelf with blaming Bifhop Vitlor^
M for Endangering the Peace of the whole Church upon fo light occa-
cc [ton. Valefius is ofopinionjhat it was bat by letters of accusation.
Anfo. I think it could be but by Letters of Accufation, Re-
nunciation, and perfuading others to renounce them. For
Bifbops were not then come up to their Commanding Power
over one another. But doth not Mr. A/'s. here rail upon a
Bimop, in faying the fame of him that I did, if my words were
Railing ? Thus you fhall have him all along confeffing much of
that faultinefs by them, which he takes the mention of by me
to be fo bad.
§ 4, He nairieth many Council!, which he faith I pafs lightly
over j then fure I fay no harm of them. He thinks ft is becaufe
I could not, as if he knew it were my will. A.nd fo I am never
blamelefs.
§ j. But he hath a notable Controverfie againft Baronltts^
who thought Novawshid been a Bimop (fuch Errours as Ba-
rotitis was guilty of by Ignorance, are excufable in one fo far
below him in Hiftory as lam.,) But I congratulate Mr. MX.
difcovery,.
S-
(117)
difcovery, that be was but a Presbyter: But all confefs that he
Ordained Fehcifpmus Deacon : And here is a Presbyter Ordain-
ing: But it was irregularly! Let it be fo: He faith, that he
ought not to have Ordained, but with Cyprian, or by his per-
million. I grant ir. But 1. If Cyprian's permiffion would ferve,
then it was not a work alien to a Presbyter : If a permitted
Presbyter may Ordain, a Bfliop's Ordination is not necefiary ad
effe Officii ; and fa that which is a diforder is no Nullity. 2. And
it feems by Novates Ad, that the Nectflity of Epifcopal Or-
dination was not univerfally received. And I have not yet met
with any that make it more neceflary ad ejfe Presbyteratus quam
J)iaconatus.
§ 6. Next he mentions another Carthage Council, where one
V ilt or dead, is condemned for making a Prieft Guardian of his
Child, and fo entangling him in worldly Affairs. And he tells
you, that all that I can fay againft this, is the rigour of the
Sentence 5 but he difTemlileth, and takes no notice that I men-
tion it in praife of the Biftiops of thofe Times, w#ho were fo
much againft Clergy-mens medling with Secular Affairs : What
odious Puritanifm, would this have been with us ? What I cite
in praife, our Hiftorian cannot underftand.
§ 7. And that you may need no Confuter of much of his Ac-
cufation of me but himfelf, who fo oft faith, I fay nothing of
B (hops and Councils, but of their faults, <3v. he here faith as
folio wet h.
£" After this he giv:s a fioort Account of Councils called on the
u SubjtH of Reb apt nation of Heretickj : And here^ to do him rights
*: he is jnfp enough in his Remarkj : The generality of the World
t{ iv as for Re baptising Heretickj i And conjidering what manner
"of mm the fir ft Heretickj were, it is probable thy hadTro
u dition as well as Reafon on their fide. However •, Mr, Baxter
w endeavours fairly to excufe thefe Differences, and f peaks of the
" Bfoops with honour and refpeft, allowing them to be men ofemi-
u nent Piety and Worth. Had he ufed the fame Candour towards
Ci others, Sec.
Anfw. 1. If this be true, a great deal contradictory is untrue.
2. He greatly mifreporteth the Controverfie : It was not
whether Hereticks (hould be Rebaptiz^ but thofe that were
Baptised by Hereticks, and taken into their Churches. IfaHe^
.reticle had been Baptized when found by a found Minifter, and
after
after turned to Herefie, he was to be reftored by Repentance
without Rebaptizingj and I think they all agreed in thL«. But I
imagine this was but a lapfe of his memory in Writing.
3. But the Queftion is3 Whether theBifhops, whofe faults I
mention, were of equal Worth and Innocency with thofe whom
I honour and praife? Let the proof fhew.
I would he would freely tell us3 d>. i. Whether he think at
this day the generality ofBifhops fin Italy%Spain, France, Ger-
maty, Poland, the Greek, Church, Mofcoiy, Armenia^ ^n'^, &c.)
are (o commendable, as not to be notably blamed ? J^ 2. If
not/ When was it that he thinks they ceafed to be generally lb
commendable? Was it in H+ldebrancPs Time, or any time be*
fore? 4L 3- Can you believe that the generality turn from
good to bad juft in one Age? Or rather that they degenerated by
degrees? If they were moftly bad in a thoufand,or nine hundred,
or eight hundred, can you think that they were not drawing to-
wards it and near as bad a little before 5 ^4. What was it think
you in which the Corruption of the Clergy didconfift ? Was ic
rot rooft in a proud,domineering worldly Spiritfls it not that that
you blame the Popes for?Was not their Afcent theirCorruption?
Sure you all agree of that ^.. J. And did the Papacy Spring
up in a year? Did not Leo begin to arrogate, and others afrer
him( to fay nothing now.of thofe before him ) rife higher and
higher by degrees as Children grow up to manhood, till in Greg.
7. it came to Maturity ? I know no Proteftant thatdenyeth
this? J$Km 6, And can you or any fober man think that in fo ma-
ny hundred years it was only the Bifhop of Rome that was fick
of this difeafe, and that all or moft of the other Bifhops were
Free ? Were they not commonly for afcending with them : Did
not they in the Eaftftrive to be greateft ? And theBifhops of the
Weft drive to rife with, and by the Pope ? Were they not, and
are they not as his Army ? And did he prevail agair.ft the Pri-
mitive Purity and Simplicity without them ? Did not his Coun-
cils, and Prelates, as his Armies,do his greateft works? Yea, have
they not oft out-done him, and over-topt him in Mifchief (as in
the depofing of Ludov. Vim againft his will ? fay good Hifto-
rians.)
Tell us then at what Age ;uft we may begin to difpraife the
Bifhops. And from that time forward, will you not be as great
a Railer as I, and fcandalize Chriftianity more than Lucian or
luliml § 3. But
flip)
§ 8. But I fomewhat marvel that he is again at it ( reciting
Dionyfwss words which he thinks I miftook for Eufcbivis )
That he does Hot condemn the rebapti&ing of Herettickj which was a
Tradition of fo great antiquity. I judge more Candidly of him
than ^ doth of me: Though he fooft repeat it^I will not believe
that he knew not, that it was not the baptizing of Hereticks as
fuch, that was the queftion: but only ofthofe that were baptized
by Hereticks. Yet Iconfefs Eufebins phrafmg ir, might tempt one
to think fo that had not read Cyprian and others upon the que-
ftions. But when Eufebius and Dionyfius mention [rcbaptiz.in£ He-
retickf]thty mean only thofe that were by Hereticks baptifm en-
tered into the Societies and Trofeffion c£ Hereticks. If the worft
Heretick, yea or Apoftate, had been baptized, by the orthodox,
Cyprian and all thf reft were agreed againft Rebaptizing fuch
when they repented. This Dionyfias telling Xyfiits Rom. of an
ancient Minifter that was greatly troubled in Confcience that he
had beenfalfly Bapti&edby an Heretick ( being himfelfno Here-
tick ) and doubted whether he fhould not be Reb3ptized, yec
faith, He told him he durft not/Rebaptize him that had fo long
been in the Church and Communicated^but bid him go on Com-
fortably in Communion ( Much like a forementioned cafe puc
to me, by forne that never were Baptized3but in our undifciplin-
ed Parifh Churches had been without knowledge or queition
admitted long to Communion, whether yet they fhould be
Baptized at all : And Diony finis Reafons againft it I cannot an*
fwer.
§ 9. And here I may take notice how our new Church-meo,
( fuch as Thorndikf} Mr, Dodwell and all their partners ) who nul •
1 -fie facraments delivered by one that hathnot Canonical Or-
dination by a Bifhop of uninterrupted Succefiion from the A-
poftles3do make themfelves Hereticks in the fenfe of the Roman
Church which they allow : For 1. Baptifm is the firft and moft
neceflary Sacrament in their own .opinion. Yea Anfiin and too
many of old, but fpecially too many now, take it to be neceffary
to Salvation $ 2, If therefore Baptifm be a nullity all that are
Baptized in England^ Scotland and all the Proteftant Churches by
fuch as had no fuch Ordaincrs, muft be Baptized again or be
damned. 3. If they fay, They may be faved without it, then 1.
they confefs Mr. Dodwelis Doctrine to be falfe, that faith none
have a Covenant right to Salvation,who have it not by a Sacra*
ment
(120)
tnent from fuch hands. 2* And they renounce the Dodlrine *f
the Neceility of Baptifm to Salvation. But if they are for Re-
baptising all fuch Proteftant Countries, as necellary to Salvation-,
they are uncharitable that do not fpeak it out.
§ 10. He paffeth by Bifhop Stephens Excommunicating all
the Oriental Bifhops of Cappadocia, Cilicia, Galatta, and Repro-
bating their Synods, for Rebaptization : Doth he think that
even then fome Bifhops did not rife too faft ?
§ u. The man that is fo angry with me for telling of the
faults of Bifhops and Councils, is pag, 87. angry with me for
fiot faying worfeagainft Semndm his Council of Bifhops at Cirta\
and fajlth, I have not done right to the Catholick Church : I
perceive the queftion is not, whether I may Rail at Bifhops,but
what Bifhops they be that I muft Rail at.
As for the Council at Simejfa, I believed the being of it no
more than he doth: And when I am but naming the common
Catalogue, he might pardon my modefty for faying that the be-
ing of it is a Controverfie.
§ iz. Of the Council of IlUberis he faith but contraftedly the
fame that I do, that It hath many good Canons^ and fome that need
A favourable Interpretation, and is very fever e in fome cafes. This
meafure of juft praife and difpraifeD is pra&ifed by him that is
condemning it in me.
§ 13. As to his Controverfie, whether Bifhops, of fuch as
flrove to be Bifhops, were the very firft movers of the Dona-
tifts Controverfie, who fhould be Bifhop, it's not worth the
turning over one Book to fearch, as to my bufmefs.
§ 14. Next he that accufeth me of Railing at Bifhops, accu-
feth me for faying (from fome good Authors) that a Bifhop of
Carthage, Donatus^ was a good man, who he faith was bad. It's
little to me whether he were good or bad.
§15-. Next henoteth that I Err with Binnias and Baronius
as to the year of a Carthage Council. I undertook not to ju-
ftifte all the Chronology or Hiftory that I tranferibe : Whether
Optatus, or Binnius and Baronius hit on the juft year, little
care I.
• § 16. I praifed a DonatiJFs Council of 270 Bifhops at C^r-
thage for Moderation, agreeing te communicate with penitent
JYaditors, without Rebaptizing them, and fo doing for 40 years.
4>. What was thefe mens Herefie *
V" He
r He faith, This lookj Uker a piece o] Fobcythan Moderation^ for
it had no tendency topeace%but toftrengthen the Scbifm.~]
Anf. Who knows how to pleafe men ? When they exclaim
againft Separation if men Communicate with them, they judge
it but Policy, that hath no tendency to peace. 2. And who is it
now that mod raileth atBifliops ? I am confuted for praifing the
moderation of 270 of them, and he is their cenfurer even when
they Jo well, and their moderation with him is but Policy. E-
ven as they fay, of me, that I conftantly Communicate with
their Parifh Churches to undermine them \ Near or far off, all's
one with this fort of men, if you ftickat any thing that they bid
you fay or do.
But he will not believe that this Council of Orthodox mode-
rate Donatifts were fo many as ^7o, " Because 1. we h*ve only the
< e Authority for it 0/Tychonius a Donatift,2. It's improbable after
€( Conftantine'j ftipfrejfionof them that Schifmjhcald fo [uddenly
"fpread. 3. Left it jhould prove the Chinches to be too Small'. Tet
(t he [aith> Thefe Schifmatickj fet up Churches in every City and
" Village^
Anf. 1. It's faid I'ychonim confeffeth this Council, becaufe the
later Donatifts would fain have buryed the memory of it: But
that it depends only on the Credit of Tjcbomus, I think depends
only on your Credit : 2. Augttftine that reports it5 honoureth
this T)choninsy and reciteth an Expofition of his of the Angels of
the Churches, fo^.2.and 3. which I fuppofe difpleafeth you more
than his Donatifm. 3. It feems you would have believed fome
ftranger that knew it not5 rather than zDonatift that fpeaketh
againft the will andintereft of his party. 4. It rather feems that
the Donatifts were the greater number of Chriftians there be-
fore Conftantine7s time, and like the Papifts therefore counted
themfelves the CathoJicks and the others the Schifmaticks.
Conftantines Prohibition did not fupprefs them. 5. Therefore the
numeroufnefs of their Bifhopsand fmallnefs of Churches, rather
fheweth what was -tbe"ftaceof the Churches before worldly
greatnefs fwelled them to that difea(e,which was the Embrio or
infancy ofPopery.
§ 17. Whether the Donatifts be like thePapifisor the Se-
parates ( much fefs to the Nonconform: fts) if the Reader will
but perufe what I have faid and what Mr.'Af, hath (aid, 1 am
content that he judge without more words.
R § 18. He
§ i8. He pafleth by divers Councils becaufe he could not
fay that I blame them: And he paffeth by Conftantineh^
piftle to Alexander and Aritts9 which raileth at them more than
I do ( inhisfence*)
As to the Council of Laodicea, it is not two or three fuch
words as his that will make an impartiarman believe that the
Churches were like our Diocejfes, when every Convert before
baptifrn was to fay his Catechifm to the Bilhops or his Presby-
ters: Or that the Command that Presbyters go ftill with the Bi-
(hop intotneChurch,and not before him, do net both imply that
they were both together in every Church,
But he will have it confined to the Cathedral 5 And when
I fay5 There were long no Churches but Cathedrals, he faith he
will net differ with me whether they (hall be called Churches or
Chappels. But the difference is de re : Thej7 fay themfelves that
ABifbop and a Church were then Relatives : And when they
have put down many hundred Churches under the Diocefanfcr-
footh they wiHgratifie us by giving us leave to call them Church-
|es. As if they put down an. hnndred to one of the Cities and
Corporations, and then give us leave, to call them Corporati-
ons when they are none. Ye: blufh they not to make the world
believe that they are that Epifcopal party ( who put down
a thoufand Cluirches and Bifhopsin fome one Dlocefs ) and lam
againft Bifhops,.
Yea when they have not the front to deny but that every Ci-
ty then had a Bifhop( that had Chriflians, ) and that our Cor-
porations are fuch as they called Cities, Yet when we plead but
at leafr, if they will have no Chorepfcopi, they willreftorea
Church and Bifhop with his Presbyters to every fuch City with
its adjacent Villages, hatred., fcorn and derifion goeth for a Con-
futation of us j Though we do it but to make true difcipline a
pofTible thing 5 Which they call IJfacharh burden, and abhor ir^
and then fay, It is pofTible and pradifed.
§ 19. As to the Roman Council which he believeth not, he
might perceive that I believed at lead their antiquity as little
as he : But the Canons arefo like thole of following Councils
that fuch it's like were fometime made.
And whereas I noted that their condemning them that wrong
timed Eafter5 would fall on the Subfcribers to our EngliJhlA-
turgy, where 2000 are Silenced for not Subfcribing, the man
had
(ill)
had no better anfwers to give, than thefe r. That I JhohU
have [aid the Almanac^ Makers. As if he would have had men
believe that Fal(hood,that it was the Almanack Makers and not
oar Liturgy changers that were deceived.
2. ( <dl*s I one j ear they mifioo^ ] As if he would Perfvvade
men that their rule failethbut one year, which faileth oft.
3. The Silenced, Ministers have little Reafon tothank^him or any
body el[e% thit giveth this Reafon of their Separation. It's fir ange
this Jhould trouble their Conferences that Care no nsorje ycr Eaftcr
than for Chriftmas^/tf only that it Falls upon a Sunday,
Here fee his Historical Credibility. 1. Would he perfwade men
that we give this Reajon alone ? Or why may it not be one with
twenty more ?
2. He intimateth that 1 give them as reafons of Separation:
As if to be Siknced^cxt to fe par ate 3 and to bepajfive were to be
aflive.
3. Heintimateth that as Nonfubfcribers I and fuch other are
Separatifls, which is fa!fe5 While we live in their Communion.
4 He taketh on bim to know our judgment as againft Easier
( but for Sunday ) when we never told him any fuch thing.
5". He intimateth that it's no credit to us that we make Con-
ference of deliberate profeffing Affent to a known untruth in o-
pen matter of facl : And if the Contrary be their Credit., 1 wifh
they may never be WitnefTes againft us.
6. He intimateth that a man that is not for keeping Easier,-
is the fefs excufable, if he will not Profefs a known Falfhood a-
bout the time of Easier. If Confcience flood a man in no ftead
for greater Ends than worldly wealth and eafe and honour, who
would not be a Latitudinarian Conformift ?
§ 20. Next when I deny belief to thefe Councils, he blames
me for making advantage of the Hiftory of them. As if he frw
not that I do it,but ad hominem to thePapiits who record them
as if they were really true. For it is principally the Pjpifts
(from Infancy to Hildebrands Maturity ) againft whom I write,
§ 21. He next comes to the Novatians as my Favourite fcFv^
Ar\4[Favottrite2 may fignifie to the Reader a truth or. a Falfhood.
1. Doth not every Chriftian Favour them that have lefier Er-
rours more than them that have greater?
2. Do I not as oft as he profefs my great diflike of every
feci;, as a fed?
R 2 3, Do
3. Do I not difclaim this Novatian feft and their opinion;
and own the Contrary?
4. Itfeemshe taketh me to be too Favourable to fome Bi-
fhops and their followers; Thequeftion is but who they be that
muft be favoured? I may come to be taken for a Novatian by
fuch men as well as Socrates and Sozomen.
§ 22. Here ( without railing ) he bedawbs Novatus and
Novatian to the purpofe with horridCrimes, a VharifaicaL Saint,
Perjured, and what not? But what ! Were they not Epifcopal ?
Yes, he doubts it not : It was for to be a Bifhop that Novatian
wrought his Villanies 5 (what if I had thus bedawbed the Epi-
fcopal ?) But yet the very word [ Puritan] is of ufeto him.
This, faith he of Novatus, was the tender Conscience of the au-
thor of the uincient fell of the Puntanes ? Can you tell who the
man aimeth at t Is it Nonconformifts?iVoz/^«j & Novatian were
Prelatifts, and never fcrupled more Ceremonies than our Pre-
lates impofe. Who then can it be but men that in general,
though Epifcopal,do profefs Tendernefs of Qonfcience* And there I
leave them, without the application.
§ 23. But thisDefender of Surgent Prelacy, fticks not to
difgrace thofe whom he feemeth to defend. It was three of the
Catholick Bifhops that Confecrated Novatian^nd (without rail-
ing) he calls them Three plain ignorant Bifhops. Tnefe good men
fuf peeling no tricky, and overcome with his good entertainment, with
too much Wine and pirfwafions ,were forced at lafi to lay their hands
on him and Confecrate him Bifhop.^i. Ignorant Bifhops-, ^.Overcome
with too much Wine, and entertainment : 3. And with perfwafion:
4. To do fuch an Aft as to Confecrate fo bad a Bifhop,6Vthat in
fuch a city as Rome, and that without the Churches choice or
Confenr. How much worfe have I laid of Bifhops ? But, yec
[_they were good men.'] But if they had been Nonconformifts, what
names had been bad enough for them? No doubt if they had
been fequeftred and caft out ( for their too much wine and fuch
ordination)how odioufly might the agents have been defcribed as
enemies to the Church and Perfecutors of good men,
§ 24. Yet further this New Bifhop engageth men to him by
Oaths, enough to fir ike a horror in the minds ^/r^Reader,faithhe;
See what a man may do for a Bifhoprick f It reminds me of
many good Canons that forbid Bifhops fwearing their Clergy to
them : And of our Et Cat era Oath in 1640 never to Confent to
any
any alteration, fto fay nothing of our times) and the old Oath
of Canonical obedience. It ftrikes horror into mens minds now that
we fcruple thefe.
§ 2^. He makcth the Novatian doctrine blafpbemous (with-
out railing ) and me too Favourable in reprefenting it. As to
that I fuppofe he is not ignorant how great a Controverfie it is
what they held, even among the greateft Antiquaries, and Ene-
mies of Schifm and Herefie. And I ufe in accufations to meet
with moft truth in the moft Favourable interpretations.
And here I will tell our Hiftorian, that while I take leave to
diflent from his accufationjt fhall be but by the authority of thofe
whom I judge as well acquainted ^with Church Writers and Cu-
ftomes as any that ever Mr. M% or any of his Mafters read, aoc
excepting more knowing men than Valefins.
The firft is D. Petavitts in Epiphan. de Cath. Where firft he
tells us^that no lefs nor later men than moft of the ancient Fathers,
and Specially the Greekj , miftook Novatus and Novatian for
one, or thought the feci: had a fingle Author 5 naming Eufeb.
Theodoret y Epipban. Naz^ian. Ambrofet Auftin^ Thilaftrius, yea
and Socrates. Yet half as great a miftake in me would have
been fcorned.
2. Aga/mft Epiph. and Theodoret he faith [ Nor. ea Nova-
tiani Opinio fait ,eos qui gravioris peccati noxam contraherent, ab
omni fpe conftquend<& [ahttis excludi : Nam & illos ad capeftendam
pcenitentiam hoitari folebant : Et sit Divinam clement iam lachrj-
mis acfordibm elicerent identidem admonebant : Sed hoc unum nc-
gabant 5 ad Ecclepa ftdeUnm Communionem recipi amplius opor-
tere : Neque penes Ecclefiam reconciliandi jus ullum ac pot eft at em
ejf? : JQuippe umcam illam peccatorum indulgentiam in Hints ar-
bitrio verfttri, qua per Baptifmum obtinetur 5 which he proveth
out of Socrates^ Ambrose . And he faith, that they were not
counted Hereticks for wronging the lapfed^ by denying them
Communion, but for wronging the Church Power, by denying
the Power of theKeyes for their Reftitution. (Like enough.)
The other (hall be that excellent Bifhop Albafpineus Qbfiryl
lib. 2. Obferv. 20, 21. p. (mihi) 130, 121. [ Advert ant Nova-
tianorum err or em non in eo pofitumi quod dicer ent neque lapfum,
neque excommunicatum inmorte a peccatis liber andum 5 fedh&re-
ticos ideo habit os9 quodopinarentur Deum ip(um Ecclepa neque re-
wittjndorum neque^ rctjntndofjtm psccatorHm capitalism pote ft atem
copiamqus
ccpiam^uefeaffe : JLtque h&c m eo Jmt viguitque eotum barejis,
qui qnanquam Hind confqueretnr ex eorum falfa Opinione, ut ab-
folutioncm non largitcntur^ tamen hoc eotum factum non h&refis no-
mine affciendum erat, ncqte ai hare fin accede bat ob aliam caufam
quam quod a fonte illo & quafi capite h«tefin olente dim ak d at, eo
maxime quod Novatiani ere detent id Ecclefia a Deo' non fuiffe pra-
ftitum & conctffum ; qu& can fa fola fuit cut ptaxts ilia ten difci-
plina Novatiahotumratio h&tsjii nomen notionemque non effngetet."]
The Clergy felt their own Intereft., and the Novat t an s denied
their Power to retain, as well as forgive capital Crimes^ and
thought their Keyes extended not fo far.
And that the Cafe of the lapfed was it that they began with,
Epiphanius himfelfand others agree.
And Obferv. 19. he (hews that Nov at i anus did this againft:
his former Judgment^ in Envy and Faction againft the Bifhop,be-
caufe he mift of being Bifhop himfelf. A Bifhoprick was it that
provoked him to deny this Pardoning Power in Bifhops.
Ad Albafp.neM hath in many antecedent Obfervations
fhewed3 how little, if any thing at all, the Novatians differed
clfe from the Antient Church in the ftrictnefs of their Commu-
nion, and avoiding finners: So that he thus begins his fif?h Ob-
fcrvation \Jnctedibdia prope fnnty qua his capitibus ditlmi [*mus\
fed tamen it a vet a & cettat & qua cujufque animam fun.mam in
admirationem r apian?, Ecclcfi.im primis temporibus nulla vel le-
viffima labe inquinatam fuiffe 3 quin it a illibatam intatlamque ut
tmhi tatione, curd & folic it udine profpexerit, filii ut fits qnam d
Baptifmo haujetant path at em earn nulla afpetfam vitii altcnjns
macula & foeditate confer vat ent* Imo ea fe veritate adhibit a ut
fugiendum fibi deteflandumqne peccant???, quovis tcttote propofito
putarent. Non folum ant em mult a crimina peccataque numc-
rabantur9 quorum Author es attificefque abfolutionem omnem defp:-
rabant, fed & ea quoqus quibus ignofcet poenitentiam cmcedtmopcr-
tere cenfuerat, peccata it a ulcifcebaturjut non nifi femel eis qui ea
commififfen^ unins posnitentia copiam facer et Ecclefia, hoc eft fipoft
Baptijmum lethalitet peccaffent. Jguod Ji cum Ecclefia reconci-
Latvs in idem ant aUud mottale peccatum itcrum prolaberetur, va
in petpetuum ttibus primis faculis ab Ecclefia rtpnlfam ferebat, ut
non nip poenitentia & in motte ptecnm qua reltqua erant fubfidia
expeftandajibi ducetet>nulla abjolutione data qua infpsm venia il-
ium ctigerct, 2 And he adds, that many that cannot deny his
proofs,
proofs, yet will not believe that ever fuch a Difcipline was
ufed.
But this was in the three Firft Ages : After, when Profperity
and Wealth ticed the ungodly into Bifhops Seats, and into the
Church, the Cafe was altered, and as he (hews, Oh fir v. 6. the
Cafe was fo altered to the loofe extreme, that Criminals wer£
admitted toties quoties. And in his Notes on Tertullian he
fheweth, that this was a difference between the Orthodox and
the Hereticks, that the Orthodox did din multfimjue deltberare
quos in focietatem ejufdem Ecclefix,i & corporis recipere debeant',but
the Hereticks were ready to take all that came. Yet I fuppofe
not near fo loofe as thofe Diocefan and Parochial Churches that
know not who comes5. but without queftion take all that will
but come to the Rails and kneel : And when by the magnitude
of Diocefs and other means, they have fecured themfelves a-
gainft the trouble and poffibility of Paftoral Difcipline,the Prieft
wipes off all guilt with a word, and faith, If they were Atheifts,
Hobbifts, Sidduces, Whoremongers, common Blafphemers,
Drunkards, it's no fault of mine, I kno v it not 5 and no won-:
der5 when he knoweth not who in the Parifh are his Flock.
Thzt Eufebins himfelf and others named by Vetavim milrook
the Novatians is no wonder to thofe who read the volumes of
palpable Falfnood written againft theNonconformifts in this pre-
sent age,and hear witneffes at the bar fwear thofe Plots and Con-
spiracies & Treafons againft men, from which grave and confeio-
nable Juries quit them.
But me thinks when Mr. M had (aid that Socrates is an Hifto-
rian of good Credit and acquainted with them ] he much forgot
his own ends when he recited thefe words as his [ Some took
part with Novatian, and others with Cornelius; according to their
Jevcral inclinations and Coxrfe of life : The loofer and more licenti-
ous fort Favouring the moft indulgent difciplinejbe other of more au-
fiere lives inclining mo ft to the Novatian feveritj.^ Good ftilJ, I
now fee that the Novatians indeed were Puritanes, though E-
pifcopal, and I accufe not our accufers of any fuch Herefie. But I
confefs that I (lull believe a Novatian Hiftorian, who being fo
ltrift againft fin mull: be ftricl; againft a Lie, rather than thofe
that Scorn fuch Puritanifm3 and deride the Perfon that cannot
fwallow a bigger Pi'!.
And when Mr. M% labours to (hew out of Socrates that it
was
was not only Idplatry that they cenfured, he labours in vain :
It was the beginning of their Schifm that I mentioned, and not
Socrates his Age.
As to the judgment of the Council of £//'£*nx and all the three
Firft Ages., I have told you whet AWafpine faith before. If
you can confute him, do $ I am not engaged to defend him* but
I believe him. v
§ 16. I conclude this and the former Chapter with this
Counfel to the Scorners of Puritanes : Never truft to your Titles
and Order, how good foevcr5 without a careful holy obedience
to the Supreme Law-giver, either for Concord on Earth, or
Salvation in Heaven. True Parifh-Reformation is the way to
fatjsfie- godly perfons better than either Violence or Separation.
But if you ftill obftinately rtfift Parifh Difcipline and Reforma-
tio^ you muft have Toleration of fuch as will not confent to
your Corruption, or dCe perfecute the beft to your own mine.
Theophilus Parocbialis hath faid more for Parifh Order againft
the Regulars, and Priviledged, than you have done againft the Se-
parating. And yet the Confraternity of the Oratorians fet up in
every Parifh, was the beft way he could devife to recover the
ftate of lapfed Parifhes: As the priviledging of Fryars was the
Pope's laft Remedy inftead of Reforming his corrupted Church.
CHAP. XIX.
Of the Council of Nice andfome following.
§ i.npHis Hiftorian having put himfelf into a military pofture
J feemeth to conceit that every word proceeds from an
Enemy. And firft he feigneth me to make Conftantine judge
that [/A* B'Jheps and Councils were of little ufe ] when I had
no fuch word or thought, but the contrary.
§ 2. Next he himfelf confefleth that which Iblamethofe Bi-
fliops for 5 Even thofe Libels which they Contcntioufly offered
againft one another $ to have raifed Quarrels inftead oWeace,
and which Conftantine caft altogether into the fire without read-
ing them. And when he confefleth what I fay, is heuotaRai-
ler at the Bifhops as much as I in that f
As
(lip)
As to his excufe that [ It is no wonder confidering their great
dijfentions in Religion, &c.] I cafily grant it : But in this excufe he
faith yet more againft them.
§ 3. Becaufe I faid that Atbanafius differing fromConftan-
tine about the reception of Arivtt his repentance [ Cattfed much
Calamity *] he feigneth melieinoufiy to accufe Atbanafim which
I intended not : Even a juft action may £Cazfe Calamity 3*9
Ch. ill faith his Gofpcl would bring divifion. All his labour in
jultifyir.g Atbanafins fighteth but with a fpectre of his own ima-
gination. Andyetlam inclined to think that ifan Hypocrite
Aria* had been connived at to pleafe fuch an Emperor, the death
of Arias would have left the Church quieter than it clidjthough
he here thinks greater rigour had been fafer : And I think mul-
titudes of Sadduces, Infidels and debaucht Perfons in one of our
Dioceffes, yea or Parifhes, is worfe than one Ax ins while Hy-
pocrite retrained him from Venting his opinion.
§ .{, And here he that dreamed I accufed AthanapttSi really
accufeth Conft amine as impofcd on bj a Counterfeit Repentance and
rc&o .r.dnxry to opportunities of doing mifcbuf and being
againft the means \Xi2Xmight have ended that fatal mifebjef, But I
confefs Conftantme was no Bifhcp, and therefore this is not an
^.ccujation of Bifhops or a railing at them.
§ 5. Next when I had fully opened the Cafe of the Metetians
cut of Epipbanius on pretence ofabbreviating,he leaves oat that
which he likes nor, and tells us how the Nonconformifts have
advantaged the Papifts : If I thought the man believed himfelf
I would try to undeceive him; In the mean time Idefire him to
think again which party moft befriends the Papifts 5 (c They
u that are for a reconciliation with them on thefe terms, that
" there may be acknowledged an Univerfal fupreme human
Cf Power over all the Church on Earth, and the Fope to be V
" cipiuw Vnitatis and Patriarch of the Weft,and he fhall abate us
C{ the laft 400 years Impofitions, and all be accounted Schifma- »
"ticks that unite not into this Church 3 and that all the
<c Preachers in England (hall be filenced that will not fwear,pro-
cc mife, profefs, and praftife all that which is here impofed en
Cc_tbem, though they think it heinons fin.tnd others think it but
w matter indifferent, and all the people fhall be profecuted that
K hear them ; and that this Divifion fhall rather weaken the
u Kingdom., and advantage the Papifts^ than the Conferences
S
(rjo)
rt of men, as wife and faithful as themfelves fhall be eafed of
rt fuch Impofitions, or they ftmered to Preach the Gofpel of
" Chrirt ; Or thofe that being condemned to fuch Silence, Pri-
" fo,s and Ruine, had rather be delivered, though a Papift be
fl delivered with tbem, than be destroyed.] Methinks we are
ufed by thefe Church-F^lurs, as if they flhonld determine that
a great part of the Proteftants who are moft againft Popery,
thall be hanged, unlefs the Papifts will beg their pardon, or cut
the Rope 5 which if thefe Proteftants accept, they fhall be faid
to be the Promoters of the Papifls.
§ 6. As for a!! his Exceptions againft Epipbamus, they are no-
thing to me, who did not undertake to juftifie his word?, but
tranferibe them -m nor think it worth my labour now to examine
the Cafe of fo fmall concernment.
§ 7. V/hen fbme have blamed me for condemning the Arians
too much, he faith, that I jfty fomewhat very much to the dif-
ad vantage of the Do&rine of the Trinity, but he was fo gentle
as not to tell what it was, unlefs it be telling what Petavim the
jefuite faith : About that lam wholly of his own mind. But
the exprefs words which Petavlus ds Trinit. citetb out of all
t-hofe Old Fathers, cannot be denied : And verily they are fo
many, and fo grofs, that unlefs his Argument fatisfiedme,^/*,.
[The Votes of the ComcilofNiQeJhewedvchat was the Common fence
of the Church) better than the vpcrds of all thofe Fathers'] I fhould
think as Philoftorgiw in point of Htftory, t!i2t there were no fuf-
ficient confuting ofthe Arians from thofe Fathers, though fome-
times they have better words. Vifible words cannot be denied,
even where they muft be lamented. That's the difference be*
tween Mr. M's* Opinion of Hiftory and mine.
§ 8. "As to the Andiansy I recite but Epipbamus's word?,
who in other cafes is greatly valued by thefe Accufers : They
will believe what he faith of Aeriw. And as to what he faith
to the contrary out of Theodoret, he may fee that he faith all
by hearfay, and faith., that They hid that which he accufeth them
of, and were Hypocrites, prgfefling too much ftrictnefs, /. 4.
c. 91 which is ftill the common way of accufing the beft,againlt
whom inftead of pr&veable faults, they turn their ftriclnefs
into a crime. Epiphanim is much more particular than Thtodoret
in the ftory,
§ u. The reft which he noteth of my words ofthe Council
of
of Nice, have nothing needing a reply. Fetavitu hath fully
proved cb^t the Cb&repifcopi were true Bifhopt. But now we
are odious Presbyterians if we would bur have a Bifhop in every
City, that is, Corporation, Defiring only that Difciplinc might
become pofTiblc. And for this we arc proclaimed to be a-
gainft Bilhops; that is, faith this fort of men 5 They that would
have but One Biftiop over a thoufand, or many hundred, or
fcore Churches, are for Epifcopacy j and they that would have
every Church have a Bifhop, as of old, or at Jcaft every great
Town, and fo would have twenty, or forty, or a hundred for
one, areagainft Epifcopacy: And that which is ftrange i?,Thefe
men are believed.
§ 10. I praifed the Council of Gangra for condemning fome
Super!! itions, and he faith, I have nothing againft it : Whether
it be a Common Mtftake that Arias was here received to Com-
munion, l'le not ftay to examine.
§ 11. When he hath weighed all he can for the Synod at
Antioch^ he is forced to confefs that they were a packt com-
pany of Bifhops, that complied with Confiamius and Eufebiafs
Contrivance. And what do I fay worfe of them than he ? As
to the Canon againft Prieftt or Deacons not gathering Afiem-
blies agamft the Bifhops will, I am for it as much as he, if the
Bifhops and Churches be fuch as they were then $ but not in
France nor Italy,
He faith,, I leave my fiing behind me ^ and end very angrily ; for
thefeonly words [This is their fir ength'} mentioning the Coun-
cils ("that was againft Atleanafius) (uppreffingDiflenters as fe-
ditious by force, I fee angry men think others angry when they
are, and are ftung if we do but name their ftinging us : As if
Prifonsand Ruine were notfo fharp a fting as thefe four words.
If it be not their ftrength, why do they fo truft to it, as to con-
fefs that their Arguments and Keyes would do little to uphold
their Prelacy without it. In the daies of the Ufurpers I moved
for a Petition, that when they granted Liberty ofConfcience
for fo many others, they would grant Liberty for the full cxer-
cife of the Epifcopal Government to all that defired it* But the
Epifcopal Party that I fpake to,wou!d not endure ir3 as knowing
what bare Liberty would be to thcirCaufe^unlefs they could have
tke Sword to fupprefs thofe that yield not to their Reafons.
§ 12. Next he faith, I fpare my Gall for about a dozen
S z times.
en*)
times, not regarding how it contradi&s bis former Accufation*.
But whereas I recite the horrid Accufations of the Council at
ThUippopolis againft Atbanajius, Paulas and Marcellus, of open
Matters of Fad, as Murder, Perfections, Burning of Churches,
Wars, Flames, Dragging Priefts to the Marker-place wkh
Chrifts Body tyed about their necks, ftripping Confecrated Vir-
gins naked before a concourfe of People [and offering to fend
mefiengers on both fides to Try the -Fact, and to be themfelves
condemned if it prove not true] he is offended that I feem
ftaggered at this, Athanafias having detected before fo many
Subornations, c£v. s
Anfw. I did not fay that 1 was ftaggered, much lefs doubted
wTTich of them did the wrong : But that a Reader may by fuch
a Temptation be aftonifhed, and confounded whom to believe.
But d d I ever rail more at Bifhops than he here doth ? What
i. So great a number of Bifhops, 2. Deliberately, in Council,
3. To affirm fo vehemently, 4 Such matters of open Fa&,
j. And orfer it to the Trial of WitnefTesof both fidesjand all this
to be falfe., 6. And to be but the confequent of former Sub-
ornations and Perjury 5 can you name greater wickednefs ?
QIpj. But they were Anans, Anfcv. But they were Bifhops.
The worfe for being Arians. 2. Yet called but Semi-Arians,
and renounced Arius^ and pretended Reconciliation. 3. And
they were the Oriental part of the Council at Sardica, called
Gensrd by the Fapifts. 4. And they were believed againft Mar-
cellus by Bafil and Cbryfiftom : But all that J cite it for, is fotell
the Reader what a doleful cafe the Church was fain into, by the
depravation of the Bifhops. Did none of thefe profefs before
to be Orthodox ? I do not fay that it was quatev.m Bifhops that
they did ail this, but that multitudes of Bifhops were then be-
come the fhame and calamity of the Church.
§ 13. Next he fcorningly accufeth me for giving too foft a
Character of the Circumcillians^ and faith, My Aloderation and
Charity may extend to John of Leyden. And he calls them The
Mofi barbarous and defperate Villains that ever defamed Chnftia-
Kity by ajfuming the Title. ~\
Anf. 1. This is the man that faith I rail. I named fo many
and great fins of theirs, that I little thought any Reader would
have thought that I fpared tbeni too much. 2. Yet they were
Eonatiftsflnd of them Qpmm hijflfelf faith, lib. 5. [" s4pftdyos
oh;
U & apud nos Vm eft Ecclefiaftica convey fatio -, Communes Lc*
*c cl tones : Etdem Fides ; ipfa Fides Sacrament a ^ eaiem my sic-
Cf ria~\ that is, faith Alba[pins [Vna Ecclefi.iftica dfciplina : £:-
demmodo Script uras Explicamus : Ipfa Regul.% Fides : Idem My-
sttrium quad confertur & ftgnijscatur, CT eadem res w.Jibilis per
qttAmres fpirititilis d-itu*'] in lib. $.p. fj}.
And faith Opratus, lit>. i [Neqws die at me in: or fi derate cos
fratres appcIUr?, qui ta . J$j:mvis& ilk nan ncger.t CT
omnibus notumfir, quod nos od'.o babea-tt^ & I fl", ~y nobmt
fe dtdfr aires nofiros ; tamsn nos : d timir: Dei nan /
mus—funt igitur ;ra: dnbio frrtrjes ..-' : Quaxe nemo
miretur eos mi appsttart frarrts, q.ii ;n,i pojfi tfft fratrcs,
Obj. But the Circumceliians were worfe than the reft,
Anfa. They were of the fame Religion, but the unruly fu-
rious part in their practice : And Opt a: us faith, Though they
would rail in words ifcd mum q'uidem vix ihveuimus cum qui
. isctu.ui;r :] And fj goes on to cjII "Par-
And it's worth the confiieration how much
ifpine inc irnitj 5 note firft, & inObfervat.
3. And they were Orthodox tierce Prelatifts, doing all this
To.' the preheminencc of their Biihopj. And what if fame Pre-
Uttfts »<?ivJhouid hurt their Brethren more than the Gircvnrcet-
lam did, mutt I call them therefore th?m>ft barbarous ViiUins
th.n isd Christianity. Augustine faith, They made a
Water of (bme Salt or fharp thing, and caftin mens Eyes in the
night in the ftreets : No man can think that this barbarous
action was done by the molt, or any but Tome furious fools:
They fay that they would wound themfelves to bring hatred on
the Cacholick*, as if they had done if, or drove them to it : He
that knoweth what Self love i?, will believe that this was the
cafe but of a few; and an eafier wrong than fome that abhor
them do to their Brethren. And muft we needs Rail indeed a-
gainft fuch numbers of hurtful Prelatifts .? What if any'rude per-
(ons of your Church fhould be Whoremongers, Drunkards,
Blafphemers,, and feek the Imprifonment of their Brethren, yea
their Defamation and Blood by Perjury, fhould the Church
be for their fakes fo called, as you call them? I fpeak them no
fairer than Optatus did.
§ 14. When/?. j7« I commend the many good Canons of the
•African Councils, and the faithfulnefs of the Biftiop?, he noteth
none
none 01 tuis, .pecame it pruvctn uic umruiu 01 uis iormer Ac-
cufations.
And when I name twenty five or twenty fix more Councils of
Bifliops, fome General, and fome lefs, which were for Arianifm,
or a compliance with them, he defendeth none of them., but ex-
cufeth them, and faith, that [_they vpere not much to the honour of
the Church': Tet the evil Edith and Conferences of them are ra~
th:r to be charged on the Arian Emperour, than ths Bifhops.~\
Anfrv. i. This is the fame man that elfewhere fo overdoes
me in accufing the Brians.
2. The Emperour was Erroneous, but faid to be otherwife
very commendable. And is it not more culpable for Bifliops to
Err in the Myfteries of Divinity^ than a Lay- man ? And for
many hundred to Err, than for On? Alan ? And do you think
that the B.fliops Erring did not more to feduce the Flocks, than
the Ernperour's f
But he fditb, that \Jf many fell in the DayofTryalt thsy are
Ystbtr to be pitied, than infulted over, for we have all the fame
infirmities 9 &c.
Anfx. 1 wrote in pity of them and the Church, without any
infulting purpofe. If any now to avoid lying in Prifhn, and ftar-*
ving their Families, by Famine, mould furrender their Conferen-
ces to finful Subfcriptions after a Siege of Nineteen years, Ifhall
pity theirs and not infult over them. Nay, if I fpeak of thofe
that lay the Siege, and call out for mfrre Execution, I do it not
infultingly, but with a grieved heart for the Church and them.
•But when I largely recited Hillary's words of them, he faith,
[The Account is very fad~\ (and what faid I more?) But, faith he,
yet fuch as Jhevps rather the Calamity, than the Fault of the
£ifiops.-]
Anfw. Nay then, no doubt, it's no fault to Conform. Hillary
then, and all that kept their ground, were in a great fault for
fo heavily accufing them. And fo the World turned Arians in
(hew (as Hiercm and Hillary fpeak) is much acquit, and the
Nonconforming are the faulty Railers for accufing them. It had
been enough to fay, It was no Crime ; but to fay, no Fault , is
too gentlegfor the fame man that fo ttaJkt of Perjured Arians
before.
§ I j» Yet becaufe he is forced to confefs that it wnmofi by
far of all the Bifliops, even in Councils ( he of Rome not ex-
cepted)
cepted) that thus fell, he muft fhew how it offended him to be'
forced to ir, by telling the world how contentious I have been
againsl all forts and Seds (the (iritis faHe, and he knows it I
think, and thelatter is true formally of a Seel as fitch-, even his
own Seel.) And fomc judge me fuch a stranger to Peace^ as to need
a Moderator to hand between me and the Contradictions of my own
Bookj7\
Anfw Yes, the Bifhops Advocate Roger L' Estrange , where
norhing but grofs ignorance, or malice, or negligence, could
have found Contradictions, were the whole places perufed. And
where I am fure my felf, that there is nonej I have fomewhat
elfe to do than to write m:>re, to (hew the Calumnies of fuch
Readers. Who moft feeks Peace, you, or thofe that you prole-
cute I One would think it fhould not be hard to know if men
be willing.
CHAP. XX.
Of the first- General Conned at Conftantinople. His Cap. 4.
§ i.fTE begins with accufmg me of imitating the Devil*
il Doth fob ferae God for naught \ becaufe I fay that [the
n why tbelieft was freer from the Afian Her ej7e> than the
£.-i:lt was not as the Papi:ts fay, that Chrisl prayed for Peter,
that his Faith rmjhi not fai'^ bat bicatife the Emperours in the
West were Orthodox^ and thofe in iBs Eaft Arians : And the
Bifhops much followed the Emperours will.]
Wh.it, faith he, can- be more unc'hri$li.>u>
Anfw. 1. I never faid that this was the Only Caufe.
2. I proved that this Priv Hedge of Rome was not the mean-
ing of Chrift's Prayer.
3. Is not this the fame man that even now kid the fall of
far more Bifhops, even moft in the World, on the Emperour,
as overcoming them by force and fraud ?
4. Doth not God himfelf keep men ufually from ftrong
temptations, when he will deliver them from fin?
5*. Were not the Eaftern Bifhops, and the Weftern, of the
fame mold and temper ? And if the Eaftern followed the Empe-
rours,
roiirs, had not the Weftern been in danger if they had the like
temptation ?
6. Doth not Bafil that fent to them for help, complain of
them a« proud, and no better than their Brethren ?
7. Did not Marcellmus ft I) to Idolatry, and Liberies to fub-
fcribe againft Atbanafius with the Arians .?
8. Did not the Weft actually fall to Arianifm when tempted
for the molt part ? Judge by the great Council at Milans^ and
by HilUrfs complaints .
9. Hajh Rome and the Weft flood fafter to the Truth fince
then I What ! all the Popes who are by Councils charged with
Her.efie or Infidelity, and all wickednefs, and thofe many whofe
Lives even 'by fiaronins and Genebrard^xe fo odioufly defcribed ?
h the Weft at this day tree from Popery and its fruits ?
10. Do you think in your confcience that if we had not here
aProteftant King, but a Papift, many of the Clergy would not
be Papifts .? Why then are they fo in France, Spjin, Italy, Po-
land, cVc? And why did the moft of them turn in Qj. Mary's
daies ? 1 do not infult, but lament the Churches Cafe, which
ever (ince Wealth and Honour, and too much Power corrupted
it, have had Bifho^s far more worldly, and iefs faithful than
they were the fir it three hundred years. Though I ftill fay
that ever fince, God hath in all times raifed fome ferious Be-
lievers that have kept up ferious Piety in the Church : And as
L doubt not but there are fo many fuch among the Canfor-
mifts^asis our great joy, Co I hope that, though foully blot-
ted with Superftition and Errour, there are many fuch among
the Papifts themfelvcs.
§ 2. Yet he faith, / do the Bijhopi Right again j» it bout thinks
ing of doing them Jaftice, < while I tdl hew many were murdered.
Apfw. .£v, Doth he Know my thoughts l 2. It's true I in-
tended not to do any other Juftice; than to praife Chrift's
Martyrs and Confeflbrs, while I lament the Cafe of -Perfecu-
tors and Revolters? Is. the praife of Confeflbrs any honour to
the Hereticks ?
But perhaps he means, { right the Order ofBifhops. Anfw.
Did 1 ever fay or think that there were no Bifhops that kept
the Faith ? Do I fay All fell, when I fay Moft fell ? The Man
fpeaks as his imagined Intereft leads him, and fo interpreted
my vvcHt!s to his own fenfe, not as written. And if that be the
right
h}7)
right way3 I think he will grant that there were more Martyrs
and Sufferers under Valens^ ConfiantiUsy Hvnnerictis, and Genfett-
cut, in the Eaft^ and in slfnck> by far, than were when their
Tryal came in all the Weft that is now fubjeft to the Pope. And
what moved the man to dream that when I fo defcribe and
praife their conftancy in Suffering, I did it as at unawares ?
That the greater pertiof the Bifhops of the Empire were Ari-
ans, I will not offer by Teftimony to prove, when it is fo com-
monly by Fathers, Hiitorians, by Papifts and Proteftants agreed
on. How many of them were Bifhops before, and how many
but Presbyters or Deacons, Tie not pretend to number. The
turning of multitudes all agree on. The Conftancy of many he
falfly intimateth that I deny, and faith, / injurioufly reprefent
themy and cannot tell a word wherein that Crime is found.
§ 3. Naming the things that were done by the Council at
Constantinople , I mention both the fetting up, and after the put- ~
ting down of Gregory \ & left any Caviller fhould carp at the wqjrd
[patting down] I prefently open particularly what it W3S that
they did toward it 5 that refolving on his depofition,they caufed
him5though unwilling.rather to give it up,thanftay till they caft
him out. This great Hiftorian had no more manlike an Excep-
tion here, than to fay, rhat againft all Hiftory, and againft my
own Explication, I fay that [They Depo/ed him."] I faid [They put
him down] in the manner, and as far as I explained.
§ 4. While he here himfelf accufeth the Times then of 'Gene-
ral Corruption, and the Church of Divifions^ adding, [What Age
hath been fo happy as not to labour under thofe Evils f] he accufeth
me of making mifufe of Gregorys words, to reprefent the Coun-
cil in an odious manner.
Anfw. Ic is 'o reprefent the worfer part in a lamentable man-
ner, as far as Gregory did, and no further. And as to bis quar-
rel at my citation, I fhall fay no more 5 but if the Reader will
but read Gregory's own wor i§ 5 I will igly leave all that Caufe
to his Judgmem : if he will not, my words cannot inform him.
Yet he himfelf faith [He doth indeed in fever at places find fault
with this Council] And can you forgive him ? I think I find no
more than he diw But for this you find fault with him [He did
refent the Injury (AnJ was it an Injury?) and did not bear the
deprivation of his Bijhoprick^ wtihjJte fame genero fit y he propofed,
which made him a little more Jharp than was decent in his repre-
T fentation
Cent at Ian of the BiJhops—lVhat wonder if [harp ened with difcontent,
he exclaim with font eve hat too great a fafftori against the admini-
fir at ion cfthe Chstrch which he had been forced to quit ] Anf Ail
will beconfeft anon^ when I have been accufed for faying it be-
fore him : That's his way. Bat it was not for leaving a high and
fat Bifhoprick that he was grieved, but for being feparated from
the Peopfe th.it he bad partly ferved in their lower ftate, and
partly won from Herefie, and who came about him with tears
increasing him not to forfake them. And though it were more,
than generojity to fet light by the Hononr and Wealth, it is trea
chery to fet light by Souls : And they changed to their great
loft. He refigned much to quiet the.PeopIe left they (hould do
as they did for Chryfojtom after him. It is no new thing for the
Major vote of the Gergy to Envy thofe few that are better and
more efteemed than themftl ves, nor yet for the Godly People to
be loth to leave fuch paflors.
$ 5. He faith [//# cenfure of Councils that he knew none of them
that have any happy End , was not the fault of the expedient, but of
the men"] Anf. And what did lever fay more. Ic is his cuftom
when he hath ftormed at me, to fay in Effedt the fame that he
ftormed at. Some Papifts would perfuade men, thatit was only
Avian Councils that he meant, but moft Protectants that Write
^bout Councils againft them, do cite & vindicate thefe words of
Gregory : And the impartial Pa pills confefs that it was the Coun-
cils alfo of the Catholicks that there and elfe where he fpake of.
§ 6. In the. Cafe of Meletius, and Panlinus, two Bifhops in a
Cicy,and the Cafe of Lucifer CaUritanus made a Heretick for
feparatingfromlapfed Arians, he faith over the fame that I do$
that good men cannot rightly underhand one another^ andfo it ever
katdsbejn, and iiys the Effecl of humane frailty and not Epifcopacy.
l3»*t|l.thislagree. Buti. If humane frailty make Bifhops (well
in pride and ambition, and domineering, it hath far worft Effects
than in other men : ^. And Bifhops are bound to exccll their
flocks in Piety, humility, Selfdenyal, peaceablenefs, as well as
in knowledge. If thePhyficians of this city (hould prove unskil-
ful, and yet confident where they err 5 it is not qu arena s Phy-
sicians that they are fuch : But if it be qui Phyficians that are fuch,
they may kill thoufands, (while the fame faults in all their neigh-
bours may kill few or none. If your Intereft made you no:
(mart and angry without caufe, you would not cavil againft fuch
plain truth. § 7. About
§7. About the Prifcillianifts he faith [I all along obferveto-s
Rule, to be very favourable to all Heretic kj and Schifmatickj be
they never [0 much tn \hJ. wrongs and to fall on the Orthjdox piny
*nd improve every mifej/nage of theirs into a mighty crimed]
Anf. If all along this accufation be falfe, then all a long your
Hiftory ferveth (uch a life. But in France, Spain, Italy, he is fa-
vourable to Hereticks that takes not the orthodox for fuch, or
that is not for racking and burning them. And in England he is
favourable to Schifrru ticks that taketh not the greateft lovers
of Piety and peace for fuch,andthe Church Tearers for Church-
Healers : As Mr.Dodwell phrafeth it, tb*y areSchifmaticks that
fuffer themfelves to be excommunicate ( for unfinful things
in the Bifhops account, and heinous fin in theirs 5 and fo that are
not fo ripe in Knowledge, as to know all the unfinful things to
befuch which may be impofed.
§ 8. What would this enemy of railing hare had me faid
more than I did of the Prifcillianifts ? viv. that they were Gno-
flicks and AJanicbees? Was not that bad Enough. No, I favour
themftill ? And what f&y I more of the Bifhops and the whole
caufe, than Sulpitius Severn* the fulleft and molt knowing De-
fcriber faith ? Why doth he not accufe him for the fame de-
fcription ? Yea and their Mr. Ri. Hooker who in the Preface
to his Eccl. Vol. faith- of Ithacius the like ? Yea Ba^oniushhm-
felfconfenteth ? Where I fay that to the death Martin feparated
from the fynuds o< thefe Bifhops (I faid not from all Bifhops in
the world) he faith, he renounced only the Ccmmnnion of Itha-
cius his F*rty%andtbat others did as well as he. Reader, it will be
thy folly to take either his word or mine, what an Author faith3
when we differ, without looking into the Book it felf. Read
Sulpitius Severn* $ I will tranferibe fome words., left he fay, I
miftranfiate them.
<c Prifcilhanus, familia nobilis , pr&dives opibus acert inquies,
u facundtU) mult a leclione truditw, differ endi & d if put audi prom-
c< ptiffimus- ■ -vigilare multumjamem & fuirnjerrt p vrM hu>enai
u minime CHpidus, utendi parciffimm (Was it a crime to fay fo
cc much good ot him.5) But proud of his Learning, fetup a He-
" refie, and two Bifhops Infiantius and Salvianus ioyned with
u him, and made him a Bifhop— At Cdfar Augufla one Synod
" was gatheted ag&hrft him. The Story 1 before recited. Next
11 a Synod at Burde^ux tryeth them. Saith Sulpitius [is Ac we a
T 2 c' quidem
(i4°)
11 qtiidem fententia eft, mihi tarn reos quam accufatores difpLcere]
tC Certe Ithacium nihil penfit nihil f anil i habuijfe definio : fttit enim
r< audaxt loquax, impudens3 fumptuofus, ventri & guU plurimum
<c impertiens. Hie ftultitia, eo ufque procejferat ut omnes etiam
cc fanclos viros, quibus am slrudium erat leftionis^ am prop ofi turn
" erat cert are jejuniis, tanquam Prifcilliani focios ant difciptdos in
" crimen arcejfsret. Auftts etiam mifer eft ea tempeslate Martino
iC Epifcopo—palam objetlare harefis in f ami am. Imp erat or per
<c Magnum & RufumEpifcopos depravatus d mitionbus confdiis de-
Qtflcxus-~-So he tells how many were put to death-— Caterum
lf Pnfci'iliano occifo3_ nonmfolum non reprejfa eft h&refis— fed confir-
cc mat a, latins propagata eft : Namque fetlateres ejus qui eum
<c prius tit fantlum honor aver ant ^ poftea ut Martyr em colere empt-
** runt. Ac inter noBros perpstuum difcordiarum helium exarferat,
Cc quod jam per quindecim annos fcedis differ.fionibus agitatum,
M nullo modo fopiri pot erat. Et nunc cum maxime difcordus Epif-
iQcoporum turbari am mifceri omnia cetnerentur, cuntlaque per eos
" odio aut gratia, mttu, inconftantia, invidia, fatlione, libidine,
<c avaritia, arrogantia, fomno, defidia, ejfent dtpravata : Voftremo
€t plures adverfus paucos bene confrtlentes, infants confiliis & perti-
*c nacibus ftudiis certarent : Inter htc Plebs Dei, & Optimus quif-
Qi que probro a^que ludibrio habebatur.~] So ends Sulpitius Hiftory,
Do you; not fee, Mr. Morrice, that there have been Prelates
and Puritanes/venEpifcopal Puritanes before our Times fDoth
not your ftomach rife againfr £#//>;>/# 5 as too Puritanical and
fevere ? Is not my Language of moft of the Bifhops fofc in com-
parifon of his? Yet he was fo early as to live in that which
you now call the moft flourifhing Time of the Church. Sir, I
hate Difcord, and love Peace $ but I never look that the En-
mity between the Woman's and the Serpent's Seed, or Cain and
Abel^ mould be ended $ or that the holy Title of Bifhops and
Priefts mould reconcile ungodly men to Saints. Sir, England
knoweth, that though fome factious perfons have done other-
wife, the main Body of thofe that your Law doth Silence,
Ruine and Revile, have a high elteem of fuch Bifhops as have
been ferioufly godly 5 fuch as were many in Antient and late
Times : And deride itas long as you will, the ferioufly religious
People in England are they that are moft againft Church-Ty-
ranny, and which Party moft of the debauched and prophane
are of> hathlongbeen known.
§ ?. But
§ 9. But the Reader (hall further hear how little you are to
be trufted. Saith Sul. in Vita, A/an. [_^pud Nemaufwm Epifco-
porum Synodus habebatur ad quam quidem ire neltierat— -(There's
another Synod.)
Et pag. 584. InAfon. Pat. [cC Maximus Imperator alids vir
<c bonus ) depravatm covfiltis Sacerdotum, poft Prifcilliam necem
Qt Ithacium EpifcopumPrifcilliani accufit crem cater ofjj illim focios^
" quos nominarenon efi necejfe vi regia tuebatur.-~Congregati apud
"Trcvercs Eptfcopi(ihere'$ another Synodjtenebantur^qui quotidie
" communic antes Ithacio communem fibi caufam fecerant : His ubi
<c nunciatum efi inopinantibus, adzffe Martinum^ totis animis la-
tC befatti, muffitare & trepidare CGepcrttnt.-~Nec dubium erat quirt
" Sanciorum etiam maximam turbam tempeflas ifla depopulatura
H efjet. Etenim tunc folis oculis dtfeernunt inter hominum genera^
cc cum quis Pallore potius am Vefie} quamfide^ h&reticus <zjtimare-
u tur. Hdc nequaquam placitura Martino Epifopi faciebant. —
" Ineunt cum Jmperatore Confilium ut m^ffts obviam Alagifiri of-
" ficialibuS) urbem iftam (Martinus*) vetaretur propim accedere.
(But it was not five Miles from all Cities and Corporations.)—
u Inter ea Epifcopi quorum cemmunionem Martinus non in ibat tre-
fc pidi ad- Regem concurrunt, per damnatos fe conquer entes atlum
" effe de [ho omnium fiat u, fi Theognifii pertinaciam^ qui eos SO-
"LVSt palam lata fententia coudemnaverat, Martini artnaret au-
" thoritas : Non oportuijfe hominem capi moenibus illis : Non jam
<c defensor em h&reticorum efjey fed vindicem (Methinks I read- Mr.
Ct Merrice) Nihil attummorte PrijciUiam ft Martinus exerceat
c< iUm ultionem. ( Thefe men have done nothing till they
" have deftroy'd all that^ are againft their Tyranny.) Pofiremo
" pro fir at i cum fietu (they could weep too) & lament at ione Pa-
" teftatem Regiam implorant^ nt utatur adverfus VNVM homi-
<c nem vi fua : Nee multum aberat quin cogeremr Imperator Mar-
?* tinum cum hareticorum forte mifcere.^But the Emperour know-
u ing his eminent Holinefs and Reputation, tryeth perfuafion $
w {& blande appellat, h&reticos jure damnatos9 more judiciorxm
u public or urn, pot ins quam in fettationibus Sacerdotum: Non eJJs
" caufam qua Ithacii cater or umq-y partis ejus communionemy puta-
" ret effe damnandam^ Theogniftum odiopotius quam caufa, fecijfe
" diffidium 5 Eundemq-^ tamen SOLVM effe qui fe d communione
" interim f par avit -,a reliquis nihil novatum.^ You fee here that
" M M, faith truly3 that Martin feparated but from the Bifhops
"of
"■■oi it toacttis s rarty: inac is, ah lave one l^eogmjtus (and
ec lentil is elfewhere named, ) Is not here a great accord of the
Bifhops ? ) [tc J^itietiam paucos ante dies habita Sjnodus (Sy-
" noGS ftill) Ithacium pronunciaverat culpa non tenerf] no won-
" der : Synods have juftified the forbidding of two thoufand to
" Preach the Gofpel.) At laft when no other Remedy could
" fdv^ the Lives of men from the Leeches, Martin yielded once
w to communicate with the Bifhops on condition the mens
a Lives mould be faved : The Bifhops would have had him
" Subftribe this Communion : But that he would never do. £Po~
u ft cradie inde Je prorij>iensycum revertens in viam mceftus ingemifce-
u ret 5 fe vel ad horam noxia communioni ejfe permixtum-fub-
et fediti caufam dolor is & fatli accufante & defendente cogitations
ct pervolvens, aft it it ei repent Angelus j Merit 0 inquit Marline
f compungeris, fed aliter ex ire nequifti ; Repara virtutem : re fume
cc Confiantiain j ne jam non periculum gloria, fed falutis incur-
" reris. Itaque ab illo tempore [at is cavit, cum ilia Ithaciana
Q< partis communione mifceri. C&terum cum quofdam ex inergu-
tc menis^ tardius quam folebat^ & gratia minore curabat, fabinde
<c nobis cum lachrymis fatebatur, fe propter communioni s illius ma*
(t lum cuife vel puntlo temporis neccffitate, nonfpintu mifcuijfet, de-
'f tnmentum /entire virtutis. Sedecim poftea vixit annos : Nul-
** lam Synodum adiit; ab omnibus Convent thus fe removit.'] Now
Reader, judge how great Ithaciush Party was, that boafted but
one or two men were sgainft them : And whether Martin fepa-
rated not from their common Synods.
Methinks I fee Mr. M. here in the (trait of the Pharifees,
when put to anfwer whether John's Baptifm was from Heaven,
or of men. Fain he would make Martin and Sulpitius Puriranes
and Fanaticksi but the Church hath made a Holy day for Marm
tin9 and dedicated multitudes of Temples to his Honour; and all
men reverence Sulpitius and him. Yet he ventures to go as far
as he durit/?. 142. againft them.
§ 10. But here Mr. M. fmarteth, and faith [This Inftance
could become none worfe than Mr% B. who in a Letter to Dr. Hill
confeffes himfelf to have been a Man of Blood— 2
0An[w. A Man of Blood is your Libertine Phrafe. If yoa would
have publifhed that fecret Letter, you fhould 1. Have told the
whole, and worded it truly? 2. And have profefted your felf a
derider of Repentance, while you call for it. I lived in an Age
of
('43)
of War, and I was on the Parliaments fide, and that was enough
to prove that I had a hand in blood while I was on one tide,
though I never drew blood of any man my fell (fave once a
Bov at School with boxing.)
But he thinks I (hould have imitated Martin in renouncing
Communion with men of blood.
Anfw. Martin renounced Communion wirh thofe that were
for deftroying even downright Hereticks. Alas Sir, I dare not
renounce Communion with thefe that Silence thoufands of
faithful Minifters, and continue ftill to Plead, Preach, and Write
for their Profecution by fmprifbnment and Ruine. I hope many
do it in Ignorance, and if I do ir, it may increafe the diftance
that I would heal. Nonconformists are no Prifcillianifts.
And if I renounce Communion with all that were in Wars, it
rouft be with fome prefent Bifbops, and a great part of the
Land.
But I underftand you 5 it mult, be with all that were in Arms
for the Parliament,^. Anfw. The King then will condemn
me by his Aft of Oblivion, and by his own practice : Hath he
not one of them for the Lord Prefident of his Council ? znd ma-
ny more in Truft and Honour ? Did he renounce Communion
with General Mankind his whole Army, who were long in
Arms for the Parliament? Or with the Citizens, and multitudes
of Commanders through the Land, who drew in, & encouraged
General Monk? Or the Minifters that perfuadedSir Tho> Allen,
Lord Mayor, to draw him in .?
To be plain with you Sir ^though you call It Railing) Men of .
your Faculty kindled the Fire, and fet the Nation together by
the Ears, and when fad experience broifghtTheTn to repentance
and to defire unity and peace, and thofe that had fought for the
Parliament had reftored the King, this evil Spirit, envveth the
Kingdom the benefit of this concord, and would fain bre.ik us
again into contending Parties, and will not let King and Kingdom
have peace, while God giveth us peace from all foreign enemies.
Do we need any other notice what a Contentious C!ergy have
ftill been, than the woful experience of what they are. If you
would have had G. Monk, and his Army, and all fuch that joyned
with him deftroyed or excommunicate for what they had done.,
why did you notfpeak out at firft, but when we would all fain '
have peace and concord thus twenty years after caft your Wild-
fire
(i44)
fire you warn the Prefent Duke of 'Albemarle to expett to be ac
laft called to account for his original fin.
§ 11. But his paflion makes him fay he knows not what, P.
i4x [" I need not call Mr. B. to rcmemberance who compared
Cf Cromwel to Davidznd his Son to Solomon 5 But this has tran-
<c (ported me a little too far.]
-An[, He faith this plainly of me afterward, to fhew[the cre-
dibility of his Hiftory ? Did he know it to be falfe ? If fo\ there's
no difputingwith him. If not, why did he not cite my words.
Yea he after tranferibes the Epiftle meant., where he faw there
were no fuch words : But others had told that tale before him,
and that was Enough. Even as one of his tribe hath written that
I have written in my Holy Common- wealth , that any one Veer
may judge the King, Ifthefe Epifcopal Hiftorians tell foreigners
that we have all Cloven Feet and Horns,and go on four Jegs3yea
and iffome fwearir, we have no remedy: They can prove our
notes horns, and our hands Feet.
I again tell them, If Martins Angel and Miracles be credible,
woe to thofe Prelatifts that are for ruining violence., and filences
againft men better than the Gno flicks. If they be not tfue,let them
not truft.too much to the beft Hiftorians.
§ 12. Of the Council at Capua I faid that they decreed that
the two Biftiops and their People Jhould live in loving Com-
munion, Mr. M. finds me miftaken here. The words in Bmnim
are [Vt tarn Flaviani quam Evagrii fatitor es in Communionem
Catholic am admittantur, modo Catholic* fidei aj] en ores tnvenian-
tm~\ I thought Catholick Communion had been Loving Commu-
nion: And I thought if their fautors were to be received, fo
were they : And I thought Antioch had been a part of the Ca-
tholick Church, and Catholick Communion had extended to An-
tioch', But if Mr. M. deny thefe, I will not contend with him.
§ 13. He tells us, that \No man with his Eyes open ever faw
the Condemnation o/Bonofus by the Council of Capua] (for deny-
ing the Virgin M^r/s perpetual Virginity.
Anfiv. It is Criticifm and not Hiltory that the rr.an is beft at.
They did it mediately, while they referred it to them that did
it. Siith hmnipis £" Can[a Bonofi cujufdam in h/iae'der^a Epifco-
" pi htcretici^ mgantis delibatam De* gtnitricti Maria Virginita-
u tem^ pofi partum in judicium dedutla efi. Synodus cognitionem
Cf cauja Any fin Thejfalonienfi cum Epijcopis ipft fubjetlts delegavit:
(»45)
" Ab Anjfio Bonofum damnatum, iorumcjue quos ordinajfet comma -
tC nione privatum ejfe teftatur Innoc. P. And he knows h's a He -
rede now. Yec this Council condemned Reordinations.
§ 14. That fovinian a Monk was called a Heretick, for Do-
ctrines judged (bund by Proteftants, is no ftrange thing. Thar
one not a Bifhop was the Head of a Herefie, was fomewhat
ftrange then, but not before they got too high .
As to the Q^eftion, Whether Bifhops were the Chief Heads
and Fomenters of Herefie, I crave his impartial Anfwer to thefe
Queftions. 1. Do not your felves maintain that all Churches
in the world had Bifhops j and that the Bifhops were the Ru-
lers, and of Chief Power f Kfo, can you imagine that after they
had fuch Power, Churches could be ufuaiiy made Hereticks
wichout them ?
4>. 2. Do not Councils, and all Church-Hiftory tell us how
many Councils of Hereticks there have been that were Bifhops ?
J^ 3. If any Presbyter broke from his Bifhop to lee up a
Herelie, was it not one that foughr to be a Bifhop? Or did they
not make prefently him or fome other their Bifhop and Head f
Herefie or Popery had made but fmall progrefs/had it not been
for Bifhops.
§ 15. When I commend the Novations Canon, which al-
lowed all men Liberty for the Time of Eafter, as better than
burning men as Hereticks,he takes it fox an Immoderate Tranfpon
that I fay \j'as loud as I can [peak* If all the Proud, Ambitious,
tC Herniating part of the Bi/kops had bsen of this mind, O what
"fitly what fcatrdal, and what foam z , whit cruelties, confufions and
Ct miferies bad the Chrifiian world efcapid?] That is, had they letc
fuch Indifferent things as Inditferent.
And is this againft Moderation ? I would fuch Zeal of God's
Houfe had more eaten me up : Dare you deny but that this
courfe would have faved the Lives of all thofe thoufands oiAl-
bigenfes, Waldenfes, and Bohemians that the Papifts killed : And
the death and torment of multitudes by the Inquiikion ? And
the burning of our Smithfield Martyrs : And it's like moft of the
Wars between the Old Popes and Emperours about Inveftitures ?
And the blood of many thoufandmore. And it would have fa-
ved more Nations than ours from the Tearing and Diviiion of
Churches by the Eje&ing and Silencing of hundreds or thoufands
of their Paftors, as the cafe of the Germans Interim, and other
V fuch
«nch actions prove. And is it immoderate iranjport to witn all
this Blood, Schifm, Hatred and Coiiuiion, and weakning and
(haming of the Church had been prevented at the rate of ToU-
rating Indifferent things: No wonder if you had rather Eng-
land [\\\\ furfered what it doth, and is in danger of by Schifm,
than fach things Indifferent (hall be tolerated : It is not for no-
thing that Chriftand Paul repeat, that fome have Eyes and fee
lot , Ears and hear not, &C.
§ 1 6. And here he again would make his Reader think it's
true, that the Nonconforming pretend that their Silencing is
for not keeping E after Day at the due Time ; as if this man that
liveth among us did not know,that i* is the avoiding of deliberate
Lying by fubfcrtbing to a known untruth, which is the thing that
theyrefufe; and they mention it only as an appurtenance of
the Impofition ad homines, that it would bind them to two dif-
ferent times.
Whether, as he faitb, our difeafe be a wantonmfs fed by con-
cejfion, and we are moft violent when we know not what we would
kjive, thofe men are no credible Judges that for feventeen years
would not endure us to fpeak out our Cafe ; and when before
we debated part of ir,wou!d not vouchfafe to anfwer us jand at
hft when we tell it them, do butaccufe us with a (harper ftorm,
inftead of giving any thing that a man can cdll an Anfwer that
ever knew the Cafe, e.g; to our Pleas for Peace, and my Trea-
t ife of Epifcopacy.
§ 17. He cdnfefTeth that I praile the African Bithops as the
belt in the world, though it contradict his former charge. As to
the Magnitude of Diocefles, when he hath anfwered my Treat,
of Epifcopacy, fome body may be edified by him.
I agree with him that Good men will do much Good in a great
Diocefs. But 1. Worldly Bifhops are;fo far bad : And worldly
Wealth and Honour will ever be moft: fought by the moft
worldly men : And ufually he thatfeeks (hall find- -Ergo —And
2, A good mm cannot do Impoflibilities : The belt cannot do
the work of many hundred.
Forty two years ago fome wifht for theReftoring of Confef-
fion.
Theophilus Parochialis brings copious Reafons and Orders of
Princes, Popes and Prelates, that all fhould confefstothe Parifh-
Prieft. If you had fet this up here, how many men inuft have
gone
C47)
gone to it in the Parifhes of St. Martin, Giles Cripplegate, Step-
ney3 &c ? But how much greater work hath Dr. Hammond, and
Old Councils, cut out for him that will be the fole Bifhop of
many hundred Pariihes ? I have named it eliewhere.
And, if any man of confideration think I have not proved
againft Mr. Dodwell, that Bifhops Government is not like a
King's, who may make what Officers under him he pleafe, but
depends'more as a Phyfician's or School-matter's onPerfonal Abi-
lity^ I will now add but this Queftion to him [Why is it that
Monarchy may be hereditary \ and a Child or Infant may be King]
but an Infant may not be Bifhops nor any one not qualified with Ef-
fential Ability? I have at large told you how ftiarply Baromus
and Binnim condemn that odious Nullity of making a Child (by
his Father's Power) A. 'Bifhop of Rhcmes.
If I heard twenty men fay and fwear that one man is fufficient
to be the only Matter of many hundred Schools, or Phyficiart
to many hundred Hofpitai^or that one Carpenter or Mafon may
alone build and rear all the Houfes in the City after the Fire, cr
one man be the fole Matter of an hundred thoufand Families 5
what can I fay to hirrr, but that he never tryed or knows the
work ?
§ 18. When I note that the Donattfts took themfelves for
the Catholicks, and the Adverfaries for «Schifinaticks, be-
caufe they were the greater number, he very honeftly faith ■
that Multitude may render a Sett formidable, tut it's no Argu-
ment of Right.
Very true -, nor Secular Power neither. But what better Ar-
gument have the Papitts3 and many others that talk againft
Schifm?
§ 19. He thinks the Donatifls Bijhops Churches were not fo
[mall as our Partjhes. Anfw. Not as forne : Bur if, as I faid
before, Confiantinople in the height of all itVGIory in Chryfo-
fiomh daies3 had but icoooo Chriftians, as many as three Lon-
^<7«- Parifhes have, judge then what the Donatifis had.
§ 20. His double quarrel with Bmnim and Barcnius, let who
will mind. What I gathered out of thofe and other Canons of
the fmalnefs of Churches then, I have" elfewhere made good.-
His Reviling Accufations o{ Envy to their Wealth, deferveth no
Anfwer.
§ 1 1. He comes to St. Th:cpbilus$ Cafe, of which we fpake
V z before.
1*4* J
^re. The Monks that reported e\ril of bim, were^ it may bet
faith he., downright Knaves, The Reviling is blamelefs when ap-
plied to fuch. Doubilefs they were ignorant raft Zealots: But
one that reads what the Egyptian Monks were in Anthonys
uaies, and after, and what Miracles and Holinefs, Sulpitius Seve-
rn* reporteth of thern^ and why Bafil retired into his Monaftery,
&c. may conjecture that they had much lefs worldlincfs than
the Bi(fiops,an:J not greater fault?.
§ 22. I think it not defirable or pleafant work to vindicate
the credit of Socrates and Socmen accufing Theophilus : But if
his Conjectures in this cafe may ferve againft exprefs Hiftory
of fuch men, and fo near, let him leave other Hiftories as Joofe
to our Conjecture?. Poftbum/anus Narrative in Sulpitiw, is but
of one piece of theTragedy.He thinks it-improbable that Origen
fhould be accufed for making God Incorporeal -, and fuch Con-
jectures are his Confutation of Hiftory : But Ongen had two
fort of Accufers -, theBi(hops5fuchas Theophilm and Epipkanius
had worfe charges againft him : But the Anthropomorphtte Monks
were they that brought that Charge againft him (that God had
no face, hands, eyes.) And Theophihu before them cryed down
Origen in general, to fave his life, by deceiving them, that they
nvght think he did it on the fame account as they did. This is
Socrates his Report of the Cife.
He faith, that the Impudent Mutinous Monks were not afcamed
to tell all the world, that all th.it were againfl them were Anthropo*
phites,
An[w\ It was other Monks that I here talk not of, that he
means : It was thefe Monks that were Anthropomorphites them-
it Ives, and would have killed Theophihu for not being fb3 till he
faid to them, Methinkj I fee your faces as the Face of God : And
the name of the Face of God did quiet them. Hienm was a
Party againft Chrjftfiom ; it was for not palling that Sentence
on Origen, that Epiphamus would by mafterly Ufurpation have
Impcfed on him, that Chryfoftom was by him accufed.
§ 23. Could any Sobriety excufe that man Epiphanlu.^ that
would come to the Imperial City, and there purpoftly intrude
into the Cathedral of one of the beft Bifhcps in the world, for
Parts and Piety 5 and there play the Bifhop over an A. Bifliop
in his own Church, and feek to fet all the Auditory in a flame
at the time of Publick Worihip, and require him to fay that of
Origen,
Orlgen, which he there without any Authority impofed on biirji
I know not what is Pride, Ufurpation, Turbulency, if not Malig-
nity, if this be not.
But at laft he faith, ['5 / do net intend to excufo Theophilus in
" this particular : (Thank, Pope Innocent) He did certain!/ pro -
Cc fecute his Rrfentment too far : But he was not the only mm :
" Epiphanius, a per Con of great Holinefs j Hierom, aid fever al
<: oth.r pj'rfons renowned for their Piety ^ wen concerned in the-per-
cl Jecution of this Great man, as well as he : And to fay the truth,
c> this J* tksit weaknefs ; for that Severity which gives men gene-
a rally a Reparation of Holinefs, though it mortife fame irregular
" heats, yet is apt to difpofe men to p?evijl:nefsf\
But true Holinefs ever fincerely iovcth holy men, and fpeciaf-
ly fuch as are publick Bleffings to the Church i And though [
cenfure not their main State, your Holy Perfccutors of the brfc
of ChrinVs Servants, will never by Chrift be judged fmalJ Offen-
ders.
