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974 

B17t 

1690373 


REYNOLDS  HISTORICAL 
GENEALOGY  COLLECTION 


ALLEN  COUNTY  PUBLIC  LIBRARY 


3  1833  01086  2669 


y^     f^/X^^  /^^^  ^^'  J^^^^^t■j^£Jt^iJ 


ENG 


ESTHER  Vv-HEELWRIGHT 

MOTHER     SUPERIOR    OF    THE     URSULINES    OF    QUEBEC 
From  a  portrait  sent  to  her  mother  in  lyOr 


TRUE  STORIES  OF 
NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES 


Carried  to  Canada 
During  the  Old  French  and  Indian  Wars 


BY 


C.  ALICE  BAKER 


CAMBRIDGE 
1897 


In   Preparation 

GLEANINGS    FROM    NEW    ENGLAND    AND    CANADIAN    ARCHIVES 

CONCERNING    CAPTIVES  IN  THE  OLD  WARS 


Copyright,  1897 
By  C.  Alice  BAiiKK 

All  rights  reserved 


SREBNFIEI.D,  MASS. 

Press  of  E.  A.  Hall  Sl  Co. 
1897 


1690373 


TO 

THE    MEMORY    OF    THOSE    NUNS     AND     PRIESTS    WHO     SHELTERED    AND 
PROTECTED    OUR    CAPTIVES  IN  CANADA    AND    TO    THEIR   SUC- 
CESSORS BY  WHOM  I  HAVE  BEEN  KINDLY   HELPED 
IN   MY   WORK  THESE  NARRATIVES 
ARE  AFFECTIONATELY 
DEDICATED 


PREFACE 


As  often  as  I  have  read  in  the  annals  of  the  early  settlers 
of  New  England  the  pathetic  words,  "Carried  captive  to  Can- 
ada whence  they  came  not  back,"  1  have  longed  to  know  the 
fate  of  the  captives.  The  wish  has  become  a  purpose,  and 
I  have  taken  upon  myself  a  mission  to  open  the  door  for 
their  return. 

It  is  just  fifty  years  since  that  indefatigable  Antiquary, 
Mr,  Samuel  G.  Drake,  published  at  Boston  his  "Tragedies  of 
the  Wilderness."  I  offer  these  narratives  as  a  modest  sequel 
to  the  work  of  my  illustrious  predecessor,  c.  a.  b, 

Cambridge,  Mass. 
March,  1897. 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

Christine  Otis.      (A  romance  of  real  life  on  the  frontier  as 

told  in  the  records.)          .......  5 

Esther  Wheelwright.         .......  35 

Story  of  a  York  Family.         .         .         .         .         ...  69 

Difficulties  AND  Dangers  IN  THE  Settlement  of  a   Fron- 
tier Town  1670.           .         .         .         .         .         .         .  89 

Eunice  Williams .         .         .128 

Ensign  John  Sheldon.         .......  155 

My  Hunt  for  the  Captives.     .......  193 

Two  Captives.      (A  romance  of  real  life  two  hundred  years 

ago.) 223 

A  Day  at  Oka. 250 

Thankful  Stebbins.       ........  259 

A  Scion   of  the  Church   in   Deerfield.     Joseph-Octave 
Plessis.     (Written  for  the  two  hundredth  anniversary 

of  the  founding  of  the  church  in  Deerfield.)            .         .  272 

Hertel  De  Rouville.          .......  304 

Father  Meriel — Mary  Silver.      ......  319 

APPENDIX. 

A     Christinr  Otis.        .....  333 

B     Esther  Wheelwright.          ....  335 

C     Eunice  Williams.      .         .         .         .         .  358 

D     Ensign  John  Sheldon.         ....  394 

E     My  Hunt  for  the  Captives.            .         .  396 

F     Thankful  Stebbins 399 

INDEX 401 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Esther  Wheelwright,  Frontispiece. 

Mother  Superior  of  the   Ursulines  at  Quebec  from  a 

portrait  sent  to  her  mother  in  1761. 
Facsimile    of    the     Baptismal     Record     of     DoROTHeE 

De  Noyon.     .  ........         52 

Ursurline  Convent   at   Quebec   as  Completed  in    1723, 

from  a    sketch    made    in    1842    by    Rev.   Mere    Saint- 

Croix.  .........  60 

Wheelwright    Coat    of    Arms,    from    a    painting   on    silk 

done  by  Esther  Wheelwright.         .....         66 

Mary  Wheelwright,  from  a  miniature  sent  to  her  daughter 

Esther  in  1754.  . 68 

The    Junkins    Garrison    House    Built    in    1675,    from    a 

painting  by  Susan  Minot  Lane.      .....         72 

Fort  Saint-Louis  at  Caughnawaga  with  Priest's  House.      132 
Old  Indian  House  at  Deerfield.     .....  166 

Facsimile  of  the  Marriage  Record  of  Elizabeth  Price, 

with  signatures  of  several  captives.       ....       206 
Champlain's    Trading   Post  at  La  Chine,   later    occupied 

by  Robert  Cavelier  de  La  Salle.         ....  252 

Homestead  of  Josiah  Rising  and  Abigail  Nims.  .         .       256 

Fort  Pontchartrain  at  Chambly.  ....  268 

Mgr.  Joseph-Octave  Plessis.  ......       272 


CHRISTINE    OTIS. 


A    ROMANCE   OF   REAL   LIFE   ON   THE   FRONTIER   AS   TOLD 
IN   THE    RECORDS. 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  magnificent  obelisks  of  Central  America  lay  crumbling 
to  decay  in  the  thickets  of  Yucatan.  The  mines  of  the  Mound 
Builder  were  deserted  and  silent.  The  eagle  screamed  un- 
disturbed in  the  homes  of  the  Cliff  Dweller. 

A  race  who  possessed  no  traditions  of  these  old  civilizations 
held  the  soil  of  North  America,  when,  from  Greenland  poured 
down  a  horde  of  those  Norse  pirates,  whose  name  from  time 
immemorial  had  been  a  terror  to  every  land.  The  story  of 
the  first  meeting  of  the  white  man  and  the  red  man  on  our 
shores  is  an  interesting  one.  Let  us  read  it  from  the  sagas 
of  the  Northmen.  They  will  be  apt  to  tell  it  flatteringly  to 
themselves. 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  999,  Leif  the  Lucky,  son  of  Eric  the 
Red,  spent  the  winter  in  Vinland, — wherever  that  may  be, — 
whether  Nantucket,  Narragansett,  or  Nova  Scotia,  we  have 
as  yet  no  ken.  "Leif  was  a  mickle  man  and  stout,  most 
noble  to  see  ;  a  wise  man,  and  moderate  in  all  things." 

Apparently  he  had  no  encounter  with  the  natives.    Whether 


6  TRUE    STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

his  mickleness,  or  his  moderation  and  wisdom,  had  anything 
to  do  with  this,  the  chronicler  saith  not.  Now  tliere  was 
great  talk  about  Leif  s  Vinland  voyage,  and  Thorvald,  his 
brother,  thought  the  land  had  been  too  little  explored.  Then 
said  Leif  to  Thorvald,  "Thou  shalt  go  with  my  ship,  brother, 
if  thou  wilt  to  Vinland," 

So  in  1 002,  Thorvald  and  his  men  came  to  Vinland,  to  Leif's 
booths,  and  dwelt  in  peace  there  that  winter.  In  the  summer 
they  sent  the  long  boat  along  to  the  westward  to  explore. 
On  the  island  they  found  a  corn-shed  of  wood.  More  works 
of  men  they  found  not,  and  they  went  back  to  Leif's  booths 
in  the  fall.     "After  that  they  coasted  into  the  mouths  of  firths 

that   were   nearest    to   them and  to   a  headland   that 

stretched  out,  and  they  saw  upon  the  sands  within  the  head- 
land three  heights.  They  went  thither,  and  saw  there  three 
skin  boats  and  three  men  under  each.  Then  they  divided 
the  people,  and  laid  hands  on  them  all  except  one,  that  got 
off  with  his  boat.  They  killed  these  eight,  and  then  went 
back  to  the  headland,  and  saw  in  the  firth  some  heights,  and 
thought  they  were  dwellings.  Then  came  from  the  firth  in- 
numerable skin  boats  and  made  towards  them."  Thorvald 
said,  "We  will  set  up  our  battle  shields,  and  guard  ourselves 
as  best  we  can,  but  fight  but  little.  So  they  did,  and  the 
Skraelings  shot  at  them  for  a  while,  but  they  fled,  each  as 
fast  as  he  could."     Thorvald  was  killed. 

Karlsefni  came  next,  "And  this  agreement  made  he  with 
his  seamen  :  that  they  should  have  even  handed  all  that  they 

should  get  in  the  way  of  goods.     They  bore  out  to  sea 

and  came  to  Leif's  booths  hale  and  whole After  the 

first  winter  came  the  summer, then  they  saw  appear 

the  Skraelings,  and  there  came  from  out  the  wood  a  great 
number  of  men.  At  the  roaring  of  Karlsefni's  bulls  the 
Skraelings  were  frightened  and  ran  off  with  their  bundles. 
These  were  furs  and  sable  skins,  and  skin  wares  of  all  kinds. 


CHRISTINE   OTIS. 


Karlsefni  had  the  doors  of  the  booths  guarded.  Then  the 
Skraeling-s  took  down  their  bags,  and  opened  them  and  of- 
fered them  for  sale,  and  wanted  weapons  for  them.  But 
Karlsefni  forbade  them  to  sell  weapons.  He  took  this  plan : 
he  bade  the  women  bring  out  their  dairy  stuff,  and  no  sooner 
had  the}^  seen  that,  than  they  would  have  that  atid  nothing 
more.  Now  this  was  the  way  the  Skraelings  traded  :  they 
bore  off  their  wares  in  their  stomachs ;  but  Karlsefni  and  his 
companions  had  their  bags  and  their  skin  wares,  and  so  they 

parted Karlsefni  then  had  posts  driven  strongly  about 

his  booths,  and  made  all  complete." 

"Next  winter  the  Skraelings  came  again,  and  were  more 
than  before,  and  they  had  the  same  wares.  Then  Karl- 
sefni said  to  the  w^omen,  'Now  bring  forth  the  same  food  that 
was  most  liked  before,  and  no  other.'  And  when  they  saw  it, 
they  cast  their  bundles  in  over  the  fence.  But  one  of  them 
being  killed  by  one  of  Karlsefni's  men,  they  all  fled  in  haste, 
and  left  their  garments  and  wares  behind.  '  Now,'  said 
Karlsefni, '  I  think  they  will  come  for  the  third  time  in  anger, 
and  with  many  men.'  It  was  done  as  Karlsefni  had  said, 
there  was  a  battle  and  many  of  the  vSkraelings  fell." 

The  w^hole  story  of  the  dealings  of  the  white  man  with  the 
red  man  is  here  in  a  nutshell.  Thorvald  goes  ashore  with 
his  company.  "Here  it  is  fair,"  he  cries,  "and  here  would  I 
like  to  raise  my  dwelling,"  but  seeing  upon  the  sands  three 
boats,  and  three  men  under  each,  "this  iron-armed  and  stal- 
wart crew," — thirty  broad-breasted  Norsemen,  lay  hands  upon 
the  helpless  nine  and  kill  them.  One  escapes  to  tell  the  tale. 
A  fight  ensues,  and  Thorvald  pays  the  penalty  of  his  mis- 
deeds. The  savage  has  felt  the  power  of  the  white  man's 
weapons.  He  covets  them.  He  comes  the  next  year  to 
Karlsefni  with  sable  skins and  wants  weapons  in  ex- 
change. Karlsefni  wisely  refuses.  The  women  bring  out 
the  dairy  stuff,  and  the  simple  savages  trade.     "They  bear 


8  TRUE    STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

off  their  wares  in  their  stomachs ! "  But  Karlsefni  had 
their  bags,  and  their  precious  skin  wares.  vSo  they  part. 
The  booths  are  palisaded.  Winter  bring's  the  hungry  savage 
once  more  to  the  white  man's  door.  With  reckless  generos- 
ity he  throws  his  bundles  in  over  the  palisade.  vSupplied 
with  food  in  return,  he  is  going  peacefully  away,  when,  for 
mere  pastime,  he  is  felled  to  the  earth— killed  by  one  of 
Karlsefni's  men.  His  followers  flee.  They  come  back. 
There  is  a  battle  and  many  of  them  fall. 

Here  we  might  rest  the  case  of  the  red  man  versus  the 
white  man.  But  the  evidence  is  cumulative  against  the  lat- 
ter. Columbus  has  left  us  an  account  of  his  reception  by  the 
"Indians,"  as  he  names  them.  Native  and  Spaniard  were  an 
equal  surprise  to  each  other.  The  savage  thought  that  the 
ships  of  the  strangers  were  huge  birds,  that  had  borne  these 
wonderful  beings  down  from  heaven  on  their  great,  white 
wings.  They  were  "friendly  and  gentle"  to  the  new  comers. 
Columbus  gave  them  colored  caps,  beads  and  hawks  bells, 
in  exchange  for  twenty-pound  balls  of  cotton  yarn,  great 
numbers  of  tame  parrots  and  tapioca  cakes.  He  coasted  about 
the  island  in  the  ship's  boat,  and  some  of  the  natives  swam 
after  him,  while  others  ran  along  on  the  shore,  tempting  him 
with  fruits  and  fresh  water  to  land.  He  speaks  of  them  al- 
ways as  decorous,  temperate,  peaceful,  honest,  generous  and 
hospitable.  "They  are  very  simple  and  honest,"  he  says, 
"and  exceedingly  liberal  with  all  that  they  have,  none  of 
them  refusing  anything  he  may  possess,  when  asked  for  it, 
but  on  the  contrary  inviting  us  to  ask  them.  They  exhibit 
great  love  towards  all  others  in  preference  to  themselves  ; 
they  also  give  objects  of  great  value  for  trifles,  and  content 

themselves  with  little  or  nothing  in  return A  sailor 

received  for  a  leather  strap  as  much  gold  as  was  worth  three 
golden   nobles,^ they  bartered  like   idiots,  cotton   and 

'A  noble  is  about  $i.6o. 


CHRISTINE   OTIS. 


gold,  for  fragments  of  bows,  glasses,  bottles  and  jars ;  which 
I  forbade,  as  being  nnjust,  and  myself  gave  them  many  beau- 
tiful and  acceptable  articles, taking  nothing  from  them 

in  return They  practice  no  kind  of  idolatry,  but  have 

a  firm  belief  that  all  strength,  and  all  power  and  all  good 

things  are  in  heaven,  and  that  I  had  descended  thence 

Nor  are  they  slow  or  stupid,  but  of  very  clear  understanding. 

I  took  some  Indians  by  force    from    the    first    island 

I  came  to These  men  are   still   travelling   with   me, 

and  they  continue  to  entertain  the  idea  that  I  have  de- 
scended from  heaven,  and  on  our  arrival  at  any  new  place 
they  cry  out  to  the  other  Indians,  'Come  and  look  upon  be- 
ings of  a  celestial  race,'  upon  which  men,  women  and  children 

would  come  out  in  throngs  to  see  us, — some  bringing 

food,  others  drink,  with  astonishing  affection  and  kindness." 

On  every  voyage  Columbus  carried  back  to  Spain,  men, 
women  and  children  taken  by  force  from  their  homes.  Worse 
than  that,  he  farmed  out  these  poor  children  of  the  forest  to 
the  indolent  Spanish  colonists  of  Hayti,  and  they  died  by 
hundreds  from  ill  treatment  and  overwork.  Worst  of  all,  to 
satisfy  Spanish  avarice,  he  sent  great  numbers  of  them  to  be 
sold  as  slaves  in  Spain  for  the  benefit  of  that  kingdom. 

In  1498,  Sebastian  Cabot  carried  to  King  Henry  the  Seventh 
three  savages  as  trophies  of  his  divScoveries  in  North  America. 

France  had  her  share  of  the  spoils.  In  1524,  John  Verra- 
zano,  in  his  ship  the  Dolphin,  reached  the  shore  of  Carolina. 
Fires  were  burning  along  the  coast  and  the  savages  crowded 
to  the  beach  making  signs  of  welcome.  The  French  were  in 
want  of  water  and  tried  to  land,  but  the  surf  was  too  high. 
A  sailor,  carrying  bells  and  other  trifles,  leaped  overboard 
from  the  boat.  His  courage  failed  and  he  threw  the  trinkets 
towards  the  natives.  The  waves  tossed  him  back  upon  the 
shore,  and  the  Indians,  snatching  him  from  the  sea,  dragged 
him  towards  a  ereat  fire.     The  sailor  shrieked  with  fear.     His 


lO  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

comrades  in  the  boat  gazed  with  horror,  expecting  to  see  him 
roasted  and  eaten  before  their  eyes.  But  after  tenderly 
warming  and  drying  him  they  led  him  back  to  the  shore,  and 
stood  aloof  while  he  swam  off  to  his  friends.  vShall  I  tell  you 
how  this  kindness  was  repaid  ?  Coasting  north,  a  party  of 
them  landed.  The  natives  fled  to  the  woods.  Only  two  wom- 
en and  half  a  dozen  children  remained,  hiding  terrified  in  the 
grass.  These  civilized  Frenchmen  carried  off  one  of  the  ba- 
bies and  would  have  taken  the  younger  woman,  who  was 
handsome,  but  her  outcries  made  them  leave  her  behind. 
There  is  no  clue  to  the  fate  of  Verrazano  ;  it  may  be  true,  as 
Ramusio  affirms,  that  on  a  later  voyage  he  was  killed  and 
eaten  by  the  savages. 

Ten  years  later,  Jacques  Cartier  sailed  into  the  mouth  of 
the  St.  Lawrence  and  bore  away  for  France  to  tell  the  King 
he  had  discovered  the  northwest  passage  to  Cathay.  He  car- 
ried with  him  two  young  Indians  "lured  into  his  clutches," 
says  Mr.  Parkman,  "by  an  act  of  villainous  treachery."  I 
suppose  "the  greasy  potentate,"  whose  sons  they  were,  loved 
his  boys  as  well  as  any  father  loves  his  children,  but  the  wild 
Indian  was  no  more  than  a  wild  turkey  to  the  European  ex- 
plorer, and  both  were  constantly  carried  over  as  samples 
of  the  natural  products  of  the  New  World.  Cartier  brought 
back  the  boys  the  next  year  to  guide  him  up  the  river.  He 
went  up  as  far  as  Montreal,  and  coming  back  to  Quebec 
his  crew  were  smitten  with  scurvy.  There  he  might  easily 
have  been  cut  off  by  the  savages,  but  "they  proved  his  salva- 
tion." He  learned  from  them  a  cure  for  the  distemper,  and 
his  crew  were  restored  to  health.  "When  the  winter  of  mis- 
ery had  worn  away,"  he  seized  Donnacona  and  his  chiefs,  to 
carry  them  back  to  the  French  court.  Mr.  Parkman  tells  the 
story:  "He  lured  them  to  the  fort  and  led  them  into  an  am- 
buscade of  sailors,  who,  seizing  the  astonished  guests,  hur- 
ried them  on  board  the  ship.     This  treachery  accomplished, 


CHRISTINE   OTIS.  n 


the  voyagers  proceeded  to  plant  the  emblem  of  Christianity. 
The  cross  was  raised,  the  fleur-de-lis  hung-  upon  it,  and 
spreading  their  sails  they  steered  for  home."  Cartier  came 
back  once  more,  and  told  the  natives  that  their  chief,  Donna- 
cona,  was  dead,  and  the  others  were  living  like  lords  in 
France  ; — which  information  must  have  been  very  gratifying 
to  them,  under  the  circumstances  ! 

In  1602,  Gosnold  visited  the  Massachusetts  coast.  The  In- 
dians traded  with  him  valuable  furs  and  "their  fairest  col- 
lars" of  copper  for  the  merest  trifles.  "We  became  great 
friends,"  says  one  of  the  party.     "They  helped  cut  and  carry 

our   sassafras,  and  some  lay  aboard  our   ship They 

are  exceeding   courteous  and   gentle  of   disposition," 

"quick-eyed,  and  steadfast  in  their  looks,  fearless  of  others' 
harms,  as  intending  none  themselves.  Some  of  the  meaner 
sort,  given  to  filching,  which  the  very  name  of  savages,  not 
weighing  their  ignorance  in  good  or  evil,  may  easily  excuse." 

In  1605,  Weymouth  entered  the  Penobscot  river.  He  gave 
the  savages  "brandy,  which  they  tasted,  but  would  not  drink." 
He  had  two  of  them  at  supper  in  his  cabin,  and  pres- 
ent at  prayer  time.  "They  behaved  very  civilly,  neither 
laughing  nor  talking  all  the  time,  and  at  supper  fed  not  like 
men  of  rude  education  ;  neither  would  they  eat  or  drink  more 
than  seemed  to  content  nature."  They  carefully  returned 
pewter  dishes  lent  them  to  carry  peas  ashore  to  their  women. 
As  Weymouth  "could  not  entice  three  others  aboard,"  whom 
he  wished  to  kidnap,  he  "consulted  with  his  crew  how  to  catch 
them  ashore."  Then  they  carried  peas  ashore,  "which  meat 
they  loved"  and  a  box  of  trifles  for  barter.  "I  opened  the 
box,"  says  an  actor  in  this  tragedy,  "and  showed  them  trifles 
to  exchange,  thinking  thereby  to  have  banished  fear  from 
the  other  and  drawn  him  to  return.  But  when  we  could  not, 
we  used  little  delay,  but  suddenly  laid  hands  on  them,  and 
it  was  as  much  as  five  or  six  of  us  could  do  to  get  them  into 


12  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 


the  light  gig,  for  they  were  strong-,  and  so  naked  as  by  far 
our  best  hold  was  by  the  long  hair  on  their  heads  ;  and  we 
would  have  been  very  loath  to  have  done  them  any  hurt, 
which  of  necessity  we  had  been  constrained  to  have  done  if 
we  had  attempted  them  in  a  multitude,  which  we  must  and 
would,  rather  than  have  wanted  them,  being  a  matter  of  great 
importance  for  the  full  accomplishment  of  our  voyage."  The 
chronicler  after  praising  the  country,  thus  concludes  his  re- 
lation :  "Although  at  the  time  we  surprised  them  they  made 

their   best    resistance, yet,   after   perceiving   by  their 

kind  usage  we  intended  them  no  harm,  they  have  never  since 
seemed  discontented  with  us,  but  very  tractable,  loving,  and 
willing  by  their  best  means,  to  satisfy  us  in  anything  we  de- 
mand of  them Neither  have  they  at  any  time  been 

at  the  least  discord  among  themselves,  insomuch  as  we  have 
not  seen  them  angry,  but  merry  and  so  kind,  as,  if  you  give 
anything  to  one  of  them,  he  will  distribute  part  to  every  one 
of  the  rest." 

Mr.  Higginson  tells  us  that  Weymouth's  Indians  were  the 
objects  of  great  wonder  in  England,  and  crowds  of  people 
followed  them  in  the  streets.  It  is  thought  that  Shakespeare 
referred  to  them  in  "The  Tempest"  a  few  years  later.  Trin- 
culo  there  wishing  to  take  the  monster  Caliban  to  Eng- 
land, says:  "Not  a  holiday  fool  there  but  would  give  a  piece 

of  silver When  they  will  not  give  a  doit  to  relieve  a 

lame  beggar,  they  will  lay  out  ten  to  see  a  dead  Indian." 

John  Smith's  disasters  in  Virginia  were  due  to  the  disor- 
derly conduct  of  his  men  towards  the  natives. 

It  is  true  that  an  Indian  arrow  was  "shot  into  the  throat" 
of  one  of  Hudson's  crew,  but  the  chronicler  who  tells  the  tale, 
says  they  found  "loving  people"  on  their  first  landing ;  and 
the  disgraceful  debauch  in  the  cabin  of  the  "Half  Moon,"  does 
not  speak  well  for  the  conduct  of  the  Dutch  on  that  occasion. 

John  Smith  narrates  how  Captain  Hunt  "betrayed"  twenty 


CHRISTINE   OTIS. 


13 


savages  from  Plymouth,  and  seven  from  Cape  Cod  "aboard 
his  ship,  and  most  dishonestly  and  inhumanly,  for  the  kind 
usage  of  me,  and  all  my  men,  carried  them  with  him  to  Ma- 
ligo  (Malaga)  and  there,  for  a  little  private  gain,  sold  these 
silly  savages  for  rials  of  eight."  An  old  woman  of  ninety  af- 
terward told  Edward  Winslow,  with  tears  and  groans,  that 
her  three  sons,  her  only  dependence,  were  among  the  number. 

The  un scrupulousness  of  Morton's  followers  at  Merrymount, 
who  cheated,  abused,  and  stole  from  the  Indians,  and  sold  them 
liquor  and  weapons,  came  near  being  the  destruction  of  the 
Pilgrims. 

It  is  an  unwelcome  task,  while  commemorating  our  ances- 
try who  suffered  death  or  a  cruel  captivity  at  the  hands  of 
the  savage,  to  say  a  word  in  extenuation.  I  am  no  hero-wor- 
shipper. I  find  more  shrewdness  than  saintliness  in  Massa- 
soit's  friendship.  It  was  for  him  a  choice  of  evils.  I  see 
nothing  of  statesmanship  or  valor  to  admire  in  Philip.  No 
more  do  I  think  there  is  any  basis  for  a  wholesale  denuncia- 
tion of  his  race.  We  have  seen  how  from  Maine  to  Cuba  the 
explorer  was  the  aggressor.  In  later  colonial  times  it  was  a 
poor  schooling  we  gave  the  red  man,  and  he  did  credit  to 
our  teaching.  We  know  little  of  the  savage  before  his  con- 
tamination by  the  white  man.  Revenge  belongs  to  the  child- 
hood of  nations  as  well  as  to  that  of  individuals.  To  love  our 
enemies, — to  do  good  to  them  that  despitefully  use  us,  is  a 
hard  feat  even  for  an  adult  Christian  civilization.  If,  as  John 
Robinson  wished,  we  had  converted  some  before  we  had  killed 
any,  we  should  make  a  better  show  in  history.  That  w^as  a 
grim  satire  of  old  Ninigret,  who  told  Mr.  Mayhew,  when 
he  wanted  to  preach  to  his  people,  that  he  "had  better  go  and 
make  the  English  good  first."  We  should  not  shrink  from 
tracing  effects  to  their  causes.  The  Indian  trader  from  Karl- 
sefni  to  Richard  Waldron,  (I  may  say  to  the  frontier  agent  of 
to-day,)  was  dishonest.     He  sold  rum  to  the  savage,  and  then 


14  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

fined  him  for  getting  drunk.  Was  it  truth  the  Indian  ut- 
tered, or  a  bitter  jest  on  the  diluted  quality  of  the  liquor,  when 
he  testified  before  the  court  that  he  "had  paid  ;^ioo  for  a 
drink  from  Mr.  Purchas  his  well  ?  "  The  fine  was  not  always 
crossed  out  when  it  was  paid  till  the  exasperated  savage 
crossed  it  out  with  one  blow  of  his  hatchet,  for  which  he  had 
paid  ten  times  its  worth  in  furs.  The  Government  was  not 
always  responsible,  though  the  "Walking  Purchase"  and  the 
murder  of  Miantonomoh  are  rank  offences.  Usually  the 
frontier  settlement  suffered  for  the  sins  of  individuals.  There 
is  no  more  striking  illustration  of  this  fact  than  the  story  of 

CHRISTINE  OTIS. 

In  1623  some  London  fishmongers  set  up  their  stages  on  the 
Piscataqua  river. 

Passaconawa5^  the  sagacious  sachem  of  the  Penna cooks, 
desirous  of  an  ally  against  his  troublesome  neighbors,  the 
Tarratines,  urged  more  English  to  come.  He  gave  them 
deeds  of  land  in  exchange  for  coats,  shirts  and  kettles.  The 
natives  continued  peaceable, — the  whites  fished,  planted  and 
traded  unmolested.  Feeling  death  approaching,  old  Passa- 
conaway  made  a  great  feast,  and  thus  addressed  his  chieftains : 
"Listen  to  your  father.  The  white  men  are  the  sons  of  the 
morning.  The  Great  Spirit  is  their  father.  Never  war  with 
them.  If  you  light  the  fires  His  breath  will  turn  the  flames 
upon  you  and  destroy  you."  Knowles,  a  tributary  chief, 
whose  tribe  occupied  the  region  round  about  the  settlers  on 
the  Piscataqua,  felt  similar  presentiments.  Sending  for  the 
principal  white  men,  he  asked  them  to  mark  out  and  record 
in  their  books  a  grant  of  a  few  hundred  acres  for  his  people. 
The  old  sachem's  son  Wannaloncet,  and  Blind  Will,  succes- 
sor to  Knowles,  determined  to  heed  Passaconaway's  advice, 
and  keep  peace  with  the  whites,  and  the  Pennacooks  remained 


CHRISTINE   OTIS.  15 


neutral  through  Philip's  war.  At  that  time  Cocheco,  now 
Dover,  New  Hampshire,  was  the  main  trading  post  with  the 
Indians  of  all  that  region.  Major  Richard  Waldron  was  the 
most  prominent  man  of  Cocheco.  He  held  many  offices  of 
trust  under  the  Government,  and  a  command  in  Philip's  war. 
He  was  naturally  severe  ;  was  a  successful  Indian  trader,  and 
had  the  reputation  of  being  a  dishonest  one.  It  was  said  that 
he  did  not  cancel  their  accounts  when  they  had  paid  him,  and 
that  in  buying  beaver  he  reckoned  his  fist  as  weighing  a 
pound.  Though  Philip's  war  began  later  in  the  Eastern 
country,  it  raged  there  with  terrible  ferocity,  "where,"  says 
Mr.  Palfrey,  "from  the  rough  character  of  the  English  set- 
tlers, it  may  well  be  believed  that  the  natives  were  not  with- 
out provocation."  Troops  were  ordered  out  by  the  General 
Court  of  Massachusetts  to  subdue  the  eastern  Indians,  but 
the  snow  lay  four  feet  on  a  level  in  December,  and  military 
operations  were  impossible.  The  Indians,  pinched  with  fam- 
ine from  the  severity  of  the  winter,  and  dependent  upon  the 
frontier  settlements  for  food,  sued  for  peace  through  Major 
Waldron,  promising  to  give  up  their  captives  without  ransom, 
and  to  be  quiet  in  the  future.  In  July,  1676,  Waldron,  on  be- 
half of  the  whites,  signed  a  treaty  with  them  at  Cocheco. 
After  Philip's  death  some  of  his  followers  fled  to  the  Penna- 
cooks.  They  were  taken  and  put  in  Dover  jail.  Escaping, 
they  incited  some  of  the  Maine  Indians  to  renew  their  dep- 
redations. Two  companies  were  sent  to  the  East  under  Cap- 
tains Sill  and  Hathorne.  They  reached  Dover  on  the  6th  of 
September.  There  they  found  four  hundred  Indians,  part 
of  them  Pennacooks  who  had  taken  no  part  in  the  war  ;  others 
who  had  been  party  to  the  treaty  a  few  months  before,  and 
the  rest,  southern  Indians,  who,  fleeing  to  the  eastward  after 
Philip's  death,  had  been  received  into  the  tribes  there.  Why 
they  were  at  Dover  we  are  not  told,  but  evidently  with  no 
hostile  intent,  as  their  women  and  children  were  with  them. 


l6  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


The  belligerent  captains  would  have  annihilated  them  at 
once,  as  their  orders  were  to  seize  all  Indians  concerned  in 
the  murder  of  Englishmen,  or  who  had  violated  the  treaty. 
Waldron  proposed  a  stratagem  instead.  Inviting  the  Indians 
to  a  sham  fight  the  next  day,  having  drawn  the  Indians'  fire, 
the  English  soldiers  surrounded  and  disarmed  them.  Wan- 
naloncet  and  the  Pennacooks  were  set  free.  The  rest  were 
sent  to  Boston,  where  seven  or  eight  of  the  well-known  mur- 
derers were  hung,  and  the  rest  sold  as  slaves  abroad.  It  is 
said  that  Major  Waldron  was  opposed  to  the  seizure,  but  re- 
garded it  as  a  military  necessity.  It  is  true  that  he  might 
have  been  censured  by  his  government  if  he  had  refused  to 
obey  its  orders,  but  a  strictly  honorable  man  would  rather 
have  left  his  case  to  the  judgment  of  posterity,  or  have  thrown 
up  his  commission,  than  to  have  committed  so  gross  a  breach 
of  hospitality  and  faith.  The  Pennacooks  looked  upon  his 
conduct  as  treachery.  It  was  a  time  of  peace.  They  had 
never  broken  faith  with  him.  They  were,  as  it  were,  surety 
for  the  good  behavior  of  Philip's  Indians  and  the  rest.  They 
never  forgave  him. 

Thirteen  years  passed.  Some  of  those  who  had  been  sold 
into  slavery  came  back.  The  emissaries  of  Castine  whispered 
vengeance.  The  opportunity  for  retaliation  came  to  the  Pen- 
nacooks, and  a  plot  was  laid  for  the  destruction  of  Dover. 
In  June,  1689,  the  Dover  people  began  to  be  suspicious  that 
the  Indians  were  unfriendly.  Larger  numbers  seemed  to  be 
gathering  in  the  neighborhood  than  usually  came  to  trade. 
Strange  faces  were  noticed  among  them,  and  now  and  then 
they  were  seen  eyeing  the  defenses.  More  than  one  friendly 
squaw  hinted  of  danger  to  the  settlers'  wives  who  had  been 
kind  to  them,  but  they  were  not  heeded.  "Go  plant  your 
pumpkins,"  cried  Waldron  to  those  who  told  him  their  fears, 
"I  know  the  red  skins  better  than  you,  and  I  will  let  you 
know  soon  enough  if  there  are  any  signs  of  an  outbreak." 


CHRISTINE   OTIS.  17 


Waldron,  Richard  Otis,  John  Heard,  Peter  Coffin  and  his 
son  Tristram  had  each  a  garrison  house  at  Dover  at  that 
time.  Into  these  their  neighbors  who  felt  uneasy,  retired  to 
sleep.  On  the  morning  of  the  27th  of  June,  a  young  man 
rushed  to  Waldron's  house  and  told  him  that  the  town  was 
full  of  Indians,  and  that  the  people  were  thoroughly  fright- 
ened. "I  know  the  Indians  well,"  replied  Waldron  with  some 
asperity,  "and  I  tell  you  there  is  no  danger."  That  very 
morning,  however,  the  following  letter  from  Major  Hench- 
man of  Chelmsford  was  received  by  Gov.  Bradstreet  at  Bos- 
ton : 

June  23,   £689. 

Honored  Sir : — This  day  two  Indians  came  from  Pennacook,  viz., 
Job  Maramasquand  and  Peter  Muckamug,  who  report  that  damage 
will  undoubtedly  be  done  within  a  few  days  at  Piscataqua,  and  that 
Major  Waldron  in  particular  is  threatened.  The  Indians  can  give 
a  more  particular  account  to  your  Honor.  They  say  if  damage  be 
done,  the  blame  shall  not  be  on  them,  having  given  a  faithful  ac- 
count of  what  they  hear,  and  are  upon  that  report  moved  to  leave 
their  habitation  and  cover  at  Pennacook.  I  am  constrained  from  a 
sense  of  my  duty,  and  from  love  to  my  countrymen,  to  give  the  in- 
formation as  above,  so  with  my  humble  service  to  your  Honor,  and 
prayers  for  the  safety  of  an  endangered  people, 

I  am  your  humble  serv't, 

Thos.  Henchman. 

A  messenger  was  at  once  dispatched  to  Cocheco  with  a  let- 
ter from  the  Governor  and  Council  "  To  Major  Richard  Wal- 
dron, and  Mr.  Peter  Coffin,  or  either  of  them.  These  with 
all  possible  speed." 

The  Governor's  letter  is  dated  June  27th,  1689.  It  informs 
Major  Waldron  of  the  receipt  of  Major  Henchman's  letter 
and  tells  him  that  "one  Hawkins  is  the  principal  designer" 
of  the  intended  mischief.  That  it  is  particularly  designed 
against  Waldron  and  Coffin,  and  that  they  are  to  be  betrayed 


l8  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

"on  a  pretention  of  trade."  The  Governor  warns  them  to 
take  "care  of  their  own  safeguard  "and  to  report  "what  in- 
formation they  may  receive  of  the  Indians'  motions."  Un- 
fortunately the  messenger  was  detained  at  vSalisbury  ferry 
and  reached  Dover  only  after  the  tragedy  was  over. 

Mesandowit\  an  Indian  chief,  took  supper  at  Waldron's 
house  that  night,  as  he  had  often  before.  During  supper  he 
said,  half  jestingly,  "  Suppose  strange  Indians  come  now, 
Brother  Waldron  ?  "  "I  have  but  to  raise  my  finger,"  replied 
Waldron,  boastfully,  "  and  a  hundred  soldiers  will  be  at  my 
command."  Later  in  the  evening  two  squaws  applied  at  each 
garrison  house  for  leave  to  sleep  on  the  hearth  before  the 
kitchen  fire.  As  this  was  no  unusual  request,  it  was  readily 
granted,  and  they  were  shown  how  to  open  the  doors  in  case 
they  might  want  to  go  out  during  the  night.  Tristram  Cof- 
fin alone  refused  to  admit  them.  As  Waldron  was  barring 
his  doors  for  the  night,  one  of  the  squaws  quartered  with 
him  said  to  him,  "  White  father  big  wampum  ;  much  Indian 
come."  Still  unsuspicious,  he  retired  to  dream  of  the  mor- 
row's gains. 

Just  before  dawn,  at  that  hour  when  night  is  darkest  and 
sleep  is  heaviest,  the  treacherous  squaws  rose  softly  in  all  the 
houses,  and  opening  the  doors,  gave  a  long,  low  whistle.  A 
dog  at  Heard's  garrison  answered  with  a  furious  barking, 
which  awoke  Elder  Wentworth.  He  hurried  down  stairs. 
The  savages  were  just  entering.  Pushing  the  oaken  door 
back  against  them,  the  old  man  of  seventy-three  threw  him- 
self on  his  back  and  held  it  against  them  till  help  came.  Bul- 
lets crashed  through  the  door  above  his  head,  but  the  heroic 
old  Puritan  did  not  flinch  and  the  garrison  was  saved.  Plac- 
ing a  guard  at  Waldron's  door,  the  waspish  horde  swarmed 
into  his  room.  He  sprang  from  his  bed,  and  though  over 
eighty  years  old,  he  drove  them  at  the  point  of  his  sword, 

'Sometimes  written  Mesambowit. 


CHRISTINE   OTIS.  19 


throug-h  three  or  four  rooms.  As  lie  turned  back  for  other 
weapons,  they  followed  him  and  dealt  him  a  blow  with  a 
hatchet,  which  stunned  and  prostrated  him.  With  horrid 
threats,  they  ordered  his  family  to  get  supper  for  them. 
When  they  were  .surfeited,  they  placed  the  old  man  in  his 
arm-chair  on  the  table  and  tortured  him.  They  gashed  him 
with  their  knives,  screaming  derisively,  "Now  we  cross  out 
our  accounts."  They  cut  off  his  finger  joints  and  threw  them 
in  his  face,  asking  with  fiendish  glee,  "How  much  will  your 
fist  weigh  now.  Father  Waldron  ?  "  Finally  as  he  fell  faint- 
ing from  his  chair,  they  held  his  own  sword  under  him,  and 
death  came  to  his  relief.  His  daughter  and  his  little  o-rand- 
child,  Sarah  Gerrish,^  were  taken  captive,  his  son-in-law  killed, 
his  house  pillaged  and  burned.  The  houses  of  Peter  Coffin 
and  his  son  were  also  destroyed. 

Richard  Otis,  the  blacksmith  of  Dover,  occupied  the  next 
garrison  house  to  Waldron's.  He  was  of  good  family,  and 
had  removed  from  Boston  to  Dover  in  1656.  At  the  time  of 
the  attack  he  was  well  on  in  years,  had  married  sons,  and 
was  living  with  his  third  wife,  GrizeP  Warren,  a  young  wom- 
an of  less  than  half  his  years.  She  had  borne  him  two  chil- 
dren. Hannah,  the  elder,  was  about  two  ;  but  the  delight  of 
her  old  father's  heart,  was  his  three  months  old  baby,  Marga- 
ret, fair  as  a  summer  daisy.  Otis  was  shot  dead  as  he  was 
rising  up  in  bed,  or  had  reached  the  window,  seeking  the 
cause  of  the  alarm.  The  savages  killed  his  little  daughter 
Hannah,  by  dashing  her  head  against  the  chamber  stairs.  His 
wife  and  baby  were  dragged  from  their  beds,  and  with  more  of 
his  family,  hurried  with  the  other  captives  to  the  woods  to 
begin  the  doleful  march  to  Canada. 

Meantime,  all  unconscious  of  these  horrors,  the  Widow 
Heard  and  her  sons,  with  her  daughter  and  son-in-law,  were 

'For  the  story  of  her  captivity  see  Drake's  "Tragedies  of  the  Wilderness." 
■I  have  often  found  the  name  written  Grizet  and  Grizit. 


20  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

returning  from  a  day's  trading  at  Portsmouth.  The  soft  air 
of  the  summer  night  was  heavy  with  the  scent  of  the  sweet 
brier  ;  the  frog  croaked  hoarsely  from  his  solitary  pool  ;  an 
owl,  scared  from  his  hunting,  flitted  screeching  to  the  woods. 
No  other  sound  was  heard  save  the  plash  of  their  oars  as  they 
rowed  up  the  placid  river,  when  suddenly  on  the  midnight 
stillness,  burst  forth  the  awful  war-whoop.  Faster  they  plied 
their  oars,  not  daring  to  think  of  the  possible  fate  of  kindred 
left  safe  in  the  garrison  at  morn.  Silently  passing  a  body  of 
the  enemy,  they  landed  near  Waldron's  garrison.  Seeing  a 
light  in  a  chamber  window  and  supposing  it  put  there  as  a 
signal  of  refuge  to  the  English,  they  demanded  entrance  at 
the  gate.  No  answer  being  returned,  they  shook  and  pound- 
ed the  palisades,  in  agonized  tones  reproaching  their  friends 
within  for  not  opening  to  them.  At  last  one  of  the  young 
men  looked  through  a  crack  of  the  gate,  and  saw  to  his  hor- 
ror an  Indian  with  his  gun  guarding  Waldron's  door.  De- 
spair seized  them  at  the  sight.  Mrs.  Heard  sank  fainting, 
and  declaring  she  could  go  no  further,  ordered  her  children 
to  leave  her.  After  much  entreaty,  feeling  that  all  would  be 
sacrificed  if  they  remained,  they  left  her  and  proceeded  to 
their  own  garrison.  On  the  way  they  met  one  of  Otis's  sons, 
who  told  them  that  his  father  was  killed.  John  Ham  and 
his  wife,  Mrs.  Heard's  daughter,  rowed  rapidly  down  the 
river  again,  to  give  the  alarm  at  Portsmouth.  Meantime 
Mrs.  Heard  had  revived  a  little,  and  dragged  herself  to  the 
garden,  hiding  there  among  the  barberry  bushes.  With  the 
approach  of  daylight,  she  fled  to  a  thicket  at  some  distance 
from  the  house.  A  savage  who  had  watched  her,  came  twice 
to  her  hiding  place,  pointed  his  pistol  at  her  and  ran  back 
with  loud  yells  to  the  house,  leaving  her  in  safety.  She  rec- 
ognized him  as  a  young  Indian,  whom  at  the  time  of  the  seiz- 
ure by  Waldron,  she  had  hidden  in  her  own  house  and  aided 
to  escape.     Thanking  God  for  her  preservation,  she  remained 


CHRISTINE   OTIS.  21 


in  her  covert,  till  the  enemy  had  retired  with  their  captives. 
Then  stealing  along  by  the  river,  she  crossed  it  on  a  boom, 
and  reaching  Gerrish's  garrison,  learned  of  the  brave  defence 
of  her  own  house  by  Elder  Wentworth,  and  of  the  safety  of 
its  inmates. 

At  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  John  Ham  and  his  wife, 
spent  with  fatigue  and  anxiety,  reached  Portsmouth.  A  let- 
ter was  at  once  written  by  Richard  Waldron,  Jr.,  still  igno- 
rant of  his  father's  fate,  to  the  Governor  and  Council  in  Bos- 
ton, giving  the  facts  so  far  as  related  by  Ham.  This  letter 
was  enclosed  in  the  following : 

"  To  the  Hon.  MaJ.  Robert  Pike  of  Salisbury — Haste  post  Haste  : — 

Portsmouth,  28th  June,  1689. 
Honored  Sir : — We  herewith  send  you  an  account  of  the  Indians 
surprising  Cocheco  this  morning  which  we  pray  you  immediately  to 
post  away  to  the  Honorable,  the  Governor  and  Council  at  Bos- 
ton, and  forward  our  present  assistance,  wherein  the  whole  country 
is  immediately  concerned. 

We  are  Sir  your  most  humble  servants, 

Richard  Martvn. 
William  Vaughn. 
Richard  Waldron,  Jr. 
Samuel  Wentworth. 
Benj.   Hull. 

This  dispatch  was  received  at  noon  by  Maj.  Pike,  who  im- 
mediately forwarded  it  to  Boston  with  the  following : 

''''To  the  much  Ho7iored  Syman  Bradstreet,  Esq.,  Governor,  and  the 
Honorable  Council  now  sitting  at  Boston,  these  present  ivith  all 
speed — Haste,  post  Haste" : — 

Salisbury,  28th  June,  (about  noon)  1689. 
Much  Honored : — -After  due  respect,  these  are  only  to  give  your 
honours  the  sad  accounts  of  the  last  night's  providence  at  Cocheco, 


TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


as  by  the  enclosed,  the  particulars  whereof  are  awful.  The  only- 
wise  God,  who  is  the  keeper  that  neither  slumbereth  nor  sleepeth  is 
pleased  to  permit  what  is  done.  Possibly  it  may  be  either  better  or 
worse  than  this  account  renders  it.  As  soon  as  I  get  more  intelli- 
gence, I  shall,  God  willing,  speed  it  to  your  honours,  praying  for 
speedy  order  or  advice  in  so  solemn  a  case.  I  have  dispatched  the 
intelligence  to  other  towns  with  advice  to  look  to  yurselves.  1  shall 
not  be  wanting  to  serve  in  what  I  may.  Should  have  waited  on  your 
honours  now,  had  I  been  well.  Shall  not  now  come  except  by  you 
commanded,  till  this  bustle  be  abated.  That  the  only  wise  God 
may  direct  all  your  weighty  affairs,  is  the  prayer  of  your  honours' 

most  humble  servant, 

Robert  Pike." 

The  post  went  spurring  into  Boston  at  midnight  with  Pike's 
dispatches,  and  the  next  noon  an  answer  was  returned  to 
Portsmouth  as  follows: 

'■'To  Messrs.  Richard  Marty?i,   William    Vaughan,  Richard   IValdron, 
&^c. 

Boston,  29th  June,  1689. 

Gentlemen: — The  sad  account  given  by  yurselves  of  the  awful  hand 
of  God  in  permitting  the  heathen  to  make  such  desolations  upon  Co- 

checo  and  destruction  of  the  inhabitants  thereof arrived  the 

last  night  about  twelve  o'clock.  Notice  thereof  was  immediately 
despatched  to  our  out  towns,  and  so  they  may  provide  for  their  se- 
curity  The  narrative  you  give was  laid   before  the 

whole  Convention  this  morning,  who  are  concerned  for  you  as  friends 
and  neighbors,  and  look  at  the  whole  to  be  involved  in  this  unhappy 
conjuncture  and  trouble  given  by  the  heathen  and  are  very  ready  to 
yield  you  all  assistance  as  they  may  be  capable  and  do  think  it  nec- 
essary that  (if  it  be  not  done  already)  you  shall  fall  into  some  form 

for  the  exercise  of  government  so  far  as  may  be  necessary 

for  your  safety this  Convention  not  thinking  to  meet  under 

their  present  circumstances  to  exert  any  authority  within  your  Prov- 
ince. Praying  God  to  direct  in  all  the  arduous  affairs  the  poor  peo- 
ple of  this  country  have  at  present  to  engage  in,  and  to  rebuke  all 


CHRISTINE   OTIS.  23 


our  enemies  desireing  you  would  give  us  advice  from  time  to  time 
of  the  occurences  witli  you. 

Your  liumble  servant, 

Isaac  Addington,  Sec'y. 
Per  order  of  Convention." 

Aid  was  at  once  sent  to  Cocheco,  and  the  progress  of  events 
there  may  be  seen  from  the  following  letter,  dated 

"Capt.  Gerrish's  Garrison  House,    ) 
Cocheco,  5tli  July,  1689.      [ 

May  it  please  your  Honors  : — On  Wednesday  evening  Major  Apple- 
ton  with  between  forty  and  fifty  men  (most  of  Ipswich)  arrived  here 
accompanied  by  Major  Pike,  and  yesterday  morning  with  wt  addi- 
tional force  we  could  make,  marcht  into  the  woods  upon  track  of 
the  enemy  abt  twelve  miles  to  make  what  Discovery  they  could,  but 
returned  in  ye  evening  without  any  further  discovery  save  ye  dead 
body  of  one  of  the  captive  men,  they  carried  hence  nor  since  at  last 

has   any   of  the  enemy  been  seen   hereabout Doubtless  the 

main  body  are  withdrawn  to  a  considerable  distance. 
Your  most  humble  servants, 

William  Vaughan. 
Richard  Waldron." 

While  these  things  were  transpiring,  the  hellish  crew  and 
their  hapless  prisoners  were  marching  towards  Canada.  On 
the  morning  of  the  attack,  a  party  of  Cocheco  men  started  out 
in  pursuit,  but,  as  usual,  the  enemy  had  divided  their  forces. 
The  Cocheco  party  overtook  some  of  them  near  Conway,  and 
succeeded  in  recovering  some,  among  them  three  of  Otis's 
daughters.  When  the  rest  of  the  family  reached  Canada,  we 
do  not  know.  On  their  arrival,  baby  Margaret  was  at  once 
taken  from  her  savage  captors  by  the  priests,  baptized  anew, 
and  under  the  name  of  Christine,  given  to  the  nuns  of  Mont- 
real to  be  reared  in  the  faith  of  the  Romish  church.  When 
she  was  four  years  old,  her  mother  was  baptized  into  that 
church,  with  the  name  of  Mary  Madeleine,  and  the  next  Oc- 
tober, married  Mr.  Philip  Robitaille,  "a  French  gentleman  of 


24  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


Montreal  in  the  service  of  Monsieur  Maricom."  It  is  prob- 
able that  the  little  girl  spent  most  of  her  childhood  with  the 
good  nuns  of  Montreal,  in  the  very  heart  of  that  religious 
community  founded  by  Maisonneuve  and  his  followers.  She 
would  have  been  fifteen  years  old  when  the  Deerfield  captives 
were  carried  to  Montreal.  As  in  her  coarse  serge  gown,  she 
passed  with  the  nuns  in  and  out  of  the  old  cathedral,  good 
Mr.  Williams  may  have  seen  her,  and  groaned  in  spirit  at 
the  sight.  vShe  must  have  been  a  girl  of  strong  character, 
for  she  absolutely  refused  to  take  the  veil,  though  persistent- 
ly urged  to  it  by  priest  and  nun.  As  the  next  safest  thing 
for  the  interests  of  the  church,  they  married  her  at  sixteen  to 
a  Frenchman  of  Montreal,  named  Le  Beau.  The  following, 
translated  from  the  parish  records  of  Montreal,  bears  the  au- 
tographs of  the  newly  wedded  pair,  and  of  the  bride's  friend, 
Marie  Joseph  Sayer^ : 

"On  the  14th  day  of  June,  of  the  year  1707,  after  publishing  one 
ban,  and  dispensing  with  the  other  two  by  permission  from  M. 
Francois  Vachon  de  Belmont,  Grand  Vicar  of  Monseigneur,  the 
Bishop  of  Quebec,  I,  the  undersigned  priest,  officiating  as  curate  of 
the  parish  of  Ville-Marie,  having  obtained  the  mutual  consent  of 
Louis  Le  Bau,  aged  twenty-nine  years,  son  of  Jean  Le  Bau  and 
Etiennette  Lore,  inhabitants  of  the  parish  of  Boucherville  in  this 
Diocese,  of  the  one  part,  and  of  Christinne  Otesse,  aged  eighteen 
years,  daughter  of  the  defunct  Richard  hautesse^  and  Marie  Made- 
leine la  garenne^  of  the  town  of  Douvres*,  in  old  England,  now  liv- 
ing in  this  parish,  of  the  other  part, — having  married  them  accord- 
ing to  the  rites  of  our  Holy  Mother  Church,  in  presence  of  the  said 
Jean  Bau,  father  of  the  bridegroom,  of  the  Sieur  Dominiqua  Thau- 
mur  Surgeon,  of  Philippe  Robitail  Master  cooper,  father-in-law  of 
the  said  bride.  The  aforesaid  Jean  Bau  and  Robitail  have  declared 
that  they  could  not  sign  this  certificate  according  to  the  ordinance." 

Christine's  husband  may  have  entertained  her  with  the  story 

'See  "Story  of  a  York   Family."  -Otis.  ■'Warren.  ^Dover. 


CHRISTINE   OTIS.  25 


of  Thomas  Baker,  an  English  youth,  one  of  the  Deerfield  cap- 
tives, who  had  tried  to  run  away  from  Montreal  that  summer, 
and  having  been  caught  by  the  Indians,  would  have  been 
burned  at  the  stake,  had  he  not  escaped  from  his  tormentors, 
and  fled  to  the  house  of  a  Frenchman,  who  ransomed  him. 

The  Governor  had  ordered  him  put  in  irons  and  closely 
imprisoned  for  four  months,  "and  served  him  right,"  Le  Beau 
may  have  said.  "■Paiivre  garcon,''  perhaps  Christine  sighed, 
for  the  story  of  Baker's  adventures  may  have  set  her  thinking 
of  her  own  captivity,  and  she  may  have  wished  that  she  could 
go  back  to  New  England  once  more,  and  see  the  spot  where 
she  was  born.  These  longings  were  probably  dispelled,  and 
Christine  reconciled  to  her  lot,  by  the  births  of  her  own  three 
children.  We  hear  no  more  of  her  until  the  arrival  of  Ma- 
jor Stoddard  at  Montreal. 

Mr.  vSheldon  had  returned  in  1707,  from  his  last  expedition 
for  the  redemption  of  the  captives,  but  many  more  English 
were  still  held  in  Canada,  among  them  Eunice  Williams,  the 
eldest  daughter  of  the  minister  of  Deerfield.  Accordingly 
in  November,  1713,  commissioners  were  again  sent  by  Gov. 
Dudley  to  Canada  to  negotiate  the  redemption  of  Eunice  and 
the  other  New  England  captives.  At  the  head  of  the  com- 
mission, was  Captain  John  Stoddard  of  Northampton,  son  of 
the  minister  of  that  place.  Mr.  Williams  accompanied  him. 
Martin  Kellogg,  one  of  the  Deerfield  captives,  who  had  finally 
escaped  with  Baker  from  Montreal,  went  as  interpreter. 
There  were  three  other  attendants,  of  whom  one  was  Baker 
himself.  Both  Kellogg  and  he  had  become  noted  characters 
since  their  flight  from  Montreal.  He  was  Captain  Thomas 
Baker  now.  The  year  before  he  had  gone  up  the  Connecti- 
cut river  with  a  scouting  party,  crossed  over  to  the  Pemige- 
wasset,  and  at  its  confluence  with  one  of  its  tributaries — since 
called  Baker's  river, — he  had  killed  the  famous  sachem,  Wat- 
tanummon,  without  the  loss  of  a  man.     Taking  as  much  of 


26  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

the  Sachem's  beaver  as  the  party  could  carry,  he  burned  the 
rest  and  went  down  the  Merrimac  to  Dunstable,  and  thence 
to  Boston,  The  Council  Records  of  the  8th  of  May,  give 
his  report  of  his  proceedings  and  his  application  for  scalp 
money.  He  produced  but  one  scalp  but  prayed  "  for  a  further 
allowance  for  more  killed  than  they  could  recover  their  scalps 
as  reported  by  the  enemy  themselves."  After  some  delay 
the  General  Court,  willing  to  encourage  and  reward  such 
braver}'  and  enterprise  as  Baker  had  shown,  allowed  him  and 
his  company  twenty  pounds,  "  for  one  enemy  Indian  besides 
that  which  they  scalped,  which  seems  very  probable  to  be 
slain."  On  the  i6th  of  February,  17 14,  the  commissioners 
reached  Quebec.  We  have  the  record  of  their  negotiations 
with  the  governor  of  Canada.  De  Vaudreuil  assures  them 
that  all  the  captives  are  at  liberty  to  go  home ;  the  more,  the 
better,  for  him  and  his  country ;  and  his  blessing  shall  go 
with  them.  He  gives  the  ambassadors  permission  to  mingle 
unrestrained  with  the  English,  and  to  have  free  speech  with 
those  in  religious  houses.  Learning  that  the  priests  and 
some  of  the  laity  are  terrifying  and  threatening  the  prisoners 
against  returning,  the  commissioners  complain  to  the  Gover- 
nor, who  replies  that  he  "  can  as  easily  alter  the  course  of  the 
waters  as  prevent  the  priests'  endeavors."  Finally,  under  the 
pretext  that  the  captives  have  been  naturalized  by  the  King, 
he  refuses  to  let  any  return  except  those  under  age.  Dis- 
couraged by  this  unexpected  obstacle,  and  in  order  to  be 
nearer  the  captives,  the  Commissioners  return  to  Montreal, 
arriving  there  on  the  3rd  of  March,  17 14. 

Christine's  husband  had  died  a  few  months  before.  The 
young  widow  had  doubtless  heard  of  the  presence  of  the 
ambassadors  in  the  city,  as  they  passed  through  to  Quebec, 
and  all  her  old  longing  for  release  returned  upon  her. 
While  the  naturalization  question  is  pending,  Mr.  Williams, 
whose  heart  is  occupied  with  Eunice's  affairs,  demands  that 


CHRISTINE    OTIS.  2/ 


"  men  and  women  shall  not  be  entangled  by  the  marriages 
they  may  have  contracted,  nor  parents  by  children  born  to 
them  in  captivity."  Christine  sees  here  her  chance.  We  may 
assume  that  she  seeks  an  interview  with  the  commissioners 
and  tells  them  her  wishes.  Brave  Captain  Baker,  a  bachelor 
of  thirty-two,  is  smitten  with  the  charms  of  the  youthful 
widow.  He  undertakes  her  cause.  The  Governor  cunningly 
concedes  that  French  women  may  return  with  their  English 
husbands, — that  English  women  shall  not  be  compelled  to 
stay  by  their  French  husbands, — but  about  the  children  he 
"  will  take  time  to  consider."  Christine  now  reciprocating 
the  passion  of  her  lover  becomes  doubly  anxious  to  return. 
The  Intendant  and  the  Governor  violently  oppose  her.  By 
order  of  the  former,  the  property  of  her  deceased  husband 
is  sold,  and  the  money  is  withheld  from  her.  The  priests 
bring  their  authority  to  bear  upon  her.  ''  If  you  persist  in 
going,"  they  say,  "  you  shall  not  have  your  children  ;  they 
must  be  nurtured  in  the  bosom  of  the  Holy  church."  Her 
mother  by  turns  coaxes,  chides  and  tries  to  frighten  her  from 
her  resolution.  "  What  can  you  do  in  New  England?  "  she 
says  to  her.  "  There  are  no  bake  shops  there.  You  know 
nothing  about  making  bread  or  butter,  or  managing  as  they 
do  there."  All  this  Christine  confides  to  her  lover,  who  kisses 
away  her  tears  and  calms  her  fears.  If  she  will  but  trust  to 
him,  and  go  with  him,  he  tells  her,  his  mother  shall  teach 
her  all  she  need  to  know,  and  his  government  will  see  to  it 
that  her  children  are  restored  to  her.  In  the  midst  of  his 
wooing,  Captain  Baker  is  sent  back  to  Boston  by  Stoddard  to 
report  progress,  and  demand  instructions.  He  was  too  good 
a  soldier  not  to  obey  orders,  though  he  would,  doubtless,  have 
preferred  to  make  a  short  cut  through  the  difficulties,  by 
running  off  the  prisoners  and  taking  the  risk  of  re-capture. 
In  his  absence  Christine  secretly  conveys  her  personal  effects 
on  board  a  barque  bound  for  Quebec,  intending  to  follow, 


28  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

and  put  herself  under  the  proteetion  of  Stoddard  and  his 
party  who  have  returned  thither  and  are  trying-  to  colleet  the 
captives  there.  The  Intendant  orders  Christine's  goods 
ashore,  and  forbids  her  to  leave  Montreal.  In  vain  the  Com- 
missioners protest.  "  She  is  a  prisoner  of  the  former  war," 
replies  the  Intendant,  "  and  cannot  be  claimed  by  the  English 
under  the  present  Articles  of  Peace."  But  "  Love  laughs  at 
locksmiths,"  and  when  Captain  Baker  returns  from  his 
embassy  and  tells  her  that  the  good  brigantine  Leopard  is 
probably  then  lying  at  Quebec,  and  that  she  must  go  with 
him,  now  or  never,  she  does  not  hesitate.  We  have  no  record 
of  her  flitting,  except  the  pithy  sentence  in  Stoddard's  Journal 
announcing  Capt.  Baker's  return  from  New  England,  "bring- 
ing with  him  one  English  prisoner  from  Montreal."  We 
cannot  doubt  that  this  one  is  Christine. 

The  anger  of  the  Intendant,  when  he  learned  of  her  diso- 
bedience and  escape,  may  be  better  imagined  than  described. 
De  Vaudreuil  used  his  most  politic  endeavors  to  get  posses- 
sion of  her  again,  promising  if  she  might  be  returned  to 
Montreal,  he  would  send  her  under  escort  by  land  to  New 
England.  Stoddard  knowing  the  value  of  "  A  bird  in  the 
hand,"  refused  to  give  her  up.  The  Governor  finally  threat- 
ened if  she  went,  to  give  her  children  to  the  Ursuline  sisters 
and  never  let  her  see  them  again.  But  her  lover  triumphed, 
and  she  embarked  with  him  for  Boston,  where  they  arrived 
on  the  2 1  St  of  September,  17 14. 

On  the  Brookfield  land  records,  Dec.  9th,  of  the  same  year, 
there  is  a  grant  of  '•  upland  and  meadow  "  to  "  Margarett 
Otice,  alias  Le  Bue,  one  that  was  a  prisoner  in  Canada  and 
lately  came  from  thence,  provided  she  returns  not  to  live  in 
Canada,  but  tarries  in  this  province  and  marries  to  Captain 
Thomas  Baker."  Christine  tarried  and  married.  The  ad- 
vent of  Captain  Baker,  with  hjs  foreign  wife  and  her  strange 
speech,  and  her  Romish  observances,  must  have  made  quite 


CHRISTINE    OTIS.  29 


a  sensation  among  the  straight-laced  Puritans  of  Northamp- 
ton. Good  Parson  vStoddard  took  her  at  once  in  hand,  how- 
ever, and  she  became  a  Protestant,  being  rebaptized  by  him 
with  her  original  name  of  Margaret.  The  birth  of  her  first 
child  by  Thomas  Baker,  stands  to-day  on  the  Northampton 
records  as  follows  :  "June  5,  17 16,  Christine  Baker,  daughter  to 
Thomas  and  Margaret." 

About  1 71 7,  Christine  removed  with  her  husband  to  Brook- 
field,  Mass.  Shortly  afterwards  her  half  brother,  Philip 
Robitaille,  came  from  Montreal  to  visit  her  and  worked  a  year 
on  her  farm.  It  was  probably  when  he  returned  to  Canada, 
that  she  undertook  a  journey  thither,  in  the  hope  of  getting 
possession  of  her  children,  but  the  Governor  had  kept  his 
word,  and  she  was  deprived  of  them  forever.  In  1719,  Cap- 
tain Baker  was  the  first  Representative  to  the  General  Court 
from  Brookfield.  In  1727,  he  was  tried  at  Springfield  for 
blasphemy,  on  the  following  charge:  "  There  being  a  dis- 
course of  God's  having  in  His  providence  put  in  Joseph  Jen- 
nings, Esq.,  of  Brookfield,  a  Justice  of  the  peace,"  Captain 
Baker  said,  '  If  I  had  been  with  the  Almighty,  I  would  have 
taught  Him  better.'  The  verdict  of  the  jury  was  "  Not 
guilty."  The  same  year  Christine  received  a  long  and  ear- 
nest letter  from  Monsieur  Seguenot,  the  Seminary  priest,  who 
had  been  her  former  confessor  at  Montreal,  urging  her  to  re- 
turn to  Canada  and  to  the  Romish  church.  The  letter  being 
of  course  in  French,  and  "  written  in  a  crabbed  and  scarcely 
legible  hand,"  her  husband  advised  her  "  to  have  it  copied  in 
order  to  get  some  person  to  answer  it,"  in  order  to  convince 
the  priest  of  the  folly  of  any  further  attempts  to  convert  her. 
The  letter  came  to  the  notice  of  an  influential  lady  of  Boston, 
who  showed  it  to  Governor  Burnet  and  urged  him  to  answer 
it  for  Christine,  which  he  did. 

"My  dear  Christine,"  the  priest  begins,  "whom  I  may  call  my 
spiritual    daughter,    since    I    esteemed    and    directed    you  as   such 


30  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

whilst you  had  the  happiness  of  making  one  of  the  family  of 

Jesus,  Maria,  Joseph,  Joachim  and  Anne, and  that  you,  as  well 

as  Madame  Robitail  your  mother,  (whose  confessor  I  have  become, 

)  were  of  the  Number  of  about  Two  Hundred  Women  of  the  best 

fashion  of  Ville  Marie,  who  then  made  up  the  mystical  Bcxly  of  that 
holy  Association.  I  own  also  that  all  our  Members  of  the  .Seminary, as 
well  as  all  Mount  Real,  were  edified  with  your  Carriage,  you  being  so- 
ber,and  living  as  a  true  Christian  and  good  Catholic  having  no  remains 
of  the  unhappy  Leaven  of  the  irreligion  and  errors  of  the  English  out 
of  which  M.  Meriel  had  brought  you  as  well  as  your  Mother,  taking 
you  out  of  the  deep  darkness  of  Heresy  to  bring  you  into  the  Light 

of  the  only  true  Church  and  the  only  Spouse  of  Jesus  Christ." 

"The  Catholic  Church  is  the  only  mystical  Ark  of  Noah  in  which 
Salvation  is  found.  All  those  who  are  gone  out  of  it,  and  will  not 
return  to  it,  will  unhappily  perish,  not  in  a  deluge  of  Waters,  but  in 
the  Eternal  Flames  of  the  last  Judgment Who  has  so  far  be- 
witched and  blinded  you  as  to  make  you  leave  the  Light  and  Truth, 
to  carry  you  amongst  the  English  where  there  is  nothing  but  Darkness 
and  Irreligion?"  The  priest  goes  on  to  appeal  to  her  conscience, 
and  to  her  love  for  her  children  in  Canada,  as  incentives  to  her  re- 
turn. "  Dear  Christine,"  he  says,  "  poor  stray  Sheep,  come  back  to 
your  Heavenly  Father," own  yourself  guilty to  have  for- 
saken the  Lord,  the  only  Spring  of  the  healing  Waters  of  Grace,  to  run 

after  private  Cisterns  which  cannot  give  them  to  you hearken 

to  the  stings  of  your  Conscience Read  the  two  Letters  I  send 

you  concerning  the  happy  and  Christian  Death  of  your  Daughter; 

weigh  with  care  the  particular  Circumstances  by  which  she  owns 
herself  infinitely  indebted  to  the  Mercy  of  God,  and  the  watchful- 
ness of  her  Grandmother  for  having  withstood  her  Voyage  to  New 
England,  and  not  suffered  her  to  follow  you  thither.  Consider  with 
what  inward  peace  she  received  all  her  Sacraments  and  with  what 
tranquility  she  Died  in  the  Bosom  of  the  Church.  I  had  been  her 
Confessor  for  many  Years  before  her  Marriage,  and  going  to  Quebec 
where  she  lived  with  her  Husband  peaceably  and  to  the  Edification 
of  all  the  Town.  Oh!  happy  Death!  my  dear  Christine,  would  you 
Die  like  her  as  predestinated;  come  in  all  haste,  and  abjure  your  Apos- 


CHRISTINE   OTIS.  3 1 


tasy  and  live  as  a  true  Christian  and  Catholick  else  fear  and  be  per- 
swaded  that  your  Death  will  be  unhappy  and  attended  with  madness 

and  despair  as  that  of  Calvin  was,  and  also  that  of  Luther 

Once  more,  dear  Christine,  return  to  this  Land  where  you  have 
received  your  Baptism  and  which  I  may  say  has  given  you  Life. 
Prevail  with  your  Husband  to  resolve  on  the  same  undertaking.  The 
Holy  church  will  on  your  abjuring  your  Errors  receive  you  with  open 
Arms  as  well  as  Mr.  Robitail  and  his  Wife,  your  Mother.  You  shall 
not  want  Bread  here,  and  if  your  Husband  will  have  Land,  we  shall 
find  him  some  in  the  island  of  Montreal.  But  if  he  doth  not  desire 
any,  and  hath  a  Trade,  he  shall  not  want  for  Work.  But  what  is 
most  essential  is  that  you  shall  be  here  both  of  you  enabled  to  work  out 
your  Salvation,  which  you  cannot  do  where  you  are,  since  there  you  are 

not  in  the  Mystical  Ark  of  Noah,  which  is  the  Catholic  church, 

in  which  your  Daughter  was  bred  and  in  which  She  died I 

await  your  answer  to  my  letter,  and  am,  dear  Christine,  entirely 
yours  in  Jesus  and  Marie.  Skgurnot, 

Priest  of  the  Seminary  at  Ville-Marie,  you  know  me  very  well. 
At  Ville-Marie,  the  5th  of  June,  1727." 

Gov.  Burnet  begins  his  reply  as  follows  : 

Boston,  Jan.  8,  1728-9. 

Madam  .-—I  am  very  sensible  of  the  Disadvantages  I  lie  under  in 
not  being  able  to  address  myself  to  you  under  as  endearing  a  Title 
as  that  which  Mr.  Segueuot  takes  to  himself.  But  I  don't  doubt 
but  your  good  sense  will  put  you  on  your  guard  agamst  such  flatter- 
ing expressions  which  are  commonly  made  use  of  for  want  of  good 

Arguments." "Mr.  Seguenot  has  proved  nothing  of  what  he 

should  have  done  in  that  very  place  of  his  Letter  where  he  seems 
resolved  to  muster  up  all  his  strength  to  overpower  us.  But  because 
he  has  scattered  several  things  up  and  down  in  his  letter  which  might 
startle  you,  I  will  take  the  pains  to  go  through  it,  from  one  end  to 
the  other,  to  make  you  feel  the  weakness  and  false  reasoning  of  it." 

The  Governor  then  proceeds  with  cahnness  to  refute  the 


32  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

priest's  assertions  and  expose  his  specious  arguments.  He 
shows  Christine  how  Christ  gives  "visible  marks"  by  which 
his  true  followers  may  be  known.  "By  this  shall  ye  know 
that  ye  are  my  disciples  if  ye  have  love  one  to  another," 
"which,"  says  Governor  Burnet,  "can  never  agree  to  a  perse- 
cuting church,  as  the  Roman  is."  He  points  her  to  Paul's 
description  of  false  Christians  in  the  Epistle  to  Timothy, 
"Of  this  sort  are  they  which  creep  into  houses  and  lead  cap- 
tive silly  women  ;  "  and  asks,  "Would  not  anybody  say  that 
the  Apostle  points  directly  to  those  Confessors  who  pretend 
to  direct  the  Consciences  of  the  Ignorant  and  chiefly  of  Wom- 
en in  the  Church  of  Rome  ?  " 

Alluding  to  the  priest's  offer  of  lands  and  work  to  Captain 
Baker,  the  Governor  says,  "It  is  hoped  that  Mr.  Seguenot 
does  this  out  of  ignorance.  But  for  Persons  that  know  what 
it  is  to  live  in  a  free  Country,  to  go  and  throw  themselves 
headlong  into  the  Clutches  of  an  absolute  Government,  it  can- 
not be  imagined  that  they  can  do  such  a  thing,  unless  they 
have  lost  their  Senses."  He  concludes  by  telling  her  to  send 
this  letter  to  Canada  and  let  it  be  answered,  that  she  may  see 
both  sides,  and  "Fix  on  what  is  best  for  the  salvation  of  your 
soul  and  the  Happiness  of  your  Life,  which  is  the  heart}^  de- 
sire, Madam  of  your  unknown  but  humble  servant."  The 
Governor's  letter,  which  was  in  French,  together  with  that 
of  the  priest,  was  afterwards  translated  and  printed  in  Bos- 
ton. 

By  the  sale  of  their  Brookfield  property  to  a  speculator  in 
1732,  Captain  Baker  and  his  wife  became  impoverished. 
They  lived  for  awhile  at  Mendon,  Mass.,  where  we  find  Chris- 
tine connected  with  the  church, — and  were  for  a  short  time 
at  Newport,  R.  I.,  and  finally  removed  to  Dover,  N.  H.  In 
the  latter  part  of  the  year  1734,  Baker's  health  gave  out  en- 
tirely, and  the  next  year  his  wife  applied  to  the  Legislature 
for  leave  to  keep  a  tavern  for  the  support  of  her  family. 


CHRISTINE   OTIS.  33 


'•'•The  humble  petition  of  Christina  Baker,  the  laife  of  Capt.  Thomas 
Baker,  of  Dover,  shoiceth  : 
That  your  petitioner  in  her  childhood  was  captured  by  the  In- 
dians in  the  town  of  Dover,  aforesaid,  (where  she  was  born)  and 
carried  to  Canada,  and  there  bro't  up  in  the  Roman  superstition  and 
Idolitry.  And  was  there  married  and  well  settled  and  had  three 
children  ;  and  after  the  Death  of  her  Husband  she  had  a  very  Great 
Inclination  to  see  her  own  country,  and  with  great  Difficulty  ob- 
tained permission  to  Return,  leaving  all  her  substance  and  her  chil- 
dren, for  by  no  means  could  she  obtain  leave  for  them  ;  and  since 
your  petitioner  has  been  married  to  Capt.  Baker,  she  did  undertake 
the  hazzard  and  fatieug  of  a  Journey  to  Canada  again,  in  hopes,  by 
the  interest  of  Friends,  to  get  her  children  ;  but  all  in  vain  !  so  that 
her  losses  are  trebbled  on  her.  First,  the  loss  of  her  house,  well 
fitted  and  furnished,  and  the  lands  belonging  to  it  ;  second,  the  loss 
of  considerable  part  of  her  New  England  substance  in  her  last  jour- 
ney to  Canada,  and  thirdly,  the  Loss  of  her  children.  Yet  still  she 
hath  this  comfort  since  her  return,  that  she  is  alsoo  returned  into 
the  Bossum  of  the  Protestent  church  ;  for  such  she  most  heartily 
thanks  Almighty  God.  And  now  your  petitioner,  having  a  large 
family  to  support,  and  by  the  chances  and  Changes  of  fortune  here, 
is  Reduced  to  very  low  circumstances,  and  her  husband  past  his 
Labour.  Your  petitioner  ladely  made  her  case  known  to  several 
Gents  in  the  Government  of  the  Massachusetts,  who  out  of  a  char- 
itable Disposition  did  supply  yo'r  Petitioner  with  something  to  set 
her  in  a  way  to  subsist  her  family  ;  and  also  advis'd  to  keep  a  house  of 

Entertainment,  and  the  General  assembly  of  that  Government 

made  her  a  present  of  500  acres  of  land  in  the  Province  of  Maine, 
and  put  it  under  the  care  of  Coll.  William  Pepperell,  Esq.,  for  the 
use  of  your  Petitioner  (exclusive  of  her  husband's  having  anything 
to  do  with  it.)  Now  your  Petitioner  by  the  help  she  hath  had  has 
bot  a  lot  of  land  and  Built  a  house  on  it  on  the  contry  Rhoade  from 
Dover  Meeting  House  to  Cocheco  Boome  ;  and  have  Bedding  and 
other  necessaros  fit  for  a  Public  House  for  Entertainment  of  Trav- 
ellers, &:c." 

The   former  taverner,  not  keeping  an  orderly  house,  had 


34  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW   ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

been  refused  a  eontinuanee  of  his  license  by  the  Selectmen. 
Christine  having  submitted  her  plan  to  their  approval,  had 
applied  to  the  Courts  for  a  license.  The  judges,  probably  for 
political  reasons,  refused  it  to  her,  and  renewed  the  license  to 
the  former  inn-keeper. 

The  Legislature  on  hearing  Christine's  petition  voted  that 
her  "  prayer  be  granted," — and  she  kept  her  house  of  entertain- 
ment at  Dover  for  many  years.  Her  husband  died  of  "the 
lethargy"  at  Roxbury  in  1753,  while  on  a  visit  to  some  cousins 
there.  Her  mother,  Madame  Robitaille,  died  in  Canada  at  the 
age  of  ninety,  being  bedridden  the  last  years  of  her  life. 

Christine  or  Margaret  Otis  Baker  closed  her  eventful  life 
on  Feb.  23,  1773,  leaving  a  large  posterity.  "She  lived,"  says 
her  obituary,  "in  good  reputation,  being  a  pattern  of  indus- 
try, prudence  and  economy.  She  bore  a  tedious  illness  with 
much  patience,  and  met  death  with  calmness." 


1G90373 

ESTHER     WHEELWRIGHT. 


In  the  first  part  of  the  decade  immediately  preceding-  the 
landing  of  the  Pilgrims,  two  lads  from  the  middle  class  of 
society,  entered  Sydney  College  at  the  University  of  Cam- 
bridge. Of  these,  the  elder,  John  Wheelwright,  was  born  on 
the  Lincolnshire  fens,  not  far  from  old  Boston.  His  fellow 
student,  Oliver  Cromwell,  first  saw  the  light  at  Huntingdon. 

While  we  have  no  record  that  either  of  these  youths  dis- 
tinguished himself  in  his  college  studies,  we  have  no  scant 
testimony  to  the  excellence  of  both  in  athletic  sports.  Cot- 
ton Mather  says,  that  he  had  heard  that  "when  Wheelwright 
was  a  young  spark  at  the  University,  he  was  noted  for  a  more 
than  ordinary  stroke  at  wrestling."  Cromwell's  biographer 
declares,  that  at  Cambridge  he  was  far  "more  famous  for 
football,  cudgelling  and  wrestling  than  for  study." 

Judge  Bell,  in  his  memoir  of  Wheelwright,  quotes  the  Lord 
Protector  himself,  as  being  reported  to  have  said,  "I  remem- 
ber the  time  when  I  was  more  afraid  of  meeting  Wheelwright 
at  football,  than  I  have  been  since  of  meeting  an  army  in  the 
field,  for  I  was  infallibly  sure  of  being  tripped  up  by  him." 

It  was  hardly  to  be  expected  that  these  pugnacious  young 
athletes  would  have  no  convictions,  or  would  prudently  re- 
frain from  expressing  their  sentiments  on  subjects,  that  were 
at  that  time  rending  the  political  and  religious  world.  As 
vicar  of  the  little  hamlet  of  Bilsby  in  Lincolnshire,  John 


36  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

Wheelwright  became  recognized  as  a  Puritan  leader.  vSi- 
lenced  for  non-conformity,  about  1633,  Wheelwright  natur- 
ally followed  many  of  his  Lincolnshire  friends  and  neigh- 
bors to  America,  landing  in  Boston,  May  26,  1636.  Here  he 
wavS  warmly  welcomed  by  his  wife's'  brother,  William  Hutch- 
inson, and  by  Rev.  John  Cotton,  to  whose  preaching  in  St. 
Botolph's  church  in  old  Boston,  he  had  often  listened. 

Soon  admitted  to  the  church  in  Boston,  the  brilliant  young 
Puritan  divine  became  such  a  favorite  with  the  people,  that 
many  wished  him  to  be  settled  with  Pastor  Wilson  and  Mr. 
Cotton,  as  second  teacher  of  the  church  in  Boston.  Cotton 
favored  the  plan,  but  Wilson  and  Winthrop  opposed  it,  on 
the  ground  that  Wheelwright,  to  a  certain  extent,  shared  the 
religious  opinions  of  his  sister-in-law,  Anne  Hutchinson.  It 
was  therefore  decided,  that  Wheelwright  should  have  charge 
of  a  new  church  to  be  gathered  in  what  is  now  Quincy.^ 

From  this  time  on,  the  great  Antinomian  controversy 
waged  fiercely.  In  March,  1637,  John  Wheelwright  preached 
his  famous  Fast  Day  Sermon,  that  led  to  his  arraignment  by 
the  General  Court,  to  answer  to  the  charge  of  sedition  and 
contempt.  In  the  strife  that  followed,  Wheelwright  showed 
that  he  had  not  forgotten  that  "  more  than  ordinary  stroke 
at  wrestling,"  for  which  the  youth  had  been  famous. 

At  length  the  Synod,  assembled  at  Newtown,^  August  30, 
1637,  declared,  that  eighty-two  errors  of  doctrine  were  ram- 
pant, and  making  sad  havoc  among  the  Puritan  flocks.  This 
was  the  view  halloo,  for  which  the  General  Court  was  waiting, 
to  set  about  hunting  down  the  heretical  wolves, — and  soon 
they  were  in  at  the  death. 

In  November,  Wheelwright  was   disfranchised,  and  ban- 

' VVheelvvrij^ht's  2nd  wife  was  Mary  nmchinson.     His  fust  wife  was  Marie 
Storre  or  Storer  of  Bilsbee. 

■Braintree  or  Mt.  Wollaston. 
■'Cambridge. 


ESTHER   WHEELWRIGHT.  37 


ished,  with  orders  to  settle  his  affairs,  and  be  gone  from  the 
Patent/  within  fourteen  days.  To  the  added  condition,  that 
he  should  not  preach  again  during  his  stay  in  Massachusetts, 
Wheelwright  gave  a  scornful  refusal. 

It  was  a  bitter  winter.  Beyond  the  Merrimac,  the  snow 
lay  three  feet  on  a  level,  from  the  4th  of  November  till  the 
5th  of  March. 

The  place  of  Wheelwright's  sojourn  during  that  dreary 
winter  cannot  be  definitely  stated,  but  as  early  as  April,  he 
had  bought  of  the  Indians  the  land  at  Squamscot  Falls,  now 
the  site  of  Exeter,  N.  H.^  He  was  soon  joined  by  several  of 
his  Massachusetts  friends  and  parishioners.  The  land  was 
cleared,  a  church  gathered,  wise  regulations  for  self  govern- 
ment agreed  upon,-'  and  all  seemed  prosperous,  when  the 
claim  of  Massachusetts  to  the  region  of  the  Piscataqua,  "  and 
the  desire  of  some  of  the  Exeter  people  to  come  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Bay  Colony,  made  it  prudent  for  Wheel- 
wright and  his  flock  to  seek  a  new  home." 

In  1 64 1,  some  of  the  Exeter  congregation  got  permission 
from  Thomas  Gorges,  nephew  of  Sir  Ferdinand,  and  Deputy 
Governor  of  the  province  of  Maine,  to  occupy  the  land  be- 
tween the  Ogunquit  and  Kennebunk  Rivers,  from  the  sea, 
eight  miles  inland,  and  two  years  later,  "  Mr.  John  Wheel- 
wright, minister  of  God's  word,  and  others,  "  are  granted  abso- 
lute power,  to  sett  forth  any  lott  or  bounds  unto  any  man 
that  shall  come  to  inhabit." 

Thus  the  towns  of  Exeter,  N.  H.,  and  Wells,  Maine,  were 
both  founded  by  the  Antinomian  exile  and  his  friends.  As 
a  pioneer  in  two  frontier  settlements,  the  athletic  training  of 

'Massachusetts. 

'^It    has    been    said  that  he  bought   land  there  by  the  famous  deed  of  1629, 
before  leaving  England. 

^"The  Combination." 


38  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 


our  Puritan  preacher  must  have  stood  him  in  good  stead. 
The  historian  of  Wells,  in  speaking  of  the  connection  of  the 
Rev.  John  Wheelwright  with  that  town  adds,  "  He  left  sons 
whose  energies  were  instrumental  in  building  it  up,  and  giv- 
ing it  an  influential  position  in  the  public  councils ;— men 
whose  services  were  of  immense  benefit  in  those  early  days, 
when  souls  were  exposed  to  the  most  severe  tests  of  a  true 
citizenship." 

Samuel,  son  of  the  Reverend  John  Wheelwright,  filled 
successively  all  otifices  of  trust  in  the  gift  of  his  townsmen. 

"In  1677  he  was  the  representative  of  York  and  Wells. 
In  168 1  he  was  one  of  the  Provincial  Council,  and  later  he 
became  Judge  of  Probate  and  of  the  Court  of  Common 
Pleas." 

Picture  the  Wells  of  two  hundred  years  ago.  On  a  plateau, 
perhaps  a  mile  back  from  the  ocean,  a  narrow  clearing, 
bounded  on  three  sides  by  a  vast  and  gloomy  wilderness. 
A  stony  highway  following  the  trend  of  the  ridge.  On  one 
side  of  the  road,  a  row  of  houses  scattered  far  apart.  Opposite, 
the  rocky  slopes  descending,  subdued  by  incessant  toil,  bear 
a  scanty  harvest  of  maize.  Below,  wide  reaches  of  marsh, 
threaded  by  winding  creeks,  the  haunt  of  countless  wild 
fowl.  The  desert  beach,  and  the  sullen  sea  beyond.  To 
York,  the  nearest  settlement,  a  day's  journey  by  the  shore 
if  the  tide  was  right ;  if  not,  by  any  way  that  a  man  or  horse 
could  take. 

With  few  exceptions,  if  we  may  credit  its  historian,  the 
people  of  Wells,  up  to  about  the  year  1700,  were  poor, — 
materially,  intellectually  and  morally.  Their  houses  were 
mostly  of  logs,  daubed  with  clay.  They  had  few  personal 
comforts  or  conveniences.  Their  beds  were  of  the  cat-tail 
rushes,  which  they  gathered  from  the  marsh.  Knives  and 
forks,  teacups  and  saucers,  silver  spoons,  chairs,  carpets  and 
looking  glasses,  were  luxuries  almost  unknown.     Their  food 


ESTHER    WHEELWRIGHT.  39 


was  of  the  simplest.  They  had  milk,  but  no  butter,  and  no 
tea  nor  coffee.  Corn  and  such  fish  as  they  could  catch,  were 
the  chief  of  their  diet.  The  house  of  the  richest  man  in 
Wells  is  thus  described  by  the  town  historian:^  "The  kitchen 
is  also  the  sitting  room  and  parlor.  Looking  around,  we  dis- 
cover a  table,  a  pewter  pot,  a  hanger,^  a  little  mortar,  a  drip- 
ping pan  and  a  skillet.  No  crockery,  tin  nor  glass  ware.  No 
knives,  forks,  nor  spoons, — not  a  chair  to  sit  in.  The  house 
contains  two  other  rooms,  in  each  of  which  is  a  bed,  a  blank- 
et and  a  chest." 

This  was  the  home  of  Edmund  Littlefield,  his  wife,  and 
six  children  between  the  ages  of  six  and  twenty.^  We  can- 
not wonder  at  this  condition  of  affairs,  when  we  remember 
that  the  labors  of  the  people  were  often  interrupted  by  In- 
dian attacks.  Rather  let  us  admire  the  unflagging  energy 
and  undaunted  courage,  with  which,  in  the  face  of  hardship 
and  danger,  they  steadfastly  held  on  to  their  territory.  Poor 
and  ignorant  they  may  have  been, — not  of  the  highest  mo- 
rality according  to  our  standard;  but  no  peril  could  drive  these 
brave  settlers  from  their  frontier  post.  Every  hour  their 
lives  were  in  jeopardy.  Again  and  again  their  fields  were 
devastated,  their  houses  burned,  their  neighbors  butchered 
or  carried  into  captivity,  but  not  once  was  the  little  settle- 
ment wholly  deserted. 

From  1688  to  the  peace  of  Ryswick,  [1697]  a  series  of  un- 
provoked and  unjustifiable  attacks  was  made  upon  our  fron- 
tier, by  the  French,  under  the  pretext  of  protecting  the 
Eastern  Indians,  from  encroachments  by  the  English.  To 
divert  the  Abenaquis,  to  prevent  their  being  approached  by 

'Bourne's  "History  of  Wells  and  Kennebunk,  p.  239." 

'^  A  hook  on  which  to  hang  a  pot. 

•'Storer,  then  the  richest  man  in  Wells,  died  in  1730,  leaving  an  estate  of 
$5000,  and  six  silver  spoons.  There  were  no  other  silver  spoons  in  Wells  at 
that  time. 


40  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

the  English  with  proffers  of  friendship,  to  keep  the  English 
to  the  wCvSt  of  the  Piscataqua,  and  thereby  to  secure  Maine 
as  a  part  of  Acadia,  was  the  motive  of  these  attacks.  The 
instructions  to  Villebon  on  his  appointment  as  Governor  of 
Acadia,  were  to  make  the  Abenaquis  live  by  war  against  the 
English,  and  himself  to  set  them  a  laudable  example. 

Admit  that  the  blow  struck  at  Pemaquid'  in  1689,  and  at 
Casco-  in  1690,  were  the  legitimate  fruit  of  the  pillage  at  Pen- 
tagoet'^  in  1688, — no  such  justification  can  be  offered  for  the 
butcheries  at  Kittery,  Berwick,  York  and  Oyster  River.^ 

In  this  border  warfare,  religious  fanaticism  was  the  strong- 
est weapon  of  the  French.  If  the  Abenaki  chieftain  flagged, 
and  .seemed  willing  to  listen  to  overtures  of  peace  from  the 
English,  the  exhortations  of  the  mission  priests  of  the-  Ken- 
nebeck  and  Penobscot,  fanned  the  flame  of  war  afresh.  The 
scene  at  Father  Thury's  mission  on  the  departure  of  these 
war  parties  was  one  of  great  religious  excitement.'  The 
warriors  crowded  the  chapel,  seeking  confession  and  absolu- 
tion, as  if  going  to  certain  death,  and  when  these  savage  cru- 
saders, hideous  in  fresh  war  paint,  set  out  from  the  mission, 
headed  by  their  priest,  their  women  and  children  threw 
themselves  upon  their  knees  before  the  altar,  and  relieving 
each  other  by  detachments,  counted  their  beads  continually 
from  daybreak  till  nightfall,  beseeching  Jesus,  the  Saints  and 
the  Blessed  Virgin,  for  protection  and  victory  in  the  holy 
war.  The  infant  towns  of  Eastern  New  England  received 
a  baptism  of  blood  at  the  hands  of  the  Abenaki  converts,  which 
was  sanctioned  and  encouraged  by  their  mi.ssion  priests. 

'P'ort  at  mouth  of  the  Kennebec. 

^Portland. 

^Castine. 

■•Durham. 

■'•See  Relation    du    Combat   de    Caribas  par    M.    Thury,   Missionaire,  16S9. 
Vol.  I,  Doc.  pub.  a  Quebec,  p.  478. 


ESTHER   WHEELWRIGHT.  4 1 


The  French  archives  contain  abundant  authority  for  these 
statements,  in  the  correspondence  of  those  concerned,  in  the 
instructions  of  the  government,  and  in  the  reports  of  officials. 

We  of  to-day  are  not  responsible  for  the  unpleasant  facts 
of  history.  They  must  be  met  without  excuse  or  denial, 
without  prejudice  or  passion.  The  evidence  that  the  mission 
priests  of  the  Abenakis  were  active  promoters  of  the  strife 
can  no  more  be  refuted,  than  the  testimony  against  the 
Puritan  ministry  for  their  part  in  the  persecution  of  the 
Quakers,  and  the  horrors  of  the  Witchcraft  delusion.^ 

The  names  of  the  Fathers  Thury  and  Bigot  are  as  truly 
and  painfully  connected  with  the  tragedies  of  Pemaquid  and 
Oyster  River,  as  those  of  Cotton  Mather  and  Pastor  Wilson 
with  the  whipping,  mutilating  and  killing  of  Quakers,  and 
the  hanging  of  witches.  It  was  an  age  of  intolerance.  We 
may  not  judge  the  past  by  the  standards  of  the  present. 

During  the  period  I  have  mentioned,  Maine  had  passed 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  Massachusetts,  but  though  every 
English  settlement  to  the  east  of  Wells  had  been  laid  waste, 
(the  survivors  fleeing  to  Wells  for  refuge,)  the  authorities  at 
Boston  seem  to  have  shown  an  indifference  to  the  needs  of 
that  place.  There  were,  however,  valiant  men  in  Wells, 
keenly  alive  to  the  perils  of  the  hour,  and  ever  on  the  alert 
to  save  the  town,  and  defend  the  province.  Conspicuous 
among  them  were  Lieut.  Joseph  Storer  and  Capt.  John 
Wheelwright.  In  the  annals  of  New  England  there  are  no 
nobler  names. 

John  Wheelwright  was  the  son  of  Samuel,  and  grandson 
of  the  pugilistic  Puritan,  Rev.  John  Wheelwright.  By  his 
prudence,  his  energy,  his  fidelity,  his  bravery  and  his  pat- 

'The  archives  also  contain  letters  from  Acadian  officials,  censuring  and 
asking  for  the  removal  of  certain  priests,  "do  nothings,"  who  tooic  no  part  in 
the  war,  but  attended  strictly  to  their  religious  duties  and  were  therefore  sus- 
pected of  favoring  the  English. 


42  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

riotism,  he  earned  the  distinction,  of  being  "the  bulwark  of 
Massachusetts  for  defence  against  Indian  assaults."' 

Letters  abound  in  our  archives,  signed  by  vStorer  and 
Wheelwright,  and  other  faithful  sentinels  on  this  outpost, 
entreating  that  they  may  not  be  left  to  perish,  but  that  sol- 
diers and  ammunition  may  be  sent  to  their  relief,  with  money 
and  provision  for  their  support. 

By  their  foresight,  some  houses  were  palisaded,  and  Storer 
and  others  built  garrison  houses  as  early  as  1689.  As  these 
garrison  houses  are  a  feature  fast  disappearing  from  the  face 
of  New  England,  I  may  be  pardoned  for  describing  them. 
They  were  two  stories  in  height,  the  upper  story  projecting 
a  foot  or  two  beyond  the  lower,  small  port  holes  being  some- 
times made  in  the  floor  of  the  projection,  through  which  those 
within  might  fire  down,  or  pour  boiling  water  upon  an  enemy 
attempting  to  force  an  entrance  through  the  door  or  win- 
dows below.  There  were  also  portholes  in  other  parts  of  the 
house.  Other  garrison  houses  were  built  of  hewn  timbers, 
eight  or  ten  inches  square,  laid  horizontally,  one  over  the 
other.  The  doors  were  of  heavy  plank,  and  often  there  were 
port  holes  for  windows.  Some  of  these  houses  had  flankers, 
or  watch  towers,  at  two  diagonal  corners,  from  which  one 
could  see  every  part  of  the  building.  The  principal  garrison 
houses  of  the  town  were  palisaded,  and  like  the  so-called  "Old 
Indian  House"  in  Deerfield,  served  as  a  refuge  for  the  neigh- 
bors in  any  alarm; — and  as  quarters  for  the  soldiers,  sent  for 
their  protection.  vStorer's  was  the  largest  garrison  house  in 
Wells.  For  his  heroic  defence  of  Storer's  house  in  1692, 
Captain  Convers  was  made  Commander-in-Chief  of  all  the 
forces  in  Maine. 

In  the  midst  of  these  troublous  times,  in  the  very  year  of 
the  building  of  Storer's  fort,  John  Wheelwright  married 
Mary  Snell  and  took  her  home  to  the  little  one  story  house, 

'Maine  was  bought  by  Massachusetts  in  his  time. 


ESTHER   WHEELWRIGHT.  43 


built  by  his  grandfather,  the  Puritan  preacher.  It  was  proba- 
bly palisaded  at  this  time.  Peace  being  nominally  restored 
by  the  treaty  of  Ryswick,  the  people  of  Wells  returned  to 
their  farms  and  went  courageously  to  work;  but  peace  was  of 
short  duration.  By  his  acceptance  of  the  throne  of  Spain  for 
his  grandson  in  1700,  the  French  king  broke  the  solemn  en- 
gagement made  to  William  of  England,  in  the  two  Treaties 
of  Partition.  His  subsequent  recognition  of  James  Edward, 
the  Pretender,  as  king  of  England,  was  a  gross  infringement 
of  the  treaty  of  Ryswick. 

On  the  nth  of  June,  1702,  Joseph  Dudley  returned  to  Bos- 
ton as  Governor  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  Within  ten  days 
after  his  arrival,  he  was  formally  notified  of  England's  decla- 
ration of  war  against  France.  Fearing  trouble  from  the 
Indians  at  the  Eastward,  he  with  a  party  of  friends,  went  at 
once  to  Pemaquid,^  and  received  from  the  sachems  of  that 
region,  promises  of  peace.  Satisfied  with  this  assurance,  he 
returned  to  congratulate  the  General  Court  on  the  success  of 
his  journey,  and  to  reiterate  his  demand  for  the  restoration 
of  the  fort  at  Pemaquid.- 

The  following  extract  from  a  letter  of  John  Wheelwright 
to  the  Governor,  dated  Aug.  4,  1702,  shows  that  the  former 
had  no  faith  in  the  words  of  the  savages. 

"■Sir, — I  understand  that  the  Indians  at  the  Eastward  vearey  redily 
Professed  Great  fidelity  to  yourself,  and  the  English  nation,  with 
Great  Promis  of  Peace  and  friendship,  which  Promises  so  long  as  it 
may  stand  with  theire  own  Interest,  I  believe  they  may  keep,  and 
no  longer,  their  teachers  Instructing  them  that  there  is  no  faith  to 
be  kept  with  Hereticks,  such  as  they  account  us  to  be,  themselves 

allso  being  naturaley  deseatful I  having  Experienced  so  mutch 

of  their  horable  deseatfulness  in  the  Last  war,  upon  many  treaties  of 
'At  the  mouth  of  the  Kennebec  River. 

^This  was  a  sort  of  "Carthago  est  delenda"  with  Dudley.  Massachusetts 
understood  that  to  rebuild  Pemaquid  would  be  ot  no  benefit  to  her,  but  would 
be  only  a  continuation  of  the  quarrel  over  the  debatable  ground  of  Acadia. 


44  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

Peace,  so  that  1  cannot  but  apprehend  ourselves  that  live  in  these  re- 
mote parts  of  the  countrey,  and  being  frontires,  to  be  in  Great  Dan- 
ger, and  considering  that  war  was  Proclaimed  with  the  French 

who  may send  out  an  army  against  us this  town  be- 
ing the  nearest  to  the  Enemy,  our  Inhabitants  doth  therefore  Pray, 
that  your  Excelency  would  assist  us  with  sum  men  twenty  or  thirtie, 
or  so  many  as  your   Excellency  in  Wisdom   may  think   fit." 

Wheelwrig-ht  goes  on  to  ask  for  the  "Liberty  of  a  Garrison 
[house]  Informing  your  Excelleney  that  if  I  mtist  remove  into 
the  middle  of  the  town,  I  must  leave  that  Little  Estate  I  have 
to  maintain  my  Family  with,  and  Carey  a  large  Family  where 
I  have  but  little  to  maintain  them  withall." 

Six  or  seven  of  their  eleven  children  had  already  been  born 
to  John  Wheelwright  and  Mary  Snell,  and  the  little  one  story 
house  at  the  Town's  End,  being  in  an  exposed  and  isolated 
situation,  and  now  too  small  for  his  increasing  family.  Wheel- 
wright asked  the  consent  and  help  of  the  government  to  build 
a  substantial  garrison  house,  not  only  for  the  safety  of  his 
own  family,  but  as  a  refuge  in  case  of  attack,  for  his  nearest 
neighbors. 

Storer  and  Wheelwright,  being  the  leading  men  of  the  town, 
were  licensed  as  retailers  of  beer  and  strong  liquors,  and 
their  houses  served  as  ordinaries  or  taverns  for  the  public. 
"In  those  days,"  sighs  the  historian  of  Wells,  "public  houses 
were  not  always  nurseries  of  virtue."  It  is  a  hint  of  the  mor- 
als of  the  times,  that  both  Storer  and  Wheelwright  were  "in- 
dicted for  keeping  Keeles  and  bowls  at  their  houses  contrary 
to  law."^  Perhaps  the  ordinary  was  not  an  unmixed  evil. 
Ministers  and  judges  put  up  here,  in  their  journeys  from 
place  to  place,  bringing  the  latest  news  from  other  parts. 
Courts  were  held  here.  Here  the  town  officers  met  to  delib- 
erate, and  the  men  of  the  village  gathered  here  for.  social 
chat  and  pastime.     Commissioners,  referees  and  executors 

'"  Keels  and  bowls,"  old  English  for  nine-pins  and  balls. 


ESTHER   WHEELWRIGHT.  45 


met  in  the  "foreroom"  of  the  ordinary,  to  lay  out  roads,  decide 
disputes,  and  settle  estates.  Rum  was  a  necessity  of  life  in 
those  days,  and  the  flip  and  toddy,  mixed  by  John  Wheel- 
wright on  such  occasions,  was  scored  against  the  town,  the 
man,  or  the  estate,  whose  business  was  there  transacted.  To 
the  boys,  who  had  neither  books,  nor  games,  nor  school,  the 
ordinary  was  amusing,  and  I  have  not  a  doubt,  that  little 
Esther  Wheelwright  stole  away  now  and  then  from  her  busy 
mother,  to  look  on  at  the  games.  We  may  fancy  her  with 
her  closely  cropped  head,  her  Puritan  cap  and  homespun 
frock,  clapping  her  baby  hands  and  shouting  in  glee  at  a 
ten  strike  with  the  bowls  and  keels,  made  by  some  gaunt 
frontiersman. 

Early  in  June,  1703,^  Dudley  was  notified  by  the  Governor 
of  New  York,^  that  the  French  and  Indians  were  preparing 
for  an  attack  on  Deerfield.  Whereupon  Dudley  invited  the 
Abenaqui  sachems  to  a  conference  at  Casco.  Thither  he  re- 
paired with  a  splendid  retinue  on  the  20th  of  June,  and  there 
to  meet  him,  came  all  the  famous  sachems  of  the  time.  P'or 
the  Norridgewocks  there  was  that  loup-garou  Hopehood,  ex- 
celling all  other  savages  in  cruelty, —  and  Moxus  the  brag- 
gart, and  Adiawando,  for  the  Pennacooks,  and  Wattanummon, 
for  the  Pequawkets,  and  Bomazeen,  the  crafty,  for  the  Kenne- 
becks,  and  Wanungunt,  for  the  Penobscots.  The  Governor 
tells  them  that  commissioned  by  his  victorious  Queen,  he 
has  come  as  to  friends  and  brothers,  to  reconcile  all  differences 
since  the  last  treaty.  After  a  solemn  pause,  their  Interpret- 
er replies: 

'■'■Brother, — the  clouds  fly  and  darken,  yet  we   still  sing  the  songs 
of  peace.     As  high  as  the  sun  is  above   the  earth,  so  far  are  our 
thoughts  from  war,  or  from  making  the  least  breach  between  us." 
'Dudley's  2nd  trip  to  the  Eastward. 

^Lord  Cornbury,  a  cousin  of  Queen  Anne.     Palfrey  Hist.  N.  E.  Vol.  IV,  says 
that  Lord  Cornbury  kept  a  spy  at  Albany  to  hear  the  talk  of  the  Six  Nations. 


46  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

After  an  interchange  of  gifts,  both  parties  cast  more  stones 
on  the  mounds  heaped  up  at  a  former  treaty  and  called  the 
Two  Brothers,  to  signify  fraternal  love  existing  between  the 
English  and  x\benakis.  At  this  memorable  council.  Captain 
Samuel,  a  savage  of  great  renown,  who  was  most  officious  in 
trying  to  lull  the  fears  of  the  English,  said  •}  "Several  mis- 
sionaries have  come  among  us,  sent  by  the  French  Fryars  to 
break  the  peace  between  the  English  and  us,  yet  their  words 
have  made  no  impression  on  us.  We  are  as  firm  as  the  moun- 
tains and  will  so  continue  as  long  as  the  sun  and  moon  en- 
dure." 

Parting  volleys  were  fired  on  both  sides,  and  Dudley  re- 
tired, believing  that  present  danger  was  averted  froin  Deer- 
field  and  the  whole  frontier.  His  satisfaction  with  this  re- 
markable love  feast,  must  have  been  somewhat  lessened  by 
the  presence  of  Mesambowit  and  Wexar  for  the  Andros- 
coggins,  who  though  "seemingly  affable  and  kind,  came  with 
two  hundred  and  fifty  men  in  sixty  five  canoos,  well  armed 
and  gaudily  painted," — by  the  late  arrival  of  Wattanummon, 
who  purposely  lingered,  as  was  afterwards  .said,  expecting  a 
re- enforcement  of  two  hundred  French  and  Indians,  with 
whom  they  were  to  fall  upon  the  English, — and  by  the  dis- 
covery at  the  parting  salute,  that  the  guns  of  the  savages 
were  charged  with  ball. 

Not  two  months  had  passed  since  the  treaty  of  Casco, 
when  one  midsummer  day,  six  or  seven  bands  of  French  and 
Indians  fell  upon  the  scattered  settlements.  Charlevoix  says 
calmly,'^  "They  committed  some  trifling  ravages,  and  killed 
about  three  hundred  men,  but  the  essential  point  was  to  en- 
gage the  Abenakis,  in  such  a  manner,  that  to  retract  would 
be  impossible." 

'Drake,  Book  of  the  Indians,  Vol.  II.  p.  125. 
■-'Charlevoi.x,  Nouvelle  France,  Vol.  II,   p.    289. 


ESTHER   WHEELWRIGHT.  47 

Wells,  Winter  Harbor/  Spurwink,^  Cape  Porpoise,  Scar- 
boro,  Saco,  Perpooduck^  and  Casco"*  were  attacked.  "  At 
Hampton,"  says  the  chronicler,  "they  slew  four  besides  the 
Widow  Mussey,  a  remarkable  speaking  Quaker  and  much 
lamented  by  that  sect." 

At  Haverhill,  in  February,  Joseph  Bradley's  garrison  house 
was  attacked.  Goodwife  Bradley,  "  perceiving  the  misery 
that  was  attending  her,  and  having  boiling  soap  on  the  fire, 
scalded  one  of  them  to  death. "^  She  was  carried  captive  for 
the  second  time.  Her  husband  attended  Ensign  Sheldon,  on 
his  second  expedition  to  Canada,  and  Goody  Bradley  and 
James  Adams  of  Wells  were  two  of  the  forty-four  captives 
redeemed  on  that  expedition. 

The  merciless  fusillade  on  our  frontier^  began  Aug.  10, 
1703,  at  Wells  in  the  east  and  virtually  ended  Feb.  29,  1703-4, 
at  Deerfield  in  the  west.?  Thenceforth  the  lines  of  the  lives  of 
the  captives  of  both  towns,  often  cross  each  other. 

Wells,  having  successfully  resisted  the  assault  of  1692,  be- 
came the  special  object  of  savage  fury.  Anticipating  victory 
at  that  time.  Cotton  Mather  says:  "They  fell  to  dividing  per- 
sons and  plunder Such  a  gentleman  should  serve  such 

an  one,  and  his  wife  be  maid  of  honor  to  such  a  squaw,  and 
Mr.  Wheelwright,  instead  of  being  the  worthy  Counsellor  he 
now  is,  was  to  be  the  servant  of  such  a  netop."  The  capture 
of  Wheelwright  was  a  much  coveted  prize. 

The  tragedy  which  began  at  Wells  at  nine  o'clock  on  the 
morning  of  Aug.  10,  1703,  ended  in  the  capture  or  death  of 

'Biddeford. 

'  Ken  nebunk  port. 

^Falmouth. 

"•Portland. 

^Penhallow,  Indian  wars. 

^Letter  of  Dudley  to  Lords  of  Trade,  April  8,  1712,  says:  "From  Deerfield 
in  the  West  to  Wells  in  the  East,  is  the  frontier  to  the  inland  of  both  Provinces." 

"Matthew  Farnsworth  and  others  of  Groton,  Mass.,  were  captured  in  Aug., 
1704. 


48  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

thirty-nine  of  the  inhabitants.  Wheelwrig-ht's  house  being 
at  the  eastern  end  of  the  village,  was  probably  one  of  the 
first  attacked.  His  little  daughter  Esther,  then  seven  years 
old,  was  captured.  The  intrepid  Storer  was  also  bereft.  His 
daughter  Mary,  aged  eighteen,  was  among  the  captives.  One 
longs  to  know  what  followed.  Was  there  pursuit  ?  Whither 
were  the  captives  hurried,  and  how  did  it  fare  with  them  on 
the  retreat  ?  Alas  !  no  echo  from  the  past  replies.  We  may 
assume  that  Mary  Storer  and  Esther  Wheelwright  were  kind- 
ly treated  by  their  savage  captors,  who  knew  the  value  of 
their  prize,  and  doubtless  expected  a  large  sum  for  the  ran- 
som of  the  two  girls. 

In  gloom  and  despair,  the  meagre  harvest  was  gathered 
that  autumn  by  the  survivors  at  Wells.  Drearily  the  winter 
settled  down, — ^joylessly  came  planting  time  again,  and  a  sec- 
ond harvest  was  garnered,  before  the  veil  of  silence  and  sus- 
pense, that  hung  over  the  fate  of  the  captives  was  lifted. 
Then  came  a  letter  from  Samuel  Hill,  dated  Canada,  Oct.  4, 
1704,  with  assurances  of  the  safety  of  his  family,  and  that  of 
his  brother  Ebenezer.  Meantime  Deerfield  had  been  sacked, 
and  in  the  December,  following  Hill's  letter.  Ensign  Sheldon 
of  that  town  set  out  for  Canada.  The  hearts  of  all  the  New 
England  captives  there  were  cheered  by  the  news  of  his  ar- 
rival. On  the  29th  of  March,  1705,  while  in  Quebec,  he  re- 
ceived from  his  son's  wife,  Hannah  Chapin  of  Springfield, 
then  a  captive  in  Montreal,  a  letter  enclosing  the  following,^ 
from  James  Adams,  a  Wells  captive : 

"  1  pray  giue  my  Kind  loue  to  Landlord  Shelden,  and  tel  Him  that 
i  am  sorry  for  all  his  los.  I  doe,  in  these  few  lins  showe  youe,  that 
god  has  shone  yo  grat  Kindness  and  marcy.  In  carrying  youre 
Daighter  Hanna  and  Mary  in  partickeler,  through  so  grat  a  jorney 
far  beiend  my  expectation,  noing  How  Lame  they  was  ;  the  Rest  of 
yore  children  are  with  the  Indians, — Rememberrance  Hues  near  ca- 

'Now  in  Memorial  Hall,  Deerfield. 


ESTHER   WHEELWRIGHT.  49 

bect,i  Hannah   also  Lines  with  the  frenc'',  Jn.  in  the  sam  house  i 

doe." 

In  reply  to  his  daughter's  letter  Mr.  Sheldon  says : 

"My  desire  is  that  Mr.  Addames  and  you,  wod  doe  al  you  can  with 

your  mistres  that  my  children  mite  by  redemed  from  the  indanes." 

Shortly  after  this,  on  the  2nd  of  April,  1705,  the  captive 
Samuel  Hill,  was  sent  on  parole  to  Boston,  as  Interpreter  with 
De  Vaudreuil's  reply  to  Dudley's  proposal  for  exchange  of 
prisoners,  which  proposal  John  Sheldon  had  carried  to  Can- 
ada. Hill  visited  his  friends  in  Wells,  while  on  this  embassy, 
and  was  probably  the  bearer  of  the  following  letter  from  his 

brother  Ebenezer : 

"Quebec  March  1705. 

Cousin  Pendleton  Fletcher  of  Saco,  Mary  Sayer,  brother  Joseph's 

daughter,    and   Mary  Storer  of  Wells,  with   our   other  friends  and 

neighbors  here,  are  all  well.      Myself,  wife  and  child  are  well.     Pray 

that  God  may  keep,  and  in  due  time  deliver  us. 

Your  loving  brother  and  sister, 

Ebenezer  and  Abiah  Hill." 

Never  was  the  sea  so  blue, — -never  did  the  waves  leap  so 
gaily  to  the  shore, — never  was  the  sky  so  fair,  or  the  air  so 
soft,  or  the  scent  of  the  pines  so  sweet,  as  when  the  news  of 
that  letter  spread  from  door  to  door  at  Wells.  For  nearly 
two  years  they  had  mourned  their  loved  ones  as  dead,  when 
the  glad  tidings  comes  that  "Cousin  Fletcher  and  Mary 
Sayer  and  brother  Joseph's  daughter  and  Mary  Storer  and 
other  friends  and  neighbors  as  if  named,  are  well."  All  was 
joy  in  Storer's  garrison.  In  Wheelwright's,  not  joy,  but  hope 
revived,  and  yearning  more  intense,  and  resolve  strengthened, 
to  find  and  rescue  Esther  if  alive. 

But  where  was  Esther?  Clearly  the  Hills  and  James 
Adams  were  ignorant  of  her  fate, — but  how  did  this  child 
elude  the  sharp  eyes  of  John  Sheldon,  and  the  vigilance  of 
De  Vatidreuil? 

'Quebec. 


50  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW   ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

Far  away  in  the  .depths  of  the  forest,  to  the  head  waters  of 
the  Kennebec,  the  Abenaki  wolf  had  swiftly  fled  with  the 
bleating  lamb  thus  snatched  from  the  fold.  There,  in  one  of 
the  Abenaki  villag-es  of  Father  Bigot's  mission,  Esther  lived 
in  the  wigwam  of  her  tawny  master,  an  object  of  wonder  to 
his  children,  of  jealousy,  perhaps,  to  his  fierce  squaw. 

The  days  lengthen  into  weeks, — the  weeks  to  months, 
and  these  to  years,^  when  one  day  as  he  is  making  his  arduous 
round  from  village  to  village,  baptizing,  catechizing,  confess- 
ing his  converts,  Father  Bigot  sees  a  little  girl,  whose  pale 
face,  shrinking  manners  and  tattered  garments,  show  her  to 
be  of  different  race  from  the  bold,  dusky,  naked  rabble 
around  her.  He  calls  her  to  him.  He  speaks  to  her,  perhaps, 
an  English  word.  She  does  not  answer.  She  has  lost  her 
childhood's  speech.  He  sends  for  her  savage  master,  and 
learns  that  she  is  Wheelwright's  child.  "'The  English  rose 
is  drooping,"  says  the  priest,  "the  forest  life  is  too  hard  for 
her."  He  will  "transplant  her  to  Canada,  where  she  will 
thrive  better  under  the  nurture  of  the  gentle  nuns."  "The 
little  white  flower  must  not  be  plucked  up,"  says  the  Indian, 
"let  her  grow  up  among  the  pine  trees,  to  deck  by  and  by, 
the  wigwam  of  some  young  brave."  On  each  return  of  the 
priest  to  the  village,  this  discussion  is  renewed,  but  neither 
promise  nor  threat  can  move  the  sullen  savage. 

The  lot  of  the  little  captive  is  easier  from  that  day.  The 
Indian  knows  it  is  in  the  power  of  his  Great  Father  the 
French  Governor,  to  take  the  child  from  him,  and  he  tries 
by  kindness  to  wdn  her  to  stay.  The  priest  spares  no  pains 
to  teach  her,  and  the  intelligent  child  quickly  responds  to 
his  efforts.  Soon  she  can  say  her  credo  and  her  catechism  in 
French,  as  well  as  in  Abenaki.  Only  she  finds  it  hard  that 
even  Father  Bigot  does  not  seem  to  understand  her  when  she 
talks  about  her  mother,  and  her  brothers  and  sisters.     And  if 

'Esther  Wheelwright  was  six  years  with  the  savages. 


ESTHER   WHEELWRIGHT.  5  I 

she  asks  when  her  father  will  come  for  her,  her  master  is 
angry  and  the  priest  frowns.  Meantime  De  Vaudreuil  is  in- 
formed by  Father  Bigot  of  the  hiding  place  of  the  child,  and 
in  some  way  or  other,  the  news  reaches  Boston,  that  Esther 
Wheelwright,  long  since  given  up  by  her  parents  as  dead,  is 
alive. 

On  the  23rd  of  April,  1 708,  Lieut.  Josiah  Littlefield  of  Wells, 
while  on  his  way  to  York,  was  captured  and  carried  captive 
to  Canada,  arriving  at  Montreal  on  the  3rd  of  June.  vSoon 
after,  he  writes  as  follows: 

"'Dear  and  loving  children,  my  kind  love to  you  all, 

and    to    my  brother  and  sister and   to    all    my    friends    att 

Wells 1  have  liberty  granted  to  me  to  rite  to  my  friends, 

and  to  the  governor,  and  for  my  redemtion  and  for  VVheelrite's  child 
to  be  redeemed,  by  two  Indens  prisoners with  the  Eng- 
lish   and  1  have  been  with  the  Governor  this  morning,  and  hee 

have  promised,  that  if  our  governor  will  send  them,  that  wee  shall  be 
redeemed,  for  the  governor  have  sent  a  man  to  redeem  Wheilerites 
child,  and  do  looke  for  him  in  now  every  day  with  the  child  to 
Moriel  where  I  am,  and  I  would  pray  Whilrite  to  be  very  brief  in  the 
matter,  that  we  may  come  home  before  winter,  for  we  must  come  by 
Albany,  and  I  have  allso  acquainted  our  gofnear  Dedly-  with  the 
same." 

In  a  postcript  to  another  letter,  written  at  the  same  time, 
Littlefield  writes: 

"Mary  Storar  is  well  and  Rachel  Storer  is  well,  and Storar 

is  well  and  Mary  Austin  of  York  is  well. 

1  pray  you  charge  Wheelright  to  be  mindful consearning 

our  redemption." 

We  need  no  assurance,  that  a  demand  was  at  once  made  by 
Dudley,  upon  the  French  Governor,  for  the  release  of  Esther 

'Bourne,  History  of  Wells,  p.  267. 
'^Governor  Dudley. 


52  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

Wheclwrioht.  After  much  trouble,  Father  Bigot  succeeds  in 
buying  the  English  rose  from  the  Abenaqui  sachem.  In 
the  autumn  of  1708,  he  transplants  her  to  Quebec,  where  she 
is  kindly  welcomed  by  the  Governor  and  his  wife,  who  re- 
ceived her  into  their  own  household.  From  the  squalor  and 
rags  of  the  wigwam  on  the  Kennebec,  to  the  luxury  of 
the  Chateau  vSaint  Louis,  what  a  contrast! — What  are  the 
thoughts  of  the  twelve  years  old  girl?  Have  the  five  years 
of  forest  life  blotted  out  her  remembrance  of  the  little  house 
at  the  town's  end  at  Wells?  She  has  learned  to  love  Pore 
Bigot  as  her  kindest  friend  and  father.  To  priest  and  child 
alike,  the  partmg  must  have  been  painful.  Does  she  console 
herself  with  the  belief  that  she  is  now  to  be  restored  to 
home  and  friends,  or  is  she  dazzled  and  pleased  by  her  sur- 
roundings? 

No  effort  seems  to  have  been  made  by  De  Vaudreuil  to  re- 
store Esther  to  her  parents.  Madame  la  Marquise,  his  wife, 
having  received  an  appointment  as  assistant-governess  to 
the  royal  children  at  the  French  Court,  decides  to  place  her 
eldest  daughter,  Louise,  with  Esther  in  the  boarding  school 
of  the  Ursuline  Convent. 

"The  1 8th  of  January,  1709,  says  the  Register  of  the  Con- 
vent, "Madame  la  Marquise  brought  us  a  little  English  girl, 
as  a  pupil.     She  is  to  pay  40  ^citsy^ 

The  names  of  Louise  de  Vaudreuil  and  Esther  Wheel- 
wright stand  side  by  side  on  the  list  of  pupils  at  the  pension 
of  the  Ursulines  at  Quebec.  Thanks  to  Father  Bigot,  shortly 
after  entering  the  school,  Esther  took  her  first  communion 
"with  angelic  fervor."  Beloved  by  the  sisters,  and  happy  in 
her  convent  home,  Esther  expressed  a  strong  desire  to  be- 
come a  nun.  "l^>ut,"  says  the  annalist  of  the  Ursulines,  "the 
Marquis  who  con.sidered  himself  pledged  to  restore  her  to 
her  family,  would  not  hear  a  word  to  this,  and  took  her  home 

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ESTHER   WHEELWRIGHT.  53 

with  his  daughter  to  the  chateau.^"  A  political  prisoner  of 
such  importance,  could  not  be  permitted  to  immure  herself 
in  a  convent.  Graceful,  amiable,  modest,  Esther  won  all 
hearts  at  the  chateau,  as  before  at  the  convent, — but  her  life 
for  the  next  two  years  must  have  been  restless  and  unhappy. 
It  was  a  time  of  much  negotiation  between  the  two  govern- 
ments, concerning  a  general  exchange  of  prisoners.  During 
this  business,  Esther  accompanied  De  Vaudreuil  to  Three  Riv- 
ers and  Montreal.  At  Three  Rivers  she  stayed  with  the  Ursu- 
lines,  and  at  Montreal,  in  the  cloisters  of  the  Hotel-Dieu. 
On  Saturday,  Oct.  3,  171 1,  while  at  Montreal,  she  was  god- 
mother at  the  baptism  of  Dorothee  de  Noyon,  infant  daugh- 
ter of  Abigail  Stebbins,  a  Deerfield  captive,  and  signed  her 
name  in  a  handsome  handwriting  in  the  parish  register,  with 
Father  Meriel,  and  the  son  of  the  Baron  of  Longueil. 

