Skip to main content

Full text of "The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri; or, Memoirs of Jahangir. Translated by Alexander Rogers. Edited by Henry Beveridge"

See other formats


9^ , 




; ■ ; 






■ ^.^iU. JZ2. 282. f&C. 2 


\ (Hamza) not represented 
at the beginning or end 

of a word ; in 
middle of a word. 



Vowels — 















(in before 


(v in Hindu names) 












(not represented at the 
end of a word except 
when radical) 




^ (alif maksura) a. 

— i. \J— T ; e in some Hindu names. ZS— iyy ; 
I at the end of a word. 

I- u. j_l li ; o in some Hindu names. J_!_ uww ; 
u at the end of a word. 

Diphthongs — $jl. au. J_^ aww. o"-^_ ai. u£^i ayy. 

The ' Izafat ' is rendered by ' -i- '. 

The Persian copulative particle ^ is transliterated by ' u \ 

The J of the Arabic article is assimilated according to 
rule, the final vowel of the preceding word being preserved. 



Mr. Rogers translated the Memoirs of Jahangir several 
years ago from the edition which Sayyid Ahmad printed 
at Ghazipur in 1863 and at Allyghur in 1864. Orientalists 
are greatly indebted to the Sayyid for his disinterested 
labours, but his text seems to have been made from 
a single and defective MS. and is often incorrect, 
especially in the case of proper names. I have collated 
it with the excellent MSS. in the India Office and 
the British Museum, and have thus been able to make 
numerous corrections. I have also consulted the MS. 
in the Library of the R.A.S., but it is not a good one. 
I have, with Mr. Rogers's permission, revised the trans- 
lation, and I have added many notes. 

There is an account of the Memoirs in the sixth volume 
of Elliot & Dowson's " History of India," and there the 
subject of the various recensions is discussed. There is 
also a valuable note by Dr. Rieu in his " Catalogue of 
Persian MSS.," i, 253. It is there pointed out that there 
is a manuscript translation of the first nine years of the 
Memoirs by William Erskine in the British Museum. 
I have consulted this translation and found it helpful. 
The MS. is numbered Add. 26,611. The translation is, 
of course, excellent, and it was made from a good MS. 

A translation of what Dr. Rieu calls the garbled 
Memoirs of Jahangir was made by Major David Price 
and published by the Oriental Translation Committee of 
the Royal Asiatic Society in 1829. The author of this 
work is unknown, and its history is an unsolved problem. 
It is occasionally fuller than the genuine Memoirs, and 
it contains some picturesque touches, such as the account^ 

yiii PREFACE. 

of Akbar's deathbed. But it is certain that it is, in part 
at least, a fabrication, and that it contains statements 
which Jahanglr could never have made. Compare, for 
instance, the account of the death -of Sohrab, the son 
of Mirza Rustam, near the end of Price's translation, 
pp. 138-9, with that given in the genuine Memoirs in the 
narrative of the fifteenth year of the reign, p. 293, and 
also in the Iqbal-nama, p. 139. Besides being inaccurate, 
the garbled or spurious Memoirs are much shorter than 
the genuine work, and do not go beyond the fifteenth 
year. Price's translation, too, was made from a single and 
badly written MS. 1 which is now in the R.A.S. Library. 
Dr. Rieu remarks that it is to be regretted that so poor 
a fabrication as the garbled Memoirs should have been 
given to the world as a genuine production of Jahanglr. 
This being so, it is appropriate that the present translation 
of the genuine Memoirs should be published by the Royal 
Asiatic Society. 

When Jahanglr had written his Memoirs for the first 
twelve years of his reign he made them into a volume, 
and had a number of copies made and distributed (Elliot, 
vi, 360). The first of these he gave to Shah Jahan, who 
was then in high favour. The present publication is 
a translation of the first volume of the Memoirs, but 
the translation of the whole Memoirs, together with the 
additions of Mu'tamad Khan and Muhammad Hadl, has 
been completed, and it is to be hoped that its publication 
will follow in due course. 

Jahanglr reigned for twenty-two years, but ill-health 
and sorrow made him give up the writing of his Memoirs 
in the seventeenth year of his reign (see Elliot, vi, 280). 
He then entrusted the task to Mu'tamad Khan, the author 

1 It is owing to the crabbed writing of Price's MS. that at p. 21 
Jahanglr is made to say that the Prince of Kashmir belonged to the 
society of Jogis. The real statement is that the prince belonged to 
the Chak family. 


of the Iqbal-nama, who continued the Memoirs to the 
beginning of the nineteenth year. He then dropped 
writing the Memoirs in the name of the emperor, but 
he continued the narrative of the reign, to Jahangir's 
death, in his own work, the Iqbal-nama. Muhammad 
Hadi afterwards continued the Memoirs down to 
Jahangir's death, but his work is little more than an 
abridgment of the Iqbal-nama. Sayyid Ahmad's edition 
contains the continuations of the Memoirs by Mu'tamad 
and Muhammad Hadi, and also Muhammad Hadi's 
preface and introduction. But this preface and intro- 
duction have not been translated by Mr. Rogers, and 
I do not think that a translation is necessary. Muhammad 
Hadi is a late writer (see Elliot, vi, 392), his date being 
the first quarter of the eighteenth century, and his 
introduction seems to be almost wholly derived from the 
Ma'asir-i-Jahangiri of Kamgar Husaini (Elliot, vi, 257). 
It consists mainly of an account of Jahangir's life from 
his birth up to his accession. 

It is perhaps unnecessary to say anything about the 
importance of Jahangir's Memoirs. They give a lively 
picture of India in the early decades of the seventeenth 
century, and are aValuable supplement to the Akbar-nama. 
I may be allowed, however, to end this preface with the 
following remarks which I contributed to the Indian 
Magazine for May, 1907: — 

" The Royal authors of the East had more blood in 
them than those kings whose works have been catalogued 
by Horace Walpole. To find a parallel to them we must 
go back to Julius Caesar, and even then the advantage is 
not upon the side of Europe. After all, the commentaries 
of the famous Roman are a little disappointing, and 
certainly the Memoirs of Babar and Jahangir are far 
more human and fuller of matter than the story of the 
Gallic Wars. All Muhammadans have a fancy for writing 
chronicles and autobiographies; and several Muhammadan 


kings have yielded to the common impulse. Central Asia 
has given us the Memoirs of Tamarlane, Babar, and Haidar, 
and the chronicle of Abu-1-ghazi ; Persia has given us the 
Memoirs of Shah Tahmasp, and India the Memoirs of the 
Princess Gulbadan and Jahangir. In modern times we see 
the same impulse at work, for we have the biography of 
the late Ameer of Afghanistan and the diary of the Shah 
of Persia. 

" The contributions to literature by Royal authors which 
come to us from the East form a department by them- 
selves, and one which is of great value. Nearly all Eastern 
histories are disfigured by adulation. Even when the 
author has had no special reason for flattery and for 
suppression of truth, he has been dazzled by the greatness 
of his subject, and gives us a picture which no more 
reveals the real king than does a telescope the real 
constitution of the Morning Star. But when Eastern 
monarchs give us chronicles, the case is different. They 
have no occasion for fear or favour, and mercilessly expose 
the failings of their contemporaries. Not that they are 
to be trusted any more than other Orientals when 
speaking of themselves. Babar has suppressed the story 
of his vassalage to Shah Isma'il, of his defeat at 
Ghajdawan, and his treatment of 'Alam Lodi ; and 
Jahanglr has glossed over his rebellion against his father, 
and the circumstances of Shir-afgan's death. But when 
they have to speak of others — whether kings or nobles— 
they give us the whole truth, and perhaps a little more. 
An amiable Princess like 1 Gulbadan Begam may veil the 
faults and weaknesses of her brothers Humayun and 
Hindal; but Babar strips the gilt off nearly every one 
whom he mentions, and spares no one — not even his 
own father. 

"The Memoirs of Babar, Haidar, and Gulbadan have 
been translated into English, and those of Tahmasp have 
been translated into German: but unfortunately Jahanglr's 


have never been fully translated, 1 though there are extracts 

in Elliot & Dowson's History, and Major Price many 

years ago gave us from an imperfect manuscript a garbled 

account of a few years of his Memoirs. Yet in reality 

Jahangir's Memoirs are not inferior in interest to those 

of Babar. Indeed, we may go further and say there is 

twice as much matter in them as in Babar's Memoirs, 

and that they are by far the most entertaining of the 

two works, Not that Jahanglr was by any means as 

remarkable a man as his great - grandfather. He was 

a most faulty human being, and his own account of 

himself often excites our disgust and contempt. But he 

had the sense not to confine his narrative to an account 

of himself, and he has given us a picture of his father, 

the great Akbar, which is a bigger ' plum ' than anything 

in Babar's Memoirs. But his account of himself has also 

its charm, for it reveals the real man, and so he lives 

for us in his Memoirs just as James VI — to whom, and 

to the Emperor Claudius, he bears a strange and even 

ludicrous resemblance — lives in the ' Fortunes of Nigel' or 

Claudius in Suetonius and Tacitus. Jahanglr was indeed 

a strange mixture. The man who could stand by and 

see men flayed alive, and who, -as he himself tells us, put 

one man to death and had two others hamstrung 1 because 

they showed themselves inopportunely and frightened 

away his game, could yet be a lover of justice and could 

spend his Thursday evenings in holding high converse. 

He could quote Firdusi's verse against cruelty to animals — 

' Ah ! spare yon emmet, rich in hoarded grain — 
He lives with pleasure, and he dies with pain ' ; 

and be soft-hearted enough to wish that his father were 
alive to share with him the delicious mangoes of India. 
He could procure the murder of Abu-1-fazl and avow 

1 A translation was begun by the Rev. Mr. Lowe for the Asiatic 
Society of Bengal, but only one fasciculus was published. This was 
in 1889. 

x [\ PREFACE. 

the fact without remorse, and also pity the royal elephants 
because they shivered in winter when they sprinkled 
themselves with cold water. 'I observed this,' he says, 
•and so I ordered that the water should be heated to 
fche temperature of hike-warm milk.' And he adds: 'This 
was entirely my own idea ; nobody had ever thought of it 
before.' One good trait in Jahangir was his hearty enjoy- 
ment of Nature and his love for flowers. Babar had 
this also, but he was old, or at least worn out, when 
he came to India, and lie was disgusted by an Indian 
attempt to poison him, and so his description of India 
is meagre and splenetic. Jahangir, on the other hand, 
is a true Indian, and dwells delightedly on the charms 
of Indian flowers, particularises the palas, the bokul, and 
the ehampa, and avows that no fruit of Afghanistan or 
Central Asia is equal to the mango. He loved, too, to 
converse with pandits and Hindu ascetics, though he is 
contemptuous of their avatars, and causes the image of 
Vishnu as the boar avatar to be broken and flung into 
the Pushkar lake. 

"It is a remark of Hallam's that the best attribute of 
Bluhammadan princes is a rigorous justice in chastising 
the offences of others. Of this quality Jahangir, in spite 
of all his weaknesses, had a large share, and even to this 
day he is spoken of with respect by Muhammadans on 
account of his love of justice. It is a pathetic circumstance 
that it was this princely quality which was to some extent 
the cause of the great affront put upon him by Mahabat 
Khan. Many complaints had been made to Jahangir of 
the oppressions of Mahabat in Bengal, and crowds of 
suppliants had come to Jahangir's camp. It was his 
desire to give them redress and to punish Mahabat for 
his exactions, together with his physical and mental 
weakness, which led to his capture on the banks of the 

"One of the many interesting observations in his Memoirs 


is his account of an inscription he saw at Hindaun. He 
says that in the thirteenth year of his reign, as he was 
marching back to Agra, he found a verse by someone 
inscribed on the pillar of a pleasure-house on an islet 
in the lake at Hindaun. He then proceeds to quote it, 
and it turns out to be one of Omar Khayyam's ! This 
is FitzGerald's paraphrase : — 

Tor some we loved, the loveliest and the best 
That from his vintage Time hath prest, 
Have drunk their Cup a Round or two before, 
And one by one crept silently to rest.' 

" The same quatrain has also been quoted by Badayimi 
in his history, and the interesting thing about Jahangir's 
quotation of it is that he could see the beauty of the verse 
and at the same time did not know who was the author. 
There is also an interest in the fact that the third line 
contains a different reading from that given in Whinfield's 
edition of the text. Hindaun is in the Jaipur territory, 
and one would like to know if the inscription still exists. 

"Among other things in Jahangir's Memoirs there is the 
description of the outbreak of the Plague, given to him by 
a lady of his court [which has been quoted by Dr. Simpson 
in his book upon Plague], and there is a very full account 
of Kashmir, which is considerably superior to that in the 
Ay in Akbari, which Sir Walter Lawrence has praised." 

With reference to the portrait of Jahangir prefixed to 
this volume, it may be interesting to note that it appears 
from Mr. E. B. Ha veil's "Indian Sculpture," p. 203, that 
the British Museum possesses a drawing by Rembrandt 
which was copied from a Moghul miniature, and which 
has been pronounced by Mr. Rouffaer to be a portrait of 
Jahangir. Coryat (Purchas, reprint, iv, 473) thus describes 
Jahangir's personal appearance : — " He is fifty and three 
years of age, his nativity-day having been celebrated with 
wonderful pomp since my arrival here. On that day he 
weighed himself in a pair of golden scales, which by great 

xiv • i-kkkac'e. 

chance' I Saw the same day; a custom he observes most 
inviolably every year. ' He is of complexion neither white 
in ii- black, but of a middle betwixt them. I know not 
how in express it with a more expressive and significant 
epithetoi) than olive An olive colour his face presenteth. 
lie is of a seemly composition of body, of a stature little 
unequal (as I guess not without grounds of probability) to 
mine, but much more corpulent than myself. 

As regards the bibliography of the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, 
I have to note that there is an Urdu translation by Munshi 
Ahmad 'All Slmab of Rampura, that is, Aligarh in Tonk. 
It was made from Muhammad Hadi's edition under the 
patronage of Muhammad Ibrahim 'All Khan Nawab of 
Tonk, and was published by Newal Kishor in 1291 (1874). 
There is also a Hindi translation bj^ Munshi Debt Prasad 
which was published in 1905 at Calcutta by the Bharat 
Mitra Press. The Urdu translation referred to by 
Mr. Blumhardt in his Catalogue of Hindustani MSS., 
p. 61, and noticed by Elliot, vi, 401, and Garcin de 
Tassy, hi, 301, is, as the two latter writers have remarked, 
a translation of the Iqbal-nama. The MS. referred to by 
Elliot, vi, 277^ as having been in the possession of General 
Thomas Paterson Smith, and which is described in Ethe's 
Catalogue of the India Office MSS., No. 2833, p. 1533, was 
made by Sayyid Muhammad, the elder brother of Sayyid 
Ahmad. As the end Of the MS. the copyist gives some 
account of himself and of his family. He made the copy 
from copies in the Royal Library and in the possession of 
Rajah Roghu Nath Singh alias Lai Singh - Jaipur. He 
finished it in October, 1843. Sayyid Muhammad was 
Munsif of Hutgam in the Fathpur district. He died 
young in 1845. My friend Mr. T. W. Arnold, of the 
India Office, informs me that Sayyid Ahmad told him 
that he found a valuable illustrated MS. of the Tuzuk 
in the debris of the Delhi Royal Library, and took it 
home, but that it was lost when his house was plundered 


by the mutineers. There is in the Bodleian a copy in 
Sayyid Ahmad's own handwriting. He states that he 
made use of ten good MSS. The Englishman at whose 
request he made the copy was John Panton Gubbins, who 
was once Sessions Judge of Delhi. This copy is described 
in the Bodleian Catalogue, p. 117, No. 221. The MS. 
No. 220 described on the same page was brought home 
by Fraser, and is a good one, but only goes down to the 
end of the 14th year. 

H. Beveridge. 

March, 1909. 
Postscript. — Since writing; this Preface I have been 


enabled by the kindness of Mr. Irvine to examine the 
Hindi Jahano-ir-nama of Debl Prasad. It is not a transla- 


tion, but an abstract, and I do not think it is of much 
value. Being a Jodhpur man he has been able, perhaps, 
to correct some spellings of places, but he does not seem to 
have consulted any MSS., and when he comes to a difficulty 
he shirks it. The most valuable adjunct to the Tuzuk, 
after the Iqbal-nama, is the Ma'asir-i-Jahangiri of Kamgar 
Husaini. It is important as giving the early history of 
Jahangir, that is, of the time when he was Prince Selim. 
There are three copies of his work in the British Museum, 
but the so-called Maathir-i-Jahangiri of the India Office 
Library, No. 3098, or 324 of the new Catalogue, is only 
a copy of the Iqbal-nama. 

I regret that the number of Errata and Addenda is so 
large, but when I began the revision I did not know that 
Sayyid Ahmad's text was so incorrect. It will be seen 
that at pp. 158 and 162 I have made two erroneous notes. 

H. B. 


In the Name of God, the Merciful, the Clement. 


~T)Y the boundless favour of Allah, when one sidereal 
hour of Thursday, Jumada-s-sani 20th, A.H. 1014 
(October 24th, 1605), had passed, I ascended the royal 
throne in the capital of Agra, in the 38th year of my age. 1 

Till he was 28 years old, no child of my father had 
lived, and he was continually praying for the survival 
of a son to dervishes and recluses, by whom spiritual 
approach to the throne of Allah is obtained. As the great 
master, Khwaja Mu'mu-d-dln Chishtl, was the fountain- 
head of most of the saints of India, he considered that in 
order to obtain this object he should have recourse to his 
blessed threshold, and resolved within himself that if 
Almighty God should bestow a son on him he would, by 
way of complete humility, go on foot from Agra to his 

1 That is, he was 37 years 3 months by the lunar calendar, and 36 years 
1 month by solar reckoning (Padshahnama, i, 69). Elliot and all the 
MSS. have 8th Jumada-s-sani as the date of the accession, but this is 
clearly wrong, as Akbar did not die till 13th Jumada-s-sani. Evidently 
the copyists have, as is so often the case, misread bistam as hashtam. See 
Blochmann's remark, p. 454, note 3. That Jahangir was not at this 
time 38 is shown by his stating at p. 37. that he celebrated his 38th 
birthday at Lahore after the capture of Khusrau. 



blessed mausoleum, a distance of 140 kos. In a.h. 977, 
on Wednesday, 17th Rabi'u-1-awwal (August 31st, 1569), 
when seven qhari of the aforesaid day had passed, when 
Libra (Mizan)liad risen to the 24th degree, God Almighty 
brought me into existence from the hiding-place of 
nothingness. At the time when my venerated father was 
on the outlook for a son, a dervish of the name of Shaikh 
Salim, a man of ecstatic condition, who had traversed 
many of the stages of life, had his abode on a hill near 
Slkrl, one of the villages of Agra, and the people of that 
neighbourhood had complete trust in him. As my father 
was very submissive to dervishes, he also visited him. 
One day, when waiting on him and in a state of distraction, 
he asked him how many sons he should have. The Shaikh 
replied, "The Giver who gives without being asked will 
bestow three sons on you." My father said, " I have 
made a vow that, casting my first son on the skirt of your 
favour, I will make your friendship and kindness his 
protector and preserver." The Shaikh accepted this idea, 
and said, " I congratulate you, and I will give him my own 
name." When my mother came near the time of her 
delivery, he (Akbar) sent her to the Shaikh's house that 
I might be born there. After my birth they gave me the 
name of. Sultan Salim, but I never heard my father, 
whether in his cups or in his sober moments, call me 
Muhammad Salim or Sultan Salim, but always Shaikhu 
Bdbd. My revered father, considering the village of Slkri, 
which was the place of my birth, lucky for him, made it 
his capital. In the course of fourteen or fifteen years that 
hill, full of wild beasts, became a city containing all kinds 
of gardens and buildings, and lofty, elegant edifices and 
pleasant places, attractive to the heart. After the conquest 
of Gujarat this village was named Fathpiir. When 
I became king it occurred to me to change my name, 
because this resembled that of the Emperor of Rum. An 
inspiration from the hidden world brought it ink) my mind 


that, inasmuch as the business of kings is the controlling 
of the world, I should give myself the name of Jahanglr 
( World-seizer) and make my title of honour (laqab) Ntiru-d- 
din, inasmuch as my sitting on the throne coincided with 
the rising and shining on the earth of the great light (the 
Sun). I had also heard, in the days when I was a prince, 
from Indian sages, that after the expiration of the reign 
and life of King Jalalu-d-dln Akbar one named Nuru-d-din 
would be administrator of the affairs of the State. There- 
fore I gave myself the name and appellation of Nuru-d-din 
Jahanglr Padshah. As this great event took place in Agra, 
it is necessary that some account of that city should be given. 

Agra is one of the grand old cities of Hindustan. It had 
formerly an old fort on the bank of the Jumna, but this 
my father threw down before my birth, and he founded 
a fort of cut red stone, the like of which those who have 
travelled over the world cannot point out. It was completed 
in the space of fifteen or sixteen years. It had four gates 
and two sally-ports, and its cost was 35 lakhs of rupees, 
equal to 115,000 toman of current Persian coinage and to 
10,500,000 khani according to the Turan reckoning. The 
habitable part of the city extends on both sides of the 
river. On its west side, which has the greater population, its 
circumference is seven kos and its breadth is one kos. The 
circumference of the inhabited part on the other side of 
the water, the side towards the east, is 2^ kos, its length 
being one kos and its breadth half a kos. But in the 
number of its buildings it is equal to several cities of 
'Iraq, Khurasan, and Mawara'a-n-nahr (Transoxiana) put 
together. Many persons have erected buildings of three or 
four storeys in it. The mass of people is so great, that 
moving about in the lanes and bazars is difficult. It is on 
the boundary of the second climate. On its east is the 
province of Qanauj ; on the west, Nagor ; on the north, 
Sambhal ; and on the south, Chanderi. 

It is written in the books of the Hindus that the source 


of the Jumna is in a hill of the name of Kalind, 1 which 
men cannot reach because of the excessive cold. The 
apparent source is a hill near the pargana of Khizrabad. 

The air of Agra is warm and dry ; physicians say that 
it depresses the spirits (ruhra ba tahlil mibarad) and 
induces weakness. It is unsuited to most temperaments, 
except to the phlegmatic and melancholy, which are safe 
from its bad effects. For this reason animals of this 
constitution and temperament, such as the elephant, the 
buffalo, and others, thrive in its climate. 

Before the rule of the Lodl Afghans, Agra was a great 
and populous place, and had a castle described by Mas'ud 
b. Sa'd b. Salman in the ode (qasida) which he wrote in 
praise of Mahmud, son of Sultan Ibrahim, son of Mas'ud, 
son of Sultan Mahmud of Ghaznl, on the capture of the 
castle — 

" The fort of Agra appeared in the midst of the dust 
Like a mountain, and its battlements like peaks." 2 

When Sikandar Lodl designed to take Gwalior he came 
to Agra from Delhi, which was the capital of the Sultans 
of India, and settled down there. From that date the 
population and prosperity of Agra increased, and it 
became the capital of the Sultans of Delhi. When God 
Almighty bestowed the rule of India on this illustrious 
family, the late king, Babar, after the defeat of Ibrahim, 
the son of Sikandar Lodl, and his being killed, and after 
his victory over Rana Sanga, who was the chief of the 
Rajas of Hindustan, established on the east side of the 
Jumna, on improved land, a garden (charbagh) which few 
places equal in beauty. He gave it the name of Gul-afshan 

1 The Sanskrit Kalinda. 

2 The couplet appears in Mas 'ad's divan, B.M. MS. Egerton, 701, 
p. 142a, line 4. The preceding lines show that the dust (gard) referred 
to in the first line means the dust caused by the invading army. I take 
the words barii bdrhdi to mean the battlements or pinnacles of the 
fortress, the f at the end of barhd being intensive. 


(Flower-scatterer), and erected in it a small building of cut 
red stone, and having completed a mosque on one side of 
it he intended to make a lofty building, but time failed 
him and his design was never carried into execution. 

In these Memoirs, whenever Sahib qirdni is written it 
refers to Amir Timur Gurgan ; and whenever Firdtis- 
makdni is mentioned, to Babar Padshah ; when Jannat- 
dshydni is used, to Humayun Padshah; and when 'Arsh- 
dshyani is employed, to my revered father, Jalalu-d-din 
Muhammad Akbar Padshah Ghazi. 

Melons, mangoes, and other fruits grow well in Agra and 
its neighbourhood. Of all fruits I am very fond of 
mangoes. In the reign of my father ('Arsh-dshydni) many 
fruits of other countries, which till then were not to be had 
in India, were obtained there. Several sorts of grapes, 
such as the sdhibi and the habshi l and the kishmishi, 
became common in several towns ; for instance, in the 
bazars of Lahore every kind and variety that may be 
desired can be had in the grape season. Among fruits, one 
which they call ananas (pineapple), which is grown in 
the Frank ports, 2 is of excessive fragrance and fine flavour. 
Many thousands are produced every year now in the 
Gul-afshan garden at Agra. 

From the excellencies of its sweet-scented flowers one may 
prefer the fragrances of India to those of the flowers of the 
whole world. It has many such that nothing in the whole 
world can be compared to them. The first is the champa 
(Michelia champaca), which is a flower of exceedingly 
sweet fragrance ; it has the shape of the saffron-flower, but 
is yellow inclining to white. The tree is very symmetrical 

1 Erskine's manuscript translation of the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, B.M. 
MS. Add. 26,611, and the B.M. MS. have chlnl, not habshi. But 
I.O. MS. No. 181 and the R.A.S. MS. have husainl, and this seems 
right. See Memoirs, Leyden & Erskine, p. 326, and the Haidarabad 
Turk! text, p. 284. The kishmishi is a small grape like that of which 
currants are made. 

3 Cf. irifra the account of the 11th year, p. 173. 


and large, full of branches and leaves, and is shady. When 
in flower one tree will perfume a garden. Surpassing 
this is the keora l flower (Pandanus odoratissimus). 
Its shape and appearance are singular, and its scent is so 
strong and penetrating that it does not yield to the odour 
of musk. Another is the rde bel, 2 which in scent resembles 
white jessamine. Its flowers are double and treble (?). 
Another is the mulsarl % (Mimusops Elengi). This tree, 
too, is very graceful and symmetrical, and is shady. The 
scent of its flowers is very pleasant. Another is the ketakl 4 
(Pandanus ?), which is of the nature of the keora, but the 
latter is thorny, whereas the ketkl has no thorns. More- 
over, the ketkl is yellowish, whereas the keora is white. 
From these two flowers and also from the chambeli* 
(Jasminum grandiflorum), which is the white jessamine 
of wilayat (Persia or Afghanistan), they extract sweet- 
scented oils. There are other flowers too numerous to 
mention. Of trees there are the cypress (sarw), the pine 

1 See Memoirs, L. & E. , p. 330. 

2 The name rde bel is not given in Clarke's Roxburgh, but perhaps it is 
one of the jessamines, and may be the bela of Clarke (p. 30). The rde 
bel is described by Abu-1-fazl (Blochmann, pp. 76 and 82). The state- 
ment about its flowers being double and treble is obscure. Erskine 
renders the passage " The leaves are generally two and three fold." The 
Persian word is tahaqa, which apparently is equivalent to the tul or 
fold of the Ayin-i-Akbarl, Persian text, i, 96. The reference may be to 
the flowers growing in umbels. 

s This is the bolcul of Indian gardens (Clarke, p. 313), and well deserves 
Jahangir's praise. It is probably the bholsdrl mentioned in the Ayin 
(Blochmann, No. 10, p. 83). Blochmann gives bholsirl (p. 70) as the 
name of a fruit-tree, and the bholsdrl of p. 83 may be a mistake for 

4 The text has sewtl, but the sewtl seems to be the Rosa glandulifera of 
Roxburgh (Clarke, p. 407) and has no resemblance to the Pandanus. See 
also the description of the sewtl, Blochmann, p. 82. (Perhaps there are 
two aewtU, one famous for fragrance, the other for beauty. See I.e., 
pp. 76 and 82. ) What is meant in the text is evidently a Pandanus and 
the ketkl of Blochmann, p. 83. I have followed, therefore, I.O. MS. 181, 
and have substituted ketkl for sewtl. The ketkl may be Pandanus inermis, 
which has no thorns (Clarke, p. 708). Erskine also has ketkl. 

5 L.c, p. 33 et 


(sanubar), the chanar (Platanus orientalis), the white 
poplar (safidar, Populus alba), and the bid mulla (willow), 
which they had formerly never thought of in Hindustan, 
but are now plentiful. The sandal-tree, which once was 
peculiar to the islands (i.e., Java, Sumatra, etc.), also 
nourishes in the gardens. 

The inhabitants of Agra exert themselves greatly in the 
acquirement of crafts and the search after learning. 
Various professors of every religion and creed have taken 
up their abode in the city. 

After my accession, the first order that I gave was for 
the fastening up of the Chain of Justice, so that if those 
engaged in the administration of justice should delay or 
practise hypocrisy in the matter of those seeking justice, 
the oppressed might come to this chain and shake it so 
that its noise might attract attention. Its fashion was 
this : I ordered them to make a chain of pure gold, 1 
30 gaz in length and containing 60 bells. Its weight 
was 4 Indian maunds, equal to 42 'Iraqi maunds. One- 
end of it they made fast to the battlements of the Shah 
Burj of the fort at Agra and the other to a stone post fixed 
on the bank of the river. I also gave twelve orders to be 
observed as rules of conduct (dasturu-l-'amal) in all my 
dominions — 

(1) Forbidding the levy of cesses under the names of 
tamgha and mir bahrl (river tolls), and other burdens 
which the jagirddrs of every province and district had 
imposed for their own profit. 

(2) On roads where thefts and robberies took place, which 
roads might be at a little distance from habitations, the 

1 Du Jarric, who gob his information from missionary reports, seems 
to imply that the chain was of silver, and says that Jahangir was 
following the idea of an old Persian king. It is mentioned in the Siyar 
al-muta'akhkhirln (reprint, i, 230) that Muhammad Shah in 1721 revived 
this, and hung a long chain with a bell attached to it from the octagon 
tower which looked towards the river. 


jdgirdars of the neighbourhood should build sarais (public 
rest-houses), mosques, and dig wells, which might stimulate 
population, and people might settle down in those sarais. 
If these should be near a khdlisa estate (under direct State 
management), the administrator (mutasaddi) of that place 
should execute the work. 

1 (3) The bales of merchants should not be opened on 
the roads without informing them and obtaining their leave. 

(4) In my dominions if anyone, whether unbeliever or 
Musalman, should die, his property and effects should be 
left for his heirs, and no one should interfere with them. If 
he should have no heir, they should appoint inspectors and 
separate guardians to guard the property, so that its value 
might be expended in lawful expenditure, such as the 
building of mosques and sarais, the repair of broken 
bridges, and the digging of tanks and wells. 

(5) They should not make wine or rice-spirit (darbahra) 2 
or any kind of intoxicating drug, or sell them ; although 
I myself drink wine, and from the age of 18 years up till 
now, when I am 38, have persisted in it. When I first took 
a liking to drinking I sometimes took as much as twenty 
cups of double-distilled spirit; when by degrees it acquired 
a great influence over me I endeavoured to lessen the 
quantity, and in the period of seven years I have brought 
myself from fifteen cups to five or six. My times for 
drinking were varied ; sometimes when three or four 
sidereal hours of the day remained I would begin to drink, 
and sometimes at night and partly by day. This went on 
till I was 30 years old. After that I took to drinking 
always at night. Now I drink only to digest my food. 

3 (6) They should not take possession of any person's 

1 In text this is wrongly made part of regulation 2. 
- Gladwin and the MSS. have dilbahra (exhilarating drink), and this is 
probahly correct. Jahangir would know little about rice-spirit. 
3 This regulation is more fully expounded in Price, p. 7. 


(7) I forbade the cutting oft' the nose or ears of any 
person, and I myself made a vow by the throne of God that 
I would not blemish anyone by this punishment. 

(8) I gave an order that the officials of the Crown lands 
and the jag Irdars should not forcibly take the ryots' lands 
and cultivate them on their own account. 

(9) A government collector or a jaglrddr should not 
without permission intermarry with the people of the 
paryana in which he might be. 

(10) They should found hospitals in the great cities, and 
appoint physicians for the healing of the sick ; whatever 
the expenditure might be, should be given from the khdlisa 

(11) In accordance with the regulations of my revered 
father, I ordered that each year from the 18th' 1 of Rabi'u-1- 
aWwal, which is my birthday, for a number of days corre- 
sponding to the years of my life, they should not slaughter 
animals (for food). Two days in each week were also 
forbidden, one of them Thursda}^, the day of my accession, 
and the other Sunday, the day of my father's birth. He 
held this day in great esteem on this account, and because 
it was dedicated to the Sun, and also because it was the 
day on which the Creation began. Therefore it was one of 
the days on which there was no killing in his dominions. 2 

(12) I gave a general order that the offices and jdgirs of 
my father's servants should remain as they were. Later, 
the mansabs (ranks or offices) were increased according to 

1 It is curious that Jahangir should give the 18th Rabi'u-1-awwal as 
his birthday, while the authorities give it as the 17th. Probably the 
mistake has arisen from Jahangir's writing Rabi'u-1-awwal instead of 
Shahriwar. His birthday was Rashn the 18th day of Shahriwar (see 
Akbarnama, ii, 344), but it was the 17th Rabi'u-1-awwal. See Muhammad 
Hadi's preface, p. 2, and Beale, and Jahanglr's own statement a few 
lines above. Possibly Jahangir wished to make out that he was born on 
the 18th Rabi'u-1-awwal and a Thursday, because he regarded Thursday 
as a blessed day (mubdrah shamba), whilst he regarded Wednesday as 
peculiarly unlucky, and called it ham, or gam, shamba. 

3 Cf. Elliot's translation, vi, 513, and note 2. 


each one's circumstances by not less than 20 per cent, to 
800 or 400 per cent. The subsistence money of the ahadis 
was increased by 50 per cent., and I raised the pay of all 
domestics by 20 per cent. I increased the allowances of 
all the veiled ladies of my father's harem from 20 per cent, 
to 100 per cent., according to their condition and relation- 
ship. By one stroke of the pen I confirmed the subsistence 
lands l of the holders of aimas (charity lands) within the 
dominions, who form the army of prayer, according to the 
deeds in their possession. I gave an order to Miran Sadr 
Jahan, who is one of the genuine Sayyids of India, and who 
for a long time held the high office of sadr (ecclesiastical 
officer) under my father, that he should every day produce 
before me deserving people (worthy of charity). 2 1 released 
all criminals who had been confined and imprisoned for a long 
time in the forts and prisons. 3 

At a propitious hour I ordered that they should coin 
gold and silver of different weights. To each coin I gave 
a separate name, viz., to the muhr of 100 tola, that of 
nv/r-shahi ; to that of 50 tola, that of nur-sultanl ; to 
that of 20 tola, nur-daulat ; to that of 10 tola, nur- 
karam ; to that of 5 tola, nur-mihr ; and to that of 1 tola, 

1 The MSS. have " the subsistence lands of people in general (ahdli) 
and the aimas" 

2 In the text and in Elliot, vi, 515, this is made a separate order, but 
it is not so in the MSS. If it were, we should have thirteen instead of 
twelve regulations. This is avoided in text and in Elliot by putting the 
6th and 7th regulations into one ordinance. With regard to the 
regulation about releasing the prisoners, Sir Henry Elliot is somewhat 
unjust to Jahangir in his commentary at p. 515. It was only those who 
had been long imprisoned whom Jahangir released, and his proceedings 
at Ranthambhor in the 13th year (Tuzuk, p. 256) show that he exercised 
discrimination in releasing prisoners. The account in Price, p. 10, may 
also be consulted. There Jahangir says he released 7,000 men from 
Gwalior alone. It may be remembered that most of these were political 
offenders. Private criminals were for the most part put to death, or 
mutilated, or fined. There were no regular jails. 

3 The above translation of the Institutes should be compared with 
Sir Henry Elliot's translation and his commentary : History of India, 
E. & D., vol. vi, Appendix, p. 493. 


nur-jahdnl. The half of this I called nwrcml, and the 
quarter, rawdjl. With regard to the silver coins (sikkas), 
I gave to the coin of 100 tola the name of kaukab-i-tdli e 
(star of horoscope) ; to that of 50 tola, the name of 
kaukab-i-iqbdl (star of fortune) ; to that of 20 tola, the 
name of kaukab-i-murdd (star of desire) ; to that of 
10 tola, the name of kaukab-i-bakht (star of good luck) ; 
to that of 5 tola, the name of kaukab-i-sa'd (star of 
auspiciousness) ; to that of 1 tola, the name of jahdnglrl. 
The half jahangirl I called sultdnl ; the quarter, nisdrl l 
(showering money); the dime, khair-i-qab id (the acceptable). 
Copper, also, I coined in the same proportions, and gave 
each division a particular name. I ordered that on the 
gold muhr of 100, 50, 20, and 10 tola the following verse 
by Asaf Khan 2 should be impressed — namely, on the 
obverse was this couplet : — 

" Fate's pen wrote on the coin in letters of light, 
The Shah Nuru-d-din Jahangir " ; 

and between the lines of the verse the Creed (Kalima) 
was impressed. On the reverse was this couplet, in which 
the date of coinage was signified : — 

" Through this coin is the world brightened as by the sun, 
And the date thereof is ' Sun of Dominion ' (Aftab-i-Mamlakat)." 3 

Between the lines of the verse, the mint, the Hijra year, and 
the regnal year were impressed. On the nur-jahdnl, which 
is in the place of the ordinary gold 'muhr and exceeds it 
in weight by 20 per cent, (as 12 to 10), is impressed this 
couplet of the Amiru-1-umara : — 

" Shah Nuru-d-din Jahangir ibn Akbar Padshah 
Made gold's face bright with the sheen of sun and moon." 

1 Erskine's MS. has i«ari for nimrl, and akhtar-i-qabid instead of 

- This is Blochmann's Asaf Khan No. iii, viz. Mirza Ja'far Beg. 
See pp. 368 and 411. 

3 The words Aftab-i-Mamlakat yield, according to the numeration by 
abjad, the date 1014 a.h. (1605). 


Accordingly, a hemistich was impressed on each face, and 
also the mint, and the Hijra and regnal year. The 
jahangvri sikka, also, which is greater in weight by 20 per 
cent., was reckoned as equal to a rupee, its weight being 
fixed in the same manner as that of the nur-jaliani (each 
was a tola in weight, but one was in gold and the other 
was in silver). The weight of a tola is 2 J misqals of 
Persia and Turan. 1 

It would not be good to give all the versified chronograms 
which were made for my accession. I therefore content 
myself with the one which Maktub Khan, the superintendent 
of the library and picture gallery, and one of my old 
servants, composed — 

" The second lord of conjunction, Shahinshah Jahanglr, 
With justice and equity sat on the throne of happiness. 
Prosperity, Good Fortune, Wealth, Dignity, and Victory, 
With loins girt in his service, stood rejoicing before him. 
It became the date of the accession when Prosperity 
Placed his head at the feet of the Saliib-Qiran-i-Sani." 3 

To my son Khusrau a lakh of rupees was presented that 
he might build up for himself the house of Mun'im Khan, 3 
the (former) Khankhanan, outside the fort. The admini- 
stration and government of the Panjab was bestowed on 

1 Page 4 of the text is followed by engravings of the coins of Jahangir 
and the inscriptions thereon, for which the editor, Saiyid Ahmad, says he 
is indebted to Mr. Thornhill, the Judge of Meerut. They do not show 
the lines of poetry. There is an interesting article on the couplets on 
Jahiingir's coins by Mr. C. J. Rodgers, J.A.S.B. for 1888, p. 18. 

- The chronogram is ingenious. The words Saliib-Qiran-i-Sani yield 
only 1013 according to ahjad, and this is a year too little. But the verse 
states that Prosperity (or Fortune), Iqbal, laid his head at the second lord 
of conjunction's feet, and the head of Iqbal, according to the parlance of 
chronogram-composers, is the first letter of the word, that is, alif, which 
stands for one (\) in ahjad, and so the date 1014 is made up. Sahib- 
Qiran-i-Sanl means 'the second lord of conjunction,' and is a title 
generally applied to Shah Jahan ; the first lord of conjunction (i.e. the 
conjunction of Jupiter and Venus) was Tinmr. 

;t A great officer under Hurnayun and Akbar. See Ayin, Blochmann, 
p. 317. 


Sa'Id Khan, 1 who was one of the confidential nobles and 
connected with my father by marriage. His origin was 
from the Moghul tribe, and his ancestors were in the service 
of my forefathers. At the time of his taking leave, as it 
was said that his eunuchs oppressed and tyrannized over 
the weak and the poor, I sent a message to him that my 
justice would not put up with oppression from anyone, and 
that in the scales of equity neither smallness nor greatness 
was regarded. If after this any cruelty or harshness 
should be observed on the part of his people, he would 
receive punishment without favour. 2 

Again, having previously bestowed on Shaikh Farid 
Bukhari, who had been Mir Bakhshi in my father's service, 
a dress of honour, a jewelled sword, a jewelled inkstand 
and pen, I confirmed him in the same post, and in order to 
exalt him I said to him, " I regard thee as Sdhibu-s-saif- 
wa4-qcdam" ("Captain Sword and Captain Pen"). Muqlm, s 
to whom my father had given at the end of his reign the 
title of Wazir Khan and the viziership of his dominions, 
I selected for the same title, rank, and service. I also gave 
KhwajagI Fatlm-llah a dress of honour, and made him 
a bakhshi, as formerly. 'Abdu-r-Razzaq Ma'muri, although 
when I was prince he had left my service without cause or 
reason and had gone over to my father, I made bakhshi as 
formerly, and I gave him a dress of honour. To Aminu-d- 
daula, who when I was prince had the post of bakhshi, and 
without my leave had run away and taken service with my 
revered father, not looking to his offences I gave the office 

1 Blochmann, p. 331. He had 1,200 eunuchs. He is generally styled 
Sa'Id Chaghatai. The exact nature of his relationship does not appear. 
It is not mentioned in his biography in the Ma'asir, ii, 403. Perhaps the 
word (nisbat) does not here mean affinity by marriage. 

2 According to the account in Price, p. 16, and in the Ma'asir, ii, 405, 
Sa'Id Khan gave a bond that if his people were oppressive he would 
forfeit his head. 

3 He does not seem to have had any real power, and he was soon 
superseded. See Ma'asir, iii, 932. 


of Atish-i-begi l (Head of the Artillery), which he had held 
under my father. I left all those who were in possession 
of posts, both inside and outside, in the positions which 
they had with my father. Sharif Khan 2 had lived with 
me from his early years. When I was prince I had 
oiven him the title of khan, and when I left Allahabad 
to wait upon my honoured father I presented him with 
a drum and the tuman-togh (standard of yah tails). 
I had also promoted him to the rank of 2,500 and given 
him the government of the province of Bihar. I gave him 
complete control over the province, and sent him off there. 
On the 4th of Rajab, being fifteen days after my accession, 
he waited upon me. I was exceedingly pleased at his 
coming, for his connection with me is such that I look 
upon him as a brother, a son, a friend, and a companion. 
As I had perfect confidence in his friendship, intelligence, 
learning, and acquaintance with affairs, having made him 
Grand Vizier, I promoted him to the rank of 5,000 
with 5,000 horse and the lofty title of Amlru-l-umara, 
to which no title of my servants is superior. Though his 
position might have warranted a higher rank, he himself 
represented to me that until some notable service on his 
part had become perceptible to me he would not accept a 
higher grade than that mentioned (5,000). 

As the reality of the loyalty of my father's servants had 
not yet become apparent, and certain faults and errors and 
unbecoming intentions which were not approved at the 
throne of the Creator or pleasing to His creatures had 

1 It appears from Erskine and from I.O. MS. that this is a mistake for 
Yatish-begi, ' Captain of the Watch,' and that the name is Aminu-d-din, 
and not Aminu-d-daula. See Akbarnama, iii, 474, etc. 

2 Sharif Khan had been sent by Akbar to recall Jahangir to his duty, 
but instead of coming back he stayed on. He did not accompany 
Jahangir when the latter went off the second time to wait upon his father. 
Probably he was afraid to do so. Jahangir appointed him to Bihar 
before he left Allahabad to visit his father for the second time. Jahangir 
says Sharif waited upon him fifteen days after his accession, and on 


shown themselves, they of themselves became ashamed. 
Though on the day of my accession I had forgiven all 
offences and determined with myself that I would exact no 
retribution for past deeds, yet on account of the suspicion 
that had been aroused in my mind about them I considered 
the Amlru-l-umara my guardian and protector ; although 
God Almighty is the guardian of all His servants, and is 
especially so of kings, because their existence is the cause 
of the contentment of the world. His father, 'Abdu-s- 
Samad, who in the art of painting had no equal in the age, 
had obtained from the late king (Jannat-ashyani) Humayun 
the title of Shirln-qalam (Sweet pen), and in his council 
had attained a great dignity and was on intimate terms with 
him (the king). He was one of the chief men of Shiraz. 
My honoured father, on account of his former services, paid 
him great honour and reverence. I made Raja Man Singh — 
who was one of the greatest and most trusted noblemen of 
my father, and had obtained alliances with this illustrious 
family, inasmuch as his aunt had been in my father's house 
(i.e. was his wife), 1 and I had married his sister, and 
Khusrau and his sister Sultanu-n-nisa Begam, the latter of 
whom is my eldest child, were born of her — as before, ruler 
of the province of Bengal. Though as in consequence of 
certain of his acts he had no expectation of this favour 
towards himself, I dignified him with a charqab (vest 
without sleeves) as a robe of honour, a jewelled sword, and 

4th Rajab. This is another proof, if proof were needed, that the copyists 
have misread the opening sentence of the Tuzuk and have written 
hashtam instead of bistam, for 4th Rajab is fifteen days after 20th Jumada-1- 
akhir. The Padshahnama and Khafi Khan have 20th, and Price and 
Price's original say that Sharif arrived sixteen days after the accession. 

1 I.O. MS. 181 and Muhammad HadI have Sultan Nisar Begam. 
Khafi Khan, i, 245, has Sultan Begam, and says she was born in 994. 
Price's Jahangir, p. 20, says she was born a year before Khusrau. She 
built a tomb for herself in the Khusrau Bagh, Allahabad, but she is 
not buried there (see J.R.A.S. for July, 1907, p. 607). She died on 
4th Sha'ban, 1056 (5th September, 1646), and was at her own request 
buried in her grandfather's tomb at Sikandra (Padshahnama, ii, 603-4). 


one of my own horses, and sent him off to his province, 
which is a place of (or can keep up) 50,000 horse. His 
father was Raja Bhagwan Das. His grandfather, Raja 
Bihar! Mai, was the first of the Kachwaha Rajputs to have 
the honour of entering my father's service, and he excelled 
his tribe in truth and sincerity of friendship, and in the 
quality of valour. After my accession, when all the nobles 
with their retinues presented themselves at my palace, it 
came into my mind that I should send this body of retainers 
under my son, Sultan Parwiz, to make a holy war against 
the Rana, who was one of evil deeds, and a foul infidel of 
the country of Hindustan, and in my father's time had 
had troops sent constantly against him, but had not been 
driven off. In a fortunate hour I inyested my said son 
with gorgeous robes of honour, a jewelled waist - sword, 
a jewelled waist-dagger, and a rosary of pearls intermixed 
with rubies of great price of the value of 72,000 rupees,, 
'Iraq and Turkman horses and famous elephants, and 
dismissed him. About 20,000 horsemen with nobles and 
chief leaders were appointed to this service. The first was 
Asaf Khan, who in my father's time was one of his con- 
fidential servants, and for a long time had been confirmed in 
the post of bakhshi and afterwards became diwan ba istiqlal 
(Chancellor with full powers) ; him I advanced from the 
rank of an Amir to that of Vizier, and promoting him from 
the command of 2,500 horse to that of 5,000 made him 
guardian to Parwiz. Having honoured him with a robe of 
honour, jewelled waist- sword, a horse and an elephant, 
I ordered that all the mansabdars (commanders), small and 
great, should not depart from such orders as he thought 
proper to give them. I made 'Abdu-r-Razzaq Ma'murl his 
bakhshi and Mukhtar Beg, Asaf Khan's paternal uncle, 
diwan to Parwiz. I also presented to Raja Jagannath, son 
of Raja Bihar! Mai, who had the rank of 5,000, a robe of 
honour and a jewelled waist-sword. 

Again, I gave Rana Shankar, cousin of the Rana, — to 


whom my father had given the title of Rana, proposing to 
send him with Khusrau against the Rana, but at that time 
he (Akbar) became a shanqar (a falcon, i.e. he died) — 
a robe of honour and a jewelled sword, and sent him 
with him. 

I presented Madho Singh, brother's son of Raja Man 
Singh, and Rawal Sal Darbari with flags, from this con- 
sideration, that they were always present at Court and 
belonged to the Sekhawat 1 Rajputs, and were con- 
fidential servants of my father. Each received also the 
rank of 3,000. 

I promoted Shaikh Ruknu-d-din the Afghan, to whom 
when I was prince I had given the title of Shir Khan, 
from the grade of 500 to that of 3,500. Shir Khan is 
the head of his clan and a very valiant man. He lost his 
arm by the sword in service against the Uzbegs. 2 'Abdu-r- 
Rahman, son of Shaikh Abu-1-fazl, Maha Singh, grandson 
of Raja Man Singh, Zahid Khan, son of Sadiq Khan, Wazir 
Jamil, and Qara Khan Turkman were exalted to the rank 
of 2,000 ; all these obtained robes of honour and horses, 
and were dismissed. Manohar also obtained leave to join 
the expedition. He is of the tribe of the Sekhawat 
Kachhwahas, and on him in his young days my father 
bestowed many favours. He had learned the Persian 
language, and, although from him up to Adam the power 
of understanding cannot be attributed to any one of his 
tribe, he is not without intelligence. He makes Persian 
verses, and the following is one of his couplets : — 

" The object of shade in Creation is this : 
That no one place his foot on the light of my Lord, the Sun." 3 

1 Should be Shaikhawat. 

2 The R.A.S. and I.O. MSS. have here Umra instead of Uzbegs. 
Umra. here stands, I think, for Umr Singh, the Rana. of Udaipur, and the 
meaning is that Shir Khan lost his arm in service against the Rana. 

8 The point of the verse seems to be that light is regarded as some- 
thing spread like a carpet on the ground, and that to place the foot upon 



If the details were to be described of all the commanders 
and servants appointed by me, with the conditions and 
connections and rank of each, it would be a long business. 
Many of my immediate attendants and personal followers 
and nobles' sons, house-born ones (khdnazdddn) and 
zealous Rajputs, petitioned to accompany this expedition. 
A thousand ahadis, the meaning of which is single ones 
(Blochmann, p. 20), were also appointed. In short, a force 
was collected together such that if reliance on the Friend 
(God) were vouchsafed, it could have embarked on enmity 
and conflict with any one of the monarchs of power. 

Soldiers came up from all sides, 

Seizing life from heroes of the world in battle ; 

They had no fear of death from the sharp sword, 

No terror of water x and no flight from fire ; 

In valour singular, in vigour a crowd, 

Anvils in endurance, rocks in attack." 

When I was prince I had entrusted, in consequence of 
my extreme confidence 2 in him, my own uzuk seal 3 to the 
Amiru-1-umara (Sharif), but when he was sent off to the 
province of Bihar I made it over to Parwiz. Now that 
Parwiz went off against the Rana, I made it over, according 
to the former arrangement, to the Amlru-l-umara. 

Parwiz was born of Sahib-Jamal (Mistress of Beauty), 

it is to insult the sun. Compare Price, p. 33 ; but Manohar's verse is 
wrongly translated there owing to a badly written MS. For Manohar 
see Akbarnama, iii, 221, and Badayuni, iii, 201, also Blochmann, p. 494, 
and his article in Calcutta Review for April, 1871, also the Dabistan, 
translation, ii, 53. 

1 Probably here db means both water and the water of the sword. 
These lines are not in the R.A.S. or I.O. MSS. 

. 2 Text, iUiyat (caution) ; the MSS. have i'tiqdd (confidence), and I 
adopt this reading. 

;i Blochmann, p. 52. It was a small round seal. Uzuk or ilzuk is 
a Tartar word meaning a ring, i.e. a signet-ring. 


the cousin 1 of Zain Khan Koka, who, in point of affinity, 
was on the same footing 2 as Mirza 'Aziz Koka, in the 
34th year of my father's reign, in the city of Kabul, two 
years and two months after the birth of Khusrau. After 
several other children had been born to me and had been 
received into God's mercy, a daughter was born of 
Karamsi, 3 who belonged to the Rathor clan, and the child 
received the name of Bihar Banu Begam. To Jagat 
Gosa'in, 4 daughter of the Mota Raja (the fat raja), 
was born Sultan Khurram, in the 36th year of my 
father's reign, corresponding to a.h. 999, 5 in the city of 
Lahore. His advent made the world joyous (khurram), 6 

1 Text, sabiyya (daughter), and this led Blochrnann (p. 477, note 2) to 
say that if Sayyid Ahmad's text was correct Jahangir must have 
forgotten, in the number of his wives, which of them was the mother of 
Parwlz. As a fact, Sayyid Ahmad's text is not correct, though the 
R.A.S. MS. agrees with it. The two excellent 1.0. MSS. have khwish 
(relative), which is here equivalent to cousin. So also has the B.M. MS. 
used by Erskine. According to Muhammad Hadi's preface Parwiz's 
mother was the daughter of Khwaja Hasan, the paternal uncle of Zain 
Khan Koka. His birth was in Muharram, 998, or 19th Aban (November, 
1589). See also Akbarnama, iii, 568. 

2 I.e., both were Akbar's foster-brothers. 

3 Price, p. 20, has Karmitty, and says the daughter only lived two 
months. Karamsi appears twice in the Akbarnama as the name of 
a man ; see Akbarnama, ii, 261, and iii, 201. The name may mean 
' composed of kindness. ' The statement in Price is wrong. Bihar 
Banu was married to Tahmuras s. Prince Daniyal in his 20th year (see 
Tuzuk, M. Hadi's continuation, p. 400). According to M. Hadi's preface, 
Karamsi was the daughter of Raja Kesho Das Rathor, and her daughter 
Bihar Banu was born on 23rd Shahriwar, 998 (September, 1590). Kesho 
Das Rathor is probably the Kesho Das Maru of the Tuzuk. 

4 Best known as Jodh Bai (Blochmann, p. 619). 

5 It is extraordinary that Jahangir should have put Shah-Jahan's 
birth into a.h. 999. The I.O. MSS. support the text, but the R.A.S. 
MS. has a.h. 1000, which is without doubt right. Cf. Akbarnama, Bib. 
Ind. , iii, 603. Later on, a great point was made of his having been born 
in a millennium. The date is 5th January, 1592. 

6 Muhammad Had! says in his preface, p. 6, that Shah-Jahan's grand- 
father Akbar gave him the name of Sultan Khurram, 'Prince Joy,' 
because his birth made the world glad. It was noted that the child was 
born in the first millennium, and also that, like his father, he was born 
in the same month as the Prophet. 


and gradually, as his years increased, so did his excellencies, 
and he was more attentive to my father than all (my) 
other children, who was exceedingly pleased with and 
grateful for his services, and always recommended him to 
me and frequently told me there was no comparison 
between him and my other children. He recognised him 
as his real child. 

After that (Khurram's birth) some other children were 
born who died in infancy, and then within one month two 
sons were borne by concubines. One of these I called 
Jahandar and the other Shahryar. 1 

About this time there came a petition from Sa'Id Khan 
with regard to granting leave to Mlrza Ghazi, who was 
a son of the ruler of the province of Thathah (Tattah in 
Sind). 2 I said that as my father had betrothed his sister 
to my son Khusrau, please God, when this alliance came 
into force, I would give him leave to return to Sind. 

A year before I became king I had determined that 
I would drink no wine on Friday eve, and I hope at the 
throne of God that He will keep me firm in this resolve as 
long as I live. 

Twenty thousand rupees were given to Mlrza. Muhammad 
Riza Sabzwarl to divide amongst the faqirs and the 
needy of Delhi. The viziership of my dominions I gave in 
the proportions of half and half to Khan Beg, 3 to whom 
when I was prince I had given the title of Waziru-1-mulk, 
and to Wazir Khan 4 (Muqim), and I gave to Shaikh Farld 
Bukharl, who held the rank of 4,000, that of 5,000. 

1 (Jladwin says they were twins, but this seems a mistake. They were 
both born about the time of Akbar's death. 

2 In MS. No. 310 of Ethe's Cat. of 1.0. MSS. Sa'Id Khan is described 
as giving as his reason for asking for M. Ghazi that he had adopted him 
as his son. Price's Jahangir, p. 21, says the same thing. 

3 This should be Jan, and is so in I.O. MS. 181. 

4 See Ma'asiru-1-umara, iii, 932. The meaning of the half and half is 
that the two men were made coadjutors. 


I promoted Ram Das Kachhwaha, whom my father had 
favoured, and who held the rank of 2,000, to that of 3,000. 
I sent dresses of honour to Mlrza Rustam, son of Mirza 
Sultan Husain and grandson of Shah Isma'll, the ruler of 
Qandahar, and to 'Abdu-r-Rahhn Khankhanan, son of 
Bairam Khan, and to I raj and Darab, his sons, and to other 
nobles attached to the Deccan (command). Barkhurdar, son 
of 'Abdu-r-Rahman, son of Mu'ayyid Beg, as he had come 
to court without a summons, I ordered back to his jagir. 
1 It is not according to good manners to go to the king's 
banquet without a summons, otherwise there would be no 
forbidding of the doors and walls to the foot of desire. 

A month had elapsed after my auspicious accession 
when Lala Beg, who while I was prince had obtained the 
title of Baz Bahadur, obtained the blessing of waiting on 
me. His rank, which had been 1,500, was raised to 4,000. 
I promoted him to the Subah of Bihar and gave him 
2,000 rupees. Baz Bahadur is of the lineage of the special 
attendants of our family ; his father's name was Nizam, 
and he was librarian to Humayun. Kesho Das Marti, who 
is a Rajput of the province of Mairtha and is greater in 
loyalty than his contemporaries, I promoted to the rank of 
1,500. I directed the 'ulama and the learned men of Islam 
to collect those of the distinctive appellations of God which 
were easy to remember, in order that I might make them 
into my rosary 2 (ward). On Friday eves 3 I associate with 
learned and pious men, and with dervishes and recluses. 
When Qilij Khan, who was one of the old retainers of the 
State in my revered father's reign, was appointed to the 
government of the province of Gujarat, I presented him 
with a lakh of rupees for his expenses. I raised Mlran 

1 In R.A.S. and I.O. MSS. the following passage is a verse. See also 
Mr. Lowe's translation, p. 16. 

2 Wird means ' daily practice, ' and may be the word intended here. 

3 Cf. this with the fuller details in Price, p. 22. Following Blochmann, 
I take Shab-i-jum'a to mean Thursday and not Friday night. 


Sadr Jahan from the rank of 2,000 to that of 4,000. 
I knew him in my childhood when I read the "Forty 
Sayings" with Shaikh 'Abdu-n-NabI, 1 whose history is 
given in detail in the Akbarnama. From these early days 
till now Miran Sadr Jahan has acted towards me with 
single-minded loyalty, and I regard him as my preceptor 
in religious matters (khalifa). Whilst I was prince and 
before my revered father's illness, and during that time, 
when the ministers (pillars of the State) and the high 
nobles had become agitated, and each had conceived some 
idea of gain for himself and wished to become the originator 
of some act which could only bring ruin on the State, he 
had not failed in the activity of his service and devotedness. 
Having made 'Inayat Beg, 2 who for a long period in the 
reign of my father had been Master of Works (Diwan-i- 
buytddt) and held the rank of 700, half- vizier of my 
dominions in the place of Wazlr Khan, I gave him the 
high title of I'timadu-d-daula with the rank of 1,500, and 
I appointed Wazlr Khan to the Diwani of the province of 
Bengal, and assigned to him the settlement of the revenues 
thereof. To Patr Das, who in the time of my father had 
the title of Ray Rayan, I gave the title of Raja Bikramajlt. 
The latter was one of the great Rajas of India, and it was 
in his reign that astronomical observatories were established 
in India. I made Patr Das Master of Ordnance, and 
ordered that he should always have light artillery 3 in the 

1 The text has 'Abdu-1-Ghani, but this, as the MSS. show and 
Blochmann has pointed out, is a mistake for 'Abdu-n-NabI. 'Abdu-n- 
Nabi was strangled, and the common report is that this was done by 
Abu-1-fazl. If this be true it is rather surprising that Jahangir does not 
mention it as an excuse for killing Abu-1-fazl. Cf. the account of 
Miran Sadr Jahan in Price, p. 24. The "Forty Sayings" is a book by 
Jami. See Rieu, Cat. i, 17, and also Dr. Herbelot s.v. Arbain. 

'■ This should be Ghiyas Beg. He was father of Nurjahan. According 
to the Ma'asiru-l-umara (i, 129), he was commander of 1,000 under Akbar. 

! Topkhdna-i-rikdJi, lit. stirrup-arsenal. It means light artillery that 
could accompany royal progresses. See Bernier, and Irvine, A. of M., 134. 


arsenal, 50,000 light guns x and 3,000 gun-carriages, ready 
and in efficient order. He was a khatri by caste, and rose in 
my father's service from being accountant of the elephants' 
stables to be diwan and an amir. He is not wanting in 
military qualities and in administrative skill. I made 
Khurram, the son of Khan A'zam ('Aziz Koka), who had 
had the rank of 2,000, an officer of 2,500. 

As it was my desire that many of the Akbarl and 
Jahangirl officers should obtain the fruition of their wishes, 
I informed the bakhshis that whoever wished to have his 
birthplace made into his jagir should make a representation 
to that effect, so that in accordance with the Chingiz canon 
{turd) the estate might be conveyed to him by dl tamgha 
and become his property, and he might be secured from 
apprehension of change. Our ancestors and forefathers 
were in the habit of granting jagirs to everyone under 
proprietary title, and adorned the farmans for these with 
the dl tamgha seal, which is an impressed seal made in 
vermilion (i.e. red ink). I ordered that they should cover 
the place for the seal with gold-leaf (tildposh) and impress 
the seal thereon, and I called this the altim 2 tamgha. 

1 Text, topchl, which seems properly to mean a gunner, but the 
number is preposterous. Cf. Blochmann, p. 470, and Price, p. 28. Price's 
original has 6,000 topchl mounted on camels, and has paytakht, i.e. the 
capital. Erskine has " To have always in readiness in the arsenal arms 
and accoutrements for 50,000 matchlock men." This seems reasonable, 
for even if Jahangir ordered 50,000 musketeers, he would not have 
required them to be kept in the arsenal. It seems to me that though 
chl in Turki is the sign of the agent (nomen agentis) it is occasionally 
used by Indian writers as a diminutive. Thus topchl here probably 
means a small gun or a musket, and in Hindustani we are familiar with 
the word chilamchl, which means a small basin. At p. 301 of the Tuzuk, 
four lines from foot, we have the word llchi, which commonly means an 
ambassador — an agent of a people — used certainly not in this sense, and 
apparently to mean a number of horses. It is, however, doubtful if 
llchi here be the true reading. 

" Text, ahnun (now), which is a mistake for altun (gold). See Elliot 
and Dowson, vi, 288. Al is vermilion in Turki and altun gold. 
Jahangir means that he changed the name from dl tamgha to altun 


I had selected from the other sons of Shahrukh, Mlrza 
Sultan, 1 son of Mlrza Shahrukh the grandson of Mlrza 
Sulaiman, who was a descendant (great - grandson) of 
Mlrza Sultan Abu Sa'id and for a long time ruler of 
Badakhshan, and with consent of my 2 revered father 
brought him into my service. I count him as a son, and 
have promoted him to the rank of 1,000. I also promoted 
Bhao Singh, son of Raja Man Singh and the most capable 
of his sons, from his original rank to that of 1,500. 
I raised Zamana Beg, 3 son of Ghayur Beg of Kabul, who 
has served me personally from his childhood, and who, 
when I was prince, rose from the grade of an ahadi to 
that of 500, giving him the title of Mahabat Khan and the 
rank of 1,500. He was confirmed as bakhshi of my private 
establishment (shagird-pisha). 

I promoted Raja Bir Singh Deo, a Bandela Rajput, who 
had obtained my favour, and who excels his equals 
and relatives in valour, personal goodness, and simple- 
heartedness, to the rank of 3,000. The reason for his 
advancement and for the regard shown to him was that 
near the end of my revered father's time, Shaikh Abu-1-fazl, 
who excelled the Shaikhzadas of Hindustan in wisdom and 
learning, had adorned himself outwardly with the jewel of 
sincerity, and sold it to my father at a heavy price. He 
had been summoned from the Deccan, and, since his feelings 
towards me were not honest, he both publicly and privately 
spoke against me. At this period when, through strife - 
exciting intriguers, the august feelings of my royal father 
were entirely embittered against me, it was certain that if 
he obtained the honour of waiting on him (Akbar) it would 
be the cause of more confusion, and would preclude me 

1 Mlrza Sultan was great-grandson of Sulaiman. 

2 Perhaps the reference is to the boy's own father. He was alive at 
this time, and Akbar was not. 

:i This is the man who afterwards rebelled and made Jahangir his 


from the favour of union with him (my father). It became 
necessary to prevent him from coming to Court. As Bir 
Singh Deo's country was exactly on his route and he was 
then a rebel, I sent him a message that if he would stop 
that sedition-monger and kill him he would receive every 
kindness from me. By God's grace, when Shaikh Abu-1-fazl 
was passing through Bir Singh Deo's country, the Raja 
blocked his road, and after a little contest scattered his 
men and killed him. He sent his head to me in Allahabad. 
Although this event was a cause of anger in the mind of 
the late king (Akbar), in the end it enabled me to proceed 
without disturbance of mind to kiss the threshold of my 
father's palace, and by degrees the resentment of the king 
was cleared away. 

I made Mir Ziya'u-d-din of Qazwin, who had done me 
service in the days of my princehood and had shown 
loyalty, commander of 1,000 and accountant of the stables. 
An order was given that every day thirty horses should 
be produced before me for the purpose of making presents. 
I honoured Mirza 'Ali Akbarshahi, who is one of the dis- 
tinguished braves of this family, 1 with the rank of 4,000, 
and gave him the sarkar of Sambhal as his jagir. 

One day the Amiru-1-umara (Sharif Khan) greatly pleased 
me by an incidental remark. It was this : " Honesty and 
dishonesty are not confined to matters of cash and goods ; 
to represent qualities as existing in acquaintances which 

1 Text, ulus-i-Dihli. Blochmann (p. 482 n. ) points out that this is a very 
doubtful term, as Mirza 'Ali came from Badakhshan. On examining 
three MSS. of the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri I find no word Dihli, but the 
words In ulus, ' this tribe or family,' and I think this must be the correct 
reading, and refers to the Timurides. The same phrase occurs at text, 
p. 173. Blochmann suggests to read Dulddy for Dihli, but I think it 
more probable that the word Dihli should be 'all. Mirza 'Ali was 
styled Akbarshahi, and no doubt this is why Jahangir writes in ulus 
or ulus-i-'dll. Mirza 'Ali is often mentioned in the Akbarnama in 
connection with the wars in the Deccan, and is generally called 
Akbarshahi, e.g. at p. 702. For an account of his pathetic death see 
Blochmann, I.e., the Ma'asiru-1-umara, iii, 357, and the text, p. 163. 


do not exist, and to conceal the meritorious qualities of 
strangers, is dishonesty. In truth, honesty of speech 
consists in making; no distinction between intimates and 
strangers and in describing each man as he really is." 

When I sent off Parwiz I had said to him, " If the Rana 
himself, and his eldest son who is called Karan, should come 
to wait upon you and proffer service and obedience, you 
should not do any injury to his territory." My intention 
in this recommendation was of two kinds ; one, that 
inasmuch as the conquest of Transoxiana was always in 
the pure mind of my revered father, though every time he 
determined on it things occurred to prevent it, if this 
business could be settled, and this danger dismissed from 
my mind, I would leave Parwiz in Hindustan, and in reliance 
on Allah, myself start for my hereditary territories, 
especially as at this time there was no permanent ruler in 
that region. BaqI Khan, who, after 'Abdu-llah Khan and 
'Abdu-1-Mu'min Khan, his son, had acquired complete inde- 
pendence, had died, and the affairs of Wall Muhammad 
Khan, his brother, who is now the ruler of that region, had 
not as yet been brought into proper order. Secondly, to 
bring about the termination of the war in the Deccan, of 
which a part in the time of my revered father had been 
acquired, so that it might come into possession, and be 
incorporated with the Imperial dominions. My hope is 
that through the favour of Allah both these undertakings 
will be accomplished. 

' Though a king should seize the seven climes, 1 
He still would labour to take others. " 

I promoted Mirza Shahrukh/ 2 grandson of Mirza Sulaiman, 
(once) the ruler of Badakhshan, who was nearly related to 

1 The MSS. have a different reading, "If a king seize country and 
climes," etc. 

2 Shahrukh was married to Jahangir's half-sister, Shakaru-n-nisa. He 
was a Timurid. 



my family, and held the rank of 5,000 in my father's 
service, to the rank of 7,000. The Mlrza is a true Turk 
in disposition and simple-minded. My father conferred 
great honour on him, and whenever he bade his own sons 
sit he gratified him also with this distinction. Notwith- 
standing the mischievous propensities of the people of 
Badakhshan, the Mlrza in this familiarity never left the 
right road, or undertook anything that might lead to 
unpleasantness. I confirmed him in the Subah of Malwa 
just as my father had kindly conferred it on him. 

I conferred on Khwaja 'Abdu-llah, who is of the Naqsh- 
bandl family, and in the commencement of his service was 
an ahadi, and who had risen by degrees to the command of 
1,000, but without reason had gone into my father's service, 
the rank and jagir my father had conferred on him. 
Although I considered it best for my own prosperity that 
my attendants and people should go into his (Akbar's) 
service, yet this had occurred without my leave, and I was 
rather annoyed at it. But the fact is that he is a manly 
and zealous man ; if he had not committed this fault he 
would have been a faultless hero (jawdn). 

Abu-n-nabl, 1 the Uzbeg, who is one of the distinguished 
inhabitants of Mawara'a-n-nahr and in the time of 'Abdu-1- 
Mu'mln Khan was governor of Mashhad, obtained the 
rank of 1,500. 

Shaikh Hasan is the son of Shaikh Baha. 2 From the 
days of his childhood to this day he has always been in my 
service and in attendance on me, and when I was prince 
was distinguished by the title of Muqarrab Khan. He 
was very active and alert in his service, and in hunting 
would often traverse long distances by my side. He is 

1 The MSS. have Abu-1-wali, and this seems more likely. 

2 The MSS. have Bhlna, and Price's original seems also to have Bhina. 
Muqarrab did not return for about seven months, as this entry could not 
have been made till then. See p. 35 of Persian text of Tuzuk. 



skilful with the arrow and the gun, and in surgery is the 
most skilful of his time. His ancestors also had been well 
practised in this profession. After my accession, in con- 
sequence of the perfect confidence I had in him, I sent him 
to Burhanpur to bring the children and dependants of my 
brother Daniyal to wait on me, and sent a message to the 
Khankhanan in low and high words 1 and profitable ad- 
monitions. Muqarrab Khan performed this service correctly 
and in a short time, and, clearing off the suspicions which 
had entered the minds of the Khankhanan and the nobles 
of that place, brought those who had been left behind 
by my brother in safety and security, together with his 
establishment and property and effects, to Lahore, and 
there presented them before me. 

I promoted Naqib Khan, 2 who is one of the genuine 
Sayyids of Qazwln and is called Ghiyasu-d-din 'All, to the 
rank of 1,500. My father had distinguished him with the 
title of Naqib Khan, and in his service he had complete 
intimacy and consideration. Shortly after his accession he 
(Akbar) had discussed several matters with him, and from 
this familiarity he called him dkhund. He has no equal or 
rival in the science of history and in biographies. There 
is in this day no chronologist like him in the inhabited 
world. From the beginning of Creation till the present 
time, he has by heart the tale of the four quarters of the 
world. Has Allah granted to any other person such 
faculty of memory ? 

1 Text, Sukhundii-i-paat u buland. Cf. Steingass, s.v. past. Words 
gentle and severe seem meant. 

2 See Bloehmann, p. 447. He is mentioned by Du Jarric as disputing 
with the Catholic priests before Jahangir (see J.A.S.B. for 1896, p. 77). 
According to Badayuni, iii, 98, it was Naqib's father, 'Abdud-Latif, 
with whom Akbar read (see Akbarnama, ii, 19). 'Abdud-Latif and his 
family arrived in !>(i."i (1556). Erskine understands Jahangir's remark to 
mean that Naqib was his (Jahangir's) teacher, but probably Jahangir 
means that it was Naqib's father who taught Akbar, or he has confounded 
the father and son. As Naqib lived till 1023 (1614), lie would probably 
be too young in 1556 to have been Akbar 's teacher. 


Shaikh Kabir, who was of the family of the venerable 
Shaikh Salmi, I had honoured with the title of Shaja'at 
Khan when I was prince, on account of his manliness and 
bravery. I now selected him for the rank of 1,000. 

On Sha'ban 27th (28th December, 1605) a strange thing 
was done by the sons of Akhayraj, son of Bhagwan Das, the 
paternal uncle l of Raja Man Singh. These unlucky ones, 
who bore the names of Abhay Ram, Bijay Ram, and Shyam 
Ram, were exceedingly immoderate. Notwithstanding that 
the aforesaid Abhay Ram had done improper (disproportioned) 
acts, I had winked at his faults. When at this date it 
was represented to me that this wretch was desirous of 
despatching his wives and children without leave to his own 
country and afterwards of himself running away to the 
Rana, who is not loyal to this family, I referred to Ram 
Das and other Rajput nobles, and said to them that if any 
one of them would become security for them, I would confirm 
the rank and jagir of those wretches, and passing over 
their offences would forgive them. In consequence of their 
excessive turbulence and bad disposition no one became 
security. I told the Amiru-1-umara that as no one would 
be bound for them, they must be handed over to the charge 
of one of the servants of the Court until security was 
forthcoming. The Amlru-l-umara gave them over to Ibrahim 
Khan Kakar, who was afterwards dignified with the title 
of Dilawar Khan, and Hatim, 2 second son of Mangli, who 
held the title of Shahnawaz Khan. 3 When these wished 
to disarm these foolish people, they refused, and, not 
observing the dues of good manners, began, together with 
their servants, to quarrel and fight. The Amlru-l-umara 
reported the circumstance to me, and I ordered them to be 

1 Man Singh was the adopted son of Bhagwan Das, and it would 
appear from this passage that he was his nephew also. 

2 The MSS. have Hatim s. Babui Mangli, and this is right. See 
Blochmann, p. 370, n. i, and p. 473. 

3 The MSS. have Shahwar. 


punished according to their deeds. He betook himself to 
driving them off, and I sent Shaikh Farld also after him. 
One Kajput armed with a sword, and another with a dagger 
stood up to the Amlru-l-umara. One of his attendants 
named Qutb engaged the man with the dagger and was 
killed. The Rajput also was cut to pieces. One of the 
Afo-han attendants of the Amlru-l-umara attacked the one 
who had the sword and killed him. Dilawar Khan drew 
his dagger and turned towards Abhay Ram, who with two 
others was holding his ground, and after wounding one of 
these fell down after receiving wounds from the three. 
Some of the ahadis and the men of the Amiru-1-umara 
opposed and slew these doomed men. A Rajput drew his 
sword and turned to Shaikh Farld ; he was met by a 
HabshI slave, who brought him down. This disturbance 
took place in the courtyard of the public palace. That 
punishment served as a warning to many who had not 
looked to consequences. Abu-n-nabi 1 represented that if 
such a deed had been done in the Uzbeg country the whole 
family and connections of that band of men would have 
been destroyed. I replied that as these people had been 
treated kindly and educated by my revered father I carried 
on the same benevolence to them, and justice demands that 
many shall not be chastised for the fault of one. 

Shaikh Husain Jaml, who now sits on the cushion of 
darwishi and is one of the disciples of the dervish of Shiraz, 2 
had written to me from Lahore six months before my 
accession that he had seen in a dream that saints and pious 
men had delivered over the affairs of the kingdom to that 

1 I.O. MSS. have Abu-l-wall. He was an Uzbeg, and received the 
title of Bahadur Khan. See Ma'asiru-1-umara, i, 400, and Akbarnama, 
iii, 820 and 839, where he is called Abud-Baqfi. The real name seems to 
be Abul Be or Bey, and this is how Erskine writes the name. 

8 The text seems corrupt. The I.O. MSS. say nothing about Shiraz, 
but merely that Husain Jam! was a disciple who had a dervish character 
(slrat) ; nor does the R.A.S. MS. mention Shiraz. 

abu-l-qIsim nam akin. 31 

chosen one of the Court of Allah (Jahanglr), and that, 
rejoicing in this good news, he should await the event, and 
that he hoped that when it had occurred, the faults of 
Khwaja Zakariyya, who was one of the Ahrariyya, 1 would 
be pardoned. 2 

I conferred on Tash Beg Furjl, 3 who was one of the 
old servants of the State, and whom my father had 
honoured with the title of Taj Khan, and who had the 
rank of 2,000, that of 3,000, and I raised Tukhta 4 Beg 
Kabul! from the rank of 2,500 to that of 3,00p. He is 
a brave and active man, and was greatly trusted in the 
service of my uncle, Mirza Muhammad Hakim. I promoted 
Abu-1-Qasim Tamkin, 5 who was one of my father's old 
servants, to the rank of 1,500. There are few men such as 
he for abundance of children ; he has thirty sons, and if 
his daughters do not number so many they must be half 
that number. I dignified Shaikh 'Ala'u-d-din, grandson of 
Shaikh Salim, who had strong connections with me, with 
the title of Islam Khan, and promoted him to the rank of 

1 That is, descended from the famous Central Asian saint Khwaja 

2 Something seems to have fallen out of the text and MSS., for this 
passage is obscure and not connected with the context. It is clearer in 
Price's version, where it is brought in as part of Jahangir's statements 
about promotions, and where (p. 40) we read as follows : — " I shall now 
return to the more grateful subject of recording rewards and advance- 
ments .... On Khwaja Zakariyya, the son of Khwaja Muhammad 
Yahya, although in disgrace, I conferred the rank of 500. This I was 
induced to do on the recommendation of the venerated Shaikh Husain 
Jam!. Six months previous to my accession," etc. Evidently the 
statement about Zakariyya's promotion has been omitted accidentally 
from the Tuzuk. There is a reference to the Shaikh's dream in Muhammad 
Hadi's preface to the Tuzuk (p. 15). He says there that it was the saint 
Baha'u-1-haqq who appeared in a dream to Husain JamI and told him 
that Sultan Salim would soon be king. 

8 I.e. of Furj or Furg in Persia. But Furji is a mistake for Qurchi 
(belonging to the body-guard). He was a Mogul. See Blochmann, p. 457. 

4 Text has wrongly Pakhta. See Blochmann, p. 469. He received the 
title of Sardar Khan. 

5 Should be Namakin. See Blochmann, p. 199. 


2,000. He had grown up with me from his childhood, and 
may be a year younger than I. He is a brave and well- 
dispositioned youth, and is distinguished in every way above 
his family. Till now he has never drunk intoxicating 
drinks, and his sincerity towards me is such that I have 
honoured him with the title of son. 

I have bestowed on 'All Asghar Barha, who has not a 
rival in bravery and zeal, and is the son of Sayyid Mahmud 
Khan Barha, one of my father's old nobles, the title of Saif 
Khan, and thus distinguished him amongst his equals and 
connections. He is evidently a brave youth. He was 
always one of the confidential men who went with me to 
hunt and to other places. He has never in his life drunk 
anything intoxicating, and as he has abstained in his youth 
he probably will attain high dignities. I granted him the 
rank of 3,000. 

I promoted Farldun, son of Muhammad Quli Khan Barlas, 
who held the rank of 1,000, to that of 2,000. Farldun is 
one of the tribe of Chaghatay, and is not devoid of manliness 
and courage. 

I promoted Shaikh Bayazld, grandson of Shaikh Salim, 
who held the rank of 2,000, to that of 3,000. The first 
person who gave me milk, but for not more than a day, 
was the mother of Shaikh Bayazld. 

1 One day I observed to the Pandits, that is, the wise men 
of the Hindus, " If the doctrines of your religion are based 
on the incarnation of the Holy Person of God Almighty in 
ten different forms by the process of metempsychosis, they 
are virtually rejected by the intelligent. This pernicious 
idea requires that the Sublime Cause, who is void of all 
limitations, should be possessed of length, breadth, and 
thickness. If the purpose is the manifestation of the Light 
of God in these bodies, that of itself is existent equally in 

1 This passage has been translated by Elliot (vi, 289). See also Price 
(p. 44), where the d'.scussion is fuller. 


all created things, and is not peculiar to these ten forms. 
If the idea is to establish some one of God's attributes, even 
then there is no right notion, for in every faith and code 
there are masters of wonders and miracles distinguished 
beyond the other men of their age for wisdom and 
eloquence." l After much argument and endless contro- 
versy, they acknowledged a God of Gods, devoid of a body 
or accidents, 2 and said, " As our imagination fails to con- 
ceive a formless personality (zdt-i-mujarrad), we do not 
find any way to know Him without the aid of a form. 
We have therefore made these ten forms the means of 
conceiving of and knowing Him." Then said I, " How can 
these forms be a means of your approaching the Deity ? " 

My father always associated with the learned of every 
creed and religion, especially with Pandits and the learned 
of India, and although he was illiterate, so much became 
clear to him through constant intercourse with the learned 
and wise, in his conversations with them, that no one knew 
him to be illiterate, and he was so acquainted with the 
niceties of verse and prose compositions that his deficiency 
was not thought of. 

In his august personal appearance he was of middle 
height, but inclining to be tall ; he was of the hue of wheat ; 
his eyes and eyebrows were black, and his complexion rather 
dark than fair ; he was lion-bodied, 3 with a broad chest, and 
his hands and arms long. On the left side of his nose he 
had a fleshy mole, very agreeable in appearance, of the size 

1 Jahangir's idea is somewhat vaguely expressed, but his meaning 
seems to be that the ten incarnations do not illustrate any attribute of 
God, for there have been men who performed similar wonders. The 
corresponding passage in the text used by Major Price is differently 
rendered by him, but his version is avowedly a paraphrase, and it appears 
incorrect in this passage. 

2 Literally, "of the How and the Why." 

3 Text, shir-andam, 'tiger-shaped,' which I think means thin in the 
flank (see Steingass, s.v.). I have taken the translation of the words 
inalahat and sabdJiat from Elliot. See his note vi, 376, where the two 
words seem wrongly spelt. 

34 akbar's children. 

of half a pea. Those skilled in the science of physiognomy 
considered this mole a sign of great prosperity and exceeding 
good fortune. His august voice was very loud, and in 
speaking and explaining had a peculiar richness. In his 
actions and movements he was not like the people of the 
world, and the glory of God manifested itself in him. 

"Greatness in his manner, kingship in his lineage, 
As if Solomon would have put the ring on his finger." : 

Three months after my birth my sister, Shahzada Khanam, 
was born to one of the royal concubines ; they gave her 
over to his (Akbar's) mother, Maryam Makani. After her 
a son was born to one of the concubines, and received the 
name of Shah Murad. As his birth occurred in the hill 
country of Fathptir, he was nicknamed Pahari. When 
my revered father sent him to conquer the Deccan, he 
had taken to excessive drinking through associating with 
unworthy persons, so that he died in his 30th year, in 
the neighbourhood of Jalnapur, in the province of Berar. 
His personal appearance was fresh-coloured ; he was thin 
in body and tall of stature. Dignity and authority were 
evident in his movements, and manliness and bravery 
manifested themselves in his ways. On the night of 
Jumada-1-awwal 10th, a.h. 979 (September, 1572), another 
son was born to one of the concubines. As his birth took 
place at Ajmir in the house of one of the attendants of the 
blessed shrine of the reverend Khwaja Mu'Inu-d-dln Chishti, 
whose name was Shaikh Daniyal, this child was called 

After the death of my brother Shah Murad, he (Akbar), 
towards the end of his reign, sent Daniyal to conquer the 
Deccan and followed him himself. When my revered father 
was besieging Asir (Aslrgarh) he, with a large body of 
nobles such as the Khankhanan and his sons, and Mirza 
Yusuf Khan, invested the fort of Ahmadnagar, and it came 


1 Erskine has " Let Sulaiman place his ring on his finger." 


into the possession of the victorious officers about the time 
that Asir was taken. After my father 'Arsh-ashyanI had 
returned in prosperity and victory from Burhanpur towards 
his capital, he gave the province to Daniyal and left him in 
possession of that territory. Daniyal took to improper ways, 
like his brother Shah Murad, and soon died from excessive 
drinking, in the 33rd year of his age. His death occurred 
in a peculiar way. He was very fond of guns and of 
hunting with the gun. He named one of his guns yaka 
u janaza, ' the same as the bier,' and himself composed this 
couplet and had it engraved on the gun : — 

"From the joy of the chase with thee, life is fresh and new ; 
To everyone whom thy dart strikes, 'tis the same as his bier." 1 

When his drinking of wine was carried to excess, and the 
circumstance was reported to my father, f armans of reproach 
were sent to the Khankhanan. Of course he forbade it, 
and placed cautious people to look after him properly. 
When the road to bring wine was completely closed, he 
began to weep and to importune some of his servants, and 
said : " Let them bring me wine in any possible way." He 
said to Murshid Quli Khan, a musketeer who was in his 
immediate service : " Pour some wine into this yaka u 
janaza, and bring it to me." That wretch, in hope of favour, 
undertook to do this, and poured double-distilled spirit into 
the gun, which had long been nourished on gunpowder and 
the scent thereof, and brought it. The rust of the iron was 
dissolved by the strength of the spirit and mingled with it, 
and the prince no sooner drank of it than he fell down. 

" No one should draw a bad omen : 2 
If he does, he draws it for himself." 

1 Price translates — 

" In pleasure of the chase with thee, my soul breathes fresh and clear ; 
But who receives thy fatal dart, sinks lifeless on his bier." 

2 Perhaps referring to the name which DaniyaJ. gave to his gun, and 
which recoiled on himself, but the MSS. and text have naglrad, and not 


Daniyal was of pleasing figure, of exceedingly agreeable 
manners and appearance ; he was very fond of elephants 
and horses. It was impossible for him to hear of anyone 
as having a good horse or elephant and not take it from 
him. He was fond of Hindi songs, and would occasionally 
compose verses with correct idiom in the language of the 
people of India, which were not bad. 

After the birth of Daniyal a daughter was born to Bibi 
Daulat-Shad whom they named Shakaru-n-nisa Begam. 1 
As she was brought up in the skirt of my revered father's 
care, she turned out very well. She is of good disposition 
and naturally compassionate towards all people. From 
infancy and childhood she has been extremely fond of me, 
and there can be few such relationships between brother 
and sister. The first time when, according to the custom of 
pressing the breast of a child and a drop of milk is 
perceptible, they pressed my sister's breast and milk 
appeared, my revered father said to me : " Baba ! drink 
this milk, that in truth this sister may be to thee as a 
mother." God, the knower of secrets, knows that from 
that day forward, after I drank that drop of milk, I have 
felt love for my sister such as children have for their 

After some time another girl was born to this same 
Blbf Daulat-Shad, and he (Akbar) called her Aram Banu 
Begam. 2 Her disposition was on the whole inclined to 
excitement and heat. My father was very fond of her, so 
much so that he described her impolitenesses as politenesses, 
and in his august sight they, from his great love, did not 
appear bad. Repeatedly he honoured me by addressing 
me, and said : " Baba ! for my sake be as kind as I am, 
after me, to this sister, who in Hindi phrase is my darling 

1 The MSS. have Shakar-nisar, 'sugar-sprinkling.' She lived into 
Shah-Jahan's reign. 

2 She died unmarried in Jahangir's reign. 


(that is, dearly cherished). Be affectionate to her and pass 
over her little impolitenesses and impudences." 

The good qualities of my revered father are beyond the 
limit of approval and the bounds of praise. If books were 
composed with regard to his commendable dispositions, 
without suspicion of extravagance, and he be not looked at 
as a father would be by his son, even then but a little out 
of much could be said. 

Notwithstanding his kingship and his treasures and his 
buried wealth, which were beyond the scope of counting 
and imagination, his fighting elephants and Arab horses, he 
never by a hair's breadth placed his foot beyond the base 
of humility before the throne of God, but considered 
himself the lowest of created beings, and never for one 
moment forgot God. 

" Always, everywhere, with everyone, and in every circumstance, 
Keep the eye of thy heart secretly fixed on the Beloved. " 

The professors of various faiths had room in the broad 
expanse of his incomparable sway. This was different 
from the practice in other realms, for in Persia l there is 
room for Shias only, and in Turkey, India, and Turan 
there is room for Sunnis only. 

J As in the wide expanse of the Divine compassion there * 
is room for all classes and the followers of all creeds, so, on 
the principle that the Shadow 2 must have the same * 
properties as the Light, in his dominions, which on all sides 
were limited only by the salt sea, there was room for the 
professors of opposite religions, and for beliefs good and 
bad, and the road to altercation was closed. Sunnis and 
Shias met in one mosque, and Franks and Jews in one 

, church, and observed their own forms of worship. 

1 This must, I think, be the meaning, though according to the wording 
the statement would seem to be that there is no room for Shias except in 
Persia. Erskine has "None but Shias are tolerated in Persia, Sunnis in 
Rum and Turan, and Hindus in Hindustan. " 

2 Kings are regarded as shadows of God. 


He associated with the good of every race and creed and 
persuasion, and was gracious to all in accordance with 
their condition and understanding. He passed his nights 
in wakefulness, and slept little in the day ; the length of 
his sleep during a whole night and day (nycthemeron) was 
not more than a watch and a half. He counted his 
wakefulness at night as so much added to his life. His 
courage and boldness were such that he could mount 
raging, rutting elephants, and subdue to obedience 
murderous elephants which would not allow their own 
females near them — although even when an elephant is bad- 
tempered he does no harm to the female or his driver — 
and which were in a state in which they might have killed 
their drivers or the females, or not have allowed their 
approach. He would place himself on a wall or tree near 
which an elephant was passing that had killed its mahout 
and broken loose from restraint, and, putting his trust in 
God's favour, would throw himself on its back and thus, 
by merely mounting, would bring it under control and 
tame it. This was repeatedly seen. 

He ascended the throne in his 14th year. Hemu, the 
infidel whom the Afghan ruler had raised to high station, 
collected a wonderful force after King Humayun's death, 
with a stud of elephants such as no ruler of Hindustan 
had at that time, and he went towards Delhi. Humayun 
had appointed Akbar to drive off some of the Afghans 
from the foot-hills of the Panjab, but just then he 
exemplified the hemistich which is a description of the 
accident and the chronogram of his death — 

"The august monarch (Humayun) fell from the roof. The news (of 
the death) was conveyed to my father by Nazar- jivl. " 1 

Bairam Khan, who was then his tutor, having collected 
the nobles who were in the province, chose an auspicious 

1 The chronogram is one year short, yielding 962 instead of 963. 

HEMU. 39 

hour and seated him on the throne of rule in pargana 
Kalanur, near Lahore. 

When Hemu reached the neighbourhood of Delhi, Tardi 
Beg Khan and a large force that was in the city drew up 
to oppose him. When the preparations for the combat had 
been made the armies attacked one another, and, after 
considerable endeavours and strife, defeat fell on Tardi 
Beg Khan and the Moguls, "and the army of darkness 
overcame the army of light. 

" All things and battles and fights are of God, 
He knows whose will be the victory. 
From the blood of the brave and the dust of the troops, 
The earth grew red and the heavens black. " 

Tardi Beg Khan and the other defeated ones took the 
road to my revered father's camp. As Bairam Khan 
disliked Tardi Beg, he made this defeat an excuse to put 
him to death. 

A second time, through the pride engendered in the 
mind of this accursed infidel by his victory, he came out of 
Delhi with his force and elephants and advanced, while the 
glorious standards of His Majesty (Akbar) proceeded from 
Kalanur for the purpose of driving him away. The armies 
of darkness and light met in the neighbourhood of Panipat, 
and on Thursday, Muharram 2nd, a.h. 964 (November 5th, 
1556), a fight took place. In the army of Hemu were 
30,000 brave fighting horsemen, while the ghazls of the 
victorious army were not more than 4,000 or 5,000. On 
that day Hemu was riding an elephant named Hawa'I. 
Suddenly an arrow struck the eye of that infidel and came 
out at the back of his head. His army, on seeing this, 
took to flight. By chance Shah Qull Khan Mahram with 
a few brave men came up to the elephant on which was the 
wounded Hemu, and would have shot an arrow at the 
driver, but he cried " Do not kill me ; Hemu is on this 
elephant." A number of men immediately conveyed Hemu 
as he was to the king (Akbar). Bairam Khan represented 

40 akbar's achievements. 

that it would be proper if the king with his own hand 
should strike the infidel with a sword, so that obtaining 
the reward of a ghazl (warrior of the Faith) he might use 
this title on the imperial farmans. The king answered, 
" I have cut him in pieces before this," and explained : 
" One day, in Kabul, I was copying a picture in presence of 
Khwaja A.bdu-s-Samad Shirin Qalam, when a form appeared 
from my brush, the parts* of which were separate and 
divided from each other. One of those near asked, ' Whose 
picture is this ? ' It came to my tongue to say that it was 
the likeness of Hemu." Not defiling his hand with his 
(Hemu's) blood, he told one of his servants to cut off his 
head. Those killed in the defeated army numbered 5,000 
in addition to those who fell in various places round about. 

Another of the well-known deeds of Akbar was the 
victorious expedition against Gujarat, and his rapid march 
there, at the time when Mirza Ibrahim Husain, Muhammad 
Husain Mirza, and Shah Mirza revolted from this State 
and went towards Gujarat, and all the nobles of that 
province, combining with the turbulent of those parts, 
besieged the fort of Ahmadabad in which was Mirza 'Aziz 
Koka with the royal army. His Majesty, in consequence 
of the distracted state of Jiji Anga, the mother of the 
last-named Mirza, started for Gujarat with a body of royal 
troops without delay from the capital of Fathpur. Having 
covered in the space of nine days the long road which it 
should take two months to accomplish, sometimes on horse- 
back, sometimes on a camel or in a bullock-cart, he arrived 
at Sarnal. 

When, on 5th Jumada-1-awwal, 980 (September 15th, 
1572), he reached the neighbourhood of the enemy's camp, 
he consulted with those who were loyal to him Some 
said he should make a night attack on the camp. His 
Majesty, however, said that a night attack was the resort of 
the faint-hearted and the way of the deceitful, and im- 
mediately gave orders to beat the drums and set the horsemen 

akbar's achievements. 41 

at them. When the river Sabar Mahi (Sabarmati) was 
reached, he ordered his men to cross it in order. Muhammad 
Husain Mirza was agitated by the noise of the army of 
victory, and himself came forward to reconnoitre. Subhan 
Quli Turk, also with a troop of brave men, went to the 
river's bank to enquire into the enemy's position. The 
Mirza asked what troops these were. Subhan Quli 
replied that they were of the army of King Jalalu-d-din 
Akbar. That ill-fated one would not believe this, and 
said his spies had seen the king fourteen days before in 
Fathpur, and that it was clear Subhan Quli was lying. To 
this Subhan Quli rejoined, " Nine days ago the king with 
this expedition started from Fathpur." " How could 
elephants have come?" 1 asked the Mirza. " What need was 
there of elephants ? " answered Subhan Quli. " Young men 
and heroes who cleave rocks, and are better than famous 
and raging elephants, have come ; the difference between 
loyalty and sedition will now become known." The Mirza, 
after this conversation, turned aside and began to marshal 
his troops. The king waited until his advanced guard sent 
word that the enemy had put on their armour. He then 
moved forward, and although he sent several times to order 
the Khan A'zam to advance, the latter stood still. It was 
said to Akbar that, as the enemy was in force, it would be 
well to remain on his side of the river until the army of 
Gujarat arrived from within the fort. His Majesty answered : 
" Always, and especially in this affair, I have put my trust 
in God. If I had considered routine, I should not have 
come in this rapid manner. Now that our- foe is ready for 
the fight, we ought not to delay." With these words, and 
with his innate reliance on God as his shield, he put his 
horse into the river with a few chosen men whom he had 
appointed to ride with him. Though it was not supposed 

1 According to the Tabaqat, Elliot, v, 366, what the Mirza said was 
Where are the elephants ? " 

42 akbar's achievements. 

that there was a ford, he crossed in safety. He had called 
for his helmet, but in the agitation of bringing it his 
armour-bearer dropped the face-guard (buffe). His comrades 
did not regard this as a good omen, but he said at once, " It is 
an excellent omen, for it has revealed my face." x Meantime 
the wretched Mirza arrayed his ranks to fight his benefactor. 

" If thou come out (to fight) with thy benefactor, 
If thou wert the sphere, thou wouldest be reversed." 

The Khan A'zam had had no idea that the king would 
cast the shadow of his compassion on these regions with 
such speed and eagerness, and he believed no one who gave 
him news of that arrival, until convinced by visible proof. 
Then, arraying the army of Gujarat, he prepared to march. 
Meanwhile Asaf Khan also sent news to him. Before his 
army issued from the fort the enemy had appeared from 
amongst the trees. The king, taking the Divine aid as the 
security of his courage, started off. Muhammad Qull Khan 
Turk and Tardi Khan Dlwana came forward with a band 
of brave followers, and after a little fighting turned rein. 
On this His Majesty said to Bhagwan Das, " The enemy are 
unnumbered and we are few; we must attack with one face 
and one heart ; for a clenched fist is more useful than an 
open hand." With these words he drew his sword, and 
with shout of Allahu-akbdr and Yd Mu'in 2 charged with 
those devoted to him. 

" The sense of the age evaporated with the clamour, 
The ear of the heavens was split with the shouts." 

The royal right and left wings and a band of brave men 
in the centre fought with valour. Stars {kaukabal), which 
are a kind of firework, were lighted by the enemy ; they 

1 The word for ' face-guard ' is plsh-ruy (front-face), and Jahangir 
makes his father pun upon the word, saying, " It has loosed (opened) my 
front-face." Cf. Price, p. 54. 

2 ' The helper. ' This is an allusion to Akbar's patron saint, Mu 'Inu-d- 
dln Chishtl, whose name he adopted as his battle-cry. 

akbar's achievements. 43 

twisted about among the thorn-bushes, and created such 
confusion that a noted elephant of the enemy began to 
move and threw their troops into disarray. With this the 
royal centre came up and dispersed Muhammad Husain and 
his force. Man Singh Darbarl overcame his foe under the 
king's eyes, and Ragho Das Kachhwaha sacrificed his life. 
Muhammad Wafa, who was of the house-born of the State, 
behaving very bravely, fell wounded from his horse. By 
the favour of the Creator who cherishes His servants, and 
simply through the courage and good fortune of the exalted 
king, the enemy were scattered and defeated. In gratitude 
for this great victory the king turned his face in sup- 
plication to the throne of his merciful Maker, and poured 
forth his thanks. 

One of the kalawants (musicians) represented to His 
Majesty that Saif Khan Kokaltash had offered the coin of 
his life in loyalty to the State, and on enquiry it appeared 
that when Muhammad Husain Mirza with some of his 
riffraff was attacking; the centre Saif Khan met him and 
fighting valiantly became a martyr. The Mirza himself 
was wounded by the hands of the brave men of the main 
body. The Kokaltash mentioned is the elder brother of 
Zain Khan Koka. 

A strange circumstance was this : on the day before the 
battle, when the king was eating, he asked Hazara, who 
was learned in the science of looking at the shoulder-blades 
(a kind of divination), to see on whose side the victory 
would be. Hazara said : " The victory will be on your 
side, but one of the chiefs of your army will become a 
martyr." Whereupon Saif Khan Koka said, " Would that 
this blessing might fall to my lot ! " 

" Many an omen that we have treated as jest 1 
Became true when the star passed by. " 

1 The reading in the lithograph seems wrong ; the MSS. have az 
bdzlcha, ' in jest.' 

44 akbar's victory at ahmadabad. 

In short, Mirza Muhammad Husain turned his reins, but 
his horse's feet became entangled in the thorn-brake and he 
fell. An ahadi of the king, Gada 'All by name, found him, 
and having mounted him before him on his horse took him 


to the king. As two or three claimed a share in his capture, 
His Majesty asked who had made him prisoner. " The 
king's salt," he answered. The king ordered his hands, that 
had been fastened behind him, to be tied in front. Mean- 
while he asked for water. Farhat Khan, who was one of 
the confidential slaves, struck him on the head, but the king, 
disapproving of this, sent for his private drinking water 
and satisfied his thirst. Up to this time Mirza 'Aziz Koka 
and the garrison of the fort had not come out. After the 


capture of the Mirza, His Majesty was. proceeding slowly 
towards Ahmadabad. He had delivered the Mirza to Ray 
Ray Singh Rathor, one of the Rajput chiefs, to be put on an 
elephant and brought with him. Meanwhile Ikhtiyaru-1- 
mulk, who was one of the influential Gujarati leaders, made 
his appearance with an army of nearly 5,000 men. Complete 
confusion fell upon the royal troops. The king, as his 
natural valour and lofty disposition required, ordered the 
drums to be beaten, and Shajaat Khan, Raja Bhagwan Das, 
and some others charged on in front to fight this force. 

© o 

Fearing that the enemy might get possession of Mirza 
Muhammad Husain, Ray Ray Singh's men, by the advice 
and plan of the aforesaid Raja (Bhagwan Das), cut off his 
head. My father did not want to kill him. The forces of 
Ikhtiyaru-1-mulk also were dispersed, and he was thrown 
from his horse into the thorn thicket. Suhrab Beg 


Turkman cut off his head and brought it in. It was only 
by the grace and power of God that such a victory was 
won by a small number of men. 

In the same way are beyond all reckoning the conquest 
of the province of Bengal, the capture of well-known and 
celebrated forts in Hindustan such as Chitor and Rantam- 
bhor, the subjection of the province of Khandesh, and the 


taking of the fort of Asir and of other provinces which by 
the exertions of the royal armies came into the possession 
of the servants of the State. If these were related in detail 
it would be a long story. 

In the light at Chitor, the king with his own hand 
killed Jitmal, the leader of the men in the fort. He had 
no rival in shooting with a gun, and with the one with 
which he killed Jitmal, and which was called Sangram, he 
killed some 3,000 or 4,000 birds and beasts. 1 I may be 
reckoned a true pupil of his. Of all sports I am most 
disposed to that with the gun, and in one day have shot 
eighteen deer. 

Of the austerities practised by my revered father, one 
was the not eating the flesh of animals. During three 
months of the year he ate meat, and for the remaining 
nine contented himself with Sufi food, and was no way 
pleased with the slaughter of animals. On many days and 
in many months this was forbidden to the people. The 
days and months on which he did not eat flesh are detailed 
in the Akbarnama. 

On the day I made I'timadu-1-mulk diwan, I put 
Mu'izzu-1-mulk in charge of the dlwanl-i-buyutat (care of 
buildings). The latter is a Sayyid of Bakharz, 2 and under 
my revered father was accountant of the kurkaraq 
department. 3 

On one of my accession days, a hundred of the Akbarl 
and Jahangiri servants were promoted to higher rank and 
jagirs. At the commencement of the Ramazan 'Id, as it 
was the first after my accession, I came down to the ' Idgah 
from my auspicious throne. There was a great crowd, and 
having performed the dues of thanksgiving and praise 

1 Abu-1-fazl is more moderate ; he says (Blochmann, p. 116) that Akbar 
killed 1,019 animals with Sangram. 

2 Blochmann says, of Mashhad, p. 381. 

3 The furriery. See Blochmann, pp. 87 n. and 616. Kurk means 
' fur ' in Turki. 


I returned to the palace, where according to the verse " From 
the table of kings favours come to beggars," I commanded 
a sum of money to be spent in alms and charity. Some 
lakhs of dams of this were entrusted to Dust Muhammad 
(afterwards Khwaja Jahan), who divided them amongst 
faqirs and those who were in want, and a lakh of dams 
each was given to Jamalu-d-din Husain Anju (the lexico- 
grapher), Mirza Sadr Jahan, and Mir Muhammad Riza 
Sabzawari to dispose of in charity in different quarters of 
the city. I sent 5,000 rupees to the dervishes of Shaikh 
Muhammad Husain Jami, and gave directions that each day 
one of the officers of the watch x should give 50,000 dams 
to faqirs. I sent a jewelled sword to the Khankhanan, and 
promoted Jamalu-d-din Anju to the rank of 3,000. The 
office of Sadr was entrusted to Miran Sadr Jahan, and 
I ordered Haji Koka, who was one of my father's foster- 
sisters, 2 to bring before me in the palace such women as 
were worthy to be presented with land and money. 
I promoted Zahid Khan, son of Muhammad Sadiq Khan, 
from the rank of 1,500 to that of 2,000. 

It had been the custom 3 that when the sift of an 
elephant or horse was made to anyone, the naqibs and the 
Masters of the Horse {Mir Akhurdn) took from him a sum 
of money as jilawdna (bridle-money). I gave orders that 
this money should be paid by the government, so that 
people might be freed from the importunities and demands 
of that set of men. 

At this time Salbahan arrived from Burhanpur and 
produced before me the horses and elephants of my deceased 
brother Daniyal. Of the elephants, one male named Mast 

1 The word ydtish is omitted in tex^, but occurs in the MSS. 

2 Haji Koka was sister of Sa'adat Yar Koka (Akbar-nama, iii, 656). 
According to Price this passage refers to a widows' fund. 

x This was one of Akbar's regulations (Blochmann, p. 142). The 
amount was ten dams on each muhr of the horse's value, calculated on 
an increase of 50 per cent. See also Price, p. 61. 


Alast appeared to me the best, and I gave him the name of 
Nur Gaj. A wonderful thing showed itself in this 
elephant ; on the sides of his ears small lumps had grown 
about the size of melons, and from them came fluid such as 
drops from an elephant in the rutting season ; moreover, 
the top of his forehead was more prominent than in other 
elephants. It was a splendid and imposing animal. 1 

I gave to my son Khurram (Shah-Jahan) a rosary of 
jewels, with the hope that he might obtain fulfilment of all 
his desires, both in visible and in spiritual things. 

As I had remitted in my dominions customs duties 
amounting to krors, I abolished also all the transit dues 
(sair-jihat) in Kabul, which is one of the noted towns on 
the road to Hindustan. These brought in 1 kror and 
23 lakhs of dams. From the provinces of Kabul and 
Qandahar large sums used to be derived every year from 
customs (zakat), which were in fact the chief revenue of 
those places. I remitted these ancient dues, a proceeding 
that greatly benefited the people of Iran and Turan. 

Asaf Khan's jagir in the subah of Bihar had been given 
to Baz Bahadur ; I therefore ordered that a jagir in the 
Panjab should be given to him. As it was represented to 
me that a large sum was in arrears in his jagir, and now 
that the order for exchange had been given its collection 
would be difficult, I directed that a lakh of rupees should be 
given to him from the Treasury and the arrears recovered 
from Baz Bahadur for the royal revenues. 

I promoted Sharif Amuli to the rank of 2,500, original 
and increase. He is a pure-hearted, lively-spirited man. 
Though he has no tincture of current sciences, lofty words 
and exalted knowledge often manifest themselves in him. 
In the dress of a faqir he made many journeys, and he 

1 This passage is not clear, but the peculiarity to which attention is 
drawn seems rather the prominent forehead than the oozing fluid. Price 
(p. 62) has a fuller account of this elephant. 


has friendship with many saints and recites the maxims 
of those who profess mysticism. This is his conversation, 
not his practice (qdli-u ast na hall). In the time of my 
revered father he relinquished the garments of poverty 
and asceticism, and attained to amirship and chiefship. 
His utterance is exceedingly powerful, and his conversation 
is remarkably eloquent and pure, although he is without 
Arabic. His compositions also are not devoid of verve. 1 

A garden in Agra had been left by Shah Quli Khan 
Mahram, and as he had no heirs I handed it over to 
Ruqayya Sultan Begam, the daughter of Hindal Mirza, 
who had been the honoured wife of my father. 2 My 
father had given my son Khurram into her charge, and 
she loved him a thousand times more than if he had been 
her own. 


On the night of Tuesday, Zl-1-qa'da 11th, A.H. 1014 
(March 11th or 12th, 1(306), in the morning, which is the 
time of the blessing of light, his Eminence the Great 
Luminary passed from the constellation of the Fish to the 
House of Honour in the constellation of the Ram. As this 
was the first New Year's Day after my auspicious accession 
I ordered them to decorate the porticoes of the private and 
public halls of the palace, as in the time of my revered 
father, with delicate stuffs, and to adorn them handsomely. 
From the first day of the Nauruz to the 1 9th degree of the 
Ram (Aries), which is the day of culmination, the people 
gave themselves over to enjoyment and happiness. Players 
and singers of all bands and castes were gathered together. 
Dancing lulis and charmers of India whose caresses would 

1 See Blochmann, pp. 176, 452, and the very full account of him in the 
Ma'asir, iii, 285. Amul is an old city south of the Caspian and west of 

2 She was Akbar's first and principal wife, but bore him no children. 
She long survived him. 

new year's entertainments. 49 

captivate the hearts of angels kept up the excitement of 
the assemblies. I gave orders that whoever might wish 
for intoxicating drinks and exhilarating drugs should not 
be debarred from using them. 

" Cupbearer ! brighten my cup with the light of wine ; 
Sing, minstrel, for the world has ordered itself as I desire." 1 

In my father's time it had become established that one 
of the great nobles should prepare an entertainment on 
each of the 17 or 18 days of the festival, and should 
present His Majesty the king with choice gifts of all kinds 
of jewels and jewelled things, precious stuffs, and elephants 
and horses, and should invite him to take the trouble to come 
to his assembly. By way of exalting his servants, he would 
deign to be present, and having looked at the presents 
would take what he approved of and bestow the remainder 
on the giver of the entertainment. As my mind was 
inclined to the comfort and ease of the army and subjects, 
I this year let them oft* their gifts with the exception of a 
few from my immediate retainers, which I accepted in 
order to gratify them. In those same days many servants 
of the State obtained higher rank. Amongst them I raised 
Dilawar Khan Afghan to 1,500, and I raised Raja Baso, 
who was a landholder of the hill country of the Panjab, 
and who from the time I was prince till now has kept 
the way of service and sincerity towards me and held 
the rank of 1,500, to 3,500. Shah Beg Khan, the 
governor of Qandahar, I promoted to 5,000, and Ray 
Ray Singh, a Rajput noble, obtained the same rank. 
I gave 12,000 rupees for expenses to Rana Shankar. 

At the beginning of my reign, a son of that Muzaftar 
Gujarat! who claimed to be descended from the rulers of 
that country lifted up the head of disturbance and attacked 
and plundered the environs of the city of Ahmadabad. 

1 These are the opening lines of an ode of Hafiz. 


Some sardars such as Pirn 1 Bahadur Uzbeg and Ray 'AH 
Bhati, who were amongst the distinguished and brave men 
there, became martyrs in that outbreak. At length Raja 
Bikramajlt and many mansabdars were provided by me 
with 6,000 or 7,000 horse, and appointed to assist the army 
of Gujarat. It was decided that when things had quieted 
down, by the driving off of those seditious people, Raja 
Bikramajlt should be Subahdar of Gujarat. Qillj Khan, 
who had been previously nominated to this office, should 
come to Court. After the arrival of the royal troops 
the thread of the rebels' union was severed ; they took 
refuge in different jungles, and the country was reduced 
to order. The news of this victory reached the ear of my 
state and dignity in the most acceptable of hours (New 
Year time). 

About this time there came a representation from my 
son Parwiz that the Rana had left thdna Mandal, which is 
about 30 2 or 40 kos from Ajmlr, and had run away, and 
that a force had been appointed to pursue him ; and that it 
was to be hoped the good fortune of Jahangir would cause 
him to become non-existent. 

On the last day of the feast of the New Year, many 
servants of the State were honoured with favours and 
increase of rank. Pishrau Khan was an old retainer and 
had come from Persia (wilayat) with Humayun ; indeed, he 
was one of the men whom Shah Tahmasp had sent with 
Humayun. His name was Mihtar Sa'adat. As under my 
father he was superintendent (darogha) and head (mihtar) 
of the farrdsh-kharia (store department), and had no equal 
in this service, he had given him the title of Pishrau Khan 
( t lie active Khan). Though he was a subordinate (?) servant 
and had an artificer's disposition (qalaqcM mashrab), 

1 Ma'asiru-1-umara, Yatlm instead of Plm or Bun. See Blochmann, 
!>. 470. Erskine has Sain Bahadur. 

2 MS. 1S1 has 34. 


I looked to his claims of service and gave him the rank 
of 2,000. x 


Futile 2 ideas had entered the mind of Khusrau in con- 
sequence of his youth and the pride youths have, and the 
lack of experience and the lack of foresight of worthless 
companions, especially at the time of my revered father's 
illness. Some of these short-sighted ones, through the 
multitude of their crimes and offences, had become hopeless 
of pardon and indulgence, and imagined that by making 
Khusrau a tool they might conduct the affairs of State 
through him. They overlooked the truth that acts of 
sovereignty and world rule are not things to be arranged by 
the worthless endeavours of defective intellects. The just 
Creator bestows them on him whom he considers fit for this 
glorious and exalted duty, and on such a person doth He 
fit the robe of honour. 

" He who is seized of Fortune cannot be deprived of it ; 
Throne and diadem are not things of purchase ; 
It is not right to wrest crown and dominion 
From the head which God, the Crown-cherisher, has indicated." 

As the futile imaginations of the seditious and short- 
sighted had no result but disgrace and regret, the affairs of 
the kingdom were confirmed in the hands of this suppliant 

1 I think Jahangir means that though the Khan was an excellent 
servant in his own line, he was hardly fit for the command of 2,000 or 
for the title of Khan. Cf. his praise of him at p. 71 (Blochmann, p. 498). 
He was called Pishrau probably from his going on ahead with the 
advance camp, as being in charge of the carpets, etc., as well as because 
of his personal activity. 

2 In Price's Jahangir, p. 15, Jahangir states that he had imprisoned 
Khusrau in the upper part of the royal tower in the castle of Agra. It 
was from this confinement that Khusrau escaped. 


at the throne of Allah. I invariably found Khusrau pre- 
occupied and distracted. However much, in favour and 
affection for him, I wished to drive from his mind some of 
his fears and alarms, nothing was gained until, at last, by 
the advice of those whose fortune was reversed, on the night 
of Sunday, Zi-1-hijja 8th, of the year mentioned (April 6th, 
1605), when two gharis had passed, he made a pretence 1 of 
going to visit the tomb of His Majesty (Akbar), and went 
off with 350 horsemen, who were his adherents, from within 
the fort of Agra. Shortly after, one of the lamp attendants 
who was acquainted with the Waziru-1-mulk gave him the 
news of Khusrau's flight. The Vizier took him to the 
Amlru-l-umara, who, as the news seemed true, came in 
a distracted state of mind to the door of the private 
apartments and said to one of the eunuchs, " Take in my 
request and say that I have a necessary representation 
to make, and let the king honour me by coming out." 
As such an affair had not entered my thoughts, I supposed 
that news had come from the Deccan or Gujarat. When 
I came out and heard what the news was, I asked, 
" What must be done ? Shall I mount myself, or shall 
I send Khurram ? " The Amlru-l-umara submitted that 
he would go if I ordered it. " Let it be so," I said. 
Afterwards he said, " If he will not turn back on my 
advice, and takes up arms, what must be done ? " Then 
I said, " If he will go in no way on the right road, do not 
consider a crime anything that results from your action. 
Kingship regards neither son nor son-in-law. No one is 
a relation to a king." 