Alas ! it's too true that Theophilus was not alone : A Coun-
cil ofBiihops were the Perfccutors. And it's hard to think thar
they loved Chryfoftom as chemfelve?. When the forememioned
Council at Conft amino pie had turned out Naz.ianz.en^ even the
great magnifiers of General Council*, Baromm and Bmnius, thus
reproach them, that they drove away a holy excellent man, that
a man was fet up in his fie ad that was no Cbnftian; that it was
thi Epifcopi Nundinarii that did it, the Oriental Bi/h<.ps firft
leaving them, aid going away with Gregory. And if -he Ai*yor
Vote of that General Council were Ep-fcopi Nundinarii, what:
Chyfsljm's Perfccutors were may be conic <fba red. Do not thefe
Papiits here fay worfe of them than I do ?
§ 24. Yet though he confets as much as is aforefaid, and
bring but his Conjectures mixt with palpable omiflions againft
the exprefs words of Socrates and Socmen, he hath the face to-
make up his failing with this Calumny [Ct / have dwelt (0 long en
" this, nut only to vind cats Theophilus, iut to /hew once for ail the-
"manner of our Authors dealing with his Reader in his Church-
H Hiflory. Any fcandalom Story, though it be asfalfe and imprz-
" bable as any in the Asni Mirabiles, or Whites Cenruries of Scan-
" daloits A.fmifiers, any Fid ion that refletfs with difgracc on
Ci Bijhops and Councils is fit down fqr apttbwtic^ no matter wh>
;; dslivtri it, friend or fee. 2
A*
d5°)
Cc therefore there is no great credit to be given them in thefe
C( Relations, as manifeftly efpoufing the Caufe and Quarrel of
u the Novatians.~\
str.fw. i. Juft as Thuanpu or Erafmus cfpoufed the Caufe of
the Proteftants by Truth and Peace, when others hated and be-
lied them. 2. Methinks the man revileth me very gently in
companion of Socrates and $oz,omen3xhe two mod impartial and
credible of all our Antient Church- Hiftorians ( with Tbeo-
dorot.) But who can wonder that he imitateth that which he
defendeth.
§ 4. But he faith, [It may be the Novatians deferred it--* and
its not unlikely that they were very trouble Com and [edit ious.~]
Anfw. W$ not uh likely now that others will fay it was fo. But
mark Reader which of thefe Hiftorians is mod credible [Socra-
tes and Sozomen lived with thofe that knew the things and per-
sons : They have told us Truth in the reft of their Hiftories : If
they had been Novatians.Mx.M. faith, They believed finning
after Baptifm had no pardon or abfolution : And were they not
like then to (ear fuch Lying and falfe Accufing a? paints a Saint
like the Devi] or Anrichrift.] On the other fide [Mr./*/. liveth
above a thoufand years after them ; He is one of the Party that
take it to be not only lawful, but a duty to fay and fwear all
that is impofed now,which I will not here defcribe :How truly
he writes theHiftory of his own Age, even of Parliament and
Wars, and living perfons, I have told you. He faith no more
againft the Hiftorians credit here, but [it may be~] and [it's not
wlikely] and [thy were Novatians, SchHina ticks, Alexandrians.]
Even fo theirCountermine^and^manyConformiftSjthat lave many
years reported us to be Rajfing a War againft the King, bad
their [May-be'i] and [Its not unlikely'] and [they are Scbifma-
tickj'j to prove it : And others foon role up and fwore it. And
when fome lament their Perjury, it flops not the reft. But fome
have fuch Free-will, that they can believe whom they lift.
§ 5". Socrates, faith he, makes it part of his charge that he
took on him the Government of temporal Affairs. This was not the
ZJ fur pat ion of the Bijtcop, but the Indulgence of the Emperour: And
he flievvs the Churches need of it.
jinfw. That which he is charged with is, that he -was the
fir ft Ihjivp that him fe If u fed the Sword. And I. Do you think
i-hit io great a Patriarchate & Diocefs would not find a confeio-
nable
(i)3)
nable Paftor work enough, without joyning with it the Magi-
ftrates Office? 2. Was not the Church greatly changed even
fo early from what it was a little before in the daies of Martin
and Snlfitim^ when even Ithaciu* durft not own being fo much
as a feeker to the Magiftrate to draw the Sword againft grofs
Hereticks j and the belt Bifhops denied Communion with them
that fought it : And now a Biftiop himfelf becomes the ftriker
not of grofs Hereticks, but fuch as peaceable Bifhops bore
with.
I remember not to have read that Cyril had any CommifTion
for the Sword from the Emperour : Others then had not : But
I deny it not.
§ 6. He faith, that elfewhere I fay [Ifhallnot dijhonour fhcht
nor difobey thim!\ Anfa. I fay and do fo : If a Bifhop will take
another Calling from the King's Grant, when he hath underta-
ken already 40 times more work as a Diocefan than he can do,
He honour and obey him as a Magiftrate : But I would be loth
to ftand before God under the guilt of his undertaking and
omifllons.
§ 7. As to all the reft of the Hiftory about fjril's Execu-
tions, and the wounding of Ortftes the Governour, I leave ic
between the Credit of Mr. M. and Socrates. : And he very much
fufpetls the Story of Cyril V making a Martyr of him that was exe-
cuted for it : I leave all to the Reader's Judgment. I think I may
tranferibe Socrates without flandering Cyril.
Here his fpleen rifing, faith [There are men in the world that
honour fuch as Martyrs for murdering a King."]
-Anfxv. You may fmell what he infinuates : I think he witt
not fay, that he ever did more againft them than thofe that they
call Presbyterians have done. We Wrote and Preacht againft
them when he did not. I know not the Presbyterian living to
my remembrance, that was not againft the Murder of the King ,
and Prin, whom the Bifhops had cropt and itigmatized for be-
ing againft them, as an Eraftian, was the hotrelt in the Par-
liament, for the Execution of the King's Judges : But I knew di-
vers Conformifts that have written or fpoken to juftifie or ex-
cufe that Fa<5t.
§ 8. As for the Murder of Hypatiayl\twt him to bis fcuffle
with Socrates and Damafciusjn which I interefsnot my felf.
§ 9. I thank Pope Innsctnt Mr, M. durft not deny CyrU\
X faulty
faults, in his hnmity to tne memory oi wryjoiron* $ ami yet ne
calls my reciting the matter of Fac*t a reproach. He i3 conftrain-
f d to confefs [Cc That the Quarrel was it feems hereditary to hint
u (fo is Original Sin) and he didprofecme it beyond all equity or
u decency anainft the memory of a dead man : This was a faulted
* and he that is without any, or without any particular animofttyy
tC fpscially if he be in any eminent place, Let him caft the fir ft ftone.~\
Anfw. Thanks to Confcience : We feel your Animofities: But
is not this man a Railing Accufer of Cyril, if I am fuch ? What
faith he lefs in the main ? Yea he now renews his Accufation of
his Predecelfor, faying, It was hereditary. To profecute malice
againft the very name of a holy extraordinary Bifhop, beyond
all equity and decency— what will Chriftianity or Humanity call
it ? But Faction faith,/* was a f suit, and he that is without anjjkc.
Thus talkt Eli to his Sons: So one may fay, To Silence 2oco
Minifters, or to hate the belt men, and feek their ruine, is a
fault, aPrelatica! peccadillo; and (b was Bonner's ufage of the
Martyrs 5 and let him that is without any caft the firft (tone.
And Sr. John faith, He that hateth his Brother is a murderer, and.
none fuch hath Eternal Life abiding in him; and that as Cain, he
is of the Evil One, the Devil. And I believe him.
§ 10. But he faith, / irjxrioufly charge h:m with calling Alex^
ander a boldfaced man^ when Atticus was the fir ft Author of that-
word.
Avfw. Atticni mentioned Akxandcr^'c.orfidtnxjrue and ne-
ceffary Counfelj Cyril contradicting ir, calls the man, A man
of a confident face or mouth. If another Bifhop fa id the firft words-
before him, do I wrong him % faying he faid tht fi>coxd? O
tender men! His urging*;the keeping up the names of fuch as
NcchariHs and Arfacius; and calling out Ch ryf-ftcmw, is lb like
our Canons about Readers and Nonconform^?, and our Cano-
neers defcriptions of their Gauntry Parfon?, and the Furitanes, .
that i wonder not that you defend him,
§ 1 1. But he faith, that lis a little ur.chrtftian to. blaft his
memory with the faults which he corretled in his life-time.']
Anfw. 1. It's neceflary to tell that truth which blafteth the
Reputation of fuch fin as was growing up towards Papacy.
^«/. 2. Then Chrift was unchriftian to tell the Jews of their very
fathers murders of the Prophets, while they difclaimed ir, and
built their Sepulchres, Mat. 23. And then it was unchriftian in
the
C'5))
tbe Holy Ghoft, to blaft the memory of Adam% Noe, Lot.David
Solomon, Peter, yea or Manaffeh, with fins repented of. 3.Hiftory
muft fpeak truth about things repented of$ or elfe it will but
deceive the world. 4. The Honour of God, andGoodnefs, and
Truth, muft be preferred before our own Honour. Repentance,
if true, will moft freely confefs a mans own fin, and moft fully
fhameit.
§ 12. Whether all his far-fetch t Conjectures that Cyril re-
pented, be true or no, is nothing to me. I will hope he did,
though I nerer faw it proved : The very laft Sentence of Death
might do it. His retortion is, [/ know no man deeper engaged
in the Contentions of the Church (than I) The writing of his Eighty
Bookj Being but lik- fo many pitcht Battels he has fovgbt, and mop
commonly in the dayk^t when he was ■ hardly able to difc over friend
from foe .]
Anfw. It's too true, that being all written for Peace, the
Enemies of Peace have fought againft them. Ntmis dm habi-
tavitt anima me a inter ofores pari*. But pro caput Lector is, &ct
All men take not the words of fuch as he for Oracles. How
much I have written and done for Peace, lee others read and
judge. I long laboured and begg'd for Peace in vain with fuch
as he defendetb. And it's admirable if this pittFlefs Enemy of
Sects and Errours can be for all the Seels and Errours that I
have written againft. Have I in the dark taken for foes by Er-
rour the Atheifts, the Infidels, the Sadduce<«, the Hobbifts, the
Quakers, the Ranters, the Papifts, rhe Socinians, the Libertines
called Antinomians, the Anabaptiits, the Separatifts, and Sects
as Sects l Be of good comfort ail : Thefe Prelatifts that accufe
us for too dark and (harp Writings againft you, feem to tell you
that they will more hate perfecuting or diftretfing you -9 Yes
when they agree with themfelves.
His Prayer that I may have a more honorable opinion of Re-
pentance he calls me to fpeak to in the End.
§ 13, Whether good Ifidore Telupota were a man [«wr;
*: eafy to take any impreffions, and upon falfe information char get h
u Cyril with profecttting his private qnarrclls with Nefrorius
" under pretence of \,eal for tie faith ]I leave all men to believe
our Accufer as they fee caufe. And the fame I fay of that which
is fo great a Gontroverfie among the Critical HiftorianSjWhetber
Thcodorets Epiftle to fob. Ant, againft Cyril be Counterfeit, or
X 2 were
(i56)
were written on a falfe rumour of Cyrils death. Their 5-th Ge-
neral Council hath ir. Baronius and Bmnius fay, fome Eutychian
knave hath corrupted the Acts of that Council. Muft Council*
be the Laws of all the world, and hath the Church and Tradi-
tion kept them no better, that we know not when we have them
truly f Leave us then to the univerfal Laws of God.
§ 14. He faith truly that [ the Council of Ephefus was chiefly
direfted by the authority ©/"Cyril ] Anf And fo was that at Trent
by the authority of the Pope And when he hath confuted the
credible Hiftory wich tells us of the womens and Courtiers ha-
tred of Neftorius, and proved that the Emperour and Pal-
cberia the Emprefs were but one, I will grant that the authority .
0} the Court dtretled not Cyril ; and that then and now Bifhops
neither were nor are directed by the Civil powers.
§ if . When I fpake againft Ne florin* his cruelty to Sectaries
he asketh [ What Hereticaters were hotter than the Trefbyterians
in 1646. The Inquifition is not more fever e than their ordinance a-
gainfl Herefes, which they deflredjhould be made felony and pun fo-
ld by death &c.l ;
Anf. Reader Judge of the mans Credit at to ancient Hiftory
ftill by his truth about the Prefent age. 1. The Inquifltion he
faith, is not more fever e. Do I need to anfwer this to any man of
50 years of age. ? It's Capable of no anfwer but what he will call
by fome name defer ved by his own.
x. I can find no fuch ordinance: He faith It was offered ? Is
that all ? And by whom I Was it the body of thePresbterians,or
who?
3. What were the Herefies named by them? Were they not
down right BJafphemy?
4. Who arvd how many were ever either tormented or put
to death for Herefie, from 1641 till 1660: I remember not
one, fave that fames Nay A?r was imprifoned and whipt, and
had his Tongue bored for blafphemous Perfonating Ghrift, and
that not by the Presbyterians.
5. Why are they fo ordinarily reproached by the Prelatifts
for tolerating all Sects here in England ?
6. What ifall this had been true ? What is it to me or any of
my mind ? I never had a hand in perfceuting one man, to my
remembrance. How few can you name of all the Nonconfor-
ming now in England, that had any hand in the Severities you
mention ?
U57;
mention ? I know not four in England, that I remember. And
what's this to us any more than to you ?
7. And was it well done, or ill ? If well, why do you liken
them to the Inquifition ? Are you for it f If ill, why do you
plead for it in others ? Imitate it not if you diflike it.
For my part, as lam againft all Seds as fuch, I am much
more againft the cruelty of any. I (tick no more at the clif-
gracing the Presbyterians fins, than yours : And I am readier to
difgrace my own than either, if I can know tbem. I wouM
cherifh Errours no more than you j but I. would not ruine or
imprifon even fuch of your (elves as have too many. Herefie
muft have its proper cure. I thank God I'had once an Ortho-
dox agreeing Flock. But again I fay, the Presbyterians were too
impatient with Diffenters ; and it's better have variety of Fifti
in the Pond, than by the Pikes to reduce them tofpecial unity,
§ 16. He faith that Ncftorius conf?au:ntially denyedtbe God-
Head of Chrift.p. 192. Next he hath found a contradiction in
my words, that the Emperor was weary of tbisftir: And yet that
[■ Cyril did it to pleafe the Court ] Thefe critical men can make
their two hands enemies to each other. How came he waking
to dream that this was a contradiction, when Hiftorians tell us
that the Women and Courtiers hated boinChryfo flame 2nd iW/rV
rSus ? He implyeth that the Emperor 2nd the Court were all one,
or of one mind. But I am not bound to believe him, no more
than of many other Emperours whofe Wives kept up one party
and they another. And I pray you why mould we be confident
that Theodofitis 2. himfelf called an Eutycbian by the heretica-
ting Bi(hops,was notagainft Neftorms when he- called that Coun-
cil^ at firft Condemned both him andC)n'/,and after him alone.?
I did but recite the Hiftorians words, and was that forgetfulnefs ?
§ 17. His many words about this controverfie with Nefiori-
us are the mod unworthy of any anfwer of all his Books : fome-
time he faith as I, as p. 193 [ It bad been happy for the Clnrch if
the myjteries of our Religion had never been curieufly difputed 7
fometime he confefifeth 1 bat Neftorius fpake the fame thing with
Cyril 3t bat Chrift had two natures iff one Perfon : ibid. And that be
expreffeth himfelf one would thinly very orthodoxly, p. 202. But the
Heretic}^ diffembled and hid his fence. And fo this man after above
1 000 years knew the mans mind to be contraiy to his words :
whereas it's palpable to him that readeth the Hiftories, that the
(i6o)
(pake as i ^ft as Nsftonus. He oft confefleth ( for he can-
not deny it ) [that be doth frequently own but one nature ] p. 197.
and 198. [ that there is but one nature of the wrd incarnate ] fo
p. 2oi# &c But C)n7 meant well, that is, by Nature he meant
Perfon. And was not this Eutychian Speech as improper as 2\fa/?0-
riu's is ? Is the nature and iV/o» to be confounded .? Did the
Fathers fpeak thus? If Nature put for Perfon be pardonable,
why is it not pardonable to prefer a denomination a propnetate
vel forma, to another ? And thus you make Cyril to differ from
the Eutychians, in their different meanings while they ufed the
fame words. If I had laid that Chrift had but one Nature I
fhould have had a cenfure otherwife me?.'»jred.
And though this man feem to deny it, [ have cited many of
his words in which he faith [ Duas natu- \ unitas afferimus : poft
unionem vera tanquam ademptajam in duas diftinfttone, unam effc
credimusfilii naturam, tanquam unius fed inhuman & incarnati
& ad face f Nihil injufti facimus dicentes^ ex duabns naturis
fatlum ejfe concur fum in unit at em : Toft unionem vero non dijtin-
guimus naturas ab invicem. But I have cited enough before.
The fum and truth is, to judge no one but my felf, I muft be
blind by ignorance or partiality if I be not paft doubt, 1. That
unskilful explication was their difference. 2. That Cyrils words
were Eutychian. 3. That Neftorius words were orthodox in the
main, but not fufficiently yielding to a tolerable phrafc. 4. That
they both meant the fame thing. 5. That all their war was
managed, 1. For want of diftinguifhing fully the Abftraft [ Dei-
tatem ] and the Concrete [^Deurn^ 2. For want of diftinguifhing
[ Qui Deus ] from [ Qua DeusJ and a ftricl; formal expreffion
from a morelaxe that's tolerable. And 3. For want of diftingui-
fhing [ divifeon 2 from [ difiintlion ] of natures. 4. For want of
explaining the various forts and ferfes of [Vnity] and [Plurali-
ty.^ I cannot but know this to be true, though Mr. M. fcorn me
for in.
What [ / that under ft and not the language they wrote in to pre-
tend to kpow better than the Council Q Anf 1. So fay the Papiits :
what? will you pretend to know more ttian the Church and
Councils ? If it be implicite faith that they are bringing us to,
let them tell us which Councils we muft fo believe when they
condemn each other ? 2. I thought I could make fhift tounder-
itand their language, though I be no critick in it : But if he know
me
06t)
rue better, I ftrive not for the reputation of Learning ; not only
Baronius and Binnivu, and all the reft that he nameth that had
no skill in Greek, but mod: of the Schoolmen, feemto me with-
out ir, far more Learned than he. I can tell him of Lads whofe
Learning I admire not, that (hall vie with him in Languages
Oriental and Occidental, and give him odds 3 And when he fcorns
Derodons diftinctions, telling us it's making two bad Groats by flit-
ting a Sixpence, Sec. I leave him to glory in hit Confufion: But
I fufpeft the Fox that fpeaks cgainft Tails is like enough to want
one himfelf.
But when he hath (hewed in all this Hiftory"of Neftorius ,
Cyril, and the Council, little but that partiality which can talk
confidently to the ignorant for any caufe, without any (hew of
confuting Derodons purification of Neftorius^ or my Conciliati-
on, his craft or paffion attempts to divert the Reader by the
art of the times, and as if it muft ftop our Mouths from lament-
ing the fin of Hereticators, and mifery of the Church thereby,
he tells us how men in thefe times call themPapifts that are none.
Anf If it be ill done, why condemn you your (elf by de-
fending thofe that did the like I If it was well done in Bifliops
Councils, why not in them? 2. But what's this tome, if it be
not me that he means? If it be, 1. If you will read but the
Jaft part of my CathoL Theolog. judge of the mans front. 2. It is
none but tho(e that are for a humane Soveraignty over all the
Church on Earth that we judge Papifts : And if you judge them
not fucb, we will thank you to tell us what a Papift is in your
own fenfe.
§ 18. His (aying^. 22J. that [fohn Comes that gives a fad ac-
count of the Council is much\o be fufpefted, 8fC doth but tell us
that he would have your belief of Hiftory guided by the Intc-
reft of his Caufe*
§ 19. As to his fcorn againft my tranflating the words [tkt
Scriptnrc and Sacred] which mean that imperial Scripture, I did
think a litteral Tranflation could not have been judged a mifun-
derftanding or miftranflation : Why may they not be called in
Englifj what they are called in Greek) And he had aftrong ima*
gination if he thought that Haunters Tranflation ofEufebi^&c*
afforded me fuch materials as theft*
§ 20. His conclufionof fome that fcorn to preach by the HA
eence of the Government I before mentioned* The Truth and
Y minifterial
minifterial Honefty of it, is much like as if Tfaoufands fhould
petition the Eifhop, that their Tick families may have licenfed
Phyficians, and he rejeð all their Petitions, and prevaileth
with the Parliament to do the like: At laft the King pittieth
them, and licenfeth~the Phyficians, and theBifhop and his Cler-
gy are offended, and get it revoked, and the Phyficians praftife
at their peril without licenfe: And our credible Hiftorian fhould
record it, that they fcorned to praftife as licenfed by the Govern-
ment, even while ftill they make all the Friends they can to the
Clergy to be licenfed, and arc not able to prevail. But the ages
that knew ncft them and us, that arejo come, may poflibly be-
lieve thefe men as they believe their Predecefibrs.
§2i. To conclude, Reader, if now thou have any fenfe of
Chriftian Intereft, Unity and Love, judge of the whole cafe im-
partially, and begin with notorious matter of fad:.
i. We find at this day a great Body of Chriftians, called Ne-
ftorians, inhabiting the Countries of Babylon, ^Jfjria, Mesopo-
tamia^ Parthia, and Media , yea, fpread Northerly to Cat ay a^
arid Southerly to India-, abundance of them even in Tartar] ,
faith Partus Vcnet* See Brienvood p. 139. And we find that they
•are by the Weftern Churches, if not the Greekj^ called Here-
ticks, and at the eafieft Schifma ticks. And yet as thofe very
Friars that have lived among them fay, they are commonly free
from any fuch Opinions as are charged on them, but only ho-
nour the name of Neftorins, and condemned the Councils that
condemned him. This Mr. M. nor no Prelate will deny that re-
taineth humanity.
7. We find that this woful fraftion hath continued about one
Thoufandtwo Hundred and thirty Years.
3. We are put to enquire what was and is the caufe 5 and we
find that on both fides it is the Bifhops and their Clergy that now
continue it, and it was Patriarchs and their Bifhops that ac firft
caufedit,
4. We enquire how they did it: And Mr. Morrice confefleth
that it began in a difpute between the two Patriarchs (whether
the Virgin Mary was to be called The Mother of God, or rather
The Mother of Refits Chrifi who is God and Man : and that on
this occafion Cyril charged Neftontts , as making Chriit to be
two Perfons, and he himlelf (aid Chrift incarnate had but one Na-
ture, but had m more skill in fpeaking, thaji by one Nature to
mean
(163)
mean one Ferfon, ( though Derodon labour to prove that he
meant worfe,) that Ncftorius profefled two Natures in one Per-
fon. And Mr. M. faith, Nefxorius when he fpake well meant iU5
and Cyril when he fpake ill meant well. And upon this a Gene-
ral Council itfelf is firft divided about them, even to blows : and
after by the importunity of C]!r*P$ party, Neftorius is banifhed,
and the Bifhops divided, fome for one, and fome for another to
this day. Another Council is called at Calcedon, and conftrmeth
the Condemnation , and the Neflorian Bifhops condemn that
. Council, and for many Ages the Bifhops were divided alfo about
that, one pare condemning it, and the other fubferibing to it ,
and honouring it. Judge now what thefe Bifhops have done to
Chriftian Religion and the Church of Chrifr, and continue to do:
And if you dare join with our Canoneers in making the guilt your
own, by juftifyingfuch difmal workj the further you go, the
more of it you have to jaftitie_, till your Souls have guilt and
load enough.
HoneftDr. Moore charged with Neftorianifm, is fain to ac-
cufe Neftorius out of his Enemies words to clear himfelf. That
he owned not a [VhyficaL Vnjon of Natures^ is an ambiguous, un-
fafe word: APhyfical Union feems to fignifie one &fw which is
not to be faid. He never denied a perfonal or Hypoftatical Uni*
on. And if he had fas he did not) oppofed the word ffypofiafs,
fo did Hterom that was no Heretick, and many more for a long
time.
I fuppofe Mr. M. is not more zealous againft Neftorianifm
than the Hereticating Church of Rome Is: And how great they
really thought the NeftorianHerctie, the ftory which I mention
of P. Hormifda tells you, which I will repeat. [Therearofea
controverfie whether it might be faid that [ One of the Trinity
was crucified^ Pope Hormijda faid [AV] becaufe they that were
for it were fufpefted to be Eutjcbians: The Nefiorians laid hold
on this, and faid, [Then we may not fay that Mary was the Parent
of one of the Trinity .] This was a hard cafe : fnflinian fent to Pope
fohn about it. His infallibility and Hormifdas were contrary : he
and his Council fay that we may fay, that [^One of the Trinity
was crucified.] Hereupon Baronius and Binnius give us a ufefuf
note, £/ta mutatis hofiihs arma mutari neceffe fuit-2 What
fhould the World do if we had not had fuch a Judge of Contro-
verfies, I hope Mr. M. will not be fo heretical, or fchifmatica!,
Y 2 »
as to fay that either of thefe Popes erred againft an Article of
Faith: But will rather recant his Accufation of Neftorius, and
number this with Things Indifferent , which the Church hath
power to change at her pleafure.
CHAP. XXII.
Of the Council o/Ephefus 2d.
§i.npHatour Hiftorian may juftifie the Dividers he make*
-L himfelfa Party, and by downright miftake againft
both faith, r. ThttNeftorius fellinto Blafphemy^ denying Chrift
to he true God. 2. And that Eutyches denied Chrift to be true
Man.} This is our Reformer of Hiftory 5 when both of them
profeffed Cbrift to be true God,, and true man. I doubt not but
the Man can write another Book to juftifie this 5 for what is it
thatfome cannot talk for ? Yea, he is at it again, p. 230. that
Eutyches held Chrift not to be true Man.
§ 2. He confeffeth again that Cyril affirmeth but one Nature^
and meant but one Pqrfon^ and that Eutyches ukd the fame words,
but faith, fure they cannot be fo mad as to fall out fo violently when
they fay the fame thing & words.. Flavian could not be fo foolijh or fo
wickedfiiQ.Anf I juftifie not the words of Eutyches orC;n/j but if
lhave great reafon to believe, that as he confeffeth Cyril fo
grofsas to ufe <puV for wrosaaK, fo Eutyches who had far lefs
Learning than Cyril, did word amifs the conceptions, which were
the fame with Cyrils , I leave it to this mild Cenfurer to call
them Fools^ and mad, and wicked. It's taken for railing in me
to blame them.
§ 3. He faith [Cyrilnever faid there were two Natures in Chrift
before theVnion. Anf. I have twice cited his words: Find a
true difference between them and thofe of Eutyches if you can,
1 believe they both mean* better than they (pake.
§ 4. But the Spirit of detraction ufeth to fetch Accifations
from Hearts fie Thought *3and fecret Actions ,and fo doth he againft
Eutyches j and he faith this hath been done of late times ^ To deliver
tihat in f elect Meetings, which they will not in public^ promifcuous
^ijfemblies : as evil Spirits are under reftraint in conjeer ate d places,
4*A
(i6>)
Anf. Therefore it is that the Nonconformifts have 20 or
19 years fo earneftfy beg'd for leave to preach in pubiick con-
fecrated places to promifcuous Aflemblies, that they might be
out of fufpicion, but could never obtain it of this fort of Ma-
tters. Ex ore tuo-— Thus they that caft the ftone at others off
find it hitthemfelves. Mr. Edwards Gangrena is here commend-
ed to thofe that are for Toleration. As if all differences were
equally intolerable or tolerable: And he that faith [Tolerate not
thofe that preach Blafphemy or intolerable errour ,] faid no worfc
than he that faith {Silence Two Thousand Preachers, unlefs the?
Will Profefs, Promife, and Swear, and do all that is (oft defer ibed)
impofed on them.
§ 5. In his Narrative he is no more tender of the honour
of Bifhops it feerns than I am, nor fo much of Emperours;
for when he had faid the Emperour [ -was too much addicted
to this hind of Vermine ( Eunuchs ) and Jhews his bitternefs
againfl Flavian^ he faith that the Letters which called this Council
fagge ft ed Efficiently what it was to do, and that their bufnefs was to
condemn a Bijhop the Emperour did not care for, though without any
juft ground, nay, for Lis konefty*
I deny none of this : Bur were the Bifhops of the Catholick
Church in a good cafe then,thar,when they knew before that they.
were called to fuch a work as thi*,would meet in a General Coun-
cil and do it ? No -, he accufeth them himfelf, I need not do it.
The Emperour, he faith, fyew how to choofe Bifhops, fand yet
his Summons was general to all to come,,) and the Prefdent, if
half be true that i* faid of him y (and if that be a doubt, how cre-
dible are your Hiftorians I) was one of the moft wicked, profligate
Wretches in the Worldf] yet he was one of the Patriarchs, and
aH the Council Bifhops, and till they met, were not thusaccuftd*
You lee the man is a far greater railer than I even againft Bi-
fhops : But it is but againft thole that are againft his Intereft
and fide.
§ 6. He defcribes thofe Bifhops as u(W£ violence, forgetting
that it is it his Party trufteth to continually : juft with the front
as Baronius and Binnius, and many other Papifts, juftifie Martin
for being againft putting Hereticks to death, and condemn hhdr
citis^ while their Kingdom is upheld by that which they con*
demn, and worfe, even the burning of true Chriftians as Here-
ticks, and it's Heretical with them to imitate Martin^ juft as
ttiofe.
thole Matth. 23. Your fathers killed the Prophets, and you
build their Sepulchers, and fay if we had lived in the days of our
Fathers, we would nor, &c.
§ 7. But in the paflfage I find our Hiftorian in a more charita-
ble mood to this Ephefine Council of Bifhops than his Brethren,
[How badfoever Diofcorus and this Cornell were, yet they are m
my judgment to be looked en rather as favourers of Here fe than
Hereticks% they followed the meaning I believe as well as the Words
of Cyril.] Anf And now I may hope lam Orthodox and Cha-
ritable when I have no lefs than his Judgment to juftifie mine.
And Anatolipu juftifieth us both.
§ 8. But^Sir, now you are in a good Mood., will you confider,
1. Whether thofe Bifhops and Councils that fet the Chriftian
World in that Flame that burnetii dreadfully to this day, after
above 1200 Years, were not guilty at leaft of a peccadillo or
venial fin,
2. Whether they are imitable.
3. Whether this General Council had a fupream Legiflative
and Judicial power over all the Church on Earth, which all muft
obey and none muft appeal from.
No : faith Bifhop Gunning^It was a meeting of violent Robbers*
Anf$ But it was a General Council: which it feems then may
be fucb.
CHAP. XXIII.
Of the 4th General Council at Calcedon,
§ i.TTE begins his Chapter comically, and notably derideth
XjL me for faying Fulcheria was the fame that before at
Bphefm had fet the Bifhops againft Neftoritts. Is this fo ridicu-
lous ? It's well known that Hiftorians make her very powerful
with her Brother: frffchofehis Wife Eudocia, ("They were
long of two minds.) It's no wonder that (he that got him con-
demned at Ephefus, got the the fame further done at Calcedon,
when (he was Emprefs her felf, having made Martian Empe-
rour, and her nominal Husband, ('for they were not conjugally
to know each other.) Is there any thing in this that deferveth
the ftage ? Though Theodofws be reproactrtd by Popifo Hiftorians
as
(16?)
as an Eutychian., or a favourer of them, if credible honeft So-
crates may be believed, there have been few fuch Princes in the
World, (for Piety, his Houfe was a Church ; for Patience, ne-
ver feen angry; for GompaiTion, would never let a man die for
Treafon againft himfelf.) But his Sifter (a Woman eminent for
Wit and Piety) was thought to govern him very much, & fpe-
cially in the feverities againft Neftorius. Evagrius who bitterly
reproacheth Neftorius, tells us offome writings of his that fell
into his hand, in which he faith, that the Emperour was his
friend, and would not. fign his banifhment, and laies the cruel-
ties that he underwent on his Officer : and confidering the cafe
of a fuffering man, I fee nothing unfeemly in the Letter to him,
which Evagrius chargeth with contempt.
§ 2. My wifh for the Churches Peace, that the unskilful
words of 'Neftorius and Eutyches had beenfi]enced by neglect/a-
ther than the flame blown up by honouring them with two Ge-
neral Councils difputation , doth with this Gentleman deferve
this Replication, [He cannot be more violent and outragious, more
bitter and malicious under all the provocations imaginable, than he
is under that negletl which himfelf prefcribeth for the cure/] Anf If
this, be a true accufer, he can prove what he faith : It's eafie to
(ay this of any man: But if a man that hath a cholerick Sto-
mack (hall fwear that there was Aloes in his Phyfick, his word
is no proof. Thefe are the men into whofe hands we are by
Gods permiffion falln, while wearecaft our, judged tofilence,
prifons, cV beggary, if we do but repeat the words of the Laws
and Canons, and in 17 Years time when moft that they turned
out are dead, if the reft at their own urgent demand do but tell
them what they judge unlawful, and anfiverthofe thataccufe
them, they are outragious, violent, bitter, and malicious* As if
one that wounds me ihould fue me for faying , Tou hurt me.
It's violence and an unpeaceablenefs to feel, but none at all in
them to ftrike or to deftroyt We will give you many thanks if
you will hurt us no more than we do you.
§3,1 faid that one skilful healing man that could explicate am->
biguous rvords,and perfuade men to Love and Peace yt ill they under*
flood each other, had more befriended Truth, Piety, and the Church,
than the hereticating Councils did.[\ And why, faith he, may not
that skilful manjhew his skill in Councils, as well as elfe where ?
Anf% Who denieth it? But the queftion is, how he (hall be
heard
heard and prevail? I told you that here One man in one fentence
did fot by differencing between mental dijlingui/bing and divi-
ding ; even Bafil of Sekucia, faying, \Cognofcimus duas naturas%
non dividimus} neque divifas> neque confufas dicimtts.'] This was
true and plain enough, to have ended all the quarrel : But who
laid hold on it, or did improve it? What the better was Naz*i-
anzen for fpeaking well in the Council at Constantinople} Or
Chryfoftome for any thing he could fay to the Bifliops for himfelf ?
I hope few of all that great number of Councils that wcredrian,
Semiarians Eutychian, Monothelites, for Images, &c. were fo
bad as to have never a Bifhop among them that could or would
fpeak right : But did they prevail t In the very Council at Trent
were more good Speeches than did prevail 5 and if Luther, Me-
lanchthon, Zmngliusf and fuch others, had not done more good
fingly by Writing and Preaching, than Vudithim could do at
Trent % or any of them at JVormes, or Ratisbone, &c. there had
been little done. What good did Pbilpot do in the Convocation?
Some fay one Paphnutim turned the Inclination of the firft Nicene
Council for good 5 But that hearing temper was too fhort or
rare.
§ 4. Next he tells us, that [in many late Difputes offuftifica*
tion, &c. we find not that any of thefe healing men were able to re*
concile Parties any more than the Councils of old.'}
Anfw. 1. If that were true, it's alfo true, that they have not
made fo great and many Parties as Councils did. We have not
caft the world intoffo many Nations offaccbites, Neftorians, and
other Se&s.
Anfw. 2. Through God's mercy it is much better than fuch
Hiftorians would make men believe. Dr. Heylin tells us what
work the Arminian Controverfie made between Bifhop Laud's
Party, and the Parliaments and Abbots Party, as if it had fet us
all by the Ears. It is not fo now: One of your Brethren late-
ly tells us, how that Controverfie is quieted : What Contention
do you hear of among the Nonconformities about it t No man
hath fo much as writ a line, that I know of, againft my Concilia-
tion in my CathoL Theology. How little ftir doth the Anthcmian
Controverfie make ? If one or two men do vent their difplea-
fiire about any of thefe, we negleft it, and it is prefently for-
gotten. I hear fometime that called Arminianifm hotly preach-
ed in the Parifh Churches : It provokcth not me, and Ltake no
notice
notice 01 ir. l ^rareiy; near lome preaca againir tne smmmans :
I take no notice of ir, and there it dies : Whereas if one fhould
write Challenges and Accufations to the Preacher?, we might
make work enough for all the Country. I never yet met with
many fucb, but if you make not a War of it, and engage them
by oppofition, they grow weary themfelves, and grow into un-
obferv'd neglect or contempt. Moft of the fpreading Errours
and Contentions among us have come by the Bellows of too
ftrcng or imprudent Oppofition or Difputes. I hear of no con-
fiderable Doctrinal Strivings among all the Nonconforming
now in England. One Ignorant Uncalled Fellow is lately crept
into London, and wrote proud Challenges for Antinomianifm,and
none anfwered him, and he is contemned, and hath no Second
that I hear of.
§ j. Though he fay {he ?V weary, yet he must not pafs by, that
when I mention Socrates his moft high praife of Theodofius (living
under him J and the miracles which he faith God wrought for
him j I fay, if this be true^ God owned his Moderation by Mira*
cles, notwithstanding his favouring the Eutychians, more than he
did any ways of violence.] And here the man hath found me in
Contradiction, and faith, {Thofe miracles could not countenance
the Eutychian caufe that was after. 2. That the Eutychians were
the moft violent men. Such Contradictions he and VEfirange find
in my Writings.
Anf Bur, 1. Is it true that I faid thofe miracles countenanced
the Eutychian Caufe? I faid only that God owned the Moderati-
on (not the Eutychian Opinion) of a man called an Eutychian by
theHereticators,notwithftandinghis favouring the Eutycbians.He
was a man that ftudied the reconciliation of the contending Bi-
fhops3 and was moderate towards all, but perfuaded that the
major Vote of the Bifhops being againft Neftoriut, and for Cyril,
and Diofcorus, it tended to peace to take that fide. His Mode-
ration was the fame before the ftir with Eutyches as after. I on-
ly faid that God by miracles owned that mans moderation who
is charged with after favouring the Eutychians.
2. And what I fpake of Moderation oppofiteto violence, in
way of fupprefling Hereticks, he feigneth me to fpeak it as
oppofite to violence in the Perfonsfupprejfed: I (pake of Violence
in the Prince as agent, and he feigneth me to fpeak of Violence
in the parties that he dealt with. He may find matter at this rate
Z ro
to write greater Volums againft any man. I'read of none of the
Herefies then contended about, Neftorian or Eutychian, but the
accufed Bifhops were violent for them: But though they were
all violent, yet if the queftion were, whether the Emperour
fhould life violence or Moderation againft them, I may fay, that
Godowneth more the way of Moderation.
§ 6. P. 246. he faith \At Ephefus Euftathius wask^kt to death,
and all thofe that durfl defend him were threatned to be ferved in
like manner J] Anf Of this before: His memory failed him: It
was not JLpifiathitis but Flavian us. 2. Yet he after excufeth Di»
cfiorus from Herefiej more Bifhops than were Hereticks were
violent.
§ 7. As to his Reflection, [fc It may be he think* the Empe*
*r roar took^ a particular Delight in that kind of cruelty, and that
"he had rather one fhould be kjckt to death, than that he fiould be
Ci hanged or beheaded ; which would not be much to the credit of his
cC Moderation : And to fay the truth , his Letter to Valentinian
ee difcovers a ftrange kind of Spirit 5 for there he jufiifies the pro-
Ceceedings of the Eutychians at Ephefus, andfaies that all things
cc were carried on with much freedom and pe'- feci Truth, and Flavi-
an found guilty of Innovating in Religion. This is but an illfgn
" that Mr. B. is a hater of falfe Hiftory, when he lets this pafs un-
(( reproved.
Anf. 1. Had I reproved fuch an Emperour, I mighthave ex-
pected that fome of you would have publifhed me an Enemy to
Kings.
Anf 2. Rather Sir., you and I fhould hence gather, that all
men muft have pardon and forbearance, and that for want of
that, the names of Neftorians, Jacobites, Melchites, Greeks,
Papifts 5 Proteftants , Lutheranes , Calvinifts , Prelatifts , and
Presbyterians, &c. have almoft fwailowed up the Name, much
more the Love of Chriftians.
Anf. 3. May it not confift with modefty and the hatred of
falfe Hiftorj, to believe the high praifts of this Emperour, pub-
lifhed by one that knew him in fo pious and credible words as
Socrates fpeaks5 as I before told you, giving him f to mej a
more credible Canonization than the Pope could have done, as
a man of eminent holihefs, wonderful Clemency, that would not let
a Traitor go out of the Gates towards the place of Executions and
when hs was moved to any Execution, anfwered, he had rather ,
were
071)
were he able, reft are the Dead to Life: excelling all the Clergy in
meeknefs, and never fetn angrj. May not I who am branded for
a railer by meek Prelatifts, be tolerated to think charitably of
fuch an Emperour, and to wifh that the world had many more
fuch.
Anf. 4. Judges are taken for unjuft if they will not hear both
fides fpeak. And why (Tiould not I regard the words of fuch an
Empercur, as well as of one halfthe Bifhops againft the other?
Anf 5 . Surely Modefty requireth me to think that the Em-
perour was much more capable of knowing the truth of theafts
of his own Subjects 3 when his Servants prefent gave him an
account of them, than I am 1200 Years after: And fo good &
man would not willingly lye.
Anf. 6. Therefore my own Conclufion is , God is true and
all men areLyars, that is, untrufty : and that Eudocia and his
Courtiers had much power with him for Diofeorus againft Flavi-
mjisPulcheria had againft Nefiorius 5 but that it was the Peace and
Concord of the Bifhops which he moft ftudied^and thought that
it lay in going with the major part.And I believe things were bad
on both fides, and worfe than die Emperour thought with the
Eutychian Bifhops, and worfe than others fay with their Adver-
fariesj and that the Emperour, though fallible, wis as Socrates
faitb, beyond all the Clergie.
But here I fee that I am blamed for not railing againft a meek
and pious Emperour, and as a Railer for lamenting the fins of
the Clergie.
§ 8. About the Council of Calcedon he accufeth me in gene-
ral, as [difingenioufly mincing the ABs, and fifing all the foulpUj
fojfible.
Eafilyfaid: And what's the proof ? Why, %. Leave out that
they were violently beaten to it.
Anf. The Reader may fee that this is falfe : I mention it oft;
pag. io 1. [The Bifhops anfwered^ that they did it againft their
Wills, being under fear : Condemnation and banifhment was threat-
ned9 Sonldiers were there with Clubs and Swords.2 Shall I believe
this man againft fuch as Socrates, of things done 1200 Years ago,
that will face me down with fuch untruths about my own yet
Vifible Writings ?
i. But is it falfiiood to omit what is (aid in fuch and fo many
Volumns? May not the Reader there fee it.* DoIcontradicVit?
Z z Muft
Muft I write many Folio's or nothing? I refer all Readers to
the Ads.
§ 9. But he faith, [/r would go near to excufe their Compliance
with a merciful Man."}
Anf. I confefstuch are not fo bad as the Clergy-men, that wifl
fin for meer Preferment,and will write againft,and revile, nd call
for Execution on thofe that will not do as they. But if Noncon*-
formifts after 19 years Ejection and Reproach, and Sufferings
by more than Threats, fhould at laft fiirrenjer to hemou* fin,
can he think it would excufe their Compliance, when Chrift
faith, Lttk^. 14 33. He that f or fake th not all that he hath cannot be
wyDifcipki It he think Martyrdom a work of Supererogation,he
is dangeroufly miftaken. And he that to day thinks Threatning
and Danger an Excufe for hi* fin, may to morrow think Poverty,
and the next day thedefire of Preferment an excufe.
§ 10. Diofcor wand the Eutychians holding clofe to the Council
ofiWs*,as fufficient, as a Teft of the Orthodox,to which nothing
was to be added, in reciting this he hath found my Ignorance
in tranflating [rctraBat~] by [retratt.~] Is not the Englifh word
of the fame fence with the Latine ? If not, and I be ignorant in
Englifh too, what wrong is that to any Bifhop ?
■ § 11. When he had charged Nonfence and Confufion on that
which he underftood nor, and mentioned Fu(ik DoriL giving the
Lye to Eutyches, he conftfleth that the thing was true.
§ 12. P. 25*3. He faith, When tin giddy rabble of Monies with
Swords andftaves, like Bedlams broke loofe^ run Upon thtm— I
fhould rather pity them than infult.
Anf If the Hiftory be an infulting, his own credited Hiftori-
ans infult. by recording it. If noting it as a fault be infulting,then a
.motion to Repentance is infukii,g, and if he would have us pity
them for their fin, and not only for their fuffering 5 that is in-
fulting too : But to own their fin, and draw men to imitate\them,
Ihall be none of my Compaffion.
He minds me of Peters Denial, and the Difeiples forfaking
Chrift. Alas ! he is not a man that is not fenfible of Humane
frailty? But is it not therefore to be blamed? Why doth Scrip-
ture mention ir, but that we may avoid the like f Is it to tempt
others to the like? Did Chrift infult when he faid. to Peter, Get
thee behind me Satan, &C.
§ i3« He next falk into his familiar ftrain , to carry that ex
Cathedra
V7V
Cathedra, by fentence, which he cannot do by proof, and faith,
[When I venture on Obfervations it*s an even lay that I am out. ]
Anf. That is, I am out of the way of his Magiftry , Precon-
ceipt and Intereft.
It is my Conciliatory words that the peaceable man is an-
gry at, viz,. [That this doUffti y Contentions y Anathematizing ,
and ruining of each other f was about the Jenfe of ambiguous words,
and they were both af one mmd in the matter and knew it not.~\ He
cannot but confefs , that my judgment of them is lofter
than theirs that hereticate each other. And Derodon hath
fully proved that this Council when they condemned Neftorius,
were of his Judgment in the whole matter, and faid but the
fame as he.
§ 14. As to his telling me, that Eutyches denied Chrift to be
truly and properly man, I will no more believe him, than if he
had faid Cyril did Co.
§ 15. But he faith, the Monothelites were the genuine Difci-
ples of Eutyches. They were of his mind in that Confcquence :
And fuch another Controverfie it was. And how much greater
crrour againft our Belief of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft ,
have I proved e. g. to be, , in your Dr. Sherkks Book 5 And yet
I hope he meant better than he fpake.
§ 16. P. 25 j. He confefleth of one Party what I faid, viz,.
[" O/Diofcorus and Flavian, / am apt to believe they were much
* * of the fame Opinion as to the point m c ontr over fie % and kyw it
iC well enough $ which was the only caufe why Diofcorus with his
<c party of Bijhops and Monkjy would not endure to come to anyDe-
" bate of the matter^ for fear it would appear that they all agreed,
tC and then there would have been no pretence to condemn Flavian ,
n which was the Defign, if not of the Emperour, yet at leaft of thofe
[l that governed him.~\ :
Anf. Fie Dr. will you thus abufefo'many Orthodox Bifhops?
Andalmoft condemn your vindicating Book? And harden me in
myErrour? But I am much of your mind, and if one of us err,
fo doth the other.
§ 17. And I like his Ingenuity^ faying AnatoliMConfeftctb in
Council, that Diofcorm was not condemned for Hen fie but Tyranny ',
and no man contraditled him. Anf. Not in anfwer to thofe words,
but the Accufations of many contradicted him -before.
§ 18. That they mean one thing by their various expreflions
I have
I kave fully proved, and he no whit confuteth : That the Euty-
chians acknowledged no diftinct Preptrties, and Ne florins own-
ed an Unity but in Dignity and Title only, are his flat {landers, to
be no way proved but by their Adverfaries accufatiom. The ve-
ry words I named even now, \_Divinoy mirabili, fubltmi nexn.~]
and many clearer, (hew it of Neftoriw. And I wifli him to take
heed himfelf how he defineth the Hypoftatical Union, left the
next General Council (if ever there be one) make him an Here-
tick.
Can he believe that the great number of Emychian Bifhops
were fo mad, as not to know that Chrifts. Mortality, poffibility,
material Quantity, Shape, &c* were the properties of Chrifts
Humanity and not his Deity ? But fome Men can believe any
thing well or ill, reafonable or unreafonable, as Intereft and af-
fection lead them.
§19. He faith, that [ If it were a faB ion that denied this, it
was a ftrong one , and never was oppofed by any Per fan before Mr.
Baxter.
jinf I heard you were a young man j but if you be not above
one Hundred Years old, your reading cannot be great enough
to excufe this confidence from fuch temerity as re ndereth you
the lefs credible. How many Thoufand Books be they which
you or I never read ? How know you that none of them all op^
pofe it ? But would you perfuade the Reader that I call it a Fa-
ction, to believe your fence of thefe Councils? Factious men
are forwardeft to judge others Hereticks without caufe 5 and all
that I fay is, that Though fuch deny my u4Jfertionit is true: Doth
it follow that I take all for faUiom that deny it ? If I had faid,
[Though Tapifts denyitj]x\\it had not been all one as to fay,[-^#
are Papifts that deny it J}
2. But did never any perfbn oppofe it ? 1. I named you Da-
vid Derodon before, who though he largely labour to prove Cy-
ril an Entychian in words and fence, and that by Win he did mean
Natura^ and not Perfona, yet as to Nefioritts he copioufly pro-
verb, that the Council of Calcedon was juft of his Mind, and
condemned him for want of Understanding him. Though you
have no: Jeen that Book of Derodons, I have^and you mould not
judge of what you never fa w.
2; Luther de ConcUns firft accufeth Neftorim as a Heretick ,
denying Chrift's Godhead, or holding mo Perfons j And prefent-
iy
(17))
Jy retraces it, and confeffeth he was feduced by believing the
Papifts, but (though he had not read much of the Councils, but
what he had gathered out of the Tripartite and fuch HiftoriansJ
yet he gathered from the PafTages of the Hiftory, that the dif-
ference lay only in words, which he openeth at large, and yet
turns it fharply againft Neftorius, for thinking that we may not
fpeak of Chrifts Godhead or Manhood by communicated names
or Attributes, and greatly rejoiceth that this ferverh his turn
in his Opinion about Confubftantiation and Sacramental words.
Becaufe I will leave nothing in doubt with you, but whether
Luther was before my days, and left you fay again that I cite
Books which I fee nor, I will give you fbme of his words, be-
ginning earlier, (not tranflating left I have not skill enough )
but they are fo like mine, that I doubt you will be no Luthe-
rane.
De Concil. pag. i^y. Ecc!efi<e Romano, ScC.P* ambit to ft rix a-
tdfttHt de re nihili, vamfftmis & nugacijftmis naniis donee tandem
Mraqu? hornbilittr vaftata & dcleta eft. — Ilia omnia libentim re-
citot m videat prudens LeHor quomodo ex tarn celebri Sjnodo Con-
ftantinopolaana, feu ex font e man aver int feminamaxim arum Con-
fuftonttm, fropNrea quod ibt Epifcopus Ecclefta ut Patriarch* fu$-
rat Prafecli4f,-~~p. 178, J^uam horr'ibilia certamina & contentio- ■
nes moverunt hi dm Epifcopi de primatu : ut facile judicari poftet
Sptritum fantlum non t'jfe author em hujm Inftituti : Alia habn
Epifcopm longe potior a qua agat, quam font hi puerile s & inept i
ludi- — Pramonemur quod Concilia pr or fus nihil novi de bent commit
nifci vel trader*.
De Concil. Ephef. p. 180, 181. Excejferant jam e vivis fanFxi
Patres, & illi optimi Epifcopi, 5. Ambrofitts, S. Martinus, S. Hi-
eronymm^ S. Auguflinus ( qui eo ipfo anno quo Synodvu coatla eft
mortum eft} 5. Hilarim, $. Euftebius & fimiles 3 eorumque loco
frorfus difftmiles patres fuborti fuerant. Ira ut Imperator Theodufi-
ta amplim eligi Epifcopum C. P. ex Sacerdotibus vel Clench (fivi-
tatis C. P. nolltt : banc ob caufam quod pkrumque ejfent fuperbi 9
ambit 10 ft , morofi, qui mover e certamina, & tumult m in Eccleftm
plernmqus tolerent, p. igi. Cum jam videret Neftarim tarn as
turbas ortas ex corrupt eli mult iplici^ gemens prorupit in hac verba y
Tolfainus e medio omnes am&guitates qua? primuta pra?buerunt ■•'
occafiones iitis certaminibus , 6c fateamur palam Mariam recle r
vocari Ma^rem Dei, Sc4 nihil profecit NtftoriHt, ne twcqmdem
cum .
cum revocaret futim error em-, fed voce public a ande mnattts, ex or-
be Imperii umverfo ejsllw & explofui eft : Jguanquam dli duo
Epifcopi Antiochwus & Alexandrinus, etiam poft Concilium cum
rednjjent in fuafi Ecclcfas, fe ipft mutuis convitiis Ucerabant, &
ommkfis diris dsvovebMU : Erf poftea res ad pUcidum txitum de-
an ft a eft : ^nanquam tstnen dolendum hoc, & effufis Uchrymts de~
plorandnm in Ecelefta eft, tarn praftantes viros adeo indulfiffe fuus
affcclibus, at inftar muliernm ant puerorum inept iffims inter fe rix-
arentur. Omnino fmffet eis opm aUquo Con ft amino , qui ip forum
jurgia & contentiofa fcripta etiam conjeciftet in ignetn. — p. 1 84.
Mentioning the falfe accufations of Neftorius, making two Per-
Ibns, Cc. [_Atque adeo intricata & confufa (unt qua fcribunt9 ht
cxijttmem r.e quidem ipfosfcire in hunc ufque diemy quid & propter
quas caufasdamnaverint Neftorium. Hoc inde conjicito. Fatentur
credidijfe Neftorium quod Chriftus (it Deus & Homo--- exkis cer-
tum eft quod Neftorius non crediderit Chriftum effe purum fomi-
nem.— Confiat Neftorium non duos fed unum C hriftum credidijfe, id
quod ipforum verba teftantur — ideoque non potuit credere effe duas
perfenas. Nee ullibi leper it hy in hiftoriis quod Neftorius unum
Chriftum crediderit habere duas perfonas, nift quod Pontifices &
eorum hiftoria it a argutantut. Apparet Papam & fcriptoresPon-
xiftcios h&c verba contra Neftorium calumniofe & veteratorie finxiffe,
quod Christum pro puro homine & non pro Deo, & quod unum
Christum pro duabus perfonis vel gemino Christ 0 habuerit. — Ne-
stor ius fua homo inflatus tumens Pharifaico faftu , & indotlus,
Et cum fubito ejfet evetlus ad fupremum fastigium Ecelefta, adeo ut
haberetur pro fummo Pontiftce, Patriarcha, fomniabat je unum an-
tecellere dotlrina & eruditioncomnes homines in toto genere humane,
nee ftbi opus effe letlione hbrorum qui erant fcripti a Majoribus nut
aliisy nee in explicatione magnaram return retinendos effe modes lo-
quendi antiquitus receptos in Ecclefia puriore \ fed quia & voce va-
le bat, & ex temporali facundia volebat effe dvTofifi*>K-ns, Doctor vel
Magistery & for mas loquendi quibus ipfe uteretur tantum recipi-
endas effe in Ecclefia, non alias. Et tali faftu armatus adorieba-
tur ilium articulum. Maria est mater Dei, aut genetrix Dei; Ibi
viciffim Epifcopos in adverfa parte invemt perinde inflatos9 quibus
vehemenier difplicebat Nestor li faftus, inprimis Cyr ilium Alexan-
drinum: quia tunc nulluserat August inus aut Ambrofius.---p. 189.
Nmc manifestum est, quod Neftorius ut homo impru dens & vamffi-
ma perfuaftone addutlus, loquatur quidem bono z.clo de Christ o : fed
+ ex
(177)
ix mera infcitia non intelligat quid& quomodo loquatur.-» p. 19^
Non est Neftorii error cjnod Christum credit tantum effe purum ho-
minem, nee in duas perfonas earn dirimi; fied duas naturas Dttim
& hominem tn u%a perfiona uniri fatetur : fed communicat tonem tdio-
matum non vult concedere. Objiciat autem hie aliqujs^ Nestor mm
infidtofe confeffum effe, quod Christ us Deus fit & una perfona, Refip.
Jguod non: Tarn ingeniofus enim & industnus nonfuit, fedferio it a
judicavit. — Ad loic acceffit aliorum Eptfeoporum tnfolentia, qui
non cogitaverunt quomodo fiananda effent taua vuUera, fed mult 9
magis trritandis & refricandis caufam dederunt. Vide c tier a.
P. 202. De Concil. Calcedon, Adeo indulgebant fantti Patres
mututs odiis & diffenftombus ut alter non facile vellet alteri cedere —
fliewing the uncerrainty of the Hiftories of tbis Council, and
the Lies of the Papifts not to be trufted. fam dtvina qua rat lo-
ne ego ero falvandus, qui nee ipfum Concilium ajfequor , he c caufam
Concilii fiatisperfipicio. p. 205". JS>uod Eut)chesnon tantum unam
in Christ 0 naturam effe ft at Hat , oftendunt Papist arum Verba9 qui
dicunt Eutychen concejfijfe in Chrifto duas naturas9v\z. Divinitatem
& Humanitatem, qua d Divinitate eft aJfumpta—Sed quid Euty-
ches voluerit quod poftea in Chrifto tantum Divina natura manfie-
rit, defer t a humana^ tbi prorfus funt muti j & re nondum certo cogni-
td dicunt, ftatuiffe Eutychen quod in Chrifto dua natura, & tamen
non dua fed una natura fit : It a poftea hiftoria fiunt incerta & ob-
ficura , ut nemo poffit inteRigere quid Eutyches fienfierit, aut quid
Pontificia hiftoria fie ntiant. Amittimus hifce ambagibm concilium
una cum caufts propter quas convocatum eft.— -Ego me as conjectural
recitabo : ft rem ajfequor, bene 5 ft non, non propterea labefaclabitur
fidesChriftiana.Eutychis opinio(ficut&Neftorii)errat circa idiom at a,
quamvis alio modo. Neftorius non vult idiom at a humanitatistribu-
ere Dtvinitati in Chrifto:— Contra Eutjches non vult idiomata di-
vinitatis tribuere humanitati,etiamft& tp fie fir miter & mordicus re-
tineat Chriftum effe verum Deum & hominem, Vt fi dicer em in
Cone tone public a, Verbum filium Dei effe conditorem Coeli & Terra
aqualem Patri ab aterno — -Et hoc Verbum, ilium ftlium Dei effe
verum hominem : Hoc concedit mihi Eutyches nihil dubitans. fam
fiporro die am, Jguod Me homo Chriftus fit conditor cceli & terra, hoc
offendit Eutychen , qui put at prorjus effe abfurdum dicer e, Homo
crcat coelum & terrain. — P. 210. Ibi vides quod idiomata fact Li
cccaftone homines non pramonitos offendant & petfurbent. Hie erat
fiubijemcndum tener is Confident lis fr at erna% amsca & fialutari admo-
A a tutione
nit tone, nee fuperbiffimi err antes akjiciendieffent. Viinam met pt-
dicio non respondeat event us: fed vereor profeclo aliquot b&reticos
in novijfimo die fieri judices 5 & illos ipfosEptfcopos Penes quos fuitju-
dicandipo:eftas3m aternum damnatos,niDeus eft mirabilisd? incom-
prehehjiinlts in fttisjudiciis\nifi quodfeimvu cum effepropitium humi-
libus & injenfijfimum fttperbi*. Et pr&fertim in Concilia & Ecclcfiis
nihil erat agendum z*elo vel invidia , vel fuperbia, quia Deus non
pot eft ferre.
§ 20. Readers," you fee what tedious work fome men caa
make us: Many are fcandalized, as if we gave them falfe Hifto*
ry, if we do not thus confute them ; and if we do, we tire our
felves and you. If I fhould cite you many more thus to confute
his falftiood, that never per fon before meoppofed that Faftion, you
would be weary of it.
§ 21. Yet now my hand is in, you (hall fee further bow much
Luther was for the fame that I have written. [J^#/ volet poterit
mterius legere acla Ccnalii, privata opera. Ego ad tadium & nau-
feam ujq\ legi ifta-, ejufmodi Chaos aremoniarum & confujionum
eft ibi^ ut videatur recle judicajfe Greg.Naz*. qui Synodis eruditiori-
bus & fedatioribus inter fuit, — & fcrtbit [Sic affetlus fumfi die en-
da eft Veritas, Ht malivo omnes Epifcopoyum eonventus vitare, quia\
nulims Synodrfincm vidi bonum, am qui magis toller et mala quam
augerst. Nam cupiditas contentions & principatus^ & amulatio
vincmt rationem. ZJt profeclo miror quod propter hac verba non du~
dwn earn excommunicavernnt ut atroaffimum hareticum. Sed
quid jit quod dicit in Synodis Epifcopos certaffe ambiticne, Jupsrbia,
phomteU, habes in hac Synodo clanffimnm exemplum. £>£od au~
tern art urn fit quod hie dicit fe nullius Synodi vid'.ffe finem bonum ,
docent nos hiftoria: Nam Ariana h&efis jocus fuit ante Nic&num
Concilium pra ilia eonfufione quam ipfi poft Concilium excitavernnt ,
(that was not long of the SynodJ Talis etiam fmt Macedomci &
Neftorimi ConciliiK Nam ilia pars qua eft condemnata co fuit
conjunEHor, ut tali fpecie Concordia & unit at is fuas prafttgias pin-
gerent quafi nulli jufta rati one damnari poffent. Submde excitarunt
major a certamina contra Concilia qua ipfi non recle intelLgebant,—-
P. 247. Illud pojfum facillime probare- quod mifer ille Paftor in
Hippcne S, uiuguftinus plus docuit quam omnia Concilia — Die am
& qniddam amplius : Majus Lumen accedit Doclrina Chriftian&
ex Catechifmo puertfi quam ex omnibus Conciliu^ <jr oratio Domi-
nica & decern pracepta plus continent dotlrina & eruditionis quam
omnia Concilia, § 22,
^79)
§ 2^. Becaufe I recite the words of the Bifnops crying Tetca-
vimttSy he exclaimeth againft me, as making Repentance and Rc-
santation a derifion . and this by the Spirit of Schtjm which ts
nice in point of honour 9 no Convitlicn Jhall be able to reclaim it %
though in the mefl indefcnfible thin^ in the World.]
slnf. Add but with the Inquiiitors , [Therefore burn them as
hopelefs,] and you are come to the end of your LeflTon. The pe-
netrating Wits of fome men are admirable. This man whofe face
I never faw, knoweth my heart fomuch better than my felf and
my acquaintance, that he can tell that it is to avoid dimonour
that I avoid Repentance, when I offer him my Oath, that if I
have any knowledge of my own defire, I would thank him as
my deareft Friend, who will by Evidence fhew me any necefia-
ry truth that I deny, or Faifhood that I hold, and will joyfully
publiih my recantation.
2. And he can fee Schifm in my forbearing known and hei-
nous fin in the fatisfattion of my Confcience^ while 1 write, and
preachy and pra&ife Communion with their Church, and can fee
none in filencing Thoufands, and ipfofaBo excommunicating ma*
ny more Thoufands of godly Chriitians, and denying Baptifmand
the Lords Supper to fuch as think it is finful to do-— he knows
what.
3. And he can fee thofe things to be moft in defenfible, which
after our beft ftudy we take to be clear, and can get no rational
Reply to our defence.
4. And (for want of memory or tendernefs of his partners ve*
racity) when their Advocates have {0 oft and fcornfully charged
me with Retrattations, and alfo told the World how much my
own party (as they call them) fpeak againft me, and my many
large and free oppofitions to the faults of Nonconformifts that
run into any extream, do all proclaim how little I have fet by
fuch honour 5 yea, when himfelf faith that I have fiercely con-
tended againft all Sefts and Parties, and they call me IJhmael ,
whofe hand is againft every man: After all this to proclaim as
aforefaid, fuch obftinate Impenitence for the love of Honour, I
confefs doth no more further my conviction than the Oath of
an Irifh Witnefs would have done: For if he had fworn it, I
would have (hewed my Books and their contrary testimony, and
have askt him , whofe honouring of me is it thaPf'buy Co
dearly ? It is not the Rulers, nor the Prelates, nor their Clergy*
A a 1 nor
USOJ
nor their adherents, noble or ignoble: And if I have willingly
and laborioufly difpleafed and loft the Sectaries too, whofe ho-
nour is it that I fell my Soul for ?
§ 23. But did the man think that Vnconftancy and compliance
with powerful Hercfie, is the fame thing with Repentance for
it ? Or is it well done to perfuade the Reader that it is Repen-
tance or Retractation of Fterefie I write againft, when I recite
the words of the Council and their own ? Do I fay that peccavi-
rmu was their fin ?
§ 24. And I would humbly defire him in time to confider ,
1. Whether it was a venial fin not to be named by me, when the
moft zealous Papifts and Hiftorians name it, for fo great a num-
ber of Bifhops to turn and turn again fo often, and that with
Anathematizing one year of what they voted for before with
Anathema to the contrary, I crave your impartial confiderati-
on but of two Liftances: How oft did they with Anathema's
vote for and againft the Council of Calcedon as the Emperours
changed ? Yea in the fame Ufurpers time, Bafilifcus^ when he
changed himfelf. 2. In the cafe of Images: How oft did they
change in Councils, for them and againft them< as the Princes
changed ? Sir, we mind this with lamentation and not infultingly :
But if you take thefe for venial little fins, and our not fwearing
and covenanting all that you bid us for a mortal fin, are you not
partial?
2. And I Would wifh you to think on it again, before you
make this guilt your own, by mincing'and excufi»g it 5 and left
you make all other mens fin your own, whom hereby you en-
courage in the imitation of them. Thefe are not things indif-
ferent.
3. And do not fo difhonour Prelacy , and your Church and
Difcipline, as to tell the World that thefe in Bifliops are little
things ; what then is left for you to (tick at? No man mould
make light of fuch Beams in the Eyes of thofe that mould be the
moft pure, while they are pulling the mote of fcrupling a Cere-
mony, yea an Oath. &c. from their Brothers Eye, and that by
fuch Iron Inftruments as they ufe.
§ 2 j. Next comes his Logical terms, [throwing dirt, outragi-
ottst bitter, maliciom^ &c] And what's the matter? [I give not
one loofe^at Emperours and Courts : {corning to change the game,
charging the Bijhops with the faults of the Magiftrate , and lajing-
Ail
(i8j)
til the blame on tbem.~] In what words? I fay, [_fo far coktdfitrte,
andfattious Prelates prevail with a pious and peaceable Prtncc, by
the pretences of oppojing Here fie dndSchifm.
An[. i. Was he not a moft pious and peaceable Prince ? Then
Socrates that Ktoew him, and protefteth againft flattery, and
many others, are not to be believed f yea, if he excelled not
the Bifhops ?
2 . Do I fay that none but the Bifhops perfuaded him ? Where
do I lay all the fault on them ? Do I not after name the Empe-
reft Evdocia, as the Agent to perfuade him for the Eutychians,
and Pulcheria to perfuade him againft Neftorius: My words are
vifible.
3. What Bifhops were they that perfuaded him to make a
Law to confirm the Ephefine , Eutychian Council ? Was it not
Diofcorus and the Eutychians ? Were they not Bifhops ? Did
they not do it ? Yea, doth not this man oft revile them far
more bitterly than ever I did, and revile me for fpeaking fo cha-
ritably of them? Would you ever have expected that the fame
man fhould have fo reviled me, for faying that thefe Eutychian
Bifhops prevailed with a good Emperour to confirm that Coun-
cil of Eutychians ?
4. Is it a fin not to fpeak hardlier of fo good a Prince, who-
after repented and punifhed his Wife and Eunuch for perfuading
him? It was a blaming him to tell to what he was perfuad-
ed.
Truly the mans anger here for my blaming the Eutychian Bi-
fhops, in condemnation of whom he hath poured out fo much
more than I, doth make me think that there is fomewhat in the
found of fome words, that turns his wrath this way or that:
When he hears the name of an Eutychian, away with them,fpea^
not eafily of them. When the fame men are called Bifhops, it's
malice^ outragious bitternefs to blame them for getting a Law
to confirm that called an Heretical , Murdering , Latrociaian
Council. His words are, p. 146. [_VVere there ever greater vio-
lences committed than in that infamous Conventicle at Ephefus ? ]
% 1.6. P. 263. He confetfeth that the Debate between the
Council and the Egyptian Bijhops was fomethmgteo warm : but faith
that h:at was not altogether without rcafon. Anf. This is his way
to confefs their faults, and then rail at me for bare reciting the
words of the Debate or Hiftory, But ic ms mt without reafon : He
eoo&flctk
confelfeth not (o much as this of the filencing and ruining Mini-
fkrs now. It fhall not be the ufe of my reafon jq make Fig-
leaves to cloath and cover the lins which God abhorreth.
Men will be men he fait h, wherever they arc placed, whether in
a Council or in the Church, or even at the Altar. •
Anf. By Attn I fuppofe he meaneth Sinners : and it's true. But
of all Sinners Oh that God would fave his Church from thofe
who hate reproof, and cherifh the worft that will be for them,
and excommunicate and profecute the moft confcionable that
will not obey them in things which they call indifferent j for
fear of finning againft God.
§ 27. His trifling words about Leo and Rome are not worthy
•fan Anfwer.
§ 28. He hath, P. 268. hit again on the overfight which. I
before confefied, even the effect of my neceffitated halte, that
in tranflatjng Theodoret's words I put {truly) in the wrong place:
I ask him forgivenefs, and the Bifhops, if that be any (lander
againft them $ which is nothing to them.
§29. He faith, P. 269. [ There is no truth in what our Au-
thor faith, that Ibas Epiftle was acquit .] Anf There is no truth
in faying that I faid it was, when my words were disjunctive,
[ The Epiftle was acquit, or at leaft the Bifhop upon the reading of
it.'] He faith, Ibas was not acquit on the reading the Epiftle, but
\ on the defence he made^ that he communicated with Cyril. Anf His
Accufations of Falfhood are commonly Boyifh Quibbles. Hrs
Defence and the Reading of his Letter go together, and in Bin-
mus the Letter, and the Letters of the Clergy ofEdcffazre the
laft things done before he is difcharged.
§ 30. P. 270. He faith, [ The truth is, tit Eaftern Bifhopswere
not fo ingenuous and fair- after their reconciliation with Cyril, &c„ ]
Thus he becomes himfelf ftill anaccufcr of the Bifliops.
§31. Becaufe.Ifay that the Judges part fentence to caft out
both Stephen and Baffian from Ephefus, and all confented, he
faith, {One would thinly here the fudges pajfed fentence againft the
confent or Inclination of the BijhopsT\ Anf There is no end of
anfwering your thinkings. I did not fay that the Judges paffed
the Councils Sentence but their own : And whether it were a-
gainit the F ore- inclination of the Council let any Reader judge,
when the Judges asking the Council their fence, [_Ref . Epifcopi
ctriwzvtYunt, j*(titi* Bajfiamm vocat: ReguU valeant. The
Judges
(15$)
Judges anfwered them that their judgment was that both were
to be caft out, and a third chofen, and the Council fuddenly con-
fented. If he would be believed conrradicling this he giuft deny
the Acts.
§ 32. He hath found matter for a quibble againft tafrmg Pore-
xxms FUJh with their Teeth. Teeth taite not: Dangerous falfeHi-
ftory, or want of Learning is learnedly heredifcovered. When
he cannot deny the moft woeful, calamitous dnTcntions which
followed the Calcedon Council, he faith, \W<to it the misfortune
or the fault of the [e only not to he able to heal the differences of the
Church I Or was the defeft in the Councils, or the blame to be im-
puted to thofe obfiinate men that oppofed the Rule eftablifhed by
them f 1
^nf. No : They were neither the firft nor the laft that have
mifcarried. Nor are we the firft that fuffer under fuch mifcarri-
age. It was the misfortune of the Churches to have fuch Phy-
ficians : But as it is the honour of fome Phyficians to fhew how
many Patients they have cured, fo is it of fome others , when
moft die under their bands, t(*be able to fay, that it was long of
the Patients that would, not be ruled, or that thtv killed rherrr
fecundum artem. It was a Proverb in $%tton~Co!dfield, [ Who be-
gun ,?] A poor man had but one Afs and be loaded him too hard,
and the Afs being in pain bit his Mafter a little on the But-
tockj and his Mafter knockt him down , and killed him ; and
when he faw him dying, , [ Well, (faith he) But who begun § ]
But who had the lofs ? There be Clergy-Men that can inopeni-
tentJy fee the Strages, the divifions, the (warms of fin that are
the confequents of their needlefs mafterly Impositions, and wipe
their mouths and fay, It was the obftinacy of thofe that would
not be ruled by us I They kill a Flea on a mans Forehead with a
Beetle, and fay they meant not to kill the man.
But if thafCouncils Acts were a fit means to cure the Churches
Divifions , how came they to be prefently and through many
Ages, yea, ever fince to this day, thereby increafed (b many
fold '< Though the Aftembly at ferufalem cured not all the
Jewifh Teachers of their blind Zeal for Mofes Law, it was
fo far from increafmg the Diflentions and number of Difien-
ters, that it fatisfied the Gentile Chriftians for the moft part ,
and many of the Jewifh, and greatly diminifhed the Difcord. It's
one thing not wholly to cure, and another to ma\efar worje.
§33<
(i*4)
§33- He inftanceth alfo in the Dort Synod that made things
worje.
Anf. 1. The Synod of Dort made things the worfe in their
own Country 3 not by their Dotlrinal Decifions^ but by too much
of the Mafterly Spirit, engaging the Magiftrates againlt the Ar-
minians in theufe of ihe Sword. Whether it be true that they
fay., that they were neceffitated to do what they did againlt
Bar neve it and Grotius for the fafety of their State, I am no Judge :
But I am fure it is of an ill found to thofe that read it : And fo
is it to read in Epfccpitts and others, what violence the People
have ufed againlt the Arminians, and they were fain to tolerate
them when all was done.
And it's no wonder that the Diffention increafed in England,
when the Clergy would not long ftand to the decrees that by our
own fix Delegates were moderated: Dr. Hejlin tells you how Bi-
fhop Laua's Zeal was the caufe of our following Contentions :
And how? By bearing down all that were againlt. him.
2. But the meer Dotlrinal Decrees of the Synod of Dort are fo
moderate and healing, that wheft Violence hath been forborn,
and Reafon ufed3 many have been pacified by them. And
3. What that Synod did not, a few private Peace-makers have
much done : The Writings of Camero Amjraldtts , C ape Hut %
Placeus, Teftardus, Lud> Crocitis, Mat, Martinius% Conr. Bergi-
pis, foh. Bergins, Blondel, Daile, and above all, Le Blank's have
for ought I hear, half ended the controverfie. And having my
felf written one Book (CathoL Theologie) for Reconciliation, I
have not to this day bad a word of Contradiction, but the Coa-
fent of very many. And as 1 before noted, Is not even in Lon-
don where other differences might exafperate, yet this Contro-
verfie almoftlaid to fleep ? But if our At minions will but get as
fevere Laws and Canons made againft them that are not of their
Opinions, as be againft them that dare not conforrri to the Dio-
cefane Model and the reft, they (hall quickly fee this quarrel re-
vived. The Articles of the Church of England determine not
thefe Controverfies, and that is our Peace. Put in but one de-
termining Article againft either fide, and it will break us more
in pieces. Doth not our own Cafe and Experience then confute
thofe over-doing Councils ?
§ 34. His next Inftance is that of the Wcftmmfter AfTembly,—
So far from reconciling the People , that after this thy were di*
{trailed
ftratted into innumerable Schifms ? Never was there fo lament abl*
a face of things , never facts variety of Herefe[y and fuch Wan-
tonnefs, and Extravagancy , in blafphemmg God under pretence of
Religion and Confcience: And this is the State whither the fame
manner of men are driving again,
Anf..\. I fay again I knew fo many of that AfTembly, asthat
I do noc think that the Chriftian World had ever an Afiembly
of more able and truly pious Clergy-Men, thefe 1300 Years at
Jeaft. But thefe Upftarts that knew them not can tell us any
thing that Faction hath taught them to believe concerning them
and others. The Parliament was by feeming necelTity drawn to
gratifie the Scots : The Affembly, though Conformifts, all , fave
Eight or Nine , were as fenfible as the Nonconformiits of the
mifchiefs of filencing worthy Minifters, and forbidding After-
noon Sermons, and fuch like 5 and they were as much againft
Arminianifm and Popery as the Church of England was in A.Bp.
Abbat's days, and as much as he againft the Doctrine of Main-
waring and Sibthorp: And the Parliament abfolurely reftrained
them from debating any thing but what they propofed to them 5
(b that they that were for the Primitive Epifcopacy had no li-
berty to debatje it, or fpeak for it, but on the by. But when the
Covenant was offered them againft Prelacy, they were about to
enter a Proteftation againft it, and were ftopt only by limiting
the renunciation to the Englifh frame defcribed in an explicato-
ry Parenthefis. But for my part I think them much to be bla-
med, that they did not , though againft that prohibition, re-
folve to propofe fuch moderate healing terms to the Parliament
as were agreeable to their judgments, or at leaft have teftifled
againft the limiting of Church Concord to fuch narrow termes,
as muft exclude fuch men as were for the Englifh Epifcopacy :
They mighceafily have Known, that the number of fuch in Eng-
land was fo grear, as that an excluding Law mull needs be an
Engine of great Divifion 5 and that Conqueft .will not change
mens Judgment*.