In  JuDe,  1 71 2,  the  French  Governor  proposed  that  our  cap- 
tives be  brought  from  Canada  into  or  near  Deerfield,  and 
French  prisoners  sent  home  from  thence.  Two  of  the  French 
in  our  hands,  absolutely  refusing  to  return  to  Canada,^  young 
Samuel  Williams^  set  out  from  Deerfield  with  the  others  on 
the  loth  of  July,  returning  to  Boston  in  September,  with 
nine  New  England  captives. 

The  absence  of  Madame  de  Vaudreuil  in  Europe,  making  it 
inconvenient  for  the  Governor  to  keep  Esther  with  him  at  the 
the  chateau,  he  yielded  at  last  to  her  entreaties  to  be  allowed 
to  go  back  to  her  Ursuline  mothers.  Fostered  by  the  atmos- 
phere of  the  convent,  a  religious  exaltation  took  possession  of 
her  soul. — "One  thought  alone,"  says  the  annalist,  "occupied 
her  mind, — the  preservation  of  her  faith  and  the  salvation  of 

'Esther  was  thirteen  in  1709,  when  she  entered  the  pension,  remaining  there 
till  1711. 

^Cosset  and  Le  Fevre. 

^Lieut.  Samuel  Williams,  then  but  twenty-three  years  old,  a  redeemed  cap- 
tive and  son  of  the  Rev.  John  Williams  of  Deerfield. 


54  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


her  soul."  On  the  second  of  October,  171 2,  on  the  festival  of 
Saint  Ursula,  she  began  her  novitiate  as  an  Ursuline  mm.  ( )n 
the  third  of  January,  171 3,  she  took  the  white  veil.  The  joy 
of  Father  Bigot  in  seeing  his  protegee  arrayed  as  the  "bride  of 
Jesus"  knew  no  bounds.  He  insisted  on  defraying  the  ex- 
penses of  the-  occasion,  and  preached  to  the  multitude  as- 
sembled to  witness  the  ceremony,  a  sermon  glowing  with 
feeling  and  eloquence.  From  the  text,  "Thy  hand  shall 
lead  me  and  thy  right  hand  shall  hold  me,"  the  priest  shows 
Esther  the  hand  of  Providence  in  every  event  of  her  life. 

"Dear  sister,"  he  says,  "in  these  words  the  Psalmist  seems 
to  me  to  have  expressed  as  in  a  picture  the  story  of  your 

life Hell!  Profane  world! — in  vain  do  you  array  your 

strongest  batteries  against  God's  elect His  right  hand 

shall  hold  them By  what  marvels  of  God's  goodness 

do  you  find  yourself  to-day,  my  sister,  happily  transplanted 
from  a  sterile  and  ingrate  land,  where  you  would  have  been 
the  slave  of  the  demon  of  heresy,  to  a  land  of  blessing  and 
promise,  wliere  you  are  about  to  enjoy  the  sweet  freedom  of 
the  children  of  God." 

The  priest  admonishes  the  nuns,  that  they  should  be  in- 
spired with  the  more  tenderness  for  this  young  stranger, 
from  the  fact  that  their  Immortal  Bridegroom  went  so  far  to 
seek  her. 

Turning  again  to  Esther  he  cries,  "Are  you  not,  tny  dear 
Sister  another  little  Esther  to  whom  a  harsh  captivity  is 
about  to  open  the  door  to  the  throne,  not  of  a  powerful 
Ahasuerus, — but  of  the  Master  of  Ahasuerus — the  Lord  of 
Lords  and  King  of  Kings.  To  Him  and  for  Him,  she  is  led 
in  triumph,  and  if  this  triumph  seems  to  you  to  have  nothing 
of  the  magnificence  of  a  marriage  festival, — if  instead  of  joy- 
ful acclamations  and  the  harmony  of  musical  instruments, 
nothing  is  heard  but  the  confused  and  fierce  yells  of  savage 
warriors,  none  the  less  is  it  a  triumph  for  her  the  last  scene 


ESTHER   WHEELWRIGHT.  55 

of  which  is  represented  to-day,  when  she  stands  about  to  be 
clad  in  the  livery  of  the  Divine  Bridegroom,"  He  depicts 
with  pathos  the  sorrow  of  Esther's  childhood,  "snatched  from 
all  that  was  dearest  to  yon,  following  your  savage  masters 
with  unequal  footsteps,  by  paths  difficult  beyond  the  concep- 
tion of  all  who  have  not  experienced  them  as  -you  and  I  have 
my  dear  Sister."  He  repeats  to  her  the  sorrowful  circum- 
stances m  which  he  found  her,  in  order  to  prove  to  her  that 
in  all  her  perils,  privations  and  sufferings,  she  had  been  up- 
lifted and  led  by  the  hand  of  God. 

Alluding  to  her  reluctance  to  leave  the  convent  at  the 
Governor's  command,  and  to  the  year  of  absence  so  full  of 
doubt,  suspense,  anxiety  and  grief  to  her,  he  bursts  into  this 
invocation:  "Oh  my  God!  to  whom  nothing  is  unknown,  that 
transpires  in  this  vast  universe,  wilt  Thou  be  insensible  only 
to  the  sorrowful  adventures  of  a  young  stranger,  so  worthy 
of  Thy  care  and  who  seems  destined  for  such  great  things? — 
Didst  Thou  seek  her  in  the  very  midst  of  heresy,  and  stir  up 
so  great  a  tumult  to  carry  her  away  from  her  native  land, 
only  to  see  her  snatched  from  Thee  now?  Hast  Thou  led  her 
into  this  country,  only  to  let  her  taste  a  happiness  she  may 
never  attain?  Hast  Thou  shown  her  the  inestimable  prize, 
only  to  make  her  regret  its  loss  more  bitterly?  No!  no!  dear 
sister, — You  cannot  escape  from  the  hand  of  your  God.  All 
obstacles  are  removed.  Nothing  stands  in  the  way  of  your 
happiness.  So  long  as  you  were  not  of  an  age  to  dispose  of 
yourself.  Providence  suspended  the  natural  tenderness  of 
your  father  and  mother,  and  abated  the  eagerness  of  their 
first  pursuit  of  their  child. 

Now  that  the  law  makes  you  mistress  of  yourself,  they  can 
no  longer  oppose  the  choice  you  have  made  of  a  holy  relig- 
ion, and  a  condition  of  life  which  they  disapprove,  only  be- 
cause they  know  not  its  excellence  or  its  sanctity." 

In  April  following  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  Captarin  John 


56  TRUE    STORIKS    OV    NEW    ENCLAND    CAPTIVES. 

Schuyler  arrived  in  Canada  as  ambassador  for  a  general  ex- 
change of  prisoners.  Later  in  the  year,  Reverend  John  Wil- 
liams and  Captain  John  vStoddard  were  in  Canada  on  a  similar 
errand. 

By  all  these  envc^ys,  a  special  demand  was  made  for  the  re- 
lease of  Eunice  Williams,  and  doubtless  for  Wheelwright's 
daughter ;  and  Esther  received  pressing  letters  from  her  fam- 
ily urging  her  return.  This  is  the  first  record  of  letters  to 
Esther  from  her  family,  but  her  resolution  to  become  a  nun 
was  unshaken  by  them.  However,  lest  stronger  temptation 
should  assail  the  young  novice,  and  at  her  most  urgent  en- 
treaties, it  was  thought  best  to  shorten  her  term  of  probation, 
the  circumstances  being  considered  by  all,  sufficiently  extra- 
ordinary to  warrant  this  exception  to  their  rules, — the  only 
one  of  the  kind  ever  made  by  the  Ursulines  of  Quebec. 
Whether  the  Governor  wholly  approved  of  this  proceeding, 
or  whether  in  this  instance,  the  state  succumbed  to  the  church, 
we  have  no  means  of  knowing. 

On  the  morning  of  the  12th  of  April,  17 14,  the  Marquis  de 
Vaudreuil  with  his  brilliant  suite, — the  Bishop  of  Canada  and 
the  dignitaries  of  the  church,  in  all  the  splendor  of  their 
priestly  vestments, — with  all  the  beauty  and  fashion  of  Que- 
bec, assembled  in  the  church  of  the  Ursulines,  which  was 
decorated  as  if  for  the  grandest  festival.  There  Esther 
Wheelwright  was  invested  with  the  black  robe  and  veil  of 
their  order,  by  the  Sisters  of  Saint  Ursula,  and  the  young 
New  England  captive,  known 'thereafter  as  Mother  Esther 
Marie  Joseph  of  the  Infant  Jesus,  serenely  turned  her  face 
away  forever  from  her  childhood's  home  and  friends. 

A  quarter  of  a  century  passes  before  the  curtain  rises  again 
on  Esther  Wheelwright. 

It  is  just  one  hundred  years  since  the  Ursuline,  Marie  de 
rincarnation,  and  her  sister  nuns  landing  at  Quebec  from  a 
little  boat  "deeply  laden   with  salted    eodiish,  on   which   un- 


ESTHER   WHEELWRIGHT.  57 

cooked,  they  had  subsisted  for  a  fortnight, fell  prostrate, 

and  kissed  the  sacred  soil  of  Canada."^ 

Just  a  hundred  years,  too,  since  the  Puritan  exile,  John 
Wheelwright  formed  with  his  companions  at  Exeter,  that 
remarkable  Combination  for  self  government.^ 

It  is  the  year  of  our  Lord,  1739.  For  a  year  by  prayer  and 
penance  extraordinary,  the  Ursulines  of  Quebec,  have  been 
preparing  themselves  with  rapturous  devotion  to  celebrate 
worthily  the  centennial  anniversary  of  their  foundation.^ 

At  midnight  the  cathedral  bells,  echoed  by  a  gayer  peal 
from  the  convent,  announce  to  the  city  of  Quebec,  that  a  festi- 
val day  is  at  hand.  The  altars  of  the  Ursuline  church  are 
magnificently  decked.  The  freshly  gilded  altar  screen  re- 
flects the  light  from  hundreds  of  wax  tapers  blazing  in  silver 
candlesticks.  From  four  in  the  morning  till  noon,  mass  is 
celebrated  uninterruptedly.  Processions  of  priests,  in  vest- 
ments stiff  with  gold,  and  lace  from  the  looms  of  Europe, 
come  and  go  chanting  the  Te  Deum. 

As  the  day  declines,  the  plaintive  voices  of  the  nuns,  sing- 
ing their  vesper  hymns,  steal  softly  from  behind  the  grille. 

In  the  little  house  at  the  town's  end  in  Wells,  in  the  dim 
candle  light,  an  old  man,  and  his  old  wife  sit  alone  together. 
The  click  of  her  knitting  needles  is  in  sweet  accord  with  the 
scratch  of  his  quill,  while  he  writes  as  follows: 

"I  commend  my  soul  to  God  my  Creator,  hoping  for  Pardon  of 
all  my  Sins,  and  everlasting  salvation  through  the  alone  merits  of 
Jesus  Christ." 

'Parkman,  Jesuits  in  N.  A.,  p.  1S2.  The  ship  anchored  at  Tadoussac. 
Thence  the  nuns  proceeded  in  a  small  boat  to  Quebec.  Marie  de  ITncarna- 
tion,  aged  39.  Mdlle.  de  la  Peltrie,  30.  Mere  St.  Croix.  30.  Marie  de  St.  Jo- 
seph, 22.     Mdlle.  Charlotte  Barre,  18.     Indians  ran  along  the  shore. 

^Monday,  June  5,   1639. 

^Among  those  pious  virgins  are  three  New  England  captives,  Esther  Wheel- 
wright, Mary  Anne  Davis,  and  Dorothee  Jeryan,  whom  I  believe  to  be  Jordan. 


58  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAI'TIVKS. 


He  makes  his  wife.  Mary,  sole  Exeeutrix  of  his  will,  and  be- 
queaths to  her  lands,  mills,  his  household  goods,  his  cattle  of 
all  kinds,  his  negro  and  mulatto  servants,  and  a  share  of  his 
money.  Then  his  thoughts  dwell  on  the  little  child,  long  ago 
so  cruelly  torn  fnmi  him: 

"1  give  and  bcqiieathto  my  daughter  Esther  Wheelwright,  if  Hvingin 
Canada,  whom  1  have  not  heard  of  for  this  many  years,  and  hath 
been  absent  for  more  than  30  yeares,  if  it  should  please  Crod  that 
She  return  to  this  country  and  settle  here,  then  my  will  is  that  my 
four  sons  viz:  John,  Samuel,  Jeremiah  and  Nathaniel  each  of  them 
pay  her  Twenty  Five  i-)ounds,  it  being  in  the  Whole  One  Hundred 
Pounds,  within  six  months  after  her  Return  and   Settlement." 

Captain  John  Wheelwright  died  Aug.  13,  1745. 

On  the  1 6th  of  November,  17SO,  his  widow  who  survived 
him  ten  years,  disposed  by  will  of  her  temporal  estate. 

vShe  bequeaths  to  her  four  sons,  "each  5^^  in  old  tenor  bills, 
or  the  value  thereof  in  lawful  money." 

To  her  daughters  Mary  Moody  and  Sarah  Jefferds,  all  her 
"wearing  Apparell,"  including  her  "Gold  Necklace,  Rings 
and  Buttons  to  be  equally  divided  between  them,"  and  to 
Sarah  Jefferds  in  addition,  a  "negro  boy  named  Asher." 

Of  her  "Real  and  Personal  Estate,  within  Doors  or  withotit," 
one  fourth  is  bequeathed  to  each  of  her  two  daughters  afore- 
said, one  fourth  to  her  "three  beloved  (rrand-daughters," 
children  of  her  "deceased  daughter  Hannah  Plaisted,"  and 
one  fourth  to  her  "four  beloved  Granddaughters,"  children 
of  her  "deceased  Daughter  Elizabeth  Newmarch." 

In  the  division  of  her  property,  her  "Negro  servant  Wom- 
an named  Pegg,  shall  be  Divided  to  siich  of  my  Aforesaid 
Daughters  or  Granddaughters  which  she  shall  choose  to  live 

with  after  my  Decease" and  "furthermore  Provided  my 

Beloved  Daughter  Msther  Wheelwright,  who  has  been  many 
years  in  Canada,  is  yet  living  and  should  by  the  wonder  work- 
ing Providence  of  God  be  Returned  to  her  Native  Land,  and 


ESTHER   WHEELWRIGHT.  59 


tarry  and  dwell  in  it,  I  give  and  bequeath  unto  her,  one  F'ifth 
part  of  my  Estate  which  I  have  already  by  this  Instrument 
wilh'  should  be  divided  to  and  among  my  af ores''  Daughters 
and  Granddaughters,  to  be  paid  by  them  in  Proportion  to 
their  Respective  Share  in  the  above  mentioned  Division  unto 
her  my  vSaid  Daughter  Esther  Wheelwright,  within  one  year 
after  my  Decease  Anything  above  written  in  this  Instrument 
to  the  Contrary  notwithstanding."^ 

It  would  seem  from  the  wills  of  Captain  John  Wheel- 
wright and  his  wife,  that  the  testators  did  not  know  that  their 
daughter  had  bound  herself  by  irrevocable  vows  to  a  monas- 
tic life.  The  History  of  the  town  of  Wells,  published  in  1875, 
confirms  this  opinion.  Its  author,  alluding  to  the  refusal  of 
some  New  England  captives  to  return  from  their  captivity, 

says,  "Esther  Wheelwright  was  one  of  the  number 

Whether  she  acquired  any  more  intimate  than  the  natural 
relationships  of  life,  does  not  appear  from-  any  tradition  or 

written  relics  of  the  day She  wrote  to  her  father  from 

her  captivity.  He  lived  in  the  hope  that  she  would  come 
back,  and   provided  for  her  in  his  will,  in  the  event   she 

should  return  from  her  wandering  after  his  death the 

fate  of  all  humanity  may  have  overtaken  her  before   that 

time." On  the  contrary,  the  annalist  of  the  Ursulines 

states,  that  "Immediately  after  Esther's  profession  as  a  nun, 
word  was  sent  to  her  family,  who  far  from  being  offended 
with  this  step  of  the  young  girl,  sent  her  a  messenger  from 
Boston,  charged  with  letters  and  gifts."  These  statements, 
both  made  by  respectable  authority,  are  irreconcilable.  Care- 
ful study  forces  me  to  the  conclusion,  that  the  annalist  of 
the  convent  records  actual  events,  of  which  at  the  date  of 
the  publication  of  the  history  of  Wells,  not  even  a  tradition 
remained  to  Wheelwright's  descendants  in  New  England. 

Imagine  the  stir  at  the  convent,  when  in  January,  1754,  a 

'"Maine  Wills."     Library  of  the  Hist,  and  Gen.  Soc.  Boston. 


6o  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


young  gentleman  from  lioston  presented  himself  at  the  door, 
announcing  himself  as  the  nephew  of  Mother  Esther  of  the 
Infant  Jesus,  and  demanding  an  interview  w^ith  his  beloved 
aunt.  The  flutter  of  the  ToNrun,'^  the  hesitation  of  the 
Mother  Superior,  the  hurried eonsultation  of  all  in  authority,— 
may  be  better  imagined  than  described.  After  some  delay, 
the'  Bishop  kindly  granted  entrance  to  Major  Wheelwright, 
"hoping  that  it  might  result  in  his  conversion." 

How  one  longs  to  know  what  this  aunt  and  nephew,  meet- 
ing then  for  the  first  time,  had  to  say  to  each  other,— in  what 
language  they  talked, — what  questions  were  asked  by  the 
captive  of  fifty  years. 

All  we  know  is,  that  at  his  departure,  the  young  man  gave 
to  his  aunt  a  miniature  portrait  of  her  mother,  and  present- 
ed the  Community  with  some  "fine  linen,  a  beautiful  silver 
flagon,  and  a  knife,  fork  and  spoon,  of  the  same  material."^ 

At  the  moment  of  Major  Wheelwright's  return  to  New 
England,  young  Major  Washington  was  making  his  report 
to  Governor  Dinwiddle,  of  the  refusal  of  the  French  to  aban- 
don their  fort  at  the  headwaters  of  the  Ohio.^  The  tardy  at- 
tempt of  the  English  in  the  following  February,  to  build  a 
fort  at  the  fork  of  the  Ohio,^  brought  on  a  skirmish  between 
Washington  and  the  French  commander,  which,  says  Mr. 
Parkman,  "began  the  war  that  set  the  world  on  fire." 

'The  attendant  at  the  revolving  grille  at  which  all  visitors  to  the  convent 
apply  for  admission. 

"This  account  of  Major  Wheelwright's  visit  may  be  found  in  Histoire  des 
Ursulines  de  Quebec,  p.  327,  Vol.  11.  Our  own  Archives  record  at  least  three 
journeys  of  Major  Nathaniel  Wheelwright  to  Canada  as  ambassador  from  our 
Government  for  the  exchange  of  captives.  See  Appendix:  especially  Wheel- 
wright's letter  to  Gov.  Shirley,  dated  Nov.  30,  1750,  in  which  he  refers  to  his  em- 
bassy of  the  year  before.  From  this  it  would  seem  as  if  he  must  have  seen 
Esther,  previous  to  1754. 

■'This  was  Fort  Le  Boeuf,  on  a  branch  of  the  Alleghany  near  Erie  antl  with- 
in the  English  province  of  Virginia. 

■•Pittsburg. 


3'>«       r. 


ll.^  T 11 3 V 11 0 D   3\jhl\j!i,iU     '^l  -^ 


I'iiv^ 


URSULINE   CONVENT  AT  QUEBEC 

AS    COMPLETED    IN    1  723 

From  ,1  skftih  in,i,/:'  in  lH.l2  hy   R,;7'.    Mi-rt'  Saiiit-Croix 


'^o 


L^k:?^^^; 


■*ife  5^i<*^^f -4;:  '-at  €y-y  •  'S.^'-''  ■        o,^ 


ESTHER   WHEELWRIGHT.  6l 

The  siege  of  Quebec  began  on  the  12th  of  July,  1759.  The 
cannonade  of  the  13th  and  14th,  proved  that  the  convent  must 
be  vacated.  Ei(rht  of  the  sisters  Qfot  leave  to  remain  in  charo-e. 
Though  there  is  no  positive  proof,  we  have  a  right  to  believe 
that  Esther  of  the  Infant  Jesus,  was  one  of  the  eight.  With 
the  fervor  of  a  devotee,  she  had  the  force  and  the  fearless- 
ness of  the  Wheelwrights.  She  was  sixty-three  years  old, 
and  the  fifth  on  the  list  of  choir  nuns. 

At  sunset  of  the  15th,  [July  25,  1759,  N.  S.]  the  rest  of  the 
Ursulines,  bidding  a  reluctant  farewell  to  the  courageous 
little  band,  sped  swiftly  down  to  the  meadows  of  the  Saint 
Charles,  to  seek  shelter  in  the  convent  attached  to  the  Gen- 
eral Hospital.  The  sisters  of  the  Hotel-Dieu  were  there  be- 
fore them.  The  Hospital,  being  out  of  reach  of  the  projectiles, 
was  the  refuge  of  hundreds  of  people,  fleeing  in  fright  from 
the  ruins  of  the  Lower  Town. 

Imagine  the  consternation  and  anguish  of  the  next  few 
weeks.  The  nuns  at  the  Hospital  were  busy  night  and  day, 
with  the  care  of  the  maimed  and  dying  of  both  armies.  At 
intervals,  the  quick  stroke  of  the  convent  bells  calling  them 
to  their  devotions,  gave  them  their  only  rest.  Above  their 
prayers  rose  the  groans  of  the  wounded,  the  scream  of  shot 
and  shell,  the  roar  of  flames  and  the  crash  of  falling  build- 
ings. In  the  gray  of  the  morning  of  the  sixtieth  day  of  the 
ever  memorable  siege,  the  straggling  file  of  red-coated  sol- 
diers, clambered  up  the  rocky  steeps,  and  formed  in  line  of 
battle  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham.  When  the  shadows  of 
night  gathered  on  that  gory  field,  the  Seven  Years  War  in 
America  was  virtually  ended,  and  the  question  whether  France 
or  England  was  to  be  master  of  this  continent  was  forever 
settled. 

On  the  morning  after  the  battle,  the  gallant  Montcalm 
breathed  his  last.     The  day  was  one  of  dire  distress. 

Venturing  from  the  narrow  cellar  of  the  monastery,  where 


62  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


they  had  stayed  out  the  siege,  Esther  Wheelwright  and  her 
companions  gazed  upon  a  desolate  scene.  In  peril  of  their 
lives,  and  with  great  labor  and  fatigue,  they  had  saved  most 
of  their  windows.  Their  cells  were  demolished,  their  chim- 
neys battered  and  tumbling,  their  roofs  charred  and  riddled. 

Confusion  reigned  everywhere.  No  workman  could  be 
found  to  make  a  coffin  for  Montcalm.  Finally  old  Michel, 
factt)tum  and  general  overseer  at  the  Convent,  the  tears 
streaming  down  his  face,  nailed  together  a  rough  box  from 
the  debris  of  the  bombardment.  In  this  rude  casket,  at  nine 
o'clock  that  evening,  the  Marquis  de  Montcalm  was  carried 
to  his  rest. 

Silence  and  gloom  brooded  over  the  city.  "Not  a  drum 
was  heard,— nor  a  funeral  note."  No  gun  was  fired, — not  a 
bell  tolled.  Men  and  women,  wandering  dazed  among  the 
ruins,  fell  into  line  with  the  little  procession  that  bore  the 
dead  soldier  from  the  house  of  the  surgeon  Arnoux  to  his  bur- 
ial in  the  chapel  of  the  ITrsulines.  Two  little  girls  stealing 
unnoticed  into  the  church,  stood  by  his  grave,  while  by  the 
flare  of  torches,  the  body  of  the  hero  was  lowered  into  a  hole 
in  front  of  the  altar,  made  by  the  bursting  of  a  shell.  The 
service  for  the  dead  was  chanted  by  three  priests.  The  quiv- 
ering voices  of  Esther  Wheelwright  and  her  sister  nuns 
were  heard  in  response,  then  sobs,  repressed  through  all  the 
horrors  of  the  siege,  burst  forth,  "for"  says  the  annalist,  "it 
seemed  as  if  the  last  hoj^e  of  the  colony  was  buried." 

Oeneral  Murray,  who  was  left  in  command  of  the  English 
troops  in  Canada,  repaired  the  Ursulinc  convent,  and  quar- 
tered there  a  part  of  his  wounded  men.  Esther  Wheelwright 
and  her  companions  cheerfully  assumed  the  duties  of  Hospi- 
tal nuns,  and  the  soldiers  proved  themselves  truly  grateful 
for  the  Christian  charity  thus  shown  them.  Among  the 
troops,  was  a  vScotch  regiment.     The  good  nuns  were  so  dis- 


ESTHER   WHEELWRIGHT.  63 

tressed  at  seeing  the  strangers  in  a  costume  so  ill  suited  to 
a  Canadian  winter,  that  they  fell  to  knitting  long  stockings 
to  cover  the  bare  legs  of  the  kilted  Highlanders. 

On  the  8th  of  September,  1760,  the  Capitulation  was  signed 
at  Montreal.  It  secured  to  the  Canadians  the  free  enjoy- 
ment of  the  Catholic  religion  and  to  the  Communities  of 
nuns,  their  constitutions  and  privileges.  The  15th  of  the  fol- 
lowing December,  Sister  Esther  Wheelwright  of  the  Infant 
Jesus,  was  elected  Superior  of  the  Ursulines.  Thus,  strangely 
enough,  at  the  moment  of  the  establishment  of  the  English 
Supremacy  in  Canada,  the  first  (and  last),  English  Superior 
of  the  Ursulines  of  Quebec,  was  elected.  Her  election  is  a 
proof  of  her  robust  health  at  this  time,  and  of  the  confidence 
placed  in  her  by  the  Community.  That  she  was  worthy  of 
the  trust,  appears  in  all  her  acts.^ 

After  the  fall  of  Quebec,  rations  were  issued  by  the  con- 
querors for  the  subsistence  of  the  people.  The  summer  be- 
fore Esther's  election,  on  the  withdrawal  of  the  soldiers  from 
the  convent.  General  Alurray  had  ordered  that  no  more  pro- 
visions should  be  furnished  to  the  nuns,  except  for  ready 
money.  Such  representations  had  been  made  to  the  General 
by  Esther's  predecessor  in  office,  that  the  order  was  coun- 
termanded. In  the  spring  after  Esther's  election,  a  bill  of 
$1352.46,  was  rendered  by  the  commissary  for  provisions  fur- 
nished the  Community  from  Oct.  4,   1759,   to  May   25,  1761. 

'In  1761,  (ihe  year  following  her  election  as  Superior),  one  of  her  sister's 
sons,  Joshua  Moody,  son  of  Mary  Wheelwright  Moody,  visited  her.  "One  of 
this  sister's  granddaughters  was  named  Esther  Wheelwright,  and  to  her  name- 
sake, the  Lady  Superior  sent  by  Mr.  Moody  many  presents,  requesting  that  she 
might  be  entrusted  to  her  care  to  be  educated  in  the  Convent.  Of  course,  the 
Puritan  parents  were  not  disposed  to  gratify  her  in  this  respect.  Among  other 
things,  she  sent  by  Mr.  Moody  her  own  portrait  painted  in  the  dress  of  her  or- 
der. This  is  still  in  the  family,  having  been  handed  down  with  the  name  Esther 
from  generation  to  generation."  For  the  above  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  Edmund 
Wheelwright  of  Boston,  who  is  about  to  publish  a  history  of  his  family. 

c.  A.  B. 


64  TRUE   STUKIKS   OK   NEW    ENGLAND   CAI'TIVES. 


Mother  Ivsthcr  wrote  at  onee  to  Oeneral  Murray,  stating  the 
inability  of  the  nuns  to  pay  the  debt  thus  contracted;  at  the 
same  time  puttint^  at  the  disposal  of  the  government  certain 
of  the  Community's  lands.  "Nevertheless."  she  adds,  "we 
hope  that  upon  the  representations  which  you  will  kindly 
make  in  our  behalf,  his  Majesty  will  not  refuse  to  absolve  us 
from  this  debt.  In  our  confidence  in  your  goodness,  of  which 
you  have  hitherto  given  us  the  most  convincing  proofs,  we 
assure  you  of  our  sincere  gratitude,  and  of  the  respect  with 
which  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c.,  &c.,  &c."  She  might 
have  hinted,  that  the  shelter  and  care  given  to  the  wound- 
ed English  ought  to  count  for  something  towards  the 
payment  of  the  debt.  In  the  interval  of  suspense,  while 
Murray  wrote  for  instructions  to  England,  Esther  wrote  to 
the  Mother  Community  in  Paris:  "We  shall  try  to  do  without 
everything,  for,  for  some  years  we  shall  have  to  heap  up  the 
interest  on  our  Erench  possessions,  to  pay  the  King  of  Eng- 
land whom  we  owe  thirteen  hundred  and  fifty-two  dollars." 

From  the  Capitulation  at  Montreal  to  the  Peace  of  Paris, 
the  lot  of  the  French  Canadians  was  hard.  A  sorrowful 
suspense,  as  to  whether  Canada  would  be  restored  to  France, 
agitated  all  hearts.  In  1761,  Esther  writes  to  the  Superior  at 
Paris,  "It  has  just  been  announced  to  us  that  peace  is  made, 
and  that  this  poor  country  is  restored  to  the  Erench.  I  hope 
it  may  be  true." 

The  non-arrival  of  letters  from  France,  caused  much  anxi- 
ety. In  October,  writing  again  to  Paris,  she  says,  "Every- 
body of  position  is  surprised  not  to  hear  a  word  by  way  of 
England,  though  many  laymen  have  received  letters.  I 
can  hardly  believe,  however,  that  some  are  intercepted,  more 
than  others." 

A  later  letter  runs  thus :  "We  shall  very  soon  be  in  a  con- 
dition not  to  be  able  to  dress  ourselves  according  to  the  rules. 
Since  the  war,  we  are  especially  in  need  of  bombazine  for 


ESTHER   WHEELWRIGHT.  65 

our  veils.  Indeed  the  need  is  so  pressing-,  that  soon  we  shall 
not  be  able  to  appear  decently,  having  nothing  but  rags  to 
cover  our  heads.  We  cannot  buy  these  things  of  the  Eno-- 
lish.  They  don't  yet  know  how  to  coiffer  the  nuns.  I  think, 
my  dear  mother,  you  might  send  us  a  few  pieces  of  bomba- 
zine by  some  of  our  Canadians,  who  must  return  to  their  poor 
country.  M.  de  Rouville  who  was  the  bearer  of  your  letters, 
would  have  considered  it  a  pleasure  to  bring  some  bomba- 
zine to  us,  and  could  have  done  so  without  much  trouble. 
There  is  plenty  of  food,  but  everything  is  very  dear,  and  sil- 
ver is  very  scarce,  never  having  been  much  current  in  Can- 
ada." 

A  courteous  letter  from  General  Murray  to  Mother  Esther 
is  extant,  dated  Jan.  2nd,  1764,  thanking  her  for  a  "Happy 
New  Year"  she  had  sent  him,  and  wishing  her  many  in  return. 
After  Murray's  return  to  England,  the  Mother  Superior  and 
sisters  send  him  gifts  of  their  own  beautiful  handiwork,  which 
he  acknowledges  with  graceful  compliments  and  more  than 
civil  expressions  of  esteem  and  friendship. 

The  first  days  of  April,  1764,  were  spent  by  Mother  Esther 
of  the  Infant  Jesus,  in  profound  retreat,  to  prepare  herself 
for  the  festivities  of  her  Golden  Jubilee,  (the  fiftieth  anniver- 
sary of  her  espousals  as  the  bride  of  Christ,)  which  occurred 
on  the  twelfth  of  April,  1764. 

Nothing  was  omitted  in  the  celebration  of  Esther's  fiftieth 
year  of  religious  profession  as  an  Ursuline  nun,  to  convince  her 
of  the  love  and  appreciation  of  the  Community.  The  chapel 
was  beautifully  lighted  and  decorated.  After  the  public  re- 
newal of  her  vows  in  the  presence  of  the  Bishop  and  a  mul- 
titude of  people,  mass  was  celebrated  with  fine  organ  music, 
and  much  singing  of  motets.  A  sermon  on  the  happiness 
of  a  religious  life  followed.  At  the  close  of  the  mass,  the 
nuns,  each  with  a  lighted  taper  in  her  hand,  sang  the  Te 
Dcuvi,  accompanied  by  a  flute   and   violin.     The    day   was 


66  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

u-ivcn  up  to  recreation  and  eoni^'ratulation.  In  the  Refee- 
tory,  there  was  feastint^^  and  joyful  conversation.  The  great 
hall  was  gay  with  llowers  and  gifts,  and  the  children  of  the 
/<insioii,  with  song  and  dance,  brought  their  offerings  to  their 
beloved  Mother  Superior.  Late  in  the  afternoon,  a  benedic- 
tion service  was  held,  and  the  day  ended  wnth  jubilant  music 
of  drum  and  fife. 

In  her  girlliood,  T'sther  had  embroidered  much  for  the  al- 
tars. Seeing  at  this  time  the  great  admiration  of  the  English 
for  embroidery  on  birch  bark,  she  encouraged  this  kind  of 
work  among  the  nuns,  and  gave  herself  up  to  it  with  incred- 
ible industry. 

In  May,  1761,  writing  to  the  Procurator  of  the  Ursulines  in 
Paris,  she  says,  "It  is  true  that  notwithstanding  our  misfor- 
tunes one  need  not  lack  the  necessities  of  life,  if  one  had 
plenty  of  money,  but  we  have  only  what  we  earn  by  our  birch 
bark  work.  As  long  as  this  is  the  fashion,  the  money  we  earn 
by  it  is  a  great  help  towards  our  support.  We  sell  it  at  a 
high  price  to  the  English  gentlemen,  yet  they  seem  to  con- 
sider it  a  privilege  to  buy,  so  eager  are  they  for  our  w^ork. 
It  is  really  imj^ossible  for  us  notwithstanding  our  industry, 

to  supply  the  demand." "I  should  like  to  know,"  she 

continues,  alluding  to  their  indebtedness  to  the  government, 
"exactly  what  will  be  left,  after  paying  Captain  Barbutt.  Ac- 
cording to  what  you  will  do  me  the  honor  to  write  me  on  this 
point,  we  shall  pay  some  debts  here, — for  we  are  not  lacking 
in  debts,  and  some  pretty  large  ones.  Nobody  but  myself, 
however,  knows  about  them,  and  I  am  in  no  hurry  to  acquaint 
the  Community  with  the  fact,  for  fear  of  distressing  them." 
This  extract  shows  her  self-reliance,  and  her  tender  consid- 
eration for  her  sister  nuns,  in  sparing  them  anxieties  which 
weighed  heavily  on  her  owm  heart. 

Too  constant  use  of  her  eyes,  brouo'ht  on  in  her  deelinin<r 
years,  weakness  of  sight  and  disease.     When  she  could  no 


■W^-: 


WHEELWRIGHT  COAT  OF  ARMS 

From  a  fiaiiithig  o>i  silk  ilone  l>y  Esther  U'hi'c/zoright  aiui  si'ii/  to 
her  mother  by  Joshua  Moody 


i'  1 1  •^i/J  1 1, 
i  i  1 1 .  ■  Ip- ;,  i  *' 


ESTHER   WHEELWRIGHT.  6/ 

longer  embroider  exquisitely,  she  busied  herself  with  mend- 
ing the  underclothing  of  the  Community,  showing  the  same 
skill  and  delicacy  in  darning  and  patching  that  characterized 
her  more  beautiful  handiwork. 

For  nearly  seventy  years,  Esther  Wheelwriglit  fulfilled 
with  fervor  and  fidelity,  all  the  duties  of  a  monastic  life.  No 
one  was  more  scrupulous  in  the  observance  of  all  its  rules. 
In  the  feebleness  of  age,  as  in  the  vigor  of  youth, — in  sum- 
mer's heat  and  winter's  cold,  she  was  always  in  her  place. 
In  learning  to  obey,  she  learned  to  command.  As  a  teacher 
of  young  girls,  she  was  very  successful.  Her  happy  disposi- 
tion and  sweet  temper,  made  her  example  even  more  elo- 
quent than  her  precepts.  With  her,  forbearance  and  gentle- 
ness, with  the  most  charming  politenCvSS,  took  the  place  of  a 
stricter  discipline,  and  never  failed  to  win  the  love  and  obe- 
dience of  her  pupils.  She  was  promoted  to  her  responsible 
position  as  Superior,  at  the  most  critical  epoch  in  the  history 
of  her  adopted  country.  French  in  all  her  sympathies, — a 
Romanist  of  undoubted  zeal, — yet,  undaunted  by  embarass- 
ments  to  which  a  woman  of  less  strength  and  breadth  of 
character  would  have  yielded,  she  so  adapted  herself  to  the 
exigencies  of  the  situation  as  to  win  for  herself,  and  the  Com- 
munity, the  favor  and  respect  of  the  conquerors. 

In  1766,  the  rules  of  her  Order  not  allowing  her  re-election 
for  a  third  successive  term,  she  was  discharged,  but  again  re- 
elected in  1769.  She  was  then  seventy-two  years  of  age, — 
but  her  mind  and  heart  never  grew  old. 

In  1 77 1,  writing  to  the  Mother  Superior  of  Paris,  vshe  says, 'I, 
beg  you  to  accept  the  assurance  of  our  most  tender  attach- 
ment. I  wish  I  could  give  you  some  proof  of  it,  other  than 
by  words,  but  we  cannot  even  find  a  way  to  send  you  those 
trifles  from  this  country,  which  we  used  to  take  pleasure  in 
sending  you.  In  our  prayers,  you  always  have  a  large  share. 
Pray  for  me  that  God  in  his  infinite  mercy  may  grant  me  a 


68  TRUE  STORIES   OF   NEW   ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 


happy  death."  In  October,  1772,  it  was  feared  that  Mother 
Esther  would  not  live  till  the  December  elections.  She  ral- 
lied, however,  and  on  the  1 5th  was  honorably  discharged  from 
the  superiorship,  only  to  be  made  Assistant  Superior,  and  six 
years  later  Zelatrix. 

At  8  o'clock  in  the  evening-  of  the  28th  of  October,  1780, 
Esther  Wheelwright  died,  at  the  age  of  eighty-four  years  and 
eight  months.  "She  died  as  she  had  lived,"  says  the  annalist, 
"in  continual  aspirations  towards  Heaven,  repeating  unceas- 
ingly some  verses  of  the  Psalms 

Her  ancestors  were  noble,  but  her  heart  was  nobler  still, 
and  the  memory  of  her  virtues  will  be  forever  dear  to  this 
House From  171 2  to  1780,  she  was  one  of  its  finest  or- 
naments and  firmest  supports." 

The  name  of  Wheelwright  is  still  reverenced  by  the  Ursu- 
lines  of  Quebec.  At  the  convent  to-day,  they  tell  you  with 
pride  of  the  gifts  bestowed  on  them  by  Esther's  cousin  and 
fellow  captive,  Mary  Sayer.^ 

The  silver  flagon  presented  by  Major  Wheelwright  is  still 
in  use  in  their  Infirmary,  and  the  miniature  of  Esther  Wheel- 
wright's mother,  a  blonde  with  hazel  eyes  and  an  oval  face,  is 
sacredly  preserved.  Retouched  by  the  addition  of  a  veil  and 
drapery,  and  enclosed  in  a  richly  emboSvSed  frame,  containing 
also  four  relics  of  the  Saints,  it  is  now  reverently  cherished 
as  a  Madonna. 

I  have  been  permitted  to  stand  in  the  inner  chapel  of  the 
Ursulines  at  Quebec,  above  the  spot  where  the  mortal  part  of 
Esther  Wheelwright  lies  buried. 

My  fondest  ambition  in  writing  this  story  is  that  in 
some  hour  of  recreation,  it  may  be  read  to  the  novices  by 
the  Mother  Assistant,  who  entering  the  convent  fifty  years 
ago,  found  there  as  a  nun,  the  little  girl  who  saw  the  burial 
of  Montcalm,  and  later  was  an  inmate  of  the  convent,  during 
the  last  seven  years  of  Esther  Wheelwright's  life. 

'See  "Story  of  a  York  Family." 


MARY   WHEELWRIGHT 
From  (I  miniiitvre  sent  to  her  liixughter  /is/Ziar  i?i  IJS-I 


■  u:>el- 
tace.  is 
'm1  And 


m 
.by 


STORY    OF   A    YORK    FAMILY. 


One  midsummer  day  in  the  year  1588,^  the  duke  of  Medina 
Sidonia  looked  in  at  the  Plym's  mouth  as  he  sailed  by  with 
the  Invincible  Armada  to  conquer  England,  and  said  to  him- 
self in  good  Spanish,  "When  I  shall  have  finished  the  business 
I  have  in  hand,  I  will  build  me  a  lordly  pleasure  house  on  yon- 
der height  and  there  I  will  take  mine  ease." 

Sir  Francis  Drake  looked  up  from  the  game  of  skittles  he 
was  playing  on  the  Hoe  at  Plymouth,  and  curling  his  mous- 
tache, as  was  his  custom  when  angry,  he  said  to  his  compan- 
ion, "I'll  finish  the  game  when  I  shall  have  clipped  the  wings 
of  yonder  brave  bird."  Whether  Drake  returned  to  finish 
his  game  history  does  not  tell  us.  We  are  also  left  to  infer 
that  the  Don's  plaisance  remained  a  castle  in  the  air. 

Seventeen  years  later,  on  another  midsummer  day,^  some- 
body roused  the  Governor  of  Plymouth  from  his  siesta,  with 
the  exciting  news  that  George  Weymouth  had  come  into 
port  with  five  Indians,  whom  he  had  kidnapped  on  the  Ken- 
nebec river,  in  his  otherwise  fruitless  voyage  to  New  Eng- 
land. 

'July  20,  1588.  ^JuJy,  1605. 


JO  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  at  that  time  Governor  of  Plymouth, 
was  living  there  the  listless  life  of  a  garrison  officer.  Into 
the  gubernatorial  mansion  on  the  Hoe  he  took  three  of  Wey- 
mouth's Indians,  had  them  taught  English  and  kept  them 
three  years.  Did  anybody  ever  compute  the  influence  of 
these  "three  little  Indian  boys"  on  our  history?  They  told 
him  about  the  "stately  islands,"  "safe  harbors"  and  "great 
rivers"  of  their  native  land,  and  inspired  him  to  plant  a  col- 
ony there.  "This  accident,"  says  Sir  Ferdinando,  "was  the 
means  under  God  of  putting  on  foot  and  giving  life  to  all  our 
plantations." 

Being  a  man  of  wealth,  rank  and  influence,  he  easily  se- 
cured the  co-operation  of  Sir  John  Popham,  Lord  Chief  Jus- 
tice of  England.  How  the  Popham  colony,  planted  by  the 
Plymouth  Company  in  August,  1607,  on  the  Kennebec  river, 
starved  with  the  cold  the  first  winter, — how  Jamestown,  the 
offspring  of  the  London  Company,  thanks  to  a  milder  clime, 
survived, — how  Capt,  John  Smith,  "a  fugitive  slave,"  as  Mr. 
Palfrey  happily  calls  him,  after  founding  the  Old  Dominion, 
sailed  up  and  down  the  New  England  coast,  printed  lavish 
praise  of  its  resources,  and  made  a  map  of  all  its  capes,  in- 
lets, islands  and  harbors,  to  which  Prince  Charles  gave  the 
familiar  names  they  bear  today, — how  Gorges,  not  doubting 
that  God  would  effect  that  which  man  despaired  of,  was  a 
part  of  every  scheme  of  colonization: — all  this  is  known  to 
every  careful  reader  of  our  history. 

It  was  doubtless  under  the  auspices  of  Gorges  that  the  first 
English  settlement  at  Agamenticus  was  made,  and  when  in 
1635,  the  charter  of  New  England  was  surrendered  to  the 
crown  and  its  territory  parcelled  out  among  the  patentees, 
Gorges  received  the  territory  between  the  Merrimac  and  the 
Kennebec,  extending  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  inland. 
With  this  province  of  Maine,  the  Crowm  conferred  upon  him 
almost  unlimited  power  and  privilege. 


STORY    OF   A    YORK    FAMILY.  J I 

Mr.  Bancroft  says  of  vSir  Ferdinando,  "The  friend  and  co- 
temporary  of  Raleigh,  he  adhered  to  schemes  in  America  for 
almost  half  a  century and  was  still  bent  on  coloniza- 
tion, at  an  age  when  other  men  are  but  preparing  to  die  with 
decorum Like  another  Romulus,  this  septuagena- 
rian royalist and  veteran  soldier  resolved  to  perpetuate 

his  name,"  and  in  1642  the  ancient  Agamenticus  became  the 
city  "Gorgeana,"  "As  good  a  city,"  says  Bancroft,  "as  seals 
and  parchment,  a  nominal  mayor  and  alderman,  a  chancery 
court  and  a  court  leet,  sergeant  rolls  and  white  rods  can  make 
of  a  town  of  less  than  300  inhabitants." 

In  the  King's  patent  to  Gorges  it  had  been  expressly  stip- 
ulated that  Episcopacy  should  be  the  established  religion  of 
his  province. 

In  1643  John  Wheelwright,  removing  from  Exeter  to  es- 
cape the  bigotry  of  the  Bay  settlements,  betook  himself  to  a 
tract  adjoining  Agamenticus,  which  he  bought  of  Gorges,  to 
which  he  gave  the  name  of  Wells. 

The  same  year  Plymouth  and  the  Bay  Colony  made  a  league 
with    Connecticut  and  New  Haven    for   mutual  protection. 

"Those  of   Sir    Ferdinando  Gorges  his  province were 

not  received  or  called  into  the  Confederation,"  writes  Win- 
throp,  "because  they  ran  a  different  course  from  us,  both  in 
their  ministry  and  civil  administration,  for  they  had  lately 
made  Accominticus  (a  poor  village)  a  corporation,  and  had 
made  a  taylor  the  mayor,  and  had  entertained  one  Hull,  an 
excommunicated  person,  and  very  contentious,  for  their  min- 
ister." Whatever  may  have  been  the  faults  and  follies  of 
Sir  Ferdinando  we  cannot  help  admiring  his  persistence — his 
life-long  devotion  to  the  great  idea  of  colonizing  New  Eng- 
land. 

In  the  civil  wars  Sir  Ferdinando  fought  with  the  cavaliers 
and  died  before  the  execution  of  the  King.  The  population 
of  the  ancient  city  was  increased  by  the  accession  of  a  con- 


TRUE    STORIES    OK    NEW    ENCLAND    CAPTIVES. 


tingent  of  Scotch  prisoners  taken  by  Cromwell  in  his  famous 
victory  over  Charles  II,  at  Dunbar  in  1650.  These  were 
shipped  over  seas  to  be  sold  as  apprentices  for  a  term  of  years. 
and  naturally  found  a  home  in  the  plantation  of  the  royalist 
Gorges.  Scotland  Parish  is  to-day  a  thriving  and  interesting 
locality  of  the  old  town,  and  the  names  of  Mclntyre,  Junkins 
and  Donald  still  survive  there. 

Old  York  is  now  New  York.  Many  of  its  old-time  houses 
have  been  drummed  out  by  the  so-called  march  of  improve- 
ment. The  straggling  cottages  of  the  fishermen  have  disap- 
peared from  the  landscape.  The  winding  cowpath  along  the 
cliff,  through  bayberry  bushes  and  sweet-briar  roses,  has  been 
supplanted  by  the  smooth-clipped  lawns  of  costly  seashore 
estates,  packed  in  too  close  proximity  to  one  another  along 
the  water  front.  The  rugged  face  of  the  cliff,  over  which  the 
woodbine  and  beach  pea  used  to  scramble,  is  now  disfigured 
by  the  unsightly  waste  pipes  of  modern  improvement  that 
wriggle  like  so  many  foul  serpents  to  bury  themselves  be- 
neath the  ocean.  Pretentious  hotels  and  livery  stables  ob- 
trude themselves  upon  the  moorlands,  where  the  "fresh 
Rhodora"  used  to  spread  its  "leafless  bloom." 

College  youths  in  yachting  costume  and  city  belles  with 
tennis  rackets,  flirt  harmlessly  on  the  beach  at  bathing  time, 
and  in  the  late  afternoon,  the  brilliant  parasols  of  the  gay 
butterflies  of  fashion  flutter  far  afield,  and  prancing  steeds 
with  glistening  trappings  curvet  over  the  rocky  roads  under 
the  guidance  of  liveried  coachmen.  On  Sunday,  a  crowd  in 
silk  attire,  with  gilded  prayerbooks,  wends  its  way  to  a  little 
church  whose  golden  cross  towers  aggressively  above  the 
rock-bound  coast. 

"Behold!"  cries  the  Puritan  antiquary,  "the  fulfilment  of 
vSir  Ferdinando's  dream."  Then  he  turns  away  to  the  river 
bank,  where  to  this  day  may  be  seen  the  veritable  streets  of 
the  "Ancient  city"  as  laid  out   by  Thomas  Gorges,  its  first 


I  ->t  »i  1  L   I  >     III  KL   I  I      I  I  N      <    .  (  1  '1  1  i  \N  "w  1  I     111     1  i  1.^     1  il  I  1  1'  'I  ^  - 

OS  II.  at   Dunbar  in    1650.     These  were 
1)0  sold  as  apprentices  for  a  term  of  years. 

'-  in  the  plantation  o'   '■  'ist 

fo-day  a  thriving  .!  :r 

names  of  Mclr 


^sii-ape.  iig  the 

lushes  and  .-  >  been 

•re 


111 


•It.        Tl,  '     thr-   din.  oVL-v 

THE  JUNKINS  G/\RRISON  HOUSE 

')ul  serpents  to  burs-  themselves  be- 
cntious  hotels  and  livery  stables  oV'- 

n    the    PT '■.-.:..    ,,,1..-.,.,.    .^ i      .1, 

1  it^  "1. 

afterno 
^hion  fl 


.vers    ai.' .  a: 

i^.c'dold!"  cri'  .  of 

it  city"  as  laid  out 


STORY   OF   A   YORK   FAMILY.  73 

mayor.  Pursuing  his  history,  he  reads  that  at  Sir  Ferdinan- 
do's  death  the  people  of  Gorgeana  wrote  repeatedly  to  his 
heirs  for  instructions,  but  receiving  no  answer  they,  with 
Wells  and  Piscataqua,  formed  themselves  into  a  body  politic 
for  self-government. 

In  1652,  Massachusetts  assumed  control  of  the  settlement, 
the  city  charter  was  annulled  and  Gorgeana,  degraded  from 
her  commanding  position  as  the  first  incorporated  city  in 
America,  joined  the  rank  and  file  of  New  England  towns  un- 
der the  name  of  York. 

The  alarm  of  Philip's  war  in  1675,  extending  to  the  east- 
ward, the  distressed  inhabitants  built  garrison  houses  against 
Indian  attack.  Two,  known  as  the  Junkins  garrison  and  the 
Mclnt3^re  garrison,  were  standing  on  a  hilltop  in  Scotland 
Parish  of  Old  York  as  late  as  1875.  Of  the  former  not  a  ves- 
tige now  remains,  except  a  panel  that  forms  a  cupboard  door 
in  Frary  house. 

The  first  blow  struck  by  the  enemy  in  the  old  French  and 
Indian  war  fell  upon  the  eastern  towns.  At  the  instigation 
of  the  Jesuit  priests.  Wells,  York,  Berwick,  Kittery  and  others 
received  their  baptism  of  blood  at  the  hands  of  the  French 
and  Indians,  even  before  Deerfield,  Hatfield,  Northampton 
and  Springfield. 

On  the  same  page  in  the  parish  records  of  Canadian 
towns  and  villages,  I  have  often  found  the  deaths,  marriages 
and  baptisms  of  hapless  captives,  carried  from  the  border 
towns  of  Maine  and  Massachusetts.  This  is  why  I  tell  the 
story  of  a  York  family. 

Edward  Rishworth,  or  Rushworth  as  the  nam^e  is  known 
in  England,  the  friend  and  son-in-law  of  John  Wheelwright, 
and  his  companion  in  exile,  was  one  of  the  grantees  to  whom 
Thomas  Gorges,  nephew  of  vSir  Ferdinando,  gave  authority 
to  lay  out  and  assign  lots  at  Wells. 

In  the  history  of   both  Wells  and    York,  his    intellectual 


74  TRUE    STORIKS   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 


ability  is  prominent.  He  was  one  of  the  commissioners  of 
the  newly  made  town  of  York  and  clerk  of  the  court  there  the 
same  year. 

In  the  prolonged  resistance  o(  the  Province  of  Maine  to 
the  jurisdiction  of  Massachusetts,  Rish  worth  was  prominent. 
His  commanding  intelligence  and  his  personal  influence  in 
the  province  is  shown  in  the  humble  petition  of  the  leading 
men  of  Wells,  in  1668,  to  be  restored  to  the  jurisdiction  of 
Massachusetts,  with  apologies  for  their  former  disobedience, 
the  petitioners  assigning  as  the  cause  of  their  dereliction,  the 
influence  of  Mr.  Edward  Rishworth,  they  "having  been  well 
affected  with  said  Rishworth,  and  confiding  in  him." 

Rishworth  was  appointed  Recorder  for  the  province,  in 
October,  1651,  and  held  the  office  continuously,  except  in 
1668  and  9,  for  thirty-three  years.  In  June,  1686,  Rishworth 
wrote  his  last  official  line,  being  then  an  old  man. 

The  name  of  his  wife,  Susannah,  appears  on  a  legal  paper 
for  the  last  time  in  1675.  So  far,  I  have  found  but  two  chil- 
dren of  Edward  and  vSusannah  Rishworth,  daughters  Mary 
and  Susannah.  Her  grandfather  Wheelwright,  in  his  will 
dated  Nov.  15,  1679,  names  "my  son-in-law,  Edward  Rish- 
worth," and  "my  grandchild,  Mary  White,  daughter  of  ye 
said  Rishworth."  This  proves  that  Mary  Rishworth,  then 
about  eighteen,  was,  at  this  date,  the  wife  of  one  White. 

I  assume  that  this  White,  and  Rishworth's  wife  had  both 
died  before  October,  1682,  when,  as  he  says,  for  "diver's  good 
cau.ses and  more  espetially  for  yt  tender  love  and  affec- 
tion which  I  beare  unto  my  beloved  daughter,  Mary  Sayword, 
wife  to  John  Sayword,"  he  conveyed  all  his  property  to  his 
"sonn-in-law,  John  Sayword,"  for  £60,  to  be  used  in  the  pay- 
ment of  Rishworth's  debts. 

At  the  same  time,  Sayword  gives  his  bond,  "to  pay  unto 

father  Rishworth the  just  some  of  six  pounds  per  Ann : 

to  bee  pay'd  in  good  Mrchan'ble  pay,  boards,  provisions,  or 


STORY   OF  A   YORK   FAMILY.  75 

such  other  goods  as  his  ocations shal  require to 

bee  Delivered  at  Yorke  at  the  house  of  sd  John  Say  word  which 

hee  bought  of   ye  sd  Rishworth  his  father-in-law  who 

is  to  have  ye  free  uss  of  ye  lower  Roume  hee  now  liveth 

in at  his  soole  disposeing,  as  also  to  have  his  horse  kept 

by  sd  John  Say  word,  at Say  word's  charge and  y  t 

is  to  bee  understood that  sd  John  Sayword  is  to  mayn- 

tain  sd  Rishworth with  comfortable  dyet,  so  long  as  he 

sees  good  to  live  with  him And  is  to  provide  conven- 
ient fire  wood  for  his  Roume  as  his  necessity  shall  require." 

"An  inventory  of  the  Estate  of  Mr.  Edward  Rishworth,  de- 
ceased," dated  Feb.  13,  1689,  [sic]  gives  us  approximately,  the 
date  of  his  death.  On  Feb,  25,  1690-91  [sic],  Mrs.  Mary  Hull 
took  oath  that  it  was  "a  true  Inventory  of  the  Estate  of  her 
deceased  father,  Edward  Rishworth." 

B}^  these  three  legal  papers,  we  learn  that  John  Sayword, 
millwright  of  York,  was  living  in  October,  1682,  as  the  husband 
of  Rishworth's  daughter  Mary,  and  that  on  the  death  of  her 
father,  either  in  1689  or  1690,  [see  ante]  this  daughter,  as 
Mrs.  Mary  Hull,  attests  the  truth  of  the  inventory  of  her 
father's  estate. 

I,  as  yet,  find  no  record  of  John  Sayword's  birth  and  par- 
entage. He  may  have  been  the  son  of  Henry  Sayword,  a 
prominent  man  in  the  annals  of  Wells  and  York.  Millwright 
is  a  common  appendage  to  the  names  of  Maine  men  of  that 
period,  for  men  must  eat  and  be  sheltered.  The  mill  pond 
in  York,  where  John  Sayword  must  have  ground  the  grists 
and  sawed  the  lumber  for  the  country  round  about,  is  well 
known. 

We  have  a  grant  from  the  town  of  York  to  John  Sayword, 
dated  Dec.  10,  1680,  of  three  20-acre  lots  of  land  with  mill 
privilege  and  timber  rights,  conditioned  on  his  building  gal- 
leries and  seats  in  the  meeting  house. 

"First  that  the  Said  Sayword,  shall  build  or  cause  to  bee  built  at 


-J^  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CATTIVES. 


ye  meeting  house  at  York,  three  sufificient  Gallery?,  with  three  con- 
venient seats  in  each  Crallery  and  one  beanch  beside,  in  ye  hyest 
Rowme  in  every  gallery  If  the  sd  Conveniency  of  Rowme  will  bare 
it,  the  fronture  seats,  hee  is  to  make  with  barresters,  and  two  peyre 
of  stayrs  to  go  up  into  the  gallerys,  one  for  ye  men  and  another  for 
the  wimine.  Second  :  The  sd  John  Sayword  stands  Ingagd,  to  seat 
the  sd  Meeting  house  below,  with  convenient  Seates,  too  Seates  to 
be  barrestred  below,  one  for  men  and  ye  other  for  wimine  ;  and  re- 
payreing  of  ye  defects  yt  are  in  the  ould  Seates,  and  by  makeing 
and  adding  so  many  more  new  Seates,  as  shall  be  necessary  for  ye 
full  and  decent  seateing  of  the  whoole  house.  Which  worke  in  mak- 
ing of  Gallerys  and  seateing  the  lower  part  of  the  sayd  house,  is  by 
John  Sayword  to  bee  done  and  finished  at  his  own  proper  Charge, 
(nayles  onely  excepted)  which  the  Town  is  Ingag'd  to  provide,  very 
speedily,  at  or  before  the  last  of  October  next  Insewing,  Ann  :  Dom  : 
1681. 

There  is  a  deed  signed  by  Sayword,  March  24,  1684,  and 
also  by  "Mary  Sayword,  the  younger."  As  I  cannot  suppose 
this  to  be  his  daughter  Mary,  (then  only  thirteen)  it  must  be 
his  wife,  nee  Mary  Rishworth,  who  on  this  occasion  signs 
herself  Mary  "the  younger,"  to  distinguish  herself  from  his 
mother  Mary,  which  again  inclines  me  to  the  belief  that  John 
Sayword  was  son  of  Henry,  whose  wife  Mary  long  survived 
him.  John  Sayword  probably  died  early  in  December,  1689  ; 
for  on  Christmas  Day  of  that  year,  which  was  neither  a  holy 
day  nor  a  holiday  with  the  Puritans,  Mrs.  Mary  Sayword  ap- 
peared and  took  oath  to  the  inventory  of  her  husband's  es- 
tate, which  was  valued  at  ^^^85. 

She  was  administratrix,  and  with  Matthew  Austin,  gave  a 
bond  for  iJ"i66,  for  the  lawful  administration  of  her  husband's 
estate.  How  soon  after  Sayword's  death  his  widow  became 
the  wife  of  one  Hull,  does  not  yet  appear,  but  as  we  have 
seen,  she,  as  Mary  Hull,  testified  to  the  inventory  of  her  fa- 
ther's estate,  on  Feb.  25,  1690-91  [see  ante].  Her  connection 
with  Hull  must  have  been  brief,  for  at  the  time  of  the  attack 


STORY   OF   A   YORK   FAMILY.  ']'] 

on  York,  Feb.  5,  1692,  Mary  Rishworth,  then  but  thirty-two 
years  old,  was  living-  with  her  fourth  husband,  James  Plaisted. 
Of  Plaisted's  ancestry  or  antecedents,  or  of  the  date  of  his 
marriage  to  the  young  widow  Hull,  I  have  so  far  found 
nothing. 

Of  the  calamity  at  York,  Feb.  5,  1692,  Cotton  Mather  writes  : 
"Great    was    the    share    that  fell  to  the  P'amily  of    Mr.   Shubael 

Dummer He  had  been  solicited,  with  many  temptations  to 

leave  his  Place  when  the  Clouds  grew  Thick  and  Black  in  the  In- 
dian Hostilities,  but  he  chose  rather  with  a  Paternal   affection  to 

stay In  a  word,  he  was  one  that  might  by  way  of  Eminency 

be  called  A  Good  Man He  was  just  going  to  take  Horse  at 

his  own  Door,  upon  a  journey  in  the  Service  of  God,  when  the  Ty- 
gres  that  were  making  their  Depredations  upon  the  sheep  of  York, 
seized  upon  this  their  shepherd;  and  they  shot  him  so  that  they  left 
him   Dead." 

His  wife,  Susannah  Rishworth,  sister  of  Mary  Rishworth 
Plaisted,  "they  carried  into  captivity,"  continues  Mather, 
"where  through  sorrows  and  hardships  among  those  Dragons  of  the 
Desart,  she  also  quickly  Died;  and  his  Church  as  many  of  them  as 
were  in  that  Captivity,  endured  this  among  other  anguishes,  that  on 
the  next  Lord's  Day,  one  of  the  Tawnies  chose  to  exhibit  himself 
unto  them  [A  Devil  as  an  Angel  of  Light!]  in  the  Cloaths  whereof 
they  had  stript  the  Dead  Body  of  this  their  Father — Many  were  the 
tears  that  were  Dropt  throughout  New  England  on  this  occasion." 
Mather  calls  the  York  minister, 

"The  Martyr'd  Pelican,  who  Bled 
Rather  than  leave  his  charge  unfed. 
A  proper  Bird  of  Paradise 
Shot, — and  Flown  thither  in  a  trice." 

James  Plaisted's  wife  was  taken,  with  her  two  children, 
Mary  and  Esther  vSayword,  aged  respectively  eleven  and 
seven,  and  her  baby  boy.     This  is  Mather's  relation: 

"Mary  Plaisted,  the  wife  of  Mr.  James  Plaisted,  was  made  a  cap- 
tive, about  three  weeks  after  her  Delivery  of  a  male  Child.     They 


78  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW   ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

then  look  her,  witli  her  Infant  off  her  bed  and  forced  her  to  travel 
ill  this,  her  weakness,  the  best  part  of  a  Day  without  any  Respect 
of  Pity.  At  Night  the  Cold  ground,  in  the  Open  Air,  was  her  Lodg- 
ing; and  for  many  a  Day  she  had  no  Nourishment  but  a  little  water 
with  a  little  Bear's  Flesh,  which  rendered  her  so  Feeble  that  she, 
with  her  Infant  were  not  far  from  totally  starved. — Upon  her  cries 
to  God,  there  was  at  length  some  supply  sent  by  her  Master's  tak- 
ing a  Moose,  the  Broth  whereof  recovered  her.  But  she  must  now 
Travel  many  Days  through  Woods  and  Swamps  and  Rocks,  and 
over  Mountains,  and  Frost,  and  Snow,  until  she  could  stir  no  far- 
ther. Sitting  down  to  Rest,  she  was  not  able  to  rise,  till  her  Dia- 
bolical Master  helped  her  up,  which,  when  he  did,  he  took  her  Child 
from  her,  and  carried  it  unto  a  River,  where,  stripping  it  of  the  few 
Rags  it  had,  he  took  it  by  the  heels  and  against  a  Tree  dash'd  out 
its  Brains,  and  then  flung  it  into  the  River.  So  he  returned  unto 
the  miserable  mother,  telling  her  she  was  now  Eased  of  her  Burden, 
and  must  walk  faster  than  she  did  before!  " 

Was  this  infant  the  posthumous  son  of  her  third  husband, 
Hull?  He  does  not  appear  on  the  old  York  records  among- 
the  children  of  James  Plaisted. 

A  native  poet  has  thus  immortalized  the  attack  on  York: 

They  marched  for  two  and  twent)'  daies, 

All  through  the  deepest  snow; 
And  on  a  dreadful  winter  morn, 

They  struck  the  cruel  blow. 

Hundreds  were  murthered  in  their  beddes, 

Without  shame  or  remorse; 
And  soon,  the  floors  and   roads  were  strewed 

With  many  a  bleedinj^  corse. 

The  village  soon  began  to  blaze, 

To  heighten  misery's  woe; 
But,  (),  I  scarce  can  bear  to  tell, 

The  issue  of  that  blow! 

They  threw  the  infants  on  the  fire; 

The  men  they  did  not  spare; 
But  killed  all,  which  they  could  find 

Though  aged,  or  though  fair. 


STORY   OF   A   YORK   FAMILY.  79 

Our  next  meeting  with  Mary  Rishworth  Plaisted  is  at  her 
baptism  in  Montreal.  The  following  is  a  free  translation  of 
the  Parish  record: 

On  the  8th  of  December,  1693,  there  was  baptized  sous  condition, 
an  English  woman  from  New  England,  named  in  her  own  country, 
Marie,  who  born  at  York  on  the  8th  of  January  O.  S.  1660,  of  the 
marriage  of  Edouard  Rishworth,  and  Suzanne  Willwright,  both  Pro- 
testants of  Lincoln  in  old  England,  and  married  last  to  Jacques 
Pleisted,  Protestant  of  New  England,  was  captured  the  25th  of  Jan- 
uary O.  S.  of  the  year  1692  with  two  of  her  children,  Marie  Genevieve 
Sayer  born  the  4th  of  April  O.  S.  1681,  and  Marie  Joseph  Sayer, 
born  the  9th  of  March  O.  S.  1685, — by  the  savages  of  Acadia,  and  now 
lives  in  the  service  of  Madame  Catherine  Gauchet,  widow  of  M. 
Jean  Baptiste  Migeon,  appointed  by  the  King  first  lieutenant  gen- 
eral of  the  bailiwick  established  by  his  Majesty  in  Montreal.  Her 
name  Marie,  has  been  kept,  and  that  of  Madeleine  added  to  it.  Her 
god-father  was  M.  Jean  Baptiste  Juchereau,  lieutenant-general  of 
the  Royal  bailiwick  of  Montreal,  and  her  god-mother,  Madame  Made- 
leine Louise  Juchereau. 

Signed. 

Mary  Magdalen  Pleistead  signs  the  record  in  a  good  hand- 
writing. So  also  do  her  god-parents,  Juchereau  and  Madame, 
his  wife,  Catherine  Gauchet,  and  finally  Jean  Fremont,  Cure 
— all  as  clear  as  if  written  yesterday.^ 

Two  lists  in  our  archives  tell  briefly  the  story  of  the  final 
separation  of  Mary  Rishworth  Plaisted  from  these  Sayword 
children,  one  is  the  "Names  of  English  captives  Redeemed 
from  Quebec  by  Math'w  Carey  in  Oct'br,  1695,"  which  con- 

'The  information  conveyed  by  this  simple  baptismal  record  is  remarkable. 
It  gives  the  date  of  the  captive's  birth,  and  consequently  her  age  when  taken; 
her  mother's  name,  about  which  historians  disagree, — the  home  of  her  fattier 
and  mother  in  both  Old  England  and  New, — the  fact  of  her  marriage  to  Plaisted 
before  her  capture, — the  dates  of  the  births  ot  her  daughters  and  by  inference 
their  ages, — the  fact  that  previous  to  this  they  had  been  already  baptized  in 
Canada,  and  the  names  then  given  them — and,  finally  that  the  name  Sayword 
had  already  become  Sayer  in  Canada. 


8o  TRUE    STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

tains  the  name  of  "Mrs.  Mary  Plaisted  York."  Another  sent 
at  the  same  time,  is  of  "Those  Remaining  still  in  the  hands 
of  the  French  of  Canada,"  and  bears  the  names  of  the  two 
sisters : 

Mary  Sayard  girll  Dover 
Esth  Swayard     " 

In  October,  1696,  a  year  after  Mary  Plaisted"s  redemption, 
vShe  was  "Presented  at  the  court  at  Wells,  for  not  attending 
ye  Publick  worship  of  God  upon  ye  Lord's  Day." 

The  godless  weaklings  of  our  day  might  find  palliating 
circumstances,  without  considering  the  hardships  of  her 
every  day  life,  and  the  terrible  experiences  of  her  recent  cap- 
tivity.    Nevertheless, 

"Mr.  James  Plaisted,  at  the  following  court  held  at  York,  on  the 
6th  of  April,  1697,  appearing  hi  behalf  of  his  wife,  to  answer  her 
presentment  for  not  frequenting  ye  Publick  worship  of  God  upon  ye 
Lord's  Day,  she  being  under  some  bodily  infirmity,  hindering  her 
own  appearance,  Is  for  her  offence  to  pay  4s.  6d.  fine,  and  to  be  ad- 
monished;  ffees  payd  in  court." 

In  April,  1696,  "Lycence  was  granted  to  Mr.  James  Play- 
stead  to  retayle  bear,  syder  an  victuals  at  his  now  dwelling 
house."     This  license  was  renewed  from  year  to  year. 

January  20,  1707,  there  is  this  vote  of  the  town,  from  which 
it  appears  that  the  conditional  agreement  between  the  town 
and  John  Sayword  had  not  been  faithfully  kept,  by  one  or 
both  parties : 

"Whereas,  there  is  several  differences  between  the  Inhabitants  of 
the  town  of  York  in  the  Province  of  Maine  in  the  Massachusetts 
Government,  and  Mr.  James  Plaisted  and  Mary  his  now  wife,  the 
Relict  of   John  Saword,  all  of  said  York,  relating  to  work  done  by 

said  John  Sayword  aforesaid,  to  York  meeting  house A  referee 

shall  be  chosen  by  the  town  and  another  by  Plaisted  and  his  wife,  to 
hear,  and  determine,  all  Differences." 


STORY   OF   A    YORK    FAMILY.  8 1 

James  and  Mary  Plaisted  both  sign  an  agreement  on  penalty 
of  fifty  dollars,  to  accept  the  result  of  the  arbitration. 

Later  "Wm.  Sawer,"  [Sayword]  and  "Wm.  Goodsoe"  state 
that  they  "have  looked  over  the  matter  and  cannot  agree  and 
have  left  it  out  to  Daniel  Emery  of  Kittery  to  make  a  final 
end  of  the  controversy." 

July  II,  1 710,  Capt.  James  Plaisted  and  his  wife  Mary, 
deed  land  together.  Here,  busied  with  the  occupations  of 
the  yeomanry  of  the  period  in  New  England,  active  in  church 
and  state,  respected  and  worthy  citizens  of  old  York,  and  in 
the  prime  of  life,  we  will  leave  them  and  look  for  their  two 
daughters,  left  behind  in  Canada. 

Many  summers  ago,  in  an  idle  hour  and  with  no  purpose.  I 
copied  a  few  pages  from  the  old  town  records  of  York.  It 
was  long  before  I  had  heard  of  James  Plaisted  and  his  wife 
Mary  Rishworth.  The  quaint  spelling  and  simple  directness 
of  the  language  interested  me,  but  it  seems  to  have  been  by 
what  Cotton  Mather  would  have  called  a  Remarkable  Provi- 
dence, that  this  particular  page  of  the  record  should  have 
captivated  me. 

A  humble  romance  seemed  to  unfold  itself  in  this  step- 
father, willing  to  father  his  wife's  children  by  a  former  mar- 
riage, though  his  own  children,  later  born,  are  naturally  put 
first  in  the  record.  Here  is  the  story  as  it  stands,  written 
more  than  two  hundred  years  ago  on  the  old  book : 

James  Plaisted,  Bearths  of  His  children.  Lydia  Plaisted  was 
Borne  the  fouerth  day  of  Janervvary  in  ye  year  1696. 

Olife  Plaisted  was  Borne  the  first  day  of  May  in  ye  year  1698. 
Mary  Sayward  was  Borne  the  fouerth  April  1681. 
Susannah  Sayward  was  Borne  the  ninth  day  of  May  1683. 
Esther  Sayward  was  Borne  the  seventh  day  of  March  1685. 
Hannah  Sayward  was  borne  the  twenty-one  of  June  1687. 
John  Sayward  was  Borne  second  of  Janerwary  1690. 


82  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CArTIVES. 

The  last  was  evidently  a  posthumous  child,  the  only  son, 
born  shortly  after  the  death  of  his  father,  John  vSayward,  and 
named  for  him. 

We  are  now  to  follow  the  fortunes  of  Mary,  the  first  born, 
and  Esther,  the  third  child  of  John  Sayward  and  his  wife, 
Mary  Rishworth. 

On  the  parish  records  of  Notre  Dame  in  Montreal,  with  the 
baptism  of  their  mother  is  a  note  interlined,  in  a  different 
handwriting,  and  apparently  written  long  after.  This  note 
records  the  indisputable  fact  that  on  the  same  day  and  in  the 
same  church,  her  two  daughters  were  also  baptized.  As  it 
was  the  custom  of  the  church  to  add  the  names  of  saints 
to  the  newly  baptized,  Mary,  the  elder,  then  about  thirteen, 
received  the  added  name  of  Genevieve.  Esther,  the  younger, 
lost  her  New  England  name  entirely  and  was  re-baptized  as 
Marie  Joseph,  she  being  then  about  eight  years  old. 

In  a  list  of  the  pupils  of  the  nuns  of  the  Congregation  in 
1693,  the  name  of  one  of  the  Sayer  sisters  appears. 

When  we  remember  that  the  captives  were  in  Canada  dur- 
ing the  most  romantic  period  of  the  history  of  New  France 
— that  they  saw  daily  those  whose  religious  devotion  has  won 
them  world-wide  fame,  truth  seems  stranger  than  fiction. 

A  profound  impression  must  have  been  made  upon  the 
sensibilities  of  all  the  young  captive  girls  when  Jeanne  Le 
Ber,  the  only  daughter  of  the  richest  merchant  in  Montreal, 
renounced  the  world  and  abandoned  her  family,  to  devote 
herself  to  a  religious  life.  Marie  Genevieve  Sayer  was,  no 
doubt,  perfectly  familiar  with  the  face  of  the  young  devotee, 
and  witnessed  her  voluntary  incarceration  in  the  cell  which 
she  had  had  built  for  her,  behind  the  altar  in  the  chapel  of 
the  Congregation. 

At  five  o'clock  on  the  evening  of  Aug.  5,  1695,  after  ves- 
pers, M.  DoUier  de  Casson,  with  all  his  clergy  in  splendid 
attire,  went  to  the  house  of  the  Seigneur  Le  Ber,  whence. 


STORY   OF   A   YORK   FAMILY.  83 

chanting  psalms  and  prayers,  they  marched  in  procession. 
Behind  them  came  the  young  Jeanne  Le  Ber.  She  was  robed 
in  gray,  with  a  black  girdle.  Her  father,  pale  with  weeping, 
accompanied  her,  followed  by  all  their  friends  and  relatives. 

The  people  who  thronged  the  streets,  awe-struck  at  the 
unusual  spectacle,  could  not  restrain  their  sobs.  To  them  the 
act  about  to  be  consummated,  seemed  like  a  living  death  to 
both  father  and  child.  On  arriving  at  the  chapel  the  recluse 
fell  upon  her  knees,  while  M.  Dollier  blessed  her  little  cell 
and  spoke  to  her  a  few  words  of  counsel. 

Her  heart-broken  father,  unable  to  bear  the  sight,  fled 
weeping  from  the  spot.  But  Jeanne  Le  Ber,  with  tearless 
eyes  and  steady  hand,  firmly  closed  the  door  upon  herself 
forever. 

Three  years  later,  Mary  Sayer  must  have  been  present  at 
a  happier  scene,  in  the  same  little  chapel  at  what  we  may 
consider  the  permanent  establishment  of  the  order  of  the 
Nuns  of  the  Congregation  in  Montreal.  The  three  years  of 
anxiety,  discussion  and  delay  were  ended.  The  rules  of  the 
order  had  been  the  day  before,  "solemnly  accepted  and  signed 
by  all  the  Community."  Now,  on  the  morning  of  the  25th 
of  June,  1698,  the  religious  world  of  Villemarie  had  assem- 
bled to  witness  the  performance  of  "that  article  of  the  regu- 
lations which  prescribed  the  simple  vow  of  poverty,  chastity, 
obedience  and  the  teaching  of  little  girls." 

There  were  the  most  distinguished  of  the  Sulpitian  priests, 
conspicuously  the  zealous  and  scholarly  Father  Meriel. 
There  was  the  Vicar-General,   Dollier  de  Casson,  "tall  and 

portly,  a  soldier  and  a  gentleman — albeit  a  priest As 

pleasant  a  father  as  ever  said  Bcjiedicite,'"  says  Mr.  Parkman. 
There  was  the  great  bishop,  Saint- Vallier — dominant,  a  pas- 
sionate extremist,  believing  in  himself  and  impatient  of  con- 
tradiction— fulminating  in  those  days  as  sharply  against  the 


84  TRUE   SroRlKS   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

"big  sleeves"  and  "low-necked  dresses"  of  Quebec  damsels 
as  the  sternest  Puritan  of  the  period,  in  Boston. 

Perhaps  a  shade  of  disapointment  clouded  the  brow  of  the 
haughty  prelate  at  his  failure  to  force  the  cloister  upon  the 
ladies  of  the  Congregation;  perhaps  also  a  corresponding 
elation  on  the  face  of  Marguerite  Bourgeois  at  the  success  of 
her  passage  at  arms  with  that  almost  indomitable  will. 

Well  might  she  have  said,  "Lord,  now  lettest  thou  thy  ser- 
vant depart  in  peace."  However  this  may  be,  the  hour  was 
one  of  peace  and  joy  for  the  Sisters,  as  one  after  the  other, 
each  pronounced  her  vows  and  received  from  the  bishop  the 
name  of  some  noted  saint  or  martyr,  by  which  thereafter  she 
was  to  be  known. 

The  fact  that  the  name  of  Marie  des  Anges  does  not  ap- 
pear in  the  list  of  those  who  took  part  in  this  solemn  cere- 
mony seems  to  prove  that  Marie  Genevieve  Sayer  had  not 
yet  completed  the  two  years  of  preparation  necessary  be- 
fore assuming  all  the  rights  and  duties  of  a  convent  life,  but 
was  still  living  under  the  direction  of  the  Maitresse  des  No- 
vices. She  was  then  about  eighteen,  and  must  soon  after 
have  taken  up  the  full  duties  and  responsibilities  of  her 
office;  for,  although  the  name  of  her  sister  appears  often  on 
Montreal  records,  her  own  is  seen  no  more  after  the  baptism 
of  her  mother  in  1693. 

The  years  following  her  novitiate  were  busy  ones  for  the 
nuns  of  Canada.  Up  and  down  the  St.  Lawrence,  missions 
had  been  early  founded  by  the  Sisters  of  the  Congregation. 
With  incredible  fatigue,  but  untiring  zeal,  Marguerite  Bour- 
geois had  gone  back  and  forth  between  Montreal  and  Quebec, 
often  in  winter  creeping  prostrate  over  frozen  streams  or 
wading  knee-deep  in  the  icy  water. 

The  Mission  of  the  Mountain  was  removed  to  vSault  au 
Recollet.  vSoeur  Marie  des  Anges,  (the  captive  Marie  Gene- 
vieve Sayer)  was  there  at  the  head  of  the  Mission  School  for 


STORY    OF   A   YORK    FAMILY.  B5 

girls,  and  the  Deerfield  captive,  Abigail  Nims,  among  others 
was  there  under  her  care.^ 

The  missions  at  Quebec  were,  for  many  reasons,  of  special 
importance,  and  the  choice  of  the  New  England  captive  for 
that  place,  shows  the  esteem  in  which  Marie  Geneviove  Sayer 
was  held  by  her  sister  nuns.  Only  those  "distinguished  by 
their  merits,  by  their  courage,  prudence  and  ability,"  were 
appointed.  Though  the  records  thereafter  are  silent  con- 
cerning her,  it  would  be  easy  to  read  her  story  between  the 
lines  that  record  the  labors  of  the  successors  of  Marguerite 
Bourgeois  between  1698  and  171 7  at  Quebec. 

While  looking  for  Deerfield  captives  at  Quebec,  the  word 
Angloisc  in  the  margin  of  the  record,  led  me  to  the  follow- 
ing,— only  this  and  nothing  more: 

"The  28th  of  March,  17 17,  was  buried  in  the  Parish  Church,  Sis- 
ter Marie  des  Anges,  a  mission  sister  of  the  Congregation,  who  died 
the  same  day,  aged  about  36  years.  The  burial  was  made  by  me,  the 
undersigned  priest.  Vicar  of  the  Parish,  Canon  of  the  Cathedral,  in 
presence  of  M.  Glandelet,  Dean,  and  M.  Des  Maizerets,  precentor 
of  said  Cathedral." 

So,  far  from  kith  or  kin,  Mary  Rishworth's  eldest  daughter 
slept  her  last  sleep,  after  a  short,  eventful  and  useful  life. 

The  policy  of  the  Canadian  government  was  to  keep  as 
many  of  our  captives  as  possible,  especially  those  of  leading 
New  England  families,  to  make  good  Catholics  of  them,  and 
finally  to  wed  them  either  to  the  church  or  state. 

Esther  Say  ward,  whom  we  know  in  Canada  as  Marie  Joseph 
Sayer,  was  educated  by  the  nuns  of  the  Congregation,  and 
probably  remained  under  their  protection  till  her  marriage. 
Naturalization  was  granted  her  in  May,  17 10. 

On  the  5th  of  January,  17 12,  in  the  parish  church  of  Mon- 
treal, "in  presence  of  many  relatives  and  friends  of  the  par- 
ties," she  was  married  to  the  Seigneur  Pierre  de  L'Estage, 

^See  "The  Two  Captives." 


86  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

merchant,  of  Montreal.  The  fact  that  the  three  banns  were 
dispensed  with,  hints  that  ambassadors  from  our  government, 
concerning  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  were  then  in  Canada, 
and  it  was  thought  best  speedily  to  clip  the  wings  of  this 
captive  bird. 

Marie  Joseph,  the  first  child  of  Pierre  de  L'Estage  and 
Marie  Joseph  Sayer,  was  born  October  i,  171 2.  The  child's 
godmother  was  "Marie  hardin,"  who  "could  not  sign  the  rec- 
ord, on  account  of  her  great  age."  This  child  died  at  the 
age  of  four.  Jacques  Pierre,  the  second  child,  was  born  and 
baptized  Aug.  5,  17 14.  Its  godparents  were  Jacques  Le  Ber, 
Seigneur  de  Senneville,  and  Madame  Repentigny.  In  the 
record  the  father  is  called  "Monsieur  Pierre  Lestage,  Mar- 
chand  Bourgeois  of  this  city  and  treasurer  for  the  king." 
In  1 7 1 5,  he  became  the  owner  of  the  Seigniory  of  Berthier,  op- 
posite Sorel,  on  the  north  shore  of  the  St.  Lawrence. 

To  the  kindness  of  Rev.  Pere  Moreau,  cure  of  Notre  Dame 
des  Monts,  county  of  Terrebonne,  antiquary,  savant  and 
author  of  the  History  of  Berthier,  I  am  indebted  for  the  fol- 
lowing : 

"Pierre  de  Lestage  built  the  first  Catholic  church  of  Ber- 
thier, about  1723,  and  obtained  on  Dec.  3,  1732,  from  Gov- 
ernor Beauharnois  and  the  Intendant  Hocquart,  a  great  ad- 
dition to  his  Seigniory  because,  as  is  said  in  the  deed;  'he 
was  worthy  of  it.'  " 

He  also  improved  the  highways,  and  built  at  Berthier  a 
saw  mill,  a  gristmill  and  a  fine  mansion  for  himself  with  a 
grand  avenue  leading  thereto,  which  still  exist.  His  friend 
M.  Louis  Lepage,  Vicar-general  of  Quebec,  and  Seigneur  of 
Terrebonne,  having  founded  there  the  parish  of  St.  Louis, 
built  for  it  a  stone  church,  to  which  he  gave  a  chime  of  bells 
and  invited  his  friend  De  L'Estage  to  be  godfather  at  the 
ceremony  of  the  blessing  of  the  bells. 

At  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  21st  of  December, 


STORY   OF   A   YORK   FAMILY.  87 

1 743,  at  the  age  of  sixty-three,  the  Sieur  de  L'Estage,  husband 
of  Marie  Joseph  Saver,  died  in  Montreal.  The  next  day  his 
body  was  carried  to  the  church  of  Notre  Dame,  where  a  sol- 
emn mass  was  said.  From  there  it  was  borne  to  the  church 
of  the  Recollet  fathers,  and  buried. 

Father  Moreau  writes  that  "he  left  his  wealth  jointly  to  his 
widow,  Marie  Joseph  Esther  Sayer,  to  his  sister  living  in 
Bayonne,  France,  and  to  a  nephew  of  the  same  place." 

The  death  of  her  husband  and  children  was  a  severe  blow 
to  Madame  de  L'Estage.  She  naturally  turned  for  sympathy 
and  consolation  to  her  beloved  nuns,  who  had  befriended  her 
girlhood.  Doubtless  by  their  advice,  she  purchased  a  house 
adjoining  the  convent  and  adopted  two  girls  whom  she  edu- 
cated at  the  convent.  They  afterwards  became  nuns,  and 
were  known  as  Soeurs  Sainte  Basile  and  Sainte  Pierre.  The 
ladies  of  the  convent  having  permitted  Madame  de  L'Estage 
to  cut  a  door  between  the  two  houses,  she  spent  the  recrea- 
tion hours  with  her  adopted  children  in  the  convent.  One 
of  these  daughters  died  at  the  age  of  twenty-five,  the  other 
at  eighty.  Affliction  and  increasing  age  led  her  to  sell  the 
Seigniory  of  Berthier  in  February,  1765.  for  a  life  annuity  of 
1500  livres,^  which,  with  an  annual  income  from  her  husband's 
estates  in  France,  handsomely  supplied  her  wants.  Tender- 
ly cared  for  by  the  Sisters  of  the  Congregation,  she  as  "per- 
petual pensioner,"  spent  with  them  peacefully  and  happily 
the  remainder  of  her  days.  The  loving  hands  of  those  who 
so  long  had  ministered  to  her  needs,  closed  her  eyes  at  the 
last.  The  date  of  her  death  is  as  yet  unknown  to  me.  She 
was  buried  near  her  beloved  Sisters  of  the  Congregation, 
under  the  chapel  of  St.  Anne  in  the  old  church  of  Notre 
Dame,  which  stood  in  the  middle  of  what  is  now  Notre  Dame 
St.,  opposite  the  present  cathedral.  There,  all  that  was  mortal 
of  the  New  England  captive,  Marie  Joseph   Esther  Sayer, 

'Two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars. 


88  TRUE    STORIES   OE   NEW    EN(;LAM)    CAPTIVES. 

rested,  until  about  1830,  when  all  who  had  been  buried  under 
the  old  church,  were  removed  to  the  Cemetery  of  the  Cote 
St.  Antoine. 

Again  exhumed  before  1866,  they  now  rest  in  the  present 
Cemetery  at  Cote  des  Neiges, — the  site  of  the  former  Ceme- 
tery of  the  Cote  St.  Antoine  being  now  occupied  by  Domin- 
ion Square  and  its  fine  surroundings. 

She  gave  to  the  convent  most  of  her  household  goods. 
among  them  elegant  candelabra  and  other  articles  of  silver. 

Some  of  her  bequests  escaped  the  successive  conflagrations 
from  which  the  Convent  has  suffered.  Among  other  things, 
a  chest  of  drawers,  arm  chairs,  silver  snuffers  and  tray,  and 
some  exquisite  embroidery. 

The  Cure,  who  has  been  kindly  interested  in  this  little 
sketch,  writes  me  as  follows : 

"Indeed  with  her  mother  and  sister  she  was  greatly  tried 
at  the  time  of  their  captivity,  but  it  was  the  way  God  judged 
proper  to  lead  her  to  a  religion,  which  they  thought  after- 
wards to  be  the  only  one  able  to  lead  men  to  eternal  happi- 
ness, and  for  them  to  a  suitable  establishment." 


DIFFICULTIES  AND  DANGERS  IN  THE  SET- 
TLEMENT OF  A  FRONTIER  TOWN. 

1670. 


"The  Independent  Church,"  says  a  recent  writer,  "'prepared 
the  way  for  the  Independent  vStates,  and  an  Independent  Na- 
tion." The  most  superficial  reader  of  history,  in  this  pre- 
eminently secular  generation,  cannot  ignore  the  fact  that 
"The  corner-stone  of  New  England  was  laid  in  the  cause  of 
religion,"  nor  can  he  fail  to  note  how  often  the  accidents  of 
man  were  the  providence  of  God  in  the  settlement  of  our 
country. 

When,  to  protect  themselves  against  the  lawlessness  of  a 
few  of  their  number  who  were  shuffled  into  their  company  at 
London,  our  forefathers  signed  the  famous  Compact  in  the 
little  cabin  of  their  storm-racked  vessel,  they  builded  better 
than  they  knew.  Magnificent  as  have  been  the  consequences 
of  that  simple  act,  to  establish  a  democracy  in  America  was 
not  the  purpose  whereunto  the  Mayflower  was  sent. 

"What  sought  they  thus  afar? 
Thev  sought  a  faith's  pure  shrine." 

Later,  it  was  the  religious  zeal  of  "that  worthy  man  of  God," 
Mr.  John  White  of  Dorchester,  England,  and  his  fear  lest  the 


90  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGI,ANI)    CAPTIVES. 

English  fishermen  on  our  inhospitable  coast,  might  lack  the 
spiritual  food  so  necessary  for  the  salvation  of  their  souls, 
that  dispatched  Roger  Conant  to  Cape  Ann,  sent  John  Endi- 
cott  to  Salem,  installed  John  Winthrop  as  governor,  with  the 
charter  of  Massachusetts  at  the  Bay,  and  settled  William 
Pynchon  at  Roxbury. 

Their  pious  care  to  make  plentiful  provision  of  godly  min- 
isters for  their  plantation,  sent  over  Mr.  vSkelton,  Mr.  Hig- 
ginson,  and  Mr.  Smith,  and  brought  Eunice  Williams's  an- 
cestor, John  Warham,  a  famous  Puritan  divine  of  Exeter,  to 
Dorchester.  Their  devotion  to  religion  and  their  willingness 
to  suffer  exile  for  freedom  to  worship  God  according  to  the 
dictates  of  their  own  consciences,  brought  Thomas  Hooker 
and  Samuel  Stone,  as  pastor  and  teacher,  to  Cambridge. 
This,  too,  led  John  Cotton,  when  driven  by  threats  of  the  in- 
famous court  of  High  Commission,  from  "the  most  stately 
parish  church  in  England,"  St.  Botolph's  in  Old  Boston,  to 
preach  the  gospel  "within  the  mud  walls,  and  under  the 
thatched  roof  of  the  meeting-house  in  a  rude  New  England 
hamlet,"  which,  in  honor  of  his  arrival,  took  thenceforth  the 
name  of  Boston. 

The  same  religious  fervor,  made  the  fathers  of  Massachu- 
setts determine  that  the  rights  of  citizenship,  and  offices  of 
public  trust,  should  belong  "only  to  Christian  men,  ascer- 
tained to  be  such  by  the  best  test  which  they  know  how  to 
apply," — and  however  unwise,  impracticable  and  unjust  it 
would  seem,  in  our  day,  to  make  the  franchise  dependent 
upon  church  membership,  yet  the  bribery  and  corruption 
witnessed  in  our  elections,  and  the  moral  unfitness  of  many 
of  our  candidates,  make  us  wish  that  "not  birth,  nor  learning, 
nor  skill  in  war,  alone  might  confer  political  power,"  but  that 
to  these  we  might  add  some  test  of  personal  character,  of 
moral  worth  and  goodness. 

We  need  to  remember  amid  the  dissensions  that  are  agi- 


SETTLEMENT   OF   A   FRONTIER   TOWN.  9I 

tating  the  religious  world  of  to-day,  that  the  Puritanism  of 
the  fathers,  which  to  us  seems  the  extreme  of  conservatism, 
was  really  the  radicalism  of  their  time. 

It  is  a  curious  study  to  trace  the  struggle  between  the  old 
and  the  new,  that  began  at  the  beginning  and  must  endure 
to  the  end  of  time,  as  it  is  connected  with  the  settlement  of 
our  state,  and  through  that,  with  the  history  of  our  nation. 

However  they  may  have  desired  "to  transfer  themselves 
to  the  fertile  valley  of  the  Connecticut,  from  the  less  pro- 
ductive soil  upon  which  they  had  sat  down,"  and  whatever 
other  motives  they  may  have  alleged  for  their  migration,  it 
is  easy  to  see  that  the  same  desire  for  greater  civil  and  re- 
ligious freedom,  that  planted  the  first  settlers  at  Plymouth 
Rock  and  Massachusetts  Bay,  led  to  the  removal  of  William 
Pynchon  and  his  Roxbury  neighbors  to  Springfield,  of  John 
Warham  and  his  Dorchester  flock  to  Windsor,  of  the  Water- 
town  church,  with  Henry  Smith  as  its  pastor,  to  Weathers- 
field,  and  of  Hooker  and  Stone,  with  their  congregations,  to 
Hartford. 

Still  later,  the  radicalism  of  the  majority  of  the  Hartford 
church  on  the  subject  of  baptism,  extending  to  the  church  at 
Weathersfield,  led  to  the  settlement  of  Hadley  by  a  small 
minority  of  the  more  conservative  brethren  of  both  parish- 
es, under  the  leadership  of  Governor  Webster  of  Hartford  and 
Mr.  John  Russell  of  Weathersfield. 

Another  lesson  of  peculiar  significance  to  us,  at  the  present 
period  of  our  religious  history,  is  given  in  the  fact  that  amid 
all  their  differences,  our  forefathers  never  lost  sight  of  the 
common  aim  and  purpose  of  their  emigration,  namely,  "the 
advancement  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and 
the  enjoyment  of  the  liberties  of  the  Gospel,  in  unity  with 
peace,"  whereto  they  bear  noble  testimony  in  the  preamble 
to  the  articles  of  Confederation,  signed  by  the  four  colonies, 
in  1643. 


92  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENCJLAND   CAPTIVES. 


It  could  not  be  supposed  that  men  professing  "the  propa- 
gation of  the  Gospel  to  be  above  all  their  aim  in  settling  this 
plantation,"  would  be  long  indifferent  to  the  spiritual  wel- 
fare of  the  savages  around  them.  The  conversion  of  the  na- 
tives was  early  an  object  of  their  solicitude,  but  the  obstacles 
were  such  as  might  have  appalled  the  most  enthusiastic  zealot; 
and  not  until  1644,  was  the  work  begun  in  earnest. 

John  Eliot,  destined  to  become  the  Apostle  to  the  Indians, 
on  quitting  the  University  at  Cambridge,  England,  was  as- 
sistant to  Thomas  Hooker,  in  a  private  school.  Leaving  his 
native  country  for  the  same  motives  that  impelled  other 
Puritans  at  that  time,  and  arriving  in  1631,  at  Boston,  he 
there  for  a  season  supplied  the  pulpit  of  the  absent  pastor, 
and  later  was  appointed  teacher  of  the  newly  organized  church 
at  Roxbury.  The  missionary  spirit,  which  prompted  him  to 
undertake  the  conversion  of  the  Indians,  was  greatly  aided 
by  his  natural  fondness  for  philological  studies,  in  which  he 
is  said  to  have  excelled  at  college.  Employing  his  leisure 
hours  in  endeavoring  to  master  the  language  of  the  natives, 
at  length,  in  the  autumn  of  1644,  he  preached  in  a  wigwam 
on  Nonantum  hill,  his  first  sermon  in  the  Indian  tongue. 
Some  authority  seemed  to  be  given  soon  after  to  his  under- 
taking, by  an  order  from  the  General  Court  to  the  County 
Courts,  "for  the  civilization  of  the  Indians  and  their  instruc- 
tion in  the  worship  of  God." 

The  passage  of  such  a  decree  was  an  easy  task.  What  be- 
nevolence and  fortitude,  what  faith,  patience  and  courage 
were  requisite  to  its  execution,  those  who  have  read  the  life 
of  Eliot  know  full  well.  From  this  time  to  the  end  of  his 
long  life,  his  labors  for  the  Indians  were  unflagging.  Having 
the  good  sense  to  see  that  they  must  be  civilized  before  they 
could  be  christianized,  he  wished  to  collect  them  in  compact 
settlements  of  their  own.  "I  find  it  absolutely  necessary," 
he  says,  "to  carry  on  civility  with  religion."     To  quote  his 


SETTLEMENT   OF   A   FRONTIER   TOWN.  93 


own  words,  he  "looked  for  some  spot  somewhat  remote  from 
the  English,  where  the  Word  might  be  constantly  taught, 
and  government  constantly  exercised,  means  of  good  sub- 
sistence provided,  encouragement  for  the  industrious,  means 
of  instruction  in  letters,  trades  and  labor." 

About  the  year  1650,  he  found  a  suitable  site  at  Natick,  and 
the  records  of  this  period  attest  the  pertinacity  of  his  appli- 
cation to  the  General  Court  for  the  same,  and  its  patient  en- 
deavors to  satisfy  his  demands,  without  interfering  with  the 
rights  of  those  to  whom  these  adjacent  lands  had  already 
been  granted. 

The  inhabitants  of  Dedham  having  signified  their  willing- 
ness to  further  the  plantation  at  Natick  by  a  tender  of  two 
thousand  acres  of  their  land  to  the  Indians,  "provided  they 
lay  dow^n  all  claims  in  that  town  elsewhere,  and  set  no  traps  in 
enclosed  lands,"  the  Court  approving,  in  October,  1652,  em- 
powered Capt.  Eleazar  Lusher  of  Dedham,  and  others,  to  lay 
out  meet  bounds  for  the  Indian  plantation  at  Natick. 

From  this  time,  for  several  years,  the  records  are  occupied 
with  the  settlement  of  Natick  bounds.  Petitions  from  Ded- 
ham for  relief  from  "affronts  offered  them  by  the  Indians," 
and  counter  petitions  from  Mr.  Eliot,  "in  behalf  of  the  poor 
natives,"  concerning  the  monopoly  by  the  English  of  the  best 
meadow  and  upland,  and  encroachments  upon  the  Indian 
grant,  show  that  the  task  of  adjustment  was  a  difficult  one. 
In  May,  1662,  the  Court, 

"Finding  that  the  legal  rights  of  Dedham  cannot  in  justice  be  de- 
nied, yet  such  has  been  the  encouragement  of  the  Indians  in  the  im- 
provement thereof,  the  which  added  to  their  native  right,  which  cannot 
in  strict  justice  be  utterlj'  extinct,  do  therefore  order  that  the  In- 
dians be  not  dispossessed  of  such  lands  as  they  art  at  present  pos- 
sessed of  there,  but  that  the  same,  with  convenient  accommodations 
for  wood  and  timber  and  highways  thereto,  be  set  out  and  bounded 
by  a  committee  appointed  for  that  purpose,  and   that   the  damages 


94  TRUE   STORIES   OF  NEW   ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

thereby  sustained  by  Dedham,  together  with  charges  sustained 
in  suits  about  the  same,  be  determined  by  the  said  committee,  such 
allowance  being  made  them  out  of  Natick  lands,  or  others  yet  lying 
in  common,  as  they  shall  judge  equal." 

One  of  the  committee  appointed  "being  disabled  by  the  prov- 
idence of  God,"  and  the  other  utterly  declining  the  work,  the 
Court  at  its  autumn  session, 

"Being  sensible  of  the  great  inconveniency  that  accrues  to  both 
English  and  Indians  by  the  neglect  of  an  issue  to  the  controversy, 
elects  others  in  their  stead  and  orders  that  the  work  be  issued  with- 
in six  weeks  at  the  fartherest." 

June  i6,  1663 — "For  a  final  issue  of  the  case  between  Dedham  and 
Natick,  the  court  judgeth  it  meet  to  grant  Dedham  8000  acres  of 
land  in  any  convenient  place  or  places,  not  exceeding  two,  where  it 
can  be  found  free  from  former  grants,  provided  Dedham  accept 
of  this  offer." 

At  a  general  meeting,  Jan.  i,  1664,  the  town,  as  we  learn  from 

the  Dedham  records, 

"Having  duly  considered  this  proposition,  their  conclusion  is  about 

the  8000  acres,  that  the  care  of  managing  the  same  so  as  the  town 

may  have  their  ends  answered,  be  left  to  the  Selectmen  now  to  be 

chosen," 

among  whom  were  Ensign  Daniel  Fisher  and  Lieut.  Joshua 
Fisher. 

vSept.  21,  1664,  John  Fairbanks  having  informed  the  Select- 
men that  Goodman  Prescott,  "an  auntient  planter  and  pub- 
lique  spirited  man  of  Lancaster,"  thinks  it  probable  that  a 
suitable  tract  of  land  is  to  be  found  at  some  distance  from 
there,  they  depute  Lieut.  Fisher  and  Fairbanks  to  repair  to 
Sudbury  and  Lancaster,  and  report  upon  their  return.  An 
item  here  occurring  of  "9s  allowed  Henry  Wright  for  his 
horse  for  the  journey  to  the  Chestnut  country,  judging  it  well 
worth  that,"  has  reference  to  this  expedition,  and  Nov.  6, 
1664,  the  committee  reported  that  the  tract  of  land  where- 


SETTLEMENT   OF   A    FRONTIER   TOWN.  95 


of  they  had  been  informed,  was  "already  entered  upon  by 
several  farms,  and  altogether  unable  to  supply  them." 

It  is  precisely  at  this  point  that  the  history  of  Deerfield  be- 
gins.    I  follow  the  records  : 

"The  Selectmen  in  further  pursuance  of  this  case  concerning  the 
8000  acres  above  mentioned  having  heard  of  a  considerable  tract  of 
good  land  that  might  be  answerable  to  the  town's  expectation,  about 

10  or  12  miles  from   Hadley, think  it  meete  in  behalf  of  the 

towne  to  provide  that  the  8000  acres  be  chosen  and  laid  out  to  satis- 
fie  that  grant,  and  that  with  all  convenient  speed,  before  any  other 
grantee  enter  upon  it  and  prevent  us." 

Eight  men  or  any  four  of  them,  "whereof  Lieft.  Joshua  Fish- 
er is  to  be  one,"  were  appointed,  "empowered  and  entreated 

to  repayer  to  the  place  mentioned, to  choose  and  lay 

out  the  Land  according  to  their  best  discretion,"  each  man  be- 
ing promised  "100  acres  of  land  in  full  satisfaction  for  thier 

paynes, onely  to  Lieft.  Fisher  such  other  sattisfaction 

as  shall  be  judged  equal."  Further  progress  in  the  work 
was  prevented  by  the  coming  on  of  winter,  during  which 
some  unwillingness  seems  to  have  been  shown  by  the  com- 
mittee, to  undertake  the  business  on  the  terms  offered  by  the 
Selectmen. 

As  appears  from  the  record  of  March  20,  1665,  the  difficulty 
was  amicably  settled,  when 
"Vpon  further  consideration  of  effecting  the  layeing  out  the  8000 

Acres, Lieft.    Fisher    declaring  his  disaceptance    of    w'^  was 

aboue  tendered  him, and  his  peremptory  demaund  being  300 

acres,  it  is  consented  vnto  provided  he  allso  drawe  for  the  Towne  a 
true  and  sufficient  platt  of  that  tract  and  Edw  :  Richards,  Antho  : 
Fisher,  Junio'',  and  Tymo  :  Dwight,  accept  of  the  payem*  formerly 
tendered,  viz''.    150  achers  to  each  of  them." 

If  Timothy  Dwight  be  unable  to  attend  to  the  business 
himself,  he  agrees  to  furnish  Sergt.  Richard  Ellis  with  a 
horse   for  the  journey,     A  report  of  this   committee    with 


96  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 


reference  to  an  accompanying  plot,  certified  and  figured 
as  "layd  out  by  Joshua  Fisher,  May,  1665,"  proves  that  the 
work  was  accomplished  without  much  delay. 

The  principle  of  Squatter  Sovereignty  by  which  men  nat- 
urally at  first  possess  themselves  of  lands  in  a  new  settlement, 
is  as  naturally  set  aside  by  the  first  attempts  at  corporate 
government.  The  land  was  granted  by  the  General  Court  in 
townships,  without  prescription  as  to  the  manner  of  its  ap- 
portionment among  the  inhabitants,  and  though  persons  and 
property  seem  to  have  had  some  consideration  in  the  distri- 
bution, no  uniform  rule  was  observed  in  the  different  towns. 

Dedhain,  at  this  period,  was  occupied  by  two  classes  of 
inhabitants, — landed  proprietors,  and  landless  residents.  All 
the  lands  of  the  township,  at  first  held  as  common  property, 
had  been  divided  into  522  cow  commons,  a  name  based  upon 
the  number  of  cattle  then  running  on  the  common  pasture, 
and  by  a  somewhat  arbitrary  rule,  a  certain  number  of  these 
shares  assigned  to  each  proprietor,  with  the  understanding 
that  his  rights  in  all  future  grants  of  land  to  the  township 
of  Dedham  would  be  proportionate  to  his  proprietorship  there. 
In  the  actual  division  of  the  Pocumtuck  grant,  however,  there 
are  523  cow  commons,  one  more  than  in  the  Dedham  property, 
a  discrepancy  as  yet  inexplicable. 

After  the  allotment  of  the  750  acres  promised  to  Lieut. 
Fisher  and  his  three  associates,  for  their  assistance  in  laying 
out  the  grant,  the  remainder  was  to  be  divided  into  cow  com- 
mons. The  surveyors  doubtless  selected  their  tract  on  their 
first  expedition,  and  their  choice  was  made  with  great  sagac- 
ity. It  included  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  acres  oi  the 
very  best  land  in  the  north  meadows,  situated  as  we  believe 
from  a  careful  comparison  of  allotments,  in  the  region  now 
known  as  Pogue's  Hole,  the  Neck  and  White  vSwamp. 

It  may  be  a  satisfaction  to  property  holders  there,  to 
note  the  advance   in  real  estate  since   Dec.   10,   1665,  when 


SETTLEMENT   OF   A   FRONTIER   TOWN.  97 


Timothy  Dwight,  on  condition  that  a  plantation  is  effectually 
settled  at  Pocumtuck,  agrees  to  resign  all  claim  to  his  share 
for  "5^; ;  2£  to  be  paid  in  money,  and  3^;  in  corn  and  cat- 
tell,"  and  Lieut.  Fisher  makes  a  similar  offer  of  his  rights, 
for  "^4  in  cash  and  £6  in  corn  and  cattell,"  the  only  time, 
probably,  when  300  acres  of  good  land  in  Old  Deerfield  could 
have  been  bought  for  about  fifty  dollars. 

In  the  records,  the  surveyors'  lands  are  spoken  of  as 
"Farms,"  to  distinguish  them  from  the  cow  commons  of  the 
other  proprietors.  On  Jan.  22,  1666,  it  was  voted, 
"That  each  proprietor's  land  shall  pay  annually  towards  the  main- 
tenance of  an  Orthodox  Minister  there,  2s  for  each  cow  common, 
whether  the  owner  live  there  or  at  Dedham;  and  all  others  that  hold 
any  part  of  the  8000  in  proportion  upon  any  other  account  besides 
cow  commons,  shall  pay  proportionately  upon  such  lands  as  shall  be 
laid  out  for  the  accommodation  of  teaching  church  officers  there." 
The  last  clause  refers  to  the  Puritan  custom  of  employing 
both  a  Pastor  and  a  Teacher  for  the  same  church. 

Any  man  unwilling  or  unable  to  pay  his  tax  for  the  minis- 
try, was  empowered  to  sell  his  rights,  at  a  price  to  be  fixed 
by  a  majority  of  the  proprietors,  and  in  case  no  buyer  could 
be  found,  the  inhabitants  of  Pocumtuck  were  to  take  his 
rights  at  that  price,  or  free  him  from  the  aforesaid  tax. 

The  bounds  of  the  grant  having  been  laid  out  in  May,  1665, 
the  next  thing  to  be  done  was  the  extinction  of  the  Indian 
title  by  a  nominal  purchase  of  their  lands.  A  nominal  pur- 
chase, I  say,  because  remembering  how  all  the  fertile  river 
lands  from  Suffield  to  Northfield,  were  purchased  from  the 
Indians  for  a  few  great  coats  and  some  hundred  fathoms  of 
wampum,  I  cannot  quite  agree  with  Dr.  Holland,  who  de- 
clares that  "All  the  land  occupied  by  the  settlers  was  fairly 
purchased  of  the  natives." 

Mr.  Judd,  in  alluding  to  the  fact  that  Penn's  bargain  with 
the  Indians  has  been  rendered  famous  by  the  historian  and 


98  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

poet,  says  "It  would  be  difficult  to  tell  why  Penn's  purchase 
is  more  worthy  of  renown  than  the  purchase  of  Indian  lands 
in  Hadley  by  John  Pynchon  twenty  years  before."  With 
less  partiality  than  the  former  writer,  he  adds,  "both  bought 
as  cheaply  as  they  could," 

Let  us  cast  no  imputation  on  the  general  justice  of  the 
policy  of  the  early  settlers  of  Massachusetts  towards  the  In- 
dians. Still  it  is  noticeable  that  the  very  records  of  their  pur- 
chases make  complacent  mention  of  the  "Indian  title  in  [not 
to]  the  land,"  and  we  mu.st  admit  that  it  was  usually  a  bar- 
gain in  which  might  made  right,  the  simple  wants  and 
characteristic  lack  of  foresight  of  the  red  man  being  no  match 
for  the  ambition  and  shrewdness  of  the  civilized  white.  Ma- 
jor John  Pynchon  of  Springfield,  (Worshipful  John)  in  his 
double  capacity  of  magistrate  and  trader,  dealt  largely  with 
the  Connecticut  River  Indians  and  effected  nearly  every  im- 
portant purchase  from  them.  The  Sachems  of  the  valley 
kept  a  running  account  at  Pynchon's  shop,  buying  from  him 
wampum  and  other  small  merchandivse  of  which  they  stood 
in  need,  and  pledging  their  lands  in  payment. 

He  in  turn  transferred  the  Indian  deeds  to  the  white  set- 
tlers, receiving  from  them  money,  corn,  wheat  and  other 
standard  articles  of  trade.  The  following  items  from  Pyn- 
chon's account  book  is  a  small  part  of  the  debt  of  Umpacha- 
la,  the  Norwottuck  Sachem,  in  payment  of  which  he  gave 
Pynchon  a  deed  of  the  town  of  Hadley : 

"1660,  July  10,  2  coats,  shag  and  wampum,  5^;  Red  shag  cotton, 
knife,  7s.  July  30  to  September  14,  wampum  and  2  coats,  5^"  los; 
a  kettle,  \jQ  5s;  for  your  being  drunk,  los." 

Thus  for  the  vice  of  drunkenness  which  the  untaught  Pagan 
had  learned  from  otir  Christian  civilization,  we  forced  him 
to  forfeit  his  home,  and  yet  we  boast  of  the  fairness  of  our  deal- 
ings with  him. 

Major  Pynchon,  acting  in  behalf  of  the  Dedham  proprie- 


SETTLEMENT   OF   A   FRONTIER   TOWN.  99 

tors,  obtained  from  the  Pocumtuck  Indians  four  deeds  of 
land.     Three  of  these  are  extant. 

The  first,  dated  February  24th,  1665,  is  signed  with  his 
mark  by  Chaque,  Sachem  of  Pocumtuck,  who  for  good  "and 
valuable  considerations,"  transfers  a  large  portion  of  the  ter- 
ritory of  his  tribe,  to  John  Pynchon  for  Major  Eleazar  Lusher, 
Ensign  Daniel  Fisher,  and  other  Englishmen  of  Dedham, 
agreeing  to  defend  the  same  from  any  molestation  from  In- 
dians, and  reserving  the  right 

"Of  fishing  in  the  waters  and  rivers,  and  free  liberty  to  hunt  deer 
and  other  wild  creatures,  and  to  gather  walnuts,  chestnuts  and  other 
nuts  and  things  on  the  cominons." 

The  second,  dated  June  i6th,  1667,  is  from  Masseamet, 
owner  of  certain  lands  at  Pocumtuck,  who  in  conveying  them 
agreed  to  "save  them  harmless  from  all  manner  of  claims." 

By  the  third,  dated  July  22d,  1667,  Ahimunquat,  alias  Me- 
squinnitchall  of  Pocumtuck,  and  his  brother,  devise  and  sell 
both  Weshatchowmesit  and  Tomholisick  "with  all  the  trees, 
waters,  profits  and  commoditys  whatsoever,"  to  the  same  par- 
ties to  hold  and  enjoy,  and  that  forever.  The  prosecution 
of  this  business  was  the  chief  topic  of  interest  at  Dedham. 

"June  6th,  1667,  the  Selectmen  after  consideration  of  the  case 
respecting  Pocompticke  and  the  Information  brought  by  those  breth- 

eren  lately  upon  the  place, doe  desire  and  depute  them 

to  make  reporte  in  publike  the  next  Lecture  day  after  Lecture 

AUso  that  the  Towne  be  made  acquainted  with  the  disbursm'*'  of  the 
Worp^""  Cap'  Pinchion  in  purchasing  the  Indians  Right  at  Pocomp- 
ticke   who    haue   declared   that   he   haue   allready  layed    out 

about  40;^  and  is  yet  in  prosecution  of  compleating  that  worke,  and 
by  word  and  writeing  haue  exp'ssed  his  desire  to  be  reimbursed,  the 
payem*^  he  desire  is  money,  wheate  and  porke  and  wee  would  desire 
the  Towne  to  remember  and  gratifie  his  paynes." 

October  2d,  1667,  a  rate  was  laid  to  pay  Capt.  Pynchon  the 
sum  disbursed  for  Pocumtuck  land,  wherein  4s  was  assessed 


lOO  TRUE    STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


upon  each  cow  common,  reckoning-  14  acres  or  thereabouts 
to  each  common,  and  an  equal  assessment,  acre  for  acre  on 
the  "farms"  of  the  surveyors. 

The  list  of  proprietors  at  this  time  numbers  sixty  Dedham 
men. 

The  deeds,  meanwhile,  having  been  delivered  to  Eleazar 
Lusher,  by  whom  they  were  deposited  in  Deacon  Aldis's 
box, — at  a  general  meeting  of  the  proprietors,  September 
29th,  1669,  96^^,  I  OS  were  ordered  raised  to  pay  Capt.  Pyn- 
chon,  (the  first  assessment  evidently  not  having  been  collect- 
ed), by  an  assessment  of  3s  4d  on  each  cow  common,  the  750 
acres  constituting  the  farms  of  the  surveyors  being  rated  at 
54  commons,  showing  thus  an  estimate  of  about  14  acres  to  a 
common. 

This  list  contains  the  names  of  eighty-four  proprietors,  prov- 
ing that  the  fever  of  speculation  in  Deerfield  land  was  spread- 
ing in  Dedham.  Among  several  transfers  of  rights  recorded, 
is  the  purchase  of  Anthony  Fisher's  1 50  acres  by  Gov.  Lev- 
erett,  who  sold  it  again  to  John  Pynchon  "for  £<^  current  mon- 
ey and  several  barrels  of  tar,"  in  the  manufacture  of  which 
Springfield  was  largely  engaged.  Permission  was  also  grant- 
ed in  1668,  to  Lieut.  Fisher,  to  sell  a  part  of  his  rights  to  John 
Stebbins  of  Northampton,  ancestor  of  the  Stebbins  family  of 
Deerfield. 

On  May  loth,  1670,  a  committee  of  the  proprietors,  assem- 
bled to  fix  a  time  for  drawing  lots  and  settling  proprieties  at 
Pocumtuck,  order  notice  to  be  given  of  a  meeting  of  the  pro- 
prietors for  that  purpose,  at  the  meeting  house  in  Dedham 
at  seven  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  23d  instant. 

"The  proprietors  by  Grant  or  purchase,"  assembled  accord- 
ing to  appointment  on  the  morning  of  May  23d,  1670.  At 
this  meeting 

"It  is  agreed  that  an  Artist  be  procured  vpon  as  moderate  tearmes 
as  may  be  that  may  laye  out  the  T,otts  at  Pawcompticke  to  each  pro- 
priato''." 


SETTLEMENT   OF   A    FRONTIER   TOWN.  lOI 

Three  Hadley  men,  as  being  more  familiar  with  the  situa- 
tion than  the  Dedham  committee,  were 
"desired  to  direct  the   artist  in  the  work  abovesaid,  and  empowered 

toorder  the  scituation  of  theTowne  for  the  most  conveaniencie 

the  whole  Tract,  and  the  qualHties  of  each  sort  of  Land,  and  other 

accomadacions  considered It  is  allso  agreed   that  no   man 

shall   laye  out  more  than  20  Cow  Commons  rights  together  in  one 

place.     Joh.    Pincheon   is  entreated   and  empowered to  take 

his  time  to  visit  the   Committee  and  artist  and  to  giue   them   such 

advice as  he  shall  Judge  most  Conduceable  to  the  good  of  the 

plantation It  is  further  agreed   to   proceed  to  drawe  Lotts, 

and  p'pare  accordingly  and  that  in  every  deuision  of  Lands  of  all 
sorts  (except  house  Lotts)  the  length  of  the  Lotts  shall  runne  east- 
erly and  westerly,  and  the  begining  of  layeing  out  Lotts shall 

allwayes  be  on  the  northerly  side  and  make  an  end  on  the  southerly 
side " 

The  meadow  lands  only,  were  allotted  in  this  drawing,  and 
a  cow  common  represented  three  acres  of  land.  The  list  of 
proprietors  includes  two  women,^  and  contains  in  all  thirty- 
four  names,  among  which  are  those  of  Samuel  Hinsdell  and 
Samson  P'rary. 

During  the  summer  succeeding  this  allotment,  the  com- 
mittee  visited  the  grant,  and  laid  out  the  "town  plat,"  which 
they  divided  into  the  same  number  of  commons  and  lots  as 
the  meadows,  a  common  being  smaller,  as  the  area  set  apart 
for  their  homesteads  was,  of  course,  much  less  than  that  re- 
served for  tillage. 

May  14th,  1 67 1,  the  drawing  for  house  lots  took  place. 
On  the  1 6th,  the  committee  made  a  detailed  report  to  the 
town  of  Dedham,  of  all  their  proceedings,  and  a  most  inter- 
esting document  it  is.  It  shows  us  the  lots  as  they  front 
east  and  west  on  the  street,  the  meadow  roads  at  the  north 
and  south,   and  a  highway  from  the  middle  of   the  street, 

'Mary   Haward. 
Mrs.  Buncker. 


I02  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


east  and  west  to  the  mountain  and  river,  nearly  as  we  see 
them  to-day.  The  lots  were  numbered  in  regular  order,  No.  i 
being  at  the  north  end  on  the  west  side;  but  as  the  area  of 
each  man's  house  lot  was  proportioned  to  the  number  of  cow 
commons  of  which  he  was  proprietor,  they  varied  in  extent 
from  one  acre  nine  rods,  to  seven  acres  ten  rods,  and  cannot  be 
identified.  Various  circumstances  lead  to  the  conclusion, 
that  lot  No.  13,  drawn  by  John  Stebbins,  was  that  now  owned 
by  Samuel  Wells. 

The  first  and  second  divisions  of  the  meadows  were  defined 
as  they  still  appear,  though  we  no  longer  recognize  a  curious 
distinction,  borrowed  doubtless  from  their  salt  marshes 
around  Dedham,  which  they  made  between  the  lower  lands 
on  the  river,  called  by  them  "the  meadows,"  and  "the  more 
higher  sort  of  lands,"  called  "Intervale  or  plow  lands."  The 
report  also  furnishes  the  clearest  evidence,  that  the  country 
surrounding  the  meadows,  (the  east  and  west  mountains,  from 
Long  Hill  south,  and  from  Cheapside  hills  north),  was  densely 
wooded,  which  is  contrary  to  tradition. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  Deerfield  was  settled  by  a 
colony  from  Dedham,  as  Windsor  had  been  from  Dorchester. 
The  thirty-four  names  appearing  on  the  list  of  original  pro- 
prietors of  Pocumtuck,  do  not  represent  actual  settlers. 

Robert  Hinsdell  and  his  son  Samuel,  Samson  Frary,  John 
Farrington  and  Samuel  Daniels,  are  the  only  Dedham  men 
appearing  among  the  thirty-four  original  proprietors  of  Po- 
cumtuck, who  ever  became  actual  settlers  iji  Deerfield.  John 
Stebbins,  a  Northampton  man  also  on  the  list,  settled  here. 
The  other  Dedham  proprietors  sold  out  their  rights. 

Robert  Hinsdell,  his  son  Samuel,  and  Samson  Frary, 
were  living  in  Hatfield  just  previous  to  the  allotment  of  lands 
at  Pocumtuck,  May  23d,  1670,  and  very  soon  after  that  date, 
the  two  latter  took  up  their  abode  in  Deerfield.  The  report 
to  which  I  have  alluded,  fixes  these  two  men  as  the  first  set- 


SETTLEMENT   OF   A   FRONTIER   TOWN.  103 

tiers  of  Deerfield.  In  it,  the  street  is  described  as  extending 
"from  Eagle  Brook  on  the  south  to  the  banke  or  falling  ridge 
of  land  at  Samson  Frary's  cellar  on  the  north;"  and  permis- 
sion is  given  to  Samuel  Hinsdell  "to  enjoy  a  percell  of  land 
on  which  at  present  he  is  resident,  considering  his  expense 
on  the  same." 