When I had said these words and other things, and had 
dismissed him, it occurred to me that Khusrau was very 
much annoyed with him, and that in consequence of the 

1 Du Jarric says it was in this way that he was allowed to pass the 
sentinels. Du Jarric gives the date of Khusrau's flight as 15th April, 
1606 (this would be New Style). By Sunday night is meant Saturday 
evening. Sunday was Akbar's birthday. 


dignity and nearness (to me) which he (the Amir) enjoyed, 
he was an object of envy to his equals and contemporaries. 1 
Perhaps they might devise treachery and destroy him. I 
therefore ordered Muizzu-1-mulk to recall him, and selecting 
in his place Shaikh Farld Bakhshi-begl commanded him to 
start off at once, and to take with him the mansabdars and 
ahaclis who were on guard. Ihtimam Khan the kotwal was 
made scout and intelligence officer. I determined, God 
willing, to start off myself when it was day. Mu'izzu-1- 
mulk brought back the Amlru-l-umara. 

About this time, Ahmad Beg Khan and Dast Muhammad 
Khan had been sent off to Kabul, 2 and had got as far as 
Sikandra, which was on Khusrau's route. On his arrival 
they came out of their tents with some of their people, and 
returned and waited on me with the news that Khusrau 
had taken the Panjab road and was hastening on. It 
occurred to me that he might change his route and o-o 
somewhere else. As his maternal uncle, Man Sino-h, was 
in Bengal, it occurred to many of the servants of the State 
that he might go in that direction. I sent out on every 
side, and ascertained that he was making for the Panjab. 
Meantime day dawned, and in reliance on the grace and 
favour of God Almighty, and with clear resolve, I mounted, 
withheld by nothing and no one. 

" In truth, he who is pursued by sorrow- 
Knows not how the road is or how he may travel it. 
This he knows, that horror drives him on : 
He knows not with whom he goes nor whom he leaves behind." 

1 Elliot (vii, 292) makes the Amiru-1-umara envious of his peers, and 
JahangTr apprehensive lest he should destroy Khusrau, but he had just 
told him that nothing he did against Khusrau would be wrong. Clearly 
Jahangir's fear was that his favourite should be destroyed by Khusrau, 
or perhaps by the Amir's treacherous associates. 

2 The text has a curious mistake here : instead of ba Kabul it has 
bakawal (' superintendent of the kitchen ') as part of Dust Muhammad's 
name. Dust was not bakawal, but held higher office, and was later put 
in charge of the fort of Agra and given the title of Khwaja Jahan. 


When I reached the venerable mausoleum of my revered 
father, which is three kos from the city, I begged for aid 
to my courage from the spirit of that honoured one. 
About this time they captured and brought in 1 Mirza 
Hasan, son of Mirza Shahrukh, who had proposed to 
accompany Khusrau. He could not deny it when I 
questioned him, and I ordered them to tie his hands and 
mount him on an elephant. 2 This was the first good omen 
manifested through the kindness and blessing of that 
venerable one. At midday, as it had become exceeding^ 
hot, having rested awhile under the shade of a tree, I said 
to the Khan A'zam that we, with all our composure, were 
in such a state that we had not taken till now our regular 
allowance of opium, which it was the practice to take the 
first thing in the morning, and no one had reminded us of 
the omission. We might imagine from this what was now 
the condition of that graceless one (Khusrau). 3 

My trouble was this, that my son without any cause 
or reason should become an opponent and an enemy. 
If I should make no endeavour to capture him, the 
fractious or rebellious would have an instrument, or else 
he would take his own way and go for an asylum to the 
Uzbegs or the Persians, and contempt would fall upon my 
government. On this account, having made a special 
point of capturing him, I went on after a short rest two 
or three kos beyond pargana Mathura, which is 20 kos 
from Agra, and I alighted at one of the villages of that 
pargana where there is a tank. 

When Khusrau arrived at Mathura, he met Husain 
Beg Badakhshi, who was of those who had received 
favours from my revered father and was coming from 

1 Price, p. 6, note. 

2 According to Khafi Khan (i, 250) he was put to death, unless the 
expression "claws of death" is merely rhetorical. The Ma'asir (iii, 
334) says he was imprisoned. 

3 The above obscure passage is explained in Price, p. 69. 


Kabul to wait on me. As it is the temperament of the 
Badakhshis to be seditious and turbulent, Khusrau 
regarded 1 this meeting as a godsend, and made Husain 
Beg the captain and guide of 200 or 300 Badakhshan 
Aimaqs, who were with him. 

Anyone whom they met, they plundered of horses and 
goods. Merchants and conveyers of goods were plundered 
by these rascals, and wheresoever they went men's wives and 
children were not safe from the calamity of these wretches. 
With his own eyes Khusrau was witnessing the oppression 
practised in the hereditary dominions of his ancestors, and 
after being a witness of the improper deeds of these rascals 
he a thousand times every moment wished death for himself. 
Finally, he had no remedy but to temporize with and 
support those dogs. If good luck and fortune had assisted 
him in his affairs, he would have made repentance and 
regret his voucher, and come without any deceit to wait on 
me. God, who knows the world of secrets, knows that 
I should have passed over his offences entirely and shown 
him such favour and affection that to the extent of a hair's 
point no estrangement or fear would have remained upon 
his mind. Inasmuch as during the lifetime of the late 
king (Akbar) an intention of joining in the sedition of 
some of the rebels had manifested itself in his mind, and 
he knew that this had come to my knowledge, he placed 
no reliance on my kindness and affection. His mother, 
while I was prince, in grief at his ways and behaviour and 
the misconduct of her brother Madho Singh, 2 killed herself 
by swallowing opium (tirydq).' 3 What shall I write of 
her excellences and goodness ? She had perfect intelligence, 
and her devotion to me was such that she would have 

1 Elliot (vi, 293) observes that this is a very involved and obscure 

2 Blochmann, p. 418. 

3 The word tirydq means both opium and antidote. 


sacrificed a thousand sons and brothers for one hair of 
mine. She constantly wrote to Khusrau and urged him to 
be sincere and affectionate to me. When she saw that 
it was of no use and that it was unknown how far he 
would be led away, she from the indignation and high 
spirit which are inherent in the Rajput character 
determined upon death. Her mind was several times 
disturbed, for such feelings were hereditary, and her 
ancestors and her brothers had occasionally showed signs 
of madness, but after a time had recovered. At a time 
when I had gone hunting, on Zi-1-lrijja 26th, 1013 1 (May 
6th, 1605), she in her agitation swallowed a quantity of 
opium, and quickly passed away. It was as if she had 
foreseen this behaviour of her unworthy son. 

My first marriage and that at the commencement of my 
adolescence was with her. After Khusrau's birth I gave 
her the title of Shah Beo-am. When she could not endure 
the bad conduct of her son and brother towards me she 
became disgusted with life and died, thereby escaping the 
present grief and sorrow. In consequence of her death, 
from the attachment I had for her, I passed some days 
without any kind of pleasure in life or existence, and for 
four days, which amount to 32 watches, I took nothing in 
the shape of food or drink. When this tale was told to 
my revered father, a letter of condolence of excessive 
kindness and affection reached this devoted disciple, and 
he sent me a robe of honour and the auspicious turban tied 
just as he had taken it off his head. This favour threw 
water on the flame of my grief and afforded complete quiet 
and repose to my unquietude and disturbance. My intention 
in relating these circumstances is to point out that no evil 
fortune is greater than when a son, through the impropriety 

1 Blochmann, relying on Khail Khan, puts her death in 1011, and 
the Akbar-nama (iii, 826) puts it in 1012. The chronogram in the 
Khusrau Bagh yields 1012. See J.R.A.S. for July, 1907, p. 604. 


of his conduct and his unapproved methods of behaviour, 
causes the death of his mother and becomes contumacious 
and rebellious to his father, without cause or reason, but 
simply through his own imaginations and futile ideas, and 
chooses to avoid the blessing of waiting upon him. 
Inasmuch as the Almighty Avenger lays a proper punish- 
ment on each action, of necessity his condition finally came 
to this, that he was caught under the worst circumstances, 
and falling from a position of trust became captive to 
perpetual incarceration. 

" When the man of sense behaves as if drunk, 
He puts his foot in a snare, his head in a noose." 

To sum up, on Tuesday, Zi-1-hijja 10th, I alighted at 
the station of Hodal. 1 Shaikh Farid Bakhshi and a band 
of valiant men were chosen to pursue Khusrau and became 
the vanguard of the victorious army. I sent back Dust 
Muhammad, who was in attendance on me, on account 
of his previous service and his white beard, to take charge 
of the fort of Agra and of the zanana and the treasuries. 
When leaving Agra, I had placed the city in the charge 
of rtimadu-d-daula and Waziru-1-mulk. I now said to 
Dust Muhammad, "As we are going to the Panjab, and 
that province is in the diwani of I'timadu-d-daula, you will 
despatch him to us, and will imprison and keep watch 
over the sons 2 of Mlrza Muhammad Hakim who are in 
Agra ; as when such proceedings manifest themselves in 
the son of one's loins what may one expect from nephews 
and cousins ? " After the dispatch of Dust Muhammad, 
Mu'izzu-1-mulk became bakhshi. 

On Wednesday I alighted at Palwal, and on Thursday 
at Farldabad ; on Friday, the 13th, I reached Delhi. 

1 Where Lord Bellomont died in 1656. See Manucci (Irvine), i, 71. 

2 Probably this means the grandsons. ' At p. 329 it is mentioned that 
the grandsons had been confined in Gwalior up to the 16th year. 

58 visits humayun's tomb. 

From the dust of the road (i.e. immediately) I hastened 
to the venerated tomb of Humayun, and there besought 
help in my purpose, and with my own hand distributed 
money to poor persons and dervishes. Thence turning 
to the shrine of the venerable saint Shaikh Nizamu-d-din 
Auliya, I performed the dues of pilgrimage. After this 
I gave a portion x of money to Jamalu-d-dm Husain Anjii 
and another portion to Hakim Muzaffar that they might 
divide it amongst the poor and dervishes. On Saturday 
the 14th I stayed in Saray Narela. 2 This rest-house 
(sardy) Khusrau had burned as he went. 

The rank of Aqa Mulla, brother of Asaf Khan, who 
had been exalted by becoming my servant, was fixed in 
original and increase at 1,000 with 300 horse. He was 
in close attendance during this journey. Considering that 
some of the Aimaqs attached to the royal army were in 
league with Khusrau, and fearing that consequently some 
fraud or sedition might enter their minds, 2,000 rupees 
were given to their leaders to distribute amongst their 
men and make them hopeful of the Jahanglrl favour. 
I gave money to Shaikh Fazlu-llah and Raja Dhirdhar to 
distribute to faqirs and brahmans on the road. I gave 
orders that to Rana Shankar in Ajmir should be given 
30,000 rupees by way of assistance for his expenditure. 

On Monday, the 1 6th, I reached the pargana of Panipat. 3 
This station and place used to be very propitious to my 
gracious father and honoured ancestors, and two great 
victories had been gained in it. One was the defeat of 
Ibrahim Lodl, which was won by the might of the 
victorious hosts of His Majesty Firdus - makani. The 
story of this has been written in the histories of the time. 

1 Para, qu. ' a heap ' ? 

2 Narela is said to be 15i miles north-west of Delhi. William Finch, 
in his itinerary, mentions the stage as Nalera, a name that corresponds 
with Jahangir's. 

3 53 miles north of Delhi. 


The second victory was over the wicked Hemii, and was 
manifested from the world of fortune in the beginning 
of the reign of my revered father, as has been described 
by me in detail. 

At the time that Khusrau had left Delhi and was 
proceeding to Panipat, it happened that Dilawar Khan 
had arrived there. When shortly before Khusrau's arrival 
he heard of this affair, he sent his children across the 
Jumna and bravely determined to hasten on and throw 
himself into the fort of Lahore before Khusrau should 
arrive. About this time 'Abdu-r-Rahlm also reached 
Panipat from Lahore, and Dilawar Khan suggested to him 
that he too should send his children across the river, and 
should stand aside and await the victorious standards of 
Jahanglr. As he was lethargic and timid, he could not 
make up his mind to do this, and delayed so much that 
Khusrau arrived. He went out and waited on him, and 
either voluntarily or in a state of agitation agreed to 
accompany him. He obtained the title of Malik Anwar 
and the position of vizier. Dilawar Khan, like a brave 
man, turned towards Lahore, and on his road informed 
everyone and everybody of the servants of the court and 
the karoriyan, and the merchants whom he came across, 
of the exodus of Khusrau. Some he took with him, and 
others he told to stand aside out of the way. After that, 
the servants of God were relieved of the plundering by 
robbers and oppressors. Most probably, if Sayyid Kamal 
in Delhi, and Dilawar Khan at Panipat, had shown courage 
and determination, and had blocked Khusrau's path, his 
disorderly force would not have been able to resist and 
would have scattered, and he himself would have been 
captured. The fact is that their talents (himmat) were 
not equal to this, but afterwards each made amends for 
his fault, viz., Dilawar Khan, by his rapid march, entered 
the fort of Lahore before Khusrau reached it, and by this 
notable service made amends for his earlier shortcoming, 


and Sayyid Kamal manfully exerted himself in the 
eno-agement with Khusrau, as will be described in its 
own place. 

Qa_Zl-l-hijja-.lXtiLthe royal standards were set up in the 
pargana of Karnal. Here I raised 'Abidln Khwaja, son of 
Khwaja Kalan Juybaii and pvrzada (spiritual adviser), son 
of 'Abdu-llah Khan Uzbeg, who had come in the time of 
my revered father, to the rank of 1,000. Shaikh Nizam 
Thaneswarl, who was one of the notorious impostors 
(skayyadan) of the age, waited on Khusrau, and having 
gratified him with pleasant news, again 1 led him out of 
the (right) path, and then came to wait on me. As I had 
heard of these transactions, I gave him his road expenses 
and told him to depart for the auspicious place of 
pilgrimage (Mecca). On the 19th the halt was in pargana 
Shahabad. Here there was very little water, but it 
happened that heavy rain fell, so that all were rejoiced. 

I promoted Shaikh Ahmad Lahoii, who from my prince- 
hood had tilled the relationship of service and discipleship 
and the position of a house-born one (khanazada) to the 
office of Mir-i-'Adl (Chief Justice). Disciples 2 and sincere 
followers were presented on his introduction, and to each 
it was necessary to give the token 3 and the likeness (shast 

1 Instead of tdza the MSS. have para, and the meaning seems to be 
that he accompanied Khusrau for some distance. In Price's Jahangir 
(p. 81) it is said that Nizam received 6,000 rupees. 

2 This is an interesting passage, because it is Jahangir"s account of his 
father's 'Divine Faith.' But it is obscure, and copyists seem to have 
made mistakes. It is explained somewhat by the MS. used by Price 
(trans., pp. 82, 83), where more details are given than in the text. It is 
there stated that Ahmad was Mir-i-'Adl of Jahangir before the latter's 

The text has dast u slna (hand and bosom), but the correct words, 
as is shown in the I.O. MS., No. 181, are shast u shabiha or shabah, and 
these refer to the ring or token and the portrait given by Akbar to the 
followers of the ' Divine Faith.' See Blochmann, pp. 166 n. and 203 ; and 
BadayunI, ii, 338. Ahmad appears to be the Ahmad Sufi of Blochmann, 
pp. 208, 209, and f BadayunI, ii, 404, and Lowe, p. 418. He was 
a member of the ' Divine Faith.' 


u shabah). They were given on his recommendation (?). 
At the time of initiation some words of advice were given 
to the disciple : he must not confuse or darken his years 
with sectarian quarrels, but must follow the rule of 
universal peace with regard to religions ; he must not 
kill any living creature with his own hand, and must not 
nay anything. The only exceptions are in battle and 
the chase. 

' ' Be not the practiser of making lifeless any living thing. 
Save in the battlefield or in the time of hunting." 

Honour the luminaries (the Sun, Moon, etc.), which are 
manifesters of God's light, according to the degree of each, 
and recognize the power and existence of Almighty God at 
all times and seasons. Be careful indeed that whether in 
private or in public you never for a moment forget Him. 

" Lame or low 1 or crooked or unrefined, 
Be amorous of Him and seek after Him." 

My revered father became possessed of these principles, and 
was rarely void of such thoughts. 

At the stage of Aluwa (?) 2 I appointed Abu-n-nabl(?) 3 
Uzbeg with fifty-seven other mansabdars to assist Shaikh 
Farid, and gave the force 40,000 rupees for its expenses. 
To Jamil Beg were given 7,000 rupees to divide among 
the Aimaqs (cavalry). I also presented Mir Sharif Amuli i 
with 2,000 rupees. 

On Tuesday the 24th of the same month they captured 
five of the attendants and comrades of Khusrau. Two of 

1 Text, puj or puck, but the manuscript reading lulc is preferable. 
Erskine's MS. has luj, naked. 

2 Price (p. S3) has Anand or Anwand. Apparently Aluwa is right ; 
it is a place IS miles north-west of Umballa. Cf. " India under 
Aurangzib," by J. N. Sarkar. 

3 Abu-1-Bey, the Abu-1-Baqa of Akbar-nama, iii, 820. 

4 A member of the ' Divine Faith' (Blochmann, p. 452, etc.). 


these, who confessed to his service, I ordered to be thrown 
under the feet of elephants, and three who denied were 
placed in custody that enquiry might be made. On 
Farwardhi 12 th of the first year of my reign, Mirza 
Husain and Nuru-d-din Quli the hotwdl entered Lahore, 
and on the 24th of the same month a messenger of Dilawar 
Khan arrived (there) with news that Khusrau was moving 
on Lahore and that they should be on their guard. On 
the same day the city gates were guarded and strengthened, 
and two days later Dilawar Khan entered the fort with 
a few men and beo-an to strengthen the towers and walls. 
Wherever these were broken and thrown clown he repaired 
them, and, placing cannon and swivel guns on the citadel, 
he prepared for battle. Assembling the small number 
of the royal servants who were in the fort, they were 
assigned their several duties, and the people of the city 
also with loyalty gave their assistance. Two days later, 
and when all was ready, Khusrau arrived, and, having 
fixed a place for his camp, gave orders to invest l the city 
and to prepare for battle, and to burn one of the gates 
on any side where one could be got at. " After taking 
the fort," he said to his wicked crew, " I will give orders 
to plunder the city for seven days and to make captive 
the women and children." 

This doomed lot set fire to a gate, and Dilawar Beg 
Khan, Husain Beg the diwan, and Nuru-d-din Quli the 
kotwal built a wall inside opposite the gateway. 

Meantime Sa'id Khan, who was one of those appointed 
to Kashmir and was now encamped on the Chenab, having 
heard the news, started rapidly for Lahore. When he 
reached the Ravi he sent word to the garrison of the fort 
that he came with a loyal intention and that they should 
admit him. They sent someone at night and conducted 
him and some of his men inside. When the sie^e had 


1 The text has qatl by mistake for qabl. 

jahangir's march. 63 

lasted nine days, news of the approach of the royal army 
came repeatedly to Khusrau and his adherents. They 
became helpless (hi pa), and made up their minds that they 
must face the victorious army. 

As Lahore is one of the greatest places in Hindustan, 
a great number of people gathered in six or seven days. 
It was reported on good authority that 10,000 or 12,000 
horse were collected, and had left the city with the view 
of making a night attack on the royal vanguard. This 
news was brought to me at the sardy of Qazi 'Ali on the 
night of Thu rsday_j h^ Ifith. Although it rained heavily 
in the night I beat the drum of march and mounted. 
Arriving in Sultanpur at dawn I remained there till noon. 
By chance, at this place and hour the victorious army 
encountered that ill-fated band. Mu'izzu - 1 - mulk had 
brought a dish of roast meat, 1 and I was turning towards 
it with zest when the news of the battle was brought to 
me. Though I had a longing to eat the roast meat, 
I immediately took a mouthful by way of augury and 
mounted, and without waiting for the coming up of men 
and without regard to the smallness of my force I went 
off in all haste. However much I demanded my chiltah 
(wadded coat), they did not produce it. My only arms 
were a spear and sword, but I committed myself to the 
favour of God and started off" without hesitation. At first 
my escort did not number more than fifty horsemen ; no 
one had expected a fight that day. In fine^ when I reached 
the head of the bridge of Gobindwal, 2 400 or 500 horse, 
good and bad, had come together. When I had crossed 
the bridge of a victory was brought to me. The 
bearer of the good news was Shamsi, tUshakchl (wardrobe 
man), and ,£or Jiis good_news_he obtai ned the_ title of 

1 Biryanl. See Blochmann, p. 60. 

2 The Gundval of Tiefenthaler, i, 113. ' Cunningham, in his history of 
the Sikhs, spells it Gomdwal. It is on the Beas. 


Khush-khabar Khan. Mir Jamalu-d-din Husain, whom 
I had. sent previously to advise Khusrau, came up at the 
same time and said such things about the number and 
bravery of Khusrau's men as frightened his hearers. 
Though news of the victory came continuously, this 
simple-minded Sayyid would not believe it, and expressed 
incredulity that such an army as he had seen could be 
defeated by Shaikh Farld's force, which was small and not 
properly equipped. When they brought Khusrau's litter 1 
with two of his eunuchs, the Mir admitted what had 
happened. Then, alighting from his horse, he placed his 
head at my feet and professed every kind of humility and 
submission, and said that there could be no higher or more 
lofty fortune than this. 

In this command Shaikh Farid behaved with sincerity 
and devotion. The Sayyids of Barha, who are of the 
brave ones of the age, and who have held this place in 
every fight in which they have been, formed the van. 
Saif Khan, son of Sayyid Mahmud Khan Barha, the head 
of the tribe, had shown great bravery and had received 
seventeen wounds. Sayyid Jalal, also of the brethren of 
this band, received an arrow in his temple and died a few 
days later. At the time when the Sayyids of Barha, who 
were not more than fifty or sixty in number, having 
received wounds from 1,500 BadakhshI horsemen, had 
been cut to pieces, Sayyid Kamal, who, with his brothers, 
had been appointed to support the van, came up on the 
flank and fought with wondrous bravery and manliness. 
After that the men of the right wing raised the cry of 
Padshah salamat (" Long live the King ") and charged, and 
the rebels hearing the words, gave up and scattered abroad 
to various hiding-places. About 400 Aimaqs became 
crushed on the plain of anger and overcome by the 

1 The text has singhdsan instead of sukhdsan. Kamgar Husaini has 


victorious army. Khusrau's box of jewels and precious 
things which he had always with him, fell into our hands. 

' ' Who thought that this boy of few years 
Would behave so badly to his sire ? 
At the first taste of the cup he brings up the lees. 
He melts away my glory and his own modesty. 
He sets on fire * the throne of Khurshid, 
He longs for the place of Jamshid." 

Short-sighted men in Allahabad had urged me also to 
rebel against my father. Their words were extremely 
unacceptable and disapproved by me. I know what sort 
of endurance a kingdom would have, the foundations of 
which were laid on hostility to a father, and was not 
moved by the evil counsels of such worthless men, but 
acting according to the dictates of reason and knowledge 
I waited on my father, my guide, my qibla, 2 and my 
visible God, and as a result of this good purpose it went 
well with me. 

In the evening of the day of Khusrau's flight I gave 
Raja Baso, who is a trusty zamindar of the hill -country of 
Lahore, leave to go to that frontier, and, wherever he heard 
news or trace of Khusrau, to make every effort to capture 
him. I also appointed Mahabat Khan and Mirza 'All 
Akbarshahl to a large force, which was to pursue Khusrau 
in whatever direction he might go. I resolved with myself 
that if Khusrau went to Kabul, I would follow him and 
not turn back till he was captured. If not delaying in 
Kabul he should go on to Badakhshan and those regions, 
I would leave Mahabat Khan in Kabul and return myself 
(to India). My reason for not going to Badakhshan was 
that that wretch would (in that case) certainly ally 
himself with the Uzbegs, and the disgrace would attach to 
this State. 

1 Instead of the basuzdndd of the text, the MSS. have bashurdnad, he 
defiles. In the last line they have jay instead of takht. 

2 I.e. the place to which to turn in prayer. 



On the day on which the royal troops were ordered to 
pursue Khusrau, 15,000 rupees were given to Mahabat 
Khan and 20,000 to the ahadis, and 10,000 more were 
sent with the army to be given to whom it might be 
necessary to give it on the way. 

On Saturday, thejgth^jt he victori ous camp was pitched 
at Jaipal, 1 which lies seven ka^--iroin-JLahore. On the 
same day Khusrau arrived with a few men on the bank of 
the Chenab. The brief account of what had happened is 
that after his defeat those who had escaped with him from 
the battle became divided in opinion. The Afghans and 
Indians, who were mostly his old retainers, wished to 
double back like foxes into Hindustan, and to become 
a source of rebellion and trouble there. Husain Beg, 
whose people and family and treasure were in the direction 
of Kabul, suggested going to Kabul. In the end, as action 
was taken according to the wish of Husain Beg, the 
Hindustanis and the Afghans decided to separate them- 
selves from him. On arriving at the Chenab, he proposed 
to cross at the ferry of Shahpur, which is one of the 
recognized crossings, but as he could find no boats there 
he made for the ferry of Sodharah, where his people got 
one boat without boatmen and another full of firewood 
and grass. 

The ferries over the rivers had been stopped because 
before Khusrau's defeat orders had been given to all the 
jagirdars and the superintendents of roads and crossings in 
the subah of the Panjab that as this kind of dispute had 
arisen they must all be on the alert. Husain Beg wished 
to transfer the men from the boat with firewood and grass 
to the other, so that they might convey Khusrau across. 
At this juncture arrived Kilan, 2 son-in-law of Kamal 

1 Elliot (vi, 299^ has Jahan, and the word in the MSS. does not look 
like Jaipal. 

2 This word appears to be a mistake ; it is not in the MSS. 


Chaudhari of Sodharah, and saw a body of men about to 
cross in the night. He cried out to the boatmen that there 
was an order from the king Jahangir forbidding unknown 
men from crossing in the night, and that they must be 
careful. Owing to the noise and uproar, the people of the 
neighbourhood gathered together, and Kamal's son-in-law 
took from the boatmen the pole with which they propel 
the boat, and which in Hindustani is called balll, and thus 
made the boat unmanageable. Although money was 
offered to the boatmen, not one would ferry them over. 
News went to Abu-1-Qasim Namakin, who was at Gujarat, 
near the Chenab, that a body of men were wanting to 
cross the river by night, and he at once came to the ferry 
in the night with his sons and some horsemen. Things 
went to such a length that Husain Beg shot arrows at the 
boatmen, 1 and Kamal's son-in-law also took to shooting 
arrows from the river-bank. For four kos the boat took 
its own way down the river, until at the end of the night 
it grounded, and try as they would they could not get it 
off. Meantime it became day. Abu-1-Qasim and Khwaja 
Khizr Khan, who by the efforts of Hilal Khan had 
assembled on this ( ? the west) side of the river, fortified 
its west bank, and the zamindars fortified it on the east. 

Before this affair of Khusrau's, I had sent Hilal Khan 
as sazawal to the army appointed for Kashmir under Sa'id 
Khan, and by chance he arrived in the neighbourhood (of 
the ferry) that same night ; he came in the nick of time, 
and his efforts had great effect in bringing together Abu-1- 
Qasim Khan Namakin, and Khwaja Khizr Khan in the 
capture of Khusrau. 

On the morning of Sunday, the 24th of the aforesaid 
month, people on elephants and in boats captured Khusrau, 
and on Monday, the last day of the month, news of this 

1 When the boat stuck, the boatmen swam ashore, and it was probably 
then that Husain shot at them. See Blochmann, p. 414, n. 2. 


reached me in the garden of Mirza Kamran. I immediately 
ordered the Amiru-1-umara to go to Gujarat and to bring 
Khusrau to wait on me. 

In counsels on State affairs and government it often 
happens that I act according to my own judgment and 
prefer my own counsel to that of others. In the first 
instance I had elected to wait on my revered father from 
Allahabad in opposition to the advice of my faithful 
servants, and I obtained the blessing of serving him, and 
this was for my spiritual and temporal good. By the 
same course of conduct I had become king. The second 
instance was the pursuit of Khusrau, from which I Was 
not held back by taking time to ascertain the (auspicious) 
hour, etc., and from which I took no rest until I captured 
him. It is a strange thing that after I had started I asked 
Hakim 'All, who is learned in mathematics, how the hour 
of my departure had been (i.e. whether propitious or not), 
and he replied that in order to obtain my object if I had 
wished to select an hour, there could not have been for 
years one selected better than that in which I mounted. 

On Thursday, Muharram 3rd, 1015, in Mirza Kamran's 
garden, they brought Khusrau before me with his hands 
tied and chains on his legs from the left side x after the 
manner and custom of Chingiz Khan. They made Husain 
Beg stand on his right hand and ' A bdu- jjjjah im on his 
left. Khusrau stood weeping and trembling between them. 
Husain Beg, with the idea that it might profit him, began 
to speak wildly. When his purport became apparent to 
me I did not allow him to continue talking, but handed 
over Khusrau in chains, and ordered these two villains to 
be put in the skins of an _ox_ and an ass, and that they 

1 " With a chain fastened from his left hand to his left foot, according 
to the law of Chingiz Khan " (Gladwin's Jahangir, quoted by Elliot, 
vi, 507). But apparently what is meant is that Khusrau was led up 
from the left side of the emperor. 


should be mounted on asses with their faces to the tail l 
and thus taken round the city. As the ox-hide dried more 
quickly than that of the ass, Husain Beg remained alive 
for four watches and died from suffocation. 'Abdu-r-Rahim, 
who was in the ass's skin and to whom they gave some 
refreshment from outside, remained alive. 

From Monday, the last day of Zl-1-hijja, until the 9th 
of Muharram of the aforesaid year, I remained in Mirza 
Kamran's garden because the time was unpropitious. 2 
I bestowed Bhairawal, 3 where the battle had taken place, 
on Shaikh Farid, and rewarded him with the high title of 
Murtaza^fchan. JFor the sake of good government I ordered 
jDosts to be set up on both sides of the road from the 
garden to the city, and ordered them to hang up and impale 
the seditious Aimaqs and others who had taken part in the 
rebellion^ Thus each one of them received an extraordinary 
punishment. I gave headship to those landholders who 
had shown loyalty, and to every one of the Chaudharis 
between the Jhelam and the Chenab I gave lands for their 

Of Husain Beg's property there were obtained from the 
house of Mir Muhammad BaqI nearly seven lakhs of rupees. 
This was exclusive of what he had made over to other 
places and of what he had with him. After this, whenever 
his name is mentioned, the words 4 gdwan u kharan 

1 Du Jarric, in his history of the Jesuit Missions, gives some details 
about the punishment. The bullock and ass were slaughtered on the 
spot and their skins were sewed on the bodies of the unhappy men. 
Horns and ears were left on the skins. 

2 Perhaps the meaning is that the weather was bad. 

3 The proper form seems to be Bhaironwal, the Bhyrowal of the maps. 
It is on the right bank of the Blah (Beas) on the road from Jalandhar to 
Amritsar. See Blochmann, p. 414, note. 

i The words are omitted in the text. Erskine read in his MS, gait 
jizwan, which I do not understand. The 1.0. MSS. and B.M. MS. Or 
3276 have gdwan u kharan. Husain Beg, whose proper name was Hasan, 
was a brave soldier, and did good service under Akbar. See his 
biography in Blochmann, p. 454. 


(bullocks and asses) will be used. When he came to this 
Court in company with Mirza Shahrukh he had one horse. 
By degrees his affairs flourished so that he became possessed 
of treasure both visible and buried, and projects of this 
kind entered his mind. 

While Khusrau's affair was still in the will of God, as 
there was no actual governor between Afghanistan and 
Agra, which is a source of sedition and mischief, and, 
fearing that Khusrau's affair might be prolonged, I ordered 
my son Parwiz to leave some of the sardars to look after 
the Rana and to come to Agra with Asaf Khan and a body 
of those nearly connected with him in the service. He 
was to consider the protection and management of that 
region his special charge. But by the blessed favour of 
Allah, Khusrau's affair was settled before Parwiz arrived in 
Agra ; I accordingly ordered my aforesaid son to come and 
wait on me. 

On Wednesday, Muharram 8th, I auspiciously entered 
the fort of Lahore. A number of loyalists represented to 
me that my return to Agra would be for the good of the 
State at this time when much was going amiss in Gujarat, 
in the Deccan, and in Bengal. This counsel did not meet 
with my approval, for the reports of Shah Beg Khan, the 
governor of Qandahar, showed that the officers of the 
Persian border were meditating an attack on that fortress. 
They had been moved thereto by the machinations of the 
residuum of the Mirzas of Qandahar's army, which was 
always shaking the chain of contention. The Persian 
officers had written letters to these malcontents, and there 
was likelihood of a disturbance. It occurred to me that 
the death of His Majesty Akbar and the unreasonable 
outbreak of Khusrau might put an edge on their design, 
and that they might attack Qandahar. What had occurred 
to my mind became a realized fact. The governor of 
Farah, the Malik of Sistan, and the jagirdars of that 
neighbourhood, with the assistance of Husain Khan, the 


governor of Herat, invaded Qandahar. Praise is due to 
the manliness and courage of Shah Beg Khan, who planted 
his foot firmly like a man, and strengthened the fort, and 
seated himself on the top of the third (?) citadel of the 
aforesaid fort in such a manner that outsiders could see his 
entertainments. During the siege he girded not his loins, 
but with bare head and feet arranged parties of pleasure ; 
yet no day passed that he did not send a force from the 
fort to meet the foe and did not make manly efforts. This 
went on as long as he was in the fort. The Qizilbash 
army had invested on three sides. When news of this 
reached Lahore it was clearly advisable to remain in that 
neighbourhood. A large force was immediately appointed 
under the leadership of Mirza Ghazi, who was accompanied 
by a number of men of rank and servants of the Court, 
such as Qara Beg and Tukhta Beg, who had been promoted 
with the titles of Qara Khan and Sardar Khan. I appointed 
Mirza Ghazi to a mansab of 5,000 personal, and horsemen, 
and bestowed drums on him. Mirza Ghazi was the son of 
Mirza Jani Tarkhan, king of Thathah (Sind), and by the 
efforts of 'Abdu-r-Rahim Khankhanan that country had 
been conquered in the reign of the late king. The country 
of Thathah was included in his jagir, and he held the rank 
with personality and horsemen of 5,000. After his death 
his son Mirza Ghazi was raised to his rank and service. 
Their ancestors were among the amirs of Sultan Husain 
Mirza Bay-qara, the ruler of Khurasan, and they were 
originally descended from the amirs of Timur (Sahib- 
qiranl). Khwaja 'Aqil was appointed bakhshi of this 
army ; 43,000 rupees were given to Qara Khan for road 
expenses, and 15,000 to Naqdi Beg and Qilij Beg, who 
were to accompany Mirza Ghazi. redetermined to stay at 
Lahore in order to settle this matter and with the intention 
of a tour to Kabul. About this time the rank of Hakim 
Fathu-llah was fixed, original and increased, at 1,000 
personality and 300 horse. As Shaikh Husain Jami had 


had dreams about me which had come true, I gave him 
twenty lakhs of dams, equivalent to 30,000 or 40,000 
rupees, for the expenses of himself and his monastery and 
the dervishes who were with him. On the 22nd I pro- 
moted 'Abdu-llah Khan to the rank of 2,500 personal and 
500 horse, original and increased. I ordered to be given 
to the ahadis two lakhs of rupees to be paid in advance 
and deducted by degrees from their monthly pay. I 
bestowed 6,000 rupees on Qasim Beg Khan, the son-in-law 
of Shah Beg Khan, and 3,000 rupees on Sayyid Bahadur 
/£ In Gobindwal, which is on the river Blyah (Beas), 
there was a Hindu named Arjun, 1 in the garments of 
sainthood and sanctity, so much so that he had captured 
many of the simple-hearted of the Hindus, and even of the 
ignorant and foolish followers of Islam, by his ways and 
manners, and they had loudly sounded the drum of his 
holiness. They called him Guru, and from all sides stupid 
people crowded to worship and manifest complete faith in 
him. For three or four generations (of spiritual successors) 
they had kept this shop warm. Many times it occurred to 
rne to put a stop to this vain affair or to bring him into 
the assembly of the people of Islam. 

At last when Khusrau passed along this road this 
insignificant fellow proposed to wait upon him. Khusrau 
happened to halt at the place where he was, and he came 
out and did homage to him. He behaved to Khusrau in 
certain special ways, and made on his forehead a finger- 
mark in saffron, which the Indians (Hindu wan) call 
qa-^hqa, 2 and is considered propitious. When this came to 
my ears and I clearly understood his folly, I ordered them 

1 The fifth Guru of the Sikhs and the compiler of the Granth. He was 
the father of Har Govind. See Sayyid Muhammad Latif's history of the 
Panjab, p. 253. Arjun's tomb is in Lahore. 

2 But qashqa is a Turkish word. The Hindi phrase seems to be tiled. 


. to produce him and handed over his houses, dwelling- 
places, and children to Murtaza Khan, and having con- 
fiscated his property commanded that he should be put 
to death.y 

There were two men named Raju and Amba, who, under 
the shadow of the protection of the eunuch Daulat Khan, 
made their livelihood by oppression and tyranny, and had 
done many acts of oppression in the few days that 
Khusrau was before Lahore. I ordered Raju to the 
gallows and a fine to be taken from Amba, who was 
reputed to be wealthy. In short, 15,000 rupees were 
collected from him, which sum I ordered them to expend 
on bulghur-khanas (refectories) and in charity. 

Sa'du-llah Khan, son of Sa'd Khan, was promoted to the 
rank of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse. 

In his great desire to wait upon me, Parwlz traversed 
long distances in a short time, in the rainy season and 
incessant rain, and on Thursday, the 29th, when two 
watches and three ghari of day had passed, obtained the 
blessing of seeing; me. With exceeding; kindness and 
affection, I took him into the embiace of favour and 
kissed his forehead. 

When this disgraceful conduct showed itself in Khusrau, 
I had resolved not to delay in any place till I had 
captured him. There was a probability that he might 
turn back towards Hindustan, so it appeared impolitic 
to leave Agra empty, as it was the centre of the 
State, the abode of the ladies of the holy harem, and 
the depository of the world's treasures. On these accounts 
I had written when leaving Agra to Parwlz, saying that 
his loyalty had had this result, that Khusrau had fled and 
that Fortune had turned her face toward himself ; that 
I had started in pursuit of Khusrau, and that he should 
consequently dispose of the affairs of the Rana in some 
way according to the necessity of the time, and for the 
benefit of the kingdom should himself come quickly to 


Agra. I had delivered into his charge the capital and 
treasury, which was equal to the wealth of Qarun, 1 and 
I had commended him to the God of power. Before this 
letter reached Parwlz, the Rana had been so humbled that 
he had sent to Asaf Khan to say that as by his own acts he 
had come to shame and disgrace, he hoped that he would 
intercede for him in such a way that the prince would be 
content with his sending Bagha, 2 who was one of his sons. 
Parwiz had not agreed to this, and said that either the 
Rana himself should come or that he should send Karan. 
Meantime the news of Khusrau's disturbance arrived, and 
on its account Asaf Khan and other loyalists agreed to the 
coming of Bagha, who obtained the blessing of waiting on 
the prince near Mandalgarh. 

Parwiz, leaving Raja Jagannath and most of the chiefs 
of his army, started for Agra with Asaf Khan and some of 
those near to him and his own attendants, and with him 
brought Bagha to the Court. When he came near Agra 
he heard the news of the victory over Khusrau and his 
capture, and after resting two days an order reached him 
that as matters appeared settled in all quarters he should 
betake himself to me, in order that on the prescribed date 
he might obtain the good fortune of waiting on me. 
I bestowed on him the parasol (aftdb-gir), 3 which is one 
of the signs of royalty, and I gave him the rank of 10,000 
and sent an order to the officials to grant him a tanJchwdh 
jagir. At this time I sent Mlrza 'All Beg to Kashmir ; 
10,000 rupees were delivered to Qazi 'Izzatu-llah to divide 
amongst faqirs and the poor of Kabul. Ahmad Beg Khan 
was promoted to the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,250 
horse, original and extra. At the same time Muqarrab 
Khan, who had been sent to Burhanpur to bring the 
children of Daniyal, returned after an absence of 6 months 

1 The cousin of Moses, famous for his wealth ; the Korah of the Bible. 

2 Gladwin has Nagh. 

3 Blochmann, p. 50. 


22 days and had the honour of an audience, and related 
in detail what had occurred in those regions. 

Saif Khan was promoted to the rank of 2,000 personal 
and 1,000 horse. Shaikh 'Abdu-1-Wahhab 1 of the Bukhara 
sayyids, who was governor of Delhi under the late king, 
was dismissed from the post (by me) for certain ill-deeds 
done by his men, and was entered amongst the holders of 
subsistence lands and the arbdb-i-sa'ddat. 

In the whole of the hereditary dominions, both the 
crown lands and the jagirs, I ordered the preparation of 
bulgkur-khdnas (free eating-houses), where cooked food 
might be provided for the poor according to their condition, 
and so that residents and travellers both might reap the 

Amba 2 Khan Kashmiri, who was of the stock of the 
rulers of Kashmir, was selected for the rank of 1,000 
personal and 300 horse. On Monday, Rabi'u-1-akhir 9th, 
I gave Parwiz a special sword ; and jewelled swords were 
presented also to Qutbu-d-din Khan Koka and the 
Amiru-1-umara. I saw Daniyal's children, whom Muqarrab 
Khan had brought ; there were three sons and four 
daughters. The boys bore the names Tahmuras, 3 Bay- 
sunghar, and Hushang. Such kindness and affection were 
shown by me to these children as no one thought possible. 
I resolved that Tahmuras, who was the eldest, should 
always be in waiting on me, and the others were handed 
over to the charge of my own sisters. 

A special dress of honour was sent to Raja Man Singh 
in Bengal. I ordered a reward of 30 lakhs of dams to 
Mirza Ghazi. I bestowed on Shaikh Ibrahim, son of 

1 Akbar-nama, iii, 748, and Blochmann, p. 546. He was a man of 
piety and learning, and Jahangir means that he restored him to his 
former quiet life. The arbdb-i-sa'ddat, or auspicious persons, were those 
who offered up prayers for the king's prosperity and other blessings. 

2 Amba was killed later by Nur-Jahan's husband, Shir Afgan (Tuzuk, 
pp. 54, 55). 

3 Blochmann, p. 310. 


Qutbu-d-dm Khan Koka, the rank of 1,000 personal 
and 300 horse, and dignified him with the title of 
Kishwar Khan. 

As when I started in pursuit of Khusrau I had left my 
son Khurram in charge of the palaces and treasury, I now, 
when that affair had been settled, ordered the said son to 
attend upon Hazrat Maryam-zamani and the other ladies, 
and to escort them to me. When they reached the 
neighbourhood of Lahore, on Friday the 12th of the 
month mentioned, I embarked in a boat and went to 
a village named Dahr to meet my mother, and I had the 
good fortune to be received by her. After the performance 
of obeisance and prostration and greeting which is due 
from the young to the old according to the custom of 
Chinglz, the rules of Tlmur and common usage, and after 
worship of the King of the World (God), and after 
finishing this business, I obtained leave to return, and 
re-entered the fort of Lahore. 

On the 17th, having appointed Mu'izzu-1-mulk bakhshi 
of the army against the Rana, I dismissed him to it. As 
news had come of the rebellion of Ray Ray Singh and his 
son, Dulip, in the neighbourhood of Nagor, I ordered Raja 
Jagannath to proceed against them with others of the 
servants of the State and Mu'izzu-1-mulk, and to put 
a stop to this disturbance. I gave 50,000 rupees to Sardar 
Khan, who had been appointed to the place of Shah Beg 
Khan as Governor of Qandahar, and I promoted him to 
the rank of 3,000 personal and 2,500 horse. To Khizr 
Khan, the late ruler of Khandesh, were given 3,000 rupees, 
and to his brother, Ahmad Khan, 1 who is one of the 
khanazadas of the State. Hashim Khan, son of Qasim 
Khan, who is one of the house-born of the State, and 

1 These words are not in the MSS. , and they seem to have crept into 
the text by mistake and to be a premature entry of words relating to 
Hashim, etc. The brother of the former ruler (or king) of Khandesh 
could hardly be a khanazdd. 


worthy of advancement, I promoted to the rank of 2,500 
personal and 1,500 horse. I gave him also one of my own 
horses. I sent robes of honour to eight individuals 
amongst the nobles of the army of the Deccan. 1 Five 
thousand rupees were given to Nizam of Shiraz, the story- 
teller. Three thousand rupees were given for the expenses 
of the bidghiir-lxhana of Kashmir to the ivakil of Mirza 
'All Beg, the governor of that place, to send to Srinagar. 
I presented a jewelled dagger of the value of 6,000 rupees 
to Qutbu-d-din Khan. 

News reached me that Shaikh Ibrahim Baba, the Afghan, 
had opened a religious establishment (lit. one of being 
a shaikh and having disciples) in one of the parganas 2 of 
Lahore, and as his doings were disreputable and foolish 
a considerable number of Afghans had collected round him. 
I ordered him to be brought and handed over to Parwlz to 
be kept in the fort of Chunar ; so this vain disturbance 
was put an end to. 

On Sunday, 7th Jumada-1-awwal, many of the mansabdars 
and ahadis were promoted : Mahabat Khan obtained the 
rank of 2,000 personal and 1,300 horse, Dilawar Khan 
2,000 personal and 1,400 horse, Waziru-1-mulk 1,300 
personal and 550 horse, Qayyam Khan 1,000 personal and 
horse, Shyam Singh 1,500 personal and 1,200 horse; in 
the same way forty-two mansabdars were promoted. On 
most days the same observances occur. I presented Parwiz 
with a ruby of the value of 25,000 rupees. On Wednesday 
the 9th of the aforesaid month, the 21st of Shahriwar, 3 
after three watches and four gharis, the feast for my solar 
weighing, which is the commencement of the 38th year of 
my age, took place. According to custom they got ready 

1 This should be, according to the MSS., " army against the Rana," 
not army of the Deccan. 

2 The MSS. have " in the neighbourhood of Lahore." Parwiz had then 
charge of Bihar. 

3 Text, wrongly, Bahman. Jahangir was born on the 21st of Shahriwar. 


the weighing apparatus and the scales in the house of 
Maryam-zamanI (his mother). At the moment appointed 
blessings were invoked and I sate in the scales. Each 
suspending rope was held by an elderly person who offered 
up prayers. The first time the weight in gold came to 
three Hindustani maunds and ten seers. After this I was 
weighed against several metals, perfumes, and essences, up 
to twelve weighings, the details of which will be given 
hereafter. Twice a year I weigh myself against gold and 
silver and other metals, and against all sorts of silks and 
cloths, and various grains, etc., once at the beginning of 
the solar year and once at that of the lunar. The weight 
of the money of the two weighings I hand over to the 
different treasurers for faqirs and those in want. On the 
same auspicious day I promoted Qutbu-d-din Khan Koka, 
who for many years had expected such a day, 1 with various 
favours. First, I gave him the rank of 5,000 personal and 
horse, and with this a special robe of honour, a jewelled 
sword, and one of my own horses, with a jewelled saddle, 
and I gave him leave to go to the subahdarship of the 
province of Bengal and Orissa, which is a place for 50,000 
horse. As a mark of honour he set off accompanied by 
a large force, and two lakhs of rupees were given him as 
a sumptuary allowance. My connection with his mother 
is such that as in my childhood I was under her guardian- 
ship and care, I have not so much affection for my own 
mother as for her. She is to me my gracious mother, and 
I do not hold him less dear than my own brothers and 
children. Qutbu-d-din is the foster-brother who is most 
fit for fosterage. I gave 300,000 rupees to his auxiliaries. 
On this day I sent 130,000 as a marriage present (sachiq) 
for the daughter of Pahari (his brother Murad), who had 
been betrothed to Parwlz. 

1 Apparently, had long looked forward to the happy day when 
Jahangir should be weighed as a king. 


On the 22nd, Baz Bahadur Qalmaq, who had long been 
guilty of evil practices in Bengal, by the guidance of 
fortune obtained the honour of kissing my threshold. 
I gave him a jewelled dagger, 8,000 rupees, and promoted 
him to the rank of 1,000 personal and horse. One lakh of 
rupees and cash and jewels were bestowed on Parwiz. 
Kesho Das Maru was promoted to the grade of 1,500 
personal and horse. Abu-1-hasan, who had been the diwan 
and factotum of my brother Daniyal, together with his 
children, 1 had the honour of an audience, and was raised 
to the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. On the 1st 
of the second Jumada Shaikh Bayazld, 2 who was one of 
the shaikhzadas of Sikri, well known for brilliance of 
understanding and knowledge, and the connection of old 
service, 3 was honoured with the title of Mu'azzam Khan, 
and to him I gave the government of Delhi. On the 21st 
of the same month I presented Parwiz with a necklace 
composed of four rubies and one hundred pearls. The 
rank of Hakim Muzaffar was fixed at 3,000 personal and 
1,000 horse, original and extra. I gave 5,000 rupees to 
Nathu Mal(?), Raja of Manjholi. 4 

A remarkable occurrence was the discovery of a letter 
from Mirza 'Aziz Koka to 'All Khan, the ruler of 
Khandesh. I had had an impression that he had a 
particular enmity to me on Khusrau's account, who was 
his son-in-law. From the discovery of this writing it 
became clear that he had never given up his innate 
treachery, and had adopted this unbecoming attitude 
towards my revered father also. In short, this letter 
which he had written at some time to Raja 'All Khan 

1 Perhaps the meaning is that he was introduced along with Daniyal's 

2 Blochmann, p. 492. 

3 This refers to his parentage. 

4 In the MSS. this name seems to be Bhim Mai. Manjholi is written 
Manjholah in Blochmann, p. 175. 


was from beginning to end full of abuse and disapprobation, 
and said things which no enemy even could have written 
and such as could not be attributed to anyone, and far 
less to one like His Majesty, 'Arsh-ashydni, a king 
and an appreciative sovereign, who from childhood had 
educated him and brought him up because of what was 
due for services rendered by his mother, and raised the 
standard of reliance on him to such a high degree as no 
other person possessed. This letter fell into the hands of 
Khwaja Abu-1-hasan in Burhanpur amongst the property 
of Raja 'All Khan. He brought and laid it before me. 
In reading and seeing it the hair on my limbs stood on 
end. But for the consideration and due recognition of the 
fact that his mother had given her milk to my father 
I could have killed him with my own hand. Having 
procured his attendance I gave the letter into his hand 
and told him to read it with a loud voice to those present. 
When he saw the letter I thought his body would have 
parted from his soul, but with shamelessness and impudence 
he read it as though he had not written it and was reading 
it by order. Those present in that paradise -like assembly 
of the servants of Akbar and Jahanglr and heard the letter 
read, loosened the tongue of reproach and of curses and 
abuse. I put the question to him, " Leaving aside the 
treacheries which in reliance on your worthless self you 
contrived against my fortune, what was done to you by 
my father, who raised you and your family from the dust 
of the road to such wealth and dignity as to make you the 
envy of your contemporaries, that you should write these 
things to the enemies of his Empire ? Why did you enrol 
yourself amongst the wicked and disloyal ? Truly, what 
can one make of an original nature and innate disposition? 
Since your temperament has been nourished by the water 
of treachery, what else can spring up but such actions ? 
Passing over what you did to myself, I gave you the 
rank "you had held before, thinking that your treachery 


was directed against me only. Since it has become known 
that you behaved in a similar way to your benefactor and 
visible Deity, I leave you to the thoughts and actions 
which you formerly had and still have." After these 
remarks his lips closed, and he was unable to make any 
reply. What could he have said in the presence of such 
disgrace ? I gave an order to deprive him of his jagir. 
Although what this ingrate had done was unpardonable, 
yet in the end, from certain considerations, I passed 
it over. 

On Sunday the 26th of the above - mentioned month 
was held the marriage feast of Parwlz and the daughter 
of Prince Murad. The ceremony was performed in the 
house of Her Highness Maryam-zamani. The entertain- 
ment was arranged in the house of Parwlz, and all who 
were present were exalted with all kinds of honour and 
civilities. Nine thousand rupees were handed over to 
Sharif Amull and other nobles, to be given in alms to 
faqirs and other poor people. 

On Sunday the 10th Rajab I left the city to hunt in 
Girjhak and Nandana, 1 and took up my quarters in the 
garden of Ram Das, where I remained four days. 

On Wednesday the 13th the solar weighing of Parwlz 
took place. They weighed him twelve times against 
various metals and other things, and each weighing came 
to two maunds and eighteen seers. I ordered the whole to 
be distributed amongst. faqirs. At this time the rank of 
Shaja'at Khan was fixed at 1,500 personal and 700 horse, 
original and extra. 

After the march of Mirza Ghazi and his force it occurred 
to me to send a second contingent after him. Having 
bestowed on Bahadur 2 Khan Qurbegl the rank of 1,500 
personal and 800 horse, original and extra, I started off 

1 ? Nandanpur. These places are in Sindsagar, near Multan. 

2 MS. 181 has Bahar, and it has 600 instead of 800 horse. 



a body of cavalry, 1 which came to about 3,000, with him 
under the leadership of Shah Beg and Muhammad Amin. 
For the expenses of this force 200,000 rupees were given 
and 1,000 musketeers were also appointed. 

I left Asaf Khan to guard Khusrau and defend Lahore. 
The Amiru-1-umara was deprived of the honour of waiting 
on me, as he had a severe illness and remained in the city. 
'Abdu-r-Razzaq Ma'muri, who had been summoned from 
the Rami's country, was promoted to be bakhshi at 
headquarters, and it was ordered that in company with 
'Abu-1-hasan he should perform this service permanently. 
Following my father's rule, I appoint two men in 
association in the discharge of the chief offices, not from 
want of confidence in them, but because, as they are mortal 
and no man is safe from accidents or illness, if any con- 
fusion or obstacle should present itself to one the other is 
there so that the affairs of the servants of God may not 
come to ruin. 

At this time also news came that at the Dasahra, which 
is one of the fixed feast days of the Hindus, 'Abdu-llah 
Khan had made an incursion from Kalpi, which is his jagir, 
into the province of Bandilah, and displaying great valour 
made prisoner Ram Chand, son of Madhukar, who for 
a long time had made a centre of disturbance in that 
difficult country and taken him to Kalpi. For this service 
he was presented with a standard and raised to 3,000 
personal and 2,000 horse. 

Petitions from the subah of Bihar represented that 
Jahangir Quli Khan had had a battle with Sangram, one 
of the chief zamindars of Bihar, who had about 4,000 horse 
and innumerable foot, on account of certain opposition and 

1 Text, Uymuq purl (?). MS. 181 has burl, and 305 seems to have the 
same. Can it mean ' red cavalry ' ? As Blochmann has pointed out, 
371, n. 2, the word Uymaq does not always mean the tribe, but was used 
to denote a superior kind of cavalry. 


disloyalty on rough land, and that on the field the aforesaid 
Khan had exerted himself manfully. In the end Sangram 
died of a gunshot wound ; many of his men fell in the 
battle, and those saved from the sword took to flight. 
Since this distinguished affair had been brought about by 
Jahangir Quli Khan, I promoted him to the rank of 4,500 
personal and 3,500 horse. 

Three months and six days passed by in hunting ; 581 
animals were captured with the gun, hunting leopards and 
nets, and a qamargah ; of these 158 were killed by my own 
gun. The qamargah was held twice ; on one occasion in 
Girjhak, when the ladies were present, 155 animals were 
killed; and the second time, in Nandina, HO. 1 The details 
of the animals killed are as follows : mountain sheep, 180 ; 
mountain goats, 29 ; wild asses, 10 ; Nilgai, 9 ; antelope, 
etc., 348. 

On Wednesday the 16th Shawwal I returned safe from 
my hunting, and when one watch and six gharis of day 
had passed I entered Lahore on the day named. During 
this hunting a strange affair was witnessed At Chandwalah, 
where a minaret had been erected, I had wounded in the 
belly a black antelope. When wounded, a sound proceeded 
from him such as I have never heard from any antelope, 
except in the rutting season. Old hunters and those with 
me were astonished, and said they never remembered nor 
had they heard from their fathers that such a voice issued 
from an antelope except at rutting time. This has been 
written down because it is not void of strangeness. I found 
the flesh of the mountain goat more delicious than that of 
all wild animals, although its skin is exceedingly ill-odoured, 
so much so that even when tanned the scent is not destroyed. 
I ordered one of the largest of the he-goats to be weighed ; 
it was 2 maunds and 24 seers, equal to 21 foreign maunds 

1 The qamargah or ring-hunt produced 265 head of game ; the rest 
were shot at other times ; the total of the list should be apparently 576. 


(Persian). I ordered a large ram to be weighed, and it 
came to 2 maunds and 3 seers Akbari, equal to 17 Persian 
(wilayati) maunds. The largest and strongest of the wild 
asses weighed 9 maunds and 16 seers, equal to 76 Persian 
(wilayati) maunds. I have frequently heard from hunters 
and those fond of the chase that at a certain regular time 
a worm develops in the horns of the mountain ram, and 
that this worm causes an irritation which induces the ram 
to fio-ht with his hind, and that if he finds no rival he 
strikes his head against a tree or a rock to allay the 
irritation. After enquiry it seems that the same worm 
appears in the horn of the female sheep, and since the 
female does not fight the statement is clearly untrue. 
Though the flesh of the wild ass is lawful food and most 
men like to eat it, it was in no way suited to my taste. 

Inasmuch as before this time the punishment of Dulip and 
of his father, Ray Ray Singh, had been ordered, there now 
came news that Zahid Khan, the son of Sadiq Khan, and 
'Abdu-r-Rahim, son of Shaikh Abu-1-fazl, and Rana Sankar 
and Mu'izzu-1-mulk, with another force of mansabdars and 
followers of the Court, had heard news of Dulip in the 
neighbourhood of Nagor, which is in the subah of Ajmir, 
and having moved against him had found him. As he 
could find no way of escape, of necessity he planted a firm 
foot and came to blows with the royal army. After 
a short encounter he was badly beaten and gave over 
many to slaughter, and himself, taking with him his own 
effects, fled into the vale of ruin. 

" With broken arms and loosened belt, 
No power to fight and no care for head. " 

In spite of his old age, I continued Qilij Khan in his 
mansab because of his service under my father, and I 
ordered that he should get a jagir in the sarkar of Kalpi. 

In the month Zi-1-qa'da the mother of Qutbu-d-dm 
Khan Koka, who had given me her milk and was as 


a mother to me or even kinder than my own kind mother, 
and in whose lap I had been brought up from infancy, was 
committed to the mercy of God. I placed the feet of her 
corpse on my shoulders and carried her a part of the way 
(to her grave). Through extreme grief and sorrow I had 
no inclination for some days to eat, and I did not change 
my clothes. 

Feast of the Second New Year. 

On Wednesday the 22nd Zi-1-qa'da, 1015 (10th March, 
1607), when 3 J gharis of the day had passed, the sun 
rose to his House of Honour. They decorated the palace 
after the usual fashion : a great entertainment was prepared, 
and having seated myself at an auspicious hour on the 
throne of accession I exalted the nobles and courtiers with 
kindness and favour. On this same auspicious day it was 
learned from the reports sent from Qandahar that the 
army sent under Mirza GhazI, son of Mirza Jani, to succour 
(which had been appointed to assist) Shah Beg Khan, had 
entered the city of Qandahar on the 12th of Shawwal. 
When the Persians heard of the arrival of the victorious 
army at the last stage before the aforesaid city, 1 they 
became surprised and wretched and repentant, and did not 
draw rein until they had reached the Helmand, fifty or 
sixty kos distant. 

In the second place it became known that the governor 
of Farah and a number of the officers of that neighbour- 
hood had taken it into their heads, after the death of the 
late king, that in this confusion Qandahar might easily 
fall into their hands, and without waiting for an order 
from Shah 'Abbas had collected together and won over 


the Chief of Sewistan (Sistan). Sending someone to 
1 The MSS. have the 6th stage instead of " last." 


Husain Khan, the governor of Herat, they asked for 
support from him. He also sent a force. After that they 
turned to attack Qandahar. Shah Beg Khan, the governor 
of that place, seeing that battle has two heads, and that if 
(which God forbid !) he should be defeated he would lose 
possession of Qandahar, thought that to confine himself 
in a fort would be better than to fight. He therefore 
determined to hold the fort, and sent quick messengers to 
the Court. It happened that at this time the royal 
standards had started from Agra in pursuit of Khusrau, 
and had arrived at Lahore. Immediately on hearing this 
news (from Shah Beg Khan), a large force was sent off 
of amirs and mansabdars under Mirza Ghazi. Before the 
Mlrza reached Qandahar the news had been carried to the 
Shah (of Persia) that the governor of Farah, with some 
of the jagirdars of that neighbourhood, had proceeded 
towards the province of Qandahar. Considering this an 
improper proceeding, he sent Husain Beg, a well-known 
man and one of his own intimates, to make enquiries. 
He also sent a farman in their names that they should 
move away from the vicinity of Qandahar and go to their 
own places and abodes, because the friendship and amity 
of his ancestors with the dignified family of Jahangir 
Padshah were of old standing. That body, before the 
arrival of Husain Beg and the King's order, not being able 
to oppose the royal army, considered the opportunity of 
returning a favourable one. The said Husain Beg censured 
the men and started off to wait on me, which he had the 
honour to do at Lahore. He explained that the ill-fated 
army which had attacked Qandahar had acted without the 
order of Shah 'Abbas. God forbid (he said) that in 
consequence of this any unpleasantness should remain 
in my mind. In short, after the victorious troops reached 
Qandahar, they, according to orders, delivered the fort 
over to Sardar Khan, and Shah Beg Khan returned to 
Court with the relieving force. 


On the 27th Zi-1-qa'da, 'Abdu-llah Khan, having brought 
Ram Chand Bandilah into captivity and chains, brought 
him before me. I ordered them to take the fetters from 
his legs, and bestowed on him a robe of honour, and 
handed him over to Raja Baso that he might take security 
and release him and a number of his relations who had 
been captured with him. This through my clemency and 
kindness came to pass. He had never imagined such 
clemency and kindness as I showed to him. 

On the 2nd Zi-1-hijja I gave my son Khurram a tUman 
u ticgh, a flag and drums, and bestowed on him the rank 
of 8,000 personal and 5,000 horse, and gave an order for 
a jagir. On the same day, having exalted Plr Khan, 1 
son of Daulat Khan Lodi, who had come from Khandesh 
with the children of Daniyal, with the title of Salabat 
Khan and honoured him with the rank of 3,000 personal 
and 1,500 horse, and presented him with a standard 
and drums, I promoted him to the distinction of sonship 
(farzandi) beyond his fellows and equals. The ancestors 
and uncles of Salabat Khan's grandfather had been great 
and honourable among the tribe of Lodi. An earlier Daulat 
Khan, uncle of Salabat Khan's grandfather, when Ibrahim 
after his father Sikandar's death, began to behave ill to 
his father's amirs and destroyed many, became appre- 
hensive, and sent his younger son, Dilawar Khan, to wait 
upon H.M. Babar in Kabul, and suggested to him the 
acquisition of Hindustan. As Babar also had this enter- 
prise in mind, he at once proceeded in that direction, and 
did not turn his rein till he reached the neighbourhood 
of Lahore. Daulat Khan with his followers obtained the 
good fortune to wait upon him, and performed loyal service. 
As he was an old man, adorned with inward and outward 
excellencies, he did much good service. He (Babar) 
generally called him " father," and entrusting to him as 

1 This is the famous Khan Jahan Lodi of Shah Jahan's reign. 


before x the government of the Panjab placed its amirs 
and jagirdars under his jurisdiction. Taking Dilawar 
Khan with him he (Babar) returned to Kabul. When he 
(Babar) came a second time into the Panjab with intent to 
invade Hindustan, Daulat Khan waited on him, and about 
the same time died. Dilawar Khan was honoured with 
the title of Khankhanan, and was with Babar in the 
battle he had with Ibrahim. In the same way he was 
permanently in waiting on the late king Humayun. 
In the thana of Mungir, at the time of his (Humayun's) 
return from Bengal, he fought bravely against Shir Khan 
Afghan, and was made prisoner on the field of battle. 
Although Shir Khan urged him to take service with him, 
he refused and said, " Thy ancestors were always the 
servants of mine : how, then, could I do this ? " Shir 
Khan was enraged, and ordered him to be shut up in 
a wall. 2 

'Umar Khan, the grandfather of Salabat Khan Farzand, 
who was cousin of Dilawar Khan, had been treated with 
respect in the time of Salim Khan. After Salim Khan's 
death and the slaughter of Firuz, his son, at the hand of 
Muhammad Khan, 'Umar Khan and his brethren became 
suspicious of Muhammad Khan and went to Gujarat, where 
' Umar Khan died. Daulat Khan, his son, who was a brave 
young man of pleasant appearance, and good at all things, 
chose the companionship of 'Abdu-r-Rahim, son of Bairam 
Khan, who had been dignified with the title of Khan- 
khanan in the reign of Akbar, and performed excellent 
service. The Khankhanan regarded him as his own brother, 
or even a thousand times better than his brother, and 
dearer. Most of the Khankhanan's victories were gained 
through Daulat Khan's valour and manliness. 3 When my 

1 Text, ba dastur. 

2 I.e. built him up in it. 

3 Jahanglr did not like the Khankhanan, and so here belittles his 


revered father, having taken the province of Khandesh 
and the fort of Asir, returned to Agra, he left Daniyal in 
charge of that province and of all the provinces acquired 
from the rulers of the Deccan. At this time Daniyal had 
separated Daulat Khan from the Khankhanan, and was 
keeping him in attendance on himself and handing over to 
him for disposal all the business of the State. He showed 
him much favour and perfect affection until he died in his 
service. He left two sons, one Muhammad Khan, and the 
other Plr Khan ; Muhammad Khan, who was the elder, died 
a short time after his father. Daniyal, too, wore himself 
out with drinking. After my accession I summoned Plr 
Khan to Court. As I discovered in him a good disposition 
and natural abilities, I raised the pedestal of regard for 
him to the point that has been described. To-day there 
is not in my government any person of greater influence 
than he, so much so that on his representation I pass over 
faults which are not pardoned at the intercession of any of 
the other servants of the Court. In short, he is a young 
man of good disposition, brave, and worthy of favour, and 
what I have done for him has been done rightly ; and he 
will be exalted by further favours. 1 

As I had made up my exalted mind to the conquest of 
Mawara'a-n-nahr (Transoxiana), which was the hereditary 
kingdom of my ancestors, I desired to free the face of 
Hindustan from the rubbish of the factious and rebellious, 
and leaving one of my sons in that country, to go myself 
with a valiant army in due array, with elephants of 
mountainous dignity and of lightning speed, and taking 
ample treasure with me, to undertake the conquest of 
my ancestral dominions. In accordance with this idea, 
I despatched Parwlz to drive back the Rana, and intended 
to go myself to the Deccan, when just at that moment the 

1 During Shah Jahan's reign, Khan Jahan Lodi fled from Court, was 
pursued, and killed. 


improper action of Khusrau took place, and it became 
necessary to pursue him and put an end to that disturbance. 
For the same reason, the undertaking of Parwlz did not 
assume a promising appearance, and regarding the exigency 
of the time he gave a respite to the Rana. Bringing with 
him one of the Rana's sons, he came to wait on me, and 
had the bliss of attending me in Lahore. When I was at 
ease about Khusrau' s disturbance, and the repulse of the 
Qizilbashes, who had invested Qandahar, had been brought 
about in a facile way, it came into my mind to make 
a hunting tour to Kabul, which is like my native land. 
After that I would return to Hindustan, when the purposes- 
of my mind would pass from design to action. In 
pursuance of these steps, on the 7th Zl-1-liijja, at an 
auspicious hour, I left the fort of Lahore and took up my 
quarters in the Dil-amlz Garden, which is on the other 
side of the Ravi, and stayed there four days. Sunday, 
the 19th Farwardin, which is the culmination of His 
Majesty the Sun, I passed in the garden, and some of the 
servants of the Court were favourably and kindly 
honoured with increased rank. Ten thousand rupees were 
bestowed on Hasan Beg, the envoy of the ruler of Persia 
(Shah 'Abbas). Leaving Qillj Khan, Miran Sadr Jahan, 
and Mir Sharif Amuli in Lahore, I ordered them to settle 
in consultation any matters that might present themselves. 
On Monday I marched from the garden mentioned, and 
encamped at the village of Harhar, 3h kos distant from 
the city. On Tuesday the royal standards alighted at 
Jahangirpur, which is one of my fixed hunting-places. 
In this neighbourhood had been erected by my order 
a manar at the head of the grave of an antelope called 
Mansaraj, 1 which was without equal in fights with tame 

1 Perhaps the antelope's name was Raj, and the syllable man the 
pronoun 'my,' when the translation would be 'my antelope Raj.' See 
Elliot, vi, 302, and R.A.S. MS., No. 124. 


antelopes and in hunting wild ones. On a stone of that 
manar was carved this prose composition, written by 
Mulla Muhammad Husain of Kashmir, who was the chief 
of the elegant writers of the day : '" In this enchanting 
place an antelope came into the world-holding (jahan-giri) 
net of the God-knowing ruler Nuru-d-dm Jahanglr 
Padshah. In the space of one month, having overcome 
his desert fierceness, he became the head of the special 
antelopes." On account of the rare quality of this 
antelope, I commanded that no person should hunt the 
deer of this plain, and that their flesh should be to Hindus 
and Muhammadans as is the flesh of cows and pigs. They 
made the gravestone in the shape of an antelope. I ordered 
Sikandar Mu'In, the jagirdar of the aforesaid pargana, to 
build a strong fort in the village of Jahangirpur. 

On Thursday, the 14th, I encamped in the pargana of 
Chandala. 1 Thence on Saturday, the 16th, making one 
stage in the middle, I came to Hafizabad. 2 I stayed in the 
station which had been erected by the exertions of the 
karori of that place, Mir Qiyamu-d-dm. Having reached 
the Chenab in two marches on Thursday, the 21st Zi-1-hijja, 
I crossed the river by a bridge which had been built there, 
and my camp was pitched in the neighbourhood of the 
pargana of Gujrat. At the time when His Majesty Akbar 
went to Kashmir, a fort had been built on that bank of 
the river. Having brought to this fort a body of Gujars 
who had passed their time in the neighbourhood in 
thieving and highway robbery, he established them here. 
As it had become the abode of Gujars, he made it 
a separate pargana, and gave it the name of Gujrat. 
They call Gujars a caste which does little manual work 
and subsists on milk and curds. On Friday I pitched at 
Khawasspiir, five kos from Gujrat, founded by Khawass 

1 Perhaps the Jandiala of the Indian Gazetteer, vii, 137. 

2 Indian Gazetteer, v, 239. 


Khan, a slave of Shir Khan Afghan. Thence, with two 
halts in the middle, I pitched on the bank of the Bihat 
(Jhelam). On that night a great wind blew and a black 
cloud hid the face of the sky. The rain was of such 
violence that old men remembered none such. It turned 
to hail, and every hailstone was the size of a hen's egg. 
From the flooding of the river and the force of the wind 
and rain, the bridge broke. I, with the inmates of the 
harem, crossed in a boat. As there were few boats, 
I ordered the men not 1 to cross in these, but to rebuild 
the bridge. It was finished in a week, and the whole army 
crossed with ease. The source of the Bihat is a spring in 
Kashmir called the Vir-nag ; in the language of India 
a snake is vir-nag. Clearly there had been a large snake 
at that place. I went twice to the spring in my father's 
lifetime ; it is 20 kos from the city of Kashmir. It is an 
octagonal reservoir about 20 yards by 20. Near it are 
the remains of a place of worship for recluses ; cells cut 
out of the rock and numerous caves. The water is 
exceedingly pure. Although I could not guess its depth, 
a grain of poppy-seed is visible until it touches the bottom. 
There were many fish to be seen in it. As I had heard that 
it was unfathomable, I ordered them to throw in a cord 
with a stone attached, and when this cord was measured 
in gctz it became evident that the depth was not more than 
once and a half the height of a man. After my accession 
I ordered them to build the sides of the spring round with 
stone, and they made a garden round it with a canal ; and 
built halls and houses about it, and made a place such that 
travellers over the world can point out few like it. When 
the river reaches the village of Pampur, at a distance of 
ten kos from the city, it increases, and all the saffron of 
Kashmir is obtained in this village. I do not know if 
there is so much saffron in any other place in the world. 

1 Text omits the negative. 


The annual crop is 500 maunds by Hindustan weight, 
equal to 5,000 ivilayat (Persian) maunds. In attendance 
on my revered father, I went to this place at the season 
when the saffron was in flower. On other plants of the 
world, first the branches (stems) shoot out and then the 
leaves and flowers. On the contrary, when the saffron 
stem is four fingers breadth from the dry ground, its 
flowers shoot out, of the colour of the iris, 1 with four 
petals, and in the middle are four threads (risha) of an 
orange colour like that of the flower, and of the length of 
a finger-joint. This is the saffron. The land is not 
ploughed 2 or irrigated, the plant springs up amongst the 
clods. In some places its cultivation extends for a kos, 
and in others for half a kos. It looks better from a 
distance. At the time of plucking, all my attendants got 
headache from its sharp scent. Though I drank wine and 
took a cup, I too got headache. I asked the animal-like 
Kashmiris, who were employed in picking the flowers, how 
they felt. I ascertained that they had never experienced 
headache in their lives. 

The waters from the spring Vir-nag and of other 
streams and nullahs that join from right and left form 
the river Bihat, which passes through the heart of the 
city. Its breadth in most places is not more than 
a bowshot. 3 No one drinks its water, because of its 
heaviness and indigestibility. All the people of Kashmir 
drink the water of a lake that is near the city, and is 
called Dall. The river Bihat enters this lake and flows 
through to the Panjab by the Baramula Pass, Pakli, and 

1 Text, susani ; apparently a blue iris. 

2 The text has shumdr wrongly for -<<hiyar, and it seems that the 
negative of the text is wrong, since it does not occur in the MSS. 
Abu-1-fazl gives the number of petals and stamens more correctly than 

8 A z tikka andtizi ; perhaps ' the cast of a javelin.' 


In Kashmir there is plenty of water from streams and 
springs. By far the best is that of the Lar valley, which 
joins the Bihat in the village of Shihabu-d-clln-pur. This 
village is one of the celebrated places of Kashmir, and is 
on the Bihat. About a hundred plane-trees (chanar) of 
graceful form clustered 1 together on one plot of ground, 
pleasant and green, join each other so as to shade the 
whole plot, and the whole surface of the ground is grass 
and trefoil 2 ; so much so that to lay a carpet on it would 
be superfluous and in bad taste. The village was founded 
by Sultan Zainu-l-'abidin, who for 52 years ruled Kashmir 
with absolute sway. They speak of him as the great 
Padshah. They tell many strange customs of his. There 
are many remains and traces of buildings of his in 
Kashmir. One of these is in the midst of a lake called 
Wulur, and of which the length and breadth are more 
than three or four kos. It is called Zain-lanka, and in 
making it they have exerted themselves greatly. The 
springs of this lake are very deep. The first time they 
brought a large quantity of stone in boats and poured it 
on the place where now the building stands it had no 
result. At last they sank some thousands of boats with 
stones, and with great labour recovered a piece of ground 
100 gaz by 100 gaz out of the water, and made a terrace, 
and on one side thereof the Sultan erected a temple for the 
worship of his supreme God. Than this there is no finer 
place. 3 He often came to the spot by boat and engaged in 
worship of the King of Wisdom. They say he spent many 
" forty days " in that place. One day a wicked son of his 
came to that place to kill him, and finding him alone, drew 
a sword and went in. When his eye fell on the Sultan, 

1 Lit. 'have joined hands.' 

2 Sih-barga ; but this reading seems doubtful ; perhaps it is slr-i-barga, 
full of leaves. Jahangir says that to lay a carpet on the grass would be 
bl-dardi, unfeeling, unsympathetic, and ham sallqagl. 

3 The text has naqzh bar jay, but the true reading seems to be naflztar. 


however, on account of his venerable dignity and the 
might of his virtues, he became confused and bewildered 
and turned away. The Sultan shortly after came out and 
seated himself in the boat with this same son, and started 
for the city. On the way he said to his son, " I have 
forgotten my rosary ; get into a canoe and fetch it for 
me." The son having gone into the temple sees his 
father in the same place, and the graceless man with 
complete shame of face falls at his father's feet and asks 
pardon for his fault. They have told many tales of 
such miracles as this of him, and they say also that he 
had well practised the science of khala'. 1 When, from 
the ways and methods of his sons, he perceived in 
them signs of haste in seeking for rule and government, 
he would say to them, " To me it is very easy to abandon 
rule, and even to pass away from life, but when I am gone 
you will do nothing, and the time of your prosperity will 
not endure long, but in a short time you will obtain the 
recompense of your evil deeds and your own dispositions." 
Having spoken thus, he gave up eating and drinking, and 
passed forty days in this manner. He made not his eye 
acquainted with sleep, and employed himself after the 
manner of men of piety and austerity in the worship of 
God Almighty. On the fortieth day he gave up the 
deposit of his existence, and entered into the mercy of God. 
He left three sons — Adam Khan, Hajl Khan, and Bahrain 
Khan. They quarrelled with each other, and all three 
were ruined. The government of Kashmir was transferred 
to the tribe of the Chaks, who belonged to the class of the 
common soldiers of the country. During their dynasty 
three of the rulers constructed buildings on three sides of 
the terrace formed by Zainu-l-'abidln in the Wulur Lake, 
but none of these is as strong as his. 

1 'Ilm-i-Jchala'-i-badan, 'withdrawal of the soul from the bod}'' 


Autumn and Spring in Kashmir are things worthy to be 
seen. I witnessed the Autumn season, and it appeared 
to me to be better than what I had heard of it. I have 
never seen Spring in that province, but hope to do so some 
day. On Saturday the 1st of Muharram (18th April, 1607) 
I left the bank of the Bihat, and with one day between 
reached the fort of Rohtas, which was built by Shir Khan 
Afghan. This fort was founded in a cleft of the ground, 
and the strength of it cannot be imagined. As the place 
is near the Ghakhar territory, and they are a proud and 
rebellious people, he had looked to this fort specially as 
a means of punishing and defeating them. When a little 
of the building had been done Shir Khan died and his son, 
Sallm Khan, obtained the grace to complete it. On each 
of the gates x they have carved on a stone the cost of 
erecting the fort; 16 krors, 10 lakhs of dams, and more 
were expended, equal in Hindustan reckoning to 4,025,000 
rupees, and according to the currency of Iran to 120,000 
tuman, and in the currency of Turan to 1 arb, 21 lakhs 
and 75,000 khani, that are now current. 2 

On Tuesday the 4th of the month, having travelled 
four kos and three-quarters, I encamped at Tila. 3 Thence 
I came down to the village of Bhakra. In the Ghakhar 

1 So in text, but the MSS. and Elliot, vi, 307, have "on one of the 

2 The figures seem wrong, and the MSS. differ. See Elliot, vi, 307. 
Apparently the correct sum in rupees is 34 lakhs 25,000. At p. 61 
the khani of Turan is reckoned at one-third of a rupee. If the dam 
be taken at its ordinary value of one-fortieth of a rupee, the number 
of rupees should be 40 lakhs 25,000, and if the khani of Turan be one- 
third of a rupee we should read one kror instead of one arb. Probably 
Jahangir has used arb as meaning kror, and not 100 krors. There is 
a valuable note on his expedition through the Ghakkar country in 
Blochmann, p. 486. Blochmann takes the figures for the rupees to be 
four krors, but probably this is due to wrong pointing. 

8 The MSS. and text have Pila or Pila. I adopt Tila from Blochmann, 
p. 487, note. Elliot has Tillah, vi, 307, and note. 


tongue bhalcra x is a jungle. The jungle was composed of 
clusters of flowers, white and scentless. I came the whole 
way from Tila to Bhakra in the middle of the river-bed, 2 
which had running water in it, with oleander flowers of 
the colour of peach-blossom. In Hindustan this plant 
is always in full bloom {purbdr). There was much of 
it on the banks of this river. The horsemen and men 
on foot who were with me were told to put bunches of the 
flower on their heads, and whoever did not do so had his 
turban taken off"; a wonderful flower-bed was produced. 

On Thursday the 6th of the month the halting-place 
was at Hatya. On this road many palas - trees {Butea 
frondosa) were in blossom. This flower, too, is peculiar to 
the jungles of Hindustan ; it has no scent, but its colour is 
flaming; orange. The base of the flower is black ; the 

© © J 

flower itself is as big as a red rose. It is so beautiful that 
one cannot take one's eyes off it. As the air was very 
sweet and clouds had hidden the sun, and rain was gently 
sprinkled about, I felt an inclination to drink wine. In 
short this road was traversed with great enjoyment and 
pleasure. They call the place Hatya because it was 
founded by a Ghakkar named Hathi (elephant). From 
Margala to Hatya the country is called Pothiiwar. 3 In 
these regions there are few crows. From Rohtas to 


Hatya is the place and abode of the Bhugyals, 4 who are 
related to and of the same ancestry as the Ghakkars. 

Marching on Friday the 7th, I travelled 4| kos and 
alighted at the station of Pakka. 5 This place is called 

1 In Tolbort's account of Ludhiyana, J.A.S.B. for 1869, p. 86, bhakhra 
is given as the name of a creeping plant {Pedalium murex). 

2 JRud-khana ; this, according to Blochmann, should be the river 
Kahan, Tehama being a mistake for Kahan. See p. 487 note. But all 
the AISS. have khfma. 

3 See Elliot, vi, 309 note. 

4 Biigyals ; Elliot, vi, 309. They are descendants of Sultan Btiga. 

5 Paka is mentioned in Tiefenthaler, i, 114. 



Pakka because the saray is of burnt brick, and in the 
Hindi language what is ripe (that is, not raw material) 
is called pakka. The station was strangely full of dust 
and earth. The carts reached it with great difficulty 
owing to the badness of the road. They had brought 
from Kabul to this place riwaj (rhubarb), which was 
mostly spoiled. 

On Saturday the 8th we marched 4 J kos and encamped 
at the village of Khar. 1 Khar in the Ghakkar language 
is a rent and breakage. There are few trees in this 
country. On Sunday the 9th I halted beyond Rawalpindi. 
This place was founded by a Hindu named Rawal, and 
pindl in the Ghakkar tongue means a village. In the 
valley near this station there was a stream flowing, the 
waters of which were collected in a pool. As this halting- 
place was not devoid of freshness I alighted there for 
a time, and I asked the Ghakkars the depth of the 
pool. They gave me no precise answer, but said they 
had heard from their fathers that there were alligators 
in the pool which wounded animals that came there, 
and on that account no one had the boldness to go in. 
I ordered them to throw in a sheep. It swam across 
the pool and came out. I then ordered a farrdsh to go 
in, and he also came out safe. It thus became clear that 
there was no foundation for what the Ghakkars had said. 
The pool was an arrow's flight in width. 

On Monday the 10th the village of Kharbuza 2 was 
our stage. The Ghakkars in earlier times had built a 
dome here and taken tolls from travellers. As the dome 
was shaped like a melon it became known by that name. 
On Tuesday the 11th I halted at Kala-pani, which in 
Hindi means black water. There is a mountain pass 
(kotal) at this place called Margalla ; in Hindi mar means 

1 Khor ; Elliot, vi, 309 note. Near the Manikyala tope. 

2 Kharbuza Saray is marked on Elphinstone's map. 


to beat and galla is a caravan, the name therefore means 
the place of the plundering of the caravan. The boundary 
of the Ghakkar country is here. This tribe are wonder- 
fully like animals ; they are always squabbling and 
fighting with one another. Although I wished to put an 
end to this fighting, I was unable to do so. 

" The soul of the fool is doomed to trouble." l 

On Wednesday the 12th the camp was at Baba Hasan 
Abdal. One kos to the east of this station there is 
a waterfall over which the stream rushes with great force. 
There is no fall like it on the way to Kabul. On the road 
to Kashmir there are two or three like it. -2 

In the middle of the basin, in which is the source of the 
stream, Raja Man Singh has erected a small building. 
There are many fish in the basin of the length of half 
a gaz and a quarter gaz. I halted three days at this 
enchanting place, drinking wine with those who were 
intimate with me and employing myself in catching fish. 
Until now I had never thrown a sufra net, which is 
a famous kind of net, and which in Hindi they call 
bhanwar 3 jal. It is not easy to throw. I threw it with 
my own hand and caught twelve fish, and putting pearls 
into their noses, 4 let them loose in the water. I enquired 

1 Mr. Rogers has "The soul of the fool thou canst purchase for little." 
Perhaps the sense is "God grants life to the fool on hard terms." 
Erskine has "To serve a fool is hard indeed." Possibly the literal 
meaning is "You buy the soul of the fool at a high price," that is, it 
costs a great deal to win him over. Elliot had what is probably the best 
rendering, "Barbarous characters should be treated with severity"; 
though in Elliot, vi, 310, the translation is, "The life of fools is held 
very cheap in troublous times." 

2 Apparently this remark must have been written after Jahangir's visit 
to Kashmir by the Baramula route in the fourteenth year. 

3 Bhanwar, as Mr. Lowe has pointed out, means in Hindi an edd} r or 

4 William Finch says that at Hasan Abdal there were many fish with 
gold rings in their noses hung by Akbar, and that the water is so clear 
that you may see a penny in the bottom. Jahangir's informants were 


into the story of Baba Hasan from the story-tellers and 
from the inhabitants of the place, but no one could tell me 
any particulars. The celebrated place at that station is 
a spring which flows from the foot of a little hill, 
exceedingly clear, sweet, and nice, as witness this couplet 
of Amir Khusrau : — 

" In the bottom of the water, from its clearness, a blind man 
Can count the sand-grains in the heart of the night." 

Khwaja Shamsu-d-din Muhammad Khwafi, who was for 
long employed as Vizier by my revered father, had made 
a platform and a reservoir there, into which is led the 
water from the spring, and thence is used in cultivation 
and in gardens. On the edge of this terrace he had built 
a dome for his own burial. By chance his destiny was not 
there, and (the bodies of) Hakim Abu-1-fath Gilani and 
his brother Hakim Humam, who were close to the person 
and had the complete confidence of my revered father, 
were placed in that dome in accordance with his order. 
On the 15th the halt was at Amrohi. 1 It is a wonder- 
fully green place, in which no ups and downs were visible. 
In this village and its neighbourhood there are 7,000 or 
8,000 households of Khaturs and Dalazaks. All kinds of 
mischief and oppression and highway robbery take place 
through this tribe. I ordered the government of this 
region and Attock to be given to Zafar Khan, son of Zain 
Khan Koka, and that by the time of the return of the 
royal standards from Kabul they should march all the 
Dalazaks to Lahore and capture the head men of the 
Khaturs and keep them in prison. 

apparently not versed in hagiography. Baba Hasan Abdal is apparently 
the saint who' was an ancestor of Ma 'sum Bhakari, and is buried at 
Qandahar. See Beale, and Jarrett's translation of the Ayin, ii, 324 note. 
The Sikhs identify the place with their Baba Nanak. It is not a wife 
of Akbar who is buried at Hasan Abdal, but Hakim Abu-1-fath and his 

1 Elliot has Amardi, but the MSS. have Amrohi. The Ma'asir, ii, 755, 
has Ahru'I. See Blochmann, p. 522. 


On Monday, the 17th, a march was made, and, with 
one stage in between, the royal standards alighted near 
the fort of Attock on the bank of the river Nllab 
(Indus). At this stage Mahabat Khan was promoted to 
the rank of 2,500. This fort was built by the late king 
Akbar, and was completed by the labours of Khwaja 
Shamsu-d-din Khwafl. It is a strong fort. At this time 
the water of the Nllab was low, 1 and accordingly a bridge 
had been made with eighteen boats, and the people crossed 
over easily. I left the Amlru-l-umara at Attock on 
account of weakness of body and illness. An order was 
given to the bakhshis that, as the province of Kabul 
could not support a large army, they should only allow 
the immediate attendants of the Court to cross the river, 
and until the return of the royal standards the royal 
camp should remain at Attock. On Wednesday, the 19th, 
with the princes and some of the private servants, having 
mounted on to a raft (with inflated skins underneath), 
and having crossed the river Nllab safely, I alighted on 
the bank of the river Kama. The Kama is a river 
that flows by the qasba (fortified town) of Jalalabad. 
The jala is a structure they make of bamboos and grass 
and place underneath it skins full of air. In this province 
they call them shal (or sal). In rivers and streams in 
which there are rocks they are safer than boats. 12,000 
rupees were given to Mir Sharif Amull and to a number 
of men, who had been appointed to perform services at 
Lahore, to divide amongst the faqirs. An order was given 
to 'Abdu-r-Razzaq Ma'muii 2 and to Biharl Das, bakhshi of 
the Ahadis, to complete the force that had been appointed 

1 Az taghyan farud Canada. Perhaps the meaning is exactly the 
opposite, viz. ' had come down in violence. ' But if so, could a bridge 
have been made, and with eighteen boats ? The time was the 4th or 5th 
May. Elliot has " the Nllab was very full." 

2 According to the Ma'asiru-1-umara, iii, 376, Ma'mur is a village in 



to accompany Zafar Khan and send them away. With 
one stage in between, the camp halted at the saray of Bara. 
On the other side of the river Kama there is a fort 
which Zain Khan Koka built at the time when he Mas 
appointed to subjugate the Yusufza'e Afghans, and called 
Naushahr (Newcastle). About 50,000 rupees were spent 
upon it. They say that Humayun used to hunt rhinoceros 
in this region. I also heard from my father that he had 
twice or thrice witnessed such a hunt in the company 
of his father. On Thursday, the 25th, I alighted at the 
saray of Daulatabad. Ahmad Beg of Kabul, jagirdar of 
Peshawar, with the Maliks of the Yusufza'es and the 
Ghoriya-khel, came and waited on me. As the service of 
Ahmad Beg was not approved, I transferred him from that 
territory (wilayat) and conferred it on Shir Khan, the 
Afghan. On Wednesday, the 26th, I encamped in the 
garden of Sardar Khan, which he had made in the neigh- 
bourhood of Peshawar. I walked round Ghorkhatrl, which 
is the worshipping-place of the jogls in this neighbourhood, 
with the idea that I might see some faqirs from 
association with whom I might obtain grace. But that 
was like looking for the phoenix or the philosopher's 
stone. A herd without any religious knowledge came 
to my view, from seeing whom I derived nothing but 
obscurity of mind. On Thursday, the 27th, I arrived at 
the halting-place of Jamrud, and on Friday, 28th, at the 
Khaibar Kotal (Khyber Pass) and encamped at 'All Masjid, 
and on Saturday I traversed the tortuous (marpich, i.e. 
snake-twisting) Pass, and alighted at Gharib-khana. At 
this stage Abu-1-qasim Namakln, Jagirdar of Jalalabad, 
brought an apricot, which was not inferior in beauty to 
good Kashmir apricots. At the stage of Daka they brought 
from Kabul gilds (cherries), which my revered father had 
entitled Shali-Cdu. As I was much inclined to eat them, 
inasmuch as I had not (hitherto ?) obtained them, I ate 
them with great zest as a relish to wine. On Tuesday, 


2nd Safar, I encamped at Basawal, which is on the bank of 
the river. On the other side of the river there is a mountain 
which has no trees or grass on it, and on that account 
they call this mountain the hill of Bidaulat (unfortunate). 
I heard from my father that in mountains like this there 
are mines of gold. On the mountain of Ala Btighan, 
at the time when my revered father went to Kabul, I had 
had a qamargah hunt, and killed several 1 red deer. As 
I had handed over the administration of all civil affairs 
to the Amlru-l-umara, and his illness increased greatly, 
and forgfetfulness came over his faculties to such an 
extent that what was settled in one hour he forgot in 
the next, and his forgetfulness was increasing day by 
day, on Wednesday, the 3rd Safar, I entrusted the duties 
of the viziership to Asaf Khan, presenting him with 
a special robe of honour, and inkstand and a jewelled 
pen. It was a remarkable coincidence that twenty-eight 
years previously to this, at the same halting-place, my 
revered father had promoted him 2 to the rank of Mir 
Bakhshi (chief paymaster). A ruby which his brother 3 
Abu-1-qasim had bought for 40,000 rupees and sent him, 
he presented as an offering on obtaining the viziership. 
He petitioned that Khwaja Abu-1-hasan, who held the 
offices of bakhshi and the Qur, etc., might go with him. 
Jalalabad was transferred from Abu-1-qasim Namakln to 
'Arab Khan. A white rock was present in the river-bed ; 
I ordered them to carve it in the form of an elephant 

1 The MSS. have sad instead of clmnd, i.e. 100. 

- This Asaf Khan is Qawamu-d-din Ja'far Beg and the No. iii of 
Blochmann, p. 411. Apparently his appointment as Mir Bakhshi was 
made in 989 (1581), in which year Akbar went to Kabul. Blochmann 
says Asaf Khan wa s made Mir Bakhshi in the room of Qazi 'All, and we 
find at p. 372 of A.N. , iii, that Qazi 'Ali Bakhshi was appointed in that 
year to the Panjab. Twenty-eight years before 1016 (to the beginning 
of which Jahangir is referring) yields -988. Basawal is on right bank 
of Kabul River below Jalalabad. 

3 Text batdl, but the MSS. have lull, i.e. dancing-girl. 


and cut upon its breast this hemistich, which agrees with 
the date of the Hijra year: "The white stone elephant 
of Jahangir Padshah," that is, lOMi. 

On the same day Kalyan, son of Raja Bikramajit, came 
from Gujarat. Certain extraordinary proceedings on the 
pari of this rebellious rascal had been reported to me. 
Amongst these was this. He had kept a Musulman lull 
woman in his house, and for fear this affair should become 
known had killed her father and mother and buried them 
in his house. I ordered that he should be imprisoned 
until I could enquire into his proceedings, and after 
rtaining the truth I ordered first that they should 
'•m oui his tongue and place him in perpetual confinement, 
and that he should eai his food with dog-keepers and 
outcasts. On Wednesday I encamped al Surkhah. Thence 
1 alighted at Jagdalak. At this stage I saw many boUut 1 - 
trees (oak or chestnut), • which are the best wood for 
burning. Although this stage had neither passes nor 
declivities there were plenty of rocks. On Friday, the 
12th, I encamped at Ab-i-barlk, and Saturday, the L3th, 
at Yurt-i-padshah. On Sunday, the 14-th, 1 alighted at 
Khurd Kabul (little Kabul). At this stage I entrusted 
the Chief Justiceship and Qaziship of the city of Kabul 
to Qazi 'Ani', son of Mulla Sadiq Halwa'i. They broughl 
some ripe shah-alv. (cherries) from the village of Gulbahar 
to this place; of these I ate with much enjoymeni uearly 
a hundred. Daulat, the head of the village of Jigri 2 (?), 
brougW some uncommon flowers, such as I had never 
seen in my life. Thence I alighted at Bikrami. At this 
place they broughl to -how me a piebald 3 animal, like 
the flying (i.e. jumping) mouse, which in the Hindi tongue 
they call galahri (squirrel) and said thai mice would not 

«.. -ii' It ballut, either the oals or the chestnut. ' E. Erski 

Baber, p. 1 t.~>. Sir Alexander Burnee caUe the ballut the holly. 
- Sec below, |>. •">-, where the Ra?is or beadman of Chikri i- mentioned. 

( i ]'.<-]. in 'g Bab) r, p. 1 1">. 


frequent any house in which this animal was. On this 
account they call this animal the master of mice. As 
I had never seen one before, I ordered my painters to 
draw a likeness of it. It is larger than a mongoose. 
On the whole it is very like a civet cat. Having 
appointed Ahmad Beg Khan to punish the Afghans of 
Bangash, I ordered 'Abdu-r-Razzaq Ma'muii, who was in 
Attock, to take 2,000,000 rupees under the charge of 
Mohan Das, son of Raja Bikramajlt, with him, and 
divide it among the auxiliaries of the aforesaid army. 
One thousand musketeers were also ordered to accompany 
this army. 

Shaikh 'Abdu-r-Rahman, son of Shaikh Abu-1-fazl, was 
promoted to the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse, 
and obtained the title of Afzal Khan. 15,000 rupees 
were presented to 'Arab Khan, and 20,000 rupees more 
for the repair of the fort of Pesh Bulagh. 1 I bestowed 
Sarkar Khanpur 2 in hef on Dilawar Khan Afghan. On 
Thursday, the 17th, from the Mastan bridge as far as the 
Shahr-ara garden, which Avas the encamping place for 
the royal standards, scattering rupees, half-rupees, and 
quarter-rupees to faqirs and indigent persons on both 
sides of the road, I entered the aforesaid garden. It 
appeared to be very green and fresh. As it was a 
Thursday I gave a wine entertainment to my intimates, 
and on account of hilarity and excitement ordered those 
who were of equal age to myself and had been my 
playfellows to jump over the stream that flowed through 
the middle of the garden and was about four gaz in 
width. Most of them could not jump it, and fell on the 
bank or into the stream. Although I jumped it, yet now 
that I was 40 years of age I could not jump it with the 

1 The fort of Pesh Bulaq is mentioned in the third volume of the 
Akbar-nama, p. 512. It is marked on the map of Afghanistan between 
Daka and Jalalabad. 

2 Sic in text, but should be Jaunpur as in the MSS. 


activity that I had shown in the presence of my revered 
father when I was 30. On this day I perambulated 
seven of the famous gardens of Kabul. I do not think 
that I ever walked so far before. 

First of all I walked round the Shahr - ara (city- 
adorning), then the Mahtab (moonlight) garden, then the 
garden that Bika Begam, grandmother of my father, had 
made, then passed through the Urta-bagh (middle garden), 
then a garden that Maryam-makani, my own grandmother, 
had prepared, then the Surat-khana garden, which has 
a large chancir-tree, the like of which there is not in the 
other gardens of Kabul. Then, having seen the Charbagh, 
which is the largest of the city gardens, I returned to my 
own abode. There were abundance of cherries on the 
trees, each of which looked as it were a round ruby, 
hanging like globes on the branches. The Shahr-ara 
garden was made by Shahr-banu 1 Begam, daughter of 
Mirza Abu Sa'id, who was own aunt to the late king 
Babar. From time to time it has been added to, and 
there is not a garden like it for sweetness in Kabul. It 
has all sorts of fruits and grapes, and its softness is such 
that to put one's sandalled 2 feet on it would be far from 
propriety or good manners. In the neighbourhood of 
this garden an excellent plot of land came to view, 
which I ordered to be bought from the owners. 
I ordered a stream that flows from the guzargah (ferry, 
also bleaching green) to be diverted into the middle of 
the ground so that a garden might be made such that 
in beauty and sweetness there should not be in the 
inhabited world another like it. I gave it the name of 
Jahan-ara (world - adorning). Whilst I was at Kabul 
I had several entertainments in the Shahr-ara garden, 

1 There was also a Shahr-banu who was Babar's sister. Bika Begam 
was Babar's widow and the lady who carried his bones to Kabul. 

- Balcafsh-pay, which Erskine renders 'with slippers on' and Elliot 
' with his shoes on. ' 

AT KABUL. 107 

sometimes with my intimates and courtiers and sometimes 
with the ladies of the harem. At nights I ordered the 
learned and the students of Kabul to hold the cooking 
entertainment, 1 bughra, and the throwing of bughra, 
together with arqhushtak dances. 

To each of the band of Bughra' iy an I gave a dress of 
honour, and also gave 1,000 rupees to divide amongst 
themselves. To twelve of the trustworthy courtiers 
I ordered 12,000 rupees to be given, to be bestowed 
every Thursday, as long as I was in Kabul, on the poor 
and needy. I gave an order that between two plane- 
trees that were on the canal bank in the middle of the 
garden — to one of which I had given the name of Farah- 
bakhsh (joy-giver) and the other Saya-bakhsh (shade- 
giver) — they should set up a piece of white stone 
(marble ?) one gaz in length and three-quarters of a gaz 
in breadth, and engrave my name thereon (and those of 
my ancestors) up to Timur. It was set forth on the 
other side that I had done away with the whole of the 
customs dues and charges of Kabul, and whichever of my 

1 Bayazid Biyat describes Humayun as holding a cooking festival in 
Badakhshan. See A.N., i, translation, p. 496, n. 2. They cooked 
bughra, which appears to be macaroni. The text wrongly has raqz 
az 'ishq (love -dances). The real word, as the MSS. show, is 
arghushtaq, which is a kind of dance (not a child's game as in Johnson). 
It is described in Vullers, s.v., in accordance with the account in the 
Burhan-i-qati'. It is a dance by girls or young men, and is accompanied 
with singing and with clapping of hands, etc. Probably it is the dance 
described by Elphinstone in his account of Kabul, i, 311, where he says : 
" The great delight of all the western Afghans is to dance the Attun or 
(ihoomboor. From ten to twenty men or women stand up in a circle 
(in summer before their houses and tents, and in winter round a fire) ; 
a person stands within the circle to sing and play on some instrument. 
The dancers go through a number of attitudes and figures ; shouting, 
clapping their hands, and snapping their fingers. Every now and then 
they join hands, and move slow or fast according to the music, all joining 
in chorus. When I was showed this, a love -song was sung to an 
extremely pretty tune, very simple, and not unlike a Scottish air." 
Erskine's translation is : " Custards and confections were presented, and 
the amusements of dancing girls and arghustak were introduced." 

108 babar's tomb. 

descendants and successors should do anything contrary 
to this would be involved in the wrath and displeasure 
of God. Up to the time of my accession these were fixed 
and settled, and every year they took large sums on 
this account from the servants of God (the Muhammadan 
people in general). The abolition of this oppression was 
brought about during my reign. On this journey to 
Kabul complete relief and contentment were brought 
about in the circumstances of my subjects and the people 
of that place. The good and leading men of Ghaznin 
and that neighbourhood were presented with robes of 
honour and dealt kindly with, and had their desires 
excellently gratified. 

It is a strange coincidence that (the words) ruz-i- 
r panj$hanba liizhdaliam-i-Safar, 1 Thursday, 18th Safar, 
which is the date of my entry into Kabul, give the Hijra 
date thereof. 

I ordered them to inscribe this date on the stone. Near 
a seat (takht) on the slope of a hill to the south of the 
city of Kabul, and which is known as Takht-i-shah, they 
have made a stone terrace where Firdus-makani (Babar) 
used to sit and drink wine. In one corner of this rock 
they have excavated a round basin which could contain 
about two Hindustani maunds of wine. He caused his 
own blessed name with the date to be carved on the wall 
of the terrace which is next to the hill. The wording; is, 
" The seat of the king, the asylum of the world, Zahiru-d- 
din Muhammad Babar, son of 'Umar Shaikh Gurgan, may 
God perpetuate his kingdom, 914 (1508-9)." I also 
ordered them to cut out of stone another throne parallel 

1 The words seem to me to yield 1066, but if we read paJAhauha 
instead of panjshanba we get 1016, which is the Hijra date of Jahanglr's 
entry into Kabul and corresponds to 4th June, 1607. A marginal note 
on I.O.M. 305 makes the chronogram clear by writing ruz-i-panchanba 
hizhdah-i-Safar, thereby getting rid of the m'nn and the yd of hizhdaham 
and bringing out the figures 1016. 

babar's commentaries. 109 

to this, and dig; another basin of the same fashion on its 

3 o 

side, and engrave my name there, together with that of 
Sahib-qirani (Timur). Every day that I sat on that 
throne I ordered them to fill both of the basins with wine 
and give it to the servants who were present there. 
One of the poets of Ghaznin found the date of my coming 
to Kabul in this chronogram — " The king of the cities 
of the seven climes" (1016). I gave him a dress of 
honour and a present, and ordered them to engrave this 
date on the wall near the aforesaid seat. Fifty thousand 
rupees were given to Parwiz ; Wazlr-al-mulk was made 
Mir Bakhshi. A firman was sent to Qilij Khan to despatch 
170,000 rupees from the Lahore treasury for expenses 
of the army at Qandahar. After visiting the Khiyaban 
(avenue) of Kabul and the Bibi Mah-ru, I ordered the 
governor of that city to plant other trees in the place of 
those cut down by Husain Beg Ru-siyah (the black-faced). 
I also visited the Ulang-yurt of Chalak and found it 
a very pleasant place. The Ra'is of ChikrI (JigrI ?) shot 
with an arrow a rang 1 and brought it to me. Up to this 
time I had never seen a rang. It is like a mountain 
goat, and there is a difference only in its horns. The 
horns of the rang are bent, and those of the goat are 
straight and convoluted. 

In connection with the account of Kabul the com- 
mentaries of Babar 2 passed in view before me. These 
were in his own handwriting, except four sections (juz 3 ) 
that I wrote myself. At the end of the said sections 
a sentence was written by me also in the Turkl character, 
so that it might be known that these four sections were 
written by me in my own hand. Notwithstanding that 
I grew up in Hindustan, I am not ignorant of Turkl 

1 Evidently a kind of sheep. 

2 This is a reference to Babar's Memoirs. 

3 A juz' is said to consist of eight leaves or sixteen pages. Does 
Jahanglr mean that he wrote sixty-four pages ? 

110 EACES. 

speech and writing. 1 On the 25th Safar I with the people 
of the harem visited the julgdh (plain) of Safid-sang, 
a very bright and enjoyable place. On Friday, the 26th, 
I enjoyed the blessing of a pilgrimage to (the tomb of) 
H.M. Firdus-makani (Babar). I ordered much money and 
food, bread, and sweetmeats for the souls of the departed 
to be distributed to faqirs. Ruqayya Sultan Begam, 
daughter of Mirza Hindal, had not performed a pilgrimage 
to her father's tomb, and on that day had the honour to 
do so. On Thursday, 3rd Rabi'u-1-awwal, I ordered them 
to bring my racehorses (aspan-i-dawanda) to the Khiyaban 
(avenue). The princes and the Amirs raced them. A bay 
Arab horse, which 'Adil Khan, the ruler of the Deccan, 
had sent to me, ran better than all the other horses. At 
this time the son of Mirza Sanjar Hazara and the son of 
Mirza Mashi, who were the chief leaders of the Hazaras, 
came to wait on me. The Hazaras of the villao-e of 

1 Probably the sections which Jahangir wrote were those printed in 
the Ilminsky edition and which bring the narrative down to Babar's 
death. They seem to have been in great measure copied from the 
Akbar-nama. Jahangir does not say if he wrote them when he was 
in Kabul or previously. According to Blochmann, J.A.S.B. for 1869, 
p. 134, one jvz' = two sheets of paper. The passage is translated 
in Elliot, vi, 315. Though Jahangir does not say when he wrote the 
four sections, I think that his language implies that these additions 
were in the manuscript when he was looking at it in Kabul. Perhaps 
he made them when he was a student in India, and for the sake 
of practice in Turki. He may have translated the sections from the 
Akbar-nama. All, I think, he did in Kabul was to put the Turki note, 
stating that the sections were his. But possibly even this was done 
before. Elliot, vi, 315, has the words "to complete the work," but 
these words do not occur in the MSS. that I have seen. The 
translation in Elliot, seems to represent Jahangir's words as meaning 
that the work was complete, but that the four sections were not, like the 
rest, in Babar's handwriting, and so Jahangir re-copied them. But it 
does not appear that there could be any object in his doing this. There 
is a valuable article in the Zeitschrift d. Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch. 
for 1883, p. 141, by Dr. Teufel, entitled "Babur unci Abu'1-fazl," in 
which the fragments in Ilminsky are discussed. But the passage in 
the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri is not referred to. 


Mlrdad produced before me two rangs 1 that they had 
killed with arrows. I had never seen a rang of this size ; 
it was larger by 20 per cent, than a large markhwr (?). 

News came that Shah Beg Khan, the governor of 
Qandahar, had reached the parganah of Shor, 2 which is 
his jagir. I determined to give Kabul to him and return 
to Hindustan. A petition came from Raja Blrsing-deo 
that he had made a prisoner of his nephew, who had been 
creating a disturbance and had killed many of his men. 
I ordered him to send him to the fort of Gwalior to be 
imprisoned there. The parganah of Gujrat 3 in the Panjab 
Sarkar I bestowed on Shir Khan, the Afghan. I promoted 
Chin Qillj, son of Qilij Khan, to the rank of 800 personal 
and 500 horse. On the 12th I sent for Khusrau and 
ordered them to take the chains off his legs that he might 
walk in the Shahr-ara garden. My fatherly affection 
would not permit me to exclude him from walking in the 
aforesaid garden. I transferred the fort of Attock and 
that neighbourhood from Ahmad Beg to Zafar Khan. 
To Taj Khan, who was nominated to beat back the 
Afghans of Bangash, I gave 50,000 rupees. On the 
14th I gave 'All Khan Karori, 4 who was one of my 
revered father's old servants and was the darogka of the 
Naqarakhana (drum-house), the title of Naubat Khan, 
and promoted him to the rank of 500 personal and 200 
horse. I made Ram Das ataliq to Maha Singh, grandson 
of Raja Man Singh, who had also been nominated to 
drive back the rebels of Bangash. On Friday, the 18th, 
the wazn-i-qawmri (the weighing according to the lunar 
year) for my 40th year took place. On that day the 

1 The text mentions a horse, but the MSS. have not this, and it 
seems to be a mistake. 

2 Apparently the Shorkot of I.G., xii, 424. In the Rechnau Dfuxb 
(Jarrett, ii, 321). It is north of Multan .and in the Jhang district. 

3 I.G. v, 188. 

4 Perhaps the 'Ali Dust Khan of Blochmann, p. 533. 


assembly was held when two watches of the day had 
passed. I gave 10,000 rupees of the money of the 
weighing to ten of my confidential servants to divide 
amongst those who deserved it and the needy. On this 
day a petition came from Sardar Khan, governor of 
Qandahar, by way of Hazara and Ghaznin, in twelve 
days ; its purport was that the ambassador of Shah 
'Abbas, who had started for the Court, had entered the 
Hazara l (country). The Shah had written to his own 
people : " What seeker of occasion and raiser of strife has 
come against Qandahar without my order ? Perhaps he 
does not know what is our connection with H.M. Sultan 
Timur, and especially with Humayun and his glorious 
descendants. If they by chance should have taken the 
country into their possession they should hand it to the 
friends and servants of my brother Jahanglr Padshah and 
return to their own abodes." I determined to tell Shah 
Beg Khan to secure the Ghaznin road in such a way that 
travellers from Qandahar might reach Kabul with ease. 
At the same time I appointed Qazl Nuru-d-dm to the 
Sadarat of the province of Malwah and Ujjain. The son 
of Mirza Shadman Hazara and grandson of Qaracha 
Khan, who was one of the influential Amirs of Humayun, 
waited on me. Qaracha Khan had married a woman 
from the Hazara tribe, and this son 2 had been born by 
her. On Saturday, the 19th, Rana Shankar, son of Rana 
Uday Singh, was promoted to the rank of 2,500 personal 
and 1,000 horse. An order was given for the rank 
of 1,000 personal and 600 horse for Ray Manohar. The 
Shinwarl Afghans brought a mountain ram the two 
horns of which had become one and had become like 
a rang's horns. The same Afghans killed and brought 

1 The MSS. have Herat, and this is probably correct. 

2 That is, apparently, Mirza Shadman, but perhaps the meaning is that 
Qaracha had soughc a wife for his son among the Hazaras, and not that 
he had himself married an Hazara woman. 


a markhur (Erskine translates this ' a serpent - eating 
goat'), the like of which I had never seen or imagined. 
I ordered my artists to paint him. He weighed four 
Hindustani maunds ; the length of his horns was 1| 
gaz. 1 On Sunday, the 27th, I gave the rank of 1,500 
personal and 1,000 horse to Shaja'at Khan, and the liawlll 
(district surrounding) of Gwalior was placed in the jagir 
of I'tibar Khan. I appointed Qazi 'Izzatu-llah with his 
brothers to the Bangash duty. At the end of the same 
day a petition came to me from Islam Khan from Agra, 
together with a letter which Jahanglr Qull Khan had 
written to him from Bihar. Its purport was that on 
the 3rd Safar (30th May, 1607), after the first watch, 'All 
Qull Istajlu had wounded Qutbu-d-dln Khan at Bard wan, 
in the province of Bengal, and that he had died when 
two watches of the same night had passed. The details 
of this matter are that the aforesaid 'All Qull was sufrachl 
(table servant) to Shah Isma'Il (the 2nd), ruler of Iran; 
after his death he took to flight through his natural 
wickedness and habit of making mischief, and came to 
Qandahar, and having met at Multan the Khankhanan, 
who had been appointed to the charge of the province 
of Tulamba, 2 started with him for that province. The 
Khankhanan in the field 3 placed him among the servants 
of the late king (Akbar), and he having performed 
services in that campaign was promoted to a rank in 
accordance with his condition, and was a long time in the 
service of my revered father. At the time when he 
(Akbar) went in prosperity to the provinces of the 
Deccan, and I was ordered against the Rana, he came and 
became servant to me. I gave him the title of Shir- 

1 The MSS. have " less than \\ gaz by J (nim-pdo)." 

2 Should, I think, be Tattah, i.e. Sind. 

3 Ghaibana, 'secretly.' But the phrase merely means that the 
appointment was not made in the Emperor's presence. 



afgan (tiger-throwing). When I came from Allahabad 
to wait on my revered father, on account of the un- 
friendliness that was shown me, most of my attendants 
and people were scattered abroad, and he also at that 
time chose to leave my service. After my accession, out 
of generosity I overlooked his offences, and gave an order 
for a jagir for him in the Subah of Bengal. Thence 
came news that it was not right to leave such mischievous 
persons there, and an order went to Qutbu-d-din Khan 
to send him to Court, and if he showed any futile, 
seditious ideas, to punish him. The aforesaid Khan had 
reason to know him (his character), and with the men he 
had present, immediately the order arrived, went hastily 
to Bardwan, which was his jagir. When he (Shir- 
afgan) became aware of the arrival of Qutbu-d-din 
Khan, he went out to receive him alone with two grooms. 
After he arrived and entered into the midst of his army 
(his camp) the aforesaid Khan surrounded him. When 
from this proceeding on the part of Qutbu-d-din Khan 
a doubt arose in his mind, he by way of deceiving him 
said : " What proceeding is this of thine ? " 1 The 
aforesaid Khan, keeping back his own men, joined him 
alone in order to explain the purport of the order to him. 
Seeing his opportunity he immediately drew his sword 
and inflicted two or three severe wounds upon him. 
Amba Khan Kashmiri, who was descended from the 
rulers of Kashmir and was connected (by marriage ?) with 
the aforesaid Khan, and had a great regard for him by 
way of loyalty and manliness, rushed forward and struck 
a heavy blow on 'All Qull's head, and that vicious fellow 
inflicted a severe wound on Amba Khan with the point 
of his sword. 2 When they saw Qutbu-d-din Khan in this 

1 Text baryanht, 'he turned round.' But the MSS. have chi rawish-i- 
tuzvkast, " What kind of arrangement is this ? " 

2 Sham^hir-i-sikhakl, ' pointed sword, poniard ' ? 


state, his men attacked him (Shir-afgan), and cut him in 
pieces and sent him to hell. It is to be hoped that the 
place of this black-faced scoundrel will always be there. 
Amba Khan obtained martyrdom on the spot, and Qutbu-d- 
din Khan Koka after four watches attained the mercy of 
God in his quarters. What can I write of this unpleasant- 
ness ? How grieved and troubled I became ! Qutbu-d-dm 
Khan Koka was to me in the place of a dear son, a kind 
brother, and a congenial friend. What can one do with 
the decrees of God ? Bowing to destiny I adopted an 
attitude of resignation. After the departure of the late 
King and the death of that honoured one, no two mis- 
fortunes had happened to me like the death of the mother 
of Qutbu-d-dm Khan Koka and his own martyrdom. 