And as I dot.: not but the five Diffenring Independents were
greatly to blame, r making fuch a ftir for leave to gather their
Churches, when nothing was impofed en them which they could
accufe$ So J daabt not but the Afiembly were to be blamed
formaking a greater nolle againft errours than they had caufe
for. Their defire of Concord3 which was good itfeJf, did raife
B b them
(ISO)
them to too great Expectations of it, and too great impatience of
little differences* They publifhed their Teftimony againft the
errours of the times, in which they took in Dr. Hammond, and
made many differerces worfe than they were , too like the old
Hereticators. And they wanted that skill to compofe their
differences with the Independents, as was needful to that end,
and might have been attained. And will the faults of that Affem-
bly jultitiethe far greater faults of others?" But
2. This fort of Hiftorians do much more differ from us about
the matters of Fad, which our Eyes have dayly feen, yea,, about
our own Thoughts and Minds, than about the Hiftory of the an-
cient Church. The cafe was very far different from that which
he defcribetb. Mr. Lawfon, a Conforming faith, [There was ne-
ver better Preaching, Piety encouraged and encreafed, &c> than
at that time. In all the Counties where I was acquainted, there
were many young Orthodox faithful Preachers, that gave them-
felves wholly to do good , for one that was ten Years before,
and not any confiderable number noted for any immorality : We
were in the County where I lived almoft all of one mind 3 for
Epifcopal, Presbyterians and Independents uniting in that which
they agreed in, and leaving all to Liberty in the reft, we lived
in conftant Brotherly Love and Peace without DiiTention. I ne-
ver knew of any of a divers Religion in all the County , fave at
she end, in one or two corners about Twenty Quakers: And
near me were about Twenty otherwife Orthodox, that denied
Infant- Baptifm, (and perhaps as many more in the whole Coun-
ty,) and Two or Three ignorant Socinians. In the next County
i heard not of fo many Heterodox: Never did I fee, before or
fince,fo much Love and Concord among Minifters, and all reli-
gious People^ nor read of any Age that had fo much for 1300,
Years. And whereas the common cry is, Oh, but they wtre
all Rebels againft the King ! lhave named abundance of the Mi-
nifters in mine Apology to Dr. Good, (who being Epifcopal was a
Guide in our Meetings, and after fo accufed the Nonconforming
and challenged him to name one of them that ever meddled with
Wars. I knew none in ail the County that was in any Army fave
the King's, Pave Mr. Hopkim of Eve/ham (dead) and my felf, and
one that is a Conforming and one Independent (dead.)
But it's true3 that they were then fo fet upon Parifh Refor-
mation and Concord, that they were more troubled at any one
that
W7)
that did turn Quaker, oragainft Infant Baptifm, thanfomein-
different Perfons are at Multitudes. And Iwasonethatdifputed
moft againft them, and wrote againft fome diftant Antinomians,
moftly Souldiers 5 But our Difputes fatisfied and confirmed all
our Neighbours more than Prifons would have done. We punifh-
ed none of them, and none of our People there turned to them.
But Iconfefs we were commonly too little fenfible, how much
hurtful Violence hindereth Concord, more than loving forbear-
ance of tolerable differences. As too many were how much for
Peace they fbould have abated of the Zeal for their private Opi-
nions, which they thought to be better than they were. We
were much like the days that followed the Apoftles, which had
fbme troublefome Sectaries, but the main Body of Chriftians
did cleave together in Love, till fuccefs had puft up a rebellious
Army to make themfelves Rulers , to the Gonfufion of chem-
felves and others.
§ 3j. At laft mentioning the common Diffentions of the
Churches, he feems to refolve the Queftion, What then mufi be
done f But he puts us off only with the Negative Anfwer5 that
Xjhe Rule, u e. of our Uniformity is not to be altered. And why ?
*[We have no ajfttrance that we fh all find afiy Conformity to it more
than we have now^\
Anf. ImuftnotcaJJ this Anfwer as it defer veth.
i. You were about dealing otherwife with the Papifts : Dr.
Heylm tells us how much they were to have altered for Con-
cord : Mr. Thorndikj threatens the Land, if you alter not the
Oath of Supremacy for them: The name of the Pope and And-
Chrift bath been expunged for them 3 yet you faid not, We know
not that they will come any nearer us.
2. By thefe meaflires a Rag or a Ceremony (hould never be
abated for the Peace and Concord of any Church or Kingdom :
You may ft'tll fay we are not furethat this will ferve thcin. The
Pope may fay fo, where he refufeth to abate the (having of the
Priefts Beard?, or the leaft of his Impofitions ; yea he knows
•that would nor ferve.' They faid fo to the Bohemians four De-
mands : They concluded fo at fir ft againft Luther. This very Ar-
gument harh kept them from all Reformation.
3. Can you find nothing inyonrlmpofitions that in the nature
of the thing; is worthy to be. altered? If not, you have more or
lefs Wifdom thanBiflhop Morton, and the reft of the Church
B b 2 Doctors,
Do&Qrs who at iVeftminjler motioned fo many Alterations. If
one (hould bur then move you to correct your knawn falfe Rule
For finding Eafttrdaj, or to give Parents leave to be the firft
Promifers for their own Children, and Godfathers but theirfe-
conds, or not to deny Cbriftendom and Communion for that or
a Ceremony : No, come on it what will, nothing muft be al-
tered, left men ask more. And yet you preach againft Clergy
Infallibility, (or fubfcribe at leaft. )
4. Bur if you are fo much againft altering, why did you alter
to our greater fuifering, and add as much more (yea five times
morej to the former Task and Burden? You can no doubt fay
fomewhat for all this.
j. And when it is the fame things that the old Nonconformifts
ftill asked, and we fince 1660 asktyetlefs, what reafon bad
you to raife that fufpicion that we will not be fatisfied with what
we ask.? Have we given you any caufe ? If you mean that per-
haps there be fome (till that may be unfatisfied , will you
deny Peace to fo many that beg it of you, becaufe others will
not accept it on their Terms i Or will you never agree with a-
ny left fome difagreement (hould arife hereafter.
Some Travellers were aflaulted by the high way by a Cap-
tain of Sbuldiers, who took all their Money, Swordsand Hotter*
and fwore he would kill them if they would not take an Oath
to conceal him : One took the Oath to fave his Life, another
fcrupledit: They begg'd his Mercy to reftore fo much as
would bring them home: He askt them what would fcrisfie
them: One would have his Horfe, another his Sword, another
part of his Money. He told them , Ten are a Company of Rone a,
that can neither agree what to ask^> nor give me affurance if Tgive
yon this you will ask no more. I compare not the Authority but
the Reafons of the Denial.
§ 36. But feeing no abatement of their Canons, &c. mu:r be
granted^ what is it that muft caufe our Concord? He would not
tell you; but it's difcernible what's left : It muft be no Concord but
what Punilhment can procure : And whar punifhment ? Sharpe r
than is yet tried 5 for that hath not done it: Such Concord
as Tmullian nameth, Solitudwem faciunt & pacem vocant : The
Concord in Spain is worfe than the Amfterdam toleration.
Again I remember the great Fifh-Pond mentioned by Judge
Hale, that had multitudes of Fifli and fries and at laft two
final!-
fffisJJ Pikes put in 5 when the Pond wa9 drawn there was never
a Fifh but the two Tyrants (as he calls them) grown to a huge
bignefs. The fear leaft Popery and Prelacy mould be the two
Pikes, tempted men irregularly to covenant againft them. To
have fuch variety as Rocb, Dace, Piercb, Tench, Carp; made
it a Schifmatical Pondj The two Pikes were againft Schifm and
Toleration, and for ending the Divifion by reducing all to unity
of Species.
§ 37. As to his Qneftion ofQu. Elizabeths days, the Intima-
tion may feduce the ignorant, but none eife. 1. If he know
not that it was the Subfcription required in the Canon?, (chat
nothing in the Books is contrary to the Word of God, fcrupled, which
broke the Peace and Concord of England, he is unfit by his Igr
norar.ee to be an Informer of others. I have known many that
would have yielded to come into the Conforming Church, if
that one \vcrd bad been but forborn: For when any practice a~
gainft their Confciences about baptizing, Communion, or Bu-
rials had filn in their way, they would have filently fhifted it
off, or been from home, and have ventured toanfwer it, fo they
could but confcionably have got in. But our Ganoneers are for
all or nothing,
2. He is lure no Englifti Clergy-man, if he know not how
much is laid on us, that was not known in the days of Qu. E//-
zateth. Is it to inform men, or deceive tbem, that he nukes the
difference to be between 36 and 39 Articles , and faith nothing
of all the new Covenants, Declaration?, Oaths, Subscriptions,
Doctrine and Practices ?
§ 38. Many make ufe pi Mr. Edwards Gangrena, and the Lon-
don Minifteri Teftimony againft erroars, to prove the Kerefies
and Confufions of the late times. No doubt all fin is odiocsr
But few men living are more competent Witnefles of thofe things
than I. The Errours that fprung up were much mere tenderly
refented then than now. You now have many called Wits and
Perfons of Quality, who at a Club difpute againft the Pi ovidence
of God, the immortality of the soul, and a future Life 5 and
there is neither Church- Admonition, Excommunication, nor any
great matter made of.it , but they are Members of the Church
of England, thepureft Church in all the World : Whereas in thofe
licentious times,if one Souldier had fpoken fuch a Word, it would
have rung out through the Land, and perhaps his Tongue would
have
have been bored with an hot Iron, It was the errours of the
proud rebellious Soldiers that made moft of the noife, that had
no confiderable number of Minifters left with them. I had a
hand in Mr. Edwards Book thus: An Affembly of Minifters after
Nafeby Fight fent me into the Army to try if I could reduce
them. Dayly difputing with them, a few proud felfconceited
Fellows vented fome grofs words. At Amerjham a few Coun-
try Sectaries had fet up a Meeting in Dr. Crook* Church, to dis-
pute and deceive the People : A few of Major Bethel's Troop
(that afterwards turned Levellers and were ruined) joined with
them : I met them, and almoft all day difputed againft them,
and fhamedthem, and they met there no more. I gathered up
all the grofs words which they uttered and wrote them in a Let-
ter to Francis Tyton, and after I found them cited inMr.Edwards
Gangrena. And what's the abfurd Speeches of a fewjgnorant
Souldiers, -that aredead with them, to thcHerefies and Schifms
that thefe 1000 or 1200 Years continue in all the RomarrCom-
munion, and they fay in all the reft of theChriftian World. One
cheating Papiftas a converted Jew got into an Anabaptifts Meet-
ing, one Maxwell a Scot, and all England rung of it. But when
Bidiops have made and keep France, Spain, Italy, 6Vc. in the
fame Errours, Dr. Hejlin^ and Bp. Bromhall, and fuch others .,
took them for fuch, with whom a Coalition on the terms by
them defcribed was very defirable.
CHAP. XXIV.
His yth Chapter considered.
% i.np H E Man had not the courage to defend the furgent
A Prelacy in its Manhood and Maturity, but only in its
Infant and Juvenile State 5 nor to defend the many hundred
Councils which I mentioned after the Council of Calcedon, in
which either his Modefty or Cauteloufnefs comes fhort of his
Rd. Fathers, who fome of them own the fix flrft General Coun-
cils, and fome of them eight, and fome would unite with the
Church of Rome, if they will abate bat the laft 400 Years addi-
tions,
§2. In
§2. In his Gleanings in this 7th Chap, he over, and over, and
over perfuadeth hisReader,thac I make or affirm that [the Bps.
were the caufe of all the Herefies in the world, and of alHhe Here-
fies, Schifms, and Evils that have afflicled the Church \ And hath
thisHiftorwn any proof of this ? Or is it the melancholy fiction
of his Brain f Yes5 this is his proof contrary to my manifold
Inftances, becaufe I fay in one age > [We have a ftrange thing, a
Herefie raifed by me that was no Bifhop: which I have anf.vered,
before. To be then ftrange, and never to be at ail ; are nor words
of the fame fenfe? But his Anfwers throughout do mind me of
Seneca's Words* that a man that is fore complains (or cries Oh)
when he doth but think you touch him.
§ j. He thus himfeJf accufeth the Biihops, p. 2-6. [There
have keen wicked men and wicked Bifoopj in all times7\ And p, 277:
fcThat feme Bi/hops have 'abufed their Authority and Office, and
been the caufe of Herefie and Schifm cannot be denied^ But yec
\_He hath (hewed fufficiently^ that mofl of my particular Accufati-
ons are void of all truth and Ingenuity. ] Anf. Or el(c thofe
words are fo.
§ 4. He faith All EtcUfiaftical Writers agree, that Simon Mn-
gus was Author of the fir ft Herefie in Chriftian Religion^ Anfi All
confefs that Judas was before him : And if it be a Herefie to
buy the Spirit for Money, it is a Herefie to fell Chrift for Mo-
ney. Butlccnfefsibme tell us of his after pranks at Rome y. and
imitating Icarus, at Peters Prayers : If you would fee why Dr.
More takes this for a toyifh Legend, fee his Myftery of Iniqui-
ty, Lib. 2. C. 19. § 6, 7. p. 447, 448.
§ f. P. 286, 287. Baronim firit, and Vhilaftrim after, are
made guiiry of Forgery and difregardable Hiftory y fo that I
may well bear fome of his Cenfures.
§ 6. P. 290. To confute me effectually he faith much what
the fame which is much of the fum of all my Book : And yec
it's falfe and malicious in me, and true and charitable in him:
viz.i [Praifing the firft 300 years, (when the Bifhops were
fuch as we offer to fubmit to : ) he adds [ The following Ages
were not fo happy; . but as Chrift ians generally degenerated fo did
the B if. ops 1 00 [\
Anfi What ! Before the Council of N/« / That's a fad Con-
fcflion. I was ready to fay as a Roman Etnperour faid to a flat-
terer3 that ftill faid all that he faid, [Die alind aliquid m duo fi-
mtsj .
-musf\ But his next words allay it, [But yet notfo much as cur An-
ther would make it appear. ] As the Dominicans and Oratorians
mufl fay feme falfhood of Calvine, left they be thought Calvi-
nifts.
And yet he addetb3 [The beginning of the qth Century was very
unhappy to the Church, for Terfecution Without , and Herefe and
Schifm within. Meletius an Egyytian began a Schifm J forfook the
Communion of the Church, &c. Next the Donatifts, Arians, 5rc]
Anf. It feems that the Emperours Conftantim and Valens were
without the Churchy and yet the Arian Pr lefts and Bifoops were
within it. When he defineth the Church we may underftand this.
But is it not this 4th Century that is made the Churches more
fiouriming ftate by others ?
§ 7. Even the great Hiftorianof Herefies, Epiphanins, is faid
p. 492. to be [unaccountably miftaken in fever al things relating
to that Hiftory.\ And 293. hath [a ft range unaccountable miftake
in diver fe other things relating to that matter.^] If I had at any
time erred with fuch a Bifhop and Father 3 I might have bdi
excufaWe for reciting his Hiftory.
§ 8. Pa£. 29^, He opens the very Heart Gf his Parties Prin-
ciples, and faith, [ The Church is never diftracled more by aty ■
thing than Projecls of Moderation. ]
Anf Experience proveth that you fpeak your Heart. The
words are no wilful Lye which agree with a mans Mind, be they
never fo falfe as difagreeable to the matter. No man was more
of that Opinion than Hildebrdnd^ that would nor yield fhe Em-
perours the Inveftiture5 nor as I before faid, abate the Prince of
Calans the (having of his Bifhops Beard to fave his Kingdom.
Vitlor began with that Opinion too foon, but his Succeflbrs have
thefeThoufand Years been as much for it as you can wifh.
2. But to whom is it that you intend this? Sure not to all :
Was Bifhop Laud of that mind toward the Papifts if Dr. Hcylin
fay true ? Was Grotim of that mind toward them \ Was Arch-
Bifhop Bromhatt, Forbes, Bez.iari Thorndike (and many more
fachj of that mind ? No: Tie excufe you , that you meant not
them and their Projecls of Moderation-. Nor I believe neither
Caffander's, Erafmus's, Wicelius's, Sancla Clara's f Leander^s 3
dec.
But towards fuch as I am, you have been as firm to that Prin-
ciple as any one of our Enemies could wifli. In 1660, 1661. it
was
Ow
Was moft effe&ually improved ; and you have attained much of
the fruits then foretold : and ever fince have been unmoveably
and prevailingly true to it.
3. But this miketh (ome men the Diftratlerj of the Church, if
not the greateft, which truly I have better thoughts of: Suck
as futtius , Par&iu , Amjraldm 5 Le Blank? , Davenant, Ward,
VJher^ Hold/worth, Morton, Hall, &c. And lately when we
were preparing for the Kings Return, Bp. Brownrig, and after
his death Dr. Gawden, Dr. Gulfton, Dr. Allen, Dr. Bernard^ and
diverfe fuch did offer themfelves to a Treaty for Moderation :
And fince then Dr. Wilkjns, Dr. Burton, Dr. TiUotfon, and in di.
ebm iilis Dr. Stillingfieet have been guilty of this crime, of di-
ftratting the Church by projetls of Moderation : But I can name
the Bps. that were not guilty of it.
To abate or forfake theneceffary pofnts of Faith and Practice
on pretence of Moderation, is to deftroy Chriftianity on pre-
tence of Humanity or Peace. But to make Laws that men (hall
preach with Horns on their Heads , to fignifie the Victory of
Truth, and to ruine all that will not keep thefe Laws (much
more if men fhould command worfe ) and to fay a Project
for Moderation would diftract the Church, would be as far from
Wifdom as it is from Moderation : And fome Prelates have
done as bad as this.
§ 9. He confeffeth/?. 296. that by force and Fraud [the whole
World in a manner was turned Arian.~\ And did I ever lay worfe
of the Bifhops than this ?
§ 10. He maketh Aerius to fpeak againft Bifhops becaufe he
could not be a Bifhop, fo that he was of a Prelatical Judgment
and Spirit, and calleth him [JThe Cartwright of the times,"] by
which if he mean that Cartwright would have been a Bifhop,
it doth but tell us that hedeferveth little belief in hisHifto-
§ ir. He is a moft lingular Hiftorian , p, 303. in telling us,
that after the Monothelites in following Ages of the Church the
Devil ft art ed up but few Herejics till theje Ages,— Swenkjeldians,
Anabaptifts, ore.
By this I perceive he believeth neither Papifts nor Proteftants:
For the Papifts name many Herefies fince, and the Proteftants
fay that Popery is but a Conipofition of many Herefies , and
name us many that coicur'd thereto.
C c § 12. He
U94)
§ 12. He there giveth me this ferious Admonition, [ It is a
much greater wonder that any man that makes Conscience of what
he faith, Jl:ould againfi ail truth of Hiftory , and again ft his own
knowledge, charge the Bifhops with all the Herejies in the World :
that a per [on that feems Jo Jen fib ie of approaching Judgment, as fre-
quently to put himfelf in mind of it—-Jhouldyet advance fo malici-
ous and groundlefs an Accufation, There is no dallying with the all-
feeing God— What Plea /hall be made for whole Booths full of Ca-
lumny and Detraction, &c]
jinf. This is not the Ieaft acceptable paffage to me in his Book ;
Hove the man the better for Teeming ferious in the belief of
Judgment; and I hope his Warning (hall make me fearch my
Heart with fome more iealQufie and care. He feems here to be-
lieve himfelf 3 but being my felf far more concerned than he
is to know how far I am guilty ©f what I am accufed, as far as
I can know my Heart and Writings, Tie tell the Reader what to
judge of his words and me.
1. That I charge the Bifhops with all the Herejies in the World,
never was in my mind3 nor can I find it in any of my Writings :
Yet this he very oftrepeateth : And fhould a man fo often write
a falfhood about a thing viflble, and never cite the place where
I fay it, and this while he is. thus ferioufly mentioning Calumny
an4 Judgment,
2. Can he make men believe at once that I do perfuade men
that Bifhops or Diocefanes came not up till about i jo years af-
ter Chrift, and yet that I make them the Authors of the Here-
fies that were in thofe times ? Non entis non efi aclio : Could Bi-
fhops be Hereticks when there were no Bifhops?
3. If I had charged the Bijhops with all the Herejies, it follow-
eth not that I had charged no one elfe with them, and made the
Bifhops the fole Authors , and acquit People, Priefts, and Princes ,
why then doth he name many Monks and Priefts that were He-
reticks f Or Emperours that promoted them, as if this croffed
what I fay f Did he think that I excluded the Army if I blame
the General, or the Prelatical Priefts when I blame the Prelates ?
If I took the Bifhops of England to be the chief caufe of our
Church-Schifms , and Calamities, doth it follow that I acquit
fuchas you, and all the Clergy like you ?
4. That I have done this [againfi allTrmh of Hifiory'] which I
tsarrfcribed out of the Councils and Hiftorians rnoft partial for
the higheft Prclacie , is either a great untruth, and Unproved
by him, or 1 know not what I read or write.
j. That I do this againft my own Knowledge I am certain is
an untruth. *
6. That my Accufations are malicious I zmeertain is untruth,
as being able to fay that I fpeak in pitty to the Church, and to
fave Souls from deceit, and malice no man ; but pray-vith the
Liturgy 5 that God will forgive our Enemies, Ferfecutorsa And
Slanderers , and turn their Hearts,
7. That I have brought any Groundlefs Accusation I muft take
for an untruth 5 till my Grounds produced are better confu-
ted.
8. Much more that I write whole Books full of Calumny and
Detraction,
All thefe and more untruths being heapt up with the mention
of Death and Judgment, tells us whither Fattion and Prepof-
fcflion may carry men.
2. But what is the truth I (hall again briefly tell the Readers
i. About 2000 of fuch Minifters as I confidently take for the
moft fpiritual , and confcionable and devoted to God and the
good of Souls are filenced, and in Law imprifoned and ruined;
and all the People of their mind are iffofatlo (if they confefs it)
excommunicated, befides their other penalties. I accufe not
the Law but mention only the matter of Fa& , which the K,
once cornmiflioned Bps. to have prevented.
2. The Kingdom is dolefully divided, and alas, the (ad con-;
fequents are not to be named.
3. Befides all our Penalties the Bifhops accufe us as thecaufts
of all, and as wilful Schifmaticks, and call for the Execution of
the Laws againft us.
4. We fay, we dare not do that5 which when ever they will
give us leave, we are ready to give our reafons why we take it
for heinous fin againft God, and tending to the ruine of the
Church : nor dare we forfake our Miniftry while the Churches
necefTities are to us paft doubt.
5. We beg of them but to abate us fome needlefs Oaths, and
Covenants, and Profeffions, and a few things called indifferent
by the Impofers, that we may all live in Chriftian Love and
Peace , and we offer them as unqueftionable fecurity for our
Pcaceablenefs, Loyalty, and Orthodoxnefs, as the faid Oaths,
Proraifcs,or Profeffions can be. C c 2 6. They
6. They tell us, Nothing is to be abated us, and we ntufi ceafe
f>reaching,t he Rule mufi not be altered-, we will do more harm in the >
Church than out ; Projecls for Moderation moft difiratl the Church 5 .
There is no Concord or Liberty to be expected, but by our total obe-
dience to the Bijhops-, It is obeying the Church, yea the Vniverfal
Church of Bijhops, that is the only way to Concord,
7. To confute this Suppofition, which is the root of our Ca-
lamities, I tranfcribe out of Hiftory and the Ads of Councils,
how great a hand in the Schifms, and Herefies, and Confufions.
of.Chriftians, thofe Bifhops have had, who have fwelled upa-
bove the primitive, fpecies, by vaft DiocefTes , Wealth , andv
claim of Government over other Churches and Biftiops 5 and that
it is notorious that this Grandeur and exorbitant power of Bi-
fhops, fingly or in Councils, hath been fo far from keeping the,
Church from. Schifms, that it hath been one of the greateft
caufes of the Schifms of moft Ages, fince fuch a fort of Prelacy
fprung up3 and that Popery came not up in a day, but rofe from,
thai Juniority to its prefent Maturity, This was my work,
§ 1 3. He truly tells you, that the Original of ailmif chiefs k
the Lufis that war in our Members^ and not this or that Order of
Men^
When the World had a good Pope, if God would blefs.that.
Order of men, fome think he might do more good than any
other man. But he hath toucht the Core of the Churches, Mala-
dy. Verily, the grand Strife is between the ity/kand Spirit, ths
feed of the Serpent and of the Woman: And if Patriarchs and Di-
ocefans were but as much fet on the promoting of a holy and
heavenly Life, as thofe Minifters are whom they filence and im-
prifon, they, might do. muchgood, though .the largenefs oftheif
Diocefs render them uncapabfe of performing the 40th part of
a true Bifliops Work, No doubt but Bifhop Mall, and Potter ,
and Vfher, &c. did much good, by fuch preaching* writing,
and good living, as others ufe that are no Bifhops.
But will fire burn without fewel ? And will it not burn ifcom-
buftible fewel be contiguous f Do not the Lufts that war in our
Members live, upon tha,c food which we, are forbidden to pro-
vide ? Do you think that the £#/?' of the Flefti doth not more
defire Riches than Poverty., Honour than a low Eftate, Domi-
nation over others, to have our Will on all, than humble Sub*
jeftion ? Where the Carkafs is there will the Eagles be gather-
ed
097)
td. Do -not you your felf fay , that the Bifheps and Church'
grew more corrupt after the third Century? Do you be-
lieve that when a Bifhops Power was made equal to a great
Lords, or more, and all his Pomp and Riches anfwerahle, that
the Luft of the Flefh would not more greedily defire ir, than it
would defire a meer mediocrity ? Or that a worldly proud man
would not feek more for Lordfhip and Grearnefs, than a Sjnefiw,
and fuch others as you fay fled from it ? If the poor retired
Monks were as bad as you make them, what wonder if great
Lordly Bifhops were much worfe ? Will not the fire of Luft
grow greater as the fewel is greater ?
I am fatisfied that Riches and Power well ufed, may greatly
ferve the. Intereft of Religion : But two things muft be confi-
dered.
i. That the greatefl Power and Wealth being far more defired
by carnal Worldlings, (that is, by bad men) than by mortified
heavenly minded men, the more men defire them, the more
eagerly they will feek them by Friends, Flattery3 or any means :
and therefore the liker they are.to attain them , except when
the choofers are fome refolved godly men. And ib which way
can a Succefllon of the worft men be avoided ? But a mediocri-
ty that doth not to the Flefh overweigh the labours and diffi-.
culties of the facred Office, will encourage the good, and not
much tempt the bad : Or if good men will be never Co bounti-
ful to pious ufes, their bounty and Church-Lands may better
maintain Labourers enough for the work, than be made a fnare
to one.
2. And that Power which depopulated and deftroys its end,,
is unlawful in its very ftate, as well as in its ufe. The Power of
one man to be folePhyfician to the City, and to have none but
Apothecaries under him $ or of one man to be the only School-
Mafter in the County, and have none but Ufhers under him, is
rather to be called Deftruttion than Power. It is Bifhops cafting
aut Power that I am againft, that is, the neceflary Power of
the Keys in the Parifh Minifters, or putting down neceflary
Bifhops 5 and alfo a Power to filence Cb:i ft s faithful Minifters,
and deprive Souls of the neceflary means, by impofing things,
needlefs in themfelves, and finful in the receiver, that after his..
beft fearch believes them fuch.
Seeing then that we are agreed, that it is the Lnfi that war-
ret hr
retkinmeny that is the corrupter of the Church, let burthe face
of the whole Romane Clergy thefe iooo Years at leaft tell us,
whether it be not the fuelling of the Power and Wealth of Bi-
(hops, that hath caufcd fo long a Succeflion of a worldly, luftfuf,
tyranical Clergy.
§ 14. And he truly faith, [p. 306. that the generality of men
when they have gained Wealth and Honour , are commonly willing
to fecure the enjoyment ofthofe Pojfeffions, by letting things run in
their ordinary courfe.
( The Spanrfh Proverb is , The World if a Carryon, and they
are Dogs that love itt and they will fnarle at any that would
take it from them, and if it lie in the Ditch, Dogs rather than
Men will gather about it : and its pitty fuch men fhould by fuch
a Bait be tempted into the facred Chair.) And he truly adds,
that Repulfe and Difappointment will end fuch mens Patience. For
really as the man is, fuch are his defires : It is not only turgent
Prelacy but a Prelatical Spirit that troublerh the Church : And
If Novatianus or Arius would fain be a Prelate, it is in his heart}
and no wonder if he be a Schifmatick } Trahit fua quemque vo-
luptas. Appetite is the Spring of Adion. All the Popes Clergy
are much of his mind 5 for they participate of his worldly Inter-
eft, and depend on him, and therefore participate of the Papal
Spirit. The Intereft of the General and Army are conjunft.
§ 15. And its true that he faith, that the Btjhops Intereft oh-
ligeth him to maintain Peace andVnity. And fo no doubt from
that fenfe of Intereft it is endeavoured, in Italy, Spain, France 9
Germany, &c. when a ftrong man armed keeps his houfe, the
things which hepoffefTeth are in Peace. But whether therefore
the People did ill that forfook the Bifliops and followed Lu-
ther j or are all bound to cleave to the Bifhops Unity3 is the
doubt.
§ 16. Whether it be true, p. 310 that very few if anyone were
Bijhops when they turned Hereticks, I have enquired in the Pre-
face; though if they afcended from Herefie to Prelacy it's all
one to me. But by this I conjefture that he taketh fewer for
Hereticks than others do, and that he pretends acquaintance
with their minds, in that antecedent part of their Lives which
no Hiftory mentionetb. I confefs I think that for the moft part
men are Papifts before they are Popes or Papift BiC >ps: And
yet I think that it is firft the defire of Papal and Prelatical Gran
deur*
(*99)
deur9 and next the Exercife of it, which is the cau(e of SchiCm
and Perfecution.
§ 17. I verily believe as he doth, that Platonick Philofophy,
and a willingncfsto win the Heathens by compliance, had a great
hand in corrupting many Do£trines j and not only Monk* but
others of the moft religious Chriftians, had a great hand in ma-
ny of the ancient Superftltions, efpecially thofe that tended to
the over-honouring of their Martyrs, and too much advance-
raentof their Bifhops, when they came newly from under the
Perfecution of the Heathens. But it came not to be univerfal,
nor the Engine of great Corruption and cruelty, till theBifhop*
turned all into a Law. Who could make any of all this neceffa-
ry, but Pope, Prelates, or Princes, who pretended a Legifla-
tive Power hereto ? Even Luther and MelanBhon were indifFe-
rent to diverfe Ceremonies, fo they were made to be indiffe-
rently ufed. But when they are made neceflary by a Law (fpe-
daily more neceflary to a Minifter than his Mmillry, and to a
private Cbriftian, than his Church Communion, who doth more
vehemently condemn them than they ?
§ 18. That Pafchafiu* Radbertns was the firft that broached
the Doctrine of Tranfubftantijitio&^ is a doubtful exprcftion. Ei-
ther he meaneth the Name or only the Thing under another
Name. If the latter, he will do more'than Edm. Albertinus, or
Bg. Confius have done, if he prove it: If it be the name that he
meaneth, I think (by my Memory, for I will not for that go
read him all over) that he will not find the name in RaSertw?
nor any where before Stephana Eduenfis, about 130 years after
him: and that all that he can truly fay, is but as Bellarmme
doth, £Hic Author primus fait qui ferio. & copiose fcripfit de veri-
tate Corporis & Sanguinis Domini in Euchariflia contra Bertra-
mum Prefbyterum,
§ 19. That the Bifhops charged by me with theje Corrupt ions ,
vpere the only Oppofers of them that we find in antiquity , as we may-
fee in the Canons of Africk and Spain,] is a faying very near kin
to much of his Hiftory: I confefs that fo few Presbyters in
comparifon of Bifhops were publick Actors," whofe Judgments
were nctifiedNto the World, that ft'sno wonder (after Gonftan-
tine's time) if there be more proofs of their words and deeds
than of other mens: But there are a great number of excellent
men here flandered againft the credit of all Church-Hiftory, and
their
(loo)
-their own Writings yet in our hands. Would it be worth tte
Readers Price and Labour, I could fwell my Book with the
proof that what he fpeaketh is untrue. Did he think that I could
not prore that Juftin Martyr, sithenagoras, Tatianw, lertulli-
an$ Clemens AUxandrinm, Origene, Arnobim, Latlantim^ Ma-
carius, Mat emus Pirmkusi Ephrem Syr us, Fauflinus, Hierome,
Ruffinus, Prudent ins, Sulpitius Severus, Sedulius , Mammertus y
Cajfimus, Ftncent. Lirinenjis, Socrates^ Soz.omcv9 Ifodore Pelkfi-
otay &c. did fomething in opposition to fome Church- Corrup-
tions ? Though fome of them promoted fome others : Yea_, An-
tonie and abundance of Monks that furthered fome, oppofed
others no lefs dangerous: Though many of them may be accu-
sed as BelUrmine doth Sulpit. Severus^ for faying, Ecclefiam au-
yo non firuifed deftrui.
Judge oftimepaft by what we fee; Is it only the Bifhops that
are againft the Popes Church-Corrupting Ufurpation in Italy ,
Spain tFrance^&c, Is it 00/7 the Bifhops that are againft the Mafs
Corruptions, and againft all their corrupt Do&rines of Indul-
gences, Purgatory, Images, &c. and againft all their Ceremo-
nies, and prophanc abufe of holy things ? Was it only the Bi-
fhops at Confiance and Bafil^ that were againft fupprefling the
Bohemian and Moravian Reformation ? In the end ofLydius up-
on Prateolus you may read a Letter fubfcribed by fo great a
number of Lords and great men , for John Hhs, and Hierome ,
and the Reformation, which yetprevailed not with the Bifhops,
as will tell you who was then the greateft Oppofers of Church-
Corruption,, And I think Princes and Drs. oppofed it more than
Bps. in Luther's time. Is it onJy the Bifhops that have oppofed
warping towards Rome for Church-Unity t Have none but Bi-
fhops been againft corrupting the Churches, by filencing good
Minifters and ordaining bad ones f The things that are, have
been, I confefs our difference is great on the cafe, what is to be
accounted Church-Corruption. For that whfch in one Country go-
eth for Corruption, in another (yea the famej goeth for Church-
Glory, Strength^and Beauty $ Our main difference is about what's
good, and what's bad; what's Virtue* and what's Vice.
§ 20. He next comes to Sedition , and askerh [What Reign
have they diftur bed here with their Sedition?"] And becaufe he
knoweth that I can refer him to the large Volume of tbfir Trea-
sons written by Prin y and abroad to the many Volumes in Gol~
daftus,
(lOl)
daft us, and the many Hiftories of the Wars of Popes and Coun-
cils againft Emperours,] he prevents all my Proof with a down-
right Untruth, that [ " If a man be not blind he may fee that my
u Hiftory is only defined against Trot eft ant Bifioops under a general
€t name.
An/ Was it not enou gh fo grofly to write this Untruth of me3
but he muft alfo reproach all the Readers as blind that will noc
judge falfly of what they read? Doth he know my meaning bet-
ter than my felfi* He knoweth that I plead for the Primitive
Epifcopacy, and that I profefs to intend this Hiftory moft to difc
cover the Rife, Growth, and Maturity of the Popifh deftrurtive
fort of Prelacy. Readers, can you believe this man, that I wrote
the cale of the Bifhops before and under Popery , and of the
Popes, and of above Five hundred Councils, and all thefe be-
fore the name of a Proteftant Bifhop was known in the World,
and as he faith, gathered their faults, and a'l this only againit
the Proteftant Bifhops, and not againft Popes or Prelates, or
any of the Councils that I named?
Perhaps he would tempt me to refer him to the Hiftory of
Bifhop L ana's Tri a!, or ro what Bifhcp Abbot, George and Ro-
bert, Bifhop Hall and others faid againft him: Or to tell him of
A. Bp. Williams Arm s for the Parliament But thefe are not Sub-
jects fit for our Debates.
§ 21. P. 3 18. When I fay, that where Prelacy with the Pa-
pijts is at the higheft, Princes are at the low eft. Ke asketb, Is it
the Bifroop or the Pap ft that is here to blame ? \ Is this the effect of
their Order ?
Anf. 1. I thought the Pope of Rome and the Bifhop of Rome
had been the fame. 2. But this Corrector of Hiftory taking
Untruths not only into the Completion, but the Stamina and
Scope of his Book, among all the reft fuppofeth me to (peak
againft 4 Bifhop as a Bifloop , when I have troubled hi in with
my repeating fo often that I am for Bfkcps, and that it is not
the Office but the tumor, and that tumor that maketh another
/pedes which 1 oppofe. Doth he not think that the Popes Bi-
/hoprickis faulty (yea, as a corrupt /pedes?) And as it is more
tumid than the Patriarchs, is not the Patriarchs inore tumid than
the Metropolitans , and that than the Diocefanes ? And if Dr.
Hammond were not deceived , who thought that there were no
/fated worshipping Ajfsmbliesm Scripture times without a prefent
P d Bijhofa
(20Z)
ip , is not the fole Bijhop of a Thoufand or a Hundred fuch
\ts different from a Bifhop of One only t And if many Ca-
nons fp^k truly, that fay a Bifhop fhould be in every City that
hath a Church, and every great Town like our Corporations and
Market Towns was called a City, doth not a Bifhop of one Ci-
ty, and a Bifhop of 50, or 40, or 10, differ fo far, that a man
may be againft one without being againft the other? Doth he
Ipeak againft Patriarchs that fpeaks againft the Pope ? Or againft
Diocefanes that fpeaks againft Patriarchs ? Or againft the Primi-
tive Bifhops that fpeaks only againft fuch Diocefanes as put them
all down, and all their Churches, and almoft all true Difcipline
of fuch Churches, like Erafiians.
§22. P. 319. 322. His Charge on Socrates and Sc&cmene (fha-
king thecredit of Church-Hiftory ) as writing that [which no
reasonable man can believe as it is related by them, without loving a
malicious Lye 7\ I fpake to before : If fuch Hiftorians believed not
what they write or loved a maliciom Lye$ alas, whom fhall we
believe ? Is he better than they ?
And his note that Valefins judged Ettfebius Nicomed no Here-
ticket I before noted.
But I will follow that cafe no further, left he fhould draw me
to feem to charge the ancient Bifhops with fedition, whom I ne-
ver intended fo to charge 5 but only to defire thofe that can ex-
cufe the Language e. g. of Gregory the great to Phocas, of Am-
brofe to Ettgenius, of the Bifhops to Muximm , and many fuch
like, not implacably to reproach and hunt thaft that did no more
or not fo much.
§23. His full Stomach difchargeth itfelf againft me three
times over with one charge, P. 3 14, 320, 352. [Oliver Crom-
well and his Son, the David and Abfalom of Mr% B.] And [ He
compares the mofi barbarous villain in the World to King David,
in his Epiftle to his Son*
Anf. Reader if there be no fuch word in any of my Writings,
after all thefe Accufadons of this man and many fuch other, I
mull leave it to thy felf how thou wilt name thefe men, their
Hiftory, and their dealings j for if I name them they will fay I
rail.
Yea , what if this very man fit's eafie to know why and
whence) doth even here, p* 352. &c. reprint the very Epiftle
which he thus accufetli! and cite no fuch word, to tell us that
he
he knew there was no fuch word there, and yet thus affirmeth
it, what will you call this ?
The words cited by himfeif are thefe, [ " Many obferve that
cC you have been ftrangly kept from participating in any of our late
€S bloody Contentions, that God might make you a Healer of our Had I [aid
" Breaches, and employ yott in that Temple Work^% which David ™b& ktbh
«c himfeif might not be honoured with, though it was in his mind, be- J^ Pub~ g
* caufe he hadjhed blood abundantly, and made great Wars. I Chr.^ their chief
22.7,8.] Dr's Elegy
Is here ever a word of Oliver? Is he here called David* Did uPon Oliver
I not purpofely fay, I David himfeif ] and cite the Text, left g^
any fhould feign the fame that he doth ? Any man may fee that t\Krs) w^
he hath nothing to fay, but to accufemy Thoughts,, and fufpcCtjhouldihave
that I had fuch a meaning. And who made him acquainted with he,ard/mji
Thoughts that were never uttered ? Or made him a Judge of ftSS/
them ? If bis and other mens thoughts may be thus by conjecture fiattoJo-
accufed, no Enemy need to want matter of Accufation. liver, while
It'* like he will appeal to my Confcience whether it were not J °?mJj &fm
my thought f And 1. By what authority will hefo dof 2. But^*£>^
I will fhrive my felf to him this once. It is fo long fince, that fattioJtmr
truly I remember not what was in my Thoughts, any fur- malice hath
ther than my words exprefs: But I well remember my for- &>* the hax-
mer Heltons, and what was then my judgment of Oliver ^*
and his Anions, and I ufe not to fpeak againit my judgment.
Many knew that he being acquainted the firft day that I went
into the Army, f which was after Nafeby Fight) that I was fenc
by an AffcmbJy of Divines, to try whether I could turn the Sol-
diers againft his fubverting Dcfigns, (then firft difcovered to
me,) he would never once fpeak to me while I was in the Ar-
my; and that ever after I was driven away, I openly in Pulpit,
Prefs and Conference difowned, and warned men to difown his
A&ions againft King and Parliament, and his Ufurpation ; and
that I wrote againft the Engagement; And therefore I do not
think that ever I meant to call him David, and I am fure I ne-
ver did it. But they fay old Men can fee better afar off than
near at hand 5 and fo all thefe notorious Untruths about vifible
prefent things, may yet confift with fuch mens credibility about
things faid and done 1300 Years ago.
§ X4- And now I am here, I muftnot pafs by his friendly Ad-
monition, p, 3J7, after his reciting my Epiftles, [" If I were as
D d 2 " worthy
(2 04)
u worth) to advife Air. B. a$ he was to adv'tft Cromwell, / would
u fay. It were much more advisable for a Chnftian, fpecially for
ct one that thinks he is fo near his eternal State , to repent ar>d cry
" peccavimus, than to ft and on fuftifaation of the fail, &c. ]
Anf i. It was ufual for men to choofe their own ConiefTours:
But it being the Cuftom of the times for Paftors and ConfefTors
to be forced on Dilfenters, I will fubmit now to your way
though my former ConfefFions and my Communion with you
have been turned to Reproach and Scorn.
i. I do daily beg earneftly of God, to let none of my fins be
unknown to me, and taken for no fin3 and be unrepented of;
and that he would forgive that which I would fain know,, and
do not.
2. I do not repent of owning Oliver's Aclions againft King
and Parliament, or his Ufurpation; for Inever.^owned them ,
nor the Actions of them that fct up his son.
3 . I do not repent that I loved the Peace of the Church, and
thatldefired the Governour, though a Ufurper, (hould do good
and not evil. /
4. I do not repent that feeing the Armies Rebellions andCor?-
fufions, I ftirred up Rulers and People to take heed of favouring
fo great Sin.
j. But I do now by experience of other ways perceive that I
was fometimes too eager in aggravating mens Errours3 and re-
pent that I ufed not more forbearance of fomc of my Accufati-
ons of fome of them.
6. I did think that Richard Cromwell was an Ufurper : But
when we had been twelve Years at leaft without a rightful Gc-
vernour, I then thought as T'homas White, albs BUcklow\ the
moderate Papifh, wrote, that the Land could not fubfifr in Soci-
ety without fome Government, and that No-Government is worfe
to the People than a Vfurpedone: And that it is fomtime lawful
to ftibmit and -ufe an Ufurper, when it is not lawful to approve
his Entrance. And wherein I was deceived I am willing to be
better informed.
7. But I do unfeignedly repent that I wrote thofe two Epiftles ,
though it was to put a man on to do good, whom I never [aw ^
nor ever had the leaft to do with.
8. And I do more repent of the caufe of all, viz. that I ap-
pointed God a time, and limited his Providence; and thought
that
(10))
that becattfe (o many Armies and Endeavours bad failed Twelve
or Fourteen Years \ that had attempted the refrorirg of the
King, therefore there was no probability of accomplifhir.g it :
I do not repent that I was not a Propher, to know before what
God would do $ for it was not in my power 5 nor do I repent
that I preached Chrifts Gbfpcl under Ufurpers j but I repent
that I waited not Gods time, and did not better confidcr that
want of humane Power is no hinderance to Omnipotency, and
nothing is difficult to him.
9. I was drawn too far by Mr. Harringtons Scorn, and the
diflike of Sir Henry FanSs Attempts for a Common- Wealth, to
meddle with matters of Government, and to write my Politi-
cal Aphorifms, called,, A Holy Common-Wealth: kvA I do un-
ftignedly repent that ever I wrote and publifned it, and had not
more confined my fclf to the matters proper to my Calling, and
Jet thole meddle with forms of Government who were titter
for ir.
Ail thcfe5 befides what's formerly faid to Mr. Bagjlja\v> I de-
clare my unfeigned Repentance of. And though it pleaferh you
to feign me a Schifmatick, and hater of Repentance, ( for (peak-
ing againftthe fault- that needed it) I fhall thank you to be a
real helper of me in f) neceflary a work as Repentance i?.
An J that I may do the like by you, I (hall now only require
you wich this Advice , that before you write nexr5 you wift
fet before your Eyes the Ninth Commandment, Thm.Jhalt not
bear fa Ifs Witnefs againft thy Neighbour : And that when you fay
your Prayers, you would be ferious when you fay , Lord have
ALrcy upon us, and encline our hearts to keep this Law.
§ if. A Roman Zeal tells us, that FacTion and Schifm, when
animated by worIdIyInrereft,and grown up to a malignant hatred
of the things and perfonsthat are averfe to it, is hardly bound-
ed, but is thriving up towards deftructivc Perfecution, as fuel-
ling Prelacy did towards the Papacy and the Incjuifition. It is
not one or two Fifties that will fatisfie the ftomach of a Pike:
Nor is it the llandering or ruining of one or two men, or filen-
cingof one or two of the Minifters of Chrift, that will fatisfie a
malignant Spirir. One Meal will not make a lean Man fat. Whe-
ther there be a Legion in thofe that would deftroy a Legion of
Chrifts Servants, or one have Co much Power I know not -x but
the effects tell us whop manner of Spirit they are of. But let the
Papifts pafs. § %6t.
§26. When I read ^.33 7, and 398, 359. and fuch paffages, it
makes me think of them that cried , [ His Blood be on us t and
our Children,"] together with our Judge's words, [ In as much as
jou did it or did it not to one of the leaft of thefe my Brethren, you
did it or did it not to me.] P. 337. he faith, [ " There is great
" reafon to value the peaceable Reft ^nation of the Nonconformifts,
c c when we confider by what V fur pat ion and Violence they were brought
" in, and what a number of worthy learned Minifters were turned
" out to make vacancies for thefe men, who were to inftrutl the Peo-
u pie in new Myfteries of Religion^ which their old Paftors had not
" the Confcience or Ability to teach them, that is, of the lawfulnefs
" of Rebellion.-- And p. 3j8, &c. There were many of thofe Mini-
<c fters V fur per s^ and ha$ intruded into thz Churches of other men,
u who had been file need and cafi out."'- There were many others that
" were intruders into the Miniftry, and fuch not a few of them as
" Mr. B. himfelf would not have thought fit to have continued. All
" the reft were fuch as would not fubmit to the Rule that was then
<Q eftablijloed in the Church, but chofe rather to leave their Livings,
H and the Bifkops could not help it, any other Wife than as they were
Cfc Members of Parliament ; for it was the Law th.1t tied them to
tc their choice^ and not the hiftoops. If Mr. B. means what happened
Cc before the Lift Civil Wars, as ifs lively he may^ then thefe ancient
€i Teachers were the inftruments of an Antimonarchical, Antiepifco-
C{ pal Fatlion : They would preach but they would not conform to the
iC Eftablijhed Religion : Nay many of them would preach againft it,
*c and againft their Governours too. Thefe were fuch Incendiaries as
St no Government would endure, cVc. ]
AnJ. When you have noted this part of his Hiftory, it will
not be hard to judge of his credibility.
I. The things that he defendeth is the filencingand profecu-
ting of three forts of Minifters. 1. Many Hundreds of Noncon-
forming in the days of Qu. Eliz.. K. ^ames, and fome few in the
time ofK. Charles 1. 2, Many Conformifts in the time of K.
Charles 1. under Bifhop Laud. 3. About 2000 that conform
not to the New Laws of Uniformity in the time of K. Ch. 2.
What thefe Minifters were or are, and what the fruits of their
fiiencing have been, and what it hath done to the Church of
Englandy and to rruny Thoufands of Godly Chriftians , I will
not.be judge : Nor will I difpute that which all England fees or
feels. But it feems fo well done to ourHiftorian, as that he is
willing
1207;
willing deliberately to juftifie or defend it, which as I underftand
is to make it his own, and to undertake to be one of thofe that
(hall anfwer for it. What if another had done as much againft
him, as he hath done againft himfelf? And for howfmalla
prize f
I I. As he before would infinuare , that what is faid of the
great number of Drunkards, and ignorant men turned out, was
falfe, though fo judged upon the Oaths of men accounted the
greateft loversof Religion in their Parifhes; fohe feemeth here
to intimate that it was only or chiefly into the places of learned
worthy men, that the filenced Minifters fucceeded ; whereas it*
was not one of many that came into any fuch mens places of them
that were filenced at the fatal Bartholomew day.
III. He feemeth to intimate, that when the Parliament
(Tuppofe by wrong) put out either fuch as he or I defcribe^the
Land mult be under an Interdict till the Bifhops and King were
reftored, and that Chrifts Gofpel was no more to be preached
in EngUnd^ till Diocefanes returned, but all Souls be given up
to Damnation , unlefs Chrift would lave them without the
preaching of his Gofpel, and the Land was to be left to the
Devil and Paganifm. And who can deny now but the Diocefane
Species is ejfential to the Church ?
I V. When I fpake only of the filencing and ejecting Act,
of Aug, 24. 1662. he would make the Reader believe, that this
Change was to reftore the Churches to their ejected Paftors, or
caft out Ufurpers $ whereas unlefs Ignorance or worfe hinder him,
he knoweth that all that were caft out and were alive., laid claim
to their Benefices, and were reftored before that, and their Li-
vings refigned quietly to them, to fay nothing of the reft that
were fuppofed to be at the Lord Chancellors difpofal. Thofe
that were put out that the fequeftred might re-enter, were none
of them filenced , nor made uncapable of other Livings till
Augttft 24. i66x.
V, He would infinuate that it was only the Nonconformifts that
were caft out of fuch fequeftrations : Whereas in the Countries
that I either lived in or heard of, it was as many or more of
the Conformifts, that had fequeftred Livings and were caft our5
and took new prefentations,
V I. And this is evident by his Intimation, as if it were a ve-
ry great number of the Church Livings that were fo pofleft:
Whereas
^ LVO)
Whereas of Nine Thoufand or Ten Thoufand Minifters then in
Poffeflion , Seven or Eight Thoufand Conformed : There-
fore it's likely that the Conformifts had molt of the Sequeftra-
tions.
VII. He tells you that the Eje&ed Minifters were brought
in to inftruft the People in the Lawfulnefs of Rebellion: Doth
not this intimate that this was the cafe only or chiefly of
the filenced Nonconforming? But I haveoft cited /We/ defend-
ing the French Protectants ; Was not he a Bifhop ? I have oft
cited Bilfon, affirming it no Rebellion if the Nobles and People
defend their Legal Conftitution againft one that will— (I will
not recite the reft. J I have oft cited Ri. Hooker whofe
popular Principles I have confuted, and goeth higher againft ab-
folute Monarchy., than I or any of my Correfpondency did in all
the Wars. Heylin is for Conciliation with thePapifis : He know-
eth not their' Writings who knoweth not that the Papifts are
more for popular Ele&ion, and Power towards Princes, far than
ever fuch as I were. And had he not put hisH^ad and Eyes into
a Bag, he could hardly have denied but that they were Epifcopal
Conformifts on both fides that began the War : But being got
into the dark he loudly denieth ir.
VIII. He faith5 There were many ethers that himflf would
not have thought fit to have continued, Anf. I thought I wjs
more likely to know them than he. I remember not one fucli
of an hundred that did not conform. I confefs that when the
Prelatical party intreated me no longer to refufe the tVefiminftet
Commiftioners Letters3 deputing me with others to try ard
judge of fome Epifcopal Conformifts that ftood then for Living?,
to avoid all feeming oppofnion to that way I did ftrctch as far
as I durft, to approve and keep in fome Conformifts, of very low
parts who knew not a quarter fo much as fame Lay People did :
But none of thefe were Nonconforming.
IX. He faith, [All the reft were fuch as would not fuhmit to
the Rule then eftablifoed in the Church. This is true: And what
was that Rule f Did Peter or Paul make it, or fubmit rto it?
Did they refufe any thing that God commanded in Nature or
Scripture? Or any Circumftantials necefiary in genere left infpe-
c'ieto theMagiftrates determination? They were guilty of be-
lieving that God is above man, and that there is no Power but
of God, and none againft him 5 and that we muft pleafe him
whoever
(top;
whoever be difpleafed. They were guilty of fo much Self-love
as to be unwilling to be damned for a Benefice, or for a Bifliops
Will. They did not confent to profefs Affent and Confent to all
things contained in and prefcribed by three Books, written by
fuch as declare themfelves to be fallible; and fuch as not one
of Fourty ever faw before th^y declared the faid Ailent and
Confent to them. They did not confent to caft out all Infants
from Chriftendom, whofe Parents durft not offer them to Bap-
tifm, under the Sacramental Symbol of the Crofs ; nor unlefs
they might have themfelves been Covenanters, Undertakers, or
Promifcrs for them, as well as the Godfathers: Or that fcru-
pled getting Strangers to undertake that perfidioufly for their
Children which they never intended to perform. They durft not
read Excommunications againft Chriits true Servants, nor repel
thofe from Chriftian Communion, who fcruple kneeling in the
reception of the Sacrament: They durft net fwear that many
Thoufands whom they never knew are not obliged by the Co-
venant-when tbey know net in what fence they took it: For
they are not willing to believe that the compounding Lords and
Knights did not put a good fence en it before they tooklr. They
durft not fay that all is fo well in our Church Government by
Diocefanes, Lay-Chanccliours Power of the Keys, Archdeacons,
Official?, Commillaries^ &c. that we may fwear againft all en-
deavours to amend it by any alteration j They do believe that
the Law of Nature is Gods Law, and that as italloweth a fwgle
Perfon only private defence, fo it alioweth every Nation publick
defence againft Enemies notorious deftroying affaults : And they
dare not (wear or covenant, that if any fhould from the Lord
Chancellour, &c. get a Commiflion to fe'ze on the Kings Navy,
Treafures, Forts, Guards, Perfon, and to feize on the Lives
and Eftates of all his Innocent Subjects, that it is unlawful to re-
fift any that execute fuch a CommiiTion. They find it fo hard
a Controverfie , what God doth with the dying Infants of
Atheifts, Infidels, Mahomerjnes, and Perfecurors , that they
dare not declare, that if any of their Children be baptized and
die,*> ii certain by the word of God that they arc undoubtedly faved.
We fay nor that the Law binds us to any of the evil which wc
fear : But we dare not take Oaths and Promifes which we un-
derftand nor.
Abundance I pretermit.
E c He
He is extreamly cenforious if he think that Mr. R. Hooker,
Bp. Bilfon^ Bp. Grindaly A. Bp. <dbbot 5 Bp. &>£. ^^r, Bp.
p*w*/, 6cc. would have been Conformifts had they been now-
alive.
X. He faith, [They chofe rather to leave their Livings.^ Anf
They chofe not to conform, but fubmitted only to leave their
Livings ; Eligere efi agere. They were paffive in this, they re-
fufed to conform as fuppofed by them a heinous Sin^ but they
chofe not to be filenced orcaft out ; but they chofe to endure it .
when the Bifhops chofe it for them.
X I. He faith, that fobs Bifhops could not help it any other-
wife than as they were Al embers of Parliament.
Anf. i. 1 confefs Scripture ufeth the like Phrafe , Can the
Leopard change his Spots, sec. or they that are acctiftomed to do
evil learn to do well? And Rom. 8, 6, J. The carnal mind is enmi-
*.y again ft God, for it is not fttljetJ to his Law, nor can le.~\ I will
not hereitoo much contradict him, 2. But is it nothing that they
could have done in Parliament, had they been willing? 3. Is it
unlawful for us to know if he know it not, or derry it, how
much the Bifhops and Clergy did with the Parliament- Men ?
4. He (hould at leaft have Itayed till Dr. Bates, Dr. facomb,
and I are dead, who wrote and difputed with the Bifhops by the
Kings Commiffion, before he bad talkt at this rate to the World.
Did not the King make his Declaration about Ecclefiaftical Af-
fairs ? And did he not under the broad Seal commiffion thofc
Bifhops and Doclorsto treat with us for the making ft.ch altera-
tions as were neceffary to tender Confciences t Did they not main-
tain that«<? alterations were thereto neceffary, and fo end the trea-
ty. 5*. Did they not in their next Convocation lay alide the Kings
Indulgent Declaration, and make the Additions to the Liturgy ?
And yet could they not help it ? Nor W3S it none of their do-
ings? 6. Doth not England know that Parliaments fince have
by experience perceived their Miftake, and would hive fufpend-
ed our Profecution^ and reftored us to Unity, and the Bifhops
and Clergy will not content but rage againft ir, and preach and
write to have us executed according to the Laws/ and no abate-
ment to be made, and as this man, think that the Ch urches Di-
ftrartion is from Projetls of Moderation. What name fhould one
give to fuch Hiftories as thefe .? The guilty cannot bear their
names.
XII. He
XII. He faith, {It was the Law that tied them to their choice
and not the Bifiops.
Anf. i. Suppofe the word choice were proper here , [ Is it
any juftification of the Executioners ? ] It was the Emperour
Charles the yth's Edict that tied all the Proteftant Minifterg to
conform to the Interim, or be gone : It was the Law that tied
rile Martyrs in Qu. Maries days to profefs what they believed
nor, or to be burnt. Alas! How could Bonner and Gardiner
help it ? 2. But how many Bifhops were againft the palling of
that Bill ? And who perfuaded the Lay-Men to it? Muft we not
know when it's night if you deny it ?
XIII. He tells you, that [the ancient flenced Teachers be-
fore the Civil Wars, were the Injlruments of Antimonarchical and
Antiepifcopal Faclion.
Anf. i. Which of them all faid fo much as Mr. Hockir, Bp.
Bilfon} Bp. Jewel, 6Vc. have done ? 2. If you make any Con-
ference of the 9th Commandment, prove the Truth of what you
fay of thofe that were fufpended and driven out of the King-
dom in the times of A. Bp. Laud, Bp. Wren, Bp. Piercy, Sec. for
not reading the Book for Lords-days Dancing and Sports, and
that were profecuted for Preaching twice on the Lords-day, and
for not turning the Table Altar-wife, and railing it in, which
even Bp. Montague as well as Williams was againft. Was Bifhop
Miles Smyth ofGloucefter, were A. Bp. Abbot or Grindtll Anti-
monarchical or Antiepifcopd i 3. Prove if you are able any Anti-
monarchical .Principles, Words, or Deeds by Mr. HUderjham,
Mr. Brmjley , Mr. Paul Bame, Mr. Dod, Mr. Knewftubs> and
hundreds of fuch I might name. The moft malicious are fain to
talk of one Knox, or one Goodman, or one Junius Brutus, (that
is, Hubert us Languetus Mclantthons friend) or fomewhat in Bu-
chanan, not the tenth part fo much as k commonly faid by the
JPapfts, wich whom our A.Bp. Bromhall and his Companions fo
much plead for Concord. 4. Doth not Al. Cope3 and Sandys,
and Patefon in the Image oj both Churches, and lately the nomi-
nal Bellamy in his Philanax Anglicus, and many more iucb, fay
all the fame of theBilhops and Church of England, and all that
they deride *%{Prot eft ants of Sincerity"] as guilty of far more re-
bellious Principles and Practices, than evjer you can prove
by the meer Nonconformifts old or new ? And is it enough to
accufe ?
E e 2 " XIV. He
XIV. He faith, The.) wotud preach but they would net conform
tethe eft Abli fl:ed Religion.
An], i. But why mould they be forbidden to preach (which
was good and they were devoted to? ) If a man will not do ail
that you would have him to do, fhajl he do nothing f
2. What was that which he calleth the hftabUJhed Relighn?
It was the Ceremonies, atrd Subfcription, that there is nothing in
the Liturgy contrary to theWera of God.~] And was this a Crime
worthy the forbidding men to preach 'the Gofpel? Or why
fhould the Souls ofThoufandsof the Innocent People be fo hea-
vily punifhed for another mans omiflion , even becaufe the
Teachers fear Conformity.
3. But ftill we fee what thefe mens Religion is: Had their
ReligioLbeen the Scripture, or any Doctrine or Woifhip com-
mon to the Chriftian or Proteftar.t Churches, the old Noncon-
formifts willingly confented to it. But here they (hew that their.
Ceremonies and proper Liturgy forms are their Religion. But
then 1. Why do Dr. Barges and all that plead for your Cere-
monies and Invention, build all on this, that you make them not
any parts of Worfhip or Religion, ( which they confefs man
may not invent) but meer accidents ? 2. How old then \$your
Religion} Your Liturgy was made fince Luther began his Refor-
mation. 3. It feems then that you are not of the fame Religi-
on with the Protectants that have none of your Ceremonies, Li-
turgy or Subscriptions. 4. Is not then your Church of a Angu-
lar Religion from all the World, and confequenr'y a lingular
Church ? And is it the whole Catholick Church then , or a
Schifmatical Church ?
I confefs that you (hew more evidently than by fuch words,
that your felf made Rules and Circumftances are your Religion :
For 1. You make Conformity to them to be de fatlo more
neceffary than our Preaching the Gofpel, or our Church Com-
munion or any publick Church Worfhip of God. 2. And
you excommunicate by your Rule or Canon every Member
of Chrift in England, that doth but think and fay 3 that any
thing of your Impofition, Liturgy, Ceremonies, or Govern-
ment are finful. 3. And yet when you have done you call all
your I mpofmons things indifferent. 4. And thereby you declare
that your Religion in part is a thing indifferent. 5-. And no Man
or Woman fhall be of your Church that cannot know all the in*
different
dtjferm things in tne vvqyla wmcn may oc impoiea on rue m, ro
be Indifferent and not Unlawful; when you knew for you know
not whom you- dwell amongj that we have much adoe to get
one half your Church to know things necrffarj, 6. The Papifts
that put a greater necefFity on their Inventions will deride you
for an Indifferent Religion.
There was a poorPuritane Nonconformift that feared Lying,
^that went about the Streets with Ink to fell, and was wont tru~
ly to cry, ^JTerj good In k^, very good I n^'] b'ut once his Ink a
little milcarried, and he durft not call it \Jfery goodf]bi\t cried,
Pretty' good Ink^, Pretty good lr\^ and no body woulj buy ot
him5 and he loft his Ink. And if you cry up [An indifferent Re-
ligionf] whatever you have for numbers, you will have for qua-
lity but an Indifferent Churchy ( fave our Rulers. )
XV. But he adds, [Many of them weald preach again ft it And
their Governours too. ]
*dr,f. i. You tempt them towards it. If I askfne Butcher
[Is yo:tr Meat fweet? ] and he fay it is indifferent , I am excusa-
ble if I think it (links. 2. They judge by the effects: They
thought that when an indifferent thing cafteth cur a necelfary
thing, it become-s naught. 3. But yet your Accufation is un-
faithful : Why did you not fay then, that it was not for Non-
conformity that men were caft our, but for preaching again ft your
Religion? Who were thofe? Was it proved? If lb, what was
that to the reft ? Dj you punifh many learned moderate men
for the fault of a few others that they were not concerned wirh ?
You now al ledge Mr. Hilderfham, Ball, Bradjhaw, Bdinet Knew-
/tabs, and abundance fuch , for being againft Separatitm, and
perfuading men to come to the Common- Prayer, (and many of
them to kneel at the Sacrament,) and yet when you plead for
their Silencing, even other mens words may ferve againft
them.
XVI. To conclude, in all he layeth thecaufecf their filence
on themftlves for not conforming, and vet will not teiius whar
we fhould do to help it. Would they have us Conform while
we judge it as finful as I have mentioned in my firft lica for
Peace? Noj they profefs the contrary. Would they have 11$
believe all to be lawful ? We cannot : Our Judgments are not
at cur Command : What would they have us do to change?
Worldly Litereftmaks us too willing! Weftudy as hard as they !
We
we earnettiy Deg uocis illumination to lave us trom krrour
We read all that they write to convince us : And the more we
read, ftudy, and pray, the more heinous the Sin of Conformity
feems to fome. I askt Bp. Morlly the fame queftion when he for-
bad my preaching, before the ejeftibg Act; and he bid me read
Bilfon and Hooker : I told him that was not now to do : and in
both of them I found the Principles which are made the caufe
of my Silencing, my grcateft Crimes, and in one of them wor(e»
He then told me, IfGodwould net give me his Grace he could not
help it'. And yet moft of thefe men are againft fatal, repro- .
b&ting, nt'cejfttating Decrees.
The imposing Papifts ufe men Worfe : Of whom will you par-
don a Fable.
A Bee and a FLe were catcht together in a Spiders Web : The
Spider when they were tired with ftriving, claimed them both
for her Food, as a punifhment for breaking into and troubling
her Web : And againft the Bee (he pleaded that (he was a hurt-
ful Militant Animal, that had a Sting; and egainft the Flic that
fhe was noifome and good for nothing. The Bee anfwered that
her nullifying Nature and work was profitable, and Nature had
armed ber with a Sting to defend it. And theFIie faid, asdic-
did little good fo (he did little harm, and could make her felt
no better than Nature had made her. And as to the Crime al-
ledged againft them, they both faid, that the Net was made by
a venomous Animal, (pun out of the Air and the Venom of Iter
own Bowels, made for no ufe but to catch and deftroy the In-
nocent, and they came not into it by malice, but by ignorance
and miftake, and that it was more againft their Will than againft
the Spiders, for they contrived not to fall into it ; but (he con-
trived to catch them $ and that it was not to break the Net that
they ftrove, but to fave their Lives. The Mafter of the Houfe
overheard the Debate , but refolved to fee how the Spider
would judge, which was quickly done without more words ;
flic took thern for Malefactors, and killed them both, The Ma-
fter of the Houlc Co dill iked the Judgment, that he ordered that
for the time to come, 1. The Bees (hould be fafely hived and
cherifhed. 2. And the Flies, if not very noifome, (hould be
tolerated. 3. And all Spiders Webs fwept down.
I need to give you no more of the Expedition of it, than by
the Spider I mean the Papal noxious Canon-makers, and that by
the
(M5)
the Net I mean their unneceffury and enfiariag Urwi and
which are made to catch and deftroy good menyand are the •
to<the Inquifition, or Bonner's Coal-boufe, orSmttbfield Bonefires.
Bur I mutt defire you not to imagine chat I fpeak againft the
Laws of the Land.
§ 27. As to the Conclufion of hi* laft Chapter, I (hall now
add no more but this : If what I faid before and to Mr. Hinkley
fatisfie him nor., of what Religion and Party both (ides were that
began the War , and Mr. Rnjhworths Collections, and other Hi-
ftories cf former Parliaments be not herein ufeful to him, let
him but fecure me from burning my Fingers with Subjects fo red
hot, by mens mifinterpreting and impatience, and I will (God
willing) give him fo full proof, that (to fay nothing of latent
Inftigators and confequent auxiliaries en either fide, nor of the
King himfelf, whofe Religion is beyond difpute,) the parties
elfe that begun the War in England d\d differ in Religion , but
as A. Bps. Laud, and Neat, and Brombal, and fuch others; and
A. Bps. Abbot and Williams, and Bp. Bilfon> on the other fide 5
and as Dr. Mainwaring, Sibtborp, &;c. on one fide, and-Mr. Ri.
Hooker and fuch on the other fide differed. An4 if my proof be
confutable I will not hereafter undertake to prove that Englijh
is the language of England,
But my Bargain muit be thus limited. 1. I will not under-
take that from the beginning there was no one Papift on the
Kings fide, or no one Presbyterian on the Parliaments: I could
i;ever yet learn of more than one in the Houfe of Commons, and
a very few Independent?, but I cannot prove that there was no
more.
2. You muft not put me upon fearching mens hearts: I un-
ci tt take not to prove what any mans heart in England was $ but
what their Profeffion was, and what Church they joined with
in Communion.
3. And you muft not equivocate in the ufe of the name [Prcs-
fiaut ] or \Nonoonformift , ] and tell me that you take fome
A. Bps. and Bps. and fuch Divines as Ri, Hooker ^ and Bilfon, and
Bp. Downame, the Pillars of Epifcopacy and Conformity, for
Presbyterians.
And if it may be I would beg that of you, that you will not
take the long Parliament for Presbyterians and Nonconform! ft?,
) made the Arts of Uniformity, the Corporation Aft, the
Mi
(if 6)
Militia Aft, and thofe againft conventicles, and for banifhrnent
from Corporations^ &c. Notwithftanding their high Votes about
the Succeffion and Jealoufies of Popery, and that which they
faid and did hereupon : For I confefs if it be fuch Nonconform-
ifts or Presbyterians as thofe that you mean, Fie give you the
better. And I muft alfo defire that you call not the next Parlia-
ment, which confifted moft of the fame Men, Presbyterians or
Nonconformiftsj nor the other fince them? Or at leaft that
hereafter before we difpute we may better agree of the mean-
ing of our terms.
And I declare to the Reader, that nothing in all this Book is
intended againft the Primitive Church-Government or Epifcopa-
cy, nor againft the good Bifhops, Clergy, Councils, or Canons,
which were many 5 nor againft King, Parliament, Magiftracy,
the Laws, or Liturgy, or Church Communion ; nor againft our
peaceable and patient fubmifllon where we dare not practically
obey : But only againft the difeafes and degeneracy or* Bifhops,
Clergy, Council?, and Canons, ana thofe dividing practices, by
which they have for 1200 Years and more been tearing the
Chriitian World into the Seels of which it now confifteth j and
againft the whole afcendent Change from the Primitive Epifco-
pacy to Papal maturity: and againft .our fwearing, Subfcribing,
declaring, covenanting, profefling , and pra&ifing , where we
■underftard not the Impofers fenfe, and are unwilling by our pri-
vate Interpretations to deceive them, and where we are per-
liiaded that it wrould be heinous fin to u?, not meddling with
the cafe of Lawmakers or Conformifts, who have no fuch fears^
but think all good.
Chryfcfi.me (before cited) in Aft, 1. Horn. 3. p. (mihi) 472.
fpeaketh harder than I ever did : £K**A&«vAi}*s Sec. which Eraf~
Was tranflaterh, FNon termre d>co^ fed ut affect w fum & fentio ;
~Non arbitrcr inter Sacer dotes multos efje qui fiirui fiant, Jed mult 0
f hues quip+remt. His reafon is the lame which fome give why
they think molt Fhyficians kill more than they cure, becaufe
there is fo much Wifdom, Goodnef?, Watch fulnefs, and Dili-
gence required to their Callings which few of them have.
Luther is much (harper than! ever was, when he faith, \Hi-
tronjmus & alii Patres vixerunt in temper all Sncceffione Ecclef£t
expert es Crsecii & per fecui io>:i s. Epifcopi enim jim inm cceperant
-crefecfe rj affgert cpikfts, exifiimathne & 'gloria in rnnndo : Et pie-
(xi 7)
rique etiam tyrannidem exercebant in populum cui prterant, utte-
ftatur hifioria Ecclefiaftica : Fauci feciebant fit a Officio^ 6Vc. Loc.
Com. 4. Oafli p. 79, 80.
Et Cap. 17. p.-j 8. de Synodis. In pofterUribu* Conciliis nnnquam
de fid*, fed femper de opinionibus & qu&ftionibus dtfputatum ('after
the firfty ut mibi Conciliorum nomen pens tarn fufpellum & invi-
fitm fit, qxam nomen Libcn arbitrii.
What MeLm&bon though.; of the Papal defign of magnifying
Councils, and pleading the neceflity of uninterrupted Succeffi-
on ofEpifcopal Ordination, fee in his Epiftles, efpecially of the
Conference at Ratisbone.
Dr. Henry Moore in his Mjftery of Iniquity faith, p. 1 32.1
[CtThat Principle tends to the ruining of Faith, which fup-
u pofeth that without right Succeffion of Bifhops and Priefts,
Cs there is no true Church, and therefore no true Faith: and
" that this Succeffion may be interrupted by the Mifordination
u or Mifconfecration of a Prieft or Bifho'p, the Perfons thus or-
" dained being Atheifts or Jews, or ordained by them that are
ecf0 As if a man could not feel in his own Conference whe-
cc ther he believed or not the truths of holy Scripture, without
" he werefirft affured that he was a Member of that Church,
Cc that had an uninterrupted lawful Succeffion of the Priefthood
Qt from the ApoftJes times till now.
Perhaps Epifcopim and CurcelUus will be more regarded.
Read that notable Preface of CurcelUus to Epifcopim Works,
p. 12, 1 3. [ Refp. Experisntiam docere nullas unquAm Controver-
fias de Religione inter Cbriftianos exortas autloritatc fynodali fx-
liciter terminatas fu ffe---& certiorem mtiltopAcis viam effe
Next he fhews how little good even the Nicene Council did ,
and how much worfe things were after : Hnrome faying, that
the whole World was Arian, And Conflantius reproaching Libe-
Yius for being with one man againft all the World : The Vulgar
D icier turn bt'mgy Omne Concilium pmt Be Hum. Whence he ga-
thers that Councils , fuch as the World hath hitherto had, non
effe idoneum componendis Rehgionis d'ffidiis R;medium : Et quam-
diu illud ufufpabitur perpetuus in EccltftA & Republica turbos fo-
re.
Epifcopii & pr&cipuorum emicuit fides & animi mtgnitudo ,
quod nepremiffo quidem folutionis ejufdem quo an'eA fruebantur Jli~
pendii, inducipo^usrint ut fe adfilentium quod imptrabaxm fervA?,-
F f dum
wV «.v,j,,vue ««i« ***•*» ^ ia ^yv^w,^ v^aj. ^^t p# ^0 D# in main*
taining that the Magiftrate hath no Authority to forbid facrcd
AfTcmblies to tolerable Diflfenters, and that Minifters and Peo-
ple forbidden them muft hold on to the death, that I will not
recite the words, but defirehis Admirers to read them.
An
(a?)
cffia cs* cS-n §£u cX-a caa ffSrf. cffi^J . *?** s§« c#3 5#s s^j B2fr ci*
^C&€^f^C^cfoc^C&JlC^
^ Account to Edward Lord (Bijliop of Cork andRotte
in Ireland, of tbefuccefs of his Cenfure of Richard
Baxter in England : Detecting his manifold Mn*
truths in matter ofFacl.
§ 1. rTIO give my Chara&er of you whom I know not, as
you do of me, is none of my work : But t.Your
B Stile alloweth me to fay, that by it you feem to
me to be a man ofConfcience/earingGod. 2.And
yet your Matter aflureth me, that you (peak abundance of Un-
truths confidently ; I fuppofe, partly by not knowing the per-
fons and things of which you fpeak; and partly by thinking that
you ought to believe the falfe Reporters, with whom you are
better acquainted.
§ 2. The ftrait which you caft us into is unavoidable : Either
we muft feem to own all the falfe Accufations brought againft
its, which will hurt others far more than usj or elfe we muft de-
ny and contradict them, and that will pafs for an intolerable ad-
dition to our guilt, and we fhall be fuppofed fuch intemperate,
fierce abufive Perfons as you defcribe me, while you think We
give you the Lye, or make you Slanderers. But we cannot cure
your Mifrefentments, but muft be content to bear your Cen-
fures, while we call you not Lyanr, but only acquaint you with
the truth,
§ 3. For my own part my final Judgment is fo near, and lam
confcious of fo much evil in my fe\f, that I have no reafonto be
hafty in my own Vindication, but much reafon to take all hints
'and helps for deeper fearch, and will not juftifie my Stile. And
God knows I am afraid left felfifhnefs or partiality (hould hinder
F f z mc
me from finding out my fin: and I dayly and earned !y beg of
God to make it known to me , that I may not be impenitent :
But either Prejudice, Converfe, or fomwhatcli>3 maketb a ve-
ry great difference between your Judgment and mine, of Good
and Evil : And I cannot help it : If I err it is not for want of
willingnefs ro fee my Errour, and openly retract it; ncr for
want of an ordinary Diligence to know the Truth.
The Sum of our difference, as far as I can underft'and you, is in
tbefe particulars. •
I. Whether there be no fin impofed by the Laws or Canorvs
on Minifters and People here ?
I I. Whether it was well done by the Bifhops and other Cler-
gy-Men to do what they did to caufe thofe Laws, which filenced
the whole Miniftry of England, unlefs they would conform to
all things fo impofed in the^ft of Uniformity j and actually fi-
lenced about 2000, and made thofe other Laws againft their
Preaching to more than Four, and againft coming within Five
Miles of Corporations, and fuch others, as adjudge Nonconfor-
ming to Gaols and Ruine j and whether the Clergy do well ftill
to urge the Execution of thofe Laws, and are guiltlefs of the
doleful Divifions of this Land, and danger of itsRelapfe to Po-
pery?
II L Whether it be unpeaceable for a Nonconformift after 17
years filent fuffering, to tell his Superiors why he dare not con-
form,, when he is by them importuned to it? And to write a
Confutation of a multitude of Volumns of falfe Accufations
hroughtto juftifie the Executions ?
§4. If you think you have proved all thofe Impofitions fin-
lefs which I have mentioned in my firft Plea for Peace 3 I think
you might as well havefhortfy faid, [We Bijkop art of fo much
Wifdbm and Authority, that you muft hold them lawful^ became we
Jay fo<2 And muftall be ruined that would not be fo convinced ?