The  third  settler,  Godfrey  Nims,  came  from  Northampton 
to  Deerfield  in  1670,  living  there  "in  a  sort  of  a  house  where 
he  had  dug  a  hole  or  cellar  in  the  side  hill,"  south  of  Colonel 
Wilson's.  At  the  allotment  of  the  homesteads  in  1 671,  he 
built  a  house,  on  what  lot  is  not  known. 

In  1672,  the  town  of  Hatfield,  complaining  that  their  north 
boundary  was  obstructed  by  the  Pocumtuck  line,  it  was  ac- 
cordingly established  where  it  now  is. 

The  same  year  Samuel  Hinsdell  petitioned  the  town  of 
Dedham,  to  appoint  a  committee  of  suitable  persons  to  regu- 
late the  affairs  of  the  new  settlement.  No  heed  being  paid 
to  this  request,  the  petitioners  renewed  it  the  next  year,  urg- 
ing their  distress  by  reason  of  their  remoteness  from  other 
plantations.  Either  directly  or  indirectly,  through  Dedham, 
their  prayer  was  heard  by  the  General  Court,  which  in  1673, 

"In  ans''  to  the   peticon  of ,  Samuel   Hinsdell,  Samson  Frary 

&c,  the  Court allow  the  petitioners  the  liberty  of  a  Township 

and  doe  therefore  grant   them   such   an  addition to  the  8000 

acres   formerly   granted as    that    the    whole    be seven 

miles  square,  provided  that  an  able  &  orthodox  minister  w^''in  three 

yeares  be    settled, and  doe  appointt Lef*.  Wm  Allys, 

Tho^  Meakins,  Sen  &  Sergent  Isaack  Graues,  w"'  Lef  Samuel  Smith, 

M''.  Peeter  Tylton,  &  Samuel  Hinsdell or  any  fower  of  them, 

to  admit  inhabitants,  grant  lands,  &  order  all  their  prudentiall  af- 
faires till  they  shall  be  in  a  capacity,  by  meet  persons  from  among 
themselues,  to  manage  their  owne  affaires."^ 

During  the  two  succeeding  years,  this  committee  was  not 

'M^ss.  Records,  IV.  Part  II.  558. 


I04  TRUE   STORIES   OF    NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

idle.  There  were  claims  to  be  satisfied,  and  disputes  con- 
cerning land  titles  to  be  adjusted.  Among  other  grants 
was  one  of  "20  Akars  of  land  and  Allsoe  a  hoame  lott, 
to  Richard  Weler  and  his  heirs  forever : — of  a  hoame  lott, 
and  Allsoe  a  twelve  common  Lott  of  36  Akars  to  Sergeant 
Plimpton  and  his  heirs  forever  : — and  to  Zebediah  Williams 
a  house  lott  of  4  Akars  :  "  on  condition  of  their  residing  there- 
on for  the  space  of  four  years  from  their  first  occupation. 
To  Mr.  Samuel  Mather,  the  Dedham  church  lot  was  awarded, 
"and  an  8  common  lotte  more  in  the  most  convenient  place — 
48  Akars  in  all,"  on  the  same  condition. 

In  1673,  at  the  early  age  of  twenty-two,  he  began  his  labors 
as  first  minister  of  Deerfield.  He  had  been  graduated  two 
years  before  at  Harvard,  and  was  a  nephew  of  the  distin- 
guished Increase  Mather,  and  cousin  to  the  more  learned  Cot- 
ton Mather. 

In  the  fall  of  1674,  Moses  Crafts,  "was  licensed  to  keep  an 
Ordinary  at  Pocumtuck," — the  word  tavern  or  ale-house  was 
offensive  to  our  Puritan  fathers, — "and  to  sell  wines  and  strong 
liquors  for  one  year,  provided  he  keep  good  order  in  his 
house." 

Inhabitants  came  in  gradually,  men  began  to  "stub  up" 
their  home  lots,  and  the  infant  town,  now  known  by  the  name 
of  Deerfield  from  the  number  of  those  animals  in  its  wood- 
lands, seemed  in  a  fair  way  to  a  prosperous  growth. 

The  savages  still  hunted,  fished,  and  fowled,  in  the  woods 
and  waters  of  Pocumtuck,  maintaining  entire  friendliness  to- 
wards the  settlers.  Often  Goodwife  Stockwell,  cumbered 
with  much  care  about  the  minister's  dinner,  would  be  startled 
at  her  work,  by  the  dusky  shadow  of  an  old  squaw  gliding  in 
at  her  doorway  to  bring  her  a  mat  or  a  basket,  expecting  a 
few  beans  or  a  trifle  in  return  ;  or  the  Indian  hunter  strode 
through  the  little  village  with  a  haunch  of  venison  on  his 
shoulder,  to  barter  with  Moses  Crafts  for  tobacco  or  powder  ; 


SETTLEMENT   OF   A   FRONTIER   TOWN.  105 

or  his  young  wife,  with  her  bright-eyed  pappoose  at  her  back, 
peered  wonderingly  in  at  the  door  of  the  little  log  meeting- 
house, while  the  young  divine  poured  forth  his  soul  in  pray- 
er; and  listened  with  pleased  attention  as  the  Psalms,  dea- 
coned out  by  old  Robert  Hinsdale,  were  sung  to  the  fine  old 
tunes  of  York  or  Windsor. 

So,  side  by  side,  in  peace,  stood  the  wigwam  of  the  savage 
and  the  cabin  of  the  settler,  in  this  valley,  till  the  torch 
kindled  at  Swanzey  by  that  "prime  incendiary,  Philip,"  as 
the  historians  of  the  time  call  him,  set  the  whole  country  in 
flames.  Driven  from  his  throne  at  Mount  Hope,  the  self- 
styled  king,  with  a  few  followers,  fled  for  aid  and  comfort  to 
the  country  of  the  Nipmucks,  his  subjects  or  allies. 

A  quaint  writer  says,  with  much  gravity,  that  "about  now, 
Philip  began  to  need  money,  and  having  a  coat  made  all  of 
wampum,  cut  it  in  pieces  and  distributed  it  among  the  Nip- 
muck  sachems  ;"  whereupon  Drake  remarks,  that  the  coat 
must  have  been  bigger  than  Doctor  Johnson's,  mentioned  by 
Boswell,  the  side  pockets  of  which,  were  each  large  enough 
to  contain  a  volume  of  his  folio  dictionary.  Doubtless  Phil- 
ip's wampum  and  his  wrongs,  were  freely  used  as  incentives 
to  the  war,  but  at  this  period  the  quarrel  was  not  one  of 
individuals  or  of  tribes.  It  was  a  struggle  of  races  for  the 
possession  of  a  continent ;  or  rather,  it  was  a  war  of  the  in- 
carnated principles  of  barbarism  resisting  the  encroachments 
of  civilization,  the  last  rally  of  Paganism  against  Christian- 
ity. Philip  or  no  Philip,  sooner  or  later,  the  contest  was  in- 
evitable. In  the  Connecticut  valley,  the  carnival  of  blood 
opened  with  the  Sugar  Loaf  fight,  in  the  autumn  of  1675. 
The  defection  of  the  Pocumtuck  Indians,  with  later  events 
sadly  familiar  to  all,  followed  in  quick  succession.  The 
bloodthirsty  savage  lurking  in  the  forest,  sped  his  bullet 
with  unerring  aim  to  the  heart  of  the  settler,  as  he  plied  his 
axe  for  his  winter's  fire ;  or  creeping  stealthily  to  the  cabin 


I06  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

whose  occupants  were  wont  to  greet  him  with  kindness,  he 
tore  the  child  from  its  mother's  arms  as  she  hilled  it  to  rest, 
and  with  one  blow  of  his  tomahawk,  silenced  its  cries  forever. 
"A   distressing    sense    of   instant  danger,"  pervaded   every 
breast.     The  churches  everywhere  were  before  the  Lord  with 
humiliation  and  prayer,  and  pious  preachers  admonished  their 
flocks,  that  their  sufferings  were  directly  chargeable  to  their 
sins.     From  the  very  midst  of  the  alarm,  Parson  Stoddard 
writing  to  Increase  Mather,  at  Boston,  urges  the  need  of  a 
reformation.     "Many  sins,"  he  says,  "are  grown  vSO  in  fash- 
ion, that  it  is  a  question  whether  they  be  sins,"  and  begs  him 
to  call  the  Governor's  attention  especially  to  "that  intolerable 
pride  in  clothes  and  hair,  and  the  toleration  of  so  many  tav- 
erns, especially  in  Boston,  and  suffering  home  dwellers  to 
be  tippling  therein."     "It  would  be  a  dreadful  token  of  the 
displeasure  of  God,"  he  adds,  "if  these  afflictions  pass  away 
without   much    spiritual    advantage."     Mr.    Mather,  jotting 
down   hastily  for  the   printer,  the  intelligence   that  comes 
post   from    Hadley,    moralizes   thus:    "It   is  as  if   the    Lord 
should  say  He  hath  a  controversy  with  every  plantation,  and 
therefore  all  had    need  to  repent  and  reform    their  ways." 
"This  sore  contending  of  God  with  us  for  our  sins,"  writes 
John  Pynchon  to  his  absent  son,  "unthankfulness  for  former 
mercies  and  unfaithfulness  under  our  precious  enjoyments, 
hath  evidently  demonstrated  that  He  is  very  angry  with  this 
country,  and  hath  given  the  heathen  a  large  commission  to 
destroy."     And  Minister  Hubbard,  from   his  Ipswich  stud}-, 
where  rumors  come  flying  in  of  the  untimely  cutting  off  of 
the  flower  of  Essex  by  Indian  hatchet,  groans  out,  "God  grant 
that  by  the  fire  of  all  these  judgments,  we  may  be  purged 
from  our  dross  and  become  a  more  refined  people,  as  vessels 
fitted  for  our  Master's  use." 

The  inhabitants  of  Deerfield,  warned  by  repeated  attacks, 
had  been  driven  from  their  homes  and  were  huddled  toofcth- 


SETTLEMENT   OF   A   FRONTIER   TOWN.  10/ 

er  in  two  or  three  houses,  poorly  protected  by  palisades,  and 
defended  by  a  handful  of  soldiers.  To  the  men,  who  with 
gun  and  sickle  in  hand,  went  out  to  harvest  the  fruits  of  their 
summer's  labor,  the  smoke  from  some  distant  chimney  was  a 
terror,  lest  they  should  return  to  find  the  remnant  of  their 
little  settlement  in  ashes.  While  as  straggling  bands  of  In- 
dians on  their  murderous  errand  passed  near  the  forts,  the 
women  watched  and  waited  within,  in  an  agony  of  fear,  lest 
some  beloved  one  might  not  return  at  nightfall.  The  noon- 
day was  thick  with  horrors,  and  a  thousand  phantoms  of 
dread,  haunted  the  darkness  and  silence  of  midnight.  The 
wind  shrieked  and  groaned  through  the  forest,  as  if  with  pre- 
monition of  impending  disaster.  To  their  frightened  fancy, 
the  patter  of  the  autumnal  rain,  was  the  tramp  of  the  ap- 
proaching foe,  and  the  rustle  of  the  leaves,  as  they  sped  be- 
fore the  September  gale,  the  final  rush  of  their  savage  assail- 
ants. Compelled  at  last  to  seek  security  and  shelter  for  their 
families  in  the  better  protected  settlements,  the  men  of  Deer- 
field  reluctantly  prepared  to  desert  the  homesteads  they  had 
won  with  much  toil  from  the  wilderness. 

The  last  bag  of  wheat  was  at  length  filled,  the  golden  corn 
lay  heaped  on  the  great  ox-carts,  the  feather  beds  and  other 
treasures  of  thrifty  housewifery  carefully  disposed  atop,  and 
the  march  for  Hadley  began.  The  feeling  with  which  they 
saw  the  day  breaking  over  the  mountain,  as  they  wended 
their  way  through  the  meadows  on  that  ever  memorable 
morning,  the  i8th  of  September,  1675,  was,  no  doubt,  one 
of  mingled  relief  that  the  long  suspense  was  ended,  and  of 
resolute  confidence  that  they  should  return  in  the  spring,  to 
occupy  the  fields  to  which  they  now  bade  a  regretful  fare- 
well. No  foreshadowing  of  their  awful  fate,  seems  to  have 
rested  on  their  hearts.  Joyfully  their  households  awaited 
them  at  Hadley,  joy  turned  all  too  soon  to  bitter  sorrow, 
when  the  few  that  escaped  told  there,  how  the  little  stream, 


I08  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

known  before  as  Muddy  Brook,  had  been  baptized  anew  and 
consecrated  forever,  with  the  blood  of  eighteen  of  the  sturdy  ' 
yeomanry  of  Pocumtuck,  and  many  a  valiant  soldier  besides. 
Goodwife  Hinsdale  wept  for  her  husband  and  three  stalwart 
sons  slain  in  the  fight,  and  remembered  with  unavailing 
penitence,  how  the  year  before  she  had  flouted  his  authority. 
Upon  the  ear  of  William  Smead,  mourning  for  his  boy  of 
fifteen,  Mr,  Mather's  Latin  ''Duke  ct  decorum  est,  pro  patria 
mori,''  fell  unheeded;  and  vainly  did  brave  Sergeant  Plymp- 
ton  strive  to  hush  the  wailing  of  his  old  wife  Jane,  for  Jona- 
than, the  staff  of  their  declining  years,  now  lost  forever. 

After  the  massacre  at  Muddy  Brook,  the  garrison  was  with- 
drawn from  Deerfield,  and  the  enemy  soon  laid  in  ashes  all 
that  remained  of  that  hopeful  plantation.  Some  brave  spirits, 
however,  still  clung  to  the  hope  of  resettlement.  These,  exas- 
perated by  the  news,  in  the  early  summer  of  1676,  that  the 
Indians,  not  only  had  their  rendezvous  at  the  Great  Falls, 
where  they  were  laying  in  large  stores  of  fish  for  their  next 
campaign,  but  were  actually  planting  corn  on  the  rich  inter- 
vales of  Deerfield,  gladly  volunteered,  under  the  heroic  Tur- 
ner, to  dislodge  them.  By  his  defeat  of  the  Indians  at  the 
Swamscott  Falls,'  Philip's  war,  so  called,  was  virtually  ended. 
A  few  months  later,  the  pallid  hands  of  that  once  haughty 
chieftain  were  shown  as  a  spectacle  in  the  streets  of  Boston. 
His  ghastly  head  set  up  on  a  pole  in  Plymouth,  afforded 
the  occasion  for  a  public  thanksgiving,  and  the  body  of 
Weetamoo,^  his  constant  ally,  more  implacable  in  her  resent- 
ment than  even  he  had  been,  lay  stranded  by  the  ebbing 
tide,  the  once  beauteous  form  now  sodden  and  repulsive,  the 
long  hair,  which  the  proud  dame  was  wont  to  dress  so  care- 
fully, all  knotted  with  sea-tangle,  the  features  once  so  gaily 

'Ever  since  known  as  Turner's  Falls. 

'Squaw  Sachem  of  Pocasset  married  first  the  brother  of  Philip. 


SETTLEMENT   OF   A    FRONTIER   TOWN.  IO9 

adorned,  all  begrimed  with  the  ooze  and  slime  of  Taunton 
River. 

The  dispersion  of  their  foes  made  the  surviving  settlers  of 
Deerfield  anxious  to  return  there.  The  prospect  of  passing 
another  winter  with  their  families  in  the  overcrowded  dwell- 
ings of  Hadley  and  Hatfield,  was  not  agreeable  to  them,  and 
they  feared  lest  a  union  of  the  settlements  might  be  effected, 
which  would  deprive  them  forever  of  their  Pocumtuck  heri- 
tage. Though  the  presence  of  prowling  bands  of  Indians  in 
the  valley,  made  any  attempt  at  resettlement  hazardous, 
Quentin  Stockwell  would  not  be  dissuaded  from  his  purpose. 
Of  Stockwell's  previous  history,  but  little  is  known  except 
that  he  was  from  Dedham.  There  his  name  appears  on  vari- 
ous tax  lists,  from  1663  to  1672,  when  he  removed  with  his  wife 
to  Hatfield,  and  thence  the  next  year  to  Deerfield,  where  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Mather  found  a  quiet  home  with  them.  That  he 
was  a  man  of  energy  and  courage,  appears  from  his  being 
the  only  Deerfield  man,  who,  in  the  autumn  of  1676,  dared 
begin  to  rebuild  his  ruined  home.  Driven  from  his  work  by 
the  Indians,  who  burned  his  half  finished  house,  he  fled  again, 
most  probably  to  Hatfield,  where,  with  other  Deerfield  peo- 
ple, he  spent  the  winter.  He  was,  however,  far  from  con- 
tent. The  birth  of  his  child  made  him  doubly  anxious  to 
shelter  himself  under  his  own  roof-tree,  and  the  next  sum- 
mer he  succeeded  in  persuading  old  John  Plympton,  Benoni 
Stebbins,  and  one  or  two  others,  to  return  with  him  to  Deer- 
field, where  the  former  had  already  built  himself  a  house, 
eighteen  feet  long. 

It  was  the  morning  of  the  19th  of  September,  1677.  A 
year  had  passed  since  the  close  of  the  war,  and  the  people 
of  this  valley,  relieved  of  their  apprehensions,  were  beginning 
to  resume  their  usual  occupations,  when  the  shrill  war-whoop 
rang  through  the  frosty  air,  and  a  party  of  Indians,  descend- 
ing with  fire  and  slaughter  upon  Hatfield,  ran  thence  with 


no  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW   ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

seventeen    captives,  mostly    women    and  children,   towards 
Deerfield. 

It  was  near  sunset  of  one  of  those  tranquil,  New  England 
autumn  days,  we  know  so  well.  Naught  of  melancholy  was  in 
the  song  piped  by  a  belated  August  cricket,  and  the  striped 
snake  crawled  from  his  hole  to  bask  in  the  sunshine,  as  if  he 
half  believed  summer  had  come  again.  The  witch-hazel 
threw  into  the  lap  of  October  a  wealth  of  blossoms,  which 
June  could  never  extort  from  her.  A  crown  of  gold, 
gemmed  with  opal  and  amethyst,  rested  on  the  brow  of  the 
western  hills;  the  swamps  were  ablaze  with  the  flame-colored 
sumachs.  The  mountain,  already  in  shadow,  seemed  like 
some  massive  temple,  where  in  stoles  of  scarlet  and  purple 
and  gold,  stood  maple  and  oak  and  chestnut,  like  cardinal, 
bishop  and  priest,  to  offer  a  sacrament  of  peace.  No  sound 
in  the  woodlands,  save  now  and  then  as  a  leaf  rustled  down 
softly  and  was  silent.  The  squirrels  as  they  frolicked 
among  the  branches,  ceased  their  chatter,  startled  by  the 
echo  of  Quentin  Stockwell's  hammer,  as  it  was  borne  up  from 
the  valley.  A  light  heart  was  in  his  bosom,  for  he  thought 
how  snugly  his  little  family  would  be  housed  before  winter 
set  in,  and  faster  fell  the  strokes  as  the  sun  declined.  Near 
by,  sat  little  Samuel  Russell,  watching  with  delight  the  great 
chips  as  they  fell  from  under  John  Root's  axe,  when  suddenly 
"with  great  shouting  and  shooting,"  the  Indians  came  upon 
them.  Dropping  their  tools,  and  seizing  their  guns,  the  men 
fled  towards  the  swamp,  where  Root  was  instantly  shot,  and 
Stockwell  after  brave  resistance,  was  at  last  overpowered 
and  compelled  to  surrender  or  die. 

"I  was  now  by  my  own  House,"  says  Quentin,  "which  the  Indians 
burnt  the  last  year  and  I  was  about  to  build  up  again,  and  there  I 
had  some  hopes  to  escape  from  them.  There  was  a  Horse  just  by 
which  they  bid  me  take.  I  did  so,  but  made  no  attempt  to  escape 
thereby  because  the  enemy  was   near,  and   the   beast  dull  and  slow, 


SETTLEMENT  OF  A  FRONTIER  TOWN.  I  I  I 

and  I  in  hopes  they  would  send  me  to  take  my  own  Horses, 
which  they  did,  but  they  were  so  frighted  that  I  could  not  come 
near  to  them,  and  so  fell  still  into  the  Enemies  hands,  who  now  took 
me,  and  bound  me,  and  led  me  away,  and  soon  was  I  brought  into 
the  company  of  other  Captives,  that  were  that  day  brought  away  from 
Hatfield,  which  were  about  a  mile  off;  and  here  methought  was 
matter  of  joy  and  sorrrow  both,  to  see  the  Company  ;  some  Com- 
pany in  this  condition  being  some  refreshing,  though  little  help 
any-ways. 

Then  were  we  pinioned  and  led  away  in  the  night  over  the  moun- 
tains, in  dark  and  hideous  wayes,  about  four  miles  further,  before 
we  took  up  our  place  for  rest,  which  was  in  a  dismal  piece  of  Wood, 
on  the  east  side  of  the  mountain. 

We  were  kept  bound  all  that  night.  The  Indians  kept  waking, 
and  we  had  little  mind  to  sleep  in  this  night's  travel. 

The  Indians  dispersed,  and  as  they  went  made  strange  noises  as 
of  Wolves  and  Owls  and  other  Wilds  Beasts,  to  the  end  that  they 
might  not  lose  one  another,  and  if  followed  they  might  not  be  dis- 
covered by  the  English. 

About  the  break  of  Day  we  Marched  again  and  got  over  the 
great  river  at  Pecumptuck  River  mouth,  and  there  rested  about  two 
hours.  There  the  Indians  marked  out  upon  Trees  the  number  of 
their  Captives  and  Slain  as  their  manner  is.  Now  was  I  again  in 
great  danger  ;  A  quarrel  arose  about  me,  whose  Captive  I  was,  for 
three  took  me.  I  thought  I  must  be  killed  to  end  the  controversie, 
so  when  they  put  it  to  me  whose  I  was,  I  said  three  Indians  took 
me;  so  they  agreed  to  have  all  a  share  in  me.  I  had  now  three 
Masters,  and  he  was  my  chief  master  who  laid  hands  on  me  first, 
and  thus  was  I  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  very  worst  of  all  the 
Company;  as  Ashpelon  the  Indian  captain  told  me;  which  captain 
was  all  along  very  kind  to  me,  and  a  great  comfort  to  the  English. 
In  this  place  they  gave  us  some  Victuals  which  they  had  brought 
from  the  English.  This  morning  also  they  sent  ten  Men  forth  to 
Town  to  bring  away  what  they  could  find,  some  Provision,  some 
Corn  out  of  the  Meadow  they  brought  to  us  upon  Horses  which  they 


112  TRUE   STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 


had  there  taken.  From  hence  we  went  up  about  the  Falls,  where  we 
crossed  that  River  again,  and  whilst  I  was  going,  I  fell  right  down 
lame  of  my  old  Wounds  that  I  had  in  the  War,  and  whilst  I  was 
thinking  I  should  therefore  be  killed  by  the  Indians,  and  what 
Death  I  should  die,  my  pain  was  suddenly  gone  and  I  was  much  en- 
couraged again." 

As  they  recrossed  the  river  at  Peskeompskut  Falls,  the  Hat- 
field captives  remembered  with  satisfaction,  how  Benjamin 
Waite  had  piloted  brave  Turner  to  his  great  victory  at  this 
very  spot;  and  a  gleam  of  hope  cheered  their  hearts  at  the 
thought,  that  he  would  not  be  less  active  in  the  pursuit  of  the 
foe,  who  now  bore  his  helpless  wife  and  children  into  cruel 
captivity.     Stockwell  continues, 

"We  had  about  eleven  horses  in  that  Company,  which  the  Indians 
used,  to  carry  Burthens,  and  to  carry  Women.  It  was  afternoon 
when  we  now  crossed  that  river.  We  travelled  up  it  till  night,  and 
then  took  up  our  Lodging  in  a  dismal  place,  and  were  staked  down  and 
spread  out  on  our  backs;  and  .so  we  lay  all  night,  yea  so  we  laid 
many  nights.  They  told  me  their  Law  was,  that  we  should  lie  so 
nine  nights,  and  by  that  time,  it  was  thought  we  should  be  out  of 
our  knowledge.  The  manner  of  staking  down  was  thus  :  our  Arms 
and  Legs  stretched  out  were  staked  fast  down,  and  a  Cord  about 
our  necks,  so  that  we  could  stir  no  wayes.  The  first  night  of  stak- 
ing down,  being  much  tired,  I  slept  as  comfortable  as  ever.  The 
next  day  we  went  up  the  river,  and  crossed  it  and  at  night  lay  in 
Squakheag  meadows,  and  while  we  lay  in  those  meadows,  the  In- 
dians went  a-hunting,  and  the  English  army  came  out  after  us." 

Dividing  into  many  companies  to  elude  pursuit,  they  again 
crossed  the  river.  About  thirty  miles  above  Northfield  they 
re-crossed  it  to  the  west,  and  being  quite  out  of  fear  of  the 
English,  lay  there  encamped  about  three  weeks.  On  this 
last  march  Stockwell's  three  masters  went  off  to  hunt,  leav- 
ing him  with  only  one  Indian,  who  fell  sick,  so  that  as  he  says, 

"I  was  fain  to  carry  his  Gun  and  Hatchet,  and  had  opportunity  and 


SETTLEMENT   OF   A   FRONTIER   TOWN.  II3 

had  thought  to  have  dispatched  him,  and  run  away,  but  did  not,  for 
that  the  English  Captives  had  promised  the  contrary  to  one  another, 
because  if  one  should  run  away,  that  would  provoke  the  Indians,  and 
indanger  the  rest  that  could  not  run  away." 

Life  was  dear  to  him,  escape  was  easy,  the  thought  of  his 
child  sorely  tempted  him  to  try  it,  but  he  remembered  that 
if  one  should  run  away  it  would  endanger  the  rest,  and  re- 
sisted. No  knightlier  deed  was  ever  done.  Not  the  dying 
Sidney  putting  aside  the  proffered  cup  of  water  from  his  fe- 
vered lips,  more  deserves  our  reverence,  than  Quentin  Stock- 
well  refusing  liberty,  and  life  for  aught  he  knew,  lest  his 
gain  might  prove  another's  loss.  While  encamped  here, 
Stockwell  says, 

"they  had  a  great  Dance,  (as  they  call  it),  concluded  to  burn  three 
of  us  and  had  got  Bark  to  do  it  with,  and  as  1  understood  afterwards, 
I  was  one  that  was  to  be  burnt,  Sergeant  Plimpton  another,  and 
Benjamin  Wait  his  wife  the  third:  though  I  knew  not  which  was  to 
be  burnt,  yet  I  perceived  some  were  designed  thereunto,  so  much  I 
understood  of  their  language:  that  night  I  could  not  sleep  for  fear 
of  next  dayes  work,  the  Indians  being  weary  with  that  Dance,  laid 
down  to  sleep,  and  slept  soundly.  The  English  were  all  loose,  then 
I  went  out  and  brought  in  Wood,  and  mended  the  fire,  and  made  a 
noise  on  purpose,  but  none  awaked,  I  thought  if  any  of  the  English 
would  wake,  we  might  kill  them  all  sleeping,  I  removed  out  of  the 
way  all  the  Guns  and  Hatchets;  but  my  heart  failing  me,  I  put  all 
things  where  they  were  again.  The  next  day  when  we  were  to  be 
burnt,  our  Master  and  some  others  spake  for  us,  and  the  Evil  was 
prevented  in  this  place." 

The  tale  is  simply  told,  but  no  rhetoric  could  add  to  its 
pathos.  The  frightful  orgies,  whose  dolor,  says  an  e5^e  wit- 
ness, "no  pen  though  made  of  harpy's  quill,  could  describe;" 
the  council  fire  and  hellish  pantomime,  by  which  Quentin  un- 
derstood that  some  were  destined  to  the  stake;  the  savage 
brutes  at  length  satiated  with  rioting,  heavy  and  stupid  with 
sleep,  their  usual  precautions  forgotten;  the  lonely  watcher. 


114  TRUE   STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

his  soul  racked  with  torturing  anguish,  meditating-  on  the 
chances  of  escape;  his  desperate  resolution  to  attempt  it,  and 
noisily  replenishing  the  fire  with  the  double  purpose  of  test- 
ing the  vigilance  of  his  foes  and  the  wakefulness  of  his 
friends;  cautioUvSly  removing  the  weapons,  where  they  may 
be  ready  for  his  purpose,  and  then,  as  hope  dies  within  his 
breast,  as  carefully  replacing  them,  with  the  despairing  con- 
sciousness that  failure  would  only  hasten  the  captives'  doom, 
with  never  once  a  thought  of  leaving  them  to  their  fate  and 
seeking  safety  for  himself  in  flight, — all  this  is  pictured  with 
awful  vividness. 

At  this  period,  there  was  trouble  between  the  Mohawks  and 
the  Christian  Indians,  on  account  of  the  neglect  of  the  latter 
to  pay  their  customary  tribute  to  the  warlike  lords  of  the  Mo- 
hawk valley. 

Six  Mohawks,  fully  armed,  had  been  seized  near  Boston 
while  hunting,  and  thrown  into  prison  by  the  authorities  there. 
A  party  of  Mohawks  with  a  scalp,  and  two  Natick  squaws  as 
captives,  having  passed  through  Hatfield  on  the  very  day  be- 
fore the  assault  upon  that  town,  the  opinion  prevailed  that  it 
was  made  by  them.  Distracted  with  grief,  Benjamin  Waite, 
one  of  the  bereaved  husbands,  hastened  immediately  to  Al- 
bany to  demand  redress,  but  returned  with  the  assurance 
that  the  New  York  Indians  were  innocent  of  the  affair.  A 
fortnight  had  elapsed  since  the  capture,  and  the  distressed 
people  of  Hatfield  could  learn  nothing  of  the  fate  of  their 
friends,  when  Benoni  Stebbins,  having  escaped  from  his  cap- 
tors, returned  with  definite  information  concerning  them. 
His  relation  as  given  by  himself  to  the  Northampton  post- 
master, October  6th,  1667,  is  a  curious  document.  He  states 
that  his  captors  were 

"river  Indians,  Norvvattucks,  save  only  one  Narragansett,  twenty- 
six  in  all,  eighteen  fighting  men,  two  squaws,  the  rest  old  men  and 
boys;  that  they  came  from  the  French  whither  they  had  fled  at  the 


SETTLEMENT   OF   A   FRONTIER   TOWN.  II5 

end  of  the  war,  and  intended  to  return  there  again  to  sell  the  cap- 
tives, having  been  encouradged  that  they  should  have  eight  pounds 
apiece  for  them." 

They  also  gave  Stebbins  the  comforting  assurance  that  the 
French  Indians  intended  "to  come  with  them  the  next  time, 
either  in  the  spring  or  winter,  if  they  had  sucses  this  time." 
The  party  having  encamped  thirty  miles  above  Northfield,  as 
we  have  already  seen  by  Stockwell's  narration,  a  part  of  the 
company  was  sent  to  "Watchuset  hills  to  fetch  away  some 
Indians  that  had  lived  there  through  the  war,"  Stebbins 
accompanied  them,  and  having  been  sent  out  with  two 
squaws  and  a  mare  to  pick  huckleberries,  he  says  he  "got  up- 
on the  mare  and  rid  till  he  tired  the  mare,  and  then  run  on 
foot  and  so  escaped  to  Hadley,  being  two  days  and  a  half 
without  vituals." 

Wachusett  hills,  as  often  spoken  of  by  the  historians  of 
Philip's  war,  included  a  much  wider  geographic  extent  than 
in  our  day.  The  expedition  alluded  to  is  mentioned  in  Pyn- 
chon's  letter  which  follows,  as  having  been  made  to  "Nasha- 
way  Ponds." 

Simultaneously  with  the  attack  upon  Hatfield,  Wonaloncet, 
a  Merrimac  sagamore,  always  peaceable  and  friendly  toward 
the  English,  a  praying  Indian,  in  whose  wigwam  Mr.  Eliot 
often  held  meetings,  was  spirited  away  with  some  of  his  peo- 
ple, by  Indians  from  Canada,  and  never  permitted  to  rettirn. 
It  is  quite  possible  that  the  detachment  accompanied  by 
Stebbins  was  sent  to  seek  this  very  party.  Intelligence  of 
Stebbins's  return  was  forwarded  immediately  to  Major  Pyn- 
chon  at  Springfield,  who  at  once  despatched  the  following 
letter  to  Albany,  in  the  hope  of  inducing  the  Mohawks  to 
undertake  the  recovery  of  the  other  captives. 

"These  for  his  honored  ffriend  Capt.  Salisbury,  Commander-in- 
Chiefe  at  ffort  Albany — Hast,  Post  Hast,  for  his  Majestie's  special 
service. 


Il6  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW   ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

Springfield,  Oct.  5,  1677. 
Capt.  Salisbury — 

lVo?-t/iy  Sir: — 

Yesterday  morning  I  rec'd 
yo'r  kind  linis  by  Benj.  Waite,  whereby  I  understand  yo'r  sympathy 
with  us  in  o'r  sad  disaster  by  ye  Indians:  and  yo'r  readiness  in  mak- 
ing greate  Inquiries,  and  greate  foirwardness  to  do  what  Possible 
lyes  in  you  for  us,  w'ch  I  have  abundant  cause  to  acknowledge,  and 

do  most  thankfully  accept and    as    to    your    opinion  of    the 

Maquas  being  free,  and  assuring  nie  of  their  innocency,  I  do  fully 
concur  with  you,  having  satisfaction  fr'm  what  you  wrote,  and  from 
Benj.  VVaite's  relation.  But  to  put  it  out  of  all  doubt,  God  in  His 
Providence  hath  sent  us  one  of  o'r  captivated  men,  Benoni  Stebbins 

by  name,  w'ch  is    ye  occasion  of   these   lines  to  yo'rselt So 

desire  ye  to  put  ye  Maquas  upon  Psueing  their  and  our  enemys,  there 
being  greate  likelihood  of  their  overtaking  them.  Benoni  Stebbins 
came  into  Hadley  last  night  in  ye  night,  whose  relation  was  sent  to 
me,  w'h  being  but  an  hour  since  I  had  it,  I  Psently  resolved  upon 
sending  Post  to  you." 

Then  follows  a  minute  account  of  the  capture  and  flight 
toward  Canada  with  Stebbins's  escape. 

"He  says,"  continues  Pynchon,  "that  one  of  the  Indians  from  Nash- 
away  Ponds,  seems  to  be  a  counsellor  w'h  they  have  consulted  much; 
and  spoke  of  sending  to  the  English,  but  at  last  resolved  for  Cana- 
da, yet  talkt  of  making  a  forte  a  greate  way  up  the  river,  and  abid- 
ing there  this  winter,  and  also  of  carrying  the  captives  and  selling 
ym  to  ye  French,  which  he  concludes  they  resolved  on,  but  make 
but  slow  passage,  concludes  it  may  be  twenty  days  ere  they  get  to 
ye  lake 

In  his  postscript  Pynchon  adds: 

"Ben  Wait  is  gone  home,  before  the  Intelligence  came  to  me.  He 
talkt  of  goeing  to  Canada  before,  and  I  suppose  will  rather  be  For- 
ward to  it  now  than  Backward." 

So  good  an  opportunity  for  opening  a  correspondence  with 
the  New  York  Indians,  with  a  view  to  their  pacification  and 


SETTLEMENT   OF   A   FRONTIER   TOWN.  11/ 

to  the  recovery  of  the  captives  was  not  neglected  by  our  Gov- 
ernment. The  six  Mohawks  released  from  prison,  were  sent 
home  bearing  formal  letters  of  apology  for  their  seizure, 
with  a  demand  for  the  Natick  squaws,  and  a  remonstrance 
against  future  depredations  on  the  Christian  Indians,  togeth- 
er with  diplomatic  assurances  of  the  "special  respect"  of 
Massachusetts  for  the  Macquas. 

The  tidings  of  Stebbins's  escape  caused  fear  and  trembling 
among  the  remaining  captives.  Stockwell  was  informed  of 
it  by  Ashpelon,  the  captain  of  his  party,  who  seems  to  have 
treated  the  English  with  the  utmost  kindness,  and  whose 
shrewd  mediation  saved  them  more  than  once  from  dreadful 
death. 

"He  met  me  and  told  me  Stebbins  was  run  away,  and  the  In- 
dians spake  of  burning  us;  some  of  only  burning  and  biting  off 
our  Fingers  by-and-by.  He  said  there  would  be  a  Court,  and  all 
would  speak  their  minds,  but  he  would  speak  last,  and  would  say, 
that  the  Indian  that  let  Stebbins  run  away,  was  only  in  fault,  and  so 
no  hurt  should  be  done  us,  fear  not:  and  so  it  proved  accordingly." 

A  fortnight  after  the  seizure  of  Stockwell  and  his  friends, 
some  of  the  same  party  fired  the  mill  above  Hadley,  and  be- 
ing overpowered  were  let  go,  on  condition  of  returning  soon 
to  treat  for  the  release  of  their  captives. 

Stockwell  says  that  Ashpelon  was  much  for  it,  but  the  Sa- 
chems from  Wachusetts  when  they  came,  were  much  against 
it,  yet  were  willing  to  meet  the  English,  only  to  fall  upon 
and  take  them.  Ashpelon  charged  us  not  to  speak  a  word  of 
this,  as  mischief  would  come  of  it. 

While  they  lingered  at  this  encampment,  provisions  became 
so  scarce  that  one  bear's  foot  had  to  serve  five  captives  for  a 
whole  day's  rations,  and  they  began  to  kill  their  horses  for 
food.  At  length  resuming  their  journey,  they  reached  a 
small  river  about  two  hundred  miles  above  Deerfield,  by 
Stockwell's  reckoning,  where  they  separated  into  two  com- 


Il8  TRUE   STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


panies.  The  division  to  which  he  was  attached  passed  over 
"a  mighty  mountain,"  which  they  were  eight  days  in  crossing, 
though  they  "travelled  very  hard."  They  suffered  greatly 
on  this  march. 

"Here  I  was  frozen,  and  here  again  we  were  like  to  starve.  All  the 
Indians  went  a  Hunting  but  could  get  nothing;  divers  dayes  they 
Powwow'd  but  got  nothing,  then  they  desired  the  English  to  Pray, 
and  confessed  they  could  do  nothing  ;  they  would  have  us  Pray, 
and  see  what  the  Englishman's  God  could  do.  I  Prayed,  so  did 
Sergeant  Plimpton,  in  another  place.  The  Indians  reverently  at- 
tended, Morning  and  Night;  next  day  they  got  Bears:  then  they 
would  needs  have  us  desire  a  Blessing,  and  return  Thanks  at  Meals: 
after  a  while  they  grew  weary  of  it,  and  the  Sachim  did  forbid  us. 
When  I  was  frozen  they  were  very  cruel  towards  me,  because  1  could 
not  do  as  at  other  times.  When  we  came  to  the  Lake  we  were 
again  sadly  put  to  it  for  Provisions;  we  were  fain  to  eat  Touch- 
wood fryed  in  Bears'  Greace. 

At  last  we  found  a  company  of  Racoons,  then  we  made  a  Feast; 
and  the  manner  was,  that  we  must  eat  all.  1  perceived  there  would 
be  too  much  for  one  time,  so  one  Indian  that  sat  next  to  me,  bid 
me  slip  away  some  to  him  under  his  Coat,  and  he  would  hide  it  for 
me  till  another  time;  this  Indian  as  soon  as  he  had  got  my  Meat, 
stood  up  and  made  a  Speech  to  the  rest,  and  discovered  me,  so  that 
the  Indians  were  very  angry,  and  gave  me  another  piece,  and  gave 
me  Raccoon's  Grease  to  drink,  which  made  me  sick  and  Vomit.  I 
told  them  I  had  enough;  so  that  ever  after  that  they  would  give 
me  none  but  still  tell  me  I  had  Raccoon  enough  ;  so  I  suffered 
much,  and  being  frozen  was  full  of  Pain,  and  could  sleep  but  a  lit- 
tle, yet  must  do  my  work.  When  they  went  upon  the  lake,  they  lit 
of  a  moose  and  killed  it,  and  staid  there  till  they  had  eaten  it  all  up. 

After  entering  upon  the  lake  there  arose  a  great  storm but  at 

last  they  got  to  an  island  and  there  they  went  to  Powowing.  The 
Powwow  said  that  Benjamin  Waite  and  another  Man  was  coming 
and  that  storm  was  raised  to  cast  them  away.  This  afterwards  ap- 
peared to  be  true,  though  then  I  believed  it  not." 


SETTLEMENT   OF   A    FRONTIER   TOWN. 


119 


Continued  storms  kept  them  cruising-  among  the  islands 
for  about  three  weeks,  during  which  time  the  Indians  them- 
selves were  almost  starved.  Stockwell  was  days  without 
food.  The  lake  being  now  frozen,  they  went  upon  it  with 
little  sleds  upon  which  they  drew  their  loads.  Faint  with 
hunger  and  pain,  after  repeated  falls  upon  the  ice,  ''I  was  so 
spent,"  continues  the  narrator, 

"1  had  not  strength  to  rise  again,  but  I  crept  to  a  tree  that  lay 
along,  and  got  upon  it,  and  there  I  lay;  it  was  now  night,  and  very 
sharp  weather:  1  counted  no  other  but  I  must  die  there;  whilest  I 
was  thinking  of  Death,  an  Indian  Hallowed,  and  I  answered  him; 
he  came  to  me,  and  called  me  bad  names,  and  told  me  if  I  could  not 
go  he  must  knock  me  on  the  head:  I  told  him  he  must  then  so  do; 
he  saw  how  I  had  wallowed  in  that  Snow,  but  could  not  rise;  then 
he  took  his  Coat,  and  wrapt  me  in  it,  and  went  back,  and  sent  two 
Indians  with  a  Sled,  one  said  he  must  knock  me  on  the  Head,  the 
other  said  No,  they  would  carry  me  away  and  burn  me." 

On  seeing  his  frozen  feet,  however,  they  relented,  carried 
him  to  a  fire  and  gave  him  broth,  which  revived  him  so  much 
that  at  daylight  he  and  vSamuel  Russell,  the  eight  years  old 
child  taken  from  Deerfield,  went  upon  a  river  on  the  ice.  A 
strange  and  sad  companionship.  Russell  slipping  into  the 
water,  was  called  back  by  the  Indians,  who  dried  his  stock- 
ings, and  sending  the  two  ahead  again  with  an  Indian  guide, 
they  ran  four  or  five  miles  before  the  rest  came  up  to  them. 
The  poor  little  boy  complaining  of  faintness,  told  Stockwell, 
who  was  much  exhausted,  that  he  wondered  how  he  could 
live,  for  he  himself  had  ten  meals  to  Stockwell's  one.  »Stock- 
well  was  then  laid  on  a  sled  and  they  ran  away  with  him  on 
the  ice.  He  says  "The  rest  and  Samuel  Russell  came  softly 
after.  Samuel  Russell  I  never  saw  more,  nor  knew  what  be- 
came of  him." 

A  halt  of  three  or  four  days  was  made  at  Chambly,  where 


120  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW   ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

Stockwell  was  kindly  treated  by  the  French,  who  gave  him 
hasty-pudding  and  milk,  with  brandy,  and  bathed  his  frozen 
limbs  with  cold  water.  He  was  treated  with  great  civility 
by  a  young  man,  who  let  him  lie  in  his  bed,  and  would  have 
bought  him,  had  not  the  Indians  demanded  a  hundred  pounds 
for  him.  To  prevent  his  being  abused,  this  young  man  ac- 
companied Stockwell  to  Sorel. 

From  Sorel  the  captives  were  taken  to  the  Indian  lodge 
two  or  three  miles  distant,  where  the  French  visited  Stock- 
well,  and  it  being  Christmas,  they  brought  him  cakes  and 
other  provisions.  The  Indians  having  tried  in  vain  to  cure 
him,  he  asked  for  a  chirurgeon,  at  which  one  of  them  struck 
him  on  the  face  with  his  fist.  A  Frenchman  near  by  remon- 
strated and  went  away,  but  soon  after,  the  Captain  of  the 
place  with  twelve  soldiers,  came  and  asked  for  the  Indian 
who  had  struck  the  Englishman.  Seizing  him,  he  told  him 
he  should  go  to  the  Bilboes  and  then  be  hanged.  The  In- 
dian was  much  terrified  at  this,  as  also  was  Stockwell,  but 
the  Frenchman  bade  him  not  to  fear,  the  Indian  durst  not 
hurt  him. 

"When  that  Indian  was  gone,"  he  says,  "I  had  two  masters  still. 
I  asked  them  to  carry  me  to  that  Captain,  that  I  might  speak  for 
the  Indian.  They  answered  I  was  a  fool;  did  I  think  the  French- 
man were  like  to  the  English,  to  say  one  thing  and  do  another? — 
they  were  men  of  their  words,  but  I  prevailed  with  them  to  help  me 
thither,  and  I  spake  to  the  Captain  by  an  Interpreter,  and  told  him 
I  desired  him  to  set  the  Indian  free,  and  told  him  what  he  had  done 
for  me,  he  told  me  he  was  a  Rogue,  and  should  be  hanged,  then  I 
spake  more  privately,  alleging  this  Reason,  because  all  the  English 
Captives  were  not  come  in,  if  he  were  hanged  it  might  fare  the  worse 
with  them  :  then  the  Captain  said,  that  was  to  be  considered  :  then 
he  set  him  at  liberty,  upon  this  condition,  that  he  should  never  strike 
me  more,  and  every  day  bring  me  to  his  House  to  eat  victuals." 

The  magnanimity  of  his  captive  so  delighted  the  Indian 


SETTLEMENT   OF   A   FRONTIER   TOWN.  121 


that  he  embraced  him,  called  him  his  brother,  treated  him  to 
brandy,  and  carried  him  off  to  his  wigwam,  where  all  the 
other  Indians  shook  hands  with  him  and  thanked  him.  The 
next  day  according  to  promise,  Stockwell  was  carried  to  the 
house  of  the  Captain,  who  gave  him  victuals  and  wine. 

"Being  left  there  a  while,"  says  he,  "I  showed  the  Captain  and 
his  wife  my  fingers,  who  were  affrighted  thereat  and  bid  me  lap  it 
up  again  and  sent  for  the  chirurgeon  who  when  he  came  said  he 
could  cure  me  and  took  it  in   hand  and  dressed  it.     The  Indians 

came  for  me  ; I  could    not  go That  night  1  was  full 

of  pain;  the  French  were  afraid  I  would  die;  five  men  did  watch 
with  me,  and  strove  to  keep  me  chearly,  for  I  was  ready  to  faint: 
oft-times  they  gave  me  brandy;  the  next  day  the  chirurgeon  came 
again,  as  he  did  all  the  while  till  May.  I  continued  in  the  Captain's 
house  till  Benjamin  Waite  came,  and  my  Indian  master  being  in 
want  of  money,  pawned  me  to  the  Captain  for  fourteen  beavers,  or 
the  worth  of  them,  which  if  he  did  not  pay,  he  must  lose  his  pawn, 
or  sell  me  for  one  and  twenty  beavers.  He  could  get  no  beavers, 
so  I  was  sold,  and  in  God's  good  time  set  at  liberty  and  returned 
to  my  friends  in  New  England." 

Thus  ends  the  sorrowful  narrative  of  one  of  that  little  com- 
pany, ruthlessly  torn  from  home  and  friends  on  that  bright 
September  day,  two  centuries  ago,— a  strong  man  in  the 
prime  of  life ;— but  who  shall  tell  the  woful  sufferings  of  the 
old  man  of  four-score,  the  tender  babes,  and  helpless  women, 
who  with  him  were  first  to  tread  that  cruel  way  into  Indian 
captivity,  travelled  later  by  so  many  weary  feet?  Benjamin 
Waite,  shuddering  at  its  horrors  for  his  delicate  wife  and 
three  little  girls,  determined  to  follow  and  share  their  fate, 
if  he  could  not  recover  them.  Stephen  Jennings,  another 
Hatfield  man,  whose  wife  and  children  were  among  the  cap- 
tives, joined  him. 

The  attempt  of  the  Government  to  enlist  the  Mohawks  in 
its  service,  for  the  pursuit  of  their  common  enemy  having 
failed,  the  General  Court,  in  answer  to  a  petition  from  Hat- 


122  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW   ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

field,  issued  an  order  for  the  recovery  of  the  captives,  and 
resolved  that  all  incidental  expenses  should  be  defrayed  by 
the  colony. 

On  the  24th  of  October,  1677,  Waite  and  Jennings  set 
forward  on  their  mission  of  love.  They  bore  a  commission 
and  letters  from  the  the  Governor  and  other  influential 
persons,  explaining  the  object  of  their  journey,  and  bespeak- 
ing the  aid  of  the  New  York  and  Canadian  authorities  in  pro- 
moting it.  B}'  way  of  Westfield,  they  reached  Albany  on 
the  seventh  day  and  immediately  presented  their  credentials 
to  Capt.  Salisbury,  Commandant  at  the  post.  Convinced  by 
the  discourteous  manner  of  this  arbitrary  officer,  that  he  had 
no  desire  to  forward  their  enterprise,  they  did  not  comply 
with  his  orders  to  call  upon  him  again  before  leaving  town, 
but  went  at  once  to  Schenectady  to  procure  an  Indian  guide 
for  their  journey.  Enquiring  who  the  strangers  were,  the 
Dutch  were  told  that  they  belonged  in  Boston;  whereupon 
declaring  that  the  Englishmen  said  that  Schenectady  be- 
longed to  Boston,  and  acting  doubtless  under  secret  orders 
from  Salisbury,  they  remanded  them  to  Albany.  There  they 
were  detained  as  prisoners  till  an  opportunity  offered  to  send 
them  down  to  New  York  for  examination  by  the  Governor 
and  Council.  These  proceedings  forcibly  remind  one  of  the 
fable  of  the  wolf  and  the  lamb.  New  York  had  never  forgiven 
Massachusetts  for  her  occupation  of  Connecticut  River,  and 
was  ready  to  seize  upon  the  slightest  pretence  for  a  quarrel. 
The  existing  ill-will  appears  in  the  minutes  of  the  council 
concerning  the  examination  of  Waite  and  Jennings  where 
Waite  is  reported  as  denying  the  accusation  brought  against 
him  that  he  had  said  that  Schenectady  belonged  to  Bos- 
ton, pretending  some  mistake,  they  not  understanding  one 
another's  language.  It  was  finally  resolved  to  allow  them 
to  proceed  on  their  voyage,  and  with  an  order  from  Capt. 
Brockholes,   then  acting  as  Governor,  that  no  further  ob- 


SETTLEMENT   OF  A   FRONTIER   TOWN.  1 23 

stacles  should  be  interposed,  they  were  sent  back  to  Albany. 

Waiting  in  the  hope  of  finding  ice  on  the  lakes,  and  also 
delayed  by  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  a  guide,  the  loth  of  De- 
cember arrived  before  these  sorely  tried  men  could  perfect 
the  arrangements  for  their  perilous  march  through  the  wil- 
derness. The  French  guide  whom  they  had  hired,  failing 
them  at  the  last  minute,  a  Mohawk  Indian  offered  to  conduct 
them  to  Lake  George.  Much  to  their  disappointment  on  ar- 
riving there,  it  was  free  from  ice.  Finding  an  old  canoe,  the 
Indian  refitted  it,  and  after  drawing  for  them  on  birch  bark 
a  rough  draft  of  the  lakes  over  which  they  were  to  pass,  he 
bade  them  adieu.  Three  days  took  them  to  the  outlet  of  Lake 
George,  and  carrying  their  canoe  two  miles  across  the  portage, 
they  reached  the  shore  oi  Lake  Champlain  on  the  r6th  of  De- 
cember. Here  they  took  to  the  ice,  but  after  a  day's  journey 
it  proved  too  weak  to  bear  them,  and  sadly  retracing  their 
steps,  they  carried  the  canoe  forward  to  open  water,  and  again 
embarked.  Imagine  the  desolation  of  these  sorrow-stricken 
wayfarers,  as  they  floated  for  days  without  food  in  their  frail 
skift\  buffeted  and  tossed  by  the  wintry  winds  and  icy  waters 
of  that  unknown  sea. 

Sustained  through  all  their  hardships  by  that  mighty  af- 
fection which  gives  us  strength  to  bear  all  and  dare  all  for 
our  beloved  ones,  and  protected  in  all  dangers  by  that  Provi- 
dence which  notes  the  sparrow's  fall,  they  made  land  at  last 
on  New-Year's  day.  Hastening  forward,  and  greatly  re- 
freshed on  the  way  by  some  biscuits  and  a  bottle  of  brandy 
left  by  some  hunter  in  a  deserted  wigwam,  they  passed 
Chambly,  then  a  frontier  settlement  of  ten  houses.  Before 
reaching  Sorel,  they  came  upon  an  Indian  encampment, 
where  Jennings  was  overjoyed  to  find  his  wife.  With  sobs 
and  broken  speech  she  told  him  all  she  had  endured,  and  how 
it  had  fared  with  the  rest;  how  Samuel  Russell  and  little 
Mary  Foote   had   been   killed   on  the  way;    how   Goodman 


124  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW   ENGLAND   CAPTIVES, 

Plympton  had  survived  the  perils  of  the  journey  only  to  be 
murdered  at  the  end;  and  how,  after  all  had  been  continually 
threatened  with  burning,  this  old  man  was  selected  as  the 
victim,  and  led  to  the  stake  by  his  friend  and  neighbor, 
Obadiah  Dickinson,  had  walked  serenely  to  his  dreadful 
death.  Groans  burst  from  the  lips  of  the  two  men  as  they 
listened  to  the  harrowing  details,  but  restraining  their  in- 
dignation, they  hurried  off  to  bargain  for  the  redemption  of 
their  beloved  ones.  At  Sorel  they  saw  five  more  of  the  com- 
pany, two  of  whom  had  been  pawned  by  the  Indians  for  rum. 
"Waite's  wife  with  all  the  rest  of  the  captives  was  found  in 
the  Indian  lodges  in  the  woods  beyond.  Stopping  only  to 
comfort  her  with  the  joyful  tidings  of  her  speedy  release, 
Waite  and  Jennings  pushed  on  to  Quebec,  where  they  were 
kindly  received  by  the  Governor.  Glad  of  an  opportunity  to 
make  return  for  a  favor  lately  done  him  by  the  English  Gov- 
ernment, Frontenac  aided  them  in  collecting  the  captives 
and  procuring  their  ransom,  which  was  effected  by  the  pay- 
ment of  ^200. 

On  the  19th  of  April,  1678,  the  redeemed  captives  with 
their  deliverers,  escorted  by  four  gentlemen  of  Frontenac's 
household  and  a  guard  of  French  soldiers,  began  the  home- 
ward march.  Travelling  leisurely  and  hunting  by  the  way 
as  occasion  required,  they  arrived  at  Albany  on  the  22d  of 
May,  whence  a  messenger  was  at  once  sent  post  haste  with 
the  following  letters  from  Stockwell  and  Waite  to  their 
friends  at  Hatfield: 

Albany,  May  22,  1678. 

'•'■Loving  Wife: — Having  now  opportunity  to  remember  my  kind 
love  to  thee  and  our  child  and  the  rest  of  our  friends,  though  we 
met  with  great  afidictions  and  trouble  since  1  see  thee  last,  yet  here 
is  now  opportunity  of  joy  and  thanksgiving  to  God,  that  we  are 
now  pretty  well  and  in  a  hopeful  way  to  see  the  faces  of  one  another, 
before  we  take  our  final  farewell  of  this    present  world.      Likewise 


SETTLEMENT   OF   A   FRONTIER   TOWN.  1 25 

God  hath  raised  up  friends  amongst  our  enemies,  and  there  is  but 
three  of  us  dead  of  all  those  that  were  taken  away.  So  I  conclude, 
being  in  haste  and  rest  your  most  affectionate  husband  till  death 
makes  a  separation.  Quintin  Stockwell." 

"  To  my  loving  friends  atid  kindred  at  Hatfield: — These  few  lines  are 
to  let  you  understand  that  we  are  arrived  at  Albany  with  the  cap- 
tives, and  we  now  stand  in  need  of  assistance,  for  my  charges  is  very 
great  and  heavy  and  therefore  any  that  have  any  love  to  our  condi- 
tion, let  it  move  them  to  come  and  help  us  in  this  strait.  Three  of 
the  captives  are  murdered:  old  Goodman  Plympton,  Samuel  Foote's 
daughter  and  Samuel  Russell:  All  the  rest  are  alive  and  well  and 
now  at  Albany.  1  pray  you  hasten  the  matter,  for  it  requireth  great 
haste.  Stay  not  for  the  Sabbath,  nor  for  the  shoeing  of  horses.  We 
shall  endeavor  to  meet  you  at  Canterhook;  it  may  be  at  Housato- 
nock.  We  must  come  very  softly  because  of  our  wives  and  children. 
I  pray  you  hasten  then.  Stay  not  night  nor  day,  for  the  matter  re- 
quireth haste.     Bring  provisions  with  you  for  us. 

Your  loving  kinsman, 

Benjamin  Waite. 

At  Albany  written  from  mine  own  hand  as  I  have  been  affected 
to  yours  all  that  were  fatherless,  be  affected  to  me  now,  and  hasten 
and  stay  not,  and  ease  me  of  my  charges.  You  shall  not  need  to  be 
afraid  of  any  enemies." 

Copies  of  these  letters  were  sent  to  the  Governor  and  Coun- 
cil at  Boston,  who  had  previously  appointed  a  day  of  fasting, 
and  who  immediately  issued  an  order  recommending  "that 
on  that  day  the  ministers  and  congregation  manifest  their 
charity  for  the  captives  by  a  contribution  and  that  for  the 
quickening  of  the  work  Benjamin  Waite's  letter  be  publicly 
read  that  day  in  all  the  churches." 

After  tarrying  five  days  in  Albany,  the  party  went  on  foot 
twenty-two  miles  to  Kinderhook,  where  men  and  horses 
awaited  them.  At  Westfield  many  old  friends  and  neigh- 
bors from  Hatfield  met  them,  and  their  progress  thence  was 


126  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW   ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

like  a  triumphal  procession,  every  neighborhood  turning  out 
to  greet  them.  Two  proud  and  happy  men  were  Benjamin 
Waite  and  Stephen  Jennings,  as  they  headed  the  cavalcade 
into  Hatfield  street  that  May  morning,  each  bearing  in  his 
arms  his  new,  little  daughter,  and  tears  streamed  from  every 
e3'e  as  crowding  round  to  welcome  home  the  wanderers,  the 
people  passed  from  one  to  another  the  two  little  babies,  born 
in  bondage  and  christened  in  commemoration  of  the  sorrows 
of  their  mothers,  Canada  Waite  and  Captivity  Jennings.  It 
may  interest  some  to  know  that  both  children  grew  to 
womanhood,  and  that  the  former  became  the  grandmother  of 
the  late  Oliver  Smith,  gratefully  remembered  by  many  in 
the  Connecticut  valley. 

Stockwell's  experience  of  Indian  hospitality  seems  to  have 
disgusted  him  with  frontier  life,  and  the  year  after  his  return 
he  removed  to  Suffield,  Conn.  That  others  still  cherished 
the  hope  of  finally  possessing  their  lands  in  peace  is  proved 
by  the  following : 

"To  the  honoured  Generall  Court  of  the  Masachusetts  Bay  now 
setting  in  Boston  y<^  8th  3,  '78:^ 
Rigt  Worshipfull : 

We  do  veryly  hope  your  thoughts  are  soe  upon  us  &  our  con- 
dition that  it  would  be  superfluous  to  tell  you  that  our  estates  are 
wasted  that  we  find  it  hard  work  to  Live  in  this  Iron  age  to  Come 
to  the  years  end  with  Comfort;  our  houses  have  been  Rifled  &  burned 
— our  flocks  &  heards  consumed — the  ablest  of  our  Inhabitants 
killed — our  plantation  has  become  a  wilderness — a  dwelling  place 
for  owls, — &  we  that  are  left  are  separated  into  several  townes — 
Also  our  reverand  &  esteemed  Minister,  Mr.  Samuel  Mather  hath 
been  invited  from  us  &  greate  danger  ther  is  of  o''  loosing  him; 
all  which  speaks  us  a  people  in  a  very  misirable  condition,  & 
unlest  you  will  be  pleased  to  take  us  (out  of  your  father-like  pitty) 
&  Cherish  us  in  yo''  bosomes   we   are  like  Suddinly  to  breathe  out 

'Mass.  Archives,  May  8,  1678, 


SETTLEMENT   OF   A    FRONTIER   TOWN.  1 27 

o''  last  Breath.  Right  Honoured  The  Committie  appointed  to  man- 
age o''  affairs  for  us  the  Rev.  Mr  Mather  who  hath  not  yet  quitte  for- 
saken us,  &  we  the  Remaining  Inhabitants  Joyfully  doe  desire 
that  we   might  return  &  plant   that  place  againe.     Yet   we    would 

earnestly  begg that   we   may  Repossess  the  Said  plantation 

with  great  Advantage  Both  for  the  advancing  the  cause  &  King- 
dome  of  Jesus  &  for  o''  own  saftie  &  comfort 

The  petition  then  enlarges  upon  the  drawback  they  have 
heretofore  encountered,  in  the  fact  that  the  best  land  is  held 
by  the  proprietors,  who  are  likely  never  to  settle  in  Deerfield, 
and  declare  that  Mr.  Mather  and  they  are  of  opinion  "the 
plantation  will  be  spoiled  if  these  men  may  not  be  begged  or 
will  not  be  bought  out  of  their  rights."  They  conclude  as 
follows: 

"All  judicious  men  who  have  any  acquaintance  with  it,  Count  It  as 
Rich  a  tract  of  land  as  any  upon  the  river;  they  Judge  it  sufficient 
to  entertain  &  maintain  as  great  number  of  Inhabitants  as  most  of 
the  upland  townes,  alsoe  were  it  well  peopled  it  would  be  as  a  bul- 
wark to  the  other  townes;  also  it  would  be  a  great  disheartening 
to  the  enemie  &  veryly  (not  to  make  to  bold  with  your  worship's  pa- 
tience) It  would  mightily  Incourage  and  Raise  the  hearts  of  us  the 
Inhabitants  yo''  poor  &  Impoverished  servants." 

The  prayer  of  the  petitioners  was  not  answered.  The 
matter  was  referred  by  the  Court  to  the  proprietors,  and  no 
further  attempt  to  rebuild  Deerfield  was  made  until  1682. 


EUNICE    WILLIAMS. 


Towards  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,  on  the 
bank  of  the  ice-bound  St.  Charles,  rose  a  hut,  with  the  high 
sounding  name  of  Notre-Dame  des  Anges.  Two  feet  above 
its  low  eaves  rose  the  drifted  snow.  Within,  great  logs  blazed 
in  the  "wide-throated  chimney,"  before  which,  on  a  wooden 
stool,  at  a  rough,  board  table,  sat  Paul  Le  Jeune,  Superior  of 
the  first  Jesuit  Mission  at  Quebec  in  New  France.  The  trees 
in  the  neighboring  forest  cracked  with  the  frost  like  the  re- 
port of  a  pistol.  Le  Jeune's  ink  and  his  fingers  froze ;  but 
late  into  the  night,  bribing  his  Indian  teacher  with  tobacco, 
he  toiled  away  at  his  declensions,  translating  his  Pater  Noster 
and  Credo  into  "blundering  Algonquin."  Then,  wrapped  in 
his  blanket,  which  was  soon  "fringed  with  the  icicles  of  his 
congealed  breath,"  he  snatched  an  hour's  rest,  and  waking 
with  the  dawn,  with  a  hatchet  broke  the  ice  in  his  cask  for 
his  morning  ablutions,  and  began  his  labors  afresh. 

"From  Old  France  to  New,"  says  Mr.  Parkman,  "came  suc- 
cors and  re-inforcements,"  and  a  year  before  Harvard  College 
was  founded,  there  was  at  Quebec,  the  beginning  of  a  school 
and  a  college  for  Huron  boys  and  French  youth.  "Our  Lady" 
smiled  upon  Paul  Le  Jeune's  missions ;  and  as  in  the  days  of 
Poutrincourt,  the  wealth  and  patronage  of  the  ladies  of  the 


EUNICE   WILLIAMS.  I2g 


French  Court  sent  the  first  Jesuit  to  New  France,  so  the  suc- 
cess of  these  later  missions  at  Quebec,  and  of  the  newly  con- 
secrated Ville  Marie  de  Montreal,  was  in  great  measure  due 
to  the  zeal  and  romantic  devotion  of  Madame  de  La  Peltrie, 
Marie  de  L'Incarnation,  Mdlle.  Jeanne  Mance,  and  Margue- 
rite Bourgeois  ;  and  no  one  can  read  the  story  of  Paul  Le 
Jeune  and  his  associates  as  related  by  themselves,  without 
mingled  admiration  and  respect  for  the  founders  of  Roman- 
ism in  Canada. 

Meanwhile,  with  a  kindred  zeal,  that  noble  apostle,  John 
Eliot,  sat  in  his  little  study  at  Roxbury,  patiently  translating 
the  English  Bible  into  the  Algonquin  tongue  for  the  benefit 
of  the  Indians  near  Boston,  often  meeting  them  at  Nonantum 
hill,  after  the  duties  of  his  own  pulpit  were  discharged  for 
the  week,  and  there  expounding  to  them  its  simple  truths. 
Nor  was  this  the  end  of  his  labors  for  their  improvement. 
Believing  that  civilization,  or  civility,  as  he  calls  it,  should 
go  hand  in  hand  with  religion,  he  instructed  the  sachems  in 
agriculture  and  the  use  of  tools,  bought  spinning-wheels  for 
the  squaws,  and  not  neglecting  the  primer  for  the  Catechism, 
founded  schools  for  their  pappooses,  rewarding  their  dili- 
gence with  the  gift  of  a  cake  or  an  apple.  At  last,  when  he 
had  established  his  praying  Indians,  as  they  were  called,  in 
a  village  of  their  own  at  Natick,  the  town  of  Dedham  was 
indemnified  for  the  loss  of  land  appropriated  to  their  use,  by 
a  grant  of  eight  thousand  acres  elsewhere  ;  and  what  is  now 
Deerfield  was  the  spot  selected. 

We  of  to-day,  looking  upon  the  fruits  of  two  hundred  years 
,  of  culture,  do  not  wonder  at  their  choice,  and  we  can  scarcely 
realize  how  resolute  and  pious  must  have  been  the  hearts, 
and  how  strong  the  hands,  of  the  men  and  women,  who  in 
167 1,  began  the  settlement  of  Deerfield.  A  rude  life  they 
led  for  the  first  few  years,  with  no  school,  no  meeting-house, 
and  no  settled  minister;  though  Samuel  Mather,  son  of  Tim- 


130  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

othy  of  Dorchester,  ministered  to  them  in  1673,  boarding  at 
the  time  with  Quentin  Stockwell.  Driven  from  their  heri- 
tage by  the  savage  hordes  of  Philip,  it  was  not  till  1682  that 
an  effort  at  resettlement  was  made. 

In  the  senior  class  at  Harvard  at  that  time,  was  John  Wil- 
liams, a  studious  youth,  son  of  Deacon  Samuel  Williams  of 
Roxbury.  (Graduated  from  a  class  of  three,  of  whom  two 
were  Williamses,  John  Williams,  then  but  twenty-two  years 
of  age,  after  studying  divinity,  was  ordained  minister  of 
Deerfield,  in  1688.  There  would  seem  to  be  little  in  the  po- 
.sition  of  pastor  to  a  frontier  settlement  to  attract  a  young 
man  born  and  educated  at  the  metropolis  ;  and  without  doubt- 
ing that  Mr.  Williams  was  mainly  actuated  by  that  mission- 
ary spirit,  which  characterized  the  preachers  of  that  period, 
it  is  possible  that  a  previous  acquaintance  with  the  North- 
ampton lady,  whom  he  married  the  year  after  his  ordination, 
made  him  more  willing  to  accept  the  call  to  Deerfield.  This 
was  Eunice  Mather,  a  cousin  of  the  first  minister  of  Deer- 
field, daughter  of  Rev.  Eleazer  Mather,  and  descended  on 
her  mother's  side  from  John  Warham,  a  noted  Puritan  Di- 
vine of  Exeter,  England. 

Eunice  Williams,  second  daughter,  and  sixth  child  of  Rev. 
John  Williams,  was  born  September  17th,  1696.  She  was  the 
middle  child  of  eleven,  all  born  to  her  parents  within  sixteen 
years.  Though  nothing  can  be  definitely  stated  of  her  child- 
hood previous  to  1704,  we  may  suppose  that  her  five  little 
brothers  and  sisters,  whose  births  are  recorded  as  rapidly 
succeeding  her  own,  monopolized  the  attention  of  the  mother 
with  whom  Esther,  the  eldest  daughter,  was  more  naturally 
associated  in  the  care  of  the  younger  ones;  while  the  father, 
busy  in  providing  for  his  rapidly  increasing  family,  and 
much  occupied  with  his  parish  duties,  devoted  the  little  lei- 
sure that  remained,  to  planning  for  the  education  of  the  old- 
er boys.     So  I  fancy  Eunice  a  pale,  delicate,  dark-eyed  child. 


EUNICE   WILLIAMS.  13I 


left  pretty  much  to  her  own  devices  for  the  jfirst  six  years  of 
her  life. 

Let  us  glance  at  the  Deerfield  of  that  period.  We  see  it 
all, — the  palisade  enclosing  the  Garrison  House/  the  parson- 
age and  many  humble  dwellings;  the  forts  or  stockaded 
houses  outside;  the  old  meeting-house,  a  square  edifice,  from 
the  middle  of  whose  foursided  roof,  sprang  the  belfry, — emp- 
ty, truth  compels  me  to  state,  for  the  bell,  whose  echoes 
sounded  so  pleasantly  in  our  ears  for  many  years,  has  recent- 
ly been  silenced  forever  by  the  indefatigable  antiquary:  - 
the  people,  with  names  and,  doubtless,  faces  so  familiar  to 
us, — valiant,  hard-working.  God-fearing  men;  heroic,  much- 
enduring,  pious  women.  Only  the  location  of  the  school- 
house,  where  Eunice  probably  went  to  school,  is  missing. 
But  though  the  fathers  and  mothers  of  that  time  were  for 
the  most  part  uneducated,  they  had  a  school-house,  and  in 
Eunice's  day  as  in  ours,  a  Barnard  was  the  noted  school 
dame  of  the  village;  public-spirited,  like  her  of  our  time,  be- 
queathing large  legacies  to  the  schools.  Eunice  was  a  good 
reader,  and  knew  her  Catechism  by  heart.  Mr.  John  Catlin 
was  then  school  committee  and  I  have  no  doubt,  that  when 
he  visited  the  school,  Eunice  felt  very  much  as  we  have  on 
similar  occasions;  and  that  being  the  minister's  daughter, 
she  was  plied  with  longer  words  and  harder  questions  than 
the  rest;  and  that  she  privately  told  Martha  and  Abigail 
French  that  she  didn't  like  their  grandfather  at  all.  She 
liked  to  go  to  Deacon  French's,  who  lived  on  what  is  now  the 
site  of  the  second  church  parsonage.  The  Deacon  was  the 
blacksmith  of  the  village,  and  his  shop  stood  a  few  rods  west 
of  his  house.  Eunice  would  stand  hours  watching  him,  as 
he  beat  into  shape  the  plough-shares,  that  had  been  bent  by 

'Ever  after  the  attack  on  Deerfield,  known  as  the  "Old  Indian  House." 

'^Hon.  George  Sheldon,  of  Deerfield,  by  whom  the  legendary  "Bell  of  Saint 
Regis,"  has  been  proved  a  myth. 


132  TRUE    STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


the  stumps  in  the  newly  cleared  lands.  As  the  sparks  flew 
tip  from  the  flaming  forge,  she  thought  of  the  verse  in  the 
Bible,  "Man  is  born  unto  trouble  as  the  sparks  fly  upward," 
and  wondered  what  it  meant.     Too  soon,  alas,  she  learned. 

The  Indians  for  a  time  held  in  check  by  the  defeat  and 
death  of  Philip,  were  beginning  again  to  desolate  the  scat- 
tered villages.  When  in  1689,  they  settled  old  scores  with 
Major  Waldron  at  Dover,  they  killed  Richard  Otis,  and  took 
his  wife  and  baby  with  other  captives  to  Canada.  Scalping 
parties  hovered  perpetually  about  Deerfield,  and  the  new- 
born settlement  was  soon  baptized  in  blood. 

When  in  1702,  Dudley  left  England  to  assume  the  govern- 
ment of  Massachusetts,  it  was  evident  that  the  English  queen 
could  not  overlook  the  insult  offered  her  by  Louis  XIV,  As 
ever  since  the  peace  of  1698,  the  Canadian  government  had 
lost  no  opportunity  of  exciting  the  eastern  Indians  to  hostil- 
ity, under  the  pretext  of  protecting  them  from  the  encroach- 
ments of  the  English,  it  was  inevitable  that  war  between  the 
two  nations  in  the  Old  World,  must  be  followed  by  a  renew- 
al of  atrocities  in  New  England.  As  a  precautionary  meas- 
ure, Dudley  appointed  a  conference  with  the  sachems,  in 
June,  1703,  at  Casco,  and  repairing  thither  with  his  suite,  was 
met  on  the  30th,  by  Hopehood  of  Norridgwock,  Wanungunt 
of  Penobscot,  and  Wattanummon  of  Pennacook,  with  their 
chief  sagamores.  In  stereotyped  phrase,  the  new  governor 
said,  that  commissioned  by  his  victorious  queen,  he  had  come 
as  to  friends  and  brothers,  to  reconcile  all  differences  since 
the  last  treaty.  The  Indian  orator  in  turn  assured  him,  that 
peace  was  what  they  desired  above  all  things,  and  in  lan- 
guage as  poetical  as  it  was  false,  declared  that  "as  high  as 
the  sun  was  above  the  earth,  so  far  distant  should  their  de- 
signs be  of  making  the  least  breach  between  them."  Both 
parties  then  heaped  up  fresh  stones  upon  the  pillar  called  the 
Two  Brothers,  that  had  been  set  up  at  the  last  treaty,  and 


MHOL  3fl3Hvv  aauoH  a'Taaias  htivv  ao, 
><ooT  ju=iwo3fl02  Yfl3v  amaa 

fl3H  T^3J    QUA  QHAH 


132 


f  .I.A\'I  ) 


the  stumps 

up 

Bil 

anc 

'J 
dec 
ten 
Ma 
his 
par 
bor 

\ 
me 
cou 
eve 
lost 

mei 
twc 
al  c 
lire 
Jun 
met 
of  ] 
chit. ,   .-, 


■d  lands.     As  the  sparks  flew 
'  bought  of  the  verse  in  the 
IS  the  sparks  fly  upward," 
.'O  soon,  alas,  she  learned. 
"      '  defeat  and 

11  o  the  scat- 
Id  scores  with 
s,  and  took 
Scalping 
•••  new- 


FORT  SAINT-LOUIS  AT  CAUGHiNAWAGA  WITH   PRIEST'S   HOUSE  WHERE   JOHN 

SCHUYLER  SAW  EUNICE  AND   BEING  VERY  SORROWFUL  TOOK 

HER   BY  THF    HAND  AND    LEFT  HER 

Wiivy  meas- 
,cc  with    ciio    sachems,  in 
;;i  1..,,  .,.  ,  ...^  thither  with  hi^  ^nno  wtq 
opehood  of  Norridpfwoek.  ■ 
A,  and  Wattanunimon  of   ' 


-  .^mores.     ■  ■■■  ^ 
said,  that  commishi 
as  t     'riends  and  broi 
the  ia>L  treaty.     The  1 
peaie  was  what  thry 
gua       as  poetical 
the  was  ali 

sigr        ■  ')f  m.( 
part  I)  heaped  Uj' 

Tw(        uiiiers,  that.  h. 


sh 


•  iCf 

a,  ihat 
in  lan- 
d  that  "as  high  as 
nt  should  their  de- 
'.  een  them."  Both 
:he  pillar  called  tlu' 
'he  last 


EUNICE   WILLIAMS.  I33 


the  ceremonies  ended.  A  few  weeks  later,  Bomazeen  boasted 
that  though  several  missionaries  from  the  French  had  tried 
to  seduce  them  from  their  allegiance,  they  "were  as  firm  as 
the  mountains,  and  so  would  continue  as  long  as  the  sun  and 
moon  endured." 

Truly  has  Penhallow  said,  "Their  voice  was  like  the  voice 
of  Jacob,  but  their  hands  like  the  hands  of  Esau,"  for  in  six 
weeks  after,  they  with  their  Canadian  allies,  set  the  whole 
country  in  flames.  New  York  was  protected  by  her  treaty 
with  the  Six  Nations,  and  the  whole  brunt  of  the  war  fell 
upon  Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire.  Deerfield  being 
the  most  remote  settlement,  and  easy  of  access  from  Canada, 
was  especially  exposed.  It  had,  however,  a  watchful  sentinel 
at  its  outpost,  in  the  person  of  Col.  John  Schuyler  at  Albany, 
who  often  sent  intelligence  of  the  movements  of  the  enemy, 
and  thus  warded  off  the  danger.  A  mission  of  converted 
Mohawks,  (Iroquois,)  whom  the  Jesuits  had  persuaded  to  leave 
their  native  towns,  and  settle  on  the  St.  Lawrence  under  the 
wing  of  the  church,  had  at  this  time  a  fort  at  vSaint-Louis,^ 
now  Caughnawaga,  nine  miles  above  Montreal.  They  natu- 
rally allied  themselves  with  the  French,  while  those  of  their 
tribe  who  remained  in  the  place  of  their  nativity,  came  un- 
der the  sway  of  the  English.  The  praying  Indians  of  the  Mo- 
hawks, whose  principal  village  was  at  Caughnawaga,  forty 
miles  distant  from  Albany,  were  in  the  habit  of  visit- 
ing their  relatives  at  the  Saint-Louis  mission,  and  news  of 
the  threatened  attacks  upon  Deerfield,  was  frequently  brought 
by  them  to  Albany  on  their  return,  and  communicated  by 
Schuyler  to  the  authorities  in  New  England. 

In  the  autumn  following  the  conference  at  Casco,  Zebediah 
Williams,  and  John  Nims,  his  half  brother,  were  taken  from 

'This  was  the  fourth  fort  built  on  the  St.  Lawrence  near  Montreal,  by  these 
praying  Mohawks.  A  part  of  its  walls,  so  familiar  to  Eunice  Williams  and 
other  New  England  captives,  is  still  to  be  seen. 


134 


TRUE   STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


the  north  meadows  in  Deerfield  and  carried  to  Canada.     So 
impressed  was  the  Rev.  Mr.  Williams  with  a  presentiment  of 
the  danger  hovering  over  the  town,  that  both  in  the  pulpit 
and  out,  he  urged  the  utmost  vigilance  upon  his  people.     The 
old  fable  of  the  boy  and  the  wolf  was  acted  over  again,  and 
the  savage  foe,  stealing  from  the  forest  at  midnight  upon  the 
fold,  found  the  guardians  sleeping,  and  fell  with  rapine  and 
murder  upon  the  little  flock.     The  story  is  an  old  one  and 
needs   no    repetition    here.      But    who   can    tell   the   horror 
stamped  forever  upon  the  heart  and  brain  of  Eunice,  by  the 
sights  and  sounds  of   that   awful   night?     vSuddenly   waked 
from  the  untroubled  sleep  of  childhood,  to  see  the  hideous 
faces  of  demons  bending  over  her;  dragged  by  bloody  hands 
from  her  warm  bed,  hurried  through  the  room  where  she 
sees  her  father,  bound  hand  and  foot,  helpless  to  protect  her, 
and  afraid  to  pity  lest  he  may  hasten  her  doom;    over  the 
door  stone,  where  her  little  brother  lies  dead,  and  by  his  side, 
gashed  and  bleeding,  the  faithful  black  woman,  whom   next 
to  their  mother,  they  loved  ;  out  into  the  cold  winter  night, 
reddening  now  like  the  dawn,  in  the  glare  of  the  burning 
village,  and  so  to  the  church,  the  child  is  borne.     Pine  torches 
flaring  in  the  hands  of  the  dusky  warriors,  lighted  up  the 
scene  within.     The  enemy's  wounded,  groaning  in  agony  on 
the  floor ;  old  men  praying  and  calling  on  God  for  deliver- 
ance ;  women  speechless  and  despairing,  among   them  her 
mother  pale  and  wan  ;  her  playmates  shrieking  with  terror  ; 
infants  wailing  with  cold    and  hunger ; — huddled    there  in 
woful  companionship,  while  the  mocking  fiends  completed 
the  work  of  destruction.     At  dawn,  the  shivering  captives 
began  their  weary  march.     The  impression  made  upon  the 
tender  mind  of  the  child,  by  the  dreadful  scenes  of  this  night 
and  the  twenty-five  succeeding  days,  may  explain  the  fact  of 
her  reluctance  to  return  to  the  home  of  which  she  had  re- 
tained only  this  frightful  remembrance. 


EUNICE    WILLIAMS.  135 


In  the  distribution  of  the  captives,  Eunice  fell  to  the  lot 
of  a  Mohawk  of  Saint-Louis.  Whether  her  beauty  pleased 
his  Indian  fancy,  or  her  forlorn  condition  melted  his  savage 
breast  to  pity,  it  is  certain  that  she  was  treated  with  more 
consideration  by  her  master,  than  her  companions  were  by 
theirs.  When  her  little  feet  were  weary,  he  lifted  her  to  his 
brawny  shoulder,  or  bore  her  tenderly  in  his  arms.  Wrap- 
ping her  warmly  in  his  blanket,  he  drew  her  on  a  sledge 
over  the  icy  rivers,  spread  her  bed  softly  with  thick  hemlock 
boughs  when  they  camped  at  night,  and  selected  the  choicest 
morsels  from  his  hunting  for  her  food,  often  stinting  himself 
that  she  might  have  the  more.  Seeing  her  playmates  butch- 
ered in  cold  blood  by  their  cruel  masters  on  that  fearful 
journey,  the  little  innocent  clung  to  her  protector  with  the 
trustfulness  of  childhood,  and  the  two  strange  companions 
learned  to  love  each  other  well.  On  their  arrival  in  Canada, 
she  was  carried  at  once  to  his  home,  and  thus  separated  en- 
tirely from  her  family.  At  the  earnest  prayer  of  her  father, 
who  was  at  iVIontreal,  the  governor  sent  a  priest  with  him  to 
endeavor  for  her  ransom.  But  the  Jesuit  at  the  Saint-Louis 
mission  would  not  permit  Mr.  Williams  to  enter  the  fort,  as- 
suring him  that  it  would  be  labor  lost,  for  the  Macquas 
would  part  with  their  hearts  sooner  than  with  his  child.  Ac- 
companied by  the  governor,  Mr.  Williams  finally  obtained 
an  interview  with  Eunice,  who  with  sobs  and  tears  begged 
and  pleaded  that  he  would  take  her  away  from  that  dreadful 
place.  Soothing  her  as  well  as  he  could,  though  her  sorrow 
inust  have  rent  his  heart,  her  father  heard  her  say  her  Cate- 
chism and  told  her  she  must  pray  to  God  every  day.  The 
seven  years  old  child  assured  him  that  she  had  not  once 
omitted  to  do  so,  "but,"  said  she,  "a  wicked  man  in  a  long 
black  gown  comes  every  day,  and  makes  me  say  some  Latin 
prayers  which  I  cannot  understand,  but  I  hope  it  may  do  me 
no  harm."     She  told  him  how  the  savages  profaned  the  Sab- 


136  TRUE    STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

bath,  and  promised  him  that  she  would  always  keep  it  holy. 
For  a  few  minutes  again  before  his  release,  Mr.  Williams 
was  permitted  to  converse  with  his  daughter.  The  Gover- 
nor's wife,  seeing  his  deep-seated  melancholy  on  her  account, 
had  Eunice  brought  to  Montreal,  where  she  told  him  of  the 
methods  used  to  drive  heretic  children  to  the  bosom  of  the 
mother  church. 

It  is  a  mournful  picture.  The  Jesuit  with  his  slouched  hat 
looped  up  at  the  sides,  in  a  long  black  cassock,  a  rosary  at  his 
waist,  and  a  scourge  in  his  hand.  The  timid  English  girl, 
scion  of  a  grand  old  Puritan  stock,  cowering  in  abject  terror 
on  her  knees  before  him.  Rebaptized  Margaret,  with  the 
sign  of  the  cross  on  her  brow  and  bosom,  Eunice  is  alternate- 
ly threatened  with  punishment  and  allured  with  promises. 
She  is  told  tales  of  her  father's  conversion,  frightened  with 
pictures  of  fiends  tormenting  the  souls  of  little  children,  and 
beaten  for  refusing  to  make  the  sign  of  the  cross.  All  offers 
of  ransom  were  refused  for  her,  and  when  she  entreated  to 
be  allowed  to  go  home,  she  was  told  that  if  she  went  she 
would  be  damned  and  burned  in  hell  forever,  a  threat  terri- 
ble to  the  ears  of  a  child  bred  in  the  Puritanic  fear  of  the  ev- 
erlasting fire.  Fond  as  her  Indian  master  was  of  her,  he  was 
powerless  to  protect  her  from  these  cruelties.  While  he  did 
not  deny  the  justice  of  the  claims  made  for  the  restoration 
of  the  prisoner,  he  always  asserted  that  he  could  not  release 
her  without  an  order  from  the  governor,  whose  subject  he 
was.  On  the  other  hand,  the  governor  pleaded  his  fear  of 
the  king's  displeasure,  lamented  his  want  of  authority  to 
command  the  Indians,  who,  he  said,  were  his  allies  and  not 
his  subjects.  The  priests,  appealed  to  as  a  last  resource, 
scornfully  repelled  the  implied  suspicion,  and  declared  that 
humanity  forbade  them  to  interfere  to  separate  the  child 
against  her  will,  from  the  master  whom  she  loved  as  her  father. 

After  the  blow  fell  upon  the  devoted  town  of  Deerfield, 


EUNICE   WILLIAMS.  1 37 


Schuyler  did  not  relax  his  efforts  to  protect  New  England. 
He  openly  protested  against  the  maintenance  of  neutrality 
in  New  York,  whereby  the  marauders  passed  unmolested, 
to  attack  the  people  of  Massachusetts;  and  remonstrating  in 
their  name  with  the  Governor  of  Canada,  he  said,  he  had 
thought  it  his  "duty  to  God  and  man  to  prevent  as  far  as  pos- 
sible, the  infliction  of  such  cruelties  as  had  too  often  been 
committed  on  the  unfortunate  colonists."  In  all  negotiations 
for  the  redemption  of  English  captives  he  was  especially  act- 
ive. He  sent  out  friendly  Indians  as  scouts  into  the  enemy's 
country,  and  reported  faithfully  to  our  governor  all  that  he 
could  learn  of  the  designs  of  their  captors  in  regard  to  them. 
He  was  much  interested  in  the  restoration  of  Eunice,  and  all 
that  we  know  of  her  condition  after  her  father's  release  is 
gleaned  from  hints  in  his  correspondence.  In  a  letter  to 
Col.  Partridge,  commanding  at  Hatfield,  dated  Feb,  i8,  1706-7, 

he  says,  "As  to  Mr.  Williams  Daughter,  our  spies are 

returned,  who  as  they  were  hunting,  saw  Mr.  Williams  daugh- 
ter wth  the  Indian  who  ownes  her.  She  is  in  good  health, 
but  seemes  unwilling  to  returne,  and  the  Indian  not  very  will- 
ing to  part  with  her,  she  being,  as  he  says,  a  pritty  girl  but 
perhapps  he  may  Exchange  her  if  he  can  gett  a  very  pritty 
Indian  in  her  Rome,  which  he  must  first  see,  you  may  assure 
Mr.  Williams  I  will  do  all  that  lays  in  my  power  to  serve 
him,  as  I  have  formally  wrott  to  him,  and  indeed  to  all  others 
that  are  prisoners."  In  conclusion,  after  notifying  Col.  Par- 
tridge of  certain  movements  of  the  enemy,  he  says:  "I  wish 
you  and  us  may  be  all  on  our  guard,  and  God  preserve  us  all 
from  such  bloody  enemies."  In  another  letter  to  Partridge^ 
on  the  nth  of  August,  1707,  he  notices  the  return  of  two 
trusty  Indians  whom  he  had  sent  as  "spys"  to  Caughnawaga 

'This  letter  was  sent  by  Sam'l  Doxy,  who  had  gone  from  New  England  to 
Albany.  In  it  he  calls  Caughnawaga  "a  Castle  belonging  to  ye  French  praying 
Macquas  neer  to  Prary  [La  PrairieJ  in  Canada." 


138  TRUE    STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

in  Canada,  and  who  reported  a  party  of  the  enemy  at  Otter 
Creek  on  their  way  to  New  England,  and  also  "that  they  see 
Deaken  Sheldon  of  Deerfield  at  Montreal,  who  walked  the 
streets,  but  was  told  he  was  deteind  and  had  not  liberty  to 
goe  home."  Schuyler  adds,  "Do  be  on  your  guard  to  pre- 
vent your  people  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  these 
bloody  savages;  but  I  cannot  enlarge,  for  I  will  have  the  mes- 
senger  ride   this   night,  and  it  is  now  ten  o'clock." 

Mr.  Sheldon  went  at  least  three  times  to  Canada,  in  behalf 
of  Eunice  and  others,  and  on  the  above  occasion  was  not  al- 
lowed to  return,  there  being  another  expedition  on  foot 
against  the  English.  Deacon  Sheldon's  kind  offices  seem  to 
have  produced  some  relenting  in  the  heart  of  Eunice's  mas- 
ter, for  I  have  before  me  a  letter  written  from  her  cousin  in 
Northampton,  to  her  brother  in  Roxbury,  dated  Aug.  4,  1707, 
which  says,  "A  post  came  from  Albany  last  Saturday  night, 
that  brought  letters  from  Canada,  also  a  letter  from  Albany, 
that  saith,  'Ye  Indian,  Eunice's  master,  saith  he  will  bring 
her  in  within  two  months.'  " 

One  can  picture  the  quiet  little  village  on  that  Saturday 
night.  All  work  laid  aside,  the  Puritan  Sabbath  already 
begun;  the  pious  psalms  of  the  different  households  borne  out 
upon  the  summer  air,  and  perhaps  the  solemn  voice  of  the 
pastor,  as  with  the  remnant  of  his  once  happy  family,  he 
prays  for  the  return  of  the  captive  still  languishing  in  chains 
afar;  the  sound  of  horse's  hoofs,  as  the  messenger  rides  post 
from  Albany,  sent  by  Peter  vSchuyler  to  announce  that 
Eunice's  master  will  bring  her  within  two  months;  the  stir 
in  the  village,  as  the  glad  tidings  spreads  from  house  to 
house.  Hope  beating  high  in  the  bosoms  of  some,  with  the 
thought  that  now,  perhaps,  they  may  rejoin  their  beloved 
ones,  long  since  torn  from  them  by  a  fate  more  cruel  than 
death;  sorrow  in  some  at  the  renewed  remembrance  of  those 
that  can  never  return. 


EUNICE   WILLIAMS.  I  39 


Saddest  of  all  is  the  remembrance  of  the  ten  years  old 
girl  at  Caughnawaga,  in  the  wigwam  of  her  master.  It  is  al- 
ways her  master  and  never  a  hint  that  any,  even  of  the  rud- 
est of  her  sex,  surround  her.  She  may  have  heard  that  he 
has  promised  at  last  to  take  her  home,  and  perhaps  begs  him 
with  tears  not  to  wait,  but  to  go  at  once.  He  tells  her,  per- 
haps, that  her  father  has  ceased  to  care  for  her,  that  he  has 
left  her  alone,  and  taken  her  brothers  and  sister  home  with 
him;  that  her  mother  is  dead  and  her  father  has  a  new  wife, 
who  will  beat  her  if  she  goes  home;  that  she  is  to  stay  with 
him,  till  some  young  brave  claims  her  as  his  squaw.  It  may 
be  that  she  still  weeps  obstinately,  and  that  he  drags  her  to 
the  priest,  to  be  terrified  into  obedience. 

The  two  months  pass,  and  no  tidings  yet  of  Eunice  at  Al- 
bany. Seven  years  elapse;  seven  weary  years  of  alternate 
hope  and  despair  since  her  capture, — when,  one  summer 
morning,  a  strange  visitor  ascends  the  broad  steps  of  the  old 
Province  House  in  Boston.  She  glides  through  the  spacious 
doorway  and  into  the  grand  reception  room,  where  she  gazes 
about  her  with  a  half  frig^htened,  half  curious  air.  The  Qfov- 
ernor  is  there  with  several  gentlemen.  "Who  is  she?  What 
does  she  want?"  he  asks.  "An  Abenaki  squaw,"  the  usher 
replies,  "who  demands  her  children,  captured  by  the  English 
some  time  since,  and  now  in  Boston."  A  thought  strikes 
the  governor.  He  will  exchange  the  children  of  this  wom- 
an for  Eunice.  iVn  interpreter  is  sent  for.  "The  white  man's 
axe  is  laid  at  the  foot  of  the  forest  tree,"  says  the  Abenaki, 
"its  branches  are  lopped  away  and  it  will  soon  die."  The 
pappooses  are  brought,  and  while  the  mother  fondles  her 
young  in  savage  fashion,  the  interpreter  answers  for  the  gov- 
ernor. "Among  the  hills,"  he  says,  "a  shepherd  fed  his 
peaceful  flock,  when  a  wolf  sprang  upon  them,  and  some 
were  killed,  and  others  driven  far  away.  Day  and  night  the 
shepherd  grieves  for  the  youngling  of  his  flock,  gone  astray. 


I40  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

In  the  north  the  white  lamb  bleats,  but  cannot  find  her  way 
back.  Let  the  Abenaki  bring  her  back  to  the  shepherd,  the 
white  chief  says,  and  her  pappooses  shall  be  restored  to  her; 
the  branches  shall  be  safe  and  the  forest  tree  shall  live 
again."  "One  touch  of  nature  makes  the  whole  world  kin." 
"The  Abenaki  knows  where  the  white  lamb  is  hid.  She  will 
go,  and  before  so  many  moons  are  gone,  the  shepherd  shall 
have  his  own  again."  Another  fierce  embrace  of  her  chil- 
dren, and  the  squaw  strides  forth  into  the  wilderness.  How 
she  sped  on  her  quest,  is  shown  by  the  following  extract 
from  a  letter  in  our  archives,  written  by  Father  Meriel  in 
Canada,  to  Mr.  Johnson  Harmon'  at  Shamblee : 

^"Montreal,  June  26,  171 1. 
Sir  : 

Since  you  are  gone,  a  squaw  of  the  nation  of  the 
Abnakis  is  come  in  from  Boston.  She  has  a  pass  from  your  Gov- 
ernour.  She  goes  about  getting  a  Httle  girl  daughter  of  Mr.  John 
Williams.  The  Lord  Marquis  of  Vaudreuil  helps  her  as  he  can. 
The  business  is  very  hard  because  the  girl  belongs  to  Indians  of 
another  sort,  and  the  master  of  the  English  girl  is  now  at  Albany. 
You  may  tell  your  Governour  that  the  squaw  can't  be  at  Boston  at 
the  time  appointed,  and  that  she  desires  him  not  to  be  impatient 
for  her  return,  and  meanwhile  to  take  good  care  of  her  two  papows. 
The  same  Lord  chief  Governor  of  Canada,  has  insured  me  in  case 
she  may  not  prevail  with  the  Mohoggs  for  Eunice  Williams,  he  shall 
send  home  four  English  persons  in  his  power  for  an  Exchange  in 
the  Room  of  the  two  Indian  children.  You  see  well.  Sir,  your  Gov- 
ernour must  not  disregard  such  a  generous  proffer  as  according  to 
his  noble  birth  and  obliging  genious  Ours  makes.  Else  he  would 
betray  little  affection  to  his  own  people." 

'Johnson  Harmon  of  York.  Maine,  is  on  a  "List  of  Captives  still  in  the 
hands  of  the  French  and  Indians  at  Canada  given  to  Mr.  Vaudruille's  messen- 
gers," and  dated  1710-11.     Mass.  Archives,  Vol.  71. 

'  Mass.  Archives,  Vol.  51,  p.  212.     See  Appendix. 


EUNICE   WILLIAMS.  14I 


Again  Deerfield  is  agitated  with  rumors  of  the  speedy  re- 
covery of  Eunice  Williams.  Hope  again  visits  the  heart  of 
her  unhappy  father,  to  be  again  dispelled  by  disappoint- 
ment. 

In  a  letter  to  the  French  governor,  dated  Nov.  10,  171 2, 
Dudley,  impatient  of  the  delay,  says  :  "I  have  in  my  Keeping 
one  Indian  sachem  of  Quebeck,  one  other  sachem  of  your 
Indians  near  in  blood  and  kindred  to  the  woman  that  has  Mr. 
Williams's  daughter,  which  I  will  exchange  for  her, — or  oth- 
erwise I  will  never  set  them  free." 

Meantime,  having  notified  Schuyler  of  his  interview  with 
the  Abenaqui  squaw,  and  warned  him  to  keep  a  sharp  look- 
out for  her  return,  he  receives  at  last  the  following  letter 
from  Peter  Schuyler  : 

'■'■May  it  please  your  Excellency^ 

Y(f  Excellency's  Letters 
of  y^  6"'  and  10"^  Currant  for  Expresse  have  Received  togather  with 
five  letters  for  Mons''  Vaudreuil  gov''  of  Canida  which  have  deliver'^ 
to  y*^  French  officer  Dayeville^  who  goes  from  hence  y**  [19J  Instant 
&  have  taken  his  Receipt  for  three  Letters  as  you  Designed  which 
is  here  Inclosed  as  to  what  your  Excellency  mentions  Relating  to 
Mr.  Williams  his  doghter,  the  squaw  nor  she  is  not  come  her  yet 
nor  have  I  heard  anything  of  her  Coming  altho  I  shall  be  very  glad 
to  see  them  and  do  assure  your  Excellency  If  they  come  together 
or  be  it  y«  squaw  alone  I  shall  use  all  possible  meanes  to  get  the 
child  exchanged  Either  as  your  Excellency  proposes  or  what  other 
way  the  squaw  will  be  most  willing  to  Comply  with.  In  the  mean- 
time shall  Inform  my  Selfe  by  all  opportunities  whether  the  said 
Squaw  &  Child  be  coming  here  or  if  they  be  anywhere  near  by. 
Your  Excellency  may  depend   that  whatever  I  can  do  for  y«  obtain- 

'This  is  Jean  Baptiste  Dageuille,  Sergeant  in  the  company  of  M.  de  la  For- 
est, who  on  May  26,  1711,  at  the  age  of  twenty-six,  married  the  captive  Marie 
Priscille  Storer,  daughter  of  Jeremiah  and  Ruth  [Masters]  Storer  of  Wells. 
Maine. 


142  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

ing  of  y*^  s''  Child  shall  at  no  time  be  wanting.     So  shall  take  leave 
to  subscribe  my  Selfe 

Your  Excellency' 

Most  humble  &  Obedient 

Servant 

P.  Schuyler. 
Albany,  Dec.  19,  (?)  1712." 

Accompanying  this  letter  in  our  Archives,  is  the  following : 
"Received  of  Coll.  P.  Schuyler,  three  French  letters  sent  him  from 
Governor  Dudley,  directed  to  Mons''  Vaudreiul,  govern'r  in  Canada 
which  Letters  I  promise  carefully  to  Convey  &  Deliver  to  y^  said 
Govern"^  in  Canada  as  soon  as  I  shall  arrive  there  witness  my  hand 
this  19th  December  17 12 

[Signed]  Dageuille.^" 

Father  Meriel  had  written  that  the  French  governor  would 
give  four  English  captives  in  exchange  for  the  two  Abenaqui 
pappooses.  It  had  now  become  evident  that  he  would  not 
give  one  ;  that  one  being  Eunice  Williams. 

Months  later  than  the  date  of  Schuyler's  letter,  and  the  re- 
turn of  Dageuille  to  Canada,  the  squaw  appeared  alone  at 
Albany.  The  same  old  story  is  repeated.  The  child  Eunice 
refuses  to  leave  her  master.  He  is  loath  to  compel  her. 
Such  influence  is  brought  to  bear  upon  Dudley,  that  he  dares 
not  reject  the  offer  of  the  Canadian  government.  Four  New 
England  households  are  made  happy  by  the  return  of  their 
beloved  ones ;  the  squaw  and  her  babies  are  sent  home  ;  but 
Eunice  Williams,  the  child  of  so  many  prayers,  the  object  of 
the  solicitude  of  so  many  sorrowing  hearts,  the  coveted  prize 
of  two  governments,  is  still  a  helpless  captive. 

In  the  spring  of  171 3,  John  Schuyler,  impatient  of  the  long 
suspense,  and  fully  confident  of  his  own  ability  to  mediate 
effectually  between    the  two   powers,  undertook  the  weary 

'It  is  an  interesting  fact,  that  Frenchmen  who  had  married  our  captives, 
were  often  sent  to  New  England,  as  ambassadors  from  the  Canadian  govern- 
ment. 


EUNICE   WILLIAMS.  I43 


journey  to  Canada.     His  letter^  to  Governor  Dudley  explains 
itself : 

"May  it  please  your  Excellency: — 

I  thought  it  my  duty  im- 
mediately w'thout  any  further  Omission,  to  signify  to  Your  Excel- 
lency my  return  from  Mont  Reall  to  Albany,  upon  y''  15th  of  this 
instant  June  with  Mons''  Bolock  and  three  more,  and  nine  prisoners, 
a  list  of  their  names  is  herein  inclosed. ^  I  sett  them  forward  for 
New  England  with  Samel  Ashly  and  Daniell  Bagg  upon  the  100^'' 
instant.  I  have  not  herein  incerted  the  charges;  by  reason  I  cann' 
make  up  the  Acc*^  till  y*^  officers  return  to  Canada;  I  have  likewise 
enclos<^  for  Yo^  Excellency  my  Memoriall  that  touches  the  concern 
of  y«  Rev"  Mr  Williams  y<^  Minister  at  Dearfeild  for  his  Daughter. 
My  indefatigueable  Pains  therein  came  to  no  purpose.  If  y''  Ex- 
cellency hath  the  Returns  of  peace  I  hope  to  receive  them;  and  then 
shall  dispatch  them  away  as  directed.  I  found  a  great  fatigue  in 
my  Journey  to  and  from  Canada  and  waded  through  many  Difficul- 
ties in  y^  way  w"'  the  Prisonirs  To  Dilate  thereon  would  be  prolix. 
I  now  beg  leave  to  assure  your  Excellency  of  my  Effection  and  Zeal 
to  every  yo''  Commands  and  that  in  all  Sincerity  I  am  May  it  Please 
Yo^  Excelly 

Yo''  most  obedient  humble  Serv^ 

John  Schuyler. 
Albany  June  y^ 
18^'"  1713" 

The  memorial  accompanying  this  letter  is  a  remarkable 
State  Paper.  The  writer's  sanguine  hope,  after  his  confer- 
ence with  the  fair-spoken  De  Vaudreuil ;  his  indignation  at 
the  iniquitous  marriage,  calmed  by  the  explanation  of  the 
priest ;  his  gentle  and  chivalrous  reception  of  the  girl  bride  ; 

'Mass.  Archives,  Vol    II,  p.  468. 

'^Hertel  de  Beaulac,  brother  of  Hertel  de  Rouville,  in  command  of  a  guard 
of  three  soldiers,  escorted  Schuyler  and  the  nine  captives  to  Albany.  The  list 
does  not  appear. 


144  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

his  patient  and  repeated  pleading  with  her  to  return  to  her 
afflicted  father  ;  his  unrestrained  anger  at  her  continued  ob- 
stinacy ;  and  the  silent  grief  which  overwhelms  him  at  the 
thought  of  his  fruitless  mission,  as  he  leaves  her  to  her  In- 
dian lord; — all  are  told  with  a  simple  pathos,  to  which  the 
words  of  another  cannot  do  justice.  It  is  therefore  given 
entire. 

"A  true  and  perfect  Memoriall  of  my  proceedings  Jn  behalf  of 
Margarett  Williams  now  Captive  amongst  ye  Jndians  at  the  ffort  of 
Caghenewaga  Jn  Canada,  Jnsisting  upon  her  Reliese  and  to  persuade 
her  to  go  home  to  her  father  and  Native  Countrey,  it  being  upon  the 
instant  and  earnest  desire  of  her  ffather  now  Minister  at  Dearfeild 
in  New  England.  J  arrived  from  Albany  at  Mont  Reall  on  ye  15"' 
of  Aprill  last,  17 13,  Where  J  understood  y'  Mons""  de  Vaudruille, 
Govern''  and  chief  of  Canada,  was  expected  then  every  day  from 
Quebeck.  Upon  which  J  thought  proper  not  to  mention  anything 
touching  the  aforesaid  Captive,  untill  his  Excellency  should  be  here 
himself:  and  accordingly  when  he  arrived  here  J  propos'd  the  mat- 
ter to  him,  who  gave  me  all  the  Encouragem'  J  could  immagine 
for  her  to  go  home,  he  also  permitted  me  to  go  to  her  at  the  ffort, 
where  she  was,  to  prepare  if  J  could  persuade  her  to  go  home. 
Moreover,  his  Excellency  said,  that  w"'  all  his  heart,  he  would  give 
a  hundred  Crowns  out  of  his  own  pockett,  if  that  she  might  be  per- 
suaded to  go  to  her  Native  Countrey:  J  observing  all  this,  then  was 
in  hopes  J  should  prevaile  with  her  to  go  home.  Accordingly  J 
went  to  the  ffort  at  Caghenewaga,  being  accompanied  by  one  of  the 
King's  Officers  and  a  ffrench  Interpreter,  likewise  another  of  the  Jn- 
dian  Language  Being  upon  the  26  Day  of  May.  Entring  at  the  }n- 
dian  ffort  J  thought  fitt  first  to  apply  mySelf  to  the  priests  ;  As  J 
did,  Being  two  in  Company,  And  was  informed  before  that  this  in- 
fant (As  J  may  say)  was  married  to  a  young  Jndian,  J  therefore  pro- 
posed to  know  the  Reason  why  this  poor  Captive  should  be  Married 
to  an  Jndian,  being  a  Christian  Born  (tho  neerly  taken  from  the 
Mother's  Breast  and  such  like  Instances  &c)  Whereupon  the  priest 
Sett  forth  to  me  Such  good  Reasons  w^''  Witnesses   that  mySelf,  or 


EUNICE   WILLIAMS.  145 


any  other  person  (as  J  believe)  could  fairly  make  Objection  against 
their  Marriage;   (First,  s"  he  they  came  to  me  to  Marry  them)  very 
often  w^^  J  always  refus'd  with  good  words  and  persuasions  to  the 
Contrary,  But  both  continuing  in  their  former  resolution  to  Such  a 
Degree  that  J  was  constrained  to  be  absent  from  y''  ffort  three  Sev- 
erall  times,  because  not  Satisfyed  mySelf  in  their  Marriage  ;   Untill 
at  last  after  Some  days  past  they  both  came  to  me,  and  s^'  that  they 
were  Joined  together,  And  if  he  would  not  marry  them  they  matter'd 
not,  for  they  were  resolved  never  to  leave  one  the  other.     But  live 
together  heathen  like  ;  Upon  w'^*^  J  thought  proper  to  Join  them  in 
Matrimony  and  Such  like  Reasons  as  aforesaid  the  priest  did  plainly 
Sett  forth  and  after  some  further  discourse,  J  desired  the  priest,  to 
let  me  see  her  at  his  house,  ffor  J  knew  not  where  to  find  her  upon 
which  he  sent  for  her,  who  prsently  came  with  the  Jndian  she  was 
Married  to  both  together     She  looking  very  poor  in  body,  bashfuU 
in  the  face  but  proved  harder  than   Steel  in  her  breast,  at  her  first 
Entrance  into   the  Room  J  desired   her  to  sitt  down,  w'^'^  she  did,  J 
first  Spoak   to  her  in  English,    Upon    w'^"    she   did    not  Answ''   me; 
And  J   believe  She  did   not  understand   me,  she  being  very  Young 
when  she  was  taken.  And  liveing  always  amongst  the  Jndians  after- 
wards, J  Jmployed  my  Indian   Languister  to  talk  to  her;  informing 
him  first  by  the  ffrench  Jnterpreter,  who  understood  the  English 
Language,  What  he  should  tell  her  and  what  Questions   he   should 
Ask  her     Accordingly  he  did  J  understood  amost  all  what  he  said 
to  her;  And  found  that  he  Spoak  according  to  my  Order,  but  could 
not  gett   one  word  from   her.      Upon  which  J  desired  the  priest  To 
Speak  to  her,  And  if  J  could  not  prevaile  w*'^  her  to  go  home  to  Stay 
there,  that  She  might  only  go  to  see  her  ffather.  And  directly  return 
hither  again,     The  priest  made  a  long  Speech  to  her  and  endeavored 
to  persuade  her  to   go,  but  after   almost  half  an  hours  discourse — 
could  not  get  one  word  from   her;  And  afterwards  when  he  found 
She  did  not  Speak,  he  again  Endeavoured  to  persuade  her  to  go  and 
see  her  ffather     And  J  seeing  She  continued  impersuadable  to  speak; 
J  promised  upon  my  Word  and  honour,  if  she  would  go  only  to  see 
her  ffather,    J  would  convey  her  to  New   England  and  give  her  As- 
sureance   of   liberty  to  return  if  she  pleased — the   priest  asked  her 


146  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

Severall  times  for  answer  upon  this,  my  earnest  request  And  fair 
offers  w'''  was  after  long  Solicitations  zaghte  oghte  which  words 
being  translated  into  the  English  Tongue,  their  Signifycation  is  ?nay 
be  not;  but  the  meaning  thereof .  amongst  the  Jndians  is  a  plaine 
denyall,  and  these  words  were  all  we  could  gett  from  her;  in  allmost 
two  hours  time  that  we  talked  with  her.  Upon  this  my  eyes  being 
allmost  filled  with  tears,  J  said  to  her  mySelf.  had  J  made  such  pro- 
posalls  and  prayings  to  the  worst  of  Jndians  J  did  not  doubt  but 
have  had  a  reasonable  Answere  and  consent  to  what  J  had  s'^.  Up- 
on w*^''  her  husband  seeing  that  J  was  so  much  concerned  about 
her  replyed  had  her  ffather  not  Married  againe  She  would  have  gone 
and  Seen  him  long  Ere  this  time,  But  gave  no  further  reason  and 
the  time  growing  late  and  J  being  very  Sorrowfull  that  J  could  not 
prevail  upon  nor  get  one  word  more  from  her,  J  took  her  by  the 
hand  and  left  her  in  the  priest's  house.  John  Schuyler." 

De  Vaudretiil  sent  a  letter  to  Dudley  by  Schuyler,  on  his 
return,  in  which  he  says,  "Colonel  John  Schuyler,  to  whom 

I  have  caused  to  be  delivered  nine  of  your  captives, 

will  tell  you  in  what  manner  Mr.  Williams's  daughter  received 
him,  and  how  he  could  never  oblige  her  to  promise  him  any- 
thing but  that  she  would  go  to  see  her  father,  as  soon  as 
peace  should  be  proclaimed.  I  am  surprised  at  the  little  jus- 
tice you  do  me  in  what  you  say  to  me  about  the  marriage  of 
that  girl  with  a  savage  of  the  vSault.'  I  am  much  more  cha- 
grined at  this  than  you  are,  on  account  of  her  father  for 
whom  I  have  absolute  respect ;  but  not  being  able  to  foresee 
this,  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  prevent  it." 

Schuyler's  ill  success  did  not  prevent  further  efforts  for 
the  redemption  of  Eunice.  On  the  27th  of  June,  1713,  short- 
ly after  the  receipt  of  the  above  memorial.  Governor  Dudley 
writing  to  congratulate  the  Governor  of  Canada  upon  the  re- 
turn of  peace  acknowledges  the  receipt  of  his  letter  of  the 
12th  inst.  and  acquaints  him  of  the  arrival  of  "John  Schtiyler 

'Saint-Louis.    [Caughnawaga.] 


EUNICE   WILLIAMS.  147 


and  the  nine  Eng-lish.  prisoners  that  accompanied  him  being- 
far  short  of  the  number  I  justly  expected  should  have  been 
returned  me  ;  who  would  doubtless  have  been  very  forward 
to  have  come  home,  had  they  been  allowed  soe  to  doe  when 
I  have  long  since  dismissed  and  transported  at  their  own  De- 
sire and  Choice,  at  my  charge,  all  the  French  prisoners  that 
were  in  my  hands,  and  am  in  the  hourly  expectation  of  re- 
ceiving an  order  directed  to  yourself  from  the  Court  of 
France,  requiring  the  same  on  your  part  (a  copy  of  which  I 
have  now  in  my  hands),  I  have  no  satisfactory  explanation 
to  my  complaint  of  the  treatment  of  the  Reverend  Mr.  Wil- 
liams's daughter,  referring  to  her  marriage  with  a  Salvage, 
and  the  unaccountable  detention  of  her.  She  is  to  be  con- 
sidered as  a  minor  within  y''  age  of  consent  to  make  choice 
for  herselfe  being  carryd  away  early  in  her  infancy  before 
she  had  discretion  to  judge  of  things  for  her  own  good.  I 
hope  you  will  interfere  with  all  good  offices  to  free  her  from 
the  Impositions  made  on  her  tender  years,  that  she  may  be 
rescued  from  those  miseries  she  is  thoroughly  obnoxious  to, 
and  restored  to  her  father."  Dudley  adds,  that  immediately 
upon  the  receipt  of  the  order  from  the  French  King,  for  the 
release  of  the  captives  he  "shall  put  that  affair  into  such  a 
disposition  that  I  may  be  provided  to  transport  and  fetch 
home  my  people  :  and  I  desire  you  will  cause  them  to  be 
drawn  near  together,  that  the  messengers  I  shall  employ  on 
that  service  may  easily  and  speedily  come  at  speech  with 
them." 

The  order  above  alluded  to  having  been  received.  Commis- 
sioners were  sent  by  Gov.  Dudley  to  Canada,  to  negotiate  the 
redemption  of  Eunice  and  the  other  New  England  prison- 
ers. At  the  head  of  the  Commission  was  Capt.  John  Stod- 
dard, son  of  the  Rev.  Solomon  Stoddard,  second  minister  of 
Northampton  and  second  husband  of  Eunice's  grandmother 
Mather.     Capt.  Stoddard's  journal,  printed  from  the  original 


148  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

manuscript,  is  before  me,  and  though  it  contains  little  per- 
taining especially  to  Eunice,  it  gives  us  a  clue  to  so  much  of 
the  romantic  story  of  some  other  captives,  that  the  substance 
of  it  is  here  given. 

On  the  5th  of  November,  171 3,  Capt.  Stoddard,  accompan- 
ied by  Eunice's  father,  set  out  from  Boston,  reaching  North- 
ampton on  the  9th.  Here  they  were  joined  by  Capt.  Thomas 
Baker,  Martin  Kellogg  and  two  others.  Baker  and  Kellogg 
had  both  been  carried  captive  with  Eunice  to  Canada,  whence 
the  former  had  almost  succeeded  in  escaping,  but  was  recap- 
tured and  sentenced  to  the  stake.  The  fire  was  already 
lighted,  when  with  a  bold  dash  he  broke  from  his  captors, 
and  sought  refuge  in  the  house  of  one  LeCair,  a  Frenchman, 
who  bought  him  of  the  Indians  for  five  pounds.  The  gov- 
ernor hearing  of  his  attempt,  put  him  in  irons  and  kept  him 
four  months  closely  confined.  When  again  at  large,  he,  with 
Kellogg,  Joseph  Petty  and  John  Nims,  all  Deerfield  men, 
made  his  escape  in  1705.  Their  sufferings  on  the  way 
home  were  dreadful.  Exhausted  with  fatigue  and  hunger, 
they  fell  upon  their  knees  and  prayed  fervently  for  deliver- 
ance, when  a  great  white  bird  appeared  to  them,  such  as 
they  had  never  seen  before.^  The  despairing  men  eagerly 
seized  and  tore  it  in  pieces,  ate  its  quivering  flesh  and  drank 
the  warm  blood,  revived  by  which  they  finally  reached  Deer- 
field  in  safety. 

By  way  of  Westfield  and  Kinderhook,  Stoddard  and  his 
party  on  horseback,  reached  Albany  in  four  days  from  North- 
ampton. Detained  in  Albany  by  a  thaw  which  rendered  the 
river  impassable,  they  at  last  resumed  their  journey  on  the 
22d  of  January,  by  way  of  Saratoga  and  Crown  Point.  Some- 
times on  snow-shoes,  sometimes  in  canoes,  and  sometimes 

'According  to  tradition  this  bird  was  an  owl.  Petty's  own  account  of  his 
escape,  now  in  Memorial  Hall,  Deerfield,  transforms  this  owl  into  a  turtle.  See 
also  Sheldon's  Hist.  Deerfield,  p.  354. 


EUNICE   WILLIAMS.  149 


running  on  the  frozen  rivers,  they  reached  Chambly,  whence 
they  were  conveyed  in  "  carryalls  "  ^  to  Quebec,  arriving  there 
on  the  1 6th  of  January. 

The  next  day,  they  presented  their  credentials  to  the  gov- 
ernor and  demanded  the  prisoners.  De  Vaudreuil  gives 
them  his  word  of  honor  as  a  gentleman  and  an  officer,  that 
all  prisoners  shall  have  full  liberty  to  return,  and  with  great 
condescension  promises  his  blessing  to  all  who  will  go.  He 
tells  the  commissioners  to  go  freely  among  the  prisoners,  and 
to  send  for  them  to  their  lodgings.  Much  pleased  with  their 
reception,  and  full  of  the  hope  of  soon  regaining  their  long- 
lost  relatives,  they  take  their  leave.  Hearing  soon,  however, 
that  the  priests  and  some  of  the  laity  are  practising  to  pre- 
vent the  return  of  the  prisoners,  they  complain  by  letter  to 
the  governor,  to  which  he  replies  that  he  "can  as  easily  alter 
the  course  of  the  waters  as  prevent  the  priests'  endeavors," 
adding  that  upon  reflection  he  cannot  grant  liberty  to  return 
to  those  of  the  English  who  are  naturalized,  but  only  to  such 
as  are  under  age.  They  answer  with  clear  and  cogent  argu- 
ments, against  the  naturalization  pretext,  and  expose  its  in- 
consistency with  De  Vaudreuil's  oft-repeated  declaration  that 
he  did  not  care  how  few  English  stayed  in  Canada,  the  few- 
er the  better  for  him  and  the  country. 

For  better  communication  with  Eunice  and  the  other  Deer- 
field  captives,  the  commissioners  return  to  Montreal,  where 
in  March  they  hold  another  conference  with  the  governor. 
With  the  air  and  speech  of  men  who  know  that  truth  and 
justice  are  on  their  side,  they  reproach  him  with  his  breach 
of  faith  in  throwing  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  departure  of 
the  prisoners,  when  he  had  at  first  pretended  to  favor  it ;  and 
sick  with  hope  deferred,  they  demand  to  know  the  worst 
they  have  to  expect.  "Heaven  forbid  !  "  said  Dora's  papa  to 
David  Copperfield,  "that  I  should  do  any  man  injustice  ;  but 

'A  carriole  is  a  Canadian  sleigh. 


150  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


I  know  my  partner.  Mr.  Jorkins  is  not  a  man  to  respond  to 
a  proposition  of  this  nature  ;  " — and  lamented  the  severities 
which  he  was  compelled  to  practise,  by  the  invisible  and 
inexorable  Jorkins.  In  like  manner  the  governor  protests 
that  nothing  is  nearer  his  heart  than  the  liberation  of  the 
prisoners,  which  only  the  fear  of  the  king  his  master,  pre- 
vents his  effecting  at  once  ;  and  at  length  he  hints,  that  if 
the  so-called  naturalized  persons  can  be  smuggled  to  a  point 
below  Quebec,  Captain  Stoddard  may  take  them  on  shipboard 
as  he  drops  down  the  river,  and  the  government  will  not  in- 
terfere. 

One  reads  the  sorrow  and  anxiety  in  the  heart  of  Mr.  Wil- 
liams, as  he  demands  that  "men  and  women  shall  not  be  en- 
tangled by  the  marriages  they  may  have  contracted,  nor 
parents  by  children  born  to  them  in  captivity."  The  govern- 
or concedes  that  French  women  may  return  with  their 
English  husbands,  that  English  women  shall  not  be  forced 
to  stay  by  their  French  husbands,  but  about  the  children  of 
such  marriages,  he  is  not  so  sure. 

John  Carter,  a  Deerfield  youth  of  Eunice's  age,  having  ex- 
pressed his  willingness  to  go  by  land,  if  only  he  may  go 
home,  the  governor  says,  "If  John  will  say  this  before  me, 
he  may  go."  Carter  being  sent  for  is  at  first  awed  by  the 
governor's  presence  and  denies  that  he  has  any  desire  to  re- 
turn, but  afterwards  repeating  what  he  had  before  said  to 
Mr.  Williams,  De  Vaudreuil  is  very  angry,  uses  the  lad 
roughly,  and  tells  him  he  is  to  wait  for  the  ship.  This  scene 
is  frequently  re-enacted,  till  John  at  last  is  overpowered,  re- 
tracts his  wish,  and  remains  forever  in  Canada. 

Mr.  Williams  is  forbidden  to  have  any  religious  talk  with 
the  captives,  and  they  are  not  allowed  to  visit  him  on  the 
Sabbath.  The  "Lord  Intendant,"  hearing  that  Mr.  Williams 
had  been  abroad  after  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening  to  dis- 
course upon  religion  with  some  of   the  English,  threatens 


EUNICE   WILLIAMS.  151 


if  the  offence  is  repeated,  to  confine  him  a  prisoner  in  his 
lodgings  ;  "for,"  says  he,  "the  priests  tell  me  you  undo  in  a 
moment  all  they  have  done  in  seven  years  to  establish  the 
people  in  our  religion," — an  unpremeditated  compliment  to 
Mr.  Williams's  power  as  a  preacher. 