On Friday, the 6th Rabi'u-1-akhir, I came to the quarters 
of Khurram (Shah-Jahan), which had been made in the 
Urta Garden. In truth, the building is a delightful and 
well-proportioned one. Whereas it was the rule of my 
father to have himself weighed twice every year, (once) 
according to the solar and (once according to the) lunar 
year, and to have the princes weighed according to the 
solar year, and moreover in this year, which was the 
commencement of my son Khurram's 16th lunar year, 
the astrologers and astronomers * represented that a most 
important epoch according to his horoscope would occur, 
as the prince's health 2 had not been good, I gave an order 
that they should weigh him according to the prescribed 
rule, against gold, silver, and other metals, which should 
be divided among faqirs and the needy. The whole of 
that day was passed in enjoyment and pleasure in the 
house of Baba Khurram, and many of his presents were 

1 The meaning of two words being used probably is that both Hindu 
and Persian astrologers are referred to. ' Blochmann, p. 311, says that 
Shah-Jahan's birthday was 30th Rabl'u-l-awwal. 

2 Lit., " His disposition had changed from equability." 


As I had experienced the excellencies of Kabul, and had 
eaten most of its fruits, in consequence of important 
considerations and the distance from the capital, on 
Sunday, the 4th Jumada-1-awwal, I gave an order that 
they should send out the advance camp in the direction 
of Hindustan. After some days I left the city, and the 
royal standards proceeded to the meadow of Safld-sang. 
Although the grapes were not yet fully ripe, I had often 
before this eaten Kabul grapes. There are many good 
sorts of grapes, especially the Sahibi and Kishmishl. The 
cherry also is a fruit of pleasant flavour, and one can eat 
more of it than of other fruits ; I have in a day eaten up 
to 150 of them. The term shah-alu means gilds 1 (cherry), 
which are obtainable in most places of the country, but 
since gilds is like gilds, which is one of the names of the 
chalpdsa (lizard), my revered father called it shah-alu. 
The zard-alu paywandi 2 is good, and is abundant. There 
is especially a tree in the Shahr-ara garden, that Mirza 
Muhammad Hakim, my uncle, planted, and is known as 
the Mlrza'l. The apricots of this tree are quite unlike 
the apricots of other trees. The peaches also are very 
delicious and plentiful. They had brought some peaches 
from Istalif. I had them weighed in my presence, and 
they came exactly in weight to 25 rupees, which is 
68 current misqdl. Notwithstanding the sweetness of 
the Kabul fruits, not one of them has, to my taste, the 
flavour of the mango. The parganah of Mahaban was given 
as jagir to Mahabat Khan. 'Abdu-r-Rahim, paymaster 
of the Ahadis, was promoted to the rank of 700 personal 

1 Gilds is a cherry in Kashmi"i. See Blochmann's Ayin, p. 616. 
Abu-1-fazl mentions in the Ayin (Blochmann, p. 66) that Akbar called 
gilds shah-alu. 

2 Paywandi means 'to graft,' and possibly this is the meaning here, 
but Steingass gives paywandi as part of the name of a plum. The 
text seems to be corrupt, and perhaps what Jahangir wrote was "the 
zard-alu resembles the Jchubdni." 


and 200 horse. Mubarak Khan Sarwani was appointed 
to the faujdarship of the sarkar of Hisar. I ordered 
that Mirza Faridun Bar las should have a jagir in the 
Subah of Allahabad. On the 14th of the aforesaid 
month I gave Iradat Khan, brother of Asaf Khan, the 
rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and presenting 
him with a special robe of honour and a horse, bestowed 
on him the paymastership of the Subah of Patna and 
Hajlpur. As he was my qurbegi, I sent by his hand 
a jewelled sword for my son (farzand) Islam Khan, the 
governor of the aforesaid Subah. As we were going 
along I saw near 'All Masjid and Gharib-khana a large 
spider of the size of a crab that had seized by the throat 
a snake of one and a half gaz in length and half strangled 
it. I. delayed a minute to look on at this, and after 
a moment it died (the snake). 

I heard at Kabul that in the time of Mahmud of 
Ghazni a person of the name of Khwaja Tabut 1 had 
died in the neighbourhood of Zuhak and Bamiyan, and 
was buried in a cave, whose limbs had not yet rotted 
asunder. This appeared very strange, and I sent one 
of my confidential record writers with a surgeon to go 
to the cave and, having seen the state of affairs as they 
were, to make a special report. He represented that 
half of the body which was next the ground had most 

1 Text has Yaqut, but it is clear from the Iqbal-nama, p. 25, and from 
I.O. MS. 181 that the name is Khwaja Tabut, 'the coffin Khwaja.' The 
author of the Iqbal-nama was the person sent to make the inquiry, and 
he gives a long account of what he saw. A surgeon was sent with him, 
as the Khwaja was said to have been martyred, and it was necessary to 
report on the wounds. The coffin story is mentioned in the Ayin, i, 194. 
See Jarrett, ii, 409-10, but the translation is not quite accurate, I think. 
The punctuation of the text seems to me to be correct. It is characteristic 
of Jahanglr and the author of the Iqbal-nama that they take no notice of 
the colossal figures at Bamiyan, though Abu-1-fazl does. See Jarrett's 
note. It is stated in the Iqbal-nama. that Khwaja Tabut was said to 
have been killed in the time of Chingiz Khan. If so, the Sultan Mahmud 
mentioned by Jahangir must be Sultan Mahmud Ghori. 


of it come asunder, and the other half which had not 
touched the ground remained in its own condition. The 
nails of the hands and feet and the hair of the head had 
not been shed, but the hair of the beard and moustache 
as far as one side of the nose had been shed. From 
the date that had been engraved on the door of the 
cave it appeared that his death had occurred before the 
time of Sultan Mahmud. No one knows the exact state 
of the case. 

On Thursday, the 15th Arslan Bi, governor of the 
fort of Kahmard, who was one of the servants of middle 
rank(?) of Wall Muhammad Khan, ruler of Turan, came 
and waited on me. 1 I had always heard that Mirza 
Husam, son of Shahrukh Mirza, had been killed by the 
Uzbegs. At this time a certain person came and presented 
a petition in his name, and brought a ruby of the colour 
of an onion, which was worth 100 rupees, as an offering. 
He prayed that an army might be appointed to assist 
him, so that he might take Badakhshan out of the 
Uzbegs' hands. A jewelled dagger-belt was sent him, 
and an order given that, as the royal standards had 
alighted in those regions, if he really was Mirza Husain, 
son of Mirza Shahrukh, he should first hasten into my 
presence, so that having examined his petitions and 
claims I might send him to Badakhshan. Two hundred 
thousand rupees were sent for the army that had been 
sent with Maha Singh and Ram Das against the rebels of 

On Thursday, the 22nd, having gone to the Bala 
Hisar, I inspected the buildings in that place. As the 
place was not fit for me I ordered them to destroy these 
buildings and to prepare a palace and a royal hall of 
audience. On the same day they brought a peach from 
Istalif, barabar sar-i-buh bakaldni, " as big as an owl's 

3 He was appointed governor of Sehwan (Iqbal-nama, p. 27). 


head'^?). 1 I had not seen a peach of such a size, and 
ordered it to be weighed, and it came to 63 Akbari 
rupees, or 60 tolas. When I cut it in half its stone 
also came into two pieces, and its substance was sweet. 
I had in Kabul never eaten better fruit from any tree. 
On the 25th news came from Malwa that Mirza Shahrukh 
had bid farewell to this transitory world, and God Almighty 
had submerged him in His mercy. From the day on 
which he entered the service of my revered father till 
the time of his departure, from no act of his could 
dust be brought into the royal mind. He always did 
his duty with sincerity. The aforesaid Mirza apparently 
had four sons : Hasan and Husain were born of the 
same womb (i.e. they were twins). Husain fled from 
Burhanpur and went by sea to Iraq, and thence to 
Badakhshan, where they say he now is, as has been 
written about his message and his sending some one to 
me. No one knows for certain whether it is the same 
Mirza Husain, or the people of Badakhshan have raised 
up this one like other false Mirzas and given him the 
name of Mirza Husain. From the time when Mirza 
.Shahrukh came from Badakhshan and had the good 
fortune to wait on my father until now, nearly 25 years 
have passed. For some time the people of Badakhshan, 
on account of the oppression and injury they have to 
undergo from the Uzbegs, have given notoriety to a 
Badakhshan boy, who had on his face the marks of 
nobility, as really the son of Mirza Shahrukh and of 
the race of Mirza Sulaiman. A large number of the 
scattered Uymaqs, and the hill-people of Badakhshan, 

1 The MSS. merely have "of a size that I had never seen before." 
Probably the text is corrupt, and the meaning may be "as big as 
a head." Bih is a quince, and perhaps this is what is meant here. Or 
the meaning may be "equal to the biggest for size." Or sar may be 
a mistake for sih and the meaning be " equal in size to three (ordinary 

120 shahrukh's sons, a ring hunt. 

whom they call Gharchal (Georgians ?), collected round 
him, and showing enmity and disputing with the Uzbegs, 
took some of the districts of Badakhshan out of their 
possession. The Uzbegs attacked that false Mlrza and 
captured him, and placing his head on a spear sent it 
round to the whole country of Badakhshan. Again 
the seditious people of Badakhshan quickly produced 
another Mlrza. Up to now several Mirzas have been 
killed. It appears to me that as long as there is any 
trace of the people of Badakhshan they will keep up 
this disturbance. The third son of the Mlrza is Mlrza 
Sultan, who excels in appearance and disposition all 
the other sons of the Mlrza. I begged him from his 
revered father, and have kept him in my own service, 
and having taken great pains with him reckon him as 
my own child. In disposition and manners he has no 
likeness to his brothers. After my accession I gave him 
the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, and sent 
him to the Subah of Malwa, which was his father's 
place. The fourth son is Badfu-z-zaman, whom he 
always had in attendance on himself ; he obtained the 
rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. 

While I was at Kabul, no qamargah hunt had taken 
place. As the time for returning to Hindustan had come 
near, and I was very desirous of hunting red deer, 
I ordered them to go forward as soon as possible and 
surround the hill Faraq, 1 which is seven kos from Kabul. 
On Tuesday, the 4th Jumada-1-awwal, I went to hunt. 
Nearly 100 deer had come into the enclosure (qamargah). 
About a half of these were taken, and a very hot hunt 
took place. I gave 5,000 rupees in rewards to the ryots 
who were present at the hunt. On the same day an 
increase of 500 horse was ordered to the rank of Shaikh 

1 I.O. MS. 181 has Qarqara mountains. There is also the reading 


'Abdu-r-Rahman, son of Shaikh Abu-1-fazl, so as to bring 
it to 2,000 personal and (2,000) horse. On Thursday, the 
6th, I went to the throne-place of the late king Babar. 
As I was to leave Kabul on the next day I looked on that 
day as a feast day, and ordered them to arrange a wine- 
party on the spot, and fill with wine the little reservoir 
they had cut in the rock. Cups were given to all the 
courtiers and servants who were present, and few 
days have passed in such enjoyment and pleasure. On 
Friday, the 7th, when a watch of day had passed, leaving 
the city auspiciously and with pleasure, a halt was made 
at the julgah (meadow) of the Safld-sang. From the 
Shahr-ara as far as the julgah I scattered to faqirs and 
poor people darb and charan, that is, half and quarter 
rupees. 1 On that day, when I mounted my elephant 
for the purpose of leaving Kabul, the news arrived of 
the recovery of the Amiru-1-umara and Shah Beg Khan. 
The news of the g-ood health of these two chief servants 
of mine I took as an auspicious omen for myself. From 
the julgah of the Saf id-sang, marching one kos on Tuesday, 
the 11th, I halted at Bikram. I left Tash Beg Khan at 
Kabul to take proper care of Kabul and neighbourhood 
until the coming of Shah Beg Khan. On Tuesday, the 
18th, I marched two and a half kos from the halting- 
place of Butkhak by the road Duaba, 2 and encamped at 
a spring on the bank of which there are four plane- 
trees. No one till now had looked to the preparation 
of this halting-place, and they were ignorant of its 
condition and suitability. It is in truth a most excellent 
spot, and one fit to have a building erected in it. At this 
halting-place another qamargah hunt took place, when 
about 112 deer, etc., were taken. Twenty -four rang 
antelope and 50 red antelope and 16 mountain goats were 

1 Blochmann, p. 31. 

2 Du'aba is mentioned as a stage by W. Finch. 


taken. I had never till now seen a rang antelope alive. 1 
It is in truth a wonderful animal of a beautiful shape. 
Although the black buck of Hindustan looks very finely 
made, the shape and fashion and appearance of this 
antelope is quite a different thing. They weighed a ram 
and a rang ; the ram came to a maund and 33 seers and 
the rang to two maunds and 10 seers. The rang, although 
of this size, ran so that ten or twelve swift dogs were 
worn out and seized it with a hundred thousand difficulties. 
The flesh of the sheep of the Barbary goat in flavour does 
not surpass that of the rang. In the same village kulangs 
(demoiselle crane) were also caught. 

Although Khusrau had repeatedly done evil actions and 
deserved a thousand kinds of punishment, my fatherly 
affection did not permit me to take his life. Although 
in the laws of government and the ways of empire one 
should take notice of such disapproved deeds, I averted 
my eyes from his faults, and kept him in excessive comfort 
and ease. It became known that he was in the habit of 
sending men to scoundrels who did not consider con- 
sequences, and of inciting them to give trouble and 
attempt my life, and making them hopeful with promises. 
A band of these ill-fated ones of little foresight having 
joined together, desired to attack me in the hunts that 
took place in Kabul and those parts. As the grace and 
protection of God Almighty are the guardians and keepers 
of this sublime dynasty, they did not attain to their end. 
On the day when the halt was at the Surkhab, one of that 
band went at the risk of his life to Khwaja WaisI, the 
Diwan of my son Khurram, and revealed that nearly 500 
men at Khusrau' s instigation had conspired with Fathu-llah, 
son of Hakim Abu-1-fath, Nuru-d-dm, son of Ghiyasu-d- 
din 'All Asaf-khan, and Sharif, son of I'timadu-d-daulah 
(Nur-Jahan's father), and were awaiting an opportunity 

1 The text omits the word zinda, ' alive. ' 


to carry out the designs of the enemies and evil-wishers 
of the king. Khwaja Waisi told this to Khurram, 
and he in great perturbation immediately told me. 
I gave Khurram the blessing of felicity, and prepared 
to get hold of the whole set of those short-sighted ones 
and punish them with various kinds of punishment. 
Again, it came to my mind, as I was on the march, and 
the seizure of these people would create a disturbance 
and confusion in the camp, 1 to order the leaders of the 
disturbance and mischief to be apprehended. I handed 
over Fathu-llah in confinement to certain trusty men, and 
ordered capital punishment for the other two wretches, 
with three or four of the chief among the black-faced 
(conspirators). I had dignified Qasim 'All, who was one 
of the servants of the late king Akbar, after my accession 
with the title of Dayanat Khan. He always accused 
Fathu-llah of a want of loyalty, and said things about 
him. One day he said to Fathu-llah : " At the time when 
Khusrau fled and the king pursued him, you said to me : 
' The Panjab should be given to Khusrau and this quarrel 
cut short.' ' Fathu-llah denied this, and both resorted to 
oaths and curses (on themselves). Ten or fifteen days had 
not passed after this altercation when that hypocritical 
wretch was arrested, and his false oath did its business. 

On Saturday, the 22nd Jumada-1-awwal, the Jiews 
came of the death of the Hakim Jalalu-d-dm Muzaffar 
ArdistanI, who was of a family of skill and medicine 
and claimed to be a descendant of Galen. At all events 
he was an unequalled healer. His experience added to 
his knowledge.' 2 As he was very handsome and well-made 

1 The urdfc or camp was probably not with Jahangir then, and he 
thought that if he sent to it for the capture of 500 there would be 
confusion. He therefore contented himself at the time with arresting 
the ringleaders. There is a full account of the conspiracy in the 
Iqbal-nama, p. 27, etc. 

2 Possibly the meaning is "his experience was greater than his skill." 


in the days of his youth (sada-rwiha) l he frequented 
the, assemblies of Shah Tahmasp, and the king recited 
this hemistich about him : — 

"We have a pleasant physician: come, let us all be ill." 

Hakim 'All, who was his contemporary, exceeded him 
in skill. In short, in medical skill and auspiciousness 
and rectitude and purity of method and disposition he 
was perfect. Other physicians of the age could not 
compare with him. In addition to his medical skill he 
had many excellencies. He had perfect loyalty towards 
me. He built at Lahore a house of great pleasantness 
and purity, and repeatedly asked me to honour it (with 
my presence). As I was very fond of pleasing him 
I consented. In short, the aforesaid Hakim, from his 
connection with me and being my physician, had great 
skill in the management of affairs and business of the 
world, so that for some time at Allahabad I made him 
Diwan of my establishment. On account of his great 
honesty he was very exacting in important business, and 
people were vexed at this method of proceeding. For 
about twenty years he had ulcerated lungs, and by his 
wisdom preserved in some measure his health. When 
he was talking he mostly coughed so much that his 
cheek and eyes became red, and by degrees his colour 
became blue. I often said to him : " Thou art a learned 
physician : why dost thou not cure thy own wounds ? " 
He represented that wounds in the lungs were not of 
such a nature that they could be cured. During his 
illness one of his confidential servants put poison into 
some medicine he was in the habit of taking every day 
and gave it to him. When he perceived this he took 
remedies for it. He objected very much to be bled, 
although this was necessary. It happened that he was 
going to the privy when his cough overcame him and 

1 Lit., when he was smooth-faced, i.e. beardless. 


opened the wounds in his lungs. So much blood poured 
out of his mouth and brain that he became insensible 
and fell, and made a fearful cry. An dftabachi (ewer- 
bearer) becoming aware of this, came into the assembly- 
room, and seeing him smeared with blood cried out : 
" They have killed the hakim." After examining him 
it was seen that there was no sign of wounds on his 
body, and that it was the same wound in the lungs 
that had begun to flow. They informed Qilij Khan, who 
was the Governor of Lahore, and he, having ascertained 
the true state of the affair, buried him. He left no 
capable son. 

On the 24th, between the garden of Wafa and Nlmlah, 
a hunt took place, and nearly forty red antelope were 
killed. A female panther (yus) fell into our hands in 
this hunt. The zamindars of that place, Laghmanls, 
Shall, and Afghans, came and said that they did not 
remember nor had they heard from their fathers that 
a panther had been seen in that region for 120 years. 
A halt was made on the 2nd Jumada-1-akhir, at the 
Wafa Garden, and the assembly for the solar weighing 
was held. On the same day Arslan Bl, an Uzbeg who 
was one of the Sardars and nobles of 'Abdu-1-Mumin Khan, 
and was at that time governor of the fort of Kahmard, 
having left his fort, had the blessing of waiting on me. 
As he had come from friendship and sincerity, I exalted 
him with a special robe of honour. He is a simple 
Uzbeg, and is fit to be educated and honoured. On the 
4th of the month an order was given that 'Izzat Khan, 
the governor 1 of Jalalabad, should make the hunting- 
ground of the Arzina plain into a qamargah (ring- 
hunting ground). Nearly 300 animals were captured, 

1 The I.O. MSS. do not call him governor, and the names of the 
animals captured differ in the MSS. from those given in the text. 
The latter are obviously wrong, and I have discarded them. The 
Iqbal-nama, p. 30, has Arzana as the name of the hunting-ground. 
Erskine has Arzina. 

126 shah beg khan. 

namely, 35 quch (rams ?), 25 qnshql (?), 90 arghali 
(wild sheep), 55 tughll (yaks ?), 95 antelope (safida). 

As it was the middle of the day when I arrived at 
the hunting-place and the air was very hot, the (tazi) 
Arabian dogs had been exhausted. 1 The time for r unn ing 
dogs is in the morning or at the end of the day. On 
Saturday, the 12th, the halt was at Akura Saray(?). 
At this stage Shah Beg Khan, 2 with a good force, came 
and waited on me. He was one who had been brought 
up by my father, the late king Akbar. In himself he is 
a very brave man and energetic, so much so that constantly 
in the time of my father he fought several single combats, 
and in my own reign defended the fort of Qandahar 
from the hosts of the ruler of Iran. It was besieged for 
a year before the royal army arrived to his assistance. 
His manners towards his soldiers are those of an Amir 
(nobleman, umarayana), and not according to discipline 
(qudrat), especially towards those who have helped him 
in battles or are with him in campaigns. He jokes 
much with his servants, and this gives him an undignified 
appearance. 3 I have repeatedly warned him about this, 
but as it is in his nature my remonstrances have had 
no effect. 

On Monday, the 14th, I promoted Hashim Khan, who 
is one of the household, born ones of our dynasty, to 

1 Erskine has "many of the hounds were destroyed." Sagdn-i-tdzi 
probably means greyhounds, whether bred in Arabia or elsewhere. 

2 Blochmann, p. 377, and Ma'asiru - 1 - umara, ii, 642. He was an 

3 The passage is obscure and the text is corrupt. Erskine's translation 
is : " His manners towards the soldiers is frank and gallant, but not 
according to the rules of discipline, especially towards those who have 
been or are in the wars with him. He is much nattered by his servants, 
which gives him a light appearance." Evidently Erskine read ndzl or 
ndz instead of bdz as in the text, and the MSS. support his reading. 
I think, however, that ndz Icazhidan means 'to jest.' Instead of the 
ta bamdndand of text the MSS. have yd namdyand, the meaning being 
those soldiers who have served him well, or are doing so. We learn 
from Blochmann, p. 378, that Shah Beg was "a frank Turk." 


the rank of 3,000 with 2,000 horse, and I made him 
governor of the province of Orissa. On the same day 
news came that Badfu-z-zaman, son of Mirza Shahrukh, 
who was in the province of Malwa, through folly and 
youth had started with a body of rebels to go to the 
province of the Rana and join him. 'Abdu-llah Khan, 
the governor of that place, being informed of this event 
went after him, and having made him prisoner on the 
way, slew several of the wretches who had joined with 
him. An order was given that Ihtimam Khan should 
start from Agra and bring the Mirza to the court. On 
the 25th of the aforesaid month news came that Imam 
Qull Khan, nephew of Wall Khan, ruler of Mawara'a-n- 
nahr, had killed him who was called Mirza Husain, who 
had been reported to be the son of Mirza Shahrukh. 
In truth, the killing of the sons of Mirza Shahrukh is 
like the killing of the demons, as they say that from 
every drop of their blood demons are produced. In the 
station of Dhaka, Shir Khan, the Afghan, whom when 
I left I had placed at Peshawar to guard the Khaibar 
Pass, came and waited on me. He had made no default 
in preserving and guarding the road. Zafar Khan, son 
of Zain Khan Koka, had been appointed to move on 
the Dalazak Afghans and the tribe of Khatur, who had 
perpetrated all kinds of misdeeds in the neighbourhood 
of Attock and the Beas and that vicinity. After 
performing that service and the conquest of those rebels, 
who numbered about 100,000 houses, and sending them 
off towards Lahore, he came and waited upon me at the 
same halting -place, and it was evident that he had 
performed that service as it ought to have been done. 
As the month of Rajab, corresponding with the Ilahl 
month of Aban, had arrived, 1 and it was known that this 

1 The peculiarity of this year was that the lunar month and the solar 
month of Akbar's birth, viz. Rajab and Aban, coincided, so that there 
was a double celebration. 


was one of the months lixed for the lunar weighing 1 
(wazn-i-qamari) of my father, I determined that the 
value of all the articles which he used to order for his 
own weighing in the solar and lunar years should be 
estimated, and that what this came to should be sent 
to the large cities for the repose of the soul of that 
enlightened one, and be divided amongst the necessitous 
and the faqirs. The total came to 100,000 rupees, 
equal to 300 Iraq tumans, and 300,000 of the currency 
of the people of Mawara'a-n-nahr. 

Trustworthy men divided that sum among the twelve 
chief cities, such as Agra, Delhi.Lahore, Gujarat (Ahmadabad), 
etc. On Thursday, the 3rd Rajab, I favoured with the 
title of Khan-jahan my son (farzand) Salabat Khan, who 
is not less to me than my own sons, and ordered that they 
•should in all firmans and orders write of him as Khan- 
jahan. A special robe of honour and a jewelled sword 
were also given him. Also, having entitled Shah Beg 
Khan Khan-dauran, 1 presented him with a jewelled 
waist-dagger, a male elephant, and a special horse. The 
whole of the sarkars of Tirah, Kabul, Bangash, and the 
province of Sawad (Swat) Bajaur, with the (task of) 
beating back the Afghans of those regions, and a jagir 
and the faujdarship were confirmed to him. He took 
leave from Baba Hasan Abdal. I also ordered Ram Das 
Kachhwaha to receive a jagir in this province and to be 
enrolled among the auxiliaries of this Subah. I conferred 
on Kishan Chand, son of the Mota (fat) Raja, the rank 
of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. A firman was written 
to Murtaza Khan (Sayyid Farid), governor of Gujarat, that 
as the good conduct and excellence and abstemiousness 
of the son of Miyan Wajihu-d-dm l had been reported 
to me, he should hand over to him from me a sum of 
money, and that he should write and send me some of 

1 Wajihu-d-din was a famous Gujarat saint. He died in 998. 


the names of God which had been tested. If the grace 
of God should be with me I would continually repeat 1 
them. Before this I had given leave to Zafar Khan to 
go to Baba Hasan Abdal to collect together game for 
sport. He had made a shakhband (literally a tying 
together of horns or branches). Twenty-seven red deer 
and 68 white ones came into the shakhband. I myself 
struck with arrows 29 antelope, and Parwiz and Khurram 
also killed some others with arrows. Afterwards orders 
were given to the servants and courtiers to shoot. Khan 
Jahan was the best shot, and in every case of his striking 
an antelope the arrow penetrated through and through. 2 
Again, on the 14th of the month of Rajab, Zafar Khan had 
arranged a qamargah at Rawalpindi. I struck with an 
arrow a red deer at a long distance, and was highly 
delighted at the arrow striking him and his falling down. 
Thirty-four red deer and 35 qara-qilyrilgh (black-tailed) 
antelope, which in the Hindi language they call chikara, 
and two pigs were also killed. On the 21st another 
qamargah had been arranged within three kos of the fort 
of Rohtas by the efforts and exertions of Hilal Khan. 
I had taken with me to this hunt those who were 
screened by the curtains of honour (the members of the 
zananah). The hunt was a good one and came off with 
great eclat. Two hundred red and white antelope were 
killed. Passing on from Rohtas, the hills of which 
contain these antelope, there are in no place in the 
whole of Hindustan, with the exception of Girjhak and 
Nandanah, red deer of this description. I ordered them 

1 The word used by Jahangir, and which has been translated ' repeat 
continually,' is muddwamat, and Erskine understood it to mean that 
Jahangir hoped to prolong his life by this exercise. 

2 Har ahiVi kih zad bar sar-i-tlr raft. The literal rendering 
apparently is : " whenever an antelope was struck by him the arrow 
entered up to its (the arrow's) head." Perhaps the meaning simply 
is every arrow (or bullet) that he shot went home. 


to catch and keep some of them alive, in order that 
possibly some of them might reach Hindustan for 
breeding purposes. On the 25th another hunt took 
place in the neighbourhood of Rohtas. In this hunt also 
my sisters and the other ladies were with me, and 
nearly 100 red deer were killed. It was told me that 
Shams Khan, uncle of Jalal Khan l Gakkhar, who was in 
that neighbourhood, notwithstanding his great age took 
much delight in hunting, such that young men had not 
so much enjoyment in it. When I heard that he was 
well-disposed towards faqirs and dervishes I went to 
his house, and his disposition and manners pleased me. 
I bestowed on him 2,000 rupees, and the same sum on 
his wives and children, with five other villages with large 
receipts by way of livelihood for them, that they might 
pass their days in comfort and contentment. On the 6th 
Sha'ban, at the halting-place of Chandalah, the Amiru-1- 
umara came and waited on me. I was greatly pleased 
at obtaining his society again, for all the physicians, 
Hindu and Musulman, had made up their minds that 
he would die. Aliuight}^ God in His grace and mercy 
granted him the honour of recovery, in order that it 
might be known to such as do not recognize His will 
that for every difficult ill, which those who look on the 
outside of causes only may have given up as hopeless, 
there is One who is powerful to provide a cure and 
remedy out of His own kindness and compassion. On 
the same day Ray Ray Singh, 2 one of the most con- 
siderable of the Rajput Amirs, ashamed on account of 
the fault he had committed in the matter of Khusrau, 
and who was living at his home, came, and under the 
patronage of the Ainiru - 1 - umara obtained the good 

1 Jalal Khan was a grandson of Sultan Adam (Blochmann, pp. 455 
and 486). 

2 See infra for another notice of him in the chapter on Gujrat. 


fortune of waiting on me ; his offences were pardoned. 
At the. time that I left Agra in pursuit of Khusrau 
I had in full confidence left him in charge of Agra, 
so that when the ladies {mahalha) l should be sent 
for he might come with them. After the ladies were 
sent for he went for two or three stages with them, and 
in the village of Mathura, on merely hearing foolish 
tales, separated from them, and went to his native place 
(Bikanir). He thought that as a commotion had arisen 
he would see where the right road was. The merciful 
God, who cherishes His servants, in a short time having 
arranged that affair broke the rope of the alliance of 
those rebels, and this betrayal of his salt remained a 
burden on his neck. In order to please the Amlru-l- 
umara I ordered the rank which he formerly held to be 
confirmed to him, and his jagir to remain as it was. 
I promoted Sulaiman Beg, who was one of my attendants 
from the time when I was prince, to the title of Fida'l 
Khan. On Monday, the 12th, a halt was made at the 
garden of Dil-amlz, which is on ths bank of the river 
Ravi. I waited on my mother in this garden. Mirza 
GhazI, who had done approved service in command of 
the army at Qandahar, waited on me, and I bestowed 
great favour on him. 

On Tuesday, the 13th, I auspiciously entered Lahore. 
The next day Mir Khalilu-llah, son of Ghiyasu-d-din 
Muhammad, Mlrmlran, who was of the descendants of 
Shah Ni'matu-llah Wall, paid his respects. 2 In the 
reign of Shah Tahmasp there was no family of such 
greatness in the whole country, for the sister of the 
Shah, by name Janish Begam, was in the house of 
(married to) Mir Ni'matu-llah, the father of the Mlrmlran. 

1 One of Jahangir's wives was a daughter of Ray Ray Singh (of 
Bikanir). See Blochmann, p. 310. 

2 See Rieu, Cat. ii, p. 634. 

132 ni'matu-llah's family. 

A daughter who was born to them, the Shah gave in 
marriage to his own son [sma'il Mirza, and making the 
sons of that Mirmiran sons-in-law, gave his younger 
daughter to his eldest son, who had the same name ;is his 
grandfather, and connected (in marriage) the daughter of 
[sma'il Mirza, who was born of the niece of the Shah, 
to another son, Mir Khalllu-llah. After the death of 
the Shah, by degrees the family went to decay, until 
in the feign of Shah 'Abbas they became all at once 
extirpated, and they lost the property and effects that 
they had and could no longer remain in their own place. 
Mil- Khalllu-llah came to wait upon me. As he had 
undergone trouble on tie' toad, and tin- signs of sincerity 
were apparent from his circumstances, having made him 
a sharer of my unstinted favours I gave him 1.2,000 rupees 
in cash, and promoted him to the rank of 1,000 personal 
and 200 horse, and gave an order for ajagir. 

An order was given to the civil department (diwaniyan) 
to confer the rank of 8,000 personal and 5,000 horse on 
my son Khurram. and to provide a jagir for him in the 
neighbourhood of Ujjain, and to assign the Sarkar of 
Hisar Firuza to him. On Thursday, the 22nd. on the 
invitation of Asaf Khan. I went with my ladies to his 
house and passed the night there. The next day he 
presented before me his own offerings, of the value of 
ben lacs of rupees, in jewels and jewelled things, robes, 
elephants, and horses. Some single rubies and jacinths 
and some pearls, also silk cloths with some pieces of 
porcelain from China and Tartary, were accepted, and 
I made a present of the rest to him. Murtaza Khan 
from Gujarat sent by way of offering a ring made of 
a single ruby of good colour, substance, and water, the 
stone, the socket, and the ring being all of one piece. 
They' weighed I', tanks and one surkh, which is equal 
to one misqal and I 5 surkh. This was sent to me and 
much approved. Till that day no one had ever heard of 


such a ring having come to the hands of any sovereign. 
A single ruby weighing six surkhs or two tanks and 
15 surkhs, 1 and of which the value was stated to be 
£25,000, was also sent. The ring was valued at the 
same figure. 

On the same day the envoy of the Sharif of Mecca came 
to wait on me with a letter and the curtain of the door 
of the Ka'bah. He showed great friendship towards me. 
The said envoy had bestowed on him 500,000 dam, equal 
to 7,000 or 8,000 rupees, and I resolved to send the Sharif 
the equivalent of 100,000 rupees of the precious things 
of Hindustan. On Thursday, the 10th of the month, 
a piece of the Subah of Multan was added to the jagir 
of Mirza Ghazi, though the whole of the province of 
Thattah had been given to him in jagir. He was also 
promoted to the rank of 5,000 personalty and 5,000 
horse. The government of Qandahar and the protection 
of that region, which is the frontier of Hindustan, were 
assigned to his excellent administration. Conferring on 
him a robe of honour and a jewelled sword I gave him 
his leave. In tine, Mirza Ghazi possessed perfection, 2 
and he made also good verses. He used Waqari as his 
taH alius, or poetic name (Ruz-i-rushan, Bhopal 12!»7, 
p. 455 ; also Ma'asiru-1-umara, vol. iii, p. 347). This is 
one of his couplets : — 

" If m}' weeping should cause her to smile, what wonder? 
Though the cloud weep, the cheek of the rose-bush smiles." 

1 There is evidently something wrong in the text, for a ruby weighing 
6 surkhs could not weigh 2 tanks and 1.") surkhs. I.O. MS. 181 has 
barja instead of siirfch, but I do not know what this means. Perhaps 
xltftsh-f/ilslia, 'hexagonal,' was intended. This view is confirmed by the 
Iqbal-nama, p. 31, which has shash paMu, 'six-sided.' Erskine's MS. 
also had 'six-sided,' and he translates "a six-sided ruby which weighed 
two tcmga fifteen swrkha." I.O. MS. 303 has shad parcha, and it is 
evident that this word, as also the barja of No. 181, is the parche of 
Steingass, which means a segment or facet. 

2 This remark about Mirza, Ghazi, and also the quotation, do not occur 
in the two I.O. MSS. 


On the 15th the offering of the Khankhanan was pre- 
sented to me : 40 elephants, some jewelled and decorated 
vessels, some Persian robes, and cloth that they make 
in the Deccan and those parts, had been sent by him, 
altogether of the value of 150,000 rupees. Mlrza Rustam 
and most of the office-holders of that Subah had also sent 
good offerings. Some of the elephants were approved. 
News of the death of Ray Durga, 1 who was one of those 
who had been brought up by my revered father, arrived 
on the 18th of the month. He had been in attendance 
for forty years and more in the position of an Amir on 
my revered father, until, by degrees, he had risen in rank 
to 4,000. Before he obtained the good fortune of waiting 
on my father, he was one of the trusted servants of Rana 
Uday Singh. He died on the 29th. He was a good military 
man. Sultan Shah, the Afghan, whose disposition was 
turbulent and mischievous, passed his time in the service 
of Khusrau, and had his complete intimacy, so much so 
that this rebel was the cause of the running away of 
that unfortunate one. After the defeat and capture of 
Khusrau he went off alone (?) 2 into the skirts of the hills 
of Khizrabad and that region. At last he was made 
prisoner by Mir Mughal, the karori of that place. As he 
had been the cause of the destruction and ruin of such 
a son, I ordered them to shoot him with arrows on the 
plain of Lahore. The aforesaid karori was promoted to 
higher rank, and was dignified with a grand dress of 
honour. On the 29th Shir Khan, the Afghan, who was 
one of my old servants, died. One might say that he 
took his own life, because he was continually drinking 
wine, to the extent that in every watch he used to 
drink four brimming cups of arrack of double strength. 
He had broken the fast of the Ramazan of the past year, 

1 Blochmann, p. 417. 

2 Bayalctd, but the I. O. MSS. have batagpdy, 'rapidly.' 


and took it into his head this year that he would fast 
in the month of Sha'ban on account of his having broken 
the fast of Ramazan, and would fast for two months 
together. In abandoning his usual custom, which is a 
second nature, he became weak and his appetite left him, 
and becoming very weak he passed away in his 57th 
year. Patronising his children and brothers according 
to their circumstances, I bestowed on them a portion of 
his rank and jagir. 

On the 1st of the month of Shawwal I went to 
visit Maulana Muhammad Amin, who was one of the 
disciples of Shaikh Mahmud Kamangar (the bow-maker). 
The Shaikh Mahmud 1 mentioned was one of the great 
men of his age, and H.M. Humayun had entire reliance 
on him, so much so that he once poured water on 
his hands. The aforesaid Maulana is a man of good 
disposition, and is free, notwithstanding the attachments 
and accidents (of the world), a faqir in manner and 
ways, and acquainted with brokenness of spirit. His 
company pleased me exceedingly. I explained to him 
some of the griefs that had entangled themselves in 
my mind and heard from him good advice and agree- 
able words, and found myself greatly consoled at heart. 
Having presented him with 1,000 biglul and 1,000 
rupees in cash by way of maintenance, I took leave. 
One watch of day had passed on Sunday when I left 
Lahore on my way to the capital of Agra. Having made 
Qillj Khan governor, Mir Qawamu-d-din diwan, Shaikh 
Yusuf bakhshi, and Jamalu-d-din kotwal, and presented 
each according to his circumstances with dresses of honour, 
I turned towards my desired way. On the 25th, having 
passed over the river at Sultanpur, I proceeded two kos 
and halted at Nakodar. Mv revered father had given 

1 Properly Zainu-d-din Mahmud. See the story in Badayuni, Ranking, 
p. 589; also Akbar-nama translation, i, 611, and Blochmann, p. 539 
and note. 


Shaikh Abu-1-fazl l gold of the weight of 20,000 rupees 
to build an embankment between these two parganahs 
and prepare a waterfall, and in truth I found a halting- 
place exceedingly pleasant and fresh. I ordered Mu'izzu-1- 
mulk, the jagirdar of Nakodar, to erect a building and 
prepare a garden on one side of this embankment, so 
that wayfarers seeing it might be pleased. On Saturday, 
10th Zi-1-qa'da, Waziru-1-mulk, who before my ascension 
had the good fortune to serve me, and was Diwan of my 
establishment, died of diarrhcea. At the end of his life 
a son of evil fortune (lit. footsteps) had been born in his 
house, who in the space of forty days ruined 2 (Erskine 
has 'ate') both his father and mother, and who himself 
died when he was two or three years old. It occurred 
to me that the house of Waziru-1-mulk must not all at 
once be ruined, and patronising Mansur, his brother's son, 
I wave him rank. Indeed, 3 he showed no love to me 
(the scent of love did not come from him). On Monday, 
the 14th, I heard on the road that between Panipat and 
Karnal there were two tigers that were giving much 
trouble to wayfarers. I collected the elephants and sent 
them off. When I arrived at their (the tigers') place 
I mounted a female elephant, and ordered them to place 
the elephants round them after the manner of a qamargah 
(enclosure), and by the favour of Allah killed both with 
a gun, and thus got rid of the raging tigers that had 
closed the road to the servants of God. On Thursday, 

1 I do not knoM- if this is the author. There appears to be no mention 
of the construction in the Akbar-nama. Nakodar is in the Jalandhar 
district (I.G., x, 180, and Jarrett, ii, 317). Perhaps the two tombs at 
Nakodar mentioned in I.G. as of Jahangir's time are those of Muqim 
the Waziru 1-mulk and his wife. See Tuzuk, pp. 6 and 64. 

2 Khwurd, lit. 'devoured.' Apparently he refers to the fact of the 
birth as a misfortune. I.O. MS. 181 has sar-i-mddar u pidar rd khwurd, 
and the A.S. 124 has ^hlr-i-mddar u pidar -i-hhiid, 'the milk of his own 
mother and father ' ! 

3 This is given as a quotation in No. 181. 

mIrza shahrukh's children. 137 

the 18th, 1 I halted at Delhi and alighted at the residence 
which Salim Khan, the Afghan, had made in the days 
of his rule in the middle of the river Jumna and called 
Salmigadh. My revered father had given the place to 
Murtaza Khan, who was originally an inhabitant of Delhi. 
The aforesaid Khan had built on the margin of the 
river a terrace of stone excessively pleasant and bright. 
Below that building' 2 near the water there was made 
a square cJtaukandl with glazed tiles by the order of 
H.M. Humayun, and there are few places with such air. 
In the days when the late king Humayun honoured Delhi 
with his presence, he often sat there with his intimates, 
and associated with the members of his assemblies. 
I passed four days in that place, and with my courtiers 
and intimates enjoyed myself with wine parties. Mu'azzam 
Khan, who was governor of Delhi, presented offerings. 
The jagirdars and citizens also made offerings and presents, 
each according to his circumstances. I was desirous to 
employ some days in a qamargah hunt in the parganah of 
Palam, which is one of the places near the aforesaid 
city and one of the fixed hunting-grounds. As it was 
represented to me that the (fortunate) hour for approaching 
Agra had come very near, and another proper hour was 
not to be obtained at all near that time, I gave up the 
intention, and embarking on board a boat went on by 
water. On the 20th of the month of Zl-1-qa'da four boys 
and three girls, children of Mlrza Shahrukh, whom he 
had not mentioned to my father, were brought. I placed 
the boys among my confidential servants, and made over 
the girls to the attendants of the ladies of the harem in 
order that they might look after them. On the 21st of 
the same month Raja Man Singh came and waited on me 

1 This should be the 17th if Monday was the 14th. 

2 The MSS. seem to have mutassil-i-mdb-i-chaukandl, 'in shape like 
a chaukandi (?). ' It was from the roof of this building that Humayun fell. 


from the fort of Rohtas, which is in the province of 
Patna and Behar, after orders had been sent to him six 
or seven times. He also, like Khan A'zam, is one of the 
hypocrites and old wolves of this State. What they have 
done to me, and what has happened to them from me, 
God the knower of secrets knows ; possibly no one could 
mention such another case(?). The aforesaid Raja produced 
as offerings 100 elephants, male and female, not one of 
which was fit to be included among my private elephants. 
As he was one of those who had been favoured by my 
father, I did not parade his offences before his face, but 
with royal condescension promoted him. 

On this day they brought a talking jal (lark) which 
distinctly said " Miyan Tuti." It was very strange and 
wonderful. In Turki they call this bird turghai. 1 

The Third New Year's Feast from my Accession. 

On Thursday, the 2nd Zl-1-hijja, corresponding with the 
1st Farwardm (19th March, 1608), the Sun, which en- 
lightens and heats the world with its splendour, changed 
from the constellation of Pisces to the joyful mansion of 
Aries, the abode of pleasure and rejoicing. It gave the 
world fresh brightness, and being aided by the Spring 
clothed those who had been plundered by the cold season, 
and tyrannised over by the Autumn, with the robes of 
honour of the New Year and the garments of emerald 
green, and gave them compensation and recuperation. 

" Again to Not-Being came the world's lord's order, 
'Restore what thou hast devoured.'" 

1 Turghai or turghei is a thrush according to Vambery, and was the 
name of Timur's father. Perhaps the bird was the large maina, the 
Bhimraj or Bhringraj (?) of the Ayin, Jarrett, ii, p. 125 and note. In 
Scully's Glossary, turghai is said to be the lark. The text arranges the 
words differently from the MSS. They have mv*hakhJcha$ Miyan, Tuti 
gufta, and Erskine translates 'which said clearly Miyan Tuti.' But 
possibly Jahanglr meant that it spoke clearly like a parrot. 


The feast of the New Year was held in the village of 
Rankatta, 1 which is live kos oft' (from Agra), and at the 
time of transit (of the sun) I seated myself on the throne 
with glory and gladness. The nobles and courtiers and 
all the servants came forward with their congratulations. 
In the same assembly I bestowed on Khanjahan the rank 
of 5,000 personal and horse. I selected Khwaja Jahan 
for the post of bakhshi. Dismissing Wazir Khan from 
the Viziership of the province of Bengal, I sent in his 
place Abu-1-hasan Shihabkhani ; and Nuru-d-din Qull 
became kotwal of Agra. As the glorious mausoleum of 
the late king Akbar was on the road, it entered my mind 
that if in passing by I should have the good fortune of 
a pilgrimage to it, it might occur to those who were short- 
sighted that I visited it because it was the place where 
my road crossed. I accordingly had determined that this 
time I would enter Agra, and after that would go on foot 
on this pilgrimage to the shrine, which is two and a half 
kos off, in the same way that the Hazrat (my father), on 
account of my birth, had gone from Agra to Ajmir. 
Would that I might also traverse the same on my head ! 
When two watches of day had passed of Saturday, the 
5th 2 of the month, at an auspicious hour, I returned 
towards Agra, and scattering with two hands 5000 rupees 
in small coins on the way, entered the august palace which 
was inside the fort. On this day Raja Bir Singh Deo 
brought a white cheeta to show me. Although other sorts 

1 Blochmann, p. 332. Sikandra, Akbar's tomb, lies half-way between 
Rankattah and Agra. Tiefenthaler, i, 206, gives the name as Runcta, 
and says it is a famous place, as Ram there took the figure of Paras 
Ram. Jarrett, ii, 180, has Rangtah, and it is there described as 
a village on the Jumna, near the city, and a much frequented place 
of worship. The Agra volume of the N. W.P. Gazetteer, p. 764, spells 
it Runkutta, and says it is 9 miles north-west of Agra. See also Ma'asir, 
ii, 407, art. Sa'id Khan, where mention is made of Rankatta and Hilalabad, 
and Blochmann, p. 332. 

2 If Thursday was the 2nd, Saturday would be the 4th. He went first 
to Agra from Rangta, apparently. 


of creatures, both birds and beasts, have white varieties, 
which they call tuyghdn, 1 I had never seen a white cheeta. 
Its spots, which are (usually) black, were of a blue colour, 
and the whiteness of the body was also inclined to bluish- 
ness. Of the albino animals that I have seen there are 
falcons, sparrow-hawks, hawks (shikara) that they call 
bigu - in the Persian language, sparrows, crows, partridges, 
florican, podna 3 (Sylvia olivacea), and peacocks. Many 
hawks in aviaries are albinos. I have also seen white 
flying mice (flying squirrels) and some albinos among the 
black antelope, which is a species found only in Hindustan. 
Among the chikara (gazelle), which they call safida in 
Persia, I have frequently seen albinos. At this time 
Ratan, son of Bhoj-hara, who is one of the chief Rajput 
nobles, came to the camp and waited on me, brinoinp; three 
elephants as an ottering. One of these was much approved, 
and they valued it in the office at 15,000 rupees. It was 
entered among my private elephants, and I gave it the 
name of Ratangaj. The value of elephants of the former 
great Rajas of India was not more than 25,000 rupees, but 
they have now become very dear. I dignified Ratan with 
the title of Sarbuland Ray. I promoted Mlran Sadr Jahan 
to the rank of 5,000 personal and 1,500 horse and Mu'azzam 
Khan to 4,000 personal and 2,000 horse. 'Abdu-llah Khan 
was promoted to 3,000 and 500 horse. Muzaffar Khan and 
Bhao Singh each obtained the rank of 2,000 personal and 
1,000 horse. Abu-1-hasan diwan had 1,000 and 500 horse. 
I'timadu-d-daulah that of 1,000 personal and 250 horse. 
On the 25 tli Raja Suraj Singh, the maternal uncle of my 
son Khurram, came and paid his respects to me. He 
brought with him Shyam, the cousin of the turbulent 

1 Tuyghun or tuyrjhun is given in Zenker as Turkl for the white falcon. 
See Elliot, vi, 317. 

2 Blghu, which is given in Zenker, is Turkl. The text has Ufa. The 
I.O. MSS. have bigu. 

3 Should be Irudana, ' quail. ' 


Umra. In truth he possesses some skill and understands 
well how to ride elephants. Raja Suraj Singh had brought 
with him a poet who wrote verse in the Hindi tongue. 
He laid before me a poem in my praise to the purport that 
if the Sun had a son it would be always day and never 
would be night, because after his setting that son would 
sit in his place and keep the world in light. Praise and 
thanksgiving to God that God gave your father such a son 
that after his death men should not wear mourning which 
is like the night. The Sun had envy on this account, 
saying, " Would I might also have a son who, taking my 
place, should not allow night to approach the world, for 
from the light of your rising and the illumination of your 
justice, notwithstanding such a misfortune, the spheres are 
so bright that one might say ' night had neither name nor 
sign.' ' Few Hindi verses of such freshness of purport 
have ever reached my ear. As a reward for this eulogy 
I gave him an elephant. The Rajputs call a poet Charan 
(name of a caste who are many of them poets). One of 
the poets of the age has turned 1 these sentiments into 
(Persian) verse — 

" If the world-illuminator had a son, 

There would be no night ; it would be always day ; 

For when his gold-crowned head was hidden 

His son would display his tiara peak. 

Thanks that after such a father 

Such a son sits in his place. 

For from the demise of that king 

No one made black robes for mourning." 

On Thursday, the 8th Muharram, 101 7 2 (24th April, 
1608), Jalalu-d-dm Mas'ud, who held the rank of 400 
personal and was not wanting in bravery, and who in 
several battles had done great deeds, died at about the age 
of 50 or 60 years of diarrhoea. He was an opium-eater, 
and used to eat opium after breaking it in pieces, like 

1 Apparently this is a translation from the Hindi. 

2 Text wrongly has 1014. 


cheese, and it is notorious that he frequently ate opium 
from the hand of his own mother. When his disease 
became violent and there was a prospect of his death, 
his mother from excessive love for him ate more opium 
than was right out of that which she used to give her 
son, and two or three hours after his death she also 
died. I have never heard of such affection on the part 
of a mother for her son. It is the custom among the 
Hindus that after the death of their husbands women 
burn themselves, whether from love, or to save the honour 
of their fathers, or from being ashamed before their 
sons-in-law, but nothing like this was ever manifested 
on the part of mothers, Musulman or Hindu. On the 
15th of the same month I presented my best horse by 
way of favour to Raja Man Singh. Shah 'Abbas had 
sent this horse with some other horses and fitting gifts 
by Minuchihr, one of his confidential slaves, to the late 
king Akbar. From being presented with this horse the 
Raja was so delighted that if I had given him a kingdom 
I do not think he would have shown such joy. At the 
time they brought the horse it was three or four years 
old. It grew up in Hindustan. The whole of the 
servants of the Court, Moghul and Rajput together, 
represented that no horse like this had ever come from 
Iraq to Hindustan. When my revered father gave the 
province of Khandesh and the Subah of the Deccan to my 
brother Daniyal, and was returning to Agra, he by way of 
kindness told Daniyal to ask of him whatever he desired. 
Seizing the opportunity, he asked for this horse, and he 
accordingly gave it to him. On Tuesday, the 20th, 
a report came from Islam Khan with the news of the 
death of Jahanglr Qull Khan, the governor of the Subah 
of Bengal, who was my special slave. On account of his 
natural excellence and innate merit he had been enrolled 
in the list of the great Amirs. I was much grieved at his 
death. I bestowed the rule of Bengal and the tutorship 


to Prince Jahandar on my farzand 1 Islam Khan, and in 
his place gave the government of the Subah of Behar to 
Afzal Khan (son of Abii-1-fazl). The son of Hakim 'All, 
whom I had sent on some duties to Burhanpur, came and 
brought with him some Karnatic jugglers who had no 
rivals or equals ; for instance, one of them played with 
ten balls, each of which was equal to an orange and one 
to a • citron, and one to a sur kh, 2 in such a way that 
notwithstanding some were small and some large he never 
missed one, and did so many kinds of tricks that one's 
wits became bewildered. At the same time a dervish 
from Ceylon came and brought a strange animal called 
a deonak 3 (or devang). Its face was exactly like a large 
bat, and the whole shape was like that of a monkey, but 
it had no tail. Its movements were like those of the 
black tailless monkey which they call ban mdnush 
(jungle man) in the Hindi language. Its body was like 
that of a young monkey two or three months old. It 
had been with the dervish for five years. 4 It appeared 
that the animal would never grow larger. Its food is 
milk and it also eats plantains. As the creature appeared 
very strange, I ordered the artists to take a likeness of 
it in various kinds of movement. It looked very ugly. 

On the same day Mlrza Faridun Barlas was promoted 
to the rank of 1,500 personal and 1,300 horse. An 
order was given that Payanda 5 Khan Moghul, as he- 
had reached old age after exerting himself as a soldier, 
should receive a jagir equal to 2,000 personal. Ilf 
Khan was promoted to the rank of 700 personal and 
500 horse. The rank of Islam Khan, my son (farzand), 

1 Jahanglr calls Islam farzand because he was the son of his foster- 
brother. J'ahangir Quli means ' slave of Jahanglr. ' 

2 The seed of Abrus precatorius. 

3 Or devtaq. Qu. devanayak ? The MSS'. have yunk and wabfmk. The 
text is corrupt and has converted the word for ' bat ' into a ' lamb. ' 

4 The text is corrupt. 

5 Blochmann, p. 3S7. 


144 jahangir's marriage. 

the governor of the Subah of Bengal, was fixed at 4,000 
personal and 3,000 horse. The guardianship of the fort 
of Rohtas was bestowed on Kishwar Khan, son of 
Qutbu-d-din Khan Koka. Ihtimam Khan was raised 
to the rank of 1,000 personal and 300 horse, and made 
mir bahr (admiral) and was appointed to the charge 
of the nawara (fleet) of Bengal. On the 1st Safar 
Shamsu-d-din Khan, son of Khan A'zam, made an offering 
of ten elephants, and, receiving the rank of 2,000 personal 
and 1,500 horse, was selected for the title of Jahanoir 
Quli Khan, and Zafar Khan received the rank of 2,000 
personal and 1,000 horse. As I had demanded in marriage 
the daughter of Jagat Singh, eldest son of Raja Man Singh, 
I on the 16th sent 80,000 rupees for the sachaq (a 
marriage present) to the house of the aforesaid Raja in 
order to dignify him. Muqarrab Khan sent from the 
port of Cambay a European curtain (tapestry), the like 
of which in beauty no other work of the Frank painters 
had ever been seen. On the same day my aunt, Najibu-n- 
nisa Begam, 1 died in the 61st year of her age of the 
disease of consumption and hectic fever. I promoted 
her son, Mirza Wall, to the rank of 1,000 personal and 
200 horse. A man of Mawara'a-n-nahr, of the name of 
Aqam Haji, who for a long time had been in Turkey 
and was not without reasonableness and religious know- 
ledge, and who called himself the ambassador of the 
Turkish Emperor, waited upon me at Agra. He had 
an unknown writing (? illegible letter). Looking to his 
circumstances and his proceedings none of the servants 
of the Court believed in his being an ambassador. When 
Timur conquered Turkey, and Yildirim Bayazid, the ruler 

1 Sister of Mirza Hakim, also known as Fakhru-n-nisa (Blochmann, 
p. 322). The MSS. have Bakhtu-n-nisa, and it would seem that the 
Najibu-n-nisa of the text is a wrong reading. See Gulbadan Begam's 
Memoirs, p. 214. 


of that place, fell alive into his hands, he, after levying 
tribute and taking one year's revenue, determined to 
hand back into his possession the whole of the country 
of Turkey. Just at that time Yildirim Bayazid died, 
and (Timur), having handed over the kingdom to his 
son Musa Chelebl, returned. From that time until now, 
notwithstanding such favours, no one had come on the 
part of the emperors, nor has any ambassador been sunt : 
how, then, can it now be believed that this person from 
Mawara'a-n-nahr should have been sent by the emperor ? 
I could in no way understand the affair, and no one could 
bear witness to the accuracy of his claim : I therefore 
told him to go wherever he might wish. On the 4th 
Rabl'u-1-awwal the daughter of Jagat Singh entered the 
harem, and the marriage ceremony was performed in 
the house of Her Highness Maryam-zamani. Amongst 
the things sent with her by Raja Man Singh were 60 

As I had determined to conquer the Rana, it occurred 
to me that I should send Mahabat Khan. I appointed 
12,000 fully armed cavalry under able officers to go with 
him, and. in addition 500 ahadis, 2,000 musketeers on 
foot, with artillery made up of 70 to 80 guns mounted 
on elephants and camels ; 60 elephants were appointed 
to this duty. Two million rupees of treasure were ordered 
to be sent with this army. On the 16th of the said 
month Mir Khalllu-llah, grandson of Mir Ni'matu-llah 
Yazdi, the whole of whose circumstances and family 
history has already been written, died of diarrhcea. In 
his appearance the traces of sincerity and dervishhood 
were manifest. If he had lived and passed a long time 
in my service he would have risen to high rank. The 
bakhshi of Burhanpur had sent some mangoes, one of 
which I ordered to be weighed;- it came to 52h tolas. 
On Wednesday, the 18th, in the house of Maryam-zamani, 
the feast of the lunar weighing of my 40th year 



was held. I ordered the money used in weighing 
to be divided amongst women and needy persons. On 
Thursday, the 4th Rabfu-1-akhir, Tahir Beg, the bakhshi 
of the Ahadis, was given the title of Mukhlis Khan, 
and Mulla-i-Taqiyya Shustari, 1 who was adorned with 
excellencies and perfections, and was well acquainted with 
the science of history and genealogy, that of Mu'arrikh 
Khan. On the 10th of the same month, having 1 given 
Barkhiirdar, the brother of 'Abdu-llah Khan, the title of 
Bahadur Khan, I dignified him among his fellows. Munis 
Khan, son of Mihtar Khan, presented me with a jug of 
jasper (jade), which had been made in the reign of 
Mirza Ulugh Beg Gurgan, in the honoured name of that 
prince. It was a very delicate rarity and of a beautiful 
shape. Its stone was exceedingly white and pure. Around 
the neck of the jar they had carved the auspicious name 
of the Mirza and the Hijra year in riqa 1 " 1 characters. 
I ordered them to inscribe my name and the auspicious 
name of Akbar on the edge of the lip of the jar. Mihtar ;i 
Khan was one of the ancient slaves of this State. He 
had the honour of serving the late king Humayfm, and 
during the reign of my revered father had attained the 
rank of nobility. He regarded him as one of his con- 
fidential servants. On the 16th a firman was issued 
that the country of Sangram, 4 which had been given for 
a year by way of reward to my son (farzand) Islam 
Khan, should be handed over for the same purpose for 
a year to Afzal Khan, the governor of the Subah of 
Behar. On this day I promoted Mahabat Khan to the 
rank of 3,000 personal and 2,500 horse, and Yiisuf Khan, 
son of Husain Khan Tukriyah, obtained that of 2,000 

1 Text wrongly has Shamshiri. The MSS. have Shustari, and this is 
right. See Blochmann, pp. 208, 209, and 5 IS. 

2 Riqd 1 is a kind of writing (Blochmann, pp. 99, 100). 
:5 Blochmann, p. 417. His name was Anisu-d-din. 

4 This must be Raja Sangram of Kharakpur, who had been a rebel. 
See Blochmann, p. 446 and note. 


personal and 800 horse. On the 24th I gave leave to 
Mahabat Khan and the Amirs and men who had been 
appointed to subdue the Rana. The aforesaid Khan 
was honoured with a robe of honour, a horse, a special 
elephant, and a jewelled sword. Zafar Khan, having 
been honoured with a standard, was presented with a 
private robe of honour and a jewelled dagger. Shaja'at 
Khan also was presented with a standard, and I gave 
him a* robe of honour and a special elephant. Raja 
Blr Singh Deo received a robe of honour and a special 
horse, and Mangli Khan a horse and jewelled dagger. 
Narayan Das Kachhwahah, 'All Quli Darman, and Hizabr 
Khan Tahamtan obtained leave. On Bahadur Khan and 
Mu'izzu-1-mulk the bakhshi iewelled daggers were 
conferred, and in the same manner all the Amirs and 
leaders, each one according to his degree, were honoured 
with ro}*al gifts. A watch of the day had passed when 
the Khankhanan, who had been selected for the high 
honour of my Ataliq (guardian), came from Burhanpur 
and waited on me. Delight and happiness had so over- 
powered him that he did not know whether he came 
on his head or his feet. He threw himself bewildered 
at my feet. By way of favour and kindness I lifted 
up his head and held it in an embrace of kindliness 
and affection, and kissed his face. He brought me as 
offerings two strings of pearls and some rubies and 
emeralds. The value of the jewels was 300,000 rupees. 
Besides these he laid before me many valuable things. 
On the 17th Jumada-1-awwal Wazir Khan, the Diwan of 
Bengal, came and waited on me, and offered 60 elephants, 
male and female, and one Egyptian x ruby. As he was 
one of the old servants and he performed every duty, 
I ordered him to remain in attendance on me. As Qasim 
Khan and his elder brother, Islam Khan, could in no way 

1 Text Qutbl, but I think the word is Qibti, 'Egyptian.' 


keep the peace together, I had sent for the former to 
my own presence ; and he yesterday came and waited 
on me. On the 22nd, Asaf Khan, made me an offering 
of a ruby of the weight of seven tank, which Abu-1- 
qasim, his brother, had bought in the port of Cambay 
for 75,000 rupees. It is of a beautiful colour and well- 
shaped, but to my belief is not worth more than 60,000 
rupees. Great faults had been committed by Dulip Ray, 
son of Ray Ray Singh, but as he took refuge with my 
farzand Khan Jahan his offences were pardoned, and I 
knowingly and purposely passed over his delinquencies. 
On the 24th the sons of Khankhanan, who had followed 
after him. arrived and waited on me and produced as 
an offering the sum of 25,000 rupees. On the same day 
the said Khan offered 90 elephants. On Thursday, the 
1st Jumada-s-sfmi, the feast of my solar year was 
celebrated in the house of Maryam-zamani. Some of 
the money I divided among the women, and an order 
was given that the balance should be distributed to the 
poor of the hereditary kingdoms. On the 4th of the 
month I ordered the Diwans to give a jagir, according 
to his rank, of 7,000 rupees to Khan A'zam. 

On this day a female antelope in milk was, brought 
that allowed itself to be milked with ease, and gave every 
day four seers of milk. I had never seen or heard of 
anything of the kind before. The milk of the antelope, 
of the cow, and the buffalo in no way differs. They say 
it is of great use in asthma. On the 11th of the month 
Raja Man Singh asked for leave to complete the army of 
the Deccan to which he had been appointed, as well as to 
visit Amber, his native place. I gave him a male elephant 
of my own called Hushyar-mast, and gave him leave. 
On Monday, the 12th, as it was the anniversary of the 
death of the late king Akbar, in addition to the expenses 
of that entertainment, which are fixed separately, I sent 
4,000 rupees more to be divided among the faqirs and 


dervishes who are present in the enlightened mausoleum 
of the venerated one. On that day I exalted 'Abdu-llah, 
the son of Khan A'zam, with the title of Sarfaraz Khan, 
and 'Abdu-r-Rahim, son of Qasim Khan, with that of 
Tarbiyat Khan. On Tuesday, the 13th, I sent for 
Khusrau's daughter, and saw a child so like her father 
as no one can remember to have seen. The astrologers 
used to say that her advent would not be auspicious to her 
father, but would be auspicious to me. At last it became 
known that they had augured rightly. They said that 
I should see her after three years. I saw her when she 
had passed this age. On the 21st of the month Khankhanan 
determined to clear out the province of the Nizamu-1- 
mulk, into which, after the death of the late king Akbar, 
some disturbances had found their way, and stated in 
writing that " If I do not complete this service in the 
course of two years, I shall be guilty (of a fault), on the 
condition that in addition to the force that had been 
allotted to that Subah 12,000 more horse with 1,000,000 
rupees should be sent with me." I ordered that materials 
for the army and the treasure should be quickly prepared, 
and he should be despatched. On the 26th Mukhlis Khan, 
bakhshi of the ahadis, was appointed bakhshi of the 
Subah of the Deccan, and I bestowed his place on Ibrahim 
Husain Khan, the Mir Bahr. On the 1st Rajab, Pishrau 
Khan and Kamal Khan, who belonged to the servants who 
were in constant attendance on me (rw-shinas), died. Shah 
Tahmasp had given Pishrau Khan as a slave to my 
grandfather, and he was called Sa'adat. When he was 
promoted in the service of the late king Akbar to the 
daroghahship and superintendence of the farrd shkhd na 
(carpet department), he obtained the title of Pishrau. 
He was so well acquainted with this service that one 
might say it was a garment they had sewn on the stature 
of his capacity. When he was 90 years old he was 
.quicker than lads of 14. He had the good fortune 


to serve my grandfather, my father, and me. Until he 

breathed his last he was never for a moment without the 

intoxication of wine. 

" Besmeared with wine Fighani l went to the dust. 
Alas ! if the angels 2 smelt his fresh shroud ! ' 

He left 1,500,000 rupees. He has one very stupid son, 
called Ri'ayat. On account of his father's claims for 
services performed, I gave the superintendence of half 
the farrashkhana to him and the other half to Tukhmaq 
Khan. Kamal Khan was one of the slaves sincerely 
devoted to my service ; he is of the caste of the Kalals 
of Delhi. On account of the great honesty and trust- 
worthiness that he had shown I made him bakdwal-begi 
(chief of the kitchen). Few such servants are ever met 
with. He had two sons, to both of whom I showed great 
kindness, but where are there others like him ? On the 
2nd of the said month La'l 3 Kalawant, who from his 
childhood had grown up in my father's service, who had 
taught him every breathing and sound that appertains to 
the Hindi language, died in the 65th or 70th year of his 
age. One of his girls (concubines) ate opium on this event 
and killed herself. Few women among the Musulmans 
have ever shown such fidelity. 

In Hindustan, especially in the province of Sylhet, 4 
which is a dependency of Bengal, it was the custom for 
the people of those parts to make eunuchs of some of their 
sons and give them to the governor in place of revenue 
(mdl-wajibi). This custom by degrees has been adopted 
in other provinces, and every year some children are thus 

1 Fighani was a famous poet and also a drunkard. See Rie\i, ii, p. 651, 
and Sprenger, Oude Cat. , p. 403. Fighani also means lamentation, and 
there is a play in the couplet on the double meaning. 

2 In the Elliot MSS., B.M. , the second line is translated "Alas ! if 
the angels made his shroud of another kind of odour ! " The angels 
meant are Nakir and Munkar. 

3 Blochmann, p. 612. 

4 Cf. Jarrett, ii, p. 122. 


ruined and cut off from procreation. This practice has 

become common. At this time I issued an order that 

hereafter no one should follow this abominable custom, and 

that the traffic in young eunuchs should be completely 

done away with. Islam Khan and the other governors of 

the Subah of Bengal received firmans that whoever should 

commit such acts should be capitally punished, and that 

they should seize eunuchs of tender years who might be 

in anyone's possession. No one of the former kings had 

obtained this success. Please Almighty God, in a short 

time this objectionable practice will be completely done 

away with, and the traffic in eunuchs being forbidden, no 

one shall venture on this unpleasant and unprofitable 

proceeding. I presented the Khankhanan with a bay 

horse out of those sent me by Shah 'Abbas ; it was the 

head of the stable of my private horses. He was so 

rejoiced over it that it would be difficult to describe. 

In truth a horse of this great size and beauty has hardly 

come to Hindustan. I also gave him the elephant Futuh, 

that is unrivalled in fighting, with twenty other elephants. 

As Kishan Singh, who was accompanying Mahabat Khan, 

performed laudable service, and was wounded in the leg 

by a spear in the fight with the Rana's men, so that about 

twenty noblemen of his were killed and about 3,000 made 

captive, he was promoted to the rank of 2,000 personal 

and 1,000 horse. On the 14th of the same month I gave 

an order for Mirza Ghazl to betake himself to Qandahar. 

A strange occurrence was that as soon as the aforesaid 

Mirza started from Bakhar for that province the news of 

the death of Sardar Khan, the governor of that place, 

came. Sardar Khan was one of the permanent and 

intimate attendants of my uncle Muhammad Hakim, and 

was known as Tukhta 1 Beg. I gave half his rank (the 

pay of it) to his sons. On Monday, the 17th, I went on 

1 Bloehmann, p. 469. 

152 akbar's tomb at sikandka. 

foot on my pilgrimage to the enlightened mausoleum of 
the late king. If it had been possible, I would have 
traversed this road with my eyelashes and head. My 
revered father, on account of my birth, had gone on foot 
on a pilgrimage to the shrine of Khwaja Mu'Inu-d-dln 
Sanjarl Chishti, from Fathpur to Ajmir, a distance of 120 
kos : if I should traverse this road with my head and 
eyes, what should I have done ? When I was dignified 
with the good fortune of making this pilgrimage, I # saw 
the building that had been erected in the cemetery. It 
did not come up to my idea of what it ought to be, for 
that would be approved which the wayfarers of the world 
should point to as one the like of which was not in the 
inhabited world. Inasmuch as at the time of erecting the 
aforesaid building the affair of the ill -starred Khusrau 
took place, I started for Lahore, and the architects had 
built it after a design of their own. At last a certain 
expenditure was made until a large sum was expended, 
and work went on for three or four years. I ordered 
that experienced architects should again lay the founda- 
tions, in agreement with men of experience, in several 
places, on a settled plan. By degrees a lofty building was 
erected, and a very bright garden was arranged round the 
building of the shrine, and a large and lofty gateway with 
minarets of white stone was built. On the whole they 
told me the cost of this lofty edifice was 1,500,000 rupees, 
equivalent to 50,000 current tumans of Persia and 4,500,000 
kharris, according to the currency of Turan. 

On Sunday, the 23rd, I went with a band of courtiers 
who had not seen it to look at the reservoir in the 
house of Hakim 'All, like one that had been made at 
Lahore in the time of my father. The reservoir is 
6 o-az by 6 gaz. At its side has been erected a well- 
lighted room, the entrance to which is through the 
water, but the water does not get into it. Ten or twelve 
people could meet in it. He made an offering of some 


of the cash and jewels that had accumulated l in his 
time. After looking- at the room, and the entering of 
a number of courtiers therein, I raised him to the rank 
of 2,000, and returned to the palace. On Sunday, the 
14th Sha'ban, the Khankhanan was honoured with a 
jewelled sword for the waist, a robe of honour, and 
a special elephant, and was given leave to go to his 
duty in the Deccan. Raja Siiraj Singh, who was attached 
to him in that service, was raised to the rank of 3,000 
personal and 2,000 horse. As it was again represented 
to me that oppression was being committed by the 
brethren and attendants of Murtaza Khan on the ryots 
and people of Ahmadabad in Gujarat, and that he was 
unable properly to restrain his relations and people about 
him, I transferred the Subah from him and gave it to 
A'zam Khan, and it was settled that the latter should 
attend at court, and that his eldest son Jahanglr Qull 
Khan should go to Gujarat as his deputy. The rank 
of Jahanglr Qui! Khan was fixed at 3,000 personal and 
2,500 horse. An order was given that in company with 
Mohan Das dlwan and Mas'iid Beg Hamazani bakhshi 
he should carry on the business of the province. Mohan 
Das was promoted to the rank of 800 with 500 horse, 
and Mas'ud Beg to 300 with 150 horse. Tarbiyat Khan, 
one of the personal servants, was given the rank of 700 
with 400 horse, and Nasru-llah the same. Mihtar Khan, 
whose circumstances have been related, died at this 
time, and I promoted his son Munis Khan to the rank 
of 500 personal and 130 horse. On Wednesday, the 
4th Zi-1-hijja, Khusrau had a son born to him by the 
daughter of the Khan A'zam, and I gave him the name 
of Buland-akhtar. On the 6th of the same month 
Muqarrab Khan sent a picture (with a report) that the 

1 "What money and articles he could produce at the time" (Elliot, 
vi, 320). 

154 timur's picture, fourth year. 

belief of the Franks was this, that the picture was that 
of Tlmur. At the time when Yildirim Bayazld was 
taken prisoner by his victorious army, a Nazarene, who 
at that time was ruler 1 of Constantinople, had sent an 
ambassador with gifts and presents in token of sub- 
mission and service, and an artist who had been sent 
with the ambassador took his likeness and brought it 
away. If this story were true, no better gift could be 
presented to me. But as the picture had no resemblance 
to any of his descendants I was not satisfied of the truth 
of the statement. 

The Fourth New Year's Feast after the auspicious 


The passing of the great star that illumines the world 
into the constellation of Aries took place on the night of 
Saturday, the 14th Zi-1-hijja, in Hijra 1017 (21st March, 
1609), and New Year's Day that made brilliant the world 
began with good auspices and rejoicing. On Friday, the 
5th Muharram, in the year 10LS, Hakim 'All died. He 
was an unrivalled physician ; he had derived much profit 
from Arabic sciences. He had written a commentary on 
the Canon (of Avicenna) in the time of my revered father. 
He had greater diligence than understanding, just as his 
appearance was better than his disposition, and his 
acquirements better than his talents ; on the whole he was 
bad-hearted, and of an evil spirit. On the 20th Safar I 
dignified Mirza Barkhurdar with the title of Khan 'Alam. 
They brought from the neighbourhood of Fathpiir a water- 
melon, greater than any I had ever seen. I ordered them 
to weigh it, and it came to 33 seers. On Monday, the 
19th Rabl'u-l-awwal, the feast of my annual lunar weighing 

1 Apparently the person spoken of as a Nazarene (Christian) was the 
Emperor of Constantinople. Can this picture be the original of that 
prefixed to White & Davey's translation of Tlmur's Institutes ? 


was arranged in the palace of my revered mother ; a part 
of the money was divided among the women who had 
assembled there on that day. 

As it had been evident that in order to carry on the 
affairs of the State in the Subah of the Deccan it was 
necessary to send one of the princes there, it came into 
my mind to send my son Parwlz there. I ordered them 
to send his equipments and fix the hour for his departure. 
I summoned to Court Mahabat Khan, who had been 
nominated to the command of the army against the rebel 
Rana to arrange certain matters at headquarters, and 
appointed in his place 'Abdu-llah Khan, whom I exalted 
with the title of Firuz-jang. I sent 'Abdu-r-Razzaq 
bakhshi to carry an order to all the mansabdars of that 
army not to depart from the orders of the aforesaid 
Khan, and to pay every heed to his thanks and blame. 
On the 4th Jumada-1-awwal one of the goatherds, who 
are a particular tribe, brought before me a gelded goat 
that had teats like a female, and gave every day sufficient 
milk to take with a cup of coffee. 1 As milk is one of 
the favours of Allah, and the source which nourishes 
many animals, I looked on this strange affair as an omen 
for good. On the 6th of the same month, having given 
him the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse, I sent 
Khurram, son of Khan A'zam, to the government of the 
province of Sorath, which is known as Junagadh (in 
Kathiyawad). I honoured 2 Hakim Sadra with the title of 
Masihu-z-zaman, and gave him the rank of 500 personal 
and 30 horse. On the 16th a jewelled waist-sword was 
sent to Raja Man Singh. On the 22nd, having handed 
over 2,000,000 rupees for the expenses of the army of 
the Deccan, which had been ordered for Parwlz, to a 
separate treasurer, 500,000 rupees more were given for 

1 Perhaps the meaning is enough milk to fill a coffee-cup. 

2 According to the contemporary, but anonymous, author quoted in 
Elliot, vi, 448, this was in reward for restoring the sight of Khusrau. 


the private expenses of Parwlz. On the 25th, Wednesday, 
Jahandar (his son), who previously to this had been 
appointed, together with Qutbu-d-din Khan Koka, to 
Bengal, came and waited on me. In reality it became 
known to me that he was a born devotee. 1 As my 
mind was taken up with the preparations for the Deccan, 
on the 1st Jumada-1-akhir I nominated the Amlru-l- 
umara as well to that duty. He was honoured with 
the favour of a robe of honour and a horse. Having 
promoted Karam Chand, son of Jagannath, to the rank of 
2,000 personal and 1,500 horse, I sent him in company 
with Parwlz. On the 4th of the month 370 ahadi horse 
were appointed with 'Abdu-llah Khan to the assistance 
of the army employed against the Rana. One hundred 
horses were also despatched from the government stables 
to be given as he thought proper to the mansabdars and 
ahaclis. On the 17th I gave a ruby of the value of 
60,000 rupees to Parwlz, and another ruby with two 
single pearls, worth about 40,000 rupees, to Khurram. 
On Monday, the 28th, Jagannath was promoted to the 
rank of 5,000 personal and 3,000 horse, and on the 8th 
of Rajab, Ray Jay Singh was promoted to that of 4,000 
personal and 3,000 horse, and was dismissed for service 
in the Deccan. On Thursday, the 9th, Prince Shahriyar 
from Gujarat came and waited on me. On Tuesda}\ the 
4th, I despatched my son Parwlz on the service of con- 
quering the country of the Deccan. He was presented 
with a robe of honour, a special horse, a special elephant, 
a sword, and a jewelled dagger. The Sardars and Amirs 
who were appointed with him each according to his 
condition received and were made happy with the favour 
of a horse, a robe of honour, an elephant, a sword, and 
a jewelled dagger. I appointed 1,000 ahadis to be in 

1 Majzub-i-mddar-zdd. Probably the meaning is that he was a born 


attendance on Parwiz for the service of the Deccan. On 
the same day a representation came from 'Abdu-llah Khan 
that having pursued the rebel Rana into the hill country 
into rough places, he had captured several of his elephants 
and horses. When night came on he had escaped with 
difficulty with his life. As he had made things go hard 
with him, he would soon be taken prisoner or killed. 
I promoted the said Khan to the rank of 5,000 personal, and 
a rosary of pearls, worth 10,000 rupees, was given to Parwiz. 
As I had given the province of Khandesh and Berar to 
the said son, I also conferred on him the fort of Asir, 
and 300 horses were sent with him to be given to ahadis, 
mansabdars, and whomever else he might consider worthy 
of favour. On the 26th, Saif Khan Barha was given 
the rank of 2,500 personal and 1,350 horse, and appointed 
to the faujdarship of the Sarkar of Hisar. On Monday, 
the 4th Sha'ban, an elephant was given to Wazir Khan. 
On Friday, the 22nd, I gave an order that as bang and 
buza (rice spirit) were injurious, they should not be sold 
in the bazars, and that gambling should be abolished, 
and on this subject I issued stringent orders. On the 
25th they brought a tiger from my private menagerie to 
fight with a bull. Many people gathered together to see 
the show, and a band of Jogis (religious mendicants) 
with them. One of the Jogis was naked, and the tiger, 
by way of sport, and not with the idea of rage, turned 
towards him. It threw him on the ground and began to 
behave to him as it would to its own female. The next 
day and on several occasions the same thing took place. 
As no such thing had ever been seen before and was 
exceedingly strange, this has been recorded. 1 On the 
2nd of the month of Ramazan, at the request of Islam 

1 The story is also told in the Iqbal-nania, p. 37, where it is said that 
the tiger was one brought by a calendar as a present. It had the name 
of La'l Khan and was very tame. It is added that the tiger did no 
injury to the jogi with his claws or teeth. 


Khan, Ghiyas l Khan was promoted to the rank of 1,500 
personal and 800 horse. Faridun Khan Barlas was pro- 
moted to the rank of 2,500 with 2,000 horse. One 
thousand tolcha of gold and silver and 1,000 rupees 
were given in alms on the day of the procession of the 
sun into the constellation of the Scorpion, which, according 
to the general acceptation of the Hindoos, is called the 
Sankrant. On the 10th of that month an elephant was 
presented to Shah Beg Yuzl 2 (? the panther-keeper), and 
Salamu-llah, the Arab, who is a distinguished young 
man and a relative (son-in-law ?) of Mubarak, the ruler 
of Darful. 3 On account of some suspicion that Shah 
'Abbas had entertained against him, he came to wait 
upon me. I patronised him, and gave him the rank of 
400 personal and 200 horse. Again, another force, con- 
taining 193 mansabdars and 46 ahadis, I sent after 
Parwiz for service in the Dec-can. Fifty horses were also 
entrusted to one of the servants of the Court to convoy 
to Parwiz. 

On Friday, the 13th, a certain idea came into my mind, 
and this rhymed ghazal was produced : — 

" What shall I do, for the arrow of loss of thee has pierced my liver ! 
So that the (evil) eye not reaching me again may reach another ? 
Thou movest as if frenzied, and the world is frenzied for thee. 
I burn rue lest thy eye should reach me. 

1 The MSS. have Tnayat. 

2 I.O. MS. No. 181, Shah Beg Khan. 

3 Salamu-llah is .mentioned later on (p. 78), and is described as 
brother's son of Mubarak, who held the country of Jotra (?) and Darful. 
He is also mentioned in the Iqbal-nama, p. 38. where Mubarak is described 
as ruler (hakim) of Juyza and Saful ('?). But a MS. of the Iqbal-nama in 
my possession only mentions Juyza or Juyna, I think Juyza must be 
Juina or Juanny, which, according to Sir William Jones, is one of the 
names of the island of Johanna or Hinzuan (one of the Comorro Islands), 
and that Saful must be Sofala, a town on the east coast of Africa. 
Sir W. Jones was landed on Johanna, and has a long account of the 
island (see his works). The Iqbal-nama says that Salamu-llah killed 
himself with drink. There is a short notice of him in the Ma'asir, ii, 641, 
where he is called by his title of Shaja'at Khan. 


I am frenzied at union with my friend, and in despair at her absence. 

Alas for the grief that has o'erwhelmed me ! 

I 've grown mad that I may rush on the pathway of meeting : 

Woe for the time that brought me the news ! 

JahFtnglr, the time for humility and praj^er is every morning, 1 

I hope that some spark of light may take effect. " 

On Sunday, the loth, I sent 50,000 rupees as sdchaq 
to the house of the daughter of Muzaffar Husain Mlrza, 
son of Sultan Husain Mlrza, son of Bahrain Mlrza, son of 
Shah Ismail Safawi, who had been demanded in marriao-e 
for my son Khurram. On the 17th of the month Mubarak 
Khan Sarwani was honoured with the rank of 1,000 
personal and 300 horse. Five thousand rupees were also 
given to him, and 4,000 rupees to Haji Bl Uzbeg. On 
the 22nd a ruby and a pearl were given to Shahriyar. 
One hundred thousand rupees were given for the sub- 
sistence of the Uymaqs (special cavalry) who had been 
appointed for service in the Deccan. Two thousand 
rupees were given to Farrukh Beg, the painter, who is 
unrivalled in the age. Four thousand rupees were sent 
for expenditure on Baba Hasan Abdal. One thousand 
rupees were handed to Mulla 'All Ahmad Muhrkan 
(engraver) and Mulla Ruzbihan ShlrazI to expend on 
the anniversary festival of Hazrat Shaikh Salim at his 
mausoleum. An elephant was given to Muhammad 
Husain, the writer, and 1,000 rupees to Khwaja 'Abdu-1- 
Haqq Ansari. I gave orders to the Diwans that having 
raised the rank of Murtaza Khan to 5,000 personal and 
horse they should give him a jagir. I ordered Biharl 
Chand Qanungu, of the Sarkar of Agra, to take 1,000 
footmen and equipment from the Zamindars of Agra, 
and, fixing their monthly pay, to send them to Parwiz 
in the Deccan, and 500,000 rupees more were fixed for 
the expenses of Parwiz. On Thursday, the 4th Shawwal, 

1 The I.O. MSS. have a different reading here. Instead of 'every 
morning' they have 'renew (humility).' The word nur, 'light,' in the 
last line probably refers to Jahangir's name of Nuru-d-din. 


Islam Khan was promoted to the rank of 5,000 personal 
and 5,000 horse, Abu-1-wali Beg Uzbeg to that of 1,500 
and Zafar Khan to that of 2,500. Two thousand rupees 
were given to Badl'u-z-zaman, son of Mirza Shahrukh, 
and 1,000 rupees to Pathan Misr. I ordered that drums 
should be given to all of them as their rank had been 
raised to 3,000 and higher. Five thousand rupees more 
of the money from my weighing were entrusted for the 
construction of a bridge at Baba Hasan Abdal and the 
building that is there to Abii-1-wafa, son of Hakim Abu-1- 
fath, in order that he might exert himself and put the 
bridge and the aforesaid building in perfect order. On 
Saturday, the 13th, when four gharis of day were left, 
the moon began to be eclipsed. By degrees the whole 
of its body was obscured, and it continued till live gharis 
of night had passed. In order to avert the bad omen 
of this I had myself weighed against gold, silver, cloth, 
and grain, and gave away in alms all kinds of animals, 
such as elephants, horses, etc., the cost of all of which 
was 15,000 rupees. I ordered them to be distributed 
among the deserving and the poor. On the 25th, at the 
request of her father, I took the daughter of Ram Chand 
Bandllah into my service (i.e. married her). I gave an 
elephant to Mir Fazil, nephew of Mir .Sharif, who had 
been appointed to the faujdarship of Qabiilah and those 
regions. ' Inayat-ullah was dignified with the title of 
'Inayat Khan. On Wednesday, the 1st Zi-1-qa'da, Biharl 
Chand was granted the rank of 500 personal and 300 
horse. A kha/pwa (dagger), adorned with jewels, was 
given to my son Baba Khurram. Mulla Hayati, by 
whom I had sent a message to the Khankhanan, with 
a verbal message containing (expressions of) all kinds of 
condescension and affection, came and brought before me 
a ruby and two pearls of the value of about 20,000 
rupees, which the Khankhanan had sent by him. Mir 
Jamalu-d-dm Husain, who was in Burhanpur and whom 


I had sent for, came and waited on me. I presented 
Shaja'at Khan Dakhani with 2,000 rupees. On the 6th of 
the aforesaid month, before Parwlz arrived at Burhanpur, 
a petition came from the Khankhanan and the Amirs 
that the Dakhanis had assembled together and were 
making disturbances. When I discovered that, notwith- 
standing the nomination of Parwlz and the army that 
had proceeded with him and been appointed to his 
service, they were still in need of support and assistance, 
it occurred to me that I should go myself, and by Allah's 
favour satisfy myself with regard to that affair. In the 
meanwhile a petition came also from Asaf Khan that 
my coming there would be for the advantage of the 
daily-increasing State. A petition from 'Adil Khan, from 
Bijapur, also came, that if one of the trusted ones of the 
Court could be appointed there to whom he could tell 
his desires and claims, so that the envoy might convey 
them to me, he hoped that it might become the means 
of affording profit to these slaves (i.e. himself). On this 
account I consulted with the Amirs and loyal men, and 
told them to represent whatever entered into anyone's 
mind. My son Khan Jahan represented that inasmuch 
as so many Amirs had been despatched for the conquest 
of the Deccan, it was not necessary for me to go in 
person. If he were ordered, he himself would go and 
attend on the prince and would, please God, perform this 
duty while serving him. Those words were approved of 
by all those who were loyal. I had never contemplated 
separation from him, but as the affair was an important 
one I necessarily gave him permission, and ordered that 
as soon as matters had been arranged he should return 
without delay, and should not remain more than a year 
in those regions. On Tuesday, the 17th Zl-1-qa'da, he 
was free to go. I presented him with a special gold- 
embroidered robe of honour, a special horse with a 
jewelled saddle, a jewelled sword, and a special elephant. 



I also gave him a yak-tail standard (tuman tugh). I 
appointed Fida Khan, who was one of my faithful 
servants, and to whom I gave a robe of honour and 
a horse and his expenses, promoting him to the rank of 
1,000 personal and 400 horse, original and extra, to go 
with Khan Jahan, in order that if it were necessary to 
send anyone to 'Adil Khan according to his request, 
he might despatch -him. Lankii Pandit, who in the time 
of the late kino- Akbar had come with offerings from 
'Adil Khan, I also gave leave to go with Khan Jahan, 
bestowing on him a horse, a robe of honour, and money. 
Of the Amirs and soldiers who had been appointed with 
'Abdu-llah Khan to the duty of beating back the Rana, 
men such as Raja Bir Singh Deo, Shaja'at Khan, Raja 
Bikramajit, and others, with 4,000 or 5,000 horse, were 
nominated to support Khan Jahan. I sent Mu'tamad 
Khan with the announcement that I had made him a 
sazawal (i.e. one who urges on others), and that lie 
was to act along with Khan Jahan in Ujjain. Out of 
the men of the palace, I sent 6,000 or 7,000 horse with 
him, such as Saif Khan Barha, Haji Bl Uzbeg, Salamu- 
llah 'Arab, brother's son of Mubarak 'Arab, who had 
in his possession the province of Jutra(?) 1 and Darful(?) 
and that neighbourhood, and other mansabdars and 
courtiers. At the time of giving them leave I gave 
each one an increase of rank and robe of honour and 
money for their expenses. Making Muhammad Beg pay- 
master of the army, I provided him with 1,000,000 rupees 
to take with him. I sent to Parwiz a special horse, 
and to the Khankhanan and other Amirs and officers who 
were appointed to that Subah dresses of honour. 

After carrying out these matters I left the city for the 
purpose of hunting. One thousand rupees were given to 

1 See note above. Jutra or Jotra is probably a mistake for the 
island of Johanna, i.e. Hinzuan. Darful is Dazful in I.O. MS. No. 181. 


Mir 'All Akbar. As the Rabi' Fasl (Spring season) had 
arrived, for fear any damage should happen to the 
cultivation of the ryots from the passage of the army, 
and notwithstanding that I had appointed a qurisawul l 
(Erskine has Ivor, the Yasawal) (probably a kind of provost 
marshal) with the band of ahadis for the purpose of 
guarding the fields, I ordered certain men to see what 
damage had been done to the crops from stage to stage 
and pay compensation to the ryots. I gave 10,000 rupees 
to the daughter of the Khankhanan, the wife of Daniyal, 
1,000 rupees to 'Abdu-r-Rahim Khar (i.e. ass) for expenses, 
and 1,000 to Qacha the Dakhani. On the 12th, Khanjar 
Khan, brother of 'Abdu-llah Khan, received the rank of 
1,000 personal and 500 horse, original and extra, and 
Bahadur Khan, another brother, that of 600 personal and 
300 horse. On this clay two antelopes with horns and one 
doe were taken. On the 13th I bestowed on and sent to 
Khan Jahan a special horse. Having promoted Badru-z- 
zaman, son of Mirza Shahrukh, to the rank of 1,000 and 
500 horse, I gave him 5,000 rupees for expenses, and he 
was sent off" with Khan Jahan for service in the Deccan. 
On this day two male and three female antelope were 
killed. On Wednesday, the 10th, I killed a female nilgaw 
and a black antelope with a gun, and on the 15th a female 
nilgaw and a chikdra (gazelle). On the 17th of the month 
two rubies and a pearl were brought to me by Jahangir 
Qui! Khan from Gujarat, as well as a jewelled opium box, 
which Muqarrab Khan had sent from the port of Cambay. 
On the 20th I killed with a gun a tigress and a nilgaw. 
There were two cubs with the tigress, but they disappeared 
from view in consequence of the thickness of the jungle 
and the number of trees. An order was given that they 
should search for and bring them. When I reached the 


1 Possibly Qur Yasdwul is right, but most probably it was a yasdwul 
attached to the Qur, for which see Blochmann, p. 50. 

164 jahangir's cruelty to his servants. 

halting-place my son Khurram brought me one of the cubs, 
and the next day Mahabat Khan caught the other and 
brought it. On the 22nd, when I had got within shot of 
a nilgaw, suddenly a groom (jilauddr) and two kahar 
(bearers) appeared, and the nilgaw escaped. In a great 
rage I ordered them to kill the groom on the spot, and 
to hamstring x the kahars and mount them on asses and 
parade them through the camp, so that no one should 
again have the boldness to do such a thing. After this 
I mounted a horse and continued hunting; with hawks and 
falcons, and came to the halting-place. 

Next day, under the guidance of Iskandar Mu'in, I shot 
a large nilgaw, and promoted him to the rank of 600 
personal and 500 horse. On Friday, the 24th, Safdar 
Khan, who had come from the Subah of Behar, had the 
good fortune to perform his obeisance to me. He presented 
as offerings a hundred muhrs, a sword, and live female and 
one male elephant. The male elephant was accepted. On 
the same day Yadgar Khwaja of Samarkand came from 
Balkh and paid his respects. He made offerings of an 
album, some horses, and other presents, and was dignified 
with a robe of honour. On Wednesday, 6th Zi-1-hijja, 
Mu'izzu-1-mulk, who had been removed from the pay- 
mastership of the army against the rebel Rana, ill and 
miserable, waited on me. On the 14th of the said month, 
having pardoned all the faults of 'Abdu-r-Rahim Khar, 2 
I promoted him to the rank of yuzbdshl (centurion) and 
20 horse, and ordered him to go to Kashmir, and in 

1 Jahangir's conduct was sufficiently brutal, but the text has made it 
worse than it was by omitting the word pay before pay. The back tendons 
of the bearers' feet were cut. Their feet were not cut off. Erskine 
translates the passage rightly, and the I.O. MSS. agree with him. 

2 This was the same 'Abdu-r-Rahim who was a companion of Khusrau, 
and after his capture was sweated in a skin. As he had life left in him 
he escaped from that destruction, and, on being released, became one of 
the personal servants, and served His Majesty till by degrees the latter 
became gracious to him. (Note of Sayyid Ahmad. ) 


company with the bakhshi of that place hold a muster 
of the troops of Qilij Khan and all the jagirdars and 
Uymaks in the service or not, and to bring the list. Kishwar 
Khan, son of Qutbu-d-din Khan, came from the fort of 
Rohtas and had the good fortune to pay his respects to me. 

The Fifth New Year's Feast from the Auspicious 


On Sunday, the 24th Zi-1-liijja (20th March, 1610), after 
two watches and three gharis the sun entered into the 
constellation of Aries, which is the house of honour and 
good fortune, and at this auspicious hour the New Year's 
feast was arranged at Bak Bhal, one of the villages of 
the parganah of Bari, and according to the rules of my 
revered father I mounted the throne. On that morning, 
which was the New Year's Day that lighted up the 
world, and coincided with the 1st of Farwardin of the 
5th year from my accession, I held a public reception, 
and all the nobles and servants of the Court had the 
good fortune to pay their respects. Some of the nobles' 
offerings were laid before me. Khan A'zam gave a pearl 
worth 4,000 rupees ; Miran Sadr Jahan, tw^enty-eight 
hawks and falcons, and other gifts ; Mahabat Khan, 
two European boxes, the sides of which were made with 
slabs of glass, so that whatever was placed inside could 
be seen from outside in a way that you might say 
there was nothing between them ; Kishwar Khan, 
twenty-two male and female elephants. In the same 
way each of the servants of the Court laid before me 
the presents and offerings that they had. Nasru-llah, 
son of Fathu-llah sharbatchl (in charge of the sharbat), 
was placed in charge of the offerings. By Sarang Deo, 
who had been appointed to carry orders to the victorious 
army of the Deccan, I sent souvenirs • (tabarruk) to 


Parwlz and to each of the officers. I presented 
Husamu-d-din, son of Ghazi Khan 1 Badakbshl, who had 
taken to the ways of a dervish and seclusion, with 1,000 
rupees and a farji shawl. The day after the New Year's 
Day I mounted and started for a tiger-hunt. Two males 
and a female were killed. I gave rewards to the 
ahadis who had shown bravery and gone in to the 
tigers, and increased their monthly pay. On the 26th 
of the same month I went and busied myself mostly with 
hunting nilgaw. As the air was hot and the (propitious) 
hour for re-entering Agra had nearly arrived, I went 
to Rupbas, and hunted antelope in that neighbourhood 
for some days. On Saturday, the 1st Muharram, 1019, 
Rup Khawass, who was the founder of Rupbas, presented 
the offering that he had prepared. That which pleased 
was accepted and what remained was given him back 
as a reward. At the same time Bayazid Mankali and 
his brothers, who had come from the Subah of Bengal, 
were honoured with paying their respects. Sayyid Adam, 
son of Sayyid Qasim Barha, who had come from 
Ahmadabad, also had the same good fortune. He pre- 
sented an elephant as an offering. The faujdarship of 
the Subah of Multan was given to Wall Bi Uzbeg in 
place of Taj Khan. 

On Monday, the 3rd Muharram of the 5th year, I halted 
at the Mandakar Garden, which is in the neighbourhood of 
the city. On the morning on which was the auspicious 
hour of entry into the city, after a watch and two gharis 
had passed I mounted and rode on a horse to the 
beginning of the inhabited part, and when I came to 
the immediate neighbourhood mounted on an elephant, 
so that the people from far and near might see, and 
scattering money on both sides of the road, at the hour 

1 (jhazi Khan was one of the famous officers of Akbar. Husam his 
son was married to Abu-1-fazl's sister. See Blochmann, p. 440. 


that the astrologers had chosen, after midday had passed, 
entered with congratulation and happiness the royal 
palace. In accordance with the usual custom of the 
New Year I had ordered them to decorate the palace, 
which is like the courts of heaven. After seeing the 
decorations, Khwaja Jahan laid before me the offering 
that he had prepared. Having accepted out of the 
ornaments and jewels, dresses and goods, whatever 
I approved of, I gave the rest as a reward to him. I had 
ordered the clerks of the hunting department to write 
out (a list of) all the animals that had been killed from 
the time of my leaving until I re-entered the city. At 
this time they represented that in 56 days 1,362 animals, 
quadrupeds, and birds had been killed ; the tigers were 
7 in number ; nilgaw, male and female, 70 ; black buck, 
51 ; does and mountain goats and antelope (rojh), etc., 82 ; 
kulang (cranes), peacocks, sitrkhab, 1 and other birds, 129 ; 
fish, 1,023. On Friday, the 7th, Muqarrab Khan came 
from the ports of Cambay and Surat, and had the honour 
of waiting on me. He had brought jewels and jewelled 
things, and vessels of gold and silver made in Europe, 
and other beautiful and uncommon presents, male and 
female Abyssinian slaves, Arab horses, and things of all 
kinds that came into his mind. Thus his presents were 
laid before me for two and a half months, and most of 
them were pleasing to me. On this day Safdar Khan. 
who held the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, had 
an increase of 500 personal and 200 horse, and was 
presented with a standard, and given leave to return 
to his former jagir. Standards were also given to 
Kishwar Khan and Faridun 2 Khan Barlas. A fighting 
elephant for Afzal Khan (Abu-1-fazl's son) was handed 
over to his son Bishutan, to take to his father. I bestowed 

1 Brahmini ducks. 

- A son of Akbar's officer, Muhammad Qui! Barlas (Blochmann. 
pp. 342 and 478). 


1,000 rupees on Khwaja Husain, a descendant of Khwaja 
Mu'Inu-d-dln Chishti, as was usual for the half-year. 
The Khankhanan had sent as an offering a " Yiisuf and 
Zulaikha " in the handwriting of Mulla Mir 'All, 1 with 
illustrations and in a beautiful gilt binding, worth 1,000 
muhrs. This Ma'sum, his Wakil, brought and submitted. 
Up to the day of culmination, which is the conclusion 
of the New Year's feast, every day many offerings were 
laid before me by the Amirs and servants of the Court. 
Whichever of the rarities was approved of by me I accepted, 
and gave back what was left. On Thursday, the 13th, 
corresponding to the 19th Farwardin, which is the day 
of culmination of the sun and of gladness and pleasure, 
I ordered them to prepare an entertainment of different 
kinds of intoxicating drinks, and an order was given 
to the Amirs and servants of the Court that everyone 
might choose the kind of drink he affected. Many took 
wine and some mufarrih (exhilarating drinks), whilst 
some ate what they wished of the preparations of opium. 
The assembly was successfully held. Jahangir Quli Khan 
from Gujarat had sent as an offering a throne of silver, 
inlaid and painted, of a new fashion and shape, which 
was presented to me. A standard was also conferred on 
Maha Singh. In the commencement of my reign I had 
repeatedly given orders that no one should make eunuchs 
or buy or sell them, and whoever did so would be 
answerable as a criminal. At this time Afzal Khan sent 
some of these evildoers to Court from the Subah of Behar, 
who were continually perpetrating this vile offence. 
I ordered these unthinking ones (bi-'dqibatdn) to be 
imprisoned for life. 

1 Mir 'All was a famous calligrapher. See Rieu, Cat., ii, 531. Can 
the copy mentioned by Jahangir be that in the Bodleian Library, which 
Sir W. Jones praised so highly? A writer in the Journal of the Moslem 
Institute for January-March, 1907, p. 186, suggests that the copy is in 
the Bankipur Library. 


On the night of the 12th an uncommon and strange 
event took place. Some Delhi singers (Qawwdlan, see 
Jarre tt, ii, 236) were singing songs in my presence, and 
SayyidI 1 Shah was, by way of buffoonery, mimicking a 
religious dance. This verse of Amir Khusrau was the 
refrain (miyan-khanct) of the song — 

" Each nation has its right road of faith and its shrine {qibla-ffdhi). 
I've set up my shrine (qihla) on the path of him with the cocked cap." 

I asked what was the real meaning of the (last) 
hemistich. Mulla 'AH Ahmad,' 2 the seal engraver, who 
in his own craft was one of the first of the age, and 
had the title of Khalifa, and was an old servant, and 
with whose father I had learned when I was little, came 
forward and said, " I have heard from my father that 
one day Shaikh Nizamu-d-din Auliya had put his cap 
on the side of his head, and was sitting on a terraced 
roof by the bank of the Jumna and watching the 
devotions 3 of the Hindus. Just then Amir Khusrau 
appeared, and the Shaikh turned to him and said, ' Do 
you see this crowd,' and then he recited this line : — 

' Each race has its right road of faith and its shrine' (cpbla-gahl). 

The Amir, without hesitating, respectfully did homage to 
the Shaikh, and addressing him said — 

' I 've set up my shrine in the direction of him with the cocked cap. ' " 4 

The aforesaid Mulla, when these words were uttered, 
and the last words of the second hemistich passed over 
his tono-ue, became senseless and fell down. Conceiving 

1 The Iqbal-nama, p. 41, has Shayyadi, 'a dervish, a hypocrite,' and 
the R.A.S. MS. has SayyidI Shayyad. Shayyad is used at p. 60 to 
mean an impostor. Here, perhaps, it would mean a buffoon. 

2 'All Ahmad's father was Shaikh Husain. See Blochmann, p. 53. 
:i It was the bathing of the Hindus that the saint was watching. 

4 The point of Amir Khusrau's hemistich is that kaj-kuldh literally 
means 'the awry cap,' and so refers to the saint, who had his cap 
on his ear or on the side of his head. But it also means one who is 
presumptuous, and has left the true path of religion. It also means, 
according to Steingass, a beloved person. 


a great fear from his falling down, I went to his head. 
Most of those who were present doubted whether he 
had not had an epileptic fit. The physicians who were 
present distractedly made inquiry and felt his pulse and 
brought medicine. However much they beat their hands 
and feet and exerted themselves, he did not come to. 
Immediately he fell he had delivered his soul to the 
Creator. As his body was quite warm, they thought 
that possibly some life might be left in him. After 
a short time it became evident that the thing was all 
over and he was dead. They carried him away dead 
to his own house. I had never seen this kind of death, 
and sent money to his sons for his shroud and burial, 
and the next morning they sent him to Delhi and buried 
him in the burial-place of his ancestors. 

On Friday, the 21st, Kishwar Khan, who held the rank 
of 1,500, was promoted to 2,000 personal and horse, and, 
having been presented with an Iraq horse out of my 
private stable, a robe of honour and a private elephant, 
named Bakht-jit, 1 and the Faujdarship of the country 
of Uch, was dismissed with a view to the punishment of 
the rebels of that region. Bayazid Mankali, having been 
honoured with a robe and a horse, was sent off' together 
with his brothers in the company of Kishwar Khan. An 
elephant from my private stud, by name 'Alam-guman, 
was entrusted to Hablbu-llah for Raja Man Singh and 
sent. A special horse was sent to Bengal for Kesho Das 
Maru,' 2 and a female elephant was now given to 'Arab 
Khan, the jagirdar of Jalalabad. At this time Iftikhar 
Khan had sent an offering of a rare elephant from Bengal. 
As I approved of it, it was entered among my private 
elephants. I raised the rank of Ahmad 3 Beg Khan, who 

1 I.O. MS. 181 has Takht-i-bakht (Throne of fortune). 

2 Kesho Das was perhaps the father of Karamsl, one of Akbar's wives. 
See Blochmann, p. 310. 

3 Blochmann, p. 465. 

kaukab's MISBEHAVIOUR. 171 

had been nominated to the command of the army of 
Bangash on account of his good service and that of his 
sons, from his original rank of 2,000 personal and 1,500 
horse by 500 more personal. I sent a gold throne 1 of 
jewelled work for Parwiz, and a sarplch, which was of 
rubies and pearls, and made at a cost of 2,000 rupees, 
was sent for Khan Jahan by the hand of Hablb, son of 
Sarbarah Khan, to Burhanpur. At this time it became 
known that Kaukab, son of Qamar Khan, had become 
intimate with a Sanyasi, and by degrees his words, which 
were all blasphemous and impious, made an impression 
on that foolish fellow. He had made 'Abdu-l-Latlf, son 
of Naqib Khan, and Sharif, his cousins, partners in 
that error. When this affair was discovered, with only 
a slight frightening they revealed certain circumstances 
with regard to themselves, the relation of which would 
be extremely disgusting. Considering their punishment 
advisable, I imprisoned Kaukab 2 and Sharif after giving 
them a whipping, and ordered 'Abdu-l-Latlf a hundred 
lashes in my presence. This special chastisement (was 
given) for the purpose of carrying out the Divine law in 
order that other ignorant persons might not be disposed 
towards the same actions. On Monday, the 24th, Mu'azzam 
Khan was despatched to Delhi to punish the rebels and 
disaffected of that neighbourhood. Two thousand rupees 
were given to Shaja'at Khan Dakhanl. I had ordered 
Shaikh Husain DarshanI to proceed with certain Hrmans 
to Bengal and presents to each of the Amirs of that 
Subah. I now gave him his orders and despatched him. 
With an eye on his actions and his approved services, 
I promoted Islam Khan to the rank of 5,000 personal and 
horse, and bestowed on him a special dress of honour. 

1 Takhtl, qu. a signet ? 

2 Kaukab is mentioned again at the end of the twelfth year. For 
notice of his father see Blochmann, p. 485. 

172 A widow's complaint. 

I gave a special dress of honour also to Kishwar Khan, 
and presented Raja Kalyan with an Iraq horse, and 
similarly to the other Amirs there were given robes of 
honour or horses. Faridun Barlas, who held the rank 
of 1,500 personal and 1,300 horse, I promoted to 2,000 
personal and 1,500 horse. 

On the night of Monday, the 1st Safar, through the 
carelessness of the servants, a great fire occurred in the 
house of Khwaja Abu-1-hasan, and before they became 
aware of it and the tire could be put out many of his 
properties were burnt. In order to afford consolation 
to the mind of the Khwaja and to make up for the loss 
he had sustained, I gave him 40,000 rupees. On Saif 
Khan Barha, who had been cherished and brought up 
by me, I bestowed a standard. I increased the rank of 
Mu'izzu-1-mulk, who had been appointed to the Diwanship 
of Kabul, from his original of 1,000 personal and 225 
horse by 200 personal and 275 horse, and dismissed him. 
The next day I sent a phul-katara (dagger) studded 
with valuable jewels to Burhanpur to Khan Jahan. 

A widow woman complained that Muqarrab Khan had 
taken her daughter by force in the port of Cambay, and 
after some while, during which he had kept her in his 
own house, when she enquired for the girl had said that 
she had died by an unavoidable death. I ordered an 
enquiry to be made into the affair. After much search 
I discovered that one of his attendants had been guilty 
of this outrage, and had him put to death, and reduced 
Muqarrab Khan's mansab by one half, and made an 
allowance to the woman who had been thus injured. 

As on Sunday, the 7th of the month, a qiran-i-nahsin 
(an unlucky conjunction) had occurred, I gave alms of 
gold and silver and other metals, and different kinds of 
cereals, to faqirs and indigent people to be divided in 
most parts of the dominion. On the night of Monday, 
the 8th, having sent for Shaikh Husain Sirhindl and 


Shaikh Mustafa, who were celebrated for the adoption of 
the ways of dervishdom and the state of poverty, a party 
was held, and by degrees the assembly engaged warmly 
in sama' and wajd (dervish dancing and ecstasy). 
Hilarity and frenzy were not wanting. After the meeting 
was over I gave money to each and gave him leave. As 
Mirza Ghazi Beg Tarkhan repeatedly made representations 
with regard to provisions for Qandahar and the monthly 
pay of the musketeers of the said fort, I ordered 200,000 
rupees to be sent there from the treasury of Lahore. 1 

On the 19th Urdibihisht, in the fifth year of my reign, 
corresponding with the 4th Safar, there occurred a strange 
affair at Patna, which is the seat of government of the 
province of Behar. Afzal Khan, the governor of the 
Subah, went off to the jagir to which he had just been 
appointed, and which was at a distance of 60 kos from 
Patna, and handed over the fort and the city to the 
charge of Shaikh BanarasI and Ghiyas Zain-khani, the 
Diwan of the Subah, and to a number of other man- 
sabdars. With the idea that there were no enemies 
in that region he did not satisfy himself as he should 
have with regard to the protection of the fort and 
city. By chance, at that time an unknown man of 
the name of Qutb belonging to the people of Uch, who 
was a mischievous and seditious fellow, came to the 
province of Ujjainiyya, 2 which is in the neighbourhood of 
Patna, with the look of a dervish and the clothes of 
a beggar, and having made acquaintance with men of that 
part, who were always seditious, represented to them 
that he was Khusrau, who had escaped from prison 
and conveyed himself there ; saying that if they would 
accompany and assist him, after the affair had been 
completed they would be the ministers of his State. In 

1 Elliot, vi, 321. 

2 Ujjainiyya here means Bhojpur. 


short, deceiving those simpletons with foolish words he 
brought them over to him and persuaded them that 
he was Khusrau. He showed those deceived ones the 
parts about his eyes, where at some time he had produced 
scars, of which the marks were still apparent, and told 
them that in the prison they had fastened cups (katori) 
on them and those were the marks. 1 Through these 
falsehoods and deceit a number of foot- and horsemen 
had collected round him, and had obtained information 
that Afzal Khan was not at Patna. Considering this 
a great opportunity, they made a raid, and when two 
or three hours of the day had passed on Sunday came to 
the city, and being hindered by nothing went for the fort. 
.Shaikh Banarasi, who was in the fort, obtaining news of 
this, went in a disturbed state to the gate of the fort. 
The enemy, who came on with speed, did not give him 
time to close the gate of the fort. Together with Ghiyas, 
he betook himself to the side of the river by a wicket 
gate, and procuring a boat proposed to go to Afzal Khan. 
Those rebels came with ease into the fort and took 
possession of Afzal Khan's property and the royal 
treasury ; and some of those wretched creatures who wait 
on events, who were in the city and its neighbourhood, 

1 Apparently we may infer from this that Jahanglr did blind or 
attempt to blind his son Khusrau, though he says nothing about it. 
Else why should this impostor pretend that he had marks of the 
blinding? Tavernier sa}-s Khusrau was blinded. Du Jarric also tells 
us that Jahanglr blinded Khusrau on his way back from Kabul, when 
he came to the place where Khusrau had fought the battle. He was 
blinded by some juice of a plant being poured into his eyes. The 
juice resembled milk (qu. Euphorbia). One of his captains, who was 
also a judge, was likewise blinded there along with his son. W. Finch, 
too, speaks of this outbreak. He also says that Khusrau was reported 
to have been blinded on the battlefield with a glass. Another story 
was that Jahanglr merely caused a handkerchief to be tied over his eyes 
and had it sealed with his own seal. It is mentioned in Whiteway's 
"Rise of the Portuguese Power in India," p. 165, note, that fifteen 
relatives of the King of Ormuz had been blinded by red-hot bowls having 
been passed close to their eyes. 


joined them. This news reached Afzal Khan at Gorakhpur 
(Kharakpur), 1 and Shaikh Banarasi and Ghiyas also came 
to him there by way of the river. Letters came from 
the city that this wretch, who called himself Khusrau, 
was in reality not Khusrau. Afzal Khan, placing his 
trust on the grace and mercy of Allah, and through my 
good fortune, started without delay against those rebels. 
In five days he reached the neighbourhood of Patna. 
When the news of Afzal Khan's coming reached those 
scoundrels, they entrusted the fort to one of those whom 
they had confidence in, and the horse and foot arraying 
themselves went out for four kos to meet Afzal Khan. 
A right took place on the bank of the river Pun Pun, 
and after a slight skirmish the array of those ill-fated 
ones was broken and they became scattered. In great 
bewilderment a second time that wretch was coming into 
the fort with a few men. Afzal Khan followed him, 
and did not allow them to close the gate of the fort. 
Going to Afzal Khan's house in a state of confusion, they 
fortified the house and remained there for three watches, 
and fought. They wounded about thirty people with 
arrows. After his companions had gone to jahannam 
(hell) he himself became helpless, and asked for quarter, 
and waited upon Afzal Khan. In order to put a stop 
to this affair, Afzal Khan executed him on the same da}", 
and imprisoned some of his companions who had fallen 
alive into his hand. These items of news one after 
another reached the royal ear. I summoned to Agra ^ 
Shaikh Banarasi and Ghiyas Zain-khani and the other 
mansabdars who had made default in holdino- the fort 
and protecting the city, and ordered their hair and beards 

1 Kharakpur. The word is written Gorakhpur in some MSS., but 
I think it is clear that Kharakpur is the place meant, for 'Abdu-r-Rahman 
had lately got Sangram's estate of Kharakpur in jagir. The fact, too, 
that he fought with the impostor at the Pun Pun to the east of Patna 
shows that he was coming' back from down the Ganges. 


to be cut off', and that they should be clothed in women's 
clothes, seated on asses, and paraded round the city of 
Agra and in the bazars, as a warning and example to 

At this time representations succeeded each other from 
Parwlz and the Amirs appointed to the Deccan and those 
who were well-wishers of the State, that 'Adil Khan 
Bijapuri prayed that they would send to him Mir Jamalu-d- 
din Husain Inju, on whose words and acts all the rulers 
of the Deccan had great reliance, that he might associate 
himself with them and dispel the fear in their minds, and 
the affairs of that place might be arranged as it might 
seem proper to 'Adil Khan, who had chosen the way of 
loyalty and service. In any case, he might drive out of 
their minds the fear that was in them, and soothing them 
might give him hopes of the royal favour. In order 
to obtain this end, on the 16th of the same month 
I despatched the above-mentioned Mir, giving him a present 
of 10,000 rupees. I increased the former rank of Qasim 
Khan, which was 1,000 personal and 500 horse, by 500 
personal and horse, in order that he might go to the 
support of his brother Islam Khan in Bengal. At the 
same time, in order to punish Bikramajlt, Zamindar of 
the province Bandhu, 1 who had withdrawn his foot from 
the circle of obedience and service, I appointed Maha 
Singh, grandson of Raja Man Singh, to proceed to put 
down the disaffection in that region and at the same time 
administer the estate of the jagir of the Raja, which was 
in that neighbourhood. 