But if any of thofe Impofitions prove to be fin^ and fo great fin
as we cannot chufe but think they are., is it a greater fault to.
name them (when importuned^ than to impofe them? And a
greater fault to feel, and fay we feel, than to ftrike or wound
men I
If we had taken it to be our Duty to have called thofe Cler-
gy-Men to Repentance , which we think are ignorantly undo-
ing therafelves and the Land3 how fhould we do it without
naming
naming their Sin ? Yea, and the greatnefs of it ? And if we
think it our Duty to deprecate our Deftru&ion, and beg of you
to fpare our Lives or Conferences, how can we do it without
telling what we fuffer? If it be well done of you, and be bo per-
fection, but your Duty for the Churches good, (as no doubt
the Executioners think) the Hrilory is your praife, and ycu need
not extenuate the Fad: Valiant Souldiers glory in the multi-
tudes they kill: Had you filenced the other 7000 that conform-
ed, when you filenced but 2000, your Viclory had been the
more famous. Some think thofe that are here againft your ways,
are not half the Land 5 were it murdering of one man, that ano-
ther is judged for, it were not unpeaceablenefs to fay, that he
deferveth to be hanged : But the judge deferveth praife if he
condemn an hundred fuch. But when thofe men who fhould be
the tendered Peace^ makers, and skilfulleft therein, dial) be the
men that bring fuch a Land as this into the Cafe that we are in,
and will not be intreated., nor by any Experience be perfuaded
toconfent to its Relief, I know not how to (hew mercy to the
Land or them, bet by perfuading them to repent. Anil if all fin
were made a matter of Controverfie, and many learned men
were for it, this would not alter the Cafe with me. If I may
compare great things with fmall, who finned more ? The Irifh-
for murdering iooooo3 or Sir John Temple, Dr. Henry Jones, the
E.of Or*7,for recording and reporting what they did?Was it the
fin of the Savoyards and others to kill and mine the Prqteftanrs in
Piedmont f Or of Perrin, and Sir Sam.Mo or eland to write the ftp-
ry I Did Thuanuj, Davilah, &c. fin in recording the French
Maflacre? Or the French in doing it.? Is it the French Prote-
ftants now that are criminal for defcribing and complaining of
their Sufferings ? Was John Foxe the Malefactor for writing the
Sufferings of the Proteftants under a lawful Queen? This day
came out (Mar. 10.) a Narrative from Bnftol how they are
crowded in the Gaol on the cold ground, dx Is the Report the
Crime t Do you find a Juftification in humane nature of fuch
terms as thefe, [You jhall fuffer whatever we will inflitl on you ,
but fljJtl not tell any that you are hurt, or who did it, or why ? J
§ y. I have told the World fo often over and over, that it is
not ail the Conformifts, no nor all the Bifhops that I impute our
Sufferings to, that I muft fuppofe you to underftand it, fpeciaJly
when the Prefatory Epiftle of the Book which you fall upon .
tells
\LLL)
-tells it you of many Bifhops by name; Therefore when />. 68.
you fay5 £ / apply to you more than once, i Thef. 2. I j. they
pleafe not God, &c. ] and add, [ / believe in my Conference he is
miftaken.l Either by [to t§i] you mean, all theuConformifts or
Bifhops, and that is not true, as the words tell you : Or you
mean, [Vs that procured or own, and execute the aforefaid filencing,
fflifting ABsi ] which your words feem to mean. Aritf then I
do but fay, Oh I What may temptation bring even good mens
Judgment to ? Is the filencing of 2000, the affli&ing of many
times more of the Laity, the Jealoufies, Diftra&ions, and Dan-
gers of this Land5 fo fmall a matter, or fo good, that God is not
difpleafed with it t And can you myour Conscience own what the
Bifhops did towards it ? No wonder then if Ceremonies be cal-
led things Indifferent. Certainly this cannot be Indifferent ? Ic is a
moft meritorious or excellent work, or elfe a heinoiu Crime : It is
either fuch a Cure as the cutting off a Cancerous Breaft, or elfe
if it be a fin, it muft be as great as contributing to the endanger-
ing of as many fcore Thoufand Souls as 2000 Miniftcfs were
likely to have helpt to fave, and to the corrupting of the Church*
and the Introduction of Popery, And few Chriftians think that
Nathan finned by unpeaceablenefs more than David by Murder
and Adultery, though but once 3 or Samuel more than Saul-, or
the Prophet that reproved him more than Jeroboam ; or Chrift
Mattk z$. more than the Pharifees ? yea3 or than Peter, Mat,
16. when he faid , Get behind me Satan , thou favour efi not
the things that be of God-, or Paul more than Peter, Gal 2. or
than the Jewifh Teachers, whom he called the Concifion & Dogs ;
or John than Diotrephes, &c.
Guilt is tender, and they that think God is of their Mind
when he is filenr, PfaL 50.21. will think men fhould be fo too;
And man dare not bid defiance to God, and openly proclaim a
War agaisift him, and therefore hath no way to fin in peace, but
by a conceited bringing the Mind and Law of God to his. What
fin is there that Learned Men father not on God: And then they
muft bepraifed ancj not reproved , and then it's worle than un-
peaceable to aggravate that which they fay God ownetb 5 fucft
men as I, would think it fcarce crediblegthat the Spanijh Inquifi-
tion, the French MafTacre, the Powder- Plot, the Murder of
200000 in Ireland, the Perjuring of a Nation, the filencing of
Thoufands of faithful Minifters3 fhould have one word of Jufti-
fication
(223)
fication ever rpoken for it. But we are miftaken: No doubt men
can write learned Volumes to defend any of thefe $ and if one
do but fay, They pleafe not God, men may be found that can fay,
£/ believe in my Confidence that yon are mifiaken, and fipeal^ un-
peaceably: God is pleafed with it all7\ Sure the day of Judgment
will be much to juftifie God himftlf, who is thus flandered as the
Friend of every mans Sin. What wonder is it if there be nume-
rous Religions in the World, when every felfifh man maketha
God and a Religion of his own, fitted to his Intereft and Mind ?
But when all men center onely in one God , and bring th^ir
Minds to his, and not conceitedly his to theirs, we may yet be
One.
And if we could make men know, that Godis net forthtm, and
accepteth not of a Sacrifice of Innocent Blood, however men
think that they do him good Service, yet they would not have
this known : It's long fince unhumbled Sinners turned Chorch-
Confefiion into Auricular 5 If 'Saul do fay at laft, / have finned, he
would vet be honoured before the People. But the time is near
when thofe that honour God he will honour, and thofe that de-
fpife him (hall be lightly efteemed.
Few men living can eafier bear with others for different forms
and Ceremonies than 1$ but I take not the filencing and ruining
of 2030 Minifters for Ceremonies/were that the worftof ir) to
be a Ceremony.
§ 6. Pag,. 69. You fay, We are not all of one mind yet: A fad-
word'from a Bifhop. Do you think that any two Men on Earth
are of one mind in all things? Were thofe agreed whom Paul
perfuadetb, Rom. 14. to receive each other, but not to doubtful
Difputations, and not to judge or defipifi each other, (much lefs
to filence, imprifon, and deftroy.) We are agreed in all that is
conftitutive of Chriftianity3 and agreed that all Chriftians fhould
Jove others as themfelves , and do as they would be done
by. I confefs if you have fuch eminent Self-denial, as to be wil-
jing, if ever you differ from the publick Impoficions, about the
lawfulnefs of any one thing, to be not only caft out of your Lord-
fhip and Bifhoprick, but to be filenced, imprifoned and deftroy-
ed, I cannot accufe you of Partiality but of Err our. I have
known too many Conformifts who needed no Bilhop to filence
them, (they never preached. ) But that will not juftifle their
defires that others be filenced.
I have
("4)
I have eft enough told you in how many thing* the Cotl-
for milts are difagreed: I now fay the Bifhops rhemfelves are
not agreed of the very Species of the Church of England: To fay
nothing of their difagreement of the Conftitutive, national Head
or Governor j they are not agreeJ5 whether it be only apart of
an miverfal, humane, political Church, fzbjett to an univerfal hu-
mane ftipretm Power, who hath the right of Leg; flit ion and judg-
ment over 1 hsm3 or whether it be a compleat national Church of it
fe!fy a part only of the univerfal as Headed by Chrift, but not as
by Man, or as humane Politie5 having no foreign Governour*
Monarchical or Ariftocraticaf, (Tope or Council.^
Overdoing is illdoing and undoi g. He that would make fuch a
Law of Goncord, as that none fhall live out of Prifon who arc
not of the fame Age, Complexion, Appetite, and Opinion, would
depofe the King, by leaving him no Subjects. Thelnquifition is
fet up in Love of Unity: But we know that we fhall differ
while we know but in part: Only the perfect World hath per-
fect Goncord. I greatly rejoice in that Concord which is a-
mong all that truly love God. They love one another, and agree
in all that is neceffary to Salvation : The Church of the Con-
formifts is all agreed for Croffing and the Surplice , and for the
Jmpofed Oaths,FrofeJfions and Covenants: Oh that all our Parifhi-
oners who plead for the Church were agreed that the Gofpel is
true, and that Chrift is not a Deceiver, and that Man dyeth not
as Dogs, but hath a Life of future Retribution.
§7. 1\ 69. Asking, [Were not almoft all the Weftminfter A[~
fembly Ep if copal Conformable men when they came thither?'] He
can fay, [ No 3 not in their hearts, as appeared by their fruits, ]J
And he cites fome words of thefenfe of the Parliament,^. i%.
1643.
Anf% 1, See here a Bifhop that knew the hearts of hundreds
of men, whom he never faw, to be contrary to their Profeillon
and conftant Practice.
2. And he can prove by their reporting the Parliaments
words what was thefe Minifters own Judgment.
3. And he can prove by thofe words in fun. 1643. what wa*
their Judgment a Year or two before, and is fure that the Scots
Arguments did not change them.
4. And he can prove that thofe are noEpifcopalConformifrswho
are for the ancient Epifcopacy only (defcribcd by Bifhop Vjherf)
and
and take the Englifh frame to be only lawful, but not unalter-
able, or beft. And if really he do take him to be no Epifcopd
Conformift, who is for enduring any way but their own, it is he
and not I that gave them fo bad a Character : It is he and not I
that intimateth, that thofe moderate Conformifts who had ra-
ther Church-Government were reformed, than fuch Confufion
made by filencing and hunting Chriftians, are at the Heart no
Epifcopa) 'Conformifts: Their Hearts I confefs much differ from
the Silencers and Hunters.
§ 8. He maketh me a falfe Hiftorian for fixing the War on the
Eraftian Party in Varliamtnt. Anf Did I lay it only on the
Eraftiansf Have I not undeniably proved that the War here be-
gan between two Epifcopal Parties ? Of which one part were
of A. Bp. Abbots, Mr. Hookers, and the generality of the Bi-
fhops and Parliaments mind, and the other of Bp. Lauds, Sib-
thorps 3 Mayntvarings , Heyhns , A. Bp. Bromhalls , Sec. mind:
And the firft fort fome of them thought Epifcopacy fure Divtno -,
but the Englifh Frame not unreformable : And the other fort
thought it was but fure humano, and thefe were called by fome
Eraftians. Let him give me leave to produce my Hiftorical
proofs, even to fingle men by name, that the EngUJh War be-
gan between thefe two Parties, and I defie all his falfe Contra-
diction : Only fuppofing, i. That I fpeak not of the King, nor
of the War in Ireland or Scotland. 2. That I grant that the
Nonconformifts were moft for the Parliament, and the Papifts
moft againft them.
But when I have faid fo much to Mr. Hinkley already to prove
this, did this Lord Bifhop think to be believed without confu-
ting it ?
§ 9. But it tranfeendeth all bounds of Hiftorical credibility,
that he anfwereth this by faying, [He and all his Abettors muft
know the Catalogues of that Parliament, and I htat Affembly are ft ill
in our hands, the Copies of their Speeches, and journals of their
Fotes, &c. ] Anf They are fo to the Shame of fuch Hiftorians.
You have many of them in Whit he kj Memorials 5 1 knew fo great
a number my felf of the Parliament, Affembly, and Army, as
makes me piety the Ignorant World, which is abulcd by fuch
Hiftorian? as yon and yours.
§ 10. As for your affuring me that joh Icok^ nnd day to aufver-
for all joh fay, it minds me of the words of your Dr. slflu
G g CI
(126)
Chaplain to the Duke of Ormond, who (as going to the Bar o f
God) undertakes to prove, that it is through Vnde and Covetoufnefs
that we conform not. The Inquifitors alfo believe a day of Judg-
ment. And what is it that fome men do not confidently afcribe
to the moft holy God ?
§n. Your praifes of me are above my defert : I am worfe
than you are aware of: But mens fins againftChriits Church and
Servants in England, Scotland, and Ireland are never the lefs for
that.
§ 12. You fhew us that you are deceived before you deceive:
You do but lead others into the way of falfhood which you were
led into your felf, when you fay3 1 am \_faid to have afferted9
that a man might live without any aclual Sm.~\ A Lord Bifhop
(Morley p. 13.) told it you, and you a Lord Bifhop tell it others,
and thus the poor World hath been long ufed 5 fo that of fuch
Hiftorians men at laft may grow to take it for a valid Confe-
quence, {It is written by them : Ergo it is incredible."] I tell you
firft in general, that I have ieen few Books in all my Life, which
in fo few Sheets have fo many Falihoods ^matters of Faftdone
before many., as that Letter of Bifhop Morleft^ which upon
your Provocation I would manifeft, by Printing my Anlwer to
iiirn3 were it not for the charges of the Prefs.
2, And as to your Inftance, the cafe was this ; Dr, Lany im-
pertinently talkt of our being juflified only by the All of Faith,
and not the Habit : Iaskt him whether wc are un/uftified in our
fleepf which led us further, and occafioned me to fay to fome
Objection of his, that men were not always doing moral Afls good
or evil : and thence^ {that a man is not always acluady finning 3
viz. In amans fleep, he may live Jometimes and not aBually fin-,
as alfo tn an Apoplexy and other lofs of Re aj on.~] Hence the cre-
dible Bifhop Morley printed that I faid, A man may live without
any aclual Sin: Yea, and fuch other Reafons are given for his
forbidding me to preach the Gofpel. And now another pious L.
ftp. going to anfwer it at Judgment, publifheth it as from him. O
what a World is this, and by what hands are we can: down ? Is
my Affertion falfe or doubtful ? Dr. Bates and Dr. facombc
who were prefent are yet both living. By fuch men and means
is the Church as it is : Arife O Lord and fave it from them.
§ 13. You tell me, as Bp. Morley, of being the top of a f aft i-
cu of my own making, neither Epifcapal, Presbyterian, Indepen-
dent
dene, or trajttan. uinj. so, to oe agamii an faction is to be
the top of a Faction : I am neither anArian5nor a Sabellian,nor an
Apollinarian, nor a Macedonian, nor a Neitorian, or Eutychian,
or Monothelite, or a Papift, &c. Conclude ergo I am the top of
a new Herefie, and filence and imprifon me for it, and your Di-
ocefane Conformity will be paft all fufpicion ("even at the heart.)
But you will one day know5 that to be againft all Faction, and yet
to bear with the Infirmities of the weak, and love all Chriftians
as fticb, is a way that had a better Author.
§ 14. P. 73,74. As to your extolled Friend a Nonconformfl;
who you fay, told you that [ / am not able to bear being gainfaid
in any thing, for want of Academic^ DifpHtes> 6Vc.
^4nf 1. Was your great Friend (o excellent a man, and was
it a good work to filence him, with which in your Confcience
you think God ispleafed?
2. Now you name him not, he cannot contradict you: Mr.
Bagjhavo faid'fbmthing like it of Mr. Herle, Prolocutor of the
Aflemblie , which his Acquaintance contradict.
3. Ijuftifie not my Patience; it is too little: But verily if you
had filenced me alone, and Gods Church and Thoufands of Souls
had been fpared, I think you had never heard me twice com-
plain. Judge you whether I can endure to be gafnfaid, when I
think there are Forty Books written againft me by Infidels, So-
cinians, Papifts, Prelatifts, Quakers, Seekers, Antinomians,
Anabaptifts, Sabbatarians, Separatifts, and fome Presbyterians,
Independents, Eraftians, Politicians, &c. which for the far great-
eft part I never anfwered, though fome of them written by Pre-
latifts and Papifts have fpoken fire and Sword : Nor to my Re-
membrance did any or all thefe Books by troubling me ever
break one hour of my fleep, nor ever grieve mefo much as my
own fin and pain (which yet was never extream) have grieved
tne one day. Alas Sir! How light a thing is the contradiction
or reproach of man who U fpeaking and dying almoft at once?
§ 15. P. 7j. As to my Political Aphorifms I have oft told
you I wifh they had never been written : But all in them is not
wrong which Bifhops are againft. The firft paffage challenged by
your Bifhop Morlej is , My calling a pretence to unlimited Mo-
narchy by the name of Tyranny ^ adding niy reafon, becaufe they are
limited by God who is over all, Minifters were never under Turks
thought worthy of punifliment for fuch an Affertion: But Bi-
G g 2 fhop
mop Money is no lurk. It Monarchs be not limited by God,
they may command all their Subjects to deny God,or btafpheme
him, to take Perjury, Murder, and Adultery, for Duties:
and they are unwife if ever they will be fick^ die , or come to
Judgment.
§ 1 6. You fay, [ Cc / was told by a Reverend Prelate, that at
" the Conference at the Savoy, Mr. Baxter being demanded what
" would [at isfie him, replied, All or Nothing : On this I refletled
Cl on what that grave Divine told me."]
Anf. Alas good man! if for all other your hiftorical notices
you are fain into fuch hands, what a mafs of Untruths is in
your Brain ? But why will you difhonour Reverend Prelates fo
much as to father them on fuch .? I never heard the queftion put
[What will fat ts fie you ^ nor any fuch anfweras All or Nothing:
When the King commifFioned us to treat of fuch Alterations as
were neceffary to tender Conferences, the Bifhops, i. Would not
treat till we would give them in writing all that we blamed in the
Liturgy, and all the Alterations we would have, and all the addi-
tional Forms we defired. 2. When thusconftrained_, we offered
thefe on fuppofition, that on Debate much of it would be de-
nied us3 or altered $ but they would not vouchfafe us any De-
bate on what we offered5nor a word againft our additional Forms,
Reply, or Petition for Peace, jw To the laft hour they maintain-
ed, that No alteration at all was neceffary to tender Conferences J\
And fo they ended, and the Convocation doubled and trebled
our Burden, and the Bifhops in Parliament together.
Once B\(hop^CouJtns defired us to lay by Inconveniences^ and
name only wha't we took for downright Sin, I gave him a Paper
defcribing Eight fuch \ We did but begin to debate one of them,
(Cafking fuch from the Communion of Ch'ifis Church that dare not
take the Sacrament kneeling, though they bemifiaken) and our time
ended.
Dr. Pierce undertook to prove it a Mercy to them to deny
' them the Sacramentj and he made a motion to me, that. he
and I might go about the Land to preach men into fatisfa.cYion
and Conformity : I asked him how I could do that when they
intended to filence me f For though I fcrupled not kneeling at
the Sacrament, if they made any one Sin the condition of my
Miniftry, I mould be filenced, though they abated all the rein
It may. be. this went for S^All or Nothing.^ And I am forry that
the
the Bilhops be not ot tne lame mind : bt. fames was, tnat ttud»
He that breahth one is guijty of all : And Chrift was, who faid,
Me that breaketh one. of the leaft of thefc commands, and t sachet h
men fo, /ball be called leaft it} the Kingdom of God.
So that it was not All Inconveniences, but All flat Sins that
we craved in vain to have been exempted from : Much lets was
it the Eftablijhment of all that we propofed to have been treat*
ed of, openly profefTing our felves ready to alter any thing amifs
or needlefs upon treaty., and fuppofing there would be many
fuch words: But they would not touch our offered additions , .
nor entertain any treaty about them.
And now pitty your (elf who have been drawn to believe fuch
Reverend Prelates as you fay, and pitty -fuch as your Writings
will deceive.
§ 17. That you take it to be contrary to a Chriftian temper
to be fenfible of the Sufferings of the Church, and to name and
defcribethefin that caufeth them, and that but in a neceffitated
Apology for the Sufferers^ is no wonder, the Reafons and your
Anfwer I gave you before § 4. and 5*. I think ir no breach of
Peace with Perfecutors or Silencers, to tell them what they do$
efpecially when the Sufferers are feigned to deferve ic all $ and
not to fin and that deliberately, is made a fin deserving. all that
we fuffer and the Nation by ir.
§ 18. But />. 77. tells us yet more whence your Errours
come, even by believing falfe Reports., and then reporting whae
you believe. You fay , [ Some People have talked of a Combina*
tion orVaii amongft tbemfelves, that except they might have their
own Will throughout , they would make the World know whata.breac&
■they could make* and how confiderable they were. ]
Anf. 1. Do you not think that Rogers^ Bradford, Vhilpt%
and the reft, did fo in Qui. Maries days, and that ic was they
that made the Breach by being burnt? What is it that fuch Hi-
ftorians may not fay ? So Luther was taught by the DevU^Bucer
was killed by the Devil, fo was QecUmpadiw, Calvin was a frig-
matized Sodomite, and what not: And even the rn oft publick
things are yet uncertain before our Eyes : Godfrey killed him-
felf: The Papifts had.no Plot: The Presbyterians have a PIqe
sgainftthe King: The Nonconforming filenced themfelves: An I
did not the Citizens of London barn their own Houfes ?• When
you that area Bifhop cite other great Bifhops for fuch things as
ysu do, may it not come in time to oe trie taitto $j tnt Lbur*^
and thence to be necejfary to all.
2. EJut how do ycu think all thefe that werefcattered aH over
England, and knew not one another by name or Dwelling, fhould
fo confederate ?
3. Do but think of it as a man. There were Nine orTenThou-
fand Minifters that had conformed to the Parliaments way in
pofleflion: They were all to conform or be caft out. The Book
and Ad of Uniformity came not out of thePrefs till about that very
day Aug* 24. Neither Conformifts, nor ( afterj Nonconforming
could fee it, but thofe in or near London : What time was theif
to tell them all over England in one day ? How knew we who
would conform and who would not3 when NineThoufand were
equally in PoiTeffion ? If we had written to them all, would not
One Thoufand of our Letters have detected it? Or at leaft
fome of thofe that conformed, with whom we prevailed not?
4. What was it that moved them all to this Confederacy?
To fufferRuine in the World? To make tbemfelves confiderable
you fay, andjhew what a Breach they could make .? And for what ?
Vnlefs they might have alt their own Wills ? And what was their
Will f Was it to be Lord Bifhops ? Or domineer over any ? Or
to get great Benefices .? I think no high- way Robbers do any
Villanies meerly to fhew what mifchief they can do, much left
ruine themfelves to fhew that they can do Mifchief by Suffering.
Some fuch thing is faid of fome odd Circumcellians that they
killed themfelves «to make others thought their Perfecutors:
But Perfecution was more hated then than now. Did the former
Life and Do&rine of thefe Two Thoufand men fignifie a Spirit
fo much worfe than the reft ?
5. And do you think that the other Seven Thoufand or Eight
Thoufand that conformed did confederate beforehand to con-
form ? How could they do it who declared AfTent and Content to
every thing contained and prefcribed in and by the Book which
they never faw, unleft they confederated at a venture, to do
whatever was impofed .? And if Seven Thoufand could agree
without confederating, why not Two Thoufand ? I could not
then have my Poft Letters pafs without Interception: And it's
a wonder that no Letter of this Confederacy was taken.
And Tie tell (not you, but thofe that believe me ) how far
We were from it. When we were all caft out and fome new mo-
tion
tion was made for our fervice, one weak man moved here, that-
we might draw up a contenting Judgment to how much we
could yield, that we might not differ. Ianfwcred that it was not
our bufinefs to make a Faction, or to ftrengthen a Party 5 nor
were we all of one judgment about every Ceremony, and therefore
no man muft go againft his judgment for a Combination with
the reft : If they would abate but fo much as any one mansCon-
fcience would be fatisfied in, that one man muft ferve the Church
accordingly. And if any were taken in,, the reft would rejoyce.]
This Anfwer filenced that motion, and I never heard any move
it more : And I am fully affured there was never fuch a Com-
bination.
But with this exception : How far any thought the Covenant
bound them againft our Prelacy I cannot tell, Thofe that I con-
vers'd with faid, it bound them to no more than they were
bound to before. But I confefs we did all confederate in our
Baptifm, againft willful fin: And I know of no other Confedera-
cies bue thefe : which indeed was enough to make all men for-
bear what they judged to be finful.
§ 19, You add, £" But jet it is not fair to over-reckon know--
" ingly, and in ordinary courfe Two Hundred in the fum, as Mr.
u Baxter and others do, p. ly^ 210. thereby to fwell the ac-
" count to the greater odium, by complaining roundly Two Thou-
" fand : This I muft conclude to be done knowingly , for femtimes
" he only mentions One Thou fand Eight Hundred^ p. iy i? Src. ]
Anf I am perfuaded that it is not knowingly that you fpeak
fo much befides the truth ; but for want of knowing what and
whom you talk of. I never medled with gathering the number,
Mr, Calamy did, and (hewed us a Lift of 1800, upon which I
long mentioned no more, and feldom faw him afterward : But
Mr. Ennis who was more with him, afTuring me that they had
after an account of at leaft 200 more, who were omitted; L
fometime to fpeak the leaft mention the 1800, and fometime
fay about 2000, and by his laft account that was the leaft. Yet
with a Lord Blfhop that knoweth nothing of all this, I fyomng-
ly over-reckon : But if God be pleafed with their filencing^ why do-
you take this ill ?
§ 20. The next and great Accufation is my extenuating theB;~
Jhops Clemency, and aggravating our Sufferings, and that againft
tny Qonfcience I impute to the BijKops that bloodinefs which they ne-
VCY-
C»Yfl
iwr intended but abhcr. -And he will not believe what I fay oftht
death of any by Imprisonment or want.
An[, The good Lady that pittied the Beggars when (he came
in out of the Froft and Snow, when (he had warmed her felf,
chid them away, and fa id., k was warm enough. I could name
•you thofe in London, that travelled out of the North in great
want, and took up with fuch cold Lodgings here in great want
of all things, that they were paft cure before their mifery was
known. How many poor Quakers have dyed in Priforfmany
know : It's like you never heard of the death of Mr. Field, a
worthy Minifter, in the Gate-heufe-, nor of Mr. Thompfon in the
noifome Prifon at Briftol, nor of Reverend Mr. Hughes of Pli-
mouth's Death, caufed by his Prifon ficknefs $ perhaps you ne- '
ver read the Life, Sufferings, and Deaih of excellent fofeph Al-
len of Taunton : I will not be the gatherer of a larger Catalogue,
But I believe fome others will. But thefeyou know not of,
§ 2i< The words in my Book which I fpeak argumentatively,
(hewing clearly whither their caufe will lead them, if they truft
to bring us to Unity by force, you unworthily feign that I fpeak
^as accufing the Bifhops Inclinations. My Argument was', If you
think by violence to eff eft your ends, it ma ft be either by changing
mfns judgments, or by forcing them as Hypocrites to go againft
1 heir judgment s9 or elfe by utter deftroying them till there are no
Diffenters: But none of theft three ways will do it : Ergo Violence will
not do it. 1. I prove that force will not change their Judgments.
2. I prove they are fuch men as will rather fuffer death than
fin againfr their Confciences 5 and fo lefs Sufferings which cure
not do but exafperate the Difeafe. 3. I prove that if, when
lefs doth no good, you would deftroy them, that would notdo
your work but crofs it. And doth this fignifie that I charge the
Bifhops with bloody purpofes? They openly tell us that it's pu-
<Kifhing us that muft bring us to Concord. I tell them, Lejfer will
not do it, andgreater will but hurt themfelves* A man would think
that I hereby rather infer that Bifhops will not be bloody, than
that they will, when I argue ab incommodo. Truly Sir, I fee no-
thing in your Book which tempted me to lament, that I mift
the happinefs of your Academical Education or Difputes: Nor
do I -envy thofe that now enjoy it. God fave his Church from
♦the worfer part of them.
§ 2i . You fay, p. 79, You muft needs loc\on my aggravating
my
tnyown and the Diff enters Sufferings bejond Truth, jou are fure be-
yond Probability, to have proceeded from want of temper. As for
faying that fome have lived on brown Bread and Water.
Anf. I find (till that our difference lieth in matter of Faft,
done in the open fight of the World : And if it were whether
we are EngU/h- men, I have no hope of ending it ! O what is Hi-
ftory ! My own Sufferings by them are very -final!, fave the
hindering of my Labour: Leave to work is all the Preferment
that ever Idefired of them : What I have had hath been againft
their Wills, who have called out for my greater reftraint. God
hath enabled me by the Charity of others to fend fome fma!I re-
lief to a few of thofe whofe Cafe he will not believe. Some of
them have Seven or Eight Children, and nothing at all of their
own to maintain them, and live in Countries where fcarce two
Gentlemen of Eftates within their reach do befriend them 5 and
the People are generally poor; and many of thefe have none to
preach to, being not permitted , And when they attempted to
meet with fome few fecretly, to fail and pray in fome cafe of
need, have had their few Goods carryed away by Diftrefs,
Good Alderman AJhhttrft, now with Chrift, took care of many,
and hath (hewed me Letters and Certificates of undoubted cre-
dit,, in the very words which 1 named. One is now near us, that
was put to get his Living by Spinning. Mr. Chadwick^ was the
laft of whom I read thofe words in a juft certificate, that he and
his Children had long lived on meer brown Rye Bread and Wa-
ter. It is now above'a dozen Years fince Dr. lrermnxden told me
that Mr. Matthew Hill was his Patient, with Hydropical fvvelPd
Legs, with drinking Water and ufmg anfwerable Food through
meer Poverty : But God turned it to good ; for necefTity drove
him (when a little ftrengthened) to Mtry-Land, where he hath
been almoft the only able Minifter they have. We that know
them our felves, and beg Moaey to relieve them, are fuppofed
to be Lyars: for telling that which all their Neighbours know.
Through Gods Mercy few in London fuffer fo much, (though di-
vers are in great (freights.,) But greet numbers in the Countrys
who live among the poor, had not fome of them now and then a
little Relief from London, were like to beg for Bread, or fall in-
to mortal Difeafes by Food unfit for Nature. Even in London
they that knew Mr. 'Farnworth, Mr. Spmage, and fome others,
and how they lived and dyed, underftand me, Tie name Mr, Mar-
H h tin
*I>iad tin formerly of IVeedon, * very poor in London, to tell you of
pneitbt y0Ur impartiality; though he loft one Arm in the Kings Army^
rf'tbtif **e ^ac^ noc a ^ a^atec^ ^im *n J^nricJ^Gaol for preaching.
; § 12. As to his repeating all my mention of their dealings,
and my blaming the Bifhops at the Savoy for our pre Tent dhrifi-
ons, and my aggravating the evils which Violence will produce
if they truft to that way, I judge it all nectifary to be fpoken;
Unknown fin will not be repented of nor forborn 5 nor unknown
danger prevented 5 nor the unknown needs of the Peoples Souls
relieved.
He asketh, Is this the way to be at Teace with m ? I anfwer,
There is no other way : What Peace can we have with them
that think they are bound to filence us, and keep us fix Months
in Gaol for every Sermon, and fo on for the next, and for the
nextf Or to pay 40 /. a Sermon, and to banifh us five Miles
from Corporations, andmuft not be told of any fuch thing? He
was not unpeaceable that (aid, He that feeth his Brother have
need and fhutteth up the Bowels of Companion from him, how dwel-
leth the Love of God in him? Nor for faying, He that hateth his
Brother is a Murtherer: Nor Chrift for telling us how he will
judge them that did not relieve and vifit him in his little ones 3
and how he will ufe him that beat his Fellow-Servants. It is
with you and not with your fins that we would have peace.
Not only MaJfoniusan& Platina, but even Genebrard, and Baro-
nim fpeak far fharplier of the faults of many Popes themfelves,
and all Hiftoriansof their Prelates, and yet are taken to be
peaceable men. Either thofe that I mentioned will repent here
or hereafter, and then will fay far worfe of themfelves than I do ,
And may I not foretel it them, when it is but in neceffnated
deprecation of the miferiesof fhe Land ?
§ 23. One of their Champions wrote that he was not bound
to deny his own Liberty, becaufe ot hers would pievijloly take fcandal
at it. I (hewed the finfulnefs of that Conclufion, and that a
mans Liberty often lay in as fmall a matter as a game at Chefs,
a Pipe of Tobacco, or a Cup of Sack: andmoft fcanda! is taken
by pievifh perfons : and yet even a pievifh mans Soul is not to
be fet as light by as fuch things. Chrift and Paul made more of
Scandal : And this very arguing of mine is numbred with my
unpeaceable difrempered words.
5 24. As to his talk abcuc our Controverfies of paffages in
Conform'**/
Conformity, be confefTeth that he hath not ,read my Plea for
feace^ in which I have partly opened them: And much lefs
what I have (aid fince of them to divers others; and I confels
I have neither mind or leifure to fay all over again in Print, up-
on the occafions of fuch words as hi?, which have been oft an-
fwered.
§25. I named the Martyr-Bifhops Hooper, Ridley, &c. as
Nonconformifts to the Laws of their Persecutors, to fhew
that fuch Sufferers leave a fweeter name than their Per-
fecutors 5 and he feigneth me to have made them Nonconfor-
mifts to our Laws, and faith, [Ingenuity and Chriftian Veracity
would blujh to own this Art.] Thus It ill falfe Hiftory is that which
aflaulteth us.
But I humbly ask his Lordfhip, 1. Whether he think that
Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, were more for Conformity than
fewel, Bil[on, and Hooker, and Abbot ? And 2. Whether he
will fo far reproach thefe men as to fay, that fewel, Bilfon, and
Hooker would have conformed by approving that which they
moft exprelly wrote againft l I have oft enough tranferibed their
words.
§ 26. To fhew that iince my expulfion I drew not the People
of Kiderminfter from the Bifhops, I faid that I [never fine ~e came
near them , tor except very rarely fent them one Line; which he
pretends I contradict, by faying, 1 fent them all the Books I wrote.
One might have found hiflorical errours enough in his words
without a Rack or Quibble. 1. Sure Books are fomwhatrare-
lier written than Letters. 2. An ordinary Wit would have un-
derftood that I fpoke of one Line of Manufcript, or one Letter,
and not of Printed Books, I delivered them to Mr Simmons, or
their Neighbours to fend them without Letters. And few of
thofe Books were written before this Apology.
§ 27. As a Self-contrad idler he faith of me, [omtime I am
againft all Subfcribing, as P. 60, 113. ccc. and fometimes not.
An[ Still untruth! P. 60. The words are [If men were not
driven fo much to [nbferibe and [wear as they are at this day. ]
Reader, is it true that this is againft All Subscribing ?
Pag. 113. The words are, [// we had learned the tricky *f
f peaking, writing, a\d [wearing m univerfal terms, and meaning
not wwerfally but. particularly, as many do , we could [ay, or fit b-
fcribe, orfwear as jar as you defire us.~\ And [ Take off the penalty
H'h 2
oj jut>jcrit?wg, aeaartng. crojjwg, occ. wnaj gooa aotfi juojcrwing
a Sentence which he believeth not ? ] Is this againfi Ml Subfcri-
bing ?
§ 28. Whether to profefs our tendemefs of other mens Re-
putation, and yet to name the nature and aggravations of the
fin which we fear our felves , when we are importuned to it, be
contradictory, let the impartial judge.
§29. P. ?\ Hf faith, as my judgment, [To fubfcribe andde-
dare, that it is not lawful on any pretence vphatjoever to tal^e Arms
againfi the King, or that an Unlawful Oath cannot bind men to un-
lawful ABions, is Per jury, fome of the great efi that Hellfuggefieth."]
*Anf, Not one true word ? I believe all this to be as he faith r
Both in my firft and fecond Plea for Peace, I have largly told
him what it is, and what it is not which I own 5 but he hath
feen neither, and yet feigneth me to fay or hold what I have fo
oft renounced.
§ 30. P. 94. He might have known how oft in Print I have
retracted the Book called, "the Holy Common-Wealthy wifhing the
Reader to take it as Non-fcriptum: Yet he faith, [ as far as is
generally known I have not done it. ] And how ihould I make it
generally known more than by oft Printing it ?
§ 31. P. 95-. He pittieth me for calling the Author of the
friendly Debate, the Debate maker ': And I piety England for fuch
pittiers.
§ 32. P. 96. Whereas the Convocation hath impofed on all
Minifters a Profeflion of undoubted certainty of the Salvation of
dying baptised Infants, without excepting thofe of Atheifts or
Infidels, I ask whether all the young, unfiudiedfort of Minifters
have arrived at this certainty any more than I3 and how they
came by it? and crave their Communication of the afcertain-
ing Evidence. And what doth his Lordfhip but pretend that I
call the Convocation thefc young, unfiudied men, as if they had
made this Rubrick for none but themfelves?
§ 33. And he hath found another fault which exceedeth all,
and that is, the Title and Dedication of my Methods Theologid,
where I fay, that I dedicate it not to the Jlothful, hafiy^ tired
Settaries, &c. but tofiudiom, ingenious, humble ^fkz. young men,
as being the perfons that are above all others born, difpofed, conje"
craieiio Truth, Holin?fsz and the Churches Pence, &c] Exceed-
ing bad!
Will
Will you hear the proof that this is exceffive Pride? i.
Book, in the fi-ront indirectly and fitly calls the Reader, Jlothpd, r.
foolijh, 6Vc. Anf Is this true f i. It is only thofe that I would
not have to be the Readers. Yea, 2. Only thofe that I fay it is
not dedicated to.
And do you think there are none fuch in the world f Will not
his forefaid Debater, and Dr, Parker, and Dr. Sherlock^, and abun -
dance more , tell you that the Nonconforming are many of
themfucb, and will you now deny it? If not, ami bound to de-
dicate my Book to fuch ? By what Obligation ?
But he faiuh fo volmninom and tmboft a Title will deter the
Readers. But do you not know the Dedication from the Title, on*
ly becaufe it is printed on the Title Page ? Is that unufua! ?
But the odious Arrogance followeth, [Could any thing eafily
be faid with more (appearance 0/) Arrogance; in the very Tit Is
Page toojhan that hisBookjs above all others of the fame Subject ,(/
know not how otherwife to interpret his fupra omnes, viz.. Metho-
dus Theologia? Chriftiana?,] &c. framed, difpofed and hallowed
to the propagation and growth of Helinefs, to the Peace and Ho*
nour of the Churchy I will now for ever acquit him of hypocritical
Modefiy.
Anf I defire Mr. Morrice to compare this Ld. Bp's Tranfia-
tion with that overfight of 'The odor et's words which he fafteneth
on in me. What if I had faid that this Bifhop knoweth not how
to interpret a plain Latine Sentence,, as he faith it of himfelf7
That which I moft exprefly fay of pious, ingenious Youth, he feign-
eth me to fay of my Boot*. Reader^ look on the Book and judge
whether Methedus, the Nominative Cafe fingular, agree with
nat&, difpofiu, confecratA 9 the Dative Cafe., when ^uvsntuiii
Parti fiudiofe, feduU, with many other Datives, went before
it: There are no lefs than Twelve Adjectives joined to Parti in
the Dative Cafe, and yet he conftrueth the three laft a agree-
ing with the very firft Title-name in the Nominative Cafe. And
is this the way to make me lament my want of his Academical
Education? Is it any wonder if thefe men prove us Liars aud
proud, and if they fentence usfcr leffer Crimes ?
Yea, here he concludeth that I write [fo puvifoly% fj v. r>
onfly and unconftantly to my j elf, fo blindly^ as if willfully blihdan i
not penitent of my own guilt, and fo arrogantly, and difdampdlyi &c. ]
You have heard the proof,
^•54. Pag. 99. He provethmy unpeaceabUnefs from the Pe-
ru :on for Peace, and Additions to the Liturgy : The Crime here
IF, \Thtttt not one Office, no not one Prayer of the old Liturgy, and
is l'tiled A Reformation of the Liturgy, and little more than a Di-
rectory.
An[. O miferable World! What cure is there for thy De-
ceits ? This good man talks as he hath heard, and lb all goes on.
But 1. he knoweth not it feems what Title our Copy had,
but judgeth by that which fome body printed.
2. It feems he knoweth not that this Draught was only offer-
ed to debate_, expecting abundance of Alterations : We openly
declared that it was done on fuppofition of obliterating and al-
tering all that they had any juft exception againft, were it but as
needlefs. And for the claufes, [Thefe or the like words! we pro-
felr, that we expected an Obliteration of them, but had rather
theBiihops did the impofing part, if it muft be done, than we.
3-He knew not it feems that ours we re offered but as additional
Forms, that fuch of them as both fides agreed on, might be
mixt as Alias's with the old Liturgy. And doth his Lordfhip
then exclaim with reafon, that [Net one Office^ not one Prayer of
the old was in, when all (after correction) was to be in3 and none
left out. Oh what is Hiftoryl and what men are its corrupters ?
And (that his work may be homogenealj p. 100, 101. having
recited my Commendation of their Liturgy as better than any
in the Bibhoth. Patrum, he addeth'as an Accufation, [Yet /\ 2 19.
he complains of fuch failings in i>3 that IT IS A WORSHIP
which we cannot in faith be affured God accepteth.~\
Reader, This is one of the leffer fort of deceiving Accufarions.
I (aid that (among greater fins which we fear in our Conformi-
ty) we fear leaft by AfTent and Confent to all things contained
and prefcribed. &c> we fhould be guilty of juftifying all the
failings in that worfhip, and alfo of offering to God aWorflnp that
we cannot in faith be affured that he accepteth. This Lord fo word-
eth it, that the Reader who perufeth not my words would ve-
rily think that I had frid this of the Liturgy in the fubftance of
Worfhip there prefcribed , which I faid only as to the things
xrhich we dare not conform to : And I explained it by faying,
\\Ve dare no: juftijie the bjl Prayer we pat up to God in all things.'}
E.g. To dedicate Infants to God without their Parents exprelt
Dedication , or confent , or their promife co educate them as
Chrifti-
V]9)
jChriftians, and this upon the falfe covenanting of Godfather*:
'that never owned them> nor ever mean to educate them as
promifed, ('as is known byconftant experience, neither they nor
the Parents intending any fuch truft in the undertakers) and ro
dedicate them by the facramental Sign of theCrofs, or a badge
of Chriftianity, and to refufe all that will not be thus baptifed,
This we fear is a worfhip that God will not accept. But is this
therefore faid of the fubftance of the Liturgy ?
And if the Lord Bp. be wifer or bolder than we, and be be-
yond all fuch fears, mould he not fuflfer Fools gladly, feeing he
himfelf is wife ? And if he like not our fearing an Oath, Subfcrip-
tion, Declaration, Covenant, or Practice, which he thinks to be
true and good, and we think to be falfe and evil, why may he
not endure our timorouihefs while he may rufh on himfelf and
venture j mould he not rather pitty us, while ScP**/ faith, He
that donbteth is damned if he eat, becavfe becateth not in Faith.
§ 3y. P. ic8. He queftions whether their communion be my-
practice: and p. no. givethme two friendly Councils, i. To
perufe my Books, and retract what's amifs. 2. To tell the
World now my fober Thoughts, what I could and would do were
I to begin the World again.
I heartily thank him for bis Counfel, for it is good and honeft,
But alas,, what a thing is it to write of things which men know
not! 1. Heknowethnot that I have retracted much already $
partly bydifowning, and partly by large Obliterations : Of the
flrft fort are my Aphor. of Juftification, and my Voht. Aphorifms
(though not all that's in them.J Of the 2d he may fee many and
iarge Obliterations in my Saints Refttmy Key for Catbohclrs, &ce.
2. He feemeth not to know what bloody Books^ to prove me
one of the worft men living, their Church Advocates have writ-
ten againft me, fetcht mainly from thefe retracted Books and
Words. Nor how they that commend Augu^ine^ reproach me
as mutable for thofe Retractations.
3. It feemeth he knoweth not that I have already performed
hisfecond Advice, in my Cvre for Church- Divifions, my Sec
Plea for Peace , (about Government) Ye3, Bifhop Alorley before
the King , Lords, and B mops at Worcejhr- bottfe, fpeaking of
Ceremonies and Forms, caufed my Dif put at ions of Charcb-Gc-
verntnent, produced and faid, No man hath written better than
Mr. Baxter, (as if it v/erc .jgainft my feif) And indoctrinate,
:.ithoL fhetl. and Methcd-a Tbeot. and Cbriflian DireFtoryhiVtcxpref-
led my maturcit, calmeit thoughts. But hcthatconnfcls rr.e to it^nows
not that it is already done. And more for Reviling and Retractation I
would do, ifneceifity did not divert me, even the want of time and
itrength.
§ 36. P. 1 1 y. You fay. {That Reverend and great man Bp. Morley tells ut
\_tbe generality of None on j arming Divines Jbewedthemfelves unwilling to en-
ter on Difpute, andfeemed to like much better another way, tending to an
amicable and fair compliance, which was wholly fruftrated by-—— a cer.
tain perfons furious eagernefs to engage in a Deputation.] This was it feems
thefnfe of both fides at that time.]
Anf. How far from Truth ? It was the fenfe and Refolution of the
reconciling Party, called by them Presbyterians: We all defired no-
thing but an amicable Treaty— We were promifed by they fhouli
meet us half way. When we met, Bifliop Sheldon declared the Agree-
ment of his Party, that till we had brought in all our Exceptions agatnfl
the Liturgies, aisd our additional Forms , they would hot treat with us. IVIr.
Calamy, Mr. Claris, and others, would have taken that as a final Refu-
ial, and meddled no more, left Difpute mould do more harm than good :
I was againftfuch an untimely end , and faid, They will report that we
had nothing tofiy : It's better let the cafe befeen in writing, than fo breal^ off.
The reft wrote the Exceptions about the Liturgies ; ibme Agent of the
Bifhops anfwered them without the leaft conceflion for alteration at all.
I wrote a f{eply, and the Additional Forms, and a Petition to the Bifiops, and
they would treat of never aoneofthem: But at the end, put us to dif-
pute to prove any Alteration necefjary, they maintaining that none at all
was neceffary to the ca/e of tender Confciences. (Of which before.)
§37. I had thought to have proceeded, but truly the work which
the Bifliop maketh me is lb unpleafant, almoft all about the truth or
Falihood of notorious matter of Fa<5t, that I have more Patience to bear
his Accufations ( whatever his learned Friend faid of my impatience)
than to follow him any further at this rate. But whereas he faith, that
\_fome will thinly that many things in his Boof^want truth.'] I am one of
thofe, and leave it to the Readers Judgment whether they judge not tru-
ly : And whereas he lays fo muchftrefs on Bp. Morley's words, if any
Printer (hall beat the charge of Printing it, I purpofe while he and the
Witneeflsare yet alive, to publiflj the Anfwcr to his Letter, which 1
caft by to avoid Difplcaiure. And if they will ftill be deceived, let them
be deceived. I cannot help it.
It is no wonder that hethat is defcribed, JoL 8. 44. mould carry
on his Kingdom accordingly in the World : But muft his Dial be let
-on the Steeple of Chrifts Church, and have a confecrated Finger for its
Index ? O lamentable Cafe !
FINIS.
DIOCESAN
CHURCHES
NOT
Yet Difcovered in the Primitive Times.
O R
A Defence of the Anfwer to Dr. Stilling-
fleets Allegations out of Antiquity for
fuch Churches.
j
Againfl the Exceptions offered in the Preface to
a late Treatife called a Vindication of the Pri-
mitive Church.
WHERE
What is further produced out of Scripture and
Antient Authors for Diocefan Churches is
alfb Difcuffed*
. Lift, Vin ; », :
L OZX.D 0 JsQ,
Printed for Thomas ^Parkhhrfl at the Bible and three Crowns
at the lower end o£ Cheap-fide near ^Piercers Chappel 1682. /
•' 0
■p > %tutt'
JL Age 59.1. 4. r. Sirmond. p. 6*7. 1. 35. r. to. p. t<5. r. Euodius. p. 80. 1. ii»r. oqaro-
rum. p.8£.l. itf.r.Congtegations. p 87. 1.27.r. Bifhops. p. 9$. 1. 7. r Jlcnv-mms,
p. ult. I. 9. r. tefs. befides mif-acceming fome Greek words, and other mif- pointings;
THE.
PREFACE
Iflenters are accnjed of Schifm by fome of
this Churchy both thefe and the other are
branded not only as Schifmaticks, but as
Hereticks by the Papifts ; who upon this account
judge its unworthy to live yand had actually dejhoyed
both together, if God in Mercy had not difco-
verd their devilifh Plot. The difcovery gave
them fome interruption, and put them upon an af-
ter-game 3 to retrieve what had mifcarryed. And
this was fo to divide m, as that our (elves fbould
help them in their defign to mine us all, when they
had lefs hopes to do it alone. In pur fiance hereof
fuch influence they have had upon too many, as
to raife in them a greater aver fat ion to DifTenters
than to Papifts. Thefe the Conlpirators count
their own, and thinly they may well do fo, fince
A 6. thpv
The Preface.
they are too ready to concurre with them in then
defign to exterminate thofe, who are true Prote-
ftants in every point, and differ no more from
this Church than thofe in France do, who by the
fame Counfeh are at this time in extreme danger
to he utterly extirpated. Others are fo far f re-
tailed with as to mafy ufe of one of the fiarpejl
weapons they have again]} diffenting Proteflants,
and that is the charge fl/ochifme, lately renewed
and re-inforced.
In thefe hard circumflances, while we do what
we can againfl the common Enemy, we are put to
ward off the blows offuch as (notwithstanding
fomeprefent diflemperj we will count our Friends.
Amoiigft other expedients, fujficient to fecureusa-
gainfl this attaque, it was thought not unufeful, to
anjwer the allegations out of Antiquity, concern-
ing two pints, wherein only Hoe Antients were
made nfe of to our 'prejudice, vi^. i. FtfrDioce-
fan Churches, and then ily. Againfl the Electi-
on of Bifhops by the people in the primitive
times. Something was performed and publifloedin
reference to both thefe in a kite difcourfe. One half
of
of which, where the latter is dijcujjed, concerning
the popular Eledions of Bifliops^ hath yet faffed
without any exception that I can fee or hear of; yet
this alone is enough to defend us againfl the of or ef aid
charge : For thofe who will not makg the primitive
Church Schifmatical, mutt not condemn any as
Schifmaticks for declining fetch Biftiops as that
Church would not own.
Agamfl the former fart of the Difeourfe, con-
cerning Diocefan Churches., feme exception hath
been made, but very little ; a late Author in his
Preface to a Treatife of another Subjeli, hath touch-
ed about 5 pages in 40. butfo as he hath done them
no more harm, than another, who to fend one fault
therein, runs himfelfinto two or three, about a*<w,
render d indefinitely according to the mind of the Au-
thor who ufesit,andthe moft common ufe of it.
I difyarage not theGenthmmsLearningwhoat-
taques me in his Preface, he fljews that which, (with
anfeverable care and Judgment^ might befervice-
ableiu a caufe that deferves it. But much more than
hejheivs, would not be enough tofupport what he
would effablijh. And he might have for bom the vi-
A 2 lifvin?
'Vilifying of thofey who ate haiown to be Mafters
of mhcb more valueable Learning, than appears in
cither cf us. The negleB of fome occur atenefs in
little things, remote from the merits of the caufe, in
one mho is not at leifurc to catch flies., is no argu-
ment that he is destitute of Learning
I complain not of his proceeding with me ; hut
am obliged by him, that he treats me not with fo
much contempt as he does others, who lefs deferve
it. I wijh he had dealt more temperately with M.
B. it would have been more for his rcputatim, and
no prejudice to his undertal^n^ ; 0: good caufc,
when it hath a Sufficient Advocate, does not need
any undec cut f implements.
After 1 have cleared my Difcourfe from this-
Gentleman's exceptions, I thought it not imperti-
nent to few what in reafon Cannot be counted com-
petent proofs cfDhcckn Churches;^// if any will
pnrfne this debate farther, instead of oppofng w,
they may not beat the Air, and amufe thofe that en-
quire after truth , with what is infgnifcant.
PVithal i have given an account of what other alle-
gations out of Scripture and Antiquity this Author
hath
The Preface.
hath brought in other farts of his Treatife for fifth
Churches ; and jhe&> d that there is no evidence in
them, at to thepurpofe they are alledgedfor*
Injhorty I find nothing in this Author, ,or any
other before him, which mayfatisfe a judkiom and
impartial man, that in the two nr&AgesofChri*
Hianity any Bijhop had more than one particular
Church or Congregation for his proper charge ; <or
that in the third Age, there was any Bijhop which
had a Church confiding of more than are in feme one
of our Farifhes, unlefs it was the Church ,ofR ome
Cnor is there fuffcient evidence produced for that :J
Or that ir; the middle of the fourth Age there
were 4 Churches 3eacb of which ccmpri fed more than
comU ajfemhk in one place {though if they had con-
tained more yt hat might he far enough from making
them P&cefans \ J Or that afterwards , within the
time <£ die four firft General Councils, where
there were fever al Churches belonging to one Bifloop,
he did exepcife juris diBum over them alone, or only
by bfflfeJfmd Ms Delegates. It will he ti^ie c-
nough tow$nre m M Schifmaticks for declining
Diocefan Churches, when they have made it ap-
tiear.
The Preface.
fear, that there wasfuch, in the bett ages of Chri-
stianity : (which not appearing, the cenfure falls
upon the primitive Chrittians, from whom it will
Aide of Jipon themfelves.J If they will forbear us,
till this be performed, we need defire no more. Vn-
lefs we may prevail with thofe who ft 'merely profefs
themfelves Proteftants, to regard the fecuring
themfelves and their Religion from the deUruBive
defgns of the Papifts , more than thofe things
which are not properly the concern either of Pro-
tcRantorof Religion.
As for thofe who prefer the Papifts before Di£
{enters, and revile thefe as-worfe, though they differ-
in no one point of Religion from other true Prote-
ftants : We need not wonder if we meet with no
better treatment from them, then from declared Pa-
pifts; fince by fuch preference they too plainly declare
r^eProteftant Religion to be worie than Popery.,
in their accountXbe following fheets have lain by me
many Months, and bad done fo tfill; but that the
importunity offome, and the mifreprefenting of my
filence by others, forced me to pnblifh tbem^
» •-
( o
Diocefan Churches not yet difcovered in
the Primitive times.
TO fhew that many Presbyters in one Church
was not enough to prove it a Dioce/an , I
I made it manifeft that it was ufual in the anti-
ent Church, to multiply Presbyters, beyond
what we count neceffary^ (not. beyond what is neceffary,
as it is too often mifreprefentedO For this I offer'd two
Teftimonies, one aflerting it to be fo in the Fir Si <Age,
the other in the Fourth, and thought thefefufficient, if
they could not be denied, (as they are not J to evince it
to have been fo in the Third : For who can reafonably
fiippofe, but that had place in the Thirds which was
ulual both in the Ages before and after ? The firft was
that of Tiifoop Downham, who (ayes, at the firjl Conver-
ftonof Cities, the number of people converted were not much
greater than the number of Presbyters placed amongji them.
hut this, its fayed can be of little uje$ 'becaufe, i. This
' was not the cafe of the Church of Carthage, it was
* not a new converted Church, but fetled long before,
e and in a flourifhing condition.
The Church of Carthage by the fierce perfections in
Cyprians time(which is the time we fpeak of) was brought
fo low, and reduced to fo very few, as if it had been
but new converted, and how was kin a fetled and flou-
rifhing condition, when it was fo lamentably wafted, and
ftill harrafiedone year after another $ or who can be-
B lievc
CO
lieve it, that reads Cyprian lamenting , Treffuw jjiittt
tarn turbidam uaflitatem, qua gregem noUrtim maxima ex
parte populataeft, adhuc & ujque populatur, and that they
were po(iti inter plangentium ruinat, et timentium reliquias
inter numerofam & languentiumflragem, et exiguamftanti-
nrnpaucitatem .<? ("a) Was not this much the cafe of the
^Apoflclical Churches, unlefsthis of Carthage was worfe,
and fo lefs for our Author s advantage ? Or if this were
otherwife, the Churches in Nazianzens time were not
newly converted, but Jet led long before, and in a flour 'iflj-
ing condition 5 which yet cannot be denyed to have had
more Presbyters than we count needful. So that this
was the pra&ifein every condition of the Church, whe-
ther flourishing or not.
2. c He (ayes, many more Presbyters may be ordain*
*edin a City, than is neceffaryfbr the firft beginning of
'a Church, with refpedt to future increafe. e>v.
And who will queftion, but the many Presbyters in
the Church of Carthage were for future increafe both in
City and Country £ So that herein the cafe is not diffe-
rent h And the defign of that number of Officers might
partly be for other Congregations, (Epifeopal Churches,
though n6t Dioce(an) to furnilh them with Officers.
This is apparent afterwards in the praftice of the Jtfri-
canChurches, who when a new Church was erefted, (up-
plyed it with aBifhop or other AfEftants from places bet-
ter ftored with Officers \ And it is exemplyfied particu-
larly (as we (hall fee hereafter) in the provifibn which
St. Auflin made for Fuflala.
c He (ayes further, the multitude of Presbyters belong-
£ ing to one Congregational Church, might be occafi-
c on'd by the uncertain abode of mod of the Apo flies
* and their Commijjtvners, who are the Principal, if not
* the»onlyOrdainers of Presbyters mentioned in Scrip-
* ture.
But
(3 )
But herein he does but guels, and had no reafon to
be pofitive, unlefi the Apojiles and their Commijjiomrs^
(as ha calls them,) had been then the only Ordainers,
which he will not venture to affirm, knowing what evi-
dence there is againft it.
'Laftly, he (ayes, if this opinion of TSijhop Downham
c had any certain ground in Antiquity, we (hould pro-
'bably hear of it with both eares, and we (hould have
'it recommended upon antienter Authority than his.
This of BiJIwp Dovpnham hath certain ground in the
beft antiquity, if the^cmTefiament befuch 5 vwhere it
is plain there were many Presbyters in diverfe Chur-
ches, (uchas are not yet, nor ever will be proved to be
Diocefatt.
To\\\zto{y\(jizianzen^ he (ayes, cit hath received
'its anfweiv and adds, he that cannot an(wer it to him-
'fel£ from the great difference between the condition of
'the Church in Cyprian^ and in J^azianzeris time, hath
'a fond nefs for the Argument.
This is the an(wer it received, T*ag. 51. and this dif-
ference was thus expreffed a little before 3 ' But that any
e Church fixt and fetled, having its Bifhop alwayes pre-
cfent, (hould multiply Presbyters beyond Ineccjfity, in the
^circumftances of the Primitive Chriftians before Con-
'Jiantwe, is altogether incredible 5 for the neceflary ex-
c pences of the Church were very great, the poor nu-
'merous, the generality of Chriftians not of the Rich-
'eft, and the Eftates they had being at the difcretionof
'their enemies, and mind with perpetual perfecution,
&c He fayes, multiplying Presbyters beyond mccjfity^
and without neceJJIty^ while he alters my words (b as to
change the fenfe, he difputes againft himfel^ not me 5
But this looking more like an Argument than anything
before, I ihall take a little more notice of it. t . Is not
all this applicable to the Churches in the Apojiles times,
B 2 when
wnen it cannot oe aenyea rresvyiers were muitipiyea
beyond what we count neceffary ? The poor numerous,
the generality of ChrilJians not of the Tfychejl, afid the
EJiates they had beingat the difcretion of their enemies, and
mind with perpetual perfection.
Further, the Church before ConBantine and Carthage
particularly , fuppofing thefe to be its circumftances,
might have many Presbyters without any great charge :
For i ft. the Church Stock was referved only for thofe in
want, r&i JtotMoit, as is determin d in one of the Canon*
b)can. 4. which pals for jipoftolic&l, fb) and the lame decreed in
c} can. 25. the (ynod at jintioch. (c) ^ntbrofe even in the 4th.
Age, will have none to have a ftipend wha hath other
revenues, Qui fidct exercet militiam, agelli fki fru3ibusy
fi habet, debet ejfe contentus 5 Jinon habet, Stipendiorum ft-
d) ogki L. 1. orumfruUu. (d) And Chryjbftomtdh us that in Eleftions,
• *5, thofeof the Competitors that had Eftates did carry it,
becaufe the Church would need to be at no charge in
maintaining of fiich, ** & /lo/ro tfh&m c* ?w t« owKhtm'**
1) ve factrd. *p#Aw 2ly. When they had no Eftates, andtheC^rrA
tiLSaviu* could not maintain them, they were ta provide for
tbemfelves by fome honeft imployment. The Council
of Elvira allows all forts of Clergy men to drive a trade,
for their living, provided they did it only in the Pro-
:) Can. 19. vince where they lived, (f) and in the 4th. Council of
Carthage it is ordered, that the Clergy, though they be
learned in the word of God, flail get theirlivingbya trade.
0 cm. $11 (gj and in the next Canon that they flail get food and
rayment by a Trade or Husbandry, with this provifo, that
it be not a prejudice to their Office* Our ^Author (ayes in*
*) Va&* 154. deed, (h) that this is contrary to theufage of all other Chur-
ches 5 how true this is may be (een by the Canon before
cited. He fayesalfb, that this is forbidden by the ^d.
Council of Carthage 5 but neither is this fo, that Canon adds
but another rcftri&ion, viz. that they get not their liviug*
by
(5 )
by an employment that is fordid or difljonejt, where the (j) can. i5. in
Latine and Greek both agree in it. gly. The Church Cod* l6<
was to allow none of them, no not Bif/jops more than*e-
ce/Jary>even zitetConftantims time. That Canon call'd the
ApoJilesyZnd the other Antioch forecited, exprefs this in the
lame words, the Bifljop may have of the Church Stock what
is neeedfitll, if he be necejjitous, rd </Wr«« JWt* ©e/s *V*Jxca-
•f;c?«ifltft for necejfary ufes, and thefe are afterwards ex-
plain'd to be food and rayment. Zonaras expreffes it fully
and clearly, whom he that the Canon doth not fatisfie,
may confult.
Having fhew'd out of Jujiinian, that 60 Presbyters
belonged to the great Church in Constantinople , and
thence inferr'd they were numerous in Conjiantines time,
the 6 number ((ayes he, J was become extravagant in jf«-
*Sfinians time 5 but what is this to their number in Cy-
lprians}
He (taould have asked the Dean this, who to prove
Diocejan Churches from the number of Presbyters, im-
mediately after Teftimonies out o£ Cyprian, brings this of
JuStinian.
c For this very edift of Jujlinian (hews that this multi-
plying of Church Officers was an innovation, m&therc-
cfore would have them reduced to the firft eftaWifh-
raent.
Jujlinian took order to retrench the numbers of Pres-
byters, not therefore becaufe it was an innovation, but
becaufe the Church revenue could not maintain fo many,
which is exprefs in the Novel.
c But that firft eftablifbment it (eems admitted grear
c numbers, for one Church had 60* True 5 butitmuft alfb
cbe noted firft, that thefe 60 were to ferve more than
* one Church.
Some may be ready to ask how it can be true, that
one Church (hould have 6o, and yet more than one had
thefe 60 amongft them, c For
* tor tnere were tnree more oenaes at. Sophia to be
cfupplyed by theft Presbyters. &cl
True 5 but this ftill confirms what I anfwer'd to their
argument from the multitude of Presbyters, that in the
antient Church the Officers were multiplyed above whai
we count needful : For it is not now thought needful that
any 3 or 4 Churches in a City, (hould have 60 Presby-
ters, 100 Deacons, 90 Subdeacons, Readers no. &c.
c Yet after all, there is no argument to be drawn from
'this number, for thefe were Canons o£ a particular foun-
dation, defigndfor the fervice of a Collegiate Churchy
'and no meafure to be taken from thence concerning the
c numbers of Presbyters belonging to the Diocefi. This
c is evident from the Preface of the (aid Novel.
If no argument is to be drawn from this number, why
did the Learned Dean draw one from it .<? 2ly. This
feems fcarce confident with the former Period .- there,
thefe Presbyters were for 3^4 Churches, here they are
but for one Collegiate Church of which they were Canons,
and this faid to be evident in the ^Preface, where I can-
not fee it. 3ly. Since no meafure is to be taken from hence
concerning the numbers of ^Presbyters belonging to a Dio-
cejs 5 it feems there may be this number of Presbyters
in a place which cannot be counted a Diocefi, (as this
one great Church never was, nor can be) and then no
argument drawn from thenumber of Presbyters at Rome,
Carthage, SdeJJa, <&c. will prove a Diocefan Church 5 for
here was the greateft number, which any where we meet
with.
Dr. St. to prove Diocefan Churches from the nume-
-roufhefs of Presbyters, mentioned 60 in C. P. in Jujli-
maris time? from hence on the by, I thought it reason-
able to fijppofe they were numerous in Conjiantine'stime,
when yet Theodoret fayes, all the Brethren met together
with the Bijhop. That the number of Presbyters is no
Proof
(7)
proof of a Diocefan Church was evinced fufficiently be-
fore: this fell in occafionally, and was added cxabun-
dantt 5 Yet upon this (upernumerary ftragler he turns
his main force, (pending about 12 Pages on it. lam
little concerned what becomes of it, fince the main Hy-
pothefis is already (ecured by the premiffes 5 but that
this Gentleman may not quite loofe all his labour, I am
willing to loofe a little, in taking fome notice of it.
c I muft confefs that what is added concerning the
c Church of C. P. is fomewhat furprizing, no doubt
c (ayes he , that the Presbyters were more numerous in
CCP.
Indeed it might have been furprizing if I had (aid as
he reports me, that they were more numerous $ but I (aw
reafon not to fay (b, though what reafon there was to
impofe it on me I know not : I cited Soc : mifprinted
Soz. (aying, Conjiantine built two Churches at C. CP. , but
laid no ftrefi on it at all. f k) It is true, he fayes not that (k; to U
he built no more than two, but his expreffion plainly im- c% I2#
plyes it, and he v^as concerned if he had known any more
to have mention d it, when in the fame Line, he (ayes
Conjiantine intended to make it equal to T\ome. Eufebi-
us's words agree well enough herewith, he (ayes Confian-
tine adorn d it , *r*rfww, -coith more Churches , and that's
true, if he built but two more, or any more than was
there formerly, or any more than was ufaal. And theft
more Churches were not in the City, but ("as the Hijlorian
(peaks ) partly there, and partly ^f 3 wars®-, which as the
word is u(ed, may denote places many Miles di-
ftant from the City, as the Gentleman elfewhere ob-
serves after Valerius. Sozomen (ayes he built toaaw, ma-
ny Churches, (not very many as he will have it) but if
he thereby meant more than are named by Socrates, we
need not underftand that done before the time Theodoret
ipeaks of} Norfhould a lax expreffion be more relyed
on,;
(8)
on, than one that is pun&ual and definite 5 unlefswc
have a mind either to be milled, or to fet the two Hifto-
rians together by the ears. Sozomen names but one
Church more than Socrates did, and that not *>, but a
good diftance from the City, (70 Furlongs by Land,)
and 3 may pais for many, when it was a rare thing for
any City to have more than one. The heft Authors, as
they fometimes exprefs^er^ few by none, and a generality
by all-0 fo they exprels tffore than ordinary by many 5 and
twoo* three fuch Churches in one City were more than
ordinary at that time, when one City in an Hundred had
not two Churches, and one in a Thouland had not three
Churches, that could be ftyled **Wfc ^//that Conjiantine
built here were fuch, both Eujebius his more, and Sozo-
mens many, are laid, by them to be very great, i&yw*
But no confiderable Author that I meet with in that
Age, or fome Hundreds of years after, names more than
two very great Churches ere&ed by ConBantine in that Ci-
ty. And if companion be made, thece is no Hijiorian
of thole times, to be more regarded in matters which
concern C. *P , than Socrates who tells us, that he was
born and educated in C. P. , and continued there ("as an
advocate ) when he wrote his Hiftory.
But if we (hould luppofe that Sozomen intended more
than 3 or 4 Churches, or that the Emperour built no
more than was requilite, and only conlulted convenien-
cy, anddefignd not State or Magnificence, (which yet
our Author a little after layes he did 5 and we know no-
thing is more ordinary than for great Cities to have more
Churches than are needful : it was lb in London before
the Fire, and the retrenching of their number fince
fhews it :) yet this will be lb far from proving sAlexan-
der's Church in C. 7\ to be Diocejan, that it will not
prove it greater than fome fingle Congregations: for there
were 12 Churches in Alexandria, when yet the Church
in
(9)
in that City adhereing to .Athanafius confifted of no ,
% more than are in fome one of our Parifhes. For which
ftch Evidence has been brought, as is not yet, nor I
think, can be defaced. c Npr can we imagine that two
c Churches, much lefs one, could fuffice all the Chrifti-
c ans in C. T. when the City of Heliopolk being convert-
ed to Chriftianity required more, and Conftantine
c built feveral for them, **xM9**t o ml**t.
The word plurally exprefled is much improved by
our ^iitthor, he makes out of it diverfe Churches^ and all
tkefe Churches^ when yet all tkcfe were but one Church,
as Socrates himfclf makes it plain a little before/ 5 for isoc. i.i.c.iB.
having related how Conftantine ordered a Church to be
built near the O^at Mambre^ he adds, that he order-
ed another Church ("not Churches ) to be ereclcd at Helio-
polis, M&v UMwieut y47*titdsa&ivcu. And to put it pad
doubt, Eufehius whom the Emperour employ 'd about
thofe ftru&ures, and from whom in all likelihood So-
crates had the Relation, gives an account but of one
Church there founded by the Emperour^ which he calls
l7x»?luK7iigMG4uttoiolat0f, and that it was furnifhed with a ml.$.c.$6.t>f
^Btfrjop^ 'Vresbyters and Deacons. So that the Bifhop of lM Coniiiint-
Heliopolk had but one Church for his Diocefs, which
our [Author fhould not be fb loath to own, fince it can-
not be proved that at this time one Bilhop in an hundred,
had more.
Valefius (whom our Author much relies on) in his
VSj>ies upon this place, is fo far from thinking that Con- «
fiantine built more Churches in Heliopolis^x. he judges
this one at prefent was not neceffary for it, the Town
haviug then no Chriftians in it : and affigns this as the
reafon why Eufebhis fpeaks of it as a thing unufual, that
it fhould have a Bifhop appointed, and a Church built
in it. His words are, Fortajfe hoc novum & inauditum
ftiijfe intelligit^ &c. He may think, this new and unheard
C of,
C to J
of, that a Church fiwuld he built in -a City, where as yet there
were no Chriflians but all were alike idolaters. Therefore
thk Church was built at Heliopolis, not for that there* was
any nccejfity of it, but rather in hope that he might invite all
the Citizens to the profejficn of the Clyrifiian Religion. So
that the Bilhop here had none for his Diocefe but one
iniib^Mvk. Church, and that empty, there being then no Chrifti-
?^' °' 58' ans in ^at one Parifh 3 which yet was all he had to
make him a Diocefan.
The better to confute Theodoret, whofaies (Tor they
are his words, not mine ) that Alexander with all the
^Brethren met together, he endeavours to (hew the (Vote
of that Church about the latter end of Conjlantine, Sec.
this he does here and after by an undue Application of
feme paffagesin Sozomen. For the account which that
Hijlorian gives of that City is not confined to Conftan-
tines time, but reaches beyond it, ay, and beyond Ju-
lians too, which appears, as by other paffages, fo by
his mentioning the heathen Temples in the time of that
Emperour. And with refpeft to the time after Con-
Jlantine muft that expreffion be underftood, which
makes C. CP. to exceed Rome, not only in Torches, but in
the number of inhabitants, otherwife it will be apparent-
ly falfe. For when Chryfijlome was Bifhop there, about
70 years after (when it is like the number of the Inha-
bitants were doubled, it cannot be queftioned but they
were far more numerous) he who beft could do it, rec-
n in ab. mm. kons the Chriftians then to be an 100000 n 5 our Au-
1 i.pag.6^ tkor will have us look upon the Jews and Heathen there
to be inconfiderable but let us count them another
icoooo. Yet both put together will fall incomparably
{port of the number in old Rome, which by the compu-
o m Ma'gnit. tation of Lipjius was at leaft two millions p. And in
Rom. nb. 3.C.3. Confiantines time new Rome was as far fhort of the old
as
(-II)
as to its greatnefs in circuit, for whereas Hcrodian de-
clares that Severus quite demolifhed ^Byzantium for tid-
ing with ^Qger, and reducing it to the if ate of a Village
fetbjetfed it to Perinthus, *"V« ^W ntoivtion J8&* *Adn p, ? lib. 2.. p. 62.
we cannot in reafon fuppofe it to be extraordinarily
fpacious 5 yet as Zofimus reports, all the inlargement
which Contiantine gave it, was but the addition of 1 5
Furlongs, *»<#•'* ^m^V^'^. Now (uppofe it was 30 q//^. 2. ;. 62.
or 40 Furlongs in com pais before fand fo larger than
one City in an hundred) yet this addition will leave it
lefs than Alexandria^ which, as Jofephu* defcribes it, was
80 Furlongs, that is,ten miles in circumference r, yet A- rpeBeih Jud.
lexandriawas four times lels than'Z^We, forby Vopifeuas ll0' 2* caf' l6%
account, in Aureliaris time, not long before Confiantine^
the walls were made by him near 50 miles in circuit. So
it will be in comparifon of Confiantinople when firft
built, rather like a V^ation than a City^ as ^iriftotle fa id
of the Other Babylon, %XH myyesiVkS pahhov ?$»* i-dhsm j. s Pol. lit.$.c.2.
If then we will have this paflage ofSozomen to have
any appearance of truth,itmuft be extended far beyond
Conjlantinesume, when, as Zofimus tells us, many of the
flicceeding Emperours were ftill drawing multitudes of
People to thatCky,fothat it was afterwards encompafled
with walls far larger, wd*a» rfo^^ than thofe ofConJian-
tine t. And in an Oration of77?e^7/ri^itismade a que- t lib. 2. p. 6$.
ftion whether Tkeodofius junior did not add more to
C.P. than Confiantine did to Byzantium.
c Many of the Jews and almoft all the Heathen were
| c converted and became Christians.
The expreffion of Sozomen does not hinder but as the
'main body of the Jews remained, fo the numbers of the
Heathen might be confiderable. Tcrtnliian fpeaks of
Citizens in his time as if they were almoji all christians^
C 2 pa J
C " J>
u Apol. c. 37. yen± otnnes elves chrijliani u 5 yet no inftance can be gi-
ven of any one City where the Chriftians were the
major part of the Inhabitants .• thofe that take his
words in a ftri<S fenfe are very injurious to him, and
make him (peak that which no antient Records will
warrant. Sozcmm alfo may fuffer by ftraining his -ex-
predion } but I will not digrefi to take farther notice
of what is not material 5 forldeftgnnot, nor have any
need,to make any ad vantage of the numbers of the Hea-
thens in this City.
He tells us of 950 Work-houfes whofo rents were al-
lowed to defray the Funeral expences of all that died in
the City (for fo it is exprefled in the Conftkution,
W Novel. 43. TT&f 1 rlw YMviuj a,7idv7wv dv&$cv7mv ooidM 70 <7az£yyu8t <s^JHmv VP ) thefe
being performed with great folerrjnity, and multitudes
of Attendants maintained by thofe rents for that pur-
x Nov. $9.c.z+ pofe x. How this here makes the Chriftians in C. 7J. to
be fo very numerous as he would have them, he fhould
have (hewed us 5 I am not yet fo fagacious, as to difco-
ver it. The number of the Decani was determined
y cod. de Led. by Ronorhts to 950 y. Our Author thinks it
probable they were fo many at the firft eftablifhment,
but there's more ground to believe, they were much
fewer in Conftaniims time \ for about 800 were counted
Efficient in Jvjhmaris Reign, 200 years after, when
the City was both larger, and much more populous and
% *bvtL$9j.& jn jts greateft flourifti z. Thofe that confider the pre-
mises, may well think, he might have form'd his con-
clusion in terms left confident, to (ay no worie of
it.
Next he forms an Obje&ion againft himfelf : c not-
c withftanding the number of Chriftians in C. P. might
c be much too great for one Congregation, yet the ma-
4 jor part might be Hereticks or Schifmaticks^ fuch as
c came not to the Bilhop's Church , and therefore all
that
( i3 )
c that adhered to him might be no more than could
1 meet in one Aflembly.
To which he anfwers, that the number of Heretic^
and Schifmaticks was inconsiderable, and will not except
the Arians or V^ovatians. For the Arians, he faks,
they had not yet made a formal Separation.
But if they did not feparate themfclves, the Church
would have them feparated, and did exclude them from
communion, and withftood Conjlantines importunity
for their admiffion, both here and in other places :
Athanafws was threatned by Eufebius of ^Qcomedia a, zSQcdib.icn
and banifhed by the Empcrour for this caufe among o-
thers. And Alexander being fecured by Arius his
death from admitting him to Cothmunion, was the oc-
cafion of this paffage in Theodorct which gives our Au-
thor fb much trouble. Now the Arians being debar-
red from communion, leflened the Bifhop's Church,
both here and elfewhere, as much as if they had fepa-
rated themfelves. And they were numerous here, this
being the place where they had greateft favour 5 in
Conjiantines Edid againft the Hereticks whofe meetings
he would have fuppreffed, the Aridns were not men-
tioned when the other are named/'. Socrates writes bzufeb.de vitx-
that the People in this City was divided into two confUnt.vk^.
Parties the Arians and the Orthodox, they had contimi- _ (
ally fiarp bickerings, but while Alexander lived the Or-
thodox had the better 5 as foon as he was dead (which
was4" while Conjlantine lived J it feems they appeared * Vales obftw.
equal,for the conteft fixes he, ivas dubious, *wfaiwri p*w cf tnSUn &Sc~'
In ^{aziznzens time fb far they overtopt the Orthodox, Q s'ocAlb.i.c^,.
that this great Diocefan Church appear 'd but in the form
of a private meeting, held in a very little honfe, where
he kept a Conventicle with them, ^^^V^^x^^ah^s^
fb Sozomen d, and Socrates agrees with him in the ex- dz./fc. ?. ^,5,
prciiion, «WJ»K? tam»^ fuch a diminutive place feemsas
un-
i x4 ;
unproportionable for fuch a Diocefan Church as a 5Yut-
Jfje/J for Howcr's Iliads, or a Keyhole for a Witch^ to
ufe our Author's Elegancies.
As for the Novations to which he will have no more
allowed than a Conventicle, they were numerous in o-
ther places, they had once diverfe Churches in ^Alex-
andria, many Churches in Rome and in other places.
It is like they were numerous here, for here they had
as much favour or more, and longer too, than in the
Cities forementioned, here Socrates fayes they had three
<Lcap.$o. Churches e, and if three Churches w7ould but make one
inconjiderable Conventicle $ it is poffible the other Ortho-
dox'Churches (though he will have them to be many)
might be comprized in one vaji Congregation.
I might obferve how much Sozomeu is mif represent-
ed in what he fayes next of thofe concerned in the £dicf,
the V^ovatians efpecially. He fpeaks not mincingly as
our Author would have him, but fully that the iN^ova-
tians did not fuffer 'much by the Edift 5 he does not fay
only that it was probable they fuffered little, but (ayes
this only of a reafbn himfeff gives, why they fuffered
not much. He gives other reafbns for itthanf/>e opinion,
the Novatians had of that Bifhop. He does not fay the
other Heretic ks were altogether extirpated. He does not
confefs that the Novatians fffircd the fame meafure with
ethers every where, no, nor any where elfe, it is the
^Montanifs that he fayes this of. He dares to affirm
they had a Conventicle or more, for he affirms they had
an eminent Bifhop in C. 'P. and were not only numerous
therebefore the Edidt, but continued fo after. The Gentle-
wan was in too much hafle here, as himfelf will per-
ceive, by obferving how much his account differs from
the Hiftorians.
At laft he comes to that paflage tff Theodorct which
occafioned all thefe lines, but Theodorct affirms they
•were
were no more than could meet in one Church, and that they
did a&ually do fo, c I anfwer, fayes he, th.it Theodoret
* does not-fay fo, and the paffage cited does not con-
c elude it.