When  Mr.  Williams  begs  that  his  child  may  be  restored 
to  him,  she  being  a  minor,  and  the  circumstances  of  her  ed- 
ucation preventing  her  from  knowing  what  is  best  for  her, 
the  governor  says  if  her  Indian  relatives  consent,  he  will 
compel  her  to  return  with  her  father.  The  government  in- 
terpreter is  sent  to  talk  with  her  and  her  Indian  relatives. 
The  latter  profess  that  she  may  do  as  she  pleases.  Knowing 
what  this  amounted  to  in  John  Carter's  case,  Mr.  Williams, 
after  an  interview  with  his  daughter  at  Caughnawaga,  where 
he  found  the  prisoners  "worse  than  the  natives,"  has  a  con- 
ference with  the  priests  of  the  mission  at  the  house  of  the 
governor,  who  makes  a  show  of  interceding  in  behalf  of  the 
afflicted  father.  The  Jesuits  reply  coldly,  that  those  of 
Caughnawaga  are  not  held  as  prisoners,  but  have  been  adopt- 
ed as  children,  and  cannot  be  compelled  to  return  against 
their  wishes,  but  will  be  left  to  entire  freedom.  Too  well 
Mr.  Williams  knows  the  freedom  which  the  mother  church 
of  the  Jesuits  leaves  to  its  adopted  children.  The  commis- 
sioners solicit  her  deliverance  as  a  favor  which  will  be  ap- 
preciated by  the  sovereigns  of  the  two  nations,  and  suitably 
acknowledged  by  the  governors  of  both  provinces.  At  last, 
Mr.  Williams,  overcome  by  his  feelings,  represents  to  the 
Jesuits  that  it  cannot  benefit  them  to  retain  such  children, 
while  they  "cannot  but  be  sensible  that  their  parents  are 
much  exercised  about  them,"  and  with  tears  streaming  down 
his  face,  pleads  that  they  will  do  in  the  matter  as  they  would 
be  done  by.  Vain  appeal  to  the  heart  that  knows  not  the 
force  of  paternal  love. 

In  such  discussion  weeks  were  spent.     The  disappointment 


152  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

of  Captain  Stoddard,  who  with  his  personal  interest  in  the 
restoration  of  Eunice  to  her  family,  had  also  hoped  to  render 
a  signal  service  to  his  government ;  the  conflict  in  the  soul 
of  Mr.  Williams,  as  he  tried  to  reconcile  his  natural  affection 
as  a  parent,  and  his  spiritual  anxiety  as  a  Protestant  minister 
for  the  salvation  of  the  child's  soul,  with  a  due  submission 
to  what  seemed  to  be  the  over-ruling  decrees  of  Providence 
for  her  ;  and  the  impatience  and  indignation  of  Martin  Kel- 
logg and  Captain  Baker,  who  would  doubtless  have  preferred 
to  make  a  short  cut  through  the  difficulty  by  running  off  the 
prisoners  and  taking  the  chances  of  recapture, — all  this  is 
easier  imagined  than  described. 

The  expression  of  their  feelings  being  limited  by  their  ig- 
norance of  the  French  language,  and  the  inconvenience  of 
speaking  by  an  interpreter,  they  poured  forth  their  souls  in 
letters,  in  which  the  straightforward,  plain  dealing  of  the 
English  Puritan,  appears  in  striking  contrast  to  the  circum- 
locution and  diplomacy  of  the  French  Jesuit. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  brigantine  Leopard  from  Boston,  a 
final  demand  was  made  for  the  captives. 

The  commissioners,  finally  compelled  to  abandon  all  hope 
of  Eunice's  return,  insist  that  Madame  Le  Beau^  shall  be  al- 
lowed to  depart ;  and  desire  that  Ebenezer  Nims  and  his 
wife  and  child  may  be  sent  for,  they  being  anxious  to  return 
but  afraid  to  say  so,  "till  they  see  themselves  clear  of  all 
danger  from  the  Indians."  Nims,  then  seventeen  j^-ears  old, 
had  been  carried  captive  from  Deerfield  in  1704,  and  adopted 
by  an  Indian  squaw.  Sarah  Hoit,  a  maiden  of  eighteen,  was 
taken  at  the  same  time.  When  after  some  years,  her  cap- 
tors were  about  to  resort  to  force  to  compel  her  to  marry  a 
Frenchman,  she  had  offered  to  accept  as  her  husband  any 
one  of  her  captive  neighbors  who  would  thus  free  her  from 
her  troublesome   suitor.     Ebenezer  gladl)^  offered    himself. 

'See  the  story  of  "Christine  Otis." 


EUNICE   WILLIAMS.  1 53 


They  were  married  at  once,  and  at  this  time  were  with  their 
baby  boy  at  Lorette,  eagerly  hoping  for  deliverance.  The 
governor  promises  that  a  horse  or  cart  shall  be  sent  for  Nims's 
wife  who  is  ill,  and  that  all  the  family,  unaccompanied  by 
priest  or  Indian,  shall  be  brought  to  Quebec.  Captain  Stod- 
dard sends  his  own  physician  to  assist  her  on  the  journey. 
He  returns  with  the  information  that  the  woman  is  able  to 
walk  to  town,  and  that  he  has  been  grossly  insulted  by  the 
Jesuit  priest  at  Lorette.  Nims  is  sent,  accompanied  by 
"divers  Indians,"  but  at  last  by  the  persistence  of  Stoddard, 
all  are  assembled  and  put  on  board.  The  next  day  a  great 
concourse  of  Indians  came  from  Lorette,  and  demanding  to 
see  Nims,  were  assured  by  him  that  he  wished  to  go  home. 
Then  they  insisted  upon  his  giving  up  his  child,  which  he 
refusing,  was  permitted  to  return  with  his  family  to  his  na- 
tive town.  Years  after,  the  Deerfield  records  tell  how  "Eb- 
enezer  Nims,  Junior,  having  been  baptized  by  a  Romish 
priest,  in  Canada,  and  being  dissatisfied  with  his  baptism, 
upon  consenting  to  the  articles  of  faith,"  was  baptized  anew 
by  good  Parson  Ashley. 

One  more  effort  was  made  by  the  Bishop,  and  high  officials 
to  prevent  Madame  Le  Beau  from  going,  but  in  vain. 

On  the  24th  of  July,  17 14,  after  nine  months  absence  from 
home,  the  commissioners  set  sail,  having  effected  the  deliv- 
erance of  but  twenty-six  prisoners;  as  Stoddard  sadly  re- 
marks, "Not  having  received  the  promised  list  from  the  gov- 
ernor;' without  having  our  people  assembled  at  Quebec,  or 
half  of  them  asked  whether  they  would  return  or  not,  or  one 
minor  compelled  ;  having  never  seen  many  of  our  prisoners 
while  we  were  in  the  country." 

This  was  the  last  official  effort  for  the  redemption  of  Eu- 
nice Williams.  In  1740,  their  faithful  friends,  the  Schuylers, 
brought  about  an  interview  between  her  and  her  relatives, 
and  yielding  at  last  to  their  importunities,  she  in  later  years 


154  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

thrice  revisited  the  place  of  her  nativity.  That  she  insisted 
upon  returning  to  her  Canadian  home,  and  finally  died  there 
at  the  advanced  age  of  ninety,  is  to  my  mind,  no  more  than 
her  marriage,  a  proof  of  her  preference  for  savage  haunts 
and  modes  of  life.  It  is  well  known  that  English  girls,  cap- 
tured at  the  same  time,  were  forced  into  marriages  with  the 
French  and  Indians,  utterly  repugnant  to  their  feelings.  At 
the  time  of  Eunice's  memorable  visit  to  Deerfield,  children 
had  been  born  to  her,  and  to  the  maternal  instinct,  the  strong- 
est passion  of  which  the  human  soul  is  capable,  even  filial 
affection  must  yield. 

If  we  admit  the  statement  that  her  Indian  husband  as- 
sumed the  name  of  Williams,^  this,  and  the  name  of  her 
father  bestowed  upon  her  eldest  child,  prove  the  lingering 
fondness  in  her  heart  for  her  kinsfolk.  Although  robbed  of 
the  Christian  name  given  her  by  her  father  in  baptism,  she 
would  not  renounce  the  name  of  her  race. 

Another  proof  that  the  heart  of  Eunice  Williams  never 
ceased  to  turn  in  love  towards  the  home  of  her  infancy,  and 
that  she  spared  no  pains  to  perpetuate  this  affection  in  her 
descendants,  is  afforded  by  their  visit  nearly  a  hundred  years 
later,  to  the  spot  from  whence,  on  February  29,  1704,  she  had 
been  painfully  torn.-  Weighing  carefully  the  evidence,  it 
seems  indisputable  that  it  was  Romanism  warring  against 
Protestantism,  Jesuit  against  Puritan,  that  held  Eunice  Wil- 
liams eighty-three  years  a  captive. 

'Eunice  Williams's  husband  is  known  in  New  England  as  "Amrusus."  I 
believe  this  is  a  corruption  of  the  French  "Ambroise,"  [Ambrose,]  which  was 
probably  given  to  this  Christian  Indian  at  his  baptism.     C.  A.  B. 

'•'See  Appendix. 


ENSIGN   JOHN   SHELDON. 


A  noted  place  is  the  Plym's  mouth  in  Old  England.  On 
its  blue  waters  have  floated  ships  of  Tyre  and  merchantmen 
of  Massilia,  Keltic  coracle  and  Roman  galley,  Saxon  keel  and 
Norman  corsair.  Gallant  fleets  with  fair  foreign  brides  for 
English  princes,  have  sailed  into  Plymouth  harbor.  Hither, 
too,  came  false  Philip  of  Spain,  on  his  way  to  his  luckless 
wedding;  and  hence  the  pride  of  England's  navy  went  out  to 
chastise  his  insolent  Armada.  Not  for  these  will  the  Plym- 
outh of  England  be  forever  famous;  nor  because  it  was 
there  the  Black  Prince  landed  with  his  royal  captives,  after 
Poitiers;  nor  because  Drake  and  Hawkins,  and  other  noted 
navigators,  proceeded  thence  on  their  voyages  of  discovery: 
but  because  it  is  the  port  from  which  those  nobler  heroes, 
our  Pilgrim  Fathers,  sailed  when  they  came  to  establish 
freedom  and  justice  in  the  New  World,  planting  here  the 
world-renowned  colony  of  Plymouth  in  New  England,  the 
little  seed  which  has  grown  and  blossomed  into  the  grandest 
Republic  on  the  globe. 

Ten  years  later  than  the  Mayflower,  with  no  less  precious 
burden,  and  following  in  her  track,  another  ship  sailed  out 
of  Plymouth  harbor.  Before  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims, 
the  coasts  of  Massachusetts  Bay  were  familiar  to  the  west  of 


156  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

England  seamen,  and  in  1623,  "the  merchants  of  the  western 
counties  had  grown  rich  on  the  profits  of  the  New  England 
fisheries." 

Among  the  more  moderate  Puritans  of  the  west  country 
was  Rev.  John  White,  rector  of  Trinity  church  in  Dorches- 
ter. Though  his  name  is  believed  to  have  headed  the  list  of 
the  "Adventurers  for  New  Plymouth,"  thus  showing  his 
sympathy  with  the  pilgrimage,  he  seems,  at  the  same  time, 
to  have  been  a  man  to  whom,  personally,  the  mere  externals 
of  religion  were  of  no  vital  consequence.  Quaint  old  Fuller 
describes  him  as  "a  constant  preacher,  so  that  in  the  course 
of  his  ministry  he  expounded  the  Scriptures  all  over  and  half 

over   again A  good  Governor,  by  whose  wisdom  the 

town  of  Dorchester  (notwithstanding  a  casual  merciless  fire) 
was  much  enriched, — knowledge  causing  piety,  piety  breed- 
ing industry,  and  industry  procuring   plenty  into  it 

He  absolutely  commanded  his  own  passions,  and  the  purses 
of  his  parishioners,  whom  he  could  wind  up  to  what  height 
he  pleased,  on  important  occasions."  His  motives  and  agency 
in  the  settlement  of  Massachusetts  are  well  known  to  every 
reader  of  our  early  history.  In  1629,  he  wrote  to  Endicott 
"to  make  a  place  for  sixty  more  families  from  Dorsetshire, 
to  arrive  the  next  spring,"  sundry  persons  from  that  and  the 
adjoining  counties  being  desirous  to  come  over  and  settle 
together  as  an  independent  community. 

A  great  ship  of  four  hundred  tons,  the  "Mary  and  John", 
was  chartered  at  Plymouth,  and  in  March,  1630,  "many  good- 
ly families  and  persons  from  Devonshire,  Dorsetshire  and 
Somersetshire,"  began  to  assemble  there.  "Great  pains," 
says  the  historian,  "were  evidently  taken  to  construct  this 
company  of  such  materials  as  should  compose  a  well-ordered 
settlement."  Here  were  those  two  reverend  servants  of 
God,  Mr.  John  Warham  and  Mr.  John  Maverick,  as  their 
spiritual  guides.     Here  were    Ludlow  and  Rossiter,  whose 


ENSIGN   JOHN   SHELDON.  I  57 


position  as  magistrates  of  the  company,  entitled  them  to  be 
political  counsellors  of  the  plantation.  Here  were  Captain 
John  Mason,  and  others  of  military  experience,  to  whom 
they  could  trust  in  case  of  Indian  attack.  Here,  too,  were 
many  whose  names  are  familiar  to  us,  through  their  descend- 
ants, men  past  middle  age,  like  Thomas  Ford  and  William 
Phelps,  with  adult  families  and  ample  fortunes,  whose  pres- 
ence lent  dignity  and  character  to  the  emigration;  others,  like 
Israel  Stoughton  and  Roger  Clap,  stout-hearted,  strong-armed 
young  men  in  the  prime  of  life  both  married  and  single,  on 
whom  the  brunt  of  the  actual  labor  of  the  new  settlement 
would  rest. 

With  them  to  the  embarkation  came  the  faithful  pastor, 
John  White.  He  had  been  the  soul  of  the  enterprise,  and 
many  of  them  were  his  friends,  neighbors  and  parishioners. 
How  solemn  must  have  been  the  scene,  unequalled  except 
by  the  memorable  parting  of  Robinson  and  his  flock,  when, 
gathering  them  together  in  the  new  hospital  for  a  day  of 
fasting  and  prayer,  he  preached  to  them,  as  he  and  they  well 
knew,  the  last  sermon  they  would  ever  hear  from  his  lips; 
his  final  words  of  encouragement,  as  they  bade  farewell  for- 
ever to  home  and  native  land. 

In  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day,  the  people  organized 
themselves  into  a  church  under  the  ministers  whom  he  had 
appointed,  they  formally  expressing  their  acceptance  of  the 
office  without  further  ordination;  and  on  the  20th  of  March 
the  "Mary  and  John"  dropped  down  Plymouth  harbor  and  took 
her  solitary  way  across  the  ocean.  "We  were  of  passengers 
many  in  number,  of  good  rank,"  says  Roger  Clap;  "so  we 
came  by  the  good  hand  of  the  Lord  through  the  deep,  com- 
fortably, having  preached  or  expounded  of  the  word  of  God 
every  day  for  ten  weeks  together,  by  our  ministers." 

After  a  passage  of  seventy  days,  the  ship  arrived  at  Hull. 
The  place  provided  for  the  colony  by  Endicott  was  on  the 


158  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW   ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

Charles  River.  Whether  Captain  Squeb  supposed  he  had 
reached  there,  or  whether  he  dared  not  venture  farther  into 
the  bay  without  a  pilot,  is  uncertain;  but  much  against  their 
will,  he  put  his  passengers  and  their  cattle  ashore  on  Nantas- 
ket  point.  Ten  of  the  party,  putting  some  of  the  goods  into 
a  boat,  set  out  in  search  of  a  place  for  a  permanent  settle- 
ment. Threading  their  way  in  and  out  among  the  islands, 
they  finally  landed  at  Charlestown,  went  up  the  river  as  far 
as  Watertown,  and  camped  for  a  day  or  two  on  a  spot  to 
this  day  known  as  Dorchester  fields. 

"We  had  not  been  there  many  days,"  says  Roger  Clap,  who 
was  of  the  party,  "though  by  our  diligence  we  had  got  up  a 
kind  of  shelter  to  save  our  goods  in,  but  we  had  order  from 

the  ship  to  come  away unto  a  place  called  Mattapan, 

because  there  was  a  strip  of  land  fit  to  keep  our  cattle  on 

so  we  removed  and  came  to  Mattapan." 

The  story  of  the  first  settlement  of  Massachusetts  is  so 
simply  told  by  the  actors  in  this  grand  drama,  that  we  can 
hardly  realize  the  magnitude  of  the  enterprise.  Think  of 
the  luxury  and  ease  relinquished,  the  sorrow  of  parting  for- 
ever from  home  and  country,  the  anxieties,  discomforts  and 
dangers  of  a  ten  weeks'  passage,  and  the  terrible  wilderness 
to  be  subdued  before  the  most  common  wants  of  life  could  be 
supplied. 

Notwithstanding  the  scarcity  and  sickness  of  the  first  year, 
the  colony  at  Mattapan,  which  in  honor  of  the  patriarch 
White,  had  received  the  name  of  Dorchester,  grew  and  pros- 
pered. But  the  current  of  emigration,  already  set  firmly  to 
the  westward,  was  not  to  be  stayed  at  Mattapan.  Rumors  of 
rich  bottom-lands  on  a  great  river  to  the  west,  bred  discon- 
tent with  the  rocky  soil  on  which  they  had  first  planted  them- 
selves. This,  fostered  by  the  political  ambition  of  some  who 
were  disappointed  of  preferment  in  Massachusetts,  led  the 
Dorchester  colonists  to  determine  upon  removal. 


ENSIGN   JOHN   SHELDON.  I  59 

"Come  with  me  now,"  says  Cotton  Mather,  "to  behold 
some  worthy  and  learned  and  genteel  persons  going  to  be 
buried  alive  on  the  banks  of  Connecticut,  having  been  first 
slain  by  the  ecclesiastical  persecutions  of  Europe."  At  mid- 
summer of  1635,  a  few  pioneers  from  Dorchester  reached  the 
Great  River,  and  near  the  Plymouth  trading  house,  set  up  two 
years  before  by  William  Holmes,  began  to  make  preparation 
for  a  settlement.  On  the  1 5th  of  October,  "the  main  body  of  the 
emigration,  about  sixty  men,  women  and  children"  set  forth 
from  Dorchester  on  the  long  and  toilsome  journey  to  the  val- 
ley of  the  Connecticut.  Like  a  bit  of  romance  from  the  mid- 
dle ages, — like  the  vanguard  of  some  great  army  of  Crusa- 
ders, seems  the  march  of  this  valiant  little  band. 

Day  after  day  in  the  beautiful  October  weather,  driving 
their  cattle  before  them,  they  wound  their  way  through  the 
trackless  wilderness,  a  compass  their  only  guide.  The  brill- 
iant leaves  of  autumn  fluttered  softly  to  their  feet  as  they 
tramped  through  the  tranquil  forest,  singing  their  pious 
hymns;  and  the  frolicsome  squirrel,  scared  from  his  harvest- 
ing, ceased  his  chatter  as  they  passed.  With  prayer  and 
praise,  for  fourteen  days  they  journeyed  on,  but  when  they 
reached  their  destination,  the  autumnal  glory  had  departed, 
the  leafless  trees  sighed  and  shivered  in  the  wintry  gale,  and 
the  cold  gray  river  gave  them  sullen  welcome.  We  will  not 
dwell  upon  the  horrors  of  that  winter.  The  spring  brought 
many  of  their  friends,  who  had  been  left  behind  at  first,  and 
the  little  settlement,  known  to  us  in  later  times  as  Windsor, 
was  called  Dorchester,  a  name  dear  to  the  hearts  of  so  many 
of  those  weary  Pilgrims. 

Among  "the  precious  men  and  women,"  whom  we  may 
suppose  to  have  come  with  the  Dorchester  Company  in  1630, 
and  to  have  borne  their  share  of  the  trials  and  sufferings  of 
the  new  settlements,  were  Isaac  Sheldon,  his  wife,  whose 
name  is  unknown,  and  their  infant  son.     Of  his  ancestry  we 


l6o  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

have  no  definite  knowledge.  The  name  was  at  that  time 
an  honorable  one  in  England,  and  is  still  found  among 
the  nobility  and  gentry  of  several  English  counties.  In 
the  list  of  "The  worthies  of  Somersetshire  since  the  time  of 
Fuller,"  is  the  name  of  "that  most  munificent  and  generous 
prelate,"  Gilbert  Sheldon,  born  in  1 598,  "descended  from  the 
ancient  family  of  Sheldons  of  Staffordshire,"  and  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury  in  1663. 

Isaac  Sheldon's  name  appears  in  Dorchester  in  1634,  as  of 
Warham's  congregation,  but  not  of  the  church.  He  removed 
to  Windsor  with  the  emigration  of  1635,  and  there  we  find 
him  four  years  later,  the  owner  of  a  house,  barn,  orchard 
and  home  lot.  The  following,  from  Windsor  town  records, 
evidently  referring  to  his  son,  then  a  young,  unmarried  man, 
seems  to  prove  that  Isaac,  the  elder,  was  not  living  at  this 
date : 

"Sept.  13,  1652.  It  is  assented  that  Isaac  Sheldon  and  Samuel 
Rockwell  shall  keep  house  together  in  the  house  that  is  Isaac's,  so 
they  carry  themselves  soberly,  and  do  not  entertain  idle  persons,  to 
the  evil  expense  of  time  by  night  or  day." 

In  explanation  of  the  above,  it  may  be  said  that  the  stat- 
utes of  our  fathers  for  the  prevention  of  vice  were  many. 
The  family  was  next  in  sacredness  to  the  church.  Every 
newly-wedded  couple  was  expected  to  set  up  a  home,  and  at 
once  to  enter  upon  household  duties.  In  good  old  Colonial 
days,  the  young  husband  could  not  lounge  away  his  evenings 
smoking  at  his  club,  while  his  bride  dawdled  away  hers  in 
the  petty  gossip  of  boarding-house  parlors  ;  and  married  per- 
sons of  either  sex,  remaining  long  in  the  colony  without 
their  respective  partners,  were  made  to  send  for  them,  or 
were  themselves  ordered  back  to  England  as  disreputable. 
No  inhabitant  was  admitted  unless  approved  by  the  town, 
and  every  householder  was  called  to  strict  account  for  his  visit- 
ors, and  made  answerable  for  their  good  conduct  and  solvency. 


ENSIGN  JOHN   SHELDON.  l6l 

In  Windsor,  "no  master  of  a  family"  might  "give  habita- 
tion or  entertainment  to  any  young  man  to  sojourn  in  his 
family,  but  by  the  allowance  of  the  town,"  and  "no  young 
man  that  had  not  a  servant,  or  was  not  a  public  officer,  might 
keep  house  by  himself  without  permission  from  the  town 
under  a  penalty  of  twenty  shillings  a  week,"  Wherefore,  in 
1652,  his  father  being  dead,  Isaac  Sheldon,  Junior,  then  about 
twenty-three  years  of  age,  obtained  permission  to  live  on  the 
homestead,  and  to  take  as  his  companion,  Samuel  Rockwell, 
a  son  of  one  of  the  early  settlers  also  deceased.  The  arrange- 
ment was  of  short  duration,  for  Isaac  having  married  Mary 
Woodford  in  1653,  sold  out  to  Rockwell  the  same  year,  and 
with  his  wife  and  infant  daughter,  removed  to  Northampton, 
among  the  first  settlers  of  that  town. 

Isaac  and  Mary  Woodford  vSheldon  were  blessed  with  thir- 
teen children,  John  Sheldon  of  Deerfield,  their  second  son 
and  third  child,  was  born  in  Northampton,  Dec.  5,  1658. 
Among  the  companions  of  his  childhood,  were  John  and 
Benoni  Stebbins,  sons  of  John  Stebbins  of  Northampton,  and 
grandsons  of  old  Rowland  Stebbins  of  Springfield,  In  1679, 
while  yet  lacking  a  month  of  his  majority,  he  married  their 
sister,  Hannah  Stebbins,  she  being  then  but  fifteen  years  and 
four  months  old.  The  boy  husband  and  his  child  wife  re- 
mained in  Northampton  until  after  the  birth  of  their  first 
two  children  ;  but  the  pioneer  spirit  was  born  in  him,  and 
we  find  him  soon,  with  his  young  family,  among  the  found- 
ers of  a  frontier  settlement,  as  his  father  and  grandfather 
had  been  before  him. 

In  another  story  are  detailed  the  unsuccessful  attempts  at 
the  settlement  of  Deerfield  up  to  1682.  Among  the  very  first 
of  those  by  whom  the  town  was  permanently  established, 
were  John  Sheldon  and  his  wife's  brothers,  John  and  Benoni 
Stebbins. 

John    Sheldon  is  first  mentioned  in  the  town  records  of 


l62  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

Deerfield  in  1686,  when  he  was  chosen  on  a  committee  "to 
lay  out  all  the  woodlands."  By  this  same  meeting  the  Dor- 
chester schoolmaster,  John  Williams,  was  called  to  be  their 
pastor.  The  same  year  vSheldon  was  chosen  on  the  first  board 
of  Selectmen,  and  re-elected  almost  every  year  until  1704. 
The  legislative  and  executive  powers  of  this  board  were  then 
very  great. 

When  in  1689,  the  people  rose  in  their  strength  against 
Andro.s,  and  a  "council  for  the  safety  of  the  people"  headed 
by  old  vSimon  Bradstreet,  the  last  of  the  Puritans,  summoned 
a  convention  of  delegates  from  the  several  towns  of  Massa- 
chusetts to  deliberate  upon  the  future  government,  it  was  a 
bold  but  justifiable  act.  Successful  or  not,  it  was  treason; 
and  if  unsuccessful,  its  movers  would  pay  the  penalty.  No 
town  meeting  appears  to  have  been  called  in  Deerfield,  but 
John  Sheldon  did  not  hesitate.  He,  as  Chairman  of  the 
board  of  vSelectmen,  took,  with  them,  the  responsibility  of 
sending  Lieut.  Thomas  Wells  as  delegate  to  the  convention, 
signing  with  them  his  credentials  as  "We  the  Town  of  Deer- 
field." After  the  massacre  at  Schenectady,  the  town  of 
Deerfield 

"Att  a  Leagall  Town  meeting  Feb'  26.  1689-90  Voted  that  y''  shall 
be  a  good  sufficient  fortification  made  upon  the  meeting  hous 
hill  : 

Thatt  all  persons  whose  families  cannot  conveniently  and  comfort- 
ably be  received  into  y^  houses  y*  are  already  upon  y^  meeting  hous 
hill  and  shall  be  w"'n  the  fortifications  :  such  persons  shall  have 
habitations  provided  for  y'"  w^'n  s'^  fortifications  att  the  Town  charg 
but  any  p''son  or  p'"sons  y'  shall  provide  habitations  for  y"'selves  shall 
be  exempt  from  y^'  charges  afores"  : 

ThatSgt  Jn"  Sheldon  Benoni  Stebbins  &  Edward  AUyn  shall  have 
full  pow''  to  appoint  where  every  persons  hous  or  cellar  shall  stand 
w*^  bigness  y'*  shall  be." 

On  the  death  of  Lieut.  Thomas  Wells,  in  1691,  his  brother 


ENSIGN   JOHN   SHELDON.  I  63 

Jonathan  was  appointed  in  his  place,  and  Sheldon,  who  had 
been  also  recommended  by  John  Pynchon  for  the  lieuten- 
ancy, was  made  ensig-n.  In  1693,  we  find  him  deacon  of  the 
church;  the  next  year,  on  the  committee  to  build  a  new  meet- 
ing-house, and  on  various  other  committees;  and  in  1696,  on 
the  committee  to  seat  the  meeting  house.  In  1697,  he,  with 
Jonathan  Wells,  was  appointed  to  look  over  old  papers  and 
"direct  the  Town  Clerk  to  record  such  as  should  be  re- 
corded." To  the  discretion  and  labors  of  this  committee, 
Deerfield  owes  the  preservation  of  four  pages  of  very  valuable 
matter  on  its  town  records.  On  these  records,  we  find  no 
busier  man  than  John  Sheldon,  none  whose  voice  was  more 
often  sought  in  the  prudential  affairs  of  the  town.  He  was 
chosen  to  measure  the  meadow  lands,  and  to  settle  the 
bounds  between  neighbors.  He  served  as  tythingman  and 
school  committee,  and  was  very  often  moderator  of  the  town 
meetings.  In  short,  John  Sheldon  was  a  prominent  man  in 
the  early  history  of  Deerfield,  successfully  administering 
those  important  town  offices,  which  require  the  most  prudent 
foresight,  and  the  most  candid  and  impartial  judgment. 

While  under  the  watchful  care  of  John  Sheldon,  and  others 
as  faithful,  the  puny  settlement  was  struggling  for  an  exist- 
ence, the  mine  for  its  destruction  was  already  in  train. 
Glance  for  a  moment  at  the  situation:  Romish  New  France 
in  the  north;  Romish  New  Spain  at  the  south;  between  these, 
as  between  the  upper  and  nether  millstones,  Protestant  New 
England  and  New  Netherlands  occupying  the  debatable 
ground;  for  years  a  political  struggle  for  territory  between 
the  three  last  named.  The  Lieutenant-General  of  Canada 
sends  over  the  ice  and  snow,  and  nails  his  arms  to  the  trees 
on  the  English  limits;  the  English  quietly  push  towards 
Acadia,  and  hold  their  ground  at  the  Great  Bay  of  the  north. 
The  treacherous  savage,  ready  to  trade  his  peltry  or  sell  his 
prowess  to  the  highest  bidder,  to-day  tears  down  the  King's 


164  TRUE   STORIES   OF  NEW   ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

crest  from  the  trees  and  carries  it  in  derision  into  Orange, 
and  to-morrow  begs  the  Lieutenant-General  to  send  him 
"black  gowns"  to  teach  him  about  the  Frenchman's  God. 
There  are  plots  and  counterplots.  The  black  gown  writes  to 
Canada  "that  the  Governor  of  New  York,  who  is  coming  to 
speak  to  the  Five  Nations,  has  sent  a  shabby  ship's  flag,  bear- 
ing the  arms  of  England,  to  be  set  up  among  them,  which  is 
still  in  the  Mohawks'  public  chest"  and  he  knows  not  when  it 
will  see  day. 

Complications  arising  from  the  accession  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  and  later,  the  succession  of  Anne  to  the  English 
throne,  afford  the  excuse  for  more  open  hostilities.  In  the 
French  Archives  of  the  period,  may  be  found  the  links  of 
that  chain  by  which  the  pastor  and  people  of  Deerfield  were 
to  be  held  in  bondage.  There,  in  detail,  is  the  policy  of 
the  French,  which  is  by  embroiling  the  eastern  Indians  with 
the  English,  under  the  pretext  that  the  latter  have  encroached 
upon  their  hunting  grounds,  to  incite  them  to  fall  upon 
the  frontier  towns:  then  under  the  plea  that  being  at  war 
with  the  English  they  can  no  longer  live  on  English  soil,  by 
promises  of  support  and  protection,  to  induce  them  to  remove 
near  to  Quebec  and  Montreal,  whither  they  will  attract  much 
trade,  and  where  they  will  become  a  powerful  ally  of  the 
French  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war. 

There  are  protests  from  the  Canadian  Governor  against 
the  trespasses  of  the  English;  threats  of  the  French  King  of 
what  will  happen  to  Boston  if  the  English  do  not  keep  with- 
in their  limits;  the  fears  of  Frontenac  that  the  Acadians  may 
incline  to  the  English,  "as  they  are  too  far  from  French  suc- 
cor in  case  of  trouble"  between  the  two  nations.  There  are 
instructions  from  the  French  minister  to  the  Governors  of  Aca- 
dia and  Canada,  so  to  manage  affairs  that  the  Abenakis  shall 
find  it  more  advantageous  to  live  by  war  than  by  the  chase; 
notes  on  the  political  services  of  Fathers  Rasle  and  Bigot; 


ENSIGN   JOHN    SHELDON.  165 

letters  of  commendation  and  gifts  of  money  to  Father  Thury 
for  his  share  in  the  bloody  work;  reports  of  the  conferences 
of  the  chiefs  with  the  governor  at  Quebec,  and  the  diplo- 
matic falsehoods  and  fair  promises  of  the  latter;  lists  of  pres- 
ents and  supplies  for  the  Indians:  Brazilian  tobacco,  ver- 
milion, kettles  of  all  sizes,  blue  serge,  a  jacket  with  gold 
facings,  a  shirt,  hat,  pair  of  shoes  and  stockings  for  one  of  the 
chiefs,  and  a  "shift  for  his  daughter,  of  whom  he  was  very 
fond;"  orders  for  ''tufts  of  Avhite  feathers,"  costing  a  few  cen- 
times in  Paris,  to  designate  the  savages  in  night  attacks; 
weapons,  and  provisions,  flour,  molasses,  butter,  and  "plenty 
of  brandy,  without  which  they  will  not  act  efficiently." 

Ever  since  the  building  of  her  stockade,  Deerfield  had 
been  in  a  state  of  alarm.  Repeated  sallies  had  been  made 
by  the  enemy,  and  several  of  the  inhabitants  had  been  killed, 
and  others  carried  into  captivity.  The  distress  of  the  people 
will  be  seen  from  the  following  extract  from  a  letter  of  their 
pastor  to  the  governor  praying  for  an  abatement  of  taxes, 
and  dated  Oct.  21st,  1703: 

"We  have  been  driven  from  our  houses  &  home  lots  into  the  fort, 
some    a    mile,     some    2    miles,    whereby    we     have    suffered    much 

loss, the  whole  town  kept  in;  our  children  of  12  or  13  years 

and  under,    we  have  been  afraid  to  improve  in  the  field,  for  fear 

of  the  enemy; we  have  been  crowded  togather  into  houses, 

to  the  preventing  indoor  affairs  being  carryed  on  to  any  advantage 
&  must  be  constrained  to  expend  at  least  50^  to  make  any  com- 
fortable provision  of  housing  if  we  stay  togather  in  cold  weather: 

so  that  our  losses  are  far  more  than  would  have  paid  our  taxes 

i  would  request  your  Excellency  so  far  to  commiserate  as  to  do 
what  may  be  encouraging  to  persons  to  venture  their  all  in  the  fron- 
tiers,   and  that  they  may  have  something  allowed  them  in  mak- 
ing the  fortification;  we  have  mended  it,  it  is  in  vain  to  mend,  & 
must  make  it  all  new,  &  fetch  timber  for  206  rod,  3  or  4  miles  if 
we  get  oak." 


l66  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

Thanks  to  the  Deerfield  historian,  whose  study  of  the 
"Antient  Records"  seems  to  have  come  to  him  by  direct  de- 
scent, we  can  reconstruct  the  village  as  it  was  in  the  winter 
of  1703-4.  In  the  north-west  corner  of  the  rebuilt  fortifica- 
tions, stood  the  house  of  Ensign  John  Sheldon,  a  two-story 
front,  42x21,  and  a  one-story  lean-to  or  kitchen.  It  needs  no 
description.  The  appearance  of  the  "Old  Indian  House,"  as  it 
was  called  ever  after  that  fatal  day,  is  familiar  to  many.  He 
had  built  it  in  1696,  to  accommodate  his  growing  family.  It 
was  probably  the  largest  and  the  best  in  town,  and  the  hos- 
pitalities to  this  day  so  generously  dispensed  on  that  spot, 
began  with  Landlord  Sheldon. 

Lulled  by  frequent  false  alarms  into  a  fatal  sense  of  secu- 
rity, John  Sheldon  and  his  neighbors  slept  soundly  on  the 
night  of  the  29th  of  February,  1704.  The  bitter  cold  pene- 
trated even  his  well-built  dwelling,  the  drifted  snow  lay  piled 
outside  against  the  palisades,  the  wind  shrieked  as  it  tore  the 
dry  branches  from  the  trees  and  hurled  them  far  over  the 
frozen  crust ;  but  no  consciousness  of  unusual  danger  dis- 
turbed their  slumbers.  Yet  with  the  rushing  of  each  fitful 
gust,  running  with  it  from  the  north  and  pausing  as  it  ceased, 
the  cruel  foe  was  creeping  stealthily  nearer  to  the  little  ham- 
let. The  stormy  night  was  well-nigh  spent,  the  guard  lay 
heavy  in  his  first  sleep,  when  "the  enemy  came  in  like  a 
flood."  Pouring  over  the  palisades,  heaving  and  tossing  like 
the  angry  billows  of  a  stormy  sea,  roaring  and  rushing  to 
and  fro  within  the  fortification,  the  horrid  crowd  surged 
about  the  houses  of  the  defenseless  people.  Roused  by  their 
hideous  yells,  the  vSleepers  woke  bewildered  to  find  them- 
selves surrounded  by  dusky  faces  fiendish  with  fresh  war 
paint.  Resistance  was  vain  ;  some  were  instantly  murdered  ; 
others,  powerless  from  fear,  were  fiercely  torn  from  their 
warm  beds,  bound  hand  and  foot,  and  hurried  out  half  naked 
into  the  bitter  night.     Deafened  by  the  tumult,  blinded  by 


1 66  q*RUE   STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 


Thanks   to   the   Deerfield   historian,  whose  study  of   the 

"Antient  Records"  seems  to  have  come  to  him  by  direct  de- 

• .  we  can  reconstruct  the  village  as  it  was  in  the  winter 

;    I,     In  the  north-west  corner  of  the  rebuilt  fortifica- 

od  the  house  of  Ensign  John  Sheldon,  a  two-story 

,  and  a  one-«tory  lean-to  or  kitchen.     It  needs  no 

The  appearance  of  the  "Old  Indian  House,"  as  it 

or  after  that  fatal  day,  is  familiar  to  many.     He 

late  his  growing  family.     It 

^^est  in  town,  and  the  hos- 

lispensied  on  th;U  spot, 


Cin   INDIAN   HOUSE  AT  DEERFIELD 


r  the 
of   unusual  danger  dis- 
....  Jie  nishing  of  each  fitful 
le  north  and  pausing  as  it  ceased, 
foe  was  creeping  stealthily  nearer  to  the  little  ham- 
stormy  night  was  well-nigh  spcr*^    •'•      -^   ^   • 

h-  .  his  fir.st  sleep,  when  "the  enem- 

flood.       Pouring  over  the  palisades,  heaving  and  t( 
the  :  '  Hows  of  a  stormy  sea,  roa  '  ' 

and    1  in  the    fortification,  the  ^ed 

about  the  of  the  defenseless  1  by  their 

hideous  yd.  keepers  woke   bcv.-,.c;ci;..u  to   find  them- 

selves surroL  dusky  faces  fiendish  with  fresh  war 

paint.     Resistarj'  ain  :  some  were  instantly  murdered  ; 

others,  powerless   hum  ere  fiercely  torn  from, their 

<•  "-m  beds, bound  hand  ......  .  -c.  and  hurried  out  half  naked 

the  bitter  night.     Deafened  by  the  tumult,  blinded  by 


ENSIGN   JOHN   SHELDON.  167 


the  glare  of  torches,  driven  like  sheep  to  the  shambles,  they 
were  huddled  together  in  the  meeting  house,  where  but  yes- 
terday their  faithful  shepherd  had  folded  his  flock  in  peace. 
Confusion  and  terror  reigned.  The  place  which  they  had 
been  taught  to  regard  as  the  house  of  God  was  now  defiled 
and  desecrated.  There,  where  so  lately  their  voices  had 
mingled  in  prayer  and  praise,  could  now  be  heard  only  the 
groans  of  the  wounded,  the  wailing  of  women,  the  shrieks 
of  the  children  and  the  tremulous  voices  of  the  aged  calling 
on  God  to  "remember  mercy  in  the  midst  of  judgment." 

Hard  by,  in  the  house  of  Benoni  Stebbins,  seven  heroic 
men,  bravely  seconded  by  their  wives,  for  three  hours  kept 
at  bay  the  combined  force  of  French  and  Indians.  With 
their  children  clinging  to  them  in  fright,  unceasingly  the 
women  moulded  the  bullets,  resolutely  the  men  stood  at  their 
posts.  The  leaden  hail  beat  steadily  down  upon  the  assail- 
ants. Fiercer  and  higher  on  the  keen  air,  rose  the  yells  of 
the  baffled  foe. 

Not  far  away,  in  his  own  house,  pinioned  and  helpless,  but 
calm  and  steadfast,  the  pastor  of  the  little  flock,  surrounded 
by  his  terrified  family,  as  he  "was  able  committed  their  state 
to  God,  praying  that  they  might  have  grace  to  glorify  His 
name,  whether  in  life  or  death." 

For  a  time,  the  well  built  and  firmly  bolted  door  of  John 
Sheldon's  house  proved  an  effectual  barrier  against  the  sav- 
ages. Sacred  historic  door!  Door  of  the  ark  of  the  cove- 
nant wert  thou  to  our  fathers  in  the  olden  time.  Built  of  no 
costly  material,  thy  posts  were  not  inlaid  with  shell;  no  gold 
adorns  thy  panels.  Fleart  of  oak  art  thou,  fit  type  of  the 
heroes  who  framed  thee  ;  sturdy  and  strong  in  their  defence 
as  they,  in  defence  of  their  liberty, — ye  yielded  never! 
More  to  us  than  Grecian  sculptures  are  thy  carvings  by  In- 
dian tomahawk,  and  thy  wrought  spikes,  more  precious  than 
bosses  of  silver  and  gold  ! 


l68  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

Maddened  at  last  by  their  baffled  efforts,  they  hacked  and 
hewed  at  it  till  the  hole  was  cut,  which  is  still  to  be  seen  in 
it.^  Through  this  they  fired  at  random,  killing  Sheldon's 
wife,  who  was  dressing  herself  in  bed  in  the  room  at  the 
right  of  the  door.  Finally  swarming  in  at  the  windows  and 
rudely  awaking  Mary  Sheldon,  a  maiden  of  sixteen,  from 
sweet  dreams  of  her  lover,  they  captured  her  and  her  young 
brothers,  Ebenezer  and  Remembrance  ;  and  killed  their  lit- 
tle sister,  Mercy,  a  child  of  three  years.  Their  eldest  broth- 
er, John,  had  married  three  months  before,  Hannah  Chapin 
of  vSpringfield.  During  the  preparation  of  the  bridal  outfit, 
her  mother,  loath  to  have  her  encounter  the  perils  of  a  fron- 
tier settlement,  yet  with  that  strange  inconsistency  with 
which  we  often  make  a  jest  of  the  saddest  things  in  life, 
advised  her  to  have  a  pelisse  made  of  unusual  thickness,  as 
she  might  need  it  if  she  were  carried  off  by  the  Indians.  On 
the  first  alarm  she  and  her  husband,  who  were  occupying  the 
east  chamber  of  his  father's  house,  jumped  together  from 
the  window.  vSpraining  her  ankle,  and  unable  to  save  her- 
self, she  urged  her  husband  to  leave  her  and  alarm  the  nearest 
village.  At  her  entreaties  he  stripped  up  a  blanket,  and 
binding  it  about  his  bare  feet,  ran  to  Hatfield.  His  heroic 
bride  was  captured  with  the  rest. 

At  daybreak,  Hertel  de  Rouville  rallied  his  troops  for  the 
retreat,  and  the  shivering  captives  began  their  painful  march. 
The  sorrows  of  that  awful  journey  cannot  be  described. 
Snow-blind  and  starving,  with  aching  hearts,  and  frozen 
limbs,  and  bleeding  feet,  they  staggered  on  for  twenty-five 
days.  Arriving  at  Chambly  in  detached  parties,  they  were 
separated,  some  remaining  with  their  Indian  captors,  others 
bought  by  the  French  of  Montreal  and  Quebec. 

Let  tis  return  to  the  desolated  village  whence  they  had 
been  so  cruelly  snatched.     Of  the  whereabouts  of  John  Shel- 

'This  door  is  preserved  in  Memorial  Hail  at  Deerfield. 


ENSIGN   JOHN   SHELDON.  169 

don  the  elder,  on  that  fearful  night,  we  know  nothing,  but 
we  cannot  suppose  him  to  have  been  idle  or  panic  stricken. 
He  may  have  been  with  the  gallant  band  that  fell  upon  the 
enemy's  rear  that  morning,^  abandoning  the  pursuit  only 
when  retaliation  threatened  the  captives.  What  must  have 
been  his  feelings  and  those  of  his  neighbors  equally  bereft, 
as  they  walked  among  the  still  smoking  ashes  of  their  once 
happy  homes,  searching  among  the  dead  and  dying  for  traces 
of  their  kindred.  His  daughter,  Hannah,  whose  husband, 
Joseph  Catlin,  was  slain  in  the  meadow  fight,  his  little  grand- 
child, and  his  married  son,  were  all  that  were  left  of  John 
Sheldon's  family.  In  the  spring  days  that  followed,  the 
scanty  remnant  of  these  three  households  sat  round  his 
cheerless  hearthstone,  and  talked  sadly  of  their  dead,  and  of 
those  far  away  in  captivity  worse  than  death.  Vaguely  at 
first  he  thought  of  their  possible  rescue,  but  as  the  gloomy 
summer  wore  on,  his  dream  became  a  definite  purpose,  and 
he  announced  his  determination  to  devote  his  remaining  en- 
ergies to  the  redemption  of  his  children  and  townsfolk. 

Meanwhile  their  captors  were  jubilant.  Exaggerated  re- 
ports of  their  success  were  made  to  the  French  Minister,  by 
the  Governor  and  the  Intendant  of  Canada : 

A  letter  of  this  period  from  De  Vaudreuil  to  the  Minister, 
says : 

"The  Sieur  de   Rouville desires.  My  Lord,  that  you  would 

have  the  goodness  to  think  of  his  promotion,  having  been,  invari- 
ably in  all  the  expeditions  that  presented  themselves,  and  being  still 

actually  with  the  Abenakis The  Sieur  de  Rouvilles  party, 

My  Lord,  has  accomplished  everything  expected  of  it,  for  in- 
dependent of  the  capture  of  a  fort,^  it  showed  the  Abenakis 
that  they  could  truly  rely  on  our  promises  ;  and  this  is  what  they 

'  "The  Meadow  Fight." 
■^Deerfield. 


I/O  TRUE   STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


told    me   at    Montreal    on    the    13th    of    June    when    they   came   to 
thank  me."' 

A  letter  to  the  Minister  from  the  Governor  and  the  In- 
tendant  of  Canada,  written  at  the  same  time,  contains  the 
following : 

"We  had  the  honor  to  report  to  you  last  year.  My  Lord,  the  rea- 
sons which   had  obliged  us  to  embroil  the  English   with  the  Aben- 

akis, The  English  having  killed  some  of   these  Indians,  they 

sent  us  word  of  it,  and demanded  assistance. 

This  obliged  us.  My  Lord,  to  send  thither  the  Sieur  de  Rouville 
an  officer  of  the  line,  with  nearly  two  hundred  men  who  attacked  a 
fort^  in  which  according  to  the  report  of  all  the  prisoners,  there 
were  more  than  one  hundred  men  under  arms  ;  they  took  more  than 
one  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners,  including  men  and  women,  and  re- 
treated, having  lost  only  three  men  and  some  twenty  wounded."'^ 

A  deptitation  of  the  Abenakis  waited  upon  their  "father," 
the  governor,  "to  bear  witness  to  the  pleasure  he  had  given 
them  in  avenging  them  against  the  English,"  and  he  in  turn, 
congratulated  his  "children"  upon  their  united  victory  over 
their  "common  enemy."  Mr.  Parkman  .says,  "Except  their 
inveterate  habit  of  poaching  on  Acadian  fisheries,  the  people 
of  New  England  had  not  provoked  these  barbarous  attacks." 

The  correspondence  between  the  governors  of  the  two 
provinces  during  several  years  previous  to  the  sacking  of 
Deerfield,  in  which  one  or  the  other  is  constantly  demanding 
or  receiving  satisfaction  for  the  seizure  of  vessels,  shows  that 
privateering  was  common  to  both  parties  even  during  a  nom- 
inal peace.  In  one  of  these  poaching  expeditions,  the  Eng- 
lish had  seized  a  Frenchman,  known  in  our  annals  as  Cap- 

'Letter    from    M.    de  Vaudreuil  to  M.   do   Pontchartrain,  yuebec,  i6th  gber 
1704.     N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Vol.  IX.  p.  759. 

-'Deerfield. 

^Letter  from   Messieurs  De  Vaudreuil  and    De   Beauharnois  to  M.  de  Pont- 
chartrain, yuebec,  17th  November,  1704.      N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Vol.  IX.  p.  762. 


ENSIGN   JOHN   SHELDON.  l/I 


tain  Baptiste,  who  had  proved  himself  a  spy  and  a  traitor  in 
the  service  of  both  governments,  and  who  was,  moreover,  a 
wholly  imprincipled  fellow,  having  besides  his  Acadian  wife, 
several  others  in  different  parts  of  the  world.  As  from  his 
knowledge  of  the  coast,  he  was  very  necessary  to  the  Aca- 
dian government,  one  Le  Fevre  was  sent  to  Boston  in  the 
autumn  of  1702,10  demand  his  release.  War  having  been  in 
the  meantime  declared,  Dudley  detained  Le  Fevre,  and  flatly 
refused  to  surrender  Baptiste.  In  concluding  his  letter  to 
the  governor  of  Port  Royal,  he  says,  "As  for  the  exchange 
of  prisoners,  when  I  shall  be  advised  of  the  settlement  of  a 
cartel  properly,  I  shall  embrace  it  as  being  very  usefull.  In 
the  meantime  I  must  desire  that  the  subjects  of  her  Majesty 
the  Queen,  my  Sovereign  Lady,  may  have  the  good  fortune 
to  keep  them.selves  out  of  the  Inconveniences  of  a  captivity, 
though  never  so  easy  and  short."'  How  grievously  this  hope 
was  disappointed,  we  have  already  seen. 

When  the  Deerfield  pastor  and  his  fellow  captives  reached 
Canada,  the  "Governor  told  me,"  says  Mr.  Williams,  "that  I 
should  be  sent  home  as  soon  as  Captain  Battis  was  returned 
and  not  before,  and  that  I  was  taken  in  order  to  his  redemp- 
tion."^ 

In  April,  1704,  and  again  in  August,  Dudley  despatched  let- 
ters by  way  of  Albany,  to  the  Canadian  governor,  upbraiding 
his  conduct  of  the  war  as  unlawful  and  unchristian.  "You 
have  boasted,"  he  says,  "of  massacring  my  poor  women  and 
children,  and  carrying  away  into  a  miserable  captivity  the 
reste,  and  they  are  made  a  matter  of  trade  between  the  Sav- 
ages and  the  subjects  of  your  master,  under  your  govern- 
ment  I  write  you  this  to  tell  you  that  such  treatment 

of  Christians  will  be  esteemed  barbarous  by  all  Europe,  and 
I  expect  you  to  withdraw  all  these  Christian  captives  from 

'Mass.  Archives,  Vol.  V.  p.  612. 

'  "The  Redeemed  Captive,"  p.  48,  Edition  of  MDCCC. 


172  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

the  hands  of  savages,  and  return  them  to  me,  as  I  have  sev- 
eral times  returned  your  people  to  Port  Royal,  and  shall  con- 
tinue to  do,  until  I  have  your  reply  to  this."' 

In  his  August  letter  he  offers  an  equal  exchange  of  pris- 
oners, and  threatens  reprisals  if  a  more  honorable  treatment 
of  the  captives  is  not  guaranteed.  "I  cannot  admit  the  pre- 
text," he  says,  "that  the  Indians  have  the  right  to  retain  these 
prisoners,  because  I  would  never  permit  a  savage  to  tell  me 
that  any  Christian  prisoner  is  at  his  disposal.""^  From  Dud- 
ley's point  of  view,  it  seemed  absurd  for  the  Governor-Gen- 
eral of  New  France  to  declare  that  he  could  not  compel  the 
Indians  to  give  up  their  English  captives. 

The  difficulties  of  his  position  will  be  better  understood,  if 
we  remember  that  he  had  made  the  savages  his  tools,  by  prom- 
ising them  a  chance  to  avenge  themselves  upon  the  English. 
Receiving  no  satisfaction  from  the  French  governor,  Dud- 
ley, the  last  of  September,  proposed  to  his  council  that  "Ar- 
thur Jeffrey,  being  attended  with  two  French  prisoners  of 
war,  be  sent  by  way  of  vSaint  John's  River  to  Quebeck,  with 
letters  to  the  governor,  referring  to  the  English  prisoners 
there  and  to  concert  a  method  of  exchange." 

The  departure  of  Jeffrey  was  doubtless  prevented  by  the 
arrival  of  Jonn  Sheldon  at  Boston.  He  was  attended  by 
young  John  Wells  of  Deerfield,  whose  mother,  Hepzibah 
Belding,  was  one  of  the  captives.  On  Wednesday,  Dec.  13th, 
1704,  the  governor  acquainted  his  council  that  he  had  re- 
ceived no  answer  to  his  letter  sent  the  preceding  summer  to 
the  governor  of  Quebec,  relating  to  the  English  prisoners, 
and  that  "it  was  doubtful  if  those  letters  found  safe  convey- 
ance,"   "as  also  that  John  Sheldon  and  John  Wells  of 

Deerfield,  who  both  had  relations  in  captivity  there,  were 
now  attending  him,  and  very  urgent  to  have  license  to  trav- 

'Dudley  to  De  Vaudreuil,  April  10,  1704  )  B.  P.  Poore  Coll. 
*       "  "  "  Aug.   21,    "     f  in  Mass.  Archives. 


ENSIGN   JOHN    SHELDON.  173 

ail  thither,  their  being  also  two  French  prisoners  used  to  that 
Rhode,  who  have  their  relations  here,  that  are  willing  to  ac- 
company the  said  Englishmen  with  his  Excellency's  letters, 
and  to  see  them  safely  returned  at  the  peril  of  having  their 
near  relations  here  exposed." 

His  Excellency  proposed  the  conveying  them  by  water  to 
Casco,  thence  to  take  the  direct  course  through  the  country 
to  Quebec  "in  order  to  find  out  how  many  prisoners  are  in 
that  country  and  to  make  way  for  their  release  in  the  spring." 

Fortunately  for  John  vSheldon,  within  the  week  Capt.  Liv- 
ingston of  New  York  appeared  in  Boston,  and 
"At  a  Council  held   in   Boston  on  Tuesday,  Dec.  19,   1704,  His  Ex- 
cellency acquainted  the  Council,   that  since  their  last  setting  and 

advice  for  sending  messengers  to  Quebec to    negotiate  the 

affair  about  the  Exchange  of  Prisoners,  he  had  discoursed  that  mat- 
ter with  Capt.  John  Livingston  now  in  town  who  had  been  several 
times  there,  was  well  acquainted  in  the  severall  parts  and  the  way 
thither  from  the  upper  towns  of  this  province  which  he  accounted 
to  be  more  safe  than  to  Travaile  through  the  Eastern  Country's  and 
that  said  Livingston  would  undertake  that  service  accompanyed 
with  Mr.  Shelden  and  Wells  without  any  Frenchmen  to  have  a  hun- 
dred pounds  for  his  sirvice  and  his  expenses  borne.  Upon  consid- 
eration of  the  greater  safety  and  certainty  of  this  way  and  the  charge 
saved  of  a  vessel  and  men  that  must  necessarily  be  Employed  the 
other  way,  besides  the  fitting  out  the  Frenchmen,  and  the  incon- 
veniencies  that  might  happen  upon  their  going  :  as  also  the  accom- 
plishment of  Capt.  Livingston  for  such  a  service.  It  was  Advised 
that  he  be  Imployed  accordingly  and  his  Excellency  communicated 
his  letters  to  the  Governor  of  Canada  to  be  sent  by  them."' 

Duplicates  of  Dudley's  letters  sent  and  unanswered  during 
the  preceding  summer,  were  prepared  and  with  them  the 
following  :' 

'Council  Records,  Vol.  dated  1703-8,  p.  128,  Mass.  Archives. 
^B.  P.  Poore  Coll.  Vol.  5,  p.  215. 


174  TRUE    STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

"Boston,  Dec.  20,  1704. 
Sir : 

The  enclosed'  were  sent  some  time  since  by  way  of 
Albany  ;  but  fearing  that  they  have  miscarried  I  send  you  herewith 

Messrs.  Livingston  and  Sheldon  envoys,  with  John  Wells, to 

carry  you  this  and  to  inform  you  that  I  have  in  my  hands  about  150 
prisoners On  the  return  of  my  envoys  with  a  list  of  my  cap- 
tives whom  you   have  in  your  hands,  I  would  willingly  have  yours 

transported    this    spring   as   far  as   Penobscot Should   the 

winter  be  so  severe  as  to  oblige  my  envoys  to  remain  until  the  rigor 
of  winter  is  passed,  you  will  if  agreeable  to  you,  send  an  Indian  to 
the  fort  at  Casco  Bay  with  a  letter  informing  me  when  and  where  I 
may  send  a  shallop  to  meet  yours   from   Quebec,  in  order  that  the 

exchange   may  be  made You  will   have  the  goodness  to  let 

my  envoys  return  as  soon  as  they  can  safely  do  so,  with  your  de- 
cision on  this  subject,  in  order  that  I  may  have  your  prisoners  ready 
to  deliver  up  on  receipt  of  your  reply  in  regard  to  those  of  my  peo- 
ple now  in  your  hands  :  and  to  grant  my  envoys  opportunity  for 
the  freest  conference  with  you  as  to  what  is  most  advantageous  in 
this  business. 

I  am  with  all  respect.  Sir, 
your  very  humble  and  obedient  servant." 

With  these  credentials,  Sheldon  and  his  companions  took 
the  Bay  Path  for  Deerfield,"^  tarrying  at  Hatfield  on  the  way 
to  procure  their  outfit  of  Colonel  Partridge. 

I  will  not  attempt  to  describe  the  stir  in  the  village  when 
it  was  known  that  Mr.  Sheldon  was  there,  en  route  for  Cana- 
da, as  an  agent  of  the  government  in  behalf  of  the  suffering 
town.  Pausing  only  for  a  brief  good-bye,  burdened  with 
messages  of  love  to  the  dear  ones  in  bondage,  and  followed 

'Duplicates  of  Dudley's  April  and  August  letters  to  De  Vaudreull. 

^The  "Bay  Path,"  followed  the  present  Boston  and  Albany  railroad  to 
Springfield;  thence  via  Hatfield  to  Deerfield.  Thence  the  envoys  proceeded 
over  Hoosac  Mountain  to  Albany.  A  guide  post  in  Deerfield  still  points  the 
way  "To  Albany." 


ENSIGN   JOHN    SHELDON.  175 


by  the  blessings  of  all,  the  party  pushed  on  over  Hoosac 
Mountain  to  Albany.  We  have  a  glimpse  of  them  there,  be- 
fore they  plunge  into  the  pathless  forest,  in  a  scrap  of  paper 
containing  an  account,  on  which  in  Sheldon's  hand-writing, 
is  endorsed,  "what  i  paid  to  captain  levenston  at  hotsoen 
river." 

We  need  not  go  back  to  King  Arthur  for  exploits  of  chiv- 
alry ;  our  colonial  history  is  full  of  them.  This  man,  long 
past  the  daring  impulses  of  youth  ;  this  youth,  whose  life  was 
all  before  him  ;  show  me  two  braver  knights-errant  setting 
out  with  loftier  purpose  on  a  more  perilous  pilgrimage. 

Three  hundred  miles  of  painful  and  unaccustomed  tramp- 
ing on  snow-shoes  in  mid-winter,  over  mountain  and  morass, 
through  tangled  thickets  and  "snow-clogged  forest,"  where 
with  fell  purpose  the  cruel  savage  lurked  ;  with  gun  in  hand, 
and  pack  on  back,  now  wading  knee-deep  over  some  rapid 
stream,  now  in  the  teeth  of  the  fierce  north  wind,  toiling 
over  the  slippery  surface  of  the  frozen  lake,  now  shuffling 
tediously  along  in  the  sodden  ice  of  some  half-thawed  river; 
digging  away  the  drifts  at  night  for  his  camp  ;  wet,  lame,' 
half-famished  and  chilled  to  the  bone,  hardly  daring  to  kindle 
a  fire  ;  a  bit  of  dried  meat  from  his  pack  for  a  supper,  spruce 
boughs  for  his  bed;  crouching  there  wrapped  in  his  blanket, 
his  head  muffled  in  the  hood  of  his  capote,  eye  and  ear  alert, 
his  mittened  hand  grasping  the  hilt  of  the  knife  at  his  belt ; 
up  at  daybreak  and  on  again,  through  storm  and  sleet,  pelted 
by  pitiless  rains,  or  blinded  by  whirling  snow:  what  iron 
will  and  nerves  of  steel,  sound  mind  in  sound  body,  to  dare 
and  do  what  this  man  did. 

Of  the  date  of  John  Sheldon's  arrival  in  Canada,  we  are 
ignorant.  We  can  only  guess  at  the  impressions  of  the  sturdy 
Puritan  yeoman  as  he  first  stood  upon  the  rock  of  Quebec, 
surrounded  by  "the  appendages  of  an  old  established  civil- 
ization."    Strange  sights  and  sounds  must  have  greeted  him 


176  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

as  he  vsat  in  his  inn  on  the  great  square.  The  "noisy  bush- 
ranger" and  the  "befeathered  Indian"  swaggered  about  the 
door.  "Phimed  officers,"  with  squads  of  soldiers  in  slouched 
hats,  and  "arquebus  on  shoulder,"  marched  quickly  at  tap  of 
drum  up  to  the  fort.  Processions  bearing  relics  of  the  saints, 
filed  in  at  the  cathedral  door, — the  gaunt  Jesuit  in  black  cas-- 
sock  and  rosary,  the  gray  gown  of  the  Recollet  friar,  the 
Seminary  priest  in  sable  robe,  with  his  band  of  boys  in  blue, 
pale  nuns  in  white  cornets  and  clad  in  serge,  with  their 
pupils,  among  whom  is  more  than  one  English  face.  News  of 
his  arrival  spread  up  and  down  the  river,  "reviving  the 
drooping  spirits  of  the  captives."  Far  different  was  its  ef- 
fect upon  their  captors.  Stephen  Williams,  the  minister's 
son,  was  in  the  hands  of  a  St.  Francis  Indian,  who  demanded 
forty  crowns  for  his  ransom.  Mr.  Williams  had  prevailed 
upon  the  governor  to  offer  thirty.  The  savage  stood  out, 
and,  leaving  the  boy  with  his  wife,  went  off  to  hunt.  "When 
Mr.  Sheldon  was  come  to  Canada,"  says  Stephen  in  his  ac- 
count,^ "my  mistress  thought  there  would  be  an  exchange  of 
prisoners,  and  lest  the  French  should  then  take  me  away  for 
nothing,  she  removed  up  in  y^  woods  about  half  a  mile  from 
y*"  river,  y'  if  they  came  they  might  not  find  me."  Having 
offended  her  a  few  days  after,  by  slighting  some  heavy  work 
given  him  to  do,  "the  squaw,"  says  the  eleven-years-old  child, 
"was  very  angry.  'I  will  not  beat  you  myself,'  says  she,  'for 
my  husband  ordered  me  to  the  contrary,  but  will  tell  y''  Jes- 
uit, y''  next  time  he  comes.' Within  a  day  or  two  y^ 

Jesuit  comes,  she  was  as  good  as  her  word,  did  complain  ;  he 
takes  me  out  and  whips  me  w"'  a  whip  w"'  six  cords,  several 
knots  in  each  cord." 

As  soon  as  possible,  the  envoys  delivered  their  letters  to  the 
governor,  by  whose  permission  Mr.  Williams  came  up  from 

'Narrative  of  the  captivitj'  of  Stephen  Williams,  written   by  himself.      Ed- 
ited by  Hon.  George  Sheldon,  1889. 


ENSIGN   JOHN   SHELDON.  I77 

Chateau-Richer,  where  he  had  been  sent  to  prevent  his  in- 
terference with  the  conversion  of  his  people  by  the  Jesuits. 
From  him  Sheldon  heard  that  his  children  were  living,  and 
John  Wells  learned  the  sad  tidings  of  his  mother's  murder. 
He  told  them  the  harrowing  tale  of  the  march  to  Canada, 
and  the  details  of  the  captivity.  Deacon  Sheldon  was  greatly 
exercised  by  his  account  of  the  craft  and  cruelty  employed 
by  the  French  "to  ensnare  the  young,  and  to  turn  them  from 
the  simplicity  of  the  Gospel  to  Romish  superstition." 

Mr.  Williams  doubtless  accompanied  the  envoys  to  their 
first  audience  with  the  governor.  The  good  deacon,  in  his 
home-spun  garments,  must  have  felt  himself  in  strange  con- 
trast with  the  other  occupants  of  the  council  hall  ;  the  gov- 
ernor majestic  and  surrounded  by  the  brilliant  uniforms  of 
his  guard  ;  the  haughty  intendant ;  popinjay  pages  loitering 
about,  stern  old  warriors  bedecked  with  medals,  gay  young 
sprigs  of  the  nobility  in  elegant  apparel,  "Jesuits,  like  black 
spectres,  gliding  in  and  out."  As  Mr.  Williams  .saw  the  dig- 
nity of  his  fellow-townsman,  unabashed  by  all  this  parade, 
he  perhaps  thought  of  the  proverb,  "Seest  thou  a  man  dili- 
gent in  his  business,  he  shall  stand  before  kings  ;  he  shall  not 
stand  before  mean  men." 

The  deputies  received  little  satisfaction  from  their  con- 
ferences with  the  governor.  "God's  time  of  deliverance," 
.says  Mr.  Williams,  "was  not  yet  come."  Monsieur  de  Vau- 
dreuil  was  civil  and  diplomatic.  He  says  that  the  Indians 
are  his  allies,  not  his  subjects  ;  he  has,  therefore,  no  real 
right  to  demand  the  captives  from  them.  They  might  per- 
haps be  ransomed,  but,  "knowing  Monsieur  Dudley's  resolu- 
tion not  to  'set  up  an  Algiers  trade'  by  the  purchase  of  pris- 
oners," he  dares  not  take  the  responsibility.  As  to  an  ex- 
change of  those  in  the  hands  of  the  French,  he  hardly  sees 
what  basis  for  that  can  be  arranged,  since  he  learns  by  the 
list  of  French  prisoners  sent  him  that  the  governor  of   Bos- 


178  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

ton  has  permitted  some  Port  Royalists,  who  should  have 
been  sent  home  with  the  exchange,  to  embark  for  the  West 
Indies.     Moreover,  there  is  Baptiste. 

The  days  passed  in  alternation  of  hope  and  discourage- 
ment. Fair  promises  were  succeeded  by  evasion  and  delay. 
Mr.  Williams  was  refused  permission  to  go  up  to  Montreal 
to  talk  with  his  children  and  neighbors,  and  sent  back  to 
Chateau-Richer. 

Leaving  Mr.  Sheldon  to  push  the  search  for  his  children 
and  the  other  captives,  many  of  whom  had  been  put  out  of 
sight,  Mr.  Livingston  set  out  for  Boston  on  the  i8th  of  March 
to  state  the  situation  of  affairs  and  carry  De  Vaudreuil's  let- 
ter to  the  governor,  but  returned  to  Quebec  on  the  26th,  the 
ice  being  unsafe.  On  the  29th,  Mr.  Sheldon  received  a  let- 
ter from  his  son's  wife  in  Montreal,  which  probably  gave 
him  the  first  definite  intelligence  of  his  children.  It  appears 
to  have  enclosed  a  letter  from  one  of  her  fellow-captives, 
who,  on  indirect  evidence,  I  assume  to  be  James  Adams,  cap- 
tured at  Wells,  in  1703,  with  Samuel  Hills  and  others.  Of 
the  letter  and  its  enclosure,  only  the  following  scrap,  in  a 
beautiful  hand-writing,  remains : 

"I  pray  you  my  kind  loue  to  Landlord  Shelden,  and  tell  Him  I 
am  sorry  for  all  his  Los.  I  doe  in  these  few  lines  showe  youe  that 
God  has  shone  yo  grat  kindness  and  marcy,  In  carrying  your  Daigh- 
ter  Hanna,  and  Mary  in  partickeler  through  soe  grat  a  iorney  far 
behiend  my  expectations  noing  how  Lame  they  was,  the  Rest  of 
your  children  are  with  the  Indians.  Remenibrance  lives  near  ca- 
bect,  Hannah  does  Liues  with  the  frenc  In  the  same  house  I  doe." 

Mr.  Sheldon's  reply  to  his  daughter-in-law  is  dated  : 

"Quebec  the  i  of  Aperl,  1705. 
der  child 

this  is  to  let  you  noe  that  i  received  yours  the  29th  of  March 

which  was  a  comfort  to  me I  am  whele,  blessed  be  God  for 

it,  and  i  may  tell  you  i  dont  here  of  my  child  as  it  [yet],     the  saye 


ENSIGN   JOHN   SHELDON.  1 79 

is  that  he  is  in  the  wodes  a  hunten.  remember  my  loue  to  Mr.  Ad- 
dams  and  his  wif  and  iudah  Writ  and  all  the  reste  as  if  named  and 
my  harty  desire  is  that  god  would  in  his  own  good  time  opene  a  dore 
of  deliuerans  fore  you  al,  and  the  meanwhile  let  us  wait  with  pa- 
tiens  one  God  for  it,  hoe  can  bring  lite  out  of  darkness  and  let  us 
cast  al  our  care  one  god  who  doeth  care  for  us  and  can  helpe  us 
Mr  Williams  is  sent  down  the  riuer  agane  eighteen  or  twenty  miles, 
I  did  enjoy  his  company  about  three  wekes,  wh''''  was  a  comfort  to 
me,  he  giues  his  loue  to  al  the  captives  there.  My  desire  is  that  Mr 
Addams  and  you  wod  doe  al  you  can  with  your  mistress  that  my 
children  mite  be  redeemed  from  the  Indanes.  Our  post  returned 
bake  again  in  8  days  by  reson  of  the  badnes  of  the  ise,  they  goe 
again  the  seckont  of  this  month,  and  i  desire  to  com  up  to  Montreal 
the  beginen  of  May.  John  Wels  and  Ebcnezer  Warner  giues  ther 
loue  to  al  the  captiues  ther,  and  so  rites  your  louen  father 

John  Sheldon." 

Between  the  date  of  the  above  and  the  seventh,  on  which 
the  post  is  to  start  again,  Mr.  Sheldon  is  busy  writing-  letters. 
The  following,  dated  April  2d,  1705,  is  the  remnant  of  that 
sent  by  this  post  to  his  son  John,  at  Deerfield  : 

"deer  child  this  fue  lines  are  to  let  you  noe  i  am  in  good  helth  at 
this  time  blessed  be  God  for  it.  i  may  tell  you  that  we  sent  away 
a  post  the  i8th  day  of  March,  they  ware  gone  8  days  and  returned 
a  gane  by  reson  that  the  ise  was  soe  bad.  this  may  let  you  noe  I 
receiued  a  letter  from  your  wife  the  29th  of  March  and  she  was 
whel.  i  may  let  you  noe  i  haint  sene  none  of  my  children  but  here 
they  are  gone  a  hunten." 

On  the  7th  of  April,  Samuel  Hills  of  Wells,  who  gladly 
gave  his  parole  for  the  opportunity  of  vi.siting  his  friends, 
accompanied  by  two  Frenchmen  named  Dubois,  set  out  for 
Boston  with  letters  from  the  envoys  and  the  governor  of  Can- 
ada. They  went  across  the  country  and  down  the  Kennebec 
to  Casco  bay,  arriving  at  Piscataqua  on  the  4th  of  May  ;  and 
on  the  15th,  the  letters  brought  by  them  were  communicated 
by  the  governor  at  Boston  to  his  council.     De  Vaudreuil  re- 


l8o  TRUE    STORIES   OF    NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

criminates  in  detail  the  accusations  of  the  duplicate  letters 
sent  by  Sheldon,  "not  having  received  them  by  Albany." 
Reiterating  obstacles,  and  stating  his  terms  for  the  return 
of  the  captives,  he  adds  :  "Mr.  Livingston  is  a  very  worthy 
man,  with  whom  I  could  soon  agree  upon  an  exchange,  were 
not  his  powers  limited.  If  you  were  sole  in  command  in  New 
England,  as  I  am  here,  I  should  not  have  hesitated  to  take 
your  word,  and  it  would  really  have  given  me  great  pleasure 
to  return  to  5^ou  by  him  all  your  prisoners.  But  as  you  have 
a  Council,  whose  opinions  are  often  divided,  and  in  which 
you  have  but  one  vote,  you  must  not  take  it  ill  that  I  demand 
a  guaranty  for  the  return  of  the  prisoners  on  3'our  side,  more 
especially  because  I,  on  my  side,  having  absolute  authorit}', 
am  always  able  to  keep  my  pledged  word."' 

The  persistent  importunities  of  Mr.  Sheldon  and  Mr.  Wil- 
liams, aided  by  the  friendly  offices  of  Captain  de  Beauville, 
an  officer  of  high  rank,  brought  about  the  ransom  of  the 
minister's  daughter  Esther,  one  of  Sheldon's  children,  his 
son's  wife  and  two  others  unknown.  The  governor  also  pur- 
chased Stephen  Williams  from  his  Indian  master,  and  Liv- 
ingston told  him  at  Sorel  he  was  to  go  home  with  him, 
"which,"  says  the  boy,  "revived  me  very  much  to  think  of 
going  home,  but  the  governor  quickly  altered  his  mind  said 
I  must  not  go." 

In  the  first  days  of  May,  the  envoys,  with  their  five  re- 
deemed captives,  set  out  on  their  journey  home.  The  Sieur 
de  Courtemanche,  a  distinguished  officer,  with  eight  French 
soldiers,  accompanied  them  as  escort,  carrying  duplicates  of 
the  governor's  letters  already  forwarded  by  Hills.  Shortly 
after  the  departure,  four  young  men,  Thomas  Baker,  John 
Nims,  Martin  Kellogg  and  Joseph  Petty,  disappointed  at  not 

'Letter  of  De  Vaudreuil  to  Dudley,  Quebec  March  26,  1705,  in  answer  to 
those  of  Dudley,  sent  by  Sheldon  and  Livingston.  B.  B.  Poore  Coll.  Vol.  5, 
p.  221,  in  Mass.  Archives. 


ENSIGN   JOHN    SHELDON.  l8l 

having  liberty  to  go  home  with  Mr.  Sheldon,  escaped  from 
Montreal,  and  after  terrible  suffering  reached  Deerfield  in 
June,  in  an  almost  dying  state. 

Livingston  and  the  French  escort  were  probably  left  at 
Albany ;  Hannah  Chapin  Sheldon,  safely  returned  to  her  fa- 
ther's house  in  Springfield  ;  and  Ensign  Sheldon  with  the 
Sieur  de  Courtemanche,  hurried  on  to  Boston,  where  they 
must  have  arrived  before  June  5th,  as  a  committee  was  ap- 
pointed on  that  date  to  audit  their  accounts,  "and  to  do  it 
with  all  speed." 

Hannah  wrote  from  Springfield  to  her  husband,  on  the 
1 6th,  that  '"she  should  be  very  glad  to  see  him,"  and  shortly 
after,  she  and  the  others  were  re-united  to  their  friends  in 
Deerfield.  By  his  artful  selection  of  a  few  captives  for  re- 
lease, De  Vaudreuil  had  quieted  Mr.  Williams,  and  rid  him- 
self of  John  Sheldon  for  a  time.  It  is  not  probable  that  he 
expected  Dudley  to  accept  the  terms  offered  by  his  messen- 
ger. The  sending  of  Courtemanche  with  these  instructions 
was  done  with  the  wily  intent  to  gain  time  to  rivet  his  pris- 
oners' chains  more  strongly,  and,  as  he  himself  avows  in  his 
report  of  the  matter  to  the  king,  "to  make  himself  acquaint- 
ed with  the  country." 

These  instructions  were  :  ^  to  be  inflexible  in  his  demands 
for  Baptiste,  "without  whom  there  could  be  no  exchange;" 
to  demand  the  return  of  all  the  French  prisoners  in  New 
England  to  Port  Royal,  giving  his  parole,  that  immediately 
upon  information  of  their  arrival  there,  all  the  English  held 
by  the  French,  (there  is  no  mention  of  those  in  savage  hands,) 
should  be  released  and  furnished  with  provisions  and  trans- 
portation for  their  return;  to  demand  guarantees  for  the  re- 
turn of  those  Acadians  who  had  been  allowed  to  go  else- 
where;   to   demand   justice  for  an    alleged    murder   of    six 

'B.  P.  Poore  Coll.  Vol.  5,  p.  229,  in  Mass.  Archives. 


l82  TRUE    STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


Frenchmen;  and,  finally,  to  demand  the  release  of  one  Al- 
lain,  who,  it  was  pretended,  had  been  sent  by  the  governor 
of  Port  Royal  to  negotiate  an  exchange,  but  who  was  held 
as  a  spy,  his  passport  not  being  forthcoming. 

On  the  14th  of  June,  1705,  "His  Excellency  acquainted  the 
council  with  the  advances  he  had  made  in  his  proposals  to 

Mr.  Courtemanche,  relating  to  the  exchange and  that 

the  whole  affair  stuck  at  Baptiste,  which  Mr.  Courtemanche 
insisted  on  as  a  particular  article  in  his  instructions,  and  de- 
clined to  do  anything  unless  Baptiste  was  included."  The 
governor  asks  advice  of  his  council,  and  desires  "that  cer- 
tain of  them  with  the  Representatives  take  the  matter  into 
consideration,  without  speaking  of  the  same  without  doors." 
The  following  day,  the  representatives  sent  a  message  to 
the  governor  "That  he  should  use  his  utmost  endeavors  to 
obtain  the  exchange  without  releasing  of  Baptiste.  But  if 
finally  it  cannot  be  obtained  without,  that  Baptiste  be  ex- 
changed Rather  than  our  Captives  be  retained  in  the  hands 
of  the  Enemy."' 

Notwithstanding  the  injunction  of  secrecy,  it  was  noised 
abroad  that  the  governor  intended  to  give  up  Baptiste. 
Whereupon  a  strong  remonstrance  against  his  release,  was 
sent  by  the  leading  "merchants  and  sailors"  of  Boston.-  "If 
there  were  nothing  else  but  the  urgency  of  the  French  de- 
manding him,  it  is  a  sufficient  reason  why  we  should  pre- 
serve him  to  ourselves,"  they  say.  After  much  fruitless  dis- 
cussion, Dudley  in  his  turn  drew  up  proposals  for  the  ex- 
change. Courtemanche  falling  sick,  or  perhaps  indisposed 
to  return  on  foot.  Captain  Vetch,  with  an  eye  to  trade  at  Que- 
bec, offered  to  go  with  his  vessel  and  convey  him  home. 
Courtemanche,  who  seems  to  have  made  himself  agreeable 

'June  15,  1705,  Council  Records,  Vol.  71,  p.  145. 
"Council  Records,  Vol.  71,  p.  152. 


ENSIGN   JOHN   SHELDON.  i8^ 


in  Boston/  urged  the  governor  to  let  his  son,  William  Dud- 
ley, a  young  man  of  eighteen,  bear  him  company  to  Quebec 
and  return  on  the  same  vessel.  Glad  of  an  opportunity  to 
acquire  information  and  hoping  thereby  to  obtain  the  release 
of  some,  the  governor  consented.  "Bread,  Beer,  Flesh  and 
Pease  for  a  twenty  days'"  voyage  are  ordered  aboard  Cap. 
tain  Vetch's  vessel,  with  "a  Hoggshead  of  good  wine  as  a 
present  to  the  Governor  of  Quebec."  The  two  Dubois  are 
sent  home  by  land ;  Courtemanche  orders  vSamuel  Hills  to 
accompany  him  by  sea.  Dudley's  dispatches^  are  dated  Bos- 
ton the  4-1 5  July,  1705,  and  probably  the  vessel  sails  the  next 
day. 

Concerning  the  exchange,  Dudley  makes  all  proper  con- 
cessions. It  may  take  place  at  Mount  Desert,  whither  he 
will  send  all  the  French  prisoners  on  any  day  when  De  Vau- 
dreuil  will  send  the  English  there.  He  will  buy  none  from 
the  Indians,  but  if  they  are  not  at  once  rescued  from  them, 
he  will  retaliate  and  "your  people  will  be  reduced  to  accom- 
modate themselves  to  a  savage  life  as  well  as  mine."  He  re- 
sents the  insinuation  that  his  authority  is  limited  ;  he  will 
send  Allain  home,  and  with  him,  in  exchange  for  the  two 
girls  Mr.  Livingston  brought  back,  two  strong  men  of  Port 
Royal,  captives  here.  "As  to  Baptiste  I  think  Monsieur  de 
Courtemanche  has  learned  so  many  things  about  his  dastard- 
ly conduct  that  you  will  agree  with  me  that  he  is  a  rascal  who 
does  not  deserve  that  you  should  want  him  back,  and  per- 
haps you  will  think  he  is  not  worth   my  keeping,  wherefore 

'Sevvall's  Diary,  Vol.  2,  pp.  133-4  has  the  following:  "July  4,  Comencement 

Day,  I  go   by    Water Capt.    Courtmaruh    was  there,    and  din'd    in   the 

Hall."  A  footnote  by  the  Editor  says  "This  name  is  utterly  strange  and  mys- 
terious. We  have  no  clew  to  the  person  intended."  Evidently  this  was  the 
Sieurde  Courtemanche,  whose  illness  may  have  been  the  result  of  his  Com- 
mencement festivities,     c    A.  B. 

'^B.  P.  Poore  Coll.  in  Mass.  Archives. 


1 84  TRUE    STORIES    OF    NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


I  have  resolved  to  send  him  with  the  others  to  the  place  of 
rendezvous,  if  the  articles  are  accepted,  and  there  will  be  an 
end  of  that  business."' 

Not  doubting  that  his  terms  will  be  accepted,  he  desires 
that  his  son  may  see  the  captives  and  help  them  to  a  speedy 
return,  for  fear  that  winter  may  overtake  them.  In  case  Mr. 
Williams  should  not  wish  to  come  with  the  others,  if  the 
governor  will  let  him  return  with  Captain  Vetch,  Dudley 
will  provide  an  equally  distinguished  escort  for  any  French 
gentlemen  who  may  be  prisoners  in  Boston. 

The  arrival  of  an  English  vessel  in  the  St.  Lawrence  made 
a  great  stir.  De  Vaudreuil  at  first  ordered  her  anchored 
fifteen  leagues  down  the  river,  but  finally  had  her  brought 
up  to  Quebec,  her  sails  removed  and  a  guard  put  on  board. 

The  details  of  young  Dudley's  sojourn  in  Quebec  and  the 
correspondence  between  Canada  and  the  court  of  France  on 
that  subject  are  of  exciting  interest,  but  having  no  imme- 
diate connection  with  the  Deerfield  prisoners,  must  be  omitted 
here.  De  Vaudreuil  treated  the  Boston  gentlemen  politely 
and  allowed  them  entire  liberty  in  Quebec,  but  the  wary  in- 
tendant  makes  a  merit  of  watching  them  closely  during  their 
stay  in  Montreal. 

Mr.  Williams  came  up  from  Chateau-Richer  to  see  them, 
and  was  supplied  by  Captain  Vetch  with  money,  but  continu- 
ing to  argue  in  season  and  out  of  season  against  Popery,  he 
was  sent  back  again.  His  son  Stephen,  Jonathan  Hoit  and 
a  few  others  were  allowed  to  go  home  with  Mr.  Dudley, 
whose  negotiations  towards  the  exchange  were  entirely  un- 
successful. After  a  tedious  voyage  they  reached  Boston, 
where  they  had  been  long  expected,  on  the  21st  of  Novem- 
ber, 1705. 

William  Dudley  was  the  bearer  of  new  proposals  to  his 
father  from  the  Canadian  government,   which  not  only  in- 

'Dudley's  weariness  of  this  subject  is  here  very  apparent. 


ENSIGN   JOHN    SHELDON.  185 

eluded  a  full  exehange,  but  were  virtually  a  treaty  of  peace 
between  the  French  and  English  in  America,  with  the  stip- 
ulation however,  that  "if  not  signed  by  the  governors  of  Bos- 
ton, New  York  and  all  other  special  English  governors  be- 
fore the  end  of  February,  the  articles  should  be  null  and 
void."  The  articles  were  rejected  by  the  assembly  and 
council  at  Boston,  as  not  "consistent  with  her  majesty's  hon- 
or," and  with  thanks  to  Dudley  for  his  past  endeavors,  it 
was  left  to  him,  upon  advice  with  Lord  Cornbury,  to  answer 
De  Vaudreuil.  To  avoid  their  subsistence  during  the  win- 
ter, and  to  set  an  example  of  generosity,  Dudley  early  in 
December,  sent  home  fifty-seven  Port  Royal  captives,  re- 
taining Baptiste  and  others  of  importance. 

On  the  17th  of  January,  1706,  the  governor  read  to  his 
council  his  answer  to  De  Vaudreuil's  proposals,  "to  be  des- 
patched to  Quebec  by  Mr.  John  Sheldon,  attended  with  a 
servant  or  two,  and  accompanied  by  two  French  prisoners 
of  war." 

Mr.  Sheldon  now  appears  upon  the  stage  as  a  full  fledged 
ambassador.  His  attendants  were  John  Wells  and  Joseph 
Bradley,  a  Haverhill  man,  whose  wife  was  languishing  in 
her  second  captivity.  They  left  Deerfield  on  the  25th  of 
January,  taking  the  same  route  as  before,  another  dreary 
winter  journey.  They  arrived  at  Quebec  in  the  beginning 
of  March.  Mr.  Williams  went  up  again  for  a  few  days  to 
see  Mr.  Sheldon,  and  doubtless  told  him  with  indignation, 
the  vigorous  efforts  of  the  priests  to  gain  proselytes  after 
Mr.  Dudley's  departure.  "When  Mr.  Sheldon  came  the  sec- 
ond time,"  says  Mr.  Williams,  "the  adversaries  did  what 
they  could  to  retard  the  time  of  our  return,  to  gain  time  to 
seduce  our  young  ones  to  Popery."^ 

Although  the  dispatches  carried  by  Mr.  vSheldon  were  not 
satisfactory  to  De  Vaudreuil,  he  could  oppose  nothing  to  Mr. 

^"The  Redeemed  Captive,"  Sixth  Ed.,  p.  113. 


l86  TRUE    SJORIKS    OF    NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


Sheldon's  arguments,  that  he  was  in  honor  bound  to  release 
some  captives  in  return  for  those  already  sent  home  by 
Dudley,  and  he  at  last  reluctantly  consented  to  release  for- 
ty-three.^ 

Captain  Thomas  More  in  his  boat,  the  Marie,  was  to  take 
them  as  far  as  Port  Royal,  with  orders  to  the  governor  of 
Acadia  to  retain  them  there  until  "all  the  French  prisoners 
without  distinction"  should  be  returned  to  Port  Royal. 
Meantime  the  Marie  was  to  proceed  to  Boston  with  Mr.  Shel- 
don and  his  attendants,  the  two  Frenchmen  also  returning- 
with  De  Vaudreuil's  ultimatum. 

The  Marie  must  have  sailed  soon  after  June  2d,  the  date 
of  the  governor's  letter.^  She  evidently  stopped  at  Port 
Royal,  for  we  have  John  Sheldon's  account  there  of  his 
"pocket  expenses :  the  Doctor  for  John  Wells,"  and  "for  two 
blankets  and  other  things  for  y*"  captives." 

Whether  Monsieur  de  Brouillant  assumed  the  responsibil- 
ity of  forwarding  the  captives  with  Mr.  Sheldon,  or  how  it 
was,  we  know  not,  but  there  is  evidence  enough  that  the}' 
arrived  with  him  in  the  Marie  at  Boston  on  the  first  day  of 
August.  Mr.  Williams,  writing  after  his  own  redemption 
and  before  Mr.  Sheldon's  third  expedition,  says,  "The  last 
who  came,  in  numbers  between  forty  and  fifty,  with  Mr. 
Sheldon  (a  good  man  and  a  true  servant  of  the  church  in 
Deerfield,  who  twice  took  his  tedious  and  dangerous  journey 
in  the  winter  from  New  England  unto  Canada  on  these  oc- 
casions), came  aboard  at  Quebec,  May  30th,  and  after  nine 
weeks'  difficult  passage,  arrived  at  Boston,  August  ist,  1706." 
On  the  2d,  Dudley  informed  his  council  of  the  letters  "re- 
ceived yesterday,  from  the  Governor  of  Canada  by  a  Flagg 
of  Truce  with  forty  odd  English  prisoners."     Who  were  the 

'Letter  from  De  Vaudreiiil   to   Dudley  dated  Quebec,  June  2,  1706.     B.  P 
Poore  Coll.  Vol.  5,  p.  295. 

'The  New  Style  had  already  been  adopted  in  Canada. 


ENSIGN   JOHN   SHELDON.  iS/ 

forty  odd  we  know  not.  Sheldon's  daug^hter  Mary  was  one; 
James  Adams,  another.  Mr.  Williams  was  still  in  Chateau- 
Richer,  and  the  intendant  threatened  "if  More  brought  word 
that  Battis  was  in  prison,  he  would  put  him  in  prison  and 
lay  him  in  irons." 

De  Vaudreuil's  letter  also  threatened  reprisals  if  the  Marie 
did  not  carry  back  tidings  of  Baptiste's  release.  One  clause 
of  this  letter  shows  John  Sheldon  as  an  honest  government 
official:  "I  have  done  myself  the  pleasure  to  honor  the  letter 
of  credit  you  have  given  to  Mr.  Sheldon  upon  me.  He  has 
used  it  very  modestly,  and  has  demanded  of  me  only  750 
Livres."  Mr.  Sheldon's  account  shows  how  the  money  was 
expended.  His  landlords  at  Quebec  and  Montreal  got  a 
good  part  of  it.  The  destitute  captives  were  clothed;  other 
interesting  items  are:  "For  acarrialP  to  goe  to  see  the  cap- 
tives at  the  Mohawk  fort."  "For  a  canoe  and  men  to  go 
from  Quebec  to  visit  Mr.  Williams."  "More  paid  to  y*"  Bar- 
bour for  me  and  my  men  and  for  my  Blooting."  "Laid  out 
for  my  deaughter  Mary  for  necessary  cloathing."  "More  for 
my  darter." 

Mr.  Sheldon's  account  being  allowed.  Wells  and  Bradley 
petitioned  to  be  reimbursed  for  sundry  expenditures,  "snow- 
shoes  and  pumps,"  "a  dog  15  shillings,"  and  "besides  there 
was  a  gun  hired  for  the  voyage,  which  said  gun  was  broken 
in  the  discharging."  Thirty-five  pounds  were  voted  to  Mr. 
Sheldon,  and  twenty  pounds  each  to  the  others  for  their  ser- 
vices, over  and  above  their  outfit.  While  Mr.  Sheldon  was 
settling  his  affairs  in  Boston,  young  John  Sheldon  wrote  him 
as  follows : — 

"Honored  Father  Sheldon  : — After  duty  presented,  these  are 
to  let  you  noe  that  I  reseived  your  letter,  which  we  desire  to  bless 
you  for  it.     pray   give   my   love  with    my  wife's  to  sister  Mary  and 

^Carriole.     A  Canadian  sleigh. 


l88  TRUE    STORIES    OF    NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


all    the    rest  of    the   captives I   pray  you    to    buy  for    me  a 

paire  of  curtings  and  a  feather  bead,  and  a  greaine  coverlid  and  a 
necklace  of  amber." 

No  doubt  these  commissions  were  faithfully  executed,  and 
the  "Old  Indian  House"  was  soon  g-laddened  by  the  return 
of  its  master,  and  another  of  the  long-sundered  household. 

A  week  after  the  arrival  of  the  Marie  at  Boston,  the  coun- 
cil advised  Dudley  to  reject  the  proposals  brought  by  her, 
and  "yet  send  away  the  French  prisoners  without  exception 
to  Port  Royal  and  Quebec  and  demand  ours  in  return,  and 
to  send  a  vessel  forthwith  to  Quebec  in  hopes  of  seeing  them 
before  winter." 

Captain  Bonner  and  his  vessel  were  hired  ;  Mr.  Samuel 
Appleton  of  the  council  was  appointed  as  bearer  of  dispatch- 
es ;  and  towards  the  last  of  the  month  the  brigantine  Hope, 
auspicious  name  in  such  a  service,  convoyed  the  Marie  with 
Baptiste,  and  all  but  one  of  the  French  prisoners  out  of  Bos- 
ton harbor.  Narrowly  escaping  shipwreck,  they  reached 
Quebec  about  the  first  of  October.  Mr.  Appleton  appears  to 
have  made  himself  pretty  comfortable  while  the  negotiations 
were  pending,  if  we  may  judge  from  his  tavern  bill,  on  which 
I  find  beef  and  mutton  a  plenty,  with  ducks,  broiled  chickens 
and  according  to  the  fashion  of  that  day,  many  bottles  of 
eau  de  vie}  There  being  no  longer  any  excuse  for  retaining 
Mr.  Williams,  he  and  fifty-six  others,  among  whom  were  his 
two  sons  and  probably  Sheldon's,  came  home  with  Mr.  Ap- 
pleton. 

Mr.  Williams  says  they  left  Quebec  the  25th  of  October, 
but  I  find  by  the  inn-keeper's  bill  that  Samuel  joined  his  fa- 
ther and  Warham  there  on  the  28th;  that  one  of  the  boys 
was  charged  for  breaking  a  glass  on  the  29th,  and  the  board 
of  the  three  is  charged  up  to  the  31st,  so  that  unless  their 

'Mass.  Archives,  Vol.  71,  p.  248. 


ENSIGN   JOHN    SHELDON.  1 89 

landlord  was  unusually  rapacious  we  must  take  this  as  the 
day  of  their  departure.  After  a  stormy  passage,  they  reached 
Boston  on  Nov.  21st,  and  were  immediately  sent  for  by 
the  general  court,  then  in  session,  where  their  pitiful  appear- 
ance excited  such  commiseration  that  it  was  at  once  "Re- 
solved that  the  sum  of  twenty  shillings  be  allowed  and  paid 
out  of  the  Publick  Treasury  to  each  of  the  captives  this  day 
returned  from  Canada."  On  Appleton's  account,  presented 
after  his  return,  is  the  following  item  which  must  have  made 
him  doubly  welcome  to  good  Mr.  Williams:  "5  English 
Bibles,  which  Capt.  Appleton  carryed  with  him  by  order 
of  y®  governor  and  council  and  given  to  the  captives,  2  £ 
13  s.  6  d." 

On  his  return  to  Deerfield  after  his  second  expedition, 
John  Sheldon  entered  again  upon  the  town  business.  With- 
in ten  days  after  Mr.  Williams  landed  in  Boston,  he  was 
''chosen  a  committee  to  go  down  to  the  Bay  to  treat  with  Mr. 
Williams  about  returning  to  settle  in  Deerfield."  I  know 
not  whether  to  admire  more,  the  energy  and  courage  of  the 
people,  or  the  fidelity  and  self-sacrifice  of  the  pastor,  in  their 
action  in  this  matter. 

Early  in  1707,  by  a  vote  of  the  town  to  build  a  house  for 
the  minister  "as  big  as  Ensign  Sheldon's  with  a  lean-to  as 
big  as  may  be  thought  convenient,"  he  was  chosen  on  the 
building  committee.  But  his  country  again  needed  his  ser- 
vices, and  he  was  not  permitted  to  remain  long  with  his  re- 
united family.  On  the  14th  of  January,  Gov.  Dudley  in- 
formed his  council  that  there  were  about  ninety  English  still 
held  by  the  French  and  Indians  of  Canada,  whom  the  gov- 
ernor had  promised  to  return  the  coming  spring,  and  pro- 
posed to  have  "a  Person  Leger  at  Quebec,  to  put  forward 
that  affair,  and  endeavor  that  all  be  sent,  and  that  Mr.  John 
Sheldon  who  has  been  twice  already,  may  be  employed  with 
a  suitable  retinue  to  undertake  a  journey  thither,  on  that 


igO  TRUE    STORIES    OF    NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

service,  if  the  season  will  permit."  As  we  have  already  seen, 
John  Sheldon  was  not  one  to  permit  the  season  to  stand  in 
the  way  of  his  serving  the  state.  Accordingly,  he  left  Deer- 
field  on  the  i/th  of  April,  attended  by  Edward  Allen,  Na- 
thaniel Brooks,'  and  Edmund  Rice.  We  have  a  hint  of  how 
it  fared  with  him  on  his  northward  march,  in  this  item  from 
his  account  book :  "Paid  six  livres  to  an  Indian  to  guide  us 
into  the  way  when  bewildered."  Mr.  Sheldon  was  in  great 
danger  during  this  last  journey  to  Canada,  and  his  sojourn 
there.  The  French  were  exasperated  by  rumors  of  another 
invasion  from  New  England,  and  the  woods  were  full  of 
small  parties  of  Indians,  on  the  war-path  to  the  border  set- 
tlements. 

He  arrived  the  i  ith  of  May.  His  reception  there  was  not 
the  most  courteous,  as  we  learn  by  this  letter  from  the  court 
of  Versailles  to  the  governor  of  Canada:  "His  Majesty  ap- 
proves of  your  having  spoken  as  you  did  to  the  man  named 
Scheldin,  whom  that  Governor  (Dudley)  sent  you  by  land,  in 
search  of  the  English  prisoners  at  Quebec,  and  even  if  you 
had  had  him  put  in  prison  with  all  his  suite,  it  would  have 
been  no  great  matter."^  From  Montreal,  Mr.  vSheldon  wrote 
on  the  20th  of  June,  that  the  French  were  collecting  forces 
there,  being  alarmed  by  the  report  of  an  approaching  Eng- 
lish fleet.  He  was  not  permitted  to  return  until  this  excite- 
ment had  subsided.  In  mid-summer,  escorted  by  six  soldiers 
under  Monsieur  de  Chambly,^  who  had  secret  orders  to  ac- 
quaint himself  with  the  condition  of  things  at  Orange,  he 
with  seven  more  captives,  came  down  Lake  Champlain  in 
canoes,  arriving  at  Albany  on  the  24th  of  August.     To  Mr. 

'He  went  to  seek  his  daughter,  captured  Feb.  29,  1703-4. 

-Letter  from  the  French  Minister  to  De  Vaudreuil,  June  6,  1708.     Doc.  pub. 
^  yuebec,  Vol.  II,  p.  488. 

^Brother  of  Hertel  De  Rouville. 


ENSIGN   JOHN   SHELDON.  I9I 

Sheldon's  annoyance,  his  escort  were  held  as  prisoners  dur- 
ing their  stay  in  Albany,  by  Col.  vSchuyler,  who  knew  from 
friendly  Indians  in  Canada  the  hostile  attitude  of  affairs 
there,  and  he  was  sent  with  them  down  to  Lord  Cornbury  at 
New  York.  Thence  by  Saybrook,  New  London  and  Ston- 
ington,  now  on  horseback  and  now  on  foot,  the  captiv^es  came 
slowly  home,  and  on  the  i8th  of  vSeptember,  John  Sheldon 
was  in  Boston  and  delivered  his  despatches  to  the  governor 
in  council,  and  gave  a  narrative  of  his  negotiations. 

In  October,  Mr.  Sheldon  is  again  in  Deerfield,  where  he  is 
appointed  to  manage  for  the  town  as  a  petitioner  to  the  Gen- 
eral Court  for  help  towards  Mr.  Williams's  salary.  His  name 
appears  once  more  on  the  General  Court  records  in  Novem- 
ber, 1707,  on  two  petitions  for  aid  in  consideration  of  his  own 
losses,  and  for  his  services  and  those  of  his  attendants  in  his 
last  journey,  "in  which  they  endured  much  fatigue  and  hard- 
ship and  passed  through  great  danger,  sustaining  also  con- 
siderable damage  by  their  absence  from  their  Businesse." 
In  answer,  he  was  given  fifty  pounds  for  his  services,  thir- 
teen of  which  was  to  be  paid  him  by  a  mulatto  whom  he 
had  brought  out  of  bondage,  and  a  grant  of  three  hundred 
acres,  not  to  exceed  forty  acres  of  meadow  land,  was  made 
him. 

Shortly  after  this  he  removed  to  Hartford,  where,  in  1708, 
he  had  married  a  second  time.  In  1726,  "being  weak  in 
body,  yet  through  God's  goodness  to  me,  of  sound  mind 
and  memory,"  he  made  his  will,  and  died  in  1734,  at  the  age 
of  seventy-six. 

We  need  not  search  the  rolls  of  heraldry  for  the  pedigree 
of  old  John  Sheldon,  We  have  found  him  a  brave  man,  and 
a  good  citizen,  a  tender  husband  and  a  loving  father,  true 
and  faithful  in  all  his  private  relations  and  public  positions, 
a  pillar  of  the  church  and  state.     What  more  need  we  ask  ? 

The  great  Archbishop  vSheldon  used  to  say  to  the  young 


192  TRUE    STORIES    OF    NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


lords  who  sought  his  advice :  "Be  honest  and  moral  men. 
Do  well  and  rejoice."  John  Sheldon  was  both.  He  did  well, 
and  his  descendants  may  rejoice. 


MY     HUNT    FOR    THE    CAPTIVES. 


There  have  been  more  noteworthy  journeys  to  Canada 
than  that  whose  fruits  are  gathered  here. 

There  is  that  one  abounding  in  thrilling  experiences,  from 
which  Benjamin  Waite  and  Stephen  Jennings  returned  tri- 
umphant to  Hatfield. 

Many  others,  endured  perforce  by  our  captive  ancestors 
with  a  fortitude  never  to  be  forgotten  ;  and  equally  memor- 
able those  undertaken  for  their  redemption. 

Rev.  John  Williams  thus  writes  of  the  most  notable  of 
these  :  "Mr.  Sheldon,  a  good  man  and  a  true  servant  of  the 
church  in  Deerfield,  twice  took  his  tedious  and  dangerous 
journey  in  the  winter,  from  New  England  into  Canada  on 
these  occasions."^  Though,  with  the  Redeemed  Captive,  I 
have  "blessed  God  that  deliverance  was  brought  for  so  many," 
the  number  left  behind  could  not  be  forgotten.  As  often 
as  I  have  read  in  our  annals  the  pathetic  story,  "taken  cap- 
tive to  Canada,  whence  they  came  not  back,"  I  have  longed 
to  know  their  fate.  The  longing  has  become  a  purpose,  and 
I  have  taken  upon  myself  a  mission  to  open  the  door  for  the 
return  of  the  long-lost  captives.  I  doubt  if  Deacon  Sheldon 
himself  was  thought  so  demented,  when  he  announced  his 

'Mr.  Sheldon  went  three  times  to  Canada  for  the  captives. 


194  TRUE    STORIES    (^F   NEW    ENGL/\ND    CAPTIVES. 

intention  of  going-  to  Canada  in  mid-winter  to  demand  the 
release  of  his  kinsfolk  and  neighbors,  as  I  was,  when  I  made 
known  my  purpose,  to  go  to  Montreal  in  December. 

So  with  that  apparent  vacillation  which  often  cloaks  our 
firmest  resolutions,  I  bought  my  tickets  with  the  privilege 
of  returning  them,  in  case  of  a  heavy  snow  storm  on  the  day 
of  departure.  The  day  and  the  storm  arrived  together,  but 
I  had  set  my  hand  to  the  plough,  and  even  if  it  should  prove 
a  snow  plough,  there  was  no  turning  back.  Two  hundred 
years  have  robbed  the  winter  journey  from  New  England  to 
New  France  of  all  its  tedium  and  danger,  and  one  needs  all 
the  reflected  glory  of  his  heroic  ancestry,  to  reconcile  him 
to  the  ignoble  ease  with  which  it  is  performed. 

After  two  days  of  fruitless  search  for  the  trail  of  our  cap- 
tives, I  had  begun  to  despair,  when  chance  led  me  to  the 
rooms  of  the  Natural  History  Society.  There,  by  a  rare  good 
fortune,  I  found  a  remarkable  collection  of  the  Old  Regime, 
— priceless  treasures,  hitherto  guarded  jealously  in  the  home, 
the  convent  or  the  church,  now,  for  the  first  time,  and  prob- 
ably the  last,  by  the  energy  of  the  Numismatic  and  Anti- 
quarian Society  of  Montreal,  brought  together  for  a  week's 
exhibition.  This  alone  would  have  repaid  me  for  my  jour- 
ney. There  were  portraits  of  Wolfe  and  Montcalm,  and  sil- 
ver mugs  once  owned  by  the  latter.  There  were  Champlain's 
autograph,  and  the  patent  of  nobility  conferred  upon  Frangois 
Hertel  and  his  posterity.  Here  I  stood,  face  to  face,  with 
the  illustrious  founders  of  New  France— soldiers,  nuns,  mis- 
sion priests,  Intendants,  Governor-Generals,  heroic  martyrs, 
gallant  captains  and  faithful  viceroys  of  Louis  XIV.  The 
frank,  sensible,  practical,  womanly  and  warm-hearted  Mar- 
guerite Bourgeois;  Madame  de  la  Peltrie,  the  ardent  and  sin- 
cere, albeit  romantic  and  sensational  enthusiast ;  Pere  Jogues, 
the  refined,  scholarly  and  pious  missionary,  with  his  poor, 
mutilated  hands,  and  his  deeply-lined  face;  timid,  humble, 


MY    HUNT   FOR   THE   CAPTIVES.  I95 

self-distrusting,  meek  and  patient  as  a  lamb  under  Indian  tor- 
ture, bold  as  a  lion  in  defence  of  his  faith.  Laval,  the  high- 
born prelate,  stubborn  fighter  for  the  supremacy  of  the 
church ;  Talon,  the  intendant,  sagacious,  alert,  whose  deli- 
cate face  gives  no  hint  of  his  energetic  character ;  Charle- 
voix, cotemporary  and  historian  of  them  all.  Here  were 
Boucher  and  d'Ailleboust,  representatives  of  the  old  iiob/essc, 
and  de  Montigny,  greatest  of  Canadian  warriors;  the  same 
to  whom  Esther  Jones  and  Margaret  Huggins  and  poor  little 
Elisha  Searle,  may  have  appealed  for  mercy  for  their  kins- 
folk slain  at  Pascommuck.  And  here  were  the  Hertel  broth- 
ers, faces  all  too  familiar  to  our  Deerfield  captives,  handsome 
and  noble  faces,  nevertheless.  These  were  the  features  first 
revealed  to  our  woe-begone  ancestry,  in  the  light  of  their 
burning  homes,  nearly  two  hundred  years  ago.  This  deco- 
ration may  have  been  De  Rouville's  reward  for  his  success- 
ful attack  on  Deerfield.  Those  very  eyes  must  have  beamed 
gratefully  upon  Mary  Baldwin  Catlin,  as  she  tenderly  raised 
the  head  and  moistened  the  fevered  lips  of  the  wounded 
French  youth.  This  thought  was  an  inspiration.  An  hour 
later  I  found  myself  on  a  bench  in  the  church  vestry,  with  a 
crowd  of  old  women,  anxious  for  confession,  awaiting  my 
turn  to  speak  with  the  Cure  of  Notre  Dame.  At  four  o'clock 
when  the  early  sunset  of  that  northern  latitude  overtook  me, 
one  might  have  seen  me  perched  upon  a  high  stool,  at  a 
grated  window,  straining  my  eyes  over  the  ancient  record, 
and  translating  letter  by  letter  from  the  old  French,  the  fol- 
lowing, in  the  hand-writing  of  Father  Meriel : 

"On  Monday,  the  21st  day  of  December,  in  the  year  1705,  the 
rites  of  baptism  were  by  me,  the  undersigned  priest,  administered 
in  the  chapel  of  the  Sisters  of  the  Congregation,  with  the  permission 
of  Monsieur  Frangois  le  Vachon  de  Belmont,  Grand  Vicar  of  my 
Lord,  the  Bishop  of  Quebec,  to  Samuel  Williams,  upon  his  abjura- 
tion of  the  Independent  religion  ;  who,  born   at  Dearfielde  in  New 


196  TRUE    STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

England,  the  24th  of  Jan.  O.  S.  [3d  of  Feb.]  of  the  year  1690,  of  the 
marriage  of  Mr.  John  Williams,  minister  of  the  said  place,  and  his 
wife  Eunice  Mather,  having  been  taken  the  29th  of  Feb.  O.  S.  [nth 
of  March]  of  the  year  1704,  and  brought  to  Canada,  lives  with  Mr. 
Jacques  Le  Ber,  Esquire,  Sieur  de  Senneville.  His  godfather  was 
Jacques  Le  Ber.  His  godmother  Marguerite  Bouat,  wife  of  Antoine 
Pascaud,  merchant,  who  have  signed  with  me." 

Then  follow  the  signatures  of  Senneville,  Marguerite  Bouat 
Pascaud  and  the  unformed  and  tremulous  autograph  of  Sam- 
uel himself.  Dear  lad  !  On  this  very  spot  he  was  .sent  to 
school,  to  learn  to  read  and  write  French.  The  schoolmas- 
ter sometimes  "flattered  him  with  promises,  if  he  would  cross 
himself,  then  threatened  him  if  he  would  not;"  and  finding 
promises  and  threats  ineffectual,  he  "struck  him  with  a  cruel 
whip,  and  made  him  get  down  on  his  knees  for  an  hour." 
For  weeks,  this  went  on,  till  at  last,  after  many  tears,  "through 
cowardice  and  fear  of  the  whip,"  says  his  stern,  old  Puritan 
father,  "he  was  first  brought  to  cross  himself."  From  this 
to  abjuration  and  baptism,  was  a  natural  step.  Two  days 
after  his  baptism,  he  wrote  to  his  father  in  Quebec  a  strange 
letter,  filled  with  accounts  of  the  conversion  of  his  fellow- 
captives  to  the  Roman  Catholic  religion,  and  not  one  word 
of  himself.  "When  I  had  this  letter,"  says  the  heart-broken 
father,  "I  presently  knew  it  to  be  of  Mr.  Meriel's  composing, 
but  the  messenger  who  brought  it,  brought  word  that  my 
son  had  embraced  their  religion.  The  news  was  ready  to 
overwhelm  me  with  grief  and  sorrow — anguish  took  hold 
upon  me.  I  asked  God  to  direct  me  what  to  do,  and  how  to 
write,  and  to  find  an  opportunity  of  conveying  a  letter  to 
him."  That  letter,  and  Samuel's  answer,  may  be  read  in 
"The  Redeemed  Captive." 

Far  into  the  twilight  I  sat  there,  spellbound  by  the  old 
manuscript.  How  many  tales  it  unfolded.  True  stories  of 
real  folks,  far  transcending  in  interest,  any  wonder  book  of 


MY    HUNT   FOR   THE   CAPTIVES.  I97 

fiction.  I  pictured  the  fourteen  years  old  boy  in  the  house 
of  his  so-called  master.  It  was,  doubtless,  one  of  the  best 
in  the  town,  for  Jacques  Le  Ber,  shopkeeper  at  Montreal, 
had  by  industry  and  thrift  made  himself  a  fortune,  and  am- 
bitious for  his  children  had  "got  himself  made  a  gentleman 

for  6000  livres, so  far  had  )ioblcssc  already  fallen  from  its 

old  estate."^ 

Though  Jacques  Le  Ber  was  the  possessor  of  riches  and  a 
title, — though  it  pleased  him  to  be  called  Ecuyer  or  Esquire, 
and  to  sign  himself  Seigneur  de  Senneville,  he  had  had  sore 
disappointment.  His  wife  had  died.  His  eldest  daughter, 
his  favorite  child,  instead  of  helping  him,  in  the  care  of  the 
younger  children,  had  shut  herself  up  at  twenty-two,  in  her 
chamber,  where  for  ten  years  she  sat  embroidering  altar 
cloths  and  vestments,  refusing  to  see  any  one  but  her  con- 
fessor, and  the  girl  who  brought  her  food.  An  odor  of  sanc- 
tity must  have  pervaded  the  house  of  Jacques  Le  Ber,  and 
Samuel  probably  heard  from  her  own  sisters  the  story  of 
Jeanne  Le  Ber.  Ten  years  before  he  became  an  inmate  of 
the  family,  she  had  retired  to  a  cell  which  had  been  built  for 
her  behind  the  altar,  in  the  new  chapel  of  the  nuns  of  the 
Congregation ;  and  the  boy  and  his  master  must  both  have 
thought  of  the  family  saint,  so  near  and  yet  so  far,  as  they 
stood  by  the  altar  when  Samuel  was  baptized.  It  was  kind 
in  Jacques  Le  Ber  to  burden  his  household  with  the  boy,  and 
Samuel  felt  it ;  for  he  tells  his  father,  in  excuse  for  his  con- 
version, that  they  told  him  (perhaps  Le  Ber's  own  children), 
that  he  had  never  been  bought  from  the  Indians,  but  was 
only  sojourning  in  Montreal,  and  that  if  he  would  not  turn, 
he  should  be  given  back  to  the  savages,  but  that  if  he  would 
he  should  never  be  put  into  their  hands  any  more.^ 

I  wondered  as  I  sat  there  putting  the  two  ends  of  the  story 

'Parkman.     Old  Regime,  p.  256. 

^"The  Redeemed  Captive,"  p.  77.     Edition  of  MDCCC, 


Iq8  true    stories   of    new    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


together,  whether  it  was  all  so  dreadful  to  the  boy  as  it  seems 
to  us.  Whether,  as  he  waded  from  Jaeques  Le  Ber's  house 
to  school,  through  that  Canadian  winter,  he  was  ever  gay 
and  merry  like  other  boys,  and  snowballed  and  frolicked  on 
his  snow-shoes.  Or  whether  the  thought  of  his  mother  slain, 
his  father  far  away,  his  brothers  and  sisters  scattered  he 
knew  not  where,  haunted  him  day  and  night.  The  priests 
spent  whole  days  urging  him  to  renounce  his  father's  re- 
ligion. To  rescue  from  heresy  the  child  of  the  Puritan 
preacher,  was  an  object  worth  their  labor,  and  they  spared 
no  pains  nor  argument  to  that  end.  When  at  last  the  ship 
came  to  take  him  home,  they  tried  to  frighten  him  with  tales 
of  shipwreck,  and  threats  of  eternal  damnation.  They  told 
him  if  he  would  stay,  the  king  would  grant  him  a  pension, 
and  that  his  master,  an  old  man  and  the  richest  in  Canada, 
would  give  him  a  great  deal  of  money;  but  that  in  New 
England  he  would  be  poor  and  homeless.  It  is  a  relief  to 
remember  that  neither  promise  of  preferment,  nor  the  fear 
of  poverty  on  earth  and  of  hell  hereafter,  could  keep  him 
from  home  and  native  land. 

When  I  walked  back  to  my  hotel,  the  stars  were  shining. 
The  Montreal  of  to-day  had  vanished,  and  men,  women  and 
children  from  the  Deerfield  of  1 704,  thronged  the  snowbound 
streets  of  the  old  French  town.  Ville-Marie  de  Mont-Real — 
what  legend  of  the  age  of  chivalry  equals  the  romance  of 
thy  true  history  !  The  most  brilliant  conception  of  the 
imagination  pales  before  the  simple  recital  of  the  exploits  of 
thy  crusaders. 

To  all  readers  of  "The  Redeemed  Captive"  the  name  of 
Father  Meriel  is  as  familiar  as  that  of  Parson  Williams  him- 
self. For  the  next  two  days  I  followed  his  steps  in  the  old 
records  as  he  went  in  and  out  among  the  captives.  On  the 
triumphant  return  of  De  Rouville  from  Deerfield,  the  Seign- 
eur de  Montigny,  whom  I  have  already  mentioned  as  the 


MY    HUNT    FOR    THE    CAPTIVES.  I99 

greatest  warrior  of  New  France,  was  sent  to  the  Connecticut 
valley  with  a  party  of  French  and  Indians.  Montigny  at- 
tacked Pascommuck,  a  little  hamlet  of  Northampton,  occu- 
pied by  five  families,  and  known  also  as  Northampton  Farms. 

The  Hampshire  record  is  as  follows : 

"May  12  [13]  Pascomok  Fort  taken  by  ye  French  and  Indians 
being  about  72.  They  took,  and  Captivated  ye  whole  Garrison  be- 
ing about  37  Persons.  The  English  Pursueingof  them  caused  them 
to  nock  all  the  captives  on  the  head,  Save  5  or  6.  Three  they  car- 
ried to  Canada  with  them  ;  the  others  escap'd  and  about  7  of  those 
knocked  on  the  Head  Recovered,  ye  Rest  died." 

Those  carried  to  Canada  were  Esther  Inghesson,  [Ingersol] 
wife  of  Benoni  Jones  ;  Margaret  Huggins,  her  niece,  aged 
eighteen,  and  Elisha  Searle,  a  little  boy  of  eight. 

Imagine  the  emotions  with  which  I  read  the  Canadian  ac- 
count of  the  Pascommuck  story.  It  is  so  strange  to  find  the 
homely  names  of  ''iin  petit  Anglois^'  or  ''unc petite  Angloise,'' 
and  their  fathers  and  mothers,  old-time  friends  and  neigh- 
bors of  our  own  ancestry,  done  into  French  in  Father  Meriel's 
beautiful  hand-writing  as  bright  and  clear  to-day  as  if  fresh 
from  his  pen.  Stranger  still  it  is  to  see  them  coupled  with 
names  of  warriors  and  courtiers,  who  not  only  figure  brill- 
iantly in  the  annals  of  New  France,  but  who  once  shared  at 
Fontainebleau,  the  pleasures  of  the  corrupt  and  splendid 
court  of  Louis  XIV.,  who  may  have  seen  the  rise  and  fall  of 
the  LaValliere  and  the  Montespan, — and  have  lounged  in  the 
ante-chambers  of  Madame  de  Maintenon. 

The  old  record  reads  like  a  novel,  it  is  all  so  vivid.  In- 
stinctively I  hold  out  my  arms  and  whisper,  "Don't  be  afraid," 
to  the  little  Elisha  Searle  as  I  see  him  there,  in  his  blue 
checked  apron  and  shabby  homespun,  just  as  he  was  snatched 
from  his  mother's  side.  He  stands  there  ready  to  burst  into 
tears,  clinging  tight  to  the  hand  of  Jean  Baptiste  Celeron  de 
Blainville,  v^ith  whom  he  lives.     How  he  shrinks  from  the 


200  TRUE    STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

priest  and  the  baptismal  water,  and  turns  half  trustful!}^  to- 
wards Dame  Marie  Anne  LeMoyne  de  Chassaigne,  his  god- 
mother. It  is  all  over  now,  and  this  is  our  last  sight  of  little 
Elisha,  or  Elisee,  as  the  French  have  it.  His  god-father,  the 
Sieur  de  Blainville,  has  taken  away  the  name  given  him  b}- 
good  Parson  Stoddard,  and  when  we  meet  him  again,  if  we 
ever  do  meet  him,  it  will  be  as  Michel  Searls.  A  year  later, 
Margaret  Huggins  is  baptized.  Father  Meriel  tells  us  that 
she  was  the  daughter  of  John  Huggins  and  Experience  Jones, 
born  at  Stony  Brook  in  1686,  and  baptized  at  Springfield  four 
months  later ;  that  she  was  taken  by  the  Abenaquis  at  Pas- 
commuck,  near  Northampton,  and  carried  by  the  Indians  to 
St.  Francis.  From  them  she  was  bought  by  that  illustrious 
exile,  the  Marquis  de  Crisafy,  governor  of  Three  Rivers, 
with  whom  she  lived  until  August,  1 706,  when  she  was  brought 
to  Montreal.  Her  sponsors  were  Monsieur  Etienne  Robert 
and  Marguerite  Bouat,  who  seem  to  have  been  as  zealous  in 
the  conversion  of  heretics  as  Father  Meriel.  I  doubt  not 
that  her  name  re-appears  later,  where  lack  of  time  forbade 
me  to  look  for  her. 