On the 20th of the month I gave an elephant to 
Shaja'at Khan Dakhani. As the governor of Jalalabad 
had written and represented the ruinous state of the fort 
of that place, I ordered what might be required for the 
repair of the said fort to be taken from the treasury of 

1 Text wrongly has Mandhu. 


Lahore. Iftikhar Khan had done approved service in 
Bengal. On the request of the governor of that Subah 
I increased his original rank, which was 1,500, by 500. 
On the 28th a representation came from 'Abdu-llah Khan 
Firuz-jang, containing recommendations in favour of 
some of the zealous servants who had been sent with 
him to subdue the rebel Rana. As Ghaznln Khan Jalwari 
had shown the greatest zeal of all in this service, 
I increased by 500 personal and 400 horse his former 
rank, which was 1,500 personal and 300 horse. In the 
same manner each one of those persons was promoted 
according to his services. 

Daulat Khan, who had been sent to Allahabad to bring 
the throne of black stone, came on Wednesday, the 4th 
of the month of Mihr (15th September, 1610), and had an 
audience and brought the stone safe and sound. In truth 
it was a wonderful slab, very black and shining. Many 
say it is of a species of touchstone ; in length it was one- 
eig-hth less than four cubits, and in breadth 2h cubits 
and one tasu, 1 whilst its thickness may be three tasu. 
I ordered stone-cutters to carve suitable couplets on the 
sides of it. They had attached feet to it of the same kind 
of stone. I often sat on that throne. 

As the brothers of Khan 'Alam became security for him, 
I brought out of prison 'Abdu-s-Subhan Khan, who was 
in confinement for certain offences, and promoted him to 
the rank of 1,000 personal and 400 horse, and appointed 
him to the faujdarship of the Subah of Allahabad, and 
gave him the jagir of Qasim Khan, the brother of Islam 

1 A tasu, or tasu, is said in Wilson's Glossary to be the 24th part 
of a gaz or about a third of an inch. I.O. MS. makes the breadth 
3^ cubits 1 tasu. The slab is described in Keene's Guide and in the 
N.W.P. Gazetteer, Agra volume. One inscription has the date 1011, 
or 1602. Archaeological Report, lv, pp. 132-5, says it is 10 ft. 7 h, ins. 
long, 9 ft. 10 ins. broad, and 6 inches thick. It is supported on octagonal 
pedestals. See also Beale's Miftahu-t-tawarikh, pp. 300, 301, where 
a representation of the stone and copies of the inscriptions are given. 



Khan. I sent Tarbiyat Khan to the faujdarship of the 
Sarkar of Alwar. On the 12th of the same month 
a representation arrived from Khan Jahan that the Khan- 
khanan, according to my order, had started for the Court 
in company with Mahabat Khan, and that Mir Jamalu-d- 
dm Husain, who had been nominated b} r the Court to 
go to Bijapur, had also gone from Burhanpur, together 
with the wakils of 'Adil Khan, to Bijapur. On the 21st 
of the same month I promoted Murtaza Khan to the 
subadarship of the Panjab, which is one of the largest 
charges in my dominions, and gave him a special shawl. 
Having appointed Taj Khan, who was in the Subah of 
Multan, to the governorship of Kabul, I added 500 horse 
to the rank of 3,000 personal and 1,500 horse already 
held by him. At the request of 'Abdu-llah Khan Flrfiz- 
jang, the son of Rana Shankar was also promoted in rank. 
When Mahabat Khan, who had been sent to Burhanpur 
to ascertain the numbers of the forces of the Amirs 
appointed to the Deccan, and to bring the Khankhanan, 
arrived in the neighbourhood of Agra, he left the Khan- 
khanan some stages off the city and came on in front 
himself, and was honoured with the good fortune of 
paying his respects and kissing the threshold. After 
a few days, on the 12th Aban, the Khankhanan came and 
waited on me. As many of those who were loyal had 
represented the state of his affairs, whether true or false, 
according to their ideas, and I was displeased with him, 
because the degree of favour and regard that I previously 
had observed in his case and that I had seen in my 
revered father had not produced its effect, I did justice in 
the matter, for previously to this a letter of appointment 
to the service of the Deccan for a certain time had been 
o-iven to him, and he had proceeded there in attendance 
on Sultan Parwiz with other nobles for that important 
matter. After he arrived at Burhanpur he had not 
looked to the opportuneness of the time, and at an 

khankhanan's misbehaviour. 179 

improper season for moving, and when forage and other 
necessaries had not been laid in, he had taken Sultan 
Parwiz and his forces above the Ghats, and by degrees, 
in consequence of want of concert among the Sardars and 
his treachery, and of conflicting opinions, things had come 
to such a pass that grain was obtained with difficulty, 
and not a man was to be got for large sums of money. 
The affairs of the army became so confused that nothing 
went on properly, and horses, camels, and other four- 
footed beasts died. In consequence of the exigency of 
the time he had patched up a kind of peace with the 
enemy and withdrawn Sultan Parwiz and the army to 
Burhanpur. As this business did not turn out well, all 
the well-wishers of the State knew that this division (of 
counsels) and confusion had arisen from treachery and 
want of arrangement of the Khankhanan, and repre- 
sented this to the Court. Although this appeared 
altogether incredible, at last this impression was left 
upon my mind, and a representation came from Khan 
Jahan to the effect that all this mischief and confusion had 
arisen through the treachery of the Khankhanan ; either 
this service should be left entirely in his control, or, 
summoning him to Court, I should appoint to this duty 
this man whom I had myself cherished and brought up, 
and appoint 30,000 horse to support this slave (Khan 
Jahan himself), in order that in the space of two years, 
having freed the whole of the royal province, now in 
the possession of the enemy, and having brought the fort 
of Qandahar 1 and other forts on the border into the 
occupation of the servants of the Court, he should include 
in the royal dominions the province of Bijapur. If he 
did not complete this service in that time, he might be 
debarred from the good fortune of paying his respects 
(to me) and would not show his face to the servants of 

1 A fort in the Deccan "sixty miles north of Biclar" (Elliot, vi, 70). 


the Court. When the relations between the Sardars and 
the Khankhanan reached this point, I did not consider it 
advisable for him to be there any longer, and handed 
over the command to Khan Jahan and sent for him to 
Court. In reality the cause of my disinclination and 
want of favour to him was this. The degree of inclination 
and disinclination towards him in future will be in 
accordance with whatever may become clear. 

I favoured and promoted Sayyid 'All Barha, who is 
one of our distinguished young men, with an increase of 
500 personal and 200 horse beyond his previous rank, 
which was 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and gave Darab 
Khan, son of the Khankhanan, the rank of 1,000 personal 
and 500 horse, with the Sarkar of Ghazipur as his jagir. 
Previously to this I had had the daughter of Mirza Muzaffar 
Husain, son of Sultan Husain Mirza Safawi, ruler of 
Qandahar, betrothed to my son Sultan Khurram, and on 
this date, the 17th Aban, as the marriage meeting had 
been arranged, I went to the house of Baba Khurram and 
passed the night there. I presented most of the Amirs 
with robes of honour. Some of those confined in the 
fort of Gwalior I released, and especially Hajl Mlrak. 
Islam Khan had collected 100,000 rupees from the kJwilisa 
(directly managed) parganahs. As he was at the head 
of the army and the service, I handed this over to him 
as a present. Giving a little gold and silver and some 
of every kind of jewellery and grain to trustworthy men, 
I determined that they should distribute them to the 
poor of Agra. On the same day a report came from 
Khan Jahan that I raj, the son of the Khankhanan, had 
obtained leave from the prince, and according to orders 
he had despatched him to Court. With regard to what 
had been ordered in the case of Abii-1-fath, of Bijapur, 
as the above-mentioned was an experienced man, and 
his being sent would cause despair to the other Sardars 
of the Deccan to whom promises had been made, he 


had (therefore) kept him under surveillance. 1 An order 
had been sent that as Kesho Das, the son of Ray Kalah(?), 
was in the service of Parwlz, if any impediment should 
occur in sending him, he (Khan Jahan) should despatch 
him whether he wished it or not. Immediately on this 
becoming known to Parwlz, he gave him leave and said to 
Khan Jahan : " These few words from my mouth thou wilt 
represent, that as I would give my existence and life for 
the service of my visible God (Jahanglr), what is there 
in the being or annihilation of Kesho Das * 2 that I should 
show any resistance in sending him ? When they (i.e. the 
king) send for my confidential servants for any reason it 
produces a feeling of hopelessness and disquietude of mind 
in the rest, and becoming known in these regions gives 
an idea of disfavour on the part of our lord and Qihla 
(place looked towards in worship). As for the rest, it 
is His Majesty's order." From the date on which the 
fort of Ahmadnagar, by the efforts of my deceased 
brother Daniyal, came into the possession of the heads 
of the victorious State, up till now, the guardianship and 
preservation of that place had been entrusted to Khwaja 
Beg Mirza Safawl, who was a relative of the asylum of 
pardon Shah Tahmasp. After the disturbance of the 
rebel Deccanis went to a great length, and they besieged 
the said fort, he had committed no fault in the duties 
of devotedness and holding of the fort. When the Khan- 
khanan and the Amirs and other leaders who had 
assembled at Burhanpur in waiting on Parwlz devoted 
themselves to the driving back and defeat of the rebels, 
and from the differences of opinion and quarrels of the 
Amirs, and the absence of provision of forage and grain, 

1 So in MSS. Apparently Khan Jahan's meaning was that if this 
Deccani man were sent to Agra (as if to be punished) the other Deccani 
leaders would be discouraged. 

2 The text seems corrupt. Apparently 1.0. MS. has Sargala, and this 
may have been Kesho Das's title. 


those who looked after matters of importance brought 
this large army into improper roads and among hills and 
difficult passes, they in a short space of time rendered 
it wretched and impotent, and matters had come to such 
a pass and the difficulty with regard to grain was such 
that they were giving a life for a loaf. They then turned 
back helplessly with their objects unfulfilled. The garrison 
of the fort, who were expecting aid from this army, on 
hearing this news, lost heart and stability, and tumultuously 
wished to vacate the fort at once. When Khwaja Beg 
Mlrza became aware of this he endeavoured to soothe 
and quiet the men, but though he did his best it had 
no good result. At last, under an agreement, he vacated 
the fort, and proceeded to Burhanpur, and on the day 
mentioned waited on the prince. Representations with 
regard to his coming reached me, and, as it was clear 
that he had not been wanting in bravery and loyalty, 
I ordered his rank of 5,000 personal and horse to be 
confirmed and a jagir to be given him. On the 9th 
a petition came from some of the Amirs in the Deccan 
that on the 22nd Sha'ban Mir Jamalu-d-dm Husain had 
gone to Bijapur. 'Adil Khan sent his wakil forward for 
20 kos, and himself received him at a distance of 3 kos, 
and took the Mir by the same road to his own residence. 

As the desire to hunt overcame me, at a propitious 
hour determined by the astrologers, when a watch and 
six gharis had passed on the night of Friday, the 
loth Ramazan, corresponding with the 10th Azar in 
the 5th year (of my reign), I started to hunt, and made 
my first halt in the Dahrah Garden, which is near the 
city. At this stage I gave Mir 'All Akbar leave to go 
into the city after bestowing on him 2,000 rupees and 
a special warm wrapper (fargul). In order that the grain 
and cultivation should not be trodden down by my men 
I ordered that all should remain in the city but the 
men who were actually wanted and my personal servants. 


Having entrusted the charge of the city to Khwaja Jahan 
I gave him his leave. On the 14th Sa'du-llah Khan, son 
of Sa'id Khan, was given an elephant. On the 28th, corre- 
sponding with the 21st Ramazan, forty-four elephants, 
which Hashim Khan, son of Qasim Khan, had sent as an 
offering from Orissa, were produced before me. Of these 
one was very good and tame ; this one I put in my private 
stud. On the 28th an eclipse (of the sun, kusuf) took 
place, in order to do away with the unluckiness of which 
I weighed myself against gold and silver; it came to 
1,800 tolas of gold and 4,900 rupees. This, along with 
several kinds of vegetables and sorts of animals such as 
elephants and horses and cattle, I ordered to be divided 
among deserving people who were unprovided for and 
helpless poor of the city of Agra and other cities in the 

As the affairs of the army which had been nominated 
for the subjugation of the Deccan under the command 
of Parwlz, and leadership of the Khaukhanan and other 
high Amirs such as Raja Man Singh, Khan Jahan, Asaf 
Khan, the Amiru-1-umara, and other mansabdars, and 
other leaders of every tribe and condition, had ended in 
this, that they had turned back from half-way and returned 
to Burhanpur, and all the confidential servants and news- 
writers who spoke the truth had sent in reports to the 
Court, that although there were many causes for the ruin 
of this army, yet the chief reason was the disagreement 
of the Amirs, especially the treachery of the Khankhanan, 
it came into my mind that I must send Khan A'zam 
with another fresh and powerful army to make amends 
for and set to rights some of the improper proceedings 
that had arisen from the disagreement f the Amirs that 
has been described. On the 11th of Day he (Khan A'zam) 
was honoured with the charge of this duty, and an order 
was given to the Diwans to make preparations and send 
him off quickly. I appointed Khan 'Alam, Faridun Khan 


Barlas, Yiisuf Khan, son of Husain Khan Tukriyah, 'All 
Khan Niyazi, Baz Bahadur Qalmaq, and other mansabdars, 
near to the number of 10,000 horse, to accompany him. 
It was settled that in addition to the ahadis who were 
appointed to this duty 2,000 others should accompany 
him, making altogether 12,000 horse. Having sent with 
him thirty lakhs of rupees and several elephants, I gave 
him his leave and presented him with a magnificent dress 
of honour, a jewelled sword-belt, a horse with a jewelled 
saddle, a private elephant, and 500,000 rupees for expenses. 
An order was given that the chiefs of the civil department 
should recover this from his jagir. The Amirs who were 
under his orders were honoured with robes of honour, 
horses, and presents. I increased by 500 more horse the 
rank held by Mahabat Khan, of 4,000 personal and 
3,000 horse, and ordered him to conduct Khan A'zam 
and this army to Burhanpur, and having enquired into 
(the circumstances of) the destruction of the army, should 
give the order of the appointment of the Khan A'zam 
to the Amirs of those reo-ions and make them of one 
purpose and counsel with him. He was to see the state 
of preparation of the army of those parts, and after 
arranging all matters should bring the Khankhanan 
with him to Court. On Sunday, the 4th Shawwal, when 
near the end of the day, I engaged in a cheetah hunt. 
I had determined that on this day and Thursdays no 
animals should be killed and I would eat no meat, on 
Sunday especially because of the respect my revered father 
had for that day in not being inclined to eat flesh on it, 
and in forbidding the killing of any animals for the 
reason that on the night of Sunday his own honoured 
birth had taken place. He used to say it was better 
on that day that all animals should be free from the 
calamity of those of a butcherly disposition. Thursday 
is the day of my accession. On that day also I ordered 
that animals should not be killed, so that whilst sporting 


I should not shoot an arrow or a gun at wild animals. 
In hunting with cheetahs Aimp Ray, who is one of my 
close attendants, was heading the men who were with 
him in the hunt at a little distance 1 from me and came 
to a tree on which some kites were sitting. When his 
sight fell on those kites he took a bow and some pointless 
arrows (tukka) and went towards them. By chance in the 
neighbourhood of that tree he saw a half-eaten bullock. 
Near it a huge, powerful tiger got up out of a clump 
that was near and went off. Though not more than two 
gharis of day remained, as he knew my liking for tiger- 
huntinff. he and some of those who were with him 
surrounded the tiger and sent some one to me to give 
me the news. When it reached me I rode there at once 
in a state of excitement and at full speed, and Baba 
Khurram, Ram Das, I'timad Ray, Hayat Khan, and one 
or two others went with me. On arriving I saw the 
tiger standing in the shade of a tree, and wished to 
fire at him from horseback, but found that my horse 
was unsteady, and dismounted and aimed and fired my 
gun. As I was standing on a height and the tiger below, 
I did not know whether it had struck him or not. In 
a moment of excitement I fired the gun again, and I think 
that this time I hit him. The tiger rose and charged, 
and wounding the chief huntsman, who had a falcon 
on his wrist and happened to be in front of him, sat 
down again in his own place. In this state of affairs, 
placing another gun on a tripod, 2 I took aim (majrd^ 

1 Para durtar, but it would seem from the Ma'asir, ii, 231, five lines 
from foot, that para, or bdra, is a word meaning a body of men. 
Perhaps it is barah, ' twelve.' 

2 At p. 256 we have the phrase majrd giraiid applied to the directing 
of cannon against the buildings of Fort Ranthambhor. I confess that 
I do not know whether Jahanglr fired the gun that was on the stand or 
the one that Kamal loaded. 

3 Majrd giri/tam seems rather to mean here 'adjusted the tripod,' 
for from what follows it appears that the gun was not then loaded. The 
Iqbal-nama, p. 47, has mdxha rd zlr hard, ' applied the match ' (?). 


giriftam). Anup Ray stood holding the rest, and had 
a sword in his belt and a baton (kutaka) in his hand. 
Baba Khurram was a short distance off to my left, and 
Ram Das and other servants behind him. Kamal the 
huntsman (qarawul) loaded the gun and placed it in 
my hand. When I was about to fire, the tiger came 
roaring towards us and charged. I immediately fired. 
The ball passed through the tiger's mouth and teeth. 
The noise of the gun made him very savage, and the 
servants who had crowded together could not stand his 
charge and fell over one another, so that I, through 
their pushing and shock, was moved a couple of paces 
from my place and fell down. In fact, I am sure that 
two or three of them placed their feet on my chest and 
passed over me. I'timad Ray and the huntsman Kamal 
assisting me, I stood up. At this moment the tiger made 
for those who were on the left-hand side. Aniip Ray 
let the rest slip out of his hand and turned towards 
the tiger. The tiger, with the same activity with which 
he had charged, turned on him, and he manfully faced 
him, and struck him twice with both hands on the head 
with the stick he had in his hand. The tiger, opening 
his mouth, seized both of Anup Ray's arms with it, and 
bit them so that his teeth passed through both, but the 
stick and the bracelets on his arms were helpful, and 
did not allow his arms to be destroyed. From the attack 
and pushing of the tiger Anup Ray fell down between 
the tiger's fore-feet, so that his head and face were 
opposite the tiger's chest. At this moment Baba Khurram 
and Ram Das came up to the assistance of Anup Ray. 
The prince struck the tiger on the loins with his sword, 
and Ram Das also struck him twice with his sword, once 
on the shoulder-blade. On the whole it was very warm 
work, and Hayat Khan struck the tiger several blows 
over the head with a stick he had in his hand. Anup Ray 
with force dragged his arms out of the tiger's mouth 


and struck him two or three times on the cheek with 
his fist, and rolling over on his side stood up by the 
force of his knees. At the time of withdrawing his 
arms from the tiger's mouth, as his teeth had passed 
through them, they were partly torn, and both his paws 
passed over his shoulders. When he stood up, the tiger 
also stood up and wounded him on the chest with his claws, 
so that those wounds troubled him for some days. As the 
ground was uneven, they rolled over each other, holding 
on like two wrestlers. In the place where I was standing 
the ground was quite level. Anup Ray says that God 
Almighty gave him so much intelligence that he bore 
the tiger over deliberately to 1 one side (in the original, 
that side), and that he knew no more. At this time the 
tiger left him and was making off. He in that state of 
bewilderment raised up his sword and followed him and 
struck him on the head. When the tiger turned his face 
round, he struck him another blow on the face, so that 
both his eyes were cut, and the skin of the eyebrows, 
which had been severed by the sword, fell over his eyes. 
In this state of affairs, a lamp-man of the name of Salih, 
as it was time to light the lamps, came in a hurry and 
by a blind chance 2 came across the tiger. The tiger struck 
him one blow with his paw and knocked him down. 
To fall and give up his life were the same thing. Other 
people came in and finished the tiger's business. As Anup 
Ray had done this service to me and I had witnessed the 
way in which he offered his life, after he had recovered 
from the pain of his wounds and had the honour of 
waiting on me, I bestowed on him the title of Anira'I 

1 Apparently the meaning is that he rolled the tiger over to the side 
furthest from Jahangir. 

2 Kuragi. The Iqbal-nama, p. 48, says the night was dark, and so 
the lamplighter blindly (az kuragi) fell upon the tiger and was killed. 
This tiger hunt and Jahangir's danger, etc., are described by William 
Finch (Purchas, i, 430). 


Singh-dalan. Anira'I l the} T call in the Hindi language 
the leader of an army, and the meaning of Singh-dalan 
is a tiger-slayer. Giving him a special sword of my 
own, I increased his mansab. I gave Khurram, son of 
Khan A'zam, who had been appointed to the governorship 
of the province of Junagadh, the title of Kamil Khan. 
On Sunday, the 3rd Zi-1-qa'da, I employed myself in 
fishing, and 766 fish were caught; these were divided 
in my presence among the Amirs, Ibachkian (?), 2 and most 
of the servants. I eat no fish but those that have scales, 
but not because the professors of the Shiah faith look 
on those without scales as unlawful, but the cause of 
my aversion is this, that I have heard from old men, 
and it has become known to me by experience as well, 
that fish without scales eat the flesh of dead animals and 
fish with scales do not eat it. From this cause, to eat 
them is contrary to my disposition. The Shiahs know 3 
why they do not eat them and for what reason they 
consider them unlawful. One of my home-bred camels 
that was with me in the hunt carried five nilgaws that 
weighed 42 Hindustani maunds. I had before this sent 
for Nazhi of Nishapur, who excelled other men in the 
art of poetry, and passed his time in Gujarat as a merchant. 
At this time he came and waited on me, and imitating 
a poem of Anwari, 

"Again, what youth and beauty this is for the world !" 

laid before me a poem that he had composed on me. 
I presented him with 1,000 rupees, a horse, and a robe 
of honour as a gift for this poem. I had also sent for 
Hakim Hamid Gujarat!, whom Murtaza Khan greatly 

1 Anlkini means an army in Sanskrit and Rai is a title meaning 

2 Text, Zaa<jchiyan{1). I.O. 181 has Ibachhiyan, i.e. people of the 
Ilmchkt-khdna or closet. See Ayin, Persian text, i, 42, and Blochmann, i, 46. 

:) This is said ironically. 


praised, and he came and waited on me. His good 

qualities and purity were better than his doctoring. He 

waited on me for some time. When it became known 

that there was no physician but himself in Gujarat, and 

I found he himself desired leave to go, I gave him and 

his sons 1,000 rupees and some shawls, and set aside 

a whole village for his maintenance ; he went off to his 

native place quite happy. Yusuf Khan, son of Husain 

Khan Tukriyah, came from his jagir and waited on me. 

On Thursday, the 10th Zi-1-hijja, was the festival of the 

Qurban (the sacrifice of Ishmael). As it is forbidden to 

take life on that day (Thursday), I ordered that on the 

Friday they should kill the sacrificial animals. Having 

sacrificed three sheep with my own hand, I mounted to 

go hunting, and returned when six gharis of night had 

passed. On this day was killed a nilgaw (commonly called 

blue bull) of the weight of 9 maunds and 35 seers. The 

story of this nilgaw is written because it is not devoid of 

strangeness. In the two past years, during which I had 

come to this same place to wander about and hunt, I had 

shot at him each time with a gun. As the wounds were 

not in a fatal place, he had not fallen, but gone off. This 

time again I saw that nilgaw in the hunting-ground 

(shikdrgdh), and the watchman recognized that in the 

two previous years he had gone away wounded. In short, 

I fired at him again three times on that day. It was in 

vain. I pursued him rapidly on foot for three kos, but 

however much I exerted myself I could not catch him. At 

last I made a vow that if this nilgaw fell I would have his 

flesh cooked, and for the soul of Khwaja Mu'mu-d-dm 

would give it to eat to poor people. I also vowed a muhr 

and one rupee to my revered father. Soon after this the 

nilgaw became worn out with moving, and I ran to his head 

and ordered them to make it lawful (cut its throat in the 

name of Allah) on the spot, and having brought it to the 

camp I fulfilled my vow as I had proposed. They cooked 


the nilgaw, and expending the muhr and rupee on sweets, 
I assembled poor and hungry people and divided them 
among them in my own presence. Two or three days 
afterwards I saw another nilgaw. However much I exerted 
myself and wished he would stand still in one place, so that 
I might fire at him, I could get no chance. With my gun 
on my shoulder I followed him till near evening until it 
was sunset, and despaired of killing him. Suddenly it 
came across my tongue, " Khwaja, this nilgaw also is 
vowed to you." My speaking and his sitting down were 
at one and the same moment. I fired at and hit him, and 
ordered him, like the first nilgaw, to be cooked and given 
to the poor to eat. On Saturday, the 19th Zl-1-hijja, I fished 
again. This time about 330 fish were caught. On the 
night of Wednesday, the 28th 1 of the same month, I encamped 
at Riipbas. As this was one of my fixed hunting-places 
and there was an order that no one should hunt in the 
neighbourhood, a great number of antelope had come 
together in the desert there, so much so that they came 
into the inhabited parts and were not subject to any kind 
of molestation. I hunted for two or three days in those 
desert plains, and shot, and hunted with cheetahs many 
antelopes. As the hour for entering the city was near, 
making two halts on the way, I alighted on the night of 
Thursday, the 2nd Muharram, in the year 1020 (17th March, 
1611), at the garden of 'Abdu-r-Razzaq Ma'muri, which is 
near, in fact close to, the city. On this night many of the 
servants of the Court, such as Khwaja Jahan, Daulat 
Khan, and a number who had remained in the city, came 
and waited on me. Iraj also, whom I had sent for from 
the Subah of the Deccan, had the honour of kissing the 
threshold. I stayed in that garden also on the Friday. 
On that day 'Abdu-r-Razzaq presented his own offerings. 
As this was the last day for hunting, an order was given 

1 The text has 14th night, but I follow the I.O. M Q . 181. 


that the duration of the hunt and the number of animals 
killed should be counted up to me. The time of the hunt 
was from the 9th of the month of Azar to the 29th 
Isfandarmuz of the 5th year, or three months and twenty 
days. In this time tigers 12, deer (gdwzan) 1, cltikdrah 
(gazelle) 44, kutdh-pdcha (hog-deer) 1 head, fawns 2 head, 
black buck 68 head, does 31 head, foxes 4, kwrdra deer 8, 
pdtal (?) 1, bears 5, hyaenas 3, hares 6, nilgaw 108, fish 
1,096, eagle 1, bustard 1, peafowl 5, herons 5, partridges 5, 
brahminl ducks (surkhdb) 1, sdras 5, dhik (?) 1 ; 
total, 1,414. 

On Saturday, the 29th Isfandarmuz, corresponding to 
the 4th Muharram, I mounted an elephant and went to the 
city. From the garden of 'Abdu-r-Razzaq to the palace 
the distance is a kos and 20 tandb. I scattered 1,500 rupees 
to the crowd. At the fixed hour I entered the palace. The 
bazars had been decorated with cloths after the manner of 
the New Year's feast. As at the hunting-time an order had 
been given to Khwaja Jahan to prepare in the Mahall 
(Zenanah) a building fit for me to sit in, the said Khwaja 
had in the space of three months prepared and brought to 
perfection this kind of lofty building, and with folded 
hands (in humility) had done exceedingly active work. 
Coming off the dust of the road I entered that Paradise- 
like building and went to look round that abode, and it 
was very much to my taste. Khwaja Jahan was dignified 
with much praise and commendation. The offerings he had 
prepared were displayed to me in the same building. Some 
of these were approved and accepted and the remainder 
presented to him. 

The Sixth New Year's Feast after my auspicious 


Two gharis and forty seconds of day had passed on the 
Monday when the sun (lit. his honour the greatest star) 
entered his tower of honour, which is in the constellation of 


Aries. That day was the 1st Farwardin, corresponding 
with the 6th Muharram 1 (21st March, 1(311). The feast of 
the New Year having been prepared, I seated myself on the 
throne of good fortune. The Amirs and all the servants of 
the Court enjoyed the good fortune of waiting on me, and 
gave their congratulations. The offerings of the servants 
of the Court, Miran Sadr Jahan, 'Abdu-llah Khan Firuz- 
jang, and Jahangir Quli Khan, were laid before me. On 
Wednesday, the 8th Muharram, the offering of Raja Kalyan, 
who had sent it from Bengal, was laid before me. On 
Thursday, the 9th of the same month, Shaja'at Khan and 
some of the mansabdars, who had come on summons from 
the Deccan, waited on me. I gave a jewelled waist- 
dagger to Razzaq-wirdi Uzbeg. On the same day the New 
Year's offering of Murtaza Khan was laid before me. He 
had prepared all kinds of things. Having inspected all 
these, I took what I approved in the shape of valuable 
jewels, line cloths, elephants, and horses, and gave back the 
rest. I presented a jewelled dagger to Abu-1-fath Dakhani, 
3,000 rupees to Mir 'Abdu-llah, and an Iraq horse to Muqim 
Khan. I increased the rank of Shaja'at Khan, which was 
1,500 personal and 100 horse, by 500 personal and horse. 
I had summoned him from the Deccan for the purpose of 
sending him to Bengal to Islam Khan, in reality to take his 
place permanently, and I entrusted him with the charge 
of that Subah. Khwaja Abu-1-hasan laid before me 
(as offerings) two rubies, one royal pearl, and ten rings. 
I gave Iraj, the son of Khankhanan, a jewelled dagger. 
The rank of Khurram was 8,000 personal and 5,000 
horse ; I increased his personal allowance by 2,000, and 

1 Jahangir does not mention that it was in this year that he married 
Nur-Jahan. He saw her on New Year's Day (Iqbal-nama, p. 56), and it 
appears from a note of Jahangir on p. 132 of B.M. MS. Or. 3276 that he 
married her on 11th Khurdad (end of May, 1611). It was in the 11th year 
that she got the title of Nur-Jahan. Before that she was known as 
Nur-Mahall. It would seem that Jahangir married Nur-Jahan four 
years and a few days after her first husband's death. 

SHAH 'abbas embassy. 193 

increased that of Khwaja Jahan, which was 1,500 personal, 
1,000 horse by 500 personal, 200 horse. On 24th Muharram, 
1 8th Farwardin,the day of the ascendant, Yadgar 'All Sultan, 
ambassador of Shah 'Abbas, ruler of Persia, who had come 
on a visit of condolence on the death of the late king and 
with congratulations on my accession, had the honour of 
waiting on me, and laid before me the gifts Shah 'Abbas, 
my brother, had sent. He had brought good horses, cloth 
stuffs, and every kind of fitting present. After he had 
presented the gifts, on the same day I gave him a superb 
robe of honour and 30,000 rupees, which were equivalent 
to 1,000 Persian tumans. He handed me a letter in which 
were mingled congratulations and condolences for the death 
of my revered father. As in the letter of congratulation 
he expressed the greatest friendship, and omitted no point 
of regard and concord, it has pleased me to enter here an 
exact copy of it. 

Copy of the letter of Shah 'Abbas. 

" May the sprinklings of the cloud of the grace of God 
and the dropping of the favour of the Almighty impart 
freshness to the gardens of wonderful men and inventors 
(of new things) ! May the flower-bed of sovereignty and 
rule and the mead of magnificence and exalted happiness 
of his Honour of heavenly dignity, of sun-like grandeur, 
the king whose fortune is young, of Saturn-like majesty, 
the renowned prince, possessing the authority of the spheres, 
the Khedive, the world-gripper (Jahangir) and country- 
conquering sovereign, the prince of the exaltedness of 
Sikandar, with the banner of Darius, he who sits on the 
throne of the pavilion of greatness and glory, the possessor 
of the (seven) climes, the increaser of the joys of good 
fortune and prosperity, adorner of the gardens of happiness, 
decorator of the rose-parterre, lord of the happy con- 
junction (of the planets), the opener of the countenance, 



the perfection of king-hood, expounder of the mysteries of 
the sky, the adornment of the face of learning and in- 
sight, index of the book of creation, compendium of human 
perfections, mirror of the glory of God, elevator of the 
lofty soul, increaser of good fortune and of the beneficent 
ascension, sun of the grandeur of the skies, the shadow of 
the benignity of the Creator, he who has the dignity of 
Jamshld among the stars of the host of heaven, lord 
of conjunction, refuge of the world, river of the favours of 
Allah, and fountain of unending mercy, verdure of the 
plain of purity, may his land (lit. surface) be guarded from 
the calamity of the evil eye ; may his fountain of perfection 
be preserved in truth, his desire and love ; the tale of his 
good qualities and benevolence cannot be written. 

' ' ' The pen has not the tongue to express the secret of love. ' 

Although outwardly the distance (between us) prevents my 
attaining to the ka'bah of desire, yet he is the qiblah of 
my keen longing for spiritual intercourse. Thank God that 
by virtue of essential oneness this humble supplicant and 
that pure nursling of glory have in reality been united to 
one another. The distance of space and outward separation 
of the body not having prevented nearness of soul and 
spiritual union, my face is still towards friendship, and 
accordingly the dust of sorrow has not settled on the sun- 
like mirror of my mind, but it has received the reflection 
of the beauty of that exhibitor of perfection, and the 
olfactory of my soul has been ever scented with the sweet 
savour, of friendship and love and the ambergris-perfumed 
breezes of affection and concord, and spiritual fellowship 
and perpetual union have rubbed off the rust from 

" ' I sit beside thee in thought, and my heart is at ease, 
For this is an union not followed by separation's pain.' 

" Praise be given to the most mighty and pure God that 
the plant of the desire of true friends hath borne the fruit 


of fruition. Success (maqsiid), that beauty who for years 
was hidden behind the veil, has by dint of humility and 
supplication at the throne of the Almighty, come forth and 
manifested herself from the hidden bridal chamber, and 
a ray of perfection has been thrown on the plain of the 
hopes of the expectants ; she has ascended the auspicious 
throne and seated herself beside the king who adorns the 
assembly and enhances the glory of the tribune of the king 
of kings. The world-opening standard of the Caliphate 
and rule, and the sky-scraping umbrella of justice and 
world-sway of that creator of the diadem and throne, and 
that opener of the knots of knowledge and wisdom have 
cast the shade of equity and sovereignty and mercy over the 
heads of the inhabitants of the world. My hope is that the 
chief of desire -granters may make the auspicious ascension 
of that blessed rising of fortune brighten the crown and 
illuminate the throne, making it of good omen and 
prosperous to all, and may the things that appertain to 
kingship and rule of the world and the causes of dignity 
and prosperity be ever on the increase ! For long past the 
customs of amity and the ways of intimacy, which have 
been in existence between our ancestors, and now freshly 
have been re-established between this one who is bent on 
friendship and him who is intent on equity, demanded that 
when the good news of the accession of him who sits on 
the GurganI throne and is the heir of the crown of Tlmiir 
reached this country, one of the confidants of the royal 
palace should be quickly nominated to convey congratu- 
lations, but inasmuch as the business of Azarbljan and the 
conquest of the province of Shir wan just then occurred, and 
until my loving mind was satisfied as to the affairs of that 
province, I could not return to my capital, some delay 
took place in the accomplishment of this important duty. 
Although outward ceremonial observances and politenesses 
have not much weight with people of knowledge and 
discernment, yet the observance of them is the observance 


of the dues of friendship. Of necessity, therefore, at this 
auspicious time when the attention of the servants of 
holy angels (?) has been withdrawn from the affairs of 
that province, which have been arranged in accordance 
with the desires of my well-wishers, and I am at ease in 
that quarter, I have returned and settled down in my 
capital of Isfahan, which is the permanent seat of rule. 
Therefore I have despatched Kamalu-d-dln Yadgar 'All, 
who possesses the attributes of nobility, is perfect in 
sincerity and fully reliable, who is moreover of the number 
of devoted servants and Sufis of pure design of our family, 
to the most exalted Court, that after he has obtained the 
good fortune to salute you, to condole with you, and kissed 
the carpet of honour, and performed the dues of inquiry 
(after health, etc.) and congratulations, he may obtain leave 
to return, and may convey to the sincere mind of your 
well-wisher the good tidings of the safety of your angelic 
person and the health of your temperament that is of the 
brightness of the sun and increases joy. It is hoped that 
the tree of hereditary friendship and assiduousness, and 
the garden of intimacy and regard, both apparent and 
spiritual, which by the irrigation of the rivers of affection 
and the brooks of sincere regard acquire great splendour 
and greenness, not casting their leaves, may set in motion 
the cord of intimacy and drive away the misfortune of 
estrangement by the arrival of correspondence, which is 
the communication of the soul, and may connect by spiritual 
chains our visible friendship, and may favour the course 
and accomplishment of business. 

" May God Almighty give the assistance of the secret 
powers to that living family of dignity and glory and that 
household of grandeur and good fortune." 

Up to this is the copy of the letter of my brother Shah 

My brothers Sultan Murad and Daniyal, who had died 
in the lifetime of my revered father, people had called 


by several names. I ordered that one of them should be 
called Shahzada maghfur (the pardoned prince), and the 
other Shahzada marhum (the prince admitted to mercy). 
I promoted I'timadu-d-daulah and 'Abdu-r-Razzaq Ma'muri, 
who each held the rank of 1,500, to that of 1,800, and 
increased the horse-rank of Qasim Khan, brother of Islam 
Kkankhanan, by 250. I dignified Iraj, eldest son of the 
Khankhanan, with the title of Shah-nawaz Khan, and 
Sa'du-llah, son of Sa'id Khan, with the appellation of 
Nawazish Khan. 

At the time of my accession I had increased weights and 
measures (lit. gaz), viz. to the extent of three ratis (small 
weight equal to eight barleycorns), in the weight of muhrs 
and rupees. At this time it was represented to me that in 
mercantile transactions it would be for the convenience of 
the people that muhrs and rupees should be of the same 
weight as previously. As in all affairs the contentment 
and ease of the people are to be looked to, I gave an order 
that from the present day, that is, the 11th Urdibihisht in 
the 6th year of my reign, they should strike muhrs and 
rupees of the former weight in all the mints of my 
dominions. As before this, on Saturday, the 2nd of the 
month of Safar, in the year 1020, the evil-dispositioned 
Ahdad had heard that Kabul was deprived of an eminent 
leader, that Khan Dauran 1 was in the interior, and only 
Mu'izzu-1-mulk with a few servants of the aforesaid was in 
Kabul, thinking it a good opportunity he (Ahdad) betook 
himself unexpectedly to Kabul with a large number of 
horsemen and foot-soldiers. Mu'izzu-1-mulk, according to 
the measure of his ability, displayed activity, and the 
Kabulis and other inhabitants, especially the Farmuli 2 tribe, 
barricaded up the streets and fortified their houses. The 
Afghans with some guns came in to the streets and bazars 

1 Khan Dauran was away in the district of Ningnahar (, 
p. 53). 

2 Text wrongly has Qizilbashes. 


from different directions. The people from the shelter of 
their terraces and houses killed many of these wretches 
with arrows and guns, and Bargi, 1 one of the confidential 
leaders of Alidad, was killed. From the occurrence of this 
affair, for fear that the people from all sides and quarters 
should assemble and block the road for them to get out, 
giving up their hearts and feet (in a state of distraction), 
in fear and confusion they turned back. About 800 of 
those dogs went to jahannam (hell), and 200, having caught 
horses, hastily escaped with their lives from that deadly 
place. Nad 'All Maidani, who was in Lahugar, at last on 
the same day arrived there, and pursued them for a short 
distance. As the distance (between them) was too great 
and his band small, he turned back. For the energy he 
had shown in coming quickly, and for the activity displayed 
by Mu'izzu-1-mulk, they were both promoted in rank ; Nad 
'Ali, who held that of 1,000 personal to that of 1,500, and 
Mu'izzu-1-mulk, who held the rank of 1,500, to 1,800. As 
it transpired that Khan Dauran and the Kabulis were in 
the habit of passing their days in carelessness, and the 
repelling of the evil disposition of Alidad had taken a long 
time, it occurred to me that as the Khankhanan was 
without employment I might appoint him and his sons to 
this duty. Soon after this idea occurred Qilij Khan, to 
summon whom a firman had already been issued, came from 
the Panjab and obtained the honour of an audience. It 
became evident from the forehead of his circumstances (his 
manner) that he was annoyed at the duty of driving back 
the ill-dispositioned Alidad being assigned to Khankhanan. 
As he faithfully promised to take up this duty, it was settled 
that the governorship of the Subah of the Panjab should 
belong to Murtaza Khan, and that the Khankhanan should 
remain at home, and that Qilij Khan should be promoted to 
the rank of 6,000 personal and 5,000 horse, and be appointed 

1 Or Barkl. 


to Kabul to drive back Alidad and the up-country robbers. 
I ordered the Khankhanan to have a jagir in the Subah 
of Agra in the Sarkars of Qanauj and Kalpi, that he might 
inflict condign punishment on the rebels of that region 
and exterminate them (pull them out by the roots). When 
I dismissed them I gave each of them special robes of 
honour and horses and elephants, and having received the 
robes of exaltation they started of. At the same time, on 
account of the sincerity of his friendship and his old services, 
I bestowed on I'timadu-d-daulah the rank of 2,000 personal 
and 500 horse, and presented him with a sum of 5,000 rupees 
by way of gift. Mahabat Khan, whom I had sent to make 
the necessary preparations for war for the victorious army 
of the Deccan and point out to the Amirs the desirability 
of concord and unanimity, paid his" respects to me at the 
capital of Agra on the 12th of the month of Tir, the 21st 
of Rabi'u-s-sani, It was brought to notice in a letter from 
Islam Khan that 'Inayat Khan had performed approved 
service in the Subah of Bengal ; on this account I increased 
by 500 personal the rank he already held of 2,000. I also 
increased by 500 personal and 300 horse, so as to make it 
up altogether to 1,500 personal and 800 horse, the rank of 
Raja Kalyan, who was one of the officials of that Subah. 
I appointed Hashim Khan, 1 who was in Orissa, to the 
government of Kashmir, and sent his uncle, Khwaja 
Muhammad Husain, there to look after the affairs of that 
country until his arrival. In the time of my revered father 
his father, Muhammad Qasim, had conquered Kashmir. 
Chin Qilij, who was the eldest son of Qilij Khan, came 
from the Subah of Kabul and waited on me. As in addition 
to his natural excellence he was a khdnazdd (houseborn 
one), he was honoured with the title of Khan, and according 

1 The text has here the word ghayatan, which does not seem to have 
much meaning. Erskine has ' without his knowledge,' so he probably 
had (jha'ibana in his MS. •• 


to the prayer of his father, and on condition of his under- 
taking service in Tirah, I increased his rank by 500 personal 
and 300 horse. On the 14th Amardad, on account of the 
previous service and great sincerity and ability of 
I'timadu-d-daulah, I bestowed on him the high rank of 
the viziership of the kingdom, and on the same day 
presented a belt with a jewelled dagger to Yadgar 'All, 
ambassador of the ruler of Iran. As 'Abdu-llah Khan, 
who had been appointed to command the army against the 
rebel Rana, promised to enter the province of the Deccan 
from the direction of Gujarat, I promoted him to be 
Subahdar of that province, and at his request appointed 
Raja Baso to the command of the army against the Rana, 
increasing his rank by 500 horse. In place of Gujarat 
I conferred the Subah of Malwa on Khan A'zam and sent 
400,000 rupees to provide for the army and warlike materials 
for the force that had been appointed to accompany 
'Abdu-llah Khan by way of Nasik, which is near the 
province of the Deccan. Safdar Khan, with his brothers, 
came from the Subah of Behar, and had the honour of 
kissing the threshold. 

One of the royal slaves who was serving in the seal- 
cutting departments prepared and laid before me a design 
such as I had never seen or heard of before. As it is 
exceedingly strange, a detailed 1 description of it is given. 
In the shell of a filbert four compartments had been carved 
out of ivory. The first compartment was one of wrestlers, 
in which two men were engaged in wrestling, a third was 
standing with a spear in his hand, a fourth with a hard 
stone. 2 Another was sitting with his hands placed on the 
ground, while in front of him were laid a piece of wood, 
a bow and a pot. In the second a throne had been made 

1 Compare Elliot, vi, 324. 

2 Sang-i-durvshti. Elliot had the same reading and translates ' a heavy 
stone.' But both MSS. have sang u rasani, 'a stone and a cord,' query 
a sling, and this is certainly the right reading. See Iqbal-nama, p. 57. 


above which a shamiydna (a tent-fly or canopy) was 
depicted, and a man of wealth (a prince) was seated on the 
throne with one leg placed over the other and a pillow at 
his back. Five servants were standing around and before 
him, and tree-boughs threw a shade over the throne. In 
the third compartment is a company of rope-dancers, who 
have raised upright a pole with three ropes fastened to it. 
A rope-dancer upon it (qu. on the ropes ? x ) has taken hold 
of his own right foot with his left hand behind his head, 
and standing on one foot has placed a goat on the top of 
the pole. Another person has thrown a drum on his 
neck and is beating it, whilst another man is standing with 
his hands lifted up and looking at the rope-dancer. Five 
other men are also standing, of whom one has a stick in his 
hand. In the fourth compartment there is a tree, below 
which the figure of the revered (hazrat) Jesus is shown. 
One person has placed his head at Jesus' feet, and an old 
man is conversing with Jesus and four others are standing 
by. 2 As he had made such a masterpiece, I honoured him 
with a present and with increased salary. 

On the 30th Shahriwar, Mirza Sultan, who had been 
sent for from the Deccan, came and waited on me. Safdar 
Khan had an increase of rank conferred on him, and was 
appointed to go to the assistance of the army against the 
rebel Rana. As 'Abdu-llah Khan Bahadur Firuz-jang had 
proposed to enter the neighbouring province of the Deccan 
by way of Nasik, it occurred to me to appoint Ram Das 
Kachhwaha, who was one of the sincere servants of my 

1 Text bar pay, but the I.O. MS. and Iqbal-nama, p. 58, have bar bdz'i 
{' on the rope ' ? or perhaps ' is doing gymnastics 1 ). 

2 Note of Sayyid Ahmad (to the fourth compartment). — "Evidently 
this masterpiece was not the work of a slave in the seal department, for 
no reason appears why the portrait of Jesus should be introduced into 
the fourth compartment. Probably this masterpiece was the work of 
Frank artists and had fallen into the hands of the slave, and he had 
ascribed it to his own workmanship. (Perhaps the scene depicted was 
the Transfiguration.) " 


revered father, to accompany him in order that he might in 
every place look after him, and not allow him to be too 
rash and hasty. For this purpose I bestowed on him great 
favours, as well as the title of Raja, which he had not 
thought of for himself. I also gave him drums and the 
fort of Ranthanbur, which is one of the noted castles in 
Hindustan, and honouring him with a superb robe of 
honour and an elephant and horse I dismissed him. I 
appointed Khwaja Abii-1-hasan, who had been transferred 
from the chief Diwanship, to the duty of the Subahdarship 
of the Deccan, as he had been for a long time in those 
regions in the service of my deceased brother (Daniyal). 
I honoured Abu-1-hasan, son of I'timadu-d-daulah, with 
the title of I'tiqad Khan, and having promoted the sons of 
Mu'azzam Khan to fitting ranks sent them to Bengal to 
Islam Khan. At the request of Islam Khan, Raja Kalyan 
was appointed to the government of the Sarkar of Orissa 
and had an increase in rank of 200 personal and horse. 
I presented Shaja'at Khan Dakhani with 4,000 rupees. On 
the 7th Aban Badi'u-z-zaman, son of Mirza Shahrukh, came 
from the Deccan and waited on me. 

About this time, in consequence of the disturbances that 
had occurred in the country of Mawara'a-n-nahr, many of 
the Amirs and Uzbeg soldiers, such as Husain Bi, 
Pahluwan Baba, and Nauras Bi Darman, and Baram Bi and 
others came to Court and waited on me. They were all 
honoured with robes of honour, horses, cash, mansabs, and 
jagirs. On the 2nd Azar Hashim Khan came from Bengal 
and had the honour of kissing my threshold. I sent 
500,000 rupees for the expenses of the victorious army of 
the Deccan, of which the leader was 'Abdu-llah Khan, to 
Ahmadabad in Gujarat by the hands of Rup Khawass and 
Shaikh Anbiya. On the 1st day I went to the village of 
Samonagar, which is one of my fixed hunting-places, to 
hunt. Twenty-two antelope were killed, of which I myself 
killed sixteen and Khurram the other six. Remaining 


there two days and two nights, on the night of Sunday 

I returned to the city in health and safety, and one night 

this couplet threw its brilliance on my mind : — 

" As long as there's in heaven light for the sun, 
Be not the reflection far from the Shah's umbrella." 

I ordered the lamplighters and the relators of stories that 
at the time of their salutations and telling stories they 
should commence with this couplet, and it is still in use. 
On Saturday, the 3rd day, a letter came from Khan A'zam 
that 'Adil Khan Bljapuri had given up his evil ways and 
become penitent, and in the rank of servants was now more 
loyal than ever. On the 14th day, corresponding with the 
last day of Shawwal, leave was given to Hashim Khan to 
go to Kashmir. I gave a special wrapper 1 (fargal) to 
Yadgar 'AH, ambassador of Persia. I presented I'tiqad 
Khan with one of my special swords called Sar-andaz 
(thrower of heads). Having honoured Shadman, son of 
Khan A'zam, with the title of Shadman Khan, I increased 
his rank to 1,700 personal and 500 horse. He was also 
honoured with a standard. Sardar Khan, brother of 
'Abdu-llah Khan Firuz-jang, and Arslan Bi Uzbeg, who 
had been appointed to the charge of Sivistan, 2 w T ere also 
presented with standards. I ordered that jai-namaz 
(prayer carpets) should be made of the skins of the 
antelopes I had myself killed, and be kept in the public 
audience hall for people to use in saying their prayers. 
By way of special respect to the Law I ordered that the 
Mir-i-'Adl and Qazi, who are the pivot of affairs of the 
divine law, should not kiss the ground (before me), which is 
a kind of sijda. On Thursday, the 22nd day, I went again 
to Samonagar to hunt. As many antelope had collected 
together in that neighbourhood I had this time sent off 
Khwaja Jahan to prepare a qamargah and drive in the 
antelope into a broad place from all sides, to place canvas- 

1 See Blochmann, p. 89, note. It came from Europe. 

2 In Scinde ; it is the same as Sahwan, and is on the Indus. 


walls (sard-parda) and a gulal-bar 1 round it. They 
enclosed a kos and half of ground with sarapardas. When 
news came that the hunting-place had been prepared and 
a great deal of game had been confined, I went there and 
began to hunt on the Friday. Until the next Thursday 
I went every day to the qamargah with the ladies and hunted 
as much as I liked. Some of the deer were taken alive and 
some killed with arrows and guns. On the Sunday and 
Thursday, on which I do not fire guns at animals, they 
took them alive in nets. In these seven days 917 head, 
male and female, were caught, and of these 641 deer were 
caught alive. Four hundred and four head were sent to 
Fathpur to be let loose on the plain there, and with regard 
to 84 I ordered them to put silver rings in their noses and 
set them free in the same place. The 276 other antelope 
that had been killed with guns and arrows and by cheetahs 
were divided from day to day among the Begarns and the 
slaves of the palace, and Amirs and servants of the palace. 
As I became very tired (dilgir) of hunting, I gave orders 
to the Amirs to go to the shikargah (hunting-place) and 
hunt all that were left over, and myself returned in safety 
to the city. On the 1st Bahman, corresponding with the 
17th Zi-1-qa'da, I ordered that in the large cities of my 
dominions, like Ahmadabad, Allahabad, Lahore, Delhi, Agra, 
etc., they should arrange bulghur-khanas (places for the 
distribution of cooked food) for the poor ; thirty mahalls 
(districts) had been ordered. Six had already been estab- 
lished, and twenty-four other districts were now ordered. 
On the 4th Bahman I increased the rank of Raja Bir Singh 
Deo by 1,000 personal ; it was previously 4,000 personal 
and 2,000 horse : I gave him a jewelled sword. Another 
sword out of my special ones, that was called Shah-bacha 
(king's child), was presented to Shah-nawaz Khan. On the 
16th Isfandarmuz, Badl'u-z-zaman, son of Mirza Shahrukh, 

1 Blochmann, p. 45. 


was appointed to the army against the rebel Rana and 
a sword sent by his hand for Raja Baso. Having again 
heard that the Amirs on the borders interfere with 
authority in matters that do not concern them, and do not 
observe laws and regulations, I ordered x that the Bakhshis 
should circulate orders, to be obeyed amongst the Amirs of 
the borders, that hereafter they should not interfere in such 
things, which are the private affair of kings. The first 
thing is this, that they should not sit in the jharoklia 
(private window), and should not trouble their officers and 
captains of the auxiliaries with keeping guard or saluting 
them, and should not have elephant fights, and should not 
inflict the punishment of blinding, and should not cut off 
ears and noses, an d sho uldjnot force Islamjon anyone, and ~/ 
should not confer titles on their servants, and should not 
order the royal servants to do hurnish or prostration, and 
should not force singers to remain on duty in the manner 
customary in (royal) darbars, and should not beat drums 
when they go out, and when they give a horse or elephant 
to anyone, whether to the king's attendants or to their own 
servants, they should not place reins or elephant's goads on 
their backs and make them perform obeisance. In going 
in procession they should not take with them on foot in 
their retinue the royal attendants. If they write anything 
to them they should not put a seal on it. 2 The regulations 
which have been styled the rules of Jahanglr (Ayin-i- 
Jahangiri) are now in force. 3 

1 Elliot, mi, 325. 

2 Both MSS. have bar ru instead of bar a, ' in front ' or ' in the face ' 
of the letter, and this is no doubt the correct reading. See Iqbal-nama, 
p. 59. See Blochmann, p. 263, for the different places where seals are 
to be put. Jahanglr's order apparently was that the provincial governors 
were not to impress their seals on the face of their letters or other 

3 The reference seems to be, not to these subsidiary regulations, but to 
the code of twelve rules promulgated by him at the commencement of 
his reign* 

206 new year celebrations. 

The Seventh New Year's Festival after the 
auspicious Accession. 

On Tuesday, the 1st Farwardm of the seventh year from 
my accession on the 16th Muharram u-1-haram (19th March, 
1612) in the year 1021, the New Year's assembly that 
illuminates the world, and the festival that brings joy, 
were held in the capital of Agra. After four gharis 
of the night had passed on Thursda}', the 3rd of the 
aforesaid month, the hour that the astrologers had chosen, 
I sat on the throne. I had ordered that, according to 
annual custom, the bazars should be decorated and the 
assembly should be kept up until the day of culmination 
(ruz-i-sharaf). Khusrau Bl Uzbeg, who was known among 
the Uzbegs as Khusrau Qimchl} came on these days and 
had the honour of waiting on me. As he was one of the 
influential men of Mawara'a-n-nahr, I bestowed many 
favours on him, and gave him a tine robe of honour. 
I gave 15,000 rupees to Yadgar 'All, ambassador of the ruler 
of Iran, for his expenses. On the same day the offering 
f of Afzal Khan, which he. had sent from the Subah of 
Behar, was laid before me. There were 30 elephants 
and 18 ponies (gunth), and pieces of Bengal cloth, 
sandalwood, some pods of musk, aloes-wood (A g alloc] mm), 
and all kinds of things. The offering of Khan Dauran 
was also produced before me. He had sent 45 head 
of horse and two strings of camels, porcelain from China, 
dressing-gowns (jpustinha 2 ) of sable (mmmwr), and 
other valuable presents procurable in Kabul and its 
neighbourhood. The officers of the palace had taken 
trouble about their offerings, and according to the yearly 
custom from day to day of the festival the offerings of 
the servants were laid before me. Having looked at them 

1 Quruqchl in I.O. MS. and in Iqbal-nama, p. 60. Steingass gives it 
as meaning one who looks after the king's game, and as a sentinel. 

2 Text has pusthd, skins, but I.O. MS. has pustinhd. 


in detail, I took what I approved and gave them the 
remainder. On the 13th Farwardin, corresponding with 
the 29th Muharram, a representation from Islam Khan 
arrived to the effect that through the blessing of Allah's 
favour and through the benign influence of the royal 
grace, Bengal had been freed from the disturbance of 
'Usnian, the Afghan. Before the circumstances of this 
war are written down, some particulars with regard to 
Bengal will be recorded. 1 Bengal is a country of great 
extent, and in the second clime its length, from the port 
of Chittagong to Gari, is 450 kos ; and its breadth, from 
the Northern hills to the boundary of Sarkar Madaran, 
220 kos. Its revenue is about 60 krores of dams. 2 The 
former rulers of this place always had 20,000 horse, 
a lakh of foot-soldiers, 1,000 elephants, and 4,000 or 
5,000 war-boats. From the time of Shir Khan and his 
son Salim Khan, this country was in the possession of 
the Afghans. When the throne of sovereignty of 
Hindustan in the hands of my revered father acquired 
beauty and splendour, he ordered the victorious forces 
(of the empire) into it, and for a long time made the 
conquest of it his object, until the aforesaid province, 
through the great efforts of the chiefs of the victorious 
State, passed from the possession of Da'ud Karani, who 
was the last of its rulers. That wretch was killed in the 
tight with Khan Jahan, and his army became scattered 
and in desperate condition. From that date until now 
the province is in the possession of the servants of the 
State. In the end a few of the remaining Afghans had 
remained in the corners and sides of the country, and 
kept a few distant places in their possession, until, by 
degrees, most of that body became despised and helpless. 

1 Copied from Ayin. See Jarrett, ii, 115. See also Elliot, vi, 32G. 

2 This is equal to one krore, fifty lakhs of rupees. The Sarkar of 
Orissa was included in Bengal, and its revenue is included in this. 
(Note of Sayyid Ahmad.) 


and were captured by the chiefs of the State in the places 
of which they had still possession. When the arrange- 
ment of the affairs of rule and empire, simply through 
the grace of God, became entrusted to this humble servant 
of the throne of Allah, in the first year after my accession 
I sent for Raja Man Singh, who had been appointed to 
the rule and government of that place, to Court, and 
sent Qutbu-d-din Khan, who, out of all the officials, was 
distinguished as my foster-brother, in his place. As he 
entered the province he attained to martyrdom at the 
hand of one of those mischievous ones who had been 
appointed to that country, and that man, who had not 
thought of the consequences, also obtained the reward of 
his deeds, and was slain. I promoted Jahangir Quli Khan, 
who was governor and a Jagirdar in the province of 
Behar, on account of his nearness to that neighbourhood, 
to the rank of 5,000 personal and horse, and ordered him 
to go to Bengal and take possession of the province. I sent 
an order to Islam Khan, who was at the capital of Agra, to 
go to Behar and consider that province his jagir. When 
a short time had passed under the rule of Jahangir Quli 
Khan, he contracted a severe illness, in consequence of the 
bad water and air of that place, and by degrees the power 
of the disease and his weakness became so great as to end 
in his destruction. When the news of his death came to 
my hearing at Lahore, an order was issued in the name of 
Islam Khan to proceed as soon as possible to Bengal. When 
I appointed him to this important duty, most of the servants 
of the State made remarks on his youth and want of 
experience. As the excellence of his disposition and his 
natural capacity had been noticed by my judicious eye, 
I myself chose him for this duty. As it happened, the 
affairs of this province were carried on by him in such 
a manner as from the time when it first entered into the 
possession of the Chiefs of the everlasting State until this 
day has never been attained to by any of the servants of 


the Court. One of his noteworthy deeds was the driving 
away of the rebel 'Usman, the Afghan. He frequently in 
the time of the late king encountered the royal forces, but 
his expulsion was not accomplished. When Islam Khan 
made Dhaka (Dacca) his place of abode and made the 
subjection of the Zamindars of that neighbourhood his chief 
object, it occurred to him that he should send an army 
against the rebel ' Usman and his province. If he agreed 
to serve loyally, well and good, but if not, they should 
punish and annihilate him like other seditious people. At 
that time Shaja'at Khan * joined Islam Khan, and the lot 
of leading in this service z fell on his name. Several others 
of the State servants were also appointed to go with him ? 
such as Kishwar Khan, Iftikhar Khan, Sayyid Adam 
Barha, Shaikh Achhay, 3 nephew of Muqarrab Khan, 
Mu'tamad Khan, the sons of Mu'azzam Khan, Ihtimam 
Khan, and others. He took with him also some of his 
own men. At the hour when Mushtari (Jupiter) was 
propitious, he started off this band, and appointed Mir 
Qasim, son of Mlrza Murad, its chief paymaster and 
news-writer. He took also some of the Zamindars with 
him to show the road. The victorious armies started. 
When they reached the neighbourhood of 'Usman's fort 
and land, they sent some eloquent men to admonish 
him and point out to him the way of loyalty, and 
bring him back from the road of rebellion to the right 
path. As much pride had seated itself in his brain-cup, 
and he had in his head a desire to seize the country, beside 
other fancies, he turned a deaf ear to their words and 

1 Also called Shaikh Kabir Chishti (Blochmann, p. 519; Ma'asiru-1- 
umara, ii, 630). 

2 . Perhaps this is only rhetoric, but Abu-1-fazl describes how lots 
were cast between him and Raja Birbal as to who should go on the 
Yusufzai expedition. 

3 Ichl means a hawk, but the meaning may be a Shaikh of Uch. 
Acha is given in Zenker as meaning a father in Turki. The Iqbal-nama 
has Ajha. 



prepared himself for conflict and fight. The battlefield 
happened to be on the bank of a nullah in a place which 
was a complete bog. On Sunday (12th March, 1612), the 
9th Muharram, Shaja'at Khan, choosing the hour for the 
fight, arrayed the victorious forces, so that everyone 
should go to his place and be prepared for the battle. 
'Usman had not settled the battle for that day with 
himself. When he heard that the royal army had come 
prepared for battle, having no remedy he himself mounted 
and came to the bank of the nullah, and arrayed his own 
horse and foot opposite the victorious army. When the 
affair grew hot, and the two forces opposed each other, 
that foolish, obstinate man at the first onset threw his own 
fighting raging elephant against the advanced guard. After 
much fighting many of the leaders of the advanced guard, 
as Sayyid Adam x Barha and Shaikh Achhay, attained the 
dignity of martyrdom. Iftikhar Khan, the leader of the 
right wing, was in no way remiss in attacking, and sacrificed 
his own life. The band that was with him fought to such 
a degree that they were all cut to pieces. In the same way 
Kishwar 2 Khan and his band of the left wing bravely 
sacrificed themselves in the affair of their master, but 
many of the enemy (lit. those of dark fortune) were also 
wounded and killed. That evil one ('Usman) took account 
of the combatants and ascertained that the leaders of the 
advanced guard and right and left wings were killed. The 
centre alone remained. He took no account of the killed 
and wounded on his own side, but attacked the centre (of 
the royal army) with the same energy. On this side the 
son and brothers and sons-in-law of Shaja'at Khan, as well 
as other officers, stopped the advance of those lost ones, 
and attacked them like tigers and leopards armed with 
claws and teeth. Some of them attained the dignity of 

1 Text wrongly has A'zam. See Blochmann, p. 521, note. 

2 Kishwar was the son of Jahtingir's foster-brother Qutbu-d-clin, who 
was killed by Shir-afgan. 


martyrdom, and those that remained alive bore away fatal 
wounds. At this time ('Usman) drove a raging elephant 
of the name of Gajpat, 1 which was his premier elephant, 
at Shaja'at Khan, who laid hold of his spear and struck 
the elephant. What does a raging elephant care for 
a javelin ! He then seized his sword and struck him two 
blows one after another. How did he regard these 
either ! He then drew his dagger and struck him twice 
with it, but for this, too, he did not turn back, but over- 
threw Shaja'at Khan with his horse. Immediately he was 
separated from his horse ; calling out " Jahangir Shah," 
he leapt up, and his equerry struck the elephant on both 
front legs a blow with a two-handed sword. As the 
elephant fell on his knees, the equerry pulled the elephant 
driver down off the elephant, and Shaja'at with the dagger 
he had in his hand, and while on foot, struck such blows on 
the trunk and forehead of the elephant that the elephant 
roared out at the pain and turned round. As he was 
severely wounded, he went to his own army and fell down. 
Shaja'at Khan's horse got up safely. As he was mounting 
his horse those vile ones drove another elephant at his 
standard-bearer, and overthrew his horse and standard. 
Shaja'at Khan gave a manly shout and roused the standard- 
bearer, saying : " Be bold : I 'm alive and the standard is at 
my feet (?)." 2 At this critical moment all the servants of 
the State who were present seized their arrows and daggers 
and swords, and smote the elephant. Shaja'at himself 
came up and shouted to the standard-bearer to rise, and 
got another horse for the standard-bearer and mounted 
him on it. The standard-bearer unfurled the standard and 
maintained his ground. At the time of this struggle 

1 The Iqbal-nama and the B.M. MSS. call it Bakhla. 

2 These last words seem to be part of Shaja'at's speech, but see 
Iqbal-nama, p. 63. See also Elliot, vi, .329, and the translation of the 
Iqbal-nama account in Appendix L, Stewart's Cat. of Tippo Sultan's 
MSS., p. 275. The Iqbal-nama says that 'Usman's corpulence compelled 
him to ride on an elephant. 


a (ball from a) gun struck that rebel on his forehead. 
However much they enquired for the man who tired it, 
he could not be found. When this struck him, he 
recognized that he was a dead man. Yet for two watches, 
notwithstanding this fatal wound, he urged on his men to 
the fight, and the battlefield was still deadly and the 
struggle warm. Afterwards the enemy turned their faces, 
and the victorious army pursued them, and continually 
striking them drove back those vile ones into the place 
where they had encamped. With arrows and guns those 
wretches would not allow the royal troops to enter the 
place where they were. When Wall, the brother of 
'Usman, and Mamrez, his ('Usman's) son and other 
relations and followers became aware of 'Usman's wound, 
they made up their minds that he would not recover 
from it, and that if they, defeated and put to flight, 
should go towards their fort none would reach it alive. 
They thought it best to remain for the night in the 
place where they had encamped, and towards the end of 
the night seek an opportunity and get to their fort. Two 
watches of night had passed when 'Usman went to hell. 
In the third watch they raised his lifeless body, and 
leaving his tent and the things they had with them in 
the camp, proceeded to their fortress. The scouts of the 
victorious army, having obtained news of this, informed 
Shaja'at Khan. On the morning of Monday the loyalists 
assembled and decided to follow them, and not allow 
breathing-time to those of dark fortune. In the end, in 
consequence of the tired state of the soldiers, and in order 
to bury the martyrs and out of sympathy for the wounded, 
they were perplexed in their minds as to going or settling- 
down (where they were). Just at this time 'Abdu-s-Salam, 
son of Mu'azzam Khan, arrived with a body of servants 
of the State, altogether 300 horse and 400 musketeers 
(tupchi). When this fresh body of men arrived it was 
determined to pursue, and they accordingly went on. 


When Wall, who after 'Usman was the stock of the 
disturbance, learned that Shaja'at Khan with the victorious 
army had come together with another fresh force, he saw 
no resource for himself but to go to Shaja'at Khan on 
the straight line of faith and loyalty. In the end he 
sent a message that he who had been the cause of the 
disturbance had gone, and that the body of those who 
were left were servants and Musulmans. If he would 
give his word they would wait upon him and would 
agree to serve the State, giving their elephants as an 
ottering. Shaja'at Khan and Mu'taqid Khan, who had 
arrived on the day of the battle and had done approved 
service, and all those who were loyal, in accordance with 
the necessity of the time and with what was best for the 
State, gave their word and encouraged them. On the 
next day, Wall and the sons, brothers, and sons-in-law of 
'Usman all came and waited upon Shaja'at Khan and the 
other servants of the State. They brought forty-nine 
elephants as an offering. After the completion of this 
work Shaja'at Khan, leaving some of the royal servants 
in Adhar 1 and the neighbourhood which was in the 

1 The text has dar adhar u tar/ kih dar tasarruf-i-an tlra-ruzgdr bud. 
I do not know if adhar is the name of a place or what its meaning is. 
The I.O. MSS., Nos. 181 and 305, h&vearhdd. Blochmann, p. 520, on the 
authority of the Makhzan-i-Afghani, says the fight took place 100 kos 
from Dacca and in a place called Nek Ujyal, and he points out in a note 
that there are several Ujyals in Eastern Bengal. Possiblj' -Adhar is 
Udhar or Uzar, and a corruption of Ujj'al. The ' hills of Dacca,' referred 
to by Blochmann, might be Ran Bhawal or the Madhupur jungle. The 
Riyazu-s-salatin does not mention the site of the battle, and the 
translator, Maulawl 'Abdu-s-Salam, has in his note at p. 175 confounded 
two 'Isa Khans, and so drawn groundless inferences. Blochmann points 
out, p. 520, that the Ma'asiru-1-umara says the prisoners were after- 
wards put to death. The passage is at vol. ii, p. 632. It says they 
were put to death by Jahangir's orders by 'Abdu-llah (who certainly 
was brute enough for anything). Jahfinglr, Tiizuk, p. 112, mentions the 
arrival of 'Usman's sons and brothers at Court, so that Blochmann's 
statement at p. 520 about their being executed on the road is not 
correct. It appears, too, they came to Court after Shaja'at's death. 
Jahanglr says (Tuzuk, p. 112) he made over the prisoners to responsible 
servants of government. 'Abdu-llah may have been one of these, and 


possession of that one of evil fortune, took with him Wall 

and the other Afghans, and on Monday, the 6 th of the 

month of Safar, came to Jahangirnagar (Dacca) and joined 

Islam Khan. When the joyful news reached in Agra 

this supplicant at the throne of Allah, he performed 

the prostrations of gratitude, and recognized that the 

driving away of this description of enemy was brought 

about simply through the unstinted mercy of the Almighty 

Giver. As a reward for this good service I promoted 

Islam Khan to the rank of 6,000 personal, and honoured 

Shaja'at Khan with the title of " Rustam of the age " 

(Rustam-zaman), as well as increased his rank by 1,000 

personal and horse. I also increased the rank of other 

servants according to the measure of their services, and 

they were selected for other honours. 

When this news first came of the killing of 'Usman it 

appeared to be a joke, but by way of ascertaining the 

truth or falsehood of the words I took an omen from 

the divan of the tongue of the unseen world, Khwaja 

Hariz of Shiraz, and this ghazal x turned up : — 

" I make my eyes red and throw patience to the wilds, 
And in such a case throw my heart into the sea. 
I'm wounded by the shaft of heaven : 

Give wine, so that intoxicated I may cast a knot in the girdle of 
the Twins." 

have got rid of his prisoners by killing them. It would appear that 
the battle with 'Usman took place to the east or south-east of Dacca, 
and not near Orissa, as Stewart supposed. 

1 The lines occur in HanV divan, under the letter M, Brockhaus' ed. , 
No. 396, but Jahangir has missed out two lines in his quotation. An 
Indian lithograph has rakht in the first line instead of sabr, but the 
latter reading occurs in Brockhaus In the fourth line naryis is a mistake 
for tlrkath. Tir-i-falak, ' the arrow of the spheres,' is also a name for the 
planet Mercury. Tirka*h-i-Jauzd means both a particular constellation 
in the sign Gemini, which is supposed to resemble a quiver in appearance, 
and also the strings of a musical instrument. The meaning of the lines 
seems to be, " I have been wounded by the shaft of heaven : give me wine 
that I may become intoxicated and be able to tie a knot in the quiver- 
girdle of the Gemini." The appositeness of the fal is not very apparent, 
but the mention of an arrow was taken to be an allusio i to the death of 
' Usman by a shot from an unknown hand. 


As this couplet was very appropriate to the occasion, 
I drew an omen from it. After some days news came 
again that the arrow of Fate, or rather of God, had struck 
'Usman, for however much they enquired for him, he 
who tired the shot was not made manifest. This has 
been recorded on account of its strange nature. 

On the 16th Farwardin, Muqarrab Khan, who is one of 
my chief retainers and the old confidants of the Jahangiri 
service, who had attained the rank of 3,000 personal and 
2,000 horse, came from the fort of Cambay and had the 
honour of waiting on me. I had ordered him, on account 
of certain business, to go to the port of Goa 1 and buy 
for the private use of the government certain rareties 
procurable there. According to orders he went with 
diligence to Goa, and remaining there for some time, 
took at the price the Franks asked for them the rareties 
he met with at that port, without looking at the face of 
the money at all (i.e. regardless cf cost). When he 
returned from the aforesaid port to the Court, he 
produced before me one by one the things and 
rareties he had brought. Among these were some 
animals that were very strange and wonderful, such 
as I had never seen, and up to this time no one had 
known their names. Although King Babar has described 
in his Memoirs the appearance and shapes of several 
animals, he had never ordered the painters to make 
pictures of them. As these animals appeared to me to 
be very strange, I both described them and ordered that 
painters should draw them in the Jahangir-nama, so 
that the amazement that arose from hearing of them 
might be increased. One of these animals in body is 
larger than a peahen and smaller than a peacock. 2 When 

1 Elliot, vi, 331. 

2 They call this in the English language a turkey, and the people 
of India call it piru ; Persian-knowing Indians call it in Persian 
jllmurgh. They are now plentiful in India. (Note of Sayyid Ahmad. ) 


it is in heat and displays itself, it spreads out its 
feathers like the peacock and dances about. Its beak 
and legs are like those of a cock. Its head and neck 
and the part under the throat are every minute of a 
different colour. When it is in heat it is quite red — 
one might say it had adorned itself with red coral — and 
after a while it becomes white in the same places, and 
looks like cotton. It sometimes looks of a turquoise 
colour. Like a chameleon it constantly changes colour. 
Two pieces of flesh it has on its head look like the comb 
of a cock. A strange thing is this, that when it is in 
heat the aforesaid piece of flesh hangs down to the length 
of a span from the top of its head like an elephant's 
trunk, and again when he raises it up it appears on its 
head like the horn of a rhinoceros, to the extent of two 
finger-breadths. Round its eyes it is always of a turquoise 
colour, and does not change. Its feathers appear to be of 
various colours, differing from the colours of the peacock's 
feathers. He also brought a monkey of a strange and 
wonderful form. Its hands, feet, ears, and head are like 
those of a monkey, and its face like that of a fox. The 
colour of its eyes is like that of a hawk's eye, but the 
eyes are larger than those of a hawk. From its head 
to the end of its tail it is an ordinary cubit in length. It 
is lower than a monkey and taller than a fox. Its hair 
is like the wool of a sheep and its colour like that of 
ashes. From the lobe of its ear to its chin it is red and 
of the colour of wine. Its tail is two or three finger- 
breadths longer than half a cubit, quite different from that 
of other monkeys. The tail of this animal hangs down 
like the tail of a cat. Sometimes it makes a sound like 
a young antelope. On the whole it is a very strange 
beast. Of the wild birds which they call tadru (pheasant) 
till now it has never been heard that they breed in 
captivity. In the time of my revered father they made 
great efforts to obtain eggs and young ones but it was 


not managed. I ordered them to keep some of them, 
male and female, in one place, and by degrees they bred. 
I ordered them to place the eggs under hens, and in a 
space of two years sixty or seventy young were produced 
and fifty or sixty grew up. Whoever heard of this matter 
was astonished. It was said that in the Wilayat (Persia ?) 
the people there had made great efforts, but no eggs were 
produced and no young were obtained. 

In these days I increased the mansab of Mahabat Khan 
by 1,000 personal and 500 horse, which thus became 4,000 
personal and 3,500 horse. The mansab of I'timadu-d-daulah, 
original and increased, was fixed at 4,000 personal and 
1,000 horse. To the mansab of Maha Singh also an 
increase of 500 personal and horse was given : it was 
originally and with increase 3,000 personal and 2,000 
horse. The mansab of I'tiqad Khan was increased by 
500 personal and 200 horse, and made up to 1,000 
personal and 300 horse. Khwaja Abu-1-hasan in these 
days came from the Deccan and waited on me. Daulat 
Khan, who had been appointed to the faujdarship of 
Allahabad and of the Sarkar of Jaunpur, came and paid 
his respects : an increase of 500 was made to his mansab, 
which was 1,000. On the day of culmination (riiz-i- 
ska/raf), which was the 19th Farwardin, I raised the 
mansab of Sultan Khurram, which was 10,000, to 12,000, 
and made that of I'tibar Khan, which was 3,000 personal 
and 1,000 horse, up to 4,000. I raised the mansab of 
Muqarrab Khan from 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse by 
500 personal and horse ; and increased that of Khwaja 
Jahan, which was 2,000 personal and 1,200 horse, by 500. 
As these were the days of the New Year, many of 
the servants (of the State) obtained an increase of their 
mansabs. On the same day Dulip came from the Deccan 
and waited on me. As his father Ray Ray Singh had died, 
I honoured him with the title of Ray and clothed him in 
a dress of honour. Ray Ray Singh had another son, by 


name Suraj Singh. Although Dulip was his tiled (marked 
with the tiled) son, he wished Suraj Singh to succeed him, 
in consequence of the love that he bore to his mother. 
When the circumstances of his death were reported to me, 
Suraj Singh, in consequence of his want of intelligence 
and tender years, represented to me : " My father has 
made me his successor and given me the tiled." This 
remark was not to my liking, and I said : " If thy father 
has given the tiled to thee, we shall give it to Dulip." 
Then marking the tiled with my own hand, I presented 
the latter with his father's jagir and hereditary possessions. 
I bestowed on I'timadu-d-daulah an inkstand and jewelled 
pen. Rudar, the father of Lakhml Chand, Raja of 
Kumaon, who is one of the considerable Rajas of the 
hill country, had come in the time of the late King 
Akbar, 1 and when he came had petitioned 2 that the 
son of Raja Todar Mai might take him by the hand and 
bring him to wait on him. In consequence, the Raja's 
(Todar Mai's) son had been appointed to bring him. 
Lakhml Chand now similarly asked that the son of 
I'timadu-d-daulah might bring him to pay his respects. 
I sent Shaptir 3 to bring him to wait on me. He laid 
before me rare things from his own hill country, such as 
gunth ponies, and birds of prey, such as hawks, jurra 
(falcons), royal falcons, qatds (yaks), navels of musk, and 
skins of the musk antelope with the musk-bags on them, 
swords which in their language they call lehdndd, and 
daggers which they call Jeatdr, and all kinds of things. 
Amongst the Rajas of this hill country this Raja is well 
known for the large quantities of gold he has. They say 
there is a gold-mine in his territory. 4 

1 Akbar-nama, iii, 533. It was in the 33rd year. 

2 He asked Todar Mai's protection, but the son was sent (Akbar-narna, 
iii, 533). 

3 This name is not in all the jVISS. It is another name for I'tiqad, 
son of I'timadu-d-daulah. 

4 Blochmann, p. 508. 


In order to lay the foundation of a palace at Lahore, 
I sent there Khwaja Jahan Khwaja Dust Muhammad, who 
is well skilled in this kind of business. 

As the affairs of the Deccan, in consequence of the 
disagreements among the Sardars and the carelessness of 
Khan A'zam, did not look well, and the defeat of 'Abdu-llah 
Khan had taken place, I had sent for Khwaja Abu-1- 
hasan to make enquiries into the real state of these 
quarrels. After much enquiry and investigation it became 
clear that the defeat of 'Abdu-llah Khan had been caused 
by his pride and his sharp temper, and not listening to 
words (of advice), and partly by the quarrels and want 
of agreement between the Amirs. Briefly, it had been 
determined that 'Abdu-llah Khan should start from the 
direction of Nasik and Trimbak with the Gujarat army 
and the Amirs who had been appointed to accompany 
him. This army had been brought into proper order by 
trustworthy leaders and zealous Amirs, such as Raja Ram 
Das, Khan A'lam, Saif Khan, 'All Mardan Bahadur, Zafar 
Khan, and other servants of the State. The number of 
the army had passed 10,000 and come up to near 14,000. 
On the side of Berar it was settled that Raja Man Singh, 
Khan Jahan, the Amiru-1-umara, and many other leaders 
should proceed. These two armies should be aware of 
each other's marches and halts, so that on an appointed 
day they might catch the enemy between the two. If 
this rule had been observed and their hearts had been 
in unison, and self-interest had not come between, it is 
most probable that Almighty God would have given them 
the victory of the day. When 'Abdu-llah Khan passed 
the Ghats and entered the enemy's country, he did not 
take care to send runners (qasidan) to bring intelligence 
from the other army, nor did he, in accordance with the 
arrangements, make his movements harmonise with theirs, 
so that on an appointed day they might take the enemy 
between two armies. Rather he relied on his own strength, 


and considered that if he could gain the victory alone 
it would be better. This idea fixed itself in his mind, 
and however much Ram Das desired him to promise to 
go forward with due deliberation, it was of no use. The 
enemy, who were observing him closely, had sent a large 
number of leaders and Bargls (Mahrattas) against him, 
and encounters took place with them every day. They 
did not fail to throw rockets and different fireworks at 
night. At last the enemy drew near, and yet he obtained 
no intelligence about the other army, though he had 
approached Daulatabad, which was the place of assembly 
of the Dakhanis. 'Ambar, the black-faced, had raised to 
sovereignty a child who, in his opinion, bore relationship 
to the family of Nizamu-1-mulk. In order that men 
might fully accept his (the child's) sovereignty, he raised 
him up and took him by the hand, and made himself 
the Peshwa and leader. He sent men again and again 
(against 'Abdu-llah), and the number of the enemy was 
continually increasing till at last they made an attack, 
and by throwing rockets and other fireworks made 
matters hot for him. 1 At length the loyalists thought it 
best, as no assistance had come to them from the other 
army and all the Dakhanis had turned against them, to 
retreat at once and try some other arrangement. All 
agreed, and with one consent started off before dawn. 
The Dakhanis followed them to the boundaries of their 
own country, and the two armies, meeting every day, 
did not fail in fighting. In these days several of the 
ambitious and zealous young men were killed. 'All 
Mardan Khan Bahadur, behaving like a brave man, 
carried away terrible wounds and fell into the hands of 
the enemy, and showed his companions an example of 
fidelity to his salt and of life-sacrifice. Zu-1-faqar Beg 
also displayed manly actions, and a rocket struck him on 

1 Elliot, vi, 333. 


the leg, and two days afterwards he died. When they 
entered the country of Raja Bharju, 1 who was one of those 
loyal to the throne, that body (the enemy) turned back, 
and 'Abdu-llah Khan proceeded towards Gujarat. The 
real truth is this, that if in going he had drawn his rein 
(gone slowly) and allowed the other army to have come up 
to him, the matter would have turned out according to the 
wish of the chief men of the victorious State. 2 As soon 
as the news of the retreat of 'Abdu-llah Khan reached 
the leaders of the army that was advancing from Berar, 
not seeing any advantage from further stay, they also 
retired, and joined the camp of Parwiz at 'Adilabad in the 
neighbourhood of Burhanpur. When this intelligence 
reached me at Agra I was greatly agitated, and proposed 
to go there myself and destroy root and branch those 
servants who had become masters. The Amirs and other 
devoted ones would in no way consent to this. Khwaja 
Abu-1-hasan represented that as no one understood the 
business of that region as the Khankhanan did I ought to 
send him, and that he should again arrange matters that 
had fallen into disorder, and according to the exigencies 
of the time should compose differences so that affairs 
might return to their original condition. Other well- 
wishers being consulted, all their opinions were at one in 
this, that the Khankhanan must be sent and that Khwaja 
Abu-1-hasan should accompany him. Agreeing with this 
determination, those who had charge of the affairs of the 
Khankhanan and his companions obtained leave to go 
on Sunday, the 17th Urdlbihisht, in the 7th year. Shah- 
nawaz Khan, Khwaja Abu-1-hasan, Razzaq-birdi Uzbeg, 
and several others of his associates paid their parting 
salutations on the same day. The Khankhanan was 
promoted to the rank of 6,000 personal, Shah-nawaz Khan 

1 Raja of Baglana. 

2 A periphrasis for Jahanglr himself. 


to that of 3,000 and horse, that of Darab Khan increased by 
500 personal and 300 horse (altogether 2,000 personal and 
1,500 horse), and to Rahman-dad, his (the Khankhanan's) 
younger son, I also gave a fitting rnansab. I presented 
the Khankhanan with a grand dress of honour, a jewelled 
dagger, a special elephant with talayir (accoutrements), 
and an Iraq horse. In the same way I bestowed on his 
sons and companions dresses of honour and horses. In 
the same month Mu'izzu-1-mulk came from Kabul with 
his sons, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. 
Shyam Singh and Kay Mangat Bhadauriya, who belonged 
to the army of Bangash, according to the request of Qilij 
Khan, were promoted to higher mansabs. Shyam Singh 
had 1,500 personal and was increased by 500, and Ray 
Mangat was also raised to a higher rank. 

For a long time past news had come of the illness of 
Asaf Khan ; sometimes the disease was got under and 
sometimes recurred, until he died at Burhanpur in the 
63rd year of his age. His understanding and capacity 
were very good. He was very quick-witted. He also 
wrote poetry. He composed " Khusrau and Shirin," 
dedicating it to me, and called it the " Niir-nama " (the 
writing of light). 1 He had been ennobled in the time of 
my revered father and made Vizier. In the days when 
I was a prince he had several times done foolish things, 
and most men, and indeed Khusrau himself, were of 
opinion that after my accession I would do unpleasant 
things (with regard to him). In a manner contrary to 
what had entered the minds of himself and others, 
I favoured him and promoted him to the rank of 5,000 
personal and horse, and after he had for some time been 
Vizier with full authority, neglected no point in increasing 
favour towards him. After his death I gave mansabs 
to his sons and bestowed kindnesses on them. At last 

1 The history of Nur, i.e. the history of Nuru-d-din Jahangir. 


it was clear that his disposition and sincerity were not 
as they should be, and, considering his own evil deeds, 
he had always been suspicious with regard to me. They 
say he w r as aware of the conspiracy and disturbance that 
took place on the Kabul expedition, and had given 
support to the wretches. Indeed, I had no confidence 
that notwithstanding my favour and kindness to him he 
was not disloyal and of perverse fortune. 

After a short space of time, on the 25th of the same 
month of Urdibihisht, the news of Mirza Ghazl's death 
arrived. The said Mirza was of the ruling family of 
Thatta (Tatta), of the tribe of Tarkhani. His father, 
Mirza Jani, in the time of my revered father became 
loyal, and with the Khankhanan, who had been appointed 
to his province, he had the good fortune to have the 
honour of waiting on Akbar near Lahore. By the royal 
favour he was given his own province, and, choosing 
himself to serve at Court, he sent his men to the charge 
and administration of Thatta, and remained in the service 
while he lived. At last he died at Burhanpur. Mirza 
Ghazi Khan, his son, who was at Thatta, in accordance 
with the firman of the late kino- obtained the government 

© © 

of that country. Sa'id Khan, who was at Bhakar (Bukkur), 
received an order to console him and bring him to Court. 


The aforesaid Khan sent men to him to recommend loyalty 
to him. At last, having brought him to Agra, he procured 
him the honour of kissing the feet of my revered father. 
He was at Agra when my father died and I ascended the 
throne. After I arrived at Lahore for the pursuit of 
Khusrau news came that the Amirs on the borders of 
Khurasan had assembled together and proceeded against 
Qandahar, and that Shah Beg, the governor of that place, 
was shut up in the fort and looking out for assistance. 
Of necessity an army was appointed for the relief of 
Qandahar under the leadership of Mirza Ghazi and other 
Amirs and generals. When this army reached the 

224 ACCOUNT or MIRZA ghazi. 

neighbourhood of Qandahar, the army of Khurasan, not 
seeing in themselves the power to await it, returned. Mirza 
Ghazi, having entered Qandahar, handed over the country 
and the fort to Sardar Khan, who had been appointed to 
the government of the place, and Shah Beg went to his 
own jagir. Mirza Ghazi started for Lahore by way of 
Bhakar. Sardar Khan was only a short time at 
Qandahar before he died, and that province was again 
in need of a leader and master. This time I added 
Qandahar to Thatta and handed it over to Mirza Ghazi. 
From that time till his death he remained there con- 
tinuously in performance of the duties of its protection 
and government. His conduct towards the disaffected 
was excellent. As it was necessary to send a leader to 
Qandahar in the place of Mirza Ghazi, I appointed 
Abii-1-bi Uzbeg, 1 who was at Multan and in that 
neighbourhood, to that post. I promoted him in rank 
from 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse to 3,000 personal 
and horse, and honoured him with the title of Bahadur 
Khan and a standard. The governorship of Delhi and 
the protection and administration of that province was 
conferred on Muqarrab Khan. I dignified Riip Khawass, 
who was one of the personal servants of my revered 
father, with the title of Khawass Khan, and, giving him 
the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, bestowed on 
him the faujdarship of the Sarkar of Qanuj. As I had 
sought the daughter 2 of I'tiqad Khan, son of I'timadu-d- 
daulah, in marriage for Khurram, and the marriage 

1 Should be Abu-n-nabl. See infra. 

2 This was Arjumand Banu or Mumtaz-mahall, the favourite wife of 
Shfth Jahan and the mother of fourteen of his children. She was the 
niece of Nur-Jahan, her father being Nur-Jahan's brother, the Asaf 
Khan IV and Abud-hasan of Beale, who also had the names of I'tiqad 
Khan and Yaminu-d-daulah. There is an account of the betrothal and 
wedding in the Padshah-nama, i, 388. It seems that the betrothal took 
place five years and three months before the marriage, and when Shah 
Jahan was 15 years old. At the time of the marriage Shah Jahan was 


festival had been arranged for, I went on Thursday, 
18th Khurdad, to his house, and stayed there one day 
and one night. He (Khurram) presented offerings (to me) 
and he gave jewels 1 to the Begaras, and to his mothers 
(including stepmothers) and to the female servants of the 
harem, and dresses of honour to the Amirs. 

I sent 'Abdu-r-Razzaq, the bakhshi of the palace 
(darkhana), to settle the country of Thatta (Sind) 
until a Sardar should be appointed who could conciliate 
the soldiery and the cultivators, and so bring the 
province into order. I increased his rank and presented 
him with an elephant and a shawl (parmnarm), and 
sent, him off. I made Mu'izzu-1-mulk bakhshi in his 
room. Khwaja Jahan, who had been sent to inspect 
the buildings in Lahore and to arrange about them, 
came in the end of this month and waited on me. 
Mirza 'Isa Tarkhan, one of the relations of Mirza Ghazi, 
had been appointed to the army of the Deccan. I sent 
for him to arrange about the business of Thatta, and 
on the same day he had the good fortune to pay his 
respects. As he was deserving of favour, he was given 
the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. The disease 

20 years and 3 months old and Arjumand Banu was 19 years and 
1 month. 18th Khurdad, 1021, would correspond to about the end of 
May, 1612, but the Padshah-nama gives the eve of Friday, 9th Kabi'u-1- 
awwal of 1021, corresponding to 22nd Urdlbihisht, as the day of the 
marriage. This would correspond to 30th April, 1612, so that apparently 
Jahangir's visit to the house (apparently I'timadu-d-daulah's, but 
possibly Shah Jahan's) took place about a month after the marriage. 
Arjumand Banu died in childbed at Burhanpur in 1040, or July, 1631, 
the chronogram being one word, viz. gham, ' grief.' She must have been 
born in 1591, and was in her 40th year when she died. She was not 
Shah Jahan's first wife, for he was married to the daughter of Muzaffar 
Husain Safawi, a descendant of Shah Isma'Il of Persia, in September, 1610 
(Eajab, 1019), but the betrothal to Arjumand was earlier than this. It 
was in Arjumand's honour that the Taj was built. 

1 Tilrkd. The corresponding passage in the Iqbal-nama, p. 67, last 
line, shows that jewels are meant. The text omits the preposition ba 
before Begamdn. 



of khwn-pa/ra l had affected my health. By the advice 
of the physicians on Wednesday, the (date not given) 
of the said month, I drew about a sir (asar) 2 of blood 
from my left arm. As great lightness resulted, it occurred 
to me that if they were to call blood-letting ' lightening ' 
it would be well. Nowadays this expression is made 
use of. To Muqarrab Khan, who had bled me, I gave 
a jewelled khapwa (dagger). Kishan Das, accountant of 
the elephant department and stable, who from the time 
of the late king until now has been the clerk in charge 
of two departments, and for ages had been hopeful of 
the title of Raja and the rank of 1,000 personal, and 
before this had been gratified with a title, now had the 
rank of 1,000 conferred on him. Mirza Rustam, son of 
Sultan Husain Mirza Safawi, who had been appointed to 
the army of the Deccan, I sent for at his request. On 
Saturday, the 9th of the month of Tlr, he came with 
his sons and waited on me. He made an offering; of 
a ruby and forty-six royal pearls. I increased the rank 
of Taj Khan, the governor of Bhakar, who was one 
of the old Amirs of this State, by 500 personal and 

The tale of the death of. Shaja/at Khan is a very 
strange affair. After he had performed such services 
and Islam Khan had given him leave to go to the Sarkar 
of Orissa, one night on the road he was riding on 
a female elephant chaukandi-dar 3 (?in a square howdah 
or four-pillared canopy), and had given a young eunuch 
a place behind him. When he left his camp they had 

1 Khun-para, ' congestion of blood ' ; para or bara is used to mean 
a collection or gathering. See Ma'asiru-1-uniara, ii, 221, where we have 
bara ya'nl jam'i. Erskine, in spite of his MS., reads chun para and 
translates ' as quicksilver. ' 

2 Am: , which, according to Forbes, is a sir weight. 

3 Perhaps it was only what is called a char-jama and not an enclosed 


fastened up an elephant that was in heat on the road. 
From the noise of the horses' hoofs and the movement 
of the horsemen he attempted to break his chain. On 
this account a great noise and confusion took place. 
When this noise reached the ear of the eunuch, he in 
a state of bewilderment awoke Shaja/at Khan, who was 
asleep or in the insensibility of wine, and said : " An 
elephant in heat has got loose and is coming in this 
direction." As soon as he heard this he became confused 
and threw himself down from the front of the chaukandi. 
When he threw himself off his toe struck against a stone 
and was torn open, and he died in two or three days 
of that same wound. In short, from hearing this affair 
I was completely bewildered. That a brave man on the 
mere hearing of a cry or a word coming from a child 
should become so confused and throw himself down 
without control from the top of an elephant is in truth 
a matter of amazement. The news of this event reached 
me on the 19th of the month of Tlr. I consoled his 
sons with kindnesses and the conferring of offices. If 
this accident had not happened to him, as he had done 
notable service, he would have obtained exaltation with 
greater favours and kindnesses. 

"One cannot strive against destiny." 

Islam Khan had sent 160 male and female elephants 
from Bengal ; they were brought before me and placed 
in my private elephant stables. Raja Tekchand, the Raja 
of Kumaon, asked for leave to .depart. As in the time 
of my father there had been given to his father 100 
horses, I gave him the same number as well as an elephant, 
and while he was at Court bestowed on him dresses of 
honour and a jewelled dagger. Also to his brothers 
I gave dresses of honour and horses. I presented him 
with his territory according to previous arrangements, and 
he went back to his home happy and successful. 


It happened incidentally that this verse of the Amiru-1- 
uraara was quoted : — 

' ' Pass, O Messiah, o'er the heads of us slain by love ; 
Thy restoring one life is worth a hundred murders." 1 

As I have a poetical disposition I sometimes inten- 
tionally and sometimes involuntarily compose couplets 
and quatrains. So the following couplet came into my 
head : — 

"Turn not thy cheek, without thee I cannot live a moment; 
For thee to break one heart is equal a hundred murders." 

When I had recited this, everyone who had a poetical 
vein composed a couplet in the same mode. Mulla 'All 
Ahmad, 2 the seal-engraver, of whom an account has been 
given previously, had not said badly — 

' ' O Censor, fear the weeping of the old vintner ; 
Thy breaking one jar is equal to a hundred murders." 

Abu-1-fath Dakhani, 3 who was one of the most con- 
siderable of 'Adil Khan's Amirs, and had two years 
previously taken to being loyal and had entered himself 
among the leaders of the victorious army, on the 10th 

1 The reference is to the Messiah as the restorer to life by His 
breath. For baguzar, ' pass by,' Erskine had in his MS. maguzar, 
' pass not. ' Apparently the verse means that it is more meritorious 
for the Messiah to restore one man to life than it is for another to slay 
a hundred infidels. 

2 'Ali Ahmad died suddenly two years before this, unless indeed the 
passage at p. 169 refers to the mimic and not to 'Ali Ahmad. Probably 
the meaning is that 'All Ahmad had made this couplet on some previous 
occasion, and that one of the courtiers now quoted it. His verse about 
the hundred murders may contain a play on the word khun, ' blood,' and 
refer to the spilling of the blood-like wine. It is difficult to understand 
how Jahanglr came to introduce the verse into his Memoirs here. It 
does not seem to have any connection with the account of the Raja 
of Kumaon. Jahanglr says it was quoted 'incidentally,' bd taqarrubl. 
Perhaps the word here means 'by way of parody,' or 'by way of 
paraphrase.' In the MS. used by Erskine the words of the first line 
seem to be Maguzar Maslh bar sar-i-ma, and so Erskine translates " Pass 
not, O Messiah, over the heads of us victims of love. " Perhaps maguzar 
means ' do not pass by.' 

3 This is the Dakhani chief mentioned previously at p. 192. 


of Amurdad waited on me, and being accepted by my 
grace and favour had bestowed on him a special sword 
and a robe of honour, and after some days I also gave 
him a special horse. Khwajagi Muhammad Husain, 1 
who had gone to Kashmir as the deputy for his brother's 
son, when he was satisfied in his mind with the state 
of affairs of that place, came on the same day and waited 
on me. As a Sardar was needed to be sent for the 
governorship of Patna and the rule of that place, it 
occurred to me to send Mirza Rustam. Having raised 
his rank from 5,000 personal and 1,500 horse to 5,000 
personal and horse, on the 26th Jumada-s-sanI, corre- 
sponding to the 2nd Shahrlwar, I gave him the 
government of Patna, and bestowing on him a special 
elephant, a horse with a jewelled saddle, a jewelled 
sword, and a superb dress of honour, I dismissed him. 
His sons and the sons of his brother Muzaffar Husain 
Khan Mirza'I were exalted with increased rank, elephants, 
horses, and dresses of honour, and sent off with him. 
I appointed Ray Dulip to support Mirza Rustam. As 
his residence was near that place, he collected a good 
body of men for that service. I increased his rank by 
500 personal and horse, so that it became 2,000 with 
1,000 horse, and also gave him an elephant. Abu-1-fath 
DakhanI had obtained a jagir in the Sarkar of Nagpur 
and that neighbourhood. He was dismissed in order that 
he might administer his jagir and look to the guarding 
and government of that country as well. Khusrau Bi 
Uzbeg was appointed to the faujdarship of the Sarkar 
of Mewar. His rank of 800 personal and 300 horse 
was now increased to 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and 
I also presented him with a horse. As I had my eye 
on the old service of Muqarrab Khan, it occurred to me 
that I must not pass by the desire of his heart. I had 

1 Blochmann, p. 485. He acted in Kashmir for his brother Hashim. 


increased his rank and he had obtained good jagirs, but 
he longed for a standard and drums, and he was now 
honoured with these as well. Salih, the adopted son of 
Khwaja Beg-Mirza Safawi, was a youth of great bravery 
and zeal. I gave him the title of Khanjar Khan, and 
made him eager in the service. 

On Thursday, the 22nd Shahrlwar, corresponding with 
17 th Rajab, 1021, the feast of my solar weighing took place 
in the house of Maryam-zamani. It is an approved custom 
with me to weigh myself in this manner. The late king 
Akbar, who was the place of manifestation of kindness and 
grace, also approved of the custom, and twice in every 
year weighed himself against several sorts of metals, gold, 
silver, and many precious articles, once according to the 
solar and once according to the lunar year, and divided 
their total value, which was worth about a lakh of rupees, 
among faqirs and needy people. I also observe this 
annual custom and weigh myself in the same manner, 
and give those valuables to faqirs. Mu'taqid Khan, 
Diwan of Bengal, who had been relieved from that 
service, produced before me the sons and brothers and 
some of the servants of 'Usman, whom Islam Khan had 
sent with him to the Court. The charge of each one 
of the Afghans was entrusted to a responsible servant. 
Then he (Mu'taqid) produced his own offering, which 
i consisted of twenty-live elephants, two rubies, a jewelled 
\ phul hatdra x (a kind of dagger), trustworthy eunuchs, 
I Bengal stuffs, etc. Mir Mlran, son of Sultan Khwaja, 
who was in the Deccan army, obtained the honour of 
kissing the threshold and gave a ruby as an offering. 
As between Qilij Khan, leader of the army of Bangash 

1 The hatdra was a long, narrow dagger. See Blochmann's Ayin, 
pi. xli, fig. 9. But the word phul (flower) is obscure. Perhaps it means 
the knot or crochet of jewels called by Chardin, iv, 184, ed. Rouen, " une 
enseigne ronde de pierreries," and which, he says, the Persians called 
' de Poignard.' 


on the borders of Kabul, and the Amirs of that Subah, 
who had been sent as companions to him under his 
leadership, there were quarrels, especially with Khan 
Dauran, I sent Khwaja Jahan to make enquiry as to 
which side was in fault. On the 11th of the month of 
Mihr, Mu'taqid Khan was appointed to the high dignity 
of bakhshi, and his mansab was raised to 1,000 personal 
and 300 horse. Raising for the second time the mansabs 
of Muqarrab Khan a little, I made it 2,500 personal and 
1,500 horse by an increase of 500. On the representation 
of the Khankhanan, Faridun Khan Barlas was raised to 
the mansab, original and increase, of 2,500 personal and 
2,000 horse. Ray Manohar received that of 1,000 personal 
and 800 horse, and Raja Bir Singh Deo that of 4,000 
personal and 2,200 horse. Bharat, grandson of Ramchand 
Bandilah, I, after the latter's death, honoured with the 
title of Raja. On the 28th Aban, Zafar Khan, having 
come according to summons from the Subah of Gujarat, 
waited on me. He brought as offerings a ruby and 
three pearls. On the 6th Azar, corresponding with the 
3rd Shawwal, news came from Burhanpur that the 
Amiru-1-umara had died on Sunday, the 27th Aban, in 
the parganah of Nihalpur. After the illness he had at 
Lahore his intelligence appeared to be less, and a great 
loss of memory happened to him. He was very sincere. 
It is sad that he left no son capable of patronage and 
favour. Chin Qilij Khan came from his father, who 
was at Peshawar, on the 20th Azar, and offered (on his 
father's behalf) 100 muhrs and 100 rupees, and also 
presented the offerings he had of his own in the shape 
of a horse and cloth stuffs and other things. To the 
government of Behar I promoted Zafar Khan, who is one 
of the trustworthy house-bom ones and foster-children, 
and increasing his mansab by 500 personal and horse, 
I made it up to 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse, and also 
honouring his brothers with robes of honour and horses, 


allowed them to go off to that province. He had always 
hoped that he might obtain some separate service in 
order that he might show his natural ability. I also 
desired to prove him and make this service the touch- 
stone by which to try him. As it was the season for 
travelling and hunting, on Tuesday, the 2nd Zl-1-qa'da 
(25th December, 1612), corresponding with the 4th Day, 
I left Agra with the intention of hunting and encamped 
in the Dahrah garden, remaining there four days. 1 On 
the 10th of the same month the news came of the death 
of Sallma Sultan Begam, who had been ill in the city. 
Her mother was Gul-rukh Begam, daughter of King Babar, 
and her father Mirza Nuru-d-din Muhammad, of the 
Naqshbandi Khwajas. She was adorned with all good 
qualities. In women this degree of skill and capacity 
is seldom found. H.M. Humayun, by way of kindness 
(to Bairam), had betrothed her who was his sister's 
daughter to Bairam Khan. After his death, in the 
beginning of the reign of the late king Akbar, the 
marriage took place. After the said Khan had been 
killed, my revered father married her himself. She 
received mercy (died) in the 60th year of her age. 2 On 
the same day I marched from the Dahrah garden and 
sent rtimadu-d-daulah to bury her (lit. lift her up), and 
ordered him to place her in the building in the Mandakar 

1 He must have remained more than four days, for he got the news of 
Salima's death while in the garden. See infra. Perhaps the date 10th 
refers to Day and not to Zl-1-qa'da. The Dahrah garden was in the 
environs of Agra. 

2 This statement is wrong. was 76 when she died, she having 
been born on 4th Shawwal, 945, or 23rd February, 1539. She died on 
or about 10th ZM-qa'da, 1021 (2nd January, 1613), so that she was 73 solar 
years old. See note in B.M. MS. Or. 171, Rieu, 257a, and an article in 
J. A. S. B. for 1906. The note is by the author of the Tarlkh-i- Muhammadi 
and is at 72a of the B.M. MS. Or. 171, and the corresponding passage 
appears in MS. Or. 182, on p. 140. The chronogram of Salima's birth 
was Khu*h-hdl, which yields 945. She was about 3£ years older than 


garden which she herself had made. On the 17th of 
the month of Day, Mirza 'All Beg Akbarshahl came from 
the army of the Deccan and waited on me. Khwaja 
Jahan, whom I had despatched to the Subah of Kabul, 
returned on the 21st of the same month and waited on 
me. The time for his going and coming had extended 
to three months and eleven days. He brought twelve 
muhrs and twelve rupees as an offering. On the same 
day Raja Ram Das also came from the victorious army 
of the Deccan and paid his respects, and made an offering 
of 101 muhrs. As robes of honour for the winter season 
had not been sent to the Amirs of the Deccan, they were 
forwarded by the hand of Hay at Khan. As the port of 
Surat had been assigned in jagir to Qilij Khan, he prayed 
that Chin Qilij (his son) might be despatched for its 
guardianship and administration. On the 27th Day he 
had a dress of honour, and being honoured with a dress 
of honour and the title of Khan, and a standard, obtained 
leave to go. For the purpose of advising the Amirs of 
Kabul, and on account of the disagreements that had 
sprung up between them and Qilij Khan, I sent Raja 
Ram Das, and bestowed on him a horse and robe of 
honour and 30,000 rupees for expenses. On the 6th 
Bahman, when my camp was in the parganah of Bari, there 
came the news of the death of Khwajagi Muhammad 
Husain, who was of the ancient servants of this State. 
His elder brother, Muhammad Qasim Khan, in the time 
of my revered father, found great favour, and Khwaja 
Muhammad Husain as well was one of his confidential 
servants, and held employments such as that of super- 
intendent of the kitchen (bakawul) and such like. He 
left no son and was beardless, and not a single hair of 
moustache or whiskers appeared on him. At the time 
of speaking he spoke very shrilly, and was looked upon 
as an eunuch. Shah-nawaz Khan, whom the Khankhanah 
had sent from Burhanpur to make certain representations, 


came on the 15th of the same month and waited on me. 
He presented 100 muhrs and 100 rupees. As the affairs 
of the Deccan, in consequence of the hasty proceedings 
of 'Abdu-llah Khan and the treachery of the Amirs, did 
not present a good prospect, the Dakhanis obtained an 
opportunity for speaking and began to talk of peace to 
the Amirs and well-wishers there. 'Adil Khan embraced 
the robe of loyalty, and prayed that if the affairs of the 
Deccan were entrusted to him he would so arrange that 
some of the districts which had been taken out of the 
possession of the officers of the State should be restored. 
The loyal ones, looking to the necessities of the time, 
represented this, and a settlement of some kind was 
arrived at, and the Khankhanan undertook to settle 
matters. The Khan A'zam was also desirous of putting 
down the rebel Rana, and begged for this service by way 
of obtaining merit (as a ghazi). He was ordered to go to 
Malwa, which was his jagir, and after arranging matters 
there to take up this duty. The mansab of Abu-l-bl 
Uzbeg 1 was increased by 1,000 personal and 500 horse to 
4,000 personal and 3,500 horse. My hunting went on 
for 2 months and 20 days, and during that time I went 
out every day to hunt. As not more than 50 or 60 days 
remained before the world-illumining New Year, I returned, 
and on the 24th Isfandiyar encamped in the Dahrah 
garden. The courtiers and some of the mansabdars, who 
by order had remained in the city, came on that day and 
waited on me. Muqarrab Khan presented a decorated jar, 
Frank hats, and a jewelled sparrow (?). I remained three 
days in the garden, and on the 27th Isfandiyar entered 
the city. During this time 2 223 head of deer, etc., 
95 nilgaw, 2 boars, 36 cranes (or herons), etc., and 1,457 
fish were killed. 

1 The re?,l name appears to be Abu-n-nabi. He had the title of 
Bahadur Khan. See Ma'asiru-1-umara, i, 400. In the Akbar-nama, iii, 
820 and 839, he is called Abu-1-baqa. 

2 This must refer to the 2 months and 20 days of hunting. 

celebrations. 235 

The Eighth New Year after the auspicious 


The eighth year after my accession, corresponding with 
Muharram, 1022. On the night of Thursday, the 27th 
Muharram, corresponding with the 1st Farwardin in the 
eighth year after my accession, after 3| gharis of day had 
elapsed, his honour the sun passed from the constellation 
of Pisces to that of Aries, which is his abode of rejoicing 
and victory. Early in the morning of the New Year's 
Day the feast was prepared and adorned after the custom 
of every year. At the end of that day I sat on the throne 
of State, and the Amirs and ministers of the State and the 
courtiers of the palace came to salute and congratulate me. 
On these days of happy augury I sat the whole day in 
the public audience hall. Those who had anything to ask 
or claim presented their petitions, and the offerings of the 
servants of the palace were laid before me. Abu-l-bi, 
governor of Qandahar, had sent for an offering Iraq horses 
and hunting dogs, and they were brought before me. On 
the 9th of the same month Afzal Khan came from the 
Subah of Behar, and in waiting on me presented 100 muhrs 
and 100 rupees, as well as an elephant. On the 12th the 
offering of I'timadu-d-claulah was laid before me, consisting 
of jewels, cloths, and other things. That which pleased 
me attained to the dignity of acceptance. Of the elephants 
of Afzal Khan's offering ten others were inspected on this 
day. On the 13th the offerings of Tarbiyat Khan were 
laid before me. Mu'taqid Khan bought a house at Agra, 
and passed some days in that place. Misfortunes happened 
to him one after another. We have heard that prosperity 
and bad luck depend on four things : first, upon your wife ; 
second, upon your slave ; third, upon your house ; fourth, 
upon your horse. In order to know the prosperity or ill- 
luck of a house a rule has been established, indeed they 


say it is infallible. One must clear a small piece of the 
site from earth, and again strew the earth upon the same 
ground. If it cover it, one may call it middling good 
fortune for that house, neither prosperity nor misfortune ; 
if it become less (i.e. does not cover it exactly) it points to 
ill-luck, and if it does more (than cover it) it is fortunate 
and auspicious. On the 14th the mansab of I'tibar Khan 
was raised from 1,000 and 300 horse to 2,000 personal and 
500 horse. I increased the mansab of Tarbiyat Khan by 
500 personal and 50 horse, so that it became 2,000 personal 
and 850 horse. Hushang, son of Islam Khan, who was in 
Bengal with his father, came at this time and paid his 
respects. He brought with him some Maghs, whose 
country is near Pegu and Arracan, and the country is still 
in their possession. I made some enquiries as to their 
customs and religion. Briefly they are animals in the 
form of men. They eat everything there is either on land 
or in the sea, and nothing is forbidden by their religion. 
They eat with anyone. They take into their possession 
(marry) their sisters by another mother. In face they are 
like the Qara Qalmaqs, but their language is that of Tibet 
and quite unlike Turki. There is a range of mountains, 
one end of which touches the province of Kashghar and 
the other the country of Pegu. They have no proper 
religion or any customs that can be interpreted as religion. 
They are far from the Musulman faith and separated 
from that of the Hindus. 

Two or three days before the Sharaf (the sun's highest 
point) my son Khurram desired me to go to his house that 
he might present his New Year's offerings from that place. 
I agreed to his request, and remained for one day and one 
night at his house. He presented his offerings. I took 
what I approved of and gave him back the rest. The next 
day Murtaza Khan presented his offerings. Every day 
until the day of culmination (ruz-i- sharaf) the offerings 
of one or of two or three of the Amirs were laid before me. 


On Monday, the 19th Farwardln, the assembly of the 
Sharaf was held. On that auspicious day I sat on the 
throne of State, and an order was given that they should 
produce all sorts of intoxicating things, such as wine, etc., 
so that every one according to his desire might take what 
he liked. Many took wine. The offerings of Mahabat 
Khan were on this day brought to me. I gave one gold 
muhr of 1,000 tolas, which is called the star of destiny 
(Jcaukab-i-fali 1 ), to Yadgar 'AH Khan, the ambassador of 
the ruler of Iran. The feast went off well. After the 
assembly broke up I ordered that they might carry off the 
furniture and decorations. The offering of the Muqarrab 
Khan had not been arranged on New Year's Day. All 
sorts of rareties and excellent presents were now produced 
which he had collected together. Amongst others, twelve 
Iraq and Arab horses that had been brought in a ship, 
and jewelled saddles of Frank workmanship l were pro- 
duced before me. To the mansab of Nawazish Khan 500 
horse were added so as to make it one of 2,000 personal 
and horse. An elephant called Banslbadan, which Islam 
Khan had sent from Bengal, was brought to me and put 
among my special elephants. On the 3rd Urdlbihisht, 
Khwaja Yadgar, brother of 'Abdu-llah Khan, came from 
Gujarat and waited on me ; he offered 100 Jahangirl 
muhrs. After he had been in attendance a few days he 
was honoured with the title of Sardar Khan. As a com- 
petent bakhshi had to be sent to the army of Bangash and 
those regions, I chose Mu'taqid Khan for this duty, and 
increased his mansab by 300 personal and 50 horse so 
that it became 1,500 with 350 horse, and dismissed him. 
It was settled that he must go quickly. I sent off 
Muhammad Husain Chelebi, who understood the purchase 
of jewels and collecting curiosities, with money to go by 

1 Zln-i-murassa' hdrl-i-Farangl. The MSS. in the B.M. seem to have 
zaram instead of zln. 


way of Iraq to Constantinople and buy and bring for the 
Sarkar curiosities and rareties. For this purpose it was 
necessary that he should pay his respects to the ruler of 
Iran. I had given him a letter and a memorandum (of 
what he was to procure). Briefly, he saw my brother, 
Shah 'Abbas, in Mashhad, and the king enquired from him 
what kind of things should be brought for his master's 
Sarkar. As he was urgent, Chelebl showed the list he 
had brought with him. In that list there were entered 
good turquoise and mumiya (bitumen) from the mine of 
Ispahan. He told him that these two articles were not to 
be bought, but he would send them for me. He authorized 
UwaisI Tupchi (gunner), who was one of his private servants, 
to hand over to him six bags (ambdncha) of turquoise 
earth holding about 30 seers, with 14 tolas of mumiya 
and four Iraq horses, one of which was a piebald, and 
he wrote a letter containing many, many expressions of 
friendship. With regard to the inferior quality of the 
turquoise dust (khaka) and the small quantity of mumiya 
he made many apologies. The khaka appeared very 
inferior. Although the jewellers and makers of rings 
made every endeavour, no stone that was fit to be made 
into a finger ring could be produced. Probably in these 
days turquoise dust is not procurable from the mines such 
as it was in the time of the late king Tahmasp. He 
mentioned all this in the letter. With regard to the effect 
of mumiya I had heard much from scientists, but when 
I tried it no result was apparent. I do not know whether 
physicians have exaggerated its effect, or whether its 
efficacy had been lessened by its being stale. At any rate, 
I gave it to a fowl with a broken leg to drink in larger 
quantity than they said and in the manner laid down by 
the physicians, and rubbed some on the place where it was 
broken, and kept it there for three days, though it was 
said to be sufficient to keep it from morning till evening. 
But after I had examined it, no effect was j roduced, and 


the broken place remained as it was. 1 In a separate letter 
the Shah had written a recommendation of Salamu-llah, 
the Arab. I immediately increased his mansab and his 

I sent one of my private elephants with trappings 
to 'Abdu-llah Khan and gave another to Qilij Khan. 
I ordered that assignments (tankhwah) should be made to 
12,000 horse on the establishment 2 of 'Abdu-llah Khan 
at the rate of three horses and two horses for each trooper. 
As previously with a view to service in Junagarh I had 
increased the mansab of his brother Sardar Khan by 500 
personal and 300 horse, and had afterwards assigned the 
duty to Kamil Khan, I ordered that he should retain his 
increase and that it should be counted (permanently) in 
his mansab. I increased the rank of Sarfaraz Khan, 
which was that of 1,500 personal and 500 horse, by 200 
horse more. On the 27th Urdibihisht, corresponding with 
the 26th Rabl'u-l-awwal, in the eighth year of my reign, 
in the year 1022 of the Hijra era, on Thursday, the 
meeting for my lunar weighing took place in the house of 
Maryam-zamani (his mother). Some of the money that 
was weighed I ordered to be given to the women and the 
deserving ones who had assembled in my mother's house. 
On the same clay I increased by 1,000 the mansab of 
Murtaza Khan, so that it came to 6,000 pei-sonal and 5,000 

1 Jahangir's words seem to imply that he caused the fowl's leg to be 
broken in order to try the experiment. Manucci, i, 55, has a good 
deal to say about munuyd, though he admits that he had not himself 
witnessed its effects. I do not find that Hajl Baba descants on its 
virtues, though at the end of the first chapter he says that his mother 
gave him an unguent which she said would cure all fractures. The 
Persian translator, no doubt rightly, has rendered the word ' unguent' by 
mumiyd. With regard to the derivation of the word, may it not be 
connected with mom, ' wax ' ? Vullers has a long article on the word. 