I did not fay Theodoret affirms they were no more, than
could meet in one Church, but he (ayes the fame in effect,
viz. that all the Brethren ajjembled with Alexander. His
words are, Alexander, the church rejoycing, held an Af-
femhly with all the 'Hrethren, prajing and greatly glorify-
ing God. The words are plain, and the fenfe, I take
them in, is open in the face of them. Nor do I believe
that any difinterefted perfbn would put any other fenfe
upon them than this-, that the generality ofChrijlians of
which the Church at Conftaminople confijied, ajjembled
together with their TZ/fiop Alexander, to praife God joy-
fully for their deliverance by the death of Arius. But he
will not have the words taken in a general fenfe, but will
fuppofe them taken with refpeli to that particular Congre-
gation^ in which Arius was to be reconciled. Yet this fup-
pofition hath no ground either in the words, or in the
contexture of the Difcourfe, or any where elfe that I
know of, or our ^Author either } for if he had, we
fhould have heard it with both ears, as he fpeaks elfe-
where. He will not have all the Brethren, to be all the
Believers at C. P. yet he knows that Brethren and Be-
lievers are Synonymous terms both in Scripture and an? •
cient Authors. vAnd thofe were the Believers or Bre-
thren of the Church of C. T3. which had occafion to re-
jovce, and that was the whole Church there .* as for
■attVJs*, render'd Z)niver(i, Ido not take it jw- all and every
one of the Chriftians there } for in all AfTemblies,of great
Churches efpecially, mwy are alwayes abfent. He had
dealt more fairly with Theodoret, if by all he would
have underftood the generality of Chriftians adhereing ta
Alexander at C. P. or the greateft part of them, and
about
• r to
about fuch an abatement of the full import of the word,
there had been no need to contend , but his reftraint
of it to a particular Congregation agrees not with the
words, nor the occafion of them, nor hath any fupport
tUewhere.
Nor is that better which follows, unlefs you will fay
that with all the Brethren, does not Jignifie their perfonal
pre fence, hut only their unanimity.
This looks more like a fhift than a plain anfwer,
and therefore he was well advifed in not venturing to
own it.
c Theodoret could not think that all theBeleivers of C.
c P. could come together to the Bifhop's Church, for he
c cites a Letter of Conjiantines a little after, where he
* gives an account of the great increafc of that Church.
In the City that is caWd by my name by the Providence of
God \ an infinite multitude of^Pcople have joined them/elves
lo the Churchy and all things there wonderfully increasing,
it feems very requifite that more Churches flwu Id be built 5
nnderflanding therefore hereby what I have refolved to do,
I though fit to order you to provide 50 'Bibles fairly and le-
gibly written.
He does not fay an infinite multitude, the words of
the Letter are vhwv n$Sos9 that there was a very great
multitude pf Chriftians is not denied, nor that he intend-
ed to build more Churches 3 but this confirms what is fig-
nified before, that thefe very many Churches were not
yet built, but only in defign, and that with a profpect
of Chriftians there (till increafing. And the Bibles, if
they were intended only for C. P. might be for the future
Churches, not the prefent only.
His Conclufion is, c where Chriftians were fb multi-
plied that it was neceffary to build more Churches,
c and to make fuch provifions for the multitude of their
c Affcmblies, it could not be that they fhould all make
e but one Congregation. He
He (hould have concluded that which is denied, o-
ther wife all he hath premifed will be infignificant, and
to no purpofe : it is granted that all the Chriftians at
C.P. did make more than one Congregation, and for
their conveniency met atother times in feverai Churches.
That which is denied is, that the main Body or genera-
lity of Chriftians there could not meet in one Aflembly,
or did not lb meet at this time with their Biftiop Alex-
under, as to this he hath proved nothing, and therefore
did well to conclude nothing againft that which is affir-
med to be the plain import of Theodora's expreliion.
And it may be fuppofed that Tkeodoret, if he had not
exprefled it, might well thinks (though the contrary be
iuggefted ) that as great multitudes , as Conffaxtines
Letters fignified, might meet together at. the Biftiop's
Church 5 for himfelfdeclares what a vaft Congregation
he preached to at dntioch, having an Auditory of many
Myriads f. I will not ask him what Uttfebius could thinks f Ep. 8 $.
when he tells us the Chriftians had mwh*< Zfofwai"}**,
djfemblies confining of ^Myriads g. Nor what Socrates g ^-8. Cap. u
thought, when he tells us long after, of C. P. that the
whole City became one ^ijjembly, and meeting in an Or a-
tory, continued there all day h, ''okvtkxk rf&lKKKmdt.iyknTihUb.'j.cap.ii.
h o t4 ivwsico w'Q/ufyQt9 <&c. But I would have him tell
me how he underftands that paffage of Chryfoftcmc^ %w
TpJh /. vVhat is the import of thefe words ? Do they i mm. 8$. h
fignify that ten ^Myriads were affembled in one place Mat- Tm- z-h
to hear Chryfoftome? Iffo, there will be no queftion 52p*
but that the generality of Chriftians might meet in one -
Church with Alexander in Confiantines Reign $ for that
then, (about 70 years before J there was any thing near
fo many Chriftians as an 100000 , adhereing to one
Bifhop in this City, cannot with any reafon be iroagin-
D ed.
C i8J-
ed. Or does he mean only, that there were fo many
^Myriads of Chriftians contained in that City.<? If fo,
then he faies here no more than in another Homilyfoxt-
cited, where the number of Chriftians in C. P. is com-
puted to be an ioooco, reckoning all he fides Jews and
Heathens. Now if they were no more in his time, they
cannot with reafon be fappcfed to have been above
half fo many in Covftantines (unlcfs any can imagine,
that their'numbers advanced more in 6 years than in
7c, when the fucceeding Emoerours multiplyed the
Inhabitants exceffively, y^f rfe^ x?"**0 as Zofimus tells
lt-L/k 2*. us 4, crouding the City fo full as that they could fcarce
ftir without danger : ) and a great part of thefe were
fallen off to Artus while .Alexander was Bifhop : the
y^Qovatians alfo, were numerous, having feveral Chur-
ches s and thefe with other Se&s being dedu&ed, the
Chriftians there that communicated with .Alexander
will be no more (if fo rnanyj than belong to fome one
of our Parifhes.
* It would fwell this Preface to too great a Bulk, if I
* fhould anfwer the reft fo particularly.
Since he defigned to be fb brei£ and to have fo
fhort a Preface, I wifh he had employed more of it a-
gainft that which is the ftrength of the Difcourfe he
oppofes, and of more confequence to the main Caufe 3
and not have fpent (b many leaves upon a by-paflage,
for which we have little reafon to be concerned : for if
he could make it appear, that the Chriftians at C P. in
Conjlanttnes time were more than could meet in one
Congregation, yea, or in two either 5 that would be
far from proving it a Diocefan Churchy unlels fome one
or two of our Parifhes can be counted fo.
Let me add in fine, that our Author has done juft 'no-
thing towards the difproving of what Theodoret was al-
ledged for 3 unlefi he fhew, that C. P. exceeded old
Rome^
C 19 )
Rome, was furnifhed with ftch an infinite number of
Chriftians, Co many ("more than two J) magnificent
Churches there ere&ed, the 50 Bibles thought needful
to be provided, and almoft all the Heathen befides many
Jews converted } before Alexander (who is faid to hold
this Affembly with all the brethren) deceafed 5 and (b
unlefs he prove that all this was done (which himfelf I
think can fcarce believe) in lefs than a year. For Vale*
Jius (uyn whofe authority this Gentleman takes much)
proves at large (^making it the bufinefs of one of his
Tiooks) that Alexander died (and yet muft live fome
while after this panegyrical Affembly) in the year 331. l. 2. ohferv.h
Anditsmanifeft, that C.P, was not built, nor had that Soe-&S9*
name till 331. For tho' it was building the year before,
yet it was not finifhed till 25 of Conftantines Reign (as
Jerome and others:) and the beginning of his Reign \s chronic.
reckoned from the death of Conflantius his Father, who
was Conful with Maximianus in the year 306, and V4 conful.
died in the middle of it. There needs not a word more
to (hew that all his difcourfe on this fubjeft is wholly
infignificant, and not at all for his purpofe, tho' this be
the moft confiderable part of his* Preface.
c This Author gives feveral inftances of feveral Rifliops
c being in one City at the fame time, in anfwer to the
c Dean otT^aul*^ who affirmed that it was an inviolable
c rule of the Church to have but one, &c. Jerufalemh
c thefirft inftance, &c. I wonder to find a manofLearn-
c ing cite this paflage, than which nothing can be more
'disadvantageous tohisCaufe.
There is one who I fuppofe paffes for a man of learn-
ing who for the fiime purpofe makes ufe of this inftance,
fince mine was publifhed 5 We have, faith he, Examples
in Ecclefiajlicaljlory of of two Bijfwp's at the fame time in
the fame See$ and yet this was never thought Schifmatical^
when the fecond was advanced by the conjent of the firfi.
D 2 Thus
C 20)
Thus Alexander a Bifhop in Cappadocia torn made Bijfjop .
of Jerufalem while Narciflus wo* living, but very old: and
Anatolius at the fame time, fate in the Church fl/Caefarea
with Theotecnus, and this was St. Auft'in s own cafe, who
)££%$Drk rcas r,tade Bifiop tf/Hippo while there was another Hijjjop
living /. He (ayes alfb, Nothing can he more difadvan-
tagcous to my caufe than this pajfige. If it had been no
advantage to my caufe, I fhouM have thought it bad
enough 5 but if nothing could be more difadvapt.ige-
ous, I am very unhappy : let us fee how it is made good.
c VH^arciffus having retired, and the people not know-
c ing what had become of him, the neighbouring Bi-
4 (bops ordained Dins in his place, who was fucceeded
c by Gordius and after by Germanico, ( it fliould be by
c Germanico, and after by Gordius ) in whofe time
<- Narciffus returned, and was defired to refume his
c Office, and did fo. What became of Germanico (he
'means Gordius,*) is not (aid but probably he refigned
' or died prefently.
There is nothing to make either of thefe probable, it
is altogether as likely, if not more, that he continued
Bifhop there with Narciffus for fome time 3 but becaufe
izitfebius fayes nothing of it, I infift not on it. But be-
fides he tells us, Narciflus took Alexander, into the par*
ticipation of the charge. That fignifies Narciffus was not
excluded from the Epifcopal charge, both had their parts
therein. No, but fayes he, Alexander was the Tiiflwp^
Narciflus retained but the name and title only, that is, he
was but a Titular, not really a Bifhop., and why fo £
becaufe Alexander, fayes he, joined with him in prayers,
and the Hi fieri an fijes he was not able to officiate by reafon
of his great age. He was not able it may be to perform
all the Offices of a Bifhop, but what he was able to do
no doubt he performed. Now if they muft.be but ti-
tular Bifhops, who perform not perfonally all the 0£
fices
fices of a Paftoral charge ( when they cannot pre-
tend Mvatfv yk?f) how many real Bifhops fhall we iind
in the World .<? But betides the V^jime and Title, did he
not retain the Power and Authority of a Bifhop f If
not, how came he to loofe it I Did he rcjign, or was
he depojed <? That he refigned there is not the leaft in-
timation in this Hijiorian or any other 5 nor any in-
ftance in the antient Church, that ever any Bifhop di-
verted himfelfof all paftoral "Tower upon this account.
To have depofed him for his great age h id been a barba-
rous Ad, andfuch as the Church in thofc times cannot be
charged with. No doubt but he retained the Epifco-
pal power, though through Age he could not exercife
kin all inftances } and if he had not only the Title but
theTWer, he was really a Bi(hop7 and there were two
Bifhops at once in one Church, and then this inftance
is (b far from being n/oji dijadvantageous, that it (erves
me with all the advantage I defigned in alledging it.
, As for the words o^Valedm cited by him, if they be
taken in the fenfe which our Author would have them,
that learned man will not agree with himfelf For but
a very few lines before, he fays, thefe two were Co-
Epijcopi, TSifiops together in that City, juperjiite epifiopo
adjutor & coepifcopus eli adjunttus, And tho' he (ays
(but fays it doubtfully with a rd jailor ) this was forbid-
den at Sardica (above 100 years after )} yet he adds
that, notwithjianding it was jiill ufoal in the Church, nihil
ominus ider.tidem in ecclejia ujurpatum eji, which is all
that I need defire. And afterwards, where Sujebius in/. 7.^.32.
again mentions two Bifhops in one City, he obfervesy
that in one of his Copies, the Scholiaji lus this note up;
on it in the Margin, A)*"7™^^** mvwmifvonswwe&^here
alfo there were two Bifiops of one Church. Vaiejiw adds,
the Scholiaji nnderjiands Alexander, who w#$ Tiij/wp of
]exufalcrmtogether with Narciflus.
The
The next inftance is oiTheotecnus and Jlnatotius
who were Bithops of Cafarea together. Againft this he
hath little to fay, I fuppofe becaufe nothing can be (aid
againft it in reafon. Only he feems willing that Anato-
lius (liould pafs but as Epifcopus dejignatus^ whereby iF
he mean one, who is not yet aftual'ly a Bifhop, but de-
figned to be one hereafter, as Eradius was by dugujiine,
it is inconfiftent with what Izufebius fayes and hirnfelf
quotes, but one line before, viz. that Theotecnus or-
dained him BiJJjop in his life-time , for if he was not
actually Bifhop after he was thus ordained, he was never
m Euftb. 1. 7. Bifhop at all m.
c-l2- Another inftance was of ^lacarius and ^Maximns
both Bifhops at once otjcrufalem.
He would not have ^Maximus to be Bifhop while
ZMacarius lived, becaufe it is (aid he was to rule the
Church after his Death.
But £Maximus was to govern the Church not only
after his death, if he furvived him (as he was like to do
being much younger) but while he lived 5 and fo did
aftually together with him, ™wsp£d«/3 which denotes
n^./.2.f.i9.theexerci(e of the fame Fun&ion together n : befides
the Hijiorian fayes, ^Maximus was before this ordained
Bifhop ofDioJpolis, and if he had officiated at Jeruja-
lent, where they were fo defirous of him, in a lower
Capacity =, their kindnefs to him had been a degrading
him 5 which it cannot be fuppofed they would either
offer, or he yeild to.
I alledged epiphanius, who fignifies that other Cities had
two Bifiops together, and excepts only Alexandria. To
w.hich he anfwers, that Epiphanius cannot mean that all
other Cities had two Bijfjops at a time, nor did I (ay that
he meant this, but his expreffion imports no le(s than
that it was ttfualfor other Cities to have two Biftops. Nor
is there any reafon to think that Epiphanius refj^&sonly
the
Car)
the cafes alledged $ it was quite another cafe that was
the occafion of his words 5 and diverfe other inftances
might be brought of a different nature and occafion,
though this be fufficient to (hew, that the rule againft
two bifliopsinone City was not inviolable : He adds, c I
c do not fee what advantage can be made of this paf:
4lage.
This pajpige (hews that there was commonly two Bi-
(hops in a City at once, ^Alexandria is only excepted
as varying herein from other Cities. And this is ad-
vantage enough for me, and it is enough againft him
too $ and leaves no reaibn for his pretence that it was
only in extraordinary cafes. I affirmed it could not be
Epiphanius hk meaning (as a great Antiquary would have
it) that Alexandria ww never fo divided, as thatfeveral
parties in it f/oould have their rejpetfive Bijlwps there, .and
brought feveral Inftances to evince it .• for Jo it teas di-
vided in the time of Epiphanius, when the Catholicks had
Athanafius, the Arians had Gregorius, and then Geor-
gius 3 and afterwards the cne had Peter the other Lucius,
and the Novatians had their Bifiops fuccejfively in that
City till Cyril V time.
c He anfwers however I do not fee why that learned
4 Antiquaries opinion may not be maintained againft this
* Gentleman's objeftions, he (ayes that Alexandria was s
c divided before epiphanius his time between feveral Bi-
>c (hops (I faid in epiphanius § time) it cannot be denied.
c But that is not the thing Epiphanius fpeaks ofj but that
; before the Eleftion of Theonas againft Athanafius ,
* there were never two oppofite Bifhops as in other
4 Churches.
But this doth neither agree with the one nor defend
the other 5 it agrees not with Epiphanius, but makes
him contradict himfel£ for he tells us there were two .
oppofite Biftiops at Alexandria before Theonas was cho-
fen. .
fen. For this was not till Alexanders death,but he (ayes
Tijlus was made Bifhop there by the .Avians while
o Her. Sv.yum. Alexander was living 0. And he could not be ignorant
I'huantt. ofwhat Sufebius declares />, that upon the divifion in
/. 3. ap. 4. ' Egypt occasioned by Arius,\n every City, n<fih&?iw mhtf
there was Biftop againft Bifiop, and People againft Peo-
ple. Nor doth it defend the Antiquary, for he (peaks
. univer(ally without limiting himfelf to the Election of
TkeonaS) &cclejiam Alexandrinam nunquam in partes fcif
Jam quorum (ingulf £pifcopum fuum habebant, that Church
was never divided fo as to have oppojite Biftops.
c Theinftances are all later than this Fad:, and there-
c fore are infignificant, (ayes he.
They are fully Significant, both in reference to the
Nff: ^Antiquary againft whom they are brought to prove that
he miftook cpiphanius^ when he would have it to be
his meaning, that Alexandria was never (b divided as
to have two oppofite Bifhops 5 for they (hew it was of-
ten (b divided : and alfo in reference to Epiphanius, they
were fb late as his time on purpofe, to (hew more un-
<jueftionably, that could not be his meaning, which
was againft his knowledge, and notorious inftances in
his own time.
But he will not deny the infta?2ce of the V^ovatians to
he fignificant, only Socrates does not fay that they had their
TiiJ/jops fuccejjively to Cyril/ time.
Nor do I fay he does 5 but he (ayes Cyrill JImt up the9
Novatian Churches there, and tool^ away all the facred
0 treajure in them^ and deprived their Tiiffjop Theopom-
pus of all he had* Now when our Author meets with
Churches, and a Biftop over them} he is not wont to
queftiona Succcjfwn, unlcfi it appears he was the firft.
4 It may be they began there after this time, for there
' is little Account in Church-Hiftory, that I know, of
* any ^ovations in Alexandria before Athana(ius7
We
(25)
We are little concerned about this, yet it may be
they began before this time, for there is no account at
all in Church Hifiory, that the Novatians began there in, or
after Athanafius his time.
I had produced evidence that many African Tiifiops
declared, in the cafe of Valerius and Aufiin, that it was
nfual in all parts, to have two Bifhops in a City at once 5
to this he anfwers, ' but fuppofc all this true, that this
c might be . maintained by the Examples of feveral
c Churches, what is it that two Bifhops may be in one
c Church ? no, that is not the matter, but that a Bifhop
c when he growes old, may appoint or ordain his Suc-
c ceflbur, to prevent the mkchiefs, that are ufially produced
c by popular Ele&ions.
If what the African Bifiops did alledge, werereftrain-
ed to that particular cafe he contends for} yet this is
enough to make good all I intend, viz. that ufially in
the antient Church, there were two 'Uifiops together in
one place. For when one is ordained Bifhop in the fame
place, when another isftillliving, with whatever defign,
upon what occafion foever this is done, yet there are
two Bifhops at once in the fame place.
I fee no reafon why this fhould be reftrained to that
particular cafie, the occafion of what the Bifhops affirm
may clear it, and that was Aujiins feruple, not to fuc-
ceed Valeria but to be made Bifhop of Hippo, while
his Bifhop there Was living, Epifiopatum fifcipere, fuo
vivente Spifiopo, recufibat, for fo there would be two
together, which he took to be againft the Cuftomof the
Church, contra morem cZcclefw 5 but they all perfwade
him that this was ufually done, id fieri fiolere, and prove
it by examples in all parts q. And Valerius his defire q Poffloa.viu
and propofal was, that jlufiin might be ordained Bifhop Awfl- ty&
of Hippo, Quifu£ Cathedra non tarn fiuccederet fed Confii-
cerdos accederet, not as one that was to ficceed him only,
but to be Hifiop together with him. E When
(26 )
When he affign9 this as the reafon of appointing a
a Succeffour, to prevent the mifchiep that are nfitally pro-
duced by popular elections, he (peaks his own fence, not
theirs 5 for they were better advifed than to brand the
general pra&ice of the ancient Church as mifchievous,
and how this fuggeftion becomes one, who undertakes
to write a vindication of the primitive Churchy let him-
felf confider. Others may judge it, a more intolera-
ble Jefleftion upon the univerfal Church in the beftand
after times, than any £M. 13. can be juftly charged
with. However the reafon affigned for it by 'Vojjido-
nius is another thing than appears in this Authors whole .
account, it was becaufe Valerius feared left fome other
Churchy flwuld feeh^ him for their BiJIwp, and get a per-
fonfo approved, from him.
Whereas in fine he fayes, c Thefe Cafes (pecified
* were not thought to violate the Rule that allowed but
c one Bifhop to a City. Yet it was thought fo by St,
yiufiin, when heexcufes his fuffering hiitifelf to be made
Bifhop with Valerius, by this, that he knew no: it was
forbidden by a rule of the V^Qcene Council, Quod Conci-
lio ^Qceno prohibitum fuiffe nefciebam, and gives this as
the reafon why he would not fo ordain Eradius.
Next he would prove, that this provision for a Suc-
ceffour does not dejlroy that 7(u!e, by an inftance, I need
not tranfcribe it at large, the fum of it is this, when the
Government is ^Monarchical, if it fall out once Cin many
Ages, as it did in England once in above 500 years)
that another King be crowned, beftdes him who hath the
Throne } yet it will be true enough, that it is the rule of
thoje Kingdoms to have but one King. To which I fay
briefly, if it be ufual to have two Kings in fuch a Go-
vernment, it will fcarce be thought true, that it is the
inviolable Ttyle of thofe Kingdoms, to have but one
King. And then how this inftance will fate his pur-
pofe,
pofe let thofe judge who take notice, that, I have al-
ready proved it ufaal in the antient Church for Cities
in all parts to have taw Tiifiops at once.
From pag. 12. he paffes to pag. 23. To (hew there
were more Bifhopricks than one in the Region or Dio-
cefs of Hippo I brought feveral inftances 5 and might
have produced more, but that I confined my felf to
thofe which the learned Dean alledged to the contrary.
Fujfala is one of them5 and that alone this Gentleman
takes notice of. St. Auflin calls it Cajlellnm diverfe
times in one Epiftle. He finds fault that I tranflate Ca-
ftellum a Cafile. I did no more expeft to be blamed for
this, than if I had render'd Oppidum a Town. But I
(uppofe he counts it no great crime, fince he runs into
it himfelf and in a few lines after calls it a Cafile.
c But thefe Caftles, fayes he, were Garrifon Towns,
cwith a good dependance of Villages belonging to
c them.
They were Fortreffes, and fbmetimes had Villages
depending on them, and might contain fo many build-
ings as there are in fome Village or little Town 5 how-
ever he calls them Cajiles, and may give me leave to
do (b too.
He adds, cc It was 40 miles diftant from Hippo, and
c was in St. An/lines Diocefs, and never had a Bifhop of
its own.
It is faid indeed to belong to the Diocefs of Hippo,
but I do not find it faid to be in St. Auftines Diocefs or
Bifhoprick 5 thefe are two things and (hould not be
confounded. When it is faid to belong to the Diocefs of
Hippo, fb farr diftant, Diocefs is not taken as an £ccle-
fiafiical fenfe as it is with us, for part of a- Countrey
under the Government of 0#e Bifhop 5 but as it wasufed
in Africa in a civil fenfe, for part of a Province, without
refpeft to one Bifiop, or to any one Bifoop at all. Some
E 2 parts
(28)
parts there call d DiocefTes had no BiJI)Ops,t;or were to haze
i con. earth. 2. any by Decrees of the African Councils r. Other places
fr?c'.S$z.°dl A^~ ca"Cc^ a Diocefs had more Bifhops than one. T^ctilian
(ayes, that in the place where his Collcgue Januarius
was Bifhop there were 4 Bifhops befides, all five in una
{coii.cartb.D.i Diarcfi s. And thus it was in many other places, parti-
jtoB.117, cularly in that called the Diocefs of Hippo, as I fhew'd
by diverfe inftances, and St. Aufiins own Teftimony.
Hereby it appears that in Africa, a Diocefs and a
Ttifjopricl^were not the fame thing, though they be
wjth us. There were diverfe Dioceffes and no Bifhop-
ricks and many Bifhopricks where but one Diocefs 5 fb
that Fujfala and 20 other Caftlesand Towns might be in
the Diocefs of Hippo, at 40 Pities dijiance or more 5 and
yet St. Anflins Bifhoprick, not one jot the larger for it,
nor he more a Diocefan.
Whereas he adds, that it never had a Bifljop of its own.
It is unqueftionable that Fujfala had a Bifhop of its own
in Aufb/s time 5 and this renders it wholly unfervice-
able to their pur pofe \ for the Bifhoprick of Hippo, faid
to be of 40 miles extent, will not upon the count of
Fvffala be "40 yards larger. Nor will either of thefe Bi-
fhops, nor any other inthat Region be Diocefans 5 un-
lefs there can be two Diocefans, and I know not how
many more, move Diocefs.
I affigned this reafon, why Fuffala had not a Bifhop
iborier, becaufe Auflin declares, there vcas net one Catho-
lichjn it, and fuppofed this might ferve the turn, not
dreaming that thofe who count all the people in a very
large Parifh, or in an 100 Pari (lies little enough for a
Diocefan 5 could think his Diocefs competently furnifh-
ed when he had not one Soul (or but fome few) in
communion with hirii.
He fayes, the Town or Cafile indeed had none, hut the
County belonging to it had fome 5 he will have the Terri-
tory
t 29 )
tory or Parifli depending on this Caflle to be a County.
I cannot but obferve the admirable power of a fancy
tinctured and prepofTefled. It wilPturn a Party into a
County i and a Caftlc into a County Town 5 and fincc a
County with us, was a ''Province with them, one 'Pro-
vince muft be as much as all Africa 5 and a very (mail
part oiJfytnidjfa muft be far greater than the whole.
But there are fome Hypothefes, which may ftand in need
of fuch imaginations.
However he likes not my reafbn, and why .<? be-
caufe, though it had no Catholicks in it then, it might have
fome before and concludes it had, becaufe it belonged here-
tofore to the Diocefs of Hippo.
" But that it formerly had Catholicks, ((aies he) we
" may conclude by Mr. Baxters reafoning, becaufe it
" belonged heretofore to the Diocefs of Hippo.
If Diocefs be taken in a civil fenic ("as it is frequently
in African Authors ) this will be no proofj that there
had been any Catholicks in it, becaufe in this fenfc Fuffa-
la might belong to that Diocefs, though there had not
been either Chriftian or Bifhop in the whole Region:
Nor will it be hereby proved, taking it in the Ecclefi-
aftical fenfe 5 for that part of Hippo, which was under
the Don at if Bifhop, had no Catholick 3 and yet de
jure, as he tells us, belonged to the Diocefs, (as he calls
it,) or charge of St. ^fitjlin. Yet fince he allows Mr.
^Baxters Argument, he muft admit what it concludes,
viz. that a place that hath no Chriftians or Catholicks
in it, belongs to no Bifhop $ and then Fujfala never
belonged to St. Aufin as its Bifhop 5 either before it had
Catholicks,for againft this the Argument is admitted to
be conclufive .\ not after, for then it had a Bifhop of its
own. And fo all they have to alledge for the largenefs
of St. Safins Bifhoprick comes to nothing.
s<.
So
1 3° J
" So that I conceive the reafon will not hold, for its
" having no Bifhop of its own, fince the fame reafon
" deftroys its dependence upon the the Diocefs of Hippo,
" which isexprefly affirmed.
The reafon I gave for its having no Bifhop, was,
becaufeSt. ^nfiin declares there was no Catholickjntt.
This reafon will hold, unlefs they think a place may
have a Bifhop where there are no Chriftians at all 5
when as yet they judge, that a place which hath Chri-
ftians enough to make a good Congregation, or many,
ought not to have a Bifhop. Whereas he fayes this rea-
fon deftroys its dependance upon the Diocefs, I wonder
what dependance he imagines, fince it is foch, as both
the not having of Chriftians, and alfothe having of them,
deftroys it. The former he here affirms, the fame reafon
(which is its not having of Catholicks) deftroys it 5 the
latter is undeniable, for when Fujfala had a competent
number of Catholicks, a Bifhop was there conftituted 5
and then it depended no more on the Diocefs of Hippo,
than one Bifhop's Church depends on another, when
both are independent*
The dependance of Fujfala upon Hippo was (uch, as
that of a Countrey place upon a greater Town well
furnifhed with Officers for their help, to convert and
reduce the Inhabitants, and when enough are convert-
ed to help them to a Bifhop or Paftor. This St. Aufiin
did for Fujfala, he imployed Presbyters to reduce the
Donatifts there, and when they were reduced, he adds
them not to his own charge, would not have them £-
pifcopo cedere^ but advifes them to have a Bifhop of their
own, and procures one for them. This was the pra-
ctice of the primitive times, in thefe methods were
Churches and Bifhops multiplyed } it was not out ofufo
in the fifth Age, this of ' Fujjala as managed by St. .Aufiin
is a remarkable inftance thereof and if otherBifhops had
imitated
(3i )
'mitated him, as he did the Apoftles, and beft Ages,
the Church would not have been troubled with de-
bates about Diocc/ans.
That ^fuftin would not take the Charge of a Place
lb far off as Ft/Jfala, he will have it afiribed to his £Mo-
delly. But it was flich ^ModcSly as this excellent Perfon
made Conference of, being convinced certijfma ratione,
by moji certain reafon, that he was not (ufticient for it.
If all other Bifhops had been (b modefi, fo confeientious,
there might have been, as ^(azianzen fpeaks, when Bi-
fhops were multiplyed in Cappadocia, ^x^v Sa^WwxeW,
a much more defirable thing, to thofe that love Souls,
than a great Diocefs.
He gives a reafon why this muft be afcribed to St.
lAujims modejly, becaufe he di/charged the Office of a
Tlijtwp there, in more difficult times, while the presbyters
he imployed there, were barbaroujly ujed.
I need not deny that he performed the Office of a Bi-
fiop there 5 for it is the office of a Bifhop to endeavour
by himfelf or others, the converting or reducing of all
that he can. Only this will not prove FuJJala to be
then a part of his Bifhoprick, no more than it will prove
^Athanafus to have been Bifhop of Indian becaufe he
encouraged, and fent Frumentius with others thither,
to convert the Indians t. tsoc. lu c.v
The learned Dean had cited ^Aufin as calling himfelf So\* ^2-f- 2\
the Bifhop of that Diocef( underftanding by it a Region
of vaft extent J I obferved that in the Epiftle quoted he
onely faith he had the Epifcopal charge of Hippo. By
this the Gentleman changing my words, will have me to
fignifie, that he was the Bifhop ofcheTown only. This
I did not intend, but that, he was not the only Bifiop
of that whole Region. But whether he was Bifhop of
part of the Town only, or of that and fome part of the
Region alio, I am not much concerned. His words are
as
C v )
" as if he had beenBifhop of the Town only, nay, but
" of part of that neither, for the Donatifh had their
" Biftiop there : fo this will ftrangely diminifti the Bi-
" (hoprick of St. Aufiin which at firft appeared folarge.
Then/ he anfwers, for the Donatifis htving a Bifhop
there, itfigniji'es little to our prefent purpofe, (ince he wa>s
but an Ufurper.
But this fignifiesas much *o my purpofe as I need 5 for
the Donatifis having aBiftioprickin Hippo, St. ^Aufiin s
muft needs be diminiftied thereby, and altogether as
much leffened, as if they had not been Ufurpers. And
they were counted no otherwife TJfurpcrs, but (b that if
the Donatitf Biftiop had been reconciled 3 by a Decree
of the African Church he was to continue in his Bifhop-
there, as a rightful Toffejfcur, and there would have
been ftill two Diocefles (fuch as they were ) in one
Town.
He would have us believe Aufiin as if he declared,
that he was not the Bifhop of the Town only 3 but his
words are, Ut modum dijpenfationjf nte<e non fupergrediar
hoc Ecclefis ad Hipponenfim Regionem pertinenti prodeffe
contefior, which, (ayes our Author, plainly fignifies,
that all the Church belonging, not only to the Town, but
but alfb to the T^egion of Hippo, belonged to him.
But if he pleafe to view the words again which him-
felf hath quoted, he will find it plainly fignifyed, that
Auflin's Church belonged to the Region 0/Hippo, but not
that all the Church both in Town and Region, belonged to
hint. ^Antonitts Biftiop of Fuffala might have (aid this
as truly of his Church there,as Aufiin did it of his Church
at Hippo 3 it did ad Hipponenfem T^egionem pcrtinere,bc-
long to the Region of Hippo. And it may be as juftly in-
ferred from hence,that all the Church both irt the Town
and Region of Hippo belonged to the Biftiop of Fuffala.
If our Author will allow of this ("as he muft if he will
ftand
r 33 j)
ftand to hisown account of this paffage^z/tf/Z/Vs Bifhop-
rick will bejlrangely diminif/jed indeed, it muft be con-
fined to a part of Hippo, and made Iefi than I reprefent
it. For I did not fay, nor had I any need to afleit,
that he was Bilhop of the Town only. We may allow
him befides his part of the Town, diverfe Villages in
the Countrey (though I have not feen it proved) with-
out any danger of affigning him a Diocefan Church.
For Kidderminfier ("as one tells us, who very well
knows it J hath 20 Villages belonging to it, and fome
thoufands of Souls therein, yet according to our mo-
dern meafures will fcarce make a Diocefan Church u. a M. B. of £-
To (hew that there were more Bifiops in the Region rf%[e*£h Part
Hippo, than St. ^fujlin, befides particular inftances
("which he paffes by) I alledged a paffage of his where
the Donatitls were defircd to meet together with the Ca-
tholic!^ Bifhops, that were in that T^egion, and who there
fitfferedfo much hy the 'Donatiiis : to this he anfwers,
" That thefe Bifhops who are (aid to be in Regione Hip-
" ponenft, were not the Bifhops of that T^egion^ but
" fome Bifhops of the ^Province met together there.
But that thefe were Bifhops of the province met to-
gether there, is a meerconje&ure of his own, without
the leaft ground either in this paffage or any other in
that Epijile. It will not be hard to anfwer any thing at
this rate. If there had been a Provincial Council then
held in that T^egion, there might have been fome pre-
tence for what he fayes } but there is not any hint of
this in the whole Epijile. That which is defired is a
^Meeting for conference, Hoc eft ergo defiderium nojlrumy
&c. Vrimum ft fieri poteji ut cum Epifcopis nojlris pacificc
confer at is , ideo nos conferre volumus- , and the
prime occafion of it was the outrages committed in
that Region by the Donatifts, wherein the Bifhops of
that place were particularly concerned. This is figni-
F fyed,
(34)
fyed, as in other parts of the Epiftle, Co particularly in
the paffage cited, £pifcopos nojiros qnijunt in Regione Hip*
poncnji, ubi tanta mala patimur. This Meeting was to
be with the Catholic^ Bifhops upon the place, b Regione
Hipponenfi, not any to be call'd from other parts. And
thefe words feera brought in to prevent an objection
which the Donatifis might make againft a more genera],
or more publick meeting,as that which might bring them
in danger of the Laws in force againft them^An forte i(l<e
leges Imperatoris vos non permittnnt nojlros Spijcopos convc-
vire,and then immediately follows thefe words in anfwer
to h,Eccc interimipifcopos nofiros qui funt in Regione Hip-
ponenft, &c. Co that this to me feems the plain fence of
both Objection and anfwer 5 If becaufe of the Laws
you dare not meet us in a more General or Provincial
Council, yet give a Meeting to the Bifhops of this par-
ticular Region, where there can be no apprehenfion of
danger. All which makes me judge, what he fayes
concerning the Bifiops of the Province as here intended,
to be no better than an Evafion.
To prove that there was but one Bifhop in the Re-
gion of Hippo, he tells us, cc That the Clergy there cal-
" led in the Infcription of an Epiftle , Clerici Regionk
" Hipponenjium, fpeaking of the Bifhop of Hippo, do call
" him their Bifhop, and not one of their Bifhops, &c.
But the Clergy fo called, way be only the Clergy of
Hippo, and Co they are in the Title of the Epiftle Clerici
HipponeCatholici : and well may they of Hippo be called
the Clergy of the Region, both becaufe they were in that
Region,and were theClergy ofit^T «&xk"\But if theex-
preffion fhould be extended to more or to all in j:he Regi-
on,their calling him Epifcopns noJ}cr,w\\l be no proof that
they had no other Bifhop, but him at Hippo. For that
phrafe
C 95 )
phrafc Epifiopus noffer ovEpifcopi nofiri^W along in this
Epiftle, doth not denote the Bifhop of that particular
Church to which they belonged fas he would have it J
but a Bifhop of their party or pcrfoafoiu So they call
Valcntimis noftrum Catholicum tzpifcopum, who yet was
not Bifhop of Hippo. So they call them £piJcopos ?ieftros,
whom they dcfircd the Donatifts to meet once and a- -
gain ip, and thrice in another page, where our 'Author w/><#. 37?.
finds £pifcopos twtfros x. He may have many more in- x pag. 571,
fiances hereof in that Epiftle. If there was (b many
Bifhops in Hippo or in that Region, as the Clergy call
Spjjcopos nojlros, he muft grant many more Bifhops in
that Region than 1 need defire. So that this l?hrafe
however it be underftood, is a medium unhappily cho-
(en : if it be taken in my fenfe it is impertinent and can
conclude nothing for him 5 if it be taken in his ownfenfi^
it will conclude direftly againft him.
He paffes to Alexandria, and to pag. 32. Theinjlance
of Mareotis hefayes little to, fo our Author, I might
think it enough, where there was fo little occafion.
"He infinuates asifc^/rfra?/7.r might not have number
" enough of Chriftians tp have a Bithop, but this Atha-
" nafius does fufficienriy {hew to be a groundlefs con-
jetture.
I had no intention or occafion to fignifie that Mareo-
tis had not Chriftians enough to have a Bifhop, I knew
that it both had many Chriftians, and a Bifhop alfb,
and named him too 5 and therefore the groundleftconjt-
Sure may be fixed fomewhere elfe.
cc And even before Athanafius, the generality of the
" People there were Chriftians.
How long before ? Dionyfius in the latter part of the
third Age declares it 2?w^w«VU?£r5 quite destitute of
Christians y, and the gaining the generality there, to yzuftbttfj,c.i\\
the Faith, required fbme confiderable time, and it is
F 2 like
Car)
like proceeded not far, till Chriftianity generally pre-
vailed.
Befides Ifchyras, 1 had mentioned Dracontius^ both
Bifhops in the Territory of Alexandria fas Agathawmon
z4pol,2.p.6i2. alio was&) of Dracontius he takes notice, and (ayes,
pojfibly he was a Chorcpijccpus.
But a Chorepifcopus is elfewhere with him a D/<?a>
^ *, and here he (ayes that he did accept a TSiJJwprick.
Now the(e put together will go near to make a Dioce-
fan Bilhop. But then if there were two or three Bifhops
in the Diocefs of Alexandria, befides Athanafms^ they
will (carce be fo much as half Diocefons.
He (ayes Athanafius prejj'd'kimto accept it. If (b this
great Perfon was no more unwilling to have another
Bifhop in his Dioccfi and in a Countrcy place too, than
AitUin was to have one at Fujfala, He fayes further this
was an extraordinary cafe, though what was extraordi-
nary in it I cannot imagine j to prove any thing there
mentioned to be fo, will be an hard task.
"And allowing this man a Countrey Bifhoprick,
" that of Alexandria would be a great deal too bigg for
" the Congregational meafunci
And fo it might be, and yet be no Diocefin Church 5
if that will (atisfie him which is too big for thofe meafures^
he (eems content to drop his caufe, and may leave it in
the hands of ^Presbyterians. And he is in the more
danger, becaufe he (eems not apprehenfive of it, but
counts it enough if he thinks a Church is any where
found larger than one Congregation.
I had given inftances of feveral Towns that had Bi-
fhops, and were but two or three or four &c. miles
diftant one from another this he denies not : but asks
what does this conclude? might not thofe Diocejfcs be yet
much larger than one Congregation $
(37)
I might conclude that thefe were juft fuch Diocefies
as our Countrey Parifhes are 5 and had fuch Congrega-
tions as thofe Parifh Churches have. And fome of them
in time might have provifion fas fome of ours have J
for more Congregations than one. And if our modem
DioccJJes were of this proportion, they would be much
more conformable to the antient Modells.
" Suppofe the chief Congregations of Holland had
" each a Bifhop, yet I conceive they would be Dioce-
" fans,though thofe Cities lie veryclofe together.
He might have laid the fcene at home, where we are
better acquainted, and fuppofed this of our Countrey
Towns 5 or of both the cf.iefi and lejjer Towns in Hol-
land 5 if he had defigned what would be moft paraUel.
But to take it as it is formed, though thofe Cities lay
not further diftant, and had each of them a Bifhop, yet
if their Churches were governed in common by Bifhop
and Presbyters, as the antient Churches were 5 they
would not be Diocefan, but more like the Model of the
Churches and Government which Holland hath at pre-
fent.
cc And now after all this, though we have feveral in-
" fiances out o(Egjrpt, how near Cities were together
"in fome parts, yet upon the whole account the Dk>
" ceffti do appear to be large enough, from the num-
"berofthem.
He would have us think where Cities arey& near toge-
ther (as I had (hewed) yet becaufe of their number the
Dioceflcs might be large enough. But where they
were fonear together, they could not be large enough
to make any thing like the modern Dioceffes, no, no?
larger than our Countrey Parishes if they had Bifhops
in them. And the Ancients thought themfelves obliged
by the Apojlles rule to have a Bifhop, not only in fome
but in every City, ftmJimvZfti'inHJSv % fayes Chrjifi-*
Home*
C 38 )
b in i rim. tfome^ $ ><$ *y&*v *»'*" '®^»>»«v«W £, and Thecphilutt ex-
How, ii. preffes ^w^r by ^' t^^, without exception
of the fmallnefs of the place or its nearnefs to others.
The reafon diverfe Cities had none, was the want, or
the inconfiderable number of Chriftians in them. No-
thing but this hindered any City from having a Bifnop
in the four firft Ages 5 though the greateft part of their
Cities ( as may be made manifeft ) were no greater
than our Market-Towns or fairer Villages. And upon
this account many Cities might want Biftiops, and it
may be did fo, in Egypt particularly 5 Heathenifae pre-
vailing in many places there, even in Jhhamfyus his
time 5 for which I could produce fufficient evidence 5
but will not now digrefs (b far. Afterwards the affe&a,-
tion ofgreatnefs in fome, was the occafion of new mea-
sures 5 and orders were made that Towns which had
no Bifhops before (hould have none after : though the
reafon why they had none before was gone 5 and
thole places had as many or more Chriftians in them,
than mod Epifcopal Cities had of old.
" For in Athanafms his time there were not an hun-
cAthan.Apol.2. " dred Bifhops in all Egypt, Lybia and Teniapolk c.
I was a little furprized to read this, and fee dthana-
fius cited for it. For I knew that lAthanafim reckons
95 Bifhops from Egypt befides himfelf, at the Council of
Sardica^ and others from Africa, wherein Ljlia and
T^entapolis are ufually included $ and it was never
known that a major part or a third of the Bifhops in a
Countrey, did come to a Council at fuch a diftance as
Egypt -uwas from Sardka. It is fcarce credible that A-
th0^Ljms would fo far contradict himfelf, as to fay there
were not fb many Bifhops in all thofe three Countreys,
when he had fignifyed there were many more in one of
them. Some miftake I thought there muft be, and con-
futing the place I found it not intirely reprefented.
There
(39)
There is this Claufe (immediately following the words
he cites ) left out, «<^«* r*™* »(**< w77*70, vonc of tkefe ac-
cufed mc0 whereby it appears that the meaning of the
whole paffage is this, thervwas an hundred BiJJjopsin the
Diocefs of 'Egypt who appeared not againfi himy or that
favoured him. But thofe who favoured ytrim (whom
he calls Hufebians) and ^Melethis^ to fay nothing of Co-
luthus (for into fo many parties was that Countrey then
divided) are not taken into the reckoning 3 otherwife
it would have amounted to many more than an hundred.
Sozomen (ayes the Bifhops there, who took Arius his
part were many, ^aao/ w Zhtn-nw d, and in Atkanafius dLib.i. f.14.
there is an account of many ^MeletUn Bifhops by
name e 5 and in Spiphanius it is laid, that in every Re- e^;»/. 2.^.5 14.
gion through which <5Mcletius paffed, and /// every place
where he came he made Biflwps f (Ep, far. 6d.
The next thing he takes notice of is the defence of
Mr. Baxter's Allegation out of At ban 'aft W, to (hew, that
all the Chrijlians 0/ Alexandria (M. TJ's words are, the
main body of the Chriftians in Alexandria ) could meet
in one Church,
cc It is to be confefTed that the expreffions of that
cc Father feem to favour him, yjx* '**f\at \C^m and that
" the Church did ™U A?^/ hold all, &c.
I am made more confident by all that is faid to the
contrary, that the evidence is really fuch, as will need
no favonr, if it can meet with Juftice.
" Now fuppofe that all the Chriftians in Alexandria^
" the Catholicks at leaftwife, could meet together in
" that great Church, yet all the Diocefs could not.
All that was undertaken to be proved by the paffage
in queftion, was, that the mam body of Christians in
Alexandria adhereing toAthanajius could, and did meet
in that one Church. If this be granted nothing is de-
nied that he intended to prove. As for a Diccefm the
Countrey,
k 40 J
Countrey, if he will (hew us what, or where it was,
and that it had no other Bijhcpin 7/, he will do fomething
that may be confidered } yet nothing at all againft
what this Teftimony was maJe ufe of to evince.
He (ayes 2dly, " Suppofe this great great Church
"could receive all the multitude, yet if that multitude
" was too great for Perfonal Communion it is infignifi-
"cant.
Upon this feppofition it might be too great for an or-
dinary meeting in the Congregational way, yet not big
enough for a Diocefan Church. But the fuppcfition is
groundlefs and contradifts Athanafius who (ayes they
had Perfonal Communion, they all prayed together, and
did not only meet within the Walls, but concurred in
the worjhip, and/aid. Amen.
He (ayes 3dly, " Before the Church of Alexandria
"met in diftinft Congregations, but we are told that
" thofe places were very finally port and fir ait places.
All thefe five one, I faid, which he ought not to
have omitted. And they were Cofmal/, becaufe thofe
who were wont to meet in them feverally, fo as to fill
them, could all meet in one Church, and did fo as
Athanafius declares.
" But that they were (uch Chappels or Churches, as
"fome of our Parifhes in England have as great a num-
w ber as Alexandria, is hardly credible.
I know not how thofe places could be well expreffed
with more diminution than Athanafius hath done it, he
(ayes they were not only Jlrait and [mall, but the very
fmalleSl. If he will make it appear that our Churches
or Chappels are Ie(s than thofe that were C&xfr*™, I
(hall underftand that which I could never before, that
fomething is lej? than that which is kali of all. But he
will prove they were not (b fmall, becaufe firft the
Church 0/ Alexandria was very numerous from the begin-
ning
(40
tilng. Why it fhould be counted fo very numerous from
the beginning, I know no reafon, but the miftake of an
Hiflorian who will have a Se& of the Jem (which was
numerous in or about Alexandria) to be Chriftians.
" And if they met all in one place it muft confequent-
"ly be very large.
The ground of the confequence is removed, Vaky>is
his own Author (ayes they had but one Church to meet in,
in Dionyfius hk time, almoft 3 Ages from the begin-
ning^. If that one was large, yet it is not like that it gpsg. 64.
flood till jithanafrus his time \ after fo many Edicts for
demoliftiing of all Chriftian Churches, and a fevere
Execution of them in Diocletian s Perfecution.
" Nor is it likely they (hould divide till they were
" grown too numerous for the biggeft Meeting-place
" they could conveniently have.
It is as likely as that ^Athanafws {peaks truth, in a
matter which he perfectly knew 3 he tells us they did
divide, and yet were not too numerous for one great
Church, in which they met conveniently too 5 yea, bet-
ter than when difperfed in thofe little places, as he
fayes and proves, w*° Ci\mv nv, &c.
2dly, He (ayes, cc Though before the Umpire was con-
" verted they might be confined to litde places, and
" forced to meet Severally 5 yet zfevConfiantine became
" Chriftian, it is not likely that the Alexandrians would
" content themfel ves with fmall andjirait Chappels.
Nor did they content themfelves with thofe little
ones, for befides this built in Athanajius his time, there
was one greater than thofe finall ones finifhed in Alex-
anders time, where the body of Catholicks aflembled
with Alexander, the other places being too ftrait,
m&roPTw tLMavTWTi'matl) this is that one I excepted, when
I (aid (after Athanajius) that the reft, alljave one, were
exceeding frnaU. But is it any proof that thefe were not
G very
(40
very imall which Athanajius represents as fiich, becaufe
there was one (exprefly excepted from that number J
(bmething larger ? As for what he adds, that then every
ordinary City, built very great and magnificent Cathedrals,
it is eafily faid, but will never be proved.
" 3dly, Some of thefe Churches had been built with
a a defign of receiving as many as well could have per-
" fonal Communion in Worfhip together.
Neither will this hold, unlefs fome of thofe Churches
could have received all, which had l?erfonal Communi-
on with tAthanafim in this greateft Church 5 which he
denies, and makes ufe of to Coxjlantius as a plea why he
madeufe of the great ejl.
" As Theonas is laid by Athanafius to have built a
" Church bigger than any of thofe they had before.
Where Theonas is (aid by sAthanafius to have built a
Church, &c. I find not, nor does he direft us where it
may be found, I fuppofe for very good Reafon. In-
deed Athanafius in this Apology (peaks of a Church called
Theonas fit's like in memory of a former Bifhop of that
place) where he (ayes the multitude of Catholicks met
with ^Alexander, *wmyww£tf **£*>$&& 5 in like Circum-
ftances, as a greater multitude affembled with himfelf in
the new Church, which was greater, and pleads Alex-
anders example in defence of what he did. But Theonas
could not build this Church, for he was dead many
vears before, being Predeceffour to 'Peter whom Achil-
tuttdom *' *as and Akxander fucceeded h.
L ic, 2. " And yet this and all the reft were but few and ftrait
a in comparifon of the great multitude of Catholicks
" that were in Alexandria.
I expe&ed another Conclusion, but if this be all, he
might have fpared the premiffes } for one part of it we
affert,. the other we need not deny, only adding with
Athanafiu*, that the greateji Church was capable M*&»
&*P*i °f receiving this great multitude* But
f 43)
But here he fticks,and will wriggle a little more," But
" I conceive, (ayes he, after all this, that the expreffi-
" ons of Athanafius do not conclude that all the Chrifti-
u ans in Alexandria were met in this great Church.
That rf//and every one did come, was never imagined.
It is but the main body of the Catholicks that M.jB. in-
tends, as our Author obferves a little before.
" For the tumultuous manner in which they came to
cc their Bifhop to demand a general Affembly, makes it
" probable that not only Women and Children, would
" be glad to abfent thcmfelves, but many more^ either
" apprehenfive of the effefl: of this tumultuous proceedings
" or of the danger of fuch a crowd.
The Women he will not admit , but was it ever
known that fuch a great and folemn Affembly for Wor-
fhip confiited only of Men ? Were not the. Women in
Communion with Athanajiuss Chriftians, that they muft
be left out, when he (ayes all the Catholicks met.*? Can
all be truly (aid to affemble when the farr greater part
QVomen^ Children and his many more) were abfent £
Are not the Women in the 'Primitive Church often
noted for fuch Zeal for the Worftlip of Chrift, as made
them contemn far greater dangers, than here they had
any caufe to be apprehenfive of .<? The fuppofed danger
was either from the Crowd or the Tumult. For the for-
mer, did the Women and many more never come to Chri-
ftian Affemblies, when there was any danger of being
crowded .<? I think there was as great danger from a
crowd in TSafilifcus his Reign, when the whole City of
C. *P. is (aid to have met together in a Church with the £m-
perour, but yet the Women flayed not behind but crowd*
ed in with the men^ as Theodoras Le&or reports it, ™tm
civadpctdiim i Befides Athanajius here (ignifies the ' dan- i collttt* lib. v
ger of a crowd was in the lefler Churches, (not in this J
G 2 where
T44)>
where they could not meet but *$ *aM* 9wv%^ and fo
prefers their affembling together in the great Church as
better.
c As for the Tumults (which might have been conceal-
ed in a Vindication of the primitive Church) if there was
any thing tumultuous, it was over when Athanafius had
complyed with their defires to meet in the great Church.
And (6 no apprehenfion of danger left to women, or any
elfe, upon this account.
" And even thofe that did affemble there were too
" many for one Congregation, and was an aflembly
" more for Solemnity and Oftentation than for Perfonal
" Communion in Worfhip, and the proper ends of a
" religious Aflembly.
Here he runs as crofs, to the great Athanafius and the
account which he gives of this Aflembly as if he had
ftudied it, debafing that as more for Oftentation than for
^Perfonal Communion in Worihip, and the proper ends
of a Religious Kffembly, which Athanafius highly com-
mends both for the more defirable communion which the
Chriftians had there mWorfiip, and for the greater ef-
ficacy of it as to the proper ends of a T^eligions Sjjembly.
k ^*/.2.M3i. Let any one view the paflages £and judge. He ftts
*52, forth the harmony, and concurrence of the multitude in
worfnpwith one voice. He preferrs it before their afjem-
blies, when dijperjed in little places, and not only be-
caufe the unanimity of the multitude was herein more ap-
parent, but becaufe God would fooner hear them, *™ *}
i*.y$m © 0205 tmKxei. For if, iayes he, according to our
Saviour s promife, where two full agree concerning any thing
it pall he done for them by my Father, &c. how prevalent
will be the one voice of Jo ?7umerous a people, ajj Ambled to-
gether and faying kmen to God? and more to that pur-
pofe, by which we may perceive, htkanafus being
Judge, how true is it that this Aflembly was more for
Svlemnity
r 45 )
Solemnity and OJlentation , than for Terjonal Commu-
nion in Worflrip and the proper ends of a Religious Ajfem-
bly. And thus much to let us fee through the Arts ufed
to cloud a clear paffage alledged out of Athanafius 5 if
M. B. hid betaken himfelf to fuch little devijes, in like
Circumftanccs } our Author would have taken the Li-
berty to tell him, th it he was driven to hard Shifts.
Before we leave Alexandria I am to take notice of
what is faid by our Author^ to part of a Letter writ by
a Friend to M. 15. concerning this City and the num-
ber of Chriftians therein in Conftantiits his time. The
Writer of it obferves a grofi abufe put upon him in the
Vindicators Anfwer to it, and defires his defence may
be here inferted. It contains an argument to confirm
what was concluded from that paflfage in Athanafws
here infilled on, that the Cathoiicks then could meet in
one place. After that paffage and to this purpofe M/B.
introduced it, as is very apparent /. This our Author 1 church Hiff.
leems to obfcrve when he begins with it 5 he adds^ (ayes *ag% 9% IO'
he, to this oj Athanafius fthe very paflage mentioned J
another argument given him by a learned Friend m. And m Pag. 58,
after he hath done with it ;/, becaufe *JH. B. has endea- n Pag. 6$.
vowed to reprefent the Church of Alexandria^ inconfidera-
ble even in Conftantius his dayes, &c. And yet, how it
comes to pais I know not, it is quite out of his thoughts
while he is examining it. He was fo hafly for confuting,
that he ftaiesnot to take notice what hj was to confute,
though the intent of it be mjft plain and obvious, both
by the occafion and words of the Letter : But Forces that
fenfeonit, and makes that the defign of it} which I
was far from thinking, would ever come into any mans
Fancy, when he was awake. The words of the Letter
are thefe 5 The City 0/ Alexandria, fayes Strabo, is like a
Soldiers Cloak^ &c. and by computation about ten miles
in compafi a %d. or ^th. part of this no as taken up with
publicly
C40
fublick buildings, Temples and Ifoyal 'Palaces $ thus is
two miles and an half or three and a quarter taken up. He
anfwers," I will not fay this learned friend hath impofed
" on M.jB. but there is a very great miftake betwixt them.
But the miftake is his own, and fuch a one, as I won-
der how he could fall into it. He takes it for granted,
that the Argument is brought to prove what Chriftians
Alexandria had in Strabos time. Here is not the leaft
occafion given for this, unlefs the citing of Strabo (hew-
ing the dimenfions of that City .• but ^Primate Vfocr is
quoted too, on the lame account $ and fo as much rea-
fon to fancy the defign was to fhew what Chriftians A-
lexandria had in the 'Primates time. Jerome, Epipha-
nius, Theodoret, Socrates, Sozomen are alfo cited there }
why could not thefe as well lead him to the right Age,
which their words plainly point at, without the leaft
glance at any Age before, as Strabo alone (cited with-
out any relpedi: to the time when he writ ) fo far miP
lead him ? Nay, the 4th. age is exprefly mentioned in
the Letter $ and the numeroufhefs of the VH^ovatians
and Brians in ^Alexandria at the time intended ,
is infilled on 5 could he think any man fo ftupid, that
had but the leaft acquaintance with thofe things, as to
fpeak of Brians, and ^(ovatians in Strabos time ? But
it may be, though I would hope better, our Examiner
was too inclinable to fix an abfurd thing upon the Wri-
ter of 'the Letter 3 that he might be excufed, from giving
a better anfwer when it was not ready.
But let us hear what he (ayes to it 5 yet what can be
expe&ed to be (aid by one who makes his own dream
the Foundation of his Difcourfe .<? However let us try
if we can find any one claufe that is true and pertinent in
the whole, and begin with the beft of it.
Though Strabo fayes that Temples and great Palaces
took up a 4th. or a 3d. of the City, yet our Examiner
will
(47^
will have us think there might be inhabitants there $
when Hpiphanius (ayes, as I cited him, that part was
W®*, deftitute of Inhabitants, fo he tells us 'Uruchium
was. The Examiner denies not Bruchium to be that Re-
fion of the City which Strabo fayes, was taken up with
*ublich^ Ttuildings, but adds, what all the publick^build-
ings of the Town in one T^egion .<? But who (aid all the
Publick Buildings ? This is his own fancy ftill.
" And that an outer skirt too, as it is defcribed by
" the Greek ^Martyrology in HiHarion, &c.
If he mean it was not a Part or Region of the City
Sirabo and lipiphanitts will have Credit before a Siory out
of the Greek JUtrtyrology, or him that tells it, when it
appears not in the words cited. In Strabo it is m®" part
of the City, in Epiphanins it is a Ifegion, l*i*Cs*%» igwdv* df ^ M
KhjLuiAv. For as T^onte was divided into 14 Regions, and mm p. i66i
C. T\ in imitation of it, fo Alexandria was divided into
5, whereof Bruclmm was one, and the greateft of all.
So I underftand Antmianus ^Marceliinus, who upon the
lofs of Bruchitwt faith, amiQt regionum maximam partem
qu£ Tiruchhtm apellatur 5 Alexandria loji the greateft of
its Regions, which wis called Bruchium.
u This Qpiphanits (ayes was deftitute of Inhabitants in
16 his time, and not unlikely, and perhaps deftitute of
" Publick Buildings too, for it was dejiroyed after an
£ obftinate (lege in the Reign of htrelian as kmmtanus
" ^Marcellinus, or otClaudius as Sf/febius.
When he hath granted all that I defigned, that this
part was deftitute of Inhabitants, and more too, that it
was dejiroyed, yet he wo aid have the City no lefi, no
t7ecejjity of this, (ayes he, fare we are not yet awake j?
can a City loofe 7*?*%™? n x) r{trov rk 7ntvr©' m£/£oA« /d§&
in the Hiftorians words, a \th.yea, or a third part of its
largenefs, and yet not be (b much the lefs$ He hath no-
thing to (alve this5 but it may be, and it might bey
ground*
(48;
groundlefs farmifes, without either reafon or authority,
" They might inlarge upon another quarter, being it
"may be forbid to build Bruchium- — — they might
f dwell cloftr than before, and fo their multitude be un-
<c diminifht.
How far it is from being true, that their multitude was
vndiminiffit } and how necdlefs either to inlarge — or to
dwell clofcr, may (bon appear. The multitude muft
needs be much diminifhed in fuch a War, and a clofe
(lege of many years continuance, for fo it is reported
in chronic. both by Eufebius and Jerome 5 and it was much wafted
and in a conlumptive condition, before it was thus be-
fieged and difmantled by Claitums 2. or Aurelian.
It was greatly diminifhed in numbers by CaracaUa who
Maffacred a great part of the inhabitants. Herodian
(ayes, ^^T(^-$^67o^V(^^f«^o/^W^*, &c. theflaughter
was juch that with the jir earns of b loud, which ran from the
place, not only the vajiejl outlets 0/Nilus, hut the Sea, all
oHift.tib.4. along the Shore of Alexandria was difiolonred 0. Towards
the latter end of the third Age, Dionyfus gives an ac-
p m Eufeb. lib. count of the ftrange diminution of the Alexandrians p,
7. cap. 22. fignifying that informer dates the elderly men were more
numerous, than in his time, both young and old, compris-
ing all from infancy, to extream old age, *™ vnwav dfZ&pfyn
" However certain it is, that this City long after the
ci deftruftion of Bruchium, retained its ancient Great-
" nefi 5 and is reprefented by no Author as diminifht ei-
" ther in Number or Wealth.
This is certain no otherwife than the former, i.e. quite
the wrong way. For not long after the deftru&ion of
TSruchium, in the Egyptian War made by Diocletian up-
on Achilleus, which Eufebius, Sutropius and othersmen-
tion : It was greatly diminiffjt both in numbers and wealth.
For Alexandria after a long fiege, was taken by force
and
( 49 )
and plundred, great Execution done upon the Citizens,
and the Walls of the Town demolifhed.
A great part oft he City (fayes the Letter^ was aJfig*'
ed to the Jews, fo Strabo indefinitely as Jofephus quotes
hint, others tell us mere punctually, that their pare was two
of the five divisions ; though many of them had their habi-
tations in the other divifwns, yet they had two yh. parts in-
tire to themjelves , and this is Ifiippofe the ***©- M©" which
Jofephus fayes the Succejfors 0/ Alexander, fit apart for
tkem 5 thus we fee bow 6 or 7 miles of the 10 are dif
pofed of To this he (ayes, cc* The number of thofe
" Jews> was much leflened within a little while after %
" Strabo by an infurre&ion of the Alexandrians againft
" them.
I fuppofe he means by that (laughter of them which -
Jofephus mentions?, where 500c o were deft royed} but %%*[£ }*~u
what were thefe to the vaft number of Jews in Egypt,
which Thilo r fayes amounted to no lefi than a mil-n^t. u
lion? CAim>
" The civil Wars afterwards under Trajan and his
" Succeflbr had almoft extirpated them.
It was in 'ValeBine where thefe Tragedies were afted,
and was (b far from extinguifhing them in Sgypt or A-
lexandria, that thereby, in all probability 5 their num-
bers were there increafed 5 for being diverted of about
1 000 Towns and Garrifons by Severus (Adrians Gene-
ral) as Dion reports, and forbidden all acce(s to Jeru-
falem as drilio Tclleus in Sufebius f, this made other f£*M* CAh6'
places more defireable, thofe particularly where they
might have good entertainment as they were wont to
have at Alexandria, and what Dion Chryfoiiome (ayes,
confirms it.
But all this which he (ayes, if there were truth in it,
is impertinent 5 for the Letter is not concerned what
Jews were there near Strabo or Adrians time, but in
H the
C5o)
the fourth Age. Yet this is all that he hath to (ay to the
reft of the Letter, befides the publifhing and repeating
of his own miftake, and upon no other ground making
himfelffport with the Writer of it.
Thus he begins, by the fame rule he might havedijpojed
cfall at once, and concluded out ofStrabos divifion of the
Town, that there was not one Chriftian in it : and repeats
it thrice in the fame Page, ^(j> matter what number of
Jews or Heathens it had in StraboV dayes , it is kindly
done to provide for Chrijlians before they were in beings
furely Strabo, who makes the diftribution, never intended the
Chriftian s one foot of ground in all that division, and this
learned Friend might have fpared his little Town cf8 or
IO Furlongs, which hefo liberally beftows upon the rBifoop
^/Alexandria, before our Saviour was born , and he
tp^.^.94. is at it again feveral times in the following difcourfe t.
How defirable a thing is it to have M. T?. and his
Friend render'd ridiculous/ when rather than it (hall
not be done, our Examiner will publifh his own indi£
cretion fo many times over to effeft it. But I will for-
bear any fharper refleftions upon this Author, for taking
him to be an ingenuous Perfon, I may expeft he will be
icvereupon himfel£ whenhedifcernshiserrour^ which
1 doubt not but he will fee clearly by once more reading
that Letter.
Next he would difprove M. T3 sreprefentation of the
Church of Alexandria in Conftantiuss time, by giving a
view of that Churches greatnefs from the firft Founda-
u Pag. 61. tion of it n 5 which becaufe it may concern ihtLctter du-
ly underload, I (hall take fome notice of it very briefly.
But there is fomething interpofed, between this and the
Letter, which requires fome obfervance 5 there we may
have an inftance of this Gentleman's jfeverity upon M.
J5. and how reafonable it is 5 " His remark, (ayes he,
" upon two Bifhops living quietly in Alexandria is fo
* difeige-
C*0
" difingenuous a fuggeftion, that he hath reafon to be
" afliam'd of it,'
But what is therein this fo difingenuous andjhamefitl}
Does not Epiphanius fay this, 'and our Examiner ac-
knowledge it b i Ay, but M. B. means that there were b pag. io7.
not only two Bifhops, but their diftinci Churches in this
City. Well, and does not oipiphanim give him futfici-
ground for it .<? Does he not tell us that ^Mcletius made
Bi(hops,who had their W«* &Ktod*t in every place where
he came ? Does he not fignifie that the ^Meletians in
Alexandria had their dijiincl Churches or Meetings both
in the time of \Akxander and Athanafws ? (ayes he not
particularly of ^Meletius that being familiar "wixh^Alex-
ander he flayed long in that City* having )&** nv*Z*v <*»'
wuMtti a difiinU ^meeting with thofe of his own Tarty $
Were there not innumerable Cities in that Age which
had two Bifhops and their Churches, fbme three or four
at once (thofe of the Arians, the Donatijis, the£\W-
tians, the ^Meletians, &c. befides thofe who were ftyl-
ed Catholicks) Would this Gentleman take it well if M.
1?. fhould tell him, that he who denies this is difingenu-
ous if he know it, and hath fbme reafon to be aftiamed
if he know it not $ Ay, but Epiphanius was deceived in
this account of the ^Meletians, and miPreprefents them.
Indeed our Examiner makes as bold with epiphanius (a
Bilhop of great Zeal and Holinefs, a Metropolitan, a
famous Writer fas he does with M.-B. charging him
with much weakpefs (as one eafily impofed upon,) many
overfights, grofi miftakes, diver Je abfurd things, and fitch
Stories, that he will fcarce with worfe to his Adversary,
than to believe him c. Nor does epiphanius alone fall cP4g.u2.113.
under his cenfure in his Vindication of the Primitive &c*
Church (as he calls it) he goes near to accufe more par-
ticular Perfons ("Bifhops amongft others) of eminency
in the antient Church, than he defends 5 fo that one
H 2 may
may fufpeft his defign was, not (b much to defend emi-
nent ("Bifl)ops, as great Biflwpricks fuch as the antient
Church had none, and to run crofi to M. 5. more than
to vindicate any.
" In §t.£Marl(s time Alexandria had feveral Churches,
dEMfibJ.2 c.i6 though but one Bifhop, &c d.
What Sufebius (ayes of Churches in Alexandria at that
time, is grounded upon a miftakc, as appears, becaufe
immediately afcer the words cited, he adds, Jo great was
the multitude ofBeleivers at Marks firfi attempt there, that
Philo /;/ his writings thought fit to give an account of them,
»<$y&$* dfyuwnv $ikZm. tufcbius conceived that the
Effenes, as Scaliger, or the Tkerapeut£, as Valerius, whom
Philo defcribes, were the Chriftians of Mark's Converfi-
on 5 and there being Aflemblies of that Seft of the Jews
in T?hitis time , the Hiftorian (peaks of Chriftian
Churches at Alexandria in Marl(s time 5 but thofe who
believe that he erred in the former, can have no reafon
to give him credit in the latter. Our Examiner does
not deny that he was miftaken, but (ayes, it is not ma-
terial whether they were Jews or Chriftians 3 yet thofe who
inquire after Truth fincerely, will think it material 5
and little value a Teftimony which hath no better
ground than a miftake.
e?*£.62. The next is no better c, that is an Epiftle of A-
drian, which others are puzzled to make fenfe ofj or
(uch fenfe as can have any appearance of Truth.
That very paffage in it, which is the only ground of
our Authors Argument, himfelf acknowledges to be
falfe $ for he would fnew the Chriftians in Alexandria
to be numerous enough for his purpofe, becaufe it is
there (aid that feme (whom be takes to be Chriftians) did
force the Patriarch ( whoever he be ) to worfiip thrift,
and yet adds, there is no doubt but Adrian does the Chri-
ftians wrong in this point, for they never forced any to their
Religion.
C 53)
Religion. Will he have us to rely upon" reasoning?,
which have no better Foundation, than what is //#-
doubtedly falft by his own Confeffion ? He (ayes alfo it is
not material to our purpofe whether this ^Patriarch were
Tiifiop of Alexandria, or chief Governour of the Jews.
If (b, then it is not material with this Gentleman, either
to argue from that which is not true, or elfe from that
which is nothing to his purpofe. For if this Patriarch
was the Bifhop of Alexandria, that they forced him to
worfhip Chrift, is not true, he did it of his own accord :
and if it be not one, who was no Chriftian, that they
forced } then is not any thing in this paflage to his pur-
pofe, and Adrian's Epiftle might have been waved as a
meer im pertinency.
That which follows^ hath not the (hew of a reafon, f pag. 6$.
" the great Catcchifts of Alexandria, as T^antenus, Cle-
" mens, Origen and Heracles, did not a little advance
" the growth of Chriftian Religion in that place, <&c.
Muft there needs be a Diccefan Church there becaufe
the Catcchifts did advance Religion not a little .<?
The next concerning Dionyfius his Church meeting at
Chebron (Cephro it (hould bej and Colutlio, is already
fully anfwered, as it is offered with better improvement
than our Examiner gives \tg. It cannot eafily be ap- g^o Evidence
prehended how a larger Church meeting with Diony-forrai;'l*>&
fim^ made up of thofe banifhed with him, and others
from feveral parts of Egypt, at Cephro, a Village in Ly-
bia, a diftmct Province 5 fhould prove that he had a
Diocefan Church ifi Alexandria, to any, but thofe who
are very inclinable to believe it without proof Nor
will others underftand that D/^//;/j-<fe better proved to
be a Dioceftn by the Chriftians which came from Alex-
andria to Coluthio in ^Mareotes-^ (there being none there
befides) for the Believers in Alexandria it ftlf, were no
more than one Church could hold, as Valejins collefts
from
C54)
from this very place to our Examiners regret, Ex hoc
loco coliigitur, £tate%[qjiidem Dionyjii, tmicam aclhuc fttijjh
Alexandria Ecclejiam, in quant cntnesTJrbk il/ius fidelcs,
h Vet. in Eufeb. Orationk causa, conveniebant h.
Ub. 7. Mj>.if. jn tjie next paragraph our Examiner argues for the
great numbers of Chriftians at Alexandria , from the
multitude of Martyrs at Thebes.
" Under the Persecution of Diocletian what numbers
cc of Chriftians might be at Alexandria, may be judged
1 Pag. 64. « by tjje muititucie of Martyrs that fuffered at Thebes i,
"&c.
But here he miftakes £ufebins, who gives an account
not of the Martyrs which were *» ©«&«*, in the City
Thebes, but *? ©«&»«<&-, the province Thebak : which
W3s half ofthat large Kingdom,according to the antient
divifion of it into the upper and lower Sgypt. The Supc-
riour Sgypt was Thebak, the inferiour was called fome-
times the Delta, fometimes Egypt in a reftrained fenfe,
and this divifion in thefe terms we have \r\Eufebius(\.o go
k cap. 6. no further)a little before ^, *? enCa,iJk >&T 'A/y^w, where
he begins his account of the Martyrs in this Countrey.
Now if the Chriftians in that Provice of large extent,
and comprifing very many Cities may be concluded to
be very numerous from the multitudes of Martyrs which
fuffered there 5 yet nothing at all can be inferred for any
numbers to his purpofe in the City Thebes, by which he
would conclude their numeroufnefs in Alexandria. But
if M. t~B. had miftaken one City forfb large a Countrey
with multitudes of Cities in it, and made that miftake
the ground of his reafoning , it is like our Examiner
would have expoled him for it in his Preface, as he does
forfbme leffer matters.
i Fag. $5. In the following Paragraph /, there is a groundlefs
fiippofition, that the divifion of Alexandria into Varices
was antienter than Arms, there being no mention of it
by
r 55 j
by any antient Author : as alfo an accusation of Peta-
vius as miftaking £piphatiius his words, without any Stm. of Septra-
caufe that I can difcern in thofe words, though he tio*P-2* •
(ayes, it is plain there. That which he (ayes is plain,
the learned Dean of "'Paul's could not difcern, but un-
derftood Spiphanius as Tetavius and others did before
him. Thefe I took to be preliminaries and expe&ed his
Argument, but found it not, unlets it be couched in
the firft words.
" The Divifion of Alexandria between feveral Pres-
" byters, as it were into fo many Parifhes, &c.
But this fignifies nothing for his purpofe, if thofe in
Alexandria thus divided could all meet in one place, as
Athanafius declares they did 5 and that fo plainly that
any one will judge fo, whofe intereft is not too hard
for his judgment. Valefius Cwho had no byafs unlefi
what might lead him the other way^) underftood it as I
do 5 and exprefles it in thefe words. ( deciding the
matter fo long infifted on, againft our Author) ^After-
wards in the times 0/ Athanafius, when there were more
Churches halt by diverfe HSifhops of Alexandria, the Citi-
zens affembkd in fever al Churches fiver ally and in parcels^
as Athanafius/y ej- in his Apology to Conftantius } but on
the great Feftivals^ Rafter and T^entecoji^ no particular
affemblics were held, fed univerfi in majorem Ecclefiam
conveniebant, ut ibidem teftatur Athanafius, but all of
them affembled together in the great Church as Athanafius
teflifies.
So that there can be no pretence that the Church
in Alexandria was Diocefan at this time, unlefs thofe who
could meet together in one place might make fuch a
Church. Yet this was then the greateft Church in the
Empire fave that at T(omer) and what he adds makes
that at Rome very unlike Juch Diocefan Churches, as
are now aflerted.
u Vakiius
t 5^ J
" Valefius inferrs from the fame paffage of Pope Inro-
cc cent's Epiftle to Dccentius, which 'Vetavius brings to
" prove the contrary, that though there were feveral
" Titles or Churches in Rome then, and had been long
" before, yet none of them was as yet appropriated to
" any Presbyter, but they were ferved in common as
cc great Cities in Holland and fome other reformed
cc Countreys , that have feveral Churches and Mini-
" fters, &c.
The Advocates for thefe Churches, who affign the
bounds of a Diocefs with moft Moderation, will have it
to comprize a City with a Territory belonging to it 5 but
there was no Church in the Territory which belonged
•to the Bithop of Rome, he had none but within the
City, as hinocentius declares in the cited Epiftle, where-
as now the greateft City with a Territory larger than
fome antient Province is counted little enough for a
Diocefi. Further it is now judged to be no Diocefs
which comprifes not very many Churches with Presby-
ters appropriated to them $ but he tells us none of the
Churches in Rome were appropriated to any Presbyter,
but they were ferved in common. How ? as greater
Cities in Holland and fome other reformed Countreys,
and then they were ruled in common as thefe Cities are..
The Government of many Churches is not there, nor
was of old, ever entrufted in one hand 5 and thus the
Biftiop of Ttyme was no more a Diocefan than the Pres-
byters of that City.
He concludes m with two AfTertions which will
neither of them hold good. The firft that it is evident
out of Athanafius how the Bifljop of that City had from the
beginning feveral fixed Congregations under him.
This is fo far. from being evident in kthanafws, that
he hath not one word which fo much as intimates that
the Bifhop of Alexandria from the beginning had any fuch
Congregations under him. » The
C57)
The other is that thofe of ^Mareotes tnuft he Juppofcd
to receize the faith almoli as early m Alexandria.
How true this is we may underftand by Dionyfius
Biftiop of Alexandria towards the latter end of the third
Age, who declares that then iMarectes was *f »f*©- «*«Av
qurii) <rjv£<iiw<Lvfyc!>7mv tr^ it was fo far from having any n Eufeb. t. 7.
true Chriftians in it, that it had none of our Authors c-lu
oldchrijlians, i. e. virtuous, good men 0. Nor is it like- °'* 6o'
ly that the faith was there generally received till many
years after 5 and therefore not almoft fo early as Alex-
andria, unlefs the diftance of above 200 years will con-
fift with his almofi. For Alexandria received the Faith
by the preaching of Mai\, who arrived there, (ayes
Sujehius, in the 2d. of Claudius /?, others in the 3d. of Pcbr§*' Ehftb-
Caligula q. But in the time of Dionyfius it dotH not ap- q chron. Aitx.
£ear that Mareotes had fo many Chriftians, as Biftiop
Ifchyras his Church there confifted o£ though thofe were
but (even, * ***» W\* w »w^»r %%v r. But enough r ^&a». jpok
of Alexandria, though our Author is far from bringing a-w-^s-
enough to prove it even in the 4th. age a Diocejan
Church. He may be excufed for doing his utmoft to
this purpofeDconfideringtheconfequence of it,for if this
Church was not nowfo numerous zstobzDiocefanjt will
be in vain to expeft a difcovery of any fuch Churches in
the whole Chriftian World in thofe times 5 for this is ac-
knowledged to be the greateftCity and Church in the
Roman Smpire nextto Rome. So that there cannot be fo
fair a pretence for any other inferiour to this, fiich as
JeritJalem,Carthage,Antioch,&c.m\ich\efs for ordinary Ci-
ties, which were 10 times lefs confiderable than fomeof
the former, as may be collected from what Chryfejiome
fayes of one of them «^^ wfosa* vivimf <h>vA-nvvbjj £?*4<#3 that
it was able to maintain the poor of ten Cities/ fa Mat. hoik.