My  next  find  was  the  story  of  Esther  Jones,  as  Father  Mer- 
iel wrote  it  out  for  vSamuel  Williams  to  copy  and  send  it  to 
his  father.  Between  the  lines  it  is  easy  to  read  the  prolonged 
agony  of  that  first  year  of  captivity,  ending  for  this  poor 
woman  in  weeks  of  sickness  in  the  hospital.  There,  "dis- 
tempered with  a  very  high  fever,  if  not  distracted,"  as  Mr. 
Williams  says,  on  their  death  beds,  scarcely  conscious  of 
their  acts,  and  "at  first  disdaining,"  she  and  Abigail  Turbot 
yielded  to  the  threats  of  the  priests  and  the  importunities  of 
the  nuns  who  took  care  of  them,  and,  confessing  the  sins  of 
their  whole  lives,  abjured  Protestantism,  received  extreme 
unction,  died  and  were  "honorably  buried  side  by  side,  in 
the  church-yard  next  the  church,"  "close  to  the  body  of  the 
Justice  Pese's  wife,"  writes  Samuel,   "all    the  people  being 


MY    HUNT   FOR   THE   CAPTIVES.  20I 

present."  What  a  picture  these  few  lines  recall.  The  beau- 
ty of  that  spring  night  on  Northampton  meadows ;  the  still- 
ness broken  by  the  horrid  war-whoop ;  the  terror  of  those 
five  families;  the  flaming  farm-houses;  the  flight  with  the 
prisoners ;  the  brave  pursuit  and  the  merciless  slaughter ; 
the  three  desolate  ones,  marching  on  to  unending  captivity ; 
the  meeting  with  some  of  their  Deerfield  friends  in  the  In- 
dian camp  at  Coos  ;  the  arrival  in  Canada  ;  their  separation  ; 
the  year  of  illness  ending  with  the  hospital,  where  Esther 
Jones  finds  her  cousin,  Abigail  Turbot,  who  had  been  taken 
at  Cape  Porpoise,  Me.;^  finally,  that  gloomy  Sunday  after- 
noon in  December,  when  both  sufferers  lay  spent  with  the 
struggle,  life  ebbing  fast  from  their  fever-racked  frames ; 
grey-robed  nuns  flitting  softly  back  and  forth  between  them; 
black-gowned  priests  reiterating  in  low  tones  alternate  threat 
and  promise,  their  efforts  at  last  successful ;  Father  Meriel 
pressing  forward  with  extreme  unction  for  the  penitents  ; 
Samuel  Williams  and  other  English  prisoners  looking  on, 
awestruck  at  the  scene  ;  Madam  Grizalem,  as  they  call  ChrivS- 
tine  Otis's  mother,  whose  captivity  has  had  a  happier  end- 
ing there  too,  let  us  hope  as  a  kind  mediator  between  the 
sufferers  and  their  persecutors  ;  the  burial,  at  which  "all  the 
people  were  present ;"  the  captives  standing  sadly  about  the 
open  graves  and  wondering  whose  turn  would  come  next ; 
then,  earth  to  earth,  rcquicscant  in  pace  ;  and  Father  Meriel 
hurries  to  the  church  vestry  to  write  dowm  before  it  is  quite 
dark  the  record,  which  two  hundred  years  later,  shall  be  thus 
read  by  a  descendant  of  Deerfield.  So  the  curtain  falls  on 
the  tragedy  of  Pascommuck. 

In  the  attack  on  Deerfield,  Sarah  Jeffreys,  widow  of  Thom- 
as Hurst,  and  her  six  children  were  captured.  The  young- 
est, Benjamin  or  Benoni,  was  slain  in  the  meadows.  Sarah, 
eighteen,  Elizabeth,  sixteen,  Thomas,  twelve,  Hannah,  eight, 

'Kennebunkport. 


202  TRUE    STORIES    OF    NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

Ebenezer,  five,  were  carried  with  the  mother  to  Canada, 
where  they  were  probably  separated.  Widow  Sara,  the 
mother,  was  re-baptized,  and  appears  on  the  Canadian  records 
as  Marie  Jeanne.'  Ebenezer  was  baptized  by  Father  Meriel 
on  Sunday,  Dec.  6,  1705,  and  the  name  of  Antoine  Nicolas 
was  given  him  by  his  god-father,  Monsieur  Antoine  Adhe- 
mar,  registrar  of  the  jurisdiction  of  Ville-Marie.  His  broth- 
er Thomas  was  carried  to  the  Mission  of  Notre  Dame  de  Lo- 
rette  and  baptized  by  Father  Meriel  at  Montreal,  on  the  17th 
of  January,  1 706.  We  have  heretofore  believed  that  the  Wid- 
ow Hurst,  with  her  two  eldest  daughters,  was  redeemed  and 
returned  to  New  England,  Ebenezer,  Thomas,  and  Hannah 
remaining  in  Canada.  I  am  led  to  '  doubt  this  statement  in 
regard  to  Elizabeth  by  the  following  extract  from  the  Mont- 
real register : 

"On  Monday,  the  3d  of  October,  17 12,  after  the  publication  of 
the  three  banns,  I,  the  undersigned,  Seminary  priest  of  Montreal, 
with  the  permission  of  Monsieur  Francois  de  Vauchon,  Orand  Vicar 
of  the  Bishop  of  Quebec,  and  with  the  mutual  consent  of  Thomas 
Becraft,  weaver,  aged  thirty-three,  son  of  Thomas  Becraft,  deceased, 
and  of  his  wife,  Elizabeth  (iay,  of  the  Bishopric  of  Norwich  in  Eng- 
land, of  the  first  part,  and  of  Marie  Elizabeth  Hurst,  aged  twenty- 
three,  daughter  of  the  late  Thomas  Hurst,  and  his  wife,  Marie  Jeanne 
Jeffreys  of  Deerfield,  in  New  England,  of  the  second  part,  both  now 
living  in  this  parish  of  Ville  Marie,  have  married  them  and  have 
given  them  the  nuptial  benediction  in  presence  of  Mr.  John  Thom- 
as, master  shipbuilder  to  the  king,  in  this  country,  and  of  Daniel 
Joseph  Maddox,  friend  of  the  groom,  of  William  Perkins,  step- 
fatherof  the  bride,  of  Thomas  Hurst,  her  brother,  and  of  several  oth- 
ers, friends  of  both  parties,  who  have  signed  this  certificate  accord- 
ing to  law,  with  the  exception  of  Thomas  Hurst,  who  says  that  he 
cannot  sign." 

Then  follow  Thomas's  mark  and  the  autographs  of  Marie 

'See  Hurst  family  in  "A  Day  at  Oka." 


MY    HUNT   FOR   THE   CAPTIVES.  203 

Frangoise  French,  William  Perkins,  John  Thomas,  Jacob 
Oilman,  Daniel  Joseph  Maddox,  Joseph  Bartlet  and  Meriel 
Pretre.  As  the  ag-e  of  the  bride  corresponds  exactly  to  that 
of  Elizabeth  Hurst,  I  am  led  to  believe  that  Hannah  went 
back  with  Sara  and  their  mother  to  New  England,  and  that 
Elizabeth,  with  the  name  of  Marie  added  at  her  baptism, 
was  left  with  Ebenezer  and  Thomas  in  Canada,  where  she 
married  as  above.  The  Marie  Frangoise  French,  who  appears 
as  one  of  the  witnesses  at  the  wedding  of  her  friend  Elizabeth 
Hurst,  was  a  daughter  of  Deacon  Thomas  French  and  his 
wife,  Mary  Catlin.  Deacon  French  was  the  town  clerk  of 
Deerfield,  and  also  the  blacksmith.^ 

The  deacon  and  his  children, — Mary,  aged  seventeen,  Thom- 
as, fourteen,  P'^reedom,  eleven,  Martha,  eight,  and  Abigail, 
six — were  captured.  His  wife  and  their  infant  John  were 
killed  on  the  retreat.  Deacon  French  and  his  two  eldest  chil- 
dren were  redeemed.  Freedom  was  placed  in  the  family  of 
Monsieur  Jacques  Le  Ber,  merchant  of  Montreal,  and  on 
Tuesday,  the  6th  of  April,  1706,  Madame  Le  Ber  had  her 
baptized  anew  by  Father  Meriel,  under  the  name  of  Marie 
Frangoise,  the  name  of  the  Virgin  added  to  that  of  her  god- 
mother, being  substituted  for  the  Puritanic  appellation  of 
Freedom,  by  which  she  had  been  known  in  Deerfield.  She 
signs  her  new  name,  evidently  with  diificulty,  to  this  regis- 
ter, and  never  again  does  she  appear  as  Freedom  French. 
I  find  her  often  as  a  guest  at  the  marriages  of  her  English 
friends.  Her  sister  Martha  was  given  by  her  Indian  captors 
to  the  Sisters  of  the  Congregation  at  Montreal.  On  the  23d 
of  January,  1707,  she  was  baptized  sons  condition,  receiving 
from  her  god-mother  the  name  of  Marguerite  in  addition  to 
her  own.     On  Tuesday,  November  24,  171 1,  when  about  six- 

'Thomas  French's  house  stood  just  south  of  the  present  parsonage  of  the 
Second  church  :  his  shop,  on  the  street  in  front  of  it.  Not  long  ago,  our  An- 
tiquary, digging  on  the  spot,  found  charcoal  and  bits  of  iron,  that  must  have 
fallen  from  the  blacksmith's  forge. 


204  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


teen,  she  was  married  by  Father  Meriel  to  Jacques  Roi,  aged 
twenty-two,  of  the  village  of  St.  Lambert,  in  the  presence  of 
many  of  their  relatives  and  friends.  Jacques  Roi  cannot 
write  his  name,  but  the  bride,  Marthe  Marguerite  French, 
sio-ns  hers  in  a  bold,  free  hand,  which  is  followed  by  the 
dashing  autograph  of  the  soldier,  Alphonse  de  Tonty  ;  and 
Marie  Frangoise  French,  now  quite  an  adept  in  forming  the 
letters  of  her  new  name,  also  signs.  Two  years  later,  on  the 
6th  of  February,  at  the  age  of  twenty-one,  Marie  Franyoise 
French  married  Jean  Daveluy,  ten  years  older  than  herself, 
a  relative  of  Jacques  Le  Roi,  her  sister's  husband.  Daveluy 
could  not  write,  but  here,  appended  to  the  marriage  register, 
1  find  for  the  last  time  the  autographs  of  the  two  sisters  writ- 
ten in  full,  Marie  Frangoise  and  Marthe  Marguerite  French. 
Elizabeth  Catlin,  sister  of  Deacon  French's  wife,  both 
daughters  of  Mr.  John  and  Mary  Baldwin  Catlin,  married 
James  Corse,  who  died  before  the  destruction  of  Deerfield, 
leaving  her  with  three  children,  two  boys  and  a  little  girl 
just  the  age  of  her  cousin,  Martha  French.  On  her  arrival 
in  Canada,  Elizabeth  Corse,  then  eight  years  old,  was  taken 
by  Pierre  Roy  or  Le  Roi,  an  inhabitant  of  St.  Lambert,  and 
on  July  14,  1705,  Pierre  Le  Roi's  wife,  Catharine  Ducharme, 
and  Gilbert  Maillet,  master  mason,  stood  as  sponsors  at  her 
baptism.  She  is  allowed  to  keep  her  own  name  intact, 
though  Father  Meriel  writes  it  Elizabeth  Casse.  The  Cana- 
dian French  sometimes  pronounce  the  vowel  a  ah  and 
sometimes  azv.  The  latter  doubtless  represents  the  child's 
pronunciation  of  her  family  name,  the  r  being  entirely  sup- 
pressed. With  Pierre  Le  Roi's  children,  Jean,  Jacques 
Barbe,  and  the  rest,  Elizabeth  Corse  grew  up  to  the  age  of 
sixteen,  when,  on  the  6th  of  November,  171 2,  she  married 
Jean  Dumontel  of  the  same  village.  It  is  interesting  to  note 
that  she  named  her  first  child  Mary,  in  memory  of  her  aunt, 
Mary  Catlin    French,    and    her   second,   Elizabeth,   for  her 


MY    HUNT   FOR   THE   CAPTIVES.  205 

mother.  Several  with  French  names  follow,  among  them  a 
Pierre,  w^hich  seems  to  hint  at  a  kindly  regard  for  her  bene- 
factor ;  Pelagic,  the  last,  was  born  in  1728.  On  the  6th  of 
January,  1730,  Elizabeth  Corse  married,  at  St.  Lambert,  her 
second  husband,  Pierre  Monet.  It  was  in  this  very  year  that 
her  brother  James  went  up  from  Deerfield  to  look  for  her  in 
Canada.  How  one  longs  to  know  whether  he  found  her  a 
widow,  at  the  head  of  her  young  family,  or  whether  he  ar- 
rived too  late  for  the  second  wedding.  It  seems  hardly  pos- 
sible that  his  search  could  have  been  fruitless,  or  that  the 
little  colony  of  cousins  and  friends,  settled  in  and  near  Mon- 
treal, could  have  escaped  him. 

Thanks  to  the  detail  of  Father  Meriel  in  his  records,  a 
thread  of  fancy  maybe  interwoven  with  these  bare  statistics. 
We  may  imagine  the  grief  and  loneliness  of  these  three 
cousins,  when,  after  the  horror  of  their  seizure  and  the  suf- 
fering of  the  journey  were  somewhat  abated,  they  found 
themselves  separated  among  a  people  so  different  and  speak- 
ing a  strange  tongue.  No  doubt  good  Catharine  Ducharme 
was  at  her  wits'  end  to  know  what  to  do  with  the  wailing 
little  girl,  who  had  fallen  to  her  share  in  the  distribution  of 
prisoners ;  and  that  Martha  French  gave  the  pious  nuns  of 
the  Congregation  no  end  of  trouble.  The  solemn  routine  of 
the  cloister  must  have  been  very  irksome  to  the  wayward 
child,  who  had  been  free  to  rove  with  her  mates,  at  their 
own  sweet  will,  up  and  down  the  beautiful  street  of  Deer- 
field.  We  may  suppose  that,  after  Elizabeth's  baptism,  Dame 
Le  Roi  asked  the  Sisters  to  let  Martha  French  go  home  with 
her  to  vSt.  Lambert  for  a  while  ;  and  that  this  arrangement 
was  found  to  be  such  a  relief  to  all  concerned  that  the  visits 
became  frequent,  and  that  Freedom,  alias  Marie  Frangoise 
French  was  of  the  party.  It  is  possible  that  Mary  Brooks, 
who  was  the  same  age,  was  there  too.  She  had  been  bap- 
tized as  Marie  Claire  the  Sunday  after  Elizabeth  Corse,  and 


2o6  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

was  living  with  the  Seigneur  Joseph  de  Fleury  in  Montreal. 
Gradually  their  homesickness  wore  away,  and  they  grew  to 
womanhood.  We  can  picture  these  grandchildren  of  Mr. 
John  Catlin,  light  haired,  dark  eyed — race  type  that  we  have 
known  so  well  in  later  generations.  No  wonder  that  Jacques 
Roi  and  Jean  Dumontel  thought  they  had  never  seen  maid- 
ens so  winsome  as  Martha  French  and  Elizabeth  Corse,  or 
that  even  grave,  sober  Jean  Daveluy,  with  his  thirty-one 
years'  experience,  was  finally  captivated  by  the  beauty,  vi- 
vacity and  saucy  wit  of  Marie  Franc^-oise  French,  who  was 
probably  living  with  her  married  sister  at  that  time. 

The  condition  of  the  people  of  Deerfield  in  the  fall  and 
winter  of  1703-4  is  pathetically  described  by  Mr.  Williams  in 
a  lettter  to  Governor  Dudley,  which  I  have  quoted  in  anoth- 
er story.  Though  their  elders  were  depressed  by  foreboding 
and  fear,  the  young  people  of  the  village  seem  to  have  gone 
on  as  usual.  Early  in  December  young  John  Sheldon  rode 
down  to  Chicopee  and  brought  home  Hannah  Chapin,  his 
bride,  on  a  pillion  behind  him,  clad,  perhaps,  in  that  famous 
pelisse,  which  the  gossips  had  quilted  of  double  thickness, 
laughingly  telling  her  she  would  need  it  when  the  Indians 
should  carry  her  off  to  Canada, — so  perilous  was  the  situation 
at  Deerfield  considered.  I  must  confess  that  I  have  always 
looked  with  less  favor  on  two  other  marriages  contracted 
that  winter,  that  of  Elizabeth  Price  to  Andrew  Stevens,  the 
Indian,  and  that  of  Abigail  Stebbins  to  James  Denio,  of 
whom  all  that  we  have  hitherto  known  is  that  he  was  one  of 
three  Frenchmen  then  living  in  Deerfield.  That  these  two 
girls,  born  of  good  Puritan  stock,  should  have  done  this 
thing,  and  especially  at  a  time  when  the  very  name  of  French 
and  Indian  was  most  hateful  to  the  people  of  New  England, 
has  always  shocked  my  sense  of  the  fitness  of  things.  An- 
drew Stevens,  "the  Indian,"  was  killed  at  the  sacking  of  the 
town.     His  young  wife,  with  James  Denio  and  his  bride,  Abi- 


2C^  TRUE   STORIES   OF  NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

was  living  with  the  Seigneur  Joseph  de  Fleury  in  Montreal. 

(rradually  their  homesickness  wore  away,  and  they  grew  to 

'     '>d.     We  can   picture  these  grandchildren  of  Mr. 

■■!.  liqfht  haired,  dark  e3'ed — race  type  that  we  have 

i .  iter  generations.     No  wonder  that  Jacques 

"hought  they  had  never  seen  maid- 

FroDili  and  Elizabeth  Corse,  or 

that  even  giv.  y.  with  his  thirty-one 

.    capLivaled  bv  the  beauty,  vi- 


FACblMILE  OF  THE   MARRIAGF.    RECORD    OF   tLIZABETH   PRICE 

NOTABLE  AS  BEARING  THE  SIGNATURES  OF   SEVERAL  CAPTIVES 

^ht  home  Hannah  Chapin,  his 

! )  I  I '  i  V.  - 

■DclisSt  _    :;   ;,  _  _  _       :  _       . 

1  need  it  when  the  Indians 
Canada, — so  perilous  was  the  situation 

- ,.  _rcd.     I  must  confess  tha<^  T  h:.\->-    •,l,v-i>-y 

•  ooked  vv)th  less  favor  on  two  other  marr^ 
that  winter,  that  of  Elizabeth  Price  to  Anci 
Indian,    and  that  of    Abigail  Stebbins   '  ;.r.,  ,.j 

whom  all  that  we  have  hitherto  known  .  .s  one  of 

tliree  Frenchmen  then  living  in  Deertieid.  i'hat  these  two 
j^irls,  box-n  of  good  Puritan  stock,  should  have  done  this 
thing,  and  especially  at  a  time  when  the  very  name  of  French 
and  Indian  was  most  hateful  to  the  people  of  New  England, 
iias  always  shocked  my  sen.se  of  the  fitness  of  things.  An- 
'••'.  -A-  Stevens,  "the  Indian."  was  killed  at  the  sacking  of  tlv 
His  young  wife,  with  James  Denio  and  his  bride, 


twyicu^— 


OmJ^^^I 


filclyy^c.  trjt^y-  ^^ec^t/r-' 


JicrttJl 


MY    HUNT   FOR   THE   CAPTIVES.  20/ 

gail  Stebbins,  her  father  and  mother  and  the  rest  of  their 
children  were  captured.  John  Stebbins,  his  wife  Dorothy 
and  their  two  sons,  John  and  Samuel,  came  back.  Abigail 
and  her  husband,  her  sister  Thankful,  and  her  brothers, 
Ebenezer  and  Joseph,  remained  in  Canada ;  so  also  did  Eliz- 
abeth Price  Stevens.  The  latter  lived  for  a  time  with  the 
Nuns  of  the  Congregation,  and  having  made  formal  abjura- 
tion of  the  "Calvinistic  heresy,"  was  baptized  on  the  25th  of 
April,  1705,  her  godmother,  Marie  Elizabeth  Le  Moyne, 
daughter  of  Charles  Le  Moyne,  Baron  Longueuil,  giving  her 
the  added  name  of  Marie.  Father  Meriel  savs  that  she  was 
"born  at  Northampton,  and  was  the  daughter  of  Robert  Price, 
Episcopalian,  and  of  his  wife,  Sara  Web,  Independent,  and 
widow  of  Andrew  Stevens  of  Northampton."  vShe  signs  the 
register  as  Marie  Elizabeth  Stevens,  but  the  autograph  looks 
as  if  her  hand  were  held  and  the  letters  traced  by  another. 
On  the  3d  of  February,  1706,  at  the  age  of  twenty-two,  she 
married  Jean  Fourneau,  a  master  shoemaker.  Among  those 
present  were  Samuel  Williams,  "friend  of  the  bride,"  Han- 
nah Parsons,  Marie  Esther  Sayrs,  Christine  Otis  and  Catha- 
rine Denkyn,  all  English  captives.  She  died  ten  days  after 
the  birth  of  her  seventh  child,  Nov.  4,  17 16.  Though  we  may 
object  to  his  methods,  we  cannot  have  followed  thus  far  the 
ministrations  of  Father  Meriel  without  admiring  his  persist- 
ent efforts  to  save  the  souls  of  those  whom  he  regards  as 
heretics.  According  to  his  light  he  befriended  the  captives, 
and  there  can  be  no  question  of  his  sincerity.  I  felt  sure 
that  his  unflagging  zeal  would  sooner  or  later  put  Abigail 
Stebbins's  name  on  the  baptismal  register.  When  I  tell  you 
that  but  for  her  marriage  with  the  Frenchman  I  should  not 
have  been  I  and  this  sketch  might  not  have  been  written, 
you  will  understand  the  satisfaction  with  which  I  read  the 
following : 

"On   Monday,  the   28th  of  May,   1708,  the  rites  of  baptism  have 


208  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

been  administered  by  me  the  undersigned  Priest,  to  an  English 
woman,  named  in  her  own  country  Abigail  Stebbens,  who  l)orn  at 
Dearfield  in  New  England,  the  4th  of  January  1684  (N.  S.)  of  the 
marriage  of  John  Stebbens  an  inhabitant  of  that  place,  and  of  Dor- 
othy Alexander,  both  Independants,  having  been  baptized  by  the 
minister  of  that  place  some  years  after  and  married  the  14th  of 
February  1704  to  Jacques  Desnoions  now  Sergeant  of  Mr.  de  Ton- 
ti's  company,  came  with  him  to  Canada,  towards  the  end  of  the  fol- 
lowing iMarch,  and  lives  with  him  at  Boucherville.  Her  name  Abi- 
gail has  been  changed  to  that  of  Marguerite.  She  has  had  for  her 
godfather  the  High  and  Mighty  Seigneur  Phillippede  Rigaud,  Mar- 
quis de  Vaudreuil,  Chevalier  de  I'Ordre  Militaire  de  St.  Louis  and 
Governor-General  of  New  France  ;  and  for  godmother.  Marguerite 
Bouat,  wife  of  Antoine  Pacaud,  royal  treasury  clerk 

who  have  signed  with  me 
according  to  the  ordinance." 

The  autographs  follow  : 

Vaudreuil 
Mgte  Bouat  Pascaud 
Marguerite  Stebben 

Abigail's  signature  shows  that  she  was  over-powered  by  the 
presence  of  the  Jiaut  ct  puissant  Governor-General. 

"Both  Independants."  How  it  stirs  the  dissenting  blood 
in  one's  veins  to  read  this  of  old  John  Stebbins  and  his  wife 
Dorothy.  How  much  in  a  little  Father  Meriel  gives  us. 
Here  we  have  for  the  first  time  the  real  name  and  occupation 
of  Abigail's  husband,  Jacques  Desnoions,  now  Sergeant  in 
Mr.  de  Tonti's  company.  That  now  banishes  my  life-long 
fear  that  the  three  Frenchmen  in  Deerfield  that  winter  were 
scouts  sent  in  advance  by  Hertel  de  Rouville.  It  is  notice- 
able that  Abigail  vStebbins  is  not  spoken  of  as  the  others 
have  been,  as  "captured  Feb.  29.  1704  and  brought  to  Cana- 
da," but  as  having  "come  with  her  husband  to  Canada,  and 
living  with  him  at  Boucherville."  Here  then  was  the  clue. 
Boucherville  was  the  home  of  Abiofail's   married    life.     On 


MY    HUNT   FOR   THE   CAPTIVES.  209 

its  parish  records  I  must  look  for  the  births  of  her  children. 
With  reluctance  I  shut  the  Montreal  register  and  set  about 
going  to  Boucherville. 

Easily  accessible  in  summer,  it  was  not  to  be  thought  of 
in  midwinter,  said  the  officials.  Thought,  however,  is  not 
so  easily  dismissed.  The  thing  done  often  seems  of  so  little 
worth,  compared  with  the  thing  foregone.  After  groping 
awhile  among  the  defective  copies  of  parish  records  in  the 
court  house,  the  Gordian  knot  was  cut  by  a  suggestion  from 
the  lady  from  Philadelphia  that  we  should  get  across  the 
river  by  train  and  trust  luck  for  the  rest.  Booming  through 
the  great  bridge,  we  halted  for  a  moment  at  Saint-Lambert, 
the  adopted  home  of  Elizabeth  Corse  and  her  cousins,  and 
thence  to  Longueuil.  Here  the  courtesy  of  our  conductor 
was  our  luck.  He  gave  us  in  charge  to  a  clever  French  driv- 
er, in  whose  capacious  sleigh,  with  only  our  heads  visible 
above  the  bear  skins  tucked  up  close  under  our  chins,  we 
glided  on  to  Boucherville. 

The  road  from  Longueuil  to  Boucherville  is  a  forcible  re- 
minder of  that  modified  feudalism  which  formed  the  basis 
of  Canadian  colonization.  Longueuil  and  Boucherville  are 
among  the  oldest  seigniories  gi'anted  by  the  king  with  pat- 
ents of  nobility  to  the  more  prominent  colonists  of  Canada. 
Charles  Le  Moyne,  Baron  of  Longueuil,  the  son  of  an  inn- 
keeper at  Dieppe,  was  a  man  of  rare  worth.  The  family 
founded  by  him  is  still  eminent  in  Canada.  Boucherville 
was  the  seigniory  of  Pierre  Boucher,  whose  descendants, 
the  De  Bouchervilles,  a  family  of  distinction,  still  live  on  the 
spot.  "The  fief  of  the  seignior,"  says  Mr.  Parkman,  "varied 
from  half  a  league  to  six  leagues  fronting  on  the  river,  and 
from  half  a  league  to  two  leagues  in  depth.  The  condition 
imposed  on  him  may  be  said  to  form  the  distinctive  feature 
of  Canadian  feudalism,  that  of  clearing  his  land  within  a 
limited  time,  on  pain  of  forfeiting  it."     This  was  to  prevent 


2IO  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW   ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

the  lands  of  the  colony  from  lying  waste.  "Canadian  feudal- 
ism," still  quoting  Mr.  Parkman,  "was  made  to  serve  a  double 
end, — to  produce  a  faint  and  harmless  reflection  of  French 
aristocracy,  and  simply  and  practically  to  supply  agencies 

for   distributing    land  among   the  settlers." "As    the 

seignior  was  often  the  penniless  owner  of  a  domain  three  or 
four  leagues  wide  and  proportionally  deep,  he  could  not  clear 
it  all  himself,  and  was  therefore  under  the  necessity  of  plac- 
ing the  greater  part  of  it  in  the  hands  of  those  who  could. 
But  he  was  forbidden  to  sell  any  part  of  it  which  he  had  not 
cleared."  He  must  grant  it  in  turn  to  his  vassals,  on  condi- 
tion of  a  small  annual  rent.  The  usual  grant  from  a  seign- 
ior  to  his  vassal  included  woodland  and  tillage.  It  was  about 
a  mile  and  a  half  in  depth,  with  a  narrow  river  frontage. 
The  censitaire  or  tenant,  habitant  as  he  is  still  called,  natur- 
ally built  on  the  front  of  his  lot,  close  by  the  river,  which 
served  as  his  highway,  and  as  his  neighbors  did  the  same,  a 
single  line  of  dwellings,  not  far  apart,  was  ranged  along  the 
shore,  forming  what  is  to  this  day  called  a  cote.  A  continu- 
ous cote  connects  Longueuil  and  Boucherville.  The  pictur- 
esque beauty  of  the  landscape  and  the  splendor  of  that  win- 
ter day  are  indescribable.  The  road  of  spotless  white  fol- 
lowed for  seven  miles  along  its  southern  shore  the  curves  of 
the  magnificent  river.  At  the  right,  quaint  old  dwellings, 
each  with  its  long  well-sweep,  its  Lombardy  poplars  and  its 
rude  paling  ;  the  houses  a  story  and  a  half  high,  built  of 
stones  and  bits  of  rock  of  a  rich  brown  color,  irregular  in 
size  and  shape,  and  imbedded  in  coarse,  gray  mortar;  high, 
steep  roofs,  painted  black  or  dull  red,  with  curved  and  far 
projecting  eaves  ;  huge  chimneys  at  the  gable  ends,  built  up 
from  the  ground  outside ;  casement  windows  of  different 
shapes  and  sizes,  set  without  regard  to  external  symmetry, 
.and  protected  by  heavy  red  wooden  shutters  ;  long,  low  barns, 
whose  warped  and  weathered  sides  are  crusted  with  yellow 


MY    HUNT   FOR   THE   CAPTIVES.  211 

lichens,  their  roofs  thickly  thatched,  the  thatch  bristling 
erect  like  a  close  cut  mane,  along  the  ridge-pole.  Enormous 
ricks  of  straw  were  clustered  in  the  angles  of  the  buildings ; 
shaggy,  stout-legged  horses  huddled  together  in  the  barn 
yards,  resting  their  necks  on  each  other ;  clumsy  Breton 
cows  moved  slowly  about ;  dingy,  heavy-fleeced  sheep  poked 
their  noses  down  among  the  dead  grass  of  the  fields,  which 
the  winds  had  laid  bare  in  spots.  An  habitant  raking  straw 
from  a  snow-topped  rick  was  the  only  sign  of  human  life. 
His  boots  of  untanned  deer  skin,  his  blouse  of  blue  home- 
spun, belted  with  a  scarlet  sash,  the  taSvSelled  peak  of  his  red 
woollen  cap  falling  to  his  shoulder,  gave  a  bit  of  bright  col- 
or to  the  picture.  Behind  the  farm  buildings  lay  a  vast  ex- 
panse of  snow-drifted  meadow,  sparkling  as  if  encrusted 
with  gems ;  here  and  there  a  graceful  elm  in  its  naked  beau- 
ty ;  and  in  the  middle  distance,  rising  abruptly  from  the 
plain,  a  pale  blue  mountain,  vague  and  tender  in  the  rimy 
atmosphere.  At  the  left  there  was  the  low  slope  of  the  riv- 
er's bank.  Now  and  then  the  blackened  thyrse  of  a  sumach, 
or  the  dry  pod  of  a  milkweed  rustled  on  its  stalk,  turning 
its  buff  satin  lining  to  the  light.  Clumps  of  the  red  osier 
and  yellow  twigs  of  dwarf  willows  already  gave  promise  of 
spring.  At  intervals  immense  blocks  of  ice  jammed  togeth- 
er, formed  a  rampart  that  cut  off  the  view.  Near  Boucher- 
ville  the  river  bank  broadened  into  a  great  stretch  of  marsh, 
the  haunt  of  innumerable  wild  ducks  ;  and  far  beyond  this 
the  long,  low  Isles  of  Boucherville  broke  the  otherwise  dreary 
expanse  of  the  gulf-like  river. 

Road  and  river,  mountain  and  meadow  are  the  same  to-day 
as  on  that  blustering  March  day  in  1 704,  when  at  the  disper- 
sion of  the  captives  at  Montreal,  Jacques  de  Noyon  and  his 
young  bride  wended  the  same  way  to  his  old  home  at 
Boucherville.  Perhaps  her  husband,  pitying  her  distress,, 
had  begged    that    her    father  and   mother    and  her  young 


212  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

brothers  and  sister  might  accompany  them.  The  houses 
ma_v  have  differed  somewhat  from  those  of  to-day.  Doubt- 
less some  were  built  of  logs  and  daubed  with  clay.  What- 
ever the  material,  the  form  was  the  same  ;  "Such  as  the  peas- 
ants of  Normandy  built  in  the  reign  of  the  Henries." 

From  the  northern  provinces  of  France,  from  Brittany, 
Normandy  and  Picardy,  Canada  was  peopled.  They  came 
in  such  numbers  that  the  king  at  last  instructed  his  minis- 
ter to  inform  the  intendant  that  he  needed  his  peasants  for 
soldiers  and  could  not  afford  to  depopulate  France  in  order 
to  people  Canada.  Year  after  year,  however,  shipload  after 
shipload  sailed  from  Rochelle  or  Dieppe.  An  anonymous 
writer  of  the  period  describes  them  as  "docile,  industrious 
and  pious."  Mr.  Parkman  adds :  "They  seem  to  have  been 
in  the  main,  a  decent  peasantry.  Some  of  them  could  read 
and  write,  and  some  brought  with  them  a  little  money." 

Renowned  as  is  the  town  of  Noyon  in  Picardy  for  its  linen 
factories  and  its  magnificent  church  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury, famous  as  the  place  where  Charlemagne  was  first 
crowned  and  Hugh  Capet  elected  king,  it  is  still  more  famous 
as  the  birthplace  of  Jean  Chauvin,  or  John  Calvin,  the  great 
reformer.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  another  John,  born  in 
Noyon  at  a  time  when  surnames  were  unusual,  came  to  be 
known  as  John  of  Noyon,  or  Jean  de  Noyon.  Be  this  as  it 
may,  we  may  assume  that  among  the  emigrants  who,  not- 
withstanding the  king's  protest,  sailed  yearly  from  Rochelle 
or  Dieppe,  came  Jean  de  Noyon,  with  his  wife,  Jeanne 
Fran  chard,  and  Marin  Chauvin  of  the  Calvins  of  Noyon, 
with  his  wife,  Gilette  Ban.  The  women  were  Normans, 
from  the  neighborhood  of  Rouen.  I  have  no  doubt  that  their 
husbands  were  Picards,  old  friends  and  comrades  in  the 
town  of  Noyon.  They  were  among  the  earliest  settlers  of 
Canada.  On  the  8th  of  December,  1650,  Marie,  daughter  of 
Marin  and  Gilette  Chauvin,  was  baptized  at  Three  Rivers. 


MY    HUNT   FOR   THE   CAPTIVES.  213 


She  married  at  fourteen,  Rolin  Langlois  of  Three  Rivers,  a 
man  ten  years  her  senior.  He  died  within  three  months  af- 
ter his  marriage,  and  the  youthful  widow  married  the  same 
year  Jean  de  Noyon  of  Three  Rivers,  she  being  then  fifteen 
and  he,  twenty-three  years  of  age.  This  was  at  the  time 
when  such  an  incentive  to  early  marriage  was  offered  by  the 
king  in  yearly  pensions  to  those  who  should  become  the  par- 
ents of  large  families.  Pierre  Boucher  was  then  governor 
of  Three  Rivers  and  his  daughter  married  there  at  the  age 
of  twelve. 

William,  the  oldest  son  of  Jean  de  Noyon,  and  Marie  Chau- 
vin,  the  widow  Langlois,  was  born  about  1666.  Their  sec- 
ond son,  Jacques,  our  James,  was  baptized  at  Three  Rivers, 
Feb.  i2th,  1668.  Jean  de  Noyon,  2d,  son  of  Jean  and  of  his 
wife,  Jeanne  Franchard,  and  father  of  William  and  James, 
was  an  edge  tool  maker  and  a  master  of  his  trade.  A  man 
who  could  make  bill  hooks  and  felling  axes  must  have  been 
very  useful  in  a  new  country,  and  I  dare  say  that  Pierre 
Boucher,  governor  of  Three  Rivers,  offered  him  some  in- 
ducement to  become  a  tenant  of  his  seigniory.  Whether 
this  be  so  or  not  he  removed  with  his  family  soon  after  the 
birth  of  his  second  son,  to  Boucherville.  There  three  more 
sons  and  five  daughters  were  born  to  him,  ten  children  in 
all.  They  probably  ran  about  bareheaded  and  barefooted, 
in  scanty  clothing,  and  "grew  stout  on  bread  and  eels."  As 
I  find  no  evidence  that  any  of  them  became  priest,  monk  or 
nun,  I  suppose  that  Jean  de  Noyon  received  annually  three 
hundred  livres  of  the  king's  bounty  money.  This,  with  what 
he  could  earn  from  his  trade  and  the  product  of  his  tillage, 
supported  the  family.  The  eels  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  smoked 
and  salted,  supplied  them  with  much  of  their  food.  As  they 
grew  older  the  boys  hunted  and  fished,  and  in  winter,  per- 
haps, helped  their  father  to  fell  and  hew  timber  for  the  mar- 
ket, getting  in  exchange  the  bare  necessities  of  life.     The 


214  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 


general  testimony  concerning  the  Canadian  youth  of  that 
period  is  that  they  would  not  work,  but  were  idle  and  unruly, 
and  as  soon  as  they  could  handle  a  gun  they  spurned  re- 
straint and  spent  their  time  in  the  woods. 

Household  drudgery  occupied  the  mother.  The  girls 
worked  in  the  fields  in  summer  but  spent  their  winters  in 
idleness.  Domestic  spinning  and  weaving  were  unknown 
arts  in  Canada  at  that  time  and  hemp  and  flax  were  not  cul- 
tivated till  much  later. 

Jean  de  Noyon,  master  edge  tool  maker,  died  in  1692. 
Whether  his  eldest  son,  William,  who  had  married  three 
years  before,  lived  with  his  mother  and  succeeded  to  forge 
and  farm,  I  know  not.  At  this  time  the  disorders  arising 
from  the  fur  trade  were  at  their  height.  In  vain  did  the 
home  government  try  to  regulate  or  control  this  traffic.  Li- 
censes were  granted,  annual  fairs  established,  to  no  purpose. 
Hundreds  of  young  men  took  to  the  woods,  carrying  goods 
and  brandy  to  exchange  with  the  savage  for  peltries  at  their 
own  price,  to  sell  again  at  large  profits.  All  the  youth  and 
the  vigor  of  the  colony  was  absorbed  in  this  irregular  trade. 
Men  could  not  be  found  to  till  the  seignior's  acres.  Farms 
ran  wild  again.  Agriculture  languished.  Population  di- 
minished. A  year  or  two  of  this  free  life  in  the  wilderness 
made  men  averse  to  labor  and  loath  to  marry.  The  king  was 
in  despair.  Severe  edicts  were  followed  by  generous  amnes- 
ties. The  lawless  vagabonds  cared  no  more  for  one  than  the 
other.  Neither  threats  of  branding,  whipping,  hard  labor 
at  the  galleys,  nor  promise  of  the  king's  grace  and  bounty 
could  induce  this  army  of  coureurs  dc  bois^  to  return  to  the 
duties  and  obligations  of  civilized  life.  So  general  was  this 
outlawry,  that  at  one  time  the  intendant  writes  to  the  minis- 
ter that  "There  is  not  a  family  of  any  condition  or  quality 

'Bushrangers.      By    the    Dutch      called     Bos    Loopers:  by    the    English, 
Swampiers. 


MY   HUNT   FOR   THE   CAPTIVES.  21$ 


soever  that  has  not  children,  brothers,  uncles  and  nephews 
among  them,"  and  he  expresses  the  fear  that  if  absolute  par- 
don is  not  offered  them  "they  may  be  drawn  to  pass  over  to 
the  English,  which  would  be  a  general  loss  to  the  country." 
Again  he  writes :  "The  coiirciirs  dc  hois  not  only  act  openly, 
but  they  carry  their  peltries  to  the  English  and  try  to  drive 
the  Indian  trade  thither."^  There  is  plenty  of  evidence  that 
the  English  took  advantage  of  the  situation,  paid  the  bush- 
rano-ers  twice  as  much  for  their  beaver  skins  as  the  Canadian 
merchants  and  sold  them  merchandise  at  much  cheaper 
rates. 

Jacques,  the  second  son  of  Jean  de  Noyon,  would  have 
been  twenty-four  years  old  at  his  father's  death.  It  is  hardly 
probable  that  under  any  circumstances  he  would  have  stayed 
at  home  under  his  brother's  rule.  Of  his  career  up  to  the 
time  of  his  appearance  in  Deerfield  I  am  ignorant.  As  he 
was  probably  no  better  nor  worse  than  his  fellows,  why  may 
we  not  assume  that  he  was  a  part  of  this  general  exodus  of 
the  young  men  ?  Official  letters  from  the  New  York  gov- 
ernment confirm  the  French  accounts  of  the  attitude  of  the 
cojireurs  dc  bois—Boss  lopers  as  they  are  called.  On  Aug.  17, 
1700,  David  Schuyler  writes  to  the  Earl  of  Bellamont^  that 
Jean  Rosie,  the  interpreter,  whom  Peter  Schuyler  mentions 
as  an  inhabitant  of  Albany  and  a  very  honest  man  although 
a  Frenchman,  "told  him  that  there  were  thirty  of  the  Princi- 
pall  Bush  loopers,  Canadians  born,  had  combined  together 
to  come  to  Albany  for  passes  to  go  to  Ottowawa,  for  the  gov- 
ernor of  Canada  would  give  them  no  passes  there."  In  No- 
vember of  the  same  year  Samuel  York,  a  Portland  man  who 
had  just  been  released  from  a  ten  years'  captivity  in  Canada, 
and  with  Jean  Rosie,  a  loyal  citizen  of  Albany,  passed  fre- 

'Memorial  of  Duchesneau  to  the  Minister.     N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Vol.  IX,  p.  131. 
'■'Memorial  of    David  Schuyler  to  the  Earl  of  Bellamont.     N.  Y.  Col.   Doc. 
Vol.  IV,  p.  747- 


2l6  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

quently  back  and  forth  as  envoys  between  New  York  and 
Canada,  testifies  on  examination  that  many  of  the  coiircurs  dc 
bois  are  in  the  Ottawawa  country,  "in  a  sort  of  rebellion,"  re- 
fusing to  obey  the  orders  of  the  Canadian  governor  and  "very 
desirous  to  come  to  trade  here  with  the  English,  only  fear 
the  Five  Nations  will  not  suffer  them  to  pass  through  their 
country."^  York  and  Rosie  also  told  Governor  Bellamont 
that  these  hunters  had  assured  them  they  would  come  and 
offer  their  services  to  him  and  quit  Canada  forever.  Evi- 
dently the  governor  did  not  discourage  these  advances,  for 
on  the  26th  of  October,  1700,  two  French  bushrangers  ap- 
peared in  New  York  with  the  following  petition  : ' 

"My  Lord,  We,  Jean  De  Noyon  and  Louis  Gosselyn,  come  to 
place  ourselves  under  your  Excellency's  protection,  in  the  hope 
that  you  will  allow  us  to  live  and  trade  with  King  William's  sub- 
jects in  the  town  of  Albany  and  grant  us  the  same  rights  and  privi- 
leges as  others  enjoy,  in  which  case  we  submit  ourselves  with  prom- 
ise of  fidelity  to  the  laws  of  the  government.  We  are  commissioned 
by  our  comrades  to  assure  you,  if  our  request  be  granted,  that 
twenty-two,  all  fine  young  men,  will  come  to  Albany  next  Febru- 
ary. And  after  that  we  promise  to  bring,  in  the  month  of  Septem- 
ber of  the  year  1701,  thirty  brave  fellows  to  the  said  town  of  Al- 
bany, all  laden  with  peltry  :  and  finally,  we  oblige  ourselves  further 
in  good  faith  to  bring,  in  the  aforesaid  month  of  September,  on  our 
return  from  hunting,  ten  or  twelve  of  the  principal  Sachims  of  the 
Ottowawa  Nations.      Dated  in  New  York,  this  26.  October,  1700. 

DeNoyon. 

l.  gossklin." 

The  governor  acts  cautiou.sly,  fearing  the  Greeks,  even 
bearing  gifts.  This  opportunity  to  trade  with  the  Ottowawas 
and  to  seduce  the  Northern  Indians  from  their  allegiance  to 
the  French,  is  a  strong  temptation.     In  November  he  writes 

'Memorial  of  Samuel   York,  carpenter.     N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Vol.  IV,  p.  749. 
''Memorial  of  Two  French   Bushrangers.     N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Vol.  IV,  p.  797. 


MY    HUNT   FOR   THE   CAPTIVES.  217 

tentatively  to  the  Lords  of  Trade,  setting-  forth  the  advan- 
tages of  beaver  hunting  in  the  Ottowawa  country.' 

Who  was  the  Jean  de  Noyon  who  was  in  New  York  in  the 
autumn  of  1700,  as  envoy  from  the  rebellious  coureurs  de  boisl 
Jean,  the  father  of  Jacques,  was  dead  long  before.  Jean 
Baptiste,  Jacques'  brother,  was  but  a  lad  of  fourteen.  It 
would  be  too  daring  a  guess,  for  a  matter  of  fact  historian, 
that  it  was  Jacques  himself.  It  is  not  impossible  that  the 
translator  of  the  petition  may  unconsciously  have  rendered 
Jacques  as  Jack,  the  nickname  of  John,  and  thus  changed 
the  name.  This  question  is  left  to  be  solved  by  future  re- 
search, either  directly  from  Canada,  or  more  likely  by  way 
of  Albany. 

Jacques  de  Noyon,  a  bushranger,  discontented  with  his 
government  and  seeking  a  new  home,  came  to  Deerfield. 
That  he  was  thirty-six  years  old  and  unmarried  favors  my 
theory  that  he  had  led  a  roving  life.  Flattered  by  the  pref- 
erence of  the  stranger,  a  man  so  much  older  than  herself, 
the  sober-minded  Puritan  girl  was  attracted  by  the  gay  iii- 
soiLciance  of  such  a  character.  His  vivacity  and  intelligence, 
his  ardent  temperament,  his  reckless  courage,  his  songs  and 
tales  of  wild  adventure  captivated  her,  and  under  his  prom- 
ise that  her  people  should  be  his  people,  her  God  his  God, 
she  married  him. 

"The  best  laid  plans  of  mice  and  men  gang  aft  agley,"  and 
suddenly,  in  a  most  unexpected  manner,  Jacques  de  Noyon 
was  restored  to  his  native  land.  Perhaps  his  presence  on 
that  fateful  night  saved  his  wife's  whole  family  from  the 
tomahawk. 

On  his  return  to  Boucherville,  Jacques  de  Noyon  probably 
found  his  mother  and  her  three  youngest  children,  a  son 
and  two  daughters,  living  on  the  old  spot.  We  can  imagine 
the  stir  in  the  family  at  the  return  of  the  outlaw  with  his 

'Letter  of  Bellamont  to  the  Lords  of  Trade.     N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Vol.  IV,  p.  781. 


2l8  TRUE    STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

English  bride  and  her  relatives.  In  the  following  Decem- 
ber the  first  child  of  Jacques  de  Noyon  and  Abigail  Stebbins 
was  born.  On  the  28th  of  December,  1704,  in  the  parish 
church  of  Sainte-Famille  at  Boucherville,  Father  de  la  Sau- 
dray  baptized  "Rene  de  Noyons,  born  the  26th  of  the  same 
month,  son  of  Jacques  de  Noyon  and  Gabrielle  Stebben,  his 
wife  living  in  this  parivsh,"  Jean  Boucher,  vSieur  de  Niver- 
ville  and  Marie  de  Boucherville  standing  as  sponsors  to  the 
child.  In  Gabrielle  I  recognize  the  attempt  of  De  Noyon's 
mother  and  sisters  to  render  into  French,  Abigail,  the  harsh 
English  name  of  his  wife.  Other  children  followed  in  rapid 
succession.  On  the  12th  of  March,  1706,  Father  Meriel,  who 
seems  never  to  have  lost  track  of  a  single  Deerfield  captive, 
baptized  Marie  Gabrielle,  born  the  day  before,  Louise  de 
Noyon,  the  baby's  aunt,  being  her  godmother. 

Jean  Baptiste  was  born  August  1 1,  1707,  and  baptized  the 
next  day,  his  paternal  uncle,  for  whom  he  was  named,  acting 
as  godfather.  This  child  died  "in  the  communion  of  the 
holy  Catholic  church"  exactly  one  year  from  the  day  of  his 
birth. 

Up  to  this  time  we  have  no  clue  to  the  occupation  of 
Jacques  de  Noyon  after  his  return  to  Canada.  His  life  in 
the  bush  had  unfitted  him  for  farming ;  the  forest  was  his 
element;  a  young  family  was  pressing  upon  him  for  sup- 
port ;  a  soldier's  life  was  most  to  his  taste,  and  he  became 
a  sergeant  in  Mr.  de  Tonti's  company.  This  was  Alphonse 
de  Tonti,  younger  brother  of  the  distinguished  Henri  de 
Tonti,  friend  and  companion  of  La  Salle.  Father  Meriel 
had  never  ceased  importuning  De  Noyon  to  have  his  wife 
baptized  into  the  holy  Catholic  church.  She  felt  that  the 
baptism  which  she  had  received  from  good  Parson  Williams 
was  sufficient,  and  as  her  husband's  long  separation  from 
church  and  priest  had  made  him  indifferent,  he  did  not 
urge  her.     Now  that  he  was  turning  his  back  on  his  former 


MY    HUNT   FOR   THE   CAPTIVES.  219 

life  and  ranging  himself  on  the  side  of  law  and  order,  and 
as  at  any  moment  he  might  be  killed  in  battle,  he  probably 
thought  it  wise  to  secure  for  her  the  protection  of  the  church. 
Accordingly  one  Monday  morning  in  May,  1708,  they  pad- 
dled over  in  their  canoe  to  Montreal,  where,  as  we  have  al- 
ready seen,  she  was  baptized  Marguerite.  This  was  an 
eventful  summer.  On  the  29th  of  June,  her  young  brother 
Ebenezer,  who  was  living  with  her,  was  baptized,  receiving 
from  his  god-father,  Jacques  Charles  de  Sabrevois,  captain 
of  a  detachment  of  the  marine,  the  name  of  Jacques  Charles. 
The  certificate  is  signed  by  the  priest,  by  De  Noyon  in  a 
handsome  handwriting,  by  De  vSabrevois,  and  by  the  wife  of 
the  Seignieur  Boucher  as  god-mother. 

The  fourth  child  of  Jacques  and  Abigail  Stebbins  de  Noy- 
on, was  born  on  the  12th  of  October,  1708,  and  named  Jean 
Baptiste  in  memory  of  his  dead  brother.  His  aunt,  Therese 
Stebbins,  whom  we  remember  as  Thankful  Stebbins  of 
Deerfield,  and  who  was  living  with  her  sister  Abigail,  was 
his  godmother.  In  the  record  of  baptism  the  baby's  mother 
is  called  by  her  new  name.  Marguerite.  The  father  was  ab- 
sent on  this  occasion,  being  doubtless  with  his  company  at 
Fort  Frontenac,  then  commanded  by  Captain  de  Tonti.  It  is 
probable  that  Abigail's  father  and  mother  and  brother  John 
had  ere  this  been  released  from  captivity.  Before  the  birth 
of  their  next  child,  Francois,  baptized  July  7th,  17 10,  Jacques 
de  Noyon  had  removed  his  family  to  the  Cote  St.  Joseph, 
another  part  of  the  parish  of  Boucherville.  This  must  have 
been  an  equal  relief  to  his  mother  and  his  wife.  I  fancy 
that  the  housekeeping  now  began  to  show  New  England 
thrift  and  industry,  and  that  the  noise  of  the  shuttle  and  the 
cheerful  hum  of  the  spinning  wheel  were  soon  heard  in  the 
new  home.  Dorothee,  named  for  her  grandmother  Steb- 
bins, was  baptized  Oct.  3,  171 1.  Then  followed  Marie  Jo- 
seph, who  died  in  infancy,  Jacques  Rene,  Marie  Charlotte,  an- 


220  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 


other  Marie  Joseph,  Marie  Magdalen,  and  finally  Joseph,  born 
June  21,  1724. 

Rene,  the  eldest  of  these  children,  when  about  ten  years 
old,  had  been  sent  with  a  party  of  French  and  Indian  trad- 
ers to  visit  his  grandparents  in  Deerfield.  His  grandfather 
Stebbins  induced  him  to  stay,  and  when  the  hunters  were 
ready  to  go  back  Rene  could  not  be  found.  Not  understand - 
ino-  the  boy's  pronunciation  of  his  own  name,  or  wishing 
him  to  bear  a  more  godly  appellation,  his  grandfather  called 
him  Aaron.  So  Rene  de  Noyon  grew  up  in  Deerfield  as 
Aaron  Denio.  In  1723,  John  Stebbins  died.  In  his  will  he 
left  one-eighth  of  his  lands  to  each  of  his  children  then  in 
Canada,  to  wit :  Samuel,  Ebenezer,  Joseph,  Abigail  and 
Thankful,  provided  they  would  come  and  live  in  New  Eng- 
•  land.  Each  one's  share,  if  he  died  in  New  England,  was  to 
descend  to  his  heirs ;  otherwise,  to  revert  to  those  who  re- 
mained in  New  England. 

"Those  that  will  not  live  in  New  England,"  says  the  old  man, 
"shall  have  five  shillings  apiece,  and  no  more Yet  be  it  for- 
ever understood  that  if  my  daughter  Abigail  come  not  and  tarry  as 
above  said,  then  Aaron  Denieur,  her  son,  shall  be  my  Heir  in  her 
Room  and  Stead,  provided  Said  Aaron  continue  in  this  Countrey 
then.  After  my  decease  and  my  wife's  decease.  Said  Aaron  shall 
enter  upon  that  which  should  have  been  his  mother's  part,  and  pos- 
sess it  until  his  mother  comes,  but  if  She  come  not  and  fulfill  the 
above  said  Conditions,  and  Aaron  stays  in  New  England  and  doth 
fulfill  them,  then  the   said  eighth    part  of    my  lands  to  descend  to 

said    Aaron's    heirs    forever." And  if  some  of    my  children, 

now  in  Canada,  shall  come  and  fulfill  the  conditions though 

the  rest  come  not  then  my  lands  shall  be  divided  between  my  son 

John  and  Aaron,  and  those  that  do  come John  having  three 

times  as  much  as  one  of  the  rest 

It  is  to  be  supposed  that  Jacques  and  Abigail  de  Noyon 
had  heard  at  intervals  from  their  son,  and  that  Rene  had  in- 


MY   HUNT   FOR   THE   CAPTIVES.  221 

formed  his  mother  of  his  grandfather's  death.  His  uncle 
John  must  also  have  notified  his  brothers  and  sisters  in  Can- 
ada of  the  conditions  of  their  father's  will.  After  much  talk, 
Abigail  decided  to  accompany  her  brother  Samuel  to  Deer- 
field.  It  was  certainly  no  mercenary  motive  that  led  her  to 
undertake  such  a  journey  under  the  circumstances.  Five 
shillings  was  to  be  her  dole  if  she  returned  to  Canada,  and 
to  husband  and  children  she  must  return.  But  her  heart 
yearned  for  the  boy  from  whom  she  had  been  separated  for 
years.  She  longed — who  does  not  ? — to  revisit  the  home  of 
her  childhood  and  to  see  her  old  mother  once  more  before 
she  died.  How  or  when  the  journey  was  performed,  how 
long  the  visit  lasted,  and  what  was  her  escort  on  her  return 
to  Canada,  I  know  not.  I  only  know  that  in  Deerfield,  on 
the  27th  of  February,  1726,  her  thirteenth  and  last  child  was 
born. 

The  little  Marie  Anne,  "born,"  so  the  record  reads,  "at 
Guerfil,  in  New  England,  on  the  27th  of  February,  1726," 
was  baptized  at  Boucherville  on  the  5th  of  November  of  the 
same  year,  her  eldest  sister,  Gabrielle  de  Noyon,  then  the 
wife  of  Nicholas  Binet,  being  her  godmother. 

Samuel  Stebbins  remained  in  Deerfield. 

At  the  marriage  of  one  of  Abigail  de  Noyon's  daughters 
at  Boucherville  in  1731,  Nicolas  Binet  and  Joseph  Stebbins, 
uncle  of  the  bride,  both  from  the  parish  of  Chambly,  appear 
as  witnesses. 

About  1734  Joseph  vStebbins  married  Marguerite  Sanssou- 
cy.  He  died  the  23d  of  April,  1753,  aged  fifty-two.  Their 
descendants  still  live  in  Chambly.  Marie  Chauvin,  the 
mother  of  Jacques  de  Noyon,  died  in  1723,  the  same  year  as 
his  wife's  father. 

Abigail  de  Noyon,  born  Abigail  Stebbins  of  Deerfield,  died 
at  the  age  of  sixty,  and  was  buried  at  Boucherville,  on  the 
15th  of  November,  1740.     Her  husband,  Jacques  de  Noyon, 


222  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

aged  about  seventy-eight,  was  buried   on   the    12th  of  May, 

1745- 

Here  ended  my  hunt  after  the  captives.  It  was  as  if  I 
had  laid  the  ghosts  of  unburied  shades  that  had  wandered, 
restless,  haunting  my  whole  life.  It  was  a  sad  satisfaction 
to  find  that  these  offsets  from  the  first  planting  of  Deerfield, 
though  rudely  transplanted,  had  not  been  utterly  blasted  ; 
that  when  the  sting  of  their  first  grief  was  over,  these  young 
men  and  maidens  in  their  turn  had  loved,  inarried,  reared 
children,  founded  homes,  and  at  length  rested  in  peace. 


TWO    CAPTIVES. 


A   ROMANCE   OF    REAL   LIFE,    TWO    HUNDRED   YEARS   AGO. 


The  name  of  Somers  Islands,  corrupted  in  our  time  to 
"Summer  Islands,"  was  given  to  the  Bermudas,  not,  as  many 
suppose,  on  account  of  their  genial  climate,  but  because  of 
the  shipwreck  there  in  1610  of  Sir  George  Somers  and  his 
companions  on  a  voyage  to  Virginia.  Up  to  that  time, 
doubtless  because  of  their  dangerous  coast,  the  "still  vexed 
Bermoothes,"  had  been  known  to  the  English  as  the  "He  of 
Divels,^    and    reputed    a   most    prodigious    and    inchanted 

place never   inhabited    by  any  Christian  or  Heathen 

people." 

The  report  of  the  shipwrecked  men  who  dwelt  nine  months 
upon  the  islands,  enjoying  the  balmy  air,  and  finding  the 
soil  "abundantly  fruitful  of  all  fit  necessaries  for  the  susten- 
tation  and  preservation  of  man's  life,"  removed  all  fears  of 
the  He  of  Divels  from  the  minds  of  the  venturous  youth  of 
England. 

Sir  George  Somers  sold  his  claim  to  the  Bermudas,  to  a 

'Pamphlet    by   Silvester  Jourdan,    published    in  London,    1610.      "A    Dis- 
cription  of  the  Bermudas  otherwise  called  the  He  of  Divels." 


224  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

company  of  one  hundred  and  twenty,  who  got  a  charter  for 
their  settlement  and  in  1612,  sent  out  sixty  settlers.  During 
the  civil  war  in  England,  and  immediately  after,  many  per- 
sons took  refuge  there.  The  poet  Waller  invested  money 
in  Bermuda  land,  and  Mr.  Edmund  Gosse  thinks  that  he 
wrote  his  poem  of  the  "Battle  of  the  vSummer  Islands"  as  an 
advertisement  of  his  plantation  to  his  rich  and  noble  friends. 
In  exchange  for  the  products  of  the  Islands  England  sent 
cloth,  which,  says  the  poet, 

"Not  for  warmth,  but  ornament  is  worn 

Such  is  the  mould,  that  the  blest  tenant  feeds. 
On  precious  fruits, — and  pays  his  rent  in  weeds; 

With  candy'd  plantain,  and  the  juicy  pine, 
On  choicest  melons,  and  sweet  grapes  they  dine, 

And  with  Potatoes  feed  their  wanton  swine. 


Tobacco  is  the  worst  of  weeds  which  they 
To  English  landlords,  as  their  tribute  pay. 


So  sweet  the  air, — so  moderate  the  clime. 

None  sickly  lives,  or  dies  before  his  time  ; 
For  the  kind  spring  which  but  salutes  us  here. 

Inhabits  there,  and  courts  them  all  the  year." 

Dear  to  the  student  of  New  England  genealogies  is  a  book 
entitled  "Original  Lists  of  Persons  of  Quality,  Emigrants, 
Religious  Exiles,  Political  Rebels,  Serving  men  sold  for  a 
term  of  years.  Apprentices,  Children  stolen.  Maidens  pressed 
and  others,  who  went  from  Great  Britain  to  the  American 
Plantations  from  1600  to  1700."  According  to  this  book,  on 
the  13th  day  of  September,  1635,  the  good  ship  Dorset, 
John  Flower,  Master,  weighed  anchor  at  London  "bound  for 
y®  Bermodas."  Aboard  her  was  a  motley  company,  ninety- 
five  passengers  all  told.  Full  half  were  lads  under  eight- 
een. Eight  had  already  reached  that  important  age.  The 
rest  were  mostly  young  men  under  thirty-five,  half  a  dozen 
of  whom  were  accompanied  by  their  wives.  Among  the 
passengers  were  two  ministers.  Rev.  Geo.  Turk  and  Rev. 
Daniel  Wite  or  White.     Two  linger  longest  at  the  stern,  as 


TWO    CAPTIVES.  225 


the  ship  slowly  leaves  her  moorings,  Judith  Bag-ley,  a  lone, 
lorn  woman  of  fifty-eight,  apparently  with  no  kith  nor  kin  to 
keep  her  company,  and  James  Rising,  a  resolute  stripling 
of  eighteen, — -the  only  one  of  his  name  discoverable  among 
the  founders  of  New  England. 

To  which  of  the  afore-mentioned  lists  shall  we  refer  this 
ship's  company  ?  "What  sought  they  thus  afar?"  For  lack 
of  present  knowledge,  I  shall  assume  that  love  of  adventure 
led  James  Rising  to  seek  his  fortune  in  the  New  World,  and 
that  he  came,  apprenticed  for  a  term  of  years  to  labor  in  the 
Bermudas.  Of  his  life  there,  we  have  as  yet  no  details.  Sugar 
and  molasses  became  important  exports  from  the  islands, 
and  New  England  afforded  a  good  market  for  the  latter  ar- 
ticle, being  then  largely  engaged  in  the  distillation  of  rum 
from  molasses. 

"Att  a  general  town  meeting  held  at  Salem  on  the  20th 
day  of  the  4th  month  of  the  year  1657  James  Rising  is  re- 
ceived an  Inhabitant  into  this  Towne."  About  three  weeks 
later,  on  the  7th  of  July,  1657,  he  married  at  Boston,  Eliza- 
beth, daughter  of  Robert  Hinsdell,  the  sturdy  pioneer  of 
Dedham,  Medfield  and  Deerfield.  I  conclude  that  he  prob- 
ably chose  Salem  as  his  home  in  New  England,  as  being  a 
port  of  entry  for  ships,  freighted  with  the  products  of  the 
islands.  He  was  admitted  as  a  member  of  the  First  Church 
in  Salem,  on  the  22nd  day  of  the  i  ith  month,  1661,^  by  a  let- 
ter from  his  Pastor  Wite  or  White  of  the  church  in  Bermu- 
da. On  the  20th  day  of  the  2nd  month,  1663,^  his  daughter 
Hannah  was  baptized  in  the  First  Church  of  Salem.  Whether 
his  two  sons  James  and  John,  were  older  or  younger  than 
their  sister  is  unknown. 

Windsor,  Conn.,  was  at  that  time  a  leading  commercial 
town,  and  carried  on  an  extensive  trade  with  the  West  In- 

ijan.  20.  O.  S.  -April  20.  O.  S. 


226  TRUE   STORIES   OF    NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

dies  and  adjacent  islands.  There  was  no  bridge  at  Hartford, 
and  Windsor  became  a  noted  port  of  entry,  not  only  for 
coasters  and  West  India  vessels,  but  for  English  ships.  The 
river  was  at  all  times  full  of  vessels  loading  and  unloading 
there,  and  "Windsor  green,  often  heaped  with  goods"  await- 
ing storage  or  transportation,  "was  lively  with  jovial  sea 
captains"  and  sunburned  sailors.  Making  and  shipping  pipe- 
vStaves  was  an  important  industry  of  this  vicinity,  and  James 
Rising  may  have  wished  to  add  this  branch  of  trade  to  his 
business.  However  this  may  be,  he  was  "voted  an  inhabi- 
tant of  Windsor,"  on  March  iith,  1668,  and  the  next  year 
he  was  formally  dismissed  by  letter  from  the  church  of  Sa- 
lem to  that  of  Windsor.  There  his  wife  died  on  the  i  ith  of 
August,  1669,  Four  years  later  he  married  the  Widow  Mar- 
tha Bartlett,  who  died  in  less  than  a  year  after  her  marriage. 
It  is  said  that  he  kept  the  ferry  at  Windsor.  To  the  contri- 
bution made  by  that  town  to  the  sufferers  from  Philip's  war 
in  other  colonies,  James  Rising  gave  five  shillings,  his  son 
John  one  shilling  and  sixpence,  and  his  daughter  Hannah, 
one  and  three  pence. 

The  same  year  a  grant  of  fifty  acres  was  allotted  to  him  in 
Suffield,  and  in  1682  as  a  proprietor  he  voted  at  the  organi- 
zation of  that  town.  There  in  1688  at  the  age  of  seventy- 
one  he  died. 

Of  his  daughter  Hannah  nothing  more  appears.  His  son 
James  died  unmarried  two  years  after  the  father's  death, 
being  taken  care  of  in  his  last  illness  by  his  brother  John, 
who  inherited  his  estate. 

John  Rising  lived  at  Suffield.  His  first  wife  was  Sarah, 
daughter  of  Timothy  Hale  of  Windsor,  By  her  he  had  nine 
children.  Josiah,  their  seventh  child,  was  born  Feb.  2nd, 
1694.  His  mother  died  when  he  was  but  four  years  old,  and 
his  father  soon  married  again.  The  stepmother,  burdened 
with  the  care  of  a  house  full  of  children,  the  eldest  of  whom 


TWO   CAPTIVES.  227 


was  but  fourteen,  probably  found  little  Josiah,  a  robust  boy 
of  five,  a  trial  to  her  patience.  At  some  unknown  period, 
probably  on  the  birth  of  a  new  baby  in  1702,  he  was  sent  to 
Deerfield  to  stay  with  his  father's  cousin,  Mehuman  Hinsdell. 

Leaving  little  Josiah  Rising  with  his  cousins  in  Deerfield, 
we  must  go  back  and  take  up  another  thread  of  our  story. 

It  is  the  morning  of  the  24th  of  vSeptember,  1667:  the  day 
when  the  County  Court  begins  its  fall  session  at  Springfield. 
A  crowd  is  already  gathering  at  the  ordinary,  so  the  inn  of 
the  olden  time  was  called,  a  room  being  always  set  apart 
there  for  the  holding  of  the  court.  Men  with  pointed  beards 
and  close  cropped  hair,  in  tall  steeple-crowned  hats,  short 
jerkins  of  a  sad  color  with  wide  white  wristbands  turned 
back  over  the  sleeves ;  leather  belts,  broad  falling  collars 
stiffly  starched,  tied  with  a  cord  and  tassel  at  the  throat, 
hanging  down  on  the  breast  and  extending  round  on  the 
back  and  shoulders ;  full  trousers  reaching  the  knee,  where 
they  are  fastened  with  a  bow  :  long,  gray  woollen  stockings, 
and  stout  leather  shoes,  broad,  low  and  well  oiled,  complete 
the  costume.  Some  of  the  younger  men  are  in  great  boots 
rolled  over  at  the  top,  and  slouching  in  wrinkles  about  the 
leg. 

The  women  are  in  steeple  hats,  not  unlike  those  of  the 
men, — and  Mother  Hubbard  cloaks.  Some  are  bareheaded  or 
wear  a  handkerchief  over  the  head,  with  white  kerchief 
pinned  straight  down  from  the  throat  to  the  waist,  white 
cuffs  and  long,  white  aprons  covering  the  front  of  their  gray 
or  black  woollen  gowns.  The  boys  and  girls,  miniature 
copies  of  their  elders,  except  that  the  boys  wear  woollen 
caps  with  visors,  and  the  girls,  close  fitting  hoods  of  the 
same  material. 

A  constable  armed  with  a  long,  black  staff  tipped  with 
brass,  having  three  youths  in  charge,  forces  his  way  through 
the  crowd.     They  have  been  sent  by  the  commissioners  at 


228  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW   ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

Northampton,  to  be  tried  and  sentenced  at  Springfield.  The 
culprits  are  pale  and  evidently  frightened.  The  face  of  the 
youngest,  a  mere  child,  is  swollen  with  weeping.  The  oth- 
ers, who  are  perhaps  sixteen  and  seventeen  years  old,  affect 
an  indifference  to  their  situation  which  their  pallor  belies. 
It  is  easy  to  vSee  that  the  eldest  is  the  most  hardened  of  the 
three. 

"In  sooth  they  are  not  ill  looking  lads,"  said  a  gossip,  "I 
marvel  of  what  evil  they  are  accused."  "The  little  one  is 
the  son  of  Goodman  John  Stebbins  our  former  neighbor," 
said  another,  "He  numbers  scarce  twelve  summers,  yet  me- 
thinks  he  is  old  in  sin,  for  they  say  he  hath  entered  the 
house  of  his  stepmother's  father,  with  intent  to  steal."  "One 
Godfrey  Nims  is  the  ringleader  of  these  villanies,"  put  in 
a  third.  "He  hath  conspired  with  the  others  to  run  away  to 
Canady,  under  the  guidance  of  a  drunken  Indian  varlet.  who 
hath  been  hanging  about  Northampton  of  late."  "It  is  be- 
lieved that  Goodman  Hutchinson  will  intercede  with  the 
Court  in  behalf  of  Benitt,"  added  the  last  speaker,  "he  hath 
lately  taken  the  lad's  mother  to  wife."  "Poor  boys,"  said  a 
young  mother,  who  led  her  little  son  by  the  hand,  "I  hope 
our  Worshipful  magistrate  will  mercifully  consider  their 
youth,  and  the  shame  to  their  parents." 

"Our  magistrate  is  a  God-fearing  man,"  replied  a  stern 
Puritan  father  at  her  elbow.  He  will  deal  justly  with  the 
malefactors,  but  it  behooves  him  not  to  be  merciful  over- 
much. Our  young  men  are  getting  overbold  in  their  car- 
riage. Our  maidens  wear  silk  in  a  flaunting  manner,  and 
indulge  in  excess  of  apparill  to  the  offence  of  sober  people. 
They  must  be  taught  to  fear  God,  to  obey  the  law  and  hon- 
or their  parents." 

"Ay,  verily,  it  were  better  if  they  were  more  often  admon- 
ished and  scourged,"  interrupted  a  hard-faced  woman,  "and 
for  my  part  I  should  like  to  see  a  score  of  lashes  well  laid  on 


TWO    CAPTIVES.  229 


to  the  backs  of  these  knaves  I  misdoubt  if  they  get  off  with 
less." 

The  entrance  of  the  magistrates  and  jurors  put  a  stop  to 
the  talk,  and  the  trial  proceeded.  The  story  is  told  in  the 
records  far  better  than  I  could  tell  it : 

"Sept.  24,  1667.  Att  the  County  Court  holden  att  Springfield, 
Capt.  John  Pynchon  one  of  the  Honored  Assistants  of  this  Colony 
presiding,  "James  Bennett,  Godfrey  Nims  and  Benoni  Stebbins, 
young  lads  of  Northampton  being  by  Northampton  Commissioners 
bound  over  to  this  Court  to  answere  for  diverse  crimes  and  mis- 
deeds comitted  by  them,  were  brought  to  this  court  by  y^'  constable 
of  y'  towne,  w^''  3  lads  are  accufed  by  Robert  Bartlett,  for  that  they 
gott  into  his  house  two  Sabbath  days,  when  all  the  family  were  at 
the  Publike  Meeting,  on  y^  first  of  which  tymes,  they,  viz  Nims 
and  Stebbins  did  ransack  about  the  house,  and  took  away  out  of 
diverse  places  of  the  house  viz,  24  shillings  in  silver  and  7  sh.  in 
Wampum,  with  intention  to  run  away  to  the  ffrench,  all  W-^''  is  by 
them  confessed;  w'''  wickedness  of  theirs  hath  allso  been  accom- 
panyed  with  frequent  lying  to  excuse  and  justify  themselves  espec- 
ially on  Nims  his  part,  who  it  sems  hath  been  a  ringleader  in  the 
villanyes  ;  ffor  all  which  their  crimes  and  misdemeands  this  corte 
doth  judge  y'  the  said  3  lads  shall  bee  well  whipt  on  their  naked 
bodies,  viz  Nims  and  Bennett  with  25  lashes  apeece  and  Benoni 
Stebbyngs  with  11  lashes;  and  the  said  Nims  and  Stebbins  are  to 
pay  Robert  Bartlett  the  Summe  of  4^  being  accounted  treble  dam- 
age, according  to  law  for  what  goods  he  hath  lost  by  their  means. 
Allso  those  persons  that  have  received  any  money  of  any  of  the 
said  lads,  are  to  restore  it  to  the  s^  Robert  Bartlett.  But  their  be- 
ing made  to  the  Corte  an  earneft  pitition  &  request  by  Ralph 
Hutchinson,  father  in  law  to  y*^  said  Bennet,  and  diverse  other  con 
siderable  persons,  that  the  said  Bennett's  corporall  punishment 
might  be  released,  by  reason  of  his  mother's  weaknese,  who  it 
seemed  may  suffer  much  inconvenience  thereby,  that  punishment 
was  remitted  upon  his  father  in  law  his  engaging  to  this  corte,  to 
pay  ffive    pounds  to  ye  County,  as  a  fyne   for  the    said   Benitts  of- 


230  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


fence;  which  5^^  is  to  be  paid  to  ye  county  Treasurer  for  ye  use  of 
Sd  county.  Allso  John  Stebbins  Junior,  being  much  suspected  to 
have  some  hand  in  their  plotting  to  run  away,  This  Corte  doth 
order  ye  Commissioners  of  Northampton  to  call  him  before  y",  & 
to  examine  him  about  that,  or  any  other  thing  wherein  he  is  sup- 
posed to  be  guilty  with  y^  said  lads  and  to  act  therein  according  to 
their  discretion  attending  law.  Also  they  are  to  call  the  Indian 
called  Onequelat,  who  had  a  hand  with  ^'"  in  their  plott,  and  to 
deale  with  him  according  as  they  fynd." 

The  three  thoroughly  scared  boys  were  sent  back  the 
next  day  to  Northampton.  There  let  us  hope  that  little 
Benoni  was  taken  from  the  grasp  of  the  law,  and  put  into 
his  father's  hands  for  chastisement.  Bennett's  fine  was  paid 
by  his  stepfather.  As  for  Godfrey  Nims  he  paid  the  penal- 
ty of  his  misdeeds  at  the  whipping  post  in  front  of  the  meet- 
ing house.  Alas  for  poor  Godfrey  I  he  lived  in  the  age  when 
a  spade  was  called  a  spade.  Lying  was  lying  in  good  old 
colony  days.  Nobody  thought  of  applying  to  the  wild  boy 
the  soft  impeachment  of  being  an  imaginative  youth.  The 
luckless  wight  had  no  indulgent  friends  to  plead  for  him 
that  "boys  must  be  boys"  and  that  wild  oats  must  be  sown. 
Wild  oats  were  an  expensive  luxury  in  those  days,  as  poor 
Godfrey  found  to  his  cost.  Doubtless  he  was  a  disorderly 
fellow,  yet  without  wishing  to  palliate  his  offence,  I  may  say 
that  he  was  without  the  good  influences  of  a  home  life. 
There  is  no  evidence  of  his  having  father  or  mother,  kith  or 
kin  at  Northampton.  An  active  and  excitable  lad,  with  no 
legitimate  scope  under  Puritan  rule  for  his  surplus  energy, 
he  fell  in  with  the  Indian  vagrant,  by  whose  tales  of  bush- 
ranging,  his  soul  was  fired  to  daring  and  reckless  deeds.  It 
is  of  such  stuff  that  pioneers  and  heroes  are  often  made. 

Another  turn  of  the  kaleidoscope  gives  us  a  better  picture 
of  these  impulsive  youths. 

It  is  the  1 8th  of  May,  1676.     The  sun,  sinking  behind  the 


TWO    CAPTIVES.  231 


western  hills,  throws  a  golden  glow  over  meadow  and  river. 
The  Holyoke  range  is  already  in  shadow,  A  force  of  about 
one  hundred  and  forty-four  men  is  gathered  at  Hatfield, 
awaiting  the  order  to  march  against  Philip's  horde,  for  it 
was  now  the  "generall  voyceof  the  people"  that  "it  was  time 
to  distress  the  enemy  and  drive  them  from  their  fishing  at 
Peskeompskut.^  Nearly  all  are  mounted ;  a  few  on  foot. 
Among  the  volunteers  from  Northampton  are  Godfrey  Nims 
and  James  Bennett,  comrades  to-day  in  a  righteous  cause. 
Nims  as  usual  with  a  dare-devil  look  in  his  eyes,  resolute, 
careless  and  ready  for  any  fate ;  Bennett  more  serious  and 
subdued.  The  Reverend  Hope  Atherton,  chaplain  of  the 
expedition,  pours  out  his  soul  in  prayer  for  the  little  army, 
and  the  cavalcade  moves  northward.  Who  at  that  moment 
remembered  the  youthful  escapade  of  Godfrey  Nims  and 
James  Bennett  ?  vSurely  not  Alary  Broughton,  who  stood 
sobbing  among  the  women  that  watched  their  departure. 
She  had  married  Bennett  in  1674,  not  long  after  she  herself, 
had  had  a  brush  with  the  magistrates.  At  the  March  Court'^ 
of  1673,  held  at  Northampton  by  Worshipful  John  Pynchon, 
Captain  Holyoke  and  Deacon  Chapin,  Maid  Mary  Broughton 
had  been  severely  admonished,  and  fined  ten  shillings  for 
wearing  a  silk  hood  or  scarf  contrary  to  law.  A  sympathetic 
revolt  against  Puritan  discipline  may  have  attracted  Bennett 
and  Mary  Broughton  to  each  other.  Their  happiness  was 
short-lived.  On  Saturday  Nims  brought  her  the  sad  news 
that  Bennett  had  been  killed  in  the  Falls  fight.  In  the  spring 
of  1677,  the  young  widow  married  Benoni  Stebbins,  her  hus- 
band's dearest  friend,  another  of  the  trio  of  bad  boys  of 
Northampton.  Soon  after  his  marriage  Benoni  Stebbins 
joined  Quentin  Stockwell  and  several  other  bold  men  who 

^Now  Turner's  Falls. 

^Courts  were  held  in  March  at  Northampton,  and    in    September  at  Spring- 
field. 


232  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

returned  to  Deerfield  two  years  after  the  massacre  at  Bloody- 
Brook,  to  begin  a  new  settlement.  There  Stebbins  worked 
early  and  late  at  the  house  to  which  he  fondly  hoped  to  bring 
his  bride  before  winter  should  set  in.  At  the  end  of  their 
day's  work  on  the  19th  of  September,  1677,  they  were  sur- 
prised by  twenty-six  Indians  from  Canada  under  Ashpelon. 
Hurried  up  from  the  clearing  to  the  mountain,  they  found 
there  seventeen  people  from  Hatfield  who  had  been  seized 
the  same  day,  and  with  them,  began  the  weary  march  to 
Canada.  They  were  the  first  to  follow  that  woful  road,  trav- 
elled later  by  so  many  New  England  captives.  Crossing  and 
recrossing  the  Connecticut,  they  journeyed  rapidly  by  day. 
At  night  they  lay  stretched  on  their  backs  upon  the  ground, 
a  rope  about  their  necks,  arms  and  legs  extended  and  tied 
to  "stakes  so  that  they  could  stir  nowayes."  Halting  thirty 
miles  above  Northfield,  Ashpelon  sent  Benoni  Stebbins  back 
towards  Lancaster,  to  notify  a  part  of  his  band  to  join  him 
on  the  Connecticut.  On  the  return,  Stebbins  escaped  on  the 
2nd  of  October  and  reached  Hadley  in  safety.  His  own  ac- 
count taken  down  in  writing  on  the  6th  by  the  postmaster 
of  Northampton,  says  that  "being  sent  out  with  two  squaws 
and  a  mare  to  pick  huckleberries,  he  "got  upon  the  mare 
and  rid  till  he  tired  the  mare,  then  ran  on  foot,  and  so  es- 
caped, being  two  days  and  a  half  without  victuals." 

Notwithstanding  the  sorrows  and  perils  that  so  beset  the 
life  of  Mary  Broughton,  her  high  spirit  seems  not  to  have 
been  crushed.  The  following  from  the  Court  Records  of 
March  26,  1678,  shows  that  she  never  yielded  a  woman's 
right  to  make  herself  look  as  pretty  as  she  could,  and  that 
she  was  tipheld  in  her  resistance  by  her  admiring  husband. 

"Mary  wife  of  Benoni  Stebbins  being  presented  to  this  Court  for 
wearing  silk  contrary  to  law,  and  for  that  she  agravates  it  by  per- 
sisting in  it,  when  as  she  was  once  presented  before  :  This  court 
considering  the  agravation,  and    how   unfit  such  things  are  in  this 


TWO    CAPTIVES.  233 


day  of  trouble,  did  adjudge  her  to  pay  a  fine  of  10  shillings  :  As  al- 
so Benoni  Stebbins,  openly  affronting  the  court  in  saying  he  would 
not  pay  the  money  due  for  fees  to  the  clerk  of  the  Court;  this  Court 
ajudged  him  to  pay  as  a  Fine  to  the  County  10  sh.  forthwith,  and 
committed  him  to  the  constable  for  the  payment  of  the  aforesaid 
fines." 

Benoni  Stebbins  returned  to  Deerfield  at  its  permanent 
settlement  in  1682,  becoming  a  prominent  citizen  there,  and 
filling  the  highest  town  offices  creditably  to  himself  and  ac- 
ceptably to  his  neighbors.     Mary,  his  wife,  died  in  1689. 

About  the  time  of  Benoni  Stebbins's  marriage,  Godfrey 
Nims  had  wedded  the  Widow  Mary  Williams  and  become 
the  guardian  of  her  little  boy.  He  owned  land  in  Deerfield 
in  1674,  and  if  he  were  not,  as  tradition  declares,  one  of  the 
first  three  inhabitants,^  he  and  Benoni  Stebbins  with  their 
families,  were  certainly  among  the  earliest  permanent  set- 
tlers. Godfrey  Nims,  cordwainer,  appears  to  have  been  an 
industrious  and  law  abiding  citizen.  He  was  the  first  con- 
stable of  Deerfield,  being  chosen  in  1689,  and  later  held  oth- 
er town  offices. 

In  1692  on  his  marriage  to  his  second  wife,  Mehi table 
Smead,  widow  of  Jeremiah  Hull,  he  bought  the  lot  on  which 
the  second  church,  the  town  house  and  Memorial  Hall  now 
stand,  and  built  a  house  which  was  burned  Jan.  4th,  1693-4. 
His  little  stepson,  Jeremiah  Hull,  perished  in  the  flames. 
The  same  year  he  bought  the  adjoining  lot,  building  again 
on  the  site  which  has  ever  since  been  held  by  his  descend- 
ants. When  Joseph  Barnard  was  wounded  at  Indian  Bridge, 
and  his  horse  killed  under  him,  Godfrey  Nims  bravely  took 
the  helpless  man  upon  his  own  horse,  which  being  soon  shot 
down,  he  was  forced  to  mount  behind  Philip  Mattoon,  and 
"so  got  safely  home." 

Immediately  upon  Queen  Anne's  accession,  the  people  of 

'Samuel  Hinsdell  and  Samson  Frary  were  in  Deerfield  in  1670. 


234  TRUE    STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

Deerfield  began  to  make  ready  to  meet  the  tempest  from 
the  north  which  they  felt  to  be  impending-.  The  fort  was 
"righted  up,"  the  school  master  was  asked  to  help  the  se- 
lectmen "in  wording  a  petition  to  the  governor  for  help  in 
the  distress  occasioned  by  a  prospect  of  war."  In  the  sum- 
mer of  1703,  Peter  Schuyler  warned  the  people  of  Deerfield 
that  an  expedition  against  them  was  fitting  out  in  Canada. 
Those  who  had  settled  at  a  distance  from  Meeting  House 
Hill,  began  to  seek  shelter  within  the  palisade.  Twenty 
soldiers  were  sent  as  a  garrison  to  the  settlement.  On  the 
8th  of  October  John  Nims  and  Zebediah  Williams,  son  and 
stepson  of  Godfrey  Nims,  while  looking  after  their  cows  in 
the  meadow,  were  captured  by  Indians,  and  carried  to  Can- 
ada. Such  was  the  alarm  and  distress  of  the  people,  that 
they  urged  their  minister  to  address  the  government  in 
their  behalf.  The  letter  is  a  credit  to  pastor  and  people. 
In  asking  for  relief  from  taxation  as  the  fortification  must 
be  rebuilt,  Mr.  Williams  says:  "I  never  found  the  people 
unwilling  to  do,  when  they  had  the  ability,  yea  they  have 
often  done  above  their  ability."  He  speaks  of  the  ".sorrow- 
ful parents  and  distressed  widow  of  the  poor  captives  taken" 
from  them,  as  requesting  the  governor  "to  endeavor  that 
there  may  be  an  exchange  of  prisoners  to  their  release." 
Parson  Stoddard  of  Northampton  also  wrote  to  Governor 
Dudley  in  behalf  of  Deerfield.  He  tells  him  that  the  people 
are  much  depressed  and  discouraged  by  the  captivity  of  two 
of  their  young  men,  and  asks  that  dogs  may  be  trained  to 
hunt  the  Indians,  "who  act  like  wolves  and  are  to  be  dealt 
withall  as  wolves."  To  this  letter  dated  Northampton,  Oct. 
22,  1703,  the  following  postscript  is  added  :  "Since  I  wrote, 
the  father  of  the  two  captives^  belonging  to  Deerfield  has 
importunately  desired  me  to  write  to  your  Ex'cy  that  you 
w**  endeavor  the  Redemption  of  his  children." 

'Godfrey  Nims. 


TWO    CAPTIVES.  235 


Notwithstanding  the  general  uneasiness,  private  affairs 
went  on  as  usual.  Birth,  marriage,  death,  like  time  and 
tide,  stay  for  naught.  Winter  wore  to  spring.  The  soldiers 
were  still  billeted  in  the  homes  of  the  people.  The  minds 
of  all  were  tense  with  anxiety.  The  air  was  thick  with 
omens.  Sounds  were  heard  in  the  night  as  of  the  tramping 
of  men  around  the  fort.  March  came  in  like  a  lion.  The 
village  lay  buried  in  the  snow,  the  people  in  sleep.  In  that 
hour  before  dawn  when  night  is  darkest  and  slumber  deep- 
est, the  long-dreaded  storm  burst ;  unexpected  at  the  last, 
like  all  long-expected  events.  On  what  a  wreck  the  morning 
broke  !  Benoni  Stebbins,  after  fighting  for  hours  like  a  ti- 
ger at  bay,  lay  dead  in  his  house.  In  the  southeast  angle  of 
the  fort,  Godfrey  Nims's  house  was  still  burning,  three  of 
his  little  girls  somewhere  dead  among  the  embers.  His 
daughter,  Rebecca  Mattoon,  and  her  baby,  slain  by  the  tom- 
ahawk. Ebenezer,  his  seventeen  years  old  son,  his  step- 
daughter, Elizabeth  Hull,  aged  sixteen  ;  his  wife  with  Abi- 
gail, their  youngest  child,  about  four  years  old,  already  on 
the  march  to  Canada. 

His  opposite  neighbor,  Mehuman  Hinsdale,  bereft  of  wife 
and  child  by  the  same  blow,— also  a  captive,  with  the  boy 
Josiah  Rising,  his  little  Suffield  cousin,  whom  he  had  taken 
into  his  home  and  heart.  Did  Godfrey  Nims  and  Benoni 
Stebbins  in  those  hours  of  horror,  remember  how  in  their 
boyhood,  they  had  "plotted  together  to  run  away  to  the 
ffrench"  with  Onequelatt  the  Indian  ? 

How  Thankful  Nims  and  her  family  were  saved  by  a 
snowdrift:  how  Godfrey's  wife  was  killed  on  the  march: 
how  Zebediah  Williams  died  at  Quebec,  firm  in  the  Protes- 
tant faith:  how  John  Nims  escaped  from  captivity,  and  was 
finally  married  in  Deerfield  to  his  step-sister,  Elizabeth 
Hull:  how  Ebenezer  Nims  contrived  to  outwit  the  good 
priests,  who  were  faithfully  trying  to  secure  his  sweetheart's 


236  TRUE   STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 


conversion^  by  marrying  her  to  a  Frenchman  :  how  Mehu- 
man  Hinsdale  came  back  to  Deerfield,  and  was  again  "capti- 
vated by  ye  Indian  vSalvages,"  are  matters  of  history.  But 
what  of  Abigail  Nims  and  Josiah  Rising? 

Up  to  this  moment,  from  the  hour  when  cruelly  roused 
from  the  innocent  sleep  of  childhood,  they  were  dragged 
towards  the  north,  over  the  snowbound  meadows  and  icy 
river,  this  question  has  been  asked  in  vain.  Thanks  to  the 
careful  records  made  at  the  time  by  Canadian  priest  and 
nun,  and  thanks  again  to  the  kind  help  given  me  by  Cana- 
dian priest  and  nun  of  to-day  we  can  now  follow  the  fortunes 
of  the  two  captives,  so  rudely  torn  from  home  and  kin. 

In  the  history  of  New  France  there  is  no  more  interesting 
and  romantic  chapter,  than  that  of  the  life  and  labors  of 
Marguerite  Bourgeois.  To  bring  about  the  conversion  of 
the  savages  by  giving  to  their  children  a  Christian  education, 
was  her  dearest  wish.  Not  only  literally  but  figuratively 
did  she  plant  the  cross  on  the  mountain  of  Montreal.-  In 
1676,  the  priests  of  Saint-Sulpice  built  a  chapel  on  the  moun- 
tain and  founded  there  a  mission  for  such  Iroquois  and 
others,  as  wished  to  settle  on  the  island  of  Montreal.  In 
1680,  soon  after  the  school  for  Indian  boys  was  begun  at  the 
mission  of  the  mountain.  Marguerite  Bourgeois  sent  two 
nuns  of  the  Congregation  there  to  teach  the  girls. 

In  1685  forty  Indian  girls  were  in  training  at  this  school. 
It  takes  but  a  moment  to  tell  the  story,  but  the  pain,  peril 
and  privation,  the  self-abnegation,  the  devotion  by  which 
this  result  was  achieved,  cannot  be  estimated.  This  Indian 
village,  palisaded  to  protect  the  Christianized  Iroquois  from 
the  attacks  of  their  savage  brethren,  who  were  incensed 
against  the  converts,  was  an  out-post  of  defence  for  Montreal 
itself.     Destroyed  by  fire  in   1694,  through  the  carelessness 

'Sara  Hoyt. 

'Vie  de  Marguerite  Bourgeois,  Tome  I,  p.  274. 


TWO   CAPTIVES.  237 


of  a  drunken  Indian,  the  fort  was  rebuilt  of  stone,  with  rude 
towers  at  each  angle,  two  of  which  were  set  apart  for  the 
nuns  and  their  school. 

In  1 701,  disturbed  by  the  opportunity  afforded  the  Indians 
by  their  nearness  to  the  town  of  obtaining  strong  liquors, 
yet  unwilling  to  deprive  Montreal  of  their  help  in  case  of 
attack  from  their  enemies,  the  priests  removed  the  mission 
to  the  other  side  of  the  mountain,  to  a  picturesque  spot 
called  Sault  au  Recollet,  on  the  bank  of  the  Riviere  des 
Prairies.  There  they  built  a  church,  modelled  after  the 
Chapel  de  Notre  Dame  de  Lorette  in  Italy,  and  a  house  for 
themselves  and  their  school.  The  Sisters  of  the  Congrega- 
tion also  erected  there  a  building  for  themselves  and  for  a 
school  for  girls.^  The  village  and  mission  building  were  en- 
closed by  a  palisade  with  three  bastions. 

It  was  to  the  Sault  au  Recollet  fort  that  our  two  captives, 
doubtless  with  others  from  Deerfield  were  carried  at  once  on 
their  arrival  in  Canada.  The  squaw  Ganastarsi,  probably 
the  wife  or  mother  of  her  captor,  gladly  took  little  Abigail 
into  her  bark  wigwam,  and  Josiah  Rising  was  led  to  that  of 
his  Macqua  master.  There  they  lived  in  true  Indian  fashion, 
rolling  in  the  dirt  with  the  pappooses  and  puppies  with  which 
the  village  was  swarming,  and  quickly  catching  the  Iroquois 
language.  To  Josiah,  the  savages  gave  the  name  of  Shoen- 
takSanni  of  which  the  French  equivalent  is  //  hii  a  Ste  son 
village}  Abigail  was  known  as  T8atog8ach,  which  ren- 
dered into  French  is  ''Elle  retire  de  Veaiiy^ 

'It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  Soeur  Marie  des  Anges,  the  Lady  Superior  of  this 
mission  school,  was  herself  a  New  England  captive.  She  was  Marie  Genevieve 
Sayer  [SaywardJ  taken  with  her  mother  and  sister,  Feb.  5,  1692,  at  York,  Me. 

'^"He  has  taken  away  his  village." 

•^"She  picks  something  out  of  the  water." 

For  this  and  for  other  valuable  assistance,  I  am  indebted  to  the  kindness 
of  Rev.  Pere  Cuoq,  the  venerable  mission  priest  at  Oka,  an  adept  in  the  Iro- 
quois language,  and  of  more  than  local  renown  for  his  scholarship,     c.  A.   B. 


238  TRUE   STORIES   OF  NEW   ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

The  little  four  years  old  English  girl,  with  her  uncouth 
name,  her  pale  face  and  her  yellow  hair,  did  not  long  escape 
the  notice  of  the  holy  sisters  of  the  mission.  The  following 
is  a  translation  of  her  French  record  of  baptism  ; 

"On  the  15th  day  of  June  of  the  year  1704,  the  rites  of  baptism  have 
been  admhiistered  by  me,  the  undersigned,  to  a  little  English  girl, 
named  in  her  own  country  Abigail,  and  now  Mary  Elizabeth;  born 
in  Dearfielde,  in  New  England  the  31st  of  May,  of  the  year  1700, 
of  the  marriage  of  Geoffrey  Nimbs  cordwainer,  and  of  Meetable 
Smeed  also  deceased.  The  child,  taken  at  the  said  place  the  elev- 
enth of  March  last,  and  living  in  the  wigwam  of  a  squaw  of  the 
Mountain,  named  Ganastarsi.  The  god-mother  was  Demoiselle 
Elizabeth  Le  Moine,  daughter  of  Monsieur  Charles  Le  Moine  es- 
quire, Bartm  de  Longueuil,  chevalier  of  the  order  of  Saint-Louis, 
and  captain  of  a  company, — with  Francois  Bonnet  who  says  that  he 
cannot   sign. 

Signed  Marie  Elizabeth  Longueuil.     Meriel,  pretre." 

What  the  nuns  of  the  Congregation  did  for  little  Abigail, 
was  done  for  Josiah  Rising  by  the  good  priests  of  Saint-Sul- 
pice  at  the  Sault  au  RecoUet  mission.  He  was  baptized  on 
the  23rd  of  December,  1706,  being  then  about  eleven  years 
old.  The  name  Ignace  was  given  him,  and  it  was  as  Ignace 
Raizenne  on  Canadian  records,  that  I  recognized  Josiah 
Rising. 

Picture  the  life  of  these  children  at  the  Indian  fort.  The 
dark,  cold,  smoky  wigwam;  the  scanty  clothing  in  which  they 
had  been  snatched  from  home  all  rags  and  dirt,  replaced  at 
last  by  a  blanket  which  was  their  dress  by  day,  their  bed  at 
night;  coarse  and  unpalatable  food;  corn  pounded,  soaked 
and  boiled  in  unsavory  pottage;  roasted  pumpkin  a  rare  lux- 
ury. Better  times  came  for  the  poor  waifs  when  they  could 
go  to  school.  There  they  were  decently  clad,  for  Marguerite 
Bourgeois  knew  that  the  first  step  towards  Christianizing 
any  people,  is  to  make  them  dress  decently  and  to  inspire 


TWO    CAPTIVES.  239 


them  with  a  love  of  work.  "If  you  can  introduce  petticoats 
and  drawers  into  your  mission,"  wrote  Monsieur  Tronson, 
"you  will  make  yourself  famous ;  nothing  would  be  more 
useful,  or  fraught  with  better  results."' 

At  school,  they  learned  to  sing  and  chant,  to  read  and  write 
and  to  speak  French.  The  catechism  and  creed  were  taught 
in  French,  as  well  as  in  English  and  Indian.  The  girls 
learned  to  sew  and  knit,  to  spin  and  make  lace.  The  boys 
were  instructed  in  carpentry,  shoemaking,  mason  work  and 
other  trades.^ 

But  Sunday,  so  gloomy  to  the  children  of  Puritan  house- 
holds, was  the  day  of  days  to  the  girls  and  boys  of  the  mis- 
sion. Then  Abigail  went  in  procession  with  the  other  girls 
to  mass  and  saw  the  gorgeous  altar  cloths  and  vestments, 
and  the  candles  burning  brightly,  and  the  pictures  of  the 
saints,  and  little  Jesus  and  his  mother  looking  kindly  down 
upon  her.  She  sat  close  to  Sister  des  Anges,  and  crossed 
herself  and  said  her  prayers,  and  felt  very  good  and  very 
happy;  only  she  wished  that  ShoentakSanni  would  just  look 
at  her;  but  he  sat  among  the  choir  boys  and  sang  away  and 
never  lifted  his  eyes  from  his  book. 

I  like  to  think  of  the  busy  school  days  and  cheerful  Sun- 
days of  the  little  New  England  captives,  thus  cared  for  by 
gentle  nun  and  kindly  priest.  We  must  not  forget,  how- 
ever, that  the  "Oso"  fort,-^  as  the  New  England  captives 
called  the  fort  at  Sault  au  RecoUet,  had  its  sadder  pictures. 

Sometimes  an  Indian  would  come  back  from  the  town,  en- 
raged by  the  white  man's  fire-water,  and  bringing  the  news 

'Lettre  de  M.  Tronson  a  M.  de  Belmont,  April  15,  1685,  in  "Viede  Mar- 
guerite Bourgeois,"  Vol.  I,  part  II,  p.  289. 

-Vie  de  Marguerite  Bourgeois,  Vol.  I,  part  II,  p.  289,  292. 

^The  French,  doubtless,  spokeof  visiting  this  mission  as  going  "Au  Sault." 
[Pronounced  O-so.J  Hence  the  English  naturally  called  it  the  "Oso  Fort,"  A 
Newbury  captive  in  his  narrative  calls  Sault  au  Recollet,  "Sadrohelly,"  the 
nearest  approach  he  could  make  to  the  French  pronunciation. 


240  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

that  some  "Bastonnais"  had  arrived  in  Montreal.  Every 
messenger  from  our  government,  no  matter  how  far  from 
Boston  his  home  might  be,  was  a  "Bastonnais,"  in  Canada. 

Then  Abigail's  master  would  threaten  to  carry  her  into  the 
woods,  and  Ganastarsi  would  be  very  cross,  and  call  her 
Kanaskwa,  the  slave, ^  and  possibly,  give  the  child  a  slap  in 
the  face, — for  she  had  grown  fond  of  T8atog8ach  and  did 
not  mean  to  give  her  up  to  the  Bastonnais  if  she  could  help  it. 
Sister  des  Anges  and  the  other  nuns  would  seem  distressed 
and  anxious,  and  kept  the  little  girl  day  and  night  at  the 
convent,  out  of  sight  of  any  possible  English  visitors.  Abi- 
gail was  too  young  to  mind  much  about  anyof  this,  but 
Josiah  knew,  and  I  dare  say,  asked  the  school  master  if  he 
might  not  go  home  with  the  messengers.  At  this  the  priest 
would  frown  and  speak  sharply  to  the  lad,  reproaching  him 
with  ingratitude  to  the  Indian  who  had  saved  his  life.  No 
doubt  he  would  tell  the  boy  what  he  himself  sincerely  be- 
lieved, that  if  he  went  back  to  Protestant  New  England,  his 
soul  would  be  damned  eternally.  When  Josiah's  master 
heard  about  this,  he  beat  the  boy  and  sent  him  off  to  the 
woods  with  a  hunting  party. 

Deacon  Sheldon  came  back  from  his  embassy  in  1705  with 
but  five  captives,  not  having  even  seen  his  boys,  who,  he  was 
told,  had  "gone  a  honten."  Shortly  after  this,  bitterly  dis- 
appointed at  not  being  allowed  to  go  home  with  Deacon 
Sheldon,  John  Nims,  Martin  Kellogg,  Joseph  Petty  and 
Thomas  Baker  ran  away.  It  went  harder  with  Josiah  and 
the  rest  after  this.  Ensign  Sheldon  must  have  have  kept  the 
Sault  au  Recollet  mission  in  a  stir  in  the  first  years  of  the 
captivity.  He  was  certainly  there  twice  in  the  spring  of 
1706.  Among  his  accounts  is  an  item  of  12  livres  paid  "for  a 
carrialF  to  goe  to  see  the  captives  at  the  Mohawk  fort,"  and 

'Abigail  appears  once  on  the  records  by  this  name. 
'A  carriole  is  a  Canadian  sleigh. 


TWO    CAPTIVES.  241 


"4  livres  more  for  a  second  visit."  He  probably  saw  Josiah 
and  Abigail  at  this  time,  but  they  were  not  among  those 
whom  he  brought  home.  Grim  and  direful  scenes  our  two 
captives  saw,  when  the  war  parties  returned  with  scalps  and 
prisoners.  Then  two  long  rows  of  savages  armed  with  clubs 
and  hatchets,  were  formed  at  the  gate  of  the  fort.  Between 
these  the  weary  and  footsore  captives  ran  for  nearly  three- 
quarters  of  a  mile,  the  savages  mocking  and  striking  at  them 
as  they  ran.  Then  came  the  dreadful  pow-wow,  when  the 
poor  sufferers  were  made  to  sing  and  dance  round  a  great 
fire,  while  their  tormentors  yelled  and  shrieked.  The  chil- 
dren saw  many  of  their  Deerfield  neighbors  brought  into 
the  fort  in  this  way.  Martin  Kellogg  in  the  fall  of  1708, 
Josiah's  cousin,  Mehuman  Hinsdell  the  next  spring,  and 
Joseph  Clesson  and  John  Arms  in  June,  1709,  all  ran  the 
gauntlet  at  the  Oso  fort. 

After  John  Sheldon's  third  journey  to  Canada  in  1707, 
there  had  been  no  general  exchange  of  prisoners.  In  the 
summer  of  171 2,  the  Canadian  governor  proposed  that  the 
English  captives  in  Canada  should  be  "brought  into  or  near 
Deerfield,  and  that  the  French  prisoners  should  be  sent 
home  from  thence."  Governor  Dudley  ordered  Colonel 
Partridge  to  collect  the  French  captives  at  Deerfield. 

There  must  have  been  some  excitement  in  the  usually 
quiet  town  of  Deerfield  when  it  was  known  that  the  French 
captives  were  mustering  there,  especially  when  the  dogged 
refusal  of  some  to  return  to  Canada  was  noised  abroad.  That 
Colonel  Partridge  met  with  some  unexpected  obstacles  in 
dispatching  the  French  captives  is  shown  by  the  following 
extract  from  his  letter  to  Governor  Dudley : 

Hatfield,  July  i,  1712. 
"I  begg  yo""  Excellency's  excuse  &  tender  Resentment.     Off  our 
repeated  demur  &  delay  of  moveing  towards  Canada  by  the  Frentch- 
men   &  o''  Messengers,  which  is  wholie  by  the  indisposition  of  the 


242  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

Frentchmen,  Especially  two  of  them,  who  will  not  be  p''suaded  to 
go,  neither  by  p''suasions  nor  force,  except  they  be  carried,  viz, 
Cosset  &  Laffever.  the  Capt.  hath  used  all  means  with  them,  es- 
pecially Cosset,  in  so  much  that  1  believe  if  they  go  into  the  woods 
together,  they  will  murder  one  another  before  they  get  to  Canada. 
Cosset  positively  refusing  to  go,  Chuseing  rather  to  Remayne  a 
prison""  all  his  days,  as  he  saith,  rather  than  go  with  him.  The 
Captaine  vehemently  mad  with  him,  as  he  saith,  will  kill  him  & 
its  thought  by  their  violent  treatm*  one  towards  another,  that  mur- 
der had  been  done  if  o""  men    had    not    p''vented    itt.      They  cannot 

speak  together  but    some    fall  to  blows Laffever    has    been 

oposite  of  goeing  all  a  Long  &  now  it  comes  too  positively  op- 
poses it,  except  he  be  forct.  Yesterday  I  went  up  to  Deref^  c^^  two 
of  the  Frentchmen  orderd  him  &  the  Frentchman  to  attend  me  in 
order  to  their  goeing  immediately  away."' 

When  it  \va.s  known  that  an  escort  was  to  be  sent  from 
Deerfield  with  the  French  captives,  there  was  no  lack  of 
volunteers.     Colonel  Partridge  continues: 

"As  to  Messengers,  severall   offer    themselves  to    go We 

had  pitcht  upon  Ltt.  Williams, ^  with  the  consent  of  his  ffather,  who 
hath  the  Frentch  tongue,  Jonath  Wells,  Jno  Nims  &:  Eliezer  War- 
ner, but  haveing  in  yo*"  last  letter  a  forbidd  to  any  of  Baker's  Com- 
pany, we  pitcht  on  Lt.  Wells,  Sergt.  Taylor,  John  Nims  &  Thomas 
Frentch,  who  also  hath  the  Frentch  tongue,  but  think  the  former 
most  apt 

I  have  had  no  small  fategue  in  this  matter,  buty^  disappointment 
hath  been  on  y'^  Frentchman's  p'  as  aforesaid." 

On  the  above  letter  was  the  following  endorsement : 
"Co'll  Partridg  :   Honn''  Sir,  I  have  all  along  been   much  against 
returning  home  :  to   Canada  :  but    am    now    come  to  a  Resolution 
that  1  will  not  go,  except  the  Governor  with    yourself,  doe   compell 

'The  adventures  of  Cosset    and  Le  Fevre  as  well  as  those  of  Baptiste,  will 
be  narrated  later.  c.  a.   b. 

'Lieut.  Samuel.Williams,  a  former  captive. 


TWO    CAPTIVES.  243 


me  to  return  ;  which  I  hope  you  will  not  do  ;  I  have  an  Affection 
for  the  people  and  Countery  ;  and  therefore  do  not  intend  to  lieue 
it  untill  there  be  a  Peace  ;  and  then  only  for  to  give  my  Parents  a 
vissitt  and  Returne  againe.  from  your  humble  serv't  to  command; 
this  is  La  ffeveres  words." 

The  party  under  command  of  Lieut.  Samuel  Williams/  a 
youth  of  twenty-three,  started  from  Deerfield  on  the  loth  of 
July,  returning  in  September  with  nine  English  captives. 

Godfrey  Nims  had  died  some  years  before.  Ebenezer  was 
still  in  captivity  and  John  Nims  evidently  went  as  the  head 
of  the  family,  hoping  to  effect  the  release  of  his  brother  and 
sister.  I  judge  that  in  urging  Abigail's  return,  John  made 
the  most  of  the  provision  for  her  in  his  father's  will,  as  the 
story  goes  in  Canada,  that  the  relatives  of  the  young  Eliza- 
beth, who  were  Protestants,  and  were  amply  provided  with 
this  world's  goods,  knowing  that  she  had  been  carried  to 
the  Sault  au  Recollet,  went  there and  offered  a  con- 
siderable sum  for  her  ransom  ;  and  the  savages  would  will- 
ingly have  given  her  up,  if  she  herself  had  shown  any  de- 
sire to  go  with  her  relatives.  To  her  brother's  entreaties 
that  she  would  return  with  him  she  replied  that  she  would 
rather  be  a  poor  captive  among  Catholics,  than  to  become 
the  rich  heiress  of  a  Protestant  family,^ — and  John  came 
back  without  his  sister  and  brother.  About  this  time  came 
Abigail's  first  communion.  She  walked  up  the  aisle  dressed 
in  white,  with  a  veil  on  her  head,  and  all  the  people  looked 
at  her,  and  a  bad  Indian  girl  muttered,  "Kanaskwa,"  [the 
slave]. 

ShoentakSanni,  in  his  white  surplice,  swinging  the  censer, 
ringing  the  bell  and  holding  up  the  priest's  robe,  seemed  al- 

'Lieul.  Samuel  Williams  was  chosen  Town  Clerk  in  March,  1713,  and  died 
the  following  June.  His  headstone  may  be  seen  in  the  old  burial  ground  at 
Deerfield. 

^The  inventory  of  Godfrey  Nims's  estate  shows  that  he  was  not  a  rich  man. 


244  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

most  as  grand  as  a  priest  himself,  and  it  was  all  very  solemn 
and  very  beautiful  to  the  child.  That  was  the  summer  when 
Hannah  Hurst  of  Deerfield  was  married.  Marie  Kaiennoni, 
she  was  called  at  the  Mission.  She  was  seventeen,  and  Mi- 
chel Anenharison,  a  widower  of  thirty-two.  T8atog8ach 
heard  them  called  in  church.  She  wondered  at  Marie.  Sho- 
entakSanni  was  ever  so  much  nicer  than  Michel.  I  think 
Father  Quere  had  his  doubts  about  this  match.  He  urged 
Marie  to  leave  the  Indians  altogether,  but  she  declared  she 
wished  to  live  and  die  among  them.  Sister  des  Anges  heard 
her  say  this  often.  Father  Quere  asked  Monsieur  Belmont 
what  he  ought  to  do  about  marrying  them,  and  Monsieur 
Belmont  said  she  must  be  treated  as  if  she  were  really  an 
Indian  girl.'  Then  Father  Quere  told  Thomas  Hurst  and 
Father  Meriel,  and  as  they  did  not  forbid  the  banns,  he  mar- 
ried them. 

A  year  passed.  The  treaty  of  Utrecht  had  been  signed. 
Peace  was  proclaimed  in  London,  and  a  grand  Tc  Dcum  sung 
to  Handel's  music  in  St.  Paul's  Cathedral.  In  this  interval 
of  peace,  renewed  efforts  were  made  by  our  government  for 
the  recovery  of  the  English  captives  in  Canada.  Nothing 
daunted  by  the  ill  success  of  John  Schuyler's  mission,  Captain 
John  Stoddard  and  Parson  Williams  with  Martin  Kellogg 
and  Thomas  Baker  as  pilots  and  interpreters,  and  com- 
missioned by  the  government  to  negotiate  for  the  release  of 
the  remaining  captives,  arrived  in  Canada  the  middle  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1714.^ 

It  is  a  long  and  tedious  business.  De  Vaudreuil  is  vacil- 
lating and  contradictory  in  his  promises.  He  shirks  the 
responsibility  alternately  upon  the  captives  who  have  been 
formally  naturalized;  upon  his  king  whom  he  fears  to  offend; 

^"' l/ne  Sauvagesse." 

"They  started  November,  1713,  but  were  detained    ten  weeks  in  Albany  till 
January,  1713-14,  on  account  of  warm  weather  and  weak  ice. 


TWO    CAPTIVES.  245 


upon  the  savages  who  claim  the  ownership  of  many  and  who 
he  says  are  his  allies,  and  not  his  subjects  to  command. 
Finally  he  says  that  he  "can  just  as  easily  alter  the  course  of 
the  rivers,  as  prevent  the  priests'  endeavors  to  keep  the  chil- 
dren," 

The  long  sojourn  of  this  embassy,  its  influence  and  digni- 
ty undoubtedly  made  a  profound  impression  at  the  Sault  au 
RecoUet  mission.  What  more  natural  than  that  Abigail 
Nims's  captor,  knowing  that  the  English  envoys  were  insist- 
ing on  the  return  of  minors  and  children, and  fearing  to  lose  his 
reward  if  general  terms  of  release  were  agreed  upon,  should 
have  fled  with  his  prize  to  the  Boston  government,  to  secure 
the  money  for  her  ransom  before  Stoddard's  return.  This 
he  could  have  done  without  the  knowledge  or  consent  of 
Mission  priest  or  nun.  Moreover,  had  they  known  his 
purpose,  they  would  have  been  powerless  to  prevent  its  ful- 
filment.^ 

Whether  this  theory  be  correct  or  not  it  was  before  the  re- 
turn of  the  envoys  that  Colonel  Partridge  on  the  28th  of 
July,  1 7 14,  wrote  to  the  Council  at  Boston,  giving  an  ac- 
count of  an  "outrage  in  the  country  of  Hampshire,"  a  Mac- 
qua  Indian,  having  brought  to  Westfield  and  offered  for  sale, 
a  girl  "supposed  to  be  an  English  captive  carried  from  Deer- 
field,  it  appearing  so  by  her  own  relation  and  divers  circum- 
stances concurring."  The  Council  at  once  advised  that  Capt. 
John  Sheldon,  then  living  at  Hartford,  should  be  the  bearer 
of  a  letter  to  the  Indian  commissioners  at  Albany,  demand- 
ing a  strict  examination  of  this  matter.  The  result  of  Capt. 
Sheldon's  mission  is  told  in  the  Council  Record.^ 

"In  Council  Aug.  22,  1714.  Upon  reading  a  letter  from  the  Com- 
missioners of  the  Indian  affairs  at  Albany  by  Capt.  John  Sheldon, 

'She  had  not  been  bought    by  them   from    the  savage — she  was  his  by   the 
law  of  war,  to  dispose  of  as  he  saw  fit. 

^Mass.  Archives. 


246  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


messenger  thither,  to  make  inquiries  concerning  a  young  Maid  or 
Girle,  brought  thither  into  Westfield  by  a  Macqua  and  offered  for 
sale,  very  probably  supposed  to  be  English  and  daughter  of  one 
[Godfrey]  Nims,  late  of  Deerfield,  and  carried  away  captive,  the 
Commissioners  insisting  upon  it  that  she  is  an  Indian: 

Ordered,  that  Samuel  Partridge  Esq.  treat  with  the  Macqua,  her 
pretended  Master,  and  agree  with  him  on  the  reasonablest  terms  he 
can  for  her  release  and  then  dispose  her  to  some  good  family  near 
the  sea  side,  without  charge,  for  the  present  to  prevent  her  fears; 
unless  Capt.  Sheldon  will  be  prevailed  with  to  take  her  home  with  him. 

Paid  John  Sheldon  for  journey  to  Boston,  from  Northampton  and 
back  to  Albany  and  back  with  his  son,  17^,  i6s,  7d  for  time  and 
expenses. 

In  Council,  Sept.  20,  1714.  Ordered,  that  the  sum  of  ^25.  be 
paid  to  Elewacamb,  the  Albany  Indian  now  attending  with  letters 
and  papers  from  thence,  who  claims  the  English  girl  in  the  hands  of 
the  English  and  her  Relations  at  Deerfield,  and  that  a  Warrant  be 
made  to  the  Treasurer  accordingly.  Also  that  a  coat  and  shirt  be 
given  s''  Indian." 

"Here,"  says  Mr.  Sheldon  in  his  History  of  Deerfield,  "the 
curtain  dropped.  After  this  not  the  slightest  trace  of  Abi- 
gail Nims  was  found." 

Had  the  story  ended  here,  it  would  have  been  romantic 
enough  ;  but  truth  is  stranger  than  fiction. 

An  interval  of  eight  months  elapses,  and  the  curtain  rises 
again : 

ACT  I. 

Scene  i. 

A  marriage  in  the  church  of  Notre  Dame  de  Lorette,  at  the  Sault  an  Recollei  fort, 

on  the  Island  of  Montreal. 

DRAMATIS    PERSON.-E. 

Abigail  Nims,  aged  fifteen. 

JosiAH  Rising,  aged  about  tiventy-four. 

SoEUR  DES  Anges,'  and  other  nuns  of  the  Congregation. 

PeRE  Qu6Re,  a  Alission priest. 

Iroquois  Indians. 

'Soeur  des  Anges  was  herself  a  captive.     She    was    Marie   Genevieve  Say- 
ward  of  York,  Me. 


TWO    CAPTIVES.  247 


The  ceremony  is  soon  ended.  Father  Quere  records  it  on 
the  parish  register  where  it  stands  fair  and  clear  to-day. 
Here  is  the  translation : 

"This  29th  July  17 15.  I  have  married  Ignace  ShoentakSanni  and 
Elizabeth  T8atog8ach,  both  English,  who  wish  to  remain  with  the 
Christian  Indians,  not  only  renouncing  their  nation,  but  even  wish- 
ing to  live  en  sauvai^es,  Ignace  aged  about  twenty-three  or  twenty- 
four  years,— Elizabeth  about  fifteen.  Both  were  taken  at  Dierfile 
about  thirteen  years  ago.  [Signed]    M.  Quere,  pretre  S.  S." 

How  Abigail  Nims  got  back  again  to  the  Sault  au  Recol- 
let  from  Deerfield,  is  the  missing  link  in  the  story  of  her 
long  life.  But  what  more  probable  than  that  she  should 
have  run  away.  There  is  of  course  a  shadow  of  doubt  as  to 
the  identity  of  the  captive  bought  of  Elewacamb,  with  Abi- 
gail Nims.  The  girl  had  said  she  was  a  Deerfield  captive  : 
John  Sheldon  and  Colonel  Partridge  believed  her  to  be  Abi- 
gail Nims,  and  had  satisfied  the  governor  and  council  that 
she  was.  They  had  bought  her  of  Elewacamb,  paid  for  her 
in  lawful  money  and  given  him  a  bonus  besides.  It  was  not 
strange  that  the  commissioners  at  Albany  "insisted  that  she 
was  an  Indian."  From  her  babyhood,  for  eleven  years  she 
had  lived  among  the  savages,  and  had  become  one.  An  or- 
phan, a  stranger,  not  knowing  or  caring  for  her  Deerfield 
relatives,  bred  a  Roman  Catholic  and  irked  by  the  straight- 
laced  customs  of  the  Puritan  town  and  church,  hating  the 
restraints  of  civilized  life,  homesick  and  unhappy,  pining 
for  the  nuns  and  for  her  free  life  in  the  wigwam  of  Gan- 
astarsi,  fearless  and  fleet  of  foot,  she  may  have  betaken  her- 
self to  the  woods,  and  somehow  got  back  to  the  Macqua  fort. 

Fancy  the  joy  at  the  Mission,  when  the  stray  lamb  re- 
turned to  the  true  fold.  It  was  then,  as  I  believe,  that  the 
priests,  to  settle  the  question  forever,  with  much  difficulty 
obtained  the  release  of  T8atog8ach  and  ShoentakSanni  from 
their  Indian  masters.     "They  deserved  this  favor,"  says  the 


248  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

historian,'  "for  the  odor  of  virtue  which  they  shed  abroad 
over  the  mission  of  which  they  were  the  edification  and  the 
model."  Their  speedy  marriage  and  the  emphasis  laid  in 
the  record  upon  their  wish  to  conform  to  the  Indian  mode  of 
life,  was  to  protect  them  from  future  importunities  for  their 
return  to  New  England. 

John  Rising  of  Suffield  died  Dec.  11,  1719.  In  his  will  he 
bequeaths  to  his  "well-beloved  son  Josiah,  now  in  Captivity, 
the  sum  of  five  pounds  in  money  to  be  paid  out  of  my  estate 
within  three  years  after  my  decease,  provided  he  return  from 
captivity."  Josiah  Rising  and  Abigail  Nims,  his  wife,  never 
returned.  When  in  1721  the  mission  was  transferred  to  the 
Lake  of  the  Two  Mountains,  the  priests,  charmed  with  the 
edifying  conduct  of  Ignace  and  Elizabeth,  with  their  indus- 
try and  intelligence  in  domestic  affairs,  for  their  advantage 
and  as  an  example  to  the  mission  at  large,  resolved  to  estab- 
lish them  in  a  permanent  home  of  their  own,  and  accordingly 
gave  them  a  large  domain  about  half  a  league  from  the  fort. 

There,  they  served  as  a  pattern  to  the  vSavages  and  to  all 
the  people  round  about,  of  patriarchal  life  and  virtue,  by 
their  care  in  training  their  children  in  the  fear  of  God,  and 
in  the  faithful  performance  of  their  religious  duties. 

Abigail  Nims,  wife  of  Josiah  Rising,  died  Feb,  19,  1748.  In 
her  last  illness,  she  refused  to  leave  off  the  hair  shirt  which 
she  had  always  worn  as  penance.  She  left  eight  children, 
six  daughters  and  two  sons.  Her  eldest,  Marie  Madeleine, 
was  a  nun  of  the  Congregation  by  the  name  of  Sister  Saint- 
Herman.  Having  learned  in  childhood  the  Iroquois  language, 
she  was  sent  as  missionary  to  the  Lake  of  the  Two  Moun- 
tains and  there  taught  Indian  girls  for  twenty-five  years. 
When  about  ninety,  she  died  in  the  convent  at  Montreal. 

Four  of  the  daughters  of  Ignace  and  Elizabeth  Raizenne, 
married  and  reared  families,  many  of  whose  members  filled 

'Abb6  Faillon.     Vie  de  Marguerite  Bourgeois 


TWO    CAPTIVES.  249 


high  positions  in  the  Roman  Catholic  church.  I  learn  from 
one  of  the  ladies  of  the  Congregation,  who  was. the  pupil  of 
one  of  Abigail  Nims's  grand-daughters,  that  she  has  often 
heard  from  this  teacher  the  story  of  her  grandmother's  life, 
and  that  she  always  laid  particular  stress  on  the  fact  that 
she  refused  to  return  to  Deerfield  when  sent  for. 

The  eldest  son  of  Ignace  and  Elizabeth  was  a  priest  and 
cure  of  excellent  character  and  ability.  Jean  Baptiste  Jerome, 
their  younger  son,  unable  to  carry  out  his  wish  to  take  or- 
ders, married  and  settled  on  the  domain  originally  granted 
to  his  father.  His  house  was  a  refuge  for  the  poor,  the  or- 
phan and  the  unfortunate.  He  regulated  his  household  as  if 
it  were  a  religious  community.  The  father  and  mother  rose 
early  and  prayed  together.  Then  both  went  to  their  respect- 
ive labor,  he  to  his  fields, — she  to  her  ten  children.  The 
hours  for  study,  for  conversation,  for  silence  and  for  recrea- 
tion were  fixed  by  the  clock.  All  the  family,  parents,  chil- 
dren and  servants,  ate  at  the  same  table  and  while  eating, 
the  lives  of  the  Saints  were  read.  After  tea  the  father  ex- 
plained some  doctrinal  point  to  children  and  servants.  Then 
followed  prayers  and  all  went  silently  to  bed. 