2 The text has birdddrl, ' brotherhood,' but the true reading, as 
shown by theB.M. MSS., is bar dwardl, ^jJiiIj, and this means either 
the establishment of 'Abdu-llah or a list submitted by him. Perhaps 
' list ' is a better translation, the word divardi being connected with the 
dwarda-vawls of Wilson's Glossary. 


horse. Khusrau Beg, a slave of Mirza Khan, came from 
Patna in the company of 'Abdu-r-Razzaq Ma'miiri and 
waited on me, and Sardar Khan, brother of 'Abdu-llah 
Khan, obtained leave to go to Ahmadabad. An Afghan 
had brought from the Carnatic two goats that had pazahar 
(bezoar stones, an antidote against poison). I had always 
heard that an animal that has pazahar is very thin and 
miserable, but these goats were very fat and fresh. 
I ordered them to kill one of them, which was a 
female. Four pazahar stones became apparent, and this 
caused great astonishment. 

It is an established fact that cheetahs in unaccustomed 
places do not pair off with a female, for my revered father 
once collected together 1,000 cheetahs. He was very 
desirous that they should pair, but this in no way came off. 
He had many times coupled male and female cheetahs 
together in gardens, but there, too, it did not come off. At 
this time a male cheetah, having slipped its collar, went to 
a female and paired with it, and after two and a half 
months three young ones were born and grew up. This 
has been recorded because it appeared strange. As cheetahs 
did not pair with cheetahs, (still less) had it ever been heard 
in former times (?) that tigers mated in captivity. As 
in the time of my reign wild beasts have abandoned their 
savagery, tigers have become so tame that troops of them 
without chains or restraint go about amongst the people, 
and they neither harm men nor have any wildness or 
alarm. It happened that a tigress became pregnant and 
after three months bore three cubs ; it had never happened 
that a wild tiger after its capture had paired. It had 
been heard from philosophers that the milk of a tigress 
was of great use for brightening eyes. Although we made 
every effort that the moisture of milk should appear in her 
breasts, we could not accomplish it. It occurs to me that 
as it is a raging creature, and milk appears in the breasts 
of mothers by reason of the affection they have for their 


young, as milk l comes into their breasts in connection 
with their young ones drinking and sucking at the time 
of their taking (the milk), their (the mothers') rage 
increases and the milk in their breasts is dried up. 

At the end of Urdlbihisht, Khwaja Qasim, brother of 
Khwaja 'Abdu-l-'Aziz, who is of the Naqsbbandl Khwajas, 
came from Mawara'a-n-nahr and waited on me. After 
a few days 12,000 rupees were given to him as a present. 
As Khwaja Jahan had made a melon-bed in the neighbour- 
hood of the city, when two watches of day had passed 
on Thursday, the 10th Khiirdad, I got into a boat and 
went to inspect the melon-bed, and took the ladies with 
me. We reached there when two or three gharis of day 
were left, and passed the evening in walking among the 
beds. A wonderfully sharp wind and whirlwind sprang 
up, so that the tents and screens fell down. I got into 
the boat and passed the night in it. I also passed part of 
the Friday in walking about the melon-bed, and returned 
to the city. Afzal Khan, who for a long time had been 
afflicted with boils and other sores, died on the 10th 
Khurdad. I transferred the jagir and hereditary land 
of Raja Jagman, who had failed in his service in the 
Deccan, to Mahabat Khan. Shaikh Pir, who is one of the 
emancipated ones who hold aloof from the attachments 
of the age, and who on account of the pure friendship 
that he bears towards me has chosen to be my companion 
and servant, had before this founded a mosque in the 
parganah of Mairtha, which is his native place. At 
this time he took occasion to mention the circumstance. 
As I found his mind bent on the completion of this 
building I gave him 4,000 rupees, so that he himself 
might go and expend it, and also gave him a valuable 

1 The sentence is very obscure. MS. No. 181 I.O. has khfm, 'blood,' 
instead of chun, 'as,' and perhaps the meaning is blood in the breasts 
turns to milk on account of love for their cubs, and then the sucking by 
the latter increases the mother's natural ferocity and the milk dries up. 



shawl and dismissed him. In the public audience hall 
there were two railings (mahjar) of wood. Inside the 
first, Amirs, ambassadors, and people of honour sat, and 
no one entered this circle without an order. Within 
the second railing, which is broader than the first, the 
mansabdars of inferior rank, 1 ahadis, and those who 
had work to do are admitted. Outside this railing stand 
the servants of the Amirs and all the people who may 
enter the Diwankhana. As there was no difference 
between the first and second railings, it occurred to me 
that I should decorate the first with silver. I ordered 
this railing and the staircase that led from this railing 
to the balcony of the Jharokha, as well as the two 
elephants placed on the two sides of the seat of the 
Jharokha, which skilful people had made of wood, to 
be decorated with silver. After this was completed it 
was reported to me that 125 maunds of silver in 
Hindustani weight, equal to 880 maunds of Persia, 
had been used up ; indeed, it now assumed a worthy 

On the 3rd of the month of Tir, Muzaffar Khan came 
from Thatta 2 and waited on me. He made an offering 
of twelve muhrs and a Koran with a jewelled cover, 
and two jewelled roses (?) (du gul). On the 14th of 
the same month Safdar Khan came from the Subah of 
Behar and waited on me, offering 101 muhrs. After 
Muzaffar Khan had been some days in attendance, 
I increased his former mansab by 500 personal, and 
giving him a standard and a private shawl dismissed 
him to Thatta. 3 

I knew that every animal or living thing bitten by 
a mad dog died, but this had not been ascertained in 

1 In the B.M. MSS. the words are mansabdaran-i-rlza-mansab. These 
last two words are wanting in the text. 

2 Text Patna, but B.M. MSS. have Thatta. 

3 Text has Patna. 


the case of an elephant. In my time it so happened 
that one night a mad dog came into the place where 
was tied one of my private elephants, Gajpati l by name, 
and bit the foot of a female elephant that was with 
mine. She at once cried out. The elephant-keepers at 
once ran in, and the dog fled &wa,y into a thorn-brake 
that is there. After a little while it came in again 
and bit my private elephant's fore-foot as well. The 
elephant killed it. When a month and five days had 
passed after this event, one day when it was cloudy the 
orowlino- of thunder came to the ear of the female 
elephant, that was in the act of eating, and it of 
a sudden raised a cry and its limbs began to tremble. 
It threw itself on the ground, but rose again. For 
seven days water ran out of its mouth, then suddenly 
it uttered a cry and showed distress. The remedies the 
drivers gave it had no effect, and on the eighth day it 
fell and died. A month after the death of the female 
elephant they took the large elephant to the edge of 
the river in the plain. It was cloudy and thundery in 
the same way. The said elephant in the height of 
excitement all at once began to tremble and sat down 
on the ground. With a thousand difficulties the drivers 
took it to its own place. After the same interval and 
in the same way that had happened to the female 
elephant this elephant also died. Great amazement was 
caused by this affair, and in truth it is a matter to be 
wondered at that an animal of such size and bulk 
should be so much affected by a little wound inflicted 
on it by such a weak creature. 

As Khankhanan had repeatedly begged for leave to be 
given to his son Shah-nawaz Khan, on the 4th Amurdad 
I gave him a horse and a robe of honour and dismissed 
him to the Deccan. I promoted Ya'qub BadakhshI, whose 

1 Text Kachhl, but it is Gajpati in B.M. MSS. 


mansab was 150, to 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse, on 
account of the bravery he had displayed, and gave him the 
title of Khan as well as a standard. 

The Hindus are in four divisions, and each of these 
acts according to its own rules and ways. In every 
year they keep a tixed day. The iirst is the caste of 
the Brahmans, 1 that is, those who know the Incomparable 
God. Their duties are of six kinds — (1) to acquire 
religious knowledge, (2) to give instructions to others, 
(3) to worship tire, (4) to lead men to the worship of 
fire, (5) giving something to the needy, (6) taking 
gift>. There is for this caste an appointed day, and 
that is the last day of the month of Sawan, the second 
month of the rainy season. 2 They consider this an 
auspicious day, and the worshippers go on that day to 
the banks of rivers and tanks, and recite enchantments, 
breathe upon cords and coloured threads ; on another 
day, which is the first of the New Year, they fasten 
them on the hands of the Rajas and great men of the 
time, and look on them as (good) omens. They call 
this thread rdklii? that is, preservation {nyj<~tli-d<~t*ht). 
This day occurs in the month of Tir, when the world- 
heating sun is in the constellation of Cancer. The second 
caste is that of the Chhatii, which is known as Khatri. 
Their duty is to protect the oppressed from the evil of 
the oppressors. The customs of this caste are three 

1 This seems taken from Abu-1-fazl. See Jarrett, iii, 115. The third 
duty, which Jahangir calls " worshipping fire," is by Abu-1-fazl termed 
Yag, i.e. sacrifice. 

2 It is the day of the full moon in Sawan that is holy. 

3 Blochmann, p. 184, and Wilson's Glossary. Badayuni (Lowe, p. 269) 
speaks of Akbar's wearing the rdkhi on the 8th day of Virgo. I do not 
know why Jahangir calls the day after the last day of Sawan the first 
day of the New Year. Perhaps ruz-i-duyam here means ' another day,' 
and not ' the next day ' ; but then, if so, why is it the rakhi day, for that 
is in Sawan .' The Hindu New Year begins in Baisakh (April). It will 
be observed from Jarrett, ii, 17, that Saw-an is also the name of a month 
of a particular length. Perhaps Jahangir has confused bhe two things. 


things — (1) that they study religious science themselves 
but do not teach others ; (2) that they worship lire, but 
do not teach others to do so ; (3) that they give to 
the needy, but although they are needy take nothing 
themselves. The day of this caste is the Bijay dasaimn, 
' the victorious tenth.' l On this day with them it is 
lucky to mount and go against one's enemy with an 
army. Ram Chand, whom they worship as their god, 
leading his army on that day against his enemy won 
a victory, and they consider this a great day, and, 
decorating their elephants and horses, perform worship. 
This day falls in the month of Shahrlwar, 2 when the 
Sun is in the mansion of Virgo, and on it they give 
presents to those who look after their horses and 
elephants. The third caste is that of Baish (Vaishya). 
Its custom is this, that they serve the other two castes 
of which mention has been made. They practise agri- 
culture and buying and selling, and are employed in 
the business of profit and interest. This caste has also 
a fixed day which they call the Dewali ; this day occurs 
in the month of Mihr when the sun is in the constellation 
of Libra, the 28th day of the lunar month. On the 
night of that day they light lamps, and friends and 
those who are dear assemble in each other's houses and 
pass their time busily in gambling. As the eyes of 
this caste are on profit and interest, they consider 
carrying over and opening new accounts on that day 
auspicious. The fourth caste is the Sudras, who are 
the lowest caste of the Hindus. They are the servants 
of all, and derive no profit from those things which are 
the specialities of every (other) caste. Thursday is the 
Holi, which in their belief is the last day of the year. 
This day occurs in the month of Isfandarmuz, when the 
sun is in the constellation of Pisces. On the night of 

1 It is the 10th of Aswin (September). 

- The text wrongly has dar liar mdh instead of only dar mdh. 


this day they light lires at the head of the streets and 
ways, and when it becomes day they for one watch 
scatter the ashes on each other's heads and faces, and 
make a wonderful noise and disturbance, and after this 
wash themselves, put on their apparel, and walk about 
in the gardens and on the plains. As it is an established 
custom of the Hindus to burn the dead, to light tires 
on this night, which is the last night of the year that 
has passed, signifies that they burn the last year, which 
has gone to the abode of the dead. In the time of my 
revered father the Hindu Amirs and others in imitation 
of them performed the ceremony of rakhi in adorning 
him, making strings of rubies and royal pearls and 
flowers jewelled with gems of great value and binding 
them on his auspicious arms. This custom was carried 
on for some years. As they carried this extravagance to 
excess, and he disliked it, he forbade it. The brahmans 
by way of auguries used to tie these strings and (pieces 
of) silk according to their custom. I also in this year 
carried out this laudable religious practice, and ordered 
that the Hindu Amirs and the heads of the caste 1 should 
fasten rakhis on my arms. On the day of the rakhi, 
which was the 9th Amurdad, they performed the same 
rites, and other castes by way of imitation did not give 
up this bigotry ; this year I agreed to it, and ordered 
that the brahmans should bind strings (of cotton) and 
silk after the ancient manner. On this day by chance 
fell the anniversary of the death of the late king. 2 The 
commemoration of such an anniversary is one of the 
standing rules and customs in Hindustan. Every year 
on the day of the death of their fathers and those who 

1 The negative in text is wrong apparently. It does not occur in 
MS. No. 181 I.O. nor in the B.M. MSS., which have ba instead of na. 

2 That is, 9th Amurdad corresponded with the Hijra date of Akbar's 
death, viz. 13th Jumada-s-sani, which this year, 1022, occurred in July. 
According to the solar calendar Akbar's death was in October. 

akbar's anniversary, strange deaths. 247 

are dear to them, each according to his circumstances 
and ability prepares food and all kinds of perfumes, and 
the learned men, the respectable and other men assemble, 
and these assemblies sometimes last a week. On this 
day I sent Baba Khurram to the venerated tomb to 
arrange the assemblage, and 10,000 rupees were given 
to ten trustworthy servants to divide among fakirs and 
those who were in want. 

On the 15th of the month of Amurdad the offering 
of Islam Khan was laid before me. He had sent 28 
elephants, 40 horses of that part of the country which 
are known as tawjhan, 50 eunuchs, 500 pargala nafis 
sitdrkdni. 1 

It had been made a rule that the events of the Subahs 
should be reported according to the boundaries of each, 
and news-writers from the Court had been appointed 
for this duty. This being the rule that my revered 
father had laid down, I also observe it, and much gain 
and great advantage are to be brought about by it, and 
information is acquired about the world and its in- 
habitants. If the advantages of this were to be written 
down it would become a long affair. At this time the 
news-writer of Lahore reported that at the end of the 
month of Tir ten men had gone from the citv to 
Amanabad, which lies at a distance of 12 kos. As the 
air was very hot, they took shelter under a tree. Soon 
afterwards wind and a dust-storm (chakrl) sprang up, 
and when it blew on that band of men they trembled, 
and nine of them died under the tree, and only one 
remained alive ; he was ill for a long time, and recovered 
with great difficulty. In that neighbourhood such bad 

1 Pargdlas seem to be clothes of some sort. Perhaps the word is 
another form of the far g id of Blochmann, p. 89. The text has sitdrkdni. 
Sitdr means a veil, but probably we should read Sonargdoni, ' of 
Sonargaon.' Both the MSS. give the number of elephants as 68 instead 
of 28 as in text. 


air was created that numerous birds who had their nests 
in that tree all fell down and died, and that the wild 
beasts (beasts of the plain, perhaps cattle) came and 
threw themselves on to the cultivated fields, and, rolling 
about on the grass, gave up their lives. In short, many 
animals perished. On Thursday, the 13th Ainurdad, 
having said my prayers (lit. counted my rosary), 
I embarked on board a boat for the purpose of hunting 
in the village of Samonagar, which is one of my fixed 
hunting - places. On the 3rd Shahriwar, Khan 'Alam, 
whom I had sent for from the Deccan in order to despatch 
him to Iraq in company with the ambassador of the ruler 
of Iran, came and waited on me at this place. He offered 
100 muhrs. As Samonagar was in Mahabat Khan's jagir, 
he had prepared a delightful halting-place there on the 
bank of the river, and it pleased me greatly. He 
presented offerings of an elephant and an emerald ring. 
The former was put into my private stud. Up to the 
6th Shahriwar I was employed in hunting. In these 
few days 47 head of antelope, male and female, and other 
animals were killed. At this time Dilawar Khan sent as 
an offering a ruby, which was accepted. I sent a special 
sword for Islam Khan. I increased the mansab of Hasan 
'All Turkuman, which was 1,000 personal and 700 horse, 
by 500 personal and 100 horse. At the end of Thursday, 
the 20th of the same month, in the house of Maryam- 
zamani, my solar weighing took place. I weighed 
myself according to the usual custom against metals 
and other things. I had this year attained to the age 
of 44 solar years. On the same day Yadgar 'All, 
ambassador of the ruler of Iran, and Khan 'Alain, who 
had been nominated to accompany him from this side, 
received their leave to go. On Yadgar 'All there were 
bestowed a horse with a jewelled saddle, a jewelled sword, 
a vest without sleeves with gold embroidery, an aigrette 
with feathers and a jigha (turban ornament), and 30,000 


rupees in cash, altogether 40,000 rupees, and on Khan 'Alain 
a jewelled khapwa or phid katdra (a sort of dagger) with 
a pendant of royal pearls. On the 22nd of the same 
month I visited the venerated mausoleum of my revered 
father at Bihishtabad, riding on an elephant. On the 
way 5,000 rupees in small coin were scattered round, and 
I gave other 5,000 rupees to Khwaja Jalmn to divide 
among the dervishes. Having said my evening prayers, 
I went back to the city in a boat. As the house of 
I'timadu-d-daulah was on the bank of the river Jumna, 
I alighted there until the end of the next day. Having 
accepted what pleased me of his offerings, I went towards 
the palace ; I'tiqad Khan's house was also on the bank 
of the river Jumna ; at his request I disembarked there 
with the ladies, and walked round the houses he had 
lately built there. This delightful place pleased me 
greatly. He had produced suitable offerings of cloth 
stuffs and jewels and other things ; these were all laid 
before me and most of them were approved. When it was 
near evening I entered the auspicious palace. As the 
astrologers had fixed an hour in this night for starting 
for Ajmir, when seven gharis of the night of Monday, the 
2nd Sha'ban, corresponding with the 24th Shahrlwar, had 
passed, I started in happiness and prosperity with intent 
to go there from the capital of Agra. In this under- 
taking two things were agreeable to me, one a pilgrimage 
to the splendid mausoleum of Khwaja Mu'Inu-d-dln 
Chishti, from the blessing of whose illustrious soul great 
advantages had been derived by this dignified family, 
and whose venerable shrine I had not visited after my 
accession to the throne. The second was the defeat and 
beating back of the rebel Rana Amar Singh, who is one 
of the most considerable of the Zamindars and Rajas of 
Hindustan, and whose headship and leadership and those 
of his ancestors all the Rajas and Rays of this province 
agree to. The administration has for long been in the 


hands of this family, and they have long borne rule 
towards the East, that is the Purab. They became in 
that time well known under the title of Rajas. After 
this they fell on the Deccan x and took possession of many 
of the countries of that region. In the place of Raja 
they have taken the title of Rawal. After this they came 
into the hill country of Mewat, and by degrees got into 
their possession the fort of Chitor. From that date until 
this day, which is in the eighth year after my accession, 
1,471 years have passed.' 2 

There are twenty-six others of this caste who have 
ruled for 1,010 years. They have the title of Rawal, 
and from the Rawal who was first known as Rawal 
down to Rana Amar Singh, the present Rana, there are 
twenty-six individuals who have ruled for the space of 
461 years. During this long time they have never bent 
their necks in obedience to any of the kings of the 
country of Hindustan, and have for most of the time 
been rebellious and troublesome, so much so that in 
the reign of the late king Babar, Rana Sanga collected 
together all the Rajas, Rays, and Zamindars of this 
province, and fought a battle in the neighbourhood of 
Biyana with 180,000 horse and several lakhs of foot- 
soldiers. By the aid of Almighty God and the assistance 
of fortune the victorious army of Islam prevailed against 
the infidel forces, and a great defeat happened to them. 
The details of this battle have been given in the Memoirs 
of King Babar. My revered father (may his bright tomb 
be the abode of unending Grace) exerted himself greatly 

1 See Jarrett, ii, 268, where it is said that an ancestor of Bappa came 
to Berar. 

2 According to Tod, Bappa, the ancestor of the Rana, acquired Chitor 
in a.d. 728. Jahangir makes twenty-six princes rule for 1,010 years 
and twenty-six others only reign for 461 years ! Tod says the legendary 
ancestor Kenek Sen, the sixty-third from Loh, the son of Ram, emigrated 
from the Panjab to Gujarat in 145 a.d. Perhaps the Mewat of the 
Tuzuk is a mistake for Mewar. 


to put down these rebels, and several times sent armies 
against them. In the twelfth year after his accession 
he set himself to capture the fort of Chitor, which is 
one of the strongest forts of the inhabited world, and 
to overthrow the kingdom of the Rana, and after four 
months and ten days of siege took it by force from the 
men of Amar Singh's father, after much fighting, and 
returned after destroying the fort. Every time the 
victorious forces pressed him hard in order to capture 
him or make him a fugitive, but it so happened that 
this was not effected. In the end of his reign, on the 
same day and hour that he proceeded to the conquest 
of the Deccan, he sent me with a large army and reliable 
Sardars against the Rana. By chance these two affairs, 
for reasons which it would take too long to recount, 
did not succeed. At last I came to the throne, and as 
this matter was only half done, the first army I sent to 
the borders was this one. Making my son Parwiz its 
leader, the leading nobles who were at the capital were 
appointed to this duty. I sent abundant treasure and 
artillery with him. As every matter depends on its 
own season, at this juncture the unhappy affair of 
Khusrau occurred, and I had to pursue him to the 
Panjab. The province and the capital of Agra remained 
void. I had necessarily to write that Parwiz should 
return with some of the Amirs and take charge of Agra 
and the neighbourhood. In short, this time again the 
matter of the Rana did not go off as it should. When 
by the favour of Allah my mind was at rest from 
Khusrau's disturbance, and Agra became again the 
alighting place of the royal standards, a victorious army 
was appointed under the leadership of Mahabat Khan, 
'Abdu-llah Khan, and other leaders, and from that date 
up to the time when the royal standards started for 
Ajmir his country was trodden under foot by the 
victorious forces. As finally the affair did not assume 


an approved form, it occurred to me that, as I had 
nothing to do at Agra, and I was convinced that until 
I myself went there the affair would not be set to rights, 
I left the fort of Agra and alighted at the Dahrah garden. 
On the next day the festival of the Dasahra took 
place. According to the usual custom they decorated 
the elephants and horses, and I had them before me. 
As the mothers and sisters of Khusrau repeatedly repre- 
sented to me that he was very repentant of his deeds, 
the feelings (lit. sweat) of fatherly affection having 
come into movement, I sent for him and determined 
that he should come every day to pay his respects to 
me. I remained for eight days in that garden. On the 
28th news arrived that Raja Ram Das, who was doing 
service in Bangash and the neighbourhood of Kabul with 
Qilij Khan, had died. On the 1st of the month of 
Mihr I marched from the garden, and dismissed Khwaja 
Jahan to look after the capital of Agra and guard the 
treasure and the palace, and gave him an elephant and 
a special robe (fargul). On the 2nd Mihr news arrived 
that Raja Baso had died in the thanah of Shahabad, 1 
which is on the border of the territory of Amar. On 
the 10th of the same month I halted at Riip Bas, which 
has now been named Amanabad. Formerly this district 
had been given as jagir to Rup Khawass. Afterwards, 
bestowino- it on Amanu-llah, son of Mahabat Khan, 
I ordered it to be called by his name. Eleven days 
were passed at this halting - place. As it is a fixed 
hunting - place, I every day mounted to go hunting, and 
in these few days 158 antelopes, male and female, and 
other animals were killed. On the 25th of the month 
I marched from Amanabad. On the 31st, corresponding 
with the 8th Ramazan, Khwaja Abu-1-hasan, whom 
I had sent for from Burhanpur, came and waited on me, 

1 Probably the town of that name in the Rajputana State of Jhalawar. 
See "Rajputana Gazetteer," ii, 211. 


and presented as offerings 50 muhrs, 15 jewelled vessels. 
and an elephant, which I placed in my private stud. 
On the 2nd Aban, corresponding with the 10th Ramazan, 
news came of the death of Qilij Khan. He was one 
of the ancient servants of the State, and obtained the 
mercy of God in the 80th year of his age. He was 
employed at Peshawar in the duty of keeping in order 
the Afghans full of darkness. 1 His rank was 6,000 
personal and 5,000 horse. Murtaza Khan Dakhani was 
unrivalled in the art of pidta-basi, which in the language 
of the Dakhanis they call yaganagi, and the Moguls 
shamshir-bazi, ' sword-play ' (fencing). For some time 
I studied it with him. At this time I exalted him with 
the title of Warzish Khan (Exercise - Khan). I had 
established a custom that deserving people and dervishes 
should be brought before me every night, so that I might 
bestow on them, after personal enquiry into their con- 
dition, land, or gold, or clothes. Amongst these was 
a man who represented to me that the name Jahangir, 
according to the science of abjad (numerals reckoned by 
letters), corresponded to the great name " Allah Akbar." 2 
Considering this a good omen, I gave him who discovered 
(this coincidence) land, a horse, cash, and clothing. On 
Monday, the 5th Shawwal, corresponding to the 26th Aban, 
the hour for entering Ajmir was fixed. On the morning 
of the said day I went towards it. When the fort and 
the buildings of the shrine of the revered Khwaja 
appeared in sight, I traversed on foot the remainder of 
the road, about a kos. I placed trustworthy men on 
both sides of the road, who went along giving money 
to fakirs and the necessitous. When four gharis of day 
had passed, I entered the city and its inhabited portion, 
and in the fifth ghari had the honour of visiting the 
venerated mausoleum. After visiting it I proceeded to 

1 The Raushanis, called by their enemies the Tarikls. 

2 Both Jahangir and Allah Akbar yield 288. 


the auspicious palace, and the next day ordered all those 
present in this honoured resting-place, both small and 
great, belonging to the city, and travellers, to be brought 
before me, that they might be made happy with numerous 
gifts according to their real circumstances. On the 
7th Azar I went to see and shoot on the tank of Pushkar, 
which is one of the established praying-places of the 
Hindus, with regard to the perfection of which they 
give (excellent) accounts that are incredible to any 
intelligence, and which is situated at a distance of three 
kos from Ajmir. For two or three days I shot water- 
fowl on that tank, and returned to Ajmir. Old and 
new temples which, in the language of the infidels, they 
call Deohara x are to be seen around this tank. Amono- 
them Rana Shankar, who is the uncle of the rebel Amar, 
and in my kingdom is among the high nobles, had built 
a Deohara of great magnificence, on which 100,000 rupees 
had been spent. I went to see that temple. I found 
a form cut out of black stone, which from the neck above 
was in the shape of a pig's head, and the rest of the 
body was like that of a man. The worthless religion 
of the Hindus is this, that once on a time for some 
particular object the Supreme Ruler thought it necessary 
to show himself in this shape ; on this account they 
hold it dear and worship it. 2 I ordered them to break 
that hideous form and throw it into the tank. After 
looking at this building there appeared a white dome 
on the top of a hill, to which men were coming from 
all quarters. When I asked about this they said that 
a Jogi lived there, and when the simpletons come to 
see him he places in their hands a handful 3 of flour, 
which they put into their mouths and imitate the cry 

1 Sanskrit Devahara, ' an idol temple.' 

2 "Rajputana Gazetteer," ii, 69. 

3 Instead of Tcaff ardi, ' a handful of flour,' the R.A.S.' MS. has 
kaf az way, ' his spittle,' and this seems more likely. 


of an animal which these fools have at some time injured, 
in order that by this act their sins may be blotted out. 
I ordered them to break down that place and turn the 
Joo-1 out of it, as well as to destroy the form of an 
idol there was in the dome. Another belief they have 
is that there is no bottom to this tank. After enquiry 
it appeared that it is nowhere deeper than 12 cubits. 
I also measured it round and it was about H kos. 

On the 16th Azar news came that the watchmen had 
marked down a tigress. I immediately went there and 
killed it with a gun and returned. After a few days 
a nilgaw (blue bull) was killed, of which I ordered them to 
take oft' the skin in my presence and cook it as food for 
the poor. Over 200 people assembled and ate it, and 
I gave money with my own hand to each of them. In 
the same month news came that the Franks of Goa had, 
contrary to treaty, plundered four cargo vessels 1 that 
frequented the port of Surat in the neighbourhood of 
that port ; and, making prisoners a large number of 
Musulmans, had taken possession of the goods and 
chattels that were in those ships. This being very 
disagreeable to my mind, I despatched Muqarrab Khan, 
who is in charge of the port, on the 18th Azar, giving 
him a horse and elephant and a dress of honour, to obtain 
compensation for this affair. On account of the great 
activity and good services of Yusuf Khan and Bahaduru-1- 
mulk in the Subah of the Deccan, I sent standards 
for them. 

It has been written that my chief object, after my visit 
to the Khwaja, was to put a stop to the affair of the rebel 
Rami. On this account I determined to remain myself at 

1 Text ajnabl, 'foreign' or 'strange,' and Dowson had the same 
reading, for at vi, 337, we have the translation 'ships engaged in the 
foreign trade of Surat.' But I adopt the reading of I.O. MS. 181, 
which is ajnasl, as it does not seem likely that Jahanglr would interest 
himself about ' foreign ' ships. 


Ajmir and send on Baba Khurram, my fortunate son. 
This idea was a very good one, and on this account, on the 
6th of Day, at the hour fixed upon, I despatched him in 
happiness and triumph. I presented him with a qaba 
(outer coat) of gold brocade with jewelled flowers and 
pearls round the flowers, a brocaded turban with strings 
of pearls, a gold woven sash with chains of pearls, one 
of my private elephants called Fath Gaj, with trappings, 
a special horse, a jewelled sword, and a jewelled khapiva, 
with a phill katdra. In addition to the men first appointed 
to this duty under the leadership of Khan A'zam, I sent 
12,000 more horse with my son, and honoured their leaders, 
each according to his condition, with special horses and 
elephants and robes of honour, and dismissed them. 
Fida'i Khan was nominated to the paymastership of this 
army. At the same time Safdar Khan was despatched 
to the government of Kashmir in place of Hashim Khan. 
He received a horse and robe of honour. On Wednesday, 
the 11th, Khwaja Abu-1-hasan was made general pay- 
master (bakhshi-kul), and received a dress of honour. 
I had ordered them to make a large caldron x at Agra 
for the revered mausoleum of the Khwaja. On this 
day it was brought, and I ordered them to cook food 
for the poor in that pot, and collect together the poor of 
Ajmir to feed them whilst I was there. Five thousand 
people assembled, and all ate of this food to their fill. 
After the food I gave money to each of the dervishes 
with my own hand. At this time Islam Khan, governor 
of Bengal, was promoted to the mansab of 6,000 personal 
and horse, and a flag was given to Mukarram Khan, son 
of Mu'azzam Khan. 

On the 1st of Isfandarmuz, corresponding with the 
10th Muharram, 1023 (20th February, 1614), I left 

1 " Rajputana Gazetteer," ii, 63. There are now two large caldrons 
(dig) inside the dargdh enclosure. 


Ajmir to hunt nilgaw, and returned on the 9th. I halted 
at the fountain of Hatiz Jamal, 1 two kos from the city, 
and passed the night of Friday 2 there. At the end of 
the day I entered the city. In these twenty days ten 
nilgaw had been killed. As the good service of Khwaja 
Jahan and the smallness of his force for the defence and 
government of Agra and that neighbourhood were brought 
to my notice, I increased his niansab by 500 personal 
and 100 horse. On the same day Abu-1-fatli DakhanI 
came from his jagir and waited on me. On the 3rd of 
the same month news came of the death of Islam Khan ; 
he had died on Thursday, the 5th Rajab, in the year 1022 
(21st August, 1613). In one day, without any previous 
illness, this inevitable event occurred. He was one of 
those born and brought up in the house (house-born). 
The naturally good disposition and knowledge of affairs 
that showed themselves in him were seen in no one else. 
He ruled Bengal with entire authority, and brought 
within the civil jurisdiction of the province countries 
that had never previously come under the sway of any 
of the jagirdars or into the possession of any of the Chiefs 
of the State. If death had not overtaken him he would 
have done perfect service. 

The Khan A'zam had himself prayed that the illustrious 
prince should be appointed to the campaign against the 
Rana, yet, notwithstanding all kinds of encouragement 
and gratification on the part of my son (Shah Jahan), 
he would not apply himself to the task, but proceeded 
to act in his own unworthy manner. When this was 
heard by me, I sent Ibrahim Husain, who was one of 
my most trusty attendants, to him, and sent affectionate 

1 Hafiz Jamal was the name of the saint Mu'Inu-d-din's daughter 
(" Rajputana Gazetteer," ii, 62). It lies at the back of the Taragarh hill, 
and is now commonly called Nur-chashma. The fountains, etc., are in 
a ruined state. Sir Thomas Roe visited this place (id., p. 123). 

2 Shab-i-jum'a, which is Friday eve according to Blochmann. 



messages to him to say that when he was at Burhanpur 
he had daily begged this duty of me, as he considered 
it equivalent to the happiness of both worlds, and had 
said in meetings and assemblies that if he should be 
killed in this enterprise he would be a martyr, and if 
he prevailed, a ghazl. I had given him whatever support 
and assistance of artillery he had asked for. After this 
he had written that without the movement of the royal 
standards to those regions the completion of the affair 
was not free of difficulty. By his counsel I had come 
to Ajmir, and this neighbourhood had been thus honoured 
and dignified. Now that he had himself prayed for the 
prince, and everything had been carried out according 
to his counsel, why did he withdraw his foot from the 
field of battle and enter the place of disagreement ? To 
Baba Khurram, from whom up till now I had never 
parted, and whom I sent in pure reliance on his (Khan 
A'zam's) knowledge of affairs, he should show loyalty and 
approved good-will, and never be neglectful day or night 
of his duty to my son. If, contrariwise, he should draw 
back his foot from what he had agreed to, he must know 
'that there would be mischief. Ibrahim Husain went, 
and impressed these words on his mind in the same 
detailed way. It was of no avail, as he would not go 
back from his folly and determination. When Baba 
Khurram saw that his being in the affair was a cause of 
disturbance, he kept him under observation and represented 
that his being there was in no way fitting, and he was 
acting thus and spoiling matters simpty on account of 
the connection he had with Khusrau. 1 I then ordered 
Mahabat Khan to go and bring him from Udaipur, and 
told Muhammad Taqi, the diwan of buildings, to go to 
Mandesur and bring his children and dependants to 

On the 11th of the month news came that Dullp, son 
1 Khusrau was married to his daug! ter. 


of Ray Singh, who was of a seditious and rebellious 
disposition, had been heavily defeated by his younger 
brother, Rao Siiraj Singh, who had been sent against 
him, and that he was making disturbance in one of the 
districts of the Sarkar of Hissar. About this time 
Hashim of Khost, the faujdar, and the jagirdars of that 
neighbourhood seized him, and sent him as a prisoner to 
Court. As he had misbehaved repeatedly, he was 
capitally punished, and this was a warning to many of 
the seditious. In reward for this service an increase 
of 500 personal and 200 horse was made to the mansab 
of Rao Suraj Singh. On the 14th of the month a repre- 
sentation came from my son Baba Khurram that the 
elephant 'Alam-guman, of which the Rana was very fond, 
together with seventeen other elephants, had fallen into 
the hands of the warriors of the victorious army, and that 
his master would also soon be captured. 

The Ninth New Year's Feast after my auspicious 


The commencement of the ninth year after my 
auspicious accession, corresponding with the Hijra year 
1023 (1614). 

Two watches and one ghari had passed on the night of 
Friday, the 9th Safar (21st March, 1614), when the world, 
warming sun shed his rays on the constellation of Aries, 
which is his house of dignity and honour ; it was the 
first morning of the month of Farwardin. The assembly 
for the New Year's festival took place in the pleasant 
regions of Ajmir, and at the time of entry (of the sun 
into Aries), which was the propitious hour, I seated 
myself on the throne of good fortune. They had in 
the usual manner decorated the palace with rare cloth- 
stuffs and jewels and gem-decked things. At this 


auspicious moment the elephant 'Alam-guman, 1 which 
was fit to be entered in the private stud, with the 
seventeen other male and female elephants which my 
son Baba Khurram had sent of the Rana's elephants, 
were presented before me, and the hearts of the loyal 
rejoiced. On the 2nd day of the New Year, knowing 
it to be propitious for a ride, I mounted it and scattered 
about much money. On the 3rd I conferred on I'tiqad 
Khan a mansab of 3,000 personal and 1,000 horse, 
increasing thus that which he had already, which was 
of 2,000 personal and 500 horse, and I distinguished 
him with the title of Asaf Khan, with which title 
two of his family had been previously honoured. I also 
increased the mansab of Dayanat Khan by 500 personal 
and 200 horse. At the same time I promoted I'timadu-d- 
daulah to the mansab of 5,000 personal and 2,000 horse. 
At the request of Baba Khurram I increased the mansab 
of Saif Khan Barha by 500 personal and 200 horse, that 
of Dilawar Khan by the same number, that of Kishan 
Singh by 500 horse, and that of Sarfaraz Khan by 500 
personal and 300 horse. On Sunday, the 10th, the offering 
of Asaf Khan was produced before me, and on the 14th 
I'timadu-d-daulah produced his own offering. From these 
two offerings I took what pleased me and gave back 
the rest. Chin Qilij Khan, with his brothers, relations, 
and the army and retinue of his father, came from Kabul 2 
and waited on me. Ibrahim Khan, who had a mansab 
of 700 personal and 300 horse, having been promoted 
to that of 1,500 personal and 600 horse, was appointed 
jointly with Khwaja Abti-1-hasan to the exalted dignity 
of paymaster of the household. On the 15th of this 
month Mahabat Khan, who had been appointed to bring 
Khan A'zam and his son 'Abdu-llah, came and waited 

1 The " Arrogant of the Earth" (Tod). 

2 Perhaps this means Peshawar, for apparently Qilij was there when 
he died. 


on me. On the 19th the assembly of honour was held. 
On that day the offering of Mahabat Khan was laid 
before me, and I sent a private elephant called Rtip 
Sundar for my son Parwlz. When that day had passed 
I ordered them to deliver Khan A'zam into the charge 
of Asaf Khan, that he might keep him in the fort of 
Gwalior. As my object in sending him to the fort was 
in case some disagreement and disturbance should occur 
in the matter of the Rana in consequence of the attach- 
ment that he had to Khusrau, I ordered him not to be 
kept in the fort like a prisoner, but that they should 
provide everything necessary for his comfort and con- 
venience in the way of eating and clothing. On the 
same day I promoted Chin Qilij Khan to a mansab of 
2,500 personal and 700 horse. To the rank of Taj Khan, 
who had been appointed to the charge of the province 
of Bhakar, I added 500 personal and horse. On the 
18th Urdibihisht I forbade Khusrau to pay his respects. 
The reason was this, that through the affection and 
fatherly love (I bore him) and the prayers of his mother 
and sisters, I had ordered again that he should come every 
day to pay his respects (kHrnish). As his appearance 
showed no signs of openness and happiness, and he was 
always mournful and dejected in mind, I accordingly 
ordered that he should not come to pay his respects. 
In the time of my revered father, Muzaffar Husain Mirza 
and Rustam Mirza, sons of Sultan Husain Mirza, nephews 
of Shah Tahmasp Safawi, who had in their possession 
Qandahar and Zainindawar and that neighbourhood, 
sent petitions to the effect that in consequence of the 
nearness to Khurasan and the coming f 'Abdu-llah 
Khan Uzbeg to that country, they could not leave the 
charge of looking after the country and come (to pay 
their respects), but that if he (Akbar) would send one 
of the servants of the palace they would hand over the 
country to him, and themselves come to pay their respects. 


As they repeatedly made this request, he sent Shah Beg 
Khan, who is now honoured with the title of Khan 
Dauran, to the governorship of Qandahar and Zamln- 
dawar and that neighbourhood, and wrote firmans full 
of favour to the Mirzas summoning them to the Court. 
After their arrival favours appropriate to the case of 
each were bestowed on them, and he gave them a territory 
equal to two or three times the collections of Qandahar. 
In the end, the management expected from them was 
not achieved, and by degrees the territory deteriorated. 
Muzaffar Ilusain Mirza died during the lifetime of my 
revered father, and he sent Mirza Rustam with the 
Khankhanan to the Subah of the Deccan, where he 
had a small jagir. When the throne was honoured by 
my succession, I sent for him from the Deccan with the 
intention of showing him favour and sending him to 
one of the border territories. About the time he came 
Mirza Ghazi Tarkhan, who held the governorship of 
Thatta and Qandahar and that neighbourhood, died. 
It occurred to me to send him to Thatta, so that 
he might show there his natural good qualities and 
administer that country in an approved manner. I pro- 
moted him to a mansab of 5,000 personal and horse, 
200.000 rupees were given to him for expenses, and 
I despatched him to the Subah of Thatta. My 
belief was that he w T ould do good service x on those 
borders. In opposition to my expectation he did no 
service, and committed so much oppression that many 
people complained of his wickedness. Such news of him 
was heard that it was considered necessary to recall him. 

1 According to the Ma'asir, iii, 486, in the biography of 'Isa Khan, 
Rustam was sent to put down the Tarkhans, and succeeded in doing so. 
See also ibid., p. 438, in the biography of Rustam, where it is said that 
Jahangir told him to send away the Arghuns. Perhaps the passage 
in Ma'asir, p. 438, which according to Blochmann, p. 314, means that 
Rustam ill-treated the Arghuns, rather means that he intrigued with 
them hut oppressed the peasantry. 


One of the servants of the Court was appointed to 
summon him, and I" sent for him to Court. On the 
26th Urdlbihisht they brought him. As he had com- 
mitted great oppression on the people of God, and 
inquiry into this was due according to the requirements 
of justice, I handed him over to Anira'i Singh-dalan 
that he might enquire into the facts, and that if guilty 
he might receive prompt punishment and be a warning 
to others. In those days the news also came of the 
defeat of Alidad, the Afghan. The facts are that 
Mu'taqid Khan came to Pulam l Guzar (ferry ?), in the 
district of Peshawar, with an army, and Khan Dauran 
with another force in Afghanistan and blocked the path 
of that rascal (lit. black-faced one). Meanwhile a letter 
came to Mu'taqid Khan from Pish Bulagh that Ahdad had 
gone to Kot Tirah, which is 8 kos from Jalalabad, with 
a large number of horse and foot, and had killed a few 
of those who had chosen to be loyal and obey, and made 
prisoners of others, and was about to send them to Tirah, 
and intended to make a raid on Jalalabad and Pish 
Bulagh. Immediately on hearing this news Mu'taqid 
Khan started in great haste with the troops he had with 
him. When he arrived at Pish Bulagh he sent out spies to 
ascertain about the enemy. On the morning of Wednesday, 
the 6th, news reached him that Alidad was in the same 
place. Placing his trust on the favour of God, which 
is on the side of this suppliant at the throne of Allah, 
he divided the royal army into two, and went towards 
the enemy, who, with 4,000 or 5,000 experienced men, 
had seated themselves haughtily in complete carelessness, 

1 Though the text has Pulam, the real word seems to be Ilam or 
Ailam. Ailam Guzar appears to be a pass in a range of hills. It may, 
however, be a ferry on the Kabul River. That river seems to be also 
known as the Shah 'Alam, and there is a ferry on it of that name. 
The text speaks of Kot Tirah as 8 kos from Jalalabad, but Tirah 
is much further away. The B.M. MSS. have Kotal-i- Tirah, 'the Tirah 


and did not suspect that besides Khan Dauran's there was 
an army in the neighbourhood that could oppose itself 
to them. When news came that the royal forces were 
coming against that ill -fortuned man, and the signs of 
an army were becoming manifest, in a state of bewilder- 
ment he distributed his men into four bodies, and seatino; 
himself on an eminence a gunshot away, to get to which 
was a difficult matter, he sent his men to tight. The 
musketeers of the victorious army assailed the rebel with 
bullets, and sent a large number to hell. Mu'taqid Khan 
took the centre of his army to his advanced guard, and, 
not giving the enemy more than time to shoot off their 
arrows two or three times, swept them clean away, and 
pursuing them for 3 or 4 kos, killed nearly 1,500 
of them, horse and foot. Those left of the sword took 
to flight, most of them wounded and with their arms 
thrown away. The victorious army remained for the 
night in the same place on the battlefield, and in the 
morning proceeded with 600 decapitated heads l towards 
Peshawar and made pillars of the heads there. Five 
hundred horses and innumerable cattle and property 
and many weapons fell into their hands. The prisoners 
of Tirah were released, and on this side no well-known 
men were killed. On the night of Thursday, the 1st of 
Khurdad, I proceeded towards Pushkar to shoot tigers, and 
on Friday killed two of them with a gun. On the same 
day it was represented to me that Naqib Khan had died. 
The aforesaid Khan was one of the Saifl Sayyids, and 
was originally from Qazwin. The tomb of his father, Mir 
'Abdu-1-Latif, is at Ajmir. Two months before his death 
his wife, 2 between whom and her husband there was 

1 Compare Price's Jahangir, p. 94. It appears from that account 
that Mu'taqid alias Lashkar Khan was originally called Abu-1-husain. 
According to the account there, the prisoners were brought to Jahangir 
with the decapitated heads of 17,000 (!) suspended from their necks ! 

2 She was a daughter of Mir Malimud, Akbar's secretary (Biochmann, 
p. 449). 


a great affection, and who for twelve days was ill with 
fever, drank the unpleasant draught of death. I ordered 
them to bury him by the side of his wife, whom they 
had placed in the Khwaja's venerated mausoleum. As 
Mu'taqid Khan had done approved service in the fight 
with Ahdad, in reward he was exalted with the title of 
Lashkar Khan. Dayanat Khan, who had been sent to 
Udaipur in the service of Baba Khurram and to convey 
certain orders, came on the 7th Khurdad and gave good 
account of the rules and regulations made by Babe! 
Khurram. Fida'l Khan, who in the days of my prince- 
hood was my servant, and whom after my accession 
I had made bakhshi in this army, and who had 
obtained favour, gave up the deposit of his life on 
the 12th of the same month. Mirza Rustam, as he 
showed signs of repentance and regret for his mis- 
deeds, and generosity demanded that his faults should 
be pardoned, was, in the end of the month, summoned 
to my presence, and I satisfied his mind, and having given 
him a dress of honour, ordered him to pay his respects 
to me. On the night of Sunday, the 11th of the month 
of Tir, a female elephant in the private elephant stud 
gave birth to a young one in my presence. I had 
repeatedly ordered them to ascertain the period of their 
gestation ; at last it became evident that for a female 
young one it was 18 months and for a male 19 months. 
In opposition to the birth of a human being, which is 
in most cases by a head delivery, young elephants are 
born with their feet first. When the young one was born, 
the mother scattered dust upon it with her foot, and began 
to be kind and to pet it. The young one for an instant 
remained fallen, and then rising, made towards its mother's 
breasts. On the 14th the assembly of Gulab - pashi 
(sprinkling of rose-water) took place ; from former times 
this has been known as db-pdshi (water-sprinkling), and 
has become established from amongst customs of former 


days. On the 5th Amurdad (middle July, 1614) came 
news of the death of Raja Man Singh. 1 The aforesaid 
Raja was one of the chief officers of my revered father. 
As I had sent many servants of the State to serve in 
the Deccan, I also appointed him. After his death in 
that service, I sent for Mirza Bhao Singh, who was his 
legitimate heir. As from the time when I was prince 
he had done much service with me, although the chiefship 
and headship of their family, according to the Hindu 
custom, should go to Maha Singh, son 2 of Jagat Singh, 
the Raja's eldest son, who had died in the latter's lifetime, 
I did not accept him, but I dignified Bhao Singh with 
the title of Mirza Raja, and raised him to the mansab 
of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse. I also gave him 
Amber, the native place of his ancestors, and, soothing 
and consoling the mind of Maha Singh, increased his 
former mansab by 500, and gave him as an in'am the 
territory of Garha. 3 I also sent him a jewelled dagger 
belt, a horse, and dress of honour. On the 8th of this 
month of Amurdad I found a change in my health, and 
by degrees was seized with fever and headache. For fear 
that some injury might occur to the country and the 
servants of God, I kept this secret from most of those 
familiar with and near to me, and did not inform the 
physicians and hakims. A few days passed in this 
manner, and I only imparted this to Nur-Jahan Begam, 
than whom I did not think anyone was fonder of me ; 
I abstained from eating heavy foods, and, contenting 
myself with a little light food, went every day, according 
to my rule, to the public Diwan-khana (hall of audience), 
and entered the Jharokha and ghusal-khdna (parlour) 

1 Man Singh died in the Deccan in 1614, and apparently in the month 
of June. 

2 Text pidar by mistake for pisar. 

3 Garha, described as Bandhu in Ma'asir, ii, 175. It is Garha-Katanga, 
i.e. Jabalpur. 


in my usual manner, until signs of weakness showed 
themselves in my skin. 1 Some of the nobles 2 became 
aware of this, and informed one or two of my physicians 
who were trustworthy, such as Hakim Masihu-z-zaman, 
Hakim Abu-1-qasim, and Hakim 'Abdu-sh-Shakur. As 
the fever did not change, and for three nights I took 
my usual wine, it brought on greater weakness. In the 
time of disquietude, and when weakness prevailed over 
me, I went to the mausoleum of the revered Khwaja, 
and in that blessed abode prayed to God Almighty for 
recovery, and agreed to give alms and charity. God 
Almighty, in His pure grace and mercy, bestowed on me 
the robe of honour of health, and by degrees I recovered. 
The headache, which had been very severe, subsided 
under the remedies of Hakim 'Abdu-sh-Shakur, and in 
the space of twenty-two days my state returned to what 
it was before. The servants of the palace, and indeed the 
whole of the people, made offerings for this great bounty. 
I accepted the alms of no one, and ordered that everyone 
in his own house should distribute what he wished 
among the poor. On the 10th Shahriwar news came 
that Taj Khan, the Afghan, governor of Thatta, 3 had 
died ; he was one of the old nobles of the State. 

During my illness it had occurred to me that when 
I completely recovered, inasmuch as I was inwardly an 
ear-bored slave of the Khwaja (Mu'Inu-d-din) and was 
indebted to him for my existence, I should openly make 
holes in my ears and be enrolled among his ear-marked 
slaves. On Thursday, 12th Shahriwar. 4 corresponding 
to the month of Rajab, I made holes in my ears and 
drew into each a shining pearl. When the servants of 
the palace and my loyal friends saw this, both those who 

1 Perhaps the meaning is that there was an eruption. 

2 Buzurgdn, which perhaps here means elder ladies of the harem. 

3 This is Tash Beg (Blochmann, p. 457). The text wrongly has Patna. 

4 Jahangir was born in this month, which then corresponded to Rajab. 


were in the presence and some who were in the distant 
borders diligently and eagerly made holes in their ears, 
and adorned the beauty of sincerity with pearls and rubies 
which were in the private treasury, and were bestowed 
on them, until by degrees the infection caught the Ahadis 
and others. At the end of the day of Thursday, the 22nd 
of the said month, corresponding with the 10th Sha'ban, 
the meeting for my solar weighing was arranged in my 
private audience hall, and the usual observances were 
carried out. On the same day Mirza Raja Bhao Singh, 
gratified and prosperous, returned to his native country 
with the promise that he would not delay (there) more 
than two or three months. On the 27th of the month 
of Mihr news came that Faridun Khan Barlas had died 
at Udaipur. In the clan of Barlas no leader remained 
but he. As his tribe had many claims on this State and 
endless connection with it, I patronised his son Mihr 'All, 
and raised him to the mansab of 1,000 personal and horse. 
On account of the approved services of Khan Dauran, 
I increased by 1,000 his mansab, which became 6,000 
personal and 5,000 horse, original and increase. On the 
6th Aban the qardivuls (shikaris) reported that three 
tigers had been met at a distance of 6 kos. Starting 
after midday, I killed all three of them with a gun. On 
the 8th of the month the festival of the Dewall came on. 
I ordered the attendants of the palace to have games 
with each other for two or three nights in my presence ; 
winnings and losings took place. On the 8th of this 
month they brought to Ajmir the body of Sikandar Mu'In 
Qarawul (Shikari), who was one of my old attendants 
and had done much service for me when I was prince, 
from Udaipur, which was the place where my son 
Sultan Khurram was staying. I ordered the qarawuls 
and his fellow-tribesmen to take his body and bury it 
on the bank of Rana Shankar's tank. He was a good 
servant to me. On the 12th Azar two daughters whom 


Islam Khan in his lifetime had taken from the Zamindar 
of Kuch (Behar), whose country is on the boundary of 
the eastern provinces, together with his son and 94 
elephants, were brought before me. Some of the elephants 
were placed in my private stud. On the same day, 
Hushang, Islam Khan's son, came from Bengal, and had 
the good fortune to kiss the threshold, and presented 
as offerings two elephants, 100 muhrs, and 100 rupees. 
On one particular night in Day I dreamt that the late 
king (Akbar) said to me : " Baba, forgive for my sake 
the fault of 'Aziz Khan, who is the Khan A'zam." After 
this dream, I decided to summon him from the fort (of 

There is a ravine in the neighbourhood of Ajmir that 
is very beautiful. At the end of this ravine a spring 
appears which is collected in a long and broad tank, 
and is the best water in Ajmir. This valley and spring 
are well known as Hafiz Jamal. When I crossed over 
to this place I ordered a suitable building to be made 
there, as the place was good and fit for developing. In 
the course of a year a house and grounds were made 
there, the like of which those x who travel round the 
world cannot point out. They made a basin 40 gaz 
by 40, and made the water of the spring rise up in 
the basin by a fountain. The fountain leaps up 10 or 
12 gaz. Buildings are laid on the edge of this 
basin, and in the same way above, where the tank and 
fountain are, they have made agreeable places and en- 
chanting halls and resting-rooms pleasant to the senses. 
These have been constructed and finished off in a 
masterly style by skilled painters and clever artists. 
As I desired that it should be called by a name 

1 Is this an allusion to some complimentary remark of Sir Thomas 
Roe ? Sir Thomas did not come to Ajmir till December, 1615, but 
Jahangir is here apparently writing of what happened a year after 
his visit to Hafiz Jamal. The chronogram was 1024 (1615). 


connected with my august name, I gave it the name of 
Chashma-i-Nur, or ' the fountain of light.' In short, 
the one fault it has is this, that it ought to have been 
in a large city, or at a place by which men frequently 
pass. From the day on which it was completed I have 
often passed Thursdays and Fridays there. I ordered 
that they should think out a chronogram for its com- 
pletion. Sa'lda Gilani, the head of the goldsmiths, 
discovered it in this clever hemistich : — 

"The palace 1 of Shah Nuru-d-din Jahanglr " (1024). 

I ordered them to put a stone with this carved upon it 
on the top of the portico of the building. 

In the beginning of the month of Day, merchants came 
from Persia and brought pomegranates of Yazd and 
melons from Kariz, which are the best of Khurasan 
melons, so many that all the servants of the Court and 
the Amirs of the frontiers obtained a portion of them 
and were very grateful to the True Giver (God) for 
them. I had never had such melons and pomegranates. 
It seemed as if I had never had a pomegranate or 
a melon before. Every year I had had melons from 
Badakhshan and pomegranates from Kabul, but they 
bore no comparison with the Yazd pomegranates and 
the Kariz melons. As my revered father (may God's 
light be his witness !) had a great liking for fruit, 
I was very grieved that such fruits had not come to 
Hindustan from Persia in his victorious time, that he 
might have enjoyed and profited by them. I have the 
same regret for the JaJtdngiri 'itr (so-called otto of 
roses), that his nostrils were not gratified with such 
essences. This 'itr is a discovery which was made 
during my reign through the efforts of the mother of 
Nfir-Jahan Begam. When she was making rose-water 

1 Mahall-i-Shah Nuru-d-din Jahanglr, 1024 (1615). See Proceedings 
A.S.B. for August, 1873, pp. 159-60. 


a scum formed on the surface of the dishes into which 
the hot rose-water was poured from the jugs. She 
collected this scum little by little ; when much rose- 
water was obtained a sensible portion of the scum was 
collected. It is of such strength in perfume that if 
one drop be rubbed on the palm of the hand it scents 
a whole assembly, and it appears as if many red rosebuds 
had bloomed at once. There is no other scent of equal 
excellence to it. It restores hearts that have gone and 
brings back withered souls. In reward for that invention 
I presented a string of pearls to the inventress. Sallma 1 
Sultan Begam (may the lights of God be on her tomb) 
was present, and she gave this oil the name of ' 'itr-i- 

Great difference appeared in the climates of India. 
In this month of Day, in Lahore, which is between Persia 
and Hindustan, the mulberry- tree bore fruit of as much 
sweetness and fine flavour as in its ordinary season. For 
some days people were delighted by eating it. The news- 
writers of that place wrote this. In the same days 
Bakhtar Khan Kalawant, who was closely connected with 
'Adil Khan, inasmuch as he ('Adil) married his own 
brother's daughter to him, and made him his preceptor 
in singing and durjmt 2 guftan, appeared in the habit of 
a dervish. Summoning him and enquiring into his 
circumstances, I endeavoured to honour him. In the first 
assembly I gave him 10,000 rupees in cash and 50 pieces 
of cloth of all sorts and a string of pearls, and having 
made him a guest of Asaf Khan, ordered him to enquire 
into his circumstances. It did not appear whether he 
had come without 'Adil Khan's permission, or the latter 

1 Sallma died in the 7th year, so that the discovery must have 
occurred some time before this mention of it. 

2 Hindustani, dhurpad, " petit poeme ordinairement compose de cinq 
hemistiches sur une meme rime." "It was invented by Raja Man of 
Gwalior " (Garcin de Tassy, Hist. Litt. Hindouie, i, 12). 


had sent him in this guise in order that he might find 
out the designs of this Court and bring him news about 
them. Considering his relationship to 'Adil Khan, it is 
most probable that he has not come without 'Adil Khan's 
knowledge. A report by Mir Jamalu-d-dln Husain, 
who at this time was (our) ambassador at Bijapur, 
corroborates this idea, for he writes that 'Adil Khan 
has, on account of the kindness which has been shown 
by H.M. (Jahangir) to Bakhtar Khan, been very gracious 
to him (Jamalu-d-din). Every day he has shown him 
more and more favour, keeps him beside him at nights, 
and recites to him durpats, which he ('Adil Khan) has 
composed, and which he calls nauras x (Juvenilia). " The' 
remainder of the facts will be written on the day when 
I get my dismissal." 

In these days they brought a bird from the country 
of Zirbad (Sumatra, etc., Blochmann, p. 616) which was 
coloured like a parrot, but had a smaller body. One of 
its peculiarities is that it lays hold with its feet of the 
branch or perch on which they may have placed it and 
then makes a somersault, and remains in this position 
all night and whispers to itself. When day comes it 
seats itself on the top of the branch. Though they say 
that animals also have worship, yet it is most likely 
that this practice is instinctive. It never drinks water, 
and water acts like poison upon it, though other birds 
subsist on water. 

In the month 2 of Bahman there came pieces of good 

1 See Rieu, 7416, who calls the nauras a treatise on music composed 
by Ibrahim 'Adil Shah II. This 'Adil Shah was Firishta's patron, and 
reigned till 1626. Jamalu-d-dln is the dictionary-maker and friend of 
Sir T. Roe. The sentence about reporting the remainder of the facts 
seems to be an extract from his report. Muhammad Waris, in his 
continuation of the Padshah-nama, B.M. MS. Add. 6556, p. 438, 
mentions, with reprobation, that 'Adil Shah had given his niece in 
marriage to a singer. 

2 Translated Elliot, vi, 339. 


news one after the other. The first was that the Rana 
Amar Singh had elected for obedience and service to the 
Court. The circumstances of this affair are these. My 
son of lofty fortune, Sultan Khurram, by dint of placing 
a great many posts, especially in some places where most 
people said it was impossible to place them on account 
of the badness of the air and water and the wild nature 
of the localities, and by dint of moving the royal forces 
one after another in pursuit, without regard to the heat 
or excessive rain, and making prisoners of the families 
of the inhabitants of that region, brought matters with 
the Rana to such a pass that it became clear to him 
that if this should happen to him again he must either 
fly the country or be made prisoner. Being without 
remedy, he chose obedience and loyalty, and sent to my 
fortunate son his maternal uncle, Subh Karan, with Haridas 
Jhala, who was one of the men in his confidence, and 
petitioned that if that fortunate son would ask forgiveness 
for his offences and tranquillise his mind, and obtain for 
him the auspicious sign-manual, 1 he would himself come 
and wait on my son, and would send his son and 
successor Karan to Court, or he, after the manner of 
other Rajas, would be enrolled amongst the servants of 
the Court and do service. He also begged that he 
himself might be excused from coming to Court on 
account of his old age. Accordingly my son sent them 
in company with his own Diwan Mulla Shukru-llah, 
whom after the conclusion of this business I dignified 
with the title of Afzal Khan, and Sundar Das, his 
major-domo, who, after this matter was settled, was 
honoured with the title of Ray Rayan, to the exalted 
Court, and represented the circumstances. My lofty 

1 Lit. procure for him the sign of the blessed panja (five fingers). 
The sign-manual was that of Jahanglr. See below. See also Tod's 
Rajasthan, reprint, i, 411, for a representation of the panja ; also p. 383, 
note id. 



mind was always desirous, as far as possible, not to 
destroy the old families. The real point was that as 
Rana Amar Singh and his fathers, proud in the strength 
of their hilly country and their abodes, had never seen 
or obeyed any of the kings of Hindustan, this should 
be brought about in my reign. At the request of my 
son I forgave the Rana's offences, and gave a gracious 
farman that should satisfy him, and impressed on it the 
mark of my auspicious palm. 1 I also wrote a farman 
of kindness to my son that if he could arrange to 
settle the matter I should be much pleased. My son 
also sent them 2 with Mulla Shukru-llah and Sundar 
Das to the Rana to console him and make him hopeful 
of the royal favour. They gave him the gracious farman 
with the sign-manual of the auspicious hand, and it 
was settled that on Sunday, the 26th of the month of 
Bahman, he and his sons should come and pay their 
respects to my son. The second piece of good news 
was the death of Bahadur, who was descended from the 
rulers of Gujarat, and was the leaven of disturbance and 
mischief (there). Almighty God had annihilated him in 
His mercy : he died of a natural illness. The third 
piece of news was the defeat of the Warza (Portuguese 
Viceroy), who had done his best to take the castle and 
port of Surat. In the roadstead 3 of the port of Surat 
a fight took place between the English, who had taken 
shelter there, and the Viceroy. Most of his ships were 
burnt by the English fire. Being helpless he had not 

1 Panja mubarak (Tod's Rajasthan, i, 383 and 411). 

2 Perhaps the uncle and Haridas, or the inhd, 'them,' may mean the 
farman. See Elliot, vi, 340, which has ' my letters. ' Tod has translated 
this part of the Tuzuk, i, 382. 

3 The text has hhaurmiyan, and I.O. 181 has hhaur-i -bandar. Khaur 
means a bay or gulf in Arabic. The battle is that between Captain 
Downton and the Portuguese, which took place in January, 1615, and is 
described in Orme's Hist., Fragments, p. 351, etc. See also Danvers' 
"Portuguese in India," ii, 170. The engagement was in the Swally 

MALIK 'ambar. the rana. 275 

the power to fight any more, and took to flight. He 
sent some one to Muqarrab Khan, who was the governor 
of the ports of Gujarat, and knocked at the door of 
peace, and said that he had come to make peace and 
not to make Avar. It was the English who had stirred 
up the war. Another piece of news was that some of 
the Rajputs, who had determined to attack and kill 
'Ambar (misprinted Ghir), had made an ambush, and 
finding a good opportunity had gained access to him, 
when a slight wound had been inflicted on him by one 
of them. The men who were round 'Ambar (again 
misprinted Ghir) had killed the Rajputs and taken 
'Ambar to his quarters. A very little l more would 
have made an end of him. In the end of this month, 
when I was employed in hunting in the environs of 
Ajmir, Muhammad Beg, 2 an attendant on my fortunate 
son Sultan Khurram, came and brought a report from 
that son, and stated that the Rana had come with his 
sons and paid his respects to the prince ; " the details 
would be made known by the report." I immediately 
turned the face of supplication to the Divine Court, and 
prostrated myself in thanksgiving. I presented a horse, 
an elephant, and a jewelled dagger to the aforesaid 
Muhammad Beg, and honoured him with the title of 
Zu-1-faqar Khan. 2 From the report it appeared that on 
Sunday, the 26th Bahman, the Rana paid his respects 
to my fortunate son with the politeness and ritual that 
servants pay their respects, and produced as offerings 
a famous large ruby that was in his house, with some 
decorated articles and seven elephants, some of them 
fit for the private stud, and which had not fallen into 

1 Elliot, vi, 340. As Mr. Rogers remarks, the sentence is not easily 
intelligible. Probably the translation should be, "No one remained 
(all the Rajputs having been killed) who could finish off Malik 'Ambar." 

2 Probably the father or grandfather of the Muhammad Beg Zu-1-faqar 
who was a servant of Aurangzib (Ma'asiru-1-umara, ii, 89). 


our hands and were the only ones left him, and nine 

My son also behaved to him with perfect kindness. 
When the Rana clasped his feet and asked forgiveness. 
for his faults, he took his head and placed it on his breast, 
and consoled him in such a manner as to comfort him. 
He presented him with a superb dress of honour, a 
jewelled sword, a horse with a jewelled saddle, and 
a private elephant with silver housings, and, as there 
were not more than 100 men with him who were worthy 
of complete robes of honour (sar u pa), he gave 100 
sarupa and 50 horses and 12 jewelled khapwa (daggers). 
As it is the custom of the Zamindars that the son who 
is the heir-apparent should not go with his father to 
pay his respects to a king or prince, the Rana observed 
this custom, and did not bring with him Karan, the son 
who had received the tika. As the hour (fixed by 
astrology) of the departure of that son of lofty fortune 
from that place was the end of that same day, he gave 
him leave, so that, having himself gone, he might send 
Karan to pay his respects. After he had gone, Karan 
also came and did so. To him also he gave a superb 
dress of honour, a jewelled sword and dagger, a horse 
with a gold saddle, and a special elephant, and on the 
same day, taking Karan in attendance, he proceeded 
towards the illustrious Court. On the 3rd Isfandarmuz 
my return to Ajmir from hunting took place. From the 
17th Bahman up to that date, during which I was 
hunting, one tigress with three cubs and thirteen nilgaw 
had been killed. The fortunate prince encamped on 
Saturday, the 10th of the same month, at the village of 
Devrani, which is near the city of Ajmir, and an order was 
given that all the Amirs should go to meet him, and that 
each should present an offering according to his standing 
and condition, and on the next day, Sunday, the 11th, he 
should have the good fortune to wait upon me. The next 


day the prince, with great magnificence, with all the 
victorious forces that had been appointed to accompany 
him on that service, entered the public palace. The hour 
for him to wait on me was when two watches and two 
gharis of the day had passed, and he had the good fortune 
to pay his respects, and performed his prostrations and 
salutations. He presented 1,000 ashrafis and 1,000 rupees 
by way of offering, 1,000 muhrs and 1,000 rupees by 
way of charity. I called that son forward and embraced 
him, and having kissed his head and face, favoured him 
with special kindnesses and greetings. When he had 
finished the dues of service and had presented his offerings 
and charities, he petitioned that Karan might be exalted 
with the good fortune of prostrating himself and paying 
his respects. I ordered them to bring him, and the Bakhshis >r 
with the usual ceremonies of respect produced him. After 
prostration and salutation were completed, at the request 
of my son Khurram, I ordered them to place him in front 
on the right hand of the circle. After this I ordered 
Khurram to go and wait on his mothers, and gave him 
a special dress of honour, consisting of a jewelled chdrqab 
(sleeveless vest), a coat of gold brocade, and a rosary of 
pearls. After he had made his salutation, there were 
presented to him a special dress of honour, a special 
horse with a jewelled saddle, and a special elephant. 
I also honoured Karan with a superb robe of honour and 
a jewelled sword, and the Amirs and mansabdars had 
the honour of prostrating themselves and paying their 
respects, and presented their offerings. Each of these, 
according to his service and rank, was honoured with 
favours. As it was necessary to win the heart of Karan, 
who was of a wild nature and had never seen assemblies 
and had lived among the hills, I every day showed him 
some fresh favour, so that on the second day of his 
attendance a jewelled dagger, and on the next day 
a special Iraqi horse with jewelled saddle, were given 


to him. On the day when he went to the darbar in 
the female apartments, there were given to him on the 
part of Nur-Jahan Begam a rich dress of honour, a 
jewelled sword, a horse and saddle, and an elephant. 
After this I presented him with a rosary of pearls of 
great value. On the next day a special elephant with 
trappings (taldyir) were given. As it was in my mind 
to give him something of every kind, I presented him 
with three hawks and three falcons, a special sword, 
a coat of mail, a special cuirass, and two rings, one with 
a ruby and one with an emerald. At the end of the 
month I ordered that all sorts of cloth stuffs, with carpets 
and cushions (named tahiya) and all kinds of perfumes, 
with vessels of gold, two Gujrati carts, and cloths, should 
be placed in a hundred trays. The Ahadis carried them 
in their arms and on their shoulders to the public audience 
hall, where they were bestowed on him. 

Sabit Khan x at the paradise - resembling assemblies 
was always addressing unbecoming speeches and making- 
palpable allusions to I'timadu-d-daulah and his son 
Asaf Khan. Once or twice, showing my dislike of this, 
I had forbidden him to do so, but this was not enough 
for him. As I held very dear I'timadu-d-daulah's good- 
will towards me, and was very closely connected with 
his family, this matter became very irksome to me. As 
one night without reason and without motive he began 
to speak unpleasant words to him, and said them to 
such an extent that signs of vexation and annoyance 
became evident in I'timadu-d-daulah's face, I sent him 
next morning, in the custody of a servant of the Court, 
to Asaf Khan to say that as on the previous evening 
he had spoken unpleasant words to his father, I handed 
him over to him, and he might shut him up either 
there or in the fort of Gwalior, as he pleased; until he 

1 R.A.S. MS. has Dayanat Khan, and so has 1.0. MS. 181. 


made amends to his father I would never forgive his 
fault. According to the order Asaf Khan sent him to 
Gwalior fort. In the same month Jahangir Qull Khan 
was promoted to an increased mansab, and was given 
that of 2,500 personal and 2,000 horse. Ahmad Beg 
Khan, who is one of the old retainers of the State, 
committed some faults on the journey to the Subah of 
Kabul, and Qilij Khan, who was the commander of the 
army, had repeatedly complained of his making himself 
disagreeable. Necessarily I summoned him to Court, and 
in order to punish him handed him over to Mahabat 
Khan to confine him in the fort of Rantambhor. Qasim 
Khan, governor of Bengal, had sent two rubies as an 
offering, and they were laid before me. As I had made 
a rule that they should bring before me after two 
watches of the night had passed the dervishes and 
necessitous people who had collected in the illustrious 
palace, this year also after the same manner I bestowed 
on the dervishes with my own hand and in my own 
presence 55,000 rupees and 190,000 bighas of land, with 
fourteen entire villages, and twenty-six ploughs, 1 and 
11,000 kharwar 2 (ass-loads) of rice; I presented as well 
732 pearls, of the value of 36,000 rupees, to the servants 
who by way of loyalty had bored their ears. 

At the end of the aforesaid month news came that 
when four and a half gharis of night had passed on 
Sunday, the 11th of the month, in the city of Burhanpur, 
God Almighty had bestowed on Sultan Parwiz a son by 
the daughter of Prince Murad. I gave him the name of 
Sultan Diir-andish 3 (long-thoughted). 

1 Qidba. It does not appear that this is a land-measure. 

2 Kharwar. It is a weight. See Jarrett, ii, 394, where a kharwar is 
said to be equal to ten Hindustani maunds. 

3 Probably this was the son who died in the 14th year (Tuzuk, p. 282). 

280 new year celebrations. 

The Tenth New Year's Festival after my 
auspicious Accession. 

When 55 seconds had passed on Saturday, 1st Far ward In, 
in my 10th year, corresponding with the 8th 1 of the month 
of Safar (March, 1615), 1024 Hijra, the sun from the 
constellation of Pisces entered the house of honour of Aries. 
When three gharis had passed on the night of Sunday 
I seated myself on the throne of State. The New Year's 
feast and ceremonials were prepared in the usual manner. 
The illustrious princes, the great Khans, the chief officers 
and Ministers of State made their salutations of con- 
gratulation. On the 1st of the month the mansab of 
I'timadu-d-daulah was increased from 5,000 personal and 
2,000 horse by 1,000 personal and horse. Special horses 
were given to the Kunwar Karan, Jahanglr Qull Khan, and 
Raja Bir Singh Deo. On the 2nd the offering of Asaf 
Khan was laid before me ; it was an approved offering 
of jewels and jewelled ornaments and things of gold, of 
cloth stuffs of all kinds and descriptions, and was looked 
over in detail. That which I approved was worth 85,000 
rupees. On this day a jewelled sword with a belt and 
band(?) (band u bar) was given to Karan, and an elephant 
to Jahanglr Qui! Khan. As I had made up my mind 
to proceed to the Deccan, I gave an order to 'Abdu-1- 
Karim Ma'muri, to go to Mandu and prepare a new 
building for my private residence, and repair the buildings 
of the old kings. On the 3rd day the offerings of Raja 
Bir Singh Deo were laid before me, and one ruby, some 
pearls, and one elephant had the honour of being accepted. 
On the 4th day the mansab of Mustafa Khan was 
increased by 500 personal and 200 horse to 2,000 personal 

1 Should be 18th. See Elliot, vi, 341. I.O. 181 has 20th, and 
this is probably correct, blstam and hashtam being often mistaken for 
one another by the copyists. B.M. MS. Add. 26215 has dushamba, 
Monday, instead of shamba, Saturday. 


and 250 horse. On the 5th I gave a standard and 
drums to I'timadu-d-daulah, and an order was given him 
to beat his drums. The mansab of Asaf Khan was 
increased by 1,000 personal and horse to 4,000 personal 
and 2,000 horse, and having increased the mansab of 
Raja Bir Singh Deo by 700 horse, I dismissed him to 
his own country, directing that he should present himself 
at Court at stated periods. On the same day the offering 
of Ibrahim Khan was laid before me. Some of all the 
kinds of things pleased me. Kishan Chand, of the sons 
of the Rajas of Nagarkot, was honoured with the title 
of Raja. On Thursday, the 6th, the offerings of 
I'timadu-d-daulah were laid before me at Chashma-i-Nur ; 
a large meeting had been arranged, and by way of 
favour the whole of his offerings were inspected. Of 
the jewels and jewelled things and choice cloth stuffs 
the value of 100,000 rupees was accepted, and the 
remainder given back. On the 7th day I increased by 
1,000 personal the mansab of Kishan Singh, which had 
been 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse. On this day a 
tiger was killed in the neighbourhood of Chashma-i-Nur. 
On the 8th I gave Karan the mansab of 5,000 personal 
and horse, and gave him a small rosary of pearls and 
emeralds with a ruby in the centre, which in the 
language of the Hindus is called smaran (Sanskrit for 
' remembrance '). I increased the mansab of Ibrahim Khan 
by 1,000 personal and 400 horse, so as to make it 2,000 
personal and 1,000 horse, original and increase. The 
mansab of Haji Bi Uzbeg was increased by 300 horse, 
and that of Raja Shyam Singh by 500 personal, so as 
to make it 2,500 personal and 1,400 horse. On Sunday, 
the 9th, there was an eclipse of the sun, when twelve 
gharis of the day had passed. It began from the west, 
and four out of five parts of the sun were eclipsed in 
the knot of the dragon. From the commencement of 
the seizure until it became light eight gharis elapsed. 


Alms of all kinds, and things in the shape of metals, 
animals, and vegetables, were given to fakirs and the 
poor and people in need. On this day the offering of 
Raja Suraj Singh was laid before me ; what was taken 
was of the value of 43,000 rupees. The offering of 
Bahadur Khan, the governor of Qandahar, was also laid 
before me on this day ; its total value came to 14,000 
rupees. Two watches of the night had passed on the 
night of Monday, the 29th Safar (30th March, 1615), 
in the ascension of Sagittarius, when a boy was born 
to Baba Khurram by the daughter of Asaf Khan ; I gave 
him the name of Dara Shukuh. I hope that his coming 
will be propitious to this State conjoined with eternity, 
and to his fortunate father. The mansab of Sayyid 'All 
Barha was increased by 500 personal and 300 horse, so 
as to bring it to 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse. On 
the 10th the offering of I'tibar Khan was laid before 
me, and what was of the value of 40,000 rupees was 
accepted. On this day the mansab of Khusrau Bl 
Uzbeg was raised by 300 horse, and that of Mangll Khan 
by 500 personal and 200 horse. On the 11th the 
offering of Murtaza Khan was laid before me. Of it 
seven rubies, one rosary of pearls, and 270 other pearls 
were accepted, and their value was 145,000 rupees. On 
the 12th the offerings of Mlrza Raja Bhao Singh and 
Rawat Shankar were laid before me. On the 13th, 
out of the offering of Khwaja Abu-1-hasan, one qufbl 
(Egyptian ?) ruby, one diamond, one string of pearls, 
live rings, four pearls, and some cloths, altogether the 
value of 32,000 rupees, were accepted. On the 14th 
the mansab of Khwaja Abu-1-hasan, which was 3,000 
personal and 700 horse, was increased by 1,000 personal 
and 500 horse, and that of Wafadar Khan, of 750 personal 
and 200 horse, by 2,000 personal and 1,200 horse. On 
the same day Mustafa Beg, the ambassador of the ruler 
of Iran, had the good fortune to wait upon me. After 


completing the matter of Gurjistan (Georgia), my exalted 
brother sent him with a letter consisting of expressions 
of friendship and assurances of sincerity, with several 
horses, camels, and some stuffs from Aleppo, which had 
come for that fortunate brother from the direction of 
Rum. Nine large European hunting dogs, for which 
a request had gone, were also sent by him. 

Murtaza Khan, on this day, obtained leave to go for 
the capture of the fort of Kangra, the equal of which 
for strength they cannot point to in the hill country of 
the Panjab or even all the habitable world. From the 
time when the sound of Islam reached the country of 
Hindustan up to this auspicious time when the throne 
of rule has been adorned by this suppliant at the throne 
of Allah, none of the rulers or kings has obtained 
possession of it. Once in the time of my revered father, 
the army of the Panjab was sent against this fort, and 
besieged it for a long time. At length they came to the 
conclusion that the fort was not to be taken, and the army 
was sent oft* to some more necessary business. When he 
was dismissed, I gave Murtaza Khan a private elephant 
with trappings. Raja Suraj Mai, son of Raja Baso, as 
his country was near that fort, was also appointed, and 
his previous mansab was increased by 500 personal and 
horse. Raja Suraj Singh also came from his place and 
jagir and waited on me, and presented an offering of 
100 ashrafis. On the 17th the offering of Mlrza Rustam 
was laid before me. Two jewelled daggers, one rosary 
of pearls, some pieces of cloth, an elephant, and four Iraq 
horses were accepted, and the rest returned ; their value 
was 15 : 000 rupees. On the same date the offering of 
I'tiqad Khan, of the value of 18,000 rupees, was laid 
before me. On the 18th the offering of Jahangir Qull 
Khan was inspected. Of jewels and cloth stuffs the value 
of 15,000 rupees was accepted. The mansab of I'tiqad 
Khan, which was 700 personal and 200 horse, I increased 


by 800 personal and 300 horse,, so that with original and 
increase it came to 1,500 personal and 500 horse. Khusrau 
Bi Uzbeg, who was one of the distinguished soldiers, 
died of the disease of dysentery. On the 8th day, which 
was Thursday, after two watches and four and a half 
gharis had passed, the sharaf (highest point of the sun's 
ascension) began. On this auspicious day I ascended the 
throne in happiness and prosperity, and the people saluted 
and congratulated me. When one watch of the day 
remained I went to the Chashma-i-Nur. According- to 
agreement the offering of Mahabat Khan was laid before 
me at that place. He had arranged beautiful jewels and 
jewellery, with cloth stuff and articles of all kinds that 
were pleasing to me. Among these, a jewelled khapwa 
(dagger), which at his request the royal artificers had 
made, and the like of which in value there did not exist 
in my private treasury, was worth 100,000 rupees. In 
addition to this, jewels and other things of the value of 
138,000 rupees were taken. Indeed, it was a splendid 
offering. To Mustafa Beg, the ambassador of the ruler 
of Iran, I gave 20,000 darab, or 10,000 rupees. On the 
21st I sent robes of honour by the hand of 'Abdu-1-Ghaf€ir 
to fifteen of the Amirs of the Deccan. Raja Bikramajit 
obtained leave to go to his jagir, and a special shawl 
(parm narm 1 ) was given to him. On the same day 
I gave a jewelled waist-dagger to Mustafa Beg, the 
ambassador. I increased the mansab of Husband the son 
of Islam Khan, which was 1,000 personal and 500 horse, 
by 500 personal and 200 horse. On the 23rd, Ibrahim 
Khan was promoted to the Subah of Behar. Zafar Khan 
was ordered to present himself at Court. To the mansab 
of Ibrahim Khan, which was 2,000 personal and 1,000 
horse, I added 500 personal and 1,000 horse. Saif Khan 
on the same day was dismissed to his jagir, as well as 

1 Akbar used the word parm narm, 'very soft,' as a substitute for 
'shawl' (Blochmann, p. 90). 


Haji Bi Uzbeg, who was honoured with the title of Uzbeg 
Khan. Bahaduru-1-mulk, who belonged to the army of 
the Deccan, and held the mansab of 2,500 personal and 
2,100 horse, received an increase of 500 personal and 200 
horse. An increase of 200 was made in the mansab of 
Khwaja TaqI, which was 800 personal and 180 horse. 
On the 25th an increase of 200 horse was made in the 
rank of Salamu-llah, the Arab, so that it became 1,500 
personal and 1,000 horse. I presented Mahabat Khan 
with the black piebald horse out of my special horses 
which the ruler of Iran had sent me. At the end of the 
day of Thursday I went to the house of Baba Khurram 
and remained there till a watch of the night had passed. 
His second offering was laid before me on that day. 
On the first day he paid his respects he laid before me 
a celebrated ruby of the Rana, which, on the day of his 
paying his respects, he had made an offering of to my son, 
and which the jewellers valued at 60,000 rupees. It was 
not worthy of the praise they had given it. The weight 
of this ruby was eight tank, 1 and it was formerly in 
the possession of Ray Maldeo, who was the chief of the 
tribe of the Rathors and one of the chief rulers (or Rays) 
of Hindustan. From him it was transferred to his son 
Chandar Sen, who, in the days of his wretchedness and 
hopelessness, sold it to Rana Uday Singh. From him it 
went to Rana Partap, and afterwards to this Rana 
Amar Singh. As they had no more valuable gift in 
their family, he presented it on the day that he 
paid his respects to my fortunate son Baba Khurram, 
together with the whole of his stud of elephants, which, 
according to the Indian idiom, they call gheta char. 2 

1 According to Gladwin, 96 tanks = one sir. Four mashas make 
a tank, and a masha is about 18 grains troy. 

2 Text As>- <k~£, kheta char. But the two B.M. MSS. which 
I have consulted have no yd, and have khatta or ghatta char. I think 
that the word must be ^^T, ghatd, which in Sanskrit means a troop 


I ordered them to engrave on the ruby that at the time 
of paying his respects Rana Amar Singh had presented it 
as an offering to Sultan Khurram. On that day certain 
other tilings from among the offerings of Baba Khurram 
were accepted. Among them was a little crystal box of 
Frank work, made with great taste, with some emeralds, 
three rings, four Iraq horses, and various other things, 
the value of which was 80,000 rupees. On the day 
on which I went to his house he had prepared a great 
offering, in fact there were laid before me things and 
rarities worth about four or five lakhs of rupees. Of 
these the equivalent of 100,000 rupees was taken away 
and the balance given to him. 

On the 28th the mansab of Khwaja Jahan, which was 
3,000 personal and 1,800 horse, was increased by 500 
personal and 400 horse. In the end of the month I 
presented Ibrahim Khan with a horse, a robe of honour, 
a jewelled dagger, a standard and drums, and dismissed 
him to the province of Behar. The office of 'arz-mukarriv 
(reviser of petitions), that belonged to KhwajagI Haji 
Muhammad, as he had died, I gave to Mukhlis Khan, 
who was in my confidence. Three hundred horse were 
increased in the mansab of Dilawar Khan, who now had 
1,000 personal and horse. As the hour of the leave-taking 
of Kunwar Karan was at hand, I was desirous of showing 
him my skill in shooting with a gun. Just at this time 
the qardwulan (shikaris) brought in news of a tigress. 
Though it is an established custom of mine only to hunt 
male tigers, yet, in consideration that no other tiger 
might be obtained before his departure, I went for the 
tigress. I took with me Karan, and said to him that 
I would hit it wherever he wished me to do so. After 
this arrangement I went to the place where they had 

of elephants assembled for war. I am not sure what the word char 
means, but perhaps it is only an affix. According to Abu-1-fazl a herd 
of (wild) elephants is called sahn (Blochmann, p. 122). 


marked down the tiger. By chance there was a wind 
and disturbance in the air, and the female elephant on 
which I was mounted was terrified of the tigress and 
would not stand still. Notwithstanding these two great 
obstacles to shooting, I shot straight towards her eye. 
God Almighty did not allow me to be ashamed before 
that prince, and, as I had agreed, I shot her in the eye. 
On the same day Karan petitioned me for a special gun, 
and I gave him a special Turkish one. 

As on the day for his departure I had not given 

Ibrahim Khan an elephant, I now gave him a special 

elephant, and I also sent an elephant to Bahaduru-1-mulk 

and one to Wafadar Khan. On the 8th Urdibihisht the 

assemblage for my lunar weighing was held, and I weighed 

myself against silver and other things, distributing 

them amongst the deserving and needy. Nawazish 

Khan took leave to go to his jagir, which was in Malwa. 

On the same day I gave an elephant to Khwaja Abu-1- 

hasan. On the 9th they brought Khan A'zam, who had 

come to Agra from the fort of Gwalior, and who had 

been sent for. Though he had been guilty of many 

offences, and in all that I had done to him I was right, 

yet when they brought him into my presence and my 

eye fell on him, I perceived more shame in myself than 

in him. Having pardoned all his offences, I gave him 

the shawl I had round my waist. I gave Kunwar Karan 

100,000 darab. On the same day Raja Suraj Singh 

brought a large elephant of the name of Ran-rawat, 

which was a celebrated elephant of his, as an offering. 

In fact, it was such a rare elephant that I put it into 

my private stud. On the 10th the offering of Khwaja 

Jahan, which he sent me from Agra by the hand of his 

son, was laid before me. It was of all kinds of things, 

of the value of 40,000 rupees. On the 12th the offering 

of Khan Dauran, which consisted of forty-five x horse, 

1 Panj tuquz, i.e. 9 by 5. The text has i*slj> tdqur. 


two strings of camels, Arabian dogs (greyhounds), and 

hunting animals (hawks ?), was brought before me. On 

the same day seven other elephants from Raja Suraj 

Singh were also brought to me as an offering, and were 

placed in my private stud. Tahayyur Khan, after he had 

been in attendance on me for four months, to-day got 

leave to go. A message was sent to 'Adil Khan. I 

impressed on him the profit and loss of friendship and 

enmity, and made an agreement (with Tahayyur Khan) 

that all these words should be repeated to 'Adil Khan, 

and he should bring him back to the path of loyalty 

and obedience. At the time of his taking leave I also 

bestowed on him certain things. On the whole, in this 

short time, what with the gifts bestowed on him by me 

privately, by the princes, and those given him by the 

Amirs according to order, the account mounted up to 

about 100,000 rupees that he had received. On the 

14th the rank and reward of my son Khurram were 

fixed. His mansab had been one of 12,000 personal and 

6,000 horse, and that of his brother (Parwiz) 15,000 

personal and 8,000 horse. I ordered his mansab to be 

made equal with that of Parwiz, besides other rewards. 

I gave him a private elephant of the name of Panchi 

Gaj, 1 with accoutrements of the value of 12,000 rupees. 

On the 16th an elephant was given to Mahabat Khan. 

On the 17th the mansab of Raja Suraj Singh, which 

was 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse, was increased by 

1,000, and it was raised to 5,000. At the request of 

'Abdu-llah Khan the mansab of Khwaja 'Abdu-1-Latif, 

which was 500 personal and 200 horse, was raised by 

200, and it was ordered to be 1,000 personal and 400 

horse. 'Abdu-llah, the son of Khan A'zam, who was 

imprisoned in the fort of Rantambhor, was sent for at 

the request of his father. He came to the Court, and 

1 The B.M. MSS. seem to have panch kunjar, 'five elephants,' 
i.e. equal to five elephants (?). 


I took the chains off his legs and sent him to his father's 
house. On the 24th, Raja Siiraj Singh presented me 
with another elephant, called Fauj-sangar ('ornament of 
the army '), by way of offering. Although this is also 
a good elephant, and has been placed in my private stud, 
it is not to be compared with the first elephant (he 
sent), which is one of the wonders of the age, and is 
worth 20,000 rupees. On the 26th, 200 personal were 
added to the mansab of Badi'u-z-zaman, son of Mirza 
Shahrukh ; it was 700 personal and 500 horse. On the 
same day Khwaja Zainu-d-dm, who is of the Naqshbandi 
Khwajas, came from Mawaraa-n-nahr and waited on me, 
bringing as an offering eighteen horses. Qizilbash Khan, 
who was one of the auxiliaries of the province of Gujarat, 
had come to Court without the leave of the governor. 
I ordered that an ahadi should put him into confine- 
ment, and that he be sent back to the governor of 
Gujarat, so that others might not desire to do the same. 
The mansab of Mubarak Khan Sazawal I raised 500 
personal, so that it should be 1,500 personal and 700 
horse. On the 29th I gave Khan A'zam 100,000 rupees, 
and ordered that the parganahs of Dasna 1 and Kasna, 1 
which are equivalent to 5,000 personal, should be made 
his jagir. At the end of the same month I gave leave 
to Jahangir Qui! Khan, with his brothers and other 
relatives, to go to Allahabad, which had been appropriated 
to them as jagir. At this meeting • twenty horse, a qaba 
(parm narm) of Cashmere cloth, twelve deer, and ten 
Arabian dogs were given to Karan. The next day, 
which was the 1st Khurdad, forty horse, the next day 
forty-one horse, and the third day twenty, amounting 
in the space of three days to 101 head, were given as 
a present to Kunwar Karan. In return for the elephant 
Fauj-sangar, an elephant worth 10,000 rupees out of 

1 In Sarkar Delhi (Jarrett, ii, 287). 


290 a dervish's strange death. 

my private stud was presented to Raja Siiraj Singh. 
On the 5th of the month ten turbans (chira), ten coats 
(qaba), and ten waist-bands were given to Karan. On 
the 20th I gave him another elephant. 

In these days the news-writer of Kashmir had written 
that a Mulla of the name of Gada'i, a disciplined dervish, 
who for forty years had lived in one of the monasteries 
of the city, had prayed the inheritors of that monastery 
two years 1 before he was to deliver over the pledge of 
his life that he might select a corner in that monastery 
as a place for his burial. They said, " Let it be so." In 
short, he selected a place. When the time for his delivery 
came he informed his friends and relations and those 
who were dear to him that an order had reached him 
that, delivering over the pledge (of life) he had, he should 
turn towards the last world. Those who were present 
wondered at his words, and said that the prophets had 
no such information, and how could they believe such 
words ? He said, " Such an order has been given to 
me." He then turned to one of his confidants, who was 
of the sons of the Qazis of the country, and said : " You 
will expend the price 2 of my Koran, which is worth 
700 tankas, in carrying me (to the grave). When you 
hear the call to Friday's prayer you will enquire for 
me." This conversation took place on the Thursday, 
and he divided all the goods in his room among his 
acquaintance and disciples, and went, and at end of the 
day bathed at the baths. The Qazl-zada aforesaid came 
before the call for prayer, and enquired as to the health 
of the Mulla. When he came to the door of the cell 

1 The text does not expressly say that the dervish foretold two years 
before his death the period of his death, but apparently Jahangir 
means this, for he goes on to speak of the time mentioned for his 
delivery. See also Iqbal-nama, p. 81, where the dervish is called Hafiz, 
and where it is added that the whole population of Srinagar followed 
the bier. 

2 Lit. give it, for the Koran cannot be directly sold. 


he found the door closed and a servant sitting there. 
He asked the slave what had happened, and the servant 
said, " The Mulla has enjoined me that until the door 
of the cell open of its own accord I must not go in." 
Shortly after these words were said the door of the 
cell opened. The Qazi-zada entered the cell with that 
servant and saw that the Mulla was on his knees with 
his face turned toward the qibla, and had given up 
his soul to God. Happy the state of the freed who can 
fly away from this place of the snares of dependence 
with such ease ! 

By the increase of 200 personal and 50 horse in the 
mansab of Karam Sen Rathor, I raised it to 1,000 personal 
and 300 horse. On the 11th of this month the offering 
of Lashkar Khan, which consisted of three strings of 
Persian camels and twenty cups and plates from Khita 
(China) and twenty Arabian dogs, was brought before me. 
On the 12th a jewelled dagger was bestowed on I'tibar 
Khan, and to Karan I gave a plume {kalgi) worth 2,000 
rupees. On the 14th I gave a dress of honour to Sar- 1 
buland Ray, and gave him leave to go to the Deccan. 

On the night of Friday, the 15th, a strange affair 
occurred. By chance on that night I was at Pushkar. To 
be brief, Kishan, own brother to Raja Siiraj Singh, was in 
great perturbation through Gobind Das, the Vakil of the 
said Raja having some time ago killed his nephew, 
a youth of the name of Gopal Das. The cause of the 
quarrel it would take too long to tell. Kishan Singh 
expected that, as Gopal Das was also the nephew of the 
Raja (Siiraj Singh), the latter would kill Gobind Das. 
But the Raja, on account of the experience and ability 
of Gobind Das, relinquished the idea of seeking revenge 
for his nephew's death. When Kishan saw this neglect 
on the part of the Raja, he resolved himself to take 

1 Text pisar, ' son of Buland Ray, ' but from the B. M. MSS. it appears 
that pisar is a mistake for Sar. 


revenge for his nephew, and not allow his blood to pass 
away unnoticed. For a long time he kept this matter 
in his mind, until on that night he assembled his brothers, 
friends, and servants, and told them that he would go 
that night to take Gobind Das's life, whatever might 
happen, and that he did not care what injury might 
happen to the Raja. The Raja was in ignorance of what 
was happening, and when it was near dawn Kishan 
came with Karan, his brother's son, and other companions. 
When he arrived at the gate of the Raja's dwelling he 
sent some of the experienced men on foot to the house 
of Gobind Das, which was near the Raja's. He himself 
(Kishan) was on horseback, and stationed himself near 
the gate. The men on foot entered Gobind Das's house, 
and killed some of those who were there on guard. 
Whilst this fight was going on Gobind Das awoke, and 
seizing his sword in a state of bewilderment was coming 
out from one side of the house to join the outside watch- 
men. When the men on foot had finished killing some 
of the people, they came out of the tent to endeavour 
to find out Gobind Das, and, meeting him, they 
finished his affair (killed him). Before the news of the 
killing of Gobind Das reached Kishan, he, unable to bear 
it any more, dismounted and came inside the dwelling. 
Although his men protested in a disturbed state that it 
was not right to be on foot, he would in no way listen 
to them. If he had remained a little longer and the 
news of his enemy having been killed had reached 
him, it is possible that he would have escaped safe and 
sound, mounted as he was. As the pen of destiny had 
gone forth after another fashion, as soon as he alighted 
and went in, the Raja, who was in his mahall (female 
apartment), awoke at the uproar among the people, and 
stood at the gate of his house with his sword drawn. 
People from all sides were aroused and came in against 
the men who were on foot. They saw what the number 


of men on foot was, and came out in great numbers 
and faced Kishan Singh's men, who were about ten in 
number. In short, Kishan Singh and his nephew Karan, 
when they reached the Raja's house, were attacked by 
these men and both of them killed. Kishan Singh had 
seven and Karan nine wounds. Altogether in this fight 
66 men on the two sides were killed, on the Raja's side 
30 and on Kishan Singh's 36. When the sun rose and 
illumined the world with its light, this business was 
revealed, and the Raja saw that his brother, his nephew, 
and some of his servants, whom he considered dearer 
than himself, were killed, and the whole of the rest had 
dispersed to their own places. The news reached me 
in Pushkar, and I ordered them to burn those who were 
killed, according to their rites, and inform me of the 
true circumstances of the affair. In the end it became 
clear that the affair had happened in the manner in which 
it has been written here, and that no further enquiry was 

On the 8th Miran Sadr Jahan came from his native 
place and waited on me with an offering of 100 muhrs. 
Ray Suraj Singh was dismissed to his duty in the Deccan. 
I presented him with a couple of pearls for his ears and 
a special Kashmir shawl (parm narm). A pair of pearls 
were also sent to Khan Jahan. On the 25th I increased 
the mansab of I'tibar Khan by 600 horse, so as to bring 
it to 5,000 personal and 2,000 horse. On the same day 
Karan obtained leave to go to his jagir. He received 
a present of a horse, a special elephant, a dress of 
honour, a string of pearls of the value of 50,000 rupees, 
and a jewelled dagger which had been completed for 
2,000 rupees. From the time of his waiting on me till 
he obtained leave, what he had had in the shape of 
cash, jewellery, jewels, and jewelled things was of the 
value of 200,000 rupees, with 110 horses, five elephants, 
in addition to what my son Khurram bestowed on him 

294 SHAH 'abbas kills his son. 

at various times. I gave Mubarak Khan Sazawal a horse 
and an elephant, and appointed him to accompany him. 
I sent several verbal messages to the Rana. Raja Suraj 
Singh also obtained leave to go to his native country, 
with a promise to return in two months. On the 27th, 
Payanda Khan Moghul, 1 who was one of the old Amirs 
of the State, gave up the deposit of his life. 

At the end of this month news came that the ruler 
of Iran had executed his eldest son Safi Mirza. This 
was a cause of great bewilderment. When I enquired 
into it they said that at Darash, 2 which is one of the 
noted cities of Gilan, he ordered a slave of the name 
of Bihbud to kill Safi Mirza. The slave found an 
opportunity, early in the morning on the 5th of 
Muharram, in the year 1024 (25th January, 1615), when 
the Mirza was returning from the baths towards his 
house, and finished his affair for him with two wounds 
from a sword (sikkaki). 3 After a great part of the day 
had passed, while his body lay between the water and 
the mud, Shaikh Bahau-d-din Muhammad, who was the 
best known man in the country for learning and holiness, 
and on whom the Shah had full reliance, reported the 
affair, and, obtaining leave to lift him up, took his corpse 
and sent it to Ardabil, where was the burial-ground of 
his ancestors. Although much enquiry was made of 
travellers from Iran, no one would say a word of this 
affair that satisfied my mind with regard to it. The 
killing of a son must have some powerful motive in 
order to do away with the disgrace of it. 

1 Blochmann, p. 387. Possibly he was the part author of a translation 
of Babar's Commentaries. 

2 The name is wrong. The Iqbal-nama, p. 84, has Rasht (Rashd), 
which is a well-known town on the Caspian. 

3 According to the Iqbal-nama the true reading is sanjakl (see p. 84). 
But Olearr'us, who gives a full account of the murder (p. 352 of English 
translation, ed. 1662), says Bihbud gave him two stabs with a chentze, 
which is a kind of poniard. 


On the 1st of the month of Tir I gave an elephant 
of the name of Ranjit with its trappings to Mirza Rustam 
and another to Sayyid 'All Barha. Mirak Husain, a 
relation of Khwaja Shamsu-d-din, was appointed bakhshi 
and news-writer of the Subah of Behar, and took leave 
to go. I gave Khwaja 'Abdu-1-Latif Qush-begi (the 
falconer) an elephant and a dress of honour, and dismissed 
him to his jagir. On the 9th of the same month I gave 
a jewelled sword to Khan Dauran, and a jewelled dagger 
was sent for Allahdad, the son of Jalala the Afghan, who 
had become loyal. On the 13th took place the meeting 
for the festival of the Ab-pashan 1 (rose-water scattering), 
and the servants of the Court amused themselves with 
sprinkling rose-water over each other. On the 17th, 
Amanat Khan was appointed to the port of Cambay. 
As Muqarrab Khan proposed to come to Court, the 
(charge of the) aforesaid port was changed. On the 
same day I sent a jewelled waist-dagger to my son 
Parwiz. On the 18th the offering of Khankhanan was 
laid before me. He had prepared all kinds of jewellery 
and other things, jewels with jewelled things, such as 
three rubies and 103 pearls, 100 rubies (yaqilt), two 
jewelled daggers and an aigrette adorned with rubies 
and pearls, a jewelled water-jar, a jewelled sword, a quiver 
bound with velvet, and a diamond ring, altogether of 
the value of about 100,000 rupees, in addition to jewels 
and jewelled things, cloth from the Deccan and Carnatic, 
and all kinds of gilt and plain things, with fifteen 
elephants and a horse whose mane reached the ground. 
The offering of Shah-nawaz Khan (his son) also, consisting 
of five elephants, 300 pieces of all kinds of cloth, was 
brought before me. On the 8th I honoured Hushang 
with the title of Ikram Khan. Ruz-afziin, who was 
one of the princes of the Subah of Behar, and who had 

1 A Persian festival in memory of a rain which fell on the 13th Tir and 
put an end to a famine (Bahar-i-'ajam). 


been from his youth one of the permanent servants of 
the Court, having been honoured by admission into 
Islam j was made Raja of the province of his father, 
Raja Sangram. 1 Though the latter had been killed in 
opposing the leaders of the State, I gave him an elephant 
and leave to go to his native place. An elephant was 
presented to Jahangir Qui! Khan. On the 24th, Jagat 
Singh, son of Kunwar Karan, who was in his 12th 
year, came and waited on me, and presented petitions 
from his grandfather, the Rana Amar Singh, and from 
his father. The signs of nobility and high birth were 
evident on his face. I pleased him with a dress of honour 
and kindness. To the mansab of Mirza 'Isa Tar khan 
an addition of 200 personal was made, so that it attained 
to 1,200 personal and 300 horse. In the end of the 
month, having honoured Shaikh Husain Rohila with 
the title of Mubariz Khan, I dismissed him to his jagir. 
Ten thousand darabs (5,000 rupees) were given to the 
relations of Mirza Sharafu-d-din Husain Kashgharl, who 
at this time had come and had the honour of kissing 
the threshold. On the 5th Amurdad, to the mansab of 
Raja Nathmal, which was 1,500 personal and 1,100 horse, 
an addition of 500 personal and 100 horse was made. 
On the 7th, Kesho (Das) Maru, who had a jagir in the 
Sarkar of Orissa, and who had been sent for to Court on 
account of a complaint 2 against the governor of the Subah 
of that place, came and paid his respects. He produced 
as an offering four elephants. As I had a great desire to 
see my farzand (son) Khan Jahan (Lodi), and for the 
purpose of enquiring into important matters connected 
with the Deccan, it was necessary for him to come at 
once, I sent for him. On Tuesday, the 8th of the same 

1 Sangram was Raja of Kharkpur in Behar, and was killed in battle 
with Jahangir Quli Khan (Blochmann, p. 446, note). 

2 Shakwa'i-sdhib-i-Suba. I presume it means a complaint against the 
governor, and perhaps one made by Kesho. 


month, he waited on me, and presented as an offering 
1,000 muhrs, 1,000 rupees, 4 rubies, 20 pearls, 1 emerald, 
and a jewelled phul katara, the total value being 50,000 
rupees. On the night of Sunday, as it was the anniversary 
of the great Khwaja (Mu'mu-d-dln), I went to his 
revered mausoleum, and remained there till midnight. 
The attendants and Sufis exhibited ecstatic states, and 
I gave the fakirs and attendants money with my own 
hand ; altogether there were expended 6,000 rupees in 
cash, 100 saub - kurta (a robe down to the ankles), 
70 rosaries of pearls, 1 coral and amber, etc. Maha Singh, 
grandson of Raja Man Singh, was honoured with the 
title of Raja, and a standard and drums given him. On 
the 16th an Iraq horse out of my private stable and 
another horse were presented to Mahabat Khan. On 
the 19th an elephant was given to Khan A'zam. On the 
20th, 200 horse were added to the mansab of Kesho 
(Das) Marti, which was 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, and 
he was dio-nified with a dress of honour. An increase 
of 200 personal and horse was made to the mansab of 
Khwaja 'Aqil, which was 1,200 personal and 600 horse. 
On the 22nd, Mirza Raja Bhao Singh took leave to go 
to Amber, which was his ancient native place, and had 
given him a special Kashmir phup (?) robe. 2 On the 25th, 
Ahmad Beg Khan, who was imprisoned at Rantambhor, 
paid his respects to me, and his offences were pardoned 
on account of his former services. On the 28th, Muqarrab 
Khan came from the Subah of Gujarat and waited on 
me, and offered an aigrette and a jewelled throne. 3 An 
increase of 500 personal and horse was made to the 
mansab of Salamu-llah, the Arab, and it was brought 
to 2,000 personal and 1,100 horse. On the 1st of the 
month of Shahrlwar the followino; increases were made 

1 The pearls are omitted in the MSS. 

2 Itis^MHn MS. No. 181. 

3 Takhtl, qu. a signet ? No. 181 has a lal talchti. 


in the rank of a number of men who were going on 
service to the Deccan : — To Mubariz Khan 300 horse, 
making 1,000 personal and horse. Nahir Khan was also 
raised to 1,000 personal and horse. Dilawar Khan was 
raised by 300 horse to 2,500 personal and horse. Mangli 
Khan's rank was increased by 200 horse to 1,500 personal 
and 1,000 horse. Girdhar, the son of Ray Sal, had the 
rank of 800 personal and horse bestowed on him, and 
Ilf Khan Qiyam Khan the same mansab, original and 
increase. Yadgar Husain was raised to 700 personal and 
500 horse, and Kamalu-d-din, son of Shir Khan, to the 
same mansab. One hundred and fifty horse were added 
to the rank of Sayyid 'Abdu-llah Barha, which then came 
to 700 personal and 300 horse, original and increase. 
On the 8th of the said month I bestowed one Nur- 
jahanl muhr, which is equal to 6,400 rupees, on Mustafa 
Beg, the ambassador of the ruler of Iran, and presented 
five cheetahs to Qasim Khan, governor of Bengal. Mirza 
Murad, eldest son of Mirza Rustam, on the 12th of the 
same month was honoured with the title of Iltifat Khan. 
On the night of the 16th, corresponding with the Shab-i- 
bardt (consecrated to the memory of forefathers), I ordered 
them to light lamps on the hills round the Ana Sagar 
tank and on its banks, and went myself to look at them. 
The reflection of the lamps fell on the water and had 
a wonderful appearance. I passed the most of that night 
with the ladies of the mahall on the bank of that tank. 

On the 17th, Mirza Jamalu-d-din Husain, 1 who had 
gone as an ambassador to Bijapur, came and waited on 
me, and presented three rings, the stone of one of which 
was a cornelian from Yemen, of great beauty and pureness 
of water, the like of which is seldom seen among the 
cornelians of Yemen. 'Adil Khan sent a person of the 
name of Sayyid Kabir Khan on his own part with the said 

1 Sir Thomas Roe's friend. 


Mir, and forwarded as offerings elephants with gold and 
silver fittings, Arab horses, jewels and jewelled things, 
and all kinds of cloth made in that country. On the 
24th of this month they were brought before me with 
a letter he had brought. On the same day the assembly 
for my solar weighing was held. On the 26th, Mustafa 
Beg, the ambassador, took his leave. In addition to 
what had been bestowed on him during the time of his 
attendance, I gave him 20,000 rupees more in cash and 
a dress of honour, and in answer to the letter he had 
brought sent a friendly letter written in the perfection of 
friendship. On the 4th of the month of Mihr the mansab 
of Mir Jamalu-d-din Husain, which was 2,000 personal 
and 500 horse, was fixed at 4,000 personal and 2,000 horse. 
On the 5th, Mahabat Khan, in company with Khan Jahan, 
who had been appointed to serve in the Deccan, at the 
hour that had been appointed for him, took his leave ; 
he was honoured with a dress of honour, a jewelled 
dagger, a phfd katdra, a special sword, and an elephant. 
On the 8th, Khan Jahan took his leave, and I presented 
him with a dress of honour, and a special nadir % (a dress), 
and an ambling horse with a saddle, a special elephant, 
and a special sword. On the same date 1,700 horse of 
those under the command of Mahabat Khan were ordered 
to have assignments (tanHnvdh) for two or three horses 
given them. The whole of the men who were at this 
time appointed for service in the Deccan were 330 
mansabdars, 3,000 ahadis, 700 horse from the Uymaqs, 
and 3,000 Dalazak Afghans. Altogether there were 
30,000 l cavalry, and 3,000,000 rupees of treasure, and 
an efficient artillery, and war elephants. They proceeded 
on this duty. The mansab of Sarbuland Ray was increased 
by 500 personal and 260 horse, and came to 2,000 personal 
and 1,500 horse. Baljfi, nephew of Qilij Khan, was 

1 Text wrongly has 3 instead of 30. 


promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 700 horse, 
original and increase. I also increased Raja Kishan Das's 
mansab by 500. At the request of Khan Jahan, the 
mansab of Shahbaz Khan LodI, who belonged to the 
Deccan force, was fixed, original and increase, at 2,000 
personal and 1,000 horse ; and 200 horse were added 
to the mansab of Wazir Khan. The mansab of Suhrab 
Khan, son of Mirza Rustam, was fixed at 1,000 personal 
and 400 horse, original and increase. On the 14th of 
the same month 1,000 was added to the mansab of Mir 
Jamalu-d-din Husain, and by increasing it also by 500 horse 
he was raised to the exalted rank of 5,000 personal and 
2,500 horse. On the 19th, Raja Suraj Singh, with his 
son Gaj Singh, who had gone home, came and paid their 
respects, and presented as offerings 100 muhrs and 1,000 
rupees. I gave Sayyid Kabir, who had been sent by 
'Adil Khan, one Nurjahani muhr, which weighed 500 
tvblcha. On the 23rd, ninety elephants of those which Qasim 
Khan had acquired from the conquest of the country 
of Ktich (Behar), and the conquest of the Maghs and the 
zamindars of Orissa, were brought before me and placed 
in the special elephant houses. On the 26th, Iradat Khan 
was raised to the rank of Mlr-samanl (head butler), 
Mu'tamad Khan to that of Bakhshi of the Ahadis, 
Muhammad Riza Jabiri to that of Bakhshi of the Subah 
of the Panjab and news- writer of that place. Sayyid 
Kabir, who had come on the part of 'Adil Khan to beg 
pardon for the offences of the rulers (dunya-daran) of the 
Deccan, and to promise the restoration of the fort of 
Ahmadnagar and the royal territory which had been 
taken out of the possession of the chiefs of the victorious 
State through the rebellion of certain rebels, came and 
waited on me, and obtained leave to go on this date ; 
and, having received a dress of honour, an elephant, and 
a horse, started off. As Raja Raj Singh Kachhwaha 
had died in the Deccan, I promoted his son Ram Das 


to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 400 horse. On 
the 4th of Aban, drums were given to Saif Khan Barha 
and his mansab increased by 300 horse, so as to bring 
it up to 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse. On the same 
date I released Raja Man, who was in confinement in the 
fort of Gwalior, on the security of Murtaza Khan, and, 
confirming his mansab, sent him to the said Khan for 
duty at the fort of Kangra. At the request of Khan 
Dauran, an increase of 300 horse was ordered to the 
mansab of Sadiq Khan, raising it to 1,000 personal and 
horse. Mirza 'Isa Tar khan came from the province of 
Sambhal, which was his jagir, and waited on me, and 
offered 100 muhrs. On the 16th, Raja Suraj Singh 
obtained leave to go to his duty in the Deccan, and 
I increased his mansab by 300 horse, so as to make it 
5,000 personal and 3,300 horse ; he received a dress of 
honour and a horse, and started. On the 18th I confirmed 
the mansab of Mirza 'Isa, original and increase, at 1,500 
personal and 800 horse, and gave him an elephant and 
a dress of honour, and he took leave to go to the Deccan. 
On the same day the news of the death of the wretch 
Chin Qilij was received by a letter from Jahangir Quli 
Khan. After the death of Qilij Khan, who was one 
of the old servants of this State, I had made this in- 
auspicious man an Amir, and shown him great favour, 
and given him in jagir such a place as Jaunpur. I also 
sent his other brothers and relations with him and made 
them his deputies. He had one brother of the name 
of Lahori, 1 of a very wicked disposition. It was reported 
to me that the servants of God (people) were greatly 
oppressed by his conduct. I sent an ahadi to bring 
him (Lahori) from Jaunpur. At the coming of the 
ahadi, suspicion without any cause prevailed over Chin 
Qilij, and it came into his mind to run away, taking 

1 Apparently because born in Lahore (see Blochmann, p. 500). 


his misguided brother with him. Leaving his mansab, 
his government, place, and jagir, money, property, children, 
and people, he took a little money and gold and a few 
jewels and went with a small body among the zamindars. 
This news arrived a few days ago and caused great 
astonishment. In short, to whatever zamindar he went 
he took money 1 from him (?) and then let him go(?), 
until news came that he had entered the country of Johat. 2 
When this news reached Jahanglr Quli Khan, he sent 
some of his men to take and bring that thoughtless 
one. They took him as soon as they arrived, and were 
intending to take him to Jahanglr Quli Khan, when he 
at that very moment went to hell. Some of those who 
had accompanied him said that for some days previously 
he had contracted an illness and it had killed him. But 
this was heard of him as well, that he committed suicide, 
in order that they might not take him to Jahanglr Quli 
Khan in this state. In any case, they brought his body 
with his children and servants who were with him to 
Allahabad. They made away with most of the money 
that he had, and the zamindars took it from him. Alas, 
that salt (i.e. loyalty) should not have brought such 
black-faced wretches to condign punishment ! 