So far the Writer of the Letter. Let me now return ^'
to our Authors "Preface 5 To (hew that the Chriftians
I in
( 53 )
in Alexandria adhereing to ^thanaflus were not Co ex-
ceeding numerous as is pretended, * and not to be com-
pared with the Chriftians now in London, I had (aid,
that the greatefl part of the Inhabitants of that City were at
this time Heathens or Jews 5 ofthofe who paffed for Chri-
u P&. 34« fiians, it is like Athanafius had the leffer flure u, the No-
vatians and other SeUs, the Meletians efpecially, and the
Arians, did probably exceed his flocks in numbers, it may
be the Arians there were more numerous. This laft claufe
f which appears by theexpreffion, I was not pofitivein^)
he alone fixes on, and would difprove it by a paffage
out of \Athanafm. But the Greek is fal(e printed, and
and the (enfe defe&ive for want of fbme word, and fo
no Judgment can be well paffed thereon, unlefs I (aw
it 5 and where to (ee it he gives no diredion. My con*
cern therein is not (b great as to fearch for it through (b
voluminous an Author. It willferve my turn well e-
nough, if the Jfrians were but very numerous, or as
w Uk. 1. CT4: sozomen expreffes them, «t*Aiyw &'& *S *** w, which
cannot be denied, though they alone were not more
numerous. The laft thing he would take notice of, is
the Dioce(s of Theodoret, but this is remitted to the
Dean 0/ Paul's, yet one thing he fayes he cannot omit 5
though fome may think that he had better have paffed
it (as he had many other things) 5 than being (b much
in hafte, to flip at almoft every line, as he does in thofe
ft w which concern it.
Iftheje 800 Churches, not 80 as this Gentleman reckons
them ("it was not he but the ^Printer that (b reckoned
them, as the Errata fhewj belonged to him as Metropo-
litan, and they were all Spifcopal Churches (I never met
with any before, that took them for Spifcapal Churches,
and how he (hould fall into this miftake I cannot ima-
gine 3 I will not believe that he creates it, to make
himfelf v/ork) this poor Tfegion of Cyrus would have more
Tlijljops
C 59 )
Biflwps than all Africa (not Co neither, for by the f&&
fercnce at Carthage, and the abbreviation of it by St. An-
Jlin, much more to be relyed on, than the ^Qtitia
publifhed by S(mond, which is neither confident with
others, nor with it fel£ Africa had many more Biftiops
than 800) notwithfianding they were more numerous there
than in any part of the World befides. Nor will this pafs
for true with thofe, who take" his own account concern-
ing their numbers in Africa (which he reckons but \66 Vhdit*t»n
taking in thofe of the Schifmaticks too 3 about 66 for
each Province one with another, counting them as he
does Jeven :) and the account which others give of their
numbers, in the antient T(oman Province, the King-
dom 0/ Naples, the IJland Crete, Ireland, to fay nothing
of \Armenia, and other parts of the World.
That which follows, is I fuppofe, inftead of an An-
fwer to the other part of my difcourje concerning the po-
pular ele&ion of Bifhops, which this Gentleman was as
much concerned to take notice of, as of the few pat
fages he hath touched in the former part9 why he did
not I will not enquire further, but fatisfie my felf with
what is obvious 5 efpecially fince he tells us he intends a
difcourfe of fuch a Subjeft. If in this defigned work
he Satisfies roe, that it was not the general pra&ice of the
antient Church, for the ^People to concur in the choice of
their Bishops, he will do me a greater difpleafure, than
the confutation of what I have writ, or any other that I
can fear he intends me 5 by taking me off from further
Conversation with antient Authors, as perfons by whofe
Writings we can clearly know nothing. For if that
point be not clear in Antiquity. I can never expeft to
find any thing there that is fo.
I intended to conclude this difcourfe here, without
giving the Reader further trouble 5 but considering
there are mifapprehenfions about the Subjefl: in que-
I 2 ftion
(6o.)
ilion,thofe being taken by diverfe, for Diocefin Churches
which indeed are not fuch, and arguments ufed to
prove themfb which are not competent for that pur-
pofe, f of which there are many inftances, as elfewhere
lb particularly in the latter end of this Authors dip
courfe ) : I thought it requifite for the rectifying of
thefe miftakes, and to (hew the infufficiency or impcr-
tinency of fuch reafbnings, to give an account what
mediums cannot in reafon be efteemed, to afford com-
petent proof of Diocefin churches.
In general, Thofe who will fitisfy us that any
Churches, in the firft Ages of Chriftianity, wereD/^-
fin, fhould prove them to be fuch Diocefin s as ours are,
as large or near as large} otherwife what they offer,
will fcarce appear to be pertinent. For the rife of this
debate is the queftion between us, whether the Bifhops
of thefe times be fuch as thofe in the primitive Church.
This we deny, becaufe modern Bifhops will have another
fort of churches or Diocefes, than were known in the beft
Ages. Not that we rejeft all Diocefes or Diocefin
Churches, for both **d?'*"* and toeUnw are ufed by the
Antients for fuch Churches as we allow. It is thofe of
a later Model, that we approve not, as vaftly differ-
ing from the antient Epifeopal Churches. The modern
Diocefes, and Churches thence denominated are ex-
ceeding great and extenfive, confifting of many feores,
or many hundred particular Churches, whereas for the
three firft Ages we cannot find 3 Bifhops that had two
particular Churches in his Diocefs, nor in the 4th. one
in 50 (if I may not fay one in a hundred) that had
more. So that the difference is exceeding great, and
more confiderable in the confequence thereof which I
had rather give an account of in the words of the very
learned D. St. than mine own. Diocefes generally, fayes
he, in the primitive, and tlaftcrn Churches were veryfmall
and
(6i)
and little, as far more convenient for this end of 1 1 em in
the Government of the Church under the Bifiops charge x, x imf.n*.
and elfewhere, Difiipline, (ayes he, was then a great
deal more flriff, Preaching more diligent, Men more ap-
pre hen five of the weight of their Fund ion, than for any to
undertake fitch a care and charge of Souls, that it was im-
pojfiblefor them even to k$ow, objerve or watch over, Jo as
to give an account for them y,Men that were imployed in the y pag. 332.
Church then did not cor?fult for their eafe and honour, and
thought it not enough for them to fit fill, and lid others ziV*-333-
worl[z. St.Auftin fpeaking of the 3<iAge,makes account
of many thoufand TiiJIwps then in the World a. Our tcontra Cnfcon.
^Author (eems to treat that excellent Perfon (bmething ltb' 3'
courfely on this occafion, and goes near to queftion
his judgment or veracity for it , b (bme may think this b ?*£• $34-
not over decently done ( to fay no more ) when it is
his bufinefi, to vindicate (bme antient Bifhops who need
it,to reflect upon one,(b untainted,as to need none.How-
ever fince he (ayes that Father judged of other Ages by his
own, when Dioccjes were exceedingly multiply cd c, we c Pa£ -?
may fuppofe he will grant there were many thoufand
Bifiops in the 4th. Age. Yet among (b many thoufand
Bifhops I do not expeft that any can (hew me 20 f if I
may not fay 10. J who had (b many Churches in their
Diocejs, as (bme rPluralifls amongft us may have, who
yet never pretend to have a Diocefan Church. Thofe
therefore who will make proof of fuch Diocefan churches f
as are in queftion, mad fhew us (bme in the primitive
times fomething like ours in largenefs and extent. A-
mongft the inftances produced for this purpofe by for-
mer or later Writers , I find none any thing near to
ours, (ave that only o?Theodorct in the 5th. Age. But
this in the former Difcourfe was (hewed to be fb inef-
ficient to ferve the ends it is alledged for, that I may
hope it will be preft no more for this Service.
More
(62 )
More particularly, i ft. It proves not a Church to
be Diocefan becaufe it confifts of more than can meet
together in one place, for there are Parifhes in this
Land that contain many hundreds or thoufands more
than can meet in the Parifh Church, and yet are but
counted fingle Congregations. Though multitudes in
fuch Churches be far from proving them to be Diocefan^
yet I think two inftances cannot be given in the third
Age of more in one Church than are in fome fingle Con-
gregations amongft us 5 nor many afterwards, till A-
rianifm&vA Donatifm were fuppreffed} which the lat-
ter was not in Africa till after the famous Conference at
Carthage^ Anno 4105 nor the former in other parts dur-
ing the 4th. Age 5 for though Theodofius made fome
fharp Declarations againft them and other Hereticks,
yet none but the S.unomians were profecuted, if we be-
lieve Socrates d 5 that Emperour gave not the leaft
trouble to the reft, forced none to communicate with him^
but allowed them their ^Meetings , and even in CP.
when afterwards the Arians divided among themfelves,
each party had feveral Congregations in that City e 5
both that which adhered to ^Marinus^ and that alfo
which followed Dorothius^ thefe keeping the Churches
which they had before and the other erefting new Chur-
ches.
I know there are thofc5 who from fome paflages in
i^cll',}^& Tertullianf would infer that the Chriftians in his time
were the major part of the Inhabitants in all Cities, and
fo enough not only for vaft Congregations, but forD/'-
ocefan Churches. But Tertullian was a great Oratour and
frequently ufes hyperbolical expreffions, which ought
not to be ftreined. Such are thofe infifted on, and by
regular conftru&ion they import no more than that the
Chriftians were very numerous in many parts of the
Empire. Thofe that will have them ftreined, and un-
derftood
(63) •
derftood as they found, offer great injury to Tertullian)
making him intend that which hath no warrant in any
Records of Antiquity, Civil or Ecclefiaftical, that I can
meet with. Before they impofe fuch a fenfe on him,
they ought in reafon to make it manifeft, that the Chri-
ftians were the major part of the inhabitants in fome
confiderable Cities at thai: time § when I believe they
cannot produce two inftances in the whole Empire, I ne-
ver yet could meet with one.
Our Author from thefe Oratorical expreffions flicks
not to conclude, that it is evident that the Christians
were the major part every where, but in Rome more emi-
nently Jo , and Dr. Downham fignifies that Tertullian
Jpeal{s chiefly of the City 0/Romeg, this Gentleman (ayes, g Defence l, 2,
that by hk account it is made very probable, that they were c' 5* ?' ^
the better half of the Roman Empire, and tells us, it is pg% w
certain that the number ofChriJlians at Rome was propor-
tionably greater than in any part of the Empire. Now how
fir the Chriftians at T{ome were from being the major
part of the Inhabitants, we may judge by the vaft di£
proportion between the poor in the Church at T(omey
and thofe in the whole City. Cornelius near 50 years
after Tertul/ian (when it was of more growth by half
an Age) reckons the poor of his Church to be 1500 $
whereas out of Suetonius and others, the poorer forts of
Citizens, qu£ e publico vi&itabat^ are computed to be
32000O £. hlippusde
JVlany take occafionfrom the thousands converted at Mag.^Rom.i.$*
Jerufdcm, Acts 2. and 4. to conclude the vaft number ca^ 2"
of Chriftians and exceeding largenefs of Churches elfe-
w here. Our .Author hath nothing from Scripture for
Diocefan Churches but this, which is confiderable/ 5 ipas4$$,&c*
nor will this appear fo, if but a Cnall part of thofe thou-
fands can be counted inhabitants of Jcrufelem, and fo
fixed in that Church. And this is as dernonftrable as
any
C *4 )
any thing of this nature can be. For this miraculous
Converfion was at T^entecoSi, one of the three great
Feaffs, when there was a vaft concourfe of Jews and
Profelytes from all p arts to that City. Thefe converted
were not only Inhabitants of Jerufalem but Forreigners }
and in all reafbn more of thefe proportionably, as they
exceeded the Inhabitants in number. And then thofe of
the City will fcarce be a 20th part of the 5 or 8cco
Converts. For the Forreigners that refbrted to Jerufalem
at thefe great Solemnities are reckoned to be three mil-
kjofepbde Bel. lions, ** Sa*t7« Tf/ajworV ^tajtav ^ whereas the Inhabi-
Lf.au.Ub'2' tants°f ^at City were but about an 120000 wifJ «&'«&**
pvitdft^ butofthiselfe where more fully.
The Author of the Vindication will not have fb great
a part of thofe Converts to be Stranger j, and to return
home when the Feaft was over, and afligns fbmething
like reafbns for it.
" ift, That the Scripture gives no countenance to this
" Conje&ure, but fayes all thofe ftrange Nations were
<c Inhabitants of Jerufalem, and the Original word in-
cc clines moft on this fide.
That he fhould fay the Scripture gives no countenance to
thk, is fbmething ftrange. It is plain in Scripture, that
God injoyned the Children of IJrael to repair to Jeru-
falem from all quarters of the Countjcey where they
dwelt thrice a year, for the obfervance of the three
great Feajis. And it is apparent alfo that they were
wont to come up to Jerufalem at thofe Solemnities, both
Tews and Profelytes «^*to 7id^a. ffi/vsto*v$*<m.t7itt<m.tti{t yvkcuf/p
*; vSpiMta. And it is evident in that Chapter cited,
Ac7s 2. The Fcaft of Pentecoft being come, there was a
refbrt of Jews and Profelytes from all thofe parts of the
World to this City. Ay, but the Scripture fayes, all
thofe Strange Rations were inhabitants of Jerufalem.
He
C 6* )
He can't judge that the Scripture fayes this, but upon
a fuppofition that the word wMrfrrx, Acts 2. 5. can
fignify no other thing than inhabitants, but this is a mi-
ftake, for the word denotes fuch as abide in a place, not
only as inhabitants, but as fir angers or Sojourners. Thus
Dr. Hammond will have it tranflated abiding , rather
than dwelling b, thofe that were there as strangers c, and b m lot.
here expreffes thofe abiding at Jerufalem, to be Jews c ln Aa* 10'2'
which came up to the Feafi of the PaJ/eover, and T>rofe-
Ijtes which had come from feveral Rations of all Quarters
of the World. Thus alfo Mr. ZMead d, for the word &i*Exercit.i*
^twxSVtk, faith he, which 1 tranjlate fejourning rather '*
than dwelling (for Jo I understand it, that they were not
proper dwellers, but fuch as came tdworjhip at Jerufalem
from thofe far Countreys, at the Feafi of the Pajfeover and
Pentecoji, and Jo had been continuing there feme good
time) it is true that in the ufual Greeks, onuo and ^twxa*
fignffy a durable ntanfwn, hut with the Hellenifls in whofi
Dialed; the Scripture Jpeafyth, they are ujed indifferently
forafiayofajhorter or longer time, that is, for tofojourn
as well as to dwell, as theje two examples out of the Septu-
agint will tnak$ manifefi, Gen. 27. 44. 1 Kings 17.20.
there w™*&v is tofojourn only. In a word °*m* and x&nma
anjwer to the Hebrew Verb 1>W which Jignifies any flay or
remaining in a place. Grotius faith it anfwers the He-
brew word which is render d not only by wmmv but
mauny, &c. adding, therefore it is not laid only of
them who had fixed their habitation, but of thofe who were
come to the City for the celebrating of the ^Paffeover or Ten-
tecofi, fiaying there fen a while. The beft and moft lear-
ned Expositors generally take it fo in this place, as de-
noting, not fettled Inhabitants, but fuch as redded there
only for a time. Indeed when this Author would have
the Scripture fay all thefe firange Rations were inhabi-
tants 0/Jerufalenij he makes it fpeak things inconfiftent.
K For
I 00 J
an occafional recourfe of ftranger?, who inhabit remote
parts or fbrreign Countreys.
If there had been more Chriftians in the Church of
Jerufalem than could meet in one place, that would be
no Evidence that it was a Diocefan Church, whereas
i An. 2: 44. the whole is (aid in the Alls to meet in one place /. He
6. 2. &c. f^h nothing to fay againft this which is confiderable,
m Pag. 441. but that the all \ may denote only thofc that wereprefent m,
and fo the fenfe will be, all that were in one place, were
in one place, if this can pleafe himfelfj I think it will
fatisfie none el(e. Let Dr. Hammond decide this bufi-
nefs, for in fuch a caufe we may admit a Party to be
n Anfwtr to L. Umpire *, What follows, faith he, of the paucity of Tie*
Miniftirs. pag. fevers, and their meeting in one place, is willingly grant-
ed by us. What they fay of the point of time, Ads 2. 41.
that believers were Jo numerous, that they could not conve-
niently meet in one place, thk is contrary to the evidence of
the Text, which faith exprefly ver. 44. that all the believers
were &* riwri, which in the laji ^Paragraph they interpret-
cd meeting in one and the fame place : the like might be faid
of the ether places, Adts 4. 3. and 5. 14. for certainly as
yet, though the number of Believers increafed, yet they wen
not distributed into fever al Congregations \
pp. 44a. 443. Concerning the difperfion, ^ftfs8.i. 0 he tells us,
" Though they are all (aid to be fcattered befides the
" Apoftles, yet it cannot be underftood of all the Be-
" leivers.
No, but of the generality of them, all that could
commodioufly fly as ftrangers might do. Nor muft it
be confined to all the Officers only, the generality of Ex-
pofitorsare mifreprefented if this be made their fenfe,
nor doth it appear that £ujebius (b underftood it, ^nreJ
is ufed in Scripture and other Writers, and Eufebius him-
fclf, to denote Believers and not Officers only. As for
the
(69 )
the time of the difperfion (though I need not infift on
it) probably it was nearer this great Pentecojl than fome
would have it. On the firft day of the week in the
morning were the three thoufand converted, the next
or ( as fome tell us ) the fame day afternoon, at the
ninth hour p, the number of the Converts was increafed p d. l.
to five thousand. While this Sermon was preaching
the Apoftles are apprehended and committed to Cu-
ftody till the next morning. Another, it is like the
day after, they are imprifoned, but enlarged by an
Angel in the night, chap. 5. In or near that week
were the feven Deacons chofen, prefently after the Di-
fciples were thus increafed and the Apoftles imprifoned
and difmiffed. The expreffion fignifies it, chap. 6. 1,
It is not k ^«<, in thofe daies which may admit a lati-
tude and fome good diftance of time, but & wW^ in
thefe dayes, which denotes the time inftant , or that
which immediately enfiies, without the interpofiire of
any (uch diftance. And fo the phrafe is ufed by St.
" Ijtkg both in the Gofpel and in the A&s. It is Dr.
" Hammond's obfervation upon Luk. 1.39. The phrafe
« c* Twj<jta< *mt w«*, in thefe dayes, faith he, hath for
" mod part a peculiar fignification , differing from
"Unwept WKa*, in thofe daies. The latter fignifies
"an indefinite time, fometimes a good way off, but the
" former generally denotes a certain time then prefent,
" inftantly, then at that time 5 fo here, that which is
" (aid of <£Marys going to Elizaleth was fure immediate-
" ly after the departing of the Angel from her, and
u therefore it is (aid (he rofe up & evMs, very haftily,
cc fo ver. 24. ^-w invrai w iut^y i.e. immediately Sliza-
" beth conceived, fo chap. 6. 12. o'mil.ai^WTB/^ j.e*
then, at that point of time he went out to the Moun-
tain. See Chap. 23. 7. c. 24. 18. Atis 1. 5. c. n, 27.
and 21.15.
Immo
Q 70 ;
Immediately after the choice of the Deacons, Stephen.
one of the Seven is apprehended *w w x«#7w<*, ^ feon
as ever he was ordained, as if he had been ordained for thfr
alone faith Eu/ebius (1.2. c. i.) And at the fame time the
Persecution began which difperfcd that Church. Where-
as he faith, c whatfoever numbers were forced away} it
c is likely they returned, if he underftand it of the fir an-
gcrs driven from Jerufalem, that they returned to fix
there, or otherwifc than occafionally3 it is no more
likely nor will be (boner proved than what he aflerts a
little after ( pag. 444. ) viz. that the empty Sepulcher
preached with no lefs efficacy than the .Apo files.
This is enough to fatisfy what our Author would
draw out of Scripture concerning the Church of J eru-
falem. After fome trifling about Objeftions which he
forms himfelf, and then makes fport with, he comes to
prove that Jerufalem was a Diocejan Church in the A-
poftles time. But firft he would have us believe that
James was the proper Bifijop of that Church, and would
evince it by two Teftimonies, that of Clemens and He-
gefippm. But what fayes his Clemens ? He faith not
only that James was ordained Ttifiop of Jerufalem pre-
fently after our Saviours jifcenfion, but what I think our
Author was loth to mention. If he had given us the
intire fentence it might have been better underftood.
After the ^fcenfion of our Saviour, Peter, James and
John, the moji honoured by our Lord, would not yet con-
tendfor the firft degree of honour, *«? %fo&)&{i&e.i J&fy^ but
chofe James thejufi TSifljop of Jerufalem, ^ipofiolorum £-
pifcopum. Ifyffinus reads it, This feems to fignify that
his being made a Bifhop there, was fbme degree of
Honour above their being Apoftles. A learned Roma-
ntfi tells us q, that the books where £ujebius had this
did fo abound with Errours, that they were not thought
worth
C7i J>
worth preferving, and fo are loft ("as thofe of Tapias
and Hegiftppus are for the fame reafon) this may prove
one inftance of thofe many Errours. That which (eems
to be the fenfe of his words is more fully expreflfed by
one who goes under the name of Clemens too r, James r l.i.Kuognk.
the Lord's Brother was *Vrince of~BiJJjops, and by his E-
pifcopal Authority commanded all the Apoflles, and fo the
former Clemens in Ruffinus calls him the TSifiop of the
Apoflles f. If he means fuch a Bifhop as ours ( and chW. 1.2.C.2,
otherwise his meaning will not ferve our Authors pur-
pofe) then the Apoflles were but the Vicars or Curates
of James. This is bad enough if James was an Apoftley
the abfurdeft Papift will fcarce aferibe as much to Teeter.
But if he was not an Apoftle, it is yet more intolerable.
If our Author can believe his own WitneG, fome may
admire, but I thiak few will follow him.
Let us hear Hegefippus f not quite fo antient as this
Gentleman makes him, fince he was alive in the Reign
ofCommodus') he (ayes, James ruled that Church wn&
™v *fm&K»t% If we take this as it is render 'd in Jerome
after the Apoflles^ it is not only againft Grammar, but
without Truth, and makes James to be Bifhop when
he was dead, for he was martyred about the 4th. of
ZftQro, and all the Apoflles but the other James furviv-
ed him. But if the meaning be that he ruled that
Church with the ^ojlles, it (peaks him no more the
Bifhop ofjerujakm than the reft of the Apoftles, who
were not fixed or topical Bifhops, but Oecumenical Of-
ficers of an extraordinary Office and Power ancl accord-
ingly ;is James defcribed. One antient Author (ayes
that he no lefs than Peter did &tT&7r1w -wt qdl^k *t>*.
J%<L&ujt And Spiphanius reports t, that Hyginus after t Hires, ctrdon.
James, Teeter and TW was the ninth Bi/ljop of Rome
fucceffively, fignifying that he was as much Bifhop of
Rome
(70
Tfyme as Paul and Teeter. I need not quote that other
Author who fayes he ruled the holy Church of the Hebrews,
u Ep. to Jams, as alfo he did all Churches every where founded u.
M However certain it is that James was Bifhopof jfe-
" rujalem, not only from Hegijlppus and Clemens ^Alex.
u but alfb from St. Paul, who mentions him as one of
" the sfpojlles that he had Converfed with in Jerufalem,
" and it is likely there were no more there at that time
" but he and *Petcr.
This is no way certain from Clemens and Hegefippus,
and fb far from being certain by St. Paul, that his men-
tioning him as an Apoftle makes it rather certain that he
was not a Bilhop $ for the Offices of an Apo(lk and of a
BiJIwp are inconfiftent, as is acknowledged and proved
w Dr. Bmow by an excellent Perfon of your own. w " The Offices
sufrmtMo, aofan Apoftle and of aBiftiopare not in their nature
" well confident, for the Jpojilefoip is an extraordinary
" Office, charged with the inftru&ion and Government
" of the whole World, and calling for an anfwerable
" care ( the Apoftles being Rulers, as St. Chryfijiom
a faith, ordained by God, Thiers not taking fever al Na-
" tions and Cities, hut all of them in common intruded
"with the whole world ) but £pifcopacy is an ordinary
" ftanding charge affixed to one place, and requiring a
" fpecial attendance there, Bifhops being Paftors who,
cc as Chryfoflome faith, do jit, and are imployed in one
"place. Now he that hath fuch a general care can
cc hardly dilcharge fuch a particular Office, and he that
" is fixed.to fb particular an attendance,can hardly look
" well after fb general a charge, &c. Haronius faith of
" St. Peter, that it was his Office not to flay in one place,
" but as much as it was pojfiblc for one man to travel over
" the whole world, and to bring thofe who did not yet believe
"to the Faith, and throughly to eflabliJI) believers. If fb
" how could he be Biftiop of Rome, which was an Office
in-
(73)
" inconfiftent with fuch vagrancy. It would not have
" befeemed St. rPeter the prime Apoftle to alTume the
" charge of a particular Biftiop, it had been a degrada-
" tion of himfelf, a difparagement to the Apoftolical
cc Majefty for him to take upon him the Bifhoprick of
" Rome, as if the King ftiould become Mayor of London,
" as if the Bifhop of London ftiould be Vicar of Pan-
"crM. And little before, St. Peters being Bifhop of
" Rome (it holds as welI'of]amQss being Biflwp of Jeruft-
"lemj would confound the Offices which God made di-
" ftin&,forGoddid appoint firft Apoftles, then Prophets,
" then Paftors and Teachers,wherefore StHPeter after he
" was an Apojilc could not well become a BiJIjopjt would
"be fuch an irregularity as if a Biftiop ftiould be made a
" Deacon.
" Ecclefiaftical Hiftory makes James the ordinary Bi*
" fhop and Diocefan of the place.
There is nothing in Ecclefiaftical Hiftory for it, but
what is derived from Hegejippus and Clemens, whom o-
thers followed right or wrong.
" It is ftrange to fee Salmajius run his head fb vio-
" lently againft fuch folid Teftimonies as thofe of Hege-
"Jippus and Clemens.
: That great perfbn underftood things better, and di£
cerned no danger in running his head againft a ftiadow,
and there is nothing more of Solidity in what is alledged
from thole Authors.
Further he would prove it a Diocefin Church by a
paffage in Hegejippus, who fayes, " that feveral of the
" Je™ifi Se&aries who beleived neither a Refurre&ion
" nor Judgment to come, were Converted by James^
" and that when a great number of the Rulers and
" principal men of the City were by this Miniftry
" brought to believe the Gofpel, the Jews made an
" Uproar, the Scribes and Pharifees faying, that it was
L "to
(74;
" to be feared that all the people would turn Chri-
x Pag, 445. ftians x.
He (ayes many of the prime Se&aries were converted
by James, but this will fcarce prove fuch a Diocefan
Church as he contends for. That which would fcrve
his turn (that all the people would turn Chriflians) was
not effeUed, but only feared by the Jews, who took a
courfe to prevent it by killing James. But if this were
for his purpofe, Hegefippus is not an Author to be reli-
ed on, part of the Sentence cited is falfe, that the Se&s
mentioned (and he had mentioned fevenj did not believe
the T^efurreUion nor Judgment, whereas the Pharifees
in EiM.2.c.2$. and others of them beleived both, which Valejius ob-
serves. One falfe thing in a Teftimony is enough to
render it fufpe&ed, but there are near twenty things
falfe or fabulous in this account he gives of James, ma-
y Animad. h ny of them marked by Scaligery, divers by Valejius z^
Ttoktfeu'i. and fome acknowledged by Petavius a.
cap. 25. He would not have us fufpeft that the numbers of the
l^fdHs' Church at Jerufalem were not fo great as. he pretends,
becaufc Pella, an obfcure little Town, could receive
them all befides its own Inhabitants, cc but we muft un-
" derftand that Town to be their Metropolis, and the
" Believers all Scattered through the whole Countrey,
? and this as £piphanius writes.
But where does Spiphanius write this ? Not in the
place cited, he writes the contrary both there and elfe-
bEpipb.Her.$o. where, that all the Believers fin one place V) that all
the Difciples fin another place ) immwpAn-m wncm* h
c De Ponder.& ii4aah c, what he adds is but to defcribe where the
MmJ.cap.11. Town wasfituated5 a]1 the Difciples, all the Believers
dwelt beyond Jordan in Telia. Archbifhop WLitgifi
brings this as a pregnant proof that the Chriflians at
Jerufalem were but few in comparison ( and no more
than could all meet/;; one place, as a little before he af-
firms
(75;
firms again and again ) his words are how few Chri-
" ftians was there at Jerufalem not long before it wasde-
" ftroyed, being above Forty years after Chrift £ Does
" noxEnfebius teftifie d that they all were received into a d L*^s- ^ ;
" little Town called Te//# ? yet the Apoftles had fpent
" much time and labour in Preaching there } but the
" number of thofe that did not profefi Chrift in that
" City was infinite e. This might be farther cleared by t Defence of *.
what Spiphanius faith of that Church in its return from $ir£"i' f '
Pella, but I defign briefneis.
Our Author adds one Teftimony more, to (hew that
under the Government of Simeon great numbers were
" added to that Church, many thoufands of the Cir-
<c cumcifion receiving the Chriftian Faith at that time,
" and among the reft Jujlus, &c. pag. 448.
But thofe who view the place in Sufebiits will fee,
that he does not fay thofe many of the Gircumcifion
were converted by Simeon^ or were under %is Govern-
ment^ or belonged to that Church 3 and fb it fignifies
nothing for his purpofe. And fb in fine, the account
wherewith he concludes his Difcourfe of jerufalem will
not be admitted by any who impartially confider the
Premifles.
As for his other Scripture inftances, there is not fb
much as the fhadow of a proof {hewed by him, that
there were near fb many Chriftians as in Jerujalem, or
as are in fbme one of our Parifties, yea, or more than
could meet in one place, either in Samaria ("where he
fay es'it appears not what kjnd of Government was eSiablifi-
ed0 /tog. 451.) or in Lydda9 which was but a Village,
though a fair one, and far from having Saronfor its pro-
per Territory, that being a plain between Joppa and
Cajarea$ or xn^intioch, pag. 452. muchlefs in Corinth
and Ephefus which he advifedly pafles by, pag. 456.
L 2 Our
(7*)
Our Author does in effeft acknowledge that in Scrip*
ture it appears not that thefe Churches were Spijcopaf,
much left Diocefan -0 " It is to be confeffed, faies he,
" pag. 461. that the Scriptures have not left fo full and
" perfect an account of the Conftitution and Govern-
"ment of the/r/? Churches, &c. Thus we have no
" more notice of the Churches of Samaria and of]ud<ea
" (]erufalcm excepted) than that fach were founded by
" the Apoftles 5 but of thdr Government and Conftitution
<c we have not the leaft Information. What information
then can we have that they were Diocefan or Epifeopal j?
He goes on, " And the.profpeft left of .AntiochmScvvp-
" ture is very confufed, as of a Church m fieri, where a
" great number of eminent perfons laboured together
" to the building of it up 5 but only from Ecclefiaftical
a Writers, who report that this Church, when it was
" fettled and digefted, was committed to the Govern-
cc ment ofSuodw, and after him to Igratius, &c. So
that after what form the Church at Antioch was confti-
tuted does not appear (It may be Congregational and
not Diocefim, for any thing this Gentleman can fee in
Scripture J but only from Ecclefiaftical Writers.
But his Ecclefiaftical Writers do fo contradift one ano-
ther as renders their teftimonies of little value. Nor is
there much more reckoning to be made of the traditi-
onal account they and others give concerning the SucceP
lion and Government of the firft Bifhops, than this Au-
thor makes, of Eufebius his traditional Chronology, pag.
454. Some make Suodias the firft Bifhop and he being
f Eu<eb.!.$.c.22. dead Ignatius to fucceed him/5 on the contrary fome
will have Ignatius to have been the firft, and make no
%cbrtf.oht.in mention of £«odmg$ others will have them to have
if ctmens con- governed that Church both together h 3 fome will have
fto*f./.7.*4<5. Euodim ordained by Peter, and Ignatius by Taut, o-
thers report Ignatius ordained by Peter, and fome mo-
dern
C 77 )
dern Authors of great eminency, both Proteftants and
Papifo ("not only Baronius but Dr. Hammond') find no
more tolerable way to reconcile them, than by aliening
that there were more Biftiops than one there at once,
which quite blafts the conceit of a Diocefan Church
there.
And what is alledged for the numbers of Chriftians
there, to fipport this conceit of a Diocefan Church, is
very feeble, pag 452, 453. A great number believed,
^Atisw a 1. and inch people, ver.i^. The next verfes
{hew, that the :re were no more than Vaul and Barnabas
aflembled wit a one Church} meeting «* rf gh,xkw&j
for a year together, and there taught this Ik&Iv or m*>w
oxw. The feme divine Author (ayes, ufffs 6. 7. ™*rft
fXt&y a \ great Company ofthePrieJis were converted, and
will this Gentleman hence conclude that there were
Priefts enough converted to make a Diocefe?
He hath no ground from Scripture to think otherwife
o£Tfyme ("that we may take in all his Scripture inftan-
ces together ) however he would perfwade us that
there were feveral Congregations there in the Apo-
ftles times. Let us fee how. " By the multitude of
" Salutations in the end of that Epiftle he makes appear
"the numbers of Chriftians in that City. Salute *Prtp
^ cilia and Manila with the Church that is in their
cc houfe.
The Dean of T>auh will have this Church in their
houfe to be but a Family, this Author will have it to
be a Congregation, a$ if it might be either to ferve a turn.
I think it was fuch a Congregation as removed with
*Aqiiila from one Countrey to another, for this Church
which was in their houfe at Ephefus before, (1 Cor 16.)
is faid to be in their houfe at Ttyme, Rom. 16. that is,
there werefome of the Church which belonged to their
y Family,
C 78)
Family. It is a queftion whether there was now at
Ttyme any one Congregation fuch as our Author intends,
Grotius i thinks it probable there was none at all. But
let us fuppofe this to be a Congregation, where finds he
his feveral others ? why where another perfon would
fcarce dream of any ? " It is not improbable, faith he,
" that feveral that are mentioned with all the Saints that
" aye with them, may be the Officers of feveral Congre-
gations, f*£- 457- 458.
But it is manifeft that in the Apoftle's times one Con-
gregation had many Officers, how then can feveral Of-
ficers be a good Medium to prove feveral Congregati-
ons I The antient Authors which count thofe Officers
(mentioned Rom. 16.) do make them Tliffjops ("and
fome except not V^arcijjus nor Trijca, i. e. Vrifcilla^
tho' her Husband alfb hath an Epifcopal Chair affigned
him) Now if they were not Bifhops at Rome but other
places, they are alledged to no purpofe 5 if they were
Bifhops at 7(ome, there will be very many Bifhops in
that one Church (it may be more than Vrifcillas Con-
gregation confifted of) which rather than our Author
will grant, I fuppofe he will quit his plurality of Con-
gregations here. Indeed what he adds next doth no
waies favour them, and this number was afterwards in-
cc creafed confiderably by the coming of Paul, who con-
cc verted fbmeof the Jews, and afterwards received all
" that came, whether Jew's or Gentiles, and preached
" to them the Kingdom of God for the fpace of two
" whole years, no man forbidding him, fag. 458.
Vanl preached at Rome in his hired houfefor two years,
all this while he received all that came to him 5 there is
no queftion but that all the Chriftians there did come
to hear this moil: eminent Apoftle .• fb that it feems from
firft to laft there were no more Chriftians at Rome than
a private Houfe could receive.
He
(79)
He would prove what he intends from JQros Per-
"fecution, who is faid to have put an infinite multitude
"of Chriftians to death upon pretence that they had
" fired Rome, pag. 458. Tacitus fpeaks of the Chrifti-
" ans as guilty, and fa yes they confeffed the Crime, and
" detefted many others.
Now thofe who fuffered, either confeffed that they
fired Tfyme and then they were no Chriftians 5 or they
did not confefs it, and then he wrongs them intolera-
bly, and defer ves no credit. But our Author toexcufe
him (againft the fenfe of fuch who beft underftand him,
Lipjius particularly , befides 'Baronius and others )
fayes, they confeffed not that they burnt T(ome, but that
they were Chriftians. Whereas the inquiry being con-
cerning the burning of Tfome, the queftion was not
whether they were Chriftians, but whether they fired
the City, ofthislaft T^cita/ fpeaks, and will be fo un-
derftood by thofe who think he (peaks pertinently.
But for truth in thofe accounts he gives of Chriftians^
it is no more to be expe&ed than from other Heathen
Authors of thofe Ages, with whom it is cuftomary on
that fubjtdifplendide mentiri. Some other inftances here-
of we have in this report of 'Tacitus, which I fuppofe
our Author will fearce offer to excufe, as when the
Chriftian Religion is called £xitiabilts Juperjiiti&, and
when the Chriftians are faid per Jiagitia invifos vulgi
fiiffe.
But fuppofe he fpeaks truth, what is it he fayes ?
Nero put an infinite multitude of them to death, but ingens
rmltitudo, which are his words, may be far lefs than an
infinite multitude. Two or three hundred may pafs for
n great multitude, and extraordinarily great, when
that which is (poke of them is extraordinary. The
Martyrs burnt in Queen £Marys dayes were a great
multitude j and few may be accounted very many, to
fufier
(8o )
fuffer in fuch a manner, as thefc did by JQrds Cruel-
ty, Ferarum tergis conteSi ut laniatu canum interirent, ant
crucibus ajfixi, aut flammandi, atqtie ubi defecijjct dies in
ufum noUurni luminis uterentur, in the words of T&ci-
tits.
To this he adds the general account which Hufebius
gives of the (uccefs of the Chriftian faith immediately
after the firfl difcovery of it, that prefently in all Cities
and Villages Churches abounding with innumerable multi-
tudes were ajfembled^ Sec. p<<g. 459.
If he will not deal unkindly with Eujebius he mud not
fet his expreffions upon the fvack, nor ftretch them be-
yond his intention, nor forget what is obferved to be
ufual with him 5 Oratorwn more rem amplificare. Thefe
Churches confiding oi innumerable multitudes are (aid to
be not only in all Cities, b at Villages 5 now I believe it
will be an hard matter for our Author to (hew us any
Villages, even in Conjlantine's time, where there were a
Thoufand, yea, or 500 Chriftians. Thofe who will
not abufe themfelves or their Readers mud give great
allowance to fuch expreffions, and not rely on them in
ftrift arguing.
And here it may not be amifi to take notice of what
he (ayes ofltyme in another Chapter \ M. TS, had decla-
red, ihat fa found no reafon to believe that Rome and A-
lexandria had for 200 years more Chriftians than fome
London Parifties (which have 60000 SoulsJ nor near,
^ church mp if half fo many kz The chiefj if not the only argu-
^r?mdiCat' ment to prove them at Rome more numerous, is a pat
fage in Cornelius his Epiftle (hewing the number of the
Officers and of the poor, this was in the middle of the
third Age, and (b not within thefe 200 years, but yet
proves not what it is alledged for in Cornelius's time,
near .Anno 360. The number of Officers (ignifies no
fuch thing, as hath been made evident, the number of
the
p. 27.
(8*0
the poor, being 1 500 rather proves the contrary. This
was cleared by comparing the proportions of the poor
with the reft in other places, at Antiochm particular, as
was fhewed out of Chryfoficmey who reckons the poor
to be a tenth part of the Inhabitants, and if it was (b at
Rome in Cornelius's time, the Chriftians were about
1 5000. This will ferve M. I^s purpofc well enough.
But the time and circumftances being exceeding diffe-
rent, makes it mod probable, that the Chriftians then at
Rome did nothing near (o much exceed the poor in
number. It is far more likely that the proportions were
nearer that at Conjlantinople^ where Chryfoflom (ayes,
the poor was one half this would (poil all our Authors
pretentions, and fo he advifedly takes no notice of it.
However fomething he would fay againft M. T?. if
one, could underftand it. It is about the word ^tCo/^u
in Cornelius's Epiftle render'd the poor. Valcfius obferves
the word is ufed by the T(oman Clergy in an Epiftle to
thofe at Carthage^ Jive Vidua Jive Thlibomeni^ i. e. indU
gentes, (aith he, as Rufinus tranflates it, and tells us alfb
that Cyprian I calls them pauperes & indigentes qui labo-lEp. $*
rant. Thefe, (ayes our Author, were not only poory
but Jick^and difeajed^ alledging that of the Roman Clergy
for it after Valefus^ and if he mean not only the poor,
but the fick alfo and the difeafed he is right, for Corne-
lius fignifies thofe that were maintained by the Church,
Widows and Indigent whether fick or well. But when
he (ayes thefe poor were fitch only as were not able to come
abroad^ he feems to confine it to the fick and diftafed,
and then it contradi&s the former, and is without rea-
(on, againft the ufe and import of the word, as render'd
by all Interpreters former and later that I meet with, and
indeed againft common (en(e } for the number Cornelius
(peaks of is fixed, as that of the Presbyters and. Deacons^
M (ueh
(82)
fuch as may be conftantly known and a certain account
given of it, whereas the number of the fuh^ is not fixed,
but fuch a contingency as is very uncertain and various.
But Cornelius fayes in the fame Epiftle that the people
of his Church were innumerable. True, that is, accord-
ing to the frequent ufe of the word, very many ( it is
granted they were more than in any other Church) as
when Dio (ayes the Nations conquered by Trajan were
innumerable, and Socrates exprefles thole wounded in
the fight between the Chriftians and Heathen in Alex-
andria about the demolilhing of an Idol Temple were
dvafiQwiToi m, which in Sozomen is but many n ■> and ano-
m Lik$.a$. ther antient Author (ayes there were innumerable Bifljops
nub.j.c.i$. jn ^4jyica^ which yet this Gentleman can eafily county
and tells us that Schifinaticks and all were but 466 0.
opag. 131; M.T3. may allow him what he falls fhort in this rec-
koning, which is more than hal£ and may grant there
were many more hundreds of Chriftians in Rome than
any of thefe innumerable! come to, and yet make good
what he ftppofes.
The great liberality of the Roman Church is offered
as no fmall argument of its greatnefs, theyfent to a great
many Churches^ releiving thofe that were in want, and
fending necejjaries to fuch as were condemned to the Zftiines^
thus in Severu/s time,, and in the time of Dionyfus the
Provinces tf/Syria with Arabia were thereby relieved eve-
ry one, pag.ft.
M. 1?. need not doubt, but fbme one Parifh near
him might do what is equivalent to this , if the an-
tient Charity were revived, which opened the hearts
of Chriftians in thofe times further than their Purfcs
could well extend.
But the words are odly ftretched, for they did not
relieve every one in all thofe places,but fuch as were in
great want, and thofe particularly who were condemned
to
to the £Mines } and Iimim muft denote as // were the al-
fufficiency of 'the T(oman Churchy which fome would fay
is, as it were Blajphemy, but our Author meant better,
the proper import of the wrord is no more than Jlipem
conferre.
He alledges two paflages in fzujebius p, the farmer P rag. 54.
concerns not T(ome more than any other place in the
Empire, the import of it is this, not that every foul of
every fort, but that many of all forts were lead to the
Chriftian Religion, if ™w 4»w be ftretched to every
foul Suftbius is made to fpeak what is in a manner no-
toriously falfe, and monftroufly extravagant. The later
which concerns T^ome does but fignify, that more of
Good quality for Riches and Birth with their Families and
Relatives came over for Salvation q. Thefe he will have q lib. 5. c.21.
to be of the Nobility, but thofe were counted noble who
defended from fuch as had been Magiftrates in Cities
or free Towns. How this can make that Church near
fo great as our Author would have it, or greater than
M. B. fuppofes, I don1 1 underftand.
What he fubjoyns is very furprizing and muft foem && 5*
ftrange to thofe who are acquainted with the ftate of
Church in thofe times, that the Chrijiians were the Letter
half of the Roman Empire, that they were the major part
every where, but in Rome more eminently. This hath no
good warrant from antient Authors, no, not from Ter-
tullian, though he. writ many years after Commodus.
He like an Oratour draws fomething bigger than the life
(as our Author fayes of ^Qizianzen, pag. 137.) and
muft have allowance on this account by thofe who will
not be injurious to him. In that very Age wherein
Commodus reigned, it is (aid the Chrijiians were Jo often
jlaughtered that few could be found in Rome who profeffed
the name ofChriJi r. And near 150 years after, when r Plain* vit*
Conjlantine had reigned near 20 years in Rome the gene- X^L
M 2 rality
rality of the Inhabitants (hewed fuch difaffe&ion to
Chriftianity, as that is given for one reafon why he
(7*/iw*s,Hi,l transferred the (cat of the Empire to Byzantium f.
Li.f.61. j_je runs bey0nci ]vi# B's bounds towards the middle of
the third Century, and tells us the great eft part 0/ Alex-
ander Severus his Family were Christians. And (b they
might be, and yet no more Chriftians in Tfyme for
that, if they were Chriftians before they came in-
to his family, which is more likely than that they
were converted in it. However many more fuch Ad-
. ditions will not increafe that Church beyond M. B's
Meafures, nor make it near (6 numerous as that Parilh
to which Whitehall belongs.
v«g. 55. What he next offers neither concerns Rome, being
. general expreffions,nor M. T5. referring to the Ages af-
ter thofe which he is concerned fbr,whether by &*&&£§«{
®n<wv<Ly*W we underftand the great multitudes which
were gathered into theChriftianProfeffion (as Valerius)
or that aflembled together for Chriftian worfhip ( as
our Author) is not material 5 though the former is more
likely, uniefs we can think Sujebius, an elegant Writer,
would u(e (b much tautology in fo few lines. That from
which he may expeft more (ervice is the next exprelfi-
on, which he renders the multitude of their ^Meetings in
every City, but may with better reafon be render'd, the
?mmerouJhefs or multitudes ofthofi that affemhled in Jeveral
Cities. For it is fo far from being true, that every City
had many Congregations of Chriftians in it 5 that there
were many Cities long after, which had no Chriftians
in them. And two inftances cannot be given of any
Cities in the whole Empire that at this time had more
Congregations than one ± uniefs where they all might
have aflembled in one place, they thought it better in
Prudence to difperfetheT.f?lves into fcveral Meetings.
For in Alexandria, which was the grcateft City next to
Rome,
(85)
Home, and the moft populous Church in the whole
World, there is no appearance of more aflemblies till
the end of the tenth Perfection, and the death ofTc-
ter Bifhop there, who faffered in the ninth year of it /. tEMfib.l.+t $a.
And therefore the elegant gradation, in discovering of
which this Gentleman would have us take notice that
he has a more comprehenfive faculty than Valefivs Jkems
not very well founded:
That which follows is an hundred years or more be- p*£. 55.
yond the time to which M. B. limits his Aflertion,
" About this time or not long after Tronic had above
" 40 Churches, which we muft not imagine to be built
cc all at the fame time, but by degrees, according as the
<c number of Believers did require v &c. p<*g* 5 5.
From the number of Churches he can t reafonably
conclude fuch a multitude of Chriftians as he contends
for. There were many Churches in Alexandria when
Athanafius was BHhop of it, and yet there were no more
Chriftians in his communion than could meet together in
one place. Tiaroxifts tells us, that there was a City in
Germany vphkh bad ^00 Churches in if-> and yet no rea- Amiofaj. ■
ton to think that Town was comparable for Circuit and
Populoufhels, either to Rome or Alexandria. If I fhould
fay that in Optatus there were not fo many Churches,
but the number miftaken by the Tranfcribers , this
would be as good an anfvver as that of our Author, who
will have the 12 or 14 years of Athanafu/s his Eanifti-
ment in £piphaniu* not to be fo many moneths, and that
years are put inftead of moneths by the miftake of the
Copies, pag. 113, Or that other about the number of
Bilhops in the Council at \Aniicch, where he will have
go in diverfe Authors to be a miftake of the Tranfcri-
bers for, 90 (or 97 or 99. ;/) Onuphrius muft have 11/^,123,134.
liked fuch an Anfwer to this of Optatns, who tho' he "*' mc
was as much concerned for the greatnefs of the Roman £$£
Church
Church as any, and no Ids inquifitive into the antient
ftate of it, yet delivers it as a thing manifeft and cer-
tain, that Rome had but 28 Titles, and this number
notcompleated till the fifth Age. But there's no need
to infift on any thing of this nature, it is not fo material
how many Churches there was, as when there was fo
many, and about the time he will have l&lendd to mi-
ftake, and M. B. to follow him therein 5 he had been
nibbling at Blondell a little before upon a fmall occafion
and with as little reafon, as might be fhew'd, if it were
fit to follow one in his Vagaries. Let us fee whether
here he doth not follow Palejius in his miftake, who
will have Optatus to fpeak of the Churches at Rome in
the time of Diocletian sT^erJecutiot;, tempore perfecntionk
Diocletiani w. But Optatus {peaks of thofe Churches
when extant and capable of receiving Congregation^as
is plain by his words 5 but what Churches were at Rome
or other places, in the very beginning of that Perfec-
tion, were all quite demolifhed, and that in one day,
fayes Theodoret x, or the T^afchal dajes, as fiufebiusy 5
and there's no probability they could rebuild them
while the Perfecution lafted, or that fo many could be
7. c. 49. raifed in lefs than many years after. ^Qcephorus fpeaks
but of 14 Churches at Conjtantinople in the reign of The*
odofius junior, nor meet I with any Author that gives
an account of more, yet this was about an hundred
years after Byzantium was re-edifyed, and both Con*
fiantine and the fucceeding Emperours endeavoured to
make that City as populous as could be,andfurnifhed it
with Churches anfwerable to the numbers of the Inha-
bitants. . So that there's no likelihood there could be
40 Churches in Rome at any time nearer Dioclefians
than Optatus s.
But to help this our Author tells us out of Optatus,
that
(87 )
that there were three Donatifis Bifhops at Rome fiicce£
fively before ^Macrobins^ who was Contemporary with
Optatns, and that the firft of them was Victor GarbienJIs,
and he will have Opt at us to (peak of the State of Rome
(the 40 Churches there J not as it was in his own time,
but in that of this Victor^ when this was, he fayes, is not
eafietofix. fag. 56.
Yet this is certain, it cannot be in the time of 'Diode-
(iaris Terfecntion, for the Schifme of the Donatifis did
not break out till ZMajorinus was ordained ( who was
the firft Bifhop of the Faftion made in Africa or elfe-
where) and this was fometime after the Persecution was
there ended, as Optatns and Valefins after him, and o-
thers declare % 5 and (bmetime muft be allowed after zveScbif.Vo-
this for the Donatiffs fettling in T{ome, and fiich an in- nau c*^ 3'
creafe of them there as to need a Bifhop. TSaronins
makes this Victor to be Bifhop in Silvejlers time, which
might be long enough after Dioclejiaris Perfecution, for
he lived till 335. All which our Author hath to alledge
for the more early date of Victors Bifhoprick, is that
there were two or three Donatift BiQio^s between Victor
and Optatns 5 but this will fcarce ferve bis turn. For
there were four Biftiops of Rome in the former part of
that very age wherein we are now concerned, who
held not the Chair ten years among them, Marcel/us,
Eufebins, ZMclchi&des and ZMarcns. But we may allow
the three Donatift Bifhopfat Rome near ten years a piece
from the time of Optatns, 378 (as both Blondel and
Valerius agree) and yet Victor Garbienfis may not be Bi-
fhop till Anno 350 and fo nearer to Optatns his time,
than Dioclefians.
2dly, It is no proof of Diocefan Churches that thofc
who belong to it, do occafionally divide themfelvcs
into diftindt Meetings, A large Church, and fome-
times
(88)
times a fmall Congregation may have occafion to divide
and meet in parcels for their convenience or iecurity.
Particularly in time of Perfecution, that they may afc
femble with more fafety, and be the better concealed
from thofe who would difturb or apprehend them. The
people that belonged to Cyprian did meet all together
on feveral occafions, as is apparent in his fifties 5 yet
when Perfecution was hot, he thought it advifable,
caute non glomeratim nee per multitudinem ftmul jurtlam^
I np. 5. conveniendum /, they durft not in fome parts «* *a *tv*&*.
m So* l,i.M iKMwtz^ jn the beginning of Conjiant tee's Reign nt.
Damajus, the fuppofed Author of the Popes fiver,
(ayes, Suariftus Titnlos *Vresbyterk druifit^ divided the
Titles in Rome to the Tresbyters, and" by Titles fome
will have us to underftand Pmijh Churches. But it is
incredible that the Chriftians in Trojans time when
Euarijlits was Bifhop, could ereft any ftru&ures in form
of Churches, or had any diftinguilhable from other
houfo, fo as the Heathen might take notice of them, as
ufed or defigned for the religious exercifes of Chrifti-
ans. Who can imagine that when it was death for any
one to be known to be a Chriftian, they fhovild fre-
quent any known places for Chriftian Worfhip .<? It is
far more reafonable which T?laiina (ayes of Califfus's
time, more than an hundred years after, that then the
meeting of Clrifli answer e all Jeer et, and rather in Ckappels^
and thofe hidden, and for the mo ft part underground 5 than
in open and public/^ places Cum ea tempejiate ob crebras
perjecutiones occulta effent omnia^ & facella potius, at que
eadem abdita & pier umque fitbt err anea 3 quam apertk in lo-
ck acpublicisfkrent. Dr. St. (ayes, I confefs it Jeems not
' probable to me that thofe Tituli were Jo foon divided as the
time tf/Euariftus, who lived in the time 0/Trajan, when
the Perfecution was hot againji the Chriftians 3 but Damafus
Ceems
flews not to believe himfelfa for in the life o/Dionyfius he
faith. Hie Tresbyteris £ccleftas divifit. His reafon con-
cludes as much or more againft the Titles under this
notion afcribed to ^Marcelltts 200 years after ( which
fome will have to be 2 5, but Onuphrius (hews the) could
not be more than 1 5 n ) for fmfrctllm was Bithop of n uterpnt.Voc.
Rome for fix years of the tenth Perfecution begun by EccUf-
Dioclcfian, which was the longeft and fierceft that ever
befel the Church } when the Chriftians were fo far
from erefting any Churches , that alt before erected
were by fevere Edi&s to be quite demolifhed. But what
is (aid of Titles divided by Euariftus may be true in
this fenfe, that fince they could not fafely meet toge-
ther in the Persecution under Trajan, they difperfed
themfelves into diftin<3 meetings, and had Presbyters
affigned to officiate in each of them. And yet the
Chriftians at T(ome were then no more, nor long after,
than might all meet together for Worfiiip, and did fo
when it could be done in fafety. In the time ofXyJlus
who had the Chair at Rome under Adrian, it is faid
becanfe of the frequent JJaughters of the Chriftians, there
were few found who durft profefs the name ofChrijI, prop-
ter freqitentes cades pauci reperirentur qui r.amen chrifiz
profiteri audennt 0. And there was an order in that 0 Putin*.
Church that when the cT$iflwp celebrated, all the Presby-
ters Jlwuld be prefent. Zepherinus zoluit ^Presbyteros
emnes adeffe eclebrante £pifcopo,quodet? ^/^Euarifto- placuH,
this is (aid to be made in the time of Suarijius to whom
this divifion of Titles is afcribed, and it was in force at?
hundred yearsafter, being renewed by Zepherinus wha
was Bifhop till Anno 2 1 & about 3c years before Cornell
us, who freaks of 46. Presbyters at Rome. Now the
Lords Supper was frequently adminiftred in thofe times,
at leaft every Lords-day, and when the Bifhop was pre-
fent, he himfelfdid celebrate, and if all the Presbyters
N were:
were to be prefect when he did celebrate ^ then all the
People likewife were to be preterit, or elfe they had no
Publick Worfhip, for they could have none without
Bifhop or Presbyters.
3dly5 A Church is not proved to be Diocefan by the
numbers o£T>resbyters in it, this I have made evident
before, and made it good againfl: our \Authors excepti-
P?^,5j2, ons. But he brings a new inftancep, and will have E-
dejja to have been a Diocefan Church becaufe of the nu-
merous Clergy, the Clergy , fayes he, of the City of E-
deffa was above 200 perfons^ not reckoning that of the
Countrey within his Diocefe, and this was a Diocefan Tii-
J/jop topurpoje.
He did well not to reckon that of the Countrey in
his Diocefe : unlefs he had kown that fomething of the
Countrey was within his Diocefe. It was not unufual
for the Bifhops charge to be confined to a Town or City
qmocenuEp. Rome it felf is an inftance of it ^, Cum omnes £cclefi<e
ad Dtctnmm. mflr£ ifJtra Civitatem conftituufunt. But why it Ihould
be judged to be a Diocefan Church becaufe 200 fuch
Perfons belonged to it, feeing the great Church at
C. P. had above 500 Officers amgned it after ^uftinian
r N0W/.3. c$. had retrenched the numbers r, and yet was never coun-
ed a Diocefe, I do not well underftand. But he hath
fome other reafons for it, and becaufe he thinks > they
prove the Bifhop o£Ed?Jfa to have been a Diocefan to
purpofe, let us on the by a little examine them 5 thefe he
gives in fummarily, This was a Diocefan Ttifljop to pur-
pofe^ who befides a large Diocefe^ had excommunicating
Archdeacons^ and a great revenue.
I find nothing alledged to (hew he had a large Dio-
cefe or any at all, but this, the City of Battina was in the
Dioceje ^Edefla, for Ibas is accufed of having endeavour-
ed tomake one John Bifhop ofit7 8cc.
Battina
(9i )
Battina had a Bifhop of its o Wn, how rfacn can it be
faid to be in the Dioccfe oCEdcjffa, unlefs Province and
Diocefe be confounded i SdeJ/a was the ^Metropolis of
^Mefopotatnia, the Bifhop of it was the third ^Metropo-
litan in the patriarchate of ytntioch, as they are ordered
in the antient V^otitia. The Bifhop of rBattina was
one of the many Suffragans belonging to that Metropo-
litan. How then comes the Diocefe of£dejffa to be any
wayes large upon this account f Is the Diocefe of Can-
terbury one foot the larger, becaufe there is a Bifhop of
Peterborough in that Province $ Thefe things are not
eafily apprehended nor can be well digefted.
2dly, The greatnef of his Tfevenue is no more appa-
rent, there is nothing to prove it but the riches of that
Churchy and its great Revenues, and hereof our Author
gives us no clear account, no value of the V^Qimifmata^
nor is there any Evidence in the Council for the Man-
vors he fpeaks of but only the jelling offome wood in a
certain place there named.But where there was aDiocefw
and Archdeacons , decorum required there fhould be
Mannors and vaft Revenues for the Bifhop. Nor do I
quarrel with it, only this breaks the fquares a little, and
difturbs the correspondence between thofe and our
times '•> that if the Revenues of that Church had a-
mounted to ten times more, yet the Bifhop would Jcarce
have been one jot the richer for it. This will not ieern
ftrange to any, who take notice of the antient Orders,
concerning the revenues of an Epifcopal Church. The
Bifhop was to have nothing thereof if he could main-
tain himfelf otherwife. When he was neceflitous, no-
thing was allowed him for himfelf but necejfaries, food cCdn. Anuoch.
and raiment f He was to pur chafe nothing while he c.25.
lived, nor to leave any thing got by his Bifhoprick i^^/3m?i
when he died, to his Relatives or others, but only to e. dt Epifc.Novl
the Church that maintained him U The Bifhop of '3,-?-l3-Cwft
N 2 2^4^*^*
(92 )
•Sdeffa, or any other in thefe Circumftanees, muft be a
poor Drocefan, and one in a good Englifo Rettery or Vi*
car/dge, is in a fairer way to be rich, than any in the
antient Bifhopricks, fo ordered. And if Riches or
Revenues be good Arguments to prove a Dwcefan, one
of our Vicars may be a better Diocefan than the Bifhop
of £de[fi. It is true there is fome intimation from T{ome,
that the Bifliop (hould have the 4th. part of the Churches
revenues, but there's no appearance of fuch a dijlribu-
tion, till after the time of the four firft general Coun-
cils 5 nor in any Countrey but Italy till an hundred
years after : Nor did it ever obtain ("that I can dilcover
after fome inquiry) in the Greeks Churches.
3. The other proof that Ibas was a Diocefan, viz*
becaufe fo had excommunicating Archdeacons, our Author
would make good by telling us, that one of his Arch-
deacons excommunicated Maras. Now this though it
prove not what it is alledged for, may prove more
than he likes. An Archdeacon in the antient Church
(though he be another thing now) was not fo much as
a Presbyter, he was but in the lower Order of Deacons,
though chief amongft them, and chofen by them, as
u Ep. ad Eva- Jerome fignifies u, Diaconi eligunt deje quern indufirium
gnnm. noverint, & Archidiaconum vocant, the Deacons chufe
from amongft themfelves one whom they know to be indu-
firiom, and call kirn Archdeacon. Now if a Deacon
had the power to excommunicate, there can be no doubt
but the Presbyters had it,, being of a Superiour Order
and Power. And excommunication being counted the
higheft a& of Jurifdi&ion, it cannot be queftioned but
the other afts thereof belonged to them 5 and fo the
Presbyters having all the Jurifdiftion of Biflwps ( all the
power of Government^ what did they want of being
Bifhops but the honour of prefiding in their Aflemblies?
j And
C 93 )
And if they were no farther from being Bifhoos, they
will go near to be as much Diocefan, and fo x\WGentle~
man may chufe, whether he will have all of both forts
to be Diocefans, or none of either.
4-ly, It is no Argument to prove a Diocefan Church
to fhew that it confifts of (lich who live at a good di-
ftance one from another. Dionyfus had a great Con-
gregation at Cephro, a Village in Lybia, but thofe which
made up this Church were of another Countrey, coming
partly from .Alexandria , partly from other parts of
£&yPU as Eufebitts (hews us, yet none ever efteemed
that to be a Diocefan Church. In Juflin ^Martyrs time
thofe that were in the Countrey, and thofe that were in
the City, when thofe were no more than made one
Congregation, met together in one place, W^^-w
7rfae<; x} £yf*s u%vov]ov &$7vcIvtv ow&.JJm 9 the Meeting con-
lifted of fiich as lived at a good diftance, but none will
imagine it to be a Diocefan Church, but thofe who will
have a fingle Congregation to be fuch a Church. All
the Chriftians in City and Countrcy , fays Dr. Downham%
if they had been affembkd together •, would have made but a
fmall Congregation. . vo. w Defence Li.
Our Authour would prove the largenefs of ^Bafth e-W'6?'
Diocefs by the diftance between Crfjarea and Safma. *. xpag. 54^,547
He makes much of it and takes the pains to meaflire the
diftance between thefe Towns, or rather, as he (ays , to
mak^fome guefs at it out of an Itenerary and Putinge/sTa*
bles^ yet tells us the diftance muft be as great at leaft as
between Hippo and Fujfala, that fo Si. IBaJil's Diocefs
may be as great at leaft as that of St Auftins. I think
they will prove much alike , for as I have (hew'd that
Aujlins Diocefs was not one foot larger for Fuffala^ fo
it will appear that St. Haft's had not the leaft enlarge-
ment upon the account ofSafma. That he might not
be out in his meafures nor have loft all his labour, two
x thing?
C 94 J>
things (hould firft have been cleared, neither of which
is (or Aiink can be proved 5 ift, That Safima was in
Bafil's Diocefe, for if it was but only in his Province ^
how far fbever it was from C<efarea, his Diocefe can be
nothing the larger for it, though his Province might.
To prove it in his Diocefe I find nothing but his own
aflertion, that Safima isfaid exprefly to he taken out of the
Diocefe of Bafil 5 "but where is this faid exprefly, or by
whom, except by himfelf .<? The words in the Margin
fignify no fuch thing, but only fome attempt to deprive
a Metropolis of Safima. For a Metropolis may be de-
prived of a Town which is in any part of the Province,
when another Metropolitan feizeth on it. And I believe
our Author is yet more out in taking the (^Metropolis
Which 9\(azianzen (peaks of to be Cdcfarea, when it ap-
pears by the Spijile to be rather Tyana. For as the
whole Epiftle is writ to BafJ, fo thefe words cited, af-
ter many others by way of fharp expoftulation, are di-
rected to him as endeavouring to deprive a Metropolis
of this Town, called ironically ™v**y*$v Xm^v : Now
Ctffarea was not the Metropolis which Bafil would have
deprived of Sa(ima0 he earneftly endeavoured to have
it annext thereto $ but he would have deprived Tyana
of it , if Anthimus the Metropolitan there, had not
made a ftout oppofition. sdly, He (hould have prov-
ed, that after this part of Cappadocia was divided into
two Provinces, Safima was in that Province which fell
to Bafth (hare f for if it was not in his Province how
could his Diocefe be any larger for it? ) but inftead of
this our Author offers what may ferve to difprove it,
telling us that in the antient Greeks t^Qotitia, Safima is
fet down in the fecond Cappadocia ("which belonged to
Anthimus as the firft did to Bafil) andfo^ fayes he, it is
not lively to he very near Caefarea. No indeed, it is
thereby proved to be fo far from Ctffarea, that it did
not
(95)
hot enlarge Tiafifs Province, much lets his Diocefe,
Thus it is alfb placed in the tommm of Leo Sophus un-
der the Metropolitan of Tyana, not of defarea. It is
true Bajil laid claim to it, but after fome conteft he
yeilded', and Anthimus carried it, placing Eulalias there
as one of his Suffragans, when J^jtzianzen had quitted
it.
He goes farther on to (hew the largenefs of Diocefes
in Bafil's Province.
"It is plain by U^&zianzen that Cappadocia had but
<c 50 Bifhops, for fo many he fayes Bafil had under him,
cc and confidering the extent of that Countrey the Dio-
" cefes muft needs be large.
He does not fay TSafil had no more under him, nor
that he was making no more 5 he knew Bafil was con-
ftituting more Bifhops in that part of Cappadocia which
was his Province, and V^aztanzen commends him for
it as an excellent undertaking on feveral accounts/. y oratJeBafr
" Confidering the extent of that Countrey, the Dio-
cc cefes muft needs be large, for the Countrey as Strabo
" computes, is near 400 miles in length,and little lefs in
" breadth.
If he means Bafil's own Province, where he told us
there were 50 Suffragans under him befides Safima,
&c z : (as I know not what he can mean elfe, ff his z ?ag. $4$.
Difcourfe be not impertinent and inconfiftent 5 for Ba-
fil as Metropolitan had no Bifhops under him, but thofe
in his proper Province ) Strabo is ftrangely mifrepre-
fented to ferve a turn 3 for it is the whole Countrey which
paffed under the name of Cappadocia^ that the Geogra-
pher gives us the dimenfions of in the place cited, and
tell us it was divided into ten Trefe&ures, Meletena^
Cataonia*, Cilica, Tyanitk^ lfautith, &c. whereof Ba-
Jits Province was but one, viz. that called (Silica, and
that of Anthimus^ Tyanitis , another, &c Mazaca
(afterwards
<9*3
(afterwards called C<cfarea) being Metropolis of Bafih
and 7^^ ofTyanitk, &c. and after he hath given fome
account of thefe ten Prefectures, he adds the dimenfi-
ons of the whole Countrey, in thefe words, the extent
<?/Cappadocia in breadth from the Euxine to Taurus, is
l8cc Furlongs^ in length 3000. So that our Author
will have the extent of TSafU's Province to be no lefs
than that of the whole Countrey when it is but the tenth
part thereof And as if this were not enough, he makes
the breadth of the whole Countrey, to be near twice as
much as it is in Strabo 3 but he hath fome falvo for this,
fuch as it is,
" And little lefs in breadth, as Caufabon reftores the
"reading of 1800 Furlongs in the 12th. Bco^ by
" a paflage in the Jecond where the breadth is made
" 280c.
It is true Caufabon obferves fome difference in the
places cited, but he fhews how they may be eafily re-
conciled, without changing the Text here, . or making
the Countrey broader than it is here defcribed, viz.
by taking T^ontus in one place for the Sea, in the other
For the T\egion fo called, feparated from Cappadocia by
mountains parallel to Taurus \ and then concludes, Sic
non erit difcedendum & vulgat* led ion e. So that he hath
00 relief by Caufabon without curtailing the Paflage.
" And in this compafs Bilhops may contrive 50 Dio-
" cefes of very competent extent, and not inferiour to
" many of ours.
Let him try how in IBaftl's Province of about 40
miles in length, he can contrhe room for above $0
Bifhops, with as large Diocefcs as thofe he pleads for.
That which is now thought little enough for one Bifhop
^Baftl conceived too big for Fifty.
What
C 97 )
What Diocefes Bafd (and others before him) thought
fufficient for Bifhops both then, and in former times, ap-
pears by a paffage which our Author next cites, where*
^Amphilochius Bifhop of Iconium, is dire&ed to conjiitute
Ttrjfjopr for the 'Province of Iconium, in little Corporati-
ons and Villages, a Hundreds of inftances might be a Ep. 406.
brought of Bifhops elfewhere, in Jitch little places and
Villages, but I will go no further now, than the in-
ftance himfelf offers us, whereby it is manifeft that a
UttleCorporation, or a Village might furnifh a Bifhop with
fuch a Diocefe, as was then thought competent, both
by TiaJiL, and the Church before kit*. For in fuch lit-
tle places there was Bifhops before, as TSafU there figni-
fies, and he gives dire&ion that it (hould be fb ftill.
Yet he, that would ad vife the reducing of Bilhopsto
fuch Sees now, would be counted an enemy to Epifco-
pacy 3 and his advice deftru&ive to Bifhops. So much
do we now differ, both from the judgment and prac-
tice of the antient Church, and the moft eminent Bi-
fhops in it.
Hereby alfb it appears that the multiplying of Metropo-
litans was no fuch occafion of multiplying Bif/iops, but
that their numbers increajed, when there was not that
occafion } And this in Cappadocia, which is our Au-
thors eminent inftance. b For Bifhops were multiplyed b Pa*. 545.
by ere&ing Epifcopal Sees in Villages, and little places,
this was done in JJiuria, a Province in Cappadocia, as
appears by thefe paffages in TSajil, before the conteft
between him and jfnthimus, upon the conftituting of
a new Metropolitan : and after that difference was
Compofed, Tiajil thought it advifeable that it fhould
be done ftill. And the like may be (aid of Africa, the
inftance he moft infifts on, and fpends many Pages up-
on it, pretending the occafion why Bifhops were fo
numerous there, wa6 the schifat of the Donatifrs,
O Whereas
C98)
* Whereas ihe rule by which the African Fathers proceed-
ed in ere&ingBifhopricks in little places, and fo increa-
fing the number of Bifhops, was as themfelves declare,
who beft knew it, the increaje of the number of Chritfi-
:co*cU.c*rtb. ans : c Where thefe were multiplyed, and defired a
i can. 5. Bilhop, they thought themfelves obliged to let them
have one 5 not excepting the meannefs or finalnefi of
the places, where he was to be conftituted. And we
muft believe fif we have any reverence for thofe Fa-
thers) that they would have done, what they judged
themfelves obliged to, though there had been no Do-
natijls amongft them. And when there can be nofuch
pretence of occafion from the Donatijis, the praftice
was continued, as appears by St. Aujiins procuring a
Bifhop for Fujffala, which he calls a Caflle, upon fbme
increafeof the Catholicks there, diverfe years after the
noted conference at Carthage, where the heart of the
Donatifts was broken 5 Nay, many years after the in-
vafion of the Vandals, and the death of St. Aufiin they
proceeded in the (ame methods, or rather exceeded their
Predeceffors in multiplying Bifhops, by erefting Epif-
copal (eats in (mailer, and more inconfiderable places,
A £?. 8$. if Leo hisEpiftlemay be credited, d
But to return to our jinthor, and the paffage of Ba-
fil, tnfifted on5 by which fayes he, ' it appears that
*c Ifauria was part of Bafil's Province 3 How this appears
by any thing therein/ I cannot imagine, our Author
fignifies before that Ifauria was a diftinft Province,
the Metropolis of it fas he fuppofes) SeleucU, which
had a metropolitan and fuffragans before, and being
now deftitute, the Bifhops in the Vicinity were care-
ful to provide others. Which being fo, that it (hould
be part of Tiafll's Province feems as incongruous, as if
it were (aid, that the Province of Torl^, is part of the
Province of Canterbury : but if this could be digefted,
that
(99)
that one Province is part of another, yet IJauria would
rather be part of Amphilochius his province, who (as
he tells us) was to confliMc a Metropolitan and other
Bifhops therein, than of Bafl's, who is only represent-
ed as giving advice about it. Or if giving advice and
dire&ion, would prove any thing of this nature, the
7>apijls might think it a good argument, that Africa
was part of the Roman Province, becaufe Leo Bifhop
of Rome gives advife, how Biftiops fhould be there con-
ftituted. e cibid.
x Next he brings in the chore-pifcopi in order to his de-
fign, and tells us / they were ' Countrey Biflwps, and f ?ig% **0'
c their Church confided of many Congregations , and
c thofe at a good diftance one from another, and alfo
* that Come of them had the infpe&ion of a large Ter-
c ritory, no left it is like than the County of Fuffala.
But not a word for proof of this, fave Bafih men-
tioning a Chor-epifcopusT^Tww^^e^/^re/ 5 Where-
as if he had been the Biftiop of two or three Villages,
this might be enough to (atisfie the import of that ex-
preffion. Yet he knows there is fome one Countrey
Parifh, that hath ten times as many, or more Villages
in it, but never pretended to be a Diocefin Church,
and that fuch a pretence would be now counted ridi-
culous.
He adds, that which, if it were true, wouldgo near
to dethrone thefe Countrey Tiifhops^ (for Tiajil fpeaks
of them, as having their Thrones in Villages^ and ren-
der them lefs than antient Presbyters, for all their large
Territory, and there being Diocejans.
c But yet thefe were but the Deputies or Surrogates of
lthe City Biftiops in point of jurifdi&ion , for they
* were to do nothing of moment without their Biftiop.
O 2 If
li this be ib, it would be left wonder that the Pope
will have Bifaops to be but his fubftitutes , and that
fome Bifhops will have the Paftors of Parochial Chur-
ches to be but their Vicars or Curates. I hope our Au-
thor intends better, however it is well that fuch odd
Hypothcfcs have no better fupport than that which is add-
ed, for fayes he, they were to do nothing of moment with-
out their Bifjop 3 this is his argument, and he is not
alone in urging it. Let us lee whether it will not do
the Bifhops (for whole advancement it is defigned) as
much differvice, as it can do the Chorepifcopi , or
Presbyters 3 diverting them of that which is counted
more neceflary and advantageous to them, than a large
Diocefe. The Provincial Bifhops were obliged to do
nothing, l^Hv vrgtv/lav ZhxH?*v ^XA *S &*&&*& '&***»**%
without the Tiijloop of the ^Metropolis, this the fynod at
4#tioch decrees, according to an antient Canon of the
g can. 9. can. Fathers, g By this argument we muft conclude, that
*iLMUv.m' t^ie Bifa°Ps in a Province were but the Deputies and
can. 13. Surrogates of the Metropolitan. And it may proceed
proportionably againft the ^Metropolitans with refpeft
to the yH?*W or primates } and alio to their prejudice
in reference to the Patriarchs. It will go near to de-
ftroy thcTSiJIiops likewife, if we follow it downwards.
In the antient Church the Bifhops were to do nothing of
moment, without the Presbyters, this the moft judicious
and Learned ^JJcrters of Epifcopacy acknowledge 5
h b. snfon, h Nay further, in the beft Ages of the Church, the
nwnbai] b!' 73?fops WW *° ** nothing without the people, that is,
mil, m! without their prefer.ee and confent. This is moft evi-
*%£? B' dent in Cyprians tzpijllcs, and is acknowledged by fuch
i nit defence Trelatifts as are otherwile reserved enough. * Now
of Dr. st. Pag. by th18 ArgUment we may conclude that Bifhops were
but the Deputies or Surrogates of the Presbyters 5 or
which will be counted mpxp intolerable, that Bifhops
had
had their jurifdittion from the people by Deputation
and Vicarage. It may be this Gentleman will not like
his argument (b well, when he fees what improvement
it is capable o£ yet in purfuance of it he adds, c Tiafil
c is (b refolute upon his prerogative, that he will not en-
cdure they Ihould ordain, as much as the inferiour
c Clergy, without his contents and if they do, let
c them know, ((ayes he) that whofoever is admitted
c without our content (hall be reputed but a Layman.
I fuppofe the 'Prerogative for which he will have Ba-
fil (b refolute , is a Negative in ordinations upon the
Countrey Bifhops * but this cannot be concluded from
the words cited. For the Council of 5\jVe gives the
Metropolitan a power, as to ordinations in the fame
words, k declaring that if a Bifhop be ordained by the kc«. 6.
Provincials, yty yww> without the judgment of the Me-
tropolitan^ the great Council will have him accounted no
Tiifiop 5 and yet the Metropolitan had no Negative up-
on the Provincials in Ordinations, for the Game Council
determines, that in ordinations plurality of Votes Jhall
prevail, which is utterly inconfiftent with any ones Ne-
gative vcice. What then is the import of Tiafirs *V<6
yvetyw} take it in the words of a very Learned and Ju-
dicious Dr. of this Church, it is indeed there faid, that
none fiould be wdained %*wyvvy.M without the opinion of
the ^Metropolitan, but that doth not import a Negative
voice in him, but that the tranfaUion Jlwuld not pafs in
his abfence, or without this knowledge, advice and fuffr age,
&C' ' . - IBmoTvoftbe
5. it is no proof of a Diocefan Church, to (hew that ?WS s*?rtm~
a Town, befides the Clergy or Officers in it, had fome Ch Pag' *14'
Presbyters or Congregations in the Countrey belong-
ing to it. The inftances which fignifie no more, or
not fo much, are produced as fufficient arguments to
prove
C Ic2 )
prove there were fuch Churches. As that of Gaim
Diddenfis T^resbjter, fuppofed (with what ground I
examine not) to have been a Countrey Presbyter be-
n vindication* longing to Carthage, and under Cyprian, m And that
I, 504. 0f peijx f^id to do the Office of a Presbyter, under
DeciMvs another Presbyter 5 a thing unheard of in
thofe times, but let us take it as we find it, and upon
the very (lender reafon alledged againft Goulartius (who
is of another Judgment) believe, that he was a Prieft
1 Pag. $06. in fome Village belonging to Caldoniui his Diocefe. n
;o7# And that order for the Presbyters from their Churches,
> con. 4. can. io repair to their proper ^Bifiop for Chrijm'm Africa, 0 in
>$. Spain, p and in France, q To thefe are added, for
> Toi. 1. cap. further evidences, the Churches ( (aid without ground
\Vafcon.Can.^ to be many,) belonging to Hippo Di^ritorum -0 AHb the
Church of Thyana , belonging to Alypius Bifhop of
Tagella, which without reafon, we muft take to be a
confiderable City, r and the City Milevis 0 becaufe
Pag- 5*7' Petilian (ayes Tunca belonged to it once, though now
it had a Bifhop of its own 5 and by our Authors Art
of computation , Towns , Villages and Cities muft be-
long to Milevis, upon the (ble account of Tunca, (bme-
Pag. $28. **mG appertaining to it, /and thefe with Fuffala, (of
which before) are the chief inftances to prove that
Africa had very large Diocefes not inferionr to thofe of
ours, in extent of Territory, t Befides in the Council
of Neoaefarea Countrey presbyters are diftinguifhed
from others 5 u and that of ^intioch provides that
h an. a' Countrey presbyters fall not give Canonical £ piffles, w
and allows the Bifhop to order his own Church, and the
\St* 9' ?ag% G°!t}rtrey places depending on it. x And Epiphanius
fpeaks of a Church belonging to his charge, which
we muft underftand to be his Diocefe, though in the
fP*i> s$r paffage cited, it is twice called his province, y in fine,
Jerome fpeakes of (bme baptized by Presbyters or Dea-
cons
Pag. 516
j Can. 1 3
h C.