Marie  Raizenne,  born  in  1736,  was  the  most  distinguished 
of  Abigail  Nims's  children.  She  entered  the  Community  of 
the  Congregation  at  the  age  of  sixteen,  and  in  1778,  under 
the  name  of  Mother  Saint-Ignace,  attained  the  honor  of  be- 
ing its  thirteenth  Lady  Superior.  She  was  deeply  religious, 
full  of  energy  and  courage,  of  extraordinary  talents  and  fine 
education.  vShe  is  said  to  have  possessed  in  a  remarkable 
degree,  the  real  spirit  and  zeal  of  Marguerite  Bourgeois,  and 
to  have  sought  untiringly  to  revive  this  spirit  in  the  com- 
munity of  which  she  was  the  head.  She  died  at  the  age  of 
seventy-six. 

Thus  again  did  the  blood  of  the  mart3^rs  of  Deerfield 
become  the  seed  of  the  church  of  Canada. 


A  DAY    AT   OKA. 


General  Hoyt  in  his  "Antiquarian  Researches,"  writes  of 
the  Deerfield  captives,  "Twenty-eight  remained  in  Canada 
and  mixing  with  the  French  and  Indians  and  adopting  their 
manners  and  customs,  forgot  their  native  country  and  were 
lost  to  their  friends."  The  names  of  the  twenty-eight  who 
never  came  back  follow.  This  list  must  now  be  corrected 
by  adding  to  it  the  names  of  the  Widow  Hurst  and  her 
daughter  Elizabeth,  making  thirty  in  all,  and  I  doubt  if  the 
list  is  yet  complete.  We  may  congratulate  ourselves  to-day, 
on  having  found,  within  the  last  three  years,  eighteen  of 
these  exiles  from  home.  Would  that  I  could  tell  you  these 
tales  of  the  captives  as  they  might  be  told;  pathetic,  full  of 
incident,  and  glowing  with  romance  as  they  are  ;  but  I  can 
only  transcribe  the  bare  facts  of  their  lives  as  I  find  them 
clearly  recorded  on  the  parish  records  of  many  a  picturesque 
Canadian  village,  where  they  lived,  died,  and  lie  buried  in 
nameless  graves. 

In  the  settlement  of  Deerfield,  home  lots  were  laid  out  and 
granted  at  Plum  Tree  Plain,  now  Wapping,  as  early  as  1685. 
The  little  colony  at  Wapping  consisted  mostly  of  young 
men  with  their  young  families,  nearly  connected  by  blood 


A   DAY   AT   OKA.  25  I 


or  marriage.     Thither  came  Thomas  Hurst,  freeman  of  Had- 
ley,  with  his  wife  Sarah.^ 

The  people  of  Plum  Tree  Plain  probably  removed  for 
safety  to  the  town  street,  where  Thomas  Hurst  died  in  1702, 
leaving  a  family  of  six  children.  Among  the  captives  of  the 
29th  of  February,  1704,  were  Widow  Sarah  Hurst,  then  about 
thirty-eight  years  old,  and  her  children.  The  youngest  was 
killed  on  the  march.  On  their  arrival  in  Canada  the  family 
was  separated,  some  remaining  in  Montreal,  Thomas  and 
Hannah  being  sent,  with  several  other  Deeriield  children, 
to  the  mission  at  the  Sault  au  Recollet  or  Lorette,  on  the 
Riviere  des  Prairies,  on  the  other  side  of  the  island  of  Mon- 
treal.2  The  only  one  of  Thomas  Hurst's  family  who  ever 
came  back  to  New  England  was  Sara,  the  eldest  child. 

With  nothing  to  guide  me,  groping  laboriously  through 
pages  of  old  French  manuscript  in  the  archives  of  Quebec, 
in  the  portfolios  of  ancient  notaries  of  Montreal,  dead  and 
turned  to  dust  a  century  and  a  half  ago,  in  the  parish  rec- 
ords of  both  cities,  finding  here  a  little  and  there  a  little, 
and  putting  the  disjointed  fragments  together,  I  had  nearly 
succeeded  in  rehabilitating  the  Hurst  family  of  six  Deer- 
field  captives,  when  1  saw  that  for  further  knowledge  of 
Thomas  and  Hannah,  I  must  seek  the  records  of  the  Oso 
fort.  These  were  to  be  found  at  Oka,  the  Indian  name  for 
the  village  of  the  Lake  of  the  Two  Mountains  on  the  Ottawa 
river,  whither  in  1720  the  Sault  au  Recollet  mission  had 
been  removed.  By  early  morning  train  to  La  Chine^  where 
one  drops  perforce  from  the  19th  to  the  early  17th  century. 
Here,  before  161 5,  the  most  important  trading  post  of  New 

'Their  homestead  was  a  part  of  the  lot  now  owned  and  occupied  by  Josiah 
Allen. 

^"The  Oso  Fort,"  it  is  called  in  the  narratives  of  New  England  captives. 

^'La  Chine  was  the  Seigniory  of  La  Salle:  China,  byway  of  the  great  river 
and  the  West,  being  his  goal. 


252  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

France  was  set  up  by  Champlain  ;  and  here,  to-day,  in  good 
preservation,  stand  the  great  cobble-stone  chimney  and  oven 
of  Champlain's  post,  with  the  broad  fireplace,  by  which  Rob- 
ert de  La  vSalle  later  sheltered  himself  until  he  had  built  his 
palisaded  village,  a  mile  to  the  west,  on  the  land  granted 
him  by  the  gentlemen  of  the  Seminary  of  Saint  Sulpice. 
Opposite  me,  across  Lake  Saint  Louis,  as  I  stood  in  the 
ruined  doorway  of  La  Salle's  homestead,  where  he  must  so 
often  have  stood  looking  longingly  westward,  were  the 
crumbling  ruins  of  the  Mohawk  fort,  where  Eunice  Williams 
and  other  Deerfield  children  sobbed  out  the  first  months  of 
their  captivity,  and  the  low  roofs  of  Caughnawaga,  the 
cross  gleaming  from  its  picturesque  steeple.  Was  it  the 
wail  of  the  Deerfield  bell,  a  captive  still,  that  floated  faintly 
above  the  sullen  murmur  of  the  rapids?  Who  knows? 
Swan-like  our  boat  glides  on  to  Saint  Anne,  Bout  de  I'lsle, 
Tom  Moore's  Saint  Anne,  the  house  where  he  wrote  his 
Canadian  boat-song,  in  full  view  from  our  steamer.  As  we 
round  the  end  of  the  island,  at  our  right  loom  up  the  vine- 
covered  towers  of  the  ruined  chateau  de  Senneville,  the 
seigniorial  mansion  of  Jacques  Le  Ber,  "a  Canadian  feudal 
castle  of  the  17th  century."  While  in  captivity  Samuel  Wil- 
liams, the  son  of  the  Deerfield  minister,  lived  with  Jacques 
Le  Ber,  a  rich  merchant  of  Montreal,  whose  chateau  was 
then  in  process  of  building.  Back  from  the  river,  on  a  hill, 
stands  the  old  stone  mill  of  the  seignory,  not  unlike  that  at 
Newport,  R.  L,  but  more  imposing,  from  its  solitary  and  com- 
manding position.  A  little  to  the  northwest  of  the  chateau, 
"Ottawa's  tide"  expands  into  the  Lake  of  the  Two  Mountains, 
beyond  which  the  twin  mountains  form  the  background  of 
this  beautiful  picture.  Nestling  at  their  base  and  following 
the  curve  of  the  lake  shore,  is  the  Cote,  or  village  of  Oka, 
as  the  Mission  of  the  Lac  des  Deux  Montagnes  is  now  called. 
On  a  finely  wooded  point,  formed  by   the  double  curving 


IKUE   STORi;  .Li\ND    CAFTIVES, 


e  was  set  \ip  bv  l^hani  ind  here,  to-day,  in  good 

stone  chimney  and  oven 

'^*-'"'  ^'je,  by  which  Rob- 

1  ht2  had  built  his 

•st,  on  the  land  granted 

'  ;r.inary   of  Saint  Sulpice. 

•  lit  Louis,  as   !  stood  in  the 

■  omestead,  where  he  must  so 

■•T.{ly   westward,    were    the 

>  where  Eunice  'Ain^ams 

lit  the  first  moi: 

nnawaga,   li.. 
Was  it  the 
1  »ated  faintly 

;  ri      inUiiilU.  'uir.  VVho     k: 

"-  ,,....■...     .v^at     glides  CCHAMPLAIN'S.TRAD'lMI?-'IK)sF>'>Vt'  LA   fcHINE 

Mo<^re's    Saint  Anne,  lateij  occupied  by  robert  caveher  de  ia  salle 
ag,  in  full  view  ir 

.   the  is-.-  -^  '    •'    '  ■  ...   ^i.it 

"f  th«"  .  .^ville,  the 

seigr  Canadian  feudal 

c     ■  :  v'ity  vSamuel  Wil- 

1-  ed  with  Jacques 

real,  whose  chdteau  was 
uk  irom  the  ri 
...  seignory,  not 
>osing,  from  it>-  com- 


to  the  r     :                   .  ric  chateau. 

;  Lo  tht'  T  „•               .     .  vv o  Mountains, 

nd  which  t^ 

mount;                ,)  the  background  of 

:  'Cautiful  p- 

.r  base  and  following 

iirve  of  tl: 

...V  -  .  cC,  or  village  of  Oka, 

e  Mission  <.■ 

■ux  Montagnes  is  now  called. 

It  a  finely  wooded  p<jint,  formed  by  the  double  curving 


A   DAY   AT    OKA.  253 


of  the  shore,  the  site  of  the  ancient  Iroquois  fort,  are  the 
mission  buildings,  the  church  and  the  presbytery  or  priest's 
house.  The  convent  stands  where  it  stood  in  1720,  but  the 
comfortless  birch  bark  cabin,  then  occupied  by  Soeur  des 
Anges,  and  her  companion,  the  two  devoted  nuns  of  the 
Congregation,  who  gathered  here  their  school  of  Indian 
girls,  has  given  place  to  a  modern  gray  stone  building. 
Here  another  Sister  des  Anges,  with  two  assistants,  still 
teaches  the  little  Indian  girls  their  catechism.  To  her  I 
was  introduced  by  a  letter  from  a  nun  of  the  mother  house 
of  the  Congregation,  of  Montreal,  whose  friendship  is  very 
precious  to  me.  Being  herself  the  descendant  of  a  New- 
England  captive,  she  takes  the  warmest  interest  in  my  work, 
and  does  everything  in  her  power  to  help  me.  We  were 
cordially  received  by  the  Lady  Superior,  who  would  not  hear 
of  our  going  to  the  inn,  but  gave  us  a  room  in  the  convent. 
The  Sault  au  Recollet  mission  was  the  Canadian  home  of 
the  two  captives,  Abigail  Nims  and  Josiah  Rising.  There 
they  went  to  school,  there  they  were  married  ;  and  that  their 
virtues  and  their  piety  might  be  an  example  to  the  neigh- 
borhood, they  were  granted  by  the  priests  a  large  domain 
at  the  Lake  of  the  Two  Mountains,  about  a  half  a  league  from 
the  fort. 

"There  are  farms  in  Canada,"  says  Mr.  Parkman,  "which 
have  passed  from  father  to  son  for  two  hundred  years."  The 
estate  given  to  Ignace  Raizenne,  by  the  gentlemen  of  the 
Seminary  in  1720,  having  passed  from  father  to  son  for  one 
hundred  and  seventy  years,  is  now  owned  and  occupied  by 
Jean  Baptiste  Raizenne,  great-great-grandson  of  Josiah  Ris- 
ing and  Abigail  Nims.  I  therefore  left  word  with  the  shop- 
keeper of  Oka,  that  if  Mr.  Raizenne  should  come  into  the 
village  that  day,  he  was  to  be  told  that  a  lady  who  could  tell 
him  about  his  New  England  ancestry  was  at  the  convent  and 
would  like  to  see  him.     In  half  an  hour  he  appeared,  and  I 


254  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

am  sure  that  I  shall  never  again  be  treated  with  such  dis- 
tinction or  welcomed  with  such  frank  hospitality  as  I  was  by 
that  simple  Canadian  habitant,  of  which  class  he  is  a  fine 
type. 

A  face  of  strong  character,  mobile  in  expression,  with 
piercing  black  eyes;  quick  of  apprehension,  alert  in  manner, 
rapid  in  speech  and  gesture,  with  a  lithe,  agile  and  nervous 
frame.  Naive,  unconscious  and  enthusiatic,  he  showed  the 
greatest  delight  in  meeting  one  who  came  from  the  home  of 
his  remote  ancestry,  of  whom  he  is  very  proud. 

We  gladly  yielded  to  his  desire  that  we  should  go  with 
him  to  visit  his  ''proprictc^  First,  however,  to  the  records. 
After  dinner  I  presented  myself  at  the  Presbytery. 

With  the  Apostle  to  the  Indians  at  Oka,  I  had  had  an  in- 
teresting correspondence,  yet  I  had  not  been  able  to  decipher 
his  name,  and  had  I  known  that  he  is  a  savant,  considered 
the  best  living  authority  on  the  Iroquois  language,  I  should 
hardly  have  presumed  to  make  such  demands  as  I  have,  upon 
his  time  and  patience.  This  venerable  father  is  as  modest, 
kindly  and  simple  as  he  is  learned,  and  I  owe  him  much. 
The  greatest  are  always  the  simplest.  Great  poems,  great 
pictures,  great  music,  and  great  men. 

The  most  careful  reader  of  the  mission  records  in  Canada, 
finds,  at  the  outset,  an  impenetrable  veil  shrouding  their  pre- 
cious secrets,  in  the  fact  that  the  captives  on  arriving  at  the 
mission  with  their  savage  captors,  were  adopted  into  Indian 
families,  receiving  Indian  surnames.  Added  to  this,  at  their 
baptism  by  the  mission  priests,  in  nine  cases  out  of  ten,  the 
names  of  their  French  sponsors,  or  of  the  saints  of  the  Catho- 
lic church,  are  substituted  for  the  Christian  names  o-iven  to 
them  at  their  baptism  in  New  England.  It  is  only  by  the 
most  persistent  pursuit  of  isolated  facts,  hints,  dates  and 
names,  through  register  after  register,  collating,  and  compar- 
ing them,  that  one  finally  evolves  the  stories  of  the  captives. 


A   DAY   AT   OKA.  255 


These  records  are  like  the  photographer's  negative.  They 
require  patient  and  skilful  manipulation  and  developing. 
At  first  all  is  a  blank,  a  haze.  By  straining  a  little  in  one 
part,  restraining  a  little  in  another,  the  picture  begins  to 
come,  and  when  it  does  come,  its  contrasts  of  light  and  shade 
surprise  and  thrill  one.  The  photographic  distinctness  of 
every  detail  of  these  lives,  which,  hidden  from  sight  for 
nearly  two  centuries,  are  now  suddenly  revealed  almost  takes 
one's  breath  away.  For  example,  when  I  first  struck  the 
trail  of  Abigail  Nims,  she  was  baptized  as  Elizabeth  in  Mon- 
treal and  was  said  to  be  "living  in  the  cabin  of  a  squaw  of 
the  mountain."  Of  the  Mission  of  the  mountain,  and  its  suc- 
cessive transference  to  the  Sault  au  RecoUet  and  to  the 
Lake  of  the  Two  Mountains  I  then  knew  nothing.  As  I 
chased  her  from  record  to  record,  the  little  Elizabeth  flitted 
before  me  like  an  elf,  appearing  as  Elizabeth  Stebin,  Eliza- 
beth Kanaskwa,  Elizabeth  Sahiak,  Elizabeth  T8atog8ach. 
When  I  finally  ran  her  down  as  Elizabeth  Nairn,  married  to 
a  fellow-captive,  Ignace  Raizenne,  I  had  no  difficulty  in  recog- 
nizing the  two  little  playmates  who  were  living  opposite  each 
other  in  Deerfield  on  the  morning  of  Feb.  29,  1704.  My  first 
clue  to  the  Deerfield  Hursts  at  Oka,  on  the  Sault  au  Recollet 
records,  was  the  birth  of  a  son  to  Michel  Anenharison  and 
Marie  Kawennaenni.  This  Marie  I  found  to  be  Hannah 
Hurst.     Doubtless  her  descendants  still  live  at  Oka. 

At  four  o'clock,  Jean  Baptiste  Raizenne  drove  to  the  con- 
vent gate.  We  clambered  over  the  great  wheels,  into  the 
habitanfs  cart,  a  revised  edition  of  our  dump  cart,  and  tak- 
ing his  little  daughter  Guilhelmine  between  us,  we  set  out 
for  the  old  homestead  of  Abigail  Nims  and  Josiah  Riseing. 
Though  it  was  October,  the  sun  was  warm,  and  the  sky  and 
river  a  summer  blue.  Leaving  the  village,  our  road  lay  over 
high  sand  dunes,  the  relic  of  some  old  sea  beach  of  the  an- 
cient   continent.     To  stay  these    shifting   sands,  which  are 


256  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

alike  an  ornament  and  a  protection  to  tlie  village,  the  Cure 
an  intelligent  and  agreeable  man,  has  planted  on  their  slopes 
this  year  forty  thousand  young  pine  trees. 

As  we  ploughed  through  these  great  drifts  up  and  down, 
there  was  no  sound  but  that  of  the  sand  sifting  through  our 
wheels  and  the  sad  murmur  of  the  pines.  At  the  foot  of  a  tall 
black  cross,  planted  in  the  yellow  expanse  of  the  plateau,  an 
oasis  in  the  desert,  as  it  were,  knelt  a  group  of  pilgrims  on 
their  way  to  the  mountain  chapel  of  Calvary. 

As  we  struck  into  the  primeval  forest  Jean  Baptiste  began 
to  chatter  with  the  volubility  of  a  Frenchman.  "  Void  la  pro- 
priete  tin  paiivrc  Ignacd^'  "This  is  the  estate  of  poor  Ignace," 
he  cried.  "This  road  the  captive  made  with  his  own  hands." 
When  we  came  in  sight  of  the  house,  his  excitement  was  in- 
tense. ''Marchc,  done  vitc!''  "Go  on  quick!"  he  shouted  to 
his  horse,  and  to  me,  "  Voila  la  vieillc  niaison,  la  niaison  d' Ig- 
nace! oh,  que  je  Vaimc!''  "There  is  the  old  house,  Ignace's 
house!  oh,  how  I  love  it!"  And  it  was  ''voila'  this,  and 
"^'^//^"•that,  and  finally,  "  Voila.  le  bebdf  as  the  little  toddling 
thing  met  us  at  the  kitchen  door,  and  here  we  were  under 
the  very  roof-tree  of  the  two  captives. 

I  shall  not  attempt  to  describe  my  feelings.  I  was  dazed 
and  overwhelmed  with  memories  of  the  far-off  past.  Mr. 
Raizenne's  pretty  wife  and  old  mother  received  us  without 
embarassment,  and  urged  us  to  prolong  our  visit.  We  drank 
to  the  memory  of  the  captives,  and  to  the  health  and  pros- 
perity of  their  descendants,  in  wine  made  from  vines  origi- 
nally planted  by  Ignace.  We  tasted  water  from  his  well;  we 
ate  apples  from  the  sole  survivor  of  his  orchard.  The  cli- 
max of  the  afternoon's  enjoyment  for  Jean  Baptiste  was 
reached  when  he  presented  to  us  his  only  son,  a  chubby  boy 
of  nine,  named  Riseing  Raizenne.  After  taking  a  photo- 
graph of  the  place,  and  leaving  little  Guilhelmine  in  tears  at 
our  departure,  we  drove  back  to  the  village. 


,^: 


'HAawapjao  sidHT  ■re  aa." 


256 


-<  1  V ' r.  1  r. >    1  'J'     i\  1'.  \v 


,SI;lw\iNij      LAl'llVt.>. 


alike  an  ornament  and  a 
an  intt' 
this  yt:. 
As  V 


ion  to  the  village,  the  Cure 
has  planted  on  their  slope^s 

,ne  trees. 

-  great  drifts  up  and  down, 
•le  sand  sifting  through  our 

pines.  x\t  the  foot  of  a  tall 
V  expanse  of  the  plateau,  an 

;ilt  a  group  of  pilgrims  on 


f  Ca1 


Haptiste  began 
J'^otct  la  ,^'"o- 


HOMESTEAD   OF   JOSIAH   RISEING  ANO  ABIGAIL  NIMS 

AT    THE    LAI  F    OF    THE    TWO    MOUNTAINS    STILL    OCCUPIED    BY   THEIR    DESCENDAnTS 


an( 
Ra; 

eml 
to  1; 
perity  ' 
nally  p' 
ate  ap^ 
max  ot 
reached  wi, 
of  nine,  n. 
graph  of  t! 
our  depart; 


.1  the  kitch  we  were  iinde^r 

'ce  of  the  tv 
wt  attempt  to  dt;-i . '.v<_  miv  .^  .mq^.-..     \  \>.i,>  lui/.t-^i 
helmed  with  memories  of  the  far-off  past.     Mr 
pretty  wife  and  old  mother  received  us  withciiti 


and  urged 
'  of  the  cai' 
lescendants,  in 
■..•■•.     We 
'e  sur\   > 
oniovm 


olong  (.'  "'     We  drank 

^  t'^  t!  1  and  tttom 

from  vint 

T  from  his  >v^a,  we 

orchard.     The  cli- 

Jean  Baptiste  was 

son,  a  chubby  bo}^ 

...Ler   taking  a  photo- 

/uilhelmine  in  tears  at 


A    DAY   AT   OKA.  257 


The  peace  and  quiet  of  the  convent  were  grateful  after 
the  exciting  emotions  of  the  afternoon.  We  begged  Mother 
des  Anges  not  to  condemn  us  to  another  solitary  meal,  and 
after  some  hesitation,  she  kindly  allowed  us  to  take  our  tea 
with  the  nuns.  Loyalty  to  our  hostess  forbids  me  to  dwell 
on  the  spiritual  and  material  delights  of  that  repast. 

In  New  England,  the  sunset  hour  is  usually  marked  by  an 
outburst  of  noise  from  the  youth  of  the  village.  Not  so  at 
Oka.  The  whole  place  shows  the  sobering,  orderly  influence 
of  the  little  Christian  community  in  its  midst.  We  sat  on 
the  doorsteps  of  the  convent  talking  low  with  the  Sisters. 
The  soft  air  was  redolent  with  the  odors  of  heliotrope  and 
mignonette  from  the  garden  below  us.  The  river,  still  as  the 
face  of  a  mirror,  reflected  the  splendor  of  the  afterglow.  Un- 
der the  Lombardy  poplars  in  the  presbytery  grounds,  the 
aged  mission  priest  walked  slowly  up  and  down,  reading  his 
breviary.  Now  and  then,  a  blanketed  figure  stole  silently 
past,  on  her  way  to  say  her  evening  prayer  in  the  church. 
One  by  one  the  stars  came  out  and  the  gleam  of  a  brilliant 
planet  left  a  silvery  wake  upon  the  water.  The  stillness  of 
the  midsummer  night  was  broken  only  by  the  leaping  of  the 
fish  at  some  swiftly  skimming  insect,  the  subdued  voices  of 
the  Indian  boys,  and  the  sound  of  their  paddles,  as  they 
glided  by  in  their  canoes. 

The  peaceful  beauty  of  the  whole  scene  ;  the  absolute 
quiet  of  the  village;  the  convent  with  its  atmosphere  of  calm 
content;  the  serenity  and  repose  of  the  low  voiced  nuns;  the 
tranquillity  of  nature, — all  conspired  to  make  the  hour  a 
dream  of  Heaven. 

But  all  things  must  have  an  end,  and  so  this  memorable 
day  at  Oka.  We  went  over  in  the  morning  to  say  farewell 
to  the  reverend  father  and  the  cure,  and  as  the  presbytery 
was  undergoing  repairs  and  the  grounds  were  necessarily 
open,  they  kindly  gave  us  leave  to  stroll  under  the  magnifi- 


258  TRUE    STORIES    OF    NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

cent  trees.  As  we  stood  with  them  for  a  moment  under  the 
cross,  beneath  which  is  a  cannon,  on  the  extreme  point  of 
their  land,  I  rallied  the  cure  on  the  incongruity  of  a  cannon 
in  the  domain  of  apostles  of  the  Prince  of  Peace.  "It  is  to 
shoot  Pagans"  he  replied  quickly.  "vSince  that  is  its' use," 
said  my  companion,  "It  is  lucky  for  us  that  we  are  on  this 
side  of  it."  "But  mademoiselle,"  he  answered  with  ready 
wit,  "we  do  not  shoot  heretics,  we  pray  for  them."  And  so 
we  said  good-bye. 


THANKFUL    STEBBINS. 


John  Stebbins,  son  of  John  of  Northampton,  and  grand- 
son of  Rowland  Stebbins,  founder  of  the  family  in  America, 
was  one  of  the  earliest  inhabitants  of  Deerfield,  Mass.,  at  its 
permanent  settlement.  He  was  a  carpenter  by  trade  ;  a  sol- 
dier under  Capt.  Lothrop,  through  Philip's  war,  and,  accord- 
ing to  Mr.  Sheldon,  "the  only  man  known  to  have  come  out 
whole  from  the  massacre  at  Bloody  Brook."  His  homestead 
in  Deerfield  was  that  known  to  the  present  generation  as 
David  Sheldon's.  In  the  assault  of  Feb.  29,  1703-4,  his  house 
was  burned,  and  he  and  his  wife  with  their  six  children, 
ranging  in  age  rfrom  five  to  nineteen,  were  carried  captives 
to  Canada,  whence  the  father,  mother  and  eldest  child  re- 
turned to  Deerfield. 

How  Abigail,  the  girlish  bride  of  Jacques  de  Noyon, — one 
of  three  Canadian  bush-rangers  unaccountably  living  in 
Deerfield  at  the  time  of  the  attack, — thus  doubly  a  captive, 
went  with  him  to  his  boyhood's  home  in  Boucherville  ;  how 
later,  she  sent  her  eldest  child,  Rene,  a  lad  of  ten,  with  a 
hunting  party  of  French  and  Indians,  to  visit  his  grand- 
parents in  Deerfield  ;  how,  on  the    return  of   the    hunters, 


26o  TRUE   STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

Rene  stayed  behind,  and  grew  up  there  as  Aaron  Denio,  in- 
heriting his  mother's  share  of  his  grandfather's  estate  ;  how- 
Abigail,  his  mother,  after  her  father's  death,  probably  ac- 
companied by  her  brother  Samnel,  returned  to  keep  the 
twenty-second  anniversary  of  her  marriage  and  her  capture, 
with  her  widowed  mother ;  how.  though  Deerfield  records 
are  silent  concerning  the  interesting  event,  the  parish  priest 
of  Boucherville,  records  the  baptism  there,^  of  Marie  Anne, 
her  thirteenth  child.  All  this  is  a  twice  told  tale,  and  ro- 
mantic enough  to  bear  twice  telling. 

The  following  is  a  literal  translation  from  the  records  at 
Boucherville,  of  the  baptism  of  the  little  Marie  Anne : 

"On  the  5th  of  November  1726.  M.  Meriel,  Seminary  Priest  of 
Ville-Marie,  in  the  presence  of  me  the  undersigned  priest,  curt' oi 
Boucherville,  has  baptized  in  the  parish  church  of  Sainte-Famille  at 
Boucherville,  Marie  Anne,  daughter  of  Jacques  Denoyons  and  Ga- 
brielle  Stebben  married  and  living  at  Boucherville,  who  was  born 
on  the  27th  of  February  of  the  same  year  at  Guerfil  in  New  Eng- 
land.    The    godfather    was    Pierre    Arrivee the    godmother 

Gabrielle  Denoyons  wife  of  Nicolas  Binet  and  sister  of  the  infant, 
[Signed]   Meriel  Pretre. 

R.  de  la  Saudraye, 

Cure  de  Boucherville." 

Samuel  Stebbins  probably  remained  in  Deerfield.  His 
name  does  not  appear  in  Canada.  Of  his  young  brother 
Ebenezer,  nothing  has  been  found  later  than  his  baptism  in 
Boucherville  as  Jacques  Charles. 

In  General  Hoyt's  Antiquarian  Researches  we  read  that 
"A  gentleman  who  recently  resided  in  Montreal,  stated  that 
at  the  Lake  of  the  Two  Mountains,  near  the  mouth  of  Grand 

'This  record  shows  that  Abigail  Stebbins  de  Noyon  was  doubtless  in  Deer- 
field on  the  twenty-second  anniversary  of  her  marriage  there,  and  that  the  little 
Marie  Anne  was  born  there  two  days  before  the  twenty-second  anniversary  of 
the  massacre. 


THANKFUL   STEBBINS.  261 


River,  he  saw  a  French  girl,  who  informed  him  that  her 
grandmother  was  Thankful  Stebbing,  who  was  one  of  the 
captives  taken  from  Deerfield  in  1704." 

Since  the  day  of  her  capture  we  have  had  till  now  only 
this  echo  faintly  sounding  through  the  ages. 

One  October  day,  I  had  lingered  long  over  the  portrait  of 
Bishop  Plessis,  in  the  sacristy  of  the  parish  church  of  Saint- 
Rochs,  a  suburb  of  Quebec.  The  sunset  gun  boomed  from 
the  citadel.  Broad-hatted  peasant  women  chattered  noisily, 
as  late  from  market  they  bumped  along  homeward  in  their 
quaint  little  carts.  I  was  hurrying  up  the  steep  zigzags  to 
the  upper  town,  when  I  saw  in  a  tailor's  window,  a  pile  of 
old  pamphlets.  Hoping  to  find  among  them  some  printed 
memorial  of  Plessis,  I  entered.  "You  are  then  a  bibliophile?" 
was  the  eager  question  of  the  handsome  young  tailor  in  an- 
swer to  my  enquiry.  Without  waiting  for  my  answer,  he 
urged  me  to  visit  his  private  library,  and  I  followed  him  to 
his  dwelling  above  the  shop,  and  was  ushered  into  a  long 
narrow  room,  with  bare  floor  and  no  furniture  but  a  common 
table  and  two  wooden  chairs.  The  back  of  the  kitchen 
stove  protruded  through  the  wall  at  one  end,  the  usual  ar- 
rangement for  heating  two  rooms  in  Canadian  houses.  At 
the  opposite  end  a  large  window.  The  two  long  sides  of  the 
room,  literally  lined  with  the  rarest  books  in  choice  editions, 
and  elegant  bindings.  The  pride  of  the  young  shopman  in 
his  books,  and  his  delight  at  my  surprise,  were  interesting. 
He  flew  from  drawer  to  drawer,  pulling  out  here  a  rare  en- 
graving, there  an  autograph.  Finally  he  tossed  me  a  ragged 
scrap  of  discolored  paper.  "What  is  it?"  I  asked.  "Oh, 
nothing  much, — autographs,"  he  said  laconically.  "Vaudreuil 
and  Raudot,  Governor-General  and  Intendant  of  Canada." 
The  names  were  suggestive.  The  paper,  dated  Quebec,  Oct. 
30,  1 706,  proved  to  be  the  petition  of  certain  English  and  Dutch 
in  Canada  for  naturalization.     I  ran  my  eye  down  the  list : 


262  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

Louis  Marie  Strafton,  Mathias  Claude  Farnet, 

Pierre  Augustin  Litrefield,  Madeline  Ouarem, 

Christine  Otesse,  Thomas  Hust, 

Elizabet  Price,  Marie  Frangoise  French, 

Elizabeth  Casse,  Therese  Steben. 

How  many  desolate  homes  these  names  recalled.  Too 
well  I  knew  them  all,  disguised  as  they  were  by  their  French 
names. 

Amended  the  list  would  read : 
Charles  Trafton  of  York,  Me. 
Matthew  Farnsworth  of  Groton,  Mass. 
Aaron  Littlefield  of  Wells,  Maine. 
Grizel  Warren  and  Margaret  Otis,  wife  and  child  of  Richard  Otis, 

blacksmith,  of  Dover,  N.  H. 
Thomas  Hurst,  Elizabeth  Price, 

Freedom  French,  Elizabeth  Corse, 

Thankful  Stebbins. 

All  of  Deerf^eld. 

Fancy  these  New  England  boys  and  girls,  baby  Otis  and 
the  rest  of  them,  wrecked  on  a  foreign  strand  by  the  storms 
of  war,  beseeching  his  Majesty,  the  High  and  Mighty  Louis 
XIV,  to  be  graciotisly  pleased  to  grant  them  citizenship, 
declaring  that  they  have  established  themselves  in  His  col- 
ony of  Canada,  and  that  they  wish  to  live  and  die  in  the 
Holy  Roman  Catholic  faith.  Much  excited  by  my  discovery, 
I  sat  there  in  the  twilight  and  told  the  story  of  these  captives 
to  the  little  French  tailor. 

This  was  my  first  introduction  to  Thankful  vStebbins,  citi- 
zen of  Canada,  robbed  of  her  Puritan  name,  member  of  the 
Apostolic  church  in  good  standing. 

A  year  elapsed.  I  found  her  next  at  Boucherville  in  1708, 
Therese  already,  and  godmother  to  one  of  her  sister  Abigail's 
children.  The  record  of  her  baptism  not  there,  nor  yet  her 
marriage;   neither  at  Boucherville,  nor  at  Montreal,  nor  at 


THANKFUL   STEBBINS.  263 

Quebec.  Yet  Therese  she  was,  and  a  grandmother  she  was  to 
be,  (according  to  General  Hoyt,)  before  my  quest  could  cease. 

On  the  parish  register  of  Longueuil,  the  old  Seigniory  of 
Charles  LeMoyne,  stands  the  following: 

February  4th,  17 11,  After  the  publication  of  the  usual  banns 
made  at  the  mass  in  the  church  of  La  Sainte-Famille  at  Boucher- 
ville,  on  the  25th  of  January  and  the  ist  and  2nd  of  February,  to 
which  no  legal  impediment  has  been  found,  I  the  undersigned, 
priest,  cure  of  Boucherville,  have  married  in  the  aforesaid  parish 
church  of  Boucherville,  Adrien  grain,  called  La  Vallee,  inhabitant  of 
chambly,  aged  23  years,  son  of  the  deceased  Charles  le  grain,  and 
louyse  la  fortune  living,  inhabitant  of  Chambly  to  Therese  louyse 
Stebens,  aged  21  years, ^  daughter  of  John  Stebens  and  Dorothy  Alex- 
ander his  wife,  inhabitants  of  the  village  of  Guiervil  in  New  England, 
and  have  given  them  the  nuptial  benediction  in  presence  of  Joseph 
Maillot,  cousin  of  the  groom,  of  Sieur  Jacques  de  Noyon,  brother-in 
law  of  the  bride,  and  others. 

Thus  at  last  Thankful  Stebbins  of  Deerfield,  our  little  pe- 
titioner for  citizenship,  having  obtained  her  naturalization 
papers  in  17 10,  under  her  new  name  of  Therese  Louise  did 
"establish  herself  in  His  Majesty's  colony  of  Canada,"  as  the 
wife  of  Adrian  le  Grain,  nicknamed  La  Vallee,  habitant  sol- 
dier of  Chambly. 

In  my  rambles  among  the  records,  there  have  been  many 
red  letter  days,  notably  that  at  Chambly,  in  search  of  Thank- 
ful Stebbins,  wife  of  Adrian  Le  Grain,  bride  in  her  19th 
year  and  grandmother  to  be. 

In  the  time  schedules  of  suburban  service  on  Canadian 
railways,  the  interest  of  the  tourist  is  neglected.  Properly 
enough,  trains  are  run  for  the  accommodation  of  the  rustics, 
who  must  be  in  the  city  at  early  morn  and  out  in  the  late 
afternoon.  This  prevents  the  student  from  looking  up  the 
parish  records,  even  if  he  or  she  were  bold  enough  to  face 

^Her  actual  age  was  nineteen. 


264  TRUE   STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

the  possibilities  of  a  night  in  a  Canadian  village  inn.  How- 
ever, the  will  makes  the  way,  and  one  who  is  not  too  nice, 
may  avail  himself  of  a  mixed  train,  heavy  freight  with  a 
comfortless  caboose  attached,  and  crawl  to  his  destination  at 
the  rate  of  six  miles  an  hour,  subject  to  tiresome  waits  at 
intervening  stations. 

However  we  go  from  village  to  village,  up  and  down  the 
noble  river,  we  can  never  forget  that  we  are  treading  the 
path  once  trodden  by  our  footsore  and  sorrowing  kinsfolk, 
listening  to  the  same  accents,  that  fell  so  strangely  on  the 
ears  of  the  forlorn  and  homesick  captives. 

In  1665,  the  Marquis  de  Tracy  arrived  in  Quebec  as  Lieu- 
tenant-General  of  Canada.  The  famous  Carignan  regiment 
had  been  given  him  by  the  king  with  orders  to  subdue  or 
destroy  the  Iroquois.  "The  Mohawks  and  Oneidas  were 
persistently  hostile,  making  inroads  into  the  colony  by  way 
of  Lake  Champlain  and  the  Richelieu,  murdering  and  scalp- 
ing and  then  vanishing  like  ghosts." 

Tracy  immediately  built  a  picket  fort  at  the  foot  of  the 
rapids  of  the  Richelieu.  Sorel,  an  officer  of  the  Carignan, 
later  built  a  second  fort  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  where  now 
is  the  town  of  Sorel  ;  and  Salieres,  "colonel  of  the  regiment, 
added  a  third  fort  two  or  three  leagues  above  that  at  the 
rapids."  No  fort,  however,  could  "bar  the  passage  against 
the  nimble  and  wily  warriors  who  might  pass  them  in  the 
night,  shouldering  their  canoes  through  the  woods,"  and 
Tracy  prepared  to  march  in  person  against  the  Mohawks 
with  all  the  force  of  Canada.  This  expedition  against 
the  Mohawks  is  the  subject  of  one  of  Mr.  Parkman's  fin- 
est pictures,  and,  says  that  author,^  "was  of  all  the  French 
expeditions  against  the  Iroquois  the  most  productive  of  good." 
Tracy's  work  being  done,  four  companies  of  the  splendid  reg- 

'Parkman.     Old  Regime. 


THANKFUL    STEBBINS.  265 

iment  were  left  in  garrison,  and  the  Marquis  with  the  rest 
of  "the  glittering  noblesse  in  his  train,"  went  back  to  France. 
Many  of  the  officers,  however,  weary  of  their  life  in  the  cor- 
rupt French  court,  and  stimulated  by  promises  and  money 
from  the  king,  who  had  the  peopling  of  the  colony  much  at 
heart,  remained  to  marry  and  settle  in  Canada. 

The  lands  along  the  Richelieu  were  allotted  in  large  seign- 
iorial grants  among  these  officers,  who  in  turn  granted  out 
the  land  to  their  soldiers.  "The  officer  thus  became  a  kind 
of  feudal  chief,  and  the  whole  settlement  a  permanent  mili- 
tary cantonment." "The  disbanded  soldier  was  prac- 
tically a  soldier  still,  but  he  was  also  a  farmer  and  a  land- 
holder."^ Tracy's  picketed  fort  below  the  rapids  of  the 
Richelieu,  then  known  as  Fort  Pontchartrain,  with  the  land 
adjacent,  was  awarded  to  Captain  de  Chambly.  After  his 
death  the  seigniory  of  Chambly  passed  to  Marie  de  Thauven- 
et,  his  betrothed  or  his  sister-in-law,"^  through  whom  her  hus- 
band, Francois  Hertel  "The  Hero,"  father  of  Hertel  de  Rou- 
ville,  became  its  owner,  being  known  thereafter  as  Hertel  de 
Chambly. 

From  that  day  to  this,  Chambly  has  been  closely  connect- 
ed with  our  history.  The  fort  was  the  point  of  departure 
and  arrival  for  most  of  the  expeditions  against  New  Eng- 
land. Hardly  a  New  England  captive  but  was  at  some  time 
sheltered  within  its  walls. 

On  Saturday,  probably  March  25,  1704,  Parson  Williams'^  of 
Deerfield  says  : 

"We  arrived  near  nuun  at  Shamblee,  a  small  village  where  is  a 
garrison  and  fort  of  French  soldiers.  This  village  is  about  fifteen 
miles  from  Montreal.  The  French  were  very  kind  to  me.  A  gen- 
tleman of  the  place  took    me    into   his   house   and  to  his  table,  and 

'Parkman.     Old  Regime. 

^Authorities  differ  on  this  point. 

^Redeemed  Captive.     Sixth  Edition,  MDCCC,  p.  31. 


266  TRUE    STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

lodged  me  at  night  on  a  good  feather  bed.  The  Inhabitants  and 
ofificers  were  very  obliging  to  me  the  little  time  I  stayed  with  them, 
and  promised  to  write  a  letter  to  the  governor  in  chief,  to  inform 
him  of  my  passing  down  the  river.  Here  I  saw  a  girl  taken  from 
our  town,  and  a  young  man,  who  informed  me  that  the  greater  part 
of  the  captives  were  come  in,  and  that  two  of  my  children  were  at 
Montreal." 

Many  of  the  Deerfield  captives  had  reached  Chambly 
three  weeks  before  Mr.  Williams's  arrival.  His  son  Stephen 
did  not  arrive  there  till  the  next  August.  There  the 
French  were  kind  to  him.  They  gave  him  bread,  which  he 
had  not  tasted  before  vsince  his  capture,  and  dressed  his 
wounded  feet  ; — and  later,  Hertel  de  Chambly  tried  to  buy 
him  from  his  savage  master.  Quentin  Stockwell  stayed  four 
days  at  Chambly,  and  was  kindly  treated  by  the  French,  who 
gave  him  hasty  pudding  and  milk  with  brandy,  and  bathed 
his  frozen  limbs  with  cold  water.  One  young  Frenchman 
gave  the  poor  sufferer  his  own  bed  to  lie  on,  tried  to  buy 
him,  and  went  with  him  to  Sorel,  to  protect  him  from  abuse 
by  the  Indians. 

Chambly  was  a  village  of  but  ten  houses  when  Ben  Waite 
and  Stephen  Jennings  htirried  through  it,  in  agonizing  search 
for  their  beloved  ones,  whom  they  found  in  the  Indian  lodg- 
es not  far  away. 

I  will  not  attempt  to  describe  my  feelings,  as  I  walked 
alone  through  the  village  of  Chambly  on  iny  wa}'-  to  the 
priest's.  Aside  from  its  associations,  Chambly  has  a  beaut}^ 
of  its  own.  A  long  line  of  Lombardy  poplars  defines  the 
cote  of  Chambly,  which  with  its  low,  red  roofs  and  broadly 
overhanging  eaves,  goes  straggling  along  the  bend  of  the 
swift-flowing  river.  Opposite,  two  picturesque  mountains, 
then  gorgeous  in  their  autumnal  colors,  complete  the  circle 
formed  by   the   lake-like   expanse,    called    Chambly    Basin. 


THANKFUL   STEBBINS.  267 

Half  way  round,  the  circle  is  broken  by  the  river,  which 
comes  roaring  and  tumbling  down,  in  a  series  of  rapids,  at 
the  foot  of  which  the  ruins  of  the  fort  which  in  171 1  suc- 
ceeded Tracy's  palisade,  advance  boldly  into  the  current. 

The  C2irc  received  me  with  a  kindness  which  seems  from 
the  days  of  the  captivity  to  have  become  habitual  to  the 
place,  and  I  was  soon  absorbed  in  the  records. 

They  begin  in  1706,  and  on  one  of  the  first  pages  stands 
the  baptism  of  Thankful  Stebbins.  The  spelling  and  the 
grammar  of  the  original  would  puzzle  a  schoolgirl  of  to-day. 
The  following  is  a  literal  translation  : 

"This  23d  of  April  1707  I,  Pierre  Dublaron  ofificiating  in  the  parish 
of  Chambly,  certify  that  I  have  administered  the  rite  of  baptism  to 
Louise  Therese  Steben,  English  girl  and  baptized  in  England,  (sic) 
Her  godfather  and  godmother  were  Monsieur  Hertel,  Seignieur  de 
Chambly  and  Madame  de  Perygny,  wife  of  the  commandant  of  the 
fort  of  Chambly." 

[Signed]     Hertel  de  Chambly,  Louise  de  Perygny. 

As  we  have  already  seen,  it  was  in  February,  171 1,  that 
Thankful  or  Therese  Louise  Stebbins  was  married  in  the 
parish  church  of  Boucherville  to  Adrian  le  Grain.  In  March, 
17 1 3,  her  first  child  Frangoise  Therese  was  baptized  at 
Chambly.  The  child's  godparents  were  Hertel  de  Beaulac 
and  Therese,  wife  of  Hertel  de  Niverville.  In  due  succes- 
sion follow  William,  Marie  Jeanne,  Marie,  Charlotte,  Isabelle, 
Antoine  and  Marie  Therese.  On  the  4th  of  July,  1729,  Ver- 
onique,  the  ninth  and  last  child  of  Adrian  le  Grain  and  Louise 
Therese  Stebbins,  was  born  and  baptized.  Two  children  of 
Abigail  Stebbins  de  Noyon^  stood  by  their  little  cousin  at 
her  baptismi,  and  just  a  week  after  followed  Thankful  Steb- 

'Baptiste  de  Noyon  and  his  married  sister  Marie-Gabrieile  de  Noyon,  wife 
of  Nicolas  Binet. 


268  TRUE    STORIES    OF    NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

bins  to  her  last  resting  place  on  earth.  She  was  only  thirty- 
eight  years  old  when  the  end  came.^ 

My  labors  for  her  were  finished.  Listlessly  turning  the 
leaves  of  the  register,  I  found  the  marriage  of  her  brother, 
Joseph  Stebbins,  and  learned  from  the  cure  that  there  are 
still  in  his  parish  descendants  of  Joseph,  possibly  also  of 
Thankful.  Fifty  minutes  to  train  time.  Too  little  to  prove 
my  kinship  to  my  new  found  cousins,  if  found.  Enough 
perhaps  to  give  me  a  nearer  view  of  the  old  fort.  Could  I 
reach  it  ?  Father  Le  Sage,  glancing  at  the  muddy  road,  at 
me,  impeded  by  my  weight,  and  my  long  skirts,  prudently  an- 
swers, "I  have  done  it  in  twenty  minutes." 

The  cassock  notwithstanding,  thought  I,  and  bade  him  a 
hasty  adieu.  The  little  children  stared  and  the  little  dogs 
barked,  as  I  flew  through  the  town.  Nor  stopped  I,  nor 
stayed  I.  till  trying  a  short  cut  to  the  fort,  I  crossed  a  swol- 
len creek,  on  a  shaky  plank,  and  brought  up  breathless  at  a 
high  picket  fence,  painted  black  and  bearing  the  date  1707. 

By  a  special  Providence  my  steps  had  been  led  to  the  an- 
cient burying  ground  of  the  Seigniory.  Wading  through  the 
wiry,  brown  grass,  plunging  into  pitfalls,  caught  among  the 
brambles  and  stumbling  over  hummocks  and  half  buried 
fragments  of  old  head-stones,  I  ran  about  the  place.  Would 
the  grave  give  up  its  dead?  Should  I  find  here  any  of  the 
lost  ones  of  Deerfield? 

No  answer  came  to  my  eager  question.  Time  and  the  an- 
nual overflow  of  the  turbulent  river,  have  levelled  all  the 
mounds.  Here  and  there,  a  deeply  furrowed  slab  of  weath- 
ered oak,  in  form  and  color  like  the  slates  of  our  own  old 
burying  ground,  totters  to  its  fall,  not  a  jot  of  its  legend  re- 
maining.    Two  gaunt  wooden  crosses,  lately  reared  by  the 

'The  death  of  Thankful  Stebbins  is  thus  briefly  recorded  immediately  after 
the  baptism  of  her  child  :  "The  burial  of  the  wife  of  Charles  le  grain,  July  ii, 
1729. 


YJaMAHO  TA   HIAfl 
3133J8  amaa3T8  ju^>imaht  assHw  omuoi 


26S  r<IES   OV  I-NOLAND    CAPTIVES. 


bins  to  Vn  1.     vShe  was  only  thirtv- 

eig^ht 

''  -itiessly  turning  the 

iage  of  her  brother, 

ci/rt^  that  there  are 

;H)ssibly  also  of 

li'tle  to  prove 

Enough 

Could  I 


FORT  PUNTCHARTRAIN   AT  CHAMfcSLY 

PALISADE    ENCLOSING    BURIAL    fiROUND    WHERE    THANKFUL    STESBINS    SLEEPS 


'1    to    Lil. 

----..  throng  1.  .  -- 

caught  among  the 
ui  .anmo».k.s   and    half  buried 

fn.^.....  .i.  .       .  .„.  v..  .............         ,an;iibonf  ^-i'^  •■.h.^.^.■      \v..  .-.-■ 

the  grave  give  ap  its  dead'     Should  I 

lost  ones  of  I ' 

V.v  .....  ,,....,- 

mounds.     He  iiere,  u  ib  of  weath- 

ered oak,  in,  \<>iu,  ;  ,;    our  own  old 

burying  ground,  i'  '  .        f  its  legend  re- 

maining.    Two  gaunt. wooden  crOvSses,  lately  reared  by  the 

s  thus  briefly  recorded  immediately  after 
.  of  tl»e  wife  of  Charles  le  LTaiii.   Talv  ii 


THANKFUL   STEBBINS.  269 

reverent  hand  of  the  village  antiquary/  to  whose  zeal  we  owe 
also  the  preservation  of  the  ruins  of  the  fort,  recall  some  noted 
names  of  the  old  Regime.  Here  lies  Marie  de  Thauvenet,  the 
fair  devotee,  who  came  with  Mother  Mary  of  the  Incarnation 
to  dedicate  herself  to  the  education  of  the  Indian  girls  of 
Canada. 

Turned  from  her  purpose  by  the  fascinations  of  a  hand- 
some young  captain  in  the  Carignan  regiment,  she  became 
his  betrothed.  Bereft  of  her  lover  by  death,  so  runs  the  tale, 
and  inheriting  his  fortune,  she  became  the  lady  of  Chambly, 
which  with  her  hand,  she  bestowed  upon  the  hero,  Francois 
Hertel.     Her  romantic  life  ended  here  in  1708. 

The  other  cross  commemorates  the  death  in  1740,  of  the 
wife  of  their  son,  Hertel  de  Beaulac. 

Three  or  four  small  tablets  of  wood  affixed  above  high 
water  mark,  to  the  fence  posts  of  the  enclosure,  bear  the 
names  and  date  of  death  of  French  soldiers. 

What  gracious  impulse  had  led  the  same  kind  hand  to 
write  there  this  name  and  date,  unknown  to  fame: 

Therese  Steben. 
1729. 

So  I  came  to  the  last  page  of  the  story.  Back  and  forth 
the  shuttle  flying  had  carried  the  thread  weaving  the  web 
of  her  life.  Deerfield  to  Chambly,  Chambly  to  Boucherville 
and  back  again  to  Chambly.  Warp  and  woof,  in  texture 
firm  and  colors  bright  and  clear, — a  tale  so  plain  that  the 
dullest  might  have  followed  it. 

Carried  in  her  thirteenth  year  by  Hertel  de  Rouville,  or 
one  of  his  three  young  brothers,  who  marched  with  him  to 
Deerfield,  to  the  fort  at  Chambly  in  the  vSeigniory  of  their 
father,  Thankful  Stebbins  was  given  in  charge  to  one  of 
the  ladies  of  the  Hertel  family,  and  probably  domiciled  in  the 
Hertel  mansion. 

'Mr.  J.  F.  Dion. 


270  TRUE    STORIES    OF    NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

The  seigniory  was  well  stocked  with  sheep  and  cattle  and 
the  house  was  a  good  one.  It  brings  us  very  near  to  the  Old 
Regime  in  Canada,  to  remember  that  Frangois  Hertel  the 
Hero,  and  Marie  de  Thauvenet,  his  wife,  must  have  talked 
with  the  child  and  questioned  her  about  her  home  and  peo- 
ple. Unable  to  comprehend  or  pronounce  her  outlandish 
name,  the  family  of  the  Seignior,  perhaps  induced  by  the 
similarity  of  the  initial  letters,  called  her  Therese,  after  the 
wife  of  Hertel  de  Niverville.  Becoming  fond  of  the  child, 
wishing  to  keep  her  in  Canada  and  conscientiously  believing 
that  her  salvation  depended  on  her  becoming  a  good  Catho- 
lic, they  put  her  name  on  the  list  of  petitioners  for  natural- 
ization in  1706. 

The  next  year.  Father  Dublaron  baptized  her  in  the  chap- 
el of  the  fort,  her  godfather  being  either  the  Hero  himself, 
or  his  son.  Her  godmother,  Louise  de  Perygn3%  wife  of  the 
commandant  of  the  fort,  added  her  own  name  to  that  b)'- 
which  the  girl  was  already  well  known  in  the  neighborhood. 
We  may  fancy  the  feelings  of  the  maiden  of  sixteen  on  that 
summer  day  of  the  same  year,  when  she  saw  Mr.  Sheldon, 
Nathaniel  Brooks  and  Edward  Allen  of  Deerfield,  with  sev- 
en more  redeemed  captives,  escorted  by  young  Hertel  de 
Chambly  and  five  French  soldiers,  set  out  from  the  fort  for 
home.  Standing  on  the  very  spot  nearly  two  centuries 
later,  I  seemed  to  hear  the  plaintive  voice  of  the  girl  plead- 
ing with  the  Captain,  (Hertel  de  Chambly,)  to  let  her  go  with 
them,  and  her  bitter  wailings  when  the  boat  put  out  from 
shore  without  her. 

It  was,  perhaps,  to  spare  her  the  recurrence  of  such  scenes, 
that  she  was  sent  to  Boucherville  in  1708  to  live  with  her 
sister  Abigail.  Here  she  gradually  resigned  herself  to  her 
lot. 

Citizenship  with  all  its  privileges  and  penalties  having 
been   graciously   accorded  to  her  in   17 10  by  His    Majesty, 


THANKFUL   STEBBINS.  271 


Louis  XIV,  she  married  the  following  year,  Charles  Adrian 
le  Grain,  habitant  soldier  of  Chambly,  returning  there  to 
live  with  him. 

There  I  find  her  faithful  friend  Therese,  wife  of  Hertel  de 
Niverville,  with  Hertel  de  Beaulac'  standing  as  sponsors  to 
her  first  child,  and  there  at  the  birth  of  her  ninth  child, 
she  died  in  1729.  The  spirit  of  the  unredeemed  captive, 
ransomed  at  last  and  safe  in  its  eternal  home,  her  dust  lies 
there  with  that  of  the  old  noblesse,  her  friends  and  protectors. 

Gentle  breezes  whisper  softly  among  the  grass  that  waves 
above  the  sod  ;  the  rapids  of  the  Richelieu  cease  their  angry 
roaring  as  they  draw  near  the  spot ;  and  the  beautiful  river 
sings  its  sweetest  cadence  as  it  flows  by  the  place  where 
Thankful  Stebbins  sleeps. 

'The  frequent  connection  of  the  Hertel  family  with  the  Deerfield  captives  in 
Canada  is  interesting. 


A  SCION  OF  THE  CHURCH  IN  DEERFIELD. 


JOSEPH-OCTAVE    PLESSIS,    FIRST    ARCHBISHOP    OF    QUEBEC. 
Written  for  the  Two  Iluudreth  Auniversary  of  the  founding  of  the  Cliurch  in  Dcertiekl. 

The  church  in  Deerfield,  as  in  all  our  New  England  plan- 
tations, is  coeval  with  the  town.  The  plan  of  the  eight 
thousand  acre  grant'  being  laid  before  the  General  Court  in 
1665,  was  approved  and  allowed,  "provided  that  they  mayne- 
tayne  ye  ordinances  of  Christ  there,  once  within  five  years. 
When  in  1673,  discouraged  at  the  slow  settlement  of  Pocum- 
tuck,  Samuel  Hinsdell,  Samson  Frary  and  others,  petitioned 
the  General  Court  for  liberty  to  cut  loose  from  the  mother 
town,^  and  order  all  their  own  prudentiall  affairs,"  permis- 
sion was  given  them,  "provided  that  an  able  and  orthodox 
minister  within  three  years  be  settled  among  them." 

These  requisites  of  ability  and  orthodoxy  were  easily 
found  in  the  person  of  a  Harvard  graduate,  young  Samuel 
Mather  of  Dorchester,  nephew  of  Increase,  and  cousin  of 
Cotton  Mather,  the  famous  Boston  preachers.     "If  God  should 

'See  the  "Difficulties  and  Dangers  of  a  Frontier  Settlement. 
'^Dedham. 


URCH  TN  D^^^^^^^T-^T^i^LD. 


p'riDii  II  port  mi  I  oj 
MGR.  JOSEPH-OCTAVE  PLESSIS 

GRANDSON     OF     MARTHA     FRENCH    THE     CAPTIVE 


lel  Hiiv 

tOV 

sion  w 
minister  -.v 

These  ic^.. 
found  in  the  \ 
Mather  of  Dorchet>u 
''^'^tton  Mat'--'    ^•^"  '"m 

'See  the 
'Dedham. 


I  ral  Court  in 
i.at  they  mayne- 
)iKA'  within  five  years. 
w  settlement  r>f  T'ornm 
rary  and  other 
erty  tu  cut  loose  fv 
■  own   Drudcntirnl 


- ,       v  jre  easily 

I  graduate,  young;  Samuel 

if   Increase,  and   cousin  of 

■•.-.ichers.     "If  God  should 


Dange; 


•ier  Settlement. 


A   SCION    OF   THE   CHURCH    IN   DEERFIELD.  273 

be  provoked  by  the  unthankfulness  of  men,  to  send  the 
plague  of  an  unlearned  ministry  on  New  England,"  writes 
Cotton  Mather,  "soon  will  the  wild  beasts  of  the  desart  live 
there,  and  the  houses  will  be  full  of  doleful  creatures,  and 
owls  will  dwell  there." 

This  ancient  town  has  never  been  stricken  by  the  plague 
of  an  unlearned  ministry.  From  Samuel  Mather  to  the 
present  day,  her  ministers  have  been  able,  and  I  venture  to 
say,  orthodox  in  the  best  sense  of  that  word. 

It  is  probable  that  the  first  gathering  of  the  church  in 
Deerfield  was  in  the  garrison  house  of  Quentin  Stockwell, 
v/here  the  boy-preacher  boarded.  This  house  stood  on  the 
site  now  occupied  by  the  parsonage  of  the  second  church. 
Meeting-House  Hill  is  named,  in  John  Pynchon's  account 
book,  as  early  as  1673.  From  the  same  source,  we  learn  that 
Worshipful  John,  who  held  much  good  land  in  Pocumtuck, 
paid  there  in  1675  a  rate  for  the  minister's  house,  and  also 
for  "y''  little  House  for  a  Meeting  house,  that  y^  Meet  in." 

Years  passed.  Mr.  John  Williams,  another  youthful  grad- 
uate of  Harvard,  was  "encouraged"  to  turn  his  back  upon 
the  more  alluring  fields  of  the  Bay  settlements,  and  cast  his 
lot  among  the  pioneers  of  this  frontier  town,  "to  dispense 
the  Blessed  word  of  Truth  unto  them." 

"Att  a  legall  Town  Meeting  in  Deerf'',  Oct.  30.,  1694,  Ensign 
John  Sheldon  Moderator  that  there  shall  be  a  meeting  house  Built 
in  deerfield,  upon  the  Town  charge  voted  affirmatively  :  That  there 
shal  be  a  comitty  chosen  and  impowered  to  agree  with  workmen 
to  begin  said  building  forthwith,  and  carry  it  on  fast  as  may  be: 
voted  affirmatively 

That  y*^  meetinghouse  shal  be  built  y*^  bigness  of  Hatfield  meeting 
house,  only  y^  height  to  be  left  to  y'"  judgment  and  determination 
of  y'^  comitty  voted   affirmatively." 

We  cannot  too  often  rebuild  the  little  hamlet  as  it  was  on 
that  Sunday  morning  in  February,  when  for  the  last  time. 


2/4  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

the  faithful  shepherd  gathered  his  whole  flock  within  the 
fold.  North  of  Meeting-House  Hill,  on  the  west  side  of  the 
street,  lived  Daniel  Beldingon  the  old  Stebbins  place.  John 
Stebbins's  lot  was  the  home  of  Lieut,  and  Deacon  David 
Hoyt ;  I  know  not  which  of  his  titles  to  put  first,  as  both 
were  then  of  equal  value  to  the  little  community.  Ebenezer 
Brooks  then  held  the  homestead  of  the  Deerfield  Antiquary. 
On  the  east,  John  Stebbins  and  his  good  wife  Dorothy,  dwelt 
on  what  we  know  as  the  David  Sheldon  place.  Martin  Kel- 
logg was  their  next  neighbor.  On  the  knoll  now  occupied 
by  Mrs.  Allen,  lived  Hannah  Beaman,  ever  to  be  remembered 
as  the  good  school  dame  of  the  early  settlement,  and  a  gen- 
erous benefactor  of  the  town.  At  the  south,  was  the  pick- 
eted house  of  Lieut.  Jonathan  Wells,  the  boy  hero,  whose 
valor  in  the  Falls  Fight  made  his  name  illustrious.  Philip 
Mattoon's  family  lived  on  Mrs.  George  Wells's  lot,  and  the 
widow  Smead,  in  the  old  house  still  standing  opposite  Mrs. 
Elizabeth  W.  Champney's.  These,  and  many  others  equally 
worthy  of  remembrance,  lived  outside  the  stockade. 

The  fortification  enclosed  the  whole  of  Meeting-House 
Hill,  including  the  present  sites  of  both  churches.  Towards 
the  northwest  corner  of  the  palisade,  was  the  well-built  house 
of  Ensign  John  Sheldon,  the  "Old  Indian  House"  of  our 
childhood. 

Where  Lincoln  Wells's  homestead  is  now,  stood  the  dwell- 
ing of  Benoni  Stebbins,  forever  to  be  venerated  as  the  spot 
where  he,  and  six  other  brave  men,  nobly  aided  by  the 
women,  "stood  stoutly  to  y'r  armes with  more  than  or- 
dinary couridge,"  says  an  eye  witness  of  that  dreadful  day. 
As  our  school  books  mistake  the  old  Indian  House  for  the 
home  of  the  Rev.  John  Williams,  it  is  well  that  Deerfield 
children  should  be  reminded  that  Parson  Williams  lived  next 
south  of  Benoni  Stebbins.  The  well  that  stood  in  his  yard 
just  west  of  the  present  Academy,  is  still  in  use.     From  the 


A   SCION   OF   THE   CHUKCH    IN   DEERFIELD.  2/5 


minister's  to  Mehuman  Hinsdell's,'  there  were  no  houses  ex- 
cept perhaps  a  few  rude  structures,  built  for  those  families 
who,  having  homes  outside,  fled  for  shelter  within  the  pali- 
sades in  time  of  danger.  The  lot  next  south  of  Hinsdell's 
was  held  by  Mr.  John  Richards,  schoolmaster.  Opposite, 
was  old  Godfrey  Nims's  ;  and  next  at  the  north,  vSamson  Frary 
built  the  house  in  1698  which  is  still  standing.^  Nims  and 
Frary  were  two  of  the  first  three  settlers  in  Deerfield.  Next 
north  of  Samson  Frary  lived  Mr.  John  Catlin.  His  son-in- 
law,  Thomas  French,  on  the  lot  adjoining,  now  owned  by 
the  Second  Church.  In  the  northeast  corner  of  the  stock- 
ade,^ was  Samuel  Carter's  house. 

Equi-distant  from  the  houses  of  Benoni  Stebbins  and  En- 
sign Sheldon,  a  few  rods  northwest  of  the  soldiers'  monu- 
ment, stood  the  meeting  house,  a  square,  two-story  building, 
with  pyramidal  roof  surmounted  by  a  turret,  tipped  with  a 
weather-cock.  In  the  front  was  a  low,  wide  door,  with  a 
broad  window  on  either  side,  and  corresponding  windows 
above  from  the  galleries. 

Sunday  morning,  Feb.  27,  1703-4  dawned  bright  and  fair. 
One  of  those  severe  storms,  which  are  so  often  the  immedi- 
ate forerunner  of  the  breaking  up  of  winter,  had  covered 
the  ground  with  snow,  to  the  depth  of  three  feet  on  a  level. 
A  "sort  of  house"  which  Benjamin  Munn  had  dug  out  and 
boarded  over  as  a  shelter  for  his  family,  in  Mr.  Richards's 
hillside,  was  hidden  by  the  drifts.  A  little  rain,  and  a  gusty 
night  had  followed,  a  hard  and  glittering  crust  had  formed, 
and  the  dead  twigs  lay  scattered  far  and  wide  over  its  sur- 
face. Yet  there  was  cheer  in  the  air  and  sky,  and  though 
the  mountain  loomed  black  against  the  horizon,  that  tender 

'Now  Mrs.  Whiting's. 

The  oldest  house   in    the   Connecticut  Valley.      Restored  in  1892    by  a  de- 
scendant, c.   A.   B. 
^Now  owned  by  Mrs.  Yale. 


2/6  TRUE    STORIES   OF    NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

flush  that  shows  the  stir  of  the  sap  in  every  bush  seemed  to 
soften  its  outline.  The  brooks  babbled  joyously  through 
the  ice-bound  swamps.  The  shrill  crowing  of  cocks  echoed 
from  neighboring  barn  yards.  The  crows  screamed  noisily 
from  the  bare  branches,  as  they  wheeled  from  tree  to  tree  in 
the  meadows.  There  was  spring  in  the  air  and  in  the  hearts 
of  the  people  as,  at  beat  of  drum,  they  slowly  and  decorous- 
ly wended  their  way  to  meeting.  Climbing  the  hill  from 
both  ends  of  the  town  plat,  they  passed  through  the  gates  of 
the  palisade,  and  filing  silently  into  the  meeting  house  took 
their  allotted  places  on  the  long  wooden  benches.  At  the 
right  of  the  preacher  are  the  men  :  first  the  town  officers 
and  aged  men  who  have  formerly  served  in  that  capacity  ; 
then  those  who  hold  any  military  rank.  Behind  them  such 
as  are  known  in  the  community  as  "Mr."  or  "Dr.,"  and  final- 
ly all  the  rest  of  the  men,  with  due  regard  to  age,  estate  and 
place.  Their  wives  occupy  corresponding  seats  on  the  left 
of  the  broad  aisle.  The  young  men  and  maidens  go  qiiietly 
by  separate  stairs  to  the  gallery,  where  a  high  railing  sepa- 
rates them.  They  look  down  with  curiosity,  and  perhaps 
envy,  upon  the  three  young  couples  lately  joined  in  hoi)' 
wedlock,  who  shyly  pass  up  the  broad  aisle,  to  rear  seats  in 
the  body  of  the  meeting-house,  to  which  marriage  has  pro- 
moted them.  A  sense  of  strangeness,  and  a  half  homesick 
longing  for  the  old  Chicopee  meeting-house,  lends  a  shade  of 
sadness  to  the  face  of  Hannah  Chapin,  but  a  glance  from  her 
manly  husband,  young  John  Sheldon,  reassures  her.  Eliza- 
beth Price  shows  a  consciousness  of  having  somewhat  out- 
raged public  opinion  by  her  marriage  with  "the  Indian." 
Abigail  Stebbins  has  a  self-complacent  air,  mingled  with 
pride  and  satisfaction,  which  stings  the  heart  of  many  a 
youth  in  the  gallery, — while  her  husband,  Jacques  de  Noy- 
on,  bears  himself  with  an  air  of  saucy  superiority  and  triumph, 
and  evidently  submits  with  ill  grace  to  the  tedious  solemni- 


A   SCION   OF   THE    CHURCH    IN    DEERFIELD.  277 

ties  of  the  Puritan  Sabbath.  The  boys  are  ranged  on  bench- 
es against  the  walls  under  the  windows  ;  the  little  children 
on  the  floor  near  their  mothers.  Below  the  pulpit  and  raised 
some  steps  above  the  floor,  on  a  long  bench  facing  the  con- 
gregation, sit  the  two  deacons,  Lieut.  David  Hoyt  and  Ensign 
John  Sheldon.  The  garrison  soldiers  are  seated  near  the 
great  door  with  bandoliers  on  shoulder  and  matchlocks  close 
at  hand.  The  seats  were  hard,  the  service  long,  the  meeting- 
house cold  and  gloomy,  but  the  piety  of  our  fathers  was  fer- 
vid,— and  warmed  and  comforted,  the  people  dispersed. 

Among  the  dignitaries  on  the  foremost  seats  of  the  meet- 
ing-house that  day,  were  Mr.  John  Catlin  and  his  daughter's 
husband,  Thomas  French,  the  town  clerk. 

Mr.  John  Catlin,  born  in  Weathersfield,  Conn.,  in  1643,  and 
married  there  at  the  age  of  twenty-four,  to  Mary,  daughter 
of  Joseph  Baldwin,  had  been  an  early  settler  at  Branford, 
Conn.,  whence  he  removed  to  Newark,  N.  J.  He  was  a  lead- 
ing man  in  church  and  town  affairs  in  Branford  and  Newark. 
He  stands  on  Newark  records  in  1678  as  "Town's  Attorney," 
and  is  spoken  of  as  "an  honest  brother  to  take  care  that  all 
town  orders  be  executed,  and  if  a  breach  occurs  to  punish 
the  offender."  He  was  one  of  the  selectmen  of  Newark  from 
1676  to  1 68 1.  In  1683  he  was  in  Hartford,  where,  the  same 
year,  his  oldest  daughter,  Mary  Catlin,  married  Thomas,  son 
of  John  French,  formerly  of  Rehoboth,  Mass.,  but  then  of 
Northampton. 

Thomas  French  and  his  father-in-law,  John  Catlin,  prob- 
ably came  together  to  Deerfield  in  1683,  French  settling  on 
the  Quentin  Stockwell  place  which  his  father  had  bought 
some  years  before,  and  Catlin,  on  the  next  lot  south.  Cat- 
lin's  dignity,  services  and  influence,  soon  gave  him  the  hon- 
orable title  of  "Mr."  among  his  fellow-townsmen,  and  as  be- 
fore in  Branford  and  Newark,  he  was  in  Deerfield  a  trusted 
leader  in  public  affairs. 


2/8  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


French,  a  blacksmith  by  trade,  at  once  built  a  shop,  and 
set  up  his  anvil  by  the  roadside  in  front  of  his  house.  The 
industry  and  morality  of  Thomas  French  gave  him  the  re- 
spect of  his  neighbors,  and  from  the  beginning  he  served 
them  in  responsible  positions.  Sometimes  as  hayward,  some- 
times as  corporal  of  the  guard  :  on  committees  for  building 
and  seating  the  meeting-house,  and  for  hiring  a  schoolmas- 
ter :  for  measuring  the  common  fence,  and  laying  out  to  ev- 
ery man  his  due  proportion  of  the  expense,  and  for  fortify- 
ing Meeting-house  Hill.  His  name  appears  in  1688,  as  one 
of  the  first  selectmen  chosen  by  the  town.  To  this  office  he 
was  repeatedly  re-elected. 

Encouraged  by  the  news  that  the  Prince  of  Orange  had 
landed  in  England,  the  people  rose  in  their  might  against 
Sir  Edmund  Andros.  He  was  thrown  into  prison.  A  Coun- 
cil of  Safety,  headed  by  old  Simon  Bradstreet,  was  elected. 
A  convention  of  delegates  was  summoned  from  the  several 
towns  of  Massachusetts  to  assemble  in  Boston,  on  the  22d  of 
May,  1689,  to  deliberate  upon  the  future  government  of  New 
England.  There  is  no  town  record  of  any  meeting  in  Deer- 
field  in  response  to  this  summons.  In  the  Massachusetts 
Archives  the  following  paper  may  be  found  : 

"Deerfield,  May  17.  1689 
We^  the  Town  of  Deerfield,  complying  with  the  desire  of  the 
present  Counsell  of  Safety,  to  choose  one  among  us  as  a  representa- 
tive to  send  down,  to  signify  our  minds  and  concurrance  with  the 
Counsell  for  establishing  of  the  government,  have  chosen  and  de- 
puted Lieutenant  Thomas  Wells,  and  signified  to  him  our  minds  for 
the  proceeding  to  the  settlement  of  the  government  as  hath  been 
signified  to  us  from  the  Honorable  Counsell  of  Safety,  and  those 
other  Representatives.  [Signed] 

John  Sheldon,  ^ 

Benj.  Hastings,  Selectmen." 

Benoni  Stebbms,     ( 
Thomas  French,      J 


A   SCION   OF   THE   CHURCH    IN   DEERFIELD.  279 


The  part  played  by  Thomas  French  and  his  associates  on 
this  occasion,  shows  them  to  have  been  shrewd  diploma- 
tists and  fearless  patriots.  However  justifiable,  this  was  a 
revolution.  If  unsuccessful,  the  result  would  be  for  Thom- 
as Wells,  who  held  his  commission  from  Andros,  trial  and 
punishment  for  treason.  For  John  Sheldon,  Benjamin  Hast- 
ings, Benoni  Stebbins  and  Thomas  French,  the  severest  pen-^ 
alties  that  a  vindictive  governor  could  inflict  upon  the  lead- 
ers of  a  rebellion.  The  names  of  Thomas  French  and  the 
others  who  did  not  hesitate  to  assume  this  grave  responsi- 
bility for  the  town,  must  be  forever  honored. 

At  a  Town  meeting  held  "March  i  1694-5  Joseph  Barnard  was 
chosen  Town  Clerk  for  the  year  Ensuing" 

"Sept.    17,  1695  Thomas  ffrench  was  chosen  Town  Clerk" 

Between  these  entries  made  by  the  two  men  respectively, 
he  who  runs  may  read  the  tragedy  known  in  the  annals  of 
Deerfield  as  the  Massacre  at  Indian  Bridge.  The  births  of 
a  son  and  four  daughters  to  Thomas  and  Mary  Catlin  French, 
had  been  duly  registered  by  Joseph  Barnard.  When  his  hand 
was  stilled  in  death  by  a  shot  from  the  skulking  foe,  Thom- 
as French  took  up  the  pen  and  wrote  the  following: 

"Abigail,  daughter  to  Thomas  and  Mary  ffrench  was  born  ffeb. 
28  1697-8" 

"Jerusha  and  Jemima  twins, — daughters  To  M''  Jn°  and  Mrs. 
Eunice  Williams  were  Born  Sept.  3,  1701. 

Jerusha  (2nd)  Daughter  To  M""  Jn°  and  M^'s  Eunice  Williams,  was 
Born  January  15,  1703-4. 

Jn°  son  to  Thomas  and  Mary  ffrench  was  born  ffeb.  i  1703-4^ 

This  is  the  last  line  of  the  town  records  written  by  Thom- 
as French.  Minutes  of  a  town  meeting  held  late  in  April 
instead  of  in  March  that  year;  the  election  of  a  few  town 
officers,— notably  of  a  new  town  clerk;    the  following  and 

'From  the  Town  Records  of  Deerfield, 


28o  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

similar  entries  in  a  new  handwriting'  upon  the  town  book, — 
these  are  all  the  record  left  by  the  afflicted  people  of  Deerfield 
of  the  sorrows  that  befell  them  on  the  29th  of  Feb.,  1703-4. 

"jerufha  Williams  Daughter  to  M'"  Jn"  &  M''s  Eunice  Williams  was 
flain  y''  29  of  ffebruary  1703 

Mrs  Eunis  Williams  wife  to  M''  Jn"  Williams  head  of  y'^'  Family 
was  flain  by  y^  enemi  March  i  1704 

Jn°  ffrench  fon  to  Thomas  and  Mary  ffrench  was  fl  lyn  by  y''  Ene- 
my ffebruary  29,  1703-4 

Mary  ffrench  Wife  to  Thomas  ffrench  head  of  this  Family  was 
flain  by  y'^  Enimie  March  9  1703-4' 

Our  fathers  were  men  of  few  words,  and  of  stern  endur- 
ance. They  believed  that  their  sufferings  were  the  result  of 
their  sins,  and  that  with  wise  and  beneficent  purpose,  did 
God  chastise  them.  To  Him  alone  they  poured  forth  their 
souls, — never  in  complaint,  but  ever  in  prayer  that  they 
"might  be  prepared  to  sanctify  and  honor  Him  in  what  way 
soever  He  should  come  forth  towards  them" — and  "have 
grace  to  glorify  His  name  whether  in  life  or  death."  More 
eloquent  than  speech  is  their  silence  in  relation  to  the  "awful 
desolations  of  that  day." 

Not  long  before  break  of  day  the  enemy  came  in  like  a 
flood  upon  them.  Pouring  over  the  palisade  the  frightful 
tide  swept  on,  overwhelming  with  destruction  all  that  lay  in 
its  path.  The  morning  dawned  on  a  scene  of  horror.  Shar- 
ing the  fate  of  many  of  his  neighbors,  Mr.  John  Catlin  with 
his  son  Jonathan  lay  dead  among  the  smoking  embers  of 
their  ruined  home.  The  house  of  Thomas  French  was  gut- 
ted but  not  burned,  and  the  town  records  escaped  unharmed. 
The  meeting-house  that  so  lately  had  echoed  with  psalm  and 
prayer,  now  resounded  with  groans  of  anguish.  There  lay 
the  captives,  ignorant  of  the  fate  of  friends  and  kindred. 

'From  the  Town  Records  of  Deerfield. 


A    SCION   OF   THE   CHURCH    IN   DEERFIELD.  281 


There  too,  stretched  upon  the  hard  benches,  were  the  enemy's 
wounded.  There,  Hertel  de  Rouville  himself,  smarting  un- 
der his  hurt,  rushed  in  for  a  moment  to  cheer  his  wounded 
brother,  to  whom  he  whispered  curses  on  the  savage  horde 
who  had  broken  their  promise  to  him  that  they  would  fight 
like  civilized  Frenchmen. 

There  were  those  whom  we  saw  but  late,  so  proud  and 
happy.  Hannah  Chapin  tense  with  anxiety,  eagerly  listening 
for  every  sound,  while  her  husband,  young  John  Sheldon,  to 
whom  love  lent  wings,  was  flying  for  aid  to  Hatfield.  Eliza- 
beth Price  mute  with  woe,  for  Andrew,  the  Indian,  had  been 
slain  at  her  side.  Abigail  Stebbins,  not  utterly  cast  down, 
for  De  Noyon,  her  father  and  mother,  and  sisters  and  brothers 
were  all  with  her,  and  De  Noyon  had  told  her  that  his  home 
was  near  Montreal,  and  that  they  would  soon  be  released. 
There  too,  bound  hand  and  foot  was  Thomas  French  with 
his  wife,  Mary  Catlin,  and  their  five  eldest  children.  A  few 
hours  completed  the  devastation.  The  sun  as  it  rose  above 
the  mountain,  looked  down  on  a  dreadful  sight.  The  main 
body  of  the  enemy  with  their  sorrowful  captives  had  left  the 
town.  A  few  loth  to  cease  their  wanton  pillage  still  lingered, 
and  in  the  house  of  Benoni  Stebbins,  around  his  dead  body, 
Lieutenant  (Deacon)  David  Hoyt,  and  Joseph  Catlin,  with  four 
other  valiant  men  still  kept  at  bay  the  Macqua  chief  and  his 
followers. 

Roused  by  the  hoarse  cries  of  young  John  Sheldon,  as  he 
sped  on  bare  and  bleeding  feet  through  the  hamlets  below, 
thirty  men  on  horseback,  guided  by  the  light  of  the  burning 
village,  were  riding  fast  to  the  rescue.  As  they  entered  the 
stockade  the  foe  fled  precipitately  from  the  north  gate,  across 
the  frozen  meadows  to  the  northwest,  reaching  the  river  at 
the  Red  Rocks. 

Capt.  Wells  at  once  took  command  of  the  rescuing  party, 
reinforced  by  fifteen  of  his  neighbors  and  five  garrison  sol- 


282  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

diers,  and  iiivStantly  followed  up  the  enemy.  "Bravely  but 
rashly  and  without  order,"  I  quote  from  Mr.  Sheldon,  "the 
pursuers  rush  on,  intent  only  on  avenging  their  slaughtered 
friends.  As  they  warm  up  to  the  fight,  they  throw  off  gloves, 
coats,  hats,  waistcoats,  neckcloths.  Capt.  Wells  cannot  con- 
trol the  headlong  chase.  He  sees  the  danger  and  orders  a 
halt,  the  order  is  unheeded,  and  the  foe  is  followed  reckless- 
ly into  the  inevitable  ambuscade." 

Meanwhile  on  Meeting-house  Hill,  the  scanty  remnant  of 
the  townsfolk,  cautiously  creep  out  from  their  hiding  places, 
and  gather  in  knots  seeking  for  tidings.  As  the  dreadful 
tale  is  told,  they  know  not  whether  most  to  rejoice  or  to  la- 
ment that  they  have  been  left  behind.  Among  them  is  Mary 
Baldwin  Catlin.  While  waiting  with  her  children,  and  chil- 
dren's children,  the  order  to  march  into  captivity  she  had  as 
was  her  habit,  ministered  to  the  needs,  and  soothed  the  sor- 
rows of  her  friends  and  neighbors.  Nor  had  she  turned  a 
deaf  ear  to  the  cry  of  her  enemy  for  help.  With  the  tender 
sympathy  of  a  Christian  woman,  she  had  held  the  cup  of  cold 
water  to  the  parched  lips  of  the  wounded  French  lieutenant, 
craving  it  with  piteous  appeal.  In  the  hurry  of  departure, 
either  by  design,  or  by  accident,  none  had  claimed  her  as  his 
captive.  Her  neighbors  look  upon  her  as  one  suddenly  risen 
from  the  dead.  They  go  with  her  to  her  desolated  home, 
where  she  learns  the  fate  of  her  husband,  and  of  her  second 
son.  They  find  her  little  grandson,  baby  John  French,  dead 
on  the  threshold  of  his  father's  empty  house.  When  some 
one  says  that  Captain  Wells  has  been  repulsed,  and  that 
Joseph  Catlin,  her  eldest  son,  has  fallen  in  the  meadow  fight, 
her  heart  breaks.  A  Rachel,  mourning  for  her  children,  and 
would  not  be  comforted,  she  lingered  a  few  weeks,  and  died 
from  the  shock  of  that  day's  horror. 

On  the  9th  of  March,  Mary  Catlin,  wife  of  Thomas  French, 
was  killed  on  the  retreat  to  Canada.     Her  husband  with  all 


A    SCION    OF   THE   CHURCH    IN   DEERFIELD,  283 

their  surviving  children,  Mary  aged  seventeen,  Thomas  four- 
teen. Freedom  eleven,  Martha,  eight  and  Abigail  six,  were 
carried  to  Montreal. 

Mary  French  and  her  brother  Thomas,  with  their  father, 
were  brought  back  to  Deerfield  in  1706  by  Ensign  John  Shel- 
don, in  his  second  expedition  to  Canada  for  the  redemption 
of  the  captives.  An  interesting  evidence  of  the  proneness 
of  Deerfield  maidens  to  versifying,  exists  in  a  poem  said 
to  have  been  written  by  Mary  French  to  a  younger  sis- 
ter during  their  captivity,  in  the  fear  lest  the  latter 
might  become  a  Romanist.  Soon  after  his  return,  Thomas 
French  was  made  Deacon  of  the  church  in  Deerfield  in  place 
of  Deacon  David  Hoyt,  who  had  died  of  starvation  at 
Coos  on  the  march  to  Canada.  In  1709,  Deacon  French 
married  the  widow  of  Benoni  Stebbins.  He  died  in  1733  at 
the  age  of  seventy  six,  respected  and  regretted  as  an  honest 
and  useful  man  and  a  pillar  of  the  church  and  state. 

To  his  great  grief  all  efforts  for  the  redemption  of  his 
three  daughters  had  failed.  On  her  arrival  in  Canada,  Free- 
dom was  placed  in  the  family  of  a  French  merchant  in  Mon- 
treal, and  in  1706  was  baptized  as  Marie  Frangoise,  the  Puri- 
tanic name  by  which  she  had  been  known  in  Deerfield,  be- 
ing thus  forever  set  aside.  In  1713,  she  married  Jean  Dave- 
luy  of  the  village  of  St.  Lambert,  and  thus  became  the  an- 
cestress of  many  French  Canadian  families  of  excellent  re- 
pute. 

Martha  French  was  given  by  her  Indian  captors  to  the 
Sisters  of  the  Congregation  de  Notre  Dame  at  Montreal.  In 
1707,  she  was  baptized,  soiis  condition,  receiving  from  her 
god-mother  the  name  of  Marguerite.  At  the  age  of  sixteen, 
she  was  married  to  Jacques  Roi,  also  of  St.  Lambert.  Ma- 
rie Francoise  French  was  present  at  her  sister's  wedding, 
and  the  autographs  of  the  two  sisters  on  the  marriage  regis- 
ter, are  as  clear  to-day  as  when  first  written.     The  names  of 


284  TRUE    STORIES   OF    NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

the  bride's  parents  are  given  in  full  and  Thomas  Freneh  is 
called  ''clcrc  on  notairc  dc  Dicrfilde"  in  New  England. 


BIOGRAPHICAL   SKETCH    OF   JOSEPH-OCTAVE    PLESSIS. 

On  the  third  of  May,  1733,  just  one  month  from  the  day 
of  her  father's  death  in  Deerfield,  Martha  Marguerite  French, 
widow  of  Jacques  Roi,  signed  her  second  marriage  contract, 
and  the  following  day  married  Jean  Louis  Menard,  at  St. 
Laurent,  a  parish  of  Montreal.  Nineteen  years  later,  her 
daughter  Louise  Menard,  was  married  at  Montreal  to  Joseph- 
Amable  Plessis  called  Belair. 

The  ancestor  of  Plessis,  the  first  of  the  name  in  Canada,  emi- 
grating from  Metz  in  Lorraine  in  the  beginning  of  the  eight- 
eenth century,  took  up  his  abode  in  the  outskirts  of  Montreal. 
There  he,  and  his  son  after  him,  carried  on  the  trade  of  tan- 
ning, and  the  place  to  this  day  is  known  as  "The  Tanneries 
of  Belair."  At  Montreal  on  the  3rd  of  March,  1763,  Joseph- 
Octave,  son  of  Joseph-Amable  Plessis  and  Louise  Menard, 
grandson  of  Martha  and  great-grandson  of  Deacon  Thomas 
French,  was  born. 

The  boy  was  fortunate  in  his  parentage.  His  father  and 
mother  cultivated  the  old  fashioned  virtues  of  simplicity, 
honesty  and  devoutness.  His  father  was  a  blacksmith,  so- 
called.  Near  one  of  the  city  gates,  Joseph-Amable  Plessis 
had  a  large  shop,  where  he  made  axes,  hammers,  hinges,  and 
all  the  iron  implements  in  use  in  a  new  country.  He  had 
many  apprentices  and  was  chiefly  occupied  in  making  hatch- 
ets for  trade  with  the  savages.  Discipline,  industry  and  sys- 
tem reigned  over  his  workshop.  Irregularity,  idleness  and 
disorder  he  would  not  tolerate.  The  work  of  the  forge  for 
the  year,  was  planned  in  advance,  and  the  order  never 
changed.     A  devout  Catholic,  determined  to  secure  for  him- 


A   SCION    OF   THE   CHURCH    IN   DEERFIELD.  285 

self  and  his  employe's  a  faithful  observance  of  the  fasts  of  his 
church,  he  humanely  and  with  good  business  foresight, 
adapted  -his  work  to  the  conditions.  In  the  Lenten  season 
the  heavy  hammers  of  the  forge  were  silent  and  the  men 
took  up  the  lighter  labor  of  sharpening  and  polishing  the 
axes  that  had  been  made  in  the  autumn  and  winter  and 
stored  away  unfinished.  Once  a  month  the  father  sent  his 
sons  and  apprentices  to  the  parish  priest  for  confession. 
The  mother  took  care  that  the  religious  duties  of  her  daugh- 
ters and  domestics  w^ere  duly  performed.  On  Sundays  and 
fete  days  the  whole  household  went  together  to  the  parish 
church.  The  children  were  taught  reading  and  their  first 
catechism  by  the  mother,  who  also  trained  them  in  habits  of 
economy  and  order. 

From  the  teaching  and  example  of  such  parents,  Joseph 
Octave  Plessis  learned  early  to  love  labor,  to  be  diligent,  to 
be  orderly  and  economical  in  the  arrangement  of  his  time 
and  affairs,  firm  in  self  discipline,  and  honest  and  upright  in 
his  dealings.  Though  by  nature  merry  and  gay,  the  boy 
was  thoughtful  and  dignified  beyond  his  years,  and  soon 
showed  such  a  desire  to  learn  that  his  parents  put  him  in  a 
primary  school,  founded  by  the  gentlemen  of  the  Seminary 
of  Saint-Sulpice.  Here,  Joseph  made  such  progress  that  he 
was  soon  promoted  to  a  Latin  School  kept  in  the  old  Chateau 
Vaudreuil.  Here  he  tried  the  patience  of  good  father  Cura- 
teau  by  his  dulness  in  his  Latin  grammar  which  he  hated, 
though  he  showed  a  fondness  for  Geography,  History  and 
Literature. 

At  the  end  of  the  first  half  of  his  course  at  the  Latin  school, 
he  astonished  his  father  one  morning,  by  the  announcement 
that  he  was  disgusted  with  study,  and  that  he  would  much 
rather  stay  at  home  than  take  up  logic  and  metaphysics. 
The  conduct  of  the  father  on  this  occasion,  shows  him  to 
have  been  a  remarkable  man.     Without  the  least  intention 


286  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

of  permitting  the  shipwreck  of  the  boy's  intellectual  career, 
he  had  too  much  sense  to  oppose  or  argue  with  him.  "Very 
well,  my  son,"  he  replied,  "take  off  your  scholar's  g6wn,  put 
on  one  of  the  boy's  aprons,  and  go  into  the  shop.  There  is 
work  enough  there  to  keep  you  busy.  When  you  wish  to 
go  back  to  your  books  let  me  know."  To  the  lad,  his  fa- 
ther's word  was  law,  and  with  a  heavy  heart,  he  went  his 
way  to  the  shop,  where  he  worked  pluckily  for  a  week, 
though  every  bone  in  his  little  body  ached  with  the  unusual 
fatigue.  Then  without  a  word  of  complaint  he  threw  off  his 
apron,  donned  his  capote  and  marched  back  to  school,  a  wiser 
and  a  happier  boy. 

At  fifteen,  with  his  brother  and  one  or  two  comrades,  he 
was  sent  to  the  Seminary  in  Quebec,  which  then  offered 
greater  advantages  than  that  of  Montreal.  Communication 
between  the  two  cities  was  difficult  and  infrequent.  The 
choice  lay  between  a  schooner,  which  could  not  always  be 
had,  and  a  wagon,  which  was  too  expensive.  Such  was  the 
delay  and  uncertainty,  that  it  often  happened  that  the  little 
fellows  would  not  reach  their  homes  in  Montreal  till  vacation 
was  ended.  Every  year  the  Grand  Vicar  wrote  from  Mon- 
treal to  the  Bishop  of  Quebec,  "The  Montreal  boys  cannot 
be  in  Quebec  at  the  opening  of  the  course."  Sometimes  the 
more  spirited  boys  took  the  matter  into  their  own  hands, 
and  set  out  on  foot  for  home  at  the  beginning  of  the  holi- 
days. Picture  Joseph-Octave  and  his  friends  ready  for  an 
early  start  on  a  fine  summer  morning.  In  the  uniform  of 
the  Seminary  boy,  a  long,  black  frock  coat,  many  seamed 
and  welted  with  white  ;  a  green  sash  ;  a  flat-topped  cloth 
cap,  with  broad  leather  visor, — each  boy  with  his  little  deer- 
skin pack  between  his  shoulders.  First  to  the  chapel  for 
prayers  to  the  protectress  of  pilgrims,  thence  to  the  court 
yard  of  the  Seminary,  where,  surrounded  by  a  crowd  of  their 
fellows,  they  cheer  the  time-honored  walls.     Pouring  through 


A   SCION    OF   THE   CHURCH    IN   DEERFIELD.  287 


the  great  gate,  they  run  joyously  down  the  steep  hill  to  the 
river,  and  following  it  to  the  west,  singing  gay  chansons  as 
they  go,  they  soon  reach  the  open  country.  At  sunset  they 
seek  the  nearest  farmhouse,  sure  of  a  kindly  welcome.  The 
best  room  with  its  plain  deal  chairs  and  settle,  its  clumsy 
stove,  and  its  bare  floor  with  rag  mats,  is  thrown  open  for 
them  to  rest  in.  Camping  at  night  on  the  new-mown  hay 
in  the  long  barn,  they  rise  at  dawn  to  a  breakfast  of  ome- 
lettes and  black  bread.  The  generous  lads  fling  down  a 
handful  of  coppers  to  the  habitanfs  wife,  but  she  is  not  to 
be  outdone  in  courtesy,  ''Non,  non  messieurs,"  she  is  too  glad 
to  give  her  best  to  the  young  gentlemen  of  the  Seminary, 
and  off  they  start  again  followed  by  her  blessing  and  her 
prayers. 

The  career  of  Joseph-Octave  Plessis  at  the  Seminary  of 
Quebec,  is  thus  summed  up  by  one  who  knew  him  well : 
"Study  had  no  difficulties  that  he  did  not  level,  nothing  dis- 
tasteful for  which  he  did  not  conquer  his  disrelish,  no  ob- 
stacles that  he  did  not  overcome."  Though  this  may  be  ex- 
aggerated praise,  it  is  certain  that  Joseph  was  an  intelligent, 
industrious  and  ambitious  pupil,  respected  by  his  comrades 
and  beloved  by  his  teachers. 

Born  at  the  most  critical  period  in  the  history  of  Canada, 
at  the  time  of  its  cession  to  the  English,  this  serious  and 
thoughtful  boy  reflected  much  upon  how  he  could  best  serve 
his  country.  Two  careers  were  open  to  him  ;  the  bar  and 
the  church.  The  former  meant  the  delights  of  the  world,  a 
home,  wife,  children,  wealth,  the  adulation  of  friends,  office, 
success.  The  latter,  a  solitary  life  with  its  austerities,  its 
poverty,  and  its  possible  compensations  to  an  exalted  nature. 

At  the  age  of  seventeen  Joseph  decided  to  become  a  priest. 
It  is  not  likely  that  the  youth  comprehended  the  greatness 
of  the  sacrifice,  which,  later,  a  man  of  his  temperament  must 
inevitably  have  realized.     Having  received  the  tonsure  from 


288  TRUE   STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

Bishop  Briand,  who  had  watched  his  development  with  a  fa- 
therly interest,  he  was  sent  to  the  college  of  Montreal  to 
teach  till  he  could  take  orders.  Though  qualified  in  other 
respects  for  the  place,  young  Plessis  found  to  his  great  mor- 
tification, that  two  of  his  pupils  were  ahead  of  him  in  Latin. 
Nothing  daunted,  however,  he  set  to  work,  and  in  two  weeks 
mastered  the  Latin  grammar  so  that  forty  years  after  he 
could  repeat  pages  of  it  verbatim.  We  have  here  the  key  to 
his  future  success.  Indomitable  will,  genuineness,  willing- 
ness to  work.  His  pupils  soon  learned  to  respect  him.  Such 
a  teacher  will  always  be  respected.  He  became  so  fond  of 
his  profession,  that  to  the  last  day  of  his  life,  in  the  midst  of 
his  most  brilliant  successes,  he  did  not  cease  to  regret  that 
he  had  given  it  up.  From  this  time  he  became  fond  of  the. 
old  Latin  writers,  and  liked  to  recite  many  of  the  odes  of 
Horace.  In  1783,  though  still  too  young  to  take  orders,  he 
was  called  by  Bishop  Briand  to  be  Secretary  of  the  diocese 
of  Quebec.  The  duties  of  this  office,  in  a  diocese  extending 
from  New  Orleans  to  the  coast  of  Labrador,  were  complicated 
and  onerous.  The  Bishop  himself  was  ill.  His  coadjutor, 
Mgr.  D'Esgly,  lived  at  a  distance  and  was,  moreover,  aged 
and  infirm.  Plessis's  prudence  and  good  judgment,  with 
the  business-like  habits  to  which  he  had  been  trained,  made 
him  equal  to  his  task.  He  lived  with  the  Bishop,  venerated 
him  as  a  father,  and  was  beloved  and  trusted  as  a  son.  The 
Bishop  had  been  a  careful  student  of  men  and  affairs.  He 
talked  earnestly  with  his  secretary  about  the  causes  that  had 
led  to  the  fall  of  the  French  dominion  in  Canada  and  ana- 
lyzed with  him  the  character  of  the  men  who  had  held  the 
reins  of  government  at  the  time  of  the  cession.  It  is  safe  to 
say,  that  the  affectionate  intercourse  between  the  good  Bish- 
op and  his  secretary,  was  the  foundation  of  the  distinction 
finally  attained  by  the  latter. 

At  the  age  of  twenty-three,  Plessis  was  ordained  priest, 


A   SCION   OF   THE   CHURCH    IN   DEERFIELD.  289 

and  six  years  later,  while  still  fulfilling-  the  duties  of  secre- 
tary, he  was  made  cure  of  Quebec.  Nothing  is  more  trying 
than  to  become  the  successor  in  office  of  one  who  has  been 
long  considered  as  the  embodiment  of  fitness  and  nobility  in 
his  position.  Monsieur  Hubert,  the  predecessor  of  Plessis, 
was  the  idol  of  his  parish.  His  fine  intellect  and  physical 
beauty,  with  the  added  charm  of  an  afi:able  manner,  gentle- 
ness and  consideration  for  others,  had  endeared  him  to  all 
classes.  Plessis,  in  these  trying  circumstances,  behaved  with 
credit  to  himself  and  to  the  satisfaction  of  all.  His  labors  at 
this  time  were  very  severe.  He  rose  at  four  in  the  morning, 
and  rarely  went  to  bed  before  midnight.  This  short  rest 
was  often  disturbed  by  his  duties  as  curc\  which  called  him 
to  the  sick  and  dying-.  Eager  in  the  pursuit  of  knowledge, 
he  resolutely  devoted  one  whole  night  of  every  week  to 
study.  His  youth  and  good  health  at  first  upheld  him,  but 
after  three  or  four  months  of  it,  he  found  himself  so  sleepy 
the  next  day  that  he  gained  nothing  by  the  practice,  and 
wisely  gave  it  up. 

The  youth  of  his  parish  were  his  tender  care.  He  never 
lost  sight  of  them,  but  watched  their  conduct,  and  gave  them 
good  advice  as  they  grew  up.  To  those  who  were  too  fond 
of  dancing,  he  liked  to  quote  the  words  of  Saint  Francis  de 
Sales, — ^"I  say  about  balls,  what  the  doctors  say  about  mush- 
rooms,— the  best  of  them  are  good  for  nothing."  Education 
occupied  much  of  his  thought,  particularly  that  of  the  work- 
ing classes.  He  founded  schools  in  the  suburbs  of  Quebec, 
chose  the  masters,  and  personally  supervised  the  classes. 
When  he  found  an  especially  bright  child,  he  urged  the  par- 
ents to  send  it  to  college,  and  if  poverty  was  pleaded  as  ex- 
cuse, his  own  scanty  purse  supplied  the  means.  He  took  one 
child  into  his  own  house  and  himself  taught  him  for  a  year 
and  a  half.  In  a  letter  to  a  friend,  he  speaks  of  this  boy 
with  fond  praise,  and  encloses  with  pride  a  "-rondeau  com- 


290  TRUE    STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

posed  by  my  Remi"  as  he  affectionately  calls  him.  He  sent 
him  to  college,  but  after  finishing  his  studies,  the  young 
man  was  unwilling  to  enter  the  church  for  which  his  bene- 
factor had  destined  him,  and  the  good  cun^  generously  made 
it  easy  for  him  to  study  law.  He  became  afterwards  Chief 
Justice  of  Lower  Canada. 

The  first  state  paper  of  Plessis  upholds  parochial  schools 
against  a  proposition  by  the  government  to  establish  a  mixed 
college  on  equal  terms  for  Protestants  and  Catholics.  Plessis 
sees  in  this  a  blow  aimed  at  the  French  language  and  relig- 
ion ;  asks  what  place  the  Catholic  Bishop  of  Quebec  is  to 
hold  in  the  proposed  institution  ;  reminds  the  administra- 
tion that  the  Jesuits  had  already  a  good  college,  where  the 
boys  are  taught  reading,  writing  and  arithmetic, — and  with 
keen  satire,  expresses  his  surprise  that  a  government  so  zeal- 
ous for  the  education  of  Canadian  youth  should  have  appro- 
priated this  building  for  its  Bureau  of  Archives. 

As  a  preacher  Msgr.  Plessis  lacked  that  personal  magnet- 
ism which  touches  and  captivates  an  audience.  His  lan- 
guage was  simple,  his  manner  earnest.  He  was  not  a  brill- 
iant orator,  though  in  many  of  his  occasional  sermons  he 
rises  to  eloquence,  as  in  that  on  Nelson's  Victory  of  the  Nile. 
As  an  example  of  his  energy,  he  mastered  English  in  a  few 
months,  in  order  to  keep  within  his  fold  some  English  Cath- 
olic families  of  his  parish.  He  sometimes  preached  in  Eng- 
lish, but  he  never  pronounced  it  well. 

I  will  not  detail  the  steps  by  which  Martha  French's  grand- 
son rose  from  being  choir  boy  in  the  cathedral  of  Montreal, 
to  become  Bishop  of  the  vast  diocese  of  Quebec.  In  thank- 
ing a  friend  who  wished  him  joy  and  peace  in  his  new  of- 
fice, M.  Plessis  replied,  "It  remains  to  be  seen  whether  the 
happiness  of  a  Bishop  on  earth  is  anything  but  a  series  of 
difficulties  and  crosses  by  which  he  may  be  fitted  for  eternal 
glory."     He  saw  the  struggle  that  was  before  him.     A  weak- 


A   SCION   OF   THE   CHURCH    IN   DEERFIELD.  29I 

er  man  would  have  shrunk  from  the  contest.  He  nerved 
himself  to  meet  it,  and  his  foresight  and  prudence,  his  mod- 
eration and  candor,  his  forbearance  and  self-control,  his  in- 
telligence and  his  courage, — carried  him  safely  and  triumph- 
antly through,  and  made  him  and  his  cause  respected  by  all. 
To  understand  his  position  we  must  go  back  a  little. 

The  treaty  of  1763,  nominally  secured  to  the  French  Ca- 
nadians the  free  exercise  of  their  religion,  and  to  the  clergy, 
their  customary  dues  and  rights  from  the  Catholic  people  of 
Canada.  So  long  as  both  parties  desired  to  maintain  a  good 
understanding  and  friendly  relations  with  one  another  ;  so 
long  as  the  French  Catholic  Bishop  was  moderate  in  his  de- 
mands, and  loyal  to  the  king ;  so  long  as  the  English  Prot- 
estant Governor  was  conciliatory,  and  disposed  to  allow  the 
French  reasonable  freedom  in  the  exercise  of  their  religion, 
all  was  well.  This  had  been  the  state  of  affairs  between 
Bishop  Briand  and  Sir  Guy  Carleton.  Indeed  the  latter,  in 
1775,  publicly  declared  that  the  preservation  of  the  province 
of  Quebec  to  Great  Britain  was  due  to  the  loyalty  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  clergy  ;  and  the  Bishop  was  left  undisturbed 
in  his  ancient  prerogative  of  creating  parishes  and  appoint- 
ing cure's.  The  two  Bishops  after  Briand  had  enjoyed  the 
same  liberty  unchallenged.  On  the  election  of  Monseigneur 
Denaut  as  Bishop,  Governor  Prescott  asked  that  a  list  of  the 
cures  appointed  during  the  year  should  be  annually  sent 
him,  in  order  that  he  might  render  an  account  to  the  minis- 
ter, if  necessary.  In  preferring  this  request,  he  assured  the 
Bishop  that  he  would  be  left  free  to  act  in  all  other  matters. 
All  the  Bishops  since  the  cession  as  before,  in  their  private 
letters  and  public  documents,  had  very  properly  signed  them- 
selves Bishops  of  Quebec.  In  the  meantime,  however.  Dr. 
Mountain  arrived  in  Quebec  with  his  commission  from  the 
king  as  Bishop  of  the  Anglican  church  of  Quebec.  Still  the 
Catholic  Bishop  continued  to  issue  his  letters  and  circulars 


292  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

as  Bishop  of  Quebec.  The  clouds  be^an  to  gather.  The 
anti-Catholic  faction  which  had  always  existed  in  the  colon- 
ial government,  but  had  heretofore  been  held  in  abeyance 
by  the  harmony  existing  between  the  Governor  and  the 
Bishop,  began  to  act  more  openly.  We  have  seen  the  spe- 
cious project  of  a  mixed  college,  involving  the  right  to  seize 
the  property  of  the  Jesuits  and  Sulpitians,  and  to  put  all  the 
educational  interests  of  a  Catholic  population  of  two  hundred 
thousand  souls  into  the  hands  of  a  Protestant  board  of  di- 
rectors, with  the  Anglican  Bishop  at  the  head. 

The  most  bitter  of  the  anti-Catholic  faction  was  Ryland, 
the  Governor's  secretary,  who  did  not  hesitate  to  avow  his 
contempt  and  detestation  of  that  religion.  In  a  letter  writ- 
ten in  1804,  he  declared  his  belief  that  Catholicism  could  be 
annihilated  in  Canada  within  ten  years,  and  the  king's  su- 
premacy established.  In  Plessis,  as  the  defender  of  the 
rights  of  French  Canadians,  Ryland  recognized  a  formidable 
antagonist,  and  tried  by  intrigue  with  the  home  govern- 
ment, to  overthrow  and  degrade  him.  The  Attorney-Gener- 
al Sewall  shared  Ryland's  feeling,  and  pronounced  a  decision 
in  the  courts  that  the  government  had  the  sole  right  of  cre- 
ating parishes  and  of  electing  cures ;  that  all  those  created 
since  1763,  were  null  and  void,  and  that  such  a  thing  as  a 
Roman  Catholic  bishop  of  Quebec  did  not  exist.  The  Lord- 
Bishop,  after  tendering  his  resignation,  on  the  plea  that  the 
right  to  elect  curates  was  denied  him,  that  the  superintend- 
ent of  the  Romish  church  publicly  assumed  the  title  of  Bish- 
op of  Quebec,  while  at  the  same  time  the  said  superintend- 
ent and  his  clergy  took  special  care  not  to  give  him  this  ti- 
tle, set  out  for  England  to  lay  his  complaints  before  the 
king. 

This  was  the  state  of  affairs  when  in  1806,  Plessis  became 
Bishop  of  Quebec.  Fortunately  the  Lieutenant-Governor, 
then  acting  Governor  and  a  devoted  adherent  of  the  English 


A   SCION   OF   THE   CHURCH    IN   DEERFIELD.  293 


church  and  its  Bishop,  was  also  in  England,  and  though  Ry- 
land  did  all  he  could  to  prevent  Plessis  from  being  allowed 
to  style  himself  Bishop  of  Quebec  in  taking  the  oath  of  fidel- 
ity to  the  king,  the  chief  councillor  in  charge  of  affairs  in 
the  Governor's  absence,  admitted  the  oath.  Plessis  fully 
understood  the  situation.  He  had  always  seen,  as  few  had, 
how  easy  it  would  be  for  a  tyrannical  colonial  government 
to  evade  that  clause  of  the  treaty,  permitting  to  the  Cana- 
dians the  free  enjoyment  of  their  religion.  He  felt,  too, 
that  that  clause  had  been  nullified  by  Parliament  in  the  act 
of  1774.  The  destiny  of  the  Catholic  church  in  Canada  was 
committed  to  his  hands.  There  were  rocks  on  either  side. 
The  helm  must  be  firmly  grasped,  the  ship  steered  straight. 
Single-handed  he  must  fight  against  three  of  its  most  bitter 
enemies.  Tact,  caution,  discretion,  patience,  self-control, 
firmness, — these  must  be  his  weapons.  Towards  the  last  of 
his  life  he  said  to  one  of  his  vicars  involved  in  ecclesiastical 
strife,  "Foolish  speeches  are  for  those  who  make  them.  Do 
not  let  their  bad  conduct  vex  you.  Continue  to  act  with 
charity  and  forbearance.  In  every  contention,  happy  is  he 
who  knows  how  to  keep  good  behavior  on  his  side."  This 
was  the  lesson  he  had  learned  in  his  long  struggle. 

During  the  ten  years'  contest  between  the  officers  of  the 
crown  and  Plessis,  he  was  often  summoned  to  discussion  with 
them  concerning  the  king's  prerogative.  In  his  arguments, 
one  hears  now  a  Roger  Williams,  advocating  obedience  to 
the  higher  law, — and  then  the  civil  service  reformer,  oppos- 
ing bribery  and  corruption  in  politics,  and  demanding  the 
complete  separation  of  church  and  state.  Inflexible  as  Lav- 
al in  maintaining  the  supremacy  of  the  church,  his  methods 
were  better.  Laval  was  bigoted  and  imperious;  Plessis, 
liberal  and  conciliatory.  Aggression  was  the  mission  of  the 
former,  mediation  of  the  latter.  In  these  disputes  with  the 
Governor  and  Council,  he  never  lost  his  temper,  and  only 


294  TRUE    STORIES    OF    NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

once  does  lie  allude  to  his  personal  feelings.  At  the  end  of 
a  long  discussion  with  Craig,  he  says,  "It  has  been  the  prin- 
ciple of  my  life  to  support  the  government  in  every  way 
that  I  can  conscientiously  do  so.  No  one  is  more  loyal,  more 
obedient  to  the  law  of  the  land  than  I  am,  and  having  done 
as  much  as  my  predecessors  for  the  service  of  the  govern- 
ment, I  hoped  that  the  government  would  not  treat  me 
worse  than  it  had  treated  them." 

To  efface  the  bad  impression  left  by  Craig  upon  the  minds 
of  the  French  Canadians,  Sir  George  Prevost,  a  man  of  very 
different  stamp,  was  made  his  successor.  Doubtless  instruct- 
ed to  adopt  a  conciliatory  policy  toward  the  French,  educat- 
ed by  the  mistakes  of  his  predecessor  in  office,  and  perhaps 
believing  that  the  time  had  come,  when  a  slight  concession 
from  the  Bishop  would  forever  settle  the  vexed  question  of 
supremacy,  the  new  Governor,  as  Plessis  was  about  to  de- 
part for  the  missions  of  the  Gulf,  addressed  him  as  follows  : 
"I  have  received  despatches  from  England.  The  govern- 
ment desires  to  place  you  on  a  more  respectable  footing,  but 
it  is  expected  that  you  yourself  will  name  the  conditions. 
Let  me  have  your  ideas  on  this  subject  before  your  depart- 
ure. We  must  provide  for  everything  and  have  a  good  un- 
derstanding." 

Plessis  had  remained  unmoved  by  the  intrigues  of  Ryland 
and  the  threats  of  Craig.  Temptation  came  to  him  now  in 
a  new  form.  It  would  have  been  easy  for  a  man  of  weaker 
principles  to  have  persuaded  himself  that  he  had  borne  and 
foregone  enough  ;  that  he  had  stood  long  enough  in  the 
breach  ;  that  with  a  Governor  as  well  disposed  as  Sir  George 
Prevost,  a  merely  nominal  surrender  would  secure  to  himself 
all  the  honors,  privileges  and  emoluments  of  his  position  ; 
that  he  had  earned  the  right  to  ease  and  repose,  and  might 
now  claim  the  reward  of  his  services.  But  Bishop  Plessis 
was  not  the  man  to  shirk  responsibility  for  the  present  upon 


A   SCION    OF   THE   CHURCH    IN    DEERFIELD.  295 

the  future.  His  fidelity  to  what  he  believed  right  was  un- 
compromising-. As  if  to  fortify  himself  at  the  outset  against 
the  sophistry  of  such  arguments,  he  wrote  to  the  Governor : 
"I  shall  have  the  honor  to  send  your  Lordship  a  statement 
of  my  views,  but  I  must  declare  in  advance  that  no  temporal 
offer  will  induce  me  to  renounce  any  part  of  my  spiritual 
jurisdiction.  It  is  not  mine  to  make  way  with.  I  hold  it  as 
a  sacred  trust  of  which  I  must  render  an  account." 

The  memorial  that  follows  defining  the  position  and  rights 
of  the  Catholic  Bishops  of  Quebec,  past,  present  and  future, 
is  a  masterpiece  of  good  sense,  sound  reasoning,  candor  and 
justice. 

During  the  Bishop's  absence  at  the  missions  of  the  gulf, 
the  war  of  18 12  broke  out.  On  his  return  to  Quebec  he  found 
all  Canada  in  a  state  of  great  excitement.  The  government 
had  been  forced  to  appeal  to  the  Canadians,  the  same  Cana- 
dians whom  Ryland  and  his  friends  had  chosen  to  represent  as 
continually  on  the  eve  of  revolt,  for  aid  to  resist  the  entrance 
into  Canada  of  American  troops.  The  French  Canadians  re- 
sponded nobly  to  the  Governor's  appeal.  This  was  Plessis' 
supreme  moment.'  Mandements,  addresses,  circulars,  pas- 
toral letters  fly  fast  from  his  pen.  Letters  to  the  people  at 
home  and  in  the  ranks  ;  letters  of  comfort  to  the  women  and 
children  temporarily  bereft  of  husbands  and  fathers  in  their 
country's  service ;  letters  to  the  militia,  exhorting  them  to 
loyalty,  patriotism  and  piety  ;  letters  to  his  cures,  thanking 
and  encouraging  them  to  stand  by  the  government.  Circu- 
lars and  mandements  providing  not  only  for  the  immediate 
wants  of  those  left  behind,  but  for  possible  famine  in  the  fu- 
ture in  consequence  of  fields  unfilled  and  harvests  ungathered 
in  time  of  war. 

Full  recognition  of  the  Bishop's  services  was  made  by  Sir 
George  Prevost  to  the  home  government,  and  in  181 3,  the 
Prince  Regent  in  the  name  of  the  king  decreed  to  the  Bishop 


296  TRUE    STORIES    OF    NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

of  Quebec  an  allowance  of  ;^iooo  per  annum,  as  a  testimony 
to  his  loyalty  and  good  conduct.  Plessis  had  his  private 
satisfaction  from  his  opponents  if  he  desired  it,  when  Ryland 
as  clerk  of  the  Executive  Council  had  to  name  him  as  Bishop 
of  Quebec. 

His  triumph  was  complete  when  in  18 17,  he  was  appointed 
by  the  crown  a  member  of  the  Legislative  Council  of  Can- 
ada. 

To  this  hasty  sketch  of  his  public  career  let  me  add  a 
glimpse  of  the  private  life  of  this  remarkable  man.  Though 
short  in  stature,  he  was  of  commanding  presence.  His  fine 
head  was  well  set  on  his  broad  shoulders.  His  forehead  was 
noble,  his  eyes  dark  and  piercing.  His  mouth  was  firm  and 
decided,  but  his  expression  was  kindly.  In  his  face,  as  in 
his  character,  are  many  traits  of  striking  resemblance  to 
some  of  his  race  whom  we  have  known  in  Deerfield.  Be- 
neath his  grave  exterior  was  a  fund  of  gayety  that  won  him 
the  love  of  children  and  youth.  A  clerical  friend  remembers 
having  been  carried  when  a  child  of  five  to  see  the  great 
Bishop,  who  took  him  on  his  lap  saying,  "Come  now,  sing  to 
me, — sing  me  all  your  little  songs."  On  his  visits  to  college 
and  convent,  the  pupils  gathered  freely  about  him.  He  told 
them  stories  and  taught  them  the  games  and  songs  of  his 
boyhood.  Ajffectionate  and  sensitive,  he  was  equally  suscep- 
tible to  kindness  and  injury,  and  easily  moved  to  tears  or 
laughter.  His"  keen  sense  of  the  ridiculous  came  near  be- 
traying him  into  untimely  mirth  on  more  than  one  occasion. 
In  a  small  parish  church,  towards  the  close  of  one  of  his 
most  serious  discourses,  his  eye  fell  upon  one  of  those  crude 
paintings  which  at  that  period  adorned  the  country  church- 
es. A  purple  sky,  with  sun,  moon  and  stars.  Saint-Michael 
in  red  coat,  blue  trousers  and  heavy  riding  boots,  winging 
his  way  with  flaming  sword  to  earth  and  about  to  cru.sh  with 
heavy  heel  the  big  nose  of  Lucifer,  while  the  latter  parries 


A   SCION   OF   THE   CHURCH    IN   DEERFIELD.  297 

the  blow  with  his  horns.  The  preacher's  gaze  was  riveted. 
Feeling  that  he  must  laugh  outright  he  sat  down ;  rose 
again,  coughed, — abruptly  wound  up  his  sermon,  and  rush- 
ing to  the  sacristy  burst  into  prolonged  laughter. 

The  daily  routine  of  the  Bishop  was  much  the  same  as 
when  he  was  curate.  He  was  in  his  office  by  half-past  seven 
in  the  morning,  and  did  not  leave  it,  except  for  his  devo- 
tions and  the  mid-day  meal,  till  supper  time.  After  that,  he 
gave  himself  up  for  an  hour  to  a  pleasant  chat  with  his  priests. 
He  was  witty,  with  a  fine  appreciation  of  humor ;  a  brilliant 
talker,  told  a  good  story,  and  liked  a  joke  even  though  he 
himself  was  the  victim.  He  used  to  tell  with  glee,  how  af- 
ter giving  an  hour  of  good  advice  in  English,  to  an  old 
Irishwoman,  she  suddenly  silenced  him  by  saying  that  she 
didn't  understand  a  word  of  French.  His  methodical  busi- 
ness habits  rendered  possible  his  immense  correspondence. 
He  never  let  affairs  accumulate  on  his  hands.  Volumes  of 
his  manuscript  letters  are  carefully  preserved.  Letters  to 
his  clergy  on  every  imaginable  subject  concerning  the  phys- 
ical and  spiritual  welfare  of  his  people  ;  on  education,  moral 
and  intellectual ;  on  vaccination,  and  the  state  of  the  crops. 
Letters  to  the  Ursuline  sisters,  playful  and  affectionate  like 
those  of  a  father  to  his  daughters.  "In  his  very  familiarity," 
says  one,  "there  was  something  indefinable  commanding  re- 
spect. If  we  were  entirely  at  our  ease  with  Monseignieur 
Plessis,  we  never  could  forget  that  he  was  our  Superior  and 
our  Bishop."  Writing,  on  a  voyage  to  the  Gulf  he  says, 
"Your  prayers  have  sustained  me  wonderfully  up  to  this  mo- 
ment, though  they  have  not  prevented  my  having  pretty 
strong  doses  of  sea-sickness  several  times.  So  you  have  not 
besought  Heaven  to  calm  the  waves  and  make  the  wind 
blow  as  softly  as  one  of  your  lay  sisters  blows  to  kindle  the 
fire  in  the  morning.  This  breath  of  ocean  is  far  mightier, 
and  makes  my  poor  little  schooner  roll  so  as  to  break  dishes 


298  TRUE    STORIES    OF    NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

and  bottles.  All  this,  however,  has  no  lasting  effect  on  one's 
health.  As  soon  as  one  lands  the  misery  is  over,  and  we  will 
not  speak  of  the  inconveniences  of  life  especially  since  we 
know  we  deserve  so  much  worse  things." 

From  the  Magdalen  Islands  he  writes,  "Here  there  are  no 
serpents,  frogs,  toads,  rats  or  bugs.  No  grain  grows,  nor 
melons,  nor  flax,  nor  onions,  nor  turnips  nor  Indian  corn. 
The  women  are  as  modest  as  nuns.  They  till  the  soil,  while 
the  men  fish  for  a  living.  Bad  faith,  theft,  quarrelling  are 
unknown  here  ;  locks  and  keys  unheard  of.  People  would 
have  a  very  bad  opinion  of  anyone  who  bolted  his  door." 
Again  he  writes,  "I   am  going  to  confess  my  ignorance.     I 

can't  succeed  in  making  any  good  ink I  beg  you  to 

have  one  of  your  teachers  make  me  some.  I  will  pay  for  all 
the  vinegar  used.  I  will  exchange  empty  bottles  for  full 
ones,  and  I  will  thank  you  very  much  into  the  bargain." 
From  this  time  forth  the  nuns  made  all  the  ink  he  used,  and 
if  the  consumption  exceeded  the  supply  he  was  sure  to  send 
a  note  written  with  bad  ink  and  this  postcript:  "If  you  don't 
find  my  ink  black  enough  you  may  send  me  some  other." 
Though  he  kept  two  secretaries  he  replied  promptly  with 
his  own  hand  to  all  who  sought  his  help.  He  was  generous 
to  a  fault,  and  reminds  one  of  the  Apostle  Eliot  in  his  lavish 
alms  to  the  needy.  He  never  could  keep  any  money  for 
himself.  What  was  quaintly  said  of  the  patriarch  White  is 
as  true  of  Plessis.  "He  absolutely  commanded  his  own  pas- 
sions, and  the  purses  of  his  parishioners,  whom  he  could 
wind  up  to  what  height  he  pleased  on  important  occasions." 

The  best  summary  of  the  life  and  character  of  Plessis,  is 
to  be  found  in  his  own  eulogy  on  good  Bishop  Briand.  "He 
had  learned  from  Jesus  Christ  to  render  unto  Caesar,  the 
things  that  are  Caesar's,  and  from  Saint  Paul,  submission  to 

the  powers  that  be No  one  was  more  upright 

more  sincere, more   fearless  and   self-possessed  amid 


A   SCION   OF   THE   CHURCH    IN   DEERFIELD.  299 

untoward  events No  one  knew  better  than  he, 

how  to  reconcile  what  he   owed   to   God  with  what  he   con- 
sidered due  to  his  fellow-men." 