"Behind the duty that lies on all people is the duty to the 
sovereign and benefactor " (?). 3 

1 According to I.O. MS. 181 every zamindar took some money from 
Chin Qillj and sent him out of his estate, and this seems to be the 
probable meaning, for we are told later on that the zamindars plundered 
Chin Qillj. 

; Tirhut. R.A.S. MS. has "It chanced that the zamindar of this 
place was with Jahanglr Quli, and the latter sent him with some people 
to seize Chin Qillj." I.O. MS. has the same, and this seems correct. 
The text has " It chanced that the zamindar of that place was spending 
some days in that neighbourhood (?)." Perhaps a negative has been 
omitted before 'spending.' I.O. MS. seems to have Johirhat as the 
name of the zamindar's estate. 

3 Apparently the verse is quoted witli reference to Jahanglr Quli's 
failure to exact retribution from the zamindars. There is an account 
of Chin Qilij in the Ma'asir, iii, 351. 


On the 22nd, at the request of Khan Dauran, 200 

horse were added to the mansab of Nad 'All Maidani, 

one of the officers appointed to Bangash, which brought 

it to 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse ; 100 horse 

were also added to the mansab of Lashkar Khan, 

which was 2,000 personal and 900 horse. On the 24th 

I confirmed the mansab of Muqarrab Khan, which was 

3,000 personal and 2,000 horse, and increased it to 5,000 

personal and 2,500 horse. On the same day I bestowed 

the title of Khan on Qiyam, son of Shah Muhammad 

Qandaharl, who was an Amir-zada, and was in service 

as a huntsman. On the 5th of the month of Azar 

a jewelled dagger was given to Darab Khan, and by 

the hand of Raja Sarang Deo dresses of honour were 

bestowed on the Amirs of the Deccan. As some (evil) 

things had been heard about Safdar Khan, governor of 

Kashmir, I dismissed him from the government, and 

favouring Ahmad Beg Khan on account of his previous 

services, I promoted him to be Subadar of Kashmir, and 

confirmed his mansab of 2,500 personal and 1,500 horse, 

honoured him with a jewelled waist-dagger and a dress 

of honour, and gave him leave. By the hand of Ihtimam 

Khan I sent winter dresses of honour to Qasim Khan, 

governor of Bengal, and the Amirs that were attached 

to that province. On the 15th of the month there was 

laid before me the offering of Maka'I, son of Iftikhar 

Khan, consisting of an elephant, got 1 horses, and pieces 

of cloth. He was honoured with the title of Muruwwat 

Khan. At the request of I'timadu-d-daula, I had sent 

for Dayanat Khan, who was in the fort of Gwalior, and 

he had the good fortune to pay his respects ; his property, 

which had been confiscated, was restored to him. 

At this time Khwaja Hashim, of Dahbid, who at this 
day vigorously maintains in Transoxiana the profession 

1 Gunth, a breed of small horses or ponies. 


of a dervish, and in whom the people of that country 
have great belief, sent a letter by the hand of one of 
his disciples pointing out his old devotion (to the royal 
family) and connection and friendship of his ancestors 
with this illustrious family, together with a farji 1 and 
a bow and a couplet which the late king Babar had 
made for a saint of the name of Khwajagi, who also 
belonged to that sect of dervishes. The last hemistich 
is as follows : — 

"We are bound to the Khwajagi and are servants to the Khwajagi." 

I also with my own pen wrote some lines in the style 
of that writing, and sent impromptu quatrains with 1,000 
Jahangiri muhrs to the said Khwaja — 

" thou whose kindness to me is ever more and more, 
The State has remembrance of thee, O Dervish, 
As from good tidings our heart is rejoiced, 
We are glad that thy kindness passes all bounds." 

As I ordered that whoever had the poetic temperament 
should recite (compose ?) this quatrain, 2 Hakim Masihu-z- 
zaman said, and said very well — 

' ' Although we have the business of kingship before us, 
Every moment more and more we think on the dervishes. 
If the heart of our Dervish be gladdened by us 
We count that to be the profit of our kingship." 

I gave the Hakim 1,000 muhrs for the composition of 
this quatrain. On the 7th of the month of Day, when 
I was coming back from Pushkar and returning to 
Ajmir, on the way forty-two wild pigs were taken. 

On the 20th, Mir Miran came and waited on me. 
A summary of his circumstances and of his family is 

1 A farji is a coat (see Blochmann, p. 89). 

' Text In rubd'l, ' this quatrain,' which does not seem to make sense. 
Perhaps in here should be uym-i-rvha'l, ' the rules or the custom of 
a quatrain.' Similarly, in kitabat five lines down may be ayin-i-kitdbat, 
' the rules of writing. ' 



now written. On the side of his father x he is the 
grandson of Mir Ghiyasu-d-din Muhammad Mir Miran, 
son of Shah Ni'matu-llah Wali. During the reigns of 
the Safawi kings the family had attained to great respect, 
so that Shah Tahmasp gave his own sister Janish 2 Khanim 
to Shah Ni'matu-llah, and so on account of his being 
a oreat Shaikh and of his being an instructor he was 
made a relative and a son-in-law (of kings). On the 
side of his mother he was the daughter's son of Shah 
Isma'il Khuni (Isma'il II, the Bloody). After the death 
of Shah Ni'matu-llah, his son Ghiyasu-d-din Muhammad 
Mir Miran received great consideration, and the late 
Shah (Tahmasp) gave to his eldest son in marriage 
a daughter from the royal family. He gave the daughter 
of the above-mentioned Shah Isma'il to another son of 
his, Khalilu-llah, to whom Mir Miran was born. The 
aforesaid Mir Khalilu-llah, seven or eight years before 
this, had come from Persia and waited on me at Lahore. 
As he belonged to a high and saintly family, 1 was 
much interested in his affairs, and gave him a mansab 
and a jagir, and honoured and cherished him. After the 
seat of o-overnment was at Agra, in a short time he 
was attacked by bilious 3 diarrhcea from eating too many 
mangoes, and in ten or twelve days gave up his soul 
to the Creator. I was grieved at his going, and ordered 
what he had left in cash and jewels to be sent to his 
children in Persia. Meanwhile Mir Miran, who was 
22 years old, became a qalandar and dervish, and came 
to me at Ajmir in a way that nobody on the road could 
recognize him. I soothed all the troubles of his mind 


and the miseries of his inward and outward condition, 

1 His father was Khalilu-llah, previously mentioned in the Tuzuk, 
and who had lately died (Iqbal-nama, p. 84, and Tuzuk, pp. 62 and 69). 
Tahmasp gave Ni'matu-llah's daughter in marriage to his own son 

2 Khanish Khanim in Ma'asir, iii, 339. 

3 Ishal-i-kabd. 



and gave him a mausab of 1,000 personal and 400 horse, 

and presented him with 30,000 darabs in cash. He is 

now in waiting and attendance on me. 

On the 12th, Zafar Khan, who had been removed 

from the Subah of Behar, came and waited on me, and 

made an offering of 100 muhrs, as well as three elephants. 

On the 15th of Day I increased the mansab of Qasirn 

Khan, the Subahdar of Bengal, by 1,000 personal and 

horse, so as to make it 4,000 personal and horse, As 

the diwan and bakhshi of Bengal, Husain Beg and Tahir, 

had not done approved service, Mukhlis Khan, who 

was one of the confidential servants of the Court, was 

nominated to these duties. I conferred on him a mansab 

of 2,000 personal and 700 horse, and also gave him 

a standard. The duty of 'arz-mukarrir (reviser of 

petitions) I ordered to be given to Dayanat Khan. On 

the 25th, Friday, the weighing of my son Khurram took 

place. Up to the present year, when he is 24 years old, 

and is married and has children, he has never defiled 

himself with drinking wine. On this day, when the 

assembly for his weighing was held, I said to him : 

" Baba, thou hast become the father of children, and kings 

and kings' sons have drunk wine. To-day, which is 

the day of thy being weighed, I will give thee wine 

to drink, and give thee leave to drink it on feast days 

and at the time of the New Year, and at all great 

festivals. But thou must observe the path of moderation, 

for wise men do not consider it right to drink to such 

an extent as to destroy the understanding, and it is 

necessary that from drinking only profit should be 

derived." Bu 'All (Avicenna), who is one of the most 

learned of hakims and physicians, has written this 

quatrain — 

" Wine is a raging enemy, a prudent friend ; 

A little is an antidote, but much a snake's poison. 
In much there is no little injury, 
In a little there is much profit." 

jahangir's drinking habits. 307 

With much trouble wine was given to him. I had not 
drunk it till I was 15 l years old, except when in the 
time of my infancy two or three times my mother and 
wet-nurses gave it by way of infantile remedy. They 
asked for a little spirit from my revered father, and 
gave it me to the extent of a tola mixed with water 
and rosewater to take away a cough, designating it as 
medicine. At the time when the camp of my revered 
father had been pitched in order to put down the 
disturbance of Yusufza'e Afghans at the fort of Attock, 
which is on the bank of the Nilab (Indus) River, one 
day I had mounted to go out to hunt. When I had 
moved about a good deal and the signs of weariness 
had set in, a gunner of the name of Ustad Shah-quli, 
a wonderful gunner out of those under my revered uncle 
Mirza Muhammad Hakim, said to me that if I would 
take a cup of wine it would drive away the feeling of 
being tired and heavy. It was in the time of my youth, 
and as I felt disposed towards it I ordered Mahmud, the 
Ab-dar (person in charge of drinking water, etc.), to go 
to the house of Hakim 'All and bring- me an intoxicating 
draught. He sent me 2 the amount of one and a half cups 
of yellow wine of a sweet taste in a little bottle. I drank 

1 Two I.O. MSS. and the R.A.S. MS. have 18 instead of 15. Elliot 
has " up to my fourteenth " year. Jahangir was born in Rabi', 977, or 
31st August, 1569, and the beginning of wine-drinking to which he 
refers must have taken place at earliest in January, 1586. He tells us 
that it was after the death of Muhammad Hakim, and at the time when 
his father was at Attock. Now Akbar arrived there on 15th Muharram, 
994, according to Nizamu-d-din, and on 12th Day, 994, according to 
Abu-1-fazl, iii, 976, i.e. about the end of December, 1585, and at that 
time Jahangir was 17 years and 4 months of age, or in his 18th year. 
He continued to drink heavily for nine years, i.e. till he was 26 (17 + 9), 
then he moderated for seven years, i.e. till he was 33, and he kept to 
that for fifteen years more, i.e. till he Was 48. These years were lunar 
years, and he tells that at the time of writing he was 47 years and 
9 months old, according to the lunar calendar. It seems to follow that 
the MSS. are right, and that we should read 18. 

2 Elliot, vi, 341. 


it, and found its quality agreeable. After that I took 
to drinking wine, and increased it from day to day 
until wine made from grapes ceased to intoxicate me, 
and I took to drinking arrack ('araq, spirits), and by 
degrees during nine years my potions rose to twenty cups 
of doubly distilled spirits, fourteen during the daytime and 
the remainder at night. The weight of this was six 
Hindustani sirs or one and a half maunds of Iran. The 
extent of my eating in those days was a fowl 1 with 
bread and vegetables (lit. radish). 2 In that state of 
matters no one had the power to forbid me, and matters 
went to such a length that in the crapulous state from 
the excessive trembling of my hand I could not drink 
from my own cup, but others had to give it me to 
drink, until I sent for Hakim Humam, brother of Hakim 
Abu-1-fath, who was of the most intimate with my 
revered father, and informed him of my state. He, with 
excessive sincerity and unfeigned burning of heart, said 
to me without hesitation, " Lord of the world, by the 
way in which you drink spirits, God forbid it, but in 
six months matters will come to such a pass that there 
will be no remedy for it." As his words were said out of 
pure good-will, and sweet life was dear to me, they made 
an impression on me, and from that day I began to lessen 
my allowance and set myself to take filuniyd* In 

1 The two good I.O. MSS. have, not murgh or murghl, but tughdari or 
tughdari, a 'bustard,' unless indeed the word be taghaddl, 'breakfast.' 
But probably the word is tughdari, a bustard, and the reference is to the 
particular memorable day when he first drank wine. His food that day, 
he says, was a bustard with bread and a radish (turb). 

2 Blochmann. Calcutta Review 1869, has 'turnips.' 

3 Filunlyd. The word is not given in ordinary dictionaries, but it 
is explained in Dozy's Supplement. It is stated there that it is 
a sedative electuary, and that the word is derived from the Greek, 
being <piXa>via, which is the name of an antidote or drug invented by 
Philon of Tarsus. There is an account of Philon and a reference to his 
drug in Smith's Classical Dictionary. Philon lived in or before the first 
century after Christ, and is referred to by Galen and others. The word 
as given there is <pi\ccveioi>. We are not told what it was made of. In 


proportion as I diminished my liquor, I increased the 
amount of filunij^a. 

I also ordered that the arrack should be diluted with 
wine of the grape so that there should be two parts 
wine and one part arrack. Every day I diminished the 
quantity I took, and in the course of seven years 
I brought it down to six cups. The weight of each 
cupful was 18^ misqals. It is now fifteen years that 
I have drunk at this rate, neither more nor less. And 
my drinking time is the night except on the day of 
Thursdays, as it is the day of the blessed accession. 
Also on the eve x of Friday, which is the most blessed 
eve of the week, and is the prelude to a blessed day 
(I do not drink). I drink at the end of each day with 
these two 2 exceptions, for it does not appear right that 
this eve (Thursday night) should be spent in neglect, 
and that there should be an omission (on Friday) of 
returning thanks to the True Benefactor. On the day 
of Thursday and on the day of Sunday I do not eat 

Price's Jahangir, filuniya, misread there as Kelourica, is described by 
Jahangir as brother's son to tiryaq, i.e. theriaca (see Price, p. 6). Tirydk 
or tiryaq is supposed to be a Greek word (see Lane), and means an 
antidote against poison, etc. It is so used in the verse from Avicenna 
quoted by Jahangir to his son Shah Jahan. See D'Hei'belot, s.v. Teriak. 
But it is also often used apparently as a synonym for opium. The 
mixing of wine with spirits was intended to dilute the potation, for 
hitherto Jahangir had been taking raw spirit. A misqal is said to be 
63^ grains troy, and so IS misqals would be about 3 ounces, and the six 
cups would be about Hlb. troy. In Elliot, Jahangir is made to say 
that he does not drink on Thursdays and Fridays. But the xhab-i-jum'a, 
as Blochmann has pointed out elsewhere, Ayin translation, p. 171, n. 3, 
means Thursday night or Friday eve, and this is clearly the case here, 
for Jahangir speaks of the eve's being followed by a blessed day. 
It should be noted that there is no connection in Jahangir's mind 
between abstaining from wine and abstaining from meat. He did not 
eat meat on Thursdays or Sundays because he did not approve of taking 
life on these days, but he drank on both of them. 

1 Cf. Blochmann's translation and Calcutta Bevieio for 1869. 

2 I understand the two exceptions (du chlz) to be that on Thursdays 
he drank in the daytime, contrary to the general rule of only drinking 
at night, and that on Thursday evenings he did not drink. 


meat. Not on Thursday, because it is the day of my 
auspicious accession, and not on Sunday, because it is 
the birthday of my revered father, and he greatly 
honoured and held dear the day. After some time 
I substituted opium for filuniya. Now that my age 
has arrived at 46 solar years and 4 months, I eat 
eight surkhs (a red berry used as a weight) of opium 
when five gharis of day have passed, and six surkhs 
after one watch of night. 

I gave a jewelled dagger to 'Abdu-llah Khan by the 
hand of Maqsud 'All. Shaikh Musa, a relation of Qasim 
Khan, was dignified with the title of Khan, and pro- 
moted to the mansab of 800 personal and 400 horse, 
and was allowed to go to Bengal. The mansab of Zafar 
Khan was increased to 500 personal and horse, and he 
was appointed to duty in Bangash. On the same day 
Muhammad Husain, brother of Khwaja Jahan, was 
given the faujdarship of the Sarkar of Hissar and dis- 
missed, his mansab being increased by 200 horse to raise 
it to 500 personal and 400 horse, with the gift of an 
elephant. On the 5th Bahman an elephant was conferred 
on Mir Miran. When the merchant 'Abdu-l-Karlm left 
Iran for Hindustan, my exalted brother Shah 'Abbas 
sent me by his hand a rosary of cornelian from Yemen 
and a cup of Venetian workmanship, which was very 
fine and rare. On the 9th of the same month they were 
laid before me. On the 18th some offerings of many 
kinds of jewelled ornaments, etc., which Sultan Parwlz 
had sent to me, were laid before me. On the 7th Isfan- 
darmuz, Sadiq, nephew of I'timadu-d-daulah, who was 
permanently employed as Bakhshi, was honoured with 
the title of Khan. I had also conferred this title on 
Khwaja 'Abdu-l-'Azlz. According to what was right, 
I called him by the title of 'Abdu-l-'Aziz Khan and 
Sadiq by that of Sadiq Khan. On the 10th, Jagat 
Singh, son of Kunwar Karan, who had obtained leave 


to go to his native country, when he took leave was 
presented with 20,000 rupees, a horse, an elephant, a 
dress of honour, and a special shawl. Five thousand 
rupees, a horse, and a dress of honour were also given 
to Haridas Jhala, who was one of the confidants of the 
Rana and tutor to Karan's son. By his hand I also 
sent a mace of gold (shashpari) for the Rana. 

On the 20th of the same month, Raja Suraj Singh, 
son of Raja Baso, who on account of the nearness of his 
dwelling-place to it had been sent with Murtaza Khan 
to capture the fort of Kangra, came on my summons 
and waited on me. The aforesaid Khan had entertained 
certain suspicions with regard to him, and on this account, 
considering him an undesirable companion, had repeatedly 
sent petitions to the Court, and wrote things about him 
until an order was received to summon him. 

On the 26th, Nizamu-d-din Khan came from Multan 
and waited on me. In the end of this year news of 
victory and prosperity came in from all sides of my 
dominions. In the first place, this was with regard to 
the disturbance of Ahdad, the Afghan, who for a long- 
time past had been in rebellion in the hill country of 
Kabul, and round whom many of the Afghans of that 
neighbourhood had assembled, and against whom from 
the time of my revered father until now, which is the 
10th year after my accession, armies have always been 
employed. He by degrees was defeated, and, falling into 
a wretched state, a part of his band was dispersed and 
a part killed. He took refuge for some time in Charkh, 
which was a place on which he relied, but Khan Dauran 
surrounded it and closed the road for entry and exit. 
When there remained no grass for his beasts or means 
of living for men in the fortress, he at night brought 
down his animals from the hills and grazed them on 
the skirts, and accompanied them himself, in order that 
he might set an example to his men. At last this 


intelligence reached Khan Dauran. He then appointed 
a body of his leaders and experienced men to go into 
ambush on an appointed night in the neighbourhood of 
Charkh. That band went and hid itself at niefht in 
places of refuge, and Khan Dauran rode on the same 
day in that direction. When those ill-fated ones brought 
out their cattle and let them loose to graze, and the 
ill-conditioned Alidad himself passed by the places of 
ambush with his own band, suddenly a dust rose in 
front of him. When they enquired it became known 
that it was Khan Dauran. In a state of bewilderment 
he endeavoured to turn back, and the scouts announced 
to the aforesaid Khan that it was Alidad. The Khan 
gave his horse the reins and went at Alidad ; the men 
who were in ambush also blocked the road and attacked 
him. The light lasted till midday in consequence of 
the broken nature of the ground and the thickness of 
the jungle ; at last defeat fell on the Afghans and they 
betook themselves to the hill : about 300 fighting men 
went to hell and 100 were taken prisoners. Alidad 
could not regain the stronghold and hold on there. 
Necessarily he turned his face towards Qandahar. The 
victorious troops, entering Charkh, burnt all the places 
and houses of those ill-fortuned ones, and destroyed and 
rooted them up from their foundations. 

Another * piece of news was the defeat of the ill-starred 
'Ambar and the destruction of his unfortunate army. 
Briefly, a band of the influential leaders and a body of 
Bargis (Mahrattas), who are a hardy lot and who are 
the centre of resistance in that country, becoming angry 
with 'Ambar, showed an intention to be loyal, and begging 
for quarter from Shah-nawaz Khan, who was in Balapiir 
with an army of royal troops, agreed to interview the 
said Khan, and being satisfied, Adam Khan, Yaqut Khan, 

1 Elliot, vi, 343. 


and other leaders, and the Bargls Jado 1 Ray and Bapu 
Katiya, came and interviewed him. Shah-nawaz Khan 
gave each of them a horse, an elephant, money, and 
dress of honour, according to their quality and condition, 
made them hot in duty and loyalty, and marching from 
Balapur started against the rebel 'Ambar in their 
company. On the road they fell in with an army of the 
Dakhanis, whose leaders were Mahalldar, 2 Danish (Atash ?), 
Dilawar, Bijli, Firuz, and others, and routed it. 

" With broken arms and loosened loins, 
No strength in their feet, no sense in their heads." 3 

They reached the camp of that ill-starred one, and 
he from excessive pride determined to fight with the 
victorious troops. Having collected those rebels who 
were with him and 'Adil Khan's army and that of 
Qutbu-1-mulk together, and preparing their artillery, he 
started to meet the royal troops until a space of not 
more than 5 or 6 kos remained between. On Sunday, 
the 25th Bahman, the armies of light and darkness 
approached eacli other and the scouts became visible. 
Three watches of day had passed when cannon and 
rocket firing began. In the end Darab Khan, who was 
in command of the vanguard, with other leaders and 
zealous men such as Raja Blr Singh Deo, Ray Chand, 
'All Khan the Tatar, Jahanglr Quli Beg Turkman, and 
other lions of the forest of bravery, drew their swords 
and charged the vanguard of the enemy. Performing 
the dues of manliness and bravery, they scattered this 
army like the Banatu-n-na'sh (' Daughters of the Bier,' 
i.e. the Great Bear) ; and not stopping there they attacked 

1 The MSS. have Jadun Ray and Baba Chokanth (Jin Kanth ?). The 
Ma'asiru-1-umara, ii, 646, has Maluji Kantiya. The text has Babii Kantiya. 

2 The text is corrupt. The Ma'asir,. id. , has Atash instead of Danish. 

3 The text is corrupt. In the second line of the verse the text has gvft, 
which seems meaningless, and two 1.0. MSS. and B. M. MS. Add. 26,215 
h&vejany, ' battle.' The R.A.S. MS. has pay, 'feet,' which seems to me 
the best reading. Possibly guft should be read Icift, ' shoulder.' 

31 \ subject i on riMin. 

the enemy's centre. Turning on the army opposed bo 
them, such a hand-to-hand struggle took place that the 
onlookers remained bewildered. For nearly two gharis 
this combat went on. Heaps ol the dead lay there, and 
the ill-starred 'Ambar, unable to offer further opposition, 
turned his Pace to flight It darkness 1 and gloom had 
not come on at the cry of those black-fortuned ones, 
not one of them would have found the road to the 
valley of safety. The crocodiles of the river of conflict 
followed the fugitives for 2 or 3 kos. When horses 
and men could move no more and the defeated were 
scattered, they drew rein and returned to their places. 
The whole ol the enemy's artillery, with '^00 laden 
camels that carried rockets, war elephants, Arab and 
Persian horses, weapons and armour beyond reckoning, 
foil into the hands of the servants of the State, and there 
was no counting the slain and the fallen. A great 
many of the leaders fell alive into their hands. The 
next day the victorious troops, marching from the place 
of victory, proceeded to Karkl, which was the nest oi 
those owlish ones, and seeing no trace of them thev 
encamped there, and obtained news that thev during 
that night and day had fallen miserably in different 
places. For some days the victorious army, delayed at 
Karki. levelled with the dark earth the buildings and 


houses of the enemy, and burnt that populous place. 
In consequence of the occurrence o\ certain events, to 
describe which in detail would take too long here, they 
returned from that place and descended by the Rohan 
Ruanda Pass In reward for this service 1 ordered 
inen - - made in the mansabs of a number who 

had shown zeal and bravery. 


The third piece of news was the conquest of the 
province of Khokhara ; and the acquisition of the diamond 

1 It will be remem Jahangir has called 'Ambar's army the 

..v of darkness, alluding perhaps to "Ambar's being an Abyssinian. 


mines, which were taken by the excellent exertions of 
Ibrahim Khan, This province is one of the dependencies 
of the Subah of Behar and Patna. There is a river 
there from which they procure diamonds. At the season 
when there is little water, there are pools and water 
holes, and it has become known by experiener to those 
who are employed in this work that above every 
water-hole in which there are diamonds, there are crowds 
of flying animals of the nature of gnats, and which in 
the language of India they call jjhvnga (?). 2 Keeping 
the bed of the stream in sight as far as it is accessible, 
they make a collection of stones (sangchin) round the 
water-holes. After this they empty the water-holes 
with spades and shovels to the extent of a yard or 
H yards and dig up the area. They find among the 
stones and sand large and small diamonds- and bring 
them out. It occasionally happens that they find a piece 
of diamond worth 100,000 rupees. Briefly, this province 
and this river were in possession of a Hindu Zamindar 
of the name, of Durjan Sal, and although the governors 
of tie- Subah frequently sent armies against him and 
went there themselves, in consequence of the difficult 
roads and thickness of the jungles they contented them- 
selves with taking two or three diamonds and left, him 
in his former condition. When the aforesaid Subah was 
transferred from Zafar Khan, and Ibrahim Khan was 

1 Elliot, vi, and Blochmann, p. 47'.', Q. 3. 

2 Perhaps it should be phangd or feringha, ■■> grasshopper, or it may 
be jhlngur, a cockroach. Presumably the country was covered with 
thick jungle, and the cloud of insects indicated where water was. 
Erskine's MS. has ckika. 15. M. Or. :'»27o" has chika or jika. Possibly 
the word is jhlngur, a cockroach (see Blochmann in J.A.S.B. for 1871. 
vol. xl). He quotes a Hindustani Diet., which says that th'- jhingd 
is what in Arabic is called the jarddii-l-bahr or water-locust. The river 
referred to by Jahangir is the Sankh of LG., srii, 222. V. Ball, Proc. 
A.8 B. for 1881, \>. 42, suggests that thejhingd may be thunder-stones ! 

Compare Tavernier's account of the searching for diamonds in 
Sambhalpur (vol. ii, j>. 311, ofed. of 1076). 


appointed in his place, at the time of his taking leave 
I ordered him to go and take the province out of the 
possession of that unknown and insignificant individual. 
As soon as he arrived in the province of Behar he 
assembled a force and went against that Zamindar. 
According to former custom he sent some of his men 
with a promise to give some diamonds and some elephants, 
but the Khan did not agree to this and entered im- 
petuously into the province. Before the fellow could 
collect his men he found guides and invaded it. Just when 
the zamindar received this news, the hills and vales that 
are his abode were beleaguered. Ibrahim sent men about 
to find him, and they got hold of him in a cave with 
several women, one of whom was his mother, while 
others were also his father's wives. They arrested him, 
and also one of his brothers. They searched and took 
from them the diamonds they had with them. Twenty- 
three male and female elephants also fell into Ibrahim s 
hands. In reward for this service the mansab of Ibrahim 
Khan, original and increase, was made up to 4,000 
personal and horse, and he was exalted with the title 
of Fath-jang. Orders were also given for an increase 
in the mansabs of those who accompanied him on this 
service and had shown bravery. That province is now 
in possession of the imperial servants of the State. 
They carry on work in the bed of the stream, and bring 
to Court whatever diamonds are found. A large diamond, 
the value of which has been estimated at 50,000 rupees, 
has lately been brought from there. If a little pains 
are taken, it is probable that good diamonds will be found 
and be placed in the jewel-room. 

NEW year's offerings. 317 

The Eleventh New Year's Feast after the 
auspicious Accession. 

Fifteen gharis of day had passed on Sunday, the last 
day of Isfandarmuz, corresponding with the 1st Rabl'u-l- 
awwal (19th March, 1616), when from the mansion of Pisces 
the sun cast the ray of prosperity on the palace of Aries. 
At this auspicious hour, having performed the dues of service 
and supplication at the throne of Almighty God, I ascended 
the throne of State in the public audience hall, the area 
of which was laid out with tents and canopies (shami- 
ydnahd), and its sides adorned with European screens, 
painted gold brocades, and rare cloths. The princes, 
Amirs, the chief courtiers, the ministers of State, and all 
the servants of the Court performed their congratulatory 
salutations. As Hafiz Nad 'All, gdyanda (singer), was 
one of the ancient servants, I ordered that whatever 
offerings were made on the Monday by anyone in the 
shape of cash or goods should be given to him by 
way of reward. On the 2nd day (of Farwardln) the 
offerings of some of the employes were laid before me. 
On the 4th day the offering of Khwaja Jahan, who 
had sent them from Agra, and which consisted of several 
diamonds and pearls, of jewelled things, cloth stuffs of 
all kinds, and an elephant, worth altogether 50,000 
rupees, was brought before me. On the 5th day, 
Kunwar Karan, who had been given leave to go to his 
home, returned and waited on me. He presented as 
offering 100 muhrs, 1,000 rupees, an elephant with 
fittings, and four horses. To the mansab of Asaf Khan, 
which was 4,000 personal and 2,000 horse, I on the 
7th made an addition of 1,000 personal and 2,000 horse, 
and honoured him with drums and a standard. On this 
day the offering of Mir Jamalu-d-dm Husain was laid 
before me ; what he offered was approved and accepted. 
Among the things was a jewelled dagger which had 


been made under his superintendence. 1 On its hilt was 
a yellow ruby 2 (yaqwt-i-zard), exceeding clear and bright, 
in size equal to half a hen's egg. I had never before 
seen so large and beautiful a yellow ruby. Along with 
it were other rubies of approved colour and old emeralds. 
Brokers (muqimdn) valued it (the dagger) at 50,000 
rupees. I increased the mansab of the said Mir by 
1,000 horse, which brought it to 5,000 personal and 
3,500 horse. On the 8th I increased the mansab of 
Sadiq Haziq by 300 personal and horse, and that of 
Iradat Khan by 300 personal and 200 horse, so as to 
raise each to 1,000 personal and 500 horse. On the 
9th the offering of Khwaja Abu-1-hasan was laid before 
me ; of jewelled ornaments, and cloth stuffs, what was 
of the value of 40,000 rupees was accepted, and the 
remainder I made a present to him. The offering of 
Tatar Khan Bakawul-begl, consisting of one ruby (la'l), 
one yaqwt, a jewelled takldl (signet ?), two rings, and 
some cloths, was accepted. On the 10th three elephants 
which Raja Maha Singh sent from the Deccan, and 100 
and odd pieces of gold brocade, etc., which Murtaza Khan 
sent from Lahore, were laid before me. On this date 
Dayanat Khan presented his offering of two pearl rosaries, 
two rubies, six large pearls, and one gold tray, to the 
value of 28,000 rupees. At the end of Thursday, the 
11th, I went to the house of I'timadu-d-daulah in order 
to add to his dignity. He then presented me with his 
offering, and I examined it in detail. Much of it was 
exceedingly rare. Of jewels there were two pearls 
worth 30,000 rupees, one qutbi ruby which had been 
purchased for 22,000 rupees, with other pearls and rubies. 

1 Text, khud-hunarkdri, ' his own workmanship,' but the MSS. have 
khud-sarlcdrl. See also Iqbal-nama, p. 87, which says that Jamalu-d-dln 
had had it made in Bijapur. 

2 Really a topaz. Tavernier points out that the natives call various 
precious stones rubies, distinguishing them by their coir tr. 


Altogether the value was 110,000 rupees. These had 
the honour of acceptance, and of cloth, etc., the value of 
15,000 rupees was taken. When I had finished inspecting 
the offering I passed nearly one watch of the night in 
conviviality and enjoyment. I ordered that cups (of 
wine) should be given to the Amirs and servants. The 
ladies of the mahall (harem) were also with me, and 
a pleasant assembly was held. After the festive assembly 
was over I begged I'timadu-d-daulah to excuse me, and 
went to the hall of audience. On the same day I ordered 
Nur-mahall Begam to be called Nur-Jahan Begam. On 
the 12th the offering of I'tibar Khan was laid before me. 
They had made a vessel (zarf) in the form of a fish, 
jewelled with beautiful gems, exceedingly well shaped 
and calculated to hold my allowance. 1 This, with other 
jewels and jewelled things and cloth stuffs, the value 
of which was worth 56,000 rupees, I accepted and gave 
back the rest. Bahadur Khan, governor of Qandahar, 
had sent seven Iraq horses and nine tuquz (81 ?) of 
cloth stuffs. The offerings of Iradat Khan and Raja 
Suraj Mai, son of Raja Baso, were laid before me on 
the 13th. 'Abdu-s-Subhan, who held a mansab of 1,200 
personal and 600 horse, was promoted to 1,500 personal 
and 700 horse. On the 15th the Subahdarship of the 
province of Thatha was transferred from Shamshlr Khan 
Uzbeg to Muzaffar Khan. On the 16th the offerinsf of 
I'tiqad Khan, son of I'timadu-d-daulah, was laid before 
me. Of this the equivalent of 32,000 rupees was taken, 
and I gave back the rest to him. On the 17th the 
offering of Tarbiyat Khan was inspected. Of jewels and 
cloth what was valued at 17,000 rupees was approved. 
On the 18th I went to the house of Asaf Khan, and his 
offering was presented to me there. From the palace 

1 Text, ba-andaza-i-muHdd-i-man, 'of capacity corresponding to my 
custom.' Presumably it was a drinking -cup, and held Jahangir's 
customary potation. 


to his house was a distance of about a kos. For half 
the distance he had laid down under foot velvet woven 
with gold and gold brocade and plain velvet, such 
that its value was represented to me as 10,000 rupees. 
I passed that day until midnight at his house with the 
ladies. The offerings he had prepared were laid before 
me in detail. Jewels, jewelled ornaments, and things 
of gold and beautiful cloth stuffs, things of the value 
of 114,000 rupees, four horses, and one camel were 
approved of. On the 19th (Farwardm), which was the 
day of honour (ruz-i-sharaf) of the sun, a grand assembly 
was held in the palace. In order to observe the auspicious 
hour, when 2 -J- gharis of day were left of the aforesaid 
day, I seated myself on the throne. My son Baba 
Khurram at this blessed hour laid before me a ruby of 
the purest water and brilliancy, which they pronounced 
to be of the value of 80,000 rupees. I fixed his mansab, 
which was 15,000 personal and 8,000 horse, at 20,000 
personal and 10,000 horse. On the same day my lunar 
weighing took place. I increased the mansab of Ttimadu-d- 
daulah, which was 6,000 personal and 3,000 horse, to 
7,000 personal and 5,000 horse, and bestowed on him 
a tiiman tugh (horse-tail standard), and ordered his 
drums to be beaten after those of my son Khurram. 
I increased the mansab of Tarbiyat Khan by 500 personal 
and horse, so as to bring it to 3,500 personal and 1,500 
horse. The mansab of I'tiqad Khan was increased by 
1,000 personal and 400 horse. Nizamu-d-dm Khan was 
promoted to 700 personal and 300 horse, and appointed 
to the Subah of Behar. Salamu-llah, the Arab, was 
honoured with the title of Shaja'at Khan, and, being 
dignified with a necklace of pearls, became one of the 
royal 1 servants. I promoted Mir Jamalu-d-dm Inju to 
the title of 'Azudu-d-daulah (Arm of the State). On the 

1 Jfalqa-ba-gushdn. Apparently referring to his being one of those 
who bored their ears in imitation of Jahangir. 


21st Almighty God gave Khusrau a son by the daughter 
of Muqim, son of Mihtar Fazil Rikab-dar (stirrup-holder). 
To Allah-dad, the Afghan, who, accepting my service, had 
separated himself from the evil-minded Alidad and come 
to Court, I gave 20,000 darabs (10,000 rupees). On the 
25th came the news of the death of Ray Manohar, who 
had been attached to the army of the Deccan. Giving 
his son a mansab of 500 personal and 300 horse, 
I bestowed upon him his father's place and property. 
On the 26th the offering of Nad 'All Maidani, consisting 
of nine horses, several bits (Jdahana Msh 1 ), and four 
Persian camels (wilayati), was brought before me. On the 
28th I presented Bahadur Khan, governor of Qandahar, 
Mir Miran, son of Khalilu-llah, and Sayyid Bayazld, 
governor of Bhakar, each with an elephant. On the 
1st Urdlbihisht, at the request of 'Abdu-llah Khan, 
I presented drums to his brother Sardar Khan. On the 
3rd I gave Allah-dad Khan, the Afghan, a jewelled 
khapvja (dagger). On the same day news came that 
Qadam, 2 one of the Afiidl Afghans who had been loyal 
and obedient, and to whom the rah-da/ri (transit dues) 
of the Khaibar Pass belonged, from some slight suspicion 
had withdrawn his feet from the circle of obedience and 
raised his head in sedition. He had sent a force against 
each of the posts (thana), and wherever he and his 
men went, through the carelessness of those men (in the 
posts), had plundered and killed many of the people. 
Briefly, in consequence of the shameful action of this 
senseless Afghan, a new disturbance broke out in the 
hill country of Kabul. When this news arrived I ordered 
Harun, brother of Qadam, and Jalal, his son, who were 
at Court, to be apprehended and handed over to Asaf 
Khan to be imprisoned in the fort of Gwalior. By the 

1 The text is corrupt. The true reading seems to be sad ddna-i-kish, 
' one hundred pieces of muslin ' (?). I.O. 181 seems to have kabsh, ' rams.' 

2 Here follow two unintelligible words, Pagdna Bankdna. 



manifestation of the Divine mercy and kindness and 
the signs of God's favour, an affair took place at this 
time which is not devoid of strangeness. After the 
victory over the Rana my son presented me in Ajmir 
with an exceedingly beautiful and clear ruby, valued at 
60,000 rupees. It occurred to me that I ought to bind 
this ruby on my own arm. I much wanted two rare 
pearls of good water of one form to be a fit match for 
this kind of ruby. Muqarrab Khan had procured one 
grand pearl of the value of 20,000 rupees, and given 
it to me as a New Year's offering. It occurred to me 
that if I could procure a pair to it they would make 
a perfect bracelet. Khurram, who from his childhood 
had had the honour of waiting on my revered father, 
and remained in attendance on him day and night, 
represented to me that he had seen a pearl in an old 
turban (sar-band) of a weight and shape equal to this 
pearl. They produced an old sav-inclt (worn on the 
turban), containing a royal pearl of the same quality, 
weight, and shape, not differing in weight even by a 
trifle, so much so that the jewellers were astonished at 
the matter. It agreed in value, shape, lustre, and 
brilliance ; one might say they had been shed from the 
same mould. Placing the two pearls alongside of the 
ruby, I bound them on my arm, and placing my head 
on the ground of supplication and humility, I returned 
thanks to the Lord that cherished His slave, and made 
my tongue utter His praise — 

"Who succeeds with hand and tongue? 
He who performs the dues of thanks." 

On the 5th (Urdibihisht) 30 Iraq and Turki horses 
that Murtaza Khan had sent from Lahore were brought 
before me, as also 63 horses, 15 camels, male and female, 
a bundle of crane's (kulang) plumes, 9 'aqiri (?)/ 

1 Perhaps this should be faghfurl, ' porcelain.' 


9 veined l fish - teeth, 9 pieces of china from Tartar y, 
3 guns, etc., from Khan Dauran, which he had 
sent from Kabul, were accepted. Muqarrab Khan pre- 
sented an offering of a small elephant from Abyssinia 
which they had brought by sea in a ship. In 
comparison with the elephants of Hindustan it presents 
some peculiarities. Its ears are larger than the ears of 
the elephants of this place, and its trunk and tail are 
longer. In the time of my revered father I'timad Khan 
of Gujarat sent a young elephant 2 as an offering ; by 
degrees it grew up and was very fiery and bad-tempered. 
On the 7th a jewelled dagger was given to Muzaffar 
Khan, governor of Thatha. On the same day news came 
that a band of Afghans 3 had attacked 'Abdu-s-Subhan, 
brother of Khan 'Alam, who was stationed at one of the 
posts, and had laid siege to his post. 'Abdu-s-Subhan, 
with certain other mansabdars and servants who had 
been appointed to go with him, had behaved valiantly. 
But at last, in accordance with the saying — 

" When gnats get wings they smite the elephant," 

those dogs overcame them, and elevated 'Abdu-s-Subhan 
with several of the men of the post to the dignity of 
martyrdom. 4 As a condolence for this affair a gracious 
farman and a special dress of honour were sent to Khan 
'Alam, who had been appointed ambassador to Iran (and 
was still in that country). On the 14th the offering of 
Mukarram Khan, son of Mu'azzam Khan, came from Bengal. 
It consisted of jewels and articles procurable in that 
province, and was brought before me. I increased the 
mansab of some of the jagirdars of Gujarat. Of these, 

1 Jauhar-ddr, defined by Vullers as bone or wood bearing veins, 
i.e. striated. 

2 See Akbar-nama, ii, 315. It was sent before Jahangir was born. 
It, too, was an African elephant. 

3 Here the two words referred to at note 2 on p. 321 are repeated. 

4 Ma'asiru-1-umara, i, 736. Khan 'Alam's name was Mirza Barkhurdar. 


Sardar Khan, whose mansab was that of 1,000 personal 
and 500 horse, was raised to 1,500 personal and 300 * horse, 
and had a standard given to him as well. Sayyid Qasim, 
son of Sayyid Dilawar Barha, was raised to an original 
and increased mansab of 800 personal and 450 horse, 
and Yar Beg, nephew of Ahmad Qasim Koka, to one of 
600 personal with 250 horse. On the 17th there came 
the news of the death of Razzaq of Merv, the Uzbeg 
who belonged to the army of the Deccan. He was 
well skilled in war, and one of the distinguished Amirs 
of Mawara'a-n-nahr. On the 21st, Allah-dad, the Afghan, 
was honoured with the title of Khan, and his mansab, 
which was 1,000 personal and 600 horse, was raised to 
2,000 personal and 1,000 horse. Three hundred thousand 
rupees out of the treasury of Lahore were ordered as 
a reward and for expenses to Khan Dauran, who had 
greatly exerted himself in the Afghan disturbance. On 
the 28th, Kunwar Karan obtained leave to go home for 
his marriage. I conferred on him a dress of honour, 
a .special Iraq horse with a saddle, an elephant, and 
a jewelled waist-dagger. On the 3rd of this month 
(Khurdad) the news of the death of Murtaza Khan came. 
He was one of the ancients of this State. My revered 
father had brought him up and raised him to a position 
of consequence and trust. In my reign also he obtained 
the grace of noteworthy service, namely, the overthrow 
of Khusrau. His mansab had been raised to 6,000 
personal and 5,000 horse. As he was at this time 
Subahdar of the Panjab, he had undertaken the capture 
of Kangra, to which in strength no other fort in the 
hill country of that province or even in the whole 
inhabited world can be compared. He had obtained 
leave to go on this duty. I was much grieved in mind 
at this news ; in truth, grief at the death of such 

1 This seems wrong ; the number of horse would probably not be 


a loyal follower is only reasonable. As he had died 
after spending his days in loyalty, I prayed to God for 
pardon for him. On the 4th Khurdad the mansab of 
Say} T id Nizam was fixed, original and increase, at 900 
personal and G50 horse. I gave Nuru-d-din Qull the 
post of entertainer to the ambassadors from all parts. 
On the 7th news came of the death of Saif Khan 
Barha ; he was a brave and ambitious young man. He 
had exerted himself in an exemplary way in the battle 
with Khusrau. He bade farewell to this perishable 
world in the Deccan through cholera (haiza). I con- 
ferred favours on his sons. 'All Muhammad, who was 
the eldest and most upright of his children, was given 
the mansab of 300 x personal and 400 horse, and his 
('All Muhammad's) brother, by name Bahadur, that of 
400 personal and 200 horse. Sayyid 'All, who was his 
nephew, received an increase in rank of 500 personal 
and horse. On the same dav Khub-Allah, son of 
Shah-baz Khan Kambu, received the title of Ran-baz 
Khan. On the 8th 2 the mansab of Hashim Khan, original 
and increase, was fixed at 2,500 personal and 1,800 horse. 
On this date I bestowed 20,000 darabs (10,000 rupees) 
on Allah-dad Khan, the Afghan. Bikramajit, Raja of 
the province of Bandhu, whose ancestors were considerable 
zamindars in Hindustan, through the patronage of my 
fortunate son Baba Khurram, obtained the blessing of 
paying his respects to me, and his offences were pardoned. 
On the 9th, 3 Kalyan of Jesalmlr, to summon whom Raja 
Kishan Das had gone, came and waited on me. He 
presented 100 muhrs and 1,000 rupees. His elder brother 
Rawal Bhim was a person of distinction. When he died 
he left a son 2 months old, and he too did not live 

1 So in text, but No. 181 has 600, and this is more likely, for the 
number of horse is never, I think, larger than the zdt rank. 

2 I.O. MSS. have 18th. 
;i 1.0. MSS. have 20th. 


long. In the time when I was prince I had taken his 
daughter in marriage, and called her by the title of 
Malika-Jahan 1 (queen of the world). As the ancestors 
of this tribe had come of ancient loyal people, this 
alliance took place. Having summoned the aforesaid 
Kalyan, who was the brother of Rawal Bhlm, I exalted" 2 
him with the tlka of Raja and the title of Rawal. News 
came that after the death of Murtaza Khan loyalty was 
shown by Raja Man, and that, after giving encourage- 
ment to the men of the fort of Kanora, an arrangement 
had been made that he should bring; to Court the son 
of the Raja of that country, who was 29 years old. In 
consequence of his great zeal in this service, I fixed his 
mansab, which was 1,000 personal and 800 horse, at 1,500 
personal and 1,000 horse. Khwaja Jahan was promoted 
from his original and increased mansab to that of 4,000 
personal and 2,500 horse. On this date 3 an event 
occurred such that, although I was greatly desirous of 
writing it down, my hand and heart have failed me. 
Whenever I took my pen my state became bewildered, 
and I helplessly ordered I'timadu-d-daulah to write it. 

" An ancient sincere slave, I'timadu-d-daulah, by order 
writes in this auspicious volume 4 that on the 11th 5 
Khurdad the traces of fever were seen in the pure 
daughter 6 of Shah Khurram of lofty fortune, for whom 
His Majesty showed much affection as the early fruit of 

1 The two I.O. MSS. have the following sentence here: "On this 
day it happened that however much I tried to write, my heart and 
hand would not act. Whenever I seized the pen my condition altered. 
At last I had to tell I'timadu-d-daulah to write." 

2 This sentence is not in the I.O. MSS. 

3 Here comes the passage which the two I.O. MSS. enter higher up. . 

4 I.O. MS. 181 has " writes that on the 11th," etc. 

5 The I.O. MSS. add here " of the 11th year." 

6 Probably this is the Chimni Begam, a daughter of Shah Jahan. 
whose grave is near that of the saint Khwaja Mu'inu-d-dln Chishti 
("Rajputana Gazetteer," ii, 62). Probably Chimni should be Chamani, 
which means 'verdant' and comes from ckaman, a garden. Perhaps she 
died of smallpox. It was in the summer. 


the garden of auspiciousness. After three days pustules 
(abila) appeared, and on the 26th of the same month, 
corresponding with Wednesday, the 29th Jumada-1-awwal 
(15th June, 1610), in the year 1025, the bird of her soul 
flew from her elemental cage and passed into the gardens 
of Paradise. From this date an order was given that 
Char-shamba (Wednesday) should be called Kam-shamba 
(or Gum-shamba). What shall I write as to what 
happened to the pure personality of the shadow of God 
in consequence of this heartburning event and grief- 
increasing calamity ? Inasmuch as it happened after 
this manner to that soul of the world, what must be the 
condition of those other l servants whose life was bound 
up with that pure personality ? For two days the 
servants were not received in audience, and an order 
was given that a wall should be built in front of the 
house which had been the abode of that bird of paradise, 
so that it might not be seen. In addition to this he did 
not adorn the gate of the hall of audience (did not come 
there). On the third day he went in an agitated state to 
the house of the illustrious prince, and the servants had 
the good fortune to pay their salutations and found 
fresh life. On the road, however much the Hazrat (the 
Emperor) desired to control himself, the tears flowed 
from the auspicious eyes, and for a long time it was so 
that at the mere hearing of a word from which came 
a whiff" of pain, the state of the Hazrat became bewildered. 
He remained for some days in the house of the prince 
of the inhabitants of the world, and on Monday 2 of Tlr, 
Divine month, he went to the house of Asaf Khan, and 
turned back thence to the Chashma-i-Nur, and for two or 

1 Apparently the reference is to the parents of the child and to the 
grandfather, that is, the writer of this notice. 

2 I.O. MSS. have Monday, the 6th Tir, and say that Jahangir went to 
Chashma-i-Nur on the 9th, which they say was a Thursday. And we see 
later that Jahangir speaks of Saturday as the 11th. 


three days employed himself there. But as long as he 
was in Ajmir he could not control himself. Whenever 
the word ' friendship ' reached his ear, the tears would 
drop from his eyes unrestrained, and the hearts of his 
faithful followers were torn in pieces. When the de- 
parture of the cortege of fortune to the Subah of the 
Deccan took place, he gained a little composure." 

On this date Prithi Chand, son of Ray Manohar, 
obtained the title of Ray and the mansab of 500 
personal and 400 horse, and a jagir in his native place. 
On Saturday, the 11th, I went from the Chashma-i-Nur 
to the palace at Ajmir. On the eve of Sunday, the 12th, 
after 37 seconds had passed, at the time of the ascension 
of Sagittarius to the 27th degree, by the calculations 
of the Hindu astronomers, and the 15th degree of 
Capricorn, by the calculations of the Greeks, there came 
from the womb of the daughter of Asaf Khan (wife of 
Khurram) a precious pearl into the world of being. 
With joy and gladness at this great boon the drums beat 
loudly, and the door of pleasure and enjoyment was 
opened in the face of the people. Without delay or 
reflection the name of Shah Shaja'at came to my tongue. 
1 hope that his coming will be auspicious and blessed 
to me and to his father. On the 12th a jewelled dagger 1 
and an elephant were bestowed on Rawal Kalyan of 
Jesalmir. On the same day arrived the news of the 
death of Khawass Khan, whose jagir was in the Sarkar 
of Qanauj. I gave an elephant to Ray Kunwar. Diwan 
of Gujarat. On the 22nd of the same month (Tir) 
I added 500 personal and horse to the mansab of Raja 
Maha Singh, so as to make it one of 4,000 personal and 
3,000 horse. The mansab of 'All Khan Tatar!, who 
before this had been exalted with the title of Nusrat 
Khan, was fixed at 2,000 personal and 500 horse, and 

1 The word ' dagger ' is omitted in the text. 


a standard was also conferred on him. With a view 
to the accomplishment of certain purposes, I had made 
a vow that they should place a gold railing with lattice- 
work at * the enlightened tomb of the revered Khwaja. 
On the 27th of this month it was completed, and I ordered 
them to take and affix it. It had been made at a cost 
of 110,000 rupees. As the command and leading of 
the victorious army of the Deccan had not been carried 
out to my satisfaction by my son Sultan Parwiz, it 
occurred to me to recall him, and send Baba Khurram 
as the advanced guard of the victorious army, inasmuch 
as the signs of rectitude and knowledge of affairs were 
evident in him, and that I myself would follow him, so 
that this important matter would be carried through in 
one and the same campaign. With this object a farman 
had already been sent in the name of Parwiz ordering him 
to start for the Subah of Allahabad, which is in the 
centre of my dominions. Whilst I was engaged in the 
campaign, he would be entrusted with the guarding and 
administration of that region. On the 29th of the same 
month a letter came from Bihari Das, the news-writer 
of Burhanpur, that the prince on the 20th had left the 
city safely and well and gone towards the aforesaid 
Subah. On the 1st Amurdad I bestowed a jewelled 
turban on Mhza Raja Bhao Singh. An elephant was 
conferred on the shrine of Kushtiglr. On the 18th, 
Lashkar Khan had sent four ambling (rahtvtir) horses, 
and they were brought before me. Mir Mughal was 
appointed to the faujdarship of the Sarkar of Sambal 
in the place of Sayyid 'Abdu-1-Waris, who had obtained 
the governorship of the Subah of Qanauj in the place 
of Khawass Khan. His mansab, in view of that duty, 
was fixed at 500 personal and horse. On the 21st the 
offering of Rawal Kalyan of Jesalmir was laid before 

1 I.O. MSS. have bar daur, 'round.' 


me ; it was 3,000 muhrs, 9 horses, 25 camels, and 
1 elephant. The mansab of Qizil-bash Khan was fixed, 
original and increase, at 1,200 personal and 1,000 horse. 
On the 23rd, Shaja/at Khan obtained leave to go to his 
jagir that he might arrange the affairs of his servants 
and his territory, and present himself at the time agreed 
upon. In this year, 1 or rather in the 10th year after 
my accession, a great pestilence appeared in some places 
in Hindustan. The commencement of this calamity was 
in the parganahs of the Panjab, and by degrees the 
contagion spread to the city of Lahore. Many of the 
people, Musulmans and Hindus, died through this. After 
this it spread to Sirhind and the Du'ab, until it reached 
Delhi and the surrounding parganahs and villages, and 
desolated them. At this day it had greatly diminished. 
It became known from men of oreat age and from old 
histories that this disease had never shown itself in this 
country 2 (before). Physicians and learned men were 
questioned as to its cause. Some said that it came 
because there had been drought for two years in succession 
and little rain fell ; others said it was on account of the 
corruption of the air which occurred through the drought 
and scarcity. Some attributed it to other causes. Wisdom 
is of Allah, and we must submit to Allah's decrees ! 

"What does a slave who bows not his neck to the order?" 

On 5th Shahiiwar 5,000 rupees towards her expenses 
were sent to the mother of Mir Mlran, the daughter of 
Shah Isma'Il II, by merchants who were proceeding 
to the province of Iraq. On the (3th a letter came from 
'Abid Khan; 1 bakhshi and news-writer of Ahmadabad, 

1 Elliot, vi, 346. There is a better account of the plague in the 
Iqbal-nama, pp. 88, 89. 

2 The words are dar wilayat, and may mean 'any country' or ' any 
foreign country. ' 

:: The son of the historian Nizamu-d-dm. Sir T. Roe refers to this 


to the purport that 'Abdu-llah Khan Bahadur Firuz-jang 
had quarrelled with him because he had recorded 
among (current) events certain affairs that had been 
unpleasing to him, and had sent a body of men against 
him, and had insulted him by carrying him away to 
his house, and had done this and that to him. This 
matter appeared serious to me, and I was desirous at 
once to cast him out of favour and ruin him. At last 
it occurred to me to send Dayanat Khan to Ahmadabad 
to enquire into this matter on the spot from disinterested 
people to see if it had actually occurred, and, if so, to 
bring 'Abdu-llah Khan with him to the Court, leaving 
the charge and administration of Ahmadabad to Sardar 
Khan, his brother. Before Dayanat Khan started, the 
news reached Firuz-jang, and he in a state of great 
perturbation confessed himself an offender and started 
for the Court on foot. Dayanat Khan met him on 
the road, and seeing him in a strange condition, as 
he had wounded his feet with walking, he put him on 
horseback, and taking him with him came to wait on 
me. Muqarrab Khan, who is one of the old servants of 
the Court, from the time when I was a prince had con- 
tinually wanted the Subah of Gujarat. It thus occurred 
to me that, as this kind of action on the part of 'Abdu-llah 
Khan had come about, I might fulfil the hope of an 
ancient servant and send him to Ahmadabad in the 
place of the aforesaid Khan. A fortunate hour was 
chosen in these days, and I appointed him to be ruler 
of the Subah. On the 10th the mansab of Bahadur 
Khan, governor of Qandahar, which was 4,000 personal 
and 3,000 horse, was increased by 500 personal. 

Shauqi, the mandolin player, is the wonder of the 
age. He also sings Hindi and Persian songs in a manner 
that clears the rust from all hearts. I delighted him 
with the title of Anand Khan : Anand in the Hindi 
language means pleasure and ease. 


Mangoes 1 used not to be in season in the country of 
Hindustan after the month of Tir (June-July), (but) 
Muqarrab Khan had established gardens in the parganah 
of Kairana/ 2 which is the native place of his ancestors, 
and looked after the mangoes there in such a manner 
as to prolong the season for more than two months, and 
sent them every day fresh into the special fruit store- 
house. As this was altogether an unusual thing to be 
accomplished, it has been recorded here. On the 8th 
a beautiful Iraq horse of the name of La'l Bi-baha 
(priceless ruby) was sent for Parwiz by the hand of 
Sharif, one of his attendants. 

I had ordered quick-handed stone-cutters to carve 
full-sized figures of the Rana and his son Karan out of 
marble. On this day they were completed and submitted 
to me. I ordered them to be taken to Agra and placed 
in the garden 8 below the jharoka (exhibition- window). 
On the 26th the meeting for my solar weighing was held 
in the usual manner. The first weight came to 0,514 
tulcha of gold. I was weighed twelve times against 
different things ; the second weighing was against quick- 
silver, the third against silk, the fourth against various 
perfumes, such as ambergris and musk, down to sandal- 
wood, 'Fid, ban, and so on, until twelve weighings were 
completed. Of animals, according to the number of 

Text Anand, but this makes no sense. The I.O. MSS. have amba, 
mangoes, and though the remark seems abrupt this is no doubt the 
correct reading. Jahangir -was particularly fond of mangoes, and 
perhaps he is here playing on the similarity between the words amba 
and anand. 

1 In Sarkar Saharanpur (Jarrett, ii, 292). It is now in the Muzaffar- 
nagar district (I.G., vii, 308). 

3 " It is a pity that no trace of these is left at Agra. Had there been, 
they would have been the wonder of the age" (note of Sayyid Ahmad). 
Perhaps they are the two figures which have generally been supposed 
to have been put up by Akbar and to represent Chitor heroes. The 
word tarklb in the text may mean that they were mounted statues. But 
then the description of them as marble statues would be wrong. 


years that I had passed, a sheep, a goat, 1 and a fowl 
(for each year) were given to fakirs and dervishes. This 
rule has been observed from the time of my revered 
father up to the present day in this enduring State. 
They divide after the weighing all these things among 
the fakirs and those in need to the value of about 
100,000 rupees. 

This day a ruby which Mahabat Khan had purchased 
at Burhanpur for 65,000 rupees from 'Abdu-llah Khan 
Firuz-jang was laid before me, and was approved of. 
It is a ruby of beautiful form. The special mansab of 
Khan A'zam was fixed at 7,000 personal, and an order 
was passed that the diwani establishment should pay 
an equivalent to that in a tankhwah jagir. At the 
request of I'timadu-d-daulah, what had been deducted 
from the mansab of Dayanat on account of former 
proceedings was allowed to remain as before. 'Azudu-d- 
daulah, who had obtained the Subah of Malwa in jagir, 
took his leave, and was dignified with the gift of a horse 
and a dress of honour. The mansab of Rawal Kalyan 
of Jesalmir was fixed at 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, 

1 Text has gusfand-i-nar, 'a ram,' but the MSS. have gmfand u bar, 
or buz, and it is evident that the true reading is 'a sheep, a goat.' See 
Blochmann, p. 266, where goats are mentioned among the animals 
distributed by Akbar. The number of animals distributed corresponded 
with the years of Jahangir\s age (48) multiplied by 3, and so would be 
48 x 3 = 144 (see Blochmann, I.e.). The weight of Jahangir was 6,514 
tulchas, and Blochmann (p. 267, n.) takes this to be the same as tolas, 
and estimates Jahangir's weight at 210J lb. troy or 15 stone. Probably 
this is excessive, and his weight might be 82 sir or about 2 maunds, 
i.e. 1641b. or 11^ stone. The perfumes against which he was weighed 
were ambergris, not amber (which has no scent), 'ud, i.e. lignum aloes, 
and ban (not pan as in text), which apparently is the same as lubCni, 
' frankincense ' (see the chapter on perfumes in Blochmann, p. 77). I am 
not sure of the meaning of the phrase ba-dast nihada. The MSS. have 
not the preposition ba. Perhaps the meaning is 'put them into the 
hands of the fakirs.' Jahangir was born on the 18th Shahriwar, 977 = 
31st August, 1569. The weighings described in the text took place on 
the 26th Shahriwar. Perhaps this was because his birthday was on the 
24th Shahriwar according to the Jalali year. 


and it was ordered that that province (Jesalmir) should 
be given him as tankhwah. As the (auspicious) hour 
of his departure was on that same day, he took leave 
to depart for his province well pleased and exalted witli 
the gift of a horse, an elephant, a jewelled sword, 
a jewelled khapwa (dagger), a robe of honour, and 
a special Kashmir shawl. On the 31st, Muqarrab Khan 
took leave to go to Ahmadabad, and his mansab, which 
was 5,000 personal and 2,500 horse, was fixed at 5,000 
personal and horse, and he was honoured with a dress 
of honour, a nadir l (a kind of dress), a takma 1 of 
pearls, whilst two horses from my private stable, a special 
elephant, and a jewelled sword were also bestowed on 
him. He went off to the aforesaid Subah with delight 
and in a state of happiness. On the 11th of Mihr, Jagat 
Singh, son of Kunwar Karan, came from his native place 
and waited on me. On the 16th, Mirza 'All Beo; Akbar- 
shahi came from the province of Oudh, which had been 
given him in jagir, and waited on me. He presented as 
offerings 1,000 rupees, and he produced before me an 
elephant which one of the zamindars of that province 
possessed, and which he had been ordered to take from 
him. On the 21st the offering of Qutbu-1-mulk, the 
ruler of Golcondah, consisting of some jewelled ornaments, 
was inspected by me. The mansab of Sayyid Qasim 
Barha was fixed, original and increase, at 1,000 personal 
and 600 horse. On the eve of Friday, the 22nd, Mirza 
'All Beg, whose age had passed 75 years, gave up the 
deposit of his life. Great 2 services had been performed 
by him for this State. His mansab rose by degrees to 
4,000. He was one of the distinguished heroes of this 

1 Generally written taghma, 'a badge of hononr,' ' a medal/ etc. 

2 See Tuzuk, p. 11, Blochmann, p. 482, and Ma'asiru-1-umara, iii, 35,"). 
The statement at Tuzuk, p. 11, about Delhi seems a mistake, and is not 
in the MSS. Mirza 'All came from Badakhshan. He is frequently 
mentioned in vol. iii of the Akbar-nama. 


family (jawandn-i in ulus) l . and of a noble disposition. 
He left neither son nor other descendants. He had the 
poetic temperament. As his inevitable destiny had been 
fulfilled -2 on the day on which he went to pay his devotions 
at the venerated mausoleum of Khwaja Mu'lnu-d-din, 
I ordered them to bury him in the same blessed place. 

At the time when I .gave leave to the ambassadors 
of 'Adil Khan of Bijapur, I had requested that if in 
that province there were a wrestler, or a celebrated 
swordsman, they should tell 'Adil Khan to send him to 
me. After some time, when the ambassadors returned, 
they brought a Mughal, by name Shir 'All, who was born 
at Bijapur, and was a wrestler by profession and had great 
experience in the art, together with certain sword-players. 
The performances of the latter were indifferent, but 
I put Shir 'All to wrestle with the wrestlers and athletes 
who were in attendance on me, and they could none of 
them compete with him. One thousand rupees, a dress 
of honour, and an elephant were conferred on him ; he 
was exceedingly well made, well shaped, and powerful. 
I retained him in my own service, and entitled him 
" the athlete of the capital." A jagir and mansab were 
given him and great favours bestowed on him. On the 
24th, Dayanat Khan, who had been appointed to bring 
'Abdu-llah Khan Bahadur Firuz-jang, brought him and 
waited on me, and presented as an offering 100 muhrs. 
On the same date Ram Das, the son of Raja Raj Singh, 
one of the Rajput Amirs who had died on duty in the 
Deccan, was promoted to a mansab of 1,000 personal 
and 500 horse. As 'Abdu-llah Khan had been guilty of 
faults, he made Baba Khurram his intercessor, and on 
the 26th, in order to please him, I ordered the former 

1 This is the same phrase as, according to the MSS. , occurs at p. 11. 
Apparently the ulus referred to is the Timuride family to which Jahangir 
belonged. It is connected with Mirza 'All's title of Akbarshahl. 

2 See in Blochmann, I.e., the affecting story of his death. 

336 'abdu-llah khan pardoned. 

to pay his respects to me. He waited upon me with 
a face of complete shame, and presented as offerings 
100 muhrs and 1,000 rupees. Before the coming of 
'Adil Khan's ambassadors I had made up my mind that, 
having sent Baba Khurram with the vanguard, I should 
myself proceed to the Deccan and carry out this important 
affair, which for some reasons had been put off. For 
this reason I had given an order that except the prince- 
no one should represent to me the affairs of the rulers 
of the Deccan. On this day the prince brought the 
ambassadors and laid their representation before me. 
After the death of Murtaza Khan, Raja Man arid many 
of the auxiliary Sardars had come to Court. On this 
day, at the request of I'timadu-d-daulah, I appointed 
Raja Man as the leader in the attack on the fort of 
Kangra. I appointed all the men to accompany him, 
and according- to the condition and rank of each made 
him happy with a present — a horse, an elephant, a robe 
of honour, or money — and gave them leave. After some 
days I conferred on 'Abdu-llah Khan, at the request of 
Baba Khurram, a jewelled dagger, as he was exceedingly 
broken-hearted and grieved in mind, and an order was 
passed that his mansab should continue as it was before, 
and that he should remain in attendance on my son 
among those appointed for duty in the Deccan. On the 
3rd Aban I ordered the mansab of Wazir Khan, who 
was in attendance on Baba Parwiz, to be, original 
and increase, 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse. On the 
4th, Khusrau, who was in the charge, for safe keeping, 
of Anlra'I Singh-dalan, for certain considerations was 
handed over to Asaf Khan. I presented him with a 
special shawl. On the 7th (Aban), corresponding with 
the 17th Shawwal (28th October, 1616), a person of the 
name of Muhammad Riza Beg, whom the ruler of Persia 
had sent as his representative, paid his respects. After 
performing the dues of prostration and salutation (kurnish, 


sijda, taslim), he laid before me the letter he had brought. 
It was decided that he should produce before me the horses 
and other presents he had brought with him. The written 
and verbal messages sent were full of friendship, brother- 
hood, and sincerity. I gave the ambassador on that same 
day a jewelled tiara (tdj) and a dress of honour. As in 
the letter much friendliness and affection were displayed, 
an exact copy is recorded in the Jahanglr-nama. 1 

On Sunday, the 18th Shawwal, corresponding to the 
8th Aban, 2 the camp equipage of my son Baba Khurram 
left Ajmir for the purpose of the conquest of the provinces 
of the Deccan, and it was decided that my son aforesaid 
should start by way of advanced guard, followed by the 
glorious standards (of Jahangir). On Monday, the 19th, 
corresponding with the 9th Aban, when three gharis of 
day had passed, the auspicious palace moved in the same 
direction in the like manner. On the 10th the mansab 
of Raja Suraj Mai, who had been appointed to accompany 
the prince, was made up, original and increase, to 2,000 
personal and horse. On the night of the 19th Aban, 
after my usual custom, I was in the ghusul-khdna. Some 
of the Amirs and attendants, and by chance Muhammad 
Riza Beer, the ambassador of the ruler of Persia, were 
present. When six gharis had passed, an owl came and 
sat on top of a high terrace roof belonging to the 
palace, and was hardly visible, so that many men failed 

1 This letter being of the usual Persian style, and having nothing to 
do with Jahangir *s history, is omitted. It relates to the sending of 
Muhammad Husain Chelebl with presents to the emperor, and to the 
offering his services for the purchase of jewels, etc. 

2 Text 20th Aban, but the MSS. have 8th, and this is clearly right. 
By the latter part of the sentence Jahangir means that Shah Jahan 
was to start first, and that he himself was to leave afterwards. The 
' ' auspicious palace " referred to in the. next sentence is apparently Shah 
Jahan's establishment. Jahangir did not leave for about a fortnight. 
Though Shah Jahan and the establishment (daulat-khana-i-humdyun) 
made a start on the 8th or 9th Aban, he did not finally leave till the 
20th Aban. See infra. 



to distinguish it. I sent for a gun and took aim and 
tired in the direction that they pointed out to me. The 
gun, like the decree of heaven, fell on that ill-omened 
bird and blew it to pieces. A shout arose from those 
who were present, and involuntarily they opened their 
lips in applause and praise. On the same night I talked 
with the ambassador of my brother Shah 'Abbas, and at 
last the conversation turned on the slaying of Safl Mirza, 
his (the Shah's) eldest son. I asked him because this 
was a difficulty in my mind. He represented that if 
his slaughter had not been carried out at that time he 
would certainly have attempted the Shah's life. As this 
intention became manifest from his behaviour, the Shah 
was beforehand with him and ordered him to be killed. 
On the same day the mansab of Mirza Hasan, son of 
Mirza Rustam, was fixed, original and increase, at 1,000 
personal and 300 horse. The mansab of Mu'tamad 
Khan, 1 who had been appointed to the post of paymaster 
of the army with Baba Khurram, was settled at 1,000 
personal and 250 horse. The time for the leave-taking 
of Baba Khurram had been fixed as Friday, the 20th 
(Aban). At the end of this day he paraded before me 
the pick of his men armed and ready in the public hall 
of audience. Of the distinguished favours bestowed on 
the aforesaid son one was the title of Shah, which was 
made a part of his name. I ordered that thereafter he 
should be styled Shah Sultan Khurram. I presented 
him with a robe of honour, a jewelled charqab, the 
fringe and collar of which were decorated with pearls, 
an Iraq horse with a jewelled saddle, a Turki horse, 
a special elephant called Bansl-badan, 2 a carriage, according 
to the English fashion, 3 for him to sit and travel about 

1 Author of iqbal-nama. 

2 ' Of body like Krishna, 'or like a flute ' ? 

3 According to Roe, it was not the English carriage, but a copy. 
Perhaps Jahangir had the original carriage and Shall Jahan the copy. 


in, a jewelled sword with a special pardala (sword-belt) 
that had been taken at the conquest of the fort of Ahmad - 
nagar, and was very celebrated, and a jewelled dagger. 
He started with great keenness. My trust in Almighty 
God is that in this service he may gain renown (lit. 
become red-faced). On each of the Amirs and mansabdars, 
according to his quality and degree, a horse and an 
elephant were conferred. Loosening a private sword 
from my own waist, I gave it to 'Abdu-llah Khan 
Flruz-jang. As Dayanat Khan had been appointed to 
accompany the prince, I gave the duty of 'arz-mukarrir 
(reviser of petitions) to Khwaja Qasim Qilij Khan. 
Previously l to this a band of thieves had carried off 
a certain sum of money from the royal treasury in the 
kotwali chabutara (Police Office). After some days seven 
men of that band, with their leader, of the name of 
Nawal, were caught, and a portion of that money was 
recovered. It occurred to me that as they had been 
guilty of such boldness I ought to punish them severely. 
Each was punished in exemplary fashion, and I ordered 
Nawal, the leader of them all, to be thrown under the 
feet of an elephant. He petitioned that if I would give 
the order he would fight the elephant. I ordered it to 
be so. They produced a very furious elephant. I bade 
them put a dagger into his hand and bring him in 
front of the elephant. The elephant several times threw 
him down, and each time that violent and fearless man, 
although he witnessed the punishments of his comrades, 
got up again and bravely and with a stout heart struck 
the elephant's trunk with the dagger, so that the animal 
refrained from attacking him. When I had witnessed 
this pluck and manliness, I ordered them to inquire into 
his history. After a short time, according to his evil 
nature and low disposition, he ran away in his longing 

1 Elliot, vi, 346. 


for his own place and abode. This annoyed me greatly, 
and I ordered the jagirdars of that neighbourhood to 
hunt him up and apprehend him. By chance he was 
caught a second time, and this time I ordered that 
ungrateful and unappreciative one to be hanged. The 
saying of Shaikh Muslihu-d-din Sa'di accords with his 


" In the end a wolf's cub becomes a wolf, 
Although he be brought up with man." 

On Tuesday, 1 the 1st Zi-1-qa'da (10th November, 1616), 
corresponding with the 21st Aban, after two watches 
and live gharis of the day had passed, in good condition 
and with a right purpose I mounted the Frank carriage, 
which had four horses attached to it, and left the city 
of Ajmir. I ordered many of the Amirs to accompany 
me in carriages, and at about sunset alighted at a halting- 
place about If kos distant, in the village of Deo Ray 
(Dorai ?). 2 It is the custom of the people of India that if 
the movement of kings or great men for the conquest of 
a country is towards the east they should ride a tusked 
elephant, and if the movement is towards the west on 
a horse of one colour ; if towards the north in a palanquin 
or a litter (singlidsan), and if towards the south, that is, 
in the direction of the Deccan (as on this occasion), on 
a rath, which is a kind of cart (araba) or bahal (two- 
wheeled car). I had stayed at Ajmir for five days 
less than three years. 3 They consider the city of Ajmir, 
which is the place of the blessed tomb of the revered 
Khwaja Mu'Inu-d-din, to be in the second clime. Its 
air is nearly equable. The capital of Agra is to the 
east of it ; on the north are the townships (district) of 

1 The day was Saturday, not Tuesday, and it is Saturday in the MSS. 

2 Elliot has Deo Rani, and it is Deo Rani in I. O. MS. 305. 

3 JahangTr arrived in Ajmir on the 26th Aban, 1022, and left it on the 
21st Aban, 1025. The Muhammadan dates are 5th Shawwal, 1022, and 
1st Zi-1-qa'da, 1025 = 18th November, 1613, and 10th November, 1616. 


Delhi, and on the .south the Subah of Gujarat. On the 
west lie Multan and Dealpur. The soil of this province 
is all sandy ; water is found with difficulty in the land, 
and the reliance for cultivation is on moist 1 soil and on 
the rainfall. The cold season is very equable, and the 
hot season is milder than in Agra. From this subah 
in time of war 86,000 2 horse and 304,000 Rajput foot 
are provided. There are two large lakes in this city ; 
they call one of these the Blsal 3 and the other the 
Anasagar. The Blsal tank is in ruins and its embank- 
ment is broken. At this time I ordered it to be repaired. 
The Anasagar at the time that the royal standards were 
there was always full of water and waves. This toil is 
I \ kos and 5 tanab (lit. tent-ropes) (in circumference?). 
Whilst at Ajmir I visited nine times the mausoleum of 
the revered Khwaja, and fifteen times went to look at the 
Pushkar lake ; to the Chashma-i-Nur I went thirty-eight 
times. I went out to hunt tigers, etc., fifty times. I killed 
15 tigers, 1 cheetah, 1 black-ear (lynx), 53 nilgaw, 33 gazelle 
(gawazn), 90 antelope, 80 boars, and 340 water-fowl. I en- 
camped seven times at Deo Ray (Deo Rani) (Dorai?). At 
this halt 5 nilgaw and 12 water-fowl were killed. Marching 
on the 29th from Deo Ray, my camp was pitched at the 
village of Dasawali, 2 kos and If quarters distant from 
Deo Ray. On this day I gave an elephant to Mu'tamad 
Khan. I stayed the next day at this village. On this 
day a nilgaw was killed, and I sent two of my falcons 
to my son Khurram. I marched from this village on the 

1 Text tar. but MSS. have abfar, i.e. inferior and perhaps low land. 
The text seems corrupt. 

2 MSS. have 86,500 horse and 347,000 foot, and this agrees with the 
Ayin (Jarrett, ii, 272). 

:; Text wrongly has Nil. The tank in question is the Bisalya tank of 
the Rajputana (Gazetteer, ii, 4, which was made by Blsal Deo Chohan 
about 1050 a.d. It is described in Tod's " Personal Narrative," i, 824, 
of Calcutta reprint. It is, or was, about 8 miles in circumference 
and is about a mile west of the Anasagar, which was made by Bisal 
Den's grandson. 


3rd Azar, and pitched at the village of Badhal (Mawal?), 
2\ kos distant. On the road six water-fowl, etc., were 
killed. On the 4th, having gone H kos, Ramsar, 1 which 
belongs to Nur-Jahan Begam, became the place for the 
alighting of honour and glory. A halt was made at 
this place for eight days. In the place of Khidmat-gar 
Khan I here appointed Hidayatu-llah mir-tuzak (master 
of ceremonies). On the 5th day 7 antelope, 1 kulang 
(crane), and 15 fish were killed. The next day Jagat 
Singh, son of Kunwar Karan, received a horse and a robe 
of honour and took leave for his native place. A horse 
was also given to Kesho Das Lala and an elephant to 
Allah-dad Khan Afghan. On the same day I killed 
a gazelle, 3 antelope, 7 fish, and 2 water-fowl. On 
that day was heard the news of the death of Raja 
Syam Singh, who belonged to the army of Bangash. 
On the 7th day 3 antelope, 5 water - fowl, and 
a qatfiqalddf/h 2 (coot) were killed. On Thursday and 
the eve of Friday, as Ramsar belongs to the jagir of 
Nur-Jahan, a feast and entertainment were prepared. 
Jewels, jewelled ornaments, fine cloths, sewn tapestry, 
and every kind of jewellery were presented as offerings. 
At night on all sides and in the middle of the lake, 
which is very broad, lamps were displayed. An excellent 
entertainment was arranged. In the end of the said 
Thursday, having also sent for the Amirs, I ordered cups 
for most 3 of the servants. On my journeys by land 
some boats are always taken along with the victorious 
camp ; the boatmen convey them on carts. On the day 
after this entertainment I went to fish in these boats, 
and in a short time 208 large fish came into one net. 

1 About 20 miles south-east of Ajmir. 

2 This is the name of a water-bird in Turlri. It is also called magh 
and water-crow (zdgh-i-ab), and in Hindi jallcawa (note of Sayyid 

3 Probably the meaning is that he allowed those who wished to drink 
to do so. Many, or at least some, would be abstainers 


Half of these were of the species of rahu. At night 
I divided them among the servants in my own presence. 
On the 13th Azar I marched from Ramsar, and hunting 
for 4 kos along the road, the camp was pitched at 
the village of Baloda, 1 Here I stayed for two days. 
On the 16th, moving 3£ kos, I alighted at the village 
of Nihal. 2 On the 18th the march was one of 2| kos. 
On this day I gave an elephant to Muhammad Riza 
Beg, ambassador of the ruler of Persia. The village of 
Jonsa became the halting-place of the tents of greatness 
and prosperity. On the 20th I marched to the halting- 
place of Deogaon ; I hunted along the road for a distance 
of 3 kos. I stayed at this place for two days, and at 
the end of the day went out to hunt. At this stage 
a strange affair was witnessed. Before the royal standards 
arrived at this halting-place, an eunuch went to the bank 
of a large tank there is in the village, and caught two 
young saras, which are a kind of crane ; at night, when 
we stopped at this halting-place, two large saras appeared 
making loud cries near the ghusul-khana (parlour), which 
they had placed on the edge of the tank, as if somebody 
were exercising oppression on them. They fearlessly 
began their cries and came forward. It occurred to me 
that certainly some kind of wrong had been done to 
them, and probably their young had been taken. After 
enquiry was made the eunuch who had taken the young 
saras brought them before me. When the saras heard 
the cries of these young ones, they without control threw 
themselves upon them, and suspecting that they had had 
no food, each of the two saras placed food in the mouths 
of the young ones, and made much lamentation. Taking 
the two young ones between them, and stretching out 
their wings and fondling them, they went off to their 
nest. Marching on the 23rd 3| kos, I alighted at the 

1 Namuda in USS. - Sahal in MSS. 


village of Bahasu (Bhalu?). Here there was a halt of two 
days, and each da}' I rode to hunt. On the 26th the royal 
standards moved and the halt was outside of the village 
of Kakal. A halt was made after traversing 2 kos. 
On the 27th the mansab of Badi'u-z-zaman, son of 
Mirza Shahrukh, original and increased, was fixed at 
1,500 personal and 750 horse. Marching on the 29th 
2f kos, a halt was made at the village of Lasa, near 
parganah Boda. 1 This day corresponded with the festival 
of Qurban (19th December, 1616). I ordered them to 
observe the ordinances of that day. From the date on 
which I left Ajmir up to the end of the aforesaid month, 
viz. the 30th Azar, 67 nilgaw, antelope, etc., and 37 water- 
fowl, etc., had been killed. A march was made from 
Lasa on the 2nd Day, and I marched and hunted for 
3 kos 10 jarib, and halted in the neighbourhood of the 
village of Kanra. On the 4th a march of 3| kos was 
made to the village of Surath. Marching; 4! kos on the 
6th, a halt was made near the village of Barora (Bardara ?). 
On the 7th, when there was a halt, 50 water-fowl and 
14 qashqaldagh (coot) were killed. The next day was 
a halt as well. On this day 27 water-fowl became a prey. 
On the 9th a march of 4| kos was made. Hunting and 
overthrowing prey, I alighted at the halting-place of Khush 
Tal. At this stage a report came from Mu'tamad Khan that 
when the territory of the Rana became the halting-place 
of Shah Khurram, though there had been no agreement 
to this effect (i.e. to the Rana s meeting him), the fame 
and dignity of the victorious army had introduced 
a commotion into the pillars of his patience and firmness, 
and he had come and paid his respects to him when he 
halted at Dudpiir, 2 which was on the border of his jagir, 

1 In Sarkar Marosor (Jarrett, ii, 208). It was in Malwa. But tin 
I.O. MSS. WeNauda. 

2 Text Udaipur, but this was not on the holder of the Rana's 
territory, and the MSS. have Dudpiir. 

ran! of UDAiruii. 345 

and observing all the dues and ceremonies of service he 
had neglected not the smallest portion of them. Shall 
Khurram had paid him every attention, and pleased him 
with the gift of a dress of honour, a chdrqab, a jewelled 
sword, a jewelled khapwa, Persian and Turki horses, and 
an elephant, and dismissed him with every honour. He 
had also favoured his sons and relations with dresses of 
honour, and out of his offering, which consisted of five 
elephants, twenty-seven horses, and a tray full of jewels 
and jewelled ornaments, had taken three horses and given 
back the remainder. It was settled that his son Karan 
should attend on the stirrup of Baba Khurram in this 
expedition with 1,500 horse. On the 10th the sons of 
Raja Malm Singh came from their jagir and native place 
(Amber) and waited on me in the neighbourhood of 
Rantambhor, making an ottering of three elephants and 
nine horses. Each one of them, according to his condition, 
received an increase of mansab. As the neighbourhood 
of the said fort became a halting-place for the royal 
standards, I released some of the prisoners who were 
confined in that fort. At this place I halted for two 
days and each day went to hunt. Thirty-eight water- 
fowl and qashqaldagh (coot) were taken. On the 12th 
I marched, and after going 4 kos halted at the village 
of Ko3 r ala. On the road I killed fourteen water-fowl 
and an antelope. On the 14th, having tra\ersed 3f- kos, 
I halted in the neighbourhood of the village of Ektora, 1 
killing on the road a blue bull, twelve herons (harwdnak), 
etc. On the same day Agha Fazil, who had been 
appointed deputy for I'timadu-d-daulah at Lahore, was 
dignified with the title of Fazil Khan. At this stage 
t\\ey had erected the royal lodging (daulat-khdna) on 
the bank of a tank, which Was exceedingly bright and 
pleasant. On account of the pleasantness of the place 

1 Perhaps the Toda of Sir T. Roe. 


I halted two days there, and at the end of each went 
to hunt water-fowl. To this place the younger son of 
Mahabat Khan, by name Bahra-war, came from the 
fort of Rantambhor, which is his father's jagir, to pay 
his respects to me. He had brought two elephants, both 
of which were included in my private stud. I promoted 
Safi, son of Amanat Khan, to the title of Khan, and, 
increasing his mansab, made him bakhshi and news-writer 
of the Subah of Gujarat. Having travelled 4J kos on 
the 17th, I halted at the village of Lasaya. 1 During the 
halt I killed one water-fowl and twenty-three sand-grouse 
(durraj). As I had sent for Lashkar Khan to Court on 
account of the disagreement that had occurred between him 
and Khan Dauran, I at this place appointed 'Abid Khan, 2 
bakhshi and news- writer, in his stead. On the 19th, 
having made a march of 2-j- kos, an encampment was 
made in the neighbourhood of the village of Kuraka 
(Koran?), 3 which is situated on the bank of the Chambal. 
On account of the excellence of the place and the pleasant- 
ness of its air and water, a halt took place here for 
three days. Every day I sat in a boat and went to 
hunt water-fowl and to wander over the river. On the 
22nd 4 there was a march, and having traversed 4i kos, 
shooting on the road, the victorious camp was pitched 
at the villages of Sultanpur and Chlla Mala (Chilamila ?). 
On this day of halt I bestowed on Milan Sadr Jahan 
5,000 rupees, and gave him leave to proceed to the place 
assigned to him as his jagir. Another 1,000 rupees 
were given to Shaikh Pir. On the 25th I marched 
and hunted for 3 J kos and encamped at the village of 
Basur. 5 According to fixed rules one halt and one march 
took place, and on the 27th I marched and hunted 4| kos 
and encamped at the village of Charduha (Varadha ?). 

1 Lyasa in MSS. - Son of Nizamu-d-din the historian. 

3 Gorana in MSS. and the distance 2J kos and 1 jarlb. 

4 23rd in MSS. 5 Manpur in text. 


Two days halt took place hero. In this month of Day 
416 animals were killed, namely, 97 sand-grouse (durraj), 
192 qashqaldagh, 1 saras, 7 herons, 118 water-fowl, and 
1 hare. On the 1st Bahman, corresponding with the 
12th Muharram, 1026 (20th January, 1617), seating myself 
in boats with the ladies, I went forward one stage. When 
one ghari of day remained I arrived at the village of 
Rupahera, the halting-place, the distance being 4 kos 
and 15 jarib. I shot live sand-grouse. On the same day 
I sent by the hands of Kaikana winter dresses of honour 
to twenty-one Amirs on duty in the Deccan, and ordered 
him to take 10,000 1 rupees from those Amirs as a thanks- 
giving for the dresses of honour. This halting-place had 
much verdure and pleasantness. On the 3rd a march took 
place. As on the previous day, I embarked in a boat, 
and after traversing 2| kos the village of Kakha-das 
(Kakhavas?) 2 became the encamping place of the victorious 
camp. As I came hunting on the way, a sand-grouse fell 
Hying into a thicket. After much search it was marked, 
and I ordered one of the beaters to surround the thicket and 
catch it, and went towards it myself. Meanwhile another 
sand-grouse rose, and this I made a falcon seize. Soon 
afterwards the beater came and laid the sand-grouse 
before me. I ordered them to satisfy the falcon with 
this sand-grouse, and to keep the one we had caught, as 
it was a young bird. (But) before the order reached 
him the head huntsman fed the falcon with the sand- 
grouse (the second one, viz. that which the falcon had 
caught). After a while the beater represented to me 
that if he did not kill the sand-grouse it would die 
(and then could not be eaten as not properly killed). 
I ordered him to kill it if that was the case. As he 
laid his sword on its throat, it with a slight movement 
freed itself from the sword and flew awav. After I had 

1 MSS. 2,000 rupees. " Perhaps Kanha Das. 


left the boat and mounted my horse, suddenly a sparrow 
(kuTigishk) by the force of the wind struck the head of 
an arrow that one of the beaters who was in my retinue 
had in his hand, and immediately fell down and died. 
I was amazed and bewildered at the tricks of destiny ; 
on one side it preserved the sand-grouse, whose time had 
not arrived, in a short time from three such dangers 
and on the other hand made captive in the hand of 
destruction on the arrow of fate the sparrow whose 
hour of death had come — 

" The world -sword maj- move from its place, 
But it will cut no vein till God wills." 

Dresses of honour for the winter had also been sent by 
the hand of Qara, the yasawul (usher), to the Amirs at 
Kabul. I halted at this place on account of the pleasant- 
ness of the spot and the excellence of the air. On this 
day there came the news of the death of Nad 'AH Khan 
Maidani at Kabul. I honoured his sons with mansabs, 
and at the request of Ibrahim Khan Flruz-jang 1 increased 
the mansab of Rawat Shankar by 500 personal and 1,000 
horse. On the 6th there was a march, and going- for 4| kos 
by the pass known as Ghate Clmnda,. the royal camp was 
pitched at the village of Amhar (Amjar ?). This valley 
is very green and pleasant and good trees are seen in 
it. Up to this stage, which is the limit of the country 
of the Subah of Ajmir, 84 kos had been traversed. It 
was also a pleasant stage. Nur-Jahan Begam here shot 
with a gun a qartsha (?), the like of which for size and 
beauty of colour had never been seen. I ordered them 
to weigh it, and it came to 19 tolas and 5 mashas. The 
aforesaid village is the commencement of the Subah of 
Malwa, which is in the second clime. The leno-th 2 of this 
Subah from the extremity of the province of Garha to the 
province of Banswala (Banswara ?) is 245 kos, and its 

1 Should he Fath-jang as in MSS. - Jarrett, ii, 195. 


breadth from the parganah of Chancier! to the parganah of 
Nandarbar is 230 kos. On the east is the province of 
Bandho, and on the north the fort of Narwar, on the 
south the province of Baglana, and on the west the 
Subahs of Gujarat and Ajmir. Malwa is a large province 
abounding in water and of a pleasant climate. There 
are live rivers in it in addition to streams, canals, 
and springs, namely, the Godavarl, 1 Bhima, Kallsindh, 
Nlra, and Narbada. Its climate is nearly equable. The 
land of this province is low, but part of it is high. In 
the district of Dhar, which is one of the noted places 
of Malwa, the vine gives grapes twice in the year, in 
the beginning of Pisces and the beginning of Leo, but 
the grapes of Pisces are the sweeter. Its husbandmen 
and artificers are not without arms. The revenue of the 
province is 24,700,000 dams. When needful there are 
obtained from it about 9,300 2 horse and four lakhs, 
70,300 foot-soldiers, with 100 elephants. On the 8th, 
moving on 3| kos, an encampment was made near 
Khairabad. On the road 14 sand-grouse and 3 herons 
were killed, and having traversed and shot over 3 kos 
the camp was pitched - at the village of Sidhara. On 
the 11th, while there was a halt, I mounted at the end 
of the day to hunt, and killed a blue bull. On the 
12th, after traversing 4| kos, a halt was made at the 
village of Bachhayari. On that day Rana Amar Singh 
had sent some baskets of tigs. In truth it is a fine 
fruit, and I had never seen such delicious figs in India. 
But one must eat only a few of them ; it does harm to 
eat many. On the 14th there was a march; having 
traversed 4^ kos, I encamped at the village of Balbali. 
Raja Janba, who is an influential zamindar in these 

1 The name seems to be wrong. Jahangir is evidently copying from 
the Ayin, and the rivers mentioned there (Jarrett, ii, 195) are the 
Narbada, Sipra, Kalisindh, Betwa, and the Kodi (or GodI). 

2 29,668 (Jarrett, ii, 198). 


regions, had sent two elephants as an ottering, and they 
were brought before me. At the same stage they brought 
man}* melons grown in Kariz near Herat. Khan 'Alam 
had also sent 50 camels. In former years they had never 
brought melons in such abundance. On one tray they 
brought many kinds of fruit — Kariz melons, melons from 
Badakhshan and Kabul, grapes from Samarkand 1 and 
Badakhshan, apples from Samarkand, Kashmir, Kabul, 
and from Jalalabad, which is a dependency of Kabul, and 
pineapples, a fruit that comes from the European ports, 
plants of which have been set in Agra. Every year 
some thousands are gathered in the gardens there which 
appertain to the private domains (khdlisa-i-shanfa) 2 ; 
haulaf which are similar in form to an orange, but 
smaller and better in flavour. They grow very well 
in the Subah of Bengal. In what language can one 
give thanks for such favours ? My revered father had 
a great liking for fruit, especially for melons, pome- 
granates, and grapes. During his time the Kariz 
melons, which are the finest kind, and pomegranates 
from Yezd, which are celebrated throughout the world, 
and Samarkand grapes had not been brought to Hindustan. 
Whenever I see these fruits they cause me great regret. 
Would that such fruit had come in those days, so that 
he might have enjoyed them ! 

On the loth, which was a halting day, news came of 
the death of Mir 'All, son of Farldun Khan Barlas, who 
was one of the trusted amir-zadas (descended from amirs) 
of this family (the Timurides). On the 16th a march 
took place. Having traversed 4|- kos, the camp of 
heavenly dignity was pitched near the village of Girl. 
On the road the scouts brought news that there was 

1 The MSS. also have sweet pomegranates from Yezd, and sub-acid 
(may-khivush) ones from Farah, and pears from Badakhshan (see Elliot, 
vi, 348). 

2 The MSS. have Jchdssa-i-sharlfa. 

3 Qu. komlal Instead of qabiltar the MSS. have ma dtar. 


a lion in this neighbourhood. I went to hunt him and 
finished him with one shot. As the braveness of the 
lion (shir babar) has been established, I wished to look 
at his intestines. After they were extracted, it appeared 
that in a manner contrary to other animals, whose gall- 
bladder is outside their livers, the gall-bladder of the 
lion is within his liver (?). It occurred to me that the 
courage of the lion may be from this cause. On the 
18th, after traversing 2f kos, the village of Amriya was 
our halting - place. On the 19th, which was a halt, 
I went out to hunt. After going 2 kos, a village came 
to view exceedingly sweet and pleasant. Nearly 100 
mango-trees were seen in one garden ; I had seldom 
seen mango-trees so large and green and pleasant. In 
the same garden I saw a bar- tree (a banyan), exceedingly 
large. I ordered them to measure it$ length, breadth, 
and height in yards (gas). Its height from the surface 
to the highest branch (sar-shdkh) was 74 cubits (zira'). 
The circumference of its trunk was 44| cubits and its 
breadth 1 17 5 J measured by the gaz. This has been 
recorded as it is very unusual. On the 20th was a march, 
and on the road a blue bull was shot with a gun. On 
the 21st, which was a halt, I went out to hunt at the 
end of the day. After returning, I came to the house 
of Ptimadu-d-daulah for the festival of Khwaja Khizr, 
whom they call Khizri ; I remained there till a watch of 
the night had passed, and then feeling inclined for food 
I went back to the royal quarters. On this day I 
honoured I'timadu-d-daulah as an intimate friend by 
directing the ladies of the harem not to veil their faces 
from him. By this favour I bestowed everlasting honour 
on him. On the 22nd an order was given to march, and 
after 3^ kos were traversed the camp was pitched at the 
village of Bulgharl (Nawalkherl ?). On the road two blue 

PahncVi. Its area or shade. Perhaps the 175J are yards, not 


bulls were killed. On the 23rd day of Tir, which was 
a halt, I killed a blue bull with a gun. On the 24th, 
traversing 5 kos, the village of Qasim-khera was the 
halting-place. On the road a white animal * was killed, 
which resembled the IcHtah pay a (hog-cleer) ; it had four 
horns, two of which were opposite the extremities of its 
eyes, and two finger-breadths in height, and the two other 
horns four finger-breadths towards the nape of the neck. 
These were four finger-breadths in height. The people 
of India call this animal dudhadharit (dudhariya ?). 
The male has four horns and the female none. It was 
said that this kind of antelope has no gall-bladder, but 
when they looked at its intestines the gall-bladder was 
apparent, and it became clear that this report has no 
foundation. On the 25th, which was a halt, at the end 
of the day I rode out to hunt and killed a female 
nilgaw with my gun. Balju, nephew of Qillj Khan, who 
held the mansab of 1,000 personal and 850 horse, and 
had a jagir in Oudh, I promoted to 2,000 personal and 
1,200 horse, dignified him with the title of Qillj Khan, 
and appointed him to the Subah of Bengal. On the 
26th a march took place, and after traversing 4f kos 
a halt was made at the village of Dili Qaziyan, which 
is in the neighbourhood of Ujjain. A number of mango- 
trees in this place had blossomed. They had pitched the 

1 Evidently the four-horned antelope, the Tetracerus quadricornis oi 
Blanford, p. 520, and which has the Hindustani name of doda. Blanford 
describes its colour as dull pale brown. "The posterior horns are 
much larger than the anterior ones, which are situated between the 
orbits and are often mere knobs. It is the only Indian representative 
of the duikarbok of Africa. Another Indian name is chausingha. In 
jungle this species and the hog-deer may easily be mistaken the one for 
the other. It is not gregarious, and moves with a peculiar jerky action." 
The resemblance between the four-horned antelope and the hog-deer — 
the k fit ah puycha or short -legged deer of Babar and Jahangir — ma}' 
account for Blanford's giving doda as a native name for the hog-deer 
(Cervus porcinux). For Babar's description of the kfitdh paya or pclycha 
see Erskine, p. 317. Gladwin in his history of Jahangir writes the 
native name as Dirdhayan. 


tents on the bank of a lake, and had prepared an 
enchanting place. Pahar, son of Ghaznln 1 Khan, was 
capitally punished at this stage. Cherishing this unlucky 
one after the death of his father, I had given him the 
fort and province of Jalaur, which was the place of his 
ancestors. As he was of tender years, his mother used 
to forbid him certain evil practices. That eternally black - 
faced one with some of his companions one night came 
into the house and killed his own full mother with his 
own hand. This news reached me and I ordered them 
to bring him. After his crime was proved against him, 
I ordered them to put him to death {hih ba biyasa rasani- 
dand). At this halting-place a tamarind 2 -tree came to 
view, the form and habit of which were somewhat strange. 
The original tree had one trunk ; when it had grown to 
6 gaz, it turned into two branches, one of which was 10 and 
the other 9| gaz. The distance between the two branches 
was 4 1 gaz. From the ground to the place where the 
branches and leaves came to an end(?), there were on 
the side of the large branch 16 gaz, and on the other 
branch 15| gaz. From the place whence the branches 
and green leaves began (?) to the top (trunk?) of the 
tree was 2i gaz, and the circumference was 2§ gaz. 
I ordered them to make a chabutara (platform) round it 
of the height of 3 gaz. As the trunk was very straight 
and well-shaped, I told my artists to depict it in the 
illustrations to the Jahangir-nama. A march was made 
on the 27th. After traversing 2^ kos, a halt was made 

1 Blochmann, p. 493. 

2 Text, hhurmd, a date, but evidently the khurmd-i-Hind or the 
tamarind, i.e. 'the palm of India,' is meant (see Babar's Mem., Erskine, 
p. 324). I do not understand the measurements. The word yak, ' one,' 
before the word shdkh is not in the MSS. and is, I think, wrong. I think 
the 16 gaz and 15| gaz are the lengths of the two branches, and that the 
measurements 2| and 2f gaz refer to the length and circumference of 
the two branches at the place when they started from the trunk and 
before they put out leaves. 



at the village of Hinduwal l ; on the road a blue bull was 
killed. On the 28th, after traversing- 2 kos, the village 
of Kaliyadaha became the halting -place. Kaliyadaha 
is a building which was made by Nasiru-d-din, son of 
Ghiyasu-d-din, son of Sultan Mahmud Khalji, who was 
ruler of Malwa. In the time of his rule he had made it 
in the neighbourhood of Ujjain, which is one of the most 
celebrated cities in the Subah of Malwa. They say 
that the heat overcame him so much that he passed his 
time in the water. He made this building in the middle 
of the river, and divided its waters into canals, and 
brought the water on all sides, as well as inside and 
outside, of the house, and made large and small reservoirs 
suited to the place. It is a very pleasant and enjoyable 
place, and one of the noted habitations of Hindustan. 
Before it was decided to halt at this place I sent 
architects and ordered them to clean up the place again. 
On account of its pleasantness I remained in this place 
for three days. At the same place Shaja'at Khan came 
from his jagir and waited on me. Ujjain is one of the 
old cities, and is one of the seven established places of 
worship of the Hindus. Raja Bikramajit, who introduced 
the observation of the heavens and stars into Hindustan, 
lived in this city and province. From the time of his 
observations until now, which is the 1026th Hijra year 
(1617 A.D.) and the 11th year from my accession, 1,675 2 
years have passed. The deductions of the astronomers 
of India are all based on his observations. This city 
is on the bank of the River Sipra. The belief 3 of the 

* Hindwas or Hindawas in MSS. 

2 This is in accordance with and probably derived from Babar's 
Commentaries, Erskine, p. 51, where he says that 1,584 years have 
elapsed from the time when Bikramajit made his observatory. Erskine 
takes this to show that Babar was writing in 934, and if we add 92 years, 
or the difference between 934 and 1026, we get 1,676 years (or 1,675 if we 
take the year to be 1025). 

3 See Jarrett, ii, 196. Abu-1-fazl says there that the flow occurred 
a week before his arrival at Ujjain. 


Hindus is that once in some year at an uncertain time 
the water of this river turns into milk. In the reign 
of my revered father, at the time when he had sent 
Abu-1-fazl to set in order the affairs of my brother 
Shah Murad, he sent a report from that city that a large 
body of Hindus and Musulmans had borne testimony 
that some days previously at night this river had become 
milk, so that people who took water from it that night 
found in the morning their pots full of milk. 1 As this 
obtained currency it has been recorded, but my intelli- 
gence will in no way agree to it. The real truth of 
this affair is known to Allah. On the 2nd Isfandarmuz 
I embarked in a boat from Kaliyadaha, and went to the 
next stage. I had frequently heard that an austere 
SanyasI 2 of the name of Jadrup many years ago retired 
from the city of Ujjain to a corner of the desert and 
employed himself in the worship of the true God. I had 
a great desire for his acquaintance, and when I was at 
the capital of Agra I was desirous of sending for and 
seeing him. In the end, thinking of the trouble it would 
give him, I did not send for him. When I arrived in 
the neighbourhood of the city I alighted from the boat 
and went % kos on foot to see him. The place he had 
chosen to live in was a hole on the side of a hill which 
had been dug out and a door made. At the entrance 
there is an opening in the shape of a mihrab, 3 which 

1 Cf. Jarrett, ii, 196. 2 Sanydsl-i-murtdz. 

3 Text, mihrdbl-shakl uftdda, ' a place like a prayer-niche. ' Possibly 
the true reading is majrd bi-shakl uftdda, 'a passage without form.' 
However, the MSS. have mihrab. The account in the text may be 
compared with the Ma'asiru-1-umara, i, 574, and with the Iqbal-nama, 
p. 94. The measurements of the mouth of the hole in the Ma'asir are 
taken from the Iqbal-nama, and differ from the account in the Tuzuk. 
The Ma'asir, following the Iqbal-nama, calls the ascetic Achhad or Ajhad. 
It also gives his subsequent history. He went to Mathura and was 
there cruelly beaten by Hakim Beg. Jahangir's visit to Jadrup is 
referred to by Sir Thomas Roe, who mentions a report that the saint Mas 
said to be 300 years old. Jahanglr does not say any such nonsense. 


is in length (? height) 1 gaz and in breadth 10 giro, 

(knots, each T ' B of a gaz), and the distance from this 

door to a hole which is his real abode is 2 gaz and 

5 knots in length and in breadth 11-] knots. The height 

from the ground to the roof is 1 gaz and 3 knots. The 

hole whence is the entrance to the abode is in length 

5.V knots and its breadth 3| knots. A person of weak 

body (thin ?) can only enter it with a hundred difficulties. 

The length and breadth of the hole are such. It has 

no mat and no straw. In this narrow and dark hole 

he passes his time in solitude. In the cold days of 

winter, though he is quite naked, with the exception of 

a piece of rag that he has in front and behind, he never 

lights a fire. The Mulla of Rum (Jalalu-d-din) has put 

into rhyme the language of a dervish — 

" By day our clothes are the sun, 
By night our mattress and blanket the moon's rays." 

He bathes twice a day in a piece of water near his 
abode, and once a day goes into the city of Ujjain, and 
nowhere but to the houses of three brahmins whom he 
has selected out of seven, who have wives and children 
and whom he believes to have religious feelings and 
contentment. He takes by way of alms five mouthfuls 
of food out of what they have prepared for their own 
eating, which he swallows without chewing, in order 
that he may not enjoy their flavour ; always provided 
that no misfortune has happened to their three houses, 
that there has been no birth, and there be no menstruous 
woman in the house. This is his method of living, just 
as it is now written. He does not desire to associate 
with men, but as he has obtained great notoriety people 
go to see him. He is not devoid of knowledge, for he 
has thoroughly mastered the science of the Vedanta, 
which is the science of Sufism. I conversed with him 
for six gharis ; he spoke well, so much so as to make 
a great impression on me. My society «*lso suited him. 


At the time when my revered father conquered the fort 
of Asir, in the province of Khandesh, and was returning 
to Agra, he saw him in the very same place, and always 
remembered him well. 

The learned of India have established four modes of 
life for the caste of brahmins, which is the most honoured 
of the castes of Hindus, and have divided their lives into 
four periods. These four periods they call the four 
asram. 1 The boy who is born in a brahmin's house they 
do not call brahmin till he is 7 years old, and take no 
trouble on the subject. After he has arrived at the age 
of 8 years, they have a meeting and collect the brahmins 
together. They make a cord of munj grass, which they 
call munji, in length 2| gaz, and having caused prayers 
and incantations to be repeated over it, and having had 
it made into three strands, which they call sih tan, by 
one in whom they have confidence, they fasten it on 
his waist. Having woven a zunnar (girdle or thread) 
out of the loose threads, they hang it over his right 2 
shoulder. Having given into his hand a stick of the 
length of a little over 1 gaz to defend himself with 
from hurtful things and a copper vessel for drinking- 
water, they hand him over to a learned brahmin that 
he may remain in his house for twelve years, and employ 
himself in reading the Vedas, which they believe in as 
God's book. From this day forward they call him 
a brahmin. During this time it is necessary that he 
should altogether abstain from bodily pleasures. When 
midday is passed he goes as a beggar to the houses of 
other brahmins, and bringing what is given him to his 
preceptor, eats it with his permission. For clothing, 
with the exception of a loin cloth (lungl) of cotton to 
cover his private parts, and 2 or 3 more gaz of cotton 

1 See Jarrett, iii, 271, etc. The Sanskrit word is Asrama, or 

2 Left shoulder in Ayln. 


which he throws over his back, he has nothing else. 
This state is called brahmacharya, that is, being busied 
with the Divine books. After this period has passed, 
with the leave of his preceptor and his father, he 
marries, and is allowed to enjoy all the pleasures of 
his five senses until the time when he has a son who 
shall have attained the age of 16 years. If he does not 
have a son, he passes his days till he is 48 in the social 
life. During this time they call him a grihast, that is, 
householder. After that time, separating himself from 
relatives, connections, strangers, and friends, and giving 
up all things of enjoyment and pleasure, he retires to 
a place of solitude from the place of attachment to 
sociality (ta'alluq-i-dbad-i-kwrat), and passes his days in 
the jungle. They call this condition bdnprasta, 1 that is, 
abode in the jungle. As it is a maxim of the Hindus 
that no good deed can be thoroughly performed by men 
in the social state without the partnership of the presence 
of a wife, whom they have styled the half of a man, 
and as a portion of the ceremonies and worshippings is 
yet before him (has to be accomplished), he takes his 
wife with him into the jungle. If she should be pregnant, 
he puts off his going until she bear a child and it arrive 
at the age of 5 years. Then he entrusts the child to 
his eldest son or other relation, and carries out his 
intention. In the same way, if his wife be menstruous, 
he puts off going until she is purified. After this he 
has no connection with her, and does not defile himself 
with communication with her, and at night he sleeps 
apart. 2 He passes twelve years in this place, and lives 
on vegetables which may have sprung up of themselves 
in the desert and jungle. He keeps his zunnar by him 
and worships fire. He does not waste his time in looking 

. ] Sanskrit, Vanaprastha. 

2 Text qat'l dar miyan alat nihdda, but apparently this should be alat 
gat' ba miyan nihdda; that is, "membrum virile in involucris reponens. " 


after his nails or the hair of his head, or in trimming 
his beard and moustaches. When he completes this 
period in the manner related, he returns to his own 
house, and having commended his wife to his children 
and brothers and sons-in-law, goes to pay his respects 
to his spiritual guide, and burns by throwing into the 
fire in his presence whatever he has in the way of 
a zunnar, the hair of his head, etc., and says to him : 
" Whatever attachment (ta'alluq) I may have had, even 
to abstinence and worshipping and will, I have rooted 
up out of my heart." Then he closes the road to his 
heart and to his desires and is always employed in con- 
templation of God, and knows no one except the True 
Cause of Being (God). If he speak of science it is the 
science of Vedanta, the purport of which Baba Fighani 
has versified in this couplet — 

" There's one lamp in this house, by whose rays 
Wherever I look there is an assembly." 

They call this state sarvabiytis, 1 that is, giving up all. 
They call him who possesses it sarvabiydsi. 

After interviewing Jadrup I mounted an elephant 
and passed through the town of Ujjain, and as I went 
scattered to the right and left small coins to the value 
of 3,500 rupees, and proceeding If kos alighted at Da'ud- 
khera, the place where the royal camp was pitched. On 
the 3rd day, which was a halting day, I went, from 
desire for association with him, after midday, to see 
Jadrup, and for six gharis enjoyed myself in his company. 
On this day also he uttered good words, and it was near 
evening when I entered my palace. On the 4th day 
I journeyed 3^ kos and halted at the village of Jarao - 

1 Text, sarb biyasl, which may mean 'distributing everything.' The 
Iqbal-nama, p. 96, has sarb nasi, ' destroying everything.' 

2 I.O. MS. No. 306 says nothing about a garden, but speaks of 
a village Khirwar and of halting under a mango-tree. Nor does No. 305 
mention a garden. 


iii the Paraniya garden. This is also a very pleasant 
halting - place, full of trees. On the 6th there was 
a march ; after proceeding for 4f kos I halted on the 
bank of the lake of Debalpur Bheriya. On account of 
the pleasantness of the place and the delights of the 
lake, I halted at this stage for four days, and at the 
end of each day, embarking in a boat, employed myself 
in shooting ducks (murghabi) and other aquatic animals. 
At this halting-place they brought fakhrl grapes from 
Ahmadnagar. Although they are not as large as the 
Kabul fakhri grapes, they do not yield to them in 

At the request of my son Baba Khurram the mansab 
of Badfu-z-zaman, son of Mlrza Shahrukh, was fixed at 
1,500 personal and 1,000 horse. On the 11th I marched, 
and after proceeding for 3^ kos halted in the parganah 
Daulatabad. On the 12th, which was a halt, I rode 
out to hunt. In the village of Shaikhupur, which 
belonged to the said parganah, I saw a very large 
and bulky banyan-tree, measuring round its trunk 
18| gaz, and in height from the root to the top of the 
branches 128^ cubits. The branches spread a shade for 
20 3 i cubits. The length of a branch, on which they 
have represented the tusks of an elephant, was 40 gaz. 
At the time when my revered father passed by this, 
he had made an impression of his hand by way of 
a mark at the height of 3| gaz from the ground. 
I ordered them also to make the mark of my hand 
8 gaz above another root. In order that these two 
hand-marks might not be effaced in the course of time, 
they were carved on a piece of marble and fastened 
on to the trunk of the tree. I ordered them to place 
a chabvbtara and platform round the tree. 

As at the time when I was prince I had promised 
Mir Ziya'u-dln Qazwini, who was one of the Saifi Sayyids, 
and whom during my reign I have honoured with the 


title of Mustafa Khan, to give the parganah of Maldali, 
which is a famous parganah in Bengal, to him and 
his descendants 1 in al tamgha (perpetual royal grant), 
this great onft was bestowed in his honour at this 
halting-place. On the 13th a march took place. Going 
separately from this camp to look round the country 
and hunt with some of the ladies and intimates and 
servants, I proceeded to the village of Hasilpur, and 
whilst the camp was pitched in the neighbourhood of 
Nalcha (Balchha ?) I halted at the village of Sangor. What 
shall be written of the beauty and sweetness of this 
village ? There were many mango-trees, and its lands 
were altogether green and delightful. On account of 
its greenness and pleasantness I halted here for three 
days. I gave this village to Kamal Khan, the huntsman, 
in place of Kesho Das Mara. An order was passed that 
they should hereafter call it Kamalpur. At this same 
halting-place occurred the night cf Shivrat (Shivratri). 
Many Jogis collected. The ceremonies of this night were 
duly observed, and I met the learned of this body in social 
intercourse. In these days I shot three blue bulls. The 
news of the killing of Raja Man reached me at this 
place. I had appointed him to head the army that had 
been sent against the fort of Kangra. When he arrived 
at Lahore he heard that Sangram, one of the zamindars 
of the hill-country of the Panjab, had attacked his 
place and taken possession of part of his province. 
Considering it of the first importance to drive him 
out, he went against him. As Sangram had not the 
power to oppose him, he left the country of which he 
had taken possession and took refuge in difficult hills 
and places. Raja Man pursued him there, and in his 
great pride, not looking to the means by which he 
himself could advance and retreat, came up to him with 

1 Cf. Elliot, vi, 348. The MSS. say nothing about two sons. 


a small force. When Sangram saw that he had no way 
to flee by, in accordance with this couplet — 

" In time of need when no (way of) flight is left, 
The hand seizes the edge of the sharp sword." 1 

A fight took place, and according to what was decreed, 
a bullet struck Raja Man and he delivered his soul to 
the Creator thereof. His men were defeated and a great 
number of them killed. The remainder, wounded, aban- 
doned their horses and arms, and with a hundred alarms 
escaped half-dead. 