K CA
c 103 ;
cons in Hamlets, Co/Iks, and Tlaces remote from tic
BiJJjop.
Thefe and fuch like are ufed as good arguments for
Diocefan churches, whereas there are diverfe Towns in
England, which befides the Officers in them, have ma-
vy Congregations and Presbyters in Villages belonging
to them, and contained within the Pariih 5 and yet
our Author and thofe of his perfwafion would think
Dioccfans quite ruined , if they were reduced , and
confined to the meafures of thofe Parifh Churches, and
left no bigger than fome of our Vicarages and Parfona-
ges, though fuch as Mr. Hooker affirms to be as Urge a*
fomeantient Bifiop >ricks 5 he might havefaid moji, there
being not one in many greater or fo large. I yet fee
no ground in antiquity, nor can expeft to have it
proved, that the larger fort of ordinary Biihopricks in
the fourth age, and fometkne after, were of more ex-
tent than two fuch Vicarages would be, if united. Yet
a Bifhop of fuch a Djftrift in our times would be
counted fo far from having a competent Diocefe, that
he would fcarce efcape from being (corned as an Italian
Epifcopellus.
But his greateft argument, (in comparifon of which
his other Allegations, he tells us, are but accidental
hints, z. ) which he raoft infifts on, and offers many z Pag. 508;
times over 5 fo that it makes a great part of his diP
courfe on this fubjeft. a It is drawn from the number *Pae- *°8, *°
ofBifljops in Councils, by which he would evince the $& pig. 55$
largenefs of antient Diocefts, when it no way proves u *62t
Diocefan Churches of any fize. He proceeds upon this
fuppofition that there were great numbers of Chrijiians
in all parts and Cities, bin the firtf age: ^nd that the b Pag. 530.
Bipjops were fewer in former times than afterwards. The
former part of his Hypothecs, if he underftands the num-
bers of Chr'tftians to be any thing comparable to what
thev
( 104 )
they were after Confiantine, when Bifhops were much
multiplied 5 (as he muft underftand it, if he expedt any
fervice from it) wants proo£ and he offers none but
(bme paffages in Tertullian, (trained far beyond what
i$ agreeable to other aniknt Authors, of which before.
Let me add that V^Qtzianzen comparing the numbers of
Chriftiansin former times, withthofe in Julian's Reign,
(ays, they .were not many in former Perfecutions, ("Chri-
ftianity had not reached many, 8*" W wjaaw,J no, not
in that of Dioclefian, 8cc. ( though they were at that
time, farr more numerous, thm'mTertulliaris age) but
c ont. 3. that Chriftianity was found only in a few 5# MpU c The
ether part which needs no proo£ fince it is granted,
(and may be without any advantage to himj he at-
tempts to prove largely and induftrioufly 5 but by fuch
a medium as makes that which is granted to be quefti-
onable, fuch a one which as it is ordered may conclude
backward, and prove the contrary to what he defigns.
That this may be manifeft, let it be obferved, that he
will have us take an account of the number of Bi(hops
in the Church by their appearing in Councils, more or
<bwer 5 and accordingly judge in feveral periods, whe-
ther they were le(s numerous, and confequently their
Diocefes larger in former times than afterwards. And
to this purpofe we need view no other inftances than
himfelf produces. At Lambefe in Africa there were 90
Bifhops againft Prwatus 5 but not (b many in any
Council after (though not a few are mentioned in that
ipig. $09. Countrey.) till the Donatifts grew numerous d. In
Spain the Council of Eliberk had 19 Biftiops in the be-
ginning of the 4th. Age, and the firft Council of Toledo
had no more in the beginning of the age after. But
the following Synods, at SaragoJJa, Gerunda, Ilerda9
*m>M-$&Valentia, Arragon, had not (b manye. In France the
Council at Valence had 2 1 Bilhops in the fourth Age,
but
C'ios )
but thofe following them, in that and the after ages
had ftill fewer, viz. That ofTtyz, Orange, the third
of Aries, that at Angers, that at h ours, and Vennes and
another at Aries. For General Councils, the firft at
&(ice had 318 Bifhops in the beginning of the fourth
Age, thatat Ephefas above an hundred yearsafter, had
but two hundred, that at C. 7*. in the latter end of
the fourth Age had but one hundred and fifty Bi-
ftiops.
So that if we take account how many Bifhops there
were of old, as he would have us, by their numbers in
Councils, there will be more before the middle of the
third Age, than in the beginning of the fourth 5 more
in the beginning of the fourth than in fome part of the
fifth 3 and more in the beginning of the fifth, than in
fome part of the (ixth $ quite contrary to the Hypothe-
cs on which he proceeds. Whether by his argument
he would lead us to think Diocejes did wax and wane
fo odly,as it makes Bifhops to be more or fewer,I cannot
tell. However fince he grants that in the fourth and
fifth Ages Diocefes were very finally and crumbled into t pa?. $$2,
fmall pieces g, (and fo nothing like oursj .* there's nogw $*<*'
expe&ation he can find any larger, if any thing near fo
great, in any former age : unlets they can be larger
when incomparably fewer Chriftians belonged to thefe
Bifhops 3 which will be no lefs a paradox than the for-
mer. For it cannot but be thought ftrange, that the
Bilhops Diocefe fhould be greater when his flock was
undeniably far lefs. And they feem not to be Chriftian
Tliffjopricks, whofe measures muft be taken by num-
bers of Aires rather than of Souls 3 or by multitudes of
Heathens rather than Chriftians.
He denies not, that the generality ofBi]hops,for a long
while after the Apoftles, had hut one Congregation to Go- ?*£* 7*-
vfrnk What then $ fays he, If all the Bskmrs in and
P about
about a City would hardly make a Congregation, that is td
be afcribed to the condition ofthofe times. Diocefes with
him, werelargeft in the firft times 3 but Bifhops being
ftill multiplyed, they became lefi and lefs, and fo were
very fmall and crumbled into very little pieces in the
fourth and fifth Ages. This is the tendency of his dif-
courfe all along. Thus Diocefes mud be langeft, when
a Bifhop had but one Congregation $ but in after ages
when he had more Congregations under his infpe&ion
Diocefes were very fmall If he will ftand to this, our
differences may be eafily compromized. Let him and
thole of his perfwafion, be content with the Diocefes
in the firft ages, when he counts them largeft ; and we
(hall never trouble any to reduce them to the meafures
of the fourth and fifth ages, when in his account they
were lb lamentably little , and crumbled fo very
fmall.
The particulars premifed contain enough to (atisfie
all, that I have yet feen alledged out of Antiquity for
Diocefati Churches, fo that no more is needful, yet let
me add another, which will (hew there is a medium be-
tween Congregational and Diocefan Churches. So that
if fbme Churches (hould be (hewed out of the ^Antients
exceeding the Congregational meafures ("as feme there
were in the times of the four firft General Councils^)
yet it cannot thence be immediately inferred that they
were Diocefan, fince they may prove a third fort of
Churches, and fuch as will as little pleaie thofe of this
Gentleman's perfwafion as Congregational.
6. It's no argument for a Diacejan Church, that there
*vere feveral fixed Churches, with their proper Presby-
ters in a City or its Territory } fo long as thefe Chur-
chcs,how many fbever were governed in common by the
Bifhop and Presbyters in fuch a Precinft. For though
few inftances can be given of fuch Churches, in or
be*
r «oy)
belonging to a City in the 4th. Age 5 yet wherever
they were extant in that , or the following Age, in
things of common concern to thofc Churches, they were
ordered in common by a Presbytery, that is, the Bi-
Ihop with the Presbyters of that Precinft. Jerome de-
clares it de jure, they ought to be governed in common ,
in comrmni debere licclefiam regere. h h in Titus ti
And Felix 3 Bifbop of 7{ome, ("than whom no Bi-
fliop was higher, or more abfolute in thofe timesj de-
clares it de faiio^ when he fpeaks of the Presbyters of
that Church, as %Mw nsr Ip* ?fo d7n&\tKQv d^far, ruling
that Church withbim. It is the lame word that the go-
verning of Churches by other Bifhops, is exprefled by
$ Ww ?£p &btxfirw 0/ t*s my!; fiZmv tKKto<na.< yMlk^ as Alex-
ander faith of J^arcifus, o^l\fitiiwvh™w'&^™it
i It imports no lefs than pr<ejidere, and is afcribed to * &&• u 6*cl
Bifhops and Presbyters, jointly by Tertullian, ^ Cypru kApoi. c. 39:
an I and Firmilian. m Hence the Presbyters are fire- ]Lib* »• EP* ?•
quently (aid to be cv*Ae#r«?yo* with the Bifhop, n for n^i^jii/u.
then the Governing power of Bifhops was but count- 4* *• 8- EP*-
ed a tMinijiry, ,Aimp>fa y*? i^rliii ^K^mim^^horiMVy ?han' m' 42»
0 and the Presbyters fellow ^Minijlers with him, and ojfid&KLib.Q
joint Administrators in the Government. They are EP- 260.
ftyled ntAmipttit* p fellow T^aftors, they did not then P^-^M'
dream that a Bifhop was file Tajior of many Char>- Qm% 7'
ches. They are alio called *^f<£r*/, which is no lefs
than m&tmii q for the Presbyters had their Thrones with qjgnatradTrai
the Bilhop. So Nazianzen fpeaks of Bajil when or- « cbrrfofi.Tom^
dained Presbyter, as promoted twit &faw ~to the Sacred 7'Hom'^'<tt
Thrones of the Tresbyters. r They are alfo called <w-'r0rat.2o.
4*rmor ~' **#. f ch„]t % ^
Hm 1.
But further evidence is needlefs, though abundance
may be produced, fince the great Tatwns of Epifco-
P 2 pacy
C 108;
pacy leems not toqueftion it, that the Church was g<r
vernedin cowmen, and the Bilhop was to do nothing of
importance without the Presbyters, it is acknowledged
t Ptrptt Go- by Biftiop Bit/on, t BiQiop Downham, n Bilhop Hall
vern.up. u. aflerts it, as that which is Vniverjally accorded by all an-
\ l™"1 8. ' ti^y-i fhat dl things in the anticnt Church were ordered
w At* F. 47» and tranfa&ed by the general co??jent of ^Presbyters, w
Mr. Thomdike proves at large, that the Government of
X Prim. Go- Churches pajfed in common 5 x Primate Z)J/jer more foe*
yZdua. of cif!ftly but ^dually. J Add but Dr. St. who both
Epifaptcy. aflerts and proves it, z> there was fill one Ecclefiafiical
z inn. Pag. Senate, which ruled all the feveral Congregations ~of thofi
354,35 ' Cities in common, of which the feveral Presbyters of the
Congregations were Members, and in which the BiJIwp
aUed as the Prefldent of the Senate, fir the better Govern-
ing the affairs of the Churchy 8cc
Let me add, when the Churches were (b multiplyed
in City and Territory, as that it was requifite to divide
them into Parishes, and conftitute feveral Churches 5
the Biftiop was riot the proper Ttyler or Pajior of the
whole Precinft, and the Churches in kr or of any
Church, bx&one. TheParilhes or Churches were di-
vided among Presbyters and Bilhop, they had their fe-
veral diftihft cures and charges 5 the Bilhops peculiar
charge was the Ecclejia principalis, the chief Parifh or
Church fo called, or **&wtuA x*9i<ty*. The Presbyters
performed all Offices in their feveral Cam, and order-
ed all affairs which did particularly concern the Church-
es where they were incumbents 5 thofe that were of
more common concern were ordered by Bilhop and
Presbyters together, and thus it was in the Bilhops
Church or Parifti, he performed all Offices, adminiftred
all Ordinances of Worlhip himfelf, or by Presbyters
joyned with him, as Affiftants. He was to attend this
particular cure conftantly, he was not allowed to be ab-
fent
C 109 )
fetit, no, not under pretence of taking care for fomc
other Church 5 if he had any bufinefs there which par-
ticularly concerned him, he was to make quick diP
patch, and not (&*%«* $ ****«'# ***** as Zonaras)
(lay there with the neglell of his proper flockj> this is all evi-
dent by a Canon of the Council of Carthage a, Rur- J*Jg**W
fitm plactiH ut nemini fit faculty reliCta principal* Cathe-
dra, ad aliquant Hcclefiam in Dioceji conjlitutamfe aon-
ferre, vel in re propria, dintius qnam opart et conBitutnm,
cur am vel frequent attonem prapri£ Cathedra negligerc. Of
this Church or Parifti he was the proper Paftor or Ru-
ler, called there ^©" fcfcflb and elfewherei «««* ^8^^ bc*»-S*'
in contradiftin&ion toother parts of the Precinft, called
here Diocefes } and the people of it are called "**& *<*&
by the ancient Canoniji c, his proper flocks or people, his czm.mhc.
own fpecial charge. This was the particular Churcb
under his perfonal Government, but he was not Ruler
of the Precinft, or any other Churches in it, five only
in common, and in conjunttion with the other Pres-
byters s who jointly took cognizance of what in his
Church or theirs, was of greater or more general con-
fequence, and concerned the whole, and gave order in,
it by common confent*
And while this was the form of Government, if there
had been as many Churches there, thus affociated5 as
Opt at us in the fourth age (ays there was at T(ome, or
for more, they could not make a Diocejan Church, un<-
lefsa Diocejan and a Presbyterian Church be all one.
For this is plainly a 'Presbyterian Church, the antient
'Presbyteries differing from the modern but in a matter
of (mailer moment. In thofe their T'rejident being
fixed and conftant, in thefe commonly though not al-
ways circular. The Presbyteries in Scotland compri-
sed feme twelve, feme twenty, fome more Churches^
them
r no)
their Moderators were at firft, and for fome years, rfr-
iam»M$h c^ar^ King James afterwards, Anno 1606 d, would
have them to be confiant, and fo it was ordered 5 yet
when they were fixed, no man ever counted the(e
Presbyteries to be Diocefan Churches. The Church of
Geneva confifts of twenty four Parifhes, governed in
common by a Presbytery with a Moderator, who is
fometimes changed, fbmetimes continued for Life.
Calvin was Prefdent while he lived, yet that of Geneva
is not wont to be taken for a Diocefan Church. Nor
were thofe antient Churches fuch, while they were
governed, not by one Biftiop, but by a Senate of Pres-
byters where he prejlded 5 as in the Council of Conftan-
tinople all things in the Province are (aid, to be governed,
not by the ^Metropolitan , but by the Provincial Sy-
ican.i.SocL node.
5. up. 8.
Finally, the Presbyters are in the antient Church ac-
knowledged to have had the power of the k§ys, both as
to the miniftration of the Word and Sacraments, and
the exercife of Government andctnfures. This power they
exercifed either jointly in conjunction with the Biftiop
and Senate of Presbyters 3 or diftin&ly in the particu-
lar Churches whereof they had the charge. The for-
mer power concerning the Word and Sacraments is not
queftioned-j nor is there any ground to queftion,the lat-
ter jf fame werenot fwayedmore by the praftice of their
own times, than the principles and declarations of the
antients. Chryfojlom afcribes to Presbyters , not only
tk(k<r<*x/W, the power of order, but <sw<wri*v the power
fin i rim. of Government f giving this as the reafon why the
Apoftle gives the fame rules for the ordering both of
Bithops and Presbyters, there *f but little difference be-
twixt them, fays he, for they are ordained both to the
teach-
llom, 11.
C "O
teaching (<9O*"**0and ruling of the Church Now that «er
&**> denotes jurifdidtion or prefidentiam cum pote-
fiate, and is as Hejychiu* renders ir,' *»$yw* is plain in
Chryfoflome himfelf} he tells us the ApoftleTWhad
4 i\x^m <B&*****i g which he elfewheje exprefles by g in i cor.Hom.
tw wx^wr fmumv x»fav»rh: and fpeaking of ^Mofes, he h*a232i.
(ays, // w«rc wonderful, that he who was to be a Ruler, 25.
0 <s&s«,w tdxkw £**%, front d be born atfuch a time i. The- l^A^*^m,
cphilatt makes the difference as little between Bifhop
and Presbyters, and afcribes as much power to the
later, alofoft in the fame words 4 So Theodoret de- k r* « ***
dares w*#fh jurifdiftion to belong to every Presby-
ter/, again fi an S/der efpecially^ no kfs than two Witnef-ltoittn-W*
Jes muji be admitted, becaufe he having ©****/** fqyuMft
the Government of the Church , and in the exercife of
it often grieving Delinquents, they being ill affected to
him, will be apt to bring falje accufotions. And this .is
the wW* included in the PresbyteFS Office, **n a«t*t
fa X$« Ktynry «t* wwW, as V^azianz&n fpeaks and
much more to that purpofe m. And befides many other ra Orat. u
paffages of like import, the Title ofGovernours is all
a long in antient Writers given to Presbyters 5 and
all the expreffions which fignifie Authority and Go-
vernment, are afcribed to them. Thereby thoie that
would curtail their power, and make it no more of old
than it is now, are not a little encumbred 5 to extricate
themfelves a diftinftion is devifed of a power internal
and external, the former they will allow to Presbyters
in their refpedive Churches, not the later.
But this is deviled to difentangle themfelves, a'nd
falve the deviations and irregularities of later times,
not that there is any ground for it in Antiquity. For
the higheft a& of that external power of jurififi&ion, j
is Excommunication 3 and if this was in the Presbyters
power of old, no other aft of that power will, or can
m
Q 112 J
in reafbn be denied them $ but this the antients afcribe
n Ad wiiodo- to them , So Jerome, n Jliihi ante Tresbyterum federe
*m- non licet, iUi ft peccavero licet me tradere fat an £ ad inter-
ritum carnfc~, ut fpiritus falvus (it. Chryfofiome threat-
ned fome of his Auditory, while he was a Presbyter,
to Excommunicate them, **tpfAi**rimfyX9 rSv U$v 7£Tay
o Rom. 17. h thCb>atv&M?w^ 0 to wave all of like nature infifted on
Matth' by others 3 Jufliniun in the 6th. Age fignifies plainly,
that not only BiJJiops, but 'Presbyters might Excommu-
nicate Offenders, in his Conjiitutions he forbids Bifhops
and 'Presbyters to exclude any from Communion, till fitch
cauje was declared, for which the Canons appointed it to
be done, **<» '6 roU tiincixw $ irfvrfyM&ti dm^d'o^, *po$ifar
w* n '*}!&< xoivwicu, &c. and will have the fentence of
Excommunication refcinded, which u>as pajfed by Tiif/jops
p Novtl. 123. or 'Presbyters without cauje. p In theCWe both Bifhops
Cr "• and Clergy are forbid to Excommunicate in certain ca-
fes, and then mentions the cafes for which they tnuft
not, i a><p*tK"v * drthpadfy* — k*v %Q& m&m ixf«7*0w> aU
q uk 3 9, Sec. though they had been accuHomed to it. q
2. Tit. de Epifc:
Now while Presbyters had this power there could
be no Diocejan churches, whether they exercifed it in
common, as was (hewed before, ox particularly in their
feveral Churches, as will now be made apparent , For
by virtue of thefe powers the Presbyters were really
Bifhops, though they had not alwayes the Title, yea,
they are called Bifhops, as a Learned 'Prelatili obferves,
by the antienteft Authors, Clemens, Ignatius, TertuUian^
r Tbornd. Prim, r and have frequently the Names and Titles which fome
7^74! Pae' would appropriate to Bifhops, and which the Fathers
ufe to exprefs the Office of Bifhops by, ^aw™ T>r<epo-
iUm.firvht.fitiy ^ntijiites, 7)r£(identc3, f&c. And fo there was as
Fag. 53. niany Bifhops really in every Diocefe, as there were
particular Churches and Presbyters there $ And well
may
( tvi )
may they be laid to be really the fame, fince they were
of the very fame Offu- -, for Bifhops in the antient
Church, were not afapericnr Order to Presbyters, but
had only a Precedency in the fame Order. This fomc
of the moft judicious and learned Defenders of Epifco-
pacy afl'crt. And thofc who hold that Patriarchs, Me-
tropolitans and Tliflwps differed not in Order, but in
degree only, which is the common opinion of Epijcopal
Dhines, and yet contend that Bilhops and Presbyters
were of a different order ,will never be able to prove i*.
The difference they affign between 'Bifiops and £Mc-
trope lit an s is, that thefe presided in Synods, and had a
principal interest in Ordinations, and what more did the
preeminence of antient Bifhops, diftingutfhing them,
from Presbyters amount to ? It confided in- nothing
material but their presidency in Presbyteries, and their
power in Ordinations. This laft is moft infifted on,
as making the difference wider, between thefe than the
other. But with little reafon all things considered.
For thofe to be ordained, were firft to be examined and
approved by the Presbyters, m ***»* x^™^^7** *&4 %
Itfocti&v KhmyJv J)»unA?tovTw t, the ordaining of one to the t rbtopfoTu*
Presbytery was to be 4"?« ^ *?/V« <r« **»?« xnv]& u. It commonitor.
was a crime for which the greateft Bifhop in the World uci$m.con!tt-
was cenfurable, to preferr any, or make Ordinations t*.tik 8.<r^
*£& yveSmy t» KKn$*^ as appears- by what Chryfbfl&me was
accufed of, though it is like falily w, and this is counted vjpiiotjn ckryf*
by fome xhzfubftancc of Ordination, wherein the P^^c^ffufrthZ
byters had no left (hare (to fay no more J than the cap.22fnm&i
Bifhop. And in impofing hands, which was* the Rite
ef Ordainingy the Presbyters were to concurr with the
Bifhop, for which there is better Authority than the
Canon of an .African Council, for faith a very learned
Doctor x, to thkpm'pofc, the laying on of the hands of the x Im' ?• 27$*
Tvesbytery y, is no mays impertinently alkdged^ although y x rim. 1. 1
Q VPQ
( Ml }
mfippfift'St* Ptiul teconburr mthe aftim § becmife if the
T^resbytcry had nothing to do in the Ordination, to what
purpofe were their hands laid upon him <? Was it only to be
Witneffes of the fatt, or to (ignifie their covfent .<? TSoth
thefe might have been, done without their uje of that Cere-
mony, which will fear ce be inftanccd in, to be done by any
but fuch, as had power to conferr what was (ignifyed by
that Ceremony. And diverfe inftances are brought by
the fame hand to (hew that Ordinations by Presbyters
ip*i' 37 h was valid in the antient Church z.
But if the Presbyters had been quite excluded from
Ordination, and this power had been intirely referved
to the Bifhops, yet this would not be fufficient to con-
ftitute them a fuperiour Order. For the Rite of Or-
daining was fo farr from being an aft of Government or
jurifcli&ion, that it did not inferre any fuperiority in the
Ordainer 5 nothing being more ordinary inthe prac-
tice of the Antient Church, than for thofe^were of a
lower Degree and Station, to Ordain their Superi-
ors.
While there was no more diftance betwixt Bifiiop
and Presbyters but only in Degree, fo that as the Bi-
(hop was but primm Presbyter, ( as Hilary under the
d in 1 Tlm.Au- name of ^frnbrofe, and others a \ or Primiceri/ts as Op-
«r?pT* 'in V *tatm •> defined by a Learned Civilian to be *t*™ *
b Go'thofrld. in **5i£f) b the fir ft Presbyter, fo the Presbyter was a fe-
uiu conci Bifhop & #Myi< S&ok, as ^(azianzen. As the
rBifl)op was fumrnu* facer dos, in the ftyle o£Tertu//ian
and others, that is, cheif Presbyter, fo the Presbyter
was BiJIwp a degree lower 5 not that he had left pafloral
power, but becaufe he wanted that degree of dignity or
preeminence, for which the other was ftyled chief.
As the T?r<£ter Urbanus was called £Maximtts, yet he
had
(H3)
had no more Power than the other, Trttorum idem erat
collegium, eadem potejlas c, but only fome more privi- c Bedim lib. 3,
ledge and dignity, dignitate cceteros anteibat propterea *■ 6t
maximus dicebatur d, and the *SXav •awwf*©'* at Athens d Fed. in verb.
was 1? rat or maximus, yet all the reft were pares potejla- maiou
et e 5 TSiJIwpr and Presbyters had idem mimSterium as cibid.
Jerome, eadem Ordinatio, as Hilary f, they were of the f & 1 Tim. 3.
fame Order and Office, had the fame power, the power
of the Keys, all that which the Scripture makes effential
to a TSifiop. While it was thus, there couldbe no Dio*
cefin Churches, that is, no Churches confiding of many
Congregations which had but one Bipop only.
vf* *&* *fi* *$* . %?* *%* %**
POSTSCRIPT.
A
Late Writer prefumes he has detected
a notable miftake in the Author, of
No Evidence for Diocefan Churches (afc
cribed to one who owns it not) about wv°t,
which I fuppofe he would have Tranflated
Ten TJ?oufands definitely j but ahere it is rendred
indefinitely thoufands, as we are wont to exprefs
a great many, when the precife number is
not known. Thofe who underftand the
Language, and have obferved theft/eofthe
Word,will be farr from counting this a fault :
and thole who view the paflage will count it
intolerable, to render it as that Gentleman
would have it. That of Atticns Bifliop of C
(P. may fetisfie any concerning the import and
ule of the word, who fending mony for the
releifof the poor at Mice to CaUiopim, he thus
writes.
Writes, '«/u*$w twite ** tw toa.« 7!uvwt*9 A7&; *^? #f &*
where he tells him that by wW he underftands
a multitude whole number he did not exactly
know, thus (i. e. indefinitely ) is the word
moft frequently ufed by Greek Writers, and
particularly by Eufebim the Author of the
paflage cited. So he tells us, Nero killed his
Mother 7 his (Brothers, his Wife , **! **am* p^fa*
of her Kindred : And Timotbeus of Ga^a^ , ,he
lays, indured -w** £**«**. Many more might
be added, where the word is not rendred by
the beft Translators (Vdefius particularly)
ten thoufand ; but ftill indefinitly imwnkrabi-
ksorinfiniti, orjexcenti, &c Nor have I met
with one inftance ( though poffibly there
may be fome) in him where it is ufed to ex-
prefs ten thoufand precifely.
Howe\er it had been an unpardonable in*
jury to Eu/ebius, to have rendred it fo in this
place 3 as if he would have deluded the World
with a moft palpable untruth, which both
he, and all men acquainted with the ftate of
the Church in thofe times, know to be lb.
For this make him lay that ten thoufand Bi-
fhops
Poft-fcrip.
fliops met in Cancel at Antloch in the third
Age ; when as he never knew a Synod of
fix hundred Bifhops in the fourth Age, while
he lived j though then Bifhops were farr
more numerous, and had all encouragement
to meet in greateft numbers. This makes
him fignifie , that ten thoufand Bifhops af-
fembled in the skirts of the Eafi part of the
Empire : When as their was not near fo ma-
ny (this Gentleman is concerned to maintain
there was not one thoufand) in the whole Chri-
ftian World.
This is more than enough to Chew that
there is fufficient warrant to Translate w«/,
Ihoufands more than once ; though that it is
in that difcourfe (which he ftiles a little Pam-
phlet) (b tranflated more then once, is ano-
ther of his miftakes. And a third (all in two
lines) is that the Author grounds his Argu*
ment on it. Whereas thofe that view the
paffage, and the occafion of it, will fee it had
been more for his advantage to have tranfla*
ted it ten thoufands. He that can allow him-
felf to write at this rate, may eafily be volu*
minous, and look too big to be defpiled, as a
writer of little Pamphlets. The
Vojl-fcrip.
Tioe Letter mentioned pag. 45. being commune
cated to me by M. B. that part of it *tobich concerns
Alexandria is here added, that it may appear how
much it is miftaken, and l>owfarr from ketw an-
fwered.
For Alexandria it was the greatefl: City in
the Empire next to <%ome,uiw $ riw% p»nW * &•„'
fays Jofephus de bello Judaic lib. 5 .cult. And Ept-
phanius gives an account of many Churches in
it affigned to feveral Presbyters, Yi^. befides
Ctfarea finished by Athanafius, that of Dionyji*
us, Theonat, Vterw, Serapion, Terfeas , Vizta,
Mundidius , Annianus , (Baucal<My adding $ *M*t.
Hwes 69. page 728: This notwithftanding
that the Chriftians at Alexandria which held
Communion with Jthamtfius, might and did
meet together in one Church, he himfelf de-
clares exprefly in his Apology to Conflant'rus,
page 531. Tom. 1. Edit. Commelin. Anno 1 601 .
The whole paffage is too large to transcribe or
tranflate, this is the fence of it. He being ac-
cufed for affembling the People in the great
Church before it was dedicated (*fV *wW tikuc*-
■aw*/] makes1 this part of his defence. ' The
'confluence of tie People at thePafchal folem-
nity
Voft-fcript.
nity was fo great that if they had met in feve-
ral afTemblies (xp /**!& 6 &ww* j the other
Churches were (b little and ftrait, that they
would have been in danger of differing by
the crowd, nor would the univerfal harmo-
ny and concurrence of the People have been
(o vifible and effectual, if they had met in
parcels. Therefore he appeals to him, whe-
ther it Wa not better for the whole multi-
tude to meet in that great Church (being a
place large enough to receive them altogether
qvt@- Sc/V»7wr« T6 Jbvtitupu Ji^ac^ rnvmii cv cwm weAdtTp^and
to have a concurrence of all the people with
One Voice ( *J t!w avtW v«J wfflem'as pt **£> ?/Ve«% rlvS
9»vtw\) For if fays he according to our Savi-
viours promife , where two fhall agree as
touching any thing,it fhall be done for them
of my Father, &c. How prevalent will be
the one voice of fo numerous a People affem-
bled together and faying Jmen to God? Who
therefore would not wonder,who would not
count it a happinefs, to lee fo great a People
met together in one place ? And how did the
people rejoice to behold one another,where-
as formerly they aflembled in feveral places ?
Hereby it is evident -hat in the middle of
the fourth Age, ail the Chriftians at Jlexan-
R dria*
Poft-fcript.
dria which were wonc at other times to meet
in ieveral aflemblies, were no more than one
Church might and did contain, fo as they
could all join at once in the Worfhip of God
and concurre in one Amen.
He tells 'jirn alio that Alexander his Prede-
ceflTor,(who died An. 325 )did as much as he in
likecircumftances, Yi^. aflembled the whole
multitude in one Church before it was dedica-
ted, fteg. 532. •
This feems clear enough, but being capa-
ble of another kind of proof which may be no
lefs fatisfa&oty, let me add that alfo. This
City was by Strabo his defcription of it, xa*H&-
a/fc ^ tfuu, like a Soldiers Coat, whole length
at either fide was almoft 30 Furlongs, its
breadth at either end 7 or 8 Furlongs, Geogr.
lib. \y. /w£. 546. fo the whole compafs will
be lefs than ten Miles. A third or fourth part
of this was taken up with publick Buildings,
Temples, and Royal Palaces, %xHt^^^^^K
#a« /xefQ-. ibid, two Miles and half or three and
a quarter is thus diipoled of. I take this to
be that Region of the City which Epiphanius
calls Gt*w*> (where he tells us, was the famous
Library of Ftolomeus Thiladelphus) and (peaks
of
Pojl-firif>t.
of it in his time as dedicate of Inhabitants,
¥pjK# 7r/yCV bfzti^r de Wonder. & menfur, n. 9.^.1 66
A great part of the City was a/ftgned to the
Tews 7naM&< *$»&&> p*i* A*tjG* txJ £<3r« t«tJ. So Strabo
indefinitely, as fojpflm quotes him. Antiquit.
Jud. L 14. c. \ 2. Others tells us more punctu-
ally, their fhare was two of the five divifions
(Upers Annals Latin, pag. 859.) Though many
of them had their habitation in the other di-
vifions, yet they had two fifth parts entire to
themielves, and this is (I fiippofe) the ™3-u&
which Jofephus faith , the SucceiTors of
Alexander fee apart for them ^MW *f»e«w, hello
Jud. I. 2. cap. 2 \ . Thus we lee already how
6 or 7 miles of the 1 o were taken up. The
greateft part of the Citizens (as at G(pme and
other- Cities) in the beginning of the 4th. Age
were Heathens. Other wife Antonius wrong'd
the City, who, in Atbanafius's time,is brought in
thus exclaiming by Jerom. Vit. Waul. p. 24 j.
V& tibi Alexandria qu<e pro Veo portent a yeneraris •
"Vd tibi civitas mereirix m quam totius orbis ddmoma
confluxere, &c. a Charge thus formed, fuppoles
the prevailing party to be guilty. But let us
fuppofe them equal, and their proportion half
of the 3 or 4 miles remaining, Let the reft
be divided amongft the Orthodox, the Arrians,
the
Pofi-fcnpt.
the Novations and other Se£ts : And if we be
juft a large part will fail to the {hare of Here-
ticks and Sectaries. For hot to mention others,
the Novatians had feveral Churches and a Bi-
fhop there, till Cyrils time, Vui. Soerat. Hift. i
7. c. 7. The Brians were a great part of thole
who profetled Chriftianity, ™ *** ™ ca<> ^:^
(So^pm.Hift.l. i.e. 14.) and if we may judge of
the followers by their leaders, no lefs than
half. For whereas there were I 9 Presbyters
and Deacons in that Church (Tbt I, Hift. I. 4.
c. 23.) (12 was the number of theitr Presbyters
by their Ancient Conftitution, as appears by
EutycbitiSy and 7 theij Deacons, as at %;«e, and
elfewhere) 6 Presbyters with Jriusy and j
Deacons fell off from the Catholicks. So%pm.
Hift. I. \. c. 14. But let the Arians be much
fewer, yet will not the proportion of the
Catholick Bifhops Diocefe in this City, be
more than that of a fmall Town, one of 8
or 1 2 Furlongsin compafs. And Co the num-
bers of the Chriftians upon this account, will
be no more than might well meet for Wor*
fliip in one place.
FINIS.
READE R
THB /?^ Epiftle is now written upon the fight
of Jugulum Caufae : The other with the fa
Tropofttions was written about a year and
half ago, upon the fight of Papa ultrajectinus,
k?c. and the Panenefis contra i£dificatores
Imperii inlmperio : jfndthe defign of all is,
to fi?ew how little or nothing at all thefober mode*
rate Vroteflants , called Epif copal, Presbyterian y
Independent, and Political or Erajlian are dij agreed
in all this bufinefs, whiljl I name you near a hun*
dred Tropofitwns in which they commonly confent :
Tloat Princes and all Magijlrates may feey tl^t they
haye no caufe to be offended at the Chriftian and
Proteftant Do&rine, or to judge the true Re-
ligion of any of thefe parties, as fuch, to be
contrary to their inter eft • when in njery truth they
are in that all one : (But that *amonz all Setts and
(parties, there will be ftillfome injudicious , intern*
per ate and unpeaceahle men • especially thofe whofe
Interefl: in the world is Great, and cannot be up*
held, without encroaching on the rights of others :
j{$ Great Trees mujl have much room, and fuffer
A z nothing
■
nothing to profper under them 9 but Weeds and Bry*
ars. And it is to tell politicians^ that the tritef&a*
floral Tower ( being a Tower to labour and fuf-.
fer in patient felf-denyal for the Church of
Qhnjl and the Jouls of men ) is paft all doubt of
Chrifli anointment : jini to dimimjh that-Tower,
ts but todiminijh our obligation to labour and[\i(-
fer, and to gratife our floth and flejhly intereft.
(But to duninifl? that Secular Church*power which
Clergie men claim as of ViYme tfijght, is but for
Princes to be Princes ^whether the Clergie mil or no.
Jnd as to the Learned Author, Dr. Lud.Moli-
nxus, my meaning is tofecond him in awakening
Magijlrates to reaffume their proper pouter , and to
leave it tnnoQergie mens hands y of what party
foever : (But as to his reflections on the Trotejlants
0ifcipliney lovingly to chide him for making the
difference feem wider than it isy and to %E(J)N*
CILE the four (parties, while I diftinBly open the
common DoSlrine of them all, excepting the rigid
Opinions of fome inter effed or intemperate indu
<viduaL
/• — s
My
ro
My Learned, Sincere and Worthy Friend,
HEN I had haftily fet down my judge-
ment of the Caufe which I found-
handled in your Papa Vltrajcttimis and
other Writings which you fent me, I
caft by that Script ( which I intended-
at the writing of it, for your view )
that I might fttrely keep it from the
notice of others, in this Age wherein
the prevalency oi InurC}\rF aUtirnJ affion and In]udiikufiefsy
doth make it fo great a difficulty, to fay any thing for the
cure of any mens errors^ytirmitics or impieties^whlch fhallnot
be charged with the fame crime (or greaterjwhich it would
cure, and be taken for a difturber of the Church and Peace,
which it would fave or heal. But now feeing that you renew
your endeavours in the fame Caufe, and rinding your Jugu-*
lum Caufe dircdbd to fo many hands, by feventy particu-
lar Epiftles, and that you have honoured me with a place
among thofe great and worthy perfons, I take my felf ob-
liged to render you fome account of my judgement of
your Writings, and efpecially of the whole Caufe, by brinp.-r
ing into the open light, thofe hundred Proportions which
I had purpofed to conceal ; And withal to tell you,
i. That f though you have much overvalued me in your
recitation of their report, who would have joyned me with
fo Great, fo Wife and Good a man as A Bimop Vfnr, and
that in fo great a work •, and experience may tell you, that
other men have other thoughts of me, as one unmeet to
preach the Gofpel ia-the Land of my Nativity, much more
A 3 vmmeet
(2)
Unmeet to be a decider of the Churches Controverfies )
yet you have truly described my judgement of your felf
and your undertaking. I confefs I hope not that ever you
fhould make the Roman Usurpation, more palpable, than the
ta'thood of their Dj&rine of Tranfubftantiation i where
they maintain ( not only the Corporal Preface, which is
nor it that I now mean, but ) that Bread is net Bread, and
V/ine is mt Wine, when all men fee, tafte,fmcll and feel
them : And if the Princes, -Doctors, and great men of the
world, can thus obftinately deny ( or take on them to
deny ) the judgement which is made of feniible objects, by
all mens fenfes, you may gather what fruit you may ex-
pect of your labours, or of any Caufe how plain foever,
where prejudice and feeming imereji are againit you ? Can
all the Writings or Reafonings in the world, bring any
thing to a more clear and fun decifion, than that of all the
fenfes of all men in the world, about the proper objects
of fenfe? If flejh fo far conquer fkjh it felf and the intereti
of fenfuality can caufe fuch men, and iuch multitudes to
renounce the apprehenfion of all their fenfes, what have
we to do more for the cure of mankind?
You have made it plain enough, that it is really a part
of the Secular Government of Kings and States, which is
now commonly called Ecclefiaftical among the Papifts, and
as fuch is challenged and ufurped by the Pope, and that
' Princes that fubject their Kingdoms to his Ufurpation, do
take in a joint Ruler with them, and divide their King-
doms or Tower between themfelves and him. But fo they
have done> and fo they will doy till the Time of the Chur-
ches fuller Reformation, and of the Coalition of the Chri-
ftian world is come*
I'know you may think that as Interefl blindeth them, fo
this great detection of the Invafion of their Intercfi is the
way to bring them to the truth. For who will have a
Co-partner with him in his Kingdom, that may choofe >
Who had not rather Rule alone, than divide his Kingdom
with the Pope? Undoubtedly they give away more of
their own Intereft hereby, than you have opened ? When
they deliver part of their power to one, who by an ap-
proved
C3)
proved General Council of their own, which is the Religion
of their Party, Later. fub Innoc.3.
Can. 2..$. may depofe Temporal Read the Declaration againft the
Lords, ( though no Proteftants ,?ath * #&»!* b> * * f<* *•
'« ^ ,v V .,. Popes diPofiiwKirg«,^M5, 17,27 4? •
.thtmfelves ) that will *i* exter- R/ad HJtm*s Fr?nce.Gal. cap. 7. and
wii/jfe t/M/e ffcil afe//y Tranfub- his fcw*« ftta , pg. 87, s>7> ?8-
\tantiation out of thdr Domini- Read uithrUgton and B*v/# againft
Mf, and. may abfilve their fub- *Jg** G.'W"S. *?V-/? f?
t *x r 1 • hj r j An<* BtlLirvnn aeainft Barclay C $>.
jecls from their fidelity, and may yidm Sm,^ lm admf. [ctl. A^llcli 6.
ght their Countryes unto others, cap. 4/fca. 14. & ca\6. feci. 22. 14.
When their molt Learned, Re- A\er.t*j, Mor. far. uL 8 c i$.Dom.
nowned , applauded Doctors Banm U Viom.n q.iz. art. 2. A*-
teach, that the Pope rnay ex- ft»R; L%?(%*&fC&
communicate Kings, and that an p0pe may depofe all Kings when there
excommunicated King is no is reafonable caufe for it. ] See the
King, and he that killeth him, Jefuhs Morals, and Myftery or Jcfuitifin,
killeth not a King. When the **?<N*W
Roman Council under Greg*y* de-
creeth, that the Pope may depofe Emperours : And the fame
Greg. j. It. 4. Ep. 7. confpireth in the like Doctrine. The
Oration of Card. Ptron is well known : If fo great a
Kingdom as France, that glorieth of its Church-liberties,
can bear fo much, what will not thofe bear, that are
lefs able to deliver themfelves ? The words of this Great
and pretendedly Moderate Cardinal in a Moderate King-
dom, in a publkk Writing againft a Proteftant Learned
King ( King Jamts ) pg. 453* ( as cited by A. Bimop Vfhtt
of Babylon, pag* 163. is fit to be written on the Doors of
all Princes,and of the Pope himfelf,in Capital Letters *, viz*
f By this Article ( that Kings may not be depofed by the
Pope ) We ate cafi headlong into a maniftft Htrtfie, as bind-
ing us to confefsi that for many Ages paft the Catholic]^
Church hath been banifhtiontoftht rcbole world : For if the
Champions of the "DoUrine contrary to this Article do hold an
impious and deteftable opinion contrary to Gods Word, then ^
doubtlefs the Tope forfo many hundred years expired, hath not ^
bttn tht Head of the Churchy but a HERETICK and the
ANTICHRIST.]
What would you have more to fatisfie Kings, than their
own
«C*
own profeflion that, Either the Tope may depofe Kings, or
elfe he is not the Head of the Church , but an Hereticl^ and
Anticbrift, and hath been To for many hundred years. Can
youlhew their Intereft plainlier than all this >
And left any fay, that this is but the Dodtrine of the
Jefuits, remember that Perron was another kind of man,
and the famous Per verter of King Henry the fourth. And
I will cite here the words of one more of a multitude,
even one that wrote fo long ago, as to be numbred with
the Fathers in Bibliotb. Patr.%o. \.p.^\^. and & Roman
• Cardinal Bertrard Card. & Epif. Eduenf. de Orig. & ufit
Jurifd. §h. 4.. [ Rcfpondeo & dico . quod Potcjtas Spiritual'^
debet dominari omni human* Creatura per rationes Hofti-
enfis— Item quia Jcfus Cbrijius filius Dei dum fuit in
hoc mundo, &etiam ab.dterno natural'n dominus fuit, & de
jure naturali in Imperatores & quofcunque alios depofttionvs
fententlts ferre potuijfet, & damnation**, & quafcunque ali-
as : Vtpote in per fonts quas creaverat, & donis naturalibus &
gratuito donaverat, & etiam confervabat. Et tadem ratione
63* etiam ejus Vicarius potejh Nam non videtur difcretus "Domi-
<T nus fuijfe f ut cum reverentia ejus loquar ) nifi unicum pofi
t3* fe tulem Vicarium reliquiffet , qui h£c omnia p Jfet. Fuit
autem. ifte Vicarius ejm Petw apitd Mattheum : Et idem di-
cendum eft de fuccefforibws Petri, cum eadem abfurditas fe-
querctur, ft pofi mortem Petri humanam natur am afe creaiam
fine regimine unius perfon£ reliquiffet. "]
I will . EngliQi it lett the unlearned believe not what
Fathers, what a Bibliotb. Patmm, what Cardinals, and what
Dodrrines the Roman Clergy obtrude upon the Chriftian
world.
£ I anfoer and fay, that tbefpiritual Power ought to have
domination over every humane creature, by Hoftienfis reafons
Alfo becaufejefm Chrift the Son of God while he was
in this world, and alfo from Eternity, was the Natural, Lord :
and by Natural Right, could pafs the fentence of Depofition
and of Damnation, and any other, upon Emperours and upon
any others > as being perfons that he had created and endowed
with Natural Gifts, and freely, and alfo preferved ; And by
the fame reafon bis Vicar can do it : For the Lord feemeth
mt
C5)
not to have been difcrcet ( that I may fpeal^ with reverence
to him ) unlefs he bad left behind him one fitch Vicar, who
could do all thcfe things* And in Matthew thU bit Vicar
was Peter : And the fame mull be faid of the fucccffors of
Peter, feeing the fame abfurdity would follow , if after the
death of 'Peter he had left humane nature created by bimfelf
without the Regiment of 0 neper fon. ]
Do you think this is not plain dealing enough, if men
are willing to underhand ?
I know that there were Emperours and Princes that
ftrugled hard, before they futfered themfelves to be thus
fubjeded i And thcfe Emperours had Lawyers, Statefmen
and Divines that took their parts i as all the Treatifes in
Goldaftus his three Volumes de
Monarch, and his In$. Confiit. Sex Bel/arm. dcPontif.Ro. li. 5. c. 1. &&
ihew. But ftill thole that fded &7.&8. he faith, ft is the cemmon
with the Pope fpake contrary, as judgement of all Catholick Divines ,
the .argumentations of thofe that the Pope r^ejlntudu huh at
t> 1 l r j i_ a u i_ lufc i>idmtlly a cert an Pomr, .rid that
Books behdes the Authors whom th, hkhcfi ]rf rtmpmU. which c.e. he
they . oppofe, do (hew. And, faith, y ju(l fwh ovtr Pructs, as the foul
alas, Occham, and Marfilw Pa- hath over the. body 5 or festive appetite:
tavinus, and Widdrington and ^d that thus he may change l^mrdoms, aU
t, , 11 1* r- take them from one, aid gwe to another, as
Barclay came all too late. For t}f cbkf spiritual Prince, if it be but ne-
all that Secular Power which was ceffary to the fafcty of fouls. Yea, he faith,
cloaked with the name of£c- that it is w lawful for Chriftians to to-
clefiafiical and Spiritual, was be- *»f < « *<fi$ f ; U:rf[dn K*\ . * he
r'J r jaa 1 r TTj „l endeavour to draw his Subjicts to his He-
fore fo deeply rooted in the y^e or kMf. But to judge whether *
Papacy, that they durft plead for j^hg do thaw to Htrefie 0 not, bdoweth
no more, than that Princes are 10 tb? Pope, tonbovthc care of Religion is
nctfubied to the Pope in Tern- commit- td} nerfore it Mjtetb to the
1 r» ^ 1 Potto iud*c a KW too: depo edifice.
porals : But as you truly note, ; * v * f
abundance of Temporals , and
of the Magiftrares proper work about things Eccleflaftical,
was (till vailed under the name of Spiritual : And at lair,
even the 'Temporal Power again claimed more fubtilly, and
indirectly, as in ordine ad fliritualia.
But you'l fay, that All men are naturally fo regardful of
their ownlnterefl, and ejpecially Princes, that it is notpojfble t
they jhould be fo fervile, tame and felf-abaftng, as to give
B away
4>v.ty /o great a part of their Kingdoms to a Forreigner, yea,
to one that claimetb a% ( by bimfelf or by his moft famous
Writers ) and by hti Councils claimetb a power to depofe
them '•> They that with their orvn Nobles and other Sub'yetls,
are fo jealous of their Prerogatives, would never fo far depofe
thcmfelvcs, if they did but hpow what they do : And there-
fore when Popijh Princes underjland the matter, they willfiakc
off the yoke, and reajfume their right*
Anfw. It's true, that Proteftant Princes and States have
done fo \ And the true meaning of our Oixh of Suprema-
cy is the fame with your main defign : And though fome
have (tumbled at thofe words, that the King is Supream
Governour in all Caufes Ecclefiafiical, the meaning is only
( as hath been oft publickly declared ) that he a the Su-
pream Civil or Coa&ive Governour by the Sword, in all Caufes
Ecclefiaftical, fo far as they fall under that Coa&ive or Co-
ercive Government. And hereby the King doth but reafc
fume the Royal Power over the Clergy and .the affairs of
Religion, which the Pope had ufurped under the. name
of EcclejiafiicaL For its well known- what was called EccU •
fiajiical Power in England in the times of Popexy:fo that this
much of the Vail is removed long ago among all Proteftants.
And if you perufe but Bifhop BUfons excellent Tract of
Chriflian Subjeclion, and Bifhop Andrews his tortura Torti
( to pals by all others ) you will fee that this Cafe is bet*
ter opened, than I for my part am able to open it. And
it is feldom heard of ( for all the induftry and (ubtilty of
Home ) that any Prince or State doth Voluntarily turn Pa-
pift, that is once delivered from the Yoke, and that ever
again parteth with his power when he hath recovered k.
But yet that even this Argument from Notorious Interefi,
doth not recover the Liberty of Countreys fubject to the
Pope, you will the lefs wonder, if you confider thefe
three things.
i. That the Papal Intereft hath got fuch rooting in their
Subjects minds, that it is not in their power to reafTume
their right. TheClergy are fo numerous, fubtile, ubiqui-
tary and potent, and the people fo commonly deceived,
and fo tenacious oi ancient Cufioms , that to make this
Change,
(?)
Change, might caft all into a flame : And they think it bet-
ter to lofe part, than all. And no doubt but the examples
of Henry the third, and Henry the fourth of France, make
fome think, that if they difpleafe the Pope and his Confe-
derates, they have not fufficitnt fecurity for their lives.
2. And Princes ftand ufually on fuch terms of danger or
jealoufie from one another, that they are fain to keep fuch
a Peace at home, left they expofe themfelves to a greater
mifchief from abroad. And they are broken by the Papal
fubtilty,efpecially in Germany and Italy 'into fuch Fra&ions,
and petty Principalities, that few of them are ftrong enough
to defend themfelves againit the Confederates of the Pope
( when potent Emperours heretofore could not do it. J And
many of them, efpecially the.Houfe of Auftria, do take
this Copartnerfhip of the Pope, to be a great part of their
ftrength : And as anciently many Emperours were forced
to choofe their Gtfars and Copartners, when the defence
of the Empire was too hard for themfelves alone \ fo di-
vers Princes are glad to make ufe of the Papal intereft and
power for their own fecurity \ though upon terms that
elfc would never be fubmitted to.
And in fome Countreysthe Rebellious difpofit ion of the
Subje&s driveth them to accept of this dear remedy \ and
they choofe rather to ftrengthen themfelves by a Copart-
ner, than to ftoop to the wills of their infer iours.
For here you muft take notice, that the pretence of a Jus
divinum and of Spirituality^ and the Intercji of Chrtft, and
of the fafety of their fouls, doth make this kind of fervi-
tude much lefs difhonourable, than it is to be overtopt by a
neighbour Prince, or to be curbed by their fubjedls. For
what dishonour is it for a man to be fubjedt. to his Maker
and Redeemer? Nay, what greater honour can there be?
And the Koman Clergy have ufed themfelves to Canonize
thofe Princes that have been molt zealous for their Gran-
dure, and to raife the fame and praifes of fuch, as have
raifed that which they call the Church, that the very am-
bition of the Clergies Praifes, doth do much to tempt
fome to a tame acceptance of a Copartner, who pretendeth
to be the Vicar of Chrift : When this fervitude goeth for
B 2 fan&ity
lanctity, ana carnetn not witn it ine reproacn or other
forts of fervitude.
3. And it greatly furthereth their fuccefs, that the Popes
Agents are commonly bred up in Learning, and fo are
m2de able to over-wit the Laity => And that it is their great
ddign, to gratihe the Lulls of Princes, by indulging their
voluptuous fenfual lives, that fo they may fpend their dayes
in fuch things, as will never advance their underftandings
to an ability to difcern the cheats of their Copartners :
And they detdtably cherim the Ignorance of the Common
Laity, that they may be the titter to be led and mattered by
them i even as men keep women from Learning and great
attainments, left they (hould be the more uncapable of fub-
je&ion. And thus as Satan leadeth men to Hell, fo the
Papal Uiurper bringeth the Laity into their power, by their
own confent^ by fuch pleafmg baits, as make their fervitude
eafie to them* And it is not your telling them of their
intercft , that will prevail againlt all thefe temptations.
They that will lofe Heaven, and their falvation by fuch
cheats, may lofe half of their earthly Dominions by them,
as long as the other half fufrlceth to fatisrie their concu-
pifcence, and to maintain their honour and plealure in the
world.
The Roman Ufurpation confifteth of two parts. i.The
Ufurpation of fuch a Pajloral Power as they have no right
to. 2. The Ufurpation of a great part of the Magiftrates
power, fometime dintily, and fometimes indirectly in or-
dine ad fpiritualia '•> and conftantly by the cheat of the
falfe name of Church pawer, put upon the Magiftrates part
of Church Government, as if it were the Clergies part.
I. The Ufurpation of a Paftoral power which belongefrh
not to them, is the chief part of their Iniquity. And it
conlifteth in thefe, among other particulars.
1. In the impious, and arrogant claim of anUniverfal
PaftorfiSip over all the world. The Roman Prelate muft be
the Teacher of all the world, the High Prieft of all the
world, and the Spiritual Ruler of all the world * which be-
caufe he cannot do by himfelf, he muft do by others, as far
as Ipe can to uphold his ufurpation. He muft be the Law-
giver
(9)
giver and the Judge of all the world, even at the Anti-
podes, and where he hath no acquaintance nor accefs.
2. By this he undertaketh to be a Bifhop in other mens
Dioccfles, and to rule in all matters, where he hath no
more power, than any Pallor hath in another Paftoral
Charge.
3. And by this he undertaketh to be the Spiritual Father
and Governour of all the Kings and Rulers of the Chriflian
world, and fo to have the power of excommunicating
them when hethinketh there iscaufe, and to brand them
as uncapable of Chriftian communion with their own Sub-
jects j or with any other Chriftians.
4. By this he ulurpeth authority of impofing what Pa-
ftors he pleafe ( even fuch as will carry on hisintereft ) up-
on all the Churches in the world,and depriving both Princes
and people of their juft liberty of choice.
5. By this alfo he ufurpeth the power of depofing what
Bifliops or Paftors he pleafe, and depriving the people of
their necelTary helps, and faithfulleft Teachers. Yea, of
putting whole Nations under Interdicts of ferving and ho-
nouring God in Church-ailcmblies •, commanding all Pa-
ftors tofnut up the Church doors, and forbidding them to
perfom their office, and to preach Chrifts Gofpel, or admi-
nifter his holy Sacraments.
6. By this he fendeth forth his Miffionaries, and fetteth
up Societies of Jefuits and Fryers to do his work, and com-
mandeth all Princes and people to receive and counte-
nance them.
7. By this, he layeth claim to a right of maintenance for
Himfelf and his Miilionaries in all parts of the world, in the
nameof Chriit, who hath faid, that the labourer is worthy
of his hire.
8. By this he granteth Difpenfations, Pardons, Indul-
gences, commanded! praying to Saints and Angels , and
praying for the Dead, as being in Purgatory, and by this
he fetteth up his whok new frame of felf-devi fed Worlhip
and Religion. Now I call not all this an Ufurpauon of
Magiftracy, fo far as he ufeth no Corporal force > and
threatneth no penalty but encommumcation and damna-
B 3 lion*-
Oio)
tion. For every true Paftor with his own flock hath the
Power of Guiding them by delivering Chrilts Dodtrine and
Precepts , and commanding obedience as ' his Servant or
EmbifTadour in his Name, and of denouncing his judge-
ments, and of judging obligingly who are fit to be taken
into the Church by Baptifm, and who to be caft out as
Impenitent by excommunication in his own particular
Charge or Society. And if the Pope ufurp a power of
doing all thisand more, as an Univerfal Pallor only, this
is an Utilisation of a Church Fower^ and not of a Magijiracy.
And indeed if you will acquit him from the guilt of the
Myfrerie of Iniquity any further than he invadeth Magi-
ftracy it felf, you will do him a great deal ot wrong: For
he is the Vicarius Chrifti, and the Vice-Chrijl more notably
by his Spiritual Vfurpation of a power proper to Chrifi
bimftlfi or at lead of a power that Chriit never gave
him.
II. His fetting up a KI N GD O M, and invading the
MAGISTRACY is done I. Dire&ly, II. Indire&ly
and Confequentially.
1. Dire&ly* i. By holding a Secular Jurifdi&ion, as the
King of Rome, where he exercifeth the Supream Civil 'Pow-
er, acknowledging no Superiour Civil Governouri either
as to the Legislation or Execution, in all the parts of his
cwn Dominions.
2. By his laying claim to many Kingdoms as his own
( among which England is one , as pretended to be deli-
vered to him by King John ) and fuppoling that the Kings
do hold them as under him, and by his Grant.
3. By laying claim to the Temporal or Corporal Go-
vernment of all the world ( fay fome } or of all the Chri-
ftian world ( fay others ) : Of which you may-fee-a multi-
tude of Volumes written in the defence of his pretenti-
ons: In particular all thofe aforefaid were of this fubject,
Which all Goldajiuf his Collected Treatifes, for the Right of
Princes do confute. I gave you Cardinal Bertrands words
before.
And though fome of their Clergy who live under Prin-
ces that axe not willing to refign their Crowns, dodifclaim
the
f II)
*hc Popes dirett Title to the Univerfal Civil Soveraignty, yet
he himfelf difclaimeth it not, nor condemneth the Books as
fuch, that have been written to defend it.
In the Jefuits Morals the laft Chapter hath this Title
£ 'that the Jefuits teach, that the Church cannot command
jpiritual and internal aelkns > Ibat its Lapps and guidance
are humane -> and that it is itfelfonly a Political Body~\ Where
the J anfeniji chargeth them with destroying the Church from
its foundation, and making it altogether external, humane
and Politick ■> and that which needeth only Politick Ver-
tues for its Government, and the excrcife of its principal
offices, and that they make its Laws but humane and po-
litick, which oblige only to things external : and charge
eth them as Cyprian did the Novatians, §>uod Ecclefiam
hnmanam factum ] So that if heaccufe them juftly , here
is no room for any fubterfuge : It is not the Spiritual and
Temporal power that he makes them claim, but the Tem-
poral or External only : But what / doth the J anfeniji him-
felf therefore difclaim all Temporal Power in the Churchy
or is he juft to Kings ? Judge but by pag. 3S8. where he
boafteth of Laymans Confelfion of the Truth, that [ Ecc/e-
fiaftic\ power is injiituted immediately from God, and the Ci-
vil power comes immediately from men :■ And that Civil
power regards properly and diredly wealth and peace temporal
only : ~] And he adds [_ For the Civil power regards the out-
ward order and Civil tranquility almes and prefcribes none
hut outward and humane means to attaift this end, ] Which
is all falfe, and moft injurious to Kings h whom this mode*
rate J 'anfeniji would hereby fet as far below every Prie^
in real dignity and amiabknefs to the Subjeds as a Humane
Creature is below a Divine, and the intereft of ^the body
is below that of the foul. Whereas indeed God is the im-
mediate Original of Civil and Church power , though irr
both the Perfons are defigned by the means of men* And
both have God himfelf for their ultimate end, and the
Common Good of the Society for their Common End 3
which ever confifteth moft in fpiritual felicity, referring
to Eternal. Though the Magiftrates weapon be the Sword*
and thePaftoisonly*heWord,by which all this is brought
*opa&« ladeeA^
Indeed it is not poffible that the Papacy in its prefent
State can be detended by any man how moderate foever,
without Injury to Princes and States, whofe Power the Pope
hath fo notoriously invaded and ufurped : For how can
they defend him, that ufurpeth the. Power of Kings, or
ufurpeth a falfe Power over Kings, and not be injurious to
them that the Ufurper injureth ?
But it is motf wonderful to me, that when W. Barclay de-
fendeth the right of Monarchs in fuch a Kingdom as
France that hath power and will to hold fait its own, he
fliould complain as if he undertook a Caufe which mod
were again ft him in, and in which he expected to be won-
dered at for his Angularity.
4. By their Inquifition, and by their Decreeing Corpo-
ral Penalties in their Councils, and Decreeing the depofition
of Princes, and the giving away their Dominions toothers,
as in the two fore-cited Councils , Roman* fob. Greg. 7. &
Later an. fab Innvc.3. In a word, by all that they do in their
Ufurped Legiflation, Judgement and Execution, by the
Sword, or a forcing Power as in themfelves.
II. But the more fuccefsful Ufurpation of the Power and
Rights of Princes is IndireUly, and as Bellarmin defendeth it,
in or dine ad Jpiritualia v. By ufing their Ecclefiaftical Ufurp-
ed power upon mens Consciences, in fuch a way as (hall
overtop the Magiitrates power of the Sword : when they
decree that all are Hereticks that believe their fenfes, and
deny Tranfubftantiation, and that all fuch Hereticks mail
be banilhed or burnt > the Clergy is not to do this them-
felves, but to deliver them over to the Secular Power:
The Pope and Clergy do but charge it on their Confciences
in the name of Chrift. And if Princes obey them not, or
Temporal Lords will not burn or banifh all fuch Hereticfy
for believing fenfe, the Pope is not to touch their bodies,
fyut to excommunicate them. And if they will not yet obey
the Pope, when they are excommunicate, the Pope , Good
man, will not draw a Sword againft them, but only ufe
the Spiritual Sword, by giving their Dominions to others ,
which is but byword of mouth y he doth but declare fuch
a Temporal Lord to be difpoffeft of his Title, and require
another
another to take his Lands, and let his great Divines pub-
lifh that an Excommunicate King is no King, and that to
kill him, is not to kill a King : And if Princes will defend
themfelves by Arms, the Pope will not fend his Clergy in
Arms againft them, but only by the Spiritual Sword, or
Word, command other Princes, States and people to arm
themfelves againft their Emperours, Kings and Governours,
and to defend thofe to whom he hath given their Domi-
nions. How oftthefe Games have been ferioufly acted,
the German Hiftories lamentably tell us : and Guicciardines
Italian, and the Englijb, French and others are not wholly
filent.
So if the Clergy be exempt from paying Taxes, from
Secular Judgements, if their Lands and Eftates be not un-
der the Power of Kings, if they fet up Courts of Judica-
ture with Offices like a Civil Court, if they aiTume to
themfelves the fole judgement of Hereticks, and Schifma-
ticks, and Apoftates, and alfo of Teftaments of the dead,
and of Caufes of Adultery and Fornication, of lawful or
unlawful degrees of Marriage, and of Divorce, if the Pope
lay Taxes on the Ciergy that are Subje&s in all Princes
Dominions, if he difpofe of Buildings, Tythes, Glebes,
Monaftcries, Lands, Almshoufes,Colledges, and abundance
fuch like h all this is not by the Sword, but by perfwading
Kings and States that they are bound in Confcience to
promote all this, and obey the Pope as their Ghoftly Fa-
ther herein: And that if they be ftricken with the Thunder-
bolt of Excommunication, they are in a ftate of damnation,
and if they fo dye,are undone tor ever : And by perfwading
other Princes and people, that the Arms taken up againft
fuch Princes at the Popes Command ( according to the fore-
faid Councils ) are meritorious, and (hall procure their
falvation.
And if Princes and people will believe all this, and
will be deceived, and will voluntarily fubjedt themfelvej,
to fuch an Ufurper, who can help it ? Though it excufc
not the Pope, yet they have little reafon to complain, that
they lofe that power which they voluntarily give away,
and that the Pope (hall exercife that power which they
C give
give him. And fo much to your Caufe againft the Pa-
pacy.
II. But in your Epiftle to Mr. Jreshjn and feveral others,
vou lay much of the like charge upon the Ret or me d
Churches, and you take our great Reforming Divines* to
have kept up the Myiterie ot Iniquity in their Difcipline.
Concerning which give me leave to deal freely with you,-
and to tell you, that I am perfwaded that your meaning is
iincere and good, and that it is an usurpation or devifed
imitation of Secular Government by the Clergy which- you
condemn-, and that too great a part of the Proteftant Clergy
have given you forne occaiion tor thefe complaints; But
that really you deal not accurately in the Controveriie, and
Jccuratenejs is the thing you want. You do not here cx-
aclly defcribe the true difference between the feveral powers
where you/iciw.to defcribe them \ you leave out -much that
mould be faid. It is a more diftinct way of handling this
point, that muft decide the Controveriie. To which end
I have laid you down an hundred Proportions, on occaiion
of your former Writings fent me.
And as you fay in Epijh ad P. Rujfelium, p. 248. that in
this you would believe one Phyficion, one Cexe, Goddard,
Lower , Ridglcy, &c. ( Though! have rcafon to think that
the firft and laft of thefe. are more of my mind about
Church. Government than of yours ) before a thoufand
Aupi\\inesy Hieroms, Gregories, yea, JmeJJf, Vavenant,
Vlhcrf^VaVces; fo my opinion is, that ufually all men are
wifefi in their own Profeffion. And though I am natural-
ly (omewhat unapt to take more than needs I mult up-
on tr nil from any ( fince I have had great experience of
humane ignorance. and vanity) yet I had rather take a
Phyficions judgement in Phyiick, and a Lawyers in points
of Law, and a Souldiers in Military matters, and a Divines
in Theology , than any ot their judgements about the
matters ot an aliene Protellion, Not but that now and
then a man may arile, that (hall know more on the. by,
than others that make it the ftudy of their lives : But that
is not ufual. And that one man would- have been yet
wijh'y in thofc things if he had befn of that Prcfefiion.
For
'For furely ceteris paribus, he that beftoweth twenty years,
or thirty, or forty, or threefcorc in the Study ot Divinity
alone, with its fubfervicnt helps, is liker to underftand it,
than he that allowcth it, but now and then a fpare hour,
in the midft of other diverting Studies. For my part, if
J follow not one thing only when I am upon it, but di-
vide my thoughts among things heterogencal, I cannot
pierce deep into any great difficulties, nor make any thing
of diftradted Studies j neque quicquam rede fit, quod fit
prtoccupato animo. God doth not ufe to give wifdom now
by the way of Miracles \ but they that fetk^ molt, are likeft
to find. And therefore pardon me for telling you, that
though I am deftrvedly a great honourer of the Phylicions
you name, yet I fet more by the Judgement of one VJher,
one Vavenant, one Jewell, one Dalldw, one Blondel, one Ca-
mero, one Le Blan^ one Petrus Molinaut in matters of The-
ology, than of abundance of Lawyers and Phyficions. And
of one Lawyer and Phyticion in matters of their Profeili-
on, than of many Divines. Being (till of Pembles mind,
that one clear eye can fee further than a Council of pur-
blind ones.
And as to the matter of Partiality of which you fufpecf.
Divines, it is not without caufe as to all that party who
feek for Richer, Eafe and Hmours, or Domination and Pre-
ferments and Prebemrnency in the world : But fuch as that
St. Martin whom you mention out of Severn* , who fo ve-
hemently oppofed the Itbacian
Violence,* and Maximur his uiiiig J/*? •* m^^lm yoh twte e*H
the Sword againft the Pnfcilianijh his ^^ / had mn a mpm SainL '
are as impartial as you. Cer-
tainly if Chriftianity be what we all profefs to take it for,
it will make that man befi who is moil a Chriftian : And he
that is befi will be moft impartially and felt-denyingly
faithful to Ghrilt, and will prefer Chrifts honour incompa-
rably before his own. And he is like to be moft a Chri-
stian, who doth fincerely give up himfelf to the clofeit
ftudy of it all his dayes. Deny this, and your fufpieions
will fall upon Chriftianity itfelf.
Cut- yet I will allow you to be moderately fufpicious
C 2 where1
where you lee tnat mere is any great bait of carnal interejt
to tempt men : A Fopedome, a Cardinaljhip, ( I muft name
no more) may make the Roman Heathen fay, I will turn
Chriltian, if you will make me Bifhop of Romey &c. But
will you fufpecl: that a good man, yea, and all fuch good
men, (hould be Partial where they put themfelves on the
greateft felf-denyal ? Where they have no profit, no pre-
ferment, no man-pleaiing, no worldly honour to invite
them ? Yea, where it is like to diminifh their gain, to hin-
der them from preferment, to make them hated by moi\
on whom their difcipline is exercifed ? If a few out of a
pang of Fa£f ious or Phanatick zeal, may caft themfelves on
fuch a felf-denying life, it is not like that this will be the
ordinary Cafe, of Learned, fober, godly men. If it be, with
whom (hall the ignorant truft the conduct of their fouls,
that will not make merchandize of them ? Would yon be
partial and falfe to the Tiuth ofChrift your felfi if you
were the Paitor of a Church } Is the Office fo malignant
to infed all that undertake it } If it be, how can our
Religion be good ? If not, why (hould you think that
others will not be as juft and impartial as you would be ?
Do you conlider what excellent perfons in all refpe&s for
Wifdom, and Piety, and Integrity, were Melancbthon, Bk~
choltzer, Sohnius, Kimedontius, Olevian, Vrftnus, Zanchius>
Partus^ and thofe Englifh men you named , and many
hundreds more -, who more unlikely through Ignorance or
partiality to betray the truth ?
But they fay, that Intereft will not lye. Do you not
know that an able Preacher, may better by many degrees
eonfult his own Eafe, his Profit, and his worldly honours
by Preaching only , than by this troublefome ungrateful
work of Difcipline ? I am confident that you and I do
take one another for true plain dealing honeft men, and
therefore can believe each other. And if you will believe
me, I did, in my Paftoral Charge ( in thofe times when I
was thought tolerable in the Sacred Office ) for about ten
yeais ( of the twenty that I had leave to preachy) exercife
fome Difcipline upon fbme particular offendors, according
to the common judgement of Proceftant Divines j And it
was
(*7)
was fomuch to my labour, to my expcnce of time, to the
grievous difpleafure of thofcthat fell under it, and requi-
red fo much felf-denyal, that when I confulted with flcfh
and blood , if I might but have fbrborn it, and only
preached, and given the Sacraments to all that came, f
fhould have thought my ftlf fo greatly disburdened, as
would have made my life to be fenfually pleafant : fo that,
though I had not any maintenance of my own, I think I
could gladly have given up all that I received for my Mi-
ni ftry, and made what other (hift I could for food and ray-
ment, fo I might but have been freed from the trouble of
this particular Difcipline : I fpeak only what it was to flefh
and blood, and not what it was to faith, which faith
God cannot be ferved too dearly. Till Ifpcak this to
one that hath tryed the thing I talk of, I (hall take it for
granted, that my words are not half underilood.
If you fay, Why then did you not forbear a work fo
ungrateful > I now only anfwer, Why doth not the Judge
and Sheriff forbear hanging Murderers and Thieves : The
reft of my Anfwer you (hall have anon.
Though my following Proportions feem full enough in
opening the difference between the two Powers ^ yet 1 will
here alio briefly tell you, i. Somewhat of the nature of
Church Tower : 2. Somewhat of the certain Truth that Jefus
Chrift did inftitute it : 3. Somewhat of the Neceflity of
it fub rat tone mcdii ad finem,
1. For the rirft, take thefe few things together, and you
may clearly fee what power we claim.
i.OurOffke for the Original of it, is as immediately
from Chrift as that of Magiftrates , and is not made by
Kings or any Monarchs. Therefore we hold it as imme-
diately from Chrift.
2. lor the Matter of it, it is only to expound and ap-
ply the Word of God, both commonly in Sermons, and
particularly to each mans feveral Cafe, as Phyficions look
to the Cure of individuals : And alfo to exercife the Keys
of the Church or Kingdom of Chrift i that is, 1.T0 be
the ordinary Judges who is to be taken in by Baptifm j
2. And alfo who is to bepublickly admoaiifhed as fcanda-
C 3 lous,
^ 10 )
lous, in our particular Charge: 3. And alfo who is to be
abfolved aspr.itent: 4. And who is to be declared un-
meet for Church- communion, as obftinately impenitent,
and to be forbidden Communion with the Church, and the
Church with him , and confequently denyed the privi-
ledges of the Church, and figns of Communion in the
Lords Supper, which it bclongeth to the Pallor to deliver
only to the capable, and by the peoples Familiarity and
brotherly Society, which tViey are obliged to deny them.
And this Sentence of the Pallor, if it fhould proceed on
lniikke, doth not make the mans Cafe the worfe before
1 God \ but yet ( till the Church have (ought its due reme-
dy againil miilaking Pallors ) it remaineth fo far valid, as
that none againit it may obtrude himfclf on the Commu-
nion of that Church. For, I pray you telf me, if flato,
or Zeno miitake in their judgement of a Difciple whom
they refufe, or any Free Schoolmalter in judging of the in-
capacity of a Scholar, (hall others fo misjudged intrude in-
to their Schools , and make themftlves their Scholars
againli their wills ? Or ihall he whom by mif-information
you refufe or rejedfc from your family or fervice, become
your hou(hold fervant indefpight of you?
3. And. as to the Inllruments and manner of exercHing
our OrBce, we . profeiTedly difclaim all pretentions to any
power of the Sword, or of corporal penalty, that is co-
a&ive or coercive. You contefs this once your felf. We
claim no power but by the Word^ either generally preach-
ed, or particularly applyed to the cafe of thole that are of
our charge. No other power of "Excommunication do we
claim : If men will defpite our Minifterial inftrudtions,
reproofs and cenfures, we: have done with them. Shall
they force themfelves into our familiarity or communion
in fpightof us ? Your Epift* 54. ad Mettagerium openeth
the matter fo fairly, that we little differ from it. If you
Gy that Presbyterians and Epifcopal fet up Courts, Judica-
tories, with Officers like Civil Courts: I anfwer, 1. The
more pomp and likenefs to the Magiftrates coercive way,
the worfe I like it* 2. But how (hall men be heard, if they
be not cited ? How ihall fuch things be Juftly and Regu-
larly,
( 19)
Jarlv tran faded, if there benota known Twt and Pkke,
and if Accusers and Witncflls be 'not fummoned ? Are not
fuch regular proceedings necelTary even in Cafes of meer
arbitration ? If this be all, here is no more Sword, no more
force, than in a Pulpit. And how doth Excommunica-
tion ( that is, declaring an Impenitent pcrfon unfit for
Church Communion by Chrilts Laws, and binding him
over to the great day ) I fay how doth this touch mens
bodies or ejTates, or work any otherwife than a Pulpir-
Sermon on the confeiencious Volunteers ? 3. And if horn-
ing, or Writs dc TLxciwimitnizjio Capiendo, or imprifonmenr,
or burning men as HLreticks follow this, all this is the Ma-
gistrates own doing > If it be wtl, praile him for it. If it
be ill, blame him tor it. If Rulers will make fuch Liw>,
and if they mil fo far be Executioners of the Oergies De-
crees, who can hinder them? If it be againlt their right* it
is their own act, who-gtve.(b much of their right away. ' If
you fay, that Clergy m:n are too blame that urge them to
it ■-> you (lull not calily think worfe of their Co doing, thaa
I do: It is greatly againlt our wills that the Sword lo
clofely folio wet h Excommunication. I think it is the ef-
fect of Carnal Clergy mens bale conceit of their own- Sa-
cred Ofiice, as if it were a Leaden unpowerful S.vord
which Chriit hath put into their hands, and Excommuni-
cation were invalid, when the Sword forceth not the impe-
nitent to dilfcmble Repentance and Submillion. When
great worldly baits have enticed worldly, men -into the.
Sacred Office, as to a worldly preferment and Trade, they
will judge accordingly and manage it like themfelves
(which is and hath been the Churches Pell) We would
beg on our knees of Kings and MagiltraKs, if it would
prevail, to leave Church Cenfures to our Lords intended*
uiej and valeant quantum valcrc pffunth arid to keep* fcheir
Sword out of Chureh-mens hands, and to puniih men in
their own Courts for every crime that defcrveth it * but
not qitatemts excommunicate, or meerly becauie the Clergy
hath judged them unmeet for Church Communion. He
that taketh Excommunication alone for no puniflament,
is not fit to be in the Communion of the Church, and
therefore
(2o;
therefore mould not be driven for fear of a Prifon to that
which he hath no right to. So that you muft not charge
the ads of Princes, nor of ambitious Cardinals, &c. neither
en Cil: ?>?, Ff£j, or any fuch as them.
And as to Lay-Elders, ox Lay Chancellors, I am no more
for them than you arc, that is, as the Magiftrates Officers,
or as the Churches Sub-Officers circa ftcra & non infacrU ;
But fure thofe of them who are introduced on a mijhahgn
conceit of Divine rights and do no more than the Pallors do,
are no llfurpers of Coercive power.
You fee by the late Ads of King and Parliament in
Scotland, that all External Church power is declared to be in
the King : And what would you have more? No doubt
the meaning is not, All power about external things : For
the Sacraments of Baptifm and the Lords Supper, and the
perfons baptized, &c. are external objeds : Nor can it be
all power that is exercifed by the external parts of the
body. For the Tongue of the Preacher, and the Hand of
the Baptizer, as well as the Ear of the Hearer is an external
part. But in thefe two fenfes it is true, and commonly con-
fented to, by all that I remember of my acquaintance that
are Chriftians. u That all the power of the 'Sm rd, or of
forcing by Mulds or bodily punifhments, as diiVind from
the power of the Word, that worketh diredly upon the
foul alone ( by the fenles ) is in the King, and not in any
of the Clergy, though it be about the matters of Religion.