Three  times  during  his  Episcopate,  Bishop  Plessis  visited 
every  parish  in  Lower  Canada,  and  so  prodigious  was  his 
memory,  that  he  knew  the  names  of  every  family  in  each  par- 
ish. If  he  heard  of  a  black  sheep  in  any  flock,  he  hunted 
him  up,  talked  to  him  like  a  father,  set  him  on  his  feet  and 
made  him  feel  himself  a  man  again.  He  used  to  relate  that 
when  he  went  to  the  Iroquois  village  near  Montreal,^  he 
watched  from  the  sacristy  the  Indians,  as  they  stole  noise- 
lessly into  the  church  and  sat  down,  the  men  on  one  side  and 
the  women  on  the  other.  Though  the  women's  faces  were 
hidden  by  their  blankets  he  could  always  recognize  his  aunt, 
by  her  tall  figure  and  European  gait.  This  was  his  grand- 
mother's sister,  Abigail,  daughter  of  Thomas  French  of 
Deerfield,  taken  captive  at  the  age  of  six,  and  since  lost 
sight  of,  until  now  found,  among  the  Saint-Louis  Indians, 
where,  adopting  the  language  and  habits  of  her  captors,  she 
lived  and  died  unmarried.  On  his  first  visit  to  Montreal 
after  his  election,  official  announcement  as  usual  was  made, 
of  the  Bishop's  readiness  to  receive  his  friends,  and  the  pub- 
lic generally.  His  father  receiving  no  special  notice  of  his 
arrival,  sent  him  the  following:  "My  son,  I  am  at  home,  and 
shall  be  glad  to  receive  a  visit  from  you,  if  you  wish  to  see 
me."  Remembering  a  former  passage  at  arms  between  the 
self-respecting  father,  and  the  obedient  son,  we  cannot  doubt 
that  Plessis  was  soon  welcomed  in  the  bosom  of  his  family. 

On  the  2nd  of  July,  18 19,  he  sailed  for  Europe  on  business 
of  importance  to  the  church.  He  had  scarcely  left  the  har- 
bor when  a  Bull  from  the  Pope  arrived  naming  him  Arch- 
bishop of  Quebec. 

The   journal   kept  on  this  tour  is  extant.     He   jots  down 

'Caughnawaga. 


300  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

simple  and  loving  thoughts  of  the  friends  left  behind.  He 
notices  the  birds  that  hover  about  the  islands  of  the  great 
river,  and  the  gambols  of  the  fish  about  the  ship.  The 
smoke  and  noise  of  Liverpool  annoy  him,  but  he  is  delighted 
with  the  public  institutions  of  that  city.  He  is  especially 
impressed  by  the  tender  care  and  instruction  given  to  the 
blind,  and  his  heart  is  touched  by  their  singing.  He  praises 
the  smiling  landscape,  and  good  roads  of  England.  "For 
two  hundred  miles,  between  Liverpool  and  London,  I  did 
not  see  a  single  rut,"  he  says,  but  he  misses  the  grand  forests 
of  his  native  land.  His  description  of  an  English  inn  is  cap- 
ital. "The  innkeeper  and  his  wife  meet  you  at  the  door, 
with  as  good  grace  as  an}^  Lord  and  Lady  would  receive  their 
guests.  That  done,  they  disappear, — leaving  you  to  the  dis- 
cretion of  an  intendant,  who  takes  care  of  you  with  an  air  of 
grandeur  and  nobility  that  would  do  credit  to  the  first  gen- 
tleman  of    England Nothing   is   spared.      All   your 

wants  are  anticipated.  Only  at  your  departure,  the  gentle- 
man opens  his  hand,  and  besides  the  amount  of  his  bill,  he 
receives  with  gratitude  the  shilling  which  you  give  him."  He 
does  not  relish  English  mutton,  but  speaks  of  the  fine  wool 
of  the  sheep.  He  remarks  upon  the  large  size  of  the  horses, 
and  the  dexterity  of  the  coachmen  who  use  long  whips,  but 
never  speak  to  their  horses.  He  speaks  with  gratitude  of  the 
consideration  of  some  English  Protestants,  with  whom  he 
travelled,  who  were  careful  not  to  disturb  his  devotions.  He 
expresses  admiration  and  repect  for  a  good  old  Methodist 
with  whom  he  lodged, — "Must  we  damn  without  mercy,  those 
who  live  well,  but  do  not  believe?"  he  says;  "No,  charity 
forbids  this."  He  believed  that  sooner  or  later,  in  some  way, 
these  good  Protestant  brethren  would  be  brought  to  a  knowl- 
edge of  the  true  faith.  His  trust  in  the  love  of  God  and  his 
own  great  love  for  his  fellow-men,  would  not  permit  him  to 
think  that  any  could  be  lost. 


A   SCION   OF   THE   CHURCH    IN   DEERFIELD.  301 


Everywhere  in  Europe  he  was  treated  with  distinction, 
George  the  Fourth  in  London,  Louis  the  Eighteenth  in  Paris, 
and  Pope  Pius  the  Seventh  in  Rome,  gave  him  flattering 
audience.  Having  accomplished  his  mission  he  returned  to 
Canada,  after  a  year's  absence.  Landing  at  Montreal,  his 
passage  down  the  river  was  a  triumphal  procession.  After 
an  ovation  at  Three  Rivers,  a  frenzy  of  joy  greeted  his  ar- 
rival at  Quebec.  The  whole  population  turned  out  to  meet 
him.  He  landed  amid  the  firing  of  cannon,  the  clangor  of 
bells,  the  music  of  the  English  band,  and  the  shouts  of  the 
people.  The  multitude  followed  him  to  the  cathedral,  and 
filled  the  market  place  outside,  while  a  Te  Dcuni  was  sung. 
A  flock  of  dove-like  nuns  fluttered  on  the  mansard  of  the 
Ursuline  convent,  watching  eagerly  from  afar  the  move- 
ments of  the  crowd,  while  others  in  their  glad  impulse,  seiz- 
ing the  bell  rope  of  the  chapel,  rang  out  a  welcome  to  the 
Holy  Father. 

He  had  long  been  a  sufferer  from  rheumatism.  On  the 
4th  of  December,  1825,  after  a  few  days'  illness,  his  busy  and 
useful  life  ended  suddenly  at  the  hospital  of  the  Hotel-Dieu. 
On  the  7th  his  body  clad  in  his  sacerdotal  robes,  a  mitre  on 
his  head,  a  crucifix  in  his  hand,  was  borne  in  an  open  coffin 
through  the  streets  and  followed  to  the  Cathedral  by  an  im- 
mense concourse  of  citizens, — the  Governor-General  and  his 
Council,  the  Legislative  Council,  judges  of  the  King's  Bench 
and  troops  of  the  garrison.  All  the  bells  of  the  city  were 
tolled,  the  shops  shut  and  minute  guns  fired.  A  marble  in- 
scribed with  an  elaborate  epitaph  in  Latin,  marks  his  tomb, 
at  the  left  of  the  altar,  in  the  choir  of  the  Basilica  at  Quebec, 
His  heart  in  a  crystal  vase  in  a  leaden  box,  was  carried  in 
procession  to  the  church  at  Saint-Roch.  The  vault  where  it 
rests  is  covered  by  a  mural  tablet  inscribed  in  French. 

Lately  I  w^as  present  at  one  of  the  most  imposing  cere- 
monials of  the  Romish  church,  in  the  Basilica  where  Plessis 


302  TRUE   STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

was  ordained,  consecrated;  and  so  long  officiated  at  similar 
solemnities.  It  was  the  day,  when  from  two  hundred  thou- 
sand altars  all  over  the  world,  prayers  arose  for  all  the  souls 
in  Purgatory.  A  lofty  catafalque,  covered  with  a  pall,  sym- 
bolic of  death,  rose  at  the  very  entrance.  Tall  candles  in 
silver  candlesticks  stood  at  its  four  corners  and  hundreds  of 
tapers,  row  upon  row  ascending,  flared  and  smoked  about  it. 
From  ceiling  to  floor,  the  vast  cathedral  was  draped  in  black 
and  white.  Its  usual  splendor  was  veiled  by  emblems  of 
woe.  Pictures  and  images,  crystal  chandeliers  and  silver 
lamps,  were  shrouded  in  black.  Broad  bands  of  black  con- 
cealed the  railing  of  the  galleries,  and  thick  folds  of  the  same 
were  wound  about  the  pillars.  Votive  lamps  burned  be- 
fore all  the  shrines.  Colored  lights  illumined  the  recesses 
of  the  church.  Thousands  of  people  with  chaplets,  knelt  in 
prayer  that  the  souls  of  the  dead  might  be  released  from  the 
torture  of  Purgatory.  From  the  organ  loft  came  the  wail  of 
a  solemn  requiem.  Odor  of  incense  was  wafted  from  the  far 
away  chancel,  which  was  crowded  with  priests  and  boys.  In 
fancy  I  saw  the  great  Archbishop  there,  where  he  loved  best 
to  be,  in  his  pontificals,  and  seated  in  his  chair  of  state,  at- 
tended by  his  clergy  in  vestments  of  black  velvet  embroid- 
ered with  silver. 

Then  I  thought  of  Thomas  French  in  his  leather  apron, 
shaping  ploughshares  all  the  day  long ;  in  the  evening, 
painfully  recording  in  the  town  book  the  events  of  the  every 
day  life  of  the  little  plantation  of  which  he  was  a  leading 
member ;  on  Sunday,  in  his  homespun  suit,  sitting  here  in 
the  deacons'  seat  below  the  pulpit,  half-hidden  from  the  con- 
gregation by  the  plain  board  hanging  from  the  rail  in  front, 
and  serving  for  a  communion  table  when  needed.  Children 
and  grandchildren  watched  by  his  deathbed,  and  finally, 
kindly  hands  of  mourning  neighbors  bore  him  on  a  bier  to 
his  rest  in  the  old  burial  ground.     There  the  sun  shines  all 


A   SCION   OF   THE   CHURCH    IN   DEERFIELD.  303 


day  upon  his  grave,  which  is  marked  by  an  old  red  vSandstone 
bearing  the  simple  words, 

"Blessed  are  the  dead  which  die  in  the  Lord." 

Would  it  have  shocked  the  old  man  more  I  wonder,  to 
have  known  that  one  of  his  blood  should  become  the  most  il- 
lustrious defender  of  the  Roman  Catholic  faith  in  Canada, — 
or  that  a  woman  of  the  same  stock  should  stand  in  this  place 
on  this  anniversary,  to  ask  you  to  honor  this  veritable  scion 
of  the  church  in  Deerfield  ? 

Who  shall  dare  affirm  or  deny  that  to  the  drop  of  New 
England  blood  in  his  veins,  Joseph-Octave  Plessis,  owes  the 
grandest  traits  of  his  character  ? 

After  all, — what  matters  it?  Neither  New  England  nor 
New  France, — Puritan  nor  Catholic,  holds  a  monopoly  of 
virtue. 

Sects  perish.     Nationalities  blend.     Character  endures. 


HERTEL    DE    ROUVILLE. 


COMMANDER   OF   THE    FRENCH     AND    INDIANS    IN    MANY    EXPE- 
DITIONS  AGAINST   NEW    ENGLAND. 

"It  is  not  far  from  New  England  to  old  France."  One 
rushes  by  train  at  night  across  the  fertile  meadows  of  the 
Connecticut  and  Passumpsic  rivers  to  wake  in  a  wilderness 
of  pines  and  hemlocks,  alternating  with  forests  of  the  more 
delicate  larch.  So,  on  to  the  valley  of  the  Chaudicre,  Thence 
winding  through  picturesque  hamlets  bearing  the  names  of 
the  Virgin,  and  all  the  saints  in  the  calendar, — each  a  daz- 
zling row  of  stone  cottages,  built  close  by  the  river,  with  low 
walls  and  high  pitched  roofs,  whose  curved  and  broadly  ov- 
erhanging eaves  are  supported  by  brackets.  The  lofty  gable 
ends  are  shingled  and  painted  yellow,  pink  or  dark  red,  in 
gay  contrast  to  the  white  plastered  walls.  The  massive  cob- 
blestone chimneys  are  built  up  from  the  ground  outside, 
rudely  daubed  with  clay,  and  encased  in  wood  towards  the 
top  to  protect  them  from  wind  and  rain.  Each  cottage  has 
its  outdoor  oven,  its  long,  low  barn  with  numerous  bright 
red  doors,  always  open,  and  barred  by  wicket  gates.  Behind 
the  buildings  the  farm  slopes  gently  upward  to  a  high  hori- 


HERTEL   DE    ROUVILLE.  305 


zon  line,  a  mile  back  from  the  river.  While  you  are  looking 
for  Evangeline  and  wondering  whether  this  is  Acadia  or 
Normandy,  you  find  yourself  towards  sunset  in  the  midst  of 
a  French-speaking  crowd  in  the  market-place  of  the  Lower 
Town  of  Quebec, — on  the  very  spot  where  in  1608  Champlain 
and  his  companions  built  their  ''Jiabitation'  and  spent  their 
first  winter  in  Canada. 

Above  you,  to  the  height  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  feet 
towers  the  magnificent  cliff,  so  justly  termed  the  Gibraltar 
of  America.  Clambering  into  a  caleche,  you  crawl  to  the  top 
by  the  zigzag  road  now  known  as  Mountain  Street.  But  you 
go  not  alone, — for  this  is  holy  ground,  and  your  heart  beats 
conscious  of  a  procession  from  the  past  that  silently  goes 
with  you  up  the  narrow  pathway. 

Here  is  Jacques  Cartier,  hardy  Breton  mariner,  first  of 
white  men  who  trod  this  winding  way ;  Champlain,  skilful 
seaman,  brave  soldier,  restless,  untiring  adventurer, — cum- 
bered with  much  care  for  the  soul  of  the  red  man  ;  and  his 
gentle  and  beautiful  young  Huguenot  wife,  so  far  exceeding 
his  efforts  for  her  conversion  that  she  learned  to  look  even 
upon  her  love  for  him  as  disloyalty  to  God.  Here  are  men- 
dicant friars  in  gray  cloth  robes,  girt  up  with  knotted  cord, 
and  naked  feet  shod  in  wooden  sandals  ;  black-gowned  Jes- 
uits for  whom  Indian  tortures  have  no  terrors,  their  emaciat- 
ed faces  looking  more  ghastly  beneath  their  looped-up  hats ; 
and  dark-eyed  nuns,  whose  woe-begone  faces,  pale  and  weary 
with  weeping  and  sea-sickness,  are  yet  radiant  with  unabated 
zeal  for  their  mission.  Here,  too,  are  splendid  regiments  of 
soldiers,  whose  valor  has  been  proved  on  many  an  old  world 
battle  field  ;  and  a  long  line  of  viceroys,  governors  and  in- 
tendants,  surrounded  by  liveried  guards  and  followed  by  a 
throng  of  young  nobles  from  the  most  corrupt  of  European 
courts  gorgeous  in  lace  and  ribbons  and  "majestic  in  leonine 
wigs." 


306  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


Gaining  the  summit  of  the  rock  you  look  off  upon  a  land- 
scape of  incomparable  beauty.  Below,  the  noble  river  with 
white-winged  vessels  and  drifting  smoke  of  many  steamers. 
Midway  between  its  banks  lies  the  beauteous  island  of  Or- 
leans like  an  emerald  set  in  silver.  The  long,  white  cote  of 
Beauport,  with  its  glittering  twin  spires,  stretches  away  to- 
ward the  gleaming  cataract  of  Montmorenci.  Across  the 
river,  russet  fields  of  waving  grain  slope  in  billowy  uplands 
to  the  blue  horizon.  Far  away  are  the  rounded  summits  of 
the  grand  old  Laurentian  mountains,  the  land  first  lifted 
above  the  waste  of  waters,  nucleus  of  a  world  as  yet  unborn. 
Imperial  in  the  splendor  of  their  autumnal  robes,  wrapped 
about  in  the  purple  haze  of  the  September  afternoon,  tran- 
quil and  serene  as  befits  their  dignity,  solemn  and  impressive 
in  their  sublimity,  they  stand  there  as  they  have  stood  since 
time  began. 

Halting  on  the  rampart  of  this  walled  town  that  seems 
like  a  dream  of  the  middle  ages,  you  hear  the  muffled  drums 
beating  the  funeral  march  of  a  soldier.  The  Angelus  peals 
from  the  cathedral  spire.  You  listen  to  the  low,  sweet 
chanting  of  cloistered  nuns  at  their  vespers.  Surely  this  is 
a  bit  of  old  France. 

But  again  it  is  not  far  to  New  England  from  Old  France, 
for,  to  the  thoughtful  student  of  our  colonial  history  who 
stands  for  the  first  time  beneath  the  Lombardy  poplars  on 
the  esplanade  at  Quebec,  especially  to  one  reared  under  the 
elms  of  Massachusetts,  no  place  is  so  near  to  the  impregna- 
ble fortress  of  the  St.  Lawrence  as  the  frontier  town  of  Deer- 
field  on  the  Connecticut.  Instinctively  he  peoples  the  streets 
of  the  old  French  city  with  the  shadowy  forms  of  those,  who, 
driven  from  their  burning  homes  on  the  night  of  the  29th 
of  February,  1703-4,  dragged  out  a  miserable  captivity  on 
this  very  spot.  Yonder,  tended  by  Hospital  nuns,  Zebediah 
Williams,  that  pious,  hopeful  youth,  breathed  his  last.     Not 


HERTEL   DE   ROUVILLE.  307 

far  away  are  the  dilapidated  walls  of  the  Intendant's  palace, 
over  whose  threshold  many  a  New  England  captive  has 
passed.  Between  this  and  the  Governor's  council  chamber 
Ensign  John  Sheldon  must  have  walked  daily  while  besieg- 
ing these  officers  with  petitions  for  the  release  of  the  Deer- 
field  captives. 

Here,  in  this  now  deserted  market-place  young  Jonathan 
Hoit  sat  with  the  vegetables  which  he  was  sent  to  sell  in 
the  city,  when  Major  Dudley  saw  him  and  bought  him  of 
his  Indian  master  with  twenty  bright,  silver  dollars.  Facing 
this  square  were  the  Jesuit  buildings  where  the  Deerfield 
pastor  so  often  dined  and  argued  with  the  Father  Superior ; 
and  within  sight,  stood  the  Ursuline  convent  where  the  little 
New  England  girls  were  bribed  and  beaten  by  those  as  pi- 
ously bent  on  the  salvation  of  their  souls  as  ever  was  good 
Parson  Williams  himself. 

With  all  these  names,  that  of  Hertel  de  Rouville  must  be 
forever  associated.  We  have  hitherto  thought  of  him  but  as 
a  Popish  bigot,  a  leader  of  murdering  savages.  It  seems  to 
me  that  the  time  has  come  when  we  can  afford  to  honor  him 
and  his  ancestry  as  we  do  our  own  for  their  patriotic  and 
brave  defence  of  their  country  and  their  faith. 

In  that  part  of  Normandy,  known  as  the  Pays  de  Caux  in 
the  picturesque  town  of  Fecamps  by  the  sea,  lived  Nicholas 
Hertel  and  his  wife  Jeanne.  Early  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury we  find  the  name  of  their  son,  Jacques  Hertel  in  Can- 
ada, where  the  rank  of  a  lieutenant  gave  him  the  entree  to 
the  best  society.  Here  he  devoted  hiinself  to  the  study  of 
the  Indian  language  and  became  known  as  one  of  the  most 
skilful  interpreters.  The  interpreter  was  then  a  man  of  high 
consideration  and  authority  in  intercolonial  affairs.  His 
position  as  mediator  between  the  savage  and  the  white  man 
required  the  possession  of  unusual  courage  and  intelligence. 
Mr.  Parkman  mentions  Hertel  as  one  of  the  four  most  fa- 


308  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

mous  interpreters  of  New  France  in  the  decade  following 
1636,  and  says  of  the  class,  "From  hatred  of  restraint  and 
love  of  a  wild  and  adventurous  independence  they  encoun- 
tered privation  and  dang-ers  scarcely  less  than  those  to  which 
the  Jesuit  exposed  himself  from  motives  widely  different, — 
he  from  religious  zeal,  charity  and  the  hope  of  Paradise  ; 
they,  simply  because  they  liked  it.  Some  of  the  best  fami- 
lies of  Canada  claim  descent  from  this  vigorous  and  hardy 
stock." 

On  the  23d  of  August,  1641,  Jacques  Hertel  married  at 
Three  Rivers,  the  daughter  of  Francois  Marguerie,  another 
of  the  quartette  of  renowned  interpreters.  Three  Rivers 
was  then  a  fur-trading  hamlet  surrounded  by  a  square  pali- 
sade. Between  it  and  Montreal,  on  both  shores  of  the  St. 
Lawrence  were  clearings,  marking  the  sites  of  future  seign- 
iories. Among  the  early  settlers  of  Three  Rivers,  are  names 
connected  with  some  of  the  most  romantic  episodes  in  the 
history  of  Canada. 

One  of  the  neighbors  of  Jacques  Hertel  and  Francois  Mar- 
guerie was  Christophe  Crevier,  whose  eldest  daughter  later 
married  Pierre  Boucher,  Governor  of  Three  Rivers.  Their 
daughter,  when  but  twelve  and  a  half  years  of  age  married 
Rene  Gaultier  de  la  Varennes,  a  lieutenant  of  the  Carignan 
regiment,  and  became  the  mother  of  La  Verendrye,  the  dis- 
coverer of  the  Rocky  Mountains. 

Jacques  Hertel,  at  his  death,  left  two  daughters  and  a  son. 
The  son,  Francois  Hertel,  was  born  at  Three  Rivers  about 
1643,  and  early  distinguished  himself  as  a  soldier.  Charle- 
voix calls  him  "one  of  the  most  valiant  warriors  of  his  time." 
A  later  French  writer  says,  "By  his  boldness  and  success  he 
deserves  to  be  called  the  most  intrepid  champion  of  New 
France  against  its  eternal  enemies,  the  Iroquois  and  the  col- 
onists of  New  England." 

One  summer  afternoon  in  the  year  1661,  Frangois  Hertel, 


HERTEL   DE    ROUVILLE.  309 


then  a  youth  of  eighteen,  was  made  prisoner  by  the  Mo- 
hawks, and  with  two  of  his  comrades  carried  to  one  of  their 
towns,  where  they  were  cruelly  tortured.  With  his  poor, 
mutilated  hand  the  brave  boy  wrote  on  birch  bark  and  car- 
tridge wrappers  a  letter  to  his  mother  and  two  to  Father  Le 
Moyne,  a  Jesuit  priest,  who  had  been  sent  a  little  before  to 
Onondaga  on  a  political  mission  during  a  truce  with  the  Iro- 
quois.^ In  them  not  one  word  of  complaint  of  his  own  suf- 
ferings escapes  the  heroic  youth,  but  elsewhere  he  thus 
speaks  of  his  little  fourteen  years  old  friend,  Antoine  Crevier, 
who  had  been  captured  with  him  :  "Poor  little  fellow,  I  pitied 
him  so  !  These  savages  made  a  slave  of  him,  and  then  while 
hunting  they  stuck  their  knives  into  him  and  killed  him." 

Hertel's  other  comrade  in  misfortune  wrote  home  to  Three 
Rivers  as  follows :  "There  are  three  of  us  Frenchmen  here 
who  have  been  tortured  together,  and  while  they  were  tor- 
menting one  the  other  two  were  permitted  to  pray  to  God 
for  him,  which  we  did  continually;  and  they  let  the  one 
they  were  tormenting  chant  the  Litanies  of  the  Virgin  or 
the  Ave  Maria,  which  he  did  while  the  others  prayed.  The 
savages  mocked  us  and  made  a  great  hue  and  cry  when  they 
heard  us  singing,  but  that  did  not  keep  us  from  doing  it. 
They  made  us  dance  around  a  great  fire  to  make  us  fall  into 
it.  There  were  more  than  forty  of  them  round  the  fire,  and 
they  kicked  us  from  one  to  another  like  tennis  balls,  and  af- 
ter they  had  burned  us  well  they  put  us  out  in  the  rain  and 
cold,  I  never  felt  such  dreadful  pain,  but  they  only  laughed 
at  us.  We  prayed  with  all  our  might,  and  if  you  ask  me 
whether  I  did  not  hate  the  Iroquois  who  were  hurting  us  so, 

and  curse  them,  I  tell  you,  no,  that  I  prayed  for  them, 

and  I  must  tell  you  about  Pierre  Rencontre  whom  you  knew 
well.  He  died  like  a  saint.  I  saw  them  torture  him.  He 
never  said  a  word  but  "My  God  have  pity  on  me," 

'Mr.  Parkman  gives  us  these  letters  on  p.  67  of  the  Old  Regime. 


310  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

The  youthful  captive  describes  more  suffering's  endured 
at  the  hands  of  the  merciless  Mohawks,  and  at  the  close  of 
his  letter,  as  if  overwhelmed  with  the  horror  of  it  all,  he 
says,  "I  can't  help  weeping  in  saying  good-bye."  What  a 
picture  this  is  of  the  constancy  and  fortitude  of  these  lads ! 
The  lapse  of  two  centuries  cannot  deaden  our  sympathy  with 
those  distressed  mothers  at  Three  Rivers  as  they  read  these 
agonizing  letters  from  their  beloved  boys. 

Thus  early  did  Frangois  Hertel  begin  to  deserve  the  title 
of  ''Le  Hcros^'  by  which  he  is  later  known  in  the  annals  of 
New  France. 

On  Sept.  2nd,  1664,  three  years  after  his  captivity  among 
the  Mohawks,  Francois  Hertel  married  at  Montreal,  Mdlle. 
Marguerite  Thauvenet.  She  had  come  to  Canada  with  Mad- 
ame de  la  Peltrie,  intending  to  consecrate  herself  to  the  ed- 
ucation of  Indian  girls,  but  became  betrothed  to  M.  de 
Chambly,  a  captain  in  the  Carignan  regiment,  whose  seign- 
iory she  inherited  at  his  death,  becoming  later  the  wife  of 
Francois  Hertel  and  the  mother  of  his  nine  sons.  Mr.  Ben- 
jamin Suite,  an  eminent  historian  of  Canada,  gives  a  new 
version  of  this  story  in  his  history  of  Saint-Francis.  He 
says  that  Marie  Thauvenet's  sister  married  Captain  de  Cham- 
bly and  died  without  children ;  that  De  Chambly  was  killed 
in  the  wars  with  Italy  and  that  his  Canadian  fief  passed  to 
his  wife's  sister's  husband,  Francois  Hertel,  who  thereupon 
assumed  the  title  of  Seigneur  de  Chambly.'  Be  this  as  it 
may,  Frangois  Hertel's  title  was  Hertel  de  la  Fresniere. 
From  his  inheritance  of  the  seigniory  of  Chambly  through 
his  wife  or  her  sister,  he  became  Sieur  de  Chambly.  I  find 
a  letter  from  Francois  Hertel,  dated  at  Three  Rivers,  July 
28,  1666,  to  the  surgeon  at  Orange,  [Albany]  thanking  him 

'Franfois  Hertel's  title  was  Hertel  de  la  Frfesniere.  He  gave  up  this  to 
take  that  of  "Seigneur  de  Chambly,"  and  is  thereafter  known  as  Hertel  de 
Chambly. 


HERTEL   DE   ROUVILLE.  311 


for  his  good  treatment  while  a  captive,  and  regretting  that 
another  Mohawk  invasion  has  prevented  his  being  sent  by 
the  governor  on  an  embassy  to  Albany.  He  adds:  "As  for 
news  regarding  myself  I  will  inform  you  that  I've  got  mar- 
ried since  I  was  with  you,  and  have  a  big  boy  who  will  soon 
be  able  to  go  and  see  you  ;  only  let  him  be  fourteen  or  fifteen 
years  older  than  he  is  now  ;  that  will  make  him  about  six- 
teen." 

On  the  28th  of  March,  1690,  we  find  Francois  Hertel  lead- 
ing the  attack  at  Salmon  Falls^  and  performing  prodigies 
of  valor  at  Wooster  River.  He  had  with  him  his  three 
eldest  sons,  of  whom  our  Hertel  de  Rouville  was  the  third. 
He  was  also  accompanied  by  his  nephew,  Louis  Crevier,  (the 
son  of  his  sister  Marguerite,)  and  by  Nicolas  Gatineau,  son 
of  Marie  Crevier.  These  were  all  gallant  and  spirited  young 
officers. 

Retreating  to  the  Kennebec,  he  left  his  eldest  son,  Hertel 
de  la  Fresniere,  who  had  been  severely  wounded  in  the  ac- 
tion, among  the  Abenakis,  and  joining  a  war  party  under 
Portneuf,  whose  soldiers  clamored  to  be  led  by  Hertel,  he 
shared  in  the  triumph  at  Fort  Loyal  on  Casco  Bay. 

We  get  an  interesting  glimpse  of  Hertel's  home  life  at  this 
period.  One  little  daughter  had  been  born  to  him  to  whose 
education  the  pious  mother  devoted  herself,  although,  says 
the  Ursuline  Superior  who  tells  the  tale,  "She  did  not  neglect 
her  nine  sons,  as  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  though  they  were 
somewhat  gay  and  tremendously  brave,  they  made  it  a  prin- 
ciple to  be  as  faithful  to  God  as  to  their  king."  While  the 
husband  was  fighting  for  the  king  at  Salmon  Falls,  his  wife 
was  presenting  their  little  ten  years  old  girl  for  her  first 
communion.  This  was  the  first  step  in  a  remarkable  relig- 
ious career  in  which  the  daughter  of  "The  Hero"  "displayed 

'According  to  some  writers  this   attack  on  Salmon  Falls  was  led  by  Hertel 
de  Rouville,  son  of  Fran9ois  Hertel, 


312  TRUE    STORIES    OF    NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

the  same  heroism  which  her  father  had  shown  on  the  field 
of  battle." 

From  the  time  of  her  first  communion,  Marie  Fran(;.oise 
Hertel's  life  was  regulated  by  herself  with  the  sole  view  to 
her  eternal  salvation.  She  showed  thereafter  no  looseness, 
idleness  nor  inconstancy  in  her  tasks  at  the  pension.  Delight- 
ed with  her  progress,  her  parents  took  her  home  intending 
to  arrange  for  her  a  marriage  suitable  to  their  position,  but 
her  heart  was  fixed  on  becoming  a  nun.  Though  this  was  a 
great  disappointment  to  her  father,  who  had  counted  upon 
her  companionship  in  his  declining  years,  he  loved  her  so 
tenderly  that  he  would  not  sadden  her  by  remonstrating 
against  her  chosen  vocation,  and  rarely  spoke  to  her  on  the 
subject.  Her  brother,  De  Rouville,  however,  was  not  so 
considerate.  He  importuned  her  incessantly  to  marry  one 
of  his  companions  in  arms  who  was  greatly  admired  by  all. 
"What  nonsense  in  you,  Fanchette,"  he  would  say,  "at  your 
age  to  think  of  shutting  yourself  up  in  a  convent.  Leave 
your  place  among  the  Ursuline  sisters  to  some  old  maid 
whom  nobody  wants,  and  who  is  good  for  nothing  but  to  say 
her  prayers.  Why  need  you  put  yourself  behind  a  grating 
to  serve  God?  Look  at  our  mother.  Isn't  she  a  good,  true 
Christian  ?" 

All  this  did  not  prevent  the  young  religicnse  from  fulfilling 
her  intention.  In  September,  1700,  she  became  a  novice  un- 
der the  name  of  Soeur  Marie  Frangoise  de  Saint-Exupere, 
taking  the  white  veil,  in  the  convent  then  newly  founded  in 
her  native  town. 

When  in  171 3  it  became  necessary  to  elect  a  Mother  Su- 
perior for  the  convent  at  Three  Rivers,  the  minds  of  all  his 
friends  and  neighbors  naturally  turned  to  the  daughter  of 
"The  Hero."  The  matter  being  decided  otherwise  by  the 
Ursulines  at  Quebec,  a  crowd  of  his  tenants,  who  believed  that 
everything  belonging  to  the  name  of  Hertel  must  of  neces- 


HERTEL   DE    ROUVILLE.  313 

sity  hold  the  highest  position,  assembled  at  the  convent  doors 
showering  invectives  upon  the  authorities  at  Quebec.  The 
uproar  reached  such  a  height  that  poor  little  Sister  St.  Exu- 
pere  was  driven  by  her  humility  to  leave  her  native  town 
and  seek  entrance  to  the  Ursuline  convent  at  Quebec,  where 
she  took  at  once  the  black  veil.  There  on  the  4th  of  March, 
1 770,  she  died  at  the  advanced  age  of  ninety,  after  a  retirement 
from  the  world  of  seventy-one  years,  which  she  spent  in  ac- 
tive service  for  the  church,  showing  an  especial  aptitude  for 
teaching  young  girls. 

"About  this  time,"  says  Mr.  Parkman,  "Canada  became  in- 
fatuated  with    noblesse Merchant    and    seignior  vied 

with  each  other  for  the  quality  oi  geiitiUiouinic 'Every- 
body here,'  writes  the  Intendant  Meules,  'calls  himself  es- 
quire and  ends  with  thinking  himself  a  gentleman.'  "  The 
exploits  of  Frangois  Hertel  entitled  him  to  letters  of  nobility 
from  his  king.  These,  according  to  Canadian  Archives, 
though  promised  in  1690,  were  not  granted  till  a  quarter 
of  a  century  later. 

In  171 2,  probably  despairing  of  a  proper  recognition  of  his 
services,  and  ambitious  for  his  sons,  Frangois  Hertel,  wrote 
a  memorial  recapitulating  their  military  exploits.  In  this 
he  sets  forth  in  detail  the  expedition  of  his  third  son,  Hertel 
de  Rouville,  to  Deerfield.^ 

The  following  extracts  are  literally  translated  : 

"The  Sieur  Hertel  is  76  years  old.^ He  has  ten  sons  all  in 

the  troops The   Sieur   Hertel  pere    began   to   bear  arms  in 

'Canadian  Ant.  and  Num.  Journal,  July,  i88g.  Interesting  as  a  cotempo- 
rary  statement  of  important  events  by  a  conspicuous  actor  therein.  It  is  a  draft 
by  "The  Hero"  of  a  record  of  his  services,  to  be  sent  to  the  liing,  with  correc- 
tions partly  by  himself  and  partly  by  some  other  hand.  Its  antiquity  is  un- 
questionable. Invaluable  as  authority  on  the  details  of  the  expeditions  against 
New  England  in  1690  and  1703-4. 

^Changed  to  "70,"  this  fi.xes  the  date  of  this  document  as  1712.  as  Hertel 
was  born  in  1642. 


314  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

1657,  in  the  beginning  of  the  war  against  the  Iroquois.  He  was 
wounded  and  made  prisoner  by  these  Savages  in  1659,  and  was  about 
two  years  a  slave  among  them.      He  is  maimed  in  one  hand  by  the 

bad  treatment  of  these  barbarians 

In  all  the  wars  there  has  been  no  party  or  expedition  in  which 
the  father  or  some  of  his  children  have  not  been.  M.  the  governor 
general in  1703'  honored  the  Sieur  de  rouville^  with  the  com- 
mand of  a  party  of  200  men  among  the  number  of  whom  were  three 
of  his  brothers.  He  took  by  storm  at  daybreak  the  fort^  guerfil* 
where  there  were  a  hundred  and  twenty-seven  armed  men.  He 
killed  in  this  assault,  and  in  a  combat  which  he  sustained  while  re- 
treating with  his  rear-guard  of  thirty  men.  against  more  than  a  hun- 
dred, one  hundred  and  fifty  persons,  took  one  hundred  and  seventy 
prisoners,  his  lieutenant  was  killed  and  eleven  others  of  his  men. 
He  was  wounded  and  twenty-two  others,  among  which  number 
were  three  officers  and  one  of  his  brothers  who  was  serving  as  ad- 
jutant." 

The  long-deferred  patent  of  nobility  was  granted  to  Fran- 
cois Hertel  in  April,  17 16,  he  being  then  seventy-four  years 
old.     It  appears  in  Canadian  Archives  as  follows  : 

[Translation.] 

"Services  which  the  Seignieur  Hertel  Lieutenant  of  our  troops  in 
Canada  has  rendered  to  the  late  King, in  the  different  expe- 
ditions in  which  he  has  been  against  the  savages,  have  led  us  to 
give  him  proof  of  our  satisfaction,  which  may  descend  to  his  poster- 
ity. We  resolve  upon  this  the  more  willingly,  as  the  valor  of  the 
father  is  hereditary  in  his  children,  two  of  whom  have  been  killed 
in  the  service,  and  the  seven  others  who  still  serve  in  our  troops  in 
Canada  and  Isle  Royale,  have  given  on  all  occasions  proofs  of  their 
good  conduct  and  bravery.     And  since  the  father  and  his  children 

'Changed  to  "1704."  "'His  third  son." 

^"Of."  ^"Deerfield." 


HERTEL   DE   ROUVILLE.  315 

Still  continue  to  serve  us,  with  the  same  zeal  and  the  same  affection, 
we  have  been  pleased  to  grant  to  the  head  of  this  family  our  letters 
of  nobility " 

We  find  Francois  Hertel  until  his  death  constantly  em- 
ployed in  the  service  of  his  government :  a  man  useful  in 
its  councils  and  idolized  by  the  whole  colony.  Charlevoix, 
who  saw  him  at  the  age  of  eighty  full  of  health  and  strength 
says  that  "All  the  colony  bore  witness  to  his  virtue  and  his 
merits." 

The  head  of  the  younger  branch  of  Francois  Hertel's  fam- 
ily was  Jean  Baptiste  Hertel  de  Rouville,  so  intimately  con- 
nected with  the  history  of  New  England. 

He  was  the  third  "big  boy"  that  rejoiced  the  heart  of  his 
youthful  father  and  was  probably  born  about  1668.  His  fa- 
ther procured  for  him  a  grant  of  land  on  the  river  Chambly 
near  his  own  seigniory,  which,  it  will  be  remembered,  came 
into  his  possession  through  a  romantic  episode  in  the  life  of 
his  wife,  Marguerite  de  Thauvenet.  Embracing,  as  did  all 
his  brothers,  a  soldier's  career,  "he  became,"  says  the  Cana- 
dian Chronicler,  "the  rival  of  all  those  intrepid  warriors 
who  made  the  English  colonies  repent  of  their  unjust  at- 
tacks." He  held  the  rank  of  lieutenant,  and  was  accompan- 
ied in  his  expedition  against  Deerfield  by  three  of  his  broth- 
ers. For  his  exploits  on  that  occasion  he  was  recommended 
for  promotion  by  De  Vaudreuil  in  a  letter  to  the  Minister  as 
follows : 

"Quebec,  i6th  pber  1704. 

I  had  the  honor  to  write  to  you,  My  Lord, and  to 

inform  you  of  the  success  of  a  party  I  sent  this  winter  on  the  ice  as 
far  as  the  Boston  government^  at  the  request  of  the  Abenakis  In- 
dians whom  the  English  attacked  since  Sieur  de  Beaubassin's  return 
last  autumn,  and  at  the  same  time  took  the  liberty  to  speak  to  you 
of  Sieur  de  Rouville  who  commanded  on  that  occasion  :  he  desires, 

'Deerfield.  ♦ 


3l6  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 

My  Lord,  that  you  would  have  the  goodness  to  think  of  his  pro- 
motion, having  been  invariably,  in  all  the  expeditions  that  present- 
ed themselves,  and  being  still  actually  with  the  Abenakis 

Sieur  de  Rouville's  party.  My  Lord,  has  accomplished  everything 
expected  of  it,  for  independent  of  the  capture  of  a  fort,^  it  showed 
the  Abenakis  that  they  could  truly  rely  on  our  promises,  and  this  is 
what  they  told  me  at  Montreal  on  the  13th  of  June  when  they  came 
to  thank  me."^ 

"At  a  meeting  of  the  Commissioners  for  managing  the  Indian  af- 
fairs at  Albany  the  21  of  June,  1709.  Intelligence  given  by  an  In- 
dian called  Ticonnondadiha,  deserted  from  a  French  party  gone  to 
New  England,  says  that  it  is  now  24  days  ago  since  that  party  went 
out  from  Canada  w*^"^  he  left  three  days  ago  at  the  head  of  the  Otter 
Creek  at  a  place  called  Oneyade;  and  to  goe  over  a  long  carrying 
place  before  they  came  to  the  New  England  river.  This  party  con- 
sists of  180  men,  40  Christians  and  140  Indians;  they  are  designed 
for  Dearfeild  and  intended  to  post  themselfes  near  the  fort  and  then 
send  out  a  skulking  party  to  draw  out  the  English,  thinking  by  that 
meanes  to  take  the  place.  That  by  another  Indian  come  latter 
from  Canada,  confirms  that  this  party  is  out,  and  that  two  New 
England  captives  deserted  from  thence  14  dayes  ago.  Albany  22th 
June  1709.  Hereupon  the  Com"  for  the  Indian  affairs  have  sent 
Dan'  Ketelhuyn  expresse  with  a  letter  to  Col.  Partridge  to  give  an 
acc'^  thereof."^ 

The  origin  of  this  expedition  was  as  follows  :  Having  been 
worsted  in  an  attack  by  the  English  under  Captain  Wright,* 
"a  party  of  Indians,"  says  De  Vaudreuil,  "feeling  piqued, 
asked  me  to  let  them  go  on  an  excursion  with  some  fifty  of 
the  most  active  Frenchmen,  and  to  allow  the  Sieur  de  Rou- 

'Deerfield. 

*M.  de  Vaudreuil    to    M.    de    Pontchartrain.     N.  Y.  Col.   Doc.  Vol.  IX,  p. 
758-9. 

3N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Vol.  5,  p.  86. 

*See  Capt.  Benjamin  Wright's  narrative  in  Sheldon's  Hist,  of  Deerfield,  Vol, 
I,  p.  369. 


HERTEL   DE   ROUVILLE.  317 

ville  and  another  to  command.    I  immediately  assented 

the  force  went  to  Guerrefille  [Deerfield]  where,  having-  pre- 
pared an  ambush  they  caught  two  alive. ^ 

Hertel  de  Rouville  appears  to  have  made  many  little  "ex- 
cursions" of  this  sort  into  New  England  and  New  York. 
On  the  29th  of  August,  1708,  he  commanded  the  attack  on 
Haverhill.  Here  his  brother,  Hertel  de  Chambly,  and  Louis 
de  Vercheres,  the  friend  whom  he  had  ardently  desired  as 
his  brother-in-law,  were  slain. 

Joseph  Bradley,  the  same  who  accompanied  John  Sheldon 
to  Canada,^  secured  the  medicine  chest  and  packs  of  the  par- 
ty which  they  had  thrown  aside  on  going  into  battle  and  had 
not  time  to  gather  up  in  their  hasty  retreat  with  their  cap- 
tives. 

De  Rouville  was  sent  by  the  governor  on  an  important 
embassy  to  Boston,  Of  this  De  Vaudreuil  writes  to  Pont- 
chartrain  that  he  "had  been  fortunate  in  his  choice  of  two 
officers,  the  most  capable  of  all  Canada  of  reconnoitring  a 
country  which  at  any  moment  they  might  be  called  upon  to 
attack." 

Amidst  his  severer  duties  De  Rouville  found  time  to  mar- 
ry twice.  By  his  second  wife  he  had  five  children.  The 
names  of  his  daughters  appear  on  the  convent  lists  of  pupils, 
and  in  their  records  the  holy  sisters  mention  with  pride 
Hertel  de  Rouville  and  his  brothers  as  defenders  of  the 
church.  He  was  finally  sent  to  Cape  Breton  where  he  spent 
some  years,  and  died  June  30th,  1722,  at  Fort  Dauphin,  of 
which  he  was  commandant.     Among  the  prisoners  huddled 

'These  two  were  Joseph  Clesson  and  John  Arms.  The  latter  was  wound- 
ed twice  before  allowing  himself  to  be  taken.  De  Rouville's  approach  being 
discovered  it  is  probable  that  the  townsfolk,  many  of  whom  had  but  lately  re- 
turned from  Canadian  captivity,  courageously  pursued  and  compelled  the  ene- 
my to  retreat. 

^See  ante. 


3l8  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND   CAPTIVES. 


together  in  Ensign  John  Sheldon's  house  in  Deerfield  on 
that  dreadful  night  in  February,  1703-4,  waiting  with  her 
weeping  children,  grandchildren  and  neighbors,  the  order 
to  march  into  captivity,  was  Mary  Baldwin  Catlin,  wife  of 
Mr.  John  Catlin.  A  wounded  French  officer  was  brought  in 
and  laid  upon  the  floor.  In  his  agony  he  called  piteously 
for  water.  Mrs.  Catlin  raised  his  head  and  tenderly  moistened 
his  fevered  lips.  Reproached  by  a  neighbor  for  this  kindness 
to  their  enemy,  she  answered,  "If  thine  enemy  hunger  feed 
him;  if  he  thirst,  give  him  drink."  When  the  captives  were 
ofathered  too^ether  for  the  march  Mrs.  Catlin  was  left  behind, 

too 

— tradition  says  in  return  for  her  compassion.  One  touch  of 
nature  makes  the  whole  world  kin.  I  like  to  think  that  the 
wounded  officer  may  have  been  Hertel  de  Rouville's  young 
brother,  and  that  that  humane  act,  distilled  through  the 
blood  of  succeeding  generations,  has  inspired  me  with  the 
wish  to  present  the  Hertels  in  a  more  favorable  light  than 
that  in  which  we  of  New  England  are  accustomed  to  view 
them. 

The  Canadian  heroine,  Madeleine  de  Vercheres,  at  the 
age  of  fourteen,  defended  her  father's  house  for  a  week 
against  the  Iroquois,  while  he  was  on  duty  at  Quebec.  Put- 
ting a  gun  into  the  hands  of  her  younger  brother  she  said, 
"Remember  that  our  father  has  taught  you  that  gentlemen 
must  be  ready  to  shed  their  blood  if  need  be  in  the  service 
of  their  God  and  their  king."^ 

In  our  estimate  of  the  character  of  Jean  Baptiste  Hertel 
de  Rouville,  we  must  not  forget  that  this  was  the  creed  on 
which  he  was  nurtured. 

'This  younger  De  Vercheres  became  later  a  prisoner  of  war  in  Boston;  was 
the  subject  of  much  negotiation  for  exchange.  He  appears  in  our  Archives  as 
"Boverey  de  Vorshay." 


FATHER    MERIEL— MARY    SILVER. 


INTRODUCTION. 


"In  1657,"  says  Mr.  Parkman,  "the  association  of  pious  en- 
thusiasts who  had  founded  Montreal,  was  reduced  to  a  rem- 
nant of  five  or  six  persons,  whose  ebbing  zeal  and  overtaxed 
purses  were  no  longer  equal  to  the  devout  but  arduous  en- 
terprise. They  begged  the  Seminary  of  Saint-Sulpice  to 
take  it  off  their  hands.  The  priests  consented,  and  though 
the  conveyance  of  the  island  of  Montreal  to  these,  its  new 
proprietors,  did  not  take  effect  till  some  years  later,  four  of 
the  Sulpitian  fathers  came  out  to  the  colony  and  took  it  in 
charge. 

Thus  far,  Canada  had  had  no  bishop,  and  the  Sulpitians 
now  aspired  to  give  it  one  from  their  own  brotherhood.  This 
roused  the  jealousy  of  the  Jesuits,  who,  for  thirty  years  had 
borne  the  heat  and  burden  of  the  day, — the  toils,  privations 
and  martyrdoms,  while  as  yet  the  Sulpitians  had  done  noth- 
ing and  endured  nothing; — and  under  the  leadership  of  the 
great  Laval,  the  long  quarrel  between  the  two  orders  began." 
It  ended  in  the  triumph  of  Laval  and  the  Jesuits. 


320  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CATTIVES. 

From  the  earliest  period  of  their  history,  the  labors  of  the 
three  religious  communities. — Sulpitian  priests,  nuns  of  the 
Congregation  de  Notre-Dame,  and  Hospital  nuns,  have  sup- 
plemented each  other:  the  Seminary  priests  serving  as 
teachers  of  the  boys  and  as  directors  and  chaplains  of  the 
other  two  orders ;  the  Congregation  nuns  teaching  the  girls; 
and  the  Hospital  nuns  doing  duty  as  nurses  to  them  all. 

The  most  pious  friendship  unites  the  three  orders,  and 
together  they  are  regarded  in  the  eyes  of  the  people  of  Mon- 
treal as  an  image  and  embodiment  of  the  Holy  Family,  Jesus, 
Mary  and  Joseph. 

FATHER   MERIEL. 

In  1690  or  91,  M.  Henri-Antoine  de  Meriel  of  Meulan  in 
the  Diocese  of  Chartres,  France,  was  sent  by  M.  Tronson, 
Superior-General  of  the  Sulpitian  Order  in  Canada,  to  succeed 
M.  Barthelemy  as  chaplain  at  the  Hotel-Dieu  in  Montreal. 

At  the  age  of  thirty,  M.  Meriel  bade  farewell  to  riches, 
honors  and  the  congenial  associations  of  his  native  land,  to 
devote  himself  to  the  poor  and  unfortunate. 

Though  his  birth,  education  and  talents  made  him  a  lead- 
ing spirit  in  the  best  society  of  New^  France,  his  life  was  one 
of  arduous  labor  and  self-sacrifice.  In  addition  to  his  duties 
at  the  Hotel-Dieu  he  ministered  with  great  success  to  the 
parish  of  Notre-Dame  in  Montreal,  and  was  director  and  con- 
fessor to  the  pupils  of  the  Sisters  of  the  Congregation. 

On  Canadian  records.  Father  Meriel  is  everywhere  pres- 
ent as  a  part  of  the  personal  history  of  the  New  England 
captives,  and  to  those  familiar  with  their  story,  the  priest's 
name  is  as  well  known  as  that  of  the  Puritan  preacher,  Rev. 
John  Williams.  The  latter  found  in  him  a  foeman  worthy 
of  his  steel. 

To  Father  Meriel's  knowledge  of  the  English  language, 
and  his  facility  in  its  use,  an  accomplishment  rare  at  that 


FATHER   MERIEL— MARY   SILVER.  32 1 

time  in  Canada,  we  owe  the  marvellously  exact  records  by 
which  we  are  able  to  identify  so  many  of  our  captives.^ 
The  name,  age,  parentage,  the  date  and  place  of  capture,  are 
given  with  minute  detail,  in  his  exquisite  handwriting,  which 
is  like  an  oasis  in  the  desert  to  one  groping  among  the  dry 
and  almost  illegible  records  of  two  hundred  years  ago. 

By  his  ability  and  zeal,  many  were  converted  to  the  Rom- 
ish church.  Not  content  with  devoting  himself  soul  and 
body  to  this  work,  he  spent  his  patrimony  in  the  cause. 

Shortly  before  his  death  the  Intendant  and  the  Governor- 
General  wrote  to  the  home  government  asking  that  in  con- 
sideration of  his  services  he  might  be  re-imbursed  by  the 
crown. 

The  French  minister  replied  as  follows  : 

"His  Majesty  has  been  informed  that  M.  Meriel,  priest  at 
Montreal,  has  spent  his  fortune  on  the  conversion  of  the 
English  of  the  colony,  and  that  he  is  so  impoverished  as  to 
be  unable  to  continue  the  good  work. 

As  His  Majesty  is  very  glad  to  give  him  proof  of  his  sat- 
isfaction with  his  zeal,  he  desires  M.  M.  de  Vaudreuil  and 
Begon  to  inform  him  how  much  money  they  think  should 
be  annually  awarded  to  M.  Meriel." 

Father  Meriel  could  not  profit  by  the  good  intentions  of 
his  sovereign.  He  died  in  the  odor  of  sanctity  while  minis- 
tering to  the  sick  at  the  Hotel-Dieu,  on  the  12th  of  January, 
171 3,  at  the  age  of  fifty-two. 

MARY    SILVER. 

One  of  the  fruits  of  Father  Meriel's  labors  among  the  cap- 
tives was  Mary  (Adelaide)  Silver.  She  was  the  eldest  child 
of  Thomas  Silver  of  Newbury,  Mass.,  and  his  wife  Mary  Wil- 
liams. 

'See  Appendix  for  an  English  letter  by  Father  Meriel. 


322  TRUE    STORIES   OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

Thomas  Silver  died  in  1695,  and  his  widow  married  Cap- 
tain Simon  Wainwright. 

On  the  29th  of  August,  1708,  [vSept.  9,  N.  s.]  a  party  of 
French  and  Indians  attacked  Haverhill,  Mass.,  then  a  village 
of  about  thirty  houses,  with  a  meeting-house  and  a  picketed 
fort  or  garrison  house.  The  following  account  is  by  Joseph 
Bartlett,  a  soldier  in  the  garrison  house  under  Capt.  Wain- 
wright ■} 

"In  the  year  1707,  in  November,  I,  Joseph  Bartletl  was  pressed, 
and  sent  to  Haverhill.  My  quarters  were  at  the  house  of  a  captain 
Waindret.  August  29,  1708,  there  came  about  160  French  and  50 
Indians,  and  beset  the  town  of  Haverhill — set  fire  to  several  houses; 
among  which  was  that  of  captain  Waindret.  The  family  at  this  time 
were  all  reposing  in  sleep;  but  Mrs.  Waindret  waking,  came  and 
awaked  and  told  me  that  the  Indians  had  come.  I  was  in  bed  in  a 
chamber,  having  my  gun  and  ammunition  by  my  bed-side.  I  arose, 
put  on  my  small  clothes,  took  my  gun,  and  looking  out  at  a  win- 
dow, saw  a  company  of  the  enemy  lying  upon  the  ground  just  before 
the  house,  with  their  guns  presented  at  the  windows,  that  on  dis- 
covering any  person  they  might  fire  at  them.  I  put  my  gun  to  the 
window  very  still,  and  shot  down  upon  them,  and  bowed  down  un- 
der the  window;  at  which  they  fired,  but  I  received  no  harm.  I 
went  into  the  other  chamber,  in  which  was  Mrs.  Waindret,  who  told 
me  we  had  better  call  for  quarter  or  we  should  all  be  burnt  alive.  I 
told  her  we  had  better  not;  fori  had  shot,  and  beheved  I  had  killed 
half  a  dozen,  and  thought  we  should  soon  have  help. 

After  reloading  my  gun,  I  was  again  preparing  for  its  discharge, 
when  I  met  with  a  Mr.    Newmarsh,  who  was  a  soldier  in  that  place. 

He  questioned  me I  answered  that  I  was  going  to  shoot.     He 

told  me  if  I  did  shoot,  we  should  all  be  killed,  as  captain  Waindret 

had  asked  for  quarter,  and  was  gone  to  open  the  door He 

said  we  must  go  and  call  for  quarter;  and,  setting  our  guns  in  the 
chamber  chimney,  we  went  down  and  asked  for  quarters. 

'See  Appendix  to  History  of  Newburyport. 


FATHER    MERIEL — MARY   SILVER.  323 


The  entry  was  filled  with  the  enemy,  who  took  and  bound  us,  and 
plundered  the  house. 

They  killed  no  one  but  captain  Waindret.      When  they  had  done 
plundering  the  house,  they  inarched  off,  and  at  no  great  distance 
coming  into  a  body,  I  had  a  good  view  of  them,  so  that  I  could  give 
a  pretty  correct  account  of  their  number  expecting  to  escape." 

A  rare  volume,  entitled  "Incidents  in  the  Early  History 
of  New  England,"  gives  substantially  the  following  account 
of  the  attack  on  Haverhill : 

"One  party  rifled  and  burned  Mr.  Silver's  house.  Another  at- 
tacked the  garrison  house  of  Capt.  Samuel  Wainwright,i  killing  him 
at  the  first  fire.  To  the  surprise  of  the  garrison  who  were  bravely 
preparing  to  resist,  Mrs.  Wainwright  herself  unbarred  the  door," 
spoke  kindly  to  the  enemy  as  they  entered,  served  them  and  offered 
to  get  for  them  whatever  they  wanted.  The  invaders,  bewildered 
by  this  unexpected  reception,  demanded  money.  Promising  to  get 
it,  Mrs.  Wainwright  left  the  room,  and  fled  from  the  house,  "with 
all  of  her  children,  except  one  daughter  who  was  taken  captive,  and 
was  not  afterwards  discovered."- 

The  rage  of  the  enemy  on  discovering  that  they  had  been 
duped  by  a  woman,  may  be  imagined.  They  attacked  the 
garrison  with  great  violence,  at  the  same  time  attempting  to 
fire  the  house.  They  were  forced  to  retreat  with  three  cap- 
tives, one  of  whom  was  Joseph  Bartlett,  quoted  above, — an- 
other was  Mrs.  Wainwright's  daughter  by  her  first  marriage, 
Mary  Silver,  then  about  fourteen  years  old.  The  route  of 
the  captives  may  be  traced  by  Bartlett's  narrative.  In  Feb- 
ruary he  became  the  servant  of  a  rich  Frenchman  afflicted 
with  gout.  In  his  leisure  moments  he  "Wrought  at  shoe- 
making."  He  describes  his  religious  experiences  in  Canada, 
with  charming  naivete.  His  mistress  asked  him  why  he  did 
not  "attend  meeting."     "I  answered  that  I  could  not  under- 

'Simon  Wainwright. 

'^Discovered  by  the  author  in  1893,  on  Canadian  records. 


324  TRUE    STORIES    OF   NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

stand  what  they  said.  She  said  she  could  not.  I  asked  her 
what  she  went  for.     She  answered,  to  say  her  prayers." 

In  his  quaint  New  England  dialect  he  gives  us  this  glimpse 
of  Father  Men' el's  work  among  the  captives  : 

"On  my  coming  to  reside  with  the  French,  Mr.  Meriel,  a  French 
priest,  came  and  brought  me  an  English  bible.  As  I  sat  at  shoe- 
making,  he  came  and  sat  down  beside  me,  and  questioned  me  con- 
cerning my  health,  and  whether  I  had  been  to  their  meetings.  1 
told  him  I  had  not.  On  his  asking  the  cause  I  answered  (as  I  had 
done  before)  that  I  could  not  understand  what  they  said.  He  said 
he  wished  to  have  me  come  and  witness  their  carryings  on.  I  told 
him  it  was  not  worth  my  while.  But  he  was  very  earnest  that  I 
should  come  to  his  meeting;  and  advised  me  to  try  all  things,  hold- 
ing fast  that  which  is  good.  Who  knows,  said  he,  but  that  God 
hath  sent  you  here  to  know  the  true  way  of  worship.  1  told  him  I 
believed  ours  was  the  right  way.  Says  he  we  hold  to  nothing  but 
what  we  can  prove  by  your  own  Bible.  After  considerable  conver- 
sation I  told  him  1  did  not  know  but  that  1  should  come  to  their 
meetings  and  see  how  they  carried  on  :  which  after  a  little  while  I 
did.  Now  in  their  meeting-house  there  stood  a  large  stone  pot  of 
their  holy  water,  into  which  everyone  that  came  in  dipped  their 
finger  making  a  sign  of  a  cross,  putting  their  fingers  first  to  their 
foreheads,  then  to  their  stomachs,  afterwards  to  their  left  shoulder, 
then  to  their  right  shoulder,  saying,  'Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost 
— amen,'  and  kneeling  down,  they  say  a  short  prayer  to  themselves. 
They  have  pulpits  in  their  houses  for  public  worship;  in  which  the 
priests  sometimes  preach. 

After  a  short  time  the  priest  came  again  to  visit  me,  and  asked 
me  how  I  liked  their  manner  of  worship.  I  told  him  it  seemed 
strange  to  me.  He  said  this  was  generally  the  case  at  first,  but  af- 
ter a  while  it  would  appear  otherwise." 

The  simple  cobbler  at  his  last,  disputing  doctrines  with 
the  educated  priest,  is  an  interesting  picture  of  the  sttirdy 
New  England  character.  Bartlett  gives  us  much  more  of 
his    theological    discussion   with    Father    Meriel, — but   the 


FATHER   MERIEL — MARY   SILVER,  325 


priest's  efforts  to  convert  him  were  unavailing.  Bartlett 
was  redeemed  and  returned  to  Newbury  after  a  captivity  of 
four  years,  two  months  and  nine  days. 

On  arriving  at  Montreal  Mary  Silver  was  probably  given 
at  once  in  charge  of  the  "Sisters  of  the  Congregation."  Her 
name  appears  in  our  Archives  on  a  "Roll  of  English  Prison- 
ers in  the  hands  of  the  French  and  Indians  at  Canada  Given 
to  Mr.  Vaudruille's  Messengers,"  dated  1710-11.^  This  roll 
was  probably  sent  to  Canada  by  the  French  officers  who  had 
come  to  Albany  with  Dutch  prisoners,  bringing  also  John 
Arms  of  Deerfield  to  exchange  for  Sieur  de  Vercheres,  who 
had  been  taken  prisoner  in  the  attack  on  Haverhill.^ 

In  Canada  the  usual  agitation  follows  this  demand  of  our 
Government  for  the  return  of  the  captives.  The  records 
are  teeming  with  their  baptism  and  marriage.     Here  is  one: 

"On  Sunday,  the  2nd  of  February  17 10,  the  rite  of  baptism  was 
administered  by  me  the  undersigned  priest,  to  an  English  girl  named 
Mary  Silver,  who  born  at  Haverhill  in  New  England  on  Wednesday, 
March  loth,  1694,  [28  Feb.  1693-4]  of  the  marriage  of  Thomas  Sil- 
ver, deceased,  and  Dame  Mary  Williams  now  Widow,  by  her  second 
marriage,  of  Mr.  Simon  Wainwright,  Judge,  Captain  and  Command- 
ant of  the  said  place  ;  which  girl  having  been  captured  on  Sunday, 
the  9th  of  September,  1708,  by  Monsieur  Contrecoeur  Esquire, 
officer  in  the  troops  of  Canada,  and  brought  to  this  country,  lives 
as  a  pupil  in  the  house  of  the  Soeurs  de  la  Congregation  de  Notre- 
Uame,  at  Villemarie. 

Her  godfather  was  the  High  and  Mighty  Seigneur  Messire  Phil- 
ippe de  Rigaud,  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  Chevalier  of  the  military  or- 
der of  Saint-Louis,  and  Governor  General  of  New  France  ;  her  god- 
mother, Madame  Charlotte  Denis,  wife  of  M.  Claude  de  Ramezay, 
Chevalier  of  the  order  of  Saint-Louis,   Seignieur  de  Lageste  Bois- 

'Mass.  Archives,  Vol.  71,  p.  760. 

'^See  Sheldon's  Hist,  of  Deerfield,  Vol.  I,  p.  373,  et  seq.     See  Appendix. 


326  TRUE    STORIES    OF    NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 


fleurant,  and  Governor  of  the  Island  of  Montreal  and  its  depend- 
encies,— all  of  whom  signed  with  me  according  to  the  ordinance." 

The  atitographs  of  Mary  Silver,  her  godparents,  and  Fa- 
ther Meriel  follow. 

She  was  probably  confirmed  soon  after  her  baptism.  The 
precise  date  is  unknown,  as  no  records  of  this  rite  were  then 
kept.  As  it  was  the  custom  at  confirmation  to  add  another 
name  to  that  given  at  baptism,  she  then  received  the  name 
of  Adelaide.  Thenceforth,  on  Canadian  records,  she  appears 
as  Adelaide  Silver. 

Her  Puritan  mother,  distressed  by  the  rumor  that  her 
child  was  about  to  become  a  Romanist,  addressed  to  the 
General  Court  the  following  petition  :^ 

"Haverhill,  April  29.  1710 
To  His  Excellency  Joseph  Dudley  Esq 

Capt  Generall  and  Governor  in  Chief,  and  to  y''  Honorable  Coun- 
cil and  General  Assembly  Now  Mett  the  petition  of  Widow  Mary 
Wainwright  humbly  showeth  that  Whereas  my  Daughter  hath  been 
for  a  long  time  in  Captivity  with  y*^  French  in  Canada  and  I  have 
late  reason  to  fear  that  her  soul  is  in  great  Dainger  if  not  all  redy 
captivated  and  she  brought  to  their  ways  theirefore  I  would  humbly 
Intreat  your  Excelency  that  some  care  may  be  taken  for  her  Re- 
demption before  Canada  be  so  Endeared  to  her  that  I  shall  never 
have  my  Daughter  any  more  ;  Some  are  ready  to  say  that  there  are 
so  few  captives  in  Canada  that  it  is  not  worth  while  to  poot  y*^  Cun- 
try  to  ye  charges  to  send  for  them  but  I  hoope  your  Excelency  no  [r] 
No  other  Judichous  men  will  thinck  so  for  St.  James  hath  Instructed 
us  as  you  may  see  Chap.  5  v  20  Let  him  know  that  he  which  con- 
verteth  the  sinner  from  the  errour  of  his  way,  shall  save  a  soul  from 
Death  and  shall  hide  a  multitude  of  sins  this  is  all  I  can  do  at 
present  but  I  desire  humbly  to  Begg  of  God  that  he  would  Direct 
the  hearts  of  our  Rulers  to  do  that  which  may  be  most  for  his  Glory 

'Mass.  Archives.     Vol.  105,  p.  59. 


FATHER    MERIEL — MARY    SILVER.  327 

and  for  the  good  of  his  poor  Distressed  Creatures  and  so  I  take  leave 
to  subscribe  myself  your  most  Humble  petitioner 

Mary  Wainwright  Widow 
In  the  House  of  Representatives  June  9.  17 10. 
Read  y"  12"'  read  and  recomended 

In  Council 
June  12.  1710     Read  &  concurred  in." 

This  petition  was  of  no  avail.  It  was  not  long  before  her 
friends  in  New  England  learned  that  Mary  (Adelaide)  Silver 
had  made  ptiblic  abjuration  of  the  Protestant  faith,  and  be- 
fore the  close  of  the  year  17 10  in  her  eighteenth  year  she 
entered  the  convent  of  the  "Hospital  Nuns  of  St.  Joseph," 
usuall}^  known  as  the  ''Soem-s  dc  V Hotcl-Dicu:'  Her  deser- 
tion of  the  convent  in  which  she  had  been  protected  and  ed- 
ucated, to  enter  a  different  order,  seems  strange  and  capri- 
cious. It  is,  however,  explained  by  the  fact  that  she  pre- 
ferred the  duties  of  a  nurse  to  those  of  a  teacher. 

Teaching  is  the  vocation  of  the  Sisters  of  the  Congrega- 
tion ;  nursing,  that  of  the  nuns  of  the  Hotel-Dieu.  Froin  the 
earliest  period  of  their  history  in  Canada  the  two  orders 
have  been  closely  united  in  affection  and  intercourse,  so  that 
to  use  their  own  words  they  have  always  regarded  them- 
selves as  one  and  the  same  community. 

In  the  early  days,  the  two  convents  were  near  neighbors, 
their  court  yards  adjoining,  and  they  made  each  other  fre- 
quent visits.  The  nuns  of  both  convents  love  to  tell  how  in 
the  olden  time,  they  used  to  sit  at  sunset  on  their  respective 
balconies,  responding  to  each  other  with  hymns  and  canticles 
of  gratitude  and  of  pious  joy.^ 

The  New  England  girl  of  to-day  will  find  it  hard  to  under- 
stand how  a  young  girl,  free  to  choose,  should  have  elected 
the  arduous  duties  of  a  nurse  in  a  cloister  in  preference  to 
the  more   agreeable    occupation    of   teaching,  with  greater 

^"Cantiqzies  de  reconnaissance,  et  de pieuse  allegresse.'' 


328  TRUE    STORIES    OF    NEW    ENGLAND    CAPTIVES. 

freedom  and  variety  in  her  life.  It  is  evident  that  her  train- 
ing and  surroundings,  at  the  most  impressible  period  of  a 
young  girl's  life,  had  made  of  her  a  devotee. 

At  the  Hotel-Dieu  she  came  again  under  the  influence  of 
Father  Meriel. 

The  treaty  of  Utrecht  in  171 3,  while  stipulating  for  a  gen- 
eral exchange  of  prisoners,  included  a  clause  whereby  the 
English  converted  to  Catholicism  during  their  captivity 
should  have  entire  liberty  to  remain  in  Canada.  This  ap- 
parent freedom  of  will  was  greatly  hampered  by  their  train- 
ing and  naturalization  in  Canada,  and  comparatively  few 
converts  returned  to  New  England.  Mary  Adelaide  Sil- 
ver's mother  wrote  entreating  her  to  return,  and  sent  money 
with  an  urgent  appeal  to  the  Governor  of  Canada,  to  send 
her  home. 

"But,"  says  the  annalist  of  the  convent,  "the  generous  girl 
preferring  the  treasures  of  the  faith  to  all  worldly  advan- 
tages replied  to  the  Governor  as  follows :  'Monsieur,  I  ten- 
derly love  my  dear  mother,  but  before  everything,  I  am 
bound  to  obey  God,  and  I  declare  to  you  that  I  am  resolved 
to  live  in  the  holy  religion  which  I  have  embraced,  and  to 
die  a  nun  of  vSaint-Joseph.  My  dearest  wish  is,  that  before 
my  death,  I  may  see  my  mother  embrace  the  hol}^  Catholic 
faith,  with  the  light  of  which  it  has  pleased  God  to  enlight- 
en me.' " 

Mary  Adelaide  Silver  adhered  to  her  resolution  to  remain 
in  Canada.  Her  zeal  was  as  fervent,  her  industry  as  untir- 
ing as  that  of  Father  Meriel.  At  his  death  she  took  his  place 
as  catechist  and  apostle  to  the  captives.  After  thirty  years 
of  convent  life,  she  died  at  the  Hotel-Dieu  on  the  2nd  of 
April,  1740.  Two  days  later  she  was  buried  in  the  vault  of 
the  old  convent  church,  then  standing  at  the  corner  of  St. 
Paul  and  St.  Sulpice  streets  in  Montreal. 

In  i860,  those  there  interred  were  removed  to  the  crypt  of 


FATHER   MERIEL — MARY   SILVER.  329 

the  church  of  the  new  convent  on  the  Avenue  des  Pins, 
where  the  mortal  remains  of  Mary  Adelaide  Silver  now 
rest. 


APPENDIX. 


APPENDIX. 
A. 

CHRISTINE   OTIS. 

Grizel  [or  Grizet]  Warren,  wife  of  Richard  Otis  of  Dover, 
N.  H.,  was  captured  in  the  attack  on  that  town,  June  28,  1689, 
with  her  infant  Margaret,  and  two  older  children.  In  Rev. 
John  Williams's  "Redeemed  Captive,"  Grizel  Otis  figures 
as  "Madam  Grizalem."  Captured  earlier  than  those  of  Deer- 
field  and  other  towns,  she  seems  to  have  become  reconciled 
to  her  fate  before  their  arrival  in  Canada,  and  to  have  be- 
friended them,  while  serving  as  a  valuable  assistant  to  Fa- 
ther Meriel  in  his  ministrations  among  them. 

The  following  is  a  copy,  verbatim  et  literatim  of  the  record 
of  her  baptism  in  Canada.  Evidently  ''avec  trois  de  ses  en- 
fants'  is  omitted  before  "-duqucr'  &c. : 

"Z^  Samedi  neuvieme  jour  de  Mai  veille  de  la  Pentecote  de  Van 
mil  six  cents  quatre  vingts  treise  a  ete  solenellement  haUse'e  une 
femme  Angloise  cy-devant  nommee  Madame  Kresek  Laquelle  nee 
a  Barwic  en  la  Nouvelle  Angleterre  le  vingt  quatrieme  jour  de 
Fevrier  [vieux  stile  ou  6  mars  nouveau  stile"\  de  Van  mil  six  cens 
soixante  et  deux  du  mariage  de  Jacques  War  en  Ecossois  Protestant 
et  de  Marguerite  Irlandoise  Catholique  et  mariee  a  defunt  Richard 


334  APPENDIX. 


Otheys  Habitant  de  Douvres  en  la  Noxivelle  Angleterre  ayant  Hd 
prise  en  guerre  le  mngthnitihne  jour  de  Juin  de  Van  mil  six  cens 
quatre-vingt  neuf  {duquel  ne  lui  est  reste  quune  petite  Jille  agde 
de  quatre  ans  comme  etant  nde  lel5  Mars  1689)  nommee anhatC^me 
Christine  aiant  etc  prise  en  guerre  le  vingt  huitihne  jour  de  Juin 
vieux  stile  \ou  8  Juillet  nouveau  stile\  de  Van  mil  six  cens  quatre 
mngts  neuf  demeure  au  service  de  Monsieur  de  Maricour.  Elle 
a  l'Ic  nominee  Mai'ie- Madeleine.  Son  Pai^rein  a  etc  Monsieur 
Jaques  Le  Ber  Marchand.  Sa  marraine.  Dame  Marie- Mad elaine 
Dupont  e'pouse  de  Monsieur  le  moine  Ecuyer  Sieur  de  Maricour., 
Capitaine  de  dctachement  de  la  Marine 

[Signed']         Le  Ber. 

Fran :  D oilier  de  Casson.,  Gr.  vie. 

M.  M.  DupontP 

Marie-Madeleine  Hotesse  is  on  a  list  of  persons  confirmed 
Sept.  8,  1693. 

The  following  is  an  exact  copy  of  the  record  of  her  mar- 
riage in  Canada : 

"Z'aw  de  grace  mil  six  cent  nonante  et  trois  le  quinzicme  d^ Oc- 
tobre  aprcs  les  fian^ailles  et  la  pulMcaon  d'un  hanfaite  en  la  grand 
Messe  d''onzicniejour  dud  mois  et  an^  d''entre8  l^liilipe  Rolntaille 
jlls  de  Jean  Rolntaille  et  d"* Marline  Cormon  ses pcre  et  mere  de  la 
Paroisse  de  Bronroux  en  Artois  et  Marie  Madeleine  oiiaren  veuve 
de  de'funt  Richard  Otheys  habitant  de  Douvres  en  la  Nouvelle- 
Angletei're  tous  deux  de  ce  paroiffe  Monsieur  Dollier  grand  vi- 
caii'e  [illegible]  ayant  donne  la  despense  des  deux  autres  bans  et 
ne  sVtant  de'couveH  aucune  empech"'^  M.  Meriel  pretre  du 
consentement  de  moi  soussigne'  curd  de  la  paroiffe  de  Yille-marie 
les  a  marine  selon  la  forme  prcscrite  par  la  Ste  Eglise  en  presence 
de  Charles  Le  Moyne  Ecuyer  Sieur  de  Maricour  capitaine  rdforme 
dans  les  troupes  de  la  marine  qui  sont  present  de  Dame  Marie 
Madeleine  Dupont  son  t^pouse.,  de  Monsieur  Jaques  Le  Ber  Mar- 
chand de  M''  forestier  et plusieurs  autres  amies.'''' 


APPENDIX.  335 


Philippe  Robitaille,  son  of  the  above,  was  baptized  in  Mon- 
treal, Feb.  5,  1695. 

On  a  list  of  persons  to  whom  naturalization  is  granted  in 

May,  1 710,  are  : 

"Mag^"*'  Ooarin  Englishwoman,  married  to  Philippe  Robitaille 
cooper,  estabUshed  at  Ville-Marie,  by  whom  she  has  four  children." 

"Christine  Otis,  Englishwoman,  brought  with  her  mother  to  Can- 
ada, married  to  Louis  Le  Beau,  carpenter  established  at  Ville-Marie." 


B. 


ESTHER   WHEELWRIGHT. 


Note.  Capt.  Phineas  Stevens  was  born  in  Sudbury,  Massachusetts, 
whence  his  father  removed  to  Rutland,  Vt.  At  the  age  of  sixteen 
he  was  carried  captive  to  Canada.  On  his  return  he  settled  in  what 
is  now  Charlestown,  N.  H.,  then  known  as  "Number  Four." 

He  was  an  active  partisan  officer  during  the  French  and  Indian 
war,  and  died  in  public  service  in  1756.  He  was  often  employed  by 
the  Massachusetts  Government  as  ambassador  to  Canada  for  the  ex- 
change of  captives.     His  name  appears  frequently  in  our  Archives. 

Note.  Major  Nathaniel  Wheelwright,  son  of  Colonel  John,  grand- 
son of  Colonel  Samuel,  and  greatgrandson  of  the  celebrated  Rever- 
end John  Wheelwright,  was  born  in  Boston  in  1721.  He  married 
there  in  1755,  the  daughter  of  Charles  Apthorp,  his  distinguished 
fellow-citizen. 

Major  Wheelwright  was  a  merchant  and  banker  of  Boston  and 
London.  His  character  and  his  social  position  gave  him  great  in- 
fluence in  public  affairs,  and  he  was  employed  by  the  Massachusetts 
government  in  diplomatic  positions,  requiring  tact,  judgment  and 
personal  dignity.  He  served  twice  at  least  as  ambassador  from  New 
England  to  Canada  for  the  redemption  of  captives  taken  in  the  old 
French  and  Indian  wars.  Major  Wheelwright  died  in  1766,  on  the 
island  of  Guadaloupe.' 

'To  the  generosity  of  a  collateral  relative,  Mr.  Edmund  M.  Wheelwright  of 
Boston,  I  am  greatly  indebted,  especially  for  the  interesting  pictures  of  Esther 
Wheelwright  and  her  handiwork  that  appear  in  this  volume. 


336  APPENDIX. 


In  the  summer  of  1752,  Phineas  Stevens  and  Major  Na- 
thaniel Wheelwright,  (nephew  of  the  captive  Esther  Wheel- 
wright,) were  sent  to  Canada  by  our  government,  to  demand 
the  rendition  of  New  England  captives.     The  history  of  their 

embassy  appears  in  the  records  as  follows : 

"Jan.  30,  1752 

In  the  House  of  Representatives  it  was  Voted  that  his  Honour 
the  Lieut.  Governor  with  advice  of  the  Council  be  desired  to  take 
speedy  and  effectual  Care  for  the  Redemption  of  the  Captives  now 
in  Canada  at  the  charge  of  the  Government."^ 

"At  a  Council  held  at  Harvard  College  in  Cambridge  upon  Fri- 
day the  third  of  April  1752,  sitting  the  General  Court.  It  was  Ad- 
vised that  his  Hon'':  the  Lieutenant  Gov\-  appoint  Capt.  Phineas 
Stevens  &  Mr  Nathaniel  Wheelwright  to  negotiate  the  affair  of  Re- 
deeming the  Captives  in  Canada  in  pursuance  of  a  vote  of  the  Gen- 
eral Court  pass'd  the  29th  of  January  last,  and  that  His  Honour  di- 
rect them  to  proceed  to  (Canada  with  his  Despatches  as  soon  as  the 
Season  of  the  Year  will  permit.'"- 

"At  a  Meeting  of  a  Number  of  the  members  of  Her  Majesty's 
Council  held  at  the  Court  House  in  Charlestown,  April  17,  1752,  It 
was  advised  and  consented  that  a  warrant  be  made  out  to  the  Treas- 
urer to  pay  unto  John  Wheelwright  Esq.  for  the  Use  of  the  Gentle- 
men going  to  Canada  in  the  Service  of  the  Government :  the  sum  of 
ninety  Pounds  towards  the  defraying  their  charges  on  the  affair, 
they  to  be  accountable  therefor  at  their  Return.  The  Secretary 
laid  before  the  Council  the  Draught  of  a  Letter  his  Honour  proposed 
to  send  to  the  Governor  of  Canada  for  demanding  the  Release  of 
the  captives.  Which  letters  being  considered  were  advised  by  the 
Council.  The  Secretary  also  laid  before  the  Council  a  Draught  of 
Instructions  His  Honour  proposed  to  give  to  the  Gentlemen  going 
to  Canada  on  the  affair  of  the  Captives,  to  which  the  Council  ad- 
vised."^ 

'Mass.  General  Court  Records,  1749-1753,  p.  426. 
■■'Mass.  Council  Records,  I747-I755.  Vol.  12,  p.  253. 
'Mass.  Council  Records,  Vol.  12. 


APPENDIX.  337 


"At  a  Council  held  at  the  Court  House  in  Concord  upon  Thurs- 
day the  Fourth  of  June,  1752  it  was  Advised  and  Consented  that  a 
Warrant  be  made  out  to  the  Treasurer  to  pay  to  Jacob  Wendell 
Esq''  the  Sum  of  Fifty  Four  Pounds  six  shillings  to  discharge  a  Bill 
of  Exchange  drawn  on  the  said  Treasurer  by  Messrs  Stevens  and 
Wheelwright  Messengers  to  Canada  for  Moneys  taken  up  for  the 
Public  service."^ 

"At  a  Council  held  at  the  Lieut. -Governor's  House  in  Cambridge 
on  Thursday  Aug.  13.  1752  His  Honour  communicated  to  the  Coun- 
cil Letters  he  had  received  from  Monsieur  Longueil  Commander  in 
Chief  in  Canada  &  Messrs  Stevens  &  Wheelwright  Messengers  sent 
from  this  Government  on  the  affair  of  the  Captives  and  the  Copy  of 
a  Conference  between  the  said  Gentlemen  and  some  of  the  St.  Fran- 
cois Indians,  with  a  List  of  the  English  captives  ransomed  by  them 
with  other  papers  relating  to  their  Negotiation."- 

The  follov^iiig  are  the  official  documents  above-mentioned: 
"Speech  of  the  Abenakis  of  Saint-Francois  to  Captain  Stev- 
ens, depnt}^  from  the  Governor  of  Boston,  in  presence  of  M. 
le  Baron  de  Longueuil,  Governor  of  Canada,  and  of  Iroquois 
from  the  Sault  Saint-Louis,  and  from  the  Lake  of  the  Two 
Mottntains,  on  the  5th  of  July,  1752.  ArtiSaneto,  Chief  Ora- 
tor: 

"Brother, 

We  shall  talk  to  you  as  if  we  were  speaking  to 
your  Governor  in  Boston.  We  hear  on  all  sides  that  this  Governor 
and  the  Bastonnais^  say  the  Abenakis  are  bad  people.  It  is  in  vain 
that  you  charge  us  with  bad  hearts;  it  is  always  you,  our  brothers, 
who  have  attacked  us;  you  have  a  sweet  tongue,  but  a  heart  of  gall. 
I  admit,  that  when  you  begin  it  we  can  defend  ourselves. 

'Mass.  Council  Records,  Vol.  12. 

-Mass.  Council  Records,  Vol.  12. 

^The  people  of  N.  E.  were  known  at  that  time  in  Canada  as  "The  Baston- 
nais."  On  my  first  visit  to  Boucherville  a  nonagenarian  desired  to  shake 
hands  with  me  as  "'ttiie  des  Basto/i/iais.^' 


338  APPENDIX. 


We  tell  you,  brother,  that  we  are  not  anxious  for  war.  We  like 
nothing  better  than  to  be  at  peace,  and  it  needs  only  that  our  Eng- 
lish brothers  keep  peace  with  us We  wish  to  keep  possession 

of  the  lands  on  which  we  live We  will  not  give  up  an  inch 

of  the  land  which  we  inhabit,   beyond  that  long  ago  decided    upon 

by  our  brothers We   forbid   you    absolutely    from  killing  a 

single  beaver  or  taking  one  bit  of  wood  on  our  lands.  If  you  want 
wood  we  will  sell  it  to  you,  but  you  shall  not  have  it  without  our 
permission.  Who  has  authorized  you  to  have  our  lands  measured  ? 
We  pray  the  Governor  of  Baston  to  have  these  surveyors  punished, 
for  we  cannot  believe  they  are  acting  under  his  orders.  You  are 
then  the  arbiters  of  peace  between  us.  As  soon  as  you  cease  to  en- 
croach upon  these  lands,  we  shall  be  at  peace." 

HE  PRESENTS  A   BELT. 

''I  repeat,  by  this  belt,  it  belongs  to  you  only,  to  keep  peace  with 
us  Abenakis. 

Our  father  here  present  has  nothing  to  do  with  what  we  are  saying 
to  you.  It  is  on  our  own  behalf  and  for  our  allies  that  we  speak. 
We  regard  our  father  simply  as  a  witness  of  our  words Un- 
der no  pretext  whatever  must  you  pass  beyond  your  limits 

We  are  a  free  people;  allies  of  the  French  King  from  whom  we  have 
received  our  Religion,  and  help  in  time  of  need.  We  love  him  and 
we  will  serve  his  interests.  Answer  this  speech  as  soon  as  possible. 
Report  it  in  writing  to  your  Governor.  '  We  shall  keep  a  copy  of  it. 
It  will  not  be  difficult  for  your  Governor  to  send  us  his  reply.  He 
can  address  it  to  our  Father  who  will  kindly  send  it  to  us." 

Stevens's  reply. 

"I  shall  report  to  my  Governor,  your  words,  my  brothers,  and  I 
will   carry  it  to  him  in    writing   that   nothing  in  it  may  be  altered. 

I  ask  you,  my  Abenaki  brothers,  if  your  attacks  upon  the  English 
during  the  past  two  years  have  been  because  of  their  encroachments 
upon  your  lands.  Are  you  satisfied  with  the  death  of  your  people 
by  means  of  the  blows  you  have  struck  against  the  English  ?  1 
know  that  we  must  not  encroach  on  your  lands.  Those  who  have 
done  so  are  stupid,  lawless  people." 


APPENDIX.  339 


ABENAKIS    CONTINUE. 

"When  peace  was  made  we  expected  to  enjoy  it  with  the  French, 
but  at  the  same  moment  we  learned  that  you,  our  EngUsh  brothers, 
had  killed  one  of  our  men  and  had  hidden  him  in  the  ice. 
When  we  demanded  why  you  had  killed  him,  you  promised  us  satis- 
faction, but  your  ill-will  towards  us  has  been  shown  by  your  inac- 
tion during  seven  months,  and  we  resolved  to  defend  ourselves,  and 
have  destroyed  a  house.  Since  that  a  man  and  a  woman  of  our  vil- 
lage are  missing.  We  have  learned  their  sad  fate  by  an  English- 
woman who  is  now  with  us,  who  affirms  that  this  man  and  woman 
were  killed  by  the  English  in  her  presence,  and  as  positive  proof  of 
this  she  has  brought  us  a  bag  which  we  recognize  as  having  belonged 
to  these  unfortunates.  We  were  touched  by  this  murder  as  we  ought 
to  be,  and  we  avenged  ourselves   last  year.     The   English  that  we 

have  killed  this  year, and  the   two   others  taken   prisoners, 

may  attribute  their  hard  fate  to  the  fact  that  they  have  been  caught 
hunting  on  our  lands,  and  we  repeat  with  all  the  firmness  of  which 
we  are  capable,  that  we  will  kill  all  the  English  that  we  find  on  our 

lands, if  any  of  you  are  caught  on   our    lands   you    will  be 

killed." 

THE  IROQUOIS  TO  THE  ABENAKIS. 

"We  have  heard  with  pleasure  your  speech  to  the  Englishman. 
We  are  delighted  that  you  have  defended  your  rights  with  spirit. 
We  beg  you  to  make  your  words  good,  if  need  be,  and  we  promise 
to  help  you." 

"Proces-Verbal,"i  or  official  report  of  their  embassy  dated 
July  25,  1752,  signed  by  Stevens  and  Wheelwright  with  their 
Interpreter  Daniel  Joseph  Maddox :  ^ 

"Nous  soufsignes  Phineas  Stevens  et  Nataniel  Weerlight  deputes 
par  ordre  de  Monsieur  S.  Phips  Lieutenant  Gouverneur  et  Command- 
ant en  chef  a  Baston   aupres  de  Monsieur   le   Baron   de   Longueuil 

^Mass.  Archives,  Vol.  5,  p.  542- 

'Daniel  Joseph  Maddox,  a  naturalized  captive,  baptized  in  Montreal  in 
1710,  married  there  in  1713,  appears  often  on  Canadian  Archives  as  Interpreter 
to  our  ambassadors. 


340 


APPENDIX. 


Gouverneur  de  Montreal  et  Commandant  en  Canada  a  I'effet  de 
traitter  (iic)  de  la  liberte  des  prisonniers  Anglois  qui  sont  detenus 
en  Canada  certifions  que  mon  dit  Sieur  Le  Baron  de  Longueuil  des 
le  six  de  Juin  que  nous  sommes  arrives  a  Montreal,  a  donne  ses  or- 
dres  et  nous  a  donne  une  entiere  liberte  pour  parler  aux  dits  prison- 
niers, et  les  rapeller  aupres  de  nous  pour  les  ramener  dans  la  nouvelle 
Angleterre. 

Qu'en  consequence  nous  Nathaniel  Wierlierlight  nous  fommes 
transportes  aux  trois  Rivieres  et  a  Quebec,  et  avons  confere  aux  trois 
Rivieres  en  presence  de  Mr  Rigaud  de  Vaudreuil  Gouverneur,  avec 
les  Anglois  faits  prisonniers  par  les  sauvages,  et  qui  sont  au  pouvoir 
tant  les  dits  savages  que  des  Francois  qui  les  ont  rachetes. 

Que  la  meme  facilite  nous  a  ete  donnee  a  Quebec  oii  nous  nous 
sommes  aussi  transporte  par  M.  le  Chevalier  de  Longueuil  Lieutenant 
de  Roy  Com'''  en  la  ditte  [s/c]   Place. 

Qu'a  notre  retour  a  Montreal  nous  avons  rejoint  le  d'S""  Phinehas 
Stevens  qui  de  son  cote  a  travaille  a  rapeller  les  dits  Prisonniers 
qui  sont  dans  le  Gouvernement  de  Montreal.  Et  apres  avoir  fait  le 
sejour  que  nous  avons  juge  necessaire  en  Canada,  nous  nous  fommes 
determines  a  partir  pour  aller  rendre  compte  de  notre  mission  a  Mr 
S.  Phips  notre  Com''*  en  chef  et  en  consequence  nous  declarons  et 
affirmons  Premierement  que  les  nommes  cy  apres  nous  ont  ete  de- 
li vres,  et  que  nous  les  ramenons  avec  nous  Scavoir 

'I'homas  Stannard     rachete  ci  devant  a  Quebec  par  un  francois  des 

mains  d'un  Sauvage  lequel  francois  lui  a  donne 

sa  liberte    gratuiteusement. 
Samuel  Lumbart    )    retires  de  chez  le  S''  Cadet  a  Quebec  en  lui  pay- 
Edouard  Hinkley  )    ant  cent  livres,  dont  il  s'est  tenu  content,  quoy 

qu'il  eut  paye  davantage  aux  Sauvages. 
Amos  Eastman  |        retires  de  ches  le  S''  Gamelin  a  S'  Fran(;ois,  en 
Seth  Webb  )         lui  remboursant  pour  chacun  trois  cens  livres 

qu'il  avoit  payees  aux  Sauvages. 
Oner  Hancock  retire  de  ches  la  dame  Hertel  de  S*^  Frangois, 

en  payant  trois  cens  Livres  qu'elle  avoit  payees 

aux  Sauvages. 


APPENDIX. 


341 


Thimoty  Mackerty    qui  avoit  reste  malade  a  I'hopital  a  Montreal, 

fait  prisonnier  pendant  la  guerre. 
Joseph  former  pris  aux  Miamis  s'est  retire  volontairement. 

En  second  lieu  qu'il  ne  nous  a  pas  ete  possible  de  ravoir  les 
nommes  cy  apres  quelques  ordres  que  M.  le  Baron  de  Longueuil 
ait  pu  donner,  Sgavoir 

Berney  Gradey  a  voulu  rester  a  Quebec. 

Rachel  Quaenbouts^  rachetee  des  sauvages  par  Mr  De  Rigaud,  ou  elle 
veut  absolument  rester,  s'y  trouvant  parfaite- 
ment  bien. 

le  d'Starkes  vient  d'etre  rendu  sous  promesse 
d'etre  remplace  par  un  esclave  pris  par  les 
Abenakis  de  St  Francois  qui  se  sont  obstines  a 
les  garder  quelques  instances  que  Mr  de  Ri- 
gaud ait  faites,  les  ayant  adoptes. 
pris  et  reste  au  pouvoir  des  Abenakis  de  Be- 
quancourt  qui  I'ont  adopte. 

age  d'environ  douze  ans  a  voulu  absolument 
rester  a  Montreal  ches  le  S''  Des  Pins,  et  Mr  Le 
Baron  de  Longueuil  n'apar  cru  devoir  le  forger 
a  partir,  malgre  luy. 

Elizabeth  schinner  a  voulu  rester  ches  M''  de  St  Ange  Charly,  qui 
I'a  rachetee  des  sauvages  il  y  a  quelques  annees, 
elle  a  fait  abjuration. 

Indien  au  pouvoir  de  M''  de  la  Corne  St  Luc  a 
ete  pris  a  Sarastau^  par  les  frangois.  M""  de  St 
Luc  le  rendera  pourvu  qu'on  le  remplace  quoy 
qu'il  ait  ete  decede  par  feu  M.  le  Marquis  de  la 
Jonquiere  qu'il  etait  de  bonne  prise,  et  qu'il 
estoit  esclave. 


Jean  Starkes 


Abigail  Noble 
Salomon  Mitche 


Samuel  freeman 


'This  captive  with  several  others,  according  to  a  Proces-Verbal  dated  June 
25,  1750,  having  abjured  Protestantism,  absolutely  refused  to  return  with  Lieut. 
Benjamin  Stoddard  of  New  York. 


-Saratoga. 


342  APPENDIX. 


William  Negre  pris  a  Chibouctou,  au  pouvoir  de  Mr  Le 

Ch*""  De  La  Corne  qui  le  garde  par  les  memes 
raisons  que  M^  de  St  Luc,  et  offre  de  le  remettre 
aux  memes  conditions. 
Thomas  Neal  a  voulu  rester  a  Montreal. 

Saras  Davids  pris  par  les  Iroquois  du   Sault  Saint-Louis  qui 

I'ont  adopte  et  n'a  pas  voulu  les  quitter. 
"En  troisieme  lieu,  nous  declarons  et  afifirmons,  que  toutes  per- 
quisitions par  nous  faites,  et  quelques  facilites  que  M''  Le  Baron  De 
Longueuil  nous  ait  donne,  nous  n'avons  point  trouve  d'autres  prison- 
niers  Anglois  en  Canada.  En  foy  de  quoy  nous  nous  sommes  signes 
avec  mon  dit  Sieur  Baron  de  Longueuil  et  le  S''  Maddox  interprete 
en  langue  Angloise  fait  double  a  Montreal  le  vingt  cinq  juillet  mil 
sept  cens  cinquante  deux. 

[Signed]  Longueuil, 

Phineas  Stevens, 
Nat.  Wheelwright, 
Dan"  Joseph  maddox." 

"A  List  of  the  English  Prisoners  which  the  Abenakis  Indians 
have  brought  to  Quebec. ^  The  Saint-Francois  Indians  to  the  Num- 
ber of  Forty  have  struck  near  Richmond  Fort  to  revenge  the  Death 
of  an  Abenakis  Chief  which  the  English  have  killed  near  Boston,  & 
have  Brought  in  this  City,  the  Prisoners  following  which  they  have 
sold  to  the  French  who  was  willing  to  buy  them,  viz': 
The  Sieur  Chalour^  has  bought  one 

named  Lazarus  Noble  for  .3^200. 

For  Cloathes  furnish'd  40. 


^240. 

Le  S'':  Rivolt  has  bought 

Jabez  Chub  for 

^200. 

For  Cloathes  furnish'd 

80. 

^280. 

'Mass.  Archives,  Vol.  74,  p.  57. 

'M. 

Si. 

Ange  Charly? 

APPENDIX.  343 


The  8:^  Turpine  has  bought 

John  Rofs  for  ^150- 

P'or  Cloaths  furnish'd  50. 


^200. 


Mr  Decouagne^  has  bought 

Abigail  Noble  for  ^260. 

For  Cloaths  Furnish'd  122  —  15^ 


M''^  Dupere  has  bought 

Anna  Homes  for  ;^2oo. 

For  Cloaths  Furnish'd  50. 


^282  -  15 


^250- 


The  S:  Bazin  has  bought 

Phillipps  Jenkins  for  ^150 

For  Cloaths  Furnish'd  100 


^250. 
This  man  died  at  the  Hospital 
28.  Oct.  1750. 

Those  which  follows  have  been  taken 

by  the   Becancourt    Indians  and  bought   of 

them. 

The  Cadet  Bought  John  Marten  he  has  Ob- 

tain'd  permission  of  the  Governor  General  to 

Return  to  New  England  and  pafs'd  his  Note 

to  the  S'':  Cadet  for  ^260. 

M''^  F'ornel  has  bought 

William  Rofs  for  '  ^124.  —  10* 

John  Noble  150. 

Marie  Noble  184.  —  10 

For  Cloaths  Furnish'd  100. 

;^559- 
'Sieur.  'DuQuesne. 


344  APPENDIX. 


Ten  Algonkiiis  of  the  same  party  has 
bought  &  sold  to  the  S^:  Amiot 

Mathew  Noble  for  ^86. 

For  Cloaths  Furnish'd  130.  —  15* 


^216  —  15 
One  named  Solomon  Whitney^  made 
his  Escape  from  amongst  the  Indians  to 
whom  the  Governor  General  was  not  willing 
to  give  him  back  again,  he  died  at  the  Hos- 
pital i8th  Nov'"  1750. 

Seth  Webb         )  r  n  c^  t^ 

Joseph  Noble    [   ^'^  t^^^  ^^  Franyo.s 

Frances  Noble      at  Montreal  with 

M''  Strange"^ 

Bought  for  ^300- 

Benj  Noble  is  at  La  Prairie 

with  Du  May  Bought  ;^2oo. 

Abigail  Noble        at  Becancourt. 
Timothy  Whitney^  Bought  and  Paid  p^3i5- 

This  Account  taken  from  Capt.  Stev- 
ens's List  Feb>'  i,  1752     P"'  J.  Wheelwright."* 

The  embassy  of  Stevens  and  Wheelwright  ends  with  the 
following  letter^  from  the  Governor  of  Canada  of  the  same 
date  as  their  Proces- Verbal.     It  is  addressed  to 
"M"-  S.  Phips 

L"^  Gouverneur  et  Com'^':  en  chef  a  Baston." 

'Whitten  or  Whidden. 
"St.  Ange. 

^This  is  Timothy  Whitton  [see  an/e]  bought  and  brought  home  by  Capt. 
Stevens. 

"•The  narratives  of  the  captives  mentioned  in  the  above  documents  are  in 
preparation  by  the  author,  being  too  long  and  too  interesting  to  be  summarized 
here. 

"■IVIass.  Archives,  Vol.  5,  pp.  548-553. 


APPENDIX. 


345 


"Montreal  le  25.  Juillet.  1752, 
Monsieur 

En  qualite  de  Commandant  Du  Canada  par  la 
mort  de  M''  Le  Marquis  De  La  Jonquiere  j'ay  Thonneur  de  repondre 
a  la  Lettre  que  votre  Excellence  a  ecrite  a  ce  General  le  14  Avril 
dernier 

Les  ordres  respectifs  qui  ont  ete  donnes  par  Les  Roys  De  France 
et  De  La  Grande  Bretagne,  pour  I'Echange  mutuel  des  Prisonniers, 
recCit  son  Execution  des  I'annee  1750,  et  Mr  Stouderi  votre  Depute  du 
Gouvernement  De  New  York  ramena  tous  les  prisonniers  Anglois  qui 
etoient  depuis  la  Guerre  dans  ce  Gouvernement,  ce  dont  feu  De  la 
Jonquiere  rendit  compte  a  la  Com  De  france 

quoy  que  ces  Echanges  fuffent  entierement  termines,  et  que  le  dit 
S''  Stouder  en  eut,  donne  sa  declaration  par  ecrit,  neanmoins  j'ay 
re^u  avec  plaisir  M""  Phineas  Stevens,  et  Nathaniel  Weerliwright, 
Deputes  De  votre  Excellence  pour  la  delivrance  des  memes  Prison- 
niers vous  verres,  [sic]  Monsieur,  par  le  Proces-verbal  cy  joint  qu'ils 
ont  ela  une  entiere  liberte  pour  travailler  a  leur  recherche,  et  que  je 
leur  ai  accorde  mon  authorite,  pour  avoir  ceux  qui  sont  dans  cette 
colonic  au  pouvoir  des  sauvages,  ou  des  fran^ois  qui  les  ont  rachetes, 
ils  en  ramenent  neuf  avec  euxet  a  I'egard  de  ceux  qui  ont  reste  vous 
verres  \sic]  par  le  dit  Proces-verbal  les  raisons  qui  n  ont  point  per- 
mises  a  M''^  vos  Deputes  de  les  ramener. 

Ce  qu'il  y  a  de  bien  certain,  c'est  qu'il  ne  reste  par  un  seul  pris- 
onnier  Anglois  fait  par  les  frangois  pendant  la  Guerre,  dans  cette 
Colonic;  ils  furent  tous  renvoyes  en  1750  comme  je  viens  d'avoir 
I'honneur  de  I'observer  a  votre  Excellence,  ils  furent  tres  bien  trait- 
tes  pendant  leur  sejour  dans  ce  Pays  et  Tors  [sic]  de  leur  delivrance 
[sic]  on  n'eCit  garde  d'exiger  aucune  rangon 

Les  Prisonniers  dont  il  s'agit  aujourd'huy,  n'ont  point  ete  pris 
par  les  frangois,  ils  I'ont  ete  depuis  la  guerre  par  les  sauvages,  et  si 
les  instances  De  feu  M""  Le  Marquis  de  la  Jonquiere  et  les  miennes 
aupres  de  ces  nations  avoient  pu  leur  faire  quelque  impression  elles 
ne  se  feroient  point  portees  a  faire  les  dits  Prisoniers  quelques  fondees 
'Lieut.  Benjamin  Stoddard  of  the  New  Yorlc  militia. 


346  APPENDIX. 


qu'elles  pretendent  avoir  etees  [sic]  ou  du  moins  elles  n'auroient 
point  hesite  a  les  mettre  en  liberte  mais  vous  saves  \sic]  Monsieur 
que  les  sauvages  de  Canada  comme  ceux  de  partout  ailleurs  sont 
entierement  libres,  et  qu'ils  ne  sont  point  comptables  de  leurs  ac- 
tions envers  de  qui  que  ce  soit  aussy  ne  m'a  t'il  pas  et6  possible  de 
leur  faire  rendre  les  Anglois  qu'ils  ont  adoptes  dans  leurs  villages  ce 
que  M"  vos  Deputes  ramenent  avec  Eux  auroient  vraisemblablement 
subi  le  meme  sort,  si  des  fran^ois  par  des  sentiments  d'humanite  ne 
les  avoient  retires  des  mains  de  ces  sauvages,  en  leur  payant  une 
ranyon  que  M"  vos  Deputes  leur  ont  rembourse  avec  justice  et  con- 
noissance  de  cause. 

II  n'y  a  aucune  sauvage  Prisonnier  dans  cette  Colonic,  j'ay  tou- 
jours  ignore  qu'il  y  eCit  des  sauvages  sujets  au  Gouvernement  Ang- 
lois; ce  seroit  une  nouveaute  merveilleuse  dont  les  fran^ois  n'oser- 
oient  jamais  se  flatter,  les  sauvages  de  cette  colonie  ne  reconnois- 
sant  aucune  authorite  [sic]  et  n'ayant  d'autre  Loy  que  leur  passion 
et  leur  caprice. 

Les  Abenakis  de  St  Fran9ois  ont  paries  a  M''  Stevens^  votre  dep- 
ute de  fac;on  a  ne  laisser  aucun  doute  a  cet  egard,  je  n'ai  eil  aucune 
part  a  leurs  paroles,  j'en  ay  seulement  ete  temoin  et  j'ay  bien  voulu, 
pour  faire  plaisir  a  M"  vos  Deputes,  faire  transcrire  ces  paroles,  et 
leur  en  donner  une  copie  que  j'ay  certifiee. 

Si  vous  souhaittes  [sic]  Monsieur,  y  repondre  vous  pourres  [sic] 
me  les  adresser,  et  je  les  ferai  parvenir  aux  dits  Abenakis  Je  sup- 
plie,  votre  Excellence  d'etre  persuadee  pendant  que  J'auray  le  Com- 
mandemant  de  ce  Pays  et  dans  tons  autre  terns  [sic]  je  feray  tou- 
jours  mon  possible  pour  correspondre  a  la  Bonne  intelligence  qui 
doit  regner  entre  nous,  et  vous  prouver  que  je  suis  avec  un  profond 
respect 

Monsieur, 

Votre  tres  humble  et  tres  obeissant  serviteur, 

Longueuil." 

The  occasion  of  Major  Wheelwright's  next  embassy  to 
Canada  was  as  follows  : 

'See  ante. 


APPENDIX.  347 


During  the  summer  of  1753,  Lazarus  Noble  and  Benjamin 
Mitchell  had  been  sent  to  Canada  by  Lieut.  Gov.  Phips,  then 
acting  as  governor  of  Massachusetts,  with  a  passport  and  of- 
ficial letters  demanding  the  release  of  their  children,  who 
with  others  had  been  captured  at  Swan  Island.  This  mis- 
sion had  been  futile,  and  Noble  and  Mitchell  had  been  badly 
treated  in  Canada. 

Indignant  at  the  treatment  of  its  envoys,  the  General 
Court  of  Massachusetts,  upon  the  return  of  Governor  Shir- 
ley from  England,  desired  him  to  demand  restitution  of  all 
the  captives  in  Canada.  The  story  is  thus  told  in  the  rec- 
ords : 

At  a  Council  held  at  the  Council  Chamber  in  Boston  upon  Tues- 
day, Oct.  23,  1753.  Present  His  Excellency  William  Shirley,  Esq. 
Gov.  His  Excellency  laid  Before  the  Board  the  Draught  of  a  Let- 
ter he  proposed  to  send  to  the  Governour  of  Canada  agreeable  to 
the  Desire  of  the  General  Assembly  to  demand  the  Restitution  of 
the  Captives  in  his  Government — Which  being  read  and  considered 
was  approved  of.^ 

At  a  Council  held  at  the  Council  Chamber  in  Boston  upon  Wednes- 
day, October  31,  1753 

His  Excellency  asked  the  advice  of  the  Council  respecting  the 
manner  of  Sending  his  Letter  to  the  Governour  of  Canada  for  de- 
manding the  Restitution  of  the  English  captives — Which  Matter  be- 
ing fully  considered  it  was  Advised  that  His  Excellency  send  the 
said  Letter  by  some  suitable  Person  to  be  by  him  Commifsionated 
to  make  the  Demand  of  the  said  Captives — and  His  Excellency  hav- 
ing accordingly  appointed  M^  Nathaniel  Wheelwright  for  that  Ser- 
vice: Advised  and  Consented  that  a  Warrant  be  made  out  to  the 
Treasurer  to  advance  &  Pay  unto  the  said  Nathaniel  Wheelwright 
the  sum  of  Ninety  Pounds  towards  his  Charges  in  his  proposed 
journey  to  Canada,  he  to  be  accountable  for  the  same; 
and  it  was  further  Advised  and  Consented  that  a  Warrant  be  made 
out  to  the  Treasurer  to  pay    unto    M''    Nathaniel   Wheelwright    the 

'Council  Records,  Vol.  12,  1747-1755,  p.  306. 


348  APPENDIX. 


Sum  of  Thirty-four  Pounds  one  shilling  and  eleven  Pence  to  dis- 
charge his  Accompt  of  Expenses  in  his  late  Journey  to  Canada  in 
Company  with  Capt.  Phineas  Stevens  in  the  service  of  this  Govern- 
ment. 

Gov.  Shirley's  letter  to  the  governor  of  Canada,  sent  by- 
Nathaniel  Wheelwright,  dated  Boston,  October  22,  i753,Ms 
a  most  interesting  document.  In  it  he  complains  of  the  in- 
sult to  the  ambassadors  as  a  "violation  of  the  Amity  between 
the  two  nations,"  as  "contrary  to  the  Laws  of  Humanity," 
and  "an  Infringement  of  the  Natural  Rights  of  Mankind." 
In  closing  he  says  "I  now  send  Mr.  Nathaniel  Wheel- 
wright   to  Demand  of  you  the  Restitution of  any 

other  English  Captives  belonging  to  this  Government  which 
may  be  found  in  the  hands  of  the  French  in  Canada,  and 
desire  that  Your  Exc'':  would  Use  Your  Influence  and  Power 

over  the  Indians  in  whose  hands  the beforementioned 

Children  may  now  be  found  for  the  Immediate  Delivery  of 
them,  likewise  of  any  other  English  of  this  Province  whom 
they  have  made  Captive,  to  the  said  M'  Nathaniel  Wheel- 
wright. 

I  have  the  Honour  to  be  w"'  very  great  Regard, 
Sir,  Your  Exc^*  most  Humble  and  most 

Obedient  Servant." 

[no  signature.] 

" November,  1753. 

Instructions  to  Mr.  Nathaniel  Wheelwright  who  is  commissioned 
to  transact  affairs  with  the  gover"-  of  Canada  for  the  Release  of  Eng- 
lish captives. 2  Having  appointed  &  Commissioned  you  to  proceed 
in  the  Service  of  this  Government  to  Canada  for  the  Redemption  of 
English  Captives  belonging  to  this  Province.  You  are  hereby  di- 
rected to  set  out  on  your  journey  as  soon  as  may  be  The  Season  of 

'Mass.  Archives,  Vol.  V,  p.  554. 
*Mass.  Archives,  Vol.  74,  p.  135. 


APPENDIX.  349 


the  Year  not  admitting  of  Delay,  Taking  with  you  such  Persons 
either  English  or  Indians  as  you  shall  find  necessary  for  your  Guid- 
ance &  safe  Conduct  thither  and  as  soon  as  you  shall  arrive  at  the 
French  Fort  at  Crown  Point  you  must  apply  to  the  Commanding 
officer  there  for  a  safe  &  speedy  Conveyance  to  the  Place  where  the 
Governor  Gen'  shall  then  reside.  Upon  your  Arrival  at  the  Place 
of  the  Governor's  Residence  you  must  immediately  wait  upon  him 
with  my  Letter  &  after  Delivery  thereof  acquaint  him  that  you  are 
appointed  by  me  to  solicit  the  affairs  contained  in  the  said  Letter, 
(and  if  need  be  to  shew  him  your  Commission  for  that  Purpose)  and 
desire  that  he  would  appoint  you  some  proper  time  to  treat  with 
him  about  these  Matters.  When  the  ^"^  Governor  shall  admit  you 
to  a  Conference  on  that  subject,  you  must  Signify  to  him  that  you 
do  by  my  Order  in  the  name  of  His  Majesty  the  King  of  Great  Brit- 
ain demand  that  he  would  cause  to  be  Delivered  up  to  you  the  Eng- 
lish Captives  belonging  to  this  Province  who  are  detained  by  the 
French  in  his  Governm*  contrary  to  the  Peace  and  Amity  now  sub- 
sisting between  Great  Britain  &  France.  If  he  should  consent  to 
the  Delivery  of  them  either  with  or  without  Ransom,  you  must  take 
care  of  their  Speedy  &  safe  conveyance  to  Boston.  If  he  should  in- 
sist upon  the  Ransomes  as  they  were  Purchas'd  out  of  the  Hands  of 
the  Indians  you  must  shew  him  the  Unreasonableness  of  such  a 
Demand  considering  that  their  Fathers^  with  great  Expence  &  Loss 
of  Time  had  made  a  Journey  to  Canada  with  Credentials  from  this 
Governm*^,  with  Money  in  their  Hands  for  Procuring  their  Release, 
but  were  violently  driven  out  of  the  Country  before  they  had  Time 
to  effect  it.  If  finally  you  shall  not  be  able  to  get  off  the  Ransom 
Money,  you  must  draw  upon  the  Treasurer  of  this  Province  to  pay 
the  Same. 

You  must  likewise  Request  the  Governor  of  Canada  to  use  his  En- 
deavor to  get  any  other  Captives  now  in  the  hands  of  the  Indians  to 
be  delivered  up  to  you;  and  you  are  upon  such  Encouragement  to 
treat  with  the  Indians  for  their  Ransom  &  agree  with  them  upon 
any  reasonable  Sum  or  Sums  &  draw  upon  the  Treasurer  for  Pay- 
ment thereof  as  aforesaid.  When  you  shall  have  accomplished  your 
'Lazarus  Noble  and  Benjamin  Mitchell. 


350  APPENDIX. 


business  as  far  as  you  are  able  &  the  Season  will  admit  of  your 
Travel,  you  must  return  back  to  Boston  first  waiting  on  the  Gov- 
ern'' of  Canada  for  his  answer  to  my  Letter  which  if  he  should  de- 
cline to  do  by  Writing  &  do  it  by  a  Verbal  Message  have  such  Mes- 
sage or  Reply  down  in  Writing  as  Soon  as  you  can  that  there  may 
be  no  Mistake  in  it  thro  Forgetfulness:  You  must  ask  the  (rovern'''' 
Passes  for  your  Safe  Conduct  thro  the  French  Territory. 

Given  under  my  hand  at  Boston  the  Day  of  Novem'"'  Anno 

Domini  1753  in  the  27^''  Year  of  his  Majes'^'**  Reign. 

W.  Shirley." 

Letter  from  Major  Nathaniel  Wheelwright  to  Governor 
Shirley:^ 

"Montreal,  Nov.  30,  1753. 
Sir, 

I  had  the  honour  the  nth  of  November  past  to  acquaint 
your  Excellency  of  my  arrival  at  Albany  which  place  I  left  as  soon 
as  possible,  and  made  all  the  Despatch  I  could  on  my  journey  and 
voyage  to  Canada.  Permit  me  to  advise  Your  Excellency  by  this 
opportunity  that  I  arrived  with  Mr.  Lydius  and  my  servant  yester- 
day noon  at  Montreal"^  we  were  immediately  conducted  by  the  of- 
ficer who  was  sent  with  us  from  Fort  St.  Frederic,  and  introduced 
by  him  to  the  General,  Monsieur  le  Marquis  Du  Quesne  who  asked 
me  my  business  I  acquainted  him  that  I  was  sent  by  Your  Excel- 
lency to  have  the  Honour  to  deliver  him  a  letter  which  he  received 
and  immediately  retired  into  his  cabinet.  He  soon  returned  saying 
the  letter  was  in  English  and  that  he  would  send  for  some  person  to 
translate  it.  Then  very  genteelly  told  me  as  I  was  not  a  stranger  1 
might  go  and  repose  myself  and  procure  Lodgings  where  I  pleased. 
After  dinner  he  sent  an  officer.  Monsieur  St.  Luc  la  Corne,  who  is 
my  particular  friend,  and  much  in  favor  with  the  General,  this  gen- 
tleman surprised  me  with  a  message  from  his  Excellency,  that  he 
had  been  informed  that  the  last  time  1  came  into  the  country,  I  had 
with  me  an  E^ngineer  who  passed  for  my  Domestick,  and  that  1  had 

'Mass.  Archives,  Vol.  54,  pp.  263-266. 
'^Nov.  29,  1753. 


APPENDIX.  351 


with  his  assistance  taken  a  plan  of  this  City,  Quebec,  and  the  River 
I  assured  the  Gentleman  it  was  false,  and  that  some  ill-minded  busy 
person  must  have  raised  the  report,  to  prevent  ray  having  an  op- 
portunity to  execute  the  Commifsion  I  had  the  Honour  to  receive 
from  your  Excellency,  and  desired  he  would  afsure  the  General  the 
truth  of  this.  He  did  and  was  kind  enough  to  acquaint  me  in  the 
evening  that  the  General  had  your  Excellency's  letter  translated, 
and  would  see  me  in  the  morning,  when  he  sent  for  me,  as  soon  as 
I  paid  my  respects  to  him,  he  desired  me  to  withdraw  with  him  in- 
to his  cabinet  where  I  had  the  Honour  to  converse  with  him  more 
than  an  hour  without  Interruption.  He  very  genteelly  told  me  he 
was  charmed  to  have  an  Opportunity  of  a  Correspondence  with 
your  Excellency  and  that  he  would  answer  your  Excellency's  letter 
very  particularly:  he  was  surprised  at  your  Excellency's  mentioning 
his  not  answering  Mr.  Phipps  his  letter  which  he  assured  me  he 
never  received.  He  then  said  he  had  been  informed  that  I  came 
into  the  Country  the  last  time  with  some  other  design  than  for  pris- 
oners, but  he  was  now  persuaded  to  the  contrary  and  did  me  the 
Honour  to  say  I  might  stay  a  convenient  time  to  accomplish  my  af- 
fairs, that  I  should  be  at  Liberty,  and  should  want  no  assistance  he 
could  give  me;  that  I  should  go  when  it  was  agreeable  to  me  to 
three  Rivers,  St.  Francis  &  Becancourt  with  an  Interpreter  to  en- 
deavour to  get  those  captives.^  He  also  gave  orders  to  Monsieur 
St.  Luc  to  go  with  me  to  Monsieur  DePain,^  and  acquaint  him  that 
it  was  his  orders  that  I  should  have  liberty  to  see  and  converse  with 
the  English  boy,  Mitchell's  son  at  all  times  and  as  often  as  I  pleased. 
I  saw  the  Boy  but  had  not  time  to  say  much  to  him.  Permit  me  to 
assure  your  Excellency  that  I  shall  omit  no  opportunity  to  endeav- 
our to  reconcile  him  to  return  to  his  Parents.  M""  Noble's  child 
which  Monsieur  St.  Ange  Charly  has  the  care  of,  and  which  he  as- 
sured me  with  great  grief  the  last  time  I  was  in  the  country  was 
dead,  is  now  at  three  Rivers  at  the  Convent.  I  hope  your  Excel- 
lency will  be  satisfied  with  my  Conduct  and  permit  me  to  assure 
you  that  I  shall    be    very    circumspect  in  my    behaviour,  and    shall 

'From  Swan  Island.  '^See  Frocks- Verbal. 


352 


APPENDIX. 


punctually  observe  your  Excellency's  Instructions:  Should  your 
Excellency  have  any  further  commands  during  my  stay  in  Canada 
and  should  send  your  letters  to  Col.  Lydius  at  Albany  he  may 
have  an  oppertunity  in  the  winter'  of  conveying  your  Letters  to  this 
Place.  The  Inclos''  letter  I  had  the  Honour  to  receive  from  the 
General  in  answer  to  that  I  had  the  Honour  to  receive  of  Your  Ex- 
cellency and  Delivered  Him.  Your  Excellency  will  1  hope  Forgive 
the  Liberty  I  take  to  inclose  a  letter  for  my  Good  Father.  =^ 

Your  Excellency  will  excuse    my  giving  you  a  particular  account 

of  the  Country.     They  have  had  a  plentiful  summer  and  a  very  fine 

Harvest  in  this  part  of  the   Country.     Permit    me    that  I  have  the 

Honour  to   be  with    the   utmost    Respect   Your   Excellency's    most 

Obedient  and  most  Humble  Servant 

Nat:  Wheelwright." 

Letter  from  M.  DitQuesne,  Governor  General  of  Canada 
to  Governor  Shirley  of  Massachusetts  enclosed  in  that  of 
Major  Wheelwright  :^ 

"Mountroyal  Dec''  i""^:  1753 

S"":  I  have  had  the  Honour  of  a  Letter  from  your  Excellency 
dated  the  22'^  of  Ocf:  last  Jn  which  J  was  surpriz'd  to  find  a  cir- 
cumstantial Proof  of  my  Being  honour'd  with  a  Letter  from  M'': 
Phips  On  Occasion  of  a  Journey  undertaken  to  this  Place  by  Ben- 
jamin Mitchel  &  Lazarus  Noble  to  recover  their  Children. 

Tho  J  have  not  the  Honour  to  be  known  to  your  Excellency  J 
flatter  mySelf  you  will  readily  believe  this  Letter  could  never  have 
reach'd  me,  since  J  had  not  answer  m"':  Phipp's  Civility,  who  merits 
all  Respect  as  well  on  his  own  Account,  as  of  the  Post  he  sustain'd, 
and  it  would  be  a  heinous  piece  of  Jncivility  of  which  a  man  of  Rank 
cannot  be  thought  capable. 

With  regard  to  the  ill  succefs  the  above  mentioned  Persons  met 
with,  your  Excellency  will  give  me  leave    to    observe,  that  if  J  sent 

'Proof  that  Major  Wheelwright  remained  in  Canada  during  the  whole  or  a 
part  of  the  winter  of  1753-4. 

'John  Wheelwright  of  Boston,  member  of  the  Governor's  Council. 
^Mass.  Archives,  Vol.  V,  p.  558. 


APPENDIX.  353 


them  away  sooner  than  J  might  have  design'd,  they  must  look  upon 
it  as  wholly  occasioned  by  the  Interpreter,  whom  they  had  chosen^ 
who  was  a  Person  that  Return'd  here  of  a  very  suspected  Character, 
and  who  besides  began  to  behave  in  so  insolent  a  manner,  that  J 
determined  to  cause  him  to  depart  immediately,  rather  than  to  be 
forc'd  to  put  him  into  Prison. 

But  to  convince  your  Excellency  how  sensibly  J  was  touch'd  with 
the  lively  Sorrow  these  Fathers  felt  at  returning  home  without  car- 
rying their  Children  with  them.  I  sent  for  the  Child  that  is  with 
one  Despin  and  before  all  the  Ofificers  of  this  Government  reproached 
him  with  his  bad  temper  in  not  being  willing  to  follow  his  Father. 
He  told  me  for  answer,  bursting  into  tears,  that  absolutely  he  would 
not  leave  his  Master. 

As  it  is  Evident  they  are  Slaves  fairly  sold  J  did  not  think  proper 
to  oblige  their  masters  to  give  them  up,  which  would  have  been 
done  without  any  Difficulty,  if  they  had  been  Prisoners  of  war. 

Your  Excellency  will  now  be  Sensible  of  what  Jmportance  it  is  on 
such  an  Occasion  to  make  choice  of  such  a  Person  as  Mr  Wheel- 
wright for  Negotiatour.  Since  he  will  have  the  Honour  to  Jnform 
you  that  as  He  was  the  Bearer  of  your  Excellency's  Letter  J  gave 
him  a  very  Suitable  Reception  &  promis'd  him  Protection  in  every- 
thing his  Commifsion  related  to. 

I  depend  upon  Your  Excellency's  being  perfectly  convinced  of 
my  Earnestnefs  in  concurring  to  maintain  the  Friendship  that  sub- 
sists between  the  two  Crowns,  when  you  are  Inform'd  that,  at  your 
Jnstance  J  have  interposed  my  authority  to  cause  the  two  Children, 
that  are  in  the  hands  of  y*^  French  to  be  restor'd  and  have  given  M"" 
Wheelwright  an  interpreter  to  signify  to  the  Abenakis  of  S'  Fran- 
cois &  Becancourt,  that  they  cannot  do  me  so  great  a  Pleasure  as 
by  releasing  the  three  other  Children  that  are  with  them. 