On the 17th I marched from Sanp;or, and after 
proceeding 3 kos came again to the village of Hasilpur. 
On the road a blue bull was killed. This village is one 
of the noted places in the Subah of Malwa. It has 
many vines and mango-trees without number. It has 
streams flowing on all sides of it. At the time I arrived 
there were grapes contrary to the season in which they 
are in the Wilayat (Persia or Afghanistan). They were 
so cheap and plentiful that the lowest and meanest 
could get as much as they desired. The poppy had 
flowered and showed varied colours. In brief, there are 
few villages so pleasant. For three days more I halted 
in this village. Three blue bulls were killed with my 
gun. From Hasilpur on the 21st in two marches 
I rejoined the big camp. On the road a blue bull 
was killed. On Sunday, the 22nd, marching from the 
neighbourhood of Nalcha (Balchha ?), I pitched at a lake 
that is at the foot of the fort of Mandu. On that day 
the huntsmen brought news that they had marked down 
a tiger within 3 kos. Although it was Sunday, and on 
these two days, viz. Sunday and Thursday, I do not 
shoot, it occurred to me that as it is a noxious animal 
it ought to be done away with. I proceeded towards 
him, and when I arrived at the place it was sitting 

1 From the "Gulistan." 


under the shade of a tree. Seeing its mouth, which 
was half open, from the back of the elephant, I fired 
my gun. By chance it entered its mouth and found 
a place in its throat and brain, and its affair was finished 
with that one shot. After this the people who were 
with me, although they looked for the place where the 
tiger was wounded, could not find it, for on none of its 
limbs was there any sign of a gunshot wound. At 
last I ordered them to look in its mouth. From this 
it was evident that the bullet had entered its mouth 
and that it had been killed thereby. Mirza Rustam had 
killed a male wolf and brought it. I wished to see 
whether its gall-bladder was in its liver like that of 
the tiger, or like other animals outside its liver. After 
examination it was clear that the gall-bladder was also 
inside the liver. On Monday, the 23rd, when one watch 
had passed in a fortunate ascension and a benign hour, 
I mounted an elephant and approached the fort of Mandu. 
When a watch and three gharis of day had passed, I entered 
the houses which they had prepared for the royal accom- 
modation. I scattered 1,500 rupees on the way. From 
Ajmir to Mandu, 159 kos, in the space of four months 
and two days, in forty-six marches and seventy-eight 
halts, had been traversed. In these forty-six marches our 
halts were made on the banks of tanks or streams 
or large rivers in pleasant places which were full of 
trees and poppy-fields in flower, and no day passed that 
I did not hunt while halting or travelling. Riding on 
horseback or on an elephant I came along the whole way 
looking about and hunting, and none of the difficulties 
of travelling were experienced ; one might say that 
there was a change from one garden to another. In 
these huntings there were always present with me Asaf 
Khan, Mirza Rustam, Mir Miran, Anira'i, Hidayatu-llah, 
Raja Sarang Deo, Sayyid Kasu, and Khawass Khan. 
As before the arrival of the royal standards in these 


regions I had sent 'Abdu-1-Karim, the architect, to look 
to the repair of the buildings of the old rulers in Mandu, 
he during the time the camp halted at Ajmir had 
repaired some of the old buildings that were capable of 
repair, and had altogether rebuilt some places. In short, 
he had made ready a house the like of which for 
pleasantness and sweetness has probably not been made 
anywhere else. Nearly 300,000 rupees, or 2,000 Persian 
tumans, were expended on this. There should be such 
grand buildings in all great cities as might be fit for 
royal accommodation. This fort is on the top of a hill 
10 kos in circumference ; in the rainy season there is 
no place with the fine air and pleasantness of this fort. 
At nights, in the season of the qalbu-l-asod (Cor leonis 
or Regulus, the star a of Leo), it is so cold that one 
cannot do without a coverlet, and by day there is no 
need for a fan (bad-zan). They say 1 that before the 
time of Raja Bikramajit there was a Raja of the name 
of Jai Singh Deo. In his time a man had gone into 
the fields to bring grass. While he was cutting it, the 
sickle he had in his hand appeared to be of the colour 
of gold. When he saw that his sickle had been trans- 
muted, he took it to a blacksmith of the name of 
Madan 2 to be repaired. The blacksmith knew the sickle 
had been turned into gold. It had before this been 
heard that there was in this country the alchemist's 
stone (sang-i-pdras), by contact with which iron and 
copper became gold. He immediately took the grass- 
cutter with him to that place and procured the stone. 
After this he brought to the Raja of the time this 
priceless jewel. The Raja by means of this stone made 
gold, and spent part of it on the buildings of this fort 

1 Of. Jarrett, ii, 197. The story is also told with many more details 
in Price's Jahanglr, p. 108, etc. 

- Text, Madan. But the name is Mandan, as MS. No. 181 and the 
Ayin-i-Akbari (Jarrett, ii, 197) show. The legend is intended to show 
how Mandu got its name (see also Tiefenthaler, i, 353). 


and completed them in the space of twelve years. At the 
desire of that blacksmith he caused them to cut into 
the shape of an anvil most of the stones that were to 
be built into the wall of the fort. At the end of his 
life, when his heart had given up the world, he held an 
assembly on the bank of the Narbada, which is an object 
of worship among the Hindus, and, assembling brahmins, 
made presents to each of cash and jewels. When the 
turn of a brahmin came who had long been associated 
with him, he gave this stone into his hand. He from 
ignorance became angry and threw the priceless jewel 
into the river. After he came to know the true state 
of the affair he was a captive to perpetual sorrow. 
However much he searched, no trace of it was found. 
These things are not written in a book ; they have been 
heard, but my intelligence in no way accepts this story. 
It appears to me to be all delusion. Mandu 1 is one of 
the famous Sarkars of the Subah of Malwa. Its revenue 
is 1,390,000 dams. It was for a long time the capital 
of the kings of this country. There are many buildings 
and traces of former kings in it, and up till now it has 
not fallen into ruin. 

On the 24th I rode to go round and see the buildings 
of the old kings, and went first to the Jami' mosque, 
which is one built by Sultan Hushang Ghuri. A very 
lofty building came to view, all of cut stone, and although 
180 years have passed since the time of its building, it 
is as if the builder had just withdrawn his hand from 
it. After this I went to the building containing the 
tombs of the Khaljl rulers. The grave of Nasiru-d-din, 
son of Sultan Ghiyasu-d-din, whose face is blackened 
for ever, was also there. It is well known that that 
wretch advanced himself by the murder of his own 
father, Ghiyasu-d-dln, who was in his 80th year. Twice 

1 Elliot, vi. 348. 


he gave him poison, and he twice expelled it by means 
of a zahr-muhra (poison antidote, bezoar) he had on 
his arm. The third time he mixed poison in a cup of 
sherbet and gave it to his father with his own hand, 
saying he must drink it. As his father understood what 
efforts he was making in this matter, he loosened the 
zahr-muhra from his arm and threw it before him, and 
then turning his face in humility and supplication towards 
the throne of the Creator, who requires no supplication, 
said: "O Lord, my age has arrived at 80 years, and 
I have passed this time in prosperity and happiness such 
as has been attained to by no king. Now as this is 
my last time, I hope that Thou wilt not seize Nasir 
for my murder, and that reckoning my death as a thing 
decreed Thou wilt not avenge it." After he had spoken 
these words, he drank off that poisoned cup of sherbet 
at a gulp and delivered his soul to the Creator. The 
meaning of his preamble was that he had passed the 
time of his reign in enjoyment such as has not been 
attained to hy any of the kings. When in his 48th year 
he came to the throne, he said to his intimates and those 
near him, " In the service of my revered father I have 
passed thirty years in warfare and have committed no 
fault in my activity as a soldier ; now that my turn to 
reign has arrived, I have no intention to conquer countries, 
but desire to pass the remainder of my life in ease and 
enjoyment." They say that he had collected 15,000 
women in his harem. He had a whole city of them, 
and had made it up of all castes, kinds, and descriptions — 
artificers, magistrates, qazis, kotwals, and whatever else 
is necessary for the administration of a town. Wherever 
he heard of a virgin possessed of beauty, he would not 
desist (lit. did not sit down from his feet) until he 
possessed her. He taught the girls all kinds of arts and 
crafts, and was much inclined to hunt. He had made 
a deer park and collected all kinds of animals in it. 


He often used to hunt in it with his women. In brief, 
in the period of thirty-two years of his reign, as he had 
determined, he went against no enemy, and passed this 
time in ease and enjoyment. In the same way no one 
invaded his country. It is reported that when Shir 
Khan, the Afghan, in the time of his rule, came to the 
tomb of Naslru-d-dln, he, in spite of his brutish nature, 
on account of Nasiru-d-din's shameful conduct, ordered 
the head of the tomb to be beaten with sticks. Also 
when I went to his tomb I gave it several kicks, and 
ordered the servants in attendance on me to kick the 
tomb. Not satisfied with this, I ordered the tomb to 
be broken open and his impure remains to be thrown 
into the fire. Then it occurred to me that since fire 
is Light, it was a pity for the Light of Allah to be 
polluted with burning his filthy body ; also, lest there 
should be any diminution of torture for him in another 
state from being thus burnt, I ordered them to throw 
his crumbled bones, together with his decayed limbs, 
into the Narbada. During his lifetime he always passed 
his days in the water in consequence of the heat that 
had acquired a mastery over his temperament. It is 
well known that in a state of drunkenness he once threw 
himself into one of the basins at Kaliyadaha, which 
was very deep. Some of the attendants in the harem 
exerted themselves and caught his hair in their hands 
and drew him out of the water. After he had come to 
his senses they told him that this thing had happened. 
When he had heard that they had pulled him out by 
the hair of his head, he became exceedingly angry, and 
ordered the hands of the attendants to be cut off". Another 
time, when an afi'air of this kind took place, no one 
had the boldness to pull him out and he was drowned. 
By chance, after 110 years had passed since his death, it 
came to pass that his decayed limbs also became mingled 
with the water. 


On the 28th, as a reward for the buildings of Mandu 
having been completed through his excellent exertions, 
I promoted 'Abdu-1-Karim to the rank of 800 personal 
and 400 horse, and dignified him with the title of 
Ma'mur Khan (the architect-Khan). On the same day 
that the royal standards entered the fort of Mandu, my 
son of lofty fortune, Sultan Khurram, with the victorious 
army, entered the city of Burhanpur, which is the seat 
of the governor of the province of Khandesh. 

After some days, representations came from Afzal Khan 
and the Ray Rayan, to whom at the time of leaving Ajmir 
my son had given leave to accompany the ambassador 
to 'Adil Khan, reporting that when the news of our 
coming reached 'Adil Khan he came out for 7 kos to 
meet the order and the litter of the prince, and per- 
formed the duties of salutation and respect which are 
customary at Court. He did not omit a hair's point of 
such ceremonies. At the same interview he professed 
the greatest loyalty, and promised that he would restore 
all those provinces that 'Ambar of dark fate had taken 
from the victorious State, and agreed to send to the Court 
with all reverence a fitting offering with his ambassadors. 
After saying this he brought the ambassadors in all 
dignity to the place that had been prepared for them. 
On the same day he sent some one to 'Ambar with 
a message of the matters it was necessary to acquaint 
him with. I heard this news from the reports of Afzal 
Khan and the Ray Rayan. 

From Ajmir up to Monday, the 23rd of the aforesaid l 
month, during four months, 2 tigers, 27 blue bulls, 
6 chltal (spotted deer), 60 deer, 23 hares and foxes, 
and 1,200 water-fowl and other animals had been killed. 
On these nights I told the story of my former hunting 
expeditions and the liking I had for this occupation to 

1 Monday, the 23rd Isfandarmuz, the day on which he reached 
Mandu. It was about the 6th March, 1617. 

GAME-BAG. 369 

those standing at' the foot of the throne of the Caliphate. 
It occurred to me that I might make up the account 
of my game from the commencement of my years of 
discretion up to the present time. I accordingly gave 
orders to the news-writers, the hunt-accountants and 
huntsmen, and others employed in this service to make 
enquiries and tell me of all the animals that had been 
killed in hunting. It was shown that from the com- 
mencement of my 12th year, which was in 988 (1580), 
up to the end of this year, which is the 11th year after 
my accession and my 50th lunar year, 28,532 head of 
game had been taken in my presence. Of these, 17,167 
animals I killed myself with my gun or otherwise, viz. : 
Quadrupeds, 3,203 ; viz., tigers, 86 ; bears, cheetahs, 
foxes, otters (udbilao), and hyaenas, 9 ; blue bulls, 889 ; 
mhaka, a species of antelope, in size equal to a blue 
bull, 35 head ; of antelope, male and female, chikara, 
eliital, mountain goats, etc., 1,670!; rams (quj) and red 
deer, 215; wolves, 64; wild buffaloes, 36; pigs, 90; 
rang, 26 ; mountain sheep, 22 ; arghali, 32 ; wild asses, 6 ; 
hares, 23. Birds, 13,964 ; viz., pigeons, 10,348 ; lagar- 
jhagar (a species of hawk), 3 ; eagles, 2 ; qallwaj 
(ghaliwaj, kite), 23 ; owls (chughd), 39 ; qautan (gold- 
finch ?), 12 ; kites (mush-khwur, mice-eaters), 5 ; sparrows, 
41 ; doves, 25 ; owls (bum), 30 ; ducks, geese, cranes, etc., 
150; crows, 3,276. Aquatic animals, 10 magar machha, 
that is, crocodiles 2 (nahang). 

1 The MSS. have 1,672. 

2 See Elliot, vi, 351 and 362, note. Jahangir only gives details of the 
17,167 animals killed by himself. The mhalca is possibly a clerical 
error for mur-lchwur. The text says it is allied to the gawazn, but the 
MSS. have gur, a wild ass. The details of the quadrupeds come to 
3,203, the total stated by Jahangir. The details of the birds come to 
13,954, but the 10 crocodiles bring up the figures to 13,964, and the 
total 3,203 + 13,964 comes to the 17,167 mentioned. It has been sug- 
gested to me that the mhalca of the text is the malm or swamp-deer 
of the Terai, Rucervus Duvaucdli. 


370 new feast, prohibition of tobacco. 

The Twelfth New Year's Feast after my 
auspicious Accession. 

One ghari of day remained of Monday, the 30th of 
the aforesaid (Isfandiyar) month, corresponding to the 
12th Rabfu-1-awwal, 102G (20th March, 1617), when the 
sun changed from the constellation of Pisces into the 
pleasure-house of Aries, which is his abode of honour 
and good fortune. At the very time of transit, which 
was a fortunate hour, I sat upon the throne. I had 
ordered that according to the usual custom they should 
decorate the public audience hall with fine cloths, etc. 
Notwithstanding that many of the Amirs and chief men 
of the State were in attendance on my son Khurram, 
a meeting was arranged which was not inferior to those 
of previous years. I presented the offerings of Tuesday l 
to Anand Khan. On the same day, which was the 
1st Farwardln of the 12th year (21st or 22nd March, 
1617), a representation arrived from Shah Khurram to 
the effect that the New Year's festival had been arranged 
for in the same manner as in previous years, but as the 
days of travelling and service had occurred the annual 
offerings of the servants would be remitted. This pro- 
ceeding of my son was much approved. Remembering 
my dear son in my prayers, I besought for him from 
the throne of Allah his welfare in both worlds, and 
ordered that on this New Year's Day no one should 
present offerings. 

In consequence of the disturbance that tobacco brings 
about in most temperaments and constitutions, I had 
ordered that no one should smoke it (lit. draw). My 
brother Shah 'Abbas had also become aware of the 
mischief arising from it, and had ordered that in Iran 
no one should venture to smoke. As Khan 'Alam 

1 The MSS. have Saturday instead of Tuesday, and this seems reason- 
able, for there were no offerings on Tuesday (see infi a). 


(ambassador to Persia) was without control in continual 
smoking of tobacco, he frequently practised it. Yadgar 
'All Sultan, ambassador of the ruler of Iran, represented 
to Shah 'Abbas that Khan 'Alam could never be a moment 
without tobacco, and he (Shah 'Abbas) wrote this couplet 
in answer — 

" The friend's envoy wishes to exhibit tobacco ; 

With fidelity's lamp I light up the tobacco - ma rket. " 

Khan 'Alam in answer wrote and sent this verse — 

" I, poor wretch, was miserable at the tobacco notice ; 

By the just Shah's favour the tobacco-market became brisk." 

On the 3rd of the same month, Husain Beg, the diwan 
of Bengal, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold, 
and made an offering of twelve elephants, male and female. 
Tahir, bakhshi of Bengal, who had been accused of several 
offences, obtained the favour of paying his respects to 
me, and presented before me an offering of twenty-one 
elephants. Twelve of these were approved and the 
remainder I conferred on him. On this day a wine- 
feast was arranged, and I gave wine to most of the 
servants who were engaged in waiting on me, and made 
them all heated with the wine of loyalty. On the 4th 
the huntsmen sent news that they had marked down 
a lion in the neighbourhood of the Shakkar 1 tank, which 
is inside the fort and one of the famous constructions 
of the rulers of Malwa. I at once mounted and went 
towards that game. When the lion appeared he charged 
the ahadis and the retinue and wounded ten 2 or twelve 
of them. At last I finished his business with three shots 3 
(lit. arrows) from my gun, and removed his evil from 
the servants of God. On the 8th the mansab of Mir 
Miran, which was 1,000 personal and 400 horse, was 

1 Text, Sakar. Now locally called the Sagan, ' sea,' tank. 

2 The MSS. only speak of twelve. 

3 The MSS. seem to have merely ba tlr-i-banduq, ' with bullets. ' 


fixed at 1,500 personal and 500 horse. On the 9th, at 
the request of my son Khurram, I increased the. mansab of 
Khan Jahan by 1,000 personal and horse, making it thus 
6,000 personal and horse ; that of Ya'qub Khan, which 
was 1,500 personal with 1,000 horse, was made 2,000 
personal and 1,500 horse; that of Bahlul Khan Miyana 1 
was increased by 500 personal and 300 horse to 1,500 
personal and 1,000 horse ; and that of Mirza Sharafu-d-din 
Kashghari, by whom and his son great bravery had been 
shown in the Deccan, was increased to 1,500 personal 
and 1,000 horse. On the 10th Farwardin, corresponding 
with the 22nd Rabi'u-1-awwal, 1026, my lunar weighing- 
took place. On this day two 'Iraq horses from my 
private stable and a dress of honour were conferred on my 
son Khurram and sent to him by Bahrain Beg. I increased 
the mansab of I'tibar Khan to 5,000 personal and 3,000 
horse. On the 11th, Husain Beg, of Tabriz, whom the 
ruler of Iran had sent to the ruler of Golconda by way 
of embassy, as, in consequence of the quarrel of the 
Franks with the Persians, the road of the Mir had been 
closed, 2 waited upon me with the ambassador of the ruler 
of Golconda. Offerings came from him of two horses and 
some tuqiiz z (nine-pieces ?) of cloth from the Deccan 
and Gujarat. On the same day an 'Iraq horse from my 
private stable was bestowed on Khan Jahan. On the 
15th, 1,000 personal were added to the mansab of Mirza 
Raja Bhao Singh, raising it to 5,000 personal and 3,000 
horse. On the 17th, 500 horse were added to the mansab 
of Mirza Rustam, and I made it up to 5,000 personal and 
1,000 horse ; that of Sadiq Khan was fixed at 1,500 personal 
and 700 horse, original and increase ; Iradat Khan in the 
same manner was raised to the mansab of 1,500 and 

1 Biyiina in text. 

2 That is, apparently, the journey back by sea from the Deccan. The 
MSS. have Hasan instead of Husain, and say the route by Ormuz was 
closed. Perhaps the ba Mir of text is a mistake for bar baftr, ' by sea. 

3 Tuquz means nine in Turki. 


GOO horse. To the mansab of Anira'I 500 personal and 
100 horse were added, and it was made one of 1,500 
personal and 500 horse. Three gharis of Saturday, the 
19th, remained when the beginning of the sharaf (day of 
sun's culmination) occurred, and at the same time I again 
took my seat on the throne. Of the thirty-two prisoners 
from the army of the rebel 'Ambar who had been captured 
by T the servants of the victorious State in the battle 
won by Shah-nawaz Khan and the defeat of that 
disastrous man ('Ambar), I had handed one man over 
to I'tiqad Khan. The guards who had been appointed 
to keep him showed carelessness and let him escape. 
I was much annoyed at this, and I forbade I'tiqad Khan 
to come to wait on me for three months. As the said 
prisoner's name and condition were unknown, he was 
not caught again, although they showed activity in the 
matter. At last I ordered the captain of the guards 
who had been careless in keeping him to be capitally 
punished. I'tiqad Khan on this day, at the request of 
Ttimadu-d-daulah, had the good fortune to pay his 
respects to me. 

As for a long time no good had been heard of the 
affairs of Bengal and of the conduct of Qasim Khan, 
it entered my mind to send to the Subah of Bengal 
Ibrahim Khan Fath-jang, who had carried on successfully 
the affairs of the Subah of Behar and had brought 
a diamond mine into the possession of the State, and to 
despatch Jahangir Qui! Khan, who had a jagir in the 
Subah of Allahabad, in his place to Behar. I sent for 
Qasim Khan to Court. At the same hour on the 
auspicious day (the day of culmination) an order was 
given that they should write royal farmans to the effect 
that sazdiualdn (revenue collectors) should be appointed 
to take Jahangir Qui! Khan to Behar and to send Ibrahim 
Khan Fath-jang to Bengal. Patronizing Sikandar, 1 the 

1 The 1. 0. MSS. seem to have Sakakdar or Sakakandar. 


jeweller, I promoted him to the mansab of 1,000 personal 
and 300 horse. 

On the 21st I gave leave to Muhammad Riza, 
ambassador of the ruler of Iran, and bestowed on him 
60,000 darbs, equal to 30,000 rupees, with a dress of 
honour. As an equivalent to the souvenir (yad-bvudi) 
that my brother Shah 'Abbas had sent to me, I forwarded 
with the aforesaid ambassador certain presents of jewelled 
things which the rulers of the Deccan had sent, with 
cloths and rare things of every kind fit for presentation, 
of the value of 100,000 rupees. Among these was 
a crystal cup that Chelebl 1 had sent from 'Iraq. The 
Shah had seen this cup and said to the ambassador 
that if his brother (Jahanglr) would drink wine out of 
it and send it to him it would be a great mark of 
affection. When the ambassador represented this, having 
drunk wine several times out of the cup in his presence, 
I ordered them to make a lid and a saucer for it and sent 
it along with the presents. The lid was of enamel 
(mina-kari). I ordered the Munshis of mercurial writing 
('Utdrid-raqm) to write in due form an answer to the 
letter he had brought. 

On the 22nd the scouts brought in news of a tiger. 
Mounting immediately, I went against the tiger and with 
three shots I delivered the people from his wickedness, and 
himself from the wickedness of his vile nature. Maslhu-z- 
zaman produced before me a cat, and represented that it 
was a hermaphrodite, and that in his house it had young- 
ones, and that when it had connection with another cat, 
young were born to the latter. 

On the 25th the contingent of I'timadu-d-daulah passed 
before me in review on the plain under the jharoka. 
There were 2,000 cavalry well horsed, most of whom 

1 It appears from Shah 'Abbas's letter to Jahanglr (Tuzuk, p. 165) that 
Muhammad Husain Chelebl had been employed by Jahanglr to collect 
curios in Persia. 


were Moghuls, 500 foot armed with bows and guns, and 
fourteen elephants. The bakhshis reckoned them up and 
reported that this force was fully equipped and according 
to rule. On the 26th a tigress was killed. On Thursday, 
the 1st Urdibihisht, a diamond that Muqarrab Khan had 
sent by runners was laid before me ; it weighed 23 aurkh, 
and the jewellers valued it at 30,000 rupees. It was 
a diamond of the first water, and was much approved. 
I ordered them to make a ring of it. On the 3rd the 
mansab of Yusuf Khan was, at the request of Baba 
Khurram, fixed at 1,000 with 1,500 horse, and in the 
same way the mansabs of several of the Amirs and 
mansabdars were increased at his suggestion. On the 
7th, as the huntsmen had marked down four tigers, 
when two watches and three gharis had passed I went 
out to hunt them with my ladies. When the tigers came 
in sight Nur-Jahan Begam submitted that if I would 
order her she herself would kill the tigers with her gun. 
I said, " Let it be so." She shot two tigers with one 
shot each and knocked over the two others with four 
shots. In the twinkling of an eye she deprived of life 
the bodies of these four tigers. Until now such shooting 
was never seen, that from the top of an elephant and 
inside of a howdah ('amdri) six shots should be made and 
not one miss, so that the four beasts found no opportunity 
to spring or move. 1 As a reward for this good shooting 
I gave her a pair of bracelets 2 (pahunchi) of diamonds 
worth 100,000 rupees and scattered 1,000 ashrafis (over 
her). On the same day Ma'mur Khan (the architect- 

1 Note by Sayyid Alimad. They say that a poet recited this 
impromptu couplet — 

"Though Nur-Jahan be in form a woman, 
In the ranks of men' she's a tiger-slayer.'' 
The point of this couplet is that before Nur-Jahan entered Jahangir's 
harem she was the wife of Shir-afgan, the tiger-slayer. The line may 
also read " In battle she is a man-smiter and a tiger- slayer." 

2 The two I.O. MSS. have " a pair of pearls and a diamond." 


Khan) obtained leave to go to Lahore to complete the 
buildings of the palace there. On the 10th the death 
of Sayyid Waris, who was faujdar of the Subah of Oudh, 
was reported. On the 12th, as Mir Mahmud asked for 
a faujdarship, I dignified him with the title of Tahawwur 
Khan, and, increasing his niansab, appointed him to the 
faujdarship of some of the parganahs of the Subah of 
Multan. On the 22nd, Tahir, the bakhshi of Bengal, 
who had been forbidden to pay his respects, waited upon 
me and presented his offerings. Eight elephants were 
also presented as the offering of Qasim Khan, governor 
of Bengal, and two as that of Shaikh Modhu. On the 
28th, at the request of Khan Dauran, an ordei- was given 
for the increase of the mansab of 'Abdu-l-'AzIz Khan 
by 500. On the 5th Khurdad the duty of the Diwanship 
of Gujarat was given to Mirza Husain in supercession 
of Kesho. I dignified him with the title of Kifayat Khan. 
On the 8th, Lashkar Khan, who had been appointed 
bakhshi of Bano;ash, came and waited on me ; he offered 
100 muhrs and 500 rupees. Some daj\s before this Ustad 
Muhammad Nayl (flute -player), who was unequalled in 
his craft, was sent by my son Khurram at my summons. 
I had heard some of his musical pieces x (majlis-saz), and 
he played a tune which he had composed for an ode 
(ghazal) in my name. On the 12th I ordered him to 
be weighed against rupees ; this came to 6,300 rupees. 
I also gave him an elephant with a howdah, 2 and I ordered 
him to ride on it and, having packed 3 his rupees about 
him, to proceed to his lodging. Mulla Asad, the story- 

1 There is a fuller account of this flute-player in Price's Jahangir, 
p. 114. The melody which he composed in Jahanglr's name is there 
called by Price Saut Jahangiri. (The text does not give the name 
Jahangiri. ) It is there stated that Shah Jahan brought the flute-player 
with him from Burhanpur and introduced him. 

2 Hauza-ddri, ' with a basin-shaped litter on it.' 

3 The word pdshida, ' scattered,' does not occur in the I.O. MSS. But 
perhaps the word has two opposite meanings. 


teller, one of the servants of Mirza GhazI, came on the 
same day from Tattah and waited on me. As he was 
a reciter and story-teller full of sweetness and smartness, 
I liked his society, and I made him happy with the title 
of Mahzuz Khan, and gave him 1,000 rupees, a dress 
of honour, a horse, an elephant, and a palanquin. After 
some days I ordered him to be weighed against rupees, 
and his weight came up to 4,400. He was raised to 
the mansab of 200 personal and 20 horse. I ordered 
him always to be present at the meetings for talk (gap). 
On the same day Lashkar Khan brought his men to the 
darshan jharoka before me. There were 500 horse, 
14 elephants, and 100 musketeers. On the 24th news 
came that Maha Singh, grandson of Raja Man Singh, 
who was entered among the great officers, had died from 
excessive wine-drinking at Balapur in the province of 
Berar. His father also had died at the age of 32 x from 
the drinking of wine beyond measure. On the same 
day they had brought to my private fruit -house many 
mangoes from all parts of the province of the Deccan, 
Burhanpur, Gujarat, and the parganahs of Malwa. 
Although this province is well known and celebrated for 
the sweetness, freedom from stringiness, and size of its 
mangoes, and there are few mangoes that equal its 
mangoes — so much so that I often ordered them to be 
weighed in my presence, when they were shown to come 
to a seer or 1| seer or even more — yet in sweetness 
of water and delicious flavour and digestibility the 
mangoes of Chapramau, 2 in the province of Agra, are 
superior to all the mangoes of this province and of all 
other places in India. 

On the 28th I sent for my son Baba Khurram a special 
gold -embroidered nadir i of a fineness such as had never 

1 Father and son both died apparently at the same age. 

2 It was in Sarkar Qanauj (Jarrett, ii, 1S5). It is Chibramau of I.G., 
iii, 397, and is in Farrukhabad district. 


been produced before in my establishment; I ordered 
the bearer to tell him that as this rarity had the speciality 
that I had worn it on the day I quitted Ajmir for the 
conquest of the Deccan, I had sent it to him. On the 
same day I placed the turban from my own head, just 
as it was, on the head of I'timadu-d-daulah, and honoured 
him with this favour. Three emeralds, a piece of jewelled 
urbasi, 1 and a ruby signet ring that Mahabat Khan 
had sent by way of offering were laid before me. They 
came to 7,000 rupees in value. On this day, by the 
mercy and favour of Allah, continued rain fell. Water 
in Mandu had become very scarce and the people were 
agitated about the matter, so that most of the servants 
had been ordered to go to the bank of the Narbada. 
There was no expectation of rain at that season. In 
consequence of the agitation of the people I turned by 
way of supplication to the throne of God, and He in 
His mercy and grace gave such rain that in the course 
of a day and a night tanks, ponds (birkaha), and rivers 
became full, and the agitation of the people was changed 
to complete ease. With what tongue can I render thanks 
for this favour ? On the 1st of Tir a standard was 
presented to Wazir Khan. The offering of the Rana, 
consisting of two horses, a piece of Gujarati cloth, and 
some j[ars of pickles and preserves, was laid before me. 
On the 3rd, Mu'azza 2 (?) brought news of the capture of 
'Abdu-1-Latif, a descendant of the rulers of Gujarat, who 
had always been the originator of mischief and disturbance 
in that Subah. As his capture was a reason for the 
contentment of the people, praise was given to God, 
and I ordered Muqarrab Khan to send him to Court 

1 Urvasl is the name of an Apsara or celestial nymph. Probably it 
is here the iwme of a dress. (In Forbes's Hindustani Dictionary urbasi 
is said to denote a particular kind of ornament worn on the breast.) 

2 The MSS. have maghra, which may be connected- with the Arabic 
maghr, ' travelling quickly.' It may be the name of a courier, or 
merely mean ' quickly. ' 


by one of his mansabdars. Many of the zamindars in 
the neighbourhood of Mandii came and waited on me, 
and laid offerings before me. On the 8th, Ram Das, 
son of Raja Raj Singh Kachhwaha, was given the tilca 
of a Raja, and I honoured him with that title. Yadgar 
Beg, who was known in Mawaraa-n-nahr (Transoxiana) 
as Yadgar Qurchi, and had not been without connection 
and influence with the ruler of that country, came and 
waited on me. Of all his offerings a white china cup 
on a stand was the most approved. The offering of 
Bahadur Khan, governor of Qandahar, consisting of nine 
horses, nine tuquz of fine cloth (81 pieces ?), two black 
foxes' skins, and other things, was brought before me. 
Also on this day the Raja of Gadeha, Pern 1 Narayan, 
had the good fortune to wait on me, and made an 
offering of seven elephants, male and female. On the 10th 
a horse and dress of honour were given to Yadgar 
Qurchi. On the 13th was the feast of rose-water 
scattering (gulab-pdshari). The rites due to that day were 
performed. Shaikh Maudud Chishti, one of the officers 
of Bengal, was honoured with the title of Chishti Khan, 
and I presented him with a horse. On the 14th, Rawal 
Samarsi (Samarsimha), son of Rawal Uday Singh, zamindar 
of Banswala, waited on me ; he gave as offering 30,000 
rupees, three elephants, a jewelled pan-dan (box for 
betel), and a jewelled belt. On the 15th nine diamonds 
which Ibrahim Khan Fath-jang, the governor of Behar, 
had sent along with Muhammad Beg from the mine, 
and from the collections of the zamindars of that place, 
were laid before me. Of these, one weighed 14| tanks, 
and was of the value of 100,000 rupees. On the same 
day Yadgar Qurchi was presented with 14,000 darbs, 

1 Apparently it should be Bhim ; see infra. Gadeha is probably 
Gadhi in Khandesh ; see Lethbridge's "Golden Book of India," p. 138. 
It is the Garvi of I.G., v, 33, and is one of the Bhil States in the 
Dang Tract. 


and I promoted him to the mansab of 500 personal 
and 300 horse. I fixed the mansab of Tatar Khan, 
bakawul-begi (chief steward), original and increase, at 
2,000 personal and 300 horse, and each of his sons was 
separately promoted to an increased mansab. At the 
request of Prince Sultan Parwiz, I increased the personal 
mansab of Wazlr Khan by 500. 

On the 29th, which was the auspicious day of Thursday, 
Say y id 'Abdu-llah Bar ha, the envoy of my son of good 
fortune, Baba Khurram, waited on me, and presented 
a letter from that son containing news of a victory 
over the provinces of the Deccan. All the chiefs, laying 
the head of duty in the noose of obedience, had consented 
to service and humility, and laid before him the keys of 
forts and strongholds, especially the fort of Ahmadnagar. 
In gratitude for this great favour and beneficence, placing 
the head of supplication on the throne of that God who 
requires no return, I opened my lips in thankfulness, 
and, humbling myself, ordered them to beat the drums 
of rejoicing. Thanks be to Allah that a territory that 
had passed out of hand has come back into the possession 
of the servants of the victorious State, and that the 
seditious, who had been breathing the breath of rebellion 
and boasting, have turned towards supplication and 
weakness, and become deliverers of properties and 
payers of tribute. As this news reached me through Nur- 
Jahan Begam, I gave her the parganah of Boda (Toda ?), x 
the revenue of which is 200,000 rupees. Please God, 
when the victorious forces enter the province of the 
Deccan and its forts, and the mind of my excellent son 
Khurram is satisfied with regard to their possession, he 
will bring with the ambassadors such an offering from 

1 There was a Bodah in Sarkar Marosor in Malwa, but its revenue 
was only 2h lakhs of clams (Jarrett, ii, 208). The two I.O. MSS. 
and Debi Prasad's Hindi version have Toda. Toda was in Ajmir, 
Rantambhor Sarkar, and its revenue in Akbar's time was lij lakhs of 
rupees (Jarrett, ii, 275). 


the Deccan as no other king of this age has received, 
It was ordered that he should bring with him the Amirs 
who were to receive jagirs in this Subah, in order that 
they might have the honour of waiting on me. They 
will thereafter get leave to depart, and the glorious royal 
standards will return with victory and rejoicing to the 
capital of Agra. Some days before the news of this 
victory reached me, I took one night an augury from 
the diwan of Khwaja Hafiz as to what would be the end 
of this affair, and this ode turned up — 

"The day of absence and night of parting from the friend are o'er. 
I took this augury ; the star passed and fulfilment came." 1 

When the secret tongue (lisanu-l-ghaib) of Hafiz showed 
such an ending it gave me a strong hope, and accordingly, 
after twenty-five days, the news of victory arrived. In 
many of my desires I have resorted to the Khwaja's 
diwan, and (generally) the result has coincided with 
what I found there. It is seldom that the opposite has 

On the same day I added 1,000 horse to the mansab 
of Asaf Khan, and raised it to that of 5,000 personal 
and horse. At the end of the day I went with the 
ladies to look round the building of the Haft Manzar 2 
(seven storeys), and at the beginning of the evening 
returned to the palace. This building was founded by 
a former ruler of Malwa, Sultan Mahmud Khalji. It has 
seven storeys, and in each storey there are four chambers 
(sufa) containing four windows. The height of this 
tower (mindr) is 54i cubits, and its circumference 
50 yards (gaz). There are 171 steps from the ground 

1 Ode 192 of Brockhaus' edition, p. 112, first couplet. 

2 This is the building described by William Finch. See the Journal 
of John Jourdain, ed. by Foster for the Hakluyt Society, App. D. 
Finch speaks of a high turret 170 steps high. The tower was the 
Tower of Victory erected by Sultan Mahmud I in 1443 to commemorate 
a victory over the Raja of Chitor. " The stump of it has been found." 
Jourdain speaks of six storeys. It was built of green stone like marble. 


to the seventh storey. In going and returning I scattered 
1,400 rupees. 1 

On the 31st I honoured Sayyid 'Abdu-llah with the 
title of Saif Khan, and having exalted him with a dress 
of honour, a horse, an elephant, and a jewelled dagger, 
gave him leave and sent him to do duty with my son 
of lofty fortune. I also sent by him a ruby of the 
value of more than 30,000 rupees for my son. I did not 
regard its value, but as for a long time I used to bind 
it on my own head, I sent it him by way of good 
augurjr, considering it lucky for him. I appointed 
Sultan Mahmud, a son-in-law of Khwaja Abu-1-hasan 
bakhshi, to be bakhshi and news-writer of the Subah of 
Behar, and when he took leave I gave him an elephant. 
At the end of the day of Thursday, 5th Amurdad, 
I went with the ladies to see the Nll-kund, which is 
one of the most 2 pleasant places in the fort of Mandu 
(Mandogarh). Shah-budagh Khan, who was one of my 
revered father's most considerable Amirs, at the time 
when he held this province in jagir, built in this place 
an exceedingly pleasing and enjoyable building. Delaying 
there till two or three gharis of night had passed 
I returned to the auspicious jxxlace. 

As several indiscretions on the part of Mukhlis Khan, 
diwan and bakhshi of the Subah of Bengal, had come 
to my ears, I reduced his mansab by 1,000 personal and 
200 horse. On the 7th a war (mast'l) elephant from 
among those sent as offerings by 'Adil Khan, by name 
Gaj-raj, was sent to Rana Amr Singh. On the 11th, 
I went out to hunt, and came one stage from the fort. 
There was excessive rain, and the mud was such that 
there was hardly any moving. For the convenience of 
the people and the comfort of the animals I gave up 

1 Two hundred rupees per storey (?). 

2 Blochmann, p. 371, and Ma'asiru-1-umara, ii, 537. Now locally 
called the Nil-kanth, ' blue neck.' 


tliis undertaking, and passing the day of Thursday 
outside, returned on Friday eve. On the same day 
Hidayatu-llah, who is very well suited to carry out 
the rules and movements (in travelling) of the head- 
quarters (lit. presence), was honoured with the title of 
Fida'i Khan. In this rainy season rain fell in such 
quantities that old men said that they did not remember 
such rain in any age. For nearly forty days there was 
nothing but cloud and rain, so that the sun only appeared 
occasionally. There was so much wind that many buildings, 
both old and new, fell down. On the first night there 
was 1 such rain and thunder and lightning as has seldom 
been heard of. Nearly twenty women and men were 
killed, and the foundations even of some of the stone 
buildings were broken up. No noise is more terrifying 
than this. Till the middle of the month was passed, 
wind and rain increased. After this they gradually 
became less. What can be written of the verdure and 
self -grown fragrant plants ? They covered valley and 
plain and hill and desert. It is not known if in the 
inhabited world there exists another such place as Mandu 
for sweetness of air and for the pleasantness of the 
locality and the neighbourhood, especially in the rainy 
season. In this season, which lasts for months and 
extends up to the hot weather, one cannot sleep inside 
houses without coverlets, and in the day the temperature 
is such that there is no need for a fan or for change 
of place. All that could be written would still fall short 
of the many beauties of the place. I saw two things 
that I had not seen in any other place in Hindustan. 
One was the tree of the wild plantain that grows in 
most of the uncultivated places in the fort, and the 
other the nest of the wagtail {mamula), which they 
call in Persian the dum-sicha (tail-wagger). Up till 
now none of the hunters had pointed out its nest. By 
1 The text misses out a conjunction before sadd. 


chance in the building I occupied there was its nest, 
and it brought out two young ones. 

Three watches of day had passed on Thursday, the 
19th, when I mounted with the ladies in order to go 
round and see the courts and buildings on the Shakkar 
tank, founded by former rulers of Malwa. As an elephant 
had not been conferred on I'timadu-d-daulah on account 
of his government of the Panjab, I gave him on the 
road one of my private elephants of the name of 
Jagjot. I remained in this enchanting place until the 
evening, and was much delighted with the pleasantness 
and greenness of the surrounding open spaces. After 
performing my evening prayer and counting my rosary, 
we returned to our fixed residence. On Friday an 
elephant named Ran-badal (cloud of war ?), which Jahangir 
Qull Khan had sent as an offering, was brought before 
me. Having adopted for myself certain special cloths and 
cloth-stuffs, I gave an order that no one should wear 
the same but he on whom I might bestow them. One 
was a nadiri coat that they wear over the qaba (a kind 
of outer vest). Its length is from the waist down to 
below the thighs, and it has no sleeves. It is fastened 
in front with buttons, and the people of Persia call it 
kurdl (from the country of the Kurds). I gave it the 
name of nadiri. Another garment is a Tus shawl, which 
my revered father had adopted as a dress. The next 
was a coat (qaba) with a folded collar (batu giribari). 
The ends of the sleeves were embroidered. He had also 
appropriated this to himself. Another was a qaba with 
a border, from which the fringes of cloth were cut off 
and sewn round the skirt and collar and the ends of 
the sleeve. Another was a qaba of Gujarati satin, and 
another a chira and waistbelt woven with silk, in which 
were interwoven gold and silver threads. 

As the monthly pay of some of Mahabat Khan's 
horsemen, according to the regulation ol three and two 

A FEAST. 385 

horsed men, for the performance of duty in the Deccan, 
had become increased and the service l had not been 
performed, I gave an order that the civil officers 
(diwaniyan) should levy the difference from his jagir. 
In the end of Thursday, the 26th, corresponding with 
the 14th Sha'ban, which is the Shab-i-barat, I held 
a meeting in one of the houses of the palace of Nur- 
Jahan Begam, which was situated in the midst of large 
tanks, and summoning the Amirs and courtiers to the 
feast which had been prepared by the Begam, I ordered 
them to give the people cups and all kinds of intoxicating 
drinks according to the desire of each. Many asked for 
cups, and I ordered that whoever drank a cup should 
sit according to his mansab and condition. All sorts of 
roast meats, and fruits by way of relish, were ordered 
to be placed before everyone. It was a wonderful 
assembly. In the beginning of the evening they lighted 
lanterns and lamps all round the tanks and buildings, 
and a lighting up was carried out the like of which has 
perhaps never been arranged in any place. The lanterns 
and lamps cast their reflection on the water, and it 
appeared as if the whole surface of the tank was 
a plain of fire. A grand entertainment took place, and 
the drinkers of cups took more cups than they could 

"A feast was arranged that lighted up the heart, 
It was of such beauty as the heart desired. 
They flung over this verdant mead 
A carpet broad as the field of genius. 
From abundance of perfume the feast spread far, 
The heavens were a musk-bag by reason of incense, 
The delicate ones of the garden (the flowers) became glorious, 
The face of each was lighted up like a lamp." 2 

1 Apparently the meaning is that the standard of two and three horses 
had not been kept up. 

2 Some lines of this agree with the verses in the Akbar-nama, ii, 190. 
The last two lines are quoted again in the account of the 15th year 
(p. 299 of Persian text). 


After three of four gharis of night had passed, I dismissed 
the men and summoned the ladies, and till a watch of 
night (remained ?) passed the time in this delightful 
place, and enjoyed myself. On this day of Thursday 
several special things had happened. One was that it 
was the day of my ascension of the throne ; secondly, 
it was the Shab-i-barat ; thirdly, it was the day of the 
rdkhi, which has already been described, and with the 
Hindus is a special day. On account of these three 
pieces of good fortune I called the day Mubarak-shamba. 

On the 27th, Sayyid Kasu was dignified with the 
title of Parwarish Khan. Wednesday, in the same way 
that Mubarak-shamba had been a fortunate one for me, 
had fallen out exactly the opposite. On this account 
I gave this evil day the name of Kam-shamba, in order 
that this day might always fail from the world (lessen). 
On the next day a jewelled dagger was conferred on 
Yadgar QurchI, and I ordered that after this he should 
be styled Yadgar Beg. I had sent for Jay Singh, son 
of Raja Maha Singh. On this day he waited on me 
and presented an elephant as an offering. A watch and 
three gharis of Mubarak-shamba, the 2nd of Shahriyar, 
had passed, when I rode to look round the Nil-kun(.l 
and its neighbourhood ; thence I passed on to the plain 
of the ' Id-gah on the top of a mound that was very 
green and pleasant. Champa flowers and other sweet 
wild herbs of that plain had bloomed to such a degree 
that on all sides on which the eye fell the world looked 
like a world of greenery and flowers. I entered the 
palace when a watch of night had passed. 

As it had been several times mentioned to me that 
a kind of sweetmeat was obtained from the wild plantain 
such that dervishes and other poor people made it their 
food, I wished to enquire into the matter. What I found 
was that the fruit of the wild plantain was an exceedingly 
hard and tasteless thing. The real fact is that in the 


lower part (of the trunk) there is a thing shaped like 
a fir - cone from which the real fruit of the plantain 
comes out. On this a kind of sweetmeat forms which 
has exactly the juiciness and taste of pallida. It appears 
that men eat this and enjoy it. 1 

With regard to carrier pigeons (kabutar-i-nama-bar), 
it had been stated to me in the course of conversation 
that in the time of the Abbaside Caliphs they taught 2 
the Baghdad pigeons who were styled ' letter-carriers ' 
(nama-bar), and were one-half larger 3 than the wild 
pigeon. I bade the pigeon-fanciers to teach their pigeons, 
and they taught some of them in such a manner that we 
let them fly from Mandu in the early morning, and if 
there was much rain they reached Burhanpur by 2^ pahars 
(watches) of the day, or even in H pahars. If the air 
was very clear most of them arrived by one pahar of 
the day and some by four gharis (hours) of the day. 

On the 3rd a letter came from Baba Khurram, 
announcing the coming of Afzal Khan and Ray Rayan 
and the arrival of the ambassadors of 'Adil Khan, and 
their bringing suitable offerings of jewels, jewelled things, 
elephants, and horses, offerings such as had never come in 
any reign or time, and expressing much gratitude for 
the services and loyalty of the aforesaid Khan, and his 
faithfulness to his word and duty. He asked for 
a gracious royal firman bestowing on him the title of 
farzand (son) and for other favours, which had never 

1 The account is obscure. Elliot's translation is "In the root of the 
tree is found a lump of sweet substance which is exactly like that of 
Faluda. It is eaten by the poor." The text and some MSS. have 
yak parcha-i-shlrlnl, but B. M. Or. 3276 has yak para. Roxburgh says 
nothing about any such growth on the wild plantain. Faluda or pallida 
is the name of a sweetmeat. 

2 It is curious that the word amukhta, ' taught,' in the text, and which 
appears to be almost necessary for the sense, does not occur either in the 
two I.O. MSS. or in the R.A.S. one. Burhanpur is about 100 miles as 
the crow flies south-south-east of Mandu. 

3 The text has par, ' feathers,' instead of the sign of the comparative 
tar, but the MSS. have kaldntar. 

388 'adil khan of bijapur honoured. 

yet been vouchsafed in his honour. Since it was very- 
gratifying to me to please my son, and his request was 
reasonable, I ordered that the Munshis of the mercurial 
pen should write a farman in the name of 'Adil Khan, 
conveying every kind of affection and favour, and 
exceeding in his praise ten or twelve times what had 
been previously written. They were ordered in these 
farmans to address him as farzand. In the body of the 
farman I wrote this couplet with my own hand — 

" Thou'st become, at Shah Khurram's request, 
Renowned in the world as my son " (j'arzandl). 

On the 4th day this farman was sent off with its 
copy, so that my son Shah Khurram might see the 
copy and send off the original. On Mubarak- shamba, 
the 9 th, I went with the ladies to the house of Asaf 
Khan. His house was situated in the valley, and was 
exceedingly pleasant and bright. It had several valleys 
round it ; in some places there were flowing waterfalls, 
and mango and other trees exceedingly green and pleasant 
and shady. Nearly 200 or 300 keora shrubs (gul-i-keord, 
Pandcmus odoratissimus) grew in one valley. In fine 
that day passed in great enjoyment. A wine party was 
held and cups were presented to the Amirs and intimates, 
and an offering; from Asaf Khan was laid before me. 
There were many rare things. I took whatever I approved, 
and the remainder was given to him. On the same day 
Khwaja Mir, son of Sultan Khwaja, who had come on 
a summons from Bangash, waited on me, and presented 
as an offering a ruby, two pearls, and an elephant. Raja 
Bhlm Narayan, a zamindar of the province of Gadeha, 
was promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 
horse. An order was given that a jagir should be provided 
him out of his native country. On the 12th a letter 
came from my son Khurram that Raja Suraj Mai, son 
of Raja Baso, whose territory is near the fort of Kangra, 
had promised that in the course of a year he would 


bring that fort into the' possession of the servants of 
the victorious State. He also sent his letter which 
covenanted for this. I ordered that after comprehending 
his desires and wishes, and satisfying himself with regard 
to them, he should send off the Raja to wait on me, 
so that he might set about the said duty. On the same 
day, which was Monday, the 11th, corresponding with 
the 1st Ramazan (2nd September, 1617), after four gharis 
and seven pals had passed, a daughter was born to my 
son by the mother of his other children, who was the 
daughter of Asaf Khan. This child was named Rushan- 
ara Begam. As the Zamindar of Jaitpur, which is in 
the jurisdiction x of Mandu, in consequence of wickedness 
had not had the felicity of kissing the threshold, I ordered 
Fida'l Khan to proceed against him with some mansabdars 
and 400 or 500 musketeers and plunder his country. 
On the 13th one elephant was given to Fida'i Khan 
and one to Mir Qasim, son of Sayyid Murad. On the 
16th Jay Singh, son of Raja Maha Singh, who was 
12 years old, was promoted to the mansab of 1,000 
personal and horse. To Mir Miran, son of Mir Khalllu- 
llah, I gave an elephant which I had myself approved, 
and another to Mulla 'Abdu-s-Sattar. 2 Bhoj, son of Raja 
Bikramajit Bhadauriyfi, after his father's death, came 
from the Deccan and waited on me, and presented 100 
muhrs as an offering. On the 17th it was represented 
that Raja Kalyan had come from the province of Orissa, 
and proposed to kiss my threshold. As some unpleasant 
stories had been told with regard to him, an order was 
given that they should hand him over with his son to 

1 The word is hawcttl, which is sometimes translated 'neighbourhood,' 
and has been so translated here by Mr. Rogers. But either Jahanglr 
has made a mistake or the word hawall is capable of a wide interpretation, 
for Jaitpur appears to be Jaitpur in Kathiawar. See Jarrett, ii, 258, 
and I.G., vii, 192. Possibly Mandu is a mistake for Bandhu. But 
there is a Jetgarh in Malwa (Jarrett, ii, 200). 

2 Probably this was the author who collaborated with Jerome Xavier. 
See Rieu's Catalogue, iii, 1077. 


Asaf Khan to enquire into the truth of what had been 
said about him. On the 19th an elephant was given 
to Jay Singh. On the 20th 200 horses were added to 
the mansab of Kesho Das Maru, so that it came, original 
and increase, to 2,000 personal and 1,200 horse. On 
the 23rd, having distinguished Allah-dad, the Afghan, 
with the title of Rashid Khan, I gave him a panrm-narni 
(shawl). The offering of Raja Kalyan Singh, consisting 
of eighteen elephants, was brought before me ; sixteen 
elephants were included in my private elephant stud, and 
I presented him with two. As the news had arrived from 
Iraq of the death of the mother of Mir Milan, daughter 
of Shah Isma'll II, of the race of the Safawi kings, 
I sent him a dress of honour and brought him out of 
the robes of mourning. On the 25th Fida'l Khan 
received a dress of honour, and, in company with his 
brother Ruhu-llah and other mansabdars, obtained leave 
to go to punish the Zamindar of Jaitpur. On the 28th, 
having come down from the fort with the intention of 
seeing the Narbada and to hunt in its neighbourhood, 
I took the ladies with me, and halted two stages down 
on the bank of the river. As there were many mosquitoes 
and fleas, I did not stay more than one night. Having 
come the next day to Tarapur, I returned on Friday, 
the 31st. On the 1st of the month of Mihr, Muhsin 
Khwaja, who at this time had come from Transoxiana, 
received a dress of honour and 5,000 rupees. On the 
2nd, after enquiry into the matters of Raja Kalyan, 
with regard to which a report had been received, and 
which Asaf Khan had been appointed to investigate, 
as he appeared innocent, he enjoyed the good fortune 
to kiss the threshold, and presented as an offering 100 
muhrs and 1,000 rupees. His offering of a string of 
pearls, consisting of eighty pearls and two rubies, with 
a bracelet with a ruby and two pearls, and the golden 
figure of a horse studded with jewels, was laid before 


me. A petition from Fida'l Khan arrived stating that 
when the victorious army entered the province of Jaitpur 
the zamindar had elected to run away. He could not 
oppose Fida'l, and his country was ravaged. He now 
repented of what he had done, and intended to come 
to the Court, which was the asylum of the world, and 
proffer service and obedience. A force with Ruhu-llah 
was sent in pursuit of him to capture and bring him 
to Court, or to lay waste and ruin his domain and 
imprison his women and dependants, who had gone into 
the country of the neighbouring zamindars. On the 
8th Khwaja Nizam came and laid before me fourteen 
pomegranates from the port of Mukha (Mocha), which 
they had brought to Surat in the space of fourteen 
days, and in eight days more to Mandu. The size of 
these was the same as that of the Thatta pomegranates. 
Though the pomegranates of Thatta are seedless and these 
have seeds, 1 yet they are delicate, and in freshness excel 
those of Thatta. On the 9th news came that while Ruhu- 
llah was passing through the villages, he came to know 
that the women and dependants of the Jaitpurl zamindar 
were in a certain village. He remained outside, and sent 
men into the village to make enquiries and to bring 
out the persons who were there. Whilst he was making 
enquiries, one of the devoted servants of the zamindar 
came along witli the villagers. Whilst his men were 
scattered here and there, and Ruhu-llah with some 
servants had brought out his furniture and was sitting 
on a carpet, that devoted servant came behind him and 
struck him with a spear; the blow was fatal and the 
spearhead came out at his breast. The pulling out of the 
spear and the reverting 2 to his original (dying) of Ruhu- 
llah took place together. • Those who were present 
sent that wretch to hell. All the men who had been 

1 1.0. MS. 305 has ddna-i-naziki, 'soft (or small) seeds.' 

2 Note 181 has wdsil gashtan, ' becoming united ' (to the Deity). 


scattered about put on their armour and attacked the 
village. Those doomed men (khun-giriftaha) had the 
disgrace of harbouring 1 rebels and sedition-mongers, and 
were killed in the course of an astronomical hour. They 
brought into captivity their wives and daughters, and, 
setting fire to the village, made it so that nothing was 
seen but heaps of ashes. They then lifted up the body 
of Ruhu-llah and went and joined Fida I Khan. With 
regard to the bravery and zeal of Ruhu-llah, there was 
no dispute ; at the most, his carelessness brought about 
this turn of fortune. No traces of habitation remained 
in that region ; the zamindar of that place went into the 
hills and jungles and concealed and obliterated himself. 
He then sent someone to Ficla'I Khan and begged for 
pardon for his offences. An order was given that he 
should be allowed quarter and brought to Court. 

The mansab of Muruwwat Khan was fixed, original and 
increase, at 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse, on condition 
that he should destroy Harbhan, 2 Zamindar of Chandra- 
kota, from whom travellers endured great annoyance. 
On the 13th Raja Hiiraj Mai, together with Taqi, the 
bakhshi who was in attendance on Baba Khurram, came 
and waited on me. He represented all his requirements. 
His engagement to perform the work was approved, 
and at the request of my son he was honoured with 
a standard and drums. To Taqi, who had been appointed 
with him, a jewelled khapwa (dagger) was given, and 
it was arranged that he should finish his own affairs 
and start off quickly. The mansab of Khwaja 'All Beg 
Mlrza, who had been appointed to the defence and 

1 .Id dadan, 'to give way,' the meaning apparently being that they 
had protected Ruhu-llah's murderers. But I.O. MS. 305 seems to have 
jdrviddn, 'eternal,' which would mean that they were killed and also 
eternally disgraced as rebels. The Ma'asiru-1-umara, iii, 13, has 
a different account of the manner of Ruhu-llah's death. He was Fida'i's 
elder brother. 

2 The I.O. MSS. have Pir Bahar and Chandra Kora, which latter may 
be the place in Midnapur. 


administration of Ahmadnagar, was fixed at 5,000 personal 
and horse. An elephant apiece was given to Nuru-d- 
din Quli, Khwajagi Tahir, Sayyid Khan Muhammad, 
Murtaza Khan, and Wall Beg. On the 17th the mansab 
of Hakim Beg was fixed, original and increase, at 1,000 
personal and 200 horse. On the same day, after 
presenting Raja Suraj Mai with a dress of honour, an 
elephant, and a jewelled khapwa, and TaqI with a dress 
of honour, I gave them leave to proceed on duty to 
Kangra. When those who had been sent by my son 
of lofty fortune, Shah Khurram, with the ambassadors 
of 'Adil Khan and his offerings, arrived at Burhanpur, 
and my son's mind was completely satisfied with regard 
to the affairs of the Deccan, he prayed for the Subahdar- 
ship of Berar, Khandesh, and Ahmadnagar for the 
Commander-in-Chief, the Khankhanan, and sent his son 
Shah-nawaz Khan, who is really Khankhanan junior, 
with 12,000 cavalry to hold possession of the conquered 
provinces. Every place and estate were put as jagirs 
into the hands of reliable men, and fitting arrangements 
were made for the government of the province. He 
left, out of the troops that were with him, 30,000 horse 
and 7,000 musketeer infantry, and took with him the 
remainder, amounting to 25,000 horse and 2,000 gunners, 
and set off' to wait on me. On Thursday (Mubarak - 
shamba), the 20th x of the month of Mihr (Divine month), 
in the twelfth year from my accession, corresponding 
with the 11th Shawwal, 1026 Hijra (12th October, 1617), 
after three watches and one ghari had passed, he entered 
the fort of Mandu auspiciously and joyfully, and had 
the honour of waiting on me. The duration of our 
.separation was ll 2 months and 1 1 days. After he had 

1 Text 8th, but should be 20th. See p. 196, where the next Thursday 
is mentioned as the 27th. See Elliot, vi, 351. 

2 Text 15 months and 1 1 days, but it should be 1 1 months. Shah Jahan 
left his father at Ajmir on the last day of Shawwal, 1025, and he rejoined 
him on 11th Shawwal of the following year. 


performed the dues of salutation and kissing the ground, 
I called him up into the jharokha, and with exceeding 
kindness and uncontrolled delight rose from my place 
and held him in the embrace of affection. In proportion 
as he strove to be humble and polite, I increased my 
favours and kindness to him and made him sit near 
me. He presented 1,000 ashrafis and 1,000 rupees as 
nazar and the same amount by way of alms. As the 
time did not allow of his presenting all his offerings, 
he now brought before me the elephant Sarnak (?) 
(snake-head ?), that was the chief of the elephants of 
'Adil Khan's offering, with a casket of precious stones. 
After this the bakhshis were ordered to arrange according 
to their mansabs the Amirs who had come with my son 
to pay their respects. The first who had the honour 
of audience was Khan Jahan. Sending for him above, 
I selected him for the honour of kissing my feet. He 
presented 1,000 muhrs and 1,000 rupees as nazr, and 
a casket filled with jewels and jewelled things as an 
offering ( ]>7sJt-I:<i*h). What was accepted of his offering- 
was worth 45 ; 000 rupees. After this 'Abdu-llah Khan 
kissed the threshold, and presented 100 muhrs as nazr. 
Then Mahabat Khan had the honour of kissing the 
ground, and presented an offering of 100 muhrs and 
1,000 rupees, with a parcel (gathri) x of precious 
stones and jewelled vessels, the value of which was 
124,000 rupees. Of these one ruby weighed 11 miskals ; 
an European brought it last year to sell at Ajmir, and 
priced it at 200,000 rupees, but the jewellers valued it 
at 80,000 rupees. Consequently the bargain did not 
come off", and it was returned to him and he took it 
away. When he came to Burhanpur, Mahabat Khan 
bought it from him for 100,000 rupees. After this Kaja 
Bhao Singh waited on me, presenting 1,000 rupees as 
nazr and some jewels and jewelled things as a pish-Jcash. 
1 So in text, but I.O. MSS. have kursi, ' a chair or stool' (1. 37). 


In the same manner Darab Khan, son of the Khan- 
khanan, Sardar Khan, brother of 'Abdu-llah Khan, 
Shaja'at Khan the Arab, Dayanat Khan, Shah-baz Khan, 
Mu'tamad Khan bakhshi, Uda Ram, 1 who was one of 
the chief Amirs of Nizamu-1-mulk, and who came on 
the promise of my son Shah Khurram and joined the 
ranks of the loyal, waited on me in the order of their 
mansabs. After this the Wakils of 'Adil Khan had the 
honour of kissing the ground, and presented a letter 
from him. Before this, as a reward for the conquest of 
the Rana, a mansab of 20,000 personal and 10,000 horse 
was conferred on my son of lofty fortune. When he 
had hastened to the capture of the Deccan he had 
obtained the title of Shah, and now, in reward for this 
distinguished service, I gave him a mansab of 30,000 
personal and 20,000 horse, and bestowed on him the title 
of Shah Jahan. An order was given that henceforth 
they should place a chair in the paradise -resembling 
assemblies near my throne for my son to sit upon. This 
was a special favour for my son, as it had never been 
the custom heretofore. A special dress of honour with 
a gold-embroidered charqab, with collar, the end of the 
sleeves and the skirt decorated with pearls, worth 50,000 
rupees, a jewelled sword with a jewelled pardala (belt), and 
a jewelled dagger were bestowed upon him. In his honour 
I myself came down from the jharokha and poured over 
his head a small tray of jewels and a tray of gold (coins).' 2 
Having called Sarnak elephant to me, I saw without 
doubt that what had been heard in its praise and of 
its beauty was real. It stood all the tests in size, form, 
and beauty. Few elephants are to be seen of such 
beautjr. As it appeared acceptable to me, I myself 
mounted (i.e. drove it) and took it into my private 
palace, and scattered a quantity of gold coins on its head, 

1 Text budand, but Uda Ram is the only Dakhani officer mentioned. 

2 The MSS. have zar-baft, 'gold brocade.' 


and ordered them to tie it up inside the royal palace. 
With regard to this I gave it the name of Nur-bakht 1 
(light of fortune). On Friday, the 24th, Raja Bharjiv, 
Zamindar of Bacdana, came and waited on me. His 
name is Partap ; every Raja there has been of that place 
they call Bharjiv. He has about 1,500 horse in his pay 
(inawajili-kli war), and in time of need he can bring 
into the field 3,000 horse. The province of Baglana 
lies between Gujarat, Khandesh, and the Deccan. It has 
two strong forts, Saler and Maler (Muler), and as Maler 
is in the midst of a populous country he lives there 
himself. The country of Baglana has pleasant springs 
and running waters. The mangoes of that region are 
very sweet and large, and are gathered for nine months 
from the beginning of immaturity 2 until the end. It 
has man}- grapes, but not of the best kinds. The afore- 
said Raja does not drop the thread of caution and 
prudence in dealing with the rulers of Gujarat, the 
Deccan, and Khandesh. He has never gone himself to 
see any of them, and if any of them has wished to 
stretch out his hand to possess his kingdom, he has 
remained undisturbed through the support of the others. 
After the provinces of Gujarat, the Deccan, and Khandesh 
came into the possession of the late king ( Akbar), Bharjiv 
came to Burhanpur and had the honour of kissing his 
feet, and after being enrolled among his servants was 
raised to the mansab of 3,000. At this time, when Shah 
Jahan went to Burhanpur, he brought eleven elephants as 
an offering. He came to Court in attendance on my son, 
and in accordance with his friendship and service was 
dignified with royal favours, and had presented to him 
a jewelled sword, an elephant, a horse, and dress of 
honour. After some days I conferred on him three rings 
of jacinth (yaqut), diamond, and ruby. On Mubarak - 

1 In reference to his own name of Nu-u-d-din. 

2 Ghuragl, ' u nripeness. ' 


shamba (Thursday), the 27th, Nur-Jahan Begam prepared 
a feast of victory for my son Shah Jahan, and conferred 
on him dresses of honour of great price, with a nadiri 
with embroidered flowers, adorned with rare pearls, 
a sarplch (turban ornament) decorated with rare gems, 
a turban with a fringe of pearls, a waistbelt studded with 
pearls, a sword with jewelled pardala (belt), a phul 
Jcatdra (dagger), a sada (?) of pearls, with two horses, 
one of which had a jewelled saddle, and a special elephant 
with two females. In the same way she gave his children 
and his ladies dresses of honour, tuquz (nine pieces) of cloth 
with all sorts of gold ornaments, and to his chief servants 
as presents a horse, a dress of honour, and a jewelled 
dagger. The cost of this entertainment was about 300,000 
rupees. Presenting on the same day a horse and dress 
of honour to 'Abdu-llah Khan and Sardar Khan, his 
brother, I gave them leave to go to the Sarkar of Kalpi, 
which had been given them in jagir, and also dismissed 
Shaja'at Khan to his jagir, which was in the Subah 
of Gujarat, with a dress of honour and an elephant. 
I dismissed Sayyid Hajl, who was a jagirdar of Behar, 
with a gift of a horse. 

It was frequently reported to me that Khan Dauran 
had become old and weak, so as to be unfit for active 
duty, and the Subahs of Kabul and Bangash is a land 
of disturbance, and to subdue the Afghans required 
riding and active movement. Inasmuch as caution is the 
condition of rule. I appointed Mahabat Khan, Subahdar 
of Kabul and Bangash, giving him a dress of honour, 
and promoted Khan Dauran to the governorship of the 
province of Thatta. Ibrahim Khan Fath-jang had sent 
as an offering from Behar forty-nine elephants ; these 
were submitted to me. On this day they brought some 
sona-kela (golden plantains, bananas) for me. I had 
never eaten such plantains before. In size they are 
one finger, and are very sweet and of good flavour ; they 


have no resemblance to plantains of other descriptions, 
but are somewhat indigestible, so that from the two that 
I ate I experienced heaviness, whilst others say they 
can eat as many as seven or eight. Though plantains 
are really unfit to eat, yet of all the kinds this is the 
one lit to eat. This year, up to the 23rd of the month 
of Mihr, Muqarrab Khan sent Gujarat mangoes by post 

On this date I heard that Muhammad Riza, ambassador 
of my brother Shah 'Abbas, gave up the deposit of his 
life at Agra through the disease of ishal (diarrhoea). 
I made the. merchant Muhammad Qasim, who had come 
from my brother, his executor, and ordered that according 
to the will he should convey his goods and chattels to 
the Shah, so that he might grant them in his own 
presence to the heirs of the deceased. Elephants and 
dresses of honour were conferred on Sayyid ' Kablr and 
Bakhtar Khan, Wakils of 'Adil Khan. On Mubarak - 
shamba, the 13th Aban, Jahanglr Qull Beg, Turkman, 
who is dignified with the title of Jan-sipar Khan, came 
from the Deccan and waited on me. His father was 
included among the Amirs of Iran. He had come from 
Persia in the time of the late kins: Akbar, and having 
a mansab conferred on him was sent to the Deccan. 
He was brought up in that Subah. Although he had 
been appointed to a duty, yet as my son Shah Jahan 
came at this time to pay his respects and represented 
his sincerity and devotion, I ordered that he should come 
post to Court and have the good fortune to wait upon 
me and then return. On this day I promoted Uda Ram 1 
to the rank of 3,000 personal and 1,500 horse. He is 
a brahmin by caste, and was much relied on by 'Ambar. 
At the time when Shah-nawaz Khan went against 'Ambar, 
Adam Khan Habshi, Jadu Ray, Babu Ray Kayath, 
Uda Ram, and some other Sardars of Nizamu-1-mulk 

1 The Udaji Ram of Ma'asiru-1-umara, i, 142. 


left him and came to Shah-nawaz Khan. After 'Ambar's 
defeat they, by the persuasions of 'Adil Khan and the 
deceit of 'Ambar, left the right road again and gave up 
their loyalty and service. 'Ambar took an oath on the 
Koran to Adam Khan and put him off his guard, and, 
capturing him deceitfully, imprisoned him in the fort of 
Daulatabad, and at last killed him. Babii Ray Kayath 
and Uda Ram came away and went to the borders of 
'Adil Khan's dominions, but he would not admit them 
into his territory. About that time Babu Ray Kayath lost 
his life (lit. played away the coin of existence) by the 
deceit of his intimates, and 'Ambar sent a force against 
Uda Ram. He fought well and defeated 'Ambar's army. 
But afterwards, as he could not remain in that country, he 
threw himself on to the borders of the royal dominions, and, 
having got a promise, came with his family and dependants 
and entered the service of my son Shah Jahan. That 
son distinguished him with favours and kindnesses of 
all sorts, and made him hopeful by giving him a mansab 
of 8,000 personal and 1,000 horse, and brought him to 
Court. As he was a useful servant, I increased this by 
500 horse. I also increased the mansab of Shah-baz Khan, 
who had one of 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse, by 500 
more horse, and gave him the .faujdarship of the Sarkar 
of Sarangpur and a part of the Subah of Malwa. 
A special horse and elephant were given to Khan Jahan. 
On Mubarak-shamba (Thursday), the 10th of the month, 
my son Shah Jahan produced his own offerings — jewels 
and jewelled things and line cloths and other rare things. 
These were all laid out in the courtyard of the jharokha, 
and arranged together with the horses and elephants 
adorned with gold and silver trappings. In order to 
please him I came down from the jharokha and looked 
through them in detail. Among all these there was 
a fine ruby they had bought for my son at the port of 
Goa for 200,000 rupees ; its weight was 19 J tanks, or 


17 miskals, and 5 J surkhs. There was no ruby in my 

establishment over 12 tanks, and the jewellers agreed to 

this valuation. Another was a sapphire, among the 

offerings of 'Adil Khan ; it weighed 6 tanks and 7 surkhs 

and was valued at 100,000 rupees. I never before saw 

a sapphire of such a size and good colour. Another was 

the Chamkora diamond, also of 'Adil Khan's ; its weight 

was 1 tank and 6 surkhs, which they valued at 40,000 

rupees. The name of Chamkora is derived from this, that 

there is in the Deccan a plant called sag-i-cliamkora. 1 At 

the time when Murtaza Nizamu-1-mulk conquered Berar 

he had gone one day with his ladies round to look at 

the garden, when one of the women found the diamond 

in a chamkora vegetable, and took it to Nizamu-1-mulk. 

From that day it became known as the Chamkora diamond, 

and came into the possession of the present Ibrahim 'Adil 

Khan during the interregnum (fatarat) of Ahmadnagar. 

Another was an emerald, also among 'Adil Khan's 

offerings. Although it is from a new mine, it is of such 

a beautiful colour and delicacy as I have never before 

seen. Again, there were two pearls, one of the weight of 

64 surkhs, or 2 miskals and 11 surkhs, and it was valued 

at 25,000 rupees. The other weighed 16 surkhs, and was 

of exceeding roundness and fineness. It was valued at 

12,000 rupees. Another was a diamond from the offerings 

of Qutbu-1-mulk, in weight 1 tank, and valued at 30,000 

rupees. There were 150 elephants, out of which three 

had gold trappings, chains, etc., and nine had silver 

trappings. Though twenty 2 elephants were put into my 

private stud, five were very large and celebrated. The 

first, Nur-bakht, which my son presented on the day 

of meeting, was worth 125,000 rupees. The second, 

Mahipati, 3 from the offerings of 'Adil Khan, was valued 

1 Jamkura is given in Forbes as the Dakhani word for a covering made 
of reeds or palm-leaves and used in rainy weather. 

2 The MS. has eight. 

3 In the MSS. the name seems to be Hansomat (swan-like ?). 

SHAH jahan's offerings. 401 

at 100,000 rupees; I gave it the name of Durjansal. 
Another, also from his offerings, was Bakht-buland, and 
valued at 100,000 rupees ; I called it Giran-bar. Another 
was Qaddus Khan, and the fifth was Imam Riza. They 
were from the offerings of Qutbu-1-mulk. Each of the 
two was valued at 100,000 rupees. Again, there were 
100 Arab and Iraq horses, most of which were good 
horses. Of these, three had jewelled saddles. If the 
private offerings of my son and those of the rulers of 
the Deccan were to be written down in detail, it would 
be too long a business. What I accepted of his presents 
was worth 2,000,000 rupees. In addition to this he 
gave his (step-)mother, 1 Nur-Jahan Begam, offerings 
worth 200,000 rupees, and 60,000 rupees to his other 
mothers and the Begams. Altogether my son's offerings 
came to 2,260,000 rupees, or 75,000 tumans of the currency 
of Iran or 6,780,000 current Turan-khanis. Such offerings 
had never been made during this dynasty. I showed 
him much attention and favour ; in fact, he is a son 
who is worth grace and kindness. I am very pleased 
and satisfied with him. May God Almighty allow him 
to enjoy long life and prosperity ! 

As I had never in my life had any elephant-hunting, 
and had a great desire to see the province of Gujarat 
and to look on the salt sea, and my huntsmen had often 
gone and seen wild elephants and fixed on hunting-places, 
it occurred to me to travel through Ahmadabad and look 
on the sea, and having hunted elephants on my return, 
when it was hot and the season for hunting them, to 
go back to Agra. With this intention I despatched to 
Agra Hazrat Maryamu-z-zaman (his mother) and the other 
Begams and people of the harem with the baggage and 
extra establishments, and betook myself to a tour in the 
Subah of Gujarat to hunt, with such as were indispensable 

1 Text has ivalida-i-khiid, 'his own mother.' 



with me. On the eve of Friday in the month of Aban 
(precise date not given, but apparently the 10th), 
I marched auspiciously and happily from Mandu, and 
pitched on the bank of the tank of Nalchha. In the 
morning: I went out to hunt and killed a blue bull with 
my gun. On the eve of Saturday, Mahabat Khan was 
presented with a special horse and an elephant, and 
obtained leave to go to his Subah of Kabul and Bangash. 
At his request I conferred on Rashid Khan a robe of 
honour, a horse, an elephant, and a jewelled dagger, and 
appointed him to assist him. I promoted Ibrahim Husain 
to the post of bakhshi in the Deccan, and Mirak Husain 
to that of news-writer in the same Subah. Raja Kalyan, 1 
son of Raja Todar Mai, had come from the Subah of 
Orissa ; on account of some faults which had been 
attributed to him he had for some days been forbidden 
the honour of paying his respects. After enquiry his 
innocence appeared clear, and having given him a dress 
of honour and a horse, I appointed him to do duty 
together with Mahabat Khan in Bangash. On Monday 
I gave the Wakils of 'Adil Khan jewelled turban fringes 
after the fashion of the Deccan, one of the value of 
5,000 rupees and the other worth 4,000 rupees. As 
Afzal Khan and Ray Ray an had performed the duties 
of Wakils to my son Shah Jahan in a becoming manner, 
I raised them both in mansab and honoured Ray Rayan 
with the title of Bikramajit, which among Hindus is 
the highest title. In truth he is a servant worthy of 
patronage. On Saturday, the 12th, I went to hunt and 
shot two female nilgaw. As the hunting-ground was 
a long way from this halting-place, I on Monday marched 
4 \ kos 2 and pitched at the village of Kaid Hasan. On 
Tuesday, the 15th, I killed three blue bulls, the larger 
one of which weighed 12 maunds. On this day Mirza 

1 A repetition. 2 The MSS. ha\e 3| kos. 


Rustam escaped a great danger. 1 It seems that he had 
taken aim at a mark and fired his gun. Then he re- 
loaded, and as his bullet was very flexible, he rested 
the gun on his chest and put the bullet between his teeth 
in order that he might contract it and put it right. By 
chance the match reached the pan, and his chest at the 
place where the gun was resting was burnt to the extent 
of the palm of the hand, and the grains of powder got 
into his skin and flesh and a wound was made, and he 
suffered much pain. 2 

On Sunday (?), the 16th, 3 four nilgaw were killed, 
three females and one bukra 4 nilgaw. On Mubarak - 
shamba (Thursday) I went to look round a hill valley 
in which there was a waterfall near the camp. At this 
season it had but little water, but as for two or three 
days they had dammed the watercourse and, about the 
time of my reaching the place, let it loose, it flowed 
over very well. Its height might be 20 gaz. It 
separates at the top of the hill and flows down. In 
this way it is a great boon (ghanimat) on the road. 
Having enjoyed the usual cups on the edge of the stream 
and the shade of the hill, I came back to the camp 
at night. On this day the Zamindar of Jaitpur, whose 
offences I had forgiven at the request of my son Shah 
Jahan, had the good fortune of kissing the threshold. 
On Friday, the 18th, a large blue bull and a bukra, 
and on Saturday, the 19th, two females, were killed. 

1 Text khata, 'fault,' but the MSS. show that the word is Jchatar, 
' danger. ' 

2 The passage is obscure, and the MSS. do not throw much light on 
it. Fortunately for the Mirza, there was no bullet in his gun. The 
word which I have translated by ' flexible ' is rawdn. Perhaps the 
meaning is quite different. Possibly it is " he would fire a shot and then 
reload. As many of his bullets had been shot away, he put a pellet 
(ghahdd) into his mouth and was shaping it," etc. 

3 He has just spoken of Tuesday as the loth ! And as Jahangir did 
not shoot on Sundays, Sunday must be a mistake for Wednesday. It is 
Wednesday in I.O. MS. 305. 

4 Perhaps bukra here means a male nilgaw ; bukra means also a he-goat. 


As my huntsmen represented that there was much 
game in the parganah of Hasilpur, I left my large camp 
at this halting- place, and on Sunday, the 20th, and 
with some of my close attendants, hastened to Hasilpur, 
a distance of 3 kos. Mir Husamu-d-dln, son of Mir 
Jamalu-d-din Husain Inju, who has the title of 'Azudu-d- 
daulah, was promoted to the mansab, original and increase, 
of 1,000 personal and 400 horse. I presented Yadgar 
Husain Qush-begi and Yadgar Qurehl, who had been 
appointed to do duty in Bangash, with an elephant each. 
On this day some Husaini grapes without seeds arrived 
from Kabul ; they were very fresh. The tongue of this 
suppliant at the throne of God fails in gratitude for 
the favours by which, notwithstanding a distance of 
three months, grapes from Kabul arrive quite fresh in 
the Deccan. On Monday, the 21st, three small blue bulls, 
on Tuesday, the 22nd, one blue bull and three cows, and 
on Kam-shamba (Wednesday), the 23rd, one cow, were 
killed. On Mubarak-shamba, the 24th, a feast of cups 
was held on the bank of the tank of Hasilpur. Cups 
were presented to my son Shah Jahan and some of the 
great Amirs and private servants. On Yusuf Khan, son 
of Husain Khan (Tukriyah), who was of the houseborn 
ones worthy of patronage, was bestowed the mansab of 
3,000 personal and 1,500 horse, original and increase, 
and he was dismissed to the faujdarship of Gondwana, 
dignifying him with a gift of a dress of honour and an 
elephant. Ray Biharl Das, the diwan of the Subah of 
the Deccan, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. 
On Friday Jan-sipar Khan was exalted with a standard, 
presented with a horse and a dress of honour, and 
despatched to the Deccan. This day I made a remarkable 
shot with a gun. By chance there was inside the palace 
a khirni tree (Mimusops Kauhi). A qurisha 1 (?) came 

1 This is the same kind of bird that Nur-Jahan is mentioned as having 
shot. Perhaps a green pigeon is meant. 


and sat on a high branch, and I saw its breast in the 
midst of it. I tired at it and struck it in the middle 
of its breast ; from where I stood to the top of the 
branch was 22 gaz. On Saturday, the 26th, marching 
about 2 kos, I pitched at the village of Kamalpur. On 
this day I shot a blue bull. 1 Rustam Khan, who was 
one of the principal attendants of my son Shah Jahan, 
and who had been appointed from Burhanpur with a body 
of the royal servants against the zamindars of Gondwana, 
having taken a tribute of 110 elephants and 120,000 
rupees, came this day to wait upon me. Zahid, son of 
Shaja/at Khan, was given the mansab of 1,000 personal 
and 400 horse, original and increase. On Sunday, the 
27th, I hunted with hawks and falcons. On Monday 
I killed a large blue bull and a bukra ; the bull weighed 
12i maunds. On Tuesday, the 29th, a blue bull was 
killed. Bahlul Miyana and Allah-yar came from service 
in Gondwana, and had the good fortune to wait upon 
me. Bahlul Khan is the son of Hasan Miyana, and 
Miyana is an Afghan tribe. In the commencement of 
his career Hasan was a servant of Sadiq Khan, but 
a servant who recognized the king (worthy of a king's 
service), and was at last included among the royal servants 
and died on service in the Deccan. After his death his 
sons were granted mansabs. He had eight sons, and two 
of them became famous as swordsmen. The elder brother 
in his youth gave up the deposit of his life. Bahlul by 
degrees was promoted to the mansab of 1,000. At this 
time my son Shah Jahan arrived at Burhanpur, and, 
finding him worthy of patronage, made him hopeful with 
a mansab of 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse. As he had 
not yet waited on me and was very desirous to kiss the 
threshold, I summoned him to Court. He is in truth 

1 Text nila, without the addition of gaw. The MSS. have gor or ehor, 
a pheasant (?). 


a good Khana-zada (household-born one), inasmuch as his 
heart is adorned with the perfection of bravery and his 
exterior is not wanting in good appearance. The mansab 
my son Shah Jahan had bespoken for him was granted 
at his request, and lie was honoured with the title of 
Sar-buland Khan. Allah-yar Koka was also a brave youth 
and a servant worthy of patronage. Finding him tit 
and suitable for service in my presence, I sent for him 
to Court. On Kam-shamba (Wednesday), the 1st of the 
month of Azar, I went out to hunt and shot a blue 
bull. On this day the Kashmir 1 reports were laid before 
me. One was that in the house of a certain silk-seller 
two girls were born with teeth, and with their backs as 
far as the waist joined together, but the heads, arms, and 
legs were separate ; they lived a short time and died. On 
Mubarak-shamba, the 2nd, on the bank of a tank where 
my tents were, a feast of cups was held. Presenting 
Lashkar Khan with a dress of honour and an elephant, 
I promoted him to the duty of diwan of the Subah of 
the Deccan, and gave him the mansab of 2,500 personal 
and 1,500 horse, original and increase. To each of the 
Wakils of ' Adil Khan two 2 kaukah-i-tdli' (horoscope star) 
muhrs, the weight of each of which was 500 ordinary 
muhrs, were given. I gave a horse and robe of honour 
to Sar-buland Khan. As fitting service and approved 
activity were manifest in Allah-yar Koka, I honoured 
him with the title of Himmat Khan and gave him a dress 
of honour. On Friday, the 3rd, I marched 4^ kos and 
halted the royal standards in the parganah of Dikhtan. 3 
On Saturday also I marched 4^ kos and halted at the 
township of Dhar. 

Dhar is one of the old cities, and Raja Bhoj, who was 

1 Elliot, vi, 352. 

2 The ' two ' is omitted in text. 

3 In Sarkar Mandu (Jarrett, ii, 207). Debi Pra-ad's Hindi version 
has Daknd. 


one of the great Rajas of Hindustan, lived in it. From 
his time 1,000 1 years have passed, and in the time of 
the Sultans of Malwa it was for a long time the capital. 
At the time when Sultan Muhammad Tughluq was 
proceeding to the conquest of the Deccan, he built a fort 
of cut stone on the top of a ridge. Outside it is very 
showy and handsome, but inside the fort is devoid 
of buildings. I ordered them to measure its length, 
breadth, and height. The length inside the fort was 
12 fanab, 7 gaz ; the breadth, 17 tanab, 13 gaz, and the 
breadth of the fort wall 19| gaz. Its height up to the 
battlements appeared to be 17£ gaz. The length of the 
outer circuit (?) of the fort was 55 tanabs. 'Amid Shah 
Ghorl, who was called Dilawar Khan, and who in the time 
of Sultan Muhammad, son of Sultan FlrfAz, king of Delhi, 
had complete authority over the province of Malwa, built 
the Jami' mosque in the inhabitable part outside the fort, 
and opposite the gate of the mosque fixed a quadrangular 
iron column. When Sultan Bahadur of Gujarat took 
the province of Malwa into his own possession, he wished 
to transfer this column to Gujarat. The artificers did 
not take proper precautions when they lowered it, and 
it fell and broke into two pieces, one of them of 7^ gaz 
and the other of 4^ gaz. The column was 1£ gaz round. 
As it was lying there useless, I ordered them to take 
the larger piece to Agra and put * 2 it up in the courtyard 
of the mausoleum of H.M. Akbar, and to burn a lamp 
on the top of it at night. The aforesaid mosque has two 
gates. In front of the arch of one gate some sentences 
in prose have been carved on a stone tablet ; their purport 
is that 'Amid Shah Ghorl founded this mosque in the 

1 The MSS. have "more than 1,000." Raja Bhoj's date, according to 
Tod, is 567 a.d. (Jarrett, ii, 211). 

a This iron pillar is not now in existence at the mausoleum of Akbar 
(Note of Sayyid Ahmad). The pieces of the pillar are still lying at 
Dhar, outside the Lat Musjid (I.G., new ed., xi, 295). 


year 870, 1 and on the arch of the other gate a qasida, 

has been written, and these few couplets are from it — 

"The lord of the age, the star of the sphere of glory, 
Centre of the people of the earth, sun of the zenith of perfection, 
Asylum and support of religious law, 'Amid Shah Da'ud, 2 
In whose excellent qualities Ghor glories, 

Helper and protector of the Faith of the Prophet, Dilawar Khan, 
Who has been chosen by the most mighty Lord (God), 
Founded the Jami' mosque in the city of Dhar, 
At a fortunate, auspicious time, on a day of happy omen. 
The date of eight hundred and seven 3 had passed 
When the Court. of hopes was completed by Fortune." 

When Dilawar Khan gave up the deposit of his life 
there was no king with full dominion over Hindustan, 
and it was a time of confusion. Hushang, son of Dilawar 
Khan, who was just and possessed of courage, seeing 
his opportunity, sat on the throne of sovereignty in 
Malwa. After his death through destiny the rule was 
transferred 4 to Mahmud Khalji, son of Khan Jahan, who 
had been Vizier to Hushang, and passed from him to 
his son Ghiyasu-d-din, and after him to Nasiru-d-din, 
son of Ghiyasu-d-din, who gave his father poison and 
sat on the throne of infamy. From him it passed to 
his son Mahmud. Sultan Bahadur of Gujarat took from 
Mahmud the province of Malwa. The succession of kings 
of Malwa ended with the aforesaid Mahmud. 

On Monday, the 6th, I went to hunt and shot a female 
nilgaw. Presenting an elephant to Mlrza Sharafu-d-din 
Husain Kashgharl, I dismissed him to duty in the Subah 
of Bangash. A present of a jewelled dagger, a rnuhr 
of 100 tolas, and 20,000 darbs was made to Uda Ram. 
On Tuesday, the 7th, I shot an alligator in the tank at 
Dhar. Though only the top of his snout was visible 
and the rest of his body was hidden in the water, I fired 

1 The MSS. have 807, and this is correct, for Dilawar conquered Malwa 
in 803 = 1400. 

2 Probably this means that 'Amid was the son of Da'ud. 

3 Text 70, but should be 7. 807 = 1405. 

4 A son of Hushang, Muhammad Shah, intervened. 


at a guess an( j hit him i n his lungs and killed him with 
a single shot. An alligator is of the crocodile species 
and exists in most of the rivers of Hindustan, and grows 
very large. This one was not so very big. An alligator 
has been seen (by me) 8 gaz long and 1 gaz in 
breadth. On Sunday, marching 4| kos, I halted at 
Sa'dalpur. In this village there is a stream over which 
Nasiru-d-din Khalji built a bridge and erected buildings. 
It is a place like Kaliyada, and both are his works. 
Although his building is not worthy of praise, yet as it 
has been built in the river-bed and they have made 
rivulets and reservoirs, it is somewhat remarkable. At 
night I ordered them to place lamps all round the canals 
and streams. On Mubarak-shamba (Thursday), the 9th, 
a feast of cups was held. On this day I made a present 
to my son Shah Jahan of a ruby of one colour, weighing 
9 tanks and 5 surkh, of the value of 125,000 rupees, 
with two pearls. This is the rub}- which had been given 
to my father at the time of my birth by Hazrat Maryam- 
makani, mother of H.M. Akbar, by way of present when 
my face was shown, and was for many years in his 
sarpicJi (turban ornament). After him I also happily 
wore it in my sarpich. Apart from its value and delicacy, 
as it had come down as of auspicious augury to the 
everlasting State, it was bestowed on my son. Having 
raised Mubariz Khan to a mansab of 1,500 personal and 
horse, I appointed him to the faujdarship of the province 
of Mewat, distinguishing him with the present of a dress 
of honour, a sword, and an elephant. A sword was given 
to Himmat Khan, son of Rustam Khan. I gave Kamal 
Khan, the huntsman, who is one of the old servants 
and is always present with me on hunting expeditions, 
the title of Shikar Khan (hunting-Khan). Appointing 
Uda Ram to service in the Subah of the Deccan, I conferred 
on him a dress of honour, an elephant, and Iraq horses 
(lit. wind - footed ones), and sent with him for the 


Commander-in-Chief, Khankhanan, the Ataliq, a special 
gilt dagger (zar~nishan). On Friday, the 10th, I halted. 
On Saturday, the 11th, I marched 3| kos and halted 
at the village of Halwat. 1 On Sunday, the 12th, marching 

5 kos, I halted in the parganah 2 of Badnor. This 
parganah from the time of my father had been in the 
jagir of Kesho Das Marti, 3 and in fact had become a kind 
of watan (native country) to him. He had constructed 
gardens and buildings. Out of these one was a well 
(baoli) (step-well probably) on the road, which appeared 
exceedingly pleasant and well made. It occurred to me 
that if a well had to be made anywhere on a roadside 
it should be built like this one. At least two such 
ought to be made. 

On Monday, the 13th, I went to hunt and shot a blue 
bull. From the day on which the elephant Nur-bakht 
was put into the special elephant stables, there was an 
order that he should be tied up in the public palace 
(court). Among animals elephants have the greatest 
liking for water ; they delight to go into the water, not- 
withstanding the winter and the coldness of the air, and 
if there should be no water into which they can go, they 
will take it from a water-bag (mashk) with their trunks 
and pour it over their bodies. It occurred to me that 
however much an elephant delights in water, and it 
is suited to their temperament, yet in the winter the 
cold water must affect them. I accordingly ordered the 
water to be made lukewarm (as warm as milk) before 
they (the elephants) poured it into their trunks. On other 
days when they poured cold water over themselves they 
evidently shivered, but with warm water, on the contrary, 
they were delighted. This usage is entirely my own. 

1 The MSS. have Jalot (as in the Hindi version). 

2 Text, " the parganah aforesaid." But the MSS. have Badnor. See 
infra, p. 204 of text. (In this passage the Hindi version has JMadlor. ) 

3 Bloehmann, p. 502. 


On Tuesday, the 14th, marching 6 kos, I halted at 
Sllgarh (Sabalgarh ?). On Wednesday, the 15th, crossing 
the Main River, a halt was made near Ramgarh. A march 
of 6 kos was made on Thursday, the 16th, and a halt was 
made and a feast of cups held at a waterfall near the 
camp. Distinguishing Sar-buland Khan with a standard 
and giving him an elephant, I dismissed him to do duty 
in the Deccan. His mansab, original and increase, was 
fixed at 1,500 personal and 1,200 horse. Raja Bhim 
Narayan, Zamindar of Gadeha, who had been promoted to 
the mansab of 1,000 horse, obtained leave to go to his 
jagir. Having raised Raja Bharjiv, Zamindar of Baglana, 
to the mansab of 4,000, I gave him leave to go to his 
native country, and an order was given that when he 
arrived there he should send to Court his eldest son, who 
was his successor, that he might do duty in my presence. 
I honoured Hajl Baluch, who was the chief of the hunts- 
men and was an active and old servant, with the title of 
Baluch Khan. On Friday, the 17th, marching 5 kos, 
I alighted at the village of Dhavala. On Saturday, the 
18th, which was the feast of Qurban, after the Qurban 
rites had been performed, marching S\ kos, I halted on 
the bank of the tank of the village of Nagor. 1 On 
Sunday, the 19th, marching about 5 kos, the royal 
standards were erected on the bank of the tank of the 
village of Samriya. On Monday, the 20th, marching 
4^ kos, we alighted at the chief place of the Dohad 2 
parganah. This parganah is on the boundary between 
Malwa and Gujarat. Until I passed Badnor the whole 
country was a jungle, with an abundance of trees and 
stony land. On Tuesday, the 21st, I halted. On Kam- 
shamba (Wednesday), the 22nd, marching 5£ kos, I halted 
at the village of Ranyad (Renav ?). On Thursday, the 
23rd, I halted and held a feast of cups on the bank of 

1 MSS. Bakor. 

2 Dahut in MSS. But Dohad seems right, as it means two boundaries. 


the village tank. On Friday, the 24th, marching 2| kos, 
the royal standards were hoisted at the village of Jalot. 
At this halt some jugglers from the Carnatic came and 
showed their tricks. One of them placed one end of an 
iron chain, 5^ gaz in length and weighing 1 seer and 
2 dams, 1 in his throat and slowly swallowed it with the 
aid of water. It was for a while in his stomach ; after 
this he brought it up. On Saturday, the 25th, there was 
a halt. On Sunday, the 26th, marching 5 kos, I alighted 
at the village of Nimdah. On Monday, the 27th, also 
marching 5 kos, I pitched on the bank of a tank. On 
Tuesday, the 28th, marching 3f kos, the royal standards 
alighted near the township of Sahra 2 on the edge of 
a tank. The flower of the lotus, which in the Hindi 
language they call kumudini, is of three colours — white, 
blue, and red. I had already seen the blue and white, 
but had never seen the red. In this tank red flowers were 
seen blooming. Without doubt it is an exquisite and 
delightful flower, as they have said — 

' ' From redness and moistness it will melt away. " 3 

The flower of the kanwal 4 is larger than the kumudini. 
Its flower is red. I have seen in Kashmir many kanwal 
with a hundred leaves (petals). It is certain that it 
opens during the day and becomes a bud at night. The 
kumudini, on the contrary, is a bud during the day 
and opens at night. The black bee, which the people 
of India call bhaunra, always sits on these flowers, and 
goes inside them to drink the juice that is in both of 
them. It often happens that the kanwal flower closes and 

1 The dam was also used as a weight, and was equal to 5 tank or 1 tola, 
8 masha, 7 sitrhh (Blochmann, p. 31). 

' 2 Apparently Sahra is the name of a town, and does not mean an open 
space here. 

3 Perhaps the line refers to the bee, and means that the bee wishes to 
suck the moisture of the flower. 

4 The MSS. have gid-i-kul, ' the flower of the tank.' It seems to be 
a water-lily. 


the bee remains in it the whole night. In the same 
manner it remains in the kumudini flower. When the 
flower opens it comes out and flies away. As the black 
bee is a constant attendant on these flowers, the poets 
of India look on it as a lover of the flower, like the 
nightingale, and have put into verse sublime descriptions 
of it. Of these poets the chief was Tan Sen Kalawant, 
who was without a rival in my father's service (in fact, 
there has been no singer like him in any time or age). 
In one of his compositions he has likened the face of 
a young man to the sun and the opening of his eyes 
to the expanding of the kanwal and the exit of the bee. 
In another place he has compared the side-glance of the 
beloved one to the motion of the kanwal when the bee 
alights on it. 

At this place figs arrived from Ahmadabad. Although 
the figs of Burhanpur are sweet and well-grown, these 
figs are sweeter and with fewer seeds, and one may call 
them 5 per cent, better. On Kam-shamba, the 29th, 
and Mubarak-shamba, the 30th, we halted. At this stage 
Sar-faraz Khan came from Ahmadabad and had the good 
fortune to kiss the threshold. Out of his offerings 
a rosary of pearls, bought for 11,000 rupees, two elephants, 
two horses, two bullocks and a riding cart, and some 
pieces of Gujarat! cloth, were accepted, and the remainder 
presented to him. Sar-faraz Khan is a grandson of 
Musahib Beg, by which name he was called by Akbar 
after his grandfather, who was one of the Amirs of 
Humayun. In the beginning of my reign I increased 
his mansab and appointed him to the Subah of Gujarat. 
As he had an hereditary connection with the Court as 
a Khana-zada (one born in the house), he proved himself 
efficient in the Subah of Gujarat. Considering him 
worthy of patronage, I gave him the title of Sar-faraz 
Khan and raised him in the world, and his mansab has 
risen to 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse. On Friday, 


the 1st of Day, I marched 3f kos and halted on the bank 
of the tank of Jhasod. 1 At this stage Ray Man, captain 
of the Khidmatiya, 2 caught a rohu fish and brought it. 
As I am particularly partial to the flesh of fish, especially 
that of the rohu, which is the best kind of fish in 
Hindustan, and I had never, notwithstanding much enquiry, 
had one for eleven months from the time of crossing the 
pass of Ghati Chand 3 until the present time, and now 
obtained it, I was greatly delighted. I presented a horse 
to Ray Man. Although the parganah of Dohad is reckoned 
as within the boundary of Gujarat, yet, in fact, it was 
from this stage that all things appeared different. The 
open plains and soil are of a different kind ; the people 
are different and the language of another description. 
The jungle that appeared on the road has fruit-bearing 
trees, such as the mango and khirni and tamarind, and 
the method of guarding the cultivated fields is with hedges 
of zaqqum. The cultivators separate their fields with 
cactus, and leave a narrow road between them for coming 
and going. Since all this country has a sandy soil, when 
any movement takes place, so much dust rises that the 
faces of people are seen with difficulty, so that one should 
call Ahmadabad 'Gardabad' 4 (abode of dust). On Saturday, 
the 2nd, having marched 3f kos, I encamped on the bank 
of the Mahi. On Sunday, the 3rd, again after a march 
of 3f kos, I halted at the village of Bardala. At this 
*;tage a number of mansabdars who had been appointed 
to serve in Gujarat had the good fortune to kiss the 
threshold. Marching 5 kos on Monday, the 4th, the royal 

1 Query " the tank of Yasoda," the foster-mother of Krishna ? 

2 Blochmann, p. 2.52. 

3 Jahangir crossed the Ghati Chand or Chand, between Ajmere and 
Malwa, in the 11th year (see p. 172), but he does not speak of having had 
any rohu fish there. Perhaps the reference is to his halt at Ramsar 
shortly before coming to Ghati Chand. He got 104 rohu at R,amsar. 
See p. 169. 

4 Elliot, vi, 353. 


standards halted at Chitraslma, and the next day, Tuesday, 
after a march of 5 kos, in parganah Monda. 1 On this 
day three blue bulls were killed ; one was larger than 
the others and weighed 13 maunds and 10 seers. On 
Wednesday, the 6th, I marched 6 kos and halted in 
parganah Naryad. 2 In passing through the town I 
scattered 1,500 rupees. On Thursday, the 7th, marching 
6h kos, I halted in the parganah of Pitlad. 3 In the 
country of Gujarat there is no larger parganah than 
this ; it has a revenue of 700,000 rupees, equal to 23,000 
current tumans of Iraq. The population of the town 
(qasba), too, is dense. Whilst I passed through it I scattered 
1,000 rupees. All my mind is bent upon this, that under 
any pretext the people of God may be benefited. As 
the chief way of riding among the people of this country 
is in carts, I also wished to travel in a cart. I sat for 
2 kos in a cart, but was much troubled with the dust, 
and after this till the end of the stage rode on horseback. 
On the road Muqarrab Khan came from Ahmadabad, and 
had the good fortune to wait on me, and presented an 
offering of a pearl he had bought for 30,000 rupees. On 
Friday, the 8th, marching Qh kos, the place of the descent 
of prosperity was on the shore of the salt sea. 

Cambay 4 is one of the old ports. According to the 
brahmins, several thousand years have passed since its 
foundation. In the beginning its name was Trimbawatb 
and Raja Tryambak Kunwar had the government of the 
country. It would take too long to write in detail the 
circumstances of the aforesaid Raja as the brahmins relate 
it. In brief, when the turn to the government came round 

1 Mondah of Jarrett, ii, 253. 

2 Text Nllao. No such parganah is mentioned in the Ayln ; the two 
I.O. MSS. have Naryad. 

3 Pitlad is mentioned in Bayley's Gujarat, p. 9, as having a very large 
revenue. It is the Patlad of Jarrett, ii, 253. Text wrongly has Nilab. 
Possibly Bhll is the parganah meant. 

4 Elliot, vi, 353. 


to Raja Abhay Kumar, 1 who was one of his grandsons, 
by the decree of heaven a great calamity happened to 
this city. So much dust and earth were poured on it 
that all the houses and buildings were hidden, and 
the means of livelihood of many people was destroyed. 
Before the arrival of this calamity, an idol (but), which 
the Raja worshipped, came in a dream and announced this 
event. The Raja with his family embarked in a ship, 
and carried away the idol with them with a pillar it had 
behind it for a support. By chance the ship also was 
wrecked by a storm of misfortune. As there was left 
still a term of life for the Raja, that pillar bore the boat 
of his existence in safety to the shore, and he proposed 
to rebuild the city. He put up the pillar as a mark of 
repopulation and the coming together of the people. As in 
the Hindi language they call a pillar istambh and khambh, 
they called the city Istambhnagari and Khambawati, and 
sometimes also TrimbawatI, in connection with the Raja's 
name ; Khambawati has by degrees and much use become 
Khambayat (Cambay). This port is one of the largest 
ports ' 2 in Hindustan and is near a firth, which is one of 
the firths of the Sea of Oman. It has been estimated 
to be 7 kos in width, and nearly 40 kos in length. 
Ships cannot come inside the firth, but must cast anchor 
in the port of Goga, which is a dependency 3 of Cambay 
and situated near the sea. Thence, putting their cargoes 
into ghurabs 4 (commonly called ' grabs ') they bring them 
to the port of Cambay. In the same way, at the time 
of loading a ship they carry the cargo in ghurabs and put 
it in the ships. Before the arrival of the victorious host 
some ghurabs from European ports had come to Cambay 
to buy and sell, and were about to return. On Sunday,. 

1 The I.O. MSS. have Abhay or Abhi Kar. 

2 Tiefenthaler, i, p. 380, etc., has an interesting notice of Cambay. 
He also gives a sketch of its bay (plate xxxii). 

3 Now so silted up that no tolerably large vessel can approach it. 

4 Abu-1-fazl calls them tawarl (Jarrett, ii, 241). 


the 10th, they decorated them and showed them to me. 
Taking leave they went about their business. On Monday, 
the 11th, I myself went on board a ghurab for about 
a kos on the face of the water. On Tuesday, the 12th, 
I went out with cheetahs (yftz), and captured two 1 antelope. 
On Wednesday, the 13th, I went to see the tank of 
Tarangsar(Narangsar?), 2 and passed through the streets and 
bazaar on the way, scattering nearly 5,000 rupees. In the 
time of H.M. Akbar (may Allah's lights be his testimony), 
Kalyan Ray, the superintendent of the port, by His 
Majesty's order built a wall of brick and cement round 
the city, and many merchants came from various quarters 
and settled there, and built fine houses and employed 
themselves in gaining their livelihood under easy circum- 
stances. Although its market is small, it is clean and 
full of people. In the time of the Sultans of Gujarat 
the customs of this port came to a large sum. Now in 
my reign it is ordered that they should not take more 
than one in forty. In other ports, calling it a tithe, they 
take one in ten or one in eight, and give all kinds of 
trouble to merchants and travellers. In Jeddah, which is 
the port of Mecca, they take one in four or even more. 
One may imagine from this what the customs of the ports 
of Gujarat must have come to in the time of the former 
rulers. God be praised that this suppliant at the throne 
of God obtained the grace to remit the whole of the 
customs dues of his dominions, which came to a countless 
sum, and the very name of customs (tamgha) has passed 
away from my empire. At this time an order was given 
that tankas 3 of gold and silver should be coined twice 
the weight of ordinary muhrs and rupees. The legend 

1 I.O. MSS. have 'ten.' 

2 Tdl tclrang. Possibly tdrang should read tarang (waves), and the 
meaning be that Jahangir went to see the famous bore in the Gulf of 

3 See Elliot, vi, 355, and note. 



on the gold coin was on one side the words " Jahangir - 
shahi, 1027" (1618), and on the reverse "Struck in 
Cambay in the 12th year of the reign." The legend for 
silver coins was on one side " Sikka, Jahangir-shahi, 1027"; 
round it this hemistich, " King Jahangir of the conquering 
ray struck this " ; and on the reverse, " Coined at Cambay 
in the 12th year of the reign," with this second hemistich 
round it — 

" When after the conquest of the Deccan he came to Gujarat from 

In no reign except mine have tankas been coined except 
of copper x ; the gold and silver tankas are my invention. 
I ordered it to be called the Jahangiri coinage. On 
Mubarak -shamba (Thursday), the 14th, the offering of 
Amanat Khan, the superintendent ( mutasaddi) of Cambay, 
was laid before me in the women's apartments. His 
mansab was fixed, original and increase, at 1,500 personal 
and 400 horse. Nuru-d-din Qui! was honoured with the 
mansab, original and increase, of 3,000 personal and 600 
horse. On Friday, the 15th, mounted on the elephant 
Nur-bakht, I made it run after a horse. It ran exceedingly 
well, and when it was stopped stood well. This is the 
third time that I myself have ridden it. On Saturday, the 
16th, Ram Das, son of Jay Singh, was promoted to the 
mansab, original and increase, of 1,500 personal and 700 
horse. On Sunday, the 17th, an elephant each was given 
to Darab Khan. Amanat Khan, and Sayyid Bayazid Barha. 
In these few days during which I was encamped on the 
shore of the salt sea, merchants, traders, indigent people, 
and other inhabitants of the port of Cambay having been 
summoned before me, I gave each according to his condition 
a dress of honour or a horse or travelling money or assistance 

1 In the text ahdl occurs by mistake instead of 'ahdi, and man 
instead of mas. 

2 Wrongly so in text, but Jay Singh should be corrected to Raj Singh. 
The son of Jay Singh, Raja of Ajmir, was Ram Singh, who was born in 
Sambat, 1692. 


in living. On this day, Sayyid Muhammad, Sahib Sajjada 
(Lord of the prayer carpet) of Shah 'Alam (a mosque 
near Ahmadabad), the sons of Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus, 
Shaikh Haidar, grandson of Miyan Wajihu-d-dln, and 
other Shaikhs living; at Ahmadabad came to meet me 
and pay their respects. As my desire was to see the 
sea and the flow and ebb of the water, I halted for ten 
days, and on Tuesday, the 19th (Day, about 30th December, 
1618), the royal standards started for Ahmadabad. The 
best description of fish procurable in this place, the name 
of which is 'arbiyat, 1 was caught and frequently brought 
for me by the fishermen. Without doubt these fish are, 
as compared with other fish of this country, more delicious 
and better, but they are not of the flavour of the rohu. 
One might say as nine to ten or even eight to ten. Of 
the food which is peculiar co the people of Gujarat there 
is the hhichrl of bdjra (a mixture of split peas and 
millet boiled together) ; this they also call lazlza. It 
is a kind of split grain, which does not grow in any 
other country but Hindustan, and which in comparison 
with many other regions of India is more abundant in 
Gujarat ; it is cheaper than most vegetables. As I had 
never eaten it, I ordered them to make some and bring 
it to me. It is not devoid of good flavour, and it suited 
me well. I ordered that on the days of abstinence, when 
I partake of dishes not made with flesh, they should 
frequently bring me this khichri. On the said Tuesday, 
having marched 6 J kos, I halted at the village of 
Kosala. On Wednesday, the 20th, I passed through 
the parganah of Babra 2 and halted on the bank of 
the river. This was a march of 6 kos. On Mubarak- 
shamba, the 21st, I halted and held a feast of cups. 
In this river I caught many fish, and divided them 
among the servants who were present at the feast. On 
Friday, the 22nd, having moved on 4 kos, I pitched at 
1 Or 'Arabl (Arabian?). 2 Matar or Natar in I.O. MSS. 


the village of Barlcha. On this road, walls came in sight 
from 2 J to 3 gaz in length, and on enquiry it appeared 
that people had made them from the desire of spiritual 
reward. When a porter is tired on the road he places 
his burden on the wall and gains his breath a little, and 
lifting it up again with ease and without assistance from 
anyone proceeds towards his destination. This is one of 
the peculiar ideas of the people of Gujarat. The building 
of these walls pleased me greatly, and I ordered that in 
all large towns 1 they should make walls of this kind at 
the imperial expense. On Saturday, the 23rd, marching 
4f kos, the camp was pitched at the Kankriya tank. 
Qutbu-d-dln Muhammad, grandson of Sultan Ahmad, the 
founder of the city of Ahrnadabad, made this tank, and 
placed round it steps of stone and cement. In the 
middle of the tank he constructed a little garden and 
some buildings. Between the bank of the tank and 
these buildings he had made a causeway, which was the 
way for entering and leaving, Since this occurred a long 
time ago, most of the buildings had become dilapidated, 
and there was no place left fit to sit in. At the time 
when the host of prosperity was about to proceed towards 
Ahrnadabad, Safl Khan, bakhshi of Gujarat, repaired at 
the expense of government what was broken down and 
in ruins, and clearing out the little garden erected a 
new building in it. Certainly it is a place exceedingly 
enjoyable and pleasant. Its style pleased me. On the 
side where the causeway is, Nizamu-d-dm Ahmad, 2 who 
was for a while bakhshi of Gujarat in my father's time, 
had made a garden on the bank of the tank. At this 
time a representation was made to me that 'Abdu-llah 
Khan, in consequence of a dispute that he had with 
'Abid, son of Nizamu-d-din Ahmad, cut down the trees 
of this garden. I also heard that during his government 

1 I.O. MS. 181 has " in all the cities of Upper India." 

2 The historian. 


he, at a wine party, signed to a slave, and cut off the 
head of an unfortunate man who was not wanting in 
fun and jesting, merely because in a state of drunkenness 
he had uttered some improper expressions by way of 
a joke. On hearing these two reports, my sense of justice 
was shocked, and I ordered the Diwans to change one 
thousand of his two-horsed and three-horsed cavalry into 
one-horsed, and to deduct from his jagir the difference (of 
pay), which came to 7,000,000 dams. 

As at this stage the tomb of Shah 'Alain was by the 
roadside, I recited the fatiha in passing by it. About 
100,000 rupees had been spent in building this mausoleum. 
Shah 'Alain was the son of Qutb 'Alam, and their family 
goes back to Makhdum-i^Jahaniyan l (a saint). The people 
of this country, high and low, have a wonderful belief 
in him, and they say that Shah 'Alam used to raise the 
dead. After he had raised several dead men, his father 
became aware of this and sent him a prohibition, saying 
it was presumption in him to meddle with the workshop 
of God, and was contrary to true obedience. It happened 
that Shah 'Alam had an attendant (female) who had no 
children, but at Shah 'Alain's prayer God Almighty 
bestowed a son on her. When he reached his 27th 2 year 
he died, and that slave came weeping and wailing into 
his presence, saying, " My son has died, and he was my 
only son ; since God Almighty gave him to me by your 
favour, I am hopeful that through your prayer he may 
become alive." Shah 'Alam fell into thought for a time 
and went into his cell, and the attendant went to his 
son, who greatly loved her, and besought him to ask 
the Shah to make his son alive. The son, who was of 
tender years, went into his cell, and used much entreaty. 

1 A saint of Multan who died in 1384. See Beale, s.v. Shaikh Jalal, 
and Jarrett, iii, 369. 

2 So in text, but surely it should be " 8th or 7th " ? It appears from 
the Khazinatu-1-asfiya, ii, 71, that the attendant who lost the child was 
a female disciple, and that the child was young. 


Shah 'Alam said, " If you are content to give up your 
life for him, perhaps my petition may be accepted." 
He represented " I am perfectly contented with what may 
be your wish and the desire of God." Shah 'Alam took 
his son's hands, and lifting him up from the ground 
turned his face towards heaven and said, " O God, take 
this kid in place of that one." Instantaneously the boy 
surrendered his soul to God, and Shah 'Alam laid him 
down on his own bed and covered his face with a sheet, 
and coming out of the house said to that attendant, " Go 
home, and get news of thy son ; perhaps he may have 
been in a trance and not have died." When she arrived 
at her house she saw her son alive. In short, in the 
country of Gujarat they say many things of this sort of 
Shah 'Alam. I myself asked Sayyid Muhammad, who 
is lord of his prayer carpet (in charge of the mausoleum), 
and who is not wanting in excellence and reasonableness, 
what was the real state of the case. He said, " I have 
also heard the same from my father and grandfather, 
and it has come down in succession, and wisdom is from 
Allah." Although this affair is beyond the laws of 
understanding, yet, as it has attained great notoriety 
among men, it has been recorded as a strange occurrence. 
His departure from this perishable mansion to the eternal 
world took place in 880 (1475), in the time of the reign 
of Sultan Mahmud Bigara, and the buildings of this 
mausoleum are the memorial of Taj Khan TariyanI, 1 who 
was one of the Amirs of Sultan Muzaffar, the son of 

As an hour on Monday had been chosen for my entry 
into the city, on Sunday, the 24th, I halted. At this 
place some melons came from Kariz, which is a town 
dependent on Herat, and it is certain that in Khurasan 
there are no melons better than those of Kariz. Although 

1 According to Bayley's Gujarat, p. 238, and Inc'ex, p. 515, the name 
is either Taj Khan Turpali or Narpali. 


this is at a distance of 1,400 kos, and kafilahs (caravans) 

take five months to come, they arrived very ripe and 

fresh. They brought so many that they sufficed for all 

the servants. Together with these there came oranges 

(kaunla) from Bengal, and though that place is 1,000 

kos distant most of them arrived quite fresh. As this 

is a very delicate and pleasant fruit, runners bring by 

post as much as is necessary for private consumption, 

and pass it from hand to hand. My tongue fails me in 

giving thanks to Allah for this. 

' ' Thankfulness for Thy favours is one of Thy favours. " 

On this day Amanat Khan presented two elephants' tusks ; 

they were very large, one of them being 3 cubits 8 tassu 

(finger-breadths) in length and 16 tassu in circumference; 

it weighed 3 maunds and 2 seers, or 24 1 Iraq maunds. 

On Monday, the 25th, after six gharis, I turned towards 

the city in pleasure and prosperity at the propitious 

hour, and mounted the elephant Surat-gaj, a favourite 

elephant of mine, which is perfect in appearance and 

disposition. Although he was fractious (mast), I had 

confidence in my own riding and his pleasant paces (?). x 

Crowds of people, men and women, had assembled, and 

were waiting in the streets and bazars and at the gates 

and the walls. The city of Ahmadabad did not seem to 

me so worthy of praise as I had heard. Although they 

had made the main road of the bazar wide and spacious, 

they had not suited the shops to this breadth. Its 

buildings are all of wood and the pillars of the shops 

slender and mean (zabmi). The streets of the bazar 

were full of dust, and there was dust from the Kankriya 

tank up to the citadel, which in the dialect of the 

country they call Bhadar. I hastened along scattering 

1 Stiwari-i-lchud u khvmsh-jalu-i-u,' " my own riding and his pleasant 
paces (?)." It does not seem likely that Jahangir would himself drive the 
elephant. The meaning here probably is that Jahangir trusted to his 
being on the elephant. Khwush-jalu is used lower down about another 
elephant, and seems to refer to the elephant's paces. See p. 214. 


money. The meaning of Bhadar is ' blessed ' (bhadra). The 
houses of the Sultans of Gujarat, which were inside the 
Bhadar, have fallen into ruin within the last fifty or 
sixty years, and no trace of them is left. However, our 
servants who have been sent to the government of this 
country have erected buildings. When I was proceeding 
from Mandu to Ahmadabad, Muqarrab Khan had done 
up the old buildings and prepared other places for sitting 
that were necessary, such as a jharokha, a public audience 
hall, etc. As to-day was the auspicious day for the 
weighing of my son Shah Jahan, I weighed him in the 
usual manner against gold and other things, and the 27th 
year from his blessed birth began in pleasure and enjoy- 
ment. I hope that the Giver of gifts will bestow him 
on this suppliant at His throne and let him enjoy life 
and prosperity. On the same day I gave the province 
of Gujarat in jagir to that son. From the fort of Mandu 
to the fort of Cambay, by the road we came, it is 124 
kos, which were traversed in twenty-eight marches and 
thirty halts. I remained at Cambay for ten days ; from 
that place to the city of Ahmadabad is 21 kos, which we 
traversed in five marches with two halts. Altogether, 
from Mandu to Cambay and from Cambay to Ahmadabad 
by the road we came is 145 kos, which we accomplished in 
two months and fifteen days ; this was in thirty-three 
marches and forty-two halts. 