2. And that all power in Church matters and Religion, Ex-
trinfecal to the Fjfioral Office as inftituted by Chriit, is of
right the Kings, and his inferiour Magiftrates. And what
would yoti or any man have more ?
4. And as to the exercife of our Office, we all confefs
( except the Papifts ) that we are refponfible to the King
and Magiftrates, for our faults, yea, for our injurious mal-
adminiftration. And that though the King be not the
Chief Paftor, nor hath the power of the Keys which Chriit
gave to his Minifters, yet he is the Ruler of all Churches
and Paftors by the Sword, as well as of all Phyficions. And
is not all this enough to fatisfie you, that we claim no part
of the Magiftrates Office t
As
(21)
As you fay, our power is but Ferfaaftve. U is buf, By
the Word\.\\ is but on the Confcicnce i It is under theMa-
gillrates coercive Government : And foit is like a PhynVi-
ons or a Tutors in a Colledgc. But that I pray you leave
net out i. That it is not under.fhe Magiliratcs, as to the
derivation of the office or pjwer, that is, It is no office which
the Magifirate made or may unmade : 2. That it is as imme-
diately of Divine Inuitution as the Magiftrates. And there-
tore in your iimilitude you mull fuppofe your rnyilcion
and Tutor to have a Commiffion from God. 3. That
God hath dtferihed our office, and limited the Magijlrates
office, fo that he hath no power frpm God to hinder the Mi-
nijxry. 4. But if he doit injurioufly we mult not retift,
but patiently iurTer for obeying God. So much of the na-
ture of the office.
II. Now that it is certain that God hath committed to
Pallors, fuch a Government of his Church by the Word, as
t<5 ftated commiifioned Officers, becaufe I have pall by the
proofs in my following Proportions, I will addibme here.
Supposing what Dr. Hammond hath faid of the Power of
the Keyes, and that no man with common (enfe can take
the Power of the Keyes, for any thing lefs than a power
of Church Government, or Authoritative Guidance, and fo
a Power of receiving in and putting out as there is caufe -,
It is plain in that Chrifl firft reciteth his own Commiffion
and Power, Mattb. 28. itt, 19, 20. and thence dateth the
Commiffion of his Apoftles, as it was to endure to the end
of the age or world.
Seei/j22.22. ScRcr. 3.7. & 1. 18. compared with
Mattb*i6.i$. Sc John 20* 23. The word Fresbyter and
Biffiop can lignifie no leis : as A3s 4. 8, &c. compared
with Ails 14. 23.^ 15. 2,4, 6, 22> 23. &i6.$. 6^20.
17, 28. TttM 1. 5. James 5. 14. 1 Pet. 5. i.Rcv. 4.4,6^.
And nothing lefs can be meant by 1 Tim. 5. 17. The El-
dcrs that Rule well arc worthy of double honour, &c» Heb.13.
17.24. Obey tbcm that Jiaye the Rule over you, for they
watch, &c. 1 ThelT. 5. 12, 13. Know tbcm that labour among
you, and are over you in the Lord, and admonijh you, 1 Tim.
5. 1,4, 5. If a mandefire the office of a Bijb p, he dcfiretb
D a z" ' *
C22)
J izorkj— ^Onc that Ridetb recti bis ownhoufe, hav-
ing hvs children in fubjefiion* —For if a man know not
how to rule his own houfe, bow Jh all he takg care of the Church
of God* So 7*7. i. 7, &c. 1 Per. 5. 1, 2: 3, 4. Many other
1 pais by.
And tor the adt of excommumcstion^ or excluding un-
meet perfons from ChrljHan Church CnnmmnM, it would
be tedious* to (land to vindicate all thofe plain Texts from
any mens exceptions, 1 Cor. ^.pertotum* Ttitws 3.10. 2 John
10, 11. 2 7heff, 3. 6, 14. Rev. 2. 14, 15, 20.
But while 1 am writing this, I remember that I have long
ago written a fmall Book called Vnivcrfal Concord, in which
I have defcribed all the Pajtoral Office and IVorhj, If you canv
prove it lefs than I have there named in any one point,
you will fo far eafe us, and take nothing from us at all
that gratirieth our flefh : If you can deny none of that, we
are agreed. And in the Preface to the fame Book I hav$
given you twelve Reafons of the great ufe of Church Dis-
cipline i which (hall fave me the labour of the third point
which I intended next to fpeak to •■> fave only that I will
briefly ask you,
III. Would you have any difference made between the
Chriftian Church and the Pagan and Infidel world > If not
If you would, it muft be fuch a difference as Chrift
hath appointed us to make ? And doth our Baptifmal Cove-
nant contain no promife and profeffion of godlinefs and
obedience, as well as of Belief > and fo of Repentance and
a better life ?
2. Who would you have to be Judge in this matter ?
Shall every one be Judge himfelf > Then all Pagans, Murde-
rers, Blafphemers may come in and turn Religion and the
Church into a fcorn. If any muft judge, you would not
fare fet the Magiflrates or people fuch a task ( on pain of
damnation ) to leave their Calling, to try and judge of the
qualifications of expectants or Church-members.
3. Whom do you think Cbrifi committed this bufmefs to ?
Who were the Judges of the Capacity of perfons to be bap-
tized, or the defert of perfons to be rejected > Viotrophes
could not have rejected Chriftians injurioufly 3 if he had
not
not then had fome Governing power.
4. Hath not all Chrifts Church exercifed- Puch .a Difci-
pline as I have defcribed fince the ApoiUes days till now ?
(faving the corruption of it by ill additions, or carnal
negledhj And hath all this Church been from the begin-
ning under a falfe Government in the main ? Or is not Re -
formation a righter way than extirpating 01 'D/fcipliue as
well as ofVofirine andlforfhip /
5- Is it not the rvicl^dncfs of Chrijti.ms that is the chief
hardening of 7Wrly and other Infidels againit Chriltianity >
And would they not encreafe this pollution that would have
the mo/1 vicious to be equally received with the belt t
6. Is not Faith for H*linefs> and did not Chriit come to
purine a peculiar people, and reftore us to the Image of
God } And if for want of Difcipline Saints and Swine be
equally Church-members, and partakers of holy things, is
that agreeable to this deGgn of our Redeemer ?
7. If Oeconomical Government and School Government
and Colledge Government be no wrong to Kings, neither is
the Church Government which Chriit hath inftituted.
I do not fay all this to intimate that you fay the contrary.
But becauie your Charge on Luther^ Calvin and other Pro-
tectants fheweth that you do fure miitake them : And to
tell you that I joyn with you in difowning the KING-
DOM and Magiftracy of the Mock-Church of Rome; and
of all that will imitate them $ But that I take the Enmity
to and grojfe neghtt. of true Cburch-Uifcipline, to be one of
Satans principal fer vices that is done him upon earth,
a^ainft true Godlineis.
D 2 Th
•f s
AA&£AAAAAAAA$AAAAAAAAAA4'«&&
The Churches and the Magiftrates
Power ftated in matters of Religion • In
an hundred Propofitions , which al-
moft all fober Proteftant Teach-
ers are agreed in.
A Reconciliation of the fober EpifcopaL,
Presbyterians, Independents and Eraftians.
To my vtry Learned^ fin cere and worthy Friend Lu-
dovicus Molinx'us Dr. of Phyftck^ ( The Author of
many Treatifes on this fubje3t )
Dear Sir,
PON the perufal of your Writings which
you fent me, the love of the Church , and of
'truth and Feace and you, doth command
me to tell you as followeth j
I. That I make no queftion, but that
the Pride of the Clergy ( with their Co-
vetoufnels ) hath for above twelve hundred years been
a greater plague to the Churches throughout the Chriitian
woild, than all the cruelties of the Laity : And that the
fenflefs forgetting the matter and manner of Chrifts decifion
of his Apoltlcs Controvettie, Which of them Jhould be the
greateft, hath divided the Eaft and Weft, and corrupted and
kept down Religion \ whileft that the lives of the Prelates
bave perfwaded the obfemrs, thai they Hill took it for a
more
f25)
more important Qjeftion, Winch of thcrrrfhould be the great -
eft ? than, Whether they or their people jhould be faved* And
it hath ever been a matter or eaiie remarquc, that there
have been feldom any dangerous Schifms on one fide, or
any cruel F executions on the other iide, which the Clergy
have not been the principal caufes or : And that the Laity
would be more quiet, if the Clergy did not delude them,
orexafperate them j And that even the more mrftaken and
violent fort of Magiftmtes, would have fome ■ moderation
in their Perfections, it the Clergy did not make them be
* licve, that a burning killing Zeal is the mark of a good
Chriftian,and is the fame that in Tit. 7.. 14.1s called a zeal of
good worlds; and that to deftroy the bodies of men truly fear-
ing God, is the way to (ave their own fouls, or their Do-
minions at leafrs when indeed, the zeal orChriits com-
manding, is a zealous Love to one another, and a zealous
doing good to others, and the VtriHjh zeal t as St. James
diitinguifheth it, James 2. 15, 16, 17. ) is an envious, ha-
ting, hurting zeal.
2. That in all this the Laity are not innocent, but mult
thank themfelves fer the evil that befalleth them 5 and
that on two notable accounts : 1. Becaufe they have ordi-
narily the choofwg of the dignified and beneficed Churchmen,
and they have but fuch as they choofe themfelves : They
think it is their mfdvm as well as piety ) to make the Ho-
nour and Profit fo great, as (hall be a very Jhong bait to
Pride and Covet oujhefs : And when they have fo done, the
Froudeji and moll Covetous will certainly be the Setters •>
and that with as much cratt and diligence, as an ambitious
mind can ufe their parts to : And he that feel^eth ( by him-
ftlf and friends ) islikeftto rind : And the mere humble
and heavenly any one is, and confequently moft honeft, and
tit to be aPaftor of the Church, the further he will be from
the Seekers way ! So that except it be where the world hath
Rulers fo wife and ltrangcly pious, as to (Irk out the wor-
thy who feek not for themfelves, its eaiie to prognofticate
what kind ofPaitorsthe Church will have : And verily
they that choofe them, are the unfitted to complain of
them. Whereas if the Churches maintenance were fuch,
D 3 as
as might but prevent the difcouragements of fuch as feek the
Minil'try for the workj fake and for the love of fouls, that fo
Students might not make it a Trade for wealth, but a
fclf denying dedication of themfelves to God, the Churches
would be accordingly provided \ And they that intend the
faming of 'fid s, would be the Candidates, ( by their own
and their Parents dedication J as now they that intend a
clrade to live and ferve the ftcjh by ( in an honourable way )
are too great a part of them. Or men might be further re-
warded ex poji facto for their Merits, without being tempt-
ed to Ihidy pr'mcipaHy for that reward. And if we will
needs have carnal men, let us not wonder if they live car-
nally. And it the carnal mind be enmity to God, and neither
is nor can be fubjeel to his Law, Rom. 8- 6, 7. we may ea-
sily prognofticaK how Cbrijls enemies will do his wot\y
and guide his Church, and whether their wills and rvayes
will be fuch as the confcionable can conform to.
3. And the Laity are unexcufable, becaufe it is they (\n
all thofe Countreys where Popery and Church -tyranny pre-
vailed ) who put their Sword into the Clergies hands, and
give away their own authority, and fet up men to vie
with them, and to overrop them: of which more anon.
3. I grant you alfo, that in all fuch Countreys as afore-
faid ( where Popery and Church-tyranny prevaileth J the
name of Ecclcfajlical Courts and Vifcipline, is applyed to
that mungrel power, which is neither Fifth nor Flefh;, and
that the true Spiritual Power fet up by Chrift, is corrupted
and turned into a fecular thing, or by cenfuijon, a third
fort arifen out of both. And that Popim Princes are woful-
ly abufed by this deceit: while that the reverence of the
name of the Church and Church-Government, doth perfwade
them to ruine the Church indeed , and to fet up their
Subjeds to be the Governours of themfelves, and to give
away their own power to their fervants, and then to ftoop
to the power which they have given.
4. And I grant you, that all this mifchief would much
be cured, it Magiitrates would keep the Sword to them-
felves, and ufe it only according to the judgement of their
proper Courts i and would leave the Power of the Church
Keyes
r*7)
Keycs to the Paftors, & vakant quantum vslere puffunt >
and let it be thought penalty enough tor an excommuni-
cate perfon qua talis to be excommunicate : And not to
take him to be a penitent, or worthy of the Communion
of the Church, that had rather be there than in a Gaol.
There be wi(er wayes of bringing men to Repentance and
to the Communion of the Church, than by faying [Choofc
this or the Goal : You are worthy to be in the Church, if
you had but rather be in it than in a Prifon. ] Chrift laid,
[ Forfar a% or ye cannot be my Vifciples 5 1 And fome fay,
j_ Be Chrifts Difciples, or forlake all : The Church will re-
ceive you, if you will but accept her communion rather
than imprifonment or beggary. ] A kind Church indeed /
ot which more anon.
5. But notwithstanding all thefe conceilions, I muft fur-
ther tell you, that it is the Paftors of the Churches that
mult keep up the intereft of Chriftianity in the world , and
that as the bad ones are the greateft plagues, fo the good
ones arc the greateft bleflings of the earth i even the fair
and lights of the world : And none but the enemies of
Chrift are their enemies, ( as fuch. ) And as the Miniftry
hath grown better or worfe, fo hath Chriftianity either
rifen or fallen, in all times and places of the Church on
earth. ( Of which fee Two Sheets which I have written
for the Miniftery, againft the Seeders and Malignants long
ago.)
6. And though the Carnal Clergy afore defcribed, de-
ferve all the inve&ives in your Books, and their Ufurpati-
ons, and turning Church Difcipline into a fecular thing, do
call aloud for a juft detection and rebuke 5 and it would
be the happinefs of the world, if the eyes of all Chriftian
Princes and Rulers, were opened in this point *, yet I muft
tell you, that I believe moft fober, pious Proteftant Divines
are really agreed in the main things that you defire and
intend ;> And that both you and fome of your adverfaries
both do amifs, to make the difference feem wider than in-
deed it is : And that making Verbal differences feem real,
and fmall ones feem great, is an ill employment v when a
fewdrtinftionsmi clearer explications, would make both
fides
ficUs fee, that they arc almoji of one mind.
Therefore all that I fhall do in this buiinefs is, to lay
down my own judgement, and I think the judgement ot
all the p'ous and (objr part, of the Epifcopjl, Presbyterian,
Independents and EraUans ( or Politicians ) in certain briet
Proportions , which (hall carry their own evidence pait
all contradiction ot Learned and Coniiderate Chriftians.
Frop. i, T^He work of the Gofpel-Miniftry is not a
X work of rnecr Charity and Liberty, but an Of-
fice-wcrkj. Authority, Keafon and Love, are its principles,
Matih. 28. 19, 2C, Titus 1. 5. Ads 14. 23.
2. This Office is injlituted by Chriji himfclf, and by the
Holy Ghoft, Ibid. Ads 20. 28, &c.
3 It was instituted fot great and nccejfary ends, that the
Mini 111 y might be Chrifis Agents, Mcjfengers, Stewards, &c.
for the furthering the arfairs of his Spiritual Kingdom, and
mens falvation in the world, 1 Cor. 4. 1, 2. 1 Jim. 3. 1, 2,
3, &c. Ads 20. 28. 1 Tbejf. 5. 12, 13. Heb. 13. 17.
4. It was fir ft put into the hands of Apojiles chofen by
Chrift himfclf j who were to be the Gatherers, Ediiiers and
Guides of his Church, and to be its foundation built on
Chrift, and the tranfmitters of the Gofpel, and a ftated
Miniftry to the following Ages.
5. Though the extraordinary part of their work ceaftd
with them, the ordinary part continueth after them, with
a Miniftry which is to continue to the end of the world
Eph. 4. ii\&c.
6. This Office was in time before a Chriftian Magi{irate,
and mull be the fame where there is any fuch, and where
there is none, Matth. 28. 20. Eph. 4. 12, 14, 16, &c.
7. It conlifteth in an Authority conjunct with an Obliga-
tion to do their proper work.
8. ThisMinifterial Office is fubordinate to Chrift in the
three parts of his Office, Prophetical, Prieftly, Kingly f as
they arc commonly diftinguifhed ) or, in 'teaching, Wor-
(bipping God, and Governing his flocks, John 20. 21. Matth.
28 1.9,2c. 1 G/r.4.1,2. 1 Tiw. 3. 2,3,6a:. & 5.17. Ads d.4.
?. n
(29)
p. It is cflential to the Office to have all thefe in Divine
Authority, but not in Excrcife, nor in the Civil Liberty of
exercifing them (^whichmay be hindered) Ails 5. i8,&:c.
10. The Office is to be judged of by Gods InjUtutiony
and not by the Ordaincrs wills intention, or contrary cxpref-
fions i if the effencc of the Office be delivered in general
words.
11. Chrift made thefe Officers the Key-bearers of his
Churches, that is, the Rulers or Guides, who have authority
under him over Church communion, to judge what mem-
bers (hall be taken in, and who (haH be put out, Mat.16.1p,
Heb. 13. 17, 24. 1 iheff. 5. 12, 13.
12. The tirlt and great ad of this Key-bearing power
( never denyed them from Chrifts time to this dayj is the
power of Baptizing and of judging who (hall be admitted by
Baptifm into the Church or number of vifible Chriftians,
Mat. 28. ip,20. Adtsi. + i. & 8. 12, 13,38.
13. This power is not arbitrary but Mitrijterial, regulated
by Chrilis univerfal Laws > which defcribeth every mans
Title to admittance •, which is [_ his own ( or Parents if an
Infants ) understanding, voluntary, ferious Profejjion of Con-
fent to the Baptifmal Covenant. ] A3s 2. 38. & 8. 12. & 10.
47, 48. Mar. \6. 16. Matth. 28. 20.
14. If oneMinifter refufe fuch Confenters, others mull
admit him : And if many (hould agree utterly to tyrannize,
both Magistrates by juft Laws may corredt them, and the
people defert them, for better Guides: 1 Kings 2-2-7.
2 John 10, 11. Mat. 7. 1 5. & 16. 6.
1 5. The Churches Communion and Sacraments are not to
be common to' all the world. Other wife the Church were no
Church, as confuting of Heathens,Inridels andall,that would
come even purpofely to pollute and fcorn the holy Myite-
ries, 1 Cor. 10. \6. 2 Cor. 6. 14. AUs 2.^], Sec.
16. It is necelTary therefore that fome men be the Judges
who are fit, and who (hall be admitted. EHe there can be
no difference. Of this fee my Treatife oi Confirmation.
17. Everyman is not to be the fole publick Judge for
himjclf: For then there would be Hill no difference, nor
the Myfteries kept from common fcorns,
E ig.The
(30)
18. The Magiftrate is not made the firfl and proper
Judge: For then he muft make a Calling of it, and attend
upon this very thing, to try the baptized and the admitted j
which is no (mall work. For he that judgeth, muft rirft
try the Cafe, and that with the diligence which the weight
of it requireth, Acfs 8. 3J:
ip. The People axe not to be the ordinary Judges: for
elfe they muft all leave their Callings to attend baptizings,
and fuch works as thefe i, and muft do that which moft of
them are unfit to do : And Chrift hath put all out of
doubt, by putting the Keys into the Paftois hands, and
commanding their ftudy and attending to this work, and
calling them the Rulers, Guides, Paftors,Fathers, Stewards,
Overfeers, &c. and commanding the people to obey them
with fubmiffion j and telling ( not the people or Magi-
ftrates ) but thePaftors of the great and dreadful account
that they muft give, Heb. 13. 17. Mattb. 24. 45, 4^, 47.
1 Cor. 4. 1, 2. 2 Tim* 4. 1, 2. & 1 7*m. 4. 15, 16.
20. He that will lay this work upon people or Magi-
ftrates, is their cruel enemy •, and brings on them a moft
heavy burden, and confequently makes it their duty to
prepare and ftudy for it, and to avoid all otber buftnefs that
hindereth it j and would lay them under the terrors of a
moft tremendous reckoning unto God.
21. Seeing it is a truft that muft be committed to fome or
§tber, common reafon tells us, that it is better in their
hands that Chrift hath put it in by Office, and who fpend
their lives in preparation for it, than in theirs that neither
have the preparations nor the Office, 1 Con $.16. & 2 Cor.
5.19,20. 1 Cor. 4. 1,2.
22. It is the great end ofChrifts coming into the world
to deftroy the works of the Devil, and to purifre to himfelf
a peculiar people zealous of good works, and to fave his
people from their fins, and to vindicate the Holinefs of God :
And the world is fo apt to judge of Chrifts dodhine by his
followers, that the Holinefs and Concord ofChriftians is
one ofChrifts great appointed means, for his own and his
Fathers glory in the world : That as Gods greatnefs (hineth
forth in the frame of nature, fo might his Holinefs in the
Cburch :
C30
Church: And the Enemies of Holhufs are condemned by
their Creeds when they profefs to believe the Holy Catbo-
lic\Church^ and the Communion 0} Saint r. And Rome it fv.lt
doth own the name and pretence ot Holintfs.
23. Travellers well know, that the great hinderanee of
the Converfion of Infidels and Heathens, Turks, Perlians,
Indians, Tartarians, &c. is the wicked lives of the profef-
fed ChriiVians that are next them ■■> when they fee that
Chriltiansare more falfe, and cruel, and drunken, and beaft-
ly, and divided, &^c. than themfelves.
24. Thofe therefore that would have the Church lye
common ( without Chriits Difcipline J) to all the moJt
prophane and wicked that will come in, and have commu-
nion with it, are indeed Antichrifiian, even open enemies
to the Church, to holinefs, and to the faving of the Infidel
and Heathen world , 1 Cor. 5. d, 11, 12, 13. 1 Pet. 2. 9.
Tit. 2. 14.
25. The Devil hath fought in all Ages as fubtilly and di-
ligently againlt the holy Difcipline of Chrift, as againft the
Christian Dodhine.
26. True Difcipline doth fo wonderfully difpleafe the
guilty, and lofe mens love, and efpecially the Richer fort,
and all mens carnal intereft and nature inclineth them fo
much to man-pleaiing and flattery , that Minifters have
abundance more need to be driven to the exercife of Difci-
pline, than rejhaincd from k -■> except it be the corrupt
and carnal Difcipline which the Pqpifh and tyrannizing
Clergy do exercife, where the Magiltrate himfelf upholdeth
them in Grandure, and lendeth them his Sword. Let Difci-
pline be but fuch as Chrift appointed, and (land of it felt,
and then it is but few that will have any more caufe, to be
retrained from it, than from too much preaching : Though
(till I yield, that there muft be limits for the wilful and
the indifcreet, 1 Cor. 5. 3 John 9.
27. The true Difcipline of Cliriit hath been acknowledged
to be his Ordinance , in all the Churches almolt in the
world, fince the Apoltles dayestill now i fave that fas you
open it ) fince Conjhntines time it hath been much cor-
rupted by the mixture of the fecular torce, and the Em-
E 2 perours
pcrours lending his Church-power to the Bimops and Cottn-
cils.
28. Government hath two parts : Antecedent to mens
falls-, which is Legiflation ^ and Confcquent, which is Judge-
ment and Execution. Chrifi is the only Lawgiver of Vni-
vcrfal Laws to the univerfal Church \ and the Author of his
own Do&rine, and the fubltantials of his Worfhip : But
yet there are many undetermined circumftances , which
may and muft be antecedently determined, fome by each
Tajior'-i fome by a confent of Paftors, and fome by Magi-
ftrates ( if they plcafe ). I will name you twenty lately
named elfewhere •, 1. What day ( befides the Lords day )
and what hour, the Church (hall meet. 2. How long the
Prayers, Reading and Sermons fhall be. 3. When and how
often publick Fafts and Thanksgivings be. 4. What place
the Church (hall meet in. 5. Of the Form, Ornaments,
Seats, &c. of the Temples. 6. The place and form of the
Pulpit. 7. The fuh)eU of the prefent Sermon , and the
Chapter to be read. 8. The Method of the Sermon,
c?. The Words of Sermons and Prayers. ic. Of ufmg or
not ufmg Bookj and Sermon Notes for memory. 1 1. What
Iranflation of Scripture to ufe. 12. And what Verfion and
Meeter of the Pfalms. 13. And what tune to ilng in.
14. What form ofCatccbifm to ufe. 1 5. Of decent Habits,
cfpecially in publick Worfhip. 16. By what fro} ejjing fign'
to teftirie our confent to the Churches Conftflion of faith:
Whether by fpeaijng, or lifting up the hand, oxfianding up.
17. Of decent Geftures in* the ads of publick Worfoip.
18. Of Font, Table, Cups, Cloathes , and other Utenfils.
19. Making new Officers for thefe actions circa facta , as
Door-keepers, Clarks, Churchwardens, &c. 20. Judging
wteany private man (hall fpea]^ in the Church, and whin
he (hall be filent> and fuch other Orders neceflary to peace
and Edification, 1 Cor. 14. 28, 29. 33. 26,40.
29. Moji of thefe (hould be left to every Paftors judge-
ment ■-> fome may be determined "by the Magiftrate i but yet
fome are fitted for the Concordant determination of Con-
fociated Churches, in a Synod, or by confent. But none of
them by any neighbour Paftor ( that like the Pope) ufurp-
eth
03)
tth authority over other Churches. Nor (hould anyftand-
ing Laws at all, be made oHuch things where there is ni
needs efpecially where the cafe is mutable, and it belongcth
to the Pallors function to determine it, as occafion faveth.
2 riim* 2. 15. Mat. 24. 45.
30. Whether the fe Antecedent Veterminatims of Concor-
dant Taftors in a Synod, (hall be called Lars, or Canons, or
Decrees, is but lis de nomine : And alio whether this power
be called Legiflitive, or JurifditlieH. And who will trou-
ble the Church unneceffarily about words and names ? But
yet I think they may be belt called Canons or Agreements ;
And I wifh that high Titles be laid aiide, left it encourage
the ufurping Spirit, that afpireth after too high things.
31. Grotiut de Imperii Jummamm pjtcfiatum circa fa era
hath faid Co much and Co well of all this Controverfie, that
it is a fhame to us all that we need any more, and a (name
to me to trouble the world after him,with Writings on that
fubjeel, fo far Jefs ufefuU and to anyone, to cloud that
which he hath clearly and judicioufly Itated s were it not
that renewed occafions require it.
32. Paftors have not only the charge of right ordering
the Ajfemblies, but alfo of helping and overfeeing all the
individuals of their charge •, And to help them in the perfi-
nal application of the Scriptures to themfelves, and to re-
folve their particular Doubts and Cafes of Confcience i and
to reprove, ad monith and comfort the individuals as there
is need. As a Phyficion is not only to read a Phyfick Le-
cture to his Hofpital, but to Govern each Patient in order
to his Cure.
33. Ordination is & rei & ordintf gratia an zde of Of-
fice, by which the Minifterial Office and Power is Minifte-
rially delivered by way of Inveftiture and Solemnization, as
a houfe is delivered by a Key, and a parcel of Land by a
Turf and Twig, by the hand of a Servant appointed there-
unto. Or as our Church ftate is delivered to us by Bap-
tifm by the like inveftiture. Though yet it is Gid diretHyy
who giveth the Power, and that fecondarily by his fervant
thus inveftctb us in it \ though not without the previous Call
which is neceffary thereunto. .
E 3 34. Ordi-
. C3+)
3^. Ordination is not an idle Ceremony which the Or-
dainer mull perform upon the judgement of ethers (Prince
or people ) without his own cognizance of the perfon, or
againft his Conicience : But be that muft ordain, muft firjl
judge the perfon fit to be ordained \ and thefetore muft al-
io try his 'fitnefs, i Tim* 5. 22.
35. So much of the Antecedent power of the Mini-
ftry ; in which it is to be noted, that Ordination and Bap-
tifm are efficient ails, like Generation in nature, under God
the firjl efficient, as ex §juo omnia, and as they are ordinvs
gratia, are the beginning of Government alfo. And Go-
vernment is an Ordering adr, as under God the fu p ream Go-
zernour, in per §htem omnia* And Sacramental entertain-
ment with Chriits body and blood in Church Communion,
is A elm Amoris, a final adr, of friendfhip, under God as
the final Caufe, adgjhem omnia.
35» The fubfequent part of the Paftoral Government, is
by uting the members of the Church in the exercife of the
Palioral Office, according to their feveral deferts; which
is by a General, and particular application of the Word of
God to their Confcicnces, and guiding them in circum-
ibnecs, and judging of adfions and perfons according to
that Word, in order to the good of fouls, and the prefer-
vation of the Church and truth, Ads 20. 28. Heb* 13. 17.
37. When the whole Church falleth into notorious tin, the
Paiiors muft reprove them, and call them to repentance :
And if they apoftatize forfake them , as ceafing to be a
Church.
38. When a fmglc member falleth into notorious fcand al \
the Paftor muft admonifh him, and call him to repentance :
and if he remain impenitent and obftinate after due admo-
nition, and publick exhortation and patience, he muft [ as
Chriits Steward of his WTord and Family, pronounce him
a perfon unht for Church communion , and require or
command him in the name of Chrift to forbear it, and the
Church to forbear his communion, declaring him alfo un-
pardoned by Chrift till he repent, and binding him over
to his judgement. J So that Excommunication is a Sen-
tence of the perfen as uncapable of Church communion
according
f«9
according to Chrifts Laws, and a fore-judging him as. un-
pardoned and condemnable by Chrifts judgement, unkfs he
repent, and a command to the tinner to torbear the com-
munion and priviledgesof the Church, and to the Church
to avoid him, i Cor. 5. Titus 3. 10, &c
39. If the tinner repent, the Paftor is Chrifts Officer, in
his name to pronounce him pardoned, if his repentance be
fincere ; and the Guide of the Church to require them to re-
ceive him again into their communion, 2 Cor* 2.7,10, 1 r.
Gal. 6 1, 2, 3.
40. Becaufe Magiftrates and people f as aforefaid ) can-
„ not attend fo great a work as this, without the neglect of
their particular Callings, and are not to be (uppofed fo fit
as the Pallor, and becaufe God hath made it the work of
his Office, the people are to reft in his judgement about
the titnefs and Title of thofe that have the publick Church
communion with them, ( though they are the Judges and
Choofers of their Domeftick and private familiars : ) And
they muft not feparate from them that a*e thus- regularly
admitted.
41. Yet when the Paftors by mai-adminiftration, give
them juft caufe, the flock may feek their due remedy : of
which more anon.
42. This power is ejfentially in the Minijicr'ul Office ; and
therefore is in every jingle Paftor, and not only in fome
few, or in the abler fort, or only in a Synod, Mat. id. ip.
43. When a Church hath but one Pafior he muft exercife
it alone ( with due coniideration and advice. ) But when
a Church hath many Paftors, they muft exercife it ( and all
Church guidance ) in a way of Concord, and avoid all dif-
fentions among, themfelvts, Ephef 4. 3, 4, 5. 1 Cer. 1. 10. ■
John 17.21,22.
44. Therefore in fuch a cafe a particular Paftor may be
obliged oft to fufpend fome fuch a6ts, becaufe the Major
Vote of his. Syn-Presbyters are againit it ; Not that they
are his Gbovernours for the Majority of Vote , but becaufe
the Laws of Concord require the Minor part to fubmit to
the Major.
45. The fame is the reafon why in Elections, Confents
and
and other a<£b belonging to the flock, the Major Vote
lhould carry it in things lawful i not becaufe the people
have any true Church Government \ but becaufe they are ob-
liged to Vnity and Concur d\ And in that cafe, the Law of
Nature calleth the Minor part to fubmit to the Major, left
there never (hould be any Concord had.
46. And the fame is the reafon why in Synods and Coun-
cils, the Major Vote of the Bilhops mult prevail, in lawful
things not forbidden of God.
47. If any Pallor in the world pragmatically thruft him-
felt into another mans charge, and pretend himfelf to be
the Ruler of his neighbour Churches and Pallors, and at-
tempt to cxercile authority over them, he is to be flight-
ed as an Ufurper, and a dilturber of the order and peace of
the Churches of Chrift, 3 John p, ic.
48. Yet every Paltor is an Officer and Miniller of Chrift
( as to the unconverted world to call them, fo ) to the uni-
verfal Church to exercile his Office in it where ever he
hath an 'orderly call] And if he teach, or adminiiter Sacra-
ments or Uifiipline^ upon fuch a particular call, in a neigh-
bour Church pro tempore, he doth it as an Officer of Chrift
( and their Pafior pro tempore ) and not as a Lay-man : As a
licenfed Phylicion medicateth another Phylicion, or ano-
thers'Hofpital, when called to it, not only as -a neighbour
that is unlieenfed, but as a licenfed Phylicion. So Timothy^
Ap'h, Silis, and others did.
45?. Therefore neighbour Pallors muft have fo much care
of other Churches as toadmonifhthem againft the infection
of any Hereiie or Scandal, which they fee them in apparent
danger of -, whether by heretical wicked Pallors, or others.
50 All neighbour Churches Capable of correfpondence,
are bound to hold a fpecial concord among themfelves^ for
the advantage of the Gofpel by their Unity, orforthecon-
veriion of the Infidel world, and for the prefervation of the
feveral Churches from danger , by Hkrcfie or difcord,
Jills 15. John 17. 21, 22. Eph. 4. 3,<5.
5 :. He that is excommunicated jultly in one Church (hould
not be received by the reft till he repent : Therefore the
neighbour Clinches may do well , to acquaint eaCh other
whom
C37)
whom they have excommunicated, when there is caufe.
52. This correfpondence is to be kept by Meffengers, Let-
ters^ or Synods.
53. Whether fuch Synods be jiated, or occafional, and
whether the Piefident fhall be £1 ill the fame or changed,
with fuch other circumftances, are things not determined
in Scripture , but left to the determination of humane
prudence, as the cafe fliall require, for the end intended,
54. Though the Major part in thefe Synods, be not the
proper Governours of the Minor, yet the Paftors there af-
fernbled are (till the Gove moms of the flockj, and they arc
alfo bound to Concord in things lawful among themfelves.
Therefore their Decrees about fuch things, are Obligatory
to the People rationc authoritat'u, and they are obligatory to
one another ( I mean the Paft/rs) ratione concordi* : And
this is the true ftateof the binding power of Synods.
55. Though the ufual phrafe of [ binding the Cop fi-
eme ~] be unapt, ( Confcience being an ad of fcience ; and
it is not to tyiow that by the obligation now in queftion we
are bound to primarily ) yet as to the fenfe intended, it is
certain, that the Commands of Parents, Magiftrates and
Paftors, in their proper places, do all truly bind the /<?«/,
or will, or man, or as they fay, the Confcience => But it is
only by a fecondary obligation, from a derived power \ as
God bindeth it by a primary obligation by the primitive
power* He that hath no power of obliging, hath no power
of Governing. And he that obligeth not the foul and
will, obligeth not the man at all, by any Moral obligation ;
The body alone or immediately is bound by Cords and
Chains, but not by Commands and Laws : He that may
not bind the foul by a Command, hath no commanding
authority, Col. 3. 20, 22. Epb. 6. 1. fit. 3. 1. H«b* 13
17, 24. & 11. 8.
56. Therefore the diftin&ion of Internal and External
Government, and of the forum interim & exterius, need-
eth better explication, than is ufed by moft , or elfe it will
be worfe than ufelefs. The true difference of the Govern-
ment Civil and Ecclefiaftical is to be fetcht , ab objetto, &
fine proximo & modi regendi. But as it meaneth that which
F is
(>* )
is Inttinfecal or Extrinfecal to the Paftoral Office, it is of
great ufe. And as it differenceth Government by the
Sword, from that which worketh only on the mind.
^-7. The Came God who inftituted the Office of the Ma-
aiiVrate, did alio immediately inliitute the Office of the Mi-
niltry : And therefore as to the Foundation they are co-
ordinate ', and neither of them derived from the pofTeflbrs
of the other.
58 As to the Work and End, the Magiftratcs work and
the Minifters have each a preheminency in their own
kiuds.
5$>. Magiftrates, Mfnifters and Parents may all command
the tame thing, and all their Commands be obligatory •,
As to learn aCatechifme, to obferve the Lords Day,e^c.
6c It is not lawful for Pallors to Excommunicate cither
Kings^ or their chief Magijlr ate s , or their orrn P irents
( uwlefs perhaps in ibme rare cafe ) by any publick for-
mal or dilhonouring Excommunication. Becaufe the great
Command in Nature [ Honour thy Father and Mother \ Ho-
nour the King "] lyeth lower than the pofitive Command of
Excommunication *, and is antecedent to it : And as affir-
matives bifid notfemper&adfempcr, fo alfo they give place
to Natural Larrs^ and not Naturals ( ordinarily) to them.
And thcKulers Honour is of more publick ufe and neceifity,
than excommunication in that particular acl is. But an
Vfurping Tyrant, who may be depofed, and difhonowed^ may
be excommunicated.
61. Much lels may a (trange Pallor, to whom the Magi-
strate never committed the care of his foul , prefume to
excommunicate him who is none of his charge : And
therefore the Pope and his Prelates excommunicating
Kings and Rulers, feemeth to me, to be nothing but a pro-
claiming open Holtility againlt them.
62* Paftors have no Power over any but Cwfcntcrs :
Nor can they ufe the Sword, or have any Coaclive power at
all '■> that is, any power to touch a i.rans body or eft ate : but
only to work upon his Confcience4, and Ins Church- reputa-
tion. The torcing power bdongeth only to Parents, and
Magi-
($9)
Magiflrates, and not to Miniliers as fuch at all, Lukj 22-
25, 26, 27. 1 Tefn 5. 1, 2, 3, 4. 2 Dr. 10.4.
63. The timilitude of a Fhyficions purrer^ (if you will but
fuppofe him to have a Hofpital of Volunteers, and his oftSce
to be of Divine inftitution ) \ or of a Philofophers or Tu-
tors ( on the like fit ff option ) over adult Dilciples, may
much* explicate the Church power. No wile Phyliciori
will take any into his Hofpital and Cure, upon unfotede-
hruclive terms, which the Patient or Magiftrate (hall im-
pofe j but will fay, [ It is my fun&ion to Rule you, as to
Medicine for your Cure ', Take what I give you, and life
your (elf upon it as I adviie you, or elfe take your couiie j
•you are no Patient for me j nor (lull be in my Holpital :
I will not (irrkG you, nor fine and imprifon you i bur [
will be none of your Pbyficion, ( or faith the Tutor, I will
be none of your Teacher J nor (hall you be any part of
my Hufpital, ( School ) or charge. ] Only (till remember
here the Divine inliitution of the Minijiry and D if if line,
and the regulation of it by Gods Laws, that it be not ar-
bitrarily uled.
64. The undoing of the Church of Chriit ( in thofe
Countreys where Popery and Church-tyranny prevail ) hath
long been by the Magi urates annexing their executions to
the fentence of the Church fas it is called ) and becoming
the meer Executioners of the judgement of , other men.
No Magiftrate fhould be debafed, 10 as to be made the
Churches Executioner. If the Magiftrate will punifti a
man, it mud not be meerly quatenus excommunicate ', that
is, as puniflied already \ but for the fault for which he
was excommunicate. And if fo, then he muft try and
judge him for that fault at his own barr, and not punilh
him unheard , becaufe the Church hath fentenced him :
And if Rulers would more leave the Church to the exer-
cife of its proper power , and let excommunication do
what it can of it felf, ( unlefs the nature of the crime re-
quire a diltintft Secular judgement and punifhment J it
would do much to heal all the diviiions and perturbati-
ons in the Chriftian world. For which courfe I have
thefe Rjrafons following to urge.
F2 Kit
(40)
i. It is a great contempt and reproach to Chrifts infti-
tution of discipline, to tell the world, that it is a power-
lets uncffcdhial thing of it felt, unlefs the Secular Sword
do enforce it. Such Paftors vilitie their own power alfo,
which is (o ufelefs.
2. It is a corrupting of Chrifls difcipline, and deflroying
the ufe of it : For it cannot be known now , what the
Keycs do of thcmfelves , when the Sword goeth with
them : No man knoweth when Repentance profcfTed is
credibly real and moved by divine Motives ■•, and when it
is diflanbled for avoiding of the Secular punimment.
5. It muit leave the Paftors confeience unfatisried in his
adminiftrations ■■, and bind him to abufe Chrift '■> when he
mu(t fay to men, £lf you had but rather fay that you re-
pent, than lye in a Gaol, I abfolve you, and give you the
Sacraments, and pronounce you pardoned by Chrift. 1 Who
can ad m miller on thefe terms ?
4. It is a dangerous deluding of the Tinners foul, that
fecmeth intimated by this way.
5. It is a wilful corrupting and confounding of the Church ',
when men (hall be forced to be its members, though they be
Infidels, Heathens, or rnoft impious, if they had but ra~
ther fay they are Chriftians than lye in Gaol. And by
this means it is, that no man can know, who are really
of the Church of Rome, or of any tyrannical Church, but
only who had rather fay they are of the Church, than be
undone: which any Inridel and Atheift will foon do. There-
tore let not Rome boaft of the number of her members
which are unknown.
6. It is a changing of Chrifls terms of Covenant, Chrifli-
amty, Communion and Ahfolution : when Chrift faith, [ He
that from his heart believeth and rcpenteth, and forfaktth
the flefh and the world for me, Jhall he my Difciple and he
pardoned \ and he that credibly profeffeth thus much , Jhall
be taksn into the Church ( which are truly Chrifts terms )
now cometh the Church-tyrant and faith f He that will
fiy, that he believeth and repenteth rather than he wiUforfafo
the flcjh and the world, and mil choofe the Church before a
Gaul , Jhall be pardoned , and have communion with the
Church,
T40
Churchy or at lead have the feals of pardon to delude
him.
7. By this means the Church is moftly conftkuted, in
fuch Countreys, of the groffeft wicked hypocrites : And it
is made a (corn to Infidels and Heathens, and their con-
verfion hindered thereby, when they fee that Chriitians are
worfe than they.
8. And by this means thefe hypocrites mine the Church
it felf C as an enemies Souldiers in an Army ) : And no-
minal Chriftians and Paftors, that are heartily enemies to
Chrii'lt, do him more wrong, and caufe more divillons and
mines in the Church, than they could have done, if they
had ftaid without.
p. It deftroyeth moft of the hopes of the fuccefs of
thofe Paftorfy as to the converting and faving of rnjfifns
fouls: Becaufe when the Magistrate is made but their ex-
ecutioner , the people take all their furferings as from
them : And they will bear that from a Magiftrate, which
they will not bear from a MimjUr, whofe Office is to Rule
them by Keafon and by Love : And fo fuch Paftors are ufu-
ally feared and bated by the people, whereby they are
diiabled to do them that faying goad , which can be
done on none againft his will, 1 Cor. 8. 13. & p, 22.
1 Tim* 4. 16*
10. And hereby a Church-tyranny is fet and kept up in
the world, by which perfections and divisions have been
maintained for many hundred years \ and the Minilters of
Ch rift have been forbidden to preach his Gofpel , to the
unfpeakable injury of fouls \ and the lives of many hun-
dred thoulands, have been a Sacrifice, to the Pride, and
Avarice, and Cruelty of the Clergy \ to the great diihonour
of the Chriftian Name.
n. And hereby Princes have had a power fet over
them, to the diminution of their proper power, and part of
their dominion fubjugated to others, under the falfename
of EcclefiajHcal Authority ■> yea, and their own (landing
made troublefome and unfafe, and multitudes dethroned*
and Wars railed againft them by the Clergies pretended
power, or inftigationj of which all the Wars between the
F 3 German
ucrman t.iiipt,iuui& anu iiil it apdiiuc* die iuii pruor, record-
ed in all the Hiflories collected by Frcberus^Ruberus^nd Pi-
ftoriuj? in Sabbtliicm^ Nauckrus^ and multitudes of other
Hiltorians j and our Englijh Hiitories, by Ingnlpbw, Mat-
tbcjv farti^ Hoveden, &<£ And the Italian by Gxicciardine
and many others : Nay, what Countrey is there, where
the Papal and Tyrannical Clergy have not overtopt or trou-
bled the State.
12. And when all this is done, they would deceive
the Princes themfelves into a Conjbtt^ and fo into the guilt
of their own disturbance, and their peoples mifery : And
cift all the odium upon them, and (ay, we do but deliver
you into the hands of the Secular Power, it is they that
do the execution on you : when yet a General Council
( the Rule of their Religion ) Later, fob Innoc. 3. Can. 2,3..
depoleth fuch Temporal Lords that will not do foch exe-
cution.
65. He that defiretb the Communion of the Church,
doth take it for a grievous punilhmerit to be cait out of it.
And he that doth not deftre it, is unfit for ir. Therefore
he that cannot feel the penalty of an Excommunication
alone ( but only of a Muldt or Prifon ) may be rit enough
for further punimment, but is unfit for the Communion
of the Church.
66. Yet is the Magiftrate the Prote&or of the Church,
a Keeper of her Peace and Priviledges and of both Ta-
bles ••> and muft ufe his power to promote Religion.
6y. To which end he may prudently by moderate means
conltrain fome that negledr their own folvation to hear
Gods Word, and confer with fuch as can initrud them,
and ufe thofe means, which God hath made univerfally ne-
ceifary, to bring the ignorant to knowledge > and may re-
drain them from adtual open fin, and from fcorn and
oppofition of the means that mould convert them, and
from hindering. others from the means of falvation, and
from open feducing them from God, or Chriftianity, or
from a godly, righteous, or fober life : In all this, mode-
rate penalties may be uied i and men may be thus far con-
tained, and retrained : But not conftraioed to profefs that
which
which they do not believe, nor to take the priviledgcs
which God forbiddeth them to take. So that there are
fitter means left, tor the Magistrate to help the Church
68. The Ring and Magiftrates have ear am ani<narumy
though not in the fame fenie as the pjftors have: They
have the charge of Government, not only in order to the
corporal cafe, and peace and profperity of their fubjedb,
bur alfo in order to mens holy, (ober and righteous living,
and to the (aving of mens fouls. And their Caling muit
be fanclified, by doing all in it to thizic high and holy ends,
'Rev. II. 15. Rom. 13. 3, 4, 5". I fa. 49. 2y,&c.
dp. They are Gods (ubordinate Officers, and have their
power from him, and therefore tor him, who is the begin-
ning and the end of all, Rom. 13. 2, 4, 5, 6.
jc. Becaufe their power is from him and for him, they
have none againlt him.
71. Yet have they a power which rve mull fubmit to as
frsm God, even when it is uftd by accident againft him, in
fome points of his will and intereft \ fobe it that we obey
it not in doing any fin our felves.
72. They that make Kings and Magiftrates to have no
charge of Religion/ but only as the Clergies judgement leads
them, ) but only to prefcrve mens bodily power \ and fay
that the Church hath the care of mens fouls and Religion^
and the King only of the Bo4y and our outward wealthy do
debafe the Magistrate as far below the Minifier, as the
body is below the foul * and teach the people to cfteeco,
love and honour the Minilter as much above the Magi-
ftrate, as the JW/ and Heaven are better than the ftejh and
earth: And they make the difference To great, as that the
holier any of the people are, the more they muft prefer their
Minitler before their King: which is a Popith and moil
unfufferable debating of the higheil Officers of God.
73. The fame points of Religion, the fame tin and du-
ties come under the judgement of the Magistrate and the
Paftors •, though to feveral ends. The Magistrate is, the
judge of Herelie, and the Payors are the Judges ofHcre-
lie : TheMagiftrate is the Judge of Murder, Adultery and
Theft,
C44)
Theft, and fo is the Paftor : That is, the Magiftrate is
Judge-, rvbo is to be corporally punifhed for Here fie and Mur-
der, and Adultery, &c. And the Paftors are Judges, who ]a
to be excommunicated as Impenitent in fucb guilt, i Cor. 5.
74. Yet there are fome faults, and Tome forts of inquifi-
tion into faults, which the Magiftrates may prudently re-,
itrain the Paftors from medling with, for the fafety of the
publick peace : efpecially when they would indirectly
make themfelves Judges of mens Titles and Eftates -, or
in controverted cafes, where the Magiftrate muft rirft de-
cide, and the Paftors only follow, if the Paftors will be the
rirft deciders, and prevent the Magiftrate and aflume his
work, or otherwife wrong the publick peace, or private
right, they are to be rcftrained.
75. The Magiftrate hath all the Coadtive Government,
over Minifters as well as over any others of his Subjects :
And to exempt the Clergy from his fubjedion without his
confent, as traiterous. ( And if he will confenty he may
thank hi mfelf. )
j6. Magiftrates may ( by moderate penalties ) drive
on negligent Paftors to their duty, and reftrain them from
mifchieving the Church, and punifh them for notorious
pernicious mal-adminiftration ; As Solomon depofed Abi~
ather, &c.
77. But they muft not on this pretence invade any part
of the Paftors Office', as to ordain, degrade, baptize, ex-
communicate ecclefiaftically, nor impoie on the Paftors any
of the circumftantials, which it is their own Office to de-
termine of.
78. Paftors muft obey the Magiftrates in all Lawful
things, which belong to his Office to command.
7p. Many things are ilnfully commanded ( becaufe with-
out neceffity or cauie, or becaufe to ill ends, or with ill cir-
cumftances in the Commander ) which yet it is the Sub-
jects duty to obey in : Becaufe one Law may be for a Ru-
ler, and another tor a Subject, and their duties various.
80. Where it is not lawful to obey, it is yet unlawful
for fubje&s to reiift the higher powers, as being the
authorized
Us)
authoriied Officers of God, for our good, Rom. 13. it
81. Though ufually it is very unfit that Paftors be alfo
Magiftrates (bothbecaufe of fomediflbnancy in their ne-
ceflTary deportment and work, and bccaufe one of the Of-
fices alone is enough for any man faithfully to perform }
Yet if the King make Magiftrates of Pallors, at Magiftrates
their coadtivc power muft be obeyed.
82. Magiftrates may make Laws for the-Church incir-
cumftancials circa facta, which belong to their proper de-
termination: And alfo to enforce obedience to the Com-
mands of God, as far as prudence (hall juftly direct them :
of this fee Grotim de Imf. fitm. pot.
83. Magiftrates may call Synods and Councils : And the
Paftors may alio voluntarily afTemble, for mutual advice, ei-
ther in cafes of great neceffity for the fafety of the Cburcb^x
in leffer cafes, when the Mzgi&titeforbiddetb it not.
84. In a time when Blafphemy, or Hereile, or Sedition
prcvaileth, the Magiftrate may name certain Blafphemiest
Herefies,#T. which he may forbid his Subjects to preach up.
85. And he may reftrain all utterly unable perfons, or he*
retical falfe Teachers,or any that notorioufly do more harm
than good, from the liberty of preaching in his Dominions*
till they are proved fitter i that is, from abufing the Go-
fpel and mens fouls.
86. But if on this pretence he mould forbid Chrifts faith-
ful able Minifters, to preach the Chriftian faith, and call
men to repentance, and fave mens fouls, ( when there are
not enow more, efpecially to do that work, as proportioned
to the number and neceflity of fouls ) it would be a ira fo
heinous againft Chrift, and againft: the fouls of men, as I
think it not meet now to aggravate or exprefs, 1 tbefz.
15,16.
87. If faithful Minifters break good Laws, theymuft be
puniihed as other Subjects, in Purfe, or Body, or Name, fo
as may leaft hinder them in the work of Chrift.
88. They that Clence faithful able Paftors, for fuch faults
as may be otherwife punithed, do grievouily punilh the
fault lift pofle ( even in their fouls > for the fault of ano-
G ther.
ther. As if a man that hath a family of an hundred per-
fons, were forbidden to give them bread to fave their lives,
becaufe he was drunk, or fwore an Oith, which might be
punifhed on himfelf alone.
8?. The Magillrate may excommunicate in hit rvay,is well
35 the P ijlorj do in theirs* That is, the Magiitrate may as
a- penalty for a crime, lay Subjects under a note of infamy,
and Outlaw them, and command all men to avoid famili-
arity with them *, ( And this as bad Snbjccls^ whether they
be Church-members or not. ) And he may as a Keeper of
the Churches Priviledges and Peace ( till forfeited; reitraiu
all excommunicate perfons from forcing themfelves into the
Communion of the Church which did excommunicate them,
• po. So contentious are Pallors oft times, and fo' necefTary
is the Magi itr at es Office to the publick peace, that every
Ghurck (hould be under the eye of fome Juftices of the
Peace, or Cenfors appointed by force to lilence intruding
Bawlers and Railers, and to reftrain Minifters from making
it their publick work, unpeaceably to traduce and revile
their Brethren, and represent diflenters as odious to the
flock. And if fuch Magi (hates had kept the Churches
Order and Peace according to their Office^ it had prevented
abundance of the Papal Usurpations, which were the fruit
of Magiftrates negle&s.
pi. Lay Chancellors excreting the Spiritual Power of she
Keyes ( though they (hould pro forma uie the (tale of an
Ordinaries pronunciation ) is fuch a fort of Church Govern-
ment, as I will never fwear that in my place and Calling
I will not at any time endeavour to alter by lawful means,
p2. The Parents are put in the fourth Commandment,
tather than the Magiitrate or Paftor, becaufe their authority
is the moft plenary Image of the Divine Authority in
thefe refpe&s. i . Their Authority is not by Contract, but
by Nature. 2. It is the primary radical power. 3. It is
ifcoft univerfally necefTary to mankind. 4. And it reprt-
fenteth Gods Government. 1 . In that it is founded in Genera-
iion> as Gods in Creation. 2 . Becaufe thence aiifeth 1 . The
fullejl Image of his Dominion, in the Parents fitVejl Propriay
m his Child. 2. Of his fapientfol Rule, in the Parents (5o-
vvnment
vernmem ( as in pretence ) 3. Of his Love which Parents
are allowed to exceed all other Rulers in : Therefore God
calls himfelf Our Father.
93' J^What if the Magiftrate, Minilter, and Parents
have oppoiite Commands > Which of them is to be obeyed ?
c. g. The Magiftrate bids you meet in one place for publick
Worfhip ^ the Bifhop in another,and the Parent in a third }
The Magiftrate bids you Learn one Catechifm and no
others the Bifhop another, and not that> and the Parents
a third. The Magiftrate bids you (land, the Paftor bids
you kneel, the Parents bid you fit. The Magiftrate bids
you pray by one form, the Bifhop by another, and the Pa-
rents by a third or none. The Magiftrate commandeth
one tranflation of the Scripture, and the Bifhop another.
The Bimop commandeth you to ufe a Ceremony, or to
keep a holy day, and your Parents forbid it you > In fuch
calcs which muft you conform to and obey ? Anfo* When
I am defired, and promifed by thofe concerned in it, that it
will be well taken, I will anfwer fuch kind of queftions as
thefe. But till then I will hold my tongue, that I may
hold my peace.
P4. No contrary commands of Church-men ( as they arc
called ) -y nor any of our own Vows or Covenants, can excufe
us from obedience to the Higher Powers, in lawful things,
which God hath authorized them to command '•> that is,
which are belonging to their place of Government to regu-
late. Though if the queftion be but, e. g. What Medi-
cine and Dofe (hall be given to a Patient, or by what Me-
dium a Philofopher (hall demonftrate *, or what Subjed: and
what Method and Words a Paftor {hall ufe for the prefent
edification of his flock ? or how a Surgeon (hall open a
Vein, or a Pilot guide his Ship, &c. the Artift may be obey-
ed before an Emperour, ( by him that careth for his life,or
his underftanding \ But yet as all thefe are under the Go-
vernment of the King, fo he may give them general Laws 9
efpecially to reftrain them from notorious hurtfulnefs.
Sir, If all thefe Propofitions be enow for the Concord of fi-
ber Chrijiians in thefe matters, I hope neither you, njr I, nor
any lover of the Church and Peace, fljall need to ufe much
G 2 Jbarpnefi
maxima munch mala.
K 4° )
Jbarpneft again ft the Opinion of fitch diffenters. But if they be
not, I irtorv not when tve Jhall have concird. And yet that you
may fee that I am not over follicitous of my Peace, I mil
makf up the number with thefe lefs pleafing Propofitions.
P5- B.caule Corruptio optimi\ eft peflima, Magiftrates and
Miniftcrs are of all men ( ufually ) either the greateft Blef-
fings or the greateft Burdens of mankind on earth. Saith
Campanella, ( Metaph. )
^FitentU j ^Tyrannis >
*S Sapient U ^Corruptio^li^ Hxrefis >maxima i
CAmjrif S • Hypocrifu.J fe
( though indeed he might as well have named more. ) As
Tyranny is in the greateft part of the whole world, (which
is Heathen, Infidel and Popifh ) the principal Fin, which
hindereth the Golpel and Kingdom ^oj Chrift, forbiddeth
the preaching of the Word of life for mens falvation ( And
therefore a fin which no Chriftian Magiftrate or Preacher,
fhould think of, but with great abhorrence, and none by
any palliation (hould befriend it ) > Co Prudent and Good
Princes are under God the Pillars of the worfd '•> For they
are the Chief Officers of God, to (hew forth his Power \ Wifi
dom and Goodnefs^ Truth and Holinefs, Juftice and Mercy, in
their Government j And by their Laws to promote the
obedience of bit Law* And to encourage the Preachers
and Pra&icers of Godlinefs, Sobriety and Righteoufnefs >
And to defend them againft the Malignity of thofe that
would filence, opprefs and perfecute them on earth i And
by their examples and punifhments, to bring all ungodlinefi,
intemperance and injuftice unto fhame. None therefore that
poiTefs fo great a mercy, (hould undervalue it , or be un-
thankful.
96. Wife Rulers will watch the Plots of fuch enemies, as
would ufe them as the Devil would have ufed Chrift , who
carried him to the Pinnacle of the Temple, in hope to have
feen his fall the greater : who would have them with He-
rod arrogate the praife of God unto themfelves, or with
Pharaoh or Nebuchadnezzar to difdain to be under the So-
vereignty of their Maker ? and afcribe to them the Divine
Prerogatives *,
(*9)
Prerogatives i And would make it fecm their honour to
have Po&er to dothegreateft mifchief, that the pretence
and claim may make them odious,and fo may debilitate and
undermine them. That like a draught or cold water to
one in a Pleurifie/they may kill them by pleaiing them.
27. It is an unchrift ian carnal craft for the Proteftant
Clergy of feveral Opinions, to lay falfe charges on one
another, as being enemies to the Civil Government, when
realiy their ftrrnciples therein are all the fame •, Or to make
the differences of Stalefmen and Lawyers, to betaken for
differences in Religion : purpofely to make one another
( and their Religion ) odious, and to ftrengthen them-
selves by the errors and paffions of Princes j till at laft they
have tempted the world to think as bad of all and of Reli-
gion it felf, as they have faid of one another, and by un-
dermining others fall themfelves.
98. But yet that Patty who really make a Religion of
the Dodrine of Rebellion, are tobedifowned by all that
will be true to God and to his Omcers:In my Sermon to the
Parliament the day before they Voted the Reftoration of
the King, I fai3 fomewhat of the difference of the Proteftant
and Popifh Religion, in this point. And a Papift Gentleman
rirft wrote an InvecTive againft me, as if I had given no
proof of what I faid > And feveral perfons of unknown
names wrote Letters to me to urge and challenge me to
prove it : Blindly or wilfully overlooking the undeniable
proof which I had there laid down, from one of their Ge-
neral Councils, viz*
*the Decrees of approved General Councils are the Papifts
Religion t 'the Decrees of approved General Councils are for
the Popes depofing 'temporal Lords, if they exterminate not
fuch as deny Tranfitbftantiation, and giving their Dominions to
others : Ergo, the Popijh Religion U for the Popes depofing
'temporal Lords in that cafey and giving their Dominions' to
others.
The Major is not queftioned. The Minor, (befides the
ConciU Rom.fub Greg. 7. which determineth that the Pope
may depofc Emperours ) I there proved from the exprefs
words of Condi* Later an* fub Innoc. jt C*».J. which ut-
tercth
tereth it at large. And if any Protcftant do fwith Dr. Tai-
lor, Dr. Gunwng, 2nd Dr. Vierfin) doubt of the authority of
thofe Canons, thats nothing to the Papilte who jultirie it as
an approved Council,and vindicate it, as you may find with
copioufncfs and conrider.ce, in the printed Anfwcr to the hit
named Dodlors. " What impudency then is it in thefe men
to challenge me to prove, and yet overlook my proof?
9£. CHRISTIANITY according to the Scripture and
primitive Simplicity, in Votlrine, Worfhip, Government and
life, doth conliitute a CHRISTIAN, and aChriftian
Church, The making of humane additions and mutable ad-
juntls to Teem things nccejfary , doth conftitute a SECT.
( And alas how (mall a part of the Chriftian world, is not
entangled in fome fuch Sett. ) To be united to all ChrifU-
ans, in the bond of Cbrijiianity, is to be a Catholic^'- To
trouble the Churches peace by driving to fet up one Sett
ox Faftion, and fupprefsthe reft, is to be a Schifmatic]^ and
Seftary.
So then if fome will by a fuperftitious unfcriptural rigour
of Difcipline, make every Pallors power arbitrary ( or the
peoples, which is worfe ) in judging of mens inward holi-
nefs, and will lay by the Scripture Title, which is ( a fiber
Trofieffion-ofi the Baptifimal Covenant ) and think by this Ihidt-
nefs to advance the honour of their party, as to purity ,
They will but endlefly run into divilions : And by fetting
themfelves at a greater diftance, from common Chriltians,
than God alloweth them, provoke him to caft on them
fome greater fhame.
And if any others will make their unneceffary firms of Sy-
nods, and other adjuntls, to feem (0 neceifaxy, as to enter
mto Leagues and Covenants to make them the terms of
the Churches ,Unity,God will not own fuch terms nor ways j
nor will they be durable,while the ground is mutable.
And if in the Countreys where Popery and Church-tyranny
prevail, any other more lofty fj&ion, (hall perfwade the. peo-
ple that there muft be no King any longer than their domi-
nation is upheld ^ and (hall feek to twill the corruptions,
grandure or mutable adjuncts of their fiunUion, by Oaths, in-
to the very Conjiitution of the State * Like the Trent Oath,
fwearing
C**3
(wearing the Subjects to obey the Church, yea, putting the
Church before the State, and fwearing them, not at any time
(though commanded by the King J to endeavour any altera-
tion in that Church- Government s no nor to confent to any\
that Co the lubjects may be as fill bound to them, as they
are by the Oath of fidelity to their Kings \ It is time infuch
a cafe to pray £ God five the King ~J and to write oil our
cloors [ Lord have mercy en ui. 1 And a true fubjedi in fuch
cafes, when it comes to/wearing, muft learn Seneca's LeiTon,
£ No man more efteemeth venue, than he that for the love of it
can let go the reputation of it j ] And muft be content to be
called Difloyal, difobedient,faUious, that he may not befo} nor
betray hit Soul, hti Prince, arid hvs pofterity.
ioc. But to put my felf out of the reach of any rational
fufpicion, befides what is faid,I profefs, that lafcrihe all that
Power to Kings, which is given them by any 'text of Scripture,
or acknowledged by any Council General or Provincial, or by
any publicl^authentickjConfeflion of any Chrijlian Church, ei-
ther Protcjiant, Greeks or Popifh, that ever I yet f aw. And if
this be not enough as to matter of Religion, ( leaving the
Cafes of Law to Lawyers ) I can give you no more.
Obje<Sh Ecclef. 1. 18. In much wifdom is much grief, and
he that increafeth knowledge, increafeth forrow. 7. 16. Be not
righteous over much i neither makf thy felf over wife : why
fhouldji thou defiroy thy felf ? p. 2. As vs the good,fo is the
finner :,hs tl;at fweareth,as he that fear eth an Oath. Ifa.5p.i 5.
Truth faileth \ and he that departeth from evil, mafyth himfelf
a prey* 1 Kings 22. 13. Let thy word, I pray thee, be likg the
word of one of them, and jpeaj^ good. ■ — —
Anfw. V. 14. As the Lord liveth, what the Lord faith un-
to me, that I willfpeak^ Luke 12.4. I fay to you my friends.
Be not afraid of them that kjti the body, and after that have
no more that they can do. But, &c. 1 TheiL2. 15, 16. they
pleafe not God, and are contrary to ailment forbidding us to
fyeakjo the Gentiles, that they might be faved, to fill up their
fins alwayei •> for the wrath tf come upon them to the uttermofi.
Aits
I 52 J
A&s 20# 24. But none ofthefe things move mey neither count
I my life dear unto my felf fo that I might finijh my courfe
with joy , and the Minijlry which I have received^ 6cc. 1 Cor.
4. 17, 18. For cur light afflidion which U but for a moment,
worksth for m a far more exceeding eternal weight of glory :
While we look^ not at the things which arefeeujbut at the things
which are notfeen : For the things which are feen art temfe-
tal > hut the things which arc mtfeeny are eternal.
Sept* 21. 1669*
Addition :
CV)
Addition : Of the Power of Kings and Bi-
(hops out of Bifhop Bilfon and Andrews.
LEft you (hould wrong the fober Epiicopal Divines, fo as
to think that they claim as jure Vivino, and as Paitoral,
any Coercive forcing power, but only an authoritative per-
lwading power, and that of the Keyes of the Church, I will
tranferibe fome of the words of that Learned, Judicious
Bifhop Bilfon in his 7r<*#. of Cbriftian Subjeftion > By which
you will fee, that all forcing power claimed by them , is
only Magiftratical, as they are the Kings Officers, and not
from Chrift.
Note alfo that constantly he diftinguifheth the Magistrates
power from the Paftors, by the [ Sword ] as the inftru-
ment of execution, which even about Ecclefiaftical mat-
ters is proper to the Magiftrate ; As the power of the Word
and Sacraments, or Keyes of the Church, is the Paftors : And
thefe are the (horteft,plaineft, and leaft ambiguous terms ;
and more clear than [_ Internal, Ecclefiaftical and Civil ]
which have all much obfeurity and ambiguity.
Pag. 238. Prince s only be Governour s in things andCaufes
Ecclefiaftical, that if, with the Sword Bijhops be no Go-
vernour s in thofi things with the Sword. "] Pag. 240. Wecon-
fcjl Princes to be Supream Governours, Supream bear-
ers of the Sword We give Princes no power to devife or
invent new Religions^ to alter or change Sacraments, to decide
or debate doubts of faith, to dijlurb or infringe the Canons of
the Church*
But of thefe two laft I muft tell you, what we Puritans
( as they call us ) hold 1. That the King may and muft
decide doubts of faith , in order to execution by the
Sword ( as, who (hall be banifhed or imprifoned as a
Teacher of Herefie) 2. And that Canons circa facra not take-
ing the Paftors proper work out of his hand may be made
by the Magiftrate even if he pleafe without the Prelates ;
H And
(54>>
And if Piftors make Canons, they are but in order to their
proper way of execution.
Pag. 2 52. A/vl if Princes Jball not bear the Sword, .in things
andCaufts Ecdhjiajiical, yen hnuft tell us who ft? all— Strict
by Gads Law the Prieji may not meddle with the Sward, the con-
fcquent is inevitable, that Frinces alone are Gods Minijicrs,
bearing the Sword, to reward and revenge good and evil in all
things and caufes, be they Temporal^ Spiritual or Ecclcfujii-
cal : unlefs yon tbinl^tbat dij orders and abufes Ecclefiafti-
cal fhould be freely permitted' Page 2 56. Ibis then vs
the Supream power of Princes, which we teach lhat
they be Gcds Miniftcrs in their own Dominions, bearing the
Sword, freely to permit and publicity defend that which God
eommanJetb- • • So may they with juft force remove whatfo-
ever is 'erroneous , vicious y and fuperjiitious within their
Lands, and with external loffes and corporal pains reprcft the
broachers and abetters of Herefes and all impieties-*
from which fubjedion to Princes, no man within their Realms^
. Monk^, Priefi, Preacher or Prelate U exempted : And without
. their Realms no mortal man bath any- power from Cbrijl ju-
dicially .to depofe them '■> much lefs to invade them in open
field, leaji of all to warrant their Subjecls to rebell againfi them*
Ibefe be the things which we contend for > and not whether
Princes be Cbrijis Mafiers^ or the functions to preach, bap-
tize, impofe bands, and forgive fins, muji be derived from
the Princes power and Laws \ or the ApojUes might enter to
convert Countreys, %vttbout Caefars delegations > Ihefebejejls
andjhifts of yours*
Page 261. 7i Bijhops fpeakjng the Word of God, Princes m
well as others muji yield obedience : But if Bijhops pafs their
Commiffion, and fpeak^ befides the Word of God, what they
lift, both Prince andpeople may defpife them*
Page 258. BuWord is Irutlr: and therefore your Bi-
fhops cannot be Judges ef the Word ofCbrift, but they mnft
be Judges of Cbrijl bimf elf that fpeakftb by his Word, which
is no fmall prefumption* My Sheep hear my voice— ~
*lhey be no Judges of his voice.
Page 2 5^. V yoH taks judging for difccrning,> the
People niHjt be difcermrs and Judges of that which is taught—
Page
f55)
Page 271. Ph. If General Councils might err, the Church
might err*- — — Th* As though none were of or in the
Church, but only Bijhops ! Or all the Bijhops of Chriftendome
without exception, were everprefent at any Council t Or the
greater part of thofe that are preftnt might not ftrike the
flroke without the reft—*
Seepag. 350, 351,352. Etfeq. that only Magiftratet
may touch body or goods*
Page ^58. ihe Watchmen and Shepheards that ferve Chrifi
in hU Church, have their kjnd of Regiments diftincl from the
temporal Power and State : But that Regiment of theirs v* by
Cou>fel and perfwafton , not by terror or Compulsion h and
reacheth neither to the goods, nor to the bodies of any men—*
Page 366. As for your Epifcopal Tower over Princes, if that
be it you feei^ for, and not to takg their Kingdoms from them,
I told you, If they breal^ the Law of God, you may reprove
them : If they hear you not , you may leave them in their
fins, and [hut Heaven again}} them* If they fall to open He-
re fie or wilful impiety, you may refufe to communicate with
them in prayers and other divine duties \ yea, you muft ra-
ther yield your lives with fubmijjion into their hands , than
deliver them the Word and Sacraments , otherwife than God
bath appointed. 1
' ( Say you fo *, I promife you Sir, if Kings muft be dealt
fo ftri&ly with, though it coft you your lives, I will be a
Non-conformift a little longer, though it coft me my live-
lihood, rather than give Baptifm, the Lords Supper, Ab-
solution., and the juftifying alTertions at Burials, as com-
monly as I muft do, if I conform. )
P. 525. Tajhrs have their kjnd of CorreUion even over
Princes : but fuch as by Gods Law, may ft and with the Pa-
ftors Vocation '•> and tend to the Princes falvation : and that ex-
ceeded not the Word and Sacraments : Other CorreUion over
any private man Paftors have nones much leftover Princes*--*
Princes may force their Subjetts by the Temporal S word.— ~
Bijhops may not force their flacky with any corporal or external
violence* Pag. yiG.Chryfoftom faith For of all men Chri-
ftian ( Bijhops). may leajt corrcft the faults of men by force :
Judges that are without the Church may compell—Buf
H 2 here.
he re ( iti the Church ) we may not offer any violence, but
only perfivadc. We have not fo great authority given us by
the Laws as to reprefs offenders : And if it were lawful for
us fo to do, we have no ufe of any fucb violent power* for
that Chri'l crowneth them which abfiain from fin, not of a
forced, but of a willing mind Hilary teacheth the fame
Leflbir, If this violence were ufed for the true faith, the do-
Urine ofBiJhops would be againftit. God needeth no forced
fervice : He required no contained confefton : I cannot receive
any man but him that k willing <^J I cannot give ear, but
to him that intreateth. I cannot fign, (that is, baptize
any but him that (gladly) profeffetb. So Ori^en
For all the crimes which God would have revenged, he would
have them nvenged not by the Bijhops and Rulers of the
Church, but by the Judges of the world Bijhops by venue
§f their Callings cannot command ethers, or authorize violence
or arms.—
Pag. 541 , Parliaments have beenkspt by- the King and his
Barons, the Clergy wholly excluded > and yd their ARs and
Statutes good. And when the Bijhops were prefent, their
Voices from the Conquefito tbtf day, were never Negative. By
Gods Law you have nothing to do with ntakjng Laws for
Kingdoms and Commonwealths : Tou may teach, ymmay not
command. Perfwafion is your part : Compulfion is the
Princes.
Page 245. Far better St. Ambrofe faith \_lftheEmperour
as\ for tribute, we deny it not : 'the Lands of the Church
fay "tribute 1 If he affell the Lands themfelves, he bath power
to takg them : no man among us is any let to him. the alms
ef the people is enough for the poor. Let them never procure
us envy for our Lands : let them takf them if they pleafe : I
do not give them to the Emperonr% but I do not deny them*
So far Bilfon.
All this we allow : And if all this be the concurrent
judgement of all forts of fober Proteftants , called Epis-
copal or Presbyterians, what rcafon hath any Eraftian upon
the account of the Magiftrates intereftto quarrel with them.
If any praUife not according to thefe principles, let them
hear of it#
Indeed
C57)
Indeed in point of convenience we greatly differ from
feme men: That is, i. Whether it be convenient for the
King to make Church-men Magiftrate j, or not? 2. And
whether it be convenient immediately to back their Ex-
communications, with the Sword i And for the Migiftratc
to be the Clergies Executioner, or to imprifon men eo no-
mine^ becaufe excommunicate and not repenting. 3. And
whether it be convenient to make the fame Court called
Ecclefiaftical, fo mixt of Faftoral and Secular Power united,
in one Chancellor f who is no Pallor, but a Lay man ) or
in a Bi(hop, as that in and by it, the Magiftrates, and the
Spiritual Government fhall be either confounded , or Co
twilled as tobeundifcernable, or become one tertiunu
But for this, as we love not to be too forward in teach-
ing Magiftrates what is convenient, ( though many of the
ancient Fathers have done it plainly , and fpoken againft
the Magistracy of Priefts v and Cyril of Alexandria is brand-
ed by Socrates and others with fome infamy , as the rirft
Bilhop thatufed Coercive power J •, fo you have more caufe
to fay what you have to fay in this, to the Magiftrate him-
felfy than to the Bifhofs or Presbyteries : For if the MagN
firate tvill needs make Priefts his Officers , and put his
Sword intofuch hands, as have enough to do in their
proper work , Or if he will puni(h men with the S-vord^
becaufe they are punifhed already by excommunication,
or becaufe they repent not, left excommunication alone
(hould prove unerlecftuaU quarrel not for his a&ions with
other men : It is his own doing » and it is himfelf that
you blame, when you blame thefe things : Say not that
Prelates or Presbyteries takg the Magiftrates power from
bim h but fay the truth, that the Magiftrate giveth it them,,
and mil have it fo to be.. (Though Iexcufe none that
urge him to it, or voluntarily alTume his Power. )
Bifhop Andrews alfo faith -Tortur torti p- 383. [ Cohi*
beat Regem Viaconus, ft cum indignm fit, idq\ palam con*
ftet> accedat tamen ad Sacramentum : Cobibeat & medizus,
fi ad noxium quid vei infalubre manum admoveat : Cohl-
beat & Equifax ft inter equitandum adigat Equum per te-
cum prtrnptum, vel faUbrofm, cut fubfit fericulum. Eti-
11 H 3 * amrc
( 5* )
amnt medics? Etiamxe Equifoni fuo fubjectus Kex ? Sed
de Majori poteftate loquitur : fed ea ad rem noxiam procul
arcendam : qua in re CbaritaW fempcr Poteftas eft maxima.
Here you fee what Church Government is in Bilhop
Andrews fenfe, and how far the Biftiops hold the King him-
fetf to be retainable even by a Deacon i And yet but
( I think ) according to your own fenfe, I pray you judge
then whether the. Bimops and you differ as far as you ima-
gine ^ and whether the Courts and Church power which
offendeth you, be not fet up by Kings themfelves, who
make the Bilhops their Officers therein. To which add
what Bilfon proveth that Patriarchs, Metropolitans and
Archbiihops Dignities are the gift of Princes, and not the
inftitution of Chrift, and then you will fee more, that it is
the Princes own doing.
I add to the like purpofe more out of Bilfon pag. 313.
£ We grant, th:y muft rather huzard their lives, than baptize
Princes which believe not, or diftribute the Lords myfteries to
them that repent not, but give wilful and open fignifcatim
of iniquity, &c. ] This is Church Government, which none
can contradict.
This is it that Chryfoflom fo often profeffeth alfo* as that
he would rather let his own blood be (bed, than give the
blood of Chrift to the unworthy.
And Bcda Hijt. Ecclefl. 2. cap. 5. telkth us, that Melt*
ins Bilhop of London ( with Jujlus ) was banimed by
the heirs of King Sabareth, becaufe he would not give them
the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, which they would
needs have before they were baptized.
( And by the way, if Bimops fay that Kings muft be ufed
thus, the Non-conformifts are not fuch intolerable Schif-
maticks, as fome now reprefent them , for defiring, that
every Presbyter may not be compelled againft his Con-
fcience to give the Sacrament to the bafeft of the people
that are ignorant what Chrift or Chriftianity is, and to
them that are not willing to receive it, but are forced to
take it againft their wills for fear of a Prifon j nor to bap-
tize the Children of fuch Parents as know not what bap-
tifm is, or as are profefled Infidels, having not fo much
as
) (59)
as ChrifUan Adopters* but only Ceremonious perfons called
God-fathers and God-mothers. )
Tapirius Msjfonus in vita Leonti j. reciteth his words of
thcMigiltrates banifhing the Man tehees, and addeth [E*
hac ret gejle narratione perfpioHum ell Komams Epifeopos
rclegsre tunc nsn potuiffe, nee in exilium reos tmttere, nil ho~
die factum J fed eos tantum cenfnra cocrcere, & poena ecclefi-
ajiica mulftarc*
I add no more, fuppoimg t/-a lalmoft all fober Epifco-
pal, Presbyterians, Independer and Eraftians are agreed
in all the ririt ninety four Proportions, ( if not all ) that
are here aiTerted', and thai all thofe may fuffice to fignine
their Concord, and promote their Reconciliation , if Inte-
reli ( miftaken ) and PalTion ( mif-guided ) did not much
more than difference of judgement in thefe matters , to
caufe their alienation.
And as I have written this to vindicate both the Power
of Kings, and the Office of Paftors from any mens unju/t
fufpicions or accufations, who look only on one fide •-> and
to (hew that thefe Offices are no more contrary than He ud
and Heart, than Light and Heat : fo I do require the Rea-
der to put no fenfe upon any thing here written, which is
injurious to the Government of Magiftrates or Paftors, or
contrary to the Laws : For all fuch fenfes I do hereby de-
claim.
FI&CIS.
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