Your  Excellency  will  have  the  Goodnefs  to  look  upon  it  in  this 
Case,  as  an  unavailing  thing  to  lay  my  Commands  on  the  Jndians, 
and  that  it  is  to  be  done  only  by  Treaty,  which  can  be  Concluded 
by  nothing  but  a  Ransom   to   influence   them    because    they  are  ex- 

'This  was  Anthony  Van  Schaackof  N.  Y.      He  had  been  before  imprisoned 
in  Canada. 


354  APPENDIX. 


tremely  attached  to  their  Slaves;  This  I  leave  to  the  Priuience  with 
which  I  think  m''  Wheelwright  capable  of  conducting  &  J  very  Read- 
ily give  him  all  the  assistance  in  my  Power. 

J  am  very  far  from  pretending  to  Deprive  the  Children  of  your 
Excellency's  Nation,  which  were  taken  during  a  profound  Peace,  of 
their  Liberty  and  Religion,  when  they  are  Happy  enough  to  have 
fallen  into  the  Hands  of  the  French,  over  whom  I  have  an  Absolute 
Power,  but  J  repeat  it  to  your  Excellency,  that  J  cannot  Answer 
for  the  Jnclinations  of  the  Jndians  in  this  Case,  for  there  is  nothing 
so  difficult  as  to  get  their  Slaves  from  them,  especially  when  they 
have  distributed  them  among  their  Wigwams  to  make  up  for  their 
Dead  J  hasten  to  inform  your  Excellency  that  J  have  the  honour  to 
afsure  you,  that  in  whatever  depends  immediately  upon  me,  you 
will  receive  intire  Satisfaction,  as  no  one  is  more  desirous  than  J 
am  of  corresponding  with  you  as  frequently  as  J  do  with  AP  Hop- 
son :  J  assure  you  every  Thing  ingages  me  to  it:  Your  Excellency's 
Reputation  which  is  known  to  me:  your  distinguished  Merit  in  all 
Respects,  and  the  Desire  J  have  to  maintain  &  augment  the  good 
Understanding  and  harmonic  which  ought  to  subsist  between  the 
respective  Governours  of  the  two  Provinces  in  Amity,  must  be  to 
you  a  sure  Pledge  that  J  shall  keep  these  objects  in  view  with  as 
much  Alacrity  &  Earnestnefs  as  J  am  desirous  of  proving  personal- 
ly the  infinite  Respect  with  which  J  have  the  Honour  to  be 

s-- 

Your  Excellency's 

most  humble  &  most 

obedient  Servant 

Du  Quesne. 

J  take  the  Liberty  to  pray  your  Excellency  the  favour  with  your 
leave  the  Packett  directed  by  me  to  the  Duke  de  Mirepoix  Embas- 
sadour  to  his  Britannic  Majesty." 

That  Mr.  Wheelv^Tight's  despatches  were  duly  received  in 
Boston,  appears  by  the  following  •} 

'Mass.  Archives,  Vol.  6,  p.  155, 


APPENDIX.  355 


"In  the  House  of  Representatives  Jan.  8,  1754,  It  was  Ordered 
that  Mr.  Speaker,  Col.  Partridge  &  Mr  Lyman  with  such  as  the 
Hon*^'®  Board  shall  join  be  a  Committee  to  take  under  Consideration 
the  Letters  of  the  Governor  of  Canada  &  M""  Nathaniel  Wheelwright 
to  his  Excellency  the  Governor  communicated  to  the  Court  this 
Day,  &  Report  what  it  may  be  proper  for  the  Court  to  do. 

Sent  up  for  Concurrence. 

T.  Hubbard,  Speaks" 

"Wednesday,  January  9.  1754. 
Present  in  Council 

The  Secretary  by  Order  of  his  Excellency  laid  before  the  two 
Houses  a  Letter  His  Excellency  had  received  from  the  Governor  of 
Canada  and  another  from  M''  Nathaniel  Wheelwright  respecting  the 
English  Captives  in  the  hands  of  the  French  &  Indians  there 

In  the  House  of  Representatives  Ordered  that  M''  Speaker,  Col. 
Patridge  &  Mr  Lyman  with  such  as  the  Hon'^^'^  Board  shall  join  be  a 
Comm'^'^'^  to  take  under  Consideration  the  Letters  of  the  Governor 
of  Canada  &  M''  Wheelwright  to  His  Excellency  the  Governor  and 
Report  what  may  be  proper  to  be  done  thereon — 

In  Council  Read  &  Concurr'd  and  Jacob  Wendell  &  Eleazer  Por- 
ter Esq'"^  are  joined  in  the  affair."^ 

While  the  Governor  and  Council  in  Boston  were  consider- 
ing the  despatches  received  from  Wheelwright,  he  was  ea- 
gerly prosecuting  his  search  for  the  captives  in  Canada.  Hav- 
ing got  possession  of  Elinor  Noble  and  others,  he  left  them 
at  Three  Rivers  and  proceeded  on  his  memorable  visit  to 
his  aunt  Esther  at  the  Ursuline  convent  in  Quebec. 

I  find  no  mention  in  our  Archives  of  his  return  to  Boston, 
or  of  his  employment  later  in  the  service  of  the  government. 
I  therefore  conclude  that  Nathaniel  Wheelwright  went  on- 
ly twice  to  Canada;  his  second  embassy  extending  from  the 
early  autumn  of  1793,  into  the  late  spring  of  1794,  having 
misled  me  at  first  into  the  statement  [see  ante^  that  he  went 

'Council  Records,  Vol.  20.     Also  in  Mass.  Archives,  Vol.  6. 


356  APPENDIX. 


three  times  as  ambassador  to  Canada.     Proof  of   this   con- 
clusion seems  to  me  to  be  also  given  as  follows : 

"In  the  House  ot  Representatives,  Dec.  27,  1754. 

Inasmuch  as  Sundry  persons  belonging  to  this  Province,  some  of 
whom  were  Soldiers  &  taken  from  the  fort  on  Kennebec  River  are 
now  in  Captivity  in  Canada — and  as  this  Court  have  been  Informed 
that  there  are  also  divers  Persons  in  Captivity  at  Canada  belonging 
to  the  Government  of  New  Hampshire.  Therefore,  voted  that  the 
Governor  of  Massachusetts,  write  to  the  Governor  of  New  Hamp- 
shire &  Inform  him  that  this  Court  proposes  to  employ  Capt.  Phine- 
has  Stevens  of  N"  4,  to  go  to  Canada  to  Redeem  the  captives  of 
Massachusetts  provided  that  New  Hampshire  joins  and  pays  its  pro- 
portion of  the  expence  of  the  Same." 

A  letter  of  the  same  date  as  the  above  vote  was  at  once 
sent  by  Governor  Shirley  of  Massachtisetts  to  Governor  Ben- 
ning  Wentworth  of  N.  H.^  asking  his  co-operation  in  sending 
Phineas  Stevens  of  N.  H.  on  this  joint  embassy,  the  expenses 
of  the  journey  to  be  proportionately  paid  by  both  govern- 
ments.    Governor  Wentworth  replies : 

"Portsmouth,  Jan.  4,  1755. 
Sir,  Haveing  with  great  difficulty  at  last  prevailed  with  the  As- 
sembly to  unite  with  your  Excy''  Government  in  Employing  Cap. 
Stevens  of  Charlestown  to  proceed  to  Canada  in  order  to  redeem 
the  Captives  belonging  to  this  Government  now  in  the  hands  of  the 
French  &  Inds.  I  must  Desire  your  favour  in  Despatching  him  here 
as  soon  as  possible,  the  Sec.  having  wrote  him  by  my  order  to  that 
purpose.  The  Sum  already  voted  is  ^150.  Stirling,  but  I  am  hop- 
ing to  get  it  Enlarged  by  Capt.  Stevens  arrival.  I  am  with  great 
Esteem 

S''  Your  Excellency**  most  Obedient 
humble  Servant, 

B.  Wentworth"^ 


'Mass.  Archives,  Vol.  5,  p.  196. 
'^Mass.  Archives,  Vol.  5,  p.  199. 


APPENDIX.  357 


While  this  embassy  is  pending  one  Johnson  arrives  in  Bos- 
ton, empowered  by  the  government  of  New  Hampshire  to  go 
to  Canada  for  the  redemption  of  captives  and  desires  to  be 
employed  by  Massachusetts  for  the  same  purpose.  There 
arriving  "Just  upon  his  Departure  some  Intelligence  that 
made  it  appear  not  convenient  that  he  should  proceed  at  this 
time,"  he  was  called  back  by  Shirley  and  detained  in  Boston. 

"Feb.  8,  1755.1 

In  the  House  of  Representatives:  Ordered  that  Col.  Hale,  Mr. 
Welles  &  Mr.  Quincy  with  such  as  the  Hon'''®  Board  shall  join,  be 
a  Committee  to  Consider  of  some  Proper  Method  for  the  Redemp- 
tion of  the  Captives  now  in  Canada,  belonging  to  this  Province.  In 
Council  Read  &  Concurred  and  Samuell  Watts  &  Thomas  Hutchin- 
son Esq^  are  joined  in  the  affair." 

"At  a  Council  held  Tuesday,  Feb.  11,  1755.^  In  Council  Read  a 
first  &  second  time  &  passed  a  Concurrence. 

A  Report  referring  to  the  Redemption  of  Captives  in  Canada  Pur- 
suant to  the  above  Directions  the  Committee  have  attended  the 
Service  assigned  them;  and  are  humbly  of  the  opinion  that  it  is  not 
Convenient  at  this  time  for  the  Court  to  Employ  any  Person  in  Pur- 
chasing Captives  belonging  to  this  Province;  now  in  Canada.  It 
appearing  to  the  Committee  that  the  Indians  have  by  Means  of  such 
Purchases  been  encouraged  to  continue  their  Depredations  upon  our 
Frontiers,  and  the  Committee  are  further  of  the  opinion  that  no 
Effectual  way  can  be  Projected  to  put  an  End  to  their  Depreda- 
tions but  by  Revenging  the  Injury  upon  the  Indians  themselves  or 
upon  those  by  whom  they  were  imployed.  Which  is  Humbly  sub- 
mitted. 

Per  Samuel  Watts  per  Order. 

In  Council  read  and  Ordered  that  the  Report  be  accepted." 

The  last  mention  of  Wheelwright's  services  as  ambassador 
is  the  following :  ^ 

'General  Court  Records,  Vol.  20,  p. 357. 
^General  Court  Records,  Vol  20. 
•^Council   Records,  1747-1755. 


35^ 


APPENDIX. 


"Att  a  Council  held  at  the  Council  Chamber  in  Boston  upon 
Thursday,  the  27  of  February  1755: 

Advised  is:  Consented  that  a  warrant  be  made  out  to  the  Treasurer 
to  pay  unto  the  Persons  herein  after  mentioned  the  following  sums 
to  discharge  the  Accounts  by  them  respectively  exhibited  viz: 

To  Mr.  Nathaniel  Wheelwright  the  Sum  of  Three  Hundred  & 
Seventy  three  Pounds  &  Six  pence,  being  the  Ballance  of  his  Ac- 
compt  of  Charges  in  his  late  Negotiations  in  Canada  for  the  Redeem- 
ing of  Captives." 

Later,  Governor  Shirley  writes  to  explain  to  Governor 
Wentworth,  his  action  in  not  permitting  Johnson  to  proceed 
to  Canada.' 


c. 


EUNICE   WILLIAMS. 

THE  SIEURS  DE  LA  PERICRE  AND  DUPUIS,  AMBASSADORS  FROM  CANADA  TO  LEARN  THE 
CONDITION  OF  THINGS  IN  ORANGE  "PRETEXTING  AN  EXCHANGE"  OF  BARENT  STAATS, 
NEPHEW  OF  PETER  SCHUYLER  FOR  FATHER  MAREUIL,  THREE  OTHER  DUTCHMEN 
FOR  THREE  FRENCHMEN,  AND  JOHN  ARMES  OF  DEERFIELD  ON  PAROLE  FOR  EN- 
SIGN DE  VERCHCRES  ("BOVENEY.") 

By  a  letter  from  the  Intendant,  M,  de  Ramezay  to  the 
Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  written  at  Montreal  the  19th  of  Octo- 
ber, 1709,^  we  learn  that  Lieut.  Barent  Staats,  the  husband  of 
Peter  Schuyler's  niece,  was  captured  Oct.  12,  1709,  near  Fort 
Nicholson  and  carried  to  Canada,  arriving  in  Montreal, 
Oct.  1 8th. 

'Letter    from    Governor   Shirley  to  Governor    Benning    Wentworth,  Mass. 
Archives,  Vol.  5. 

'^N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Vol.  IX,  p.  838. 


APPENDIX.  359 


May  ist,  1 710,  M.  de  Vaudreuil  writes  to  M,  de  Pontchar- 
train  ■} 

"The   Onnontagues request  me  not  to  harm  Peter,  that  is 

the  government  of  Orange,  protesting  that  Peter  and  the  Dutch 
had  been  forced  by  the  English  to  take  up  arms  against  us.  As 
these  Indians  requested  me,  My  Lord,  to  be  pleased  to  permit  them 
to  untie  the  cords  of  Peter's  nephews — that  is  of  the  Dutch  prison- 
ers— whom  I  held  in  my  hands,  I  embraced  that  opportunity  to 
learn  distinctly  the  condition  of  things  in  the  government  of  Orange, 
and  pretexting  an  exchange  with  Peter  Schuyler,  of  his  nephew  for 
Father  de  Mareuil,  the  Jesuit  missionary  of  Onontague,  and  of  three 
other  Dutchmen  for  three  Frenchmen,  and  of  an  officer  belonging 
to  the  Boston  government  whom  1  have  here^  for  Ensign  de  Ver- 
cheres,^  I  sent  Sieurs  de  la  Periere  and  Dupuis  and  six  other  French- 
men and   an   Indian    to   Orange," I  go  up    to   Montreal,  My 

Lord to  be  in  a  better  position  for  learning  what  is  transpir- 
ing within  the  government  of  Orange  and  among  the  Iroquois, 
either  by  the  return  of  Mess"  de  la  Periere  and  Dupuis  or  from  let- 
ters they  will  find  an  opportunity  to  write  me." 

De  Vaudreuil's  despatches  to  the  Minister,  in  June,  1710, 
and  his  letter  of  Oct.  31  of  the  same  year  give  us  the  follow- 
ing : 

"Sieurs  de  la  Periere  and  Dupuis  having  left  Orange  so  as  to  ar- 
rive at  Montreal  at  the  opening  of  the  navigation.  I  found  them 
there  at  my  arrival  together  with  Father   Mareuil,  Jesuit,  whom  the 

'N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  Vol.  IX,  p.  842. 
^John  Arms  of  Deerfield,  Mass. 

•'Seigneur  de  Vercheres,  officer  of  the  Carignan  regiment,  had  two  sons 
and  a  daughter,  the  heroine  Madeleine  de  Vercheres.  His  eldest  son  was 
killed  at  Haverhill,  Aug.  29,  1708.  See  Parkman,  Frontenac,  p.  302  and  Half 
Century  of  Conflict  I,  p.  94.  The  younger  son  Beauvenir  de  Vercheres  figures 
in  our  Archives  as  "Boveney,"  and  was  for  several  years  a  captive  in  Boston 
and  Albany.  John  Arms  of  Deerfield  and  Johnson  Harmon  of  York  were  sent 
at  different  times  as  exchange  for  him,  but  he  was  long  held  by  Dudley  for 
Eunice  Williams's  return. 


360  APPENDIX. 


English  carried  off  last  year  from  Onnontague,  where  he  was  011  the 

mission.     This  Jesuit  and  these  two  officers informed  me  that 

Boston  was  not  disarming  and  even  was  expecting  a  reinforcement 
from  F^urope  to  make  an  attack  by  sea  either  on  this  country  or  on 
Acadia." 

The  story  of  "Boveney"  and  John  Arm.s  and  Johnson 
Harmon  is  thus  continued  in  our  Archives : 

"At  a  Council  held  at  the  Council  Chamber,  Boston,  upon  'i'uesday 
Ult"  [28"']  February,  1709,'  Present  His  Excellency  Joseph  Dudley 
Esq  Gov.  &c.,  &c.,  &:c.  His  FLxcellency  communicated  A  letter 
from  Col.  Partridge  received  by  an  Express  the  night  past  accom- 
panying letters  to  him  from  the  Commissioners  at  Albany  and  copy 
of  a  letter  from  Mr  Vaudreuil  to  Col.  Peter  Schuyler  sent  by  his 
messengers  from  Mont  Real  now  attend'^  at  Albany'  who  brought  in 
with  them  some  Dutch  prisoners  &  one  John  Armes  of  Deerfield 
upon  their  parole  to  return  back  with  them  in  case  they  could  not 
obtain  their  release  by  exchange  for  French  Prisoners  at  New  Yorke 
and  some  in  the  hands  of  this  Government  And  the  heads  of  a  Let- 
ter to  Col.  Partridge  were  agreed  upon  to  be  Signed  by  the  Secre- 
tary."^ 

"Letter  to  Col.  Partridge'  relating  to  m''  Vaudrueil'  messeng"  at 
Albany, — and  French  Prison''\ 

Boston  February  ult:  [28"']  1709-10. 
S"- 

His  Excellency  has  this  day  communicated  in  Council  your 
Letters  to  himselfe  accompanying  those  from  the  Magistrates  of 
Albany  with  the  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  m'"  Vaudreuil  directed  to  Col. 
Peter  Schuyler  by  the  hand  of  his  Mefsengers  there  attending  from 
Mont- Real  on  pretence  of  negotiating  an  Exchange  of  Dutch  Pris- 
oners &  one  Armes  of  Deerfield  brought  thither  with  them,  for  some 

'Council  Records,  Vol.  5,  pp.  191-192. 
'^Sieurs  de  la  Feriere  and  Dupuis. 
^See  Secretary  Addington's  letter  ante. 
■•Mass.   Archives,  Vol.  51,  p.  192. 


APPENDIX.  361 


French  Prisoners  at  New  Yorke  &  Beuvenire  taken  at  Haverhill  and 
Le-ffever,  two  of  theirs  in  our  hands,  the  latter  proposed  to  be  Ex- 
changed for  Armes  with  a  great  Demand  upon  him  for  his  redemp- 
tion out  of  the  hands  of  the  Indians.  It's  no  hard  thing  to  penetrate 
into  their  Intreagues,  the  Designe  being  to  conciliate  a  new  friend- 
ship and  neutrality  with  the  i\lbanians  as  they  have  lately  had;  to 
gain  Intelligence  of  the  motions  and  preparations  of  the  English 
and  leave  this  and  other  Her  Majesty^  Colonys  to  take  care  for 
themselves.  Mr  Vaudreuil  takes  no  notice  of_his  Excellency,  neg- 
lects to  write  to  him,  thinking  to  obtain  his  Prisoners  from  hence 
by  the  Interposition  of  the  Gent**  at  Albany;  well  knowing  how 
false  he  has  been  and  Violated  his  promises  made  Once  &  again  to 
return  all  the  English  Prisoners,  and  that  long  since,  upon  which 
all  the  French  Prisoners  on  his  side  were  sent  home  by  way  of  Port- 
Royal.  Knowing  also  his  Excy^  Resolution  never  to  set  up  an  Al- 
giers trade  to  Purchase  the  Prisoners  out  of  his  hands  and  Direction 
not  to  have  them  sent  to  Albany  but  to  have  them  brought  in  a  Ves- 
sell  by  water  from  Canada  or  down  Kennebec  River  to  Casco  Bay 
or  Piscataqua.  In  which  Resolution  he  continues  and  it  is  agreeable 
to  the  mind  of  the  Council. 

So  that  Armes  must  go  back  with  the  Messengers,  unlefs  he  can 
otherwise  obtain  his  Liberty;  you  will  further  Examin  him  particu- 
larly referring  to  the  State  of  Quebeck  and  Mont-Real  how  they 
are  as  to  Provisions  and  Clothing,  what  store-ships  arrived  there  the 
last  Summer  and  other  Shipping  and  what  are  there  now?  what  new 
Fortification  they  raysed  in  the  Summer  past  and  where  ? 

And  by  the  next  Post  from  Albany  you  must  send  for  Beuvenire 
from  thence  and  write  to  the  Major  and  Magistrate  to  adjust  the 
Accompt  of  the  Demand  for  his  Keeping,  which  as  is  Intimated  is 
very  Extravagant  beyond  what  is  usually  allowed  for  Prisoners  and 
Let  draw  upon  the  Governm'^  here  for  payment  and  It  shall  be 
Done.  In  case  the  Hunting  Mohawks  attend  you  Its  thought  ad- 
visable that  Major  Stoddard  joyne  a  Serg'  &  six  Centinels  of  his 
best  Hunters  w**^  them  who  will  take  care  to  observe  them  and  they 
will  be  a  good  out  scout  for  which  you  have  his  Excellency^  Letter 
&  Order  w"'  this. 


362  APPENDIX. 


You  may  Adjust  the  Post  as  is  propos''  from  Albany.  If  the  ser- 
vice will  be  as  well  Perform'd  &  the  Charge  of  the  Province  be 
thereby  Eased  but  the  Albanians  must  not  think  to  make  a  Purse 
from  us  and  to  Exact  more  than  it  would  be  done  for  by  our  own 
People  It  being  much  better  that  they  have  y'^  Advantage  of  what 
must  be  necessarily  Expended. 

This  by  the  Order  of  his  Exce^'  with  the  Advice  of  the  Council  from 
Sr 

Your  very  humble  Servant 

J**  Addington  Secy. 
The  Letter  to  Nf  Vaudreuil   must  be  sent  to  Albany  by  y**  Post 
&  forwarded  from  thence  by  an  Ind   w^''out  Charge  or  otherwise  by 
y®  french  Messengers  there  now  attending." 

"At  a  Council  held  &c.  upon  Monday,  the  6th  of  March,  1709, 
[1709-10]^ 

Present  His  Excellency  Joseph  Dudley,  Esq.,  Governor.  &c.,  &c. 

John  Armes  of  Deerfield,  a  prisoner  with  the  French  in  Mount 
Real  &  permitted  to  come  with  the  French  messengers  to  Albany 
upon  his  parole,  attended  bringing  a  letter  from  Col.  Partridge  & 
another  from  Mr.  Williams,  and  gave  some  further  account  of  affairs 
there  and  was  dismissed,  the  Governor  and  Council  not  seeing  rea- 
son to  alter  anything  of  their  direction  to  Col.  Partridge  by  their 
letters  the  last  week."^ 

"Tuesday  30th,  March,  17 10,  His  Excellency  communicated  to 
the  Council  a  letter  from  Col.  Partridge  and  another  from  Mr.  Wil- 
liams, Minister  of  Deerfield,  accompanying  some  letters  from  Al- 
bany referring  to  Bovenee  a  French  Prisoner  of  War  sent  by  His 
Excellency  the  year  past  to  Albany  with  intent  to  be  exchanged 
for  Mr.  Williams'  daughter,  prisoner  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy." 

As  we  have  seen  by  De  Vaudreuil's  dispatches  to  the 
French  minister,  the  Sieurs  de  la  Periere  and  Dupuis  re- 
turned to  Montreal  before  the  opening  of  navigation;  unac- 

'Council  Records,  Vol.  5,  pp.  193-194. 

'^i.  e.  by  Secretary  Addington's  letter  to  Partridge  of  Feb.  28,  1709-10. 


APPENDIX.  ^6^ 


companied,    however,   by   John     Arms,    their    prisoner    on 
parole. 


THE    FOLLOWING    IS    FROM     JOHN    ARMS   TO    COL.    PARTRIDGE.'       PETITION    OF    JOHN 
ARMES,  ON  PAROLE  AS  EXCHANGE  FOR  SIEUR  DE  VERCHeRES.       ["BOVENEY."] 

"Deerfield,  May  y*^  27,  1710. 
Worthy  &  Reverant  Si''  Thes  Lins  are  to  inform  yourself  of  y"^  ac- 
count of  my  Charges  Both  for  my  time  «&:  expences,  sence  I  Came 
into  this  Contrey  y''  time  that  I  spent  in  waiting  on  ye  french  Gen- 
tleman at  Albany  &  in  y®  marching  in  y*"  woods  Contains  ten  10 
wekes  whic  at  12  pence  par  day  is  03 — 00 — 00 

y^  charges  for  my  Diyat  &  Lodging  was  02 — 06 — 00 

&  my  charge  for  2  horses  jorny  to  Allbany 

at  10  shilens  par  jorney  01 — 00 — 00 

having  giving  yourself  an  account  only 
for  may  time  &  my  diat  &  my  lodging  &  my 

horses  jorney  all  amounts  to  six  pounds  

six  shlens.  06 — 06 — o 

pray  s  present  my  humble  Duty  to  his  Excelency  and  inform  him 
of  my  Dificult  surcumstance  both  in  Canada,  being  then  a  wounded 
prisener  &  stript  of  all  my  clothes  I  could  get  none  out  of  ther 
magesend  but  was  fourst  to  by  them  with  my  one  money  having 
Credit  with  a  gentleman  there  &  allso  of  my  oblagasion  that  I  am 
now  under  which  I  supose  that  y*^  french  Cap*"  has  informed  his  ex- 
elency  abought  &  intreat  his  Excelency  to  helpe  me  in  so  Dificult  A 
cas  as  I  am  under:  j  shall  not  ade  but  Remain  your  humble  saur- 
vuent  Joh  Arms." 

"To  His  Excellency  Joseph  Dudley  Esq**  Captaine  Generalle  in 
Cheife  &c  to  y'^'  Honourable  Counsell  &  Representatives  in  Generall 
Corte  assembled  this  31  May  17 10. 

J  Humbly  Move  in  behalf  of  John  Armes  now  at  Derefield  a  pris- 
oner to  the  Frentch  being  taken  by  the  enemy  in  June  was  twelve 
month  &  Carried   to  Canada  &  since  he  came  hither  hath  been  at 

'Mass.  Archives,  Vol.  71,  pp.  630-631. 


364  APPENDIX. 


great  Charges  at  Albany  as  per  account  annexed  prays  it  may  be  al- 
lowed &  payd  him  out  of  the  treasury  of  this  province  as  alsoe  Such 
other  allowances  for  his  Losses  of  his  tyme  &  Cloathing  his  wounds 
&c  as  this  Corte  may  judge  meete  &  just  &  for  yo''  Excellency  & 
Honors  Shall  ever  Pray  Samll  Partridge  in  behalfe 

of  John  Amies  a  fores'^ 
In  Council  1st  June  1710.     Read  and  Recommended 
In  House  of  representatives  June  16:  Read  and  Comitted 

"  17  Read  &  In  Answer  to  the 
above  Petition  Resolved  That  the  Sum  of  Six  Pounds  and  Six  Shil- 
lings be  Allowed  &  paid  out  of  the  publick  Treasury  to  the  Hon''''' 
Samuel  Partridge  Esq  for  the  use  of  the  s*^  Armes 
Sent  up  for  Concurrence  John  Park  Speaker,  17  June,  17 10.  Read 
&  concurred  Js''  Addington  Sec^"! 


PETITION  OF  JOHNSON  HARMON,  OK  YORK,   SENT  ON  PAROLE  AS  EXCHANGE    FOR  SIEUR 
DE  VERCIieRES.       ["BOVENEY."] 

''To  his  Excellency  Joseph  Dudley  Esq''  Cap"  Gen"  &  Gov""  in 
Chief  of  her  Maj^''^'*  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  &c  and  The 
Hon"''':  Councill  and  House  of  Representatives  The  Humble  Pe- 
tition of  Johnson  Harman  of  the  Town  of  York  in  the  Province  of 
Main 
Sheweth 

That  Yo'  Petitioner  being  about  his  Lawful!  Occations  at 
winter  Harbour  on  the  8"'  day  of  October  last,  was  taken  captive  by 
a  party  of  Penobscot  &  Kennebeck  Indians  &  by  them  Carried  to 
Quebecq  in  Canada,  where  he  continued  a  Prisoner  untill  the  22nd 
day  of  may  following,  Having  Borrowed  some  money  of  Maj  Lev- 
ingston  &  other  friends,  by  it  prevailed  on  Maj  Parotte  to  come 
home  to  see  his  family  &  settle  his  affairs.  Providence  favouring  this 
good  humour  of  Mons''  De  Vaudrieull,  and  his  Excellency's  Good- 
nefs  to  Return  A  Prisoner  from  here  in  his  Room,  (which  Favour  is 
for  Ever  to  be  Acknowledged)     But  now  he  is  Commanded  away  in 

'Mass.    Archives,  Vol.  71,   pp.  630-631.     Also  Gen.   Court   Records  Vol.  9, 
P-  39- 


APPENDIX.  365 


the  Present  Expedition  (wherein  he  hopes  &  Designs  to  do  Some  Sig- 
nal! Service)  But  his  Misfortunes  are  such  by  this  imprisonm'  and 
his  affairs  are  such  that  all  that  is  Dear  &  good  to  him  lies  at  stake 
&  his  family  Suffers  Extreamly  for  want  of  his  being  at  home  &c 

Therefore  he  humbly  prays  this  Hon''"":  afsembly  to  Consider  the 
Great  fateigue  &  Expence  he  hath  been  at  &  the  poor  Circum- 
stances of  his  family  and  affairs,  &  to  afford  them  Some  Support  & 
help  to  fit  himself  out  in  his  Station  this  Expedition  as  in  yo""  Wis- 
dom Shall  seem  meet 

And  yo""  Pet.  as  in  Duty  bound  shall 
ever  pray  &c  Johnson  Harmon" 

July  24"'  17 1 1  In  the  House  of  Representatives 

"In  answer  to  this  petition 
Voted  that  Twenty  Pounds  be  paid  the  petition""  out  of  the  province 
Treasury 
Sent  up  for  Concurrence^  John  Burrill  Speaker" 

July  24.  1711. 
"Upon  Reading  the  Petition  of  Johnson  Harman  of  York  late 
Prisoner  of  Quebec,  Praying  Consideration  of  the  great  Fatigue  & 
Expence  he  has  been  at  &  the  poor  Circumftance  of  his  Family  &: 
Affairs  Voted  in  Concurrence  with  the  House  of  Representatives, 
That  the  Sum  of  Twenty  Pounds  be  paid  to  the  Petitioner  out  of 
the  Treasury  of  this  Province: — '^  Consented  to.     J.  Dudley." 

While  Johnson  Harmon  of  York,  Me.,  a  captive  in  Cana- 
da, was  at  Chambly  fort  on  his  return  to  New  England  on 
parole,  to  be  exchanged  for  "Boveney,"  he  received  the  fol- 
lowing interesting  letter  from  Father  Meriel.  I  give  it  to 
show  Father  Meriel's  knowledge  of  the  English  language 
and  his  facility  in  its  use.  The  original  is  in  Mass.  Archives, 
Vol.  51,  pp.  212-213  : 

^Mass.  Archives,  Vol.  71,  p.  819. 

'^Court  Records,  1709-1715.     Vol.  9,  p.  138. 


366  APPENDIX. 


"To  M''  Johnson  Harmon 

at  Shamblee, 
Sir, 

Since  you  are  gone,  a  Squaw  of  the  nation  of  the  Abn- 
akis  is  come  in  from  Boston.  She  has  a  pass  from  your  Governour. 
She  go's  about  getting  a  little  girl,  daughter  of  M''  John  Williams. 
The  Lord  Marquess  of  Vaudreuil  helps  her  as  he  can.  The  business 
is  very  hard  because  the  girl  belongs  to  Indians  of  another  sort*  and 
the  master  of  the  English  girl  is  now  at  Albany.  You  may  tell  your 
Governour  that  the  squaw  can't  be  at  Boston  at  the  time  appointed 
and  that  she  desires  him  not  to  be  impatient  for  her  return,  and 
meantime  to  take  good  care  of  her  two  papows.  The  same  Lord 
Chief  Governour  of  Canada  has  insured  me  in  case  she  may  not 
prevail  with  the  Mohoggs  for  Eunice  Williams,  he  shall  send  home 
four  English  persons  in  his  power  for  an  exchange  in  the  Room  of 
the  two  Indian  children.  You  see  well,  Sir,  your  Governor  must 
not  disregard  such  a  generous  proffer  as  according  to  his  noble 
birth  and  obliging  genious  ours  makes.  Else  he  would  betray  little 
affection  to  his  own  people.  The  Lord  Marquess  of  Vaudreuil  has 
got  a  letter  for  Madam  Vetch  which  he's  very  glad  to  see  safely 
convey'd  unto  her.  I  pray  Sir  you  with  all  my  heart  to  present  un- 
to her  my  most  humble  respects.  We  have  at  Kebeck  two  vessels 
by  means  whereof  we  have  had  this  information.  In  Spain  the 
King  and  under  him  the  Duke  of  Vendome  have  upon  the  9  and  10 
of  December  Last  fought  a  great  battle  wherein  an  army  of  25,000 
men  has  been  routed.  General  Stanhope  and  5,000  others  taken 
prisoners  at  Brihuega.  General  Staremburg  with  4,000  men  only 
made  their  escape  and  retired  to  Barcelona  whither  before  him  the 
Archduke  of  Austria  repaired.  The  Duke  of  Vendome  was  in  March 
to  besiege  that  city.  80  Ships  with  6,000  men  sent  from  Eng- 
land and  Holland  to  relieve  it  have  all  of  them  been  destroyed  by  a 
storm.  The  King  of  Sweeden  with  200,000  Tartars  invade  Moscovy 
and  Poland.  At  his  approach  the  Northern  &  German  crowns  with- 
draw their  troops  from  the  Netherlands.  The  Parliament  of  Eng- 
land consisting  of   Presbyterians   has   been   dissolved,   and   another 

'The  Indians  of  Saint-Louis  or  Caughnawaga  were  Mohawks  of  the  Iroquois 
nation. 


APPENDIX.  367 


called,  whereof  all  members  are  Episcopalians.  At  Brest  in  Little 
Britain,  there  is  a  great  navy  preparing  for  a  design  that  is  kept 
very  secret.  The  galiion  of  [^illegible]  are  come  in  safe.  The 
people  of  France  are  very  \inegible\  their  King  for  the  prosecu- 
tion of  the  war.  The  paper  money  has  been  taken  away  and  rent 
assigned  for  the  ready  paiement  thereof.  The  Duke  of  Noailles 
who  has  taken  Girona  is  to  joyn  the  Duke  of  Vendome  for  the  siege 
at  Barcelona  with  25,000  men.  The  English  and  Hollanders  having 
sent  to  the  Most  Christian  King  sueing  for  peace  his  Majesty  won't 
yield  to  their  proposition.  A  French  squadron  under  the  command 
of  Mr  DuClerc  had  landed  800  men  at  Rio  Janeiro  in  the  river  of 
the  Amazon  and  had  taken  the  town.  But  15000  Portuguese  hav- 
ing fain  upon  them  have  made  them  prisoners  of  war.  The  ships 
are  come  safe.  There  is  also  a  flying  report  that  there  is  in  old 
England  a  navy  of  3,000  men  fitting  out  for  an  expedition  against 
New  France.  Our  army  in  Flanders  is  of  130,000  men  under  Mar- 
shal Villars.  Some  say  the  King  will  be  at  the  head  thereof.  That 
of  the  Allies  commanded  by  the  Duke  of  Marlborough  is  far  infer- 
ior. There  is  no  mention  of  Prince  Eugene.  We  do  hourly  expect 
two  other  French  vessels  from  Rochel.  If  they  bring  freshe  tidings 
and  I  find  an  opportunity  to  make  them  known  to  you  I  shall. 
Write,  I  pray,  to  me  from  Albany  and  afterwards  from  New  Eng- 
land. I  have  sent  your  letters  to  Kebeck.  Do  my  commendations 
to  my  acquaintance  at  Wells,  and  at  Boston,  namely  to  Mr  Hern  a 
Lawyer  to  Mrs.  Rawlings  and  her  father  and  to  Mrs.  Mary  Pleisted 
to  Catharine  Leatherby  to  Lieutenant  Josiah  Littlefield  to  Mr  Sam- 
uel Emery,  to  Lieutenant  Thomas  Baker  &c  I  remain 

Out  of  Acadia  we  have  the  Sir 

confirmation  of  the  news  we  Your  Most 

had  already  had  that  most  of  Humble  Servant 

the  souldiers  of  the  garrison  Meriel  Prieft. 

at  Port  Royal  were  dead  of 
the  scurvy. 

Ville-Marie  in  the 
Island  of  Montreal 
June  25.  171 i" 


368  APPENDIX. 


CORRESPONDENCE  CONCERNING  ENSHIN  DE  VERCHCRES.       ["BOVENEY."] 

Letter  from  Governor  Dudley  of  Mass.  to  Governor  Hun- 
ter of  N.  Y.: 

"Boston  31  Decern',  171 1.' 


This  last  post  1  troubled  you  with  a  letter  referring  to  a 
Letter  J  sent  to  Albany  directed  to  Mr  Voderil  for  the  Exchange  of 
prisoners  which  I  have  holden  with  him  these  nine  years  past  and 
since  I  sent  AL  Boveney  a  french  ensign  who  J  have  had  in  my 
hands  these  two  yeares  (in  exchange  for  whom  mr  voderil  the  last 
spring  sent  me  Captain  Harmon  an  English  officer)  with  a  passport 
to  returne  home  by  way  of  Albany  by  whom  J  further  acquainted 
Mr  Voderil  that  1  had  in  my  hands  forty  french  prisoners  which  J 
offered  him  in  Exchange  for  as  many  of  mine  Jn  his  hands  both  my 
said  Letters  &  Boveney  are  stayed  by  the  Gentlemen  at  Albany  for 
your  Excellencys  allowance  as  they  write,  I  pray  of  you  s""  that  the 
said  french  prisoner  &  the  Letters  may  be  allowed  to  pass  that  I 
may  have  her  majestys  subjects  return  &  may  be  quit  of  the  french- 
men in  my  hands  which  J  judge  is  for  her  Majesty's  service  <S:  very 
well  accepted  at  all  times  by  her  majesty's  government,  if  the  send- 
ing by  Albany  be  a  trouble  J  will  avoyd  it  for  the  future  he  the  said 
M""  Boveney  was  sent  with  General  Hill  into  Canada  river  to  be  sent 
home  and  is  now  in  Albany  at  his  own  desire  &  will  find  the  way 
home  with  my  letter  with  a  couple  of  straggling  Indians  if  he  may 
be  allowed  which  is  what  J  Desire  of  your  Excellency  if  it  may  con- 
sist with  your  own  good  opinion 
1  am   ^"^ 

Your  Excellency** 

most  faithful 

humble  servant 

J.  D." 

'Mass.  Archives,  Vol.  2,  p.  462. 


APPENDIX.  369 


"To  his  Ex'^J' 

Joseph  Dudley  Esq""  Gov"" 

and  Capt.  Gen"  of  her  Maty^ 
Province  of  New  Hampshire  and  Massachusetts. ^ 

I  am  honor'd  with  two  of  yours  relateing  to  the  Gentleman^ 
upon  his  returne  to  Canada.  Upon  advice  from  the  Commissioners 
at  Albany  of  that  persons  being  arrivd  there  1  consulted  her  Maj- 
esty's council  here,  who  were  of  opinion  that  as  matters  stood  it  was 
neither  safe  nor  expedient  to  let  him  proceed  at  this  time,  consider- 
ing our  own  ill  posture  and  the  advices  he  might  give  as  to  the  state 
of  the  Roads  and  Lakes  by  which  he  was  to  passe.  Upon  which  I 
sent  to  detain  him  till  further  orders;  the  Roads  are  such  at  present 
as  he  could  not  possibly  wade  through  So  soon  as  they  are  more 
practicable,  I  fhall  Send  orders  to  let  him  goe  and  accommodate 
him  with  what  may  be  necessary,  But  I  must  Intreat  you  for  the  fu- 
ture to  give  me  notice  of  all  such  as  you  send  that  way,  there  being 
a  strict  prohibition  on  the  frontiers  of  Suffering  any  to  goe  that  way 
without  leave  of  y*"  Government  not  without  Good  cause.  I  Shall 
In  all  my  best  Indeavour  to  approve  mySelf 
Your  Ex''^'^  most  obedt 

Humble  Servant 

Ro.  Hunter. 
N.  York 

y**  15  Jan.  1711-12." 

On  the  above  letter  of  Gov.  Hunter  is  endorsed  the  follow- 
ing, which  is  evidently  a  copy  of  Dudley's  answer : 

"Boston,  29"'  January,  17 11. 
S: 

There  are  eight  years  past  since  J  have  had  Exchanges  of 
prisoners  with  M^  Vodruelle  which  has  Occafioned  many  Letters 
and  Mefsages  between  M"".   Vaudruelle  and  mySelf  and  J  have  Gen- 

'Mass.    Archives,    Vol.  2,   p.  463.     This   letter  is  endorsed  "Gov.  Hunter's 
L'  relating  to  Boveney  15  Jan.  1711.     Read  in  Council  30  Januar}'." 


^i.  e.  "Boveney." 


370  APPENDIX. 


erally  Sent  them  by  Albany  and  have  had  from  Canada  by  Several 
Ways  by  Sea  and  Land  some  hundreds  of  prifoners  and  have  Sent 
more  to  him  and  have  now  Forty  that  J  Keep  at  great  Charge  to 
Exchange  for  as  many  and  More  that  are  in  French  hands  of  Her 
Majesty's  good  Subjects.  The  Letters  that  Accompany  M''.  Bove- 
ney  the  Frenchman  are  to  procure  this  Exchange  at  the  Earnest 
Desire  of  the  Assembly  &  Council  of  this  Province  at  all  times  to 
whom  J  Communicate  always  what  J  write  to  that  Side,  and  would 
be  Glad  J  could  Communicate  with  you  at  all  times  in  this  and  Ev- 
erything Else  Jmporting  Her  Majesty's  Service.  Boveney  now  at 
Albany  is  a  poor  Country  Boy  for  whome  J  ReC'  Captain  Harmon 
a  very  Good  Officer  and  must  Returne  again  if  J  cannot  Get  Bove- 
ney home  he  was  in  the  Fleet  going  to  Canada  with  the  General  to 
have  returned  that  way  and  being  unfortunate  there  J  thought  this 
the  best  way  J  could  be  Glad  while  he  Stays  those  Letters  might  go 
forward  otherwise  J  shall  have  no  Exchange  the  Spring  coming  and 
if  Boveney  may  not  go  home  Soon  J  must  Send  Some  other  way  to 
Acquaint  M''  Vaudruelle  That  I  have  Captain  Harmon  and  That 
Boveney  Shall  come  as  soon  as  J  can  Tho  if  sould  be  Stayed  till 
News  from  Great  Britain  it  will  be  worse  to  Send  him  then,  then  it 
is  now 

I  am  S"- 

Your  Excellencys 

most  ffaithfuU  Humble 

Servant 

J  Dudley." 
Letter  to  Col.  Satntiel  Partridge  of   Hatfield,  Mass.,  from 
Jonas  [or  Jona]  Douw :' 

"Albany  y<^  15*''  Desemb''   1712 
S""  this  gives  Occation  to  me  to  write  to  You  Since  J  did 

Some  time  ago  Give  mr  Sam"  Afhley  a  power  of  attorney  to  Re- 
ceive Such  Sumse  of  money  Due  to  me  for  Keeping  of  mr  Bouene 
de  Verfhare  J  find  Your  promife  for  the  payment  when  J  should 
Send  a  power  of  atterney   to    Receive   the   same  but  J  at  Constant 

'Mass.  Archives,  Vol.  3,  p.  130. 


APPENDIX.  371 


Trouble  Giveing  power  to  Receive  Such  Demands  as  proposed  by 
Your  Selfe  and  as  Yet  Nothing  Comes  to  Perfection  S''  J  Earnestly 
Desire  of  You  to  lett  me  know  the  Reafon  my  Moneys  is  Detained 
from  me  and  you  will  Verry  much  obleadge  me 
S"^  Your  Verry  humb'^ 

Servant 

Jona  Douw" 

Letter  from  Col.  Samuel  Partridge  to  Governor  Dudley:^ 

"Hatfield,  dec:  31    1712 

May  it  pleafe  yo""  Excellency 

I  have  this  day  the  Return  of 
the  poft  from  Albany  who  have  reach*^  the  Frentch  Mefsengers  & 
the  Letters  J  Rec'^  of  m''  Williams  are  fent  by  them  for  Canada  as 
J  suppofe  yo""  Selfe  is  Enform'd  by  the  Enclofsed  from  Albany  to 
yo""  Self  &  by  m''  Rob'  Levinftons  Letter  here  Enclofsed  alsoe, 
Capt.  Jonas  Dowe  follows  me  with  Letters  for  to  be  payd  for  his 
Keeping  Monf  Bovenee  de  Versher  13  or  14  Months  at  21^^  o^  od 
or  thereabouts  he  never  had  any  Engagem'  from  me  Jn  the  day  of 
it  J  fent  the  s''  de  Versher  to  Col.  Shuyler  according  to  directions 
he  s'l  Dowe  infifts  on  the  paym*  of  the  Money  or  the  Reason  why  it 
is  not  done  J  have  Enclofed  his  Letter  &  Wee  have  No  Occurent 
hath  happened  &  are  in  quiett  at  p'^fent  J  am  informed  by  the  poft 
that  an  Jndian  from  Canada  s''''  there  is  no  Motion  of  Warr  goeing 
forward  there  with  my  Humble  Service  p'^sented  to  yo''  Self  Madame 
Dudley  &  yo'  whole  family.  Rendering  my  Selfe  Much  oblidged 
in  Obeydience  &  am  yo"'  verry  Humble  Serv' 

Sam"  Partridge." 

P.  S " 


DAGEUILLE,  AMBASSADOR  FROM  CANADA  TO  ALBANY,   MAY,   I71I. 

In  the  correspondence  between  the  Governors  of  Canada 

'Mass.  Archives,  Vol.  3,  p.  130. 


372  APPENDIX. 


and  New  England  quoted  in  the  story  of  Eunice  Williams, 
p.  146,  ante} 

De  Vaudreuil  writes : 

"Your  Interpreter  has  ill-explained   my  Letter in  that  you 

did  not  furnish  Mr  Dagueille  with  anything I  complain  with 

reason  that  in  sending  me  three  prisoners  by  him  you  obliged  him 
to  furnish  them  out  of  his  own  money  with  provisions  and    other 

necessaries   for  the  return   of  those    three    men, contenting 

yourself  as  he  and  the}^  inform  me,  with  wishing  them  a  good  jour- 
ney." 

To  this  charge  Dudley  replies  : 

''1  dare  appeal  to  any  disinterested  and  competent  judges  as  to 
my  invariable  conduct  in  regard  to  supplies  and  provisions  for  the 

French  captives  returned   by   Mr  Lesguilles  [DagueilleJ It 

has  exceeded  and  never  fallen  short  of  what  has  been  done  for  my 
poor  people  elsewhere," 


Letter  from  General  Nicholson  and  others  to  M.  de  Vaudreiul.'-' 

"Annapolis  Royal,  11.  oct.  17 10. 
Monsieur, 

It  having  pleased  God  to  bless  with  success,  the  just  and 
royal  enterprise  of  Her  Majesty  Anne,  ...  .  Queen  of  England, 
France  and  Ireland,  defender  of  the  faith,  by  reducing  to  her  sub- 
jection the  Fort  of  Port-Royal  and  the  country  adjacent, we 

think  it  proper  to  inform  you  that,  since  you  have  made  several  at- 
tacks upon  her  Majesty's  frontiers,  your  cruel  and  barbarous  Sav- 
ages and  Frenchmen  having  inhumanly  massacred   many  poor  peo- 

'Letter  from  De  Vaudreuil  to  Dudley,   Montreal,  June   12,  1713.      Dudley's 
reply,  Boston,  June  27,  1713.     Mass.  Archives,  Vol.  2,  pp.  631-636. 

*Doc.  Pub.  a  Quebec,  Vol.   II.,  p.  524. 


APPENDIX.  373 


pie  and  children,  in  case  the  French  after  your  receipt  of  this  letter, 
shall  commit  any  hostilities  and  barbarities,  immediately  upon  in- 
formation of  such  acts,  we  will  avenge  ourselves  by  similar  atroci- 
ties upon  your  people  in  Acadia.  But  as  we  abhor  the  cruelty  of 
your  Savages  in  war,  we  hope  that  you  will  give  us  no  occasion  to 

imitate  them you  have  a  great  number  of   prisoners  under 

your  jurisdiction,  especially  a  young  girl,  the  daughter  of  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Williams,  Minister  of  Deerfield,  we  hope  that  you  will  have 
all  the  Said  prisoners  ready  to  be  delivered  up,  at  the  first  flag 
of  truce  that  we  shall  send,  in  the  month  of  May  next;  otherwise 
you  may  expect  that  an  equal  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  this 
country  will  be  enslaved  among  our  savages  uutil  there  shall  be  a 
complete  restitution  of  the  subjects  of  Her  Majesty,  whether  they 

be  in  the  possession  of  the  French  or  Indians 

[Signed]    F.  Nicholson, 
Sam  Vetch, 
Charles  F.  Ebbey, 
Robert  Reading, 
G.  Martin, 
Thomas  Mathew, 
WilHam  Bidele, 
George  Gordon." 

De  Vaudreuil  speaks  as  follows  of  the  above  letter,  and  of 
his  action  thereupon  in  a  letter  to  the  French  Minister  dated 
25th  April,  1711:^ 

"M.  de  Subercase  having  surrendered  on  the  13th  of  October, 
he  and  M''  Nicholson,  General  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
Queen  of  England's  forces  on  this  Continent,  have  both  sent  Baron 
de  St  Castine  and  Major  Levingston  to  me  through  the  forest.  I 
annex  hereunto,  My  Lord,  the  letter  M"^  Nicholson  has  written  me 
and  my  answer  to  him,  which  I  have  sent  by  Mess"  de  Rouville  and 
Depuis,  being  very  glad  to  employ  these  two  officers  on  this  occasion 
in  order  to  obtain  information  through  them  of  the  movements  of 

'N.  Y.  Col.  Doc,  Vol.  IX,  p.  853,  et,  seq.     See  also  a  resume  ol  this  letter, 
dated  8.  novembre  1711  in  Doc.  Rel.,  &c.,  &c.,  Vol.  II.,  p.  546. 


374  APPENDIX. 


our  enemies,  and  at  the  Same  time  to  make  them  acquainted  with 
the  Country  and  the  most  favorable  routes  to  send  parties  thither." 
On  the  15th  of  June,  171 1,  Costebello,  Commandant  at 
Plaisance,  writes  that  he  has  "sent  the  Sieur  de  la  Ronde- 
Denis  to  Boston  concerning-  an  exchange  of  prisoners.  He 
will  reclaim  Pere  Justinian  and  bring  him  back  to  Plais- 
ance."^ Father  Justinian  was  a  Recollet  priest,  missionary 
and  aire  of  Port-Royal,  who  in  January,  17 10,  while  cele- 
brating mass,  had  been  captured  with  five  of  his  flock,  car- 
ried, to  Boston  and  imprisoned  there,  where  one  had  died. 
That  Father  Justinian  was  not  released  appears  probable 
from  the  following: 

"At  a  Council  held  Munday  2nd  of  April,  171 1."' 
The  Honourable  Governour  Vetch  Commander-in-Chief  of  Her 
Majesty's  Fort  of  Annapolis  Royall  and  the  Country  of  Nova  Scotia 
&'==^,  representing  that  Father  Justinian  a  French  Priest  a  lawfuU 
Prisoner  of  War  taken  within  the  Government  under  his  Care  was 
brought  hither  by  his  order  with  design  to  obtain  Mr.  Williams' 
daughter  in  exchange  for  him  having  hitherto  been  supported  at  his 
charge,  and  that  being  now  about  to  return  to  his  Government,  he 
shall  otherwise  dispose  of  him;  unless  the  Government  be  willing  to 
take  him  into  their  care  to  be  exchanged  for  Mr.  William's  daugh- 
ter or  some  other  valuable  Prisoner. 

Advised  that  the  said  Priest  be  kept  to  be  exchanged  accordingly." 

Sieur  de  la  Ronde-Denis  came  several  times  to  Bos- 
ton, as  ambassador  from  Bonaventure,  Governor  of  Port- 
Royal. 

"At  a  Council  held  at  the  Council  Chamber  in  Boston,  22nd  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1705.  His  Excellency  [Dudley.]  communicated  to  the  Coun- 
cil a  Letter  from  Mr.  Bonaventure  Commander  at  Port  Royal  re- 
ceived by  the  hand  of  a  French  Gentleman   whom  he    sent  hither 

'Doc.  Pub.  a  Quebec,  Vol.  II,  pp.  537-8. 
^Council  Records,  1708-1712,  Vol.  5,  p.  365. 


APPENDIX.  375 


with  Capt.  Rouse  who  arrived  two  days  since  and  brought  seventeen 
E^nghsh  prisoners,  and  all  appeared  at  the  Board." 

"At  a  Council  held  at  the  Council  Chamber  in  Boston  upon  Wed- 
nesday the  17th  of  April  1706.  His  Excellency  acquainted  the 
Council  that  Mr  L'Ronde  Messenger  from  Mr.  Bonaventure  Com- 
mander at  Port-Royal  is  very  desirous  to  return  the  time  for  his 
stay  here  being  pafs'd  and  there  being  several  French  prisoners  to 
be  sent  thither  and  of  ours  there  to  be  brought  from  thence. 

Ordered,  That  M"'  Commissary  General  do  take  up  and  dispatch  a 
suitable  Vessel  for  the  transporting  of  the  s''  Mr  L'Ronde  with  the 
French  prisoners,  and  for  bringing  home  ours  from  thence  accord- 
ingly. 

J.  Dudley. 

His  Excellency  communicated  the  Draft  of  his  letter  to  Mr.  Bona- 
venture to  be  sent  by  Mr.  L'Ronde."^ 

The  real  purpose  of  De  la  Ronde's  mission  appears  in  the 
following  resume  of  a  letter  from  Bonaventure  to  the  French 
MinivSter,  dated  Port-Royal,  Dec.  24,  1706: 

"He  had  sent  the  Sieur  de  la  Ronde-Denis  to  Boston,  under  pre- 
text of  informing  himself  of  what  had  been  done  between  M.  de 
Vaudreuil,  and  the  governor  of  Boston  about  an  exchange,  in  order 
that  he  might  examine  the  harbors,  ports,  and  forces  of  the  colony — 
This  he  has  done  so  that  he  (Bonaventure)  is  in  a  condition  to  at- 
tack this  colony  (Boston)  if  he  had  a  sufficient  force. "^ 

Concerning  this  embassy  the  Minister  writes  to  the  Sieur 
de  la  Ronde-Denis: 

A  Versailles  30th  June  1707 
"1  am  satisfied  with  your  account  of  your  journey  to  Baston  and 
to  Quebec  for  the  exchange  of  prisoners,  and  I  am  very  glad  that 
you  have  taken  cognizance  of  the  ports  of  the  coast  from  Port-Royal 

to  Baston You  have    only  to    follow  the    orders  of    M.  de 

Subercase,  and  devote  yourself  especially  to  interrupting  the  com- 
merce of  Baston" 


'Council  Records,  Vol.  4,  pp.  265-266. 
"Doc.  Pub,  a  Quebec,  Vol.  II.,  p.  462. 


376  APPENDIX. 


Writing  on  the  same  date  to  De  Subercase,  the  Minister 
says : 

"1  am  very  glad  that  the  Governor  of  Baston  has  sent  back  the 
man  named  Baptiste  who  has  been  a  prisoner  there  for  four  years. 

You  can  employ  him  in  teaching  navigation  to  the  young  men  of 
the  country,  since  they  prefer  this  trade,  rather  than  to  work  on  the 
land."' 

An  account  of  an  "Enterprize  des  Bastonnias  sur  I'Acadie" 
dated  July  6,  1707,^  mentions  Subercase  "accompanied  by  the 
vSieurs  de  la  Ronde,  Faillant,  and  Baptiste,  and  about  200 
men,"  attempting  to  defend  the  mouth  of  the  Gaspereau 
against  the  Bastonnais. 

Here  we  have  evidence  of  Baptiste's  return  to  Port-Royal 
previous  to  June  30,  1707. 

The  Sieur  de  la  Ronde  came  twice,  at  least,  to  Boston  after 
this:  in  June,  171 1,  when  he  demanded  Father  Justinian, 
and  again  in  October,  1723. 

What  tales  the  Council  Chamber  of  the  old  vState  House  in 
Boston  might  tell. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Council  Munday  2nd  of  April  1711.^  "His 
Excellency  proposed  the  sending  of  the  Indian  Woman  lately  taken 
by  the  troops  under  Colonel  Walton  with  a  Letter  directed  to  Moxis 
the  Eastern  Indian  Sagamore  importing  that  if  he  will  procure  M"" 
Williams  daughter  from  her  Indian  Master  at  Canada  &  send  her 
hither  that  then  this  squaw  &  her  son  &  daughter  (who  are  to  be  de- 
tained as  hostages  for  her  return  again)  shall  be  sett  at  liberty  & 
returned  home." 

The  return  of  Maj.  Livingston  and  his  French  escort  ap- 
pears as  follows  in  our  Archives:^ 

'Doc.  Pub.  a  Quebec,  Vol.  II,  pp.  475-6. 
'•'Doc.  Pub.  a  Quebec,  Vol.  II,  p.  477. 
^Council  Records,  Vol.  5,  pp.  350-351. 
■•Council  Records,  "         "  " 


APPENDIX.  377 


"At  a  Council  held  at  the  Council  Chamber  in  Boston  upon  Satur- 
day the  24th  of  February,  17 10 

Present  His  Excellency  Joseph  Dudley  Esq'"^^  Governor 
Wait  Winthrop 

Elisha  Hutchinson  Esq'''^^  Penn  Townsend 

Samuel  Sewall  Andrew  Belcher  Esq'''* 

Peter  Sergeant  Edw'^  Bromfield 

John  Walley  Esq''=^ 
Wm  Hutchmson 
Isaac  Addington  Esq'''* 

Major  Livingston  arriving  here  yesterday  from  Canada  accom- 
panied with  some  French  Gent"  who  brought  Letters  from  M''  Vau- 
dreuille  to  his  excellency  to  the  Hon^''**  Col  Vetch  &c 

His  Excellency  communicated  his  letter  to  the  Council  it  cheifly 
■  referring  to  an  exchange  of  Prisoners  as  also  did  Col  Vetch  his 

And  his  Excellency  gave  directions  in  writing  to  Mr  Commissary 
General  and  Mr  Sheriff  Dyer  to  visit  the  said  French  Gent"  now  at 
the  George  'Pavern^  &  offer  their  service  to  them  in  settling  their 
quarters  where  they  are  &  at  the  houses  adjoining  and  to  acquaint 
them  that  the  sherriffe  will  attend  them  to  the  Town  House  in  Bos- 
ton on  Monday  next  three  o'clock  afternoon  where  the  Governor 
will  see  them  in  Council  to  receive  their  Credentials  and  withall  to 
let  them  understand  the  Governor  has  assigned  that  House  where 
they  are  for  their  entertainment  and  will  take  care  that  they  be  not 
imposed  upon  by  excessive  rates  for  their  expences." 

"At  a  Council  held  at  the  Council  Chamber  in  Boston  upon  Mon- 
day the  26*''  of  February  1710.^ 

Present     [as  above.] 
Pursuant  to  the  intimation  given  on  Saturday  last  to  Mess''**  D'Rou- 
ville  and  Dupuix  Messengers  from  M.  Vaudreuille  Governor  of  Can- 
ada   they    were    admitted  to  attend    the    Governor   in   Council,  and 
shew'*  forth  their  credentials;  His  Excellency  assured  them,  the  ac- 

'"George  Tavern"  on  the  Neck  near  Roxbury  line.  Gen.  Court  sat  there 
in  1721.  "George  Tavern"  same  as  "Castle  Tavern"  corner  of  Dock  Square 
and  Elm  St. 

'■'Council  Records,  Vol.  5,  p.  355. 


378  APPENDIX. 


compt  depending  betwixt  this  government  and  M'  Vaudreuille  for 
money  by  him  advanced  to  Mess'"  Appleton  &  Sheldon  in  their  re- 
spective negotiations  at  Quebeck  should  be  forthwith  adjusted  and 
the  Ballance  paid  and  that  he  will  confer  with  them  upon  the  pro- 
posal for  the  exchange  of  prisoners  on  both  sides,  if  they  can  come 
to  a  mutual  agreement  thereabout;  so  as  to  dispatch  them  this  week 
without  being  detained  longer  agreeable  to  M'  Vaudruille's  desire  in 
his  letter  and  return  before  the  Ice  begone." 

Sewall,  the  omniscient,  has  the  following: 

"Feb  26.  1710-11 

This  day  p.  m.  the  Gov'  has  the  French  Messengers  from  Canada 
in  Council;  Had  the  Councillors  on  his  Left  hand,  Col.  Vetch  and 
them  on  his  right;  on  the  right  also  were  Mr.  Secretary  and  Mr. 
Commissary.  Read  their  Credentials  by  Mr  Weaver  the  Interpreter. 
Reprimanded  one  Anthony  Oliver'  forgoing  to  them  at  Meers's^  and 
to  the  Frier  without  leave;  made  him  take  the  Oaths,  and  subscribe 
to  the  Declaration.''  Told  the  Messengers  they  should  depart  that 
day  sennight  as  had  told  the  Council  with  some  Spirit,  last  Satterday: 
at  which  time  Col.  Vetch  said  the  people  of  N.  E.  were  generally 
given  to  Lying;  to  which  the  Gov""  said  not  a  word." 

"At  a  Council  held  at  the  Council  Chamber  in  Boston  upon  Satur- 
day y*"  3'"^  March,  1710.^ 

Ordered  that  Mess'**  Rouville  &  Dupuix  Commissioners  from  Mon^ 
D'Vaudruille  Governor  of  Canada  to  negotiate  an  exchange  of  Pris- 
oners on  both  sides  be  allowed  twenty  shillings  p'  Diem  for  their 
Table  during  their  stay  in  this  Government 

And  that  M''  Commissary  General  make  up  the  account  of  the 
charge  of  the  two  men  and  the  Horses  that  attended  'em  from  Re- 
hoboth  to  Boston  and  have  been  detained  to  accompany  them  back 
as  far  as  New  London  and  pay  the  men  for  their  service  at  the  rate 

'Antoine  Olivier,  Huguenot  of  Boston. 

^Samuel  Means  kept  the  Sun  Tavern  in  Corn-C-ourl  near  Dock  Square. 

^These  are   the    Oaths  of  Allegiance   and    Supremacy,  and   the  Declaration 
against  Transubstantiation. 
•"Council  Records,  Vol.  5. 


APPENDIX.  379 


of  eighteen  pence  per  man  and  twelve  pence  for  a  horse  p'  Diem 
over  &  above  men  &  horses  subsistence  until  the  return  back  to  Re- 
hoboth  Articles  for  the  Exchange  of  prisoners  proposed  and  con- 
certed between  His  Excellency  &  the  said  Mess''^  Rouville  &  Dupuix 
on  the  part  of  Governour  Vaudruille  were  read  &  approved" 

"An  Accompt  presented  by  Andrew  Belcher  Esq'' Commissary  Gen- 
eral of  twenty-eight  pounds  sixteen  shill^  paid  to  Mess""*  Rouville 
and  Dupuix  Messingers  from  jVP  Vaudruille  Governour  of  Canada 
being  the  Ballance  of  the  account  of  money  M""  VaudriuUe  supplyed 
to  Mess"  Appleton  &  Shelden  in  their  respective  Attendances  on 
him  from  this  Government  and  for  exchange  of  the  money  paid 
them 

And  the  further  sum  of  Sixty  two  pounds  four  shillings  &  two  pence 
paid  charges  of  men  &  horses  &  coach  hire  attending  the  said  Mess'** 
Rouville  &  Dupuix  in  their  way  thither  [hither?]  and  return  as  far 
as  New  London  &  for  their  entertainment  whilest  they  remained 
here,  the  whole  amounting  to  ninety  one  pounds  and  two  pence, 
read  accepted  and 

Advised.  &  Consented  That  a  Warrant  be  made  out  thereupon  to 
the  Treasurer  to  reimburse  &  pay  the  said  Andrew  Belcher  Esq"'  the 
aforesaid  sum  of  ninety  one  pounds." 

The  date  of  the  return  of  the  Frenchmen  is  given  lis  in  a 
letter  to  the  Minister  from  De  Vaudreuil,  dated  Quebec, 
25th  of  April,  171 1.  He  says  "Sieurs  de  Rouville  and  Du- 
puis  arrived  at  Chambly  eight  or  ten  days  ago.  The  Eng- 
lish had  not  received  any  news  from  Europe  up  to  the  17th 
of  March,  the  date  of  their  departure  from  Boston." 

They  carried  a  "Roll  of  English  Prisoners  in  the  Hands 
of  the  French  and  Indians  at  Canada"  1710-11. 

A  duplicate  of  this  list  is  in  our  Archives.  It  contains  the 
names  of  113  New  England  captives  with  a  few  repetitions. 
Among  them  are  "The  Minister's  Daughter,  Deerfield," 
Johnson  Harmon,  Mary  Sawyerd,  Hester  Sawyard,  all  of 
York,  Mary  Silver,  Haverhill,  Hester  Wheelwright,  Wells. 
On  the  back  of  the  list  is  the  following  letter : 


380  APPENDIX. 


"Boston  5"'  March  1710.1 
Sir, 

This  comes  to  your  hand  by  Mess"  D'Rouville  &  Depuis 
Messengers  from  Mr  D'Voudruille  I  have  to  thank  your  kind  Dis- 
creation  in  sending  them  the  Round  Way  that  they  might  not  know 
our  Albany  Road,  upon  the  Same  Consideration  I  have  Returned 
them  the  same  way  &  am  Glad  we  have  had  no  News  from  Europe 
dureing  their  stay  here  &  hope  to  have  them  Dispatch  before  any. 
thing  Arrive.  They  have  shewed  themselves  good  men  here  have 
signed  Articles  with  me  for  the  Rendition  of  all  Prisoners  in  June 
next.     I  pray  you  to  speed  them  away  as  soon  as  possible. 

I  am  Sir  your  very  humble  Serv*- 
J.  Dudley. 
To.  Col.  Schuyler." 


EUNICE  WILLIAMS  AND  HER  DESCENDANTS. 

From  the  Records  at  Caughnawaga. 

Since  John  Schuyler's  Memorial,  little  has  been  known  of 
Eunice  Williams.  It  is  hoped  that  the  following  may  throw 
light  upon  her  later  history. 

Baptismal  records  at  the  mission  of  Sault  Saint-Louis, 
(Caughnawaga)  exist  from  March  i,  1735,  to  March  10,  1745. 
From  this  to  March  25,  1753,  they  are  wanting.  After  that 
to  the  present  date  they  are  complete. 

Marriage  records  exist  from  Sept.  30,  1743,  to  June,  24, 
1747,  and  from  Jan.  29,  1763,  forward  to  this  day. 

Records  of  deaths  begin  January,  1762. 

From  this  it  will  be  seen  that  the  baptism  of  Eunice  Wil- 

'Evidently  this  date  should  be  1710-11. 


APPENDIX.  381 


liams  as  Margaret,  and  her  marriage,  both  previous  to  Schuy- 
ler's visit  (about  i7i3)donot  appear  on  Caughnawaga  rec- 
ords, nor  does  her  English  name. 

Nehemiah  Howe  in  his  narrative  of  his  own  captivity,  says 
that  at  Crown  Point  he  saw  an  "Indian  named  Amrusus, 
husband  to  her  who  was  Eunice  Williams." 

Mr.  Edward  W.  Williams,  Jr.,  quotes  the  name  Amrusus 
from  Mr.  Sheldon,  and  says  that  it  was  "roughly  civilized 
into  Toroso."  It  is  with  diffidence  that  I  have  declined  to 
accept  the  name  Amrusus,  and  prefer  to  await  further 
knowledge.  Nehemiah  How  saw  and  talked  with  Eunice's 
husband,  but  he  cannot  be  taken  as  authority  on  either  French 
or  Indian  proper  names.  Possibly  Amrusus  is  a  corruption 
of  Ambroise,  a  favorite  French  name  in  Canada.  Rev. 
J.  G.  L.  Forbes,  a  scholarly  man,  an  adept  in  the  Iroquois  lan- 
guage, cure  of  Caughnawaga  and  a  diligent  student  of  its 
records,  says  that  the  name  Amrusus  does  not  appear  there. 

"Toroso  and  Amrusus,"  writes  Mr.  Forbes,  "are  certainly 
corrupt  names.  They  are  not  Iroquois  at  all.  They  remind 
one  of  "Arosen"  and  "Tekentarosen,"  which  are  Iroquois, 
and  proper  names  for  men."  The  records  of  Caughnawaga 
have  been  carefully  studied  in  the  hope  of  finding  a  name 
sueeestive  of  Amrusus  or  Toroso.  Arosen  and  Tekentarosen 
occur  as  masculine  names,  but  nowhere  in  connection  with 
Eunice  Williams  or  her  children.  The  impartial  research 
and  patient  labor  of  Mr.  Forbes,  with  his  knowledge  of  the 
Iroquois  language  has  furnished  me  with  authenticated  ex- 
tracts from  the  registers,  otherwise  impossible  to  me.  From 
these,  and  what  I  have  been  able  to  supply  from  the  New 
England  end  of  the  story  of  Eunice,  I  am  able  to  collate 
what  follows : 

On  Caughnawaga  records  a  certain  Marguerite  with  an 
Indian  name  of  four  variations,  was  four  times  godmother. 


382  APPENDIX. 


On  one  of  these  occasionvS,  she  was  godmother  to  the  child 
of  an  Indian  named  Karenhisen. 

A  Catharine  was  also  g-odmother  to  one  of  Karenhisen's 
children.  It  is  now  and  always  has  been  a  custom  of  the 
Caughnawaga  Indians  for  kinswomen  of  the  father  to  stand 
for  his  children.  Therefore,  Mr.  Forbes  concludes  that  Mar- 
guerite and  Catharine  were  kinswomen  of  Karenhisen,  and 
probably  related  to  each  other. 

We  know  that  Eunice  (Marguerite)  had  a  daughter  Catha- 
rine. Why  may  we  not  assume  that  this  Marguerite  was 
Eunice,  and  this  Catharine  her  daughter  ?  Admitting  this, 
we  get  here  Eunice's  Indian  name,  given  in  these  four  bap- 
tismal records  with  four  variations,  viz.:  Marguerite  Saon'got, 
Marguerite  Gon'aongote,  Marguerite  Saongote  and  Margue- 
rite Aongote. 

"This  name,"  says  Mr.  Forbes,  "may  be  translated  'They 
took  her  and  placed  her  as  a  member  of  their  tribe.'  "  It  thus 
appears,  that  whoever  this  godmother  was,  she  did  not  be- 
long by  birth  to  the  tribe :  "they  took  her  and  placed  her  as 
a  member  of  their  tribe."  If  this  be  Eunice  Williams,  as  I 
believe,  what  more  touching  and  appropriate  name  could 
have  been  given  her  ? 

The  order  and  the  dates  of  the  births  of  Eunice's  children 
are  unknown.  Rev.  James  Dean,  missionary  to  the  Indians 
at  Caughnawaga  and  Saint-Francis  in  1773  and  1774,  knew 
Eunice  well.  He  wrote  to  her  brother  Stephen  Nov.  12, 
1774.'  "She  has  two  daughters  &  one  grandson  which  are 
all  the  Descendants  she  has." 

John,  son  of  Eunice,  died  childless  at  Lake  George,  in 
1758^.  Catharine,  daughter  of  Eunice,  [see  antc\  appears  on 
Caughnawaga  records  as  Catharine  Asonnontie  and  Catha- 
rine Kassinontie.     (Flying  leg.) 

'Sheldon's  Mist,  of  Deerfield,  Vol.  i,  p.  351. 
'^William  Ward  Wight's  "Eleazer  Williams." 


APPENDIX.  383 


There  is  no  record  of  her  marriage.  Her  husband  was 
Francois  Xavier  Onasategen.  They  had  no  children,  but 
adopted  two.  Onasategen  died  in  1805.  Catharine  (Flying 
leg)  his  wife,  in  1807. 

"Le  douze  septembre  mil  huit  cent  sept  par  moi  pretre  soussigne 
a  ete  inhumee  dans  le  cimitiere  de  cette  mission  Catherine  Kasinontie, 
sauvagesse  de  ce  village,  decedee  I'avant  veille,  agee  d'environ  quatre 
vingts  ans,  veuve  de  Frangois-Xavier  Onasategen.  Presents  Charles 
SaSennoSane  et  Simon  Tagaratensera,  qui  n'ont  su  signer. 

(Signed)  A:  Van  Felson  ptre." 
''Le  vingt  six  Juin  mil  huit  cent  cinq  par  moi  pretre  soussigne,  a 
ete  inhume  dans  I'Eglise  de  cette  Mission,  Franyois  Xavier  Onasate- 
gen, Grand  Chef  de  ce  Village,  decede  la  veille,  age  de  pres  de 
Quatre  vingts  ans,  epoux  de  Catherine  Gassinontie.  presents  Mess- 
ieurs Jean  Baptiste  Bruguier,  Cure  de  Chateaugai,  Pierre  Consigny 
de  la  Chine,  et  autres,  soussignes 

(Signed)  A:  SanFelson  ptre 

Bruguier  ptre 

Pierre  Consigny  ptre 

Ch*"  De  Lorimier  Fe  clerc  miss." 

It  is  through  Onasategen,  Catharine's  husband,  that  we 
recognize  the  following  as  the  record  of  Eunice's  (Margue- 
rite's) burial : 

"1785.     Le  vingt  six  novembre  j  ai  inhume  Marguerite  belle-mere 
dannasategen  elle  etait  agee  de  quatre  vingt  quinze  ans. 
(Signed)  L.  Ducharme.  miss:" 

Translation.  "On  the  twenty-sixth  of  Novembre,  1785,  I  have 
buried  Marguerite,  mother-in-law  of  Onasategen.  She  was  ninety- 
five  years  old." 

Signed,  L.  Ducharme,  Mission  priest." 

So  after  all  the  vicissitudes  of  her  life,  it  is  only  as  the 
mother-in-law  of  the  "Grand  Chef  Onasategen,"  that  Eunice 
Williams's  death  is  noticed.  Dotibtless  these  vicissitudes 
had  made  her  look  older  than  she  was.     She  was  born  in 


384  APPENDIX. 


September,  1696,  and  would  therefore  have  been  eighty-nine 
at  her  death. 

We  have  seen  that  two  out  of  Eunice's  three  children  died 
without  issue.  Mary  is  the  only  child  of  Eunice  through 
whom  we  can  trace  the  descent.  The  name  of  her  husband, 
the  father  of  her  children,  has  hitherto  eluded  search.  Mr. 
Wight  quoting  Eleazer's  statement  on  this  point,  leaves  it 
without  a  shadow  of  credibility  and  says,  "The  fact  is  that 
the  husband  of  Sarah,  [meaning  Mary]  was  an  Indian  of  un- 
known, mayhap  of  unpossessed  name." 

The  following  extracts  from  the  records  at  Caughnawaga, 
establish  the  fact  that  Eunice's  daughters  were  Catharine, 
who  died  without  children,  and  Mary,  [not  Sarah]  who  be- 
came the  mother  of  Thomas. 

Mary  appears  on  the  records  of  Caughnawaga  as  Marie 
Skentsiese.     (New  fish.) 

There  is  no  record  of  her  marriage.  Her  husband's  name 
heretofore  unknown,  was  Louis  Satagaienton.  (Equally 
sown.)  The  only  child  of  this  marriage  was  Thomas,  bap- 
tized as  follows : 

"1759  Die  6.  jaii:  ego  idem  [J.  B.  Denonville  S.  J.]  Baptizavi 
cum  ecclesiae  ceremoniis  puerum  recens  natum  ex  patre  Ludovico 
Sateguienton  et  matre  Maria  Skentsiese  conjugibus  quern  Thomam 
nominavit  Tliomas  Taronhiagannere." 

Translation.  ''On  the  sixtli  day  of  January,  1759,  I,  the  same 
[the  priest  here  refers  to  his  own  name  J.  B.  Denonville  of  the  So- 
ciety of  Jesus,]  have  baptized  with  the  rites  of  the  church,  a  new- 
born boy,  the  father  Louis  Sataguienton,  the  mother  Marie  Skent- 
siese, husband  and  wife,  whom  Thomas  Taronhiagannere'  named 
Thomas." 

Thomas  Thorakwanneken  or  Tehorakwanneken,  (Two 
suns  together,)  of  whose  Indian  name  there  are  several  vari- 

'The  godfather. 


APPENDIX.  385 


ations,  was  the  only  child  of  Louis  Sataguienton  and  Marie 
Skentsiese.     His  mother's  death  is  thus  recorded  : 

"Mai  le  14.  1779  a  ete  enterree  Marie  femme  de  Satagaienton, 
agee  d'environ  40  ans.     G.  S.  [grand  service]  sur  le  corps. 

Jo^  Huguet  ptre.     S.  J." 

Out  of  respect  to  his  wife's  ancestry,  Louis  Sataguienton 
had  taken  the  name  of  Williams.  He  married  a  second 
time,  Jan.  29,  1780,^  still  keeping  the  name  of  Williams, 
which  his  children  by  his  second  wife  also  assumed. 

His  first  child  by  his  second  wife  was  born  Oct.  27,  1780.^ 
Louis  Satagaienton  died  in  1803.  His  widow  died  in  1812.^ 
Thomas  Tehorakwenneken,  the  only  child  of  Louis  Satagai- 
enton by  his  first  wife,  Marie  vSkentsiese,  the  daughter  of 
Eunice  Williams,  married  in  1779.' 

"Janvier  le  7,  1779  Thomas  teHorakSannegen  a  epouse  Marie 
Anne,  fille  de  HaronkioSannen.^ 

"7.  7bre  17S0  idem  [i.  e.  Jo^  Huguet  priest  S.  J.]  supplevi  ceremo- 
niasbaptismi  in  puerum  pridie  natumexpatre  Thoma  teHorakwanne- 
gen  et  ex  matre  Maria  Anna  GonateSenteton,  conjugibus,  quem 
Joannem  Baptistam  nominavit  Catharina  honnasategen  conjux."^ 

Translation.  "On  the  seventh  of  September,  1780,  I,  Jo*  Huguet 
priest  S.  J.  have  administered  the  rite  of  baptism  to  a  boy  born  the 
day  before,  son  of  Thomas  Tehorakwannegen  and  Mary  Anne 
GonateSenteton,  husband  and  wife,  whom  Catharine  the  wife  of 
Onosategen,  has  named  Jean  Baptiste." 

The  above  is  interesting  because  the  godmother  was 
Thomas's  aunt  Catharine,  daughter  of  Eunice,  and  grand- 
daughter of  Rev.  John  Williams, — who  gave  to  the  baby  the 
name  of  John. 

Catharine  was  godmother  also  to  Thomas's  second  child, 

'Caughnawaga  Records. 

"Mr.  Wight  says  that  she  was  descended  from  a  Marlboro  captive  named 
Rice. 


386  APPENDIX. 


a  girl  whom  she  named  for  herself.'  Catharine's  adopted 
daughter  Louise  was  godmother  to  Thomas's  third  ehild, 
whom  she  named  Louise.'  Catharine,  daughter  of  Euniee 
and  wife  of  Onosategen,  died  in  1807.' 

The  reeords  at  Caughnawaga  give  the  births  of  elevxm 
children  to  Thomas.  We  have  plenty  of  evidence  that 
Eleazer  also  was  his  son.  There  are  now  in  Caughnawaga 
several  grandchildren  and  great-grandchildren  of  Thomas 
TehorakSanneken. 


CHILDREN  OF    REV.  JOHN  AND  EUNICE  MATHER  WILLIAMS. 

Rev.  John  Williams  married  successively  two  cousins, 
granddaughters  of  Rev.  John  Warham  of  Windsor,  Conn. 
His  first  wife  and  all  their  children  except  Eleazer,  the  eld- 
est, who  was  away  at  school,  and  two  who  died  previously, 
were  either  killed  or  captured,  Feb.  29,  1 703-4. 

Eleazer  became  the  minister  of  Mansfield,  Conn. 

Samuel  died  unmarried  in  171 3. 

Esther  married  Rev.  Joseph  Meacham  of  Coventry,  Conn. 

Stephen  became  the  minister  of  Longmeadow,  Mass. 

Eunice  remained  in  Canada. 

Warham  became  the  minister  of  Watertown,  West  Pre- 
cinct, now  Waltham,  Mass. 

Rev.  Stephen  Williams  of  Longmeadow,  kept  a  diary  for 
many  years.  It  consists  of  eleven  Mss.  volumes,  very  close- 
ly written  scarcely  punctuated  and  with  many  abbreviations 
peculiar  to  himself.  One  volume  was  burned  in  the  fire 
which  destroyed  the  old  parsonage  in  1 846.    The  part  cover- 

'Caughnawaga  Records. 


APPENDIX.  387 


ing  the  period  between  1738  and  1742  inclusive,  consists  of 
591  pages.  The  narrative  of  his  captivity,  carefully  edited 
by  Mr.  Sheldon,  has  been  published  by  the  P.  V.  M.  Associa- 
tion of  Deerfield.  Through  the  generous  courtesy  of  the 
custodians  of  the  diary,  that  part  which  relates  to  the  first 
two  visits  of  Eunice  Williams  to  New 'England  are  here  pub- 
lished for  the  first  time.  The  name  of  her  husband  has  not 
yet  been  found  in  this  diary,  though  careful  search  has  been 
made  for  it. 

EXTRACTS  FROM  THE  DIARY  OF    REV.   STEPHEN  WILLIAMS  OF  LONGMEADOVV. 

"1740.  Aug.  9.     Saturday  this  day  I  have  a  letter  [fromj  Al- 

bany informing  me  y*^  my  sister  Eunice  is  expected  at 
Albany  next  week  &  I  am  desired  to  go  thither. 

Monday 

11  I  have  wrote  to  my  br  at  M  Glueing  him  an  acct  of 
wh*  I  have  heard  o  [from]  Albany  &  wait  this  day  to 
see  whether  he'll  come  &  oh  yt  God  w''  direct  &  help 
us  all  in  this  weighty  affair 

12  This  day  I  set  out  to  Albany  accompanied'  by  my  br 
w  of  m  &  my  brother  Meacham  we  had  a  comfortable 
journey  and  got  to  Albany  on  y*^  15"'  y*^  particulars  of 
w'h  I  met  with  till  y^ 

27  [I  have  wr**^  in  my  travailing  journal  w'h  1   propose  to 

keep]  when  we  had  (ye  joyfuU  Sorrowful  meeting  of  o"" 
poor  Sister  y*  we  had  been  separated  [from]  for  above 
36  years)  Ye  next  day  [28*'^]  we  got  her  and  her  Hus- 
band' promise  to  go  with  us  to  my  house  &  tarry  w'^ 
us  4  days,  we  prepar'd  for  our  journey  &  set  out  from 
Albany  Aug  29,  &  thro  y*^  Good  hand  of  God  upon  us 
Got  safely  to  my  house  on  ye  a'"*  Tuesday  of  Sep*^:  at 
n''  [night]  &  (ye  whole  place  Seemed  to  be  greatly 
moved  at  our  coming)  Yt  Evening  Capt  K  (Kellogue)i 
came  to  us 

'Joseph  Kellogg,  a  Deerfield  captive,  returned  and  served  as  Interpreter  in 
New  England. 


388  APPENDIX. 


Sept.  3.  Wed     this    m   [morning]   my  Brother  E.  W.  &  Br  m' 

went  home  Capt.  Kellogue'  sister  came  to  us  and 
y"  neighbours  came  in  &  shew''  Great  kindness  &:  Mr 
Edwards  of  N.  H.  came  to  visitt  us^ 

Thurs 

4  This  m  I  morning]  we  gain'd  a  promise  o  [from]  my 
Sister  &  Husband  to  tarry  with  us  untill  Monday  night 
Capt  K  left  us  but  his  sister  tarry''  B""  Ehjah  W'"'«''  & 
Aunt  W'"**  of  Hatf''  and  Sister  Meacham  come  to  us. 

Friday 

5  Clutter''  &  full  of  care  &  company  joy  &  sorrow  hope  & 
fear.  This  day  came  Hither  cosen  Jn'^th"  Hunf*  Mr 
Estabrook  an  two  of  Brother  W"'^  daugters."^ 

Sat 

6  This  day  Aunt  Hawley  came  hither  &  went  along 
Colen"  Stoddard/ Cozen  J.  S.  Hunt  &  Sister  Hinsdell." 
Uncle  Park  W'"*^  and  his  xdren  came  hither  &  I  sent 
to  Capt.  Kellogue^  neighbors  &  friends  show  great 
kindness  affection  &  respect 

7  Sabbath       my  poor  sister  Attend''  y'^  publick  worship  with  us  both 

parts  of  ye   day  oh  yt  this  might  be  as  a  pledge  y''  she 
'Eleazer  Williams  and  Joseph  Meacham. 

-Rev.  Jonathan  Edwards,  the  great  revivalist,  then  minister  at  Northamp- 
ton, Mass. 

^Half  brother  to  Rev.  Stephen  Williams. 

■^Jonathan  Hunt  of  Deerfield,  Northfield  and  Northampton  married  Martha, 
daughter  of  Samuel  Williams  of  Pomfret,  Conn,  He  was  grandfather  of  Lieut. 
Gov.  Jonathan  Hunt  of  Vernon.  Vt.,  and  great-great-grandfather  of  the  late 
William  Morris  Hunt,  artist,  and  Richard  M.  Hunt,  architect. 

•"'Rev.  Hobart  Estabrook  married  one  of  the  daughters  of  Rev.  Eleazer  Wil- 
liams of  Mansfield,  Conn. 

^Colonel  John  Stoddard  of  Northampton,  son  of  Rev.  Solomon  Stoddard, 
^^bigail,  half-sister  of  Rev.   Stephen    Williams,  married  (i.)  Col.  and   Rev. 
Ebenezer  Hinsdell,  founder  of  Hinsdale,  N.  H. 

'^Son  of  Samuel  and  brother  to  Rev.  John  Williams,  lived  in  Lebanon, 
Conn. 

'•'Joseph  Kellogg,  Interpreter. 


APPENDIX.  389 


may  return  to  the  house  &  ordinances  of  God  o  [from] 
w'^''  she  has  been  so  long  separated  In  y^'  Evening  we 
(Col.  S.  assisting  t  directing)  had  a  Set  discourse  with 
my  Sister  ■!•  her  husband  and  tho  we  could  not  ob- 
tain of  y"'  to  tarry  w"'  us  yet  [theyji  have  promis'd  us 
y'  now  the  way  is  open  [they]  will  certainly  come  & 
make  a  visit  &  spend  a  winter  in  y«  country  among 
y""  Friends  [they]  seem  in  earnest  &  say  [they]  wont 
be  divert'''  unless  it  be  something  very  extraordinary 

Sept  8  Monday  Uncle  &  Aunt  E^dwards'^  Br  W  &  Br  m  &  many 
friends  &  neighbors  come  to  visit  us  o''  neighbors  sent 
in  plentifully  to  us  and  come  &  assist  us  so  y'  we  had 
Even  a  Feast,  o''  Sister  &  Family  Din'*'  in  ye  room 
w"'  y*^  Company  Sister  M'^  &  I  sat  at  y*^"  table  w*''  y"' 
At  evening  o''  young  people  sang  melodiously  y*^  was 
very  Gratefull  to  my  Sister  and  company  &  I  hope  we 
are  something  endeared  to  her.  She  says  twill  hurt 
her  to  part  w*^*^  us. 

tuesday 
9  my  Sister  &  company  left  my  house  I  accompany''  y"" 

beyond  Westfield  about  a  mile  &  when  I  took  leave  of 
her  (I  do  think  her  affections  were  moV')  she  repeated 
her  promise  of  coming  &  spending  a  long  time  w"'  us 
if  God  spared  y"^  lives 

19  This  day  my  son   John  return''  from  Allbany  &  gives 

acc'*^  he  got  on  safely  with  his  company  he  tells  me  y*^ 
his  Aunt  &  Husband  were  well  pleas'''  with  their  visitt 
and  went  away  cheerfull" 

"1741  July  26.     Sunday  I  preach'^  at  Sufifield  in  y*^  evening 

came  a  messenger  to  me  [from]  Westfield  bringing  me 
an  acc"^  my  Sister  was  come  to  Westf'*  [from]  Canada 

'The  characters  used  by  Mr.  Williams  for  the  names  of  his  sister  and  her 
husband,  for  the  words  "from,"  "they"  and  others  cannot  be  reproduced  in 
type. 

-Parents  of  the  renowned  Jonathan   Edwards. 

^Esther  Williams  Meacham. 


390 


APPENDIX. 


upon  it  I  went  to  Capt  Kellogue  and  got  his  son  to  go 
on  to  Westfield  8i  I  myself  lodg"*  at  y^  captains 


Monday 
27 


Tuesday 
28 


Wed 
29 

Friday 
31 


Aug  I 

"     2 
«     ^3 

13 


1  return^'  home  &  Find  my  Sister  &  her  Husband  & 
two  xdren  here  I  am  glad  to  see  them  &  pray  (rod  to 

bless  them I  am  in  concern   lest   they  take  y** 

infection  of  ye  measells. 

my  Sister  &  Family  seem  Easy  &  I  rejoice  at  it 

my  brother  w'  ham  &  his  son  went  over  to  Capt  Kel- 
logue who  has  sent  me  an  acct  what  their  sentiments 
are  I  hope  [they|  maybe  prevail''  with  to  come  & 
tarry  in  ye  country 

my  sister  &  company  are  gone  to  Coventry  y''  L''  be 
pleas'''  to  go  w"'  y'"' 

my  xdren  came  home  from  M  &  C^  having  been  w"' 
their  Aunt  [Eunice]  whom  the>'  left  at  m  I  praise  Cod 
for  his  smiles  respecting  this  journey 


Ye  Sabbath 

Last  n^  Br  W  W^  &  cosen  W  came  hither  to  see  Sister 
E.  I  am  glad  to  see  them  ye  B  W^  preached  a  very 
agreeable  Sermon  to  us" 

'They  were  probably  driven  away  by  an  epideitiic  of  measles  and  a  "throat 
distemper,"  then  prevalent  in  Longmeadow. 

'Mansfield  and  Coventry. 

^This  was  Tuesday.  Eunice  and  her  family  were  with  her  brother  Eleazer 
at  Mansfield.  The  day  was-  set  apart  for  Prayer  for  the  Revival  of  Religion. 
On  behalf  of  Eunice,  a  sermon  was  preached  there  by  her  cousin,  the  Rev.  Sol- 
omon Williams  of  Lebanon,  Conn. 

^Warham  Williams. 

'Brother  Warham. 

"This  was  the  usual  Thursday  lecture.  Eunice  being  at  Coventry  lost  it. 
They  followed  her  to  Coventry  the  next  day. 


APPENDIX.  391 


14  This  day  the^  set  away  to  Coventry B""  H  & 

E^  came  hither  &  lodged  here 

15  they  went  away  to  Coventry  y'^  L''  be  pleas''^  to  Grant 
y*^  the  meeting  of  so  many  Friends  may  be  for  y°  bene- 
fit of  y'"selves  &  of  o""  Sister     my  wife  is  poorly  of  it 

16  ye  Sabbath 

17  This  day  my  Brethren  and  Sisters  come  here  [from J 
Below  the  L**  Grant  o''  being  together  may  be  com- 
fortable &  beneficiall 

Tuesday 

18  My  Br  of  m.  preached  a  sermon 

Sept  3  This  day  I  went  to  Westf''  to  meet  my  Sister  and  Fam- 

ily who  are  upon  y''  Return  to  Canada^  tis  pleasant  to 
See  her  but  Grievous  to  part  with  her  ye  L^  mercifully 
overrule  y'^  she  may  yet  Return  &  dwell  w''^  us  Oh 
God  thou  hast  y®  hearts  of  all  in  thine  hand  &  canst 
turn  y'"  as  pleaseth  thee  &c  the  L**  go  w'''  y™  &  pre- 
serve y'"  &  be  pleas'*^  to  be  w"^  &  preserve  my  Son 
John  who  is  gone  w*^''  them  to  Albany. 
Sat 

Sept  5  Oh   God   bless    my  poor    Sister   Eunice    &    graciously 

bring  her  &  hers   home  to  thy  Self  &  preserve  her  on 
her  journey  &  cause  that  she  may  long  to  return  to  us 
again 
15  this  day  John  return'''  home  in  safety   [from]   Albany 

having  had  a  difficult  journey." 

The  volume  of  the  Diary  from  October,  1742,  to  March, 
1748,  is  missing,  having  been  burned  with  the  parsonage  in 
1846.  We  have,  therefore,  no  details  of  the  visit  said  to  have 
been  made  by  Eunice  in  October,  1743.  She  arrived  again 
in  Longmeadow  on  June  30,  1761,  accompanied  by  more  of 

'Hinsdell  and  Elijah  Williams. 

^Owing  to  the  epidemic    Eunice  had    not   returned    to   Longmeadow.     She 
spent  but  two  days  there.     The  rest  of  her  visit  was  at  Coventry  and  Mansfield. 


392 


ArrENDix. 


her  family  and  Canadian  friends.     They  encamped  in  the 
orchard  behind  the  parsonage. 

1 761  June  30  This  day  my  Sister  Eunice,  her  Husband  her  daughter 
Katharine  and  others  come  hither  from  Canada.  Y*^ 
L''  grant  it  may  be  in  mercy  to  her  y'  she  makes  this 
visitt  We  have  no  interpreter  and  So  can't  say  what 
her  intentions  and  pretensions  are. 
July  1  1  have  been  seeking  for  an  interpreter — have  sent  to 
Deerfield.  Thus  I  am  in  concern  V"  L'>  be  pleased 
to  direct  and  bless  me — Grant  1  may  take  prudent 
measures 
2  We  attended  y  meeting  before  y''  Sacrament  and  after 
meeting  people  came  in  Great  numbers  to  see  my  Sis- 
ter I  am  fearful  that  it  may  not  be  agreeable  to  be 
gazed  upon  I  am  sending  hither  and  thither  to  my  chil- 
dren &  friends,  &  I  pray  God  to  bring  them  together 
that  we  may  have  a  comfortable  &  profitable  meeting. 
My  cares  increase  I  have  an  Interpreter  come  from 
Sunderland — sent  by  Sister  Williams  of  Deerfield^ — 
but  I  fear  he  does  not  understand  y*"  Language  very 
well — but  I  hope  will  be  somewhat  serviceable 
4  Sabbath  &  Sacrament  My  Daughters  Eunice  &  Mar- 
tha are  now  here  with  me  upon  y'=  joyful!  sorrowfuU 
occasion  of  my  poor  Sister  Eunice  who  is  now  with  me 
— also  her  Husband,  Katharine  and  her  Husband-^  and 
a  little  son  of  Mary^  I  beg  God  to  Direct  me  what  to 
do  for  my  Sister,  be  pleased  to  incline  &  dispose  her 
and  her  Husband  to  come  into  or  comply  with  such 
measures  as  may  have  a  proper  tendency  to  promote 
her  Spiritual  &  Eternal  Good,  &  that  of  her  family  & 
Offspring 

'His  step-sister  Abigail,  wife  of  Rev.  and  Col.  Ebenezer   Hinsdeli. 

^Frangois-Xavier  Onosategen,  "Grand  Chef"  of  Caughnawaga. 

»This  was  Mary's  only  child,  Thomas    TehorakSannegen,    then    two    years 
old.     He  became  the  father  of  Eleazer,  the  so-called  Dauphin. 


APPENDIX.  393 


6  My  children  John  and  his  wife,  Stephen  with   our  In- 

terpreter M''  Dodge  are  come  hither     Our  Company  & 

Cares  increase I  had  a  sad   Discourse  with   my 

Sister  &  her  Husband  and  find  they  are  not  at  all  dis- 
pos'd  to  come  &  settle  in  y^  Country  I  am  at  a  great 
loss  to  know  what  course  to  take  what  measures  to  go 

into 

9  Hot,  and  we  are  fatigued  &  full  of  Company— at  night 

my  wife  poorly 
lo  This   morning  my  poor  sister    and   company  left  us     I 

think  I  have  used  y*^  best    arguments  I   could   to  per- 
suade her  to  tarry  and  to  come  and  dwell  with  us  but 
at  present  they  have  been  ineffectual     I  must  leave  y*^ 
matter  w"^  God— this  I  desire  to  do.     N.  B.  Y^  when  I 
took  leave  of  my  Sister  and  her  daughter  in  the  par- 
lour they  both    shed    tears  and    seemed   affected     Oh 
that  God  w''  touch  their  hearts   and    encline    them  to 
turn  to  their    Friends,  and  to  embrace    y«  religion  of 
Jesus  Christ.  "1 
In  Stephen  Williams's  Diary,  there  is  no  record  of  any  vis- 
it of  Eunice  to  Deerfield.     She   came  and  went  by  way  of 
Westfield,  escorted  back  and  forth  from  Albany,  except  on 
her  last  visit,  by  Stephen's  son  John.     Her  father  died  in 
Deerfield  a  year  before  her  first  visit  to  New  England,  and 
the  surviving  members  of  her  family  lived  elsewhere.     There 
was  nothing  to  take  her  to  Deerfield,  except  a  natural  desire 
to  see  the  place  of  her  birth.     That  she  never  forgot  it  is 
proved  by  the  following  : 

PREFATORY  REMARKS  TO  A  SERMON  PREACHED  BY  REV.  JOHN    TAYLOR  AT  THE  FIRST 

CHURCH  IN  DEERFIELD,    AUG.    27,    1837,    ON    THE   OCCASION    OF    A    VISIT   TO 

THAT  TOWN  BY  THE  CANADIAN  DESCENDANTS  OF  EUNICE  WILLIAMS. 

"On  the  22""  of   last   month,  our  village  was  visited  by  two  or 

'There  seems  to  have  been  more  constraint    between   Eunice  and  her  N.  E. 

relatives  on  this    visit    than  on  those    preceding.     Doubtless    the    presence    of 

Katharine's  husband,  Onosategen,  the  great  Chief,  was  a  restraining  influence. 


394  APPENDIX. 


three  families  of  Indians  amounting  in  all  to  twenty-three  of  various 
ages  calling  themselves  by  the  name  of  Williams  on  the  ground  of 
being  descendants  of  Eunice  The  eldest  of  the  party,  a  woman 
stating  her  age  to  be  eighty  years  claimed  to  be  the  grand-daughter 
of  Eunice  adding  that  She  perfectly  remembered  her  grand- 
mother  During  their  short  stay,  a  little  more  than  a  week, 

they  encamped  in  the  vicinity  of  the  village,  employing  their  time 
not  otherwise  occupied,  in  making  baskets.  They  visited  the  graves 
of  their  ancestors,  Rev.  Mr  Williams  and  wife,  and  attended  divine 
service  on  Sunday  in  an  orderly  and  reverent  manner.  They  refused 
to  receive  company  on  the  Sabbath,  and  at  all  times,  and  in  all  re- 
spects seemed  disposed  to  conduct  themselves  decently  and  inoffen- 
sively    During    their  Stay  with   us, their   encampment    was 

frequented  by  great  numbers  of  persons,  almost  denying  them  time 
to  take  their  ordinary  meals,  but  affording  them  as  if  to  make  amends 
for  such  inconvenience  and  privation,  a  ready  sale  for  their  fabrics.' 
On  the  first  of  September  they  decamped  and  commenced  their 
homeward  progress  towards  Canada." 

The  visit  of  these  Indians  to  Deerfield,  seems  to  corrobo- 
rate the  Longmeadow  evidence  of  Eunice's  love  for  New 
England.  The  possibility  that  the  old  squaw  was  a  grand- 
daughter of  Eunice  is  refuted,  however,  by  what  we  now 
know  of  her  posterity,  Thomas  Tehorakwaneken  being  her 
only  grandchild.  This  old  woman  may  have  been  one  of 
Catharine's  adopted  daughters, — or  one  of  the  children  of 
Louis  Satagaienton,  the  husband  of  Eunice's  daughter  Mary, 
— by  his  second  marriage. 


D. 


ENSIGN   JOHN    SHELDON. 


On  his  return  from  captivity.  Rev.  John  Williams  did  not 

'Several  of  these  baskets  are  still  extant  in  Deerfield. 


APPENDIX.  395 


go  back  immediately  to  Deerfield,  being  naturally  doubtful 
whether  to  settle  there  again.  By  the  advice  of  the  Elders 
in  Boston,  he  yielded  at  last  to  Mr.  Sheldon's  entreaties  in 
behalf  of  the  Deerfield  people  and  decided  to  cast  in  his  lot 
with  them.  While  in  Boston  he  was  the  recipient  of  much 
kind  attention. 

His  eldest  son  Eleazer,  being  away  at  school,  had  escaped 
the  calamity  at  Deerfield  and  "by  the  help  of  divers  charita- 
ble people  especially  in  Boston,"  entered  Harvard  College  in 
1705,  and  was  a  Freshman  thereat  the  time  of  his  father's  re- 
turn; and  "living  in  the  chamber  over  me,"  says  Thomas 
Prince,  then  a  Sophomore,  "I  fell  into  an  intimate  acquaint- 
ance with  him."  Just  a  week  after  his  arrival,^  Mr.  Williams 
delivered  the  Thursday  lecture  in  Boston,  and  the  two  lads 
walked  in  from  Cambridge  together  by  way  of  Brighton, 
seven  miles,  if  we  may  credit  the  ancient  milestone  still 
standing  in  Cambridge,  to  hear  the  lecture:  "I,  with  many 
others  went  down,"  says  Prince,  "and  in  an  auditory  exceed- 
ingly crowded  and  affected,  I  heard  the  sermon." 

On  the  7th  Samuel  Sewall  "invited  the  Governor  to  dine 
at  Holmes's";^  Mr.  Williams  and  Mr.  Sheldon  were  amongf  the 
guests.  Mr.  Williams's  sermon  and  the  Deerfield  captivities 
made  a  profound  impression  on  Thomas  Prince.  In  1757  he 
writes: 

"From  the  instance  of  this  one  town  only,  we  may  learn  what 
number  of  the  present  people  in  Canada  are  the  children  of  this 
province,  or  descended  from  them — which  in  case  the  sovereign 
GOD  should  ever  lead  a  victorious  army  of  ours  into  Canada,  will 
clearly  justify  us  to  the  world,  if  we  should  bring  every  child  and 
descendant  of  New  England,  yea,  of  all  the  British  Colonies,  away." 
^Prince  says  he  arrived  Dec.  6.     Sewall  says  Dec.  5. 

^Sevvall's    Diary.     Vol.  II.  p.  173.     In  connection  with    this    dinner   party, 
the  following  from  Sewall's  Diary,  Vol.  II,  p.  165,  is  interesting:  "Friday,  Aug. 

16,  1706 ,   "  the  Gov''  and  Council  sent   for  me,  I  went   though   I   had   a 

cold;  spake  that  a  suit  of  cloaths  might  be  made  here  for  IVIr.  Williams. 


396  APPENDIX. 


E. 


MY  HUNT   FOR   THE   CAPTIVES. 

Among-  other  very  rare  books  in  the  library  of  the  "Po- 
cumtuck  Valley  Memorial  Association,"  at  Deerfield,  (a  mon- 
ument to  the  devotion  and  labor  of  the  Hon.  George  Shel- 
don,) is  one  entitled  in  part,  "Good  Fetched  out  of  Evil,  in 
three  Short  Essays." 

No  perfect  copy  of  this  book  is  known  ;  that  at  Deerfield 
is  perhaps  the  most  perfect.  With  other  treasures,  it  con- 
tains the  following  poem  written  by  Mary  French,  daughter 
of  Dea.  Thomas  French  : 

"The  Singular  Circumstances  of  the  httle  Authoress,  will  make 
Atonement  for  it,  if  we  now  add  a  Poem,  Written  by  a  Captive 
Damsel,  about  Sixteen  or  Seventeen  years  of  Age;  who  being  afraid 
that  her  Younger  Sister,  at  a  Distance  from  her  would  be  led  away 
by  the  Popish  Delusions,  addressed  her  in  these  Lines  :  " 

Dear  Sister,  JESUS  does  you  call 

To  Walk  on  in  His  Ways. 
I  pray,  make  no  Delay  at  all, 

Now  in  your  Youthful  Dayes. 

O  Turn  to  Him,  who  has  you  made. 

While  in  your  Tender  years: 
For  as  the  Withering  Grass  we  fade, 

which  never  more  appears. 

But  if  that  God  should  you  afford 

a  longer  Life  to  Live, 
Remember  that  unto  the  Lord 

the  Praises  you  do  give. 

We  still  are  called  to  Begin 

while  we  are  in  our  Youth. 
For  to  depart  from  ways  of  Sin, 

and  Serve  the  Lord  in  Truth. 

Tis  not  To  Mo7-row,  Christ  doth  Say 

that  we  shall  Mercy  find; 
Oh,  then  while  it  is  call'd.  To  Day, 

your  Great  Creator  Mind. 


APPENDIX.  397 


We  are  not  ceriain  in  this  World 

We  have  an  Hour  to  Spend; 
But  suddenly  we  may  be  hurl'd 

where  time  shall  have  an  End. 

How  soon  may  this  sad  News  be  told, 

we  no  Assurance  have; 
In  Winding  Sheets  our  Corpse  be  roU'd 

and  we  laid  in  the  Grave. 

But  still  our  Souls  must  Live  for  aye 

in  Endless  Bliss  or  Wo, 
If  Unprepared  at  the  Day, 

we  down  to  Hell  do  go. 

The  Officer,  as  Christ  hath  said. 

Shall  us  in  Prison  bind, 
Until  the  last  Farthing  be  paid, 

we  there  must  be  Confin'd. 

Since  we  so  oft  of  this  do  hear, 

Our  Teachers  have  us  told. 
We  shall  without  excuse  appear. 

If  we  to  Sin  are  bold. 

To  dare  the  pow'r  of  Hell  and  Death! 

yea,  and  of  God   most  High! 
Oh!     Let  us,  while  we  have  our  Breath 

Prostrate  before  Him  ly. 

And  let  us  Wisdom  now  desire 

before  our  glass  is  run; 
For  Understanding  Let's  Enquire 

while  Shining  is  our  Sun. 

All  Wisdoms  ways  are  Pleasantness. 

and  all  its  Pathes  are  Peace. 
Those  that  Gods  Throne  aright  address. 

their  Joy  shall  never  Cease. 

Set  not  your  Heart  on  fading  Toyes, 
but  still  Gods  Grace  implore; 

At  His  Right  Hand  are  Endless  Joyes 
and  Pleasures  ever  more. 

That  Earthly  Things  are  fading  flow'rs 

We  by  Experience  see; 
And  of  our  Years  and   Days  and  Hours 

we  as  uncertain  be. 

Of  all  Degrees,  and  Every  Age, 

among  the  Dead  we  find; 
Many  there  fell  by  bloody  rage. 

When  we  were  left  behind. 


598 


APPENDIX. 


Let  us  be  Silent  then  this  day 

under  our  Smarting  Rod. 
Let  us  with  Patience  Meekly  say, 

//  is  the  Will  of  God. 

Of  Friends  and  Parents,  wee're  bereav'd, 

Distress't,  and  Left  alone; 
Lord,  We  thy  Spirit  oft  have  griev'd; 

And  now  as  Doves  we  moan. 

For  any  Worthiness  of  ours 

No  mercy  ask  we  can; 
But  still  God  hath  laid  Helps  and  Pow'rs 

upon  the  Son  of  Man. 

Now  when  the  Sabbath  doth  begin 

with  sorrow  we  do  say, 
Ohl   That  zve  were  God's  House  within. 

To  Keep  His  Holy  Day! 

For  God  hath  in  His  Anger  hot 

Out  of  His  Sanctuary 
Us  banished  far,  that  we  hear  not 

its  Pleasant  Melody. 

The  Temple  Songs  from  us  are  gone, 

to  Sighs  they  turned  be; 
Ensnar'd  we  are,  and  there  is  none 

on  Earth  to  set  us  free. 

It  is  the  mighty  Hand  of  God 

from  which  no  man  can  fly. 
Wee're  under  both  His  grevious  Rod 

and  His  all-seeing  Eye. 

Dear  Sister,  for  your  sake  now  I 

these  Verses  Written  have. 
Bear  them  upon  your  Memor)% 

as  going  to  the  Grave. 

Dear  Sister,  Bear  me  in  your  Mind; 

Learn  these  few  Lines  by  heart; 
Alas,  an  aking  Heart  I  find, 

Since  we're  so  long  to  part. 

But  to  the  Care  of  God  on  high 

Our  cause  we  will  commend, 
For  your  Soul-sake  these  Lines  now  I 

Your  Loving  Sister  send. 

MARY    1'RP:NCH. 

December  23,  1703.     [5  ?J 


APPENDIX.  399 


F. 


THANKFUL   STEBBINS. 

This  copy  of  the  baptismal  record  of  Thankful  Stebbins 
is  given  as  a  good  example  of  the  old-time  records  in  Cana- 
dian parishes : 

^'Ce  23  dauvrile  de  lannce  1707  ic  ccrtifie  f  picrrc  diiblaron 
faisans  les  fonctions  dedans  la  paroiffe  de  chambly  avoire  fupplees 
aux  cereinonie  diifacremensde  baptefvie  a  loiiife  tliereffc  ftebene 
angloiffe  de  nation  et  baptisce  en  angletcrrc.  fon  parrain  et  fa 
marine  ont  cfte  mre  hertelle  de  cJianibly  et  made  de  perygny  com- 
mandant e  du  fort  de  chambly  en  foy  de  quoy  jay  figner." 


ERRATA. 

In  footnote,  page  133,  for  "fourth"  read  fifth. 

Page  393,  for  "a  year  before,"  read  eleven  years  before. 

Page  393,  for  "Taylor,"  read  Fessenden. 


INDEX. 


INDEX 


Names  of  Captives. 


Adams,  James,  47-9,  178  9,  1S7. 
Allen,  Edward,  270. 
Arms,  John,  241,  317,  325,  358-64. 
Austin,  Mary,  51. 


Baker,  Christine,  (see  Otis). 
Thomas,  25-9,  32-4,  148,  15: 
180,  240,  244,  367. 
Bartlett,  Joseph,  203,  322-5. 
Becraft,  Marie  Elizabeth,  (see  Hurst). 
Belding,  Hepzibah,  (see  Wells). 
Bradley,  Wife  of  Joseph,  47,  185. 

D       ,         (  Mary,  > 

Brooks,    i  TV,     i    ,^,    .       }■  igo,  205. 
(  Mane  Claire,  )    ^ 

Nathaniel,  270. 


Carter,  John,  150. 
Casse,  (see  Corse). 
Catlin,  Mary,  (Baldwin),  195,  277,  282, 
318. 
Mary,  (see  French). 
Chapin,  Hannah,  (see  Sheldon). 
Chub,  Jabez,  342. 
Clesson,  Joseph,  241,  317. 
Corse,  Elizabeth,  204-6,  209,  262. 


Daveluy,  Marie  Fran5oise,  (see 
French). 

Davids,  Saras,  342. 

Davis,  Mary  Anne,  57. 

De  I'Estage,  Marie,  Joseph,  (see  Say- 
ward). 

Denio,  James,  (see  De  Noyon,  Jacques). 

Denkyn,  Catharine,  207. 

De  Noyon,  Jacques,  206-8,  211,  213, 
215-21,  259-60,  263,  276, 
281. 

Dickinson,  Obadiah,  124. 

Dumontel,  Elizabeth,  (see  Corse). 


Il^astman,  Amos,  340. 


F 


arnsvvorth, 


(     Matthew, 


lude,  ) 


(    Mathias  Clai 
47,  262. 
Fletcher,  Pendleton,  49. 
Foote,  Mary,  123,  125. 
Fortner,  Joseph,  341. 
Fourneau,  Marie  Elizabeth,  (see  Price). 
Freeman,  Samuel,  341. 


404 


INDEX. 


French,  Abigail,  131,  203,  279,283,  299. 

j  Freedom,  |   ^^^^^    ^62, 

(  Mane  Fran§oise,  ) 

283. 
John,  203,  279-80,  282. 
(  Martha,  ) 

I  Marthe  Marguerite,  ) 

6,  3S3-4,  290. 
Mary,  (Catlin),  203,  277.  279-82. 
Mary,  203,  283,  396,  398. 
Thomas,  (Deacon),  131,  203,  275, 

277-84,  299,  302. 
Thomas,  Jr.,  203,  242,  283. 


/^  errish,  Sarah,  19. 

V_T^     Gillette,   (see   Step-children    of 

Stephen  Jennings). 
Oilman,  Jacob,  203. 
Gradey,  Berney,  341. 
Grizalem    (see  Warren). 


Hancock,  Oner.  340. 
Harmon,  Johnson,  140,  359-60, 
364-6,  368,  370,  379. 
Hatfield,  Captives,    no,   117,   120,   122, 

124-6,  232. 
Hill,  Abiah,  49. 

Ebenezer,  48-9. 

Brother  Joseph's  daughter,  49. 
Samuel,  48-9,  178-80,  183. 
Hinkley,  Edouard,  340. 
Hinsdale,  Mehuman,  235-6,  241,  275. 
Hoit,  (see  Hoyt). 
Homes,  Anna,  343. 

Hoyt,  David,  (Deacon  and  Lieutenant), 
274,  277,  281,  283. 
Jonathan,  184,  307. 
Sarah,  152-3,  236. 
Huggins,  Margaret,  195,  199,  200. 


Hurst, 


Hull,  Elizabeth,  235. 

Ebenezer,  } 

Antoine  Nicolas,  j  '•^' 

j  Elizabeth,  } 

I  Marie  Elizabeth,   f  ^°'-3'  ^SO. 

j  Hannah,       } 

{  Kaiennoni,  f 

255- 
j  Sarah  (Jeffries)  | 
]  Marie  Jeanne    f  2°^-3'   ^So-i. 

Sarah,  201-3,  251. 

Thomas,  201-3,  244,  251,  262. 


201-3,    244,    251, 


I 


ngersol,  Esther,  (see  Jones). 


Jeffries,  Sarah,  (see  Hurst). 
Jenkins,  Phillipps,  342. 
Jennings,  Captivity,  126. 

Wife  of  Stephen,  121,  123,  266. 
(Gillette)  Step-children  of  Steph- 
en, 121. 
Jeryan,  Dorothee,  (see  Jordan). 
Jones,  Esther,  195,  199-201. 
Jordan,  Dorothee,  57. 


Kellogg,  Joseph,  387-8,  390. 
Martin,  25,    148,   152,    180, 
240-1,  244,  274. 


L 


e  Beau,  Christine,  (see  Otis). 


Littlefield,  ■!  D?*"""' .  .       ^262. 

/  Fierre  Augustin,    J 

Josiah,  51.  367. 

Lumbart,  Samuel,  340. 


INDEX. 


405 


Mackerty,  Thimoty,  341. 
Maddox,   Daniel  Joseph,  202- 

3,  339.  342. 
Marie  des  Anges,  (see  Mary  Say  ward). 
Marten,  John,  343. 
Menard,      Marthe     Marguerite,      (see 

French). 
Mitchell,  Salomon,  341. 

.  347-8,  351-3. 

Monet,  Elizabeth,  (see  Corse). 


N 


eal,  Thomas,  342. 


XT.  i  Abigail 

Nims,  -j         '^ 


85,    235-41, 


Marie  Eli?.abelh, 
243-9,  253,  255. 
Ebenezer,  153,  235,  243. 
Ebenezer,  Jr.,  152-3. 
Wife  of  Godfrey,  235. 
John.  133,  148,  180,  234-5,  240-3. 
Sarah,  (see  Hoyt). 
Noble,  Abigail,  341,  343-4. 
Benjamin,  344. 
Elinor,  355. 
Frances,  344. 
John,  343. 
Joseph,  344. 
Lazarus,  342. 
Marie,  343, 
Matthew,  344. 
Children,  347,  351-3. 


o 


tis. 


j    Margaret, 


rgaret,    ) 
/    Christine,    \    »9- 23-34.  132, 

152-3,  207,  262,  333-5. 

(  Grizel,  /  ,         ,„ 

»  AT     •    M   J   I    •         r  (see   War- 

I  Mane  Madeleine,  )  ^ 

ren). 


Parsons,   Hannah,  207. 
Petty,  Joseph,  148,  180,  240. 
Plaisted,  Mary,  77-82,  367. 
Plimpton,    Sergeant   John,   104,  io8-g, 
113,  118,  124  5. 
izabeth, 

^arie    Elizabeth,  f 
276,  281. 


■-'"'  \  Ma, 


206-7,  262, 


Q 

R 


uaenbouts,  Rachel,  } 
Quackinbush,         f   ^'^  ' 


aizenne,  Ignace,  (see  Rising). 

Rishworth,  Mary,  (see  Plaisted). 

Susannah,  77. 

r,  ■  •  (  losiah,    /         , 

^'^'"8^-     (Ignace,}    226-7,235-41.243- 

4,  246-9,  253,  255-6. 
Robitaille,  Marie  Madeleine,  (see  War- 
ren). 
Roi,  Marthe  Marguerite,  (see  French). 
Ross,  John,  343. 

William,  343. 
Russell,  Samuel,  no,  119,  123,  125. 


s 


1  ayer,  (see  Sayward). 


77. 


c  .       \  Esther,  ) 

bayward,      1  n/r     •       i  ■     r     24, 

■'  '     (  Mane,  Joseph,  J       ^' 

79-82,  84-7,  207,  379. 
i  Mary,  ) 

<  Marie  Genevieve,  >  49,  77,  79- 
(  Marie  des  Anges,  ) 

85,    87,    237,    239-40,    244, 
246,  253,  379. 
Schinner,  Elizabeth,  341. 
c       ,         /  Elisha,    / 
^^^'^^'      \  Michel,  \  '95.  199.  200. 

Sheldon,  Ebenezer,  168,  188,  240. 


4o6 


INDEX. 


Sheldon,  Hannah,  (Chapin),  48-9,  168, 
178,  180-1,  206,  276,  281. 

Mary,  48,  168,  178,   187. 

Remembrance,  48,  168,  178,  188, 
240. 

Sil---|    AdeYaidej     32i.    323.    325-9- 

379- 
Stannard,  Thomas,  340 
Starkes,  Jean,  341. 
Staats,  Barent,  358. 

(Abigail,  ) 

Stebbins,  -j  Gabrielle,      V  53,  206-8,  211, 
( Marguerite,  ) 

217-21,  259-60,  262,  267, 
270,  276,  281. 
Benoni,  109,  114-17,  161-2,  167, 
229-33.  235,  274-5,  278-9, 
281, 283. 
Dorothy,  (Alexander),  207-8,  219, 
259,  263,  274. 

260. 

John,    207-8,    219-20,    259,     263, 

274. 
John,  Jr.,  207,  219-21. 
Joseph,  207, 220-1,  268. 
Samuel,  207,  220-1,  260. 
j  Thankful,  )        ,      ,^ 

i  J         .         rrw    •  t    207,       2ig- 

(  Louise    Iherese,     )        '  ^ 

20,  261-3,  267-71,  399. 
Stevens,  Elizabeth,  (see  Price). 

Capt.   Phineas,   335-40,  342,  344- 
6,  348.  356- 
Stockvvell,    Quentin,    109-15,  117,   119- 

21,  124-5,    130,    231,    266, 
273,  277. 

Storer 251. 

Mary,  48-9,51. 
j  Priscilla,  ) 

I  Marie  Priscille,  J"  '■*'• 
Rachel,  51. 


Tf^  {  Charles,  )     .^ 

rafton,      ■<  ,       •    nV     ■      f  262. 
/  Louis  Mane,  ) 

Turbot,  Abigail,  200-1. 


Y 


an  Schauck  Anthony,  353. 


aite,  Benjamin's  Wife,  113,  124, 
226. 


w 

Canada,   126. 

Air  \  Grizel,  )    ,„    „^   . 

Warren,  j  Marie  Madeleine.  \  ^9-  23-4. 

27-8,    30-1,    132,   201,  262, 

333-5- 
Webb,  Seth,  340,  344. 
Wells,  Hepzibah,  (Belding)  172,  177. 
r  Esther,  1 

,      .    ,  S''  Esther    Marie 

Wheelwright,    ^  j^^^^^    de  I'Enfant  f 

Qesus,  J 

45,  48-68,  335-6,  355,  379. 

(  Whitney,  Solomon         I  o  ,  , 
■j  Whiltenor  Whidden    \  ^■^^^■ 

j  Whitney,  Timothy,   }  ^  .  , 
]  Whitton,  '     P"*"^- 

Williams,  Esther,  iSo,  386,  389. 

EuTiice,    [Mather)    130,  196,  279- 

80,  386,  394. 

1  Eunice,  ) 

A  Marguerite,  >  25,  56, 

(  Marguerite    8aon'got,  ) 

130-1,    133-49.    151-4.    252, 
359,    362,  366,  372-4,    376, 
379-84.  386-94- 
Rev.  John,  130,  134-7.    I43.    '47- 
8,  150-2,  162, 167, 171, 176- 

81,  184-9,  191.  193.  19(1-8, 
200,  206,  218,  234,  242,  244, 
265-6,  273-4,  279-80,  307, 
320,  333,  362,366,371,373, 
386,  394-5. 


INDEX. 


407 


Williams,  Samuel,  53,  188,  195-8,200-1, 
207,  242-3,  252,  386. 
Stephen,  176,  180,  184,  266,   386- 

93- 
Warham,  18S,  386,  390. 
Zebediah,  133,  234-5,  3o6- 


Wright,  Judah,  179. 


~\7^ork,  Samuel,  2i5-i(