On Tuesday, the 26th, I went to see the Jami' mosque, 
and gave with my own hand in alms to the fakirs who 
were present there about 500 rupees. This mosque was 
one of the memorials of Sultan Ahmad, the founder of 
the city of Ahmadabad. It has three gates, 1 and on each 
side a bazar. Opposite the gate that looks towards the 
east is the mausoleum of the said Sultan Ahmad. In 
that dome Sultan Ahmad, his son Muhammad, and his 

1 Or doors. The Iqbal-nama, 108, has " in front of each gate there is 
a bazar." 


grandson Qutbu-d-din are laid to rest. The length of 

the court of the mosque, excluding maqsura (the holy 

of holies), is 103 x cubits, and its breadth 89 cubits. 

Round this they have made an aywan (portico), in 

breadth 4f cubits. The flooring of the court is of 

trimmed bricks, and the pillars of the portico of red stone. 

The maqsura contains 354 2 pillars, above which there is 

a dome. The length of the maqsura is 75 cubits, and 

its breadth 37 cubits. The flooring of the maqsura, the 

mihrab (arch towards which the face is turned in prayer), 

and the pulpit are made of marble. On both sides of 

the main arch (pish-taq) are two polished minarets of cut 

stone, containing three ashyana (stories) beautifully 

shaped and decorated. On the right-hand side of the 

pulpit near the recess of the maqsura they have made 

a separate seat for the king. The space between the 

pillars has been covered in with a stone platform, and 

round this up to the roof of the maqsura they have put 

stone cages 3 (in which women sit so as not to be seen). 

The object of this was that when the king came to the 

Friday service or the 'Id he went up there with his 

intimates and courtiers, and performed his devotions. 

This in the dialect of the country they call the Muluk-khana 

(King's chamber). This practice and caution were on 

account of the crowding of the people. Truly this mosque 

is a very noble building. 4 

On Wednesday, 5 the 27th, I went to the monastery of 
Shaikh Wajihu-d-din, which was near the palace, and 
the fatiha was read at the head of his shrine, which is 
in the court of the monastery. Sadiq Khan, who was 
one of the chief Amirs of my father, built this monastery. 

1 123 in Iqbal-nama. 

2 350 in I.O. MSS. 

3 Panjara-i-sang, presumably lattice-work in stone. 

4 See for dimensions of the mosque Bayley's Gujarat, p. 92 and note, 
and the authorities there quoted. 

5 Text wrongly has Sunday. 


The Shaikh was a successor of Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus, 1 
but a successor against whom the teacher disputed. 
Wajlhu-d-din's loyalty to him is a clear proof 2 of the 
greatness of Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus. Shaikh Wajihu-d- 
din was adorned with visible excellencies and spiritual 
perfection. He died thirty years ago in this city 
(Ahmadabad), and after him Shaikh 'Abdu-llah, according 
to his father's will, took his place. He was a very 
ascetic dervish. When he died his son Shaikh Asadu-llah 
sat in his place, and also quickly went to the eternal 
world. After him his brother Shaikh Haidar became lord 
of the prayer carpet, and is now alive, and is employed 
at the grave of his father and grandfather in the service 
of dervishes and in looking after their welfare. The traces 
of piety are evident on the forehead of his life. As it was 
the anniversary festival of Shaikh Wajihu-d-din, 1,500 
rupees were given to Shaikh Haidar for the expenses of 
the anniversary, and I bestowed 1,500 rupees more on the 
band of fakirs who were present in the monastery, with 
my own hand in charity, and made a present of 500 
rupees to the grandson (?) of Shaikh Wajihu-d-dln. In the 
same way I gave something for expenses, and land to 
each of his relatives and adherents according to his 
merit. I ordered Shaikh Haidar to bring before me 
the body of dervishes and deserving people who were 
associated with him, in order that they might ask 
for money for expenses and for land. On Thursday, 
the 28th, I went to look round the Rustam-Khan- 
bari, and scattered 1,500 rupees on the road. They 
call a garden a bari in the language of India. This is 

1 Muhammad Ghaus was accused of heresy by some of the Gujarati 
mullas. He was much respected by Humayun, and is buried at Gwalior. 

2 Jahangir means that Wajihu-d-din was a very learned man, and that 
his devotion to Muhammad Ghaus, who was an ignorant man (ummi), 
shows what a great personality the latter was. Cf. Iqbal-nama, 169, and 
Ma'asiru-1-umara, ii, 583, where we are told that Wajihu-d-dln thanked 
God that both his Prophet and his Pir were ignorant. 


a garden that my brother Shah Murad made in the name 
of his son Rustam. I made a Thursday entertainment 
in this garden, and gave cups to some of my private 
servants. At the end of the day I went to the little 
garden of the hawali (mansion) of Shaikh Sikandar, 
which is situated in the neighbourhood of this garden, 
and which has exceedingly good figs. As picking the 
fruit with one's own hand gives it quite a different relish, 
and I had never before plucked figs with my own hand, 
their excellence in this respect was approved. Shaikh 
Sikandar 1 is by origin a Gujarati, and is not wanting 
in reasonableness, and has complete information about the 
Sultans of Gujarat. It is now eight or nine years since 
he has been employed among the servants (of the State). 
As my son Shah Jahan had appointed to the government 
of Ahmadabad Rustam Khan, who is one of his chief 
officers, at his request I, in accordance with the association 
of his name, presented him with (the garden) Rustam- 
bari. On this day Raja Kalyan, zamindar of the province 
of Idar, had the good fortune to kiss my threshold, and 
presented an elephant and nine horses as an offering ; 
I gave him back the elephant. He is one of the most 
considerable zamindars on the frontier of Gujarat, and 
his country is close to the hill-country of the Rana. 
The Sultans of Gujarat constantly sent armies against 
the Raja of that place. Although some of them have 
professed obedience and presented offerings, for the most 
part none of them have come to see anyone personally. 
After the late king Akbar conquered Gujarat, the 
victorious army was sent to attack him. As he under- 
stood that his deliverance lay in obedience and submission, 
he agreed to serve and be loyal, and hastened to enjoy 
the good fortune of kissing; the threshold. From that 
date he has been enrolled among the servants (of the 

1 He wrote a history of Gujarat — the Mirat-i-Sikandari. Rieu, Cat.. 

i, 287. 


State). He comes to see whoever is appointed to the 
government of Ahmadabad, and when work and service 
are necessary appears with a body of his men. On 
Saturday, the 1st of the month of Bahman, in the 12th 
year of my reign, Chandar Sen, who is one of the 
chief zamindars of this country, had the good fortune 
to kiss the threshold, and presented an offering of nine 
horses. On Sunday, the 2nd, I gave elephants to Raja 
Kalyan, zamindar of Idar, to Sayyid Mustafa, and Mir 
Fazil. On Monday I went out hawking, and scattered 
nearly 500 rupees on the road. On this day pears came 
from Badakhshan. On Mubarak-shamba, the 6th, I went 
to see the " garden of victory " at the village of Sair-khaiz 
(Sarkhej). and scattered 1,500 rupees on the way. As 
the tomb of Shaikh Ahmad Khattu l is on the road, I first 
went there and the fdtiha was read. Khattu is the 
name of a town in the Sarkar of Nao-or, and was the 
birthplace of the Shaikh. 2 The Shaikh lived in the time 
of Sultan Ahmad, who founded the city of Ahmadabad, 
and the latter had a great respect for him. The people 
of this country have a strange belief in him, and consider 
him one of the great saints. Every Friday night a great 
crowd of people, high and low, go to visit his shrine. 
Sultan Muhammad, son of the aforesaid Sultan Ahmad, 

1 Blochmann, 507, note. 

2 " Shaikh Ahmad Khattu, who had the title of Jamalu-d-din, was 
born at Delhi of a noble family in 737 a.h. (1336-7). He was the 
disciple and successor of Baba Isliaq (Isaac) Maghribi. His name was 
Nasiru-d-dln. By the jugglery of the heavens he was separated from 
his home in a storm, and after a while entered the service of Baba Ishaq 
Maghribi. He acquired from him spiritual and secular learning, and 
came to Gujarat in the time of Sultan Ahmad. High and low accepted 
him, and paid him homage. Afterwards he travelled to Arabia and 
Persia, and made the acquaintance of many saints. He is buried at 
Sarkhech, near Ahmadabad." — Ayln-i- Akbarl (vol. ii, p. 220, of Bib. Ind., 
ed. Jarrett, iii, 371). See Bayley's Gujarat, p. 90, note, and Khazinatu-1- 
asfiya, ii, 314, and Blochmann, 507, note, where the reference to the 
Khazina, 957, seems wrong. The story told in the Khazina is that 
Shaikh Ahmad belonged to the royal family of Delhi, and was, as a baby, 
blown out of his nurse's arms into the street during a storm. 


built lofty buildings in the shape of mausoleums, mosques, 
and monasteries at the head of his tomb, and near his 
mausoleum on the south side made a large tank, and 
surrounded it with stone and lime (masonry). This 
building was completed in the time of Qutbu-d-dln, son 
of the aforesaid Muhammad. The shrines of several of the 
Sultans of Gujarat are on the bank of the tank by 
the feet of the Shaikh. In that dome there have been 
laid at rest Sultan Mahmud Bigara, Sultan Muzaffar, 
his son, and Mahmud, the martyr, grandson of Sultan 
Muzaffar, and who was the last of the Sultans of Gujarat. 
Bigara, in the language of the people of Gujarat, signifies 
' turned-up moustache,' and Sultan Mahmud had a large 
turned-up moustache ; on this account they call him 
Bigara. Near his (Shaikh Khattus) tomb is the dome of 
his ladies. 1 Without doubt the mausoleum of the Shaikh 
is a very grand building and a beautiful place. It is 
estimated that 500,000 rupees were spent on it. God 
only knows what is true. 

After performing this visitation I went to Fath-bagh 
(garden of victory). This garden is situated on the 
ground on which the Commander-in-Chief, Khankhanan 
Ataliq, fought with and defeated Nabu (Nannu ? Nanlm ?), 
who gave himself the title of Muzaffar Khan. On this 
account he called it Bagh-i-fath ; the people of Gujarat call 
it Fath-bari. The details of this are that when, by means 
of the good fortune of the late king Akbar, the country 
of Gujarat was conquered, and Nabu fell into his hands, 
I'timad Khan represented that he was the son of a carter. 
As no son was left by Sultan Mahmud, and moreover 
there was no one of the descendants of the Sultans of 
Gujarat whom he could raise to the throne, he (I'timad) 
had accepted the most available course, and had made 
out that this was the son of Mahmud. He gave him 

1 Text khawanln, ' khans,' but evidently this is a mistake for khawatln, 
the plural of Ichatun, ' a lady.' 


the name of Sultan Muzaffar, and raised him to the 
sovereignty. Men from necessity consented to this. 
As His Majesty considered the word of I'timad Khan 
of weight, he ignored Nabu, and for some time he did 
duty among the servants, and the king paid no attention 
to his case. In consequence of this he ran away from 
Fathpur, and coming to Gujarat lived for some years 
under the protection of the zamindars. When Shihabu-d- 
din Ahmad Khan was turned out from the government 
of Gujarat and I'timad Khan installed in his place, 
a body of the servants of Shihabu-d-dln Khan, who were 
attached to Gujarat, separated from him, and remained 
at Ahmadabad in the hope of service with I'timad. After 
I'timad entered the city they had recourse to him, but 
had no good luck with him. They had not the face to 
go to Shihabu-d-dtn, and had no prospects in Ahmadabad. 
As they were without hope they thought their remedy 
lay in betaking themselves to Nabu, and in making him 
an excuse for disturbance. With this intent 600 or 700 
horsemen from among them went to Nabii and carried 
him off along with Lona Kathi, under whose protection 
he was living, and proceeded to Ahmadabad. When he 
arrived near the city many wretched men on the look 
out for an occasion joined him, and nearly 1,000 horsemen, 
Mughals and Gujaratis, collected together. When I'timad 
Khan became aware of this he left his son Shir Khan 
in the city, and hastened off in search of Shihab Khan, 
who was proceeding towards the Court, in order that 
with his help he might quiet the disturbance. Many 
of the men had separated themselves from him, and he 
read on the faces of those who were left the signs of 
unfaithfulness, but Shihabu-d-dln, in company with 
I'timad Khan, turned his rein. It happened that before 
their arrival Nabu had entered the fort of Ahmadabad. 
Those who were loyal drew up their troops near the city, 
and the rebels came out of the fort and hastened to the 


battlefield. When the army of the rebels showed itself, 
those of the servants of Shihab Khan who were left took 
the wrong road and joined the enemy. Shihab Khan was 
defeated and hastened towards Patan (Patan ?), which was 
in the possession of the royal servants. His retinue and 
camp were plundered, and Nabii, bestowing mansabs and 
titles on the rebels, went against Qutbu-d-din Muhammad 
Khan, who was in Baroda. The servants of the latter, 
like the servants of Shihab Khan, took the road of 
faithlessness and chose separation, as is related in detail 
in the Akbar-nama. In the end, after giving his word 
to Qutbu-d-din Muhammad, he sent him to martyrdom, 
and his goods and property, which were equal to the 
treasure of his courtesy and grandeur, were plundered. 
Nearly 45,000 horsemen collected round Nabu. 

When this state of affairs was represented to H.M. Akbar 
he sent against him Mirza Khan, son of Bairam Khan, 
with a force of brave warriors. On the day when Mirza 
Khan arrived near the city, he drew up the ranks of 
good fortune. He had about 8,000 or 9,000 horse, and 
Nabu met him with 30,000, and drew up his host tainted 
with ruin. After prolonged fighting and slaughter the 
breeze of victory blew on the flag of the loyal, and 
Nabu, being defeated, fled in wretched plight. My father, 
in reward for this victory, gave Mirza Khan a mansab 
of 5,000, with the title of Khankhanan and the govern- 
ment of the country of Gujarat. The garden that Khan- 
khanan made on the field of battle is situated on the 
bank of the River Sabarmatl. He founded lofty buildings 
along that eminence on the river, and made a strong 
wall of stone and cement round the garden. The garden 
contains 120 jarib of land, and is a charming resort. 
It may have cost 200,000 rupees. It pleased me greatly. 
One may say that in the whole of Gujarat there is no 
garden like this. Arranging a Thursday feast, I bestowed 
cups on my private servants, and remained there for the 


night. At the end of the day, on Friday, I entered 
the city, scattering about 1,000 rupees on the road. At 
this time the gardener represented that a servant of 
Muqarrab Khan had cut down some champa trees above 
the bench alongside the river. On hearing this I became 
angry, and went myself to enquire into the matter and 
to exact satisfaction. When it was established that this 
improper act had been committed by him, I ordered both 
his thumbs to be cut off as a warning to others. It was 
evident that Muqarrab Khan knew nothing of this affair, 
or otherwise he would have punished him there and then. 
On Tuesday, the 11th, the Kotwal of the city caught 
a thief and brought him. He had committed several 
thefts before, and each time they had cut off one of his 
members ; once his right hand, the second time the thumb 
of his left hand, the third time his left ear, and fourth 
time they hamstringed him, and the last time his nose ; 
with all this he did not give up his business, and 
yesterday entered the house of a grass-seller in order to 
steal. By chance the owner of the house was on the look 
out and seized him. The thief wounded the grass-seller 
several times with a knife and killed him. In the uproar 
and confusion his relatives attacked the thief and caught 
him. I ordered them to hand over the thief to the 
relatives of the deceased, that they might retaliate on him. 
"The lines of the face show the thought of your head(?)." 
On Wednesday, the 12th, 3,000 rupees were handed 
over to 'Azamat Khan and Mu'taqad Khan, that they 
might go the next day to the tomb of Shaikh Ahmad 
Khattu, and divide it among the fakirs and indigent 
people who had taken up their abode there. On Thursday, 
the 13th, I went to the lodging of my son Shah Jahan, 
and held a Mubarak - shamba entertainment there, and 
distributed cups among my private servants. I gave 
my son the elephant Sundar Mathan, 1 which was 
1 I.O. MSS. have Sundar Sen. 


superior to all my private elephants in speed and 
beauty and pleasant paces, and competed with horses, 
and was the first among the elephants, and one much 
liked by King Akbar. My son Shah Jahan had a great 
liking for him, and frequently asked him of me, and 
seeing no way out of it I gave it to him with its gold 
belongings of chains, etc., together with a female elephant. 
A present of 100,000 of darbs was given to the wakils 
of 'Adil Khan. At this time it was represented 1 to me 
that Mukarram Khan, son of Mu'azzam Khan, who was 
the governor of Orissa, had conquered the country of 
Khurda, and that the Raja of that place had fled and 
gone into the Rajmahendra. As he was a khana-zad 
(houseborn one) and worthy of patronage, I ordered his 
mansab, original and increase, to be 3,000 personal and 
2,000 horse, and honoured him with drums, a horse, and 
a dress of honour. Between the province of Orissa and 
Golconda there were two zamindars, one the Raja of Khurda 
and the second the Raja of Rajmahendra. The province 
of Khurda has come into the possession of the servants 
of the Court. After this it is the turn of the country of 
Rajmahendra. My hope in the grace of Allah is that the 
feet of my energy may advance farther. At this time 
a petition from Qutbu-1-mulk reached my son Shah Jahan 
to the effect that as the boundary of his territory had 
approached that of the King, and he owed service to this 
Court, he hoped an order would be issued to Mukarram 
Khan not to stretch out his hand, and to acquire 
possession of his country. It was a proof of Mukarram's 
valour and energy that such a one as Qutbu-1-mulk 
should be apprehensive about his (Mukarram) becoming 
his neighbour. 

On this day Ikram Khan, son of Islam Khan, was 
appointed faujdar of Fathpiir and its neighbourhood, and 
presented with a dress of honour and an elephant; Chandar 

1 See Elliot, vi, 355. 



Sen, the zamindar of Haloz (Halwad?), 1 was given a dress 
of honour, a horse, and an elephant. An elephant was 
also given to Lachin Qaqshal. At the same time Muzaffar, 2 
son of Mirza Baqi Tarkhan, had the honour of kissing the 
threshold. His mother was the daughter of Barha (Bhara), 
the zamindar of Kachh. When Mirza Baqi died and the 
government of Thatta went to Mirza Jani, Muzaffar was 
apprehensive of Mirza Jani, and he took refuge with 
the aforesaid zamindar. He had remained from his 
childhood until now in that country. Now that the 
fortunate retinue had reached Ahmadabad, he came and 
did homage. Though he had been reared among men 
of the wilds, and was unfamiliar with civilized ways and 
ceremonies, yet as his family had had the relations of 
service with our exalted dynasty from the times of Timur 3 
— may God make his proof clear ! — -I considered it right 
to patronize him. For the present I gave him 2,000 
rupees for expenses, and a dress of honour. A suitable 
rank will be given to him, and perhaps he will show 
himself efficient as a soldier. 

On Thursday, the 20th, I went to the " Garden of 
Victory," and contemplated the red roses. One plot had 
bloomed well. There are not many red roses (gul-i-surkh) 
in this country, so it was pleasant to see so many here. 
The anemone 4 bed, too, was not bad, and the figs had 

1 This name is doubtful, for the MSS. have a different reading, 
apparently Namud. There is a Halod in Gujarat (Jarrett, ii, 242). See 
also Bayley's Gujarat, 439. Perhaps it is the Halol of the Indian Gazetteer. 

2 The existence of this son of Baqi Tarkhan does not seem to have 
been known to Abu-1-fazl or to Blochmann. Nor is he mentioned in the 
Ma'asiru-1-umara. See Jarrett, ii, 347, where only Payanda is spoken 
of as the son of Baqi Khan, and Blochmann, p. 362. See also Ma'asiru-1- 
umara, iii, 485, the biography of Mirza 'Isa Tarkhan. His name appears, 
however, in the pedigree of his house in the Tarkhan-namaof Jamal Shirazi. 

3 The word mnl in Sdhib-qirdn-i-sani in text is a mistake. 

4 Shaqd'iq, which perhaps means tulips. In Price's Jahangir, p. 115, 
there is much more said about the " Garden of Victory," and Jahangir's 
entertainment there by his wife Khairu-n-nisa, the daughter of the 

jahangir leaves ahmadabad. 435 

ripened. I gathered some figs with my own hands, and 
weighed the largest one. It came to 7| tolas. On this 
day there arrived 1,500 melons from Kaiiz. The Khan 
'Alam had sent them as a present. I gave a thousand 
of them to the servants in attendance, and five hundred 
to the women of the harem. I spent four days in this 
garden in enjoyment, and on Monday eve, the 24th, 
I came to the city. Some of the melons were given to 
the Shaikhs of Ahmadabad, and they were astonished 
to see how inferior were the Gujarat melons. They 
marvelled at the goodness of the Deity. 

On Thursday, the 27th, I held a wine-feast in the 
Nagina 1 garden, which is inside the palace grounds, and 
which one of the Gujarat Sultans had planted. I made 
my servants happy with flowing bowls. A pergola (takhta) 
of grapes had ripened in this garden, and I bade those 
who had been drinking to gather the bunches with their 
own hands and partake of them. 

On Monday, the 1st of Isfandarmuz, I left Ahmadabad 
and marched towards Malwa. I scattered money on the 
road till we reached the bank of the Kankriya tank, where 
I halted for three days. On Thursday, the 4th, the 
presents of Muqarrab Khan were laid before me. There 
was nothing rare among them, nor anything that I took 
a fancy to, and so I felt ashamed. I gave them to my 
children to take into the harem. I accepted jewellery 
and decorated vessels and cloths to the value of a lakh, 
and gave him back the rest. Also about one hundred 
Kachhi horses were taken, but there was none of great 

On Friday, the 5th, I marched 6 kos, and encamped 
on the bank of the Ahmadabad River. As my son Shah 
Jahan was leaving Rustarn Khan, one of his chief 
servants, in charge of the government of Gujarat, I, at 
my son's request, gave him a standard, drums, a dress 
1 Bagina in text. Debi Prasad has Bakind. 


of honour, and a decorated dagger. Up till now it had 
not been the custom in this dynasty to give to the prince's 
servants standards or drums. For instance, H.M. Akbar, 
with all his affection and graciousness to me, did not 
decide upon giving to my officers a title or a standard. 
But my consideration for this son is so unbounded that 
I would do anything to please him, and, in fact, he is 
an excellent son, and one adorned with every grace, and 
in his early youth has accomplished to my satisfaction, 
everything that he has set his hand to. 

On this day Muqarrab Khan took leave to go to his 

As the shrine of Qutb 'Alam, the father of Shah 'Alam 
Bukhari, was in the village of Batoh, 1 and on my way, 
I went there and gave 500 rupees to the guardians. On 
Saturday, the 6th, I entered a boat on the Mahmudabad 
River and went a-lishing. On the bank is the tomb of 
Sayyid Mubarak Bukhari. He was one of the leading- 
officers of Gujarat, and his son Sayyid Miran erected 
this monument to him. It is a very lofty cupola, and 
there is a very strong wall of stone and lime round 
it. It must have cost more than two lakhs of rupees. 
None of the tombs of the Gujarat Sultans that I saw 
came up to one-tenth of it. Yet they were sovereigns, 
and Sayyid Miran was only a servant. Genius and the 
help of God have produced this result. A thousand 
blessings on a son who has made such a tomb for his 
father : 2 

"That there may remain a memorial of him upon earth." 

On Sunday I halted and fished, and caught 400 fish. 
One of them had no scales, and is called the sang-mahi, 

1 Banoh in text. See Bayley's Gujarat, p. 237 ; also Tiefenthaler, i, 377, 
who speaks of it as being 3 leagues south of Ahmadabad. See also 
Jarrett, ii, 240, n. 7. 

2 For Sayyid Mubarak and his son see Bayley's Gujarat. Sayyid 
Mubarak was the patron of the author of the Mnrt-i-Sikandari. See 
loc. cit., p. 454. 


' the stone-fish.' Its belly was very large and swollen, 
so I ordered them to cut it open in my presence. Inside 
was a fish with scales which it had recently swallowed 
and which had as yet undergone no change. I told them 
to weigh both fish. The stone-fish came to 6i seers and 
the other to nearly 2. 

On Monday, the 8th, I marched 4^ kos, and encamped 
in the village of Moda (Mahaondat). The inhabitants 
praised the rainy season of Gujarat. It happened that 
on the previous night and on this day before breakfast 
some rain fell, and the dust was laid. As this is a sandy 
country, it is certain that there would not be any dust in 
the rainy season, nor would there be any mud. The fields 
would be green and cheerful. At any rate, a specimen 
of the rainy season has been seen by me. On Tuesday 
I marched 5i kos, and halted at the village of Jarsima 
(Jarlsama). 1 

At this stage news came that Man Singh Sewra had 
surrendered his soul to the lords of hell. The account 
of this in brief is that the Sewras 2 are a tribe of infidel 
Hindus who always go with their head and feet bare. 
One set of them root out their hair, their beards, and 
moustaches, while another set shave them. They do not 
wear sewn garments, and their central principle is that 
no living creature should be injured. The Banyans regard 
them as their pvra and teachers, and even worship them. 
There are two sects of Sewras, one called Pata (Tapa) 
and the other Kanthal (Kartal). Man Singh was the 
head of the latter, and Bal Chand the head of the Patas. 3 
Both of them used to attend upon H.M. Akbar. When 
he died and Khusrau fled and I pursued him, Ray Singh 
Bhurtiya, zamindar of Bikanir, who had been made an 
Amir by Akbar's kindness, asked Man Singh what 

1 It is the Chandsuma of Bayley's map. 

2 Jarrett, iii, 210 ; and Akbar-nama, translation, i, 147, n. 2. 

3 This should be Tapa. See Addenda. 


would be the duration of my reign and the chances of 
my success. That black-tongued fellow, who pretended 
to be skilled in astrology and the extraction of judgments, 
said to him that my reign would, at most, last for two 
years. The doting old idiot (Ray Singh) relied upon 
this, and went off without leave to his home. Afterwards, 
when the glorious God chose out this suppliant and 
I returned victorious to the capital, he came, ashamed 
and downcast, to Court. What happened to him in the 
end has been told in its proper place. 1 In fine, Man Singh, 
in the course of three or four months, was struck with 
leprosy (juzam), and his limbs fell off him till he was 
in such a state that death was by many degrees preferable 
to life. He was living at Bikanir, and now I remembered 
him and sent for him. On the road he, out of excessive 
fear, took poison, and surrendered his soul to the lords 
of hell. So long as the intentions of this suppliant at 
God's courts are just and right, it is sure that whoever 
devises evil against me will receive retribution according 
to his merits. 

The sect of the Sewras exists in most of the cities of 
India, but is especially numerous in Gujarat. As the 
Banyans are the chief traders there, consequently the 
Sewras also are plentiful. Besides making idol-temples 
for them, they have built houses for them to dwell in 
and to worship in. In fact, these houses are the head- 
quarters of sedition. The Banyans send their wives and 
daughters to the Sewras, who have no shame or modesty. 
All kinds of strife and audacity are perpetrated by them. 
I therefore ordered that the Sewras should be expelled, 
and I circulated farmans to the effect that wherever there 
were Sewras in my empire they should be turned out. 

1 I.O. MS., instead of khdtimat-i-aJnccd-i-u, has chundnchih ahwal, "as 
has been stated in its place." This is probably correct, as Jahanglr 
has already referred to his death. See also the account of the 2nd year, 
where he speaks of Ray Singh's going home without leave. 


On Wednesday, the 10th, I went out to hunt, and shot 
two nilgaw, one male and one female. On this day the 
son of Dilawar Khan came from Pattan, which was his 
father's fief, and paid his respects. He presented a Kachhi 
horse. It was a very handsome animal, and pleasant to 
ride. Till I came to Gujarat no one had presented me 
with so fine a horse. Its value was 1,000 rupees. 

On Thursday, the 11th, I had a wine party on the bank 
of the tank, and bestowed many favours on those servants 
who had been appointed to the province, and then dis- 
missed them. Among the promotions was that of Shaja'at 
Khan, the Arab, to the rank of 2,500 personal and 2,000 
horse. I also gave him drums, a horse, and a robe of 
honour. Himmat Khan was raised to the rank of 1,500 
with 800 horse, and had a robe of honour and an elephant. 
Kifayat Khan, who was made Diwan of the province, 
received the rank of 1,200 with 300 horse. Saff Khan 
bakhshi received a horse and a robe of honour. Khwaja 
'Aqil had the rank of 1,500 with 650 horse, and was made 
bakhshi of the Ahadis, and had the title of 'Aqil Khan. 
Thirty thousand darbs were given to the wakil of Qutbu-1- 
Mulk, who had brought the tribute. 

On this day my son Shah Jahan presented pomegranates 
and quinces that had been sent to him from Farah. I had 
never seen such large ones, and I ordered them to be 
weighed. The quince weighed 29 tolas 9 mashas and 
the pomegranate 40i tolas. On Friday, the 12th, I went 
a-hunting and shot two nilgaw, a male and a female. 
On Saturday, the 13th, I shot three nilgaw, two males 
and one female. On Sunday, the 14th, I gave Shaikh 
Isma'il, the son of Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus, a robe of 
honour and 500 rupees. On Monday, the 15th, I went 
a-hunting and shot two female nilgaw. On Tuesday, the 
16th, I again presented the Shaikhs of Gujarat, who were 
in attendance, with robes of honour and maintenance- 
lands. To each of them I gave a book from my special 


library, such as the Tafslr-i-kashshaf , l the Tafsir-i-Husaini, 2 
and the Rauzatu-1-ahbab. 3 I wrote on the back of the 
books the day of my arrival in Gujarat and the day of 
presentation of the books. 

At the time that Ahmadabad was adorned by the 
setting up of the royal standards my employment by 
day and by night was the seeing of necessitous persons 
and the bestowing on them of money and land. I directed 
Shaikh Ahmad the Sadr and some other tactful servants 
to bring before me dervishes and other needy persons. 
I also directed the sons of Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus, 
the grandson of Shaikh Wajihu-d-dm, and other leading 
Shaikhs to produce whatever persons they believed to 
be in want. Similarly I appointed some women to do 
the same thing in the harem. My sole endeavour was 
that as I a king had come to this country after many 
years, no single person should be excluded. God is my 
witness that I did not fall short in this task, and that 
I never took any rest from this duty. Although I have 
not been delighted with my visit to Ahmadabad, yet 
I have this satisfaction — that my coming has been the 
cause of benefit to a large number of poor people. 

On Tuesday, the 16th, they caught Kaukab, the son 
of Qamar Khan. He had in Burhanpur put on a faqir's 
dress and gone off into the wilds. The brief account 
of his case is this : — He was the grandson of Mir 'Abdu-1- 
Latif, who was one of the Saifi Sayyids and was attached 
to this Court. Kaukab had been ajjpointed to the Deccan 
army, and had spent some days with it in poverty and 
wretchedness. When for a long time he did not get 
promotion he suspected that I was unfavourable to 
him, and foolishly took the dress of asceticism and went 
off to the wilderness. In the course of six months he 

1 Perhaps an explanation of Zamakhshari's Commentary. 

2 A Persian commentary on the Koran (Rieu. p. 96). 

3 A life of Muhammad (Rieu, i, 147). 

kaukab's travels. 441 

traversed the whole of the Deccan, including Daulatabad, 
Bidar, Bijapur, the Carnatic, and Golconda, and came to 
the port of Dabul. 1 From there he came by ship to the 
port of Goga, and after visiting the ports of Surat, 
Broach, etc., he reached Ahmadabad. At this time 
Zahid, a servant of Shah Jahan, arrested him and brought 
him to Court. I ordered them to bring him before me 
heavily bound. When I saw him I said to him, " Con- 
sidering the obligations of service of your father and 
grandfather, and your position as a houseborn one, why 
have you behaved in such an inauspicious manner ? " 
He replied that he could not tell a lie in the presence 
of his qibla and real teacher, and that the truth was 
that he had hoped for favours, but as he was unlucky 
he had left outward ties and gone into the wilderness 
of exile. As his words bore the marks of truth they 
made an impression on me, and I abandoned my harsh 
tone and asked him if in his misfortunes he had waited 
upon 'Adil Khan, or Qutbu-1-Mulk, or 'Ambar. He replied 
that though he had been unsuccessful at this Court and 
had remained thirsty in this boundless ocean of beneficence, 
he had never — God forbid that he should — approached 
with his lips other fountains. Might his head be cut off 
if it had bowed at this Court and then lowered itself 
at another ! From the time that he went into exile he 
had kept a diary showing what he had done, and by 
examining it it would be seen how he had conducted 
himself. These words of his increased my compassion 
for him, and I sent for his papers and read them. It 
appeared from them that he had encountered great hard- 
ship, and that he had spent much time on foot, and that 
he had suffered from want of food. On this account 
I felt kindly disposed towards him. Next day I sent 
for him and ordered them to remove the bonds from his 
arms and legs, and gave him a robe of honour, a horse, 
1 Dabhol (I.G., new ed., xi, 100). 

442 PLAGUE. 

and 1,000 rupees for his expenses. I also increased his 
rank by one half, and showed him such kindness as he 
never had imagined. He repeated this verse — 

"What I see, is it, O God, waking or in a trance? 

Do I behold myself in such comfort after such torture ? " 

On Wednesday, the 17th, I marched 6 kos and halted 
at the village of Barasinor (Balasinor). It has already 
been mentioned that the plague had appeared in Kashmir. 
On this day a report of the chronicler of events arrived,, 
stating that the plague had taken firm hold of the 
country and that many had died. The symptoms were 
that the first day there was headache and fever and much 
bleeding at the nose. On the second day the patient 
died. In the house where one person died all the inmates 
were carried off. Whoever went near the sick person or 
a dead body was affected in the same way. In one 
instance the dead body was thrown on the grass, and 
it chanced that a cow came and ate some of the grass. 
It died, and some dogs that had eaten its flesh also all 
died. Things had come to such a pass that from fear 
of death fathers would not approach their children, and 
children would not go near their fathers. A strange 
thing was that in the ward in which the disease began, 
a fire broke out and nearly 3,000 houses were burnt. 
During the height of the plague, one morning when the 
people of the city and environs got up, they saw circles 
on their doors. There were three large circles, and on 
the face of these (i.e. inside them) there were two circles 
of middle size and one small one. There were also other 
circles which did not contain any whiteness l (i.e. there 
were no inner circles). These figures were found on all 
the houses and even on the mosques. From the day 
when the fire took place and these circles appeared, they 
say there was a diminution of the plague. This has been 

1 Biyaz. The meaning is not clear. Perhaps what is meant is that 
there was no writing, only the circles. 


recorded as it seems a strange affair. It certainly does 
not agree with the canons of reason, and my intellect 
cannot accept it. Wisdom ' is with God ! I trust that 
the Almighty will have mercy on his sinful slaves, and 
that they will be altogether freed from such calamity. 

On Thursday, the 18th, I marched 2i kos and halted 
on the bank of the Main. On this day the Jam zamindar x 
had the good fortune to kiss the ground. He presented 
50 horses, 100 muhrs, and 100 rupees. His name is Jassa, 
and Jam is his title. Whoever succeeds is called Jam. 
He is one of the chief zamindars of Gujarat, and, indeed, 
he is one of the noted rajas of India. His country is 
close to the sea. He always maintains 5,000 or 6,000 
horse, and in time of war can supply as many as 10,000 
or 12,000. There are many horses in his country ; 
Kachhl horses fetch as much as 2,000 rupees. I gave 
him a dress of honour. 

On the same day Lachmi Narayan, Raja of Kuch (Bihar), 
which adjoins Bengal, did homage and presented 500 
muhrs. He received a dress of honour and an ornamented 

Nawazish Khan, son of Sa'Id Khan, who had been 
appointed to Junagarh, had the good fortune to pay his 
respects. On Friday, the 19th, I halted, and on Saturday, 
the 20th, I marched 3f kos and halted at the tank of 
Jhanud. On Sunday I marched 4| kos and halted at 
the tank of Badarwala. On this day there came the 
news of the death of 'Azamat Khan Gujarat!. On account 
of illness he had remained in Ahmadabad. He was a 
servant who knew one's disposition, and did good work. 
As he had thorough knowledge of the Deccan and Gujarat, 
I was grieved at his death. In the tank above mentioned 
I noticed a plant which at the approach of the finger 
or the end of a stick contracts its leaves. After a while 
it opens, them out again. Its leaves resemble those of 

1 Elliot, vi, 356. 


the tamarind, and it is called in Arabic Shajaru-l-haya, 
' the plant of modesty.' In Hindi it is called Lajvanti. 
Laj means modesty. It is certainly not void of strange- 
ness. They also call it naghzak, and say that it also 
grows on dry land. 

On Monday, the 22nd, I halted. My scouts reported 
that there was a tiger in the neighbourhood which vexed 
wayfarers, and in the forest where it was they had seen 
a skull and some bones lying. After midday I went out 
to shoot it, and killed it with one discharge. Though 
it was a large tiger, I had killed several that were larger. 
Among them was a tiger which I killed in the fort of 
Mandu, and which was 8 J maunds. This one weighed 
7h maunds, or 1 maund less. 

On Tuesday, the 23rd, I marched over 34 kos and 
alighted on the bank of the River Bayab. 1 On Wednesday 
I marched nearly 6 kos and halted at the tank of Hamda. 2 
On Thursday I ordered a halt and had a wine party, 
and gave cups to my special servants. I promoted 
Nawazish Khan to the rank of 3,000 with 2,000 horse, 
which was an increase of 500 personal, and gave him 
a robe of honour and an elephant, and allowed him to 
go to his lief. Muhammad Husain Sabzak, 3 who had been 
sent to Balkh to buy horses, came to Court to-day and 
paid his respects. Of the horses he brought, one was 
piebald and was of fine shape and colour. I had never 
seen a piebald horse of this colour before. He had also 
brought other good roadsters. I therefore gave him the 
title of Tijarati Khan. 

On Friday, the 26th, I marched 5^ kos and halted at 
the village of Jalod. 4 Raja Lachmi Narayan, the paternal 
uncle of the Raja of Kuch, to whom I had now given 
the territory of Kuch, was presented with a horse. On 

1 MSS. seem to have Manlb. - MSS. seem to have Nimda. 

3 The MSS. have Muhammad Husain Saudagar (trader). 

4 The Jhallod of Bayley's map. 


Saturday I marched 3 kos and halted at Boda. 1 On 
Sunday I marched 5 kos and set up the royal standards 
at Dohad. It is on the borders of Malwa and Gujarat. 

Pahluwan Bahau-d-dln, the musketeer, brought a young 
monkey (langur) with a goat, and represented that on 
the road one of his marksmen had seen the female langur 
with a young one in its arms on a tree. The cruel man 
had shot the mother, which on being struck had left the 
young one on a branch, and had herself dropped on the 
ground and died. Pahluwan Bahau-d-dln had then come 
up and taken down the young one, and had put it beside 
the goat to be suckled. God had inspired the goat with 
affection for it, and it began to lick the monkey and to 
fondle it. In spite of difference of species she showed 
such love as if it had come out of her own womb. I told 
them to separate them, but the goat immediately began to 
lament, and the young langur also became much distressed. 
The affection of the monkey is not so remarkable, as it 
wanted to get milk, but the affection of the goat for it 
is remarkable. The langur is an animal belonging to the 
monkey tribe. But the hair of the monkey (maimiin) is 
yellowish and its face is red, while the hair of the langur 
is white and its face is black. Its tail, too, is twice as long 
as the maimun's. I have written these things on account 
of their strangeness. On Monday, the 29th, I halted and 
went to hunt nilgaw. I shot two, one male and one 
female. On Tuesday also, the 30th, I halted. 

End of the twelfth year of the Emperor's reign, in the 


1 MSS. have Ranud. 


Page 15, line 7 from foot. The figure 1 should be placed at Sultanu- 
n-nisa Begani. 

p. 24, 1. 5. For my read his. With reference to n. 2, p. 120, 1. 13, 
shows that the father meant is Shahrukh. 

p. 34, 1. 2 of verse. Solomon's greatness depended on the possession 
of a ring. When that was lost his power departed. See the story of 
its loss and recovery in Mir Khwand (Rehatsek's translation, pt. i, 100). 
Probably then the line should be rendered ' Call him the ring- wearing 
Solomon. ' 

p. 38, near foot. The words 'the news,' etc., are not a verse, and 
.Nazar- jivl should be Nazar Chull, i.e. the Nazar who accompanied 
Humayun through the desert (chut). See Akbar-nama translation, i, 
657, n. 3. 

p. 39, 1. 2. For near Lahore read a dependency of Lahore. Kalanur 
is the Kalanaur of the maps, and is 15 miles west of Gurdaspur (I.G., 
new ed., xiv, 297). 

p. 43, note. For lithograph read text. 
p. 46, 1. 8. For Mirza read Miran. 

p. 50, 1. 1, and note 1. I.O. MSS. seem to have Tanam Bahadur. 
The reference to Ma'asiru-1-umara is ii, 1*0. The name of Muzaffar 
Gujarati's son was Bahadur. 

p. 54, n. 1. For Price, p. 6 read Price, p. 68. The Iqbal-nama and 
Khulasatu-t-tawarikh say he was put in charge of Ihtimam Kotwal. 
p. 58, n. 2. It is Nilera in I.O. MS. No. 181. 

p. 60, 1. 6. The meaning is that 'Abidin was the son of 'Abdu-llah 
Khan's spiritual adviser. 'Abidin is called 'Abidi in Akbar-nama, iii, 832. 
He came to India in 1013 (1604-5), and Akbar gave him the rank of 
1,000 and 500 horse (iii, 834). 

p. 65, 1. 11. For know read knew, 
p. 66, 1. 7. The MSS. seem to have Jaihal. 

p. 66, last line. Kilin means ' daughter-in-law ' in Turkl. Perhaps 
Kilan here is a synonym for 'son-in-law.' 

p. 67, 1. 8. The words ' which in Hindustani is called balll ' are not in 
the I.O. MSS. I do nut know the word balli as meaning a pole. Perhaps 
it is a mistake for lagyi. 

p. 76, 1. 3 from foot. Omit the words ' who is one of the khanazadas 
of the State.' 

p. 79, 1. 6. For and cash read in cash. 

p. 81, n. 1. Delete question mark and the words 'near Multan.' 
Nandanpur, i.e. Nandana (I.G. , xviii, 349), and Girjhak are in the Jhelam 
district. The Ram Das garden was some place near Lahore, where 
Jahangir took up his residence on the way to the hunting-ground. He 
spent 3^ months in hunting. 

p. 84, 1. 19. For 'Abdu-r-Ralum read 'Abdu-r-Rahman. 


p. 87, 1. 21. Firishta in his account of Babar says the Daulat Khan 
of that time was descended from the Daulat Khan who in 816 a.h. 
(1413-14) was Sultan of Delhi. See Elliot, iv. 45. 

p. 90, 1. 4 from foot. Jahanglrpur is mentioned in account of 
loth year, p. 317, last line (text). It is the Shekhopura of the maps, 
and is 22 miles from Hafizabad and 18 miles west of Lahore. It was 
called Shaikhupura in allusion to Jahangirs pet name of Shaikhu Baba, 
and also in honour of Shaikh Salim. See Khulasa T. in account of 
Jahangir's reign. The I.G., xxii, 270, wrongly ascribes its origin to 
Dara Shukuh. Mulla Husain Kashmiri, mentioned on p. 91, died in 1037 
(1627-8), Rieu, ii, 7756. The minaret is still standing. See Eastwick's 
"Panjab Handbook," 200. Instead of 'the gravestone in the shape of 
an antelope ' we should render, I think, ' a stone tomb with the figure 
of an antelope (engraved upon it).' The I.O. MSS. have Marraj as the 
name of the antelope. Perhaps we should read Manoraj ' mind's lord.' 

p. 99, 1. 3 from foot. I. O. MSS. have bahur J}t i as the name of the net. 

p. 109, n. 1. Delete note. The rang is the ibex. 

p. 110, n. 1. See J.A.S.B. for February, 1908, p. 39. 

p. 117. The Iqbal-nama mentions in connection with the story of the 
mummified saint that many Sabzawar saints lived in Bamiyan. See also 
Kamgar Husaini. 

p. 120, 1. 1. Delete word 'Georgians.' I.O. MS. No. 181 has ghurja. 

p. 122, 1. 10. Insert ' and ' after ' sheep.' 

p. 125, 1. 13. For garden read gardens. 

p. 133, 1. 4. For £ read rupees. 

p. 134, 1. 15. For he died on the 29th read he died in his ninth decade 
(i.e. between 80 and 90). The Ma'asiru-1-umara, ii, 143, says he was 
82 when he died. 

p. 134, 1. 13 from foot. Instead of ' he went off alone ' the MSS. have 
' carrying off his life' (i.e. escaping) with difficulty. 

p. 136, n. 1. The opinion expressed in this note is proved to be wrong 
by General Cunningham's Report, Arch. S., xiv, p. 58. The tombs are 
those of a musician and his pupil. 

p. 140, 1. 8. Delete Sylvia olivacea. 

p. 143, 1. 7. Apparently there were twelve balls, or at least objects, 
ten being as large as an orange, another being a citron, and the twelfth 
a surlch. So instead of ' one to a citron ' we should read, perhaps, 
' a citron and a surlch. ' 

p. 143, 1. 3 from foot. For Ilf read Alf. 

p. 147, 1. 4 from foot. Delete the word ' Egyptian ' and also n. 1. It 
appears from the Ghiyasu-1-loghat that a Qutbi ruby is a broad ruby 
suitable for a ring (signet ?). 

p. 153, 1. 13 from foot. For Hamazani read Hamadanl. 

p. 156. According to Terry, Jahandar was called Sultan Takht 
because born when Jahangir first sat on his throne. 

p. 158, 1. 9. Perhaps Yuzi = Yuz-bashi, i.e. centurion. But I.O. 181 
has not the word, only saying ' Shah Beg Khan,' and No. 305 has 
Shah Beg Khan Burl(?). 

p. 158, 1. 10. The passage is wrongly translateu. No elephant was 


presented to Salamu-llah. The sentence should end on 1. 9 after the 
word ' panther- keeper,' which word is probably a mistranslation. Then 
this new sentence should come, i.e. 'Salamu-llah 'Arab, who is a young 
man of a distinguished Arabian family (kih az jawdndn-i-qardr-ddda-i- 
'Arab ast) and related to Mubarak, the governor of Dizful, came to wait 
upon me on account of his being suspicious of the designs of Shah 'Abbas 
(against himself).' 'I patronized him,' etc. (as on p. 158). 

p. 158, n. 3, and p. 162, n. 1. Both notes are wrong. The place 
meant by Jahangir is Dizful, a town in the Khuzistan province of Persia, 
and Juyza is evidently a copyist's error for Khuz or Khuza, another name 
for Khuzistan. Dizful is an ancient name, and according to Yaqut, 
Barbier de Meynard's translation, p. 231, the proper spelling is Dizpul, 
i.e. 'the Bridge of the Citadel,' the town being named after a famou 
bridge built over the river. For Khuz see B. de Meynard, 216. 

p. 160, 1. 12 from foot. Qabulah was a town in the Bet Jalandhar Du'ab. 

p. 163, 1. 9. It is 2,000 rupees in I.O. MSS. 

p. 163, 1. 12. It is not Qacha Dakhani in I.O. MSS., but I am not sure 
what the clause, as given by them, means. No. 181 seems to have 
bafatdhdlgl for ' assistance' (?). Two B.M. MSS. have apparently 
bafatdhdl kapi, but Add. 26,215 has the Arabic ha, while Or. 3276 has 
the ordinary h, so that the words possibly mean 'the young of the 
monkey ' (kapl). 

p. 166, 1. 2. Husamu-d-dln was married to Abu-1-fazl's sister, 
Blochmann, 441. 

p. 167, 1. 16. The word rojh in brackets is wrong. The MSS. have 
qard-quyragh and qard-quyrdgh. P. de Courteille gives quyrugh as 
meaning a tail, so perhaps qard-quyrugh means a black-tailed sheep 
or deer. See p. 129, 1. 17, where the qard-quyrugh is said to be the 

p. 168, last line. The MSS. has habs-i-mazld, which does not necessarily 
mean imprisonment for life. 

p. 170, n. 2. For Akbar's wives read Jahangir 's wives. 

p. 172, 1. 21 seq. Is this the story referred to by Hawkins (Purchas), 
about Muqarrab having taken a Banian's daughter ? 

p. 177, note. For one-third of an inch read one and a third inches. 

p. 183, 1. 8. This is the annular eclipse entered in Dr. R. Schramm's 
Tables, Sewell's Indian Calendar, as having occurred on 5th December, 
1610, which corresponds to 28th Ramazan, 1019. 

p. 185, n. 3. Persian text, p. 309, 1. 11, has the phrase majrd girifta 
dtash dddand, ' took aim and fired ' (a cannon). 

p. 188, 1. 7 from foot. For Nazirl, see Rieu, ii, 807^, and Blochmann, 
579. He died in 1622 (1613). 

p. 191, 1. 10. For dhlk (?) read dhlk, i.e. adjutant bird. 

p. 191, 1. 8. Pdtal means 'red' or 'rose-coloured' in Sanskrit. Query 
' red deer. ' 

p. 192, 1. 2. Add year 1020. 

p. 195, last line. The passage is rather obscure, but the meaning 
seems to be that though formalities are uot regarded by the wise, yet 
weak persons (qdwdsir, which apparently is a plural of qdsir), regard 



externals as the means of paying the dues of friendship (and so we must 
attend to them). Hence when at this auspicious time a province which 
had gone out of my ('Abbas's) possession has been settled by the exertions 
of angelic servants in accordance with the hopes of well-wishers, I ('Abbas) 
have returned to the capital, and have despatched Kamalu-d-din, etc. 

p. 197, 1. 7. For Khankhanan read Khan. 

p. 197, 1. 12. The I.O. MSS. have a different reading here. They 
say nothing about three ratis. What they say is, " At this time I had 
made some increase in the amounts of weights and measures. For 
instance, I added one-fourth (siwcVl) to the weight of the muhrs and 
rupees." The sih rati of text is a mistake for siwd'i. 

p. 197, 1. 1*2 from foot. I.O. MSS. have ' Sunday in Safar,' but they 
wrongly have 1022. 

p. 197, 1. 9 from foot. Both I.O. MSS. have 'Neknahar' instead of 
' in the interior.' 

p. 198, 1. 11. Or Lohgar. 

p. 205, 1. 14. I do not think that the translation 'should not force 
Islam on anyone,' or the version in Elliot, vi, 325, 'Not to forcibly 
impose Musulman burdens on anyone,' gives the full force of the words 
taklif-i- Musahndni bar Icasl nalcunand. I think the reference clearly is to 
circumcision, and that the words taklif-i- Musahndni should be rendered 
' the Muhammadan ceremonial,' This explains why the injunction comes 
in immediately alter the prohibitions against blinding and mutilation. 
It has been said, and I believe with truth, that the members of the Delhi 
royal family never were circumcised. Probably one reason for this was 
that in many instances they had Hindu mothers. As pointed out in 
Elliot, the passage is omitted in the Iqbal-nama. It also does not occur 
in the version given in 'All Muhammad's " History of Gujarat," vol. i, 
p. 200 of lithograph. 

p. 214, verse. For red read a river. 

p. 216. See picture of a turkey in Havell's "Indian Sculpture," 
pp. 214-15. 

p. 218, 1. 10 from foot. About Shapur see Ma'asiru-1-umara, i, 180. 

p. 224, n. 1. For infra read supra, pp. 27 and 30, note. 

p. 229, 11. 9 and 14. For Patna read Tatta. 

p. 229, note. For brother read brother's son. 

p. 231, 1. 14 from foot. For Nihalpur substitute Thalner as in the 
MSS. The news of the death seems to have reached Agra very quickly. 

p. 232, 1. 1. Insert the word ' and ' before ' allowed.' 

p. 234, 1. 2 from foot. The word toanslated ' cranes ' is kdrwdnak, 
and probably means 'a little crane.' In Blochmann, 63, karwdnak is 
rendered by ' stone-curlew.' 

p. 234, 1. 5 from foot. The word seems to be kunjishk, 'sparrow,' 
in the MSS., but probably it should be hunjaJc, ' a curiosity, a rarity.' 

p. 235, 1. 2. It is Thursday, the 28th, in the MSS., and instead of 
'night' we should read 'eve.' The English date corresponding to 
28th Muharram is 10th March, 1613. . 

p. 237, 1. 8. It is 1,000 in the MSS., and this is probably correct, 
though B.M. MS. 1645 has changed the word for 1,000 into one for 100. 


The ordinary kaukab-i-tdli' was 100 tolas in weight, see p. 11. At p. 406 
two kaukab-i-tali's are mentioned of 500 tolas each. It is a mistake, 
I think, to rega-rd the word muhr as always implying gold. The 
ordinary kaukab-i-tali' was of silver, and these large muhrs were no 
doubt also of silver. The note 1 to Elliott, vi, 355, is probably incorrect, 
p. 237, 1. 10. ' The feast went off well," etc. The passage is obscure, 
but probably the translation should be 'There was a splendid assemblage 
(majis'fihigufta gaxht), and after it was over I ordered that they should 
arrange an illumination.' The words in text, p. 116, 1. 3, are hukm 
kardam kih asbab u dyin bar kunand. The MSS. have asbdb-i-dyln rd. 
No. 181 seems to have bdz kunand, and so has B.M. MS. 1645, but 
No. 305 has bar kunand, as in text. It may be that the meaning is that 
Jahangir told the servants they might appropriate the decorations, but 
I rather think the order was to make an illumination. It may also 
simply mean that he ordered the decorations to be taken down. Bdz 
kunand ordinarily means ' to open out,' bar kunand 'to load.' 
p. 237, 1. 12. Delete ' the ' before Muqarrab. 
p. 237, note. I.O. MSS. seem to have zarin, ' golden '(?). 
p. 241, 1. 5 from foot. I.G. , new ed. , xvii, 309, speaks of a handsome 
mosque in Mairtha having been founded by Akbar, but probably it is 
this one of Shaikh Pir. Perhaps Shaikh Pir is the old beggar referred 
to in Roe's Journal. 

p. 247, 1. 5 from foot. For chakrl read jhakkar. It was not necessarily 
a dust-storm. 

p. 250, 1. 6. The MSS. have Rup instead of Rawal, and so has Elliot, 
vi, 335. They have ' hill country of Mewat,' as in text. They have 
Chitor, and not Jaipur, as in Elliot, and they make (by error) Jahangir 
speak of the year as the 10th, instead of the 8th. Instead of ' have ' at 
1. 12 we should read 'had,' and instead of 'from the Rawal who was 
first known as Rawal,' they have, as also has Elliot, 'Rahab, who was 
the first to take the title of Rana.' Rahab is the Rahup of Tod, who 
says he came to the throne in 1201 a.d. 

p. 253, 11. 10 and 11. I cannot find the word pfdta-bdzl. My friend, 
Mr. Irvine, suggests that we should read pattd bdzl. Pattd means 
a ' foil,' or ' wooden sword,' and pattd bdz is given in Forbes as meaning 
a ' fencer. ' Paltha mdrnd occurs in Forbes as meaning a ' peculiar 
posture. ' The yagdnagl of 1. 11 should be yakdngagi, meaning ' one body, ' 
or 'one limb,' and corresponds to the yakhdth of Blochmann, 252, both 
phrases meaning apparently ' that the fencer fights with one hand,' 
that is, ' without using a shield.' 

p. 260, 1. 8. This I'tiqad is the father of Mumtaz-mahall, the wife of 
Shah Jahan. He now became Asaf Khan, and apparently the title of 
I'tiqad was transferred to his younger brother (or cousin ?) Shahpur, who 
was afterwards governor of Kashmir. See Ma'asir i, 180. The two 
previous Asaf Khans of the family are Ghiyasu - d - din of Qazwin 
{Blochmann, 433), and Mirza Ja'far Beg, who was Ghiyasu - d - din's 
nephew. The father of Nur-Jahan was Ghiyas Beg of Tihran 
(Blochmann, 508). Blochmann, in his Table, 512, has not mentioned 
Shahpur, i.e. the I'tiqad who became governor of Kashmir. 


p. 261, 1. 17 from foot. For mother read mothers (i.e. stepmothers). 

p. 261, 1. 10 from foot. For nephews read nephew. 

p. 278, 1. 13. For named read namad, and it should be in italics. 

p. 281, 1. 2. The permission to beat his drums is explained by the 
Iqbal-nama, p. 79, whei'e it is said that he was permitted to beat his 
drums in the capital, dar pdy-i-takht. 

p. 281, 1. 6 from foot. This eclipse is noted in Dr. Schram's Tables as 
occurring on 19th March, 1615. 

p. 282, 1. 10 from foot. Delete word ' Egyptian.' 

p. 286, 1. 6. For Frank read Venetian. Kdr-i- Wanadik, as in MSS. 

p. 288, 1. 5. Chatur, instead of Tahayyur, in No. 305, and Bakhtar (?) 
in No. 181. 

p. 293. According to the Iqbal-nama, 80, Kunwar Karan, son of 
Rana Amar Singh, became an officer of Jahangir, receiving the rank of 
5,000 personal and horse. He was the first of the direct royal line of his 
family to accept office. 

p. 293, 1. 2 from foot. No. 181 has 102 horses. 

p. 294, n. 2. No. 181 has Rasht. 

p. 300, 1. 18. According to Vullers' Diet., i, 482, a tidcha is 96 grains 
or about half a tola. The Ghiyasu-1-loghat, however, says that tidcha is 
merely the Persian form of the Hindustani tula. According to the Burhan-i- 
qati' a tola is only 2h masha in Upper India. Generally it is reckoned as 
12 masha. According to Sir Thomas Roe 2| tolas were equal to 1 ounce. 

p. 317, MS. No. 181 has a.h. date 1025. 

p. 321, 1. 11. For several bits read some marten skins. See Tuzuk 
text, p. 308, 1. 3 from foot, and Vullers' Diet, ii, 6. The MS. No. 181 
has sad ddna-i-klsh, ' one hundred marten skins.' 

p. 321, 1. 13 from foot. For transit dues read for keeping open the 
Pass (rdh-ddrl). 

p. 321, n. 2. The words in I.O. MSS. seem to be Igdna begdna, which 
is perhaps a mere jingle on the word afghdna, but may mean ' known, 
unknown.' Jahangir puns on the name Qadam, which means 'a foot, 
a pace.' The words occur again at p. 323. 

p. 322, last line. Probably 'dqiri is, or is derived from, 'aqdr, 
which means a bird whose feathers were used for ornamentation. 
According to P. de Courteille, Turki Diet. , 384, l aqdr is a heron. 

p. 328, 1. 13 from foot. For Shah Shaja'at read Shah Shuja'. He 
was Shah Jahan's second son, and was born at Ajmir on the eve of 
Sunday, and on 11th Tir. Apparently this corresponds to 24th June, 
1616, which is the date of birth mentioned by Sir Thomas Roe. Beale's 
date of 12th May is wrong. 

p. 332, 1. 6 from foot. Here the word tidcha is used again, and 
apparently as meaning the same thing as tola ; 6,514 tulchas or tolas 
would be about 82 sirs, or over 2 maunds, and about 12 stone. Next 
year Sir Thomas Roe saw Jahangir weighed, and he understood that his 
weight was 9,000 rupees. If so, his weight would appear to have 
considerably increased during the twelve months. Perhaps we should 
read 8,514, instead of 6,514 tulchas. ffasht (8) and shash (6) are often 


p. 341, 1. 8 from foot. For times read days, the word ruz (days) 
having been omitted from the text. 

p. 344, n. 1. Apparently we should read Toda. The difference between 
it and Nauda is, in Persian writing, only one dot. Toda is mentioned by 
Roe as the place where he overtook Jahanglr, and the stages given by 
him come to 21 kos, counting from Ramsar, and this agrees very nearly 
with Jahangir's stages from the same place. 

p. 351, 1. 15 from foot. The MS. No. 181 has the word gaz twice, and 
makes the pahnd'i, or width, 175i gaz (yards). 

p. 351, last line. For Bulghari read Pulkhari. 

p. 352, 1. 1. Delete the words ' of Tir.' The month was Bahman, 
corresponding to January-February, 1617, and 23rd Bahman would be 
about 1st February. In Sayj'id Ahmad's edition the word Tir is a mistake 
for nlz, ' also, ' the meaning being that the 23rd was a halt as well as the 22nd. 

p. 353, 1. 2. Ghaznin Khan is mentioned by Finch under the name of 
Gidne} r Khan, and he is said to have been originally a Hindu. But this 
seems doubtful, as his father's name is given in the Mir'at-i-Alimadi as 
Malik Khanji Afghan. See also Bayley's "Gujarat," p. 15. Jalor is 
now in Jodhpur. It is described by Finch. 

p. 353, 1. 2. This seems to be the case of matricide mentioned in 
Terry's " Voyage," p. 362, of ed. of 1777. His statement that it occurred 
at Ahmadabad is presumably an oversight. Terry says the matricide 
was put to death by being bitten by two snakes. See also Irvine's 
"Manucci," iv, 422. Ajiparently the punishment recorded by Jahanglr 
took place on the 4th February, for Sir Thomas Roe mentions that they 
reached Kaliyadaha, the next stage, on 6th February. The hi in biyctsa 
should be deleted. Jalaur, or Jalor, is in Jodhpur (I.G. , xiv, 29). It 
used to be in Ajmir. It is not quite clear if Terry was with Roe at 
Kaliyadaha, but if not he was with him at Ujjain. The execution may 
have taken place there. 

p. 355, 1. 16. For ' from the city of Ujjain,' etc., read 'to a rural spot 
near the city of Ujjain.' 

p. 360, 1. 22. For 128 J cubits read 28J cubits. I.O. MS. 181 has 
28:| yards. The printed text of Sayyid Ahmad has 128J cubits. 

p. 362, 1. 8 from foot. Delete (Balchha ?). 

p. 373, 1. 11 seq. This I'tiqad was the younger brother or perhaps 
cousin of Asaf Khan, the brother of Nur- Jahan. He was also known as 
Shahpur. See Ma'asiru-1-umara, i, 180. 

p. 375, n. 2. Read two diamonds. 

p. 406, n. 3. Dikhtan or Daikhtan seems right. It is so in both the 
I.O. MSS. 

p. 406, 1. 11 from foot. These muhrs were probably of silver, and 
were called muhrs because they were medals rather than coins. Dr. Kehr 
has given an account of a large muhr which is now apparently in Dresden. 
See also Richardson's Diet., article Sikka. 

p. 407, 1. 4. This is Juna Khan, son of Ghryasu-d-dm Tughluq. He 
ascended the throne in 1325 under the title of Muhammad bin Tughluq. 

p. 407, 1. 15. This is the prince known as Nasiru-d-din. He ascended 
the throne as Muhammad bin Flruz in 1387, and again in 1390. 


p. 413, 11. 11 and 3 from foot. 1.0. MSS. show that Sar-faraz 
should be Sarafraz ; apparently his present was ' seven bullock-carts ' 
{haft rds gdw bahal) and not two bullocks. 

p. 417, n. 2. Cancel note. Narangsar seems right. 

p. 417, 1. 2 from foot. The words are dah blst wazn muhr u rupiya 
nia'mul. Elliot, p. 354, renders this ' ten and twenty times heavier than 
the current gold muhr and rupee. ' 

p. 418, 1. 10. See n. 2 in Elliot, vi, 355. Apparently Jahangir 
means that he was the first person to coin double muhrs and double 
rupees. There is an account of tankas in the Bahar-i-'Ajam, 261, col. 2, 
p. 421, n. 2. But it is 27 in I.O. MSS. 113, p. 423, 1. 14. A tassil is 
more than a finger-breadth, it is the at" of & gaz or yard, and should 
be about 1^ inches. 

p. 437. I am indebted to my friend Dr. Hoernle for the explanation of 
the names of the two sects of Sewras. They should be Tapa and Kharatara. 
Man Singh's name in religion was Jln-simha. See Epigraphia Indica, 
i, 37, and Ind. Antiquary, xi, 250. Man Singh died at Mairtha (in 
Jodhpur) according to the Jain books, in the beginning of 1618. The 
head of the Tapa sect in Jahangir's time was Vijayasena. There is an 
elaborate paper on the Jains of Gujarat and Marwar by Colonel Miles in 
the Transactions R.A.S., iii, pp. 335-71. 

p. 442, 1. 8. There is no previous reference to the outbreak of plague 
in Kashmir, though there is one to its occurrence in the Panjab. There 
is an interesting account of the plague in Khafi Khan, i, 286-8, in which 
the description is carried down to the time of Aurangzib. 



'Abbas Shah I, king of Persia, pro- 
hibits servants from attacking 
Qandahar, 86 ; his written 
orders, 112 ; sent Akbar horses, 
142 ; ambassador brings pre- 
sents, 193 ; letters from, 193-6, 
337 ; sends mumiya and tur- 
quoise-earth, 238 ; sends pre- 
sents, 282-3, 310 ; kills his son, 
294 ; talk with his ambassador 
about Safi Mirza's murder, 338 ; 
forbids smoking, 370. 

'Abdu-1-Karim Ma'muri, directed 
to make buildings at Mandu, 
280 ; promoted, 368. 

'Abdu-1-Latif, Akbar's teacher, 28, 
n. 2 ; tomb at Ajmir, 264. 

'Abdu-1-Latif, son of Naqib Khan, 
whipped, 171. 

'Abdu-1-Latif, Khwaja, promoted, 
288 ; rewarded, 295. 

'Abdu-1-Latif, descendant of rulers 
of Gujarat, captured, 378. 

'Abdu-1-Wahhab, Shaikh, removed 
as incompetent, 75 and n. 1. 

'Abdu-llah, son of Khan A'zam, 
receives title of Sarfaraz Khan, 
149 ; brought to Court and 
promoted, 260 ; sent for from 
Rantambhor prison, 288 ; un- 
chained and sent to his father's 
house, 289. 

'Abdu-llah Barha, Sayyid, pro- 
moted, 298 ; brings news of 
victory, 380 ; styled Saif Khan, 

bandi Khwaja, began as an 
ahadi, 27 ; promoted, 72, 140, 
157, 200 ; takes prisoner Raja 
Ram Chand, 82 ; produces him 
in Court, 87 ; captures Badl'u-z- 
zaman, 127 ; appointed to act 
against Rana and receives title 
of Firuz-jang, 155 ; said to have 
killed prisoners, 213 note ; 
defeated in Deccan, 219-21, 
234 ; elephant sent to, 239 and 
n. 2, 310 ; misbehaviour, 331 ; 
pardoned, 335-6 ; quarrel with 
'Abid and punishment, 420-1. 

'Abdu-n-Nabi, Shaikh, Jahangir 
read the "Forty Sayings" with, 

'Abdu-r-Rahim, Khankhanan, son 
of Bairam, message sent to, 
28 ; enlists Shrr-afgan, 113 ; 
presents forty elephants, etc., 
134, 148 ; comes to Court, 147 ; 
his sons, 148 ; undertakes to 
subdue Deccan, 149 ; given an 
elephant and a superb horse, 151 ; 
daughter, the wife of Daniyal, 
receives 10,000 rupees, 163 ; 
sends manuscript of ' ' Yusuf and 
Zulaikha" in Mir 'All's hand- 
writing, 168 ; unsatisfactory 
conduct, 178-9 ; given jagir in 
Agra province, 199 ; sent to 
Deccan by advice of Khwaja 
Abu-1-hasan, 221 ; promoted, 
221 ; applies for son's leave, 
243 ; offering of, 295 ; at Alimada- 
bad, 429 ; defeats Muzaffar, 431. 

'Abuu-r-Rahim Khar (ass), joins 
Khusrau and receives title of 
Malik Anwar, 59 ; sewn up in 
ass's hide, but survives, 68-9 ; 
given 1,000 rupees, 163; par- 
doned and sent to Kashmir, 164. 

'Abdu-r-Raliim, son of QasimKhan, 
paymaster of ahadis, 116 ; 
receives title of Tarbiyat Khan, 
149. See Tarbiyat. 

'Abdu-r-Rahman, son of Abu-1-fazl. 
promoted, 17, 121 ; receives title 
of Afzal Khan, 105 ; made 
governor of Behar, 143 ; given 
Kharakpur in fief for a year, 
146 ; fighting elephant sent 
to, 167 ; sends to Jahangir 
makers of eunuchs, 168 ; quells 
Patna rebellion, 173-5 ; sends 
presents, 206 ; comes to Court 
and presents elephants, etc., 
235 ; death, 241. 

'Abdu-r-Razzaq Ma'muri, made 
bakhshi, 13, 16 ; made Court 
bakhshi (bakhshi - Huzur), 82 ; 
sent to army, 155 ; his garden 
near Agra, 190. 

'Abdu-s-Salam, son of Mu'azzam 
Khan, arrives opportunely with 
reinforcements, 212. 




'Abdu-s-Sattar, Mulla, 389. 

'Abdu-s-Subhan Khan, brother of 
Khan 'Alam, released and pro- 
moted, 177, 319 ; killed in 
Afghanistan, 323. 

Abhay Ram, son of Akhayraj, makes 
riot and is slain, 29-30. 

'Abid, son of Nizamu - d - din, 
historian, ill - treated, 331 ; 
appointed to Kabul, 346 ; 
quarrel with 'Abdu-llah, 420. 

'Abidin Khwaja, promoted, 60. 
See also Addenda. 

Abjad, 11, n. 3 ; of words Allah 
Akbar and Jahangir, 253. 

Ab-pdfihl, festival of, 265, 295. 

Abu-l-bi Uzbeg, sent to Qandahar, 
224 ; (qu. perhaps should be 
Abu-n-nabI ?), 234 and n. 1 : 
governor of Qandahar and sends 
presents, 235. 

Abu-1-fath, of Bijapur, also called 
Dekhani, 180; dagger presented 
to, 192 ; waits on Jahangir, 228, 
257 ; obtains fief in Nagpur, 229. 

Abu-1-fath Gilani, buried at Hasan 
Abdal,' 100. 

Abu-1-fazl, Shaikh, son of Mubarak, 
account of, 24 ; killed by Bh 
Singh Deo, 25 ; referred to, 93, 
n. 2 ; built embankment, 136 
and n. 1 ; sister of, 166 and 
n. 1 ; report by, 355. 

Abu-1-hasan (Asaf Khan IV), son of 
I'timadu-d-daulah and brother 
of Nur Jahan, receives title of 
I'tiqad, 202 ; given sword, 203 ; 
house of, 249 ; comes from 
Burhanpur and waits on 
Jahangir, 252 ; receives title 
of Asaf Khan, 260, 278 ; sends 
Dayanat to Gwalior, 279 ; 
offerings of, 281, 283, 319 ; 
magnificent offerings, 320 ; pays 
his respects, 373 ; promoted, 
381 ; Jahangir visits, 388. 

Abu - 1 - hasan, Khwaja, Daniyal's 
diwan, had an audience, 79 ; 
produces a letter of 'Aziz Koka, 
80 ; joined with Asaf Khan, 103 ; 
fire in his house, 172 ; makes 
offering, 192 ; appointed to 
Deccan as he had long served 
Sultan Daniyal there, 202 ; 
sent to Deccan to inquire into 
cause of 'Abdu-llah's defeat, 
219 ; recommends dispatch of 
'Abdu-r- Rahim, 221 ; advice 

accepted and the Khwaja sent 
with 'Abdu-r-Rahim, 221 ; made 
baJchshi - Icul, 256 ; appointed 
along with Ibrahim Khan to be 
paymaster of household, 260 ; 
promoted, 282, 287, 318, 320. 

Aim - 1 - hasan Shihabkhani, made 
vizier of Bengal in room of 
Wazir Khan (Muqim), 139. 

Abu-1-qasim, brother of Asaf Khan, 
Muhammad Ja'far, 103. 

Abu-1-qasimNamakin, his numerous 
children, 31 ; assists in capture 
of Khusrau, 67 ; Jagirdar of 
Jalalabad, 102 ; removed from 
there, 103. 

Abu-1-wafa, given money for build- 
ing bridge, etc. , at Hasan Abdal, 

Abu-l-wall, promoted, 160. 

Abu - n - nabi (?), Uzbeg, formerly 
governor of Mashhad, promoted, 
27 and n. 1 ; remark of, 30 and 
n. 1 ; appointed to assist Farid, 
61 and n. 3. 

Adhar, place in East Bengal, 213 
and note. 

'Adil Khan, of Bijapur, horse sent 
by, wins race, 110 ; offers 
loyalty, 176, 182, 203, 234; 
gives niece in marriage to singer, 

271 ; musical compositions of, 

272 and n. 1 , 288 ; sends offering, 
299, 335, 368 ; styled farzand, 
388; his diamond, 400; presents 
elephants, 400-1. 

Afzal Khan, son of Abud-fazl. See 

Afzal Khan, title of Mulla Shukru- 
llah, the Mirza Sowcolla of Roe, 
Shah Jahan 'sdiwan, report from, 
368, 387 ; promoted, 402. 

Agra, description of, 3-5, 7. 

Alidad, Afghan, creates disturb- 
ance, 197 ; defeated, 263, 

Ahmad Beg, Kabuli, reports 
Khusrau's march, 53 ; removed, 
102 ; appointed to Bangash, 105 ; 
Attock transferred from, 111 ; 
confined at Rantambhor, 279 ; 
released, 297 ; governor of 
Kashmir, 303. 

Ahmad Khan, brother of Ivhizr 
Khan, who was formerly ruler 
of Khandesh, 76. 

Ahmad Khattu, Shaikh, a saint, 428 
and note. 



Ahmad Lahori, Shaikh, made Mir-i- 
' 'Adl, 60 and n. 2. 

Ahmad, Sayyid, editor of Tuzuk, 
' notes by, 164, 200, 215, 332, 428. 

Ahmad, Sultan of Gujarat, 420, 424. 

Alimadabad,401 ; styled Gardabad, 
414; description of, 423; mosque 
of, 424. 

Ahmadnagar, 181 ; grapes of, 360. 

Aimaqs, cavalry, 55 ; present to 
leaders, 58, 61 ; killed, 64, 82 
and note, 119, 159. 

Ajmir, entered, 253 ; description 
of, 340. 

Akbar, emperor, desire for a son, 1 ; 
makes Slkrl his capital, 2 ; 
styled after death 'Arxh- 
dshydni, 5 ; illiterate., 33 ; 
personal appearance, 33-4 ; 
children of, 34 ; good qualities, 
37-8 ; declines to kill Hemu, 40 ; 
march to Gujarat, 40-1 ; account 
of, 42-5 ; abstinence of, 45 ; 
' Divine Faith,' 60 and n. 2 ; 
builds fort on Chenab, 91 ; 
changed name for cherries, 116 ; 
anniversary of birth, 127 ; of 
death, 148 ; tomb of, visited by 
Jahangir, 152 ; orders about 
Sunday, 184 ; weighed twice a 
year, 230; kept 1,000 cheetahs, 
240 ; appears to Jahangir in a 
dream, 269 ; fondness for fruit, 
270 ; in Gujarat, 429, 436. 

Akhayraj, son of Bhagwan Das, 
riot by his sons, 29. 

'Alam-guman, name of elephant, 
259, 260. 

'Ala'u-d-dln, Shaikh, grandson of 
Shaikh Salim, receives title of 
Islam Khan, 31. See Islam 

Albino birds and beasts, 140. 

'Ali Ahmad, Mulla, son of Shaikh 
Husain, seal - engraver, 1,000 
rupees given to, 159 ; sudden 
death of, 169 ; couplet by, 228 
and n. 2. 

'All Akbarshahl, Mlrza, promoted 
and given Sambhal in fief, 25 
and note ; sent in pursuit of 
Khusrau, 65 ; given 1,000 rupees, 
163 ; reward to, 182 ; comes 
from Deccan, 233 ; death, 334. 
'All Asghar Barha, son of Sayyid 
Mahmud, styled Saif Khan, 32. 
See Saif Khan. 
■"All Barha, Sayyid, promoted, 282. 

'All Khan Karon, receives title of 

Naubat Khan, 111 and n. 4. 
'Ali Khan NiyazI, sent to Deccan, 

'All Khan, ruler of Khandesh, 

letter of 'Aziz Koka to, 79-80. 
'All Mardan Khan Bahadur, 

wounded and made prisoner, 

'All Masjid, fort of, 102, 117. 
'All Quli Istajlu, table servant of 

Isma'U II, 1 13. See Shir-afgan. 
Allahdad, son of Jalala, presents to, 

295, 321, 324, 390. 
Allah-yar Koka, styled Himmat 

Khan, 406. 
Alligator, 408. 

Altun-tamgha, meaning of term, 23. 
Aluwa Sarai (11 miles south-east of 

Sirhind), 61. 
Amanabad, strange occurrence at, 

Amanat Khan, superintendent of 

Cambay, 418, 423. 
Amanu-llah, son of Mahabat Khan, 

Rup Bas called Amanabad after 

him, 252. 
Amar Singh, Rana, of Udaipur, 

defeat of, 249-51 ; submits, 273, 

276, 285 ; statue of, 332 ; sends 

figs, 349. 
Amba, an oppressor (Sikh?), heavily 

fined, 73. 
Amba Khan Kashmiri, receives 

rank of 1,000, 75 ; wounds 

Shir-afgan and is himself killed, 

'Ambar, Malik, 220. See Malik 

'Amid Shah Ghori or Dilawar Khan, 

ruler of Malwa, 407 L 
Aminu-d-daula, made Atish-i-begi, 

or perhaps Yatish-begl, 13, 14 

and n. 1. 
Amir Khusrau, verses by, 100, 169. 
Amlru-l-Umara, see Sharif Khan. 
Amrohl, halt at, 100. 
A nands (pineapple), 5. 
Anand Khan, title of Shauqi, 331 ; 

given one day's offerings, 370. 
Anlra'I Singh-dalan, title of Anup 

Ray, saves Jahangir at tiger 

hunt, 185-7 ; receives his title, 

188 ; in charge of Rustam 

Safawl, 263 ; charge of Khusrau 

transferred from, to Asaf Khan 

(compare Sir T. Roe's account), 

336 ; promoted, 373. 




Anju or Inju, see Jamalu-d-din 

Antelopes, 83 ; grave of antelope 
at Jahangirpur (Shaikhupura), 
90, 91, 122, 129 ; milk of ante- 
lope, 148 ; prayer carpet made 
of skins of, 203. 

Anup Ray, see Ani ra'i. _ 

Aqa Mulla, brother of Asaf Khan, 
i.e. Muhammad Ja'far Asaf 
(No. iii), rank fixed, 58. 

Aqam Haji, pretended Turkish 
ambassador, 144. 

'Aqil, Khwaja, made bakhshi, 71 ; 
promoted, 297 ; made a Khan, 

'Arab Khan, made fief-holder of 
Jalalabad, 103, 105 ; given 
elephant, 170. 

Aram Banu, daughter of Akbar 
and Bibi Daulat - Shad, 30 ; 
character of, 36. 

Arghushtak (Afghan dance), 107 and 

Arjumand Banu (Mumtaz Mahall), 
married to Khurram, Sultan 
(Shah Jahan), 224 and note ; 
birth of Dara, 282. 
I Arjun, Sikh, fifth Guru, favours 
Khusrau, 72 ; put to death, 73 
and n. 1. 

' Arsh-dshyanl (title of Akbar), 5. 

Aislan Bi, governor of Kahmard 
fort, 118 ; waited upon Jahangir, 
125 ; appointed to Sahwan, 

Asad Mulla, story-teller, 377. 

Asaf Khan (No. iii), otherwise 
Mirza Ja'far Beg, son of Badi'u- 
z-zaman, of Qazwin (the Asaf 
No. iii of Blochmann), couplet 
on coins, 1 1 ; nephew of Mukhtar 
Beg, 16 ; made vizier, 16, 42, 
103 and n. 2 ; given fief in 
Panjab, 47 ; with Parwiz, 74 ; 
left to guard Khusrau, 82 ; 
house visited by Jahangir, 132 ; 
presents ruby, 148 ; dies at 
Burhanpur, 222-3 ; suspected 
of privity to Kabul plot of 
Khusrau, 223. 

Asaf-khan (No. ii), see Ghiyasu-d- 
_ ' din 'Ali. 

Asaf Khan (No. iv), see Abu-1-hasan. 

Asirgarh, 34. 

Attock, fort of, 101. 

Avicenna quoted about wine- 
drinking, 306. 

Ayin-i-Jahangiri, Jahangir's regu- 
lations, 205. 

'Azamat Khan, 432 ; death, 443. 

'Aziz Koka, Khan A'zam, son of 
Shamsu-d-din and JijI Anga, 
rescued by Akbar, 40-2 ; accom- 
panies Jahangir in pursuit of 
Khusrau, 54 ; discovery of his 
letter to 'Ali Khan, 79-81 ; 
hypocritical character, 138 ; 
governor of (Gujarat, 153 ; sent 
to Deccan, 183 ; governor of 
Malwa, 200 ; Shadman, his son, 
203 ; letter from, 203 ; begs to 
be sent against the Rana, 234, 
256 ; behaves badly, 257-8 ; 
made over to Asaf Khan 
(No. iv) to be confined in 
Gwalior, but to be made com- 
fortable, 261 ; Akbar appears to- 
Jahangir in a dream and begs 
forgiveness for 'Aziz, 269 ; 
brought from Gwalior and par- 
doned, 287 ; gets lakh of rupees, 
etc., 289. 


Baba Khurram, see Khurram Baba 
and Shah Jahan. 

Babar, emperor, defeats Ibrahim, 
Sultan, 4 ; makes garden, 4 ; 
styled Firdus-makani, 5 ; waited 
on by Dilawar Khan, 87 ; his 
stone terrace at Kabul, 108 ; 
his Memoirs, 109, 110 note, 
215 ; Jahangir visits his tomb, 
110 ; revisits stone terrace, 121 ; 
defeats Rana Sanga, 250 ; verse 
by, 304. 

Bad luck, four causes of, 235. 

Badi'u-z-zaman, fourth son of 
Shahrukh, 120 ; goes off to join 
Rana, arrested and sent to 
Court, 127 ; gets 2,000 rupees, 
160 ; promoted, 163, 289, 360 ; 
waits on Jahangir, 202 ; ap- 
pointed to expedition against 
Rana, 204. 

Bagha, son of Rana, 74. 

Baglana, account of, 396. 

Bahadur, son of Muzatfar Gujarati, 
makes disturbance, 49 ; death,. 

Bahadur, Sultan of Gujarat, 408. 

Bahadur Khan Qurbegi, promoted,. 
81 ; governor of Qandahar, 282, 
319 ; makes offering, 379. 



Bahaduru-1-mulk, given standard, 
255 ; promoted, 285. 

Bahlul Khan, 372, 405. 

Bahra-war, son of Mahabat Khan, 

Bairam Khan, Akbar's tutor, 38 ; 
kills Tardi Beg, 39 ; advises 
Akbar to kill Hemu, 40 ; married 
to Sallma Sultan Begam, 232. 

Baish (Vaishya), Hindu caste, 245. 

Bak Bhal, village, 165. 

Bakhtar Khan Kalawant, 'Adil 
Khan's favourite, 271. 

Bala Hisar, of Kabul, inspected, 

Bamiyan, 117 and note. 

Banarasi, Shaikh, misconduct at 
Patna and punishment, 175-6. 

Bang and buza, forbidden, 157. 

Bansibadan, elephant sent by Islam 
Khan, 237. 

Bappa, 250 n. 2. 

BaqiKhan, ruler of Trausoxiana, 26. 

Bargis (Mahrattas), 220. 

Barha Sayyids, 64. 

Barkhurdar, son of 'Abdu - r - 
Rahman, son of Mu'ayyid Beg, 
ordered back to his_ fief, 21 ; 
given title of Khan 'Alam, 154. 
See a/so Khan 'Alam. 

Barkhurdar, brother of 'Abdu-llah 
Firuz-jang, gets title of Bahadur 
Khan, 146 ; promoted, 163. 

Basawal, 103. 

Baso, Raja of Mau, promoted, 49 ; 
sent in quest of Khusrau, 65 ; 
in charge of Ram Chand 
Bandilah, 87 ; appointed to 
army against Rana, 200 ; death, 

Batoh, village in Gujarat, 436. 

Bayazid, Shaikh, grandson of 
Shaikh Sallm, promoted, 32 ; 
receives title of Mu'azzam Khan, 
79 ; governor of Delhi, 137 ; 
promoted and sent to Delhi, 
171 ; sons promoted, 202. 

Bayazid Barha, 418. 

Bayazid Biyat, qu oted. 107 note. 

Bayazid Mankali, pays respects 
along with his brothers on 
coming from Bengal, 166 ; sent 
off after getting dress, 170. 

Baysunghar, son of Daniyal, 75. 

Baz Bahadur, title of Lala Beg, 
son of Nizam librarian to 
Humavun, 21 ; held fief in 
Bihar,' 21. 

Baz Bahadur Qalmaq, waits on 
Jahangir, 79 ; appointed to 
Deccan, 184. 

Bengal, account of, 207. 

Bezoar stones, goats with them 
brought from Carnatic, 240. 

Bhadar, name of Ahmadabad 
citadel, 423. 

Bhagwan Das, Raja, son of Bihari 
Mai, uncle (and adoptive father) 
of Man Singh, 16, 29 ; in battle 
in Gujarat, 42. 

Bhakra, village in G hakhar cou nt ry, 

Bhanwar, net, 99. 

Bhao Singh, son of Man Singh, 
promoted 24, 140, 372 ; made 
Mirza Raja, 266 ; goes home, 
268 ; offering of, 282 ; goes to 
Amber, 297 ; given a turban, 

Bharat, grandson of Ram Chand 
Bandilah, made Raja, 231. 

Bharjii, Raja of Baglana, 221, 396, 

Bhim Narayan, of Gadeha, 411. 

Bhoj, Raja, 406. 

Bhoj, son of Bikramajit Bhadauriya, 

Bhugyal tribe, 97. 

Bid mttttcl (willow-tree), 7. 

Bigara, meaning of title, 429. 

Bihar Banu Begam, daughter of 
Jahangir, 19. 

Bihari Chand Qanungu, to send 
infantry to Parwiz, 159 ; pro- 
moted, 160. 

Bihari Mai, Raja, first Rajput to 
serve Akbar, 16. 

Bihat River, source of, 92-3. 

Bihishtabad, that is, Sikandra, 249. 

Bijay Ram, riot by, 29. 

Bika Begam, (step) great-grand- 
mother of Jahangir, wife of 
Babar, her garden at Kabul, 
100 and n. 1. 

Bikramajit, Raja, title of Patr Das, 
22 ; sent to Gujarat, 50. See 
Patr Das. 

Bikramajit, Sundar Das, Raja, 325, 

Bikramajit, of Ujjain, founder of 
observatories, 22, 354. 

Bikramajit, zamindar of Bandhu, 

Bir Singh Deo, of Bandela, pro- 
moted, 24, 204, 231, 281 ; kills 
Abu-1-fazl, 25 ; reports from, 



111 ; brings white cheeta, 139 ; 

present to, 147. 
Bird, strange, from Zirbad( Sumatra, 

etc.), 272. 
Birthday, Jahangir 's, 9 and n. 1. 
Bishutan, grandson of Abu-1-fazl, 

Blackstone throne, account of, 177. 
Blochmann quoted, 6 notes, and 

Bokiil, a tree, 6 note. 
Brahmans, duties of, 244, 357. 
Bughra, cooking entertainment, 

107 and note. 
Buland-akhtar, son of Khusrau, 

Bu/rjhur-khanas, free eating-houses, 

75, 204. 

Caldron, large, for Ajmir shrine, 

Cambay, account of, 415-17. 

Carrier-pigeons, 387. 

Carving, curious, 200. 

Chain of Justice, 7. 

Chaks, dynasty, in Kashmir, 95. 

Chambtli (white jessamine), 6. 

Champa (sweet-scented flower), 5. 

Chandr-tree (plane), 7. 

Chandar Sen, zamindar, 428, 434. 

Chandwalah, minaret erected at, 
83, the Chandala or Jandiala of, 
91, 130. 

Chapramau in Qanauj, mangoes of, 

Charan, Hindi poet, 141. 

Chardin, J., traveller, quoted, 230 

Charities, 128. 

Chaudharis rewarded, 69. 

ChattJcandl, on Jumna, made by 
Humayun, 137. 

Cheetas, 139, 240. 

Chelebi, Muhammad Husain, sent to 
make purchases in Persia, 237-8. 

Chhatrl or Khatri, Hindu caste, 

ChimnI (?) Begam, daughter of 
Shah Jahan, dies at Ajmir, 326 
(perhaps the name is Chamani). 

Chin Qillj, promoted, 111, 261 ; 
made a Khan, 199, 231 ; sent 
to administer Surat, 233, 261 ; 
waits on Jahangir, 260 ; mis- 
conduct and death, 301. 

Chingiz Khan, customs of, 23, 68, 76. 

Chitor, Akbar killed Jitmal at, 

45, 250 ; taken, 251. 
Chronograms, 11, 12 and note, 38, 

104, 108, 109, 270. 
Coinage, gold and silver, 10-12, 

197 ; new coinage at Cambav, 

Column, iron, at Dhar, 407. 
Customs, abolition of, 47, 107-8, 

Cypress, 6. 

Dahr, village, 76. 

Dahrah, garden near Agra, 182, 
232, 234, 252. 

Dalazak, Afghan tribe, 100, 127. 

Dall, lake in Kashmir, 93. 

Dancing, religious, 173. 

Daniyal, Sultan, son of Akbar, 
birth, 34 ; account of, 35-6 ; 
his elephants, 46 ; children, 
75 ; employs Daulat Khan, 89 ; 
gets horse from Akbar, 142 : 
Jahangir directs that he be 
styled Shahzada marhum, 197. 

Dara Shukuh, birth of, 282. 

Darab, son of 'Abdu-r-Rahim the 
Khankhanan, dress given to, 
21 ; promoted and receives 
Ghazipur in fief, 180 ; receives 
dagger, 303 ; his bravery, 313 ; 
receives an elephant, 418. 

Darful, country, 158 and n. 3, 162 
and n. 1 ; properly Dizful, the 
Desfulof the maps, in Khuzistan, 
Persia. See Addenda. 

Da'ud Karani, Afghan ruler of 
Bengal, 207. 

Daulat Khan, ancestor of Khan 
Jahan Lodi, 87. 

Daulat Khan, father of Khan Jahan 
Lodi, serves 'Abdu-r-Rahim, 88. 

Daulat Khan brings blackstone 
throne from Allahabad, 177 ; 
faujdar of Allahabad and 
Jaunpur, 217. 

Daulat-Shad._ mother of Shakaru-n- 
nisa and Aram Banu, 36. 

Davanat Khan, title of Qasim 'Ali, 
123 ; promoted, 260, 265 ; in- 
sults I'timadu-d-daulah and is 
punished (text wrongly calls 
Dayanat Sabit), 278-9 ; released, 
303, 306,"318 ; sent to Gujarat, 
331 ; rank rr^tored, 333; brings 
'Abdullah, 335. 




Deoiuik, a kind of monkey, 143. 
Dhar, account of, 407 ; inscription 

at, 408. 
Dhirdhar, Raja, 58. 
Dhurpad, or durpat, Hindi verse or 

song, 271 and n. 1. 
Diamond, called Chamkora, 400 ; 

nine diamonds sent from Bihar, 

Diamond mines, 315. 
Dikhtan, village in Malwa, 406. 
Dil-amiz Garden, near Lahore, 90 ; 

Jahangir meets his mother 

there, 131. 
Dilawar, title of Ibrahim Khan 

Kiikar, 29, 30 ; promoted, 49, 

77, 286, 298 ; opposed Khugrau, 

59, 62 ; given Jaunpur, 105 ; 

sends ruby, 248. 
Dilawar Khan, son of Daulat Khan 

and servant of Babar, put to 

death by Shir Shah, 88. 
Dilawar Khan, or 'Amid Shah 

Ghori, founder of Malwa 

dynasty, 407-8. 
Divine Faith, Akbar's, account of, 

60 and n. 2, 61. 
Diwali festival, 245, 268. 
Dogs, 126, 283, 288. 
Dohad parganah, 414, 445. 
Downton, Captain, 274 note. 
Drinking, Jahangir's rules for, 8 ; 

resolves not to drink on Friday 

eves, 20. 
Dulip, son of Ray Ray Singh, 

rebels, 76 ; defeated, 84 ; par- 
doned, 148 ; given dress of 

honour, 217 ; made Raja, 218 ; 

sent to support Mirza Rustam, 

229 ; put to death, 259. 
Durga, Ray, death and account 

of, 134 and Addenda. 
Durjan Sal, zamindar of Khokhara, 

Dust Muhammad, see Khwaja 

Dust storm, 247. 


Ear-boring, 267-8. 

Eclipse, of moon, 160 ; of sun, 183, 

281. See also Addenda. 
Elephants, rock near Jalalabad 

carved into shape of elephant, 

103 ; prices of elephants, 140 ; 

death of two elephants from 

bite of a mad dog, 243 ; birth 
of an elephant, 265 ; elephant 
hunting, 401. 

English, victory of, 274. 

Erskine, W. , quoted, 5 n. 1 ; 6 
notes 2 and 4, etc. 

Eunuchs, custom of making in 
Sylhet, abolished by Jahangir, 
150-1, 168 ; but see Islam's 
presents, 247, unless indeed 
they were sent under orders 
mentioned in 151, 

Farah, governor of, designs attack 

on Qandahar, 85. 
Farhat Khan, strikes Muhammad 
Husain, 44. 

Farid Bukhara, Shaikh, confirmed 
in post of Mir Bakhshi, 13 ; 
raised to rank of 5,000, 20 ; 
assists in quelling Rajput riot, 
30 ; sent in pursuit of Khusrau, 
53, 57 ; victory over Khusrau, 
64 ; given Bhairawal and title 
of Murtaza Khan, 69 ; receives 
charge of Arjun Guru's children 
and houses, 72 ; firman issued to, 
128 ; sends ruby ring, 132 ; made 
terrace on Jumna, 137 ; removed 
from Gujarat on account of 
servant's oppression, 153 ; ap- 
pointed to the Panjab, 178 ; 
presents New Year's gifts, 192 ; 
settled that he should be 
governor of Panjab, 198 ; offer- 
ings of, 236, 282, 318 ; promoted 
to 6,000 with 5,000 horse, 239 ; 
sent to Kangra, 283 ; suspects 
Suraj Singh, 311 ; death and 
character of, 324. 

Faridabad, 57. 

Faridun, son of Muhammad Quli 
Barlas, promoted, 32, 143, 158, 
231 ; gets fief in Allahabad, 117 ; 
given standard, 167 ; sent to 
Deccan, 184 ; dies at Udaipur, 

Farmuli, Afghan tribe, barricade 
Kabul streets, 197. 
. Farrukh Beg, painter, gets present, 

Fath-bagh, garden, 429, 434. 

Fath Gaj, elephant, 256. 

Fathpur, so called after conquest 
of Gujarat, 2. 



Fathu-llah, son of Hakim Abu-1- 
fath, involved in Khusrau's 
plot and imprisoned, 123. 

Fathu-llah, Hakim, promoted, 71. 

Fathu-llah, Khwajagi, confirmed as 
bakhshi, 13. 

Fazil, Mir, faujdar of Qabulah, 160. 

Fazil Khan, i.e. Agha Fazil, 345. 

Fida'i Khan, title of Sulaiman Beg, 
131 ; promoted and sent to 
Deccan, 162 ; made bakhshi of 
Shah Jahan's arnry, 256 ; dies, 

Fida'i Khan, title of Hidayatu-llah, 
383, 389 ; sent against the 
Jamindar of Jaitpur, 390, 391. 

Fighani, poet, 150 and n. 1 ; quoted, 

Filimiyd, explained, 308 and n. 3. 

Finch, W., quoted, 99 note, 121 
n. 2, 174 note, 381 note. 

Firdfis-mahdnl, 5. See Babar. 

Fishing, 188, 436. 

Flowers, Indian, superior to all 
others, 5. 

Frank ports, pineapples grown at, 5. 

Frank saddles, 237. 

Franks of Goa plunder four vessels, 

Fruits, 5 ; Jahangir's partiality for 
mangoes, 5, 116 ; description of 
fruits, 116, 270, 350, 397, 422, 
435, 439. 

Gada 'Ali, captures Muhammad 
Husain, 44. 

Gada'i, Mulla, account of, 290. 

Galahrl (squirrel), animal called 
' master of mice,' 104-5. 

Game-bag, 83, 126, 167, 191, 204, 
234, 369. 

Ghakkar tribe, 99. 

Gharchal, Badakhshan tribe, 120. 

Gharib-khana, in the Khyber, 117 
(now known as Landi-Kotal). 

Ghaus, Muhammad, 426 and noue. 

-Ghazi, Mirza, son of Jani Beg, 
sister betrothed by Akbar to 
Khusrau, 20 ; account of, 71 ; 
rewarded with 30 lakhs of dams, 
75 ; sent to Qandahar, 86 ; waits 
on Jahangir, 131 ; poetry of, 
133 ; ordered to Qandahar, 151 ; 
reports about Qandahar, 173 ; 
death and character, 223-4. 

Ghiyas Beg, father of Nur Jahan, 
styled l'timadu-d-daula, 22 and 
n. 2 ; put in charge of Agra, 57 ; 
his son Sharif executed, 122 ; 
rank of 2,000, 199; made Vizier, 
200 ; house of, 249 ; receives 
rank of 5,000 with 2,000 horse, 
260 ; affronted by Dayanat, 278 ; 
promoted, 280, 281 ; offering 
of, 318 : records death of grand- 
child, 326 ; contingent reviewed 
374 ; Jahangir gives his own 
turban to, 378. 

Ghiyas Zain-khani, diwan of Patna, 
173 ; punished, 176. 

Ghiyasu-d-din, Sultan of Mandu, 
murder of, 365. 

Ghiyasu-d-din 'Ali, see Naqib Khan. 

Ghiyasu - d - din 'Ali Asaf - khan 
(No. ii), father of Nuru-d-din, 

Ghorkhatri, near Peshawar, ignor- 
ance of faqirs at, 102. 

Gilds (cherry), 116 and n. 1. 

Gladwin, F. referred to, 8 n. 2. 

Goa, 215, 255. 

Gobind Das, Vakil, killed, 292. 

Gobindwal, news of victory received 
at, 63 ; residence of Arjun Guru, 

Grapes, 5, 404, etc. 

Gujars, caste, 91. 

Gul-afshan, Babar's garden at Agra, 

Gul-rukh Begam, mother of Sahma 
Sultan Begam, 232. 

Gulab-pashi, ceremony of, 265. 

Gulbahar, cherries of, 104. 

Gwalior, 4, etc. 


Habshl, kind of grape, 5. 

Hadi, Muhammad, quoted, 15 n. 4, 

19 n. 6.' 
Hafiz, omens taken from, 214, 381. 
Hafiz Jamfil, fountain near Ajmir, 

257, 269 n. 1. 
Haidar, Shaikh, of Ahmadabad, 426. 
Hailstorm, 92. 
Haji Bi Uzbeg, given 4,000 rupees, 

159 ; promoted, 281 ; gets title 

of tjzbeg Khan, 285. 
Haji Koka, sister of Sa'adat Yar 

Koka, foster-sister of Akbar, 46. 
Haji Mirak and others released 

from Gwabvr, 180. 



Hakim 'Abdu-sh-Shakur, 267. 

Hakim 'All, physician, learned in 
mathematics, 68 ; subaqueous 
chamber, 152 ; death and 
character, 154. See also p. 124, 
where the ' Ydd ' is a mistake 
of text. 

Hakim Muzaffar, 58 ; rank fixed, 
79. See Jalalu - d - din Hakim. 

Hakim Sadra, receives title of 
Maslhu-z-zaman, 155, 267 ; pro- 
duces hermaphrodite cat, 374. 

Hakim Ydd 'AH, 124. The Ydd is 
a mistake of text. The name 
is Hakim 'All, and he is the 
man who treated Akbar in his 
last illness. 

Hamld Gujaratl, physician, 188-9. 

Haridas Jhala, servant of the Rana, 

Hasan, Mlrza, one of Shahrukh \s 
twin sons, seized as he was 
going to join Khusrau, 54 and 
n. 2 (apparently he was put to 
death, as no more is heard of 

Hasan, Shaikh, son of Shaikh Baha, 

2T and n. 2. See Muqarrab 

Hasan Abdal, place, 99. 

Hasan 'All Turkuman promoted, 

Hasan and Husain, twin sons of 

Shahrukh, 54, 119; for Husain 

see also 118, 127. 
Hasan Beg, ambassador of the 

king of Persia, receives 10,000 

rupees, 90. 
Hasan Miyana, 405. 
Hashim, Khwaja, of Dahbld, 303. 
Hashim Khan, governor of Orissa, 

127 ; sends forty-four elephants, 

183 ; made governor of Kashmir, 

199; has leave to go there, 203 ; 

Safdar Khan substituted for 

him, 256. 
Hasilpur, village, 362, 404. 
Hatim, son of Mangll, or Mankli, 

Hatya, village, 97. 
Hazara, a soothsayer, 43. 
Hazaras, 110. 

Hemu, rebel, 38, 39 ; killed, 40, 59. 
Hidayatu-llah, styled Fida'I Khan, 

Hilal Khan, sazdwal, 67 ; makes 

ring-hunt at Rohtas in Panjab, 


Himmat Khan, promoted, 439 ; 
he is Allah -yar Koka, 406. 

Hindal, father of Ruqayya Sultan 
Begam, 48 ; tomb of, at Kabul, 

Hindu castes, 244. 

Hodal, Jahanglr arrives at, 57. 

Holl ceremonies, 245. 

Humam, Hakim, buried at Hasan 
Abdal, 100. 

Humayun, emperor, 5 ; gave title 
of Shlrln - qalam to 'Abdu-s- 
Samad, 15 ; death of, 38 ; 
hunted rhinoceros near the 
Kama, 102 ; poured water on 
saint's hands, 135 ; betrothed 
Sallma Sultan Begam to Bairam, 

Hunting, Jahanglr prefers shooting 
with a gun, and on one day 
killed eighteen deer, 45 ; hunted 
for 3 months 6 days, 83, 120, 
121, 125, 130, 191, 202, 204, 234, 
248, 276, 342, 344, 369. 

Husain Beg, diwan of Bengal, 
makes offering, 371. 

Husain Beg, sent by Shah 'Abbas, 
86 ; makes offering, 372. 

Husain (properly Hasan) Beg 
BadakhshI joins Khusrau, 54 ; 
suggests going to Kabul, 66 ; 
shoots at boatmen, 67 ; pro- 
duced before Jahanglr, 68 ; 
sewn up in ox-hide and dies, 
69 ; reference to, 109. 

Husain Chelebl sent to Persia, 

Husain JamI, his dream, 30 ; 
disciples rewarded, 46 ; gets 
twenty lakhs of dams, 72. 

Husain Khan, governor of Herat, 86. 

Husain Mlrza, son of Shahrukh, 
alleged petition from, 118; 
killed, 127. 

Husainl (kind of grape), 5 n. 1, 404. 

Husamu-d-din, dervish, son of GhazI 
Khan BadakhshI, married to 
Abul-1-fazl's sister, 166 and n. 1. 

Husamu-d-dln, son of Jamalu-d- 
dln Inju, 404. 

Hushang, son of Islam Khan, comes 
from Bengal, 269 ; produces 

. Maghs, 236 ; promoted, 284 ; 
styled Ikram Khan, 295. 

Hushang Ghuri, Sultan of Mandu, 
365, 408. 

Hydrophobia, death of two 
elephants from, 243, 



Ibachkidn, 188. 

Ibrahim, Shaikh, son of Qutbu-d- 
din Koka, promoted and styled 
Kishwar Khan, 76 ; governor of 
Rohtas, 144 ; faujdar of Uch, 
170 ; joins army against 'Usman, 
209 ; killed in battle, 210. See 
also Kishwar Khan. 
Ibrahim Baba, Shaikh, the Afghan, 

confined in Chunar, 77. 
Ibrahim Husain, Mir Bahr, bakhxhi 
of ahadis, 149 ; sent to 'Aziz 
Koka, 257-8. 
Ibrahim Husain, Mirza, rebel, 40. 
Ibrahim Khan, promoted and made 
joint-paymaster of household, 
260 ; his offering, 281 ; sent to 
Behar, 284 ; conquers Khokhara, 
315 ; sent to Bengal, 373 ; sends 
diamonds, 379. 
Ibrahim Khan Kakar, 29. See 

Dilawar Khan- 
Ibrahim Lodi, Sultan, son of 
Sikandar Lodi, killed, 4, 58 ; 
tyranny of, 87. 
Iftikhar Khan, father of Mu'taqid 
Khan, sends rare elephant, 170 ; 
promoted for good service in 
Bengal, 177 ; joins army against 
'Usman, 209; killed in battle, 
Ihtimam Khan (Kotwal), sent to 
bring Badl'u-z-zaman to Court, 
127 ; promoted and appointed 
to the charge of the Bengal fleet, 
144 ; in expedition against 
' Usman, 209. According to the 
Iqbal-nama he had charge of 
Mir Hasan, son of Shahrukh. 
Ikhtiyaru-1-mulk, thrown from his 

horse and killed, 44. 
Ikram Khan, son of Islam Khan, 

Ilf Khan, promoted, 143, 298. 
Imam Quli, ruler of Transoxiana, 
puts Mirza, Husain, or at least 
the pretended Mirza Husain, to 
death, 127. 
'Inayat Beg, mistake for Ghiyas 

Beg, 22. 
'Inayat Khan (text has Ghiyas), 
promoted, 15S and n. 1, 199 ; 
made 'Inayat Khan, 160. 
Inju, see Jamalu-d-din Husain. 
Iqbal-nama quoted, passim. 
Iradat Khan, brother of Asaf Khan 
(Ja'far), made baklishi of Patna 

and Hajipur, 117, promoted, 
300, 372. 
Iraj, eldest son of Khankhanan, 
dress of honour sent to, 21 ; 
obtains leave from Parwiz, 180 ; 
waits on Jahangir, 190 ; given 
jewelled dagger, 192 ; styled 
Shah-nawaz Khan, 197 ; given 
sword, 204 ; sentagaintoDeccan, 
221 ; promoted, 222 ; comes to 
Court, 234 ; sent back to Deccan, 
243 : offering of, 295 ; defeats 
Malik 'Ambar, 313, etc. 
Irvine, W., quoted, 22 n. 3, etc. 
'Isa Tarkhan, Mirza, promoted, 
225, 296 ; came from Sambhal 
and honoured, 301. 
Islam, Khan, original name 'Ala'u- 
d-din, 31 ; letters from, 113, 199 ; 
sword sent to, 117, 248 ; pro- 
moted, 144, 171 ; he and his 
brother Qasim could not agree, 
147 ; presented with a lakh of 
rupees collected by him, 180 ; 
sent to Behar and to Bengal, 
in spite of objections about his 
youth, 208; made Dacca his head- 
quarters, 209 ; sends 160 ele- 
phants, 227 ; sends the elephant 
Bansibadan, 237 ; sends ele- 
phants and fifty eunuchs, 247 ; 
made officer of 6,000, 256 ; death 
and character, 257. 
Isma'il, son of Muhammad Ghaus, 

I'tibar Khan, given Gwaliorin fief, 
113 ; offering of, 282, 319 ; pro- 
moted, 372. 
I'timad Khan, of Gujarat, 429, 430. 
I'timadu-d-daula,22. See Ghiyas Beg. 
I'tiqad Khan, title of Asaf Khan, 
the father of Nur-Jahan, and 
the Asaf No. iv of Blochmann, 
260. See Abu-1-hasan. 
I'tiqad Khan, a younger brother (?) 
of Asaf No. iv, and also known 
as Shapur, 218 n. 3 ; he became 
governor of Kashmir, 319 ; his 
presents, 319 ; promoted, 320 ; 
censured for allowing prisoners 
to escape, 373. (For this I'tiqad 
see Maasiru-1-Umara, i, 180.) 

Jadrup, Sanyasi, 355, 359. 
Jagannath, Raja, son of Bihari Mai, 
dress, etc. , presented to, 16. 



Jagat Gosa'In (Jodh Bai) daughter 
of Mota Raja, mother of Sultan 
Khurram, that is Shah Jahan, 

Jagat Singh, eldest son of Man 
Singh, marriage-gift of 8, (MX) 
rupees sent to, on the marriage 
of his daughter to Jahangir, 144 ; 
father of Maha Singh, 266. 

Jagat Singh, grandson of Rana 
Amar, 296, 311, 334. 

Jagdalak, Afghanistan, 104. 

Jagman, Raja (of Dhandhera, 
Akbar-nama, trans., ii, 354) ; 
his jagir given to Mahabat 
Khan, 241. 

Jahan -ara, garden at Kabul made 
by Jahangir, 106. 

Jahandar, younger son of Jahangir, 
20; Islam Khan made his tutor, 
143 ; examined by Jahangir and 
found to be a born devotee (?), 
156. (He died unmarried. 
Apparently he is the Sultan 
Takht of Terry. ) 

Jahangir, his accession, 1 and note; 
birth, 2, 9 and n. 1 ; named 
Sultan Salim, 2 ; always called 
by Akbar Shaikhu Baba, 2 ; 
assumes title of Jahangir and 
Nuru-d-din, 3 ; fondness for 
mangoes, 5 ; Chain of Justice, 

7 ; establishes twelve Regula- 
tions, 7-10 ; drinking habits, 

8 ; forbids mutilations and 
slaughter of beasts on birth- 
day, etc., 9; coinage of, 10-12; 
releases State prisoners, 10 and 
n. 2 ; eldest child, Sultanu-n- 
nisa, 15 and n. 1 ; Khusrau, 15 
and n. 1 ; his son ParwTz, 18 ; 
other children, 19 ; abstains 
from wine on Friday eves, 20 ; 
orders names of God to be col- 
lected, 21; reads with 'Abdu-n- 
Nabi, 22 ; orders about grants 
of land and about seals, 23 ; 
favours Mirza Sultan, son of 
Mirza Shahrukh, 24 ; causes 
Abul-1-fazl to be murdered, 
24-5 ; Shaikh Bayazid's mother 
his nurse for one day, 32 ; his 
sisters, 36 ; abolishes fees on 
presents, 46 ; excuses nobles 
from making gifts, 49 ; abolishes 
transit dues, 47 ; celebrates New 
Year, 48 ; told of flight of 
Khusrau, 52 ; pursues him next 

morning, 53 ; account of Divine 
Faith, 60-1 ; advantage of acting 
on his own judgment, 68 ; estab- 
lishes free eating-houses, 75 ; 
meets his mother, 76 ; solar weigh- 
ment, 77 ; hunting, details of, 83 ; 
resolves to take Transoxiana, 

89 ; marches towards Kabul, 

90 ; monument to antelope, 90 ; 
march through Ghakkar coun- 
try, 96 ; encamps at Ali Masjid, 
and traverses Khyber, 102; has 
an elephant carved in stone, 
103 ; describes stages to Kabul, 
104-5 ; enters Kabul city, 105 ; 
visits gardens, 106 ; makes 
Jahan-ara garden, 106 ; records 
abolition of customs, 107 ; visits 
Babar's seat, 108 ; engraves 
name there, 109 ; knows Turk! 
and adds to Babar's Memoirs, 
109, 1 10 and note ; visits Babar's 
tomb, 110 ; lunar weighment, 
111 ; visits Khurram (Shah- 
Jahan) in Urta - Bagh, 115; 
arranges to leave Kabul, 116 ; 
large spider, 117 ; visits Babar's 
throne-place, 121 ; Khusrau's 
plot, 122 ; solar weighment, 
125 ; sends for names of God, 
129 ; saw mother at Dil-amiz 
Garden, near Lahore, 131 ; asks 
Jagat Singh's daughter in 
marriage, 144 ; marries her, 
145 ; aunt's death, 144 ; lunar 
weighment, 146 ; visits father's 
tomb and account of building 
there, 152 ; character of son 
Jahandar, 156 ; composes ode, 
15S ; marries Ram Chand 
Bandllah's daughter, 160 ; 
cruelty to servants, 164 ; game- 
bag, 167 ; orders about eunuchs, 
150, 168 ; black- stone throne, 
177 ; aboutdamage tocrops, 163, 
182 ; does not shoot or eat meat 
on Sundays and Thursdays, 184 ; 
dangerous tiger hunt, 185-7 ; 
does not eat fish which have 
no scales, 188 ; fishing, 188 ; 
hunting, 188 ; game-bag, 191 ; 
order to lamplighters, 203 ; 
relieves Mlr-i-'Adl and QazI 
from ceremony of prostration, 
203 ; prohibits certain practices 
of Amirs, 205 ; illness, 226 ; 
composes a couplet, 228 ; experi- 
ment on fowl, 238 ; gives money 




to Shaikh Pir for a mosque, 
241 ; walked 2 miles to Ajmir, 
253 ; visits Pushkar lake, 254 ; 
caldron for Ajmir shrine, 256 ; 
shooting at Pushkar, 264 ; ill- 
ness, 266 ; bores his ears, 267 ; 
Akbar appears to him in a 
dream, 269 ; visits Hafiz Jamal, 
269; Akbar's fondness for fruit, 
270 ; Jahdngirl ' itr, 270 ; de- 
scription of strange bird, 272 ; 
sends Rana farman bearing 
impression of his fingers, 273 
and note, 274 ; receives Sultan 
Khurram, 277 ; gifts to der- 
vishes, 279 ; resolves to go 
to Deccan, 280 ; gives name 
of Dara , Shukuh to Sultan 
Khurram's son, 282 ; receives 
Shah Jahan's offerings, 285-6 ; 
shows his skill to Kunwar 
Karan, 286-7 ; visits Ajmir 
shrine, 297 ; lights up Ana 
Sagar, 298 ; drinking habits, 
307 ; visits I'timadu-d-daulah, 
318 ; ruby and pearls, 322 ; 
account of Abyssinian elephant, 
323 ; married when prince a 
daughter of Rawal Bhim, 325 ; 
death of granddaughter, 326 ; 
his grief and . order that 
Wednesday be called Kam- 
shamba, 327 ; birth of grand- 
son, Shah Shaja'at, 328 ; puts 
railing round Mu'inu-d- din's 
tomb, 329 ; recalls Parwiz, 329 ; 
describes outbreak of plague, 
330 ; has marble statues made 
of Rana and his son, 332 ; is 
weighed, 332 ; wrestler's per- 
formances, 335 ; conversation 
about death of Saf I Mirza, 338 ; 
anecdote about a thief, 339 ; 
rides in an English (?) carriage, 
340; leaves Ajmir, 340 ; account 
of what he did there, 341 ; at 
Ramsar, 342 ; account of sdras 
birds, 343 ; hunting, 344 ; Nur- 
Jahan shoots a bird, 348 ; Persian 
melons, 350; honours I'timadu- 
d-daulah by allowing ladies to 
unveil before him, 351 ; large 
banyan-tree, 351 ; account of 
four - horned antelope, 352 ; 
executes a matricide, 353 ; 
large tamarind-tree, 353 ; visits 
Ujjain, 359 ; large banyan, 
360 ; renamed Sangor Kamal- 

pur, 361 ; tiger-shooting, 363 ; 
arrives at Mandu, 363 ; legend 
about Mandu, 364 ; game-bag, 
369 ; remits offerings by ser- 
vants, 370 ; shoots lion, 371 ; 
executes captain of the guard, 

373 ; sends cup to Shah ' Abbas, 

374 ; shoots tiger, 374 ; takes 
his turban off and gives it to 
Ghiyas Beg, 378 ; prays for 
rain, 378 ; takes omen from 
Hafiz, 381 ; visits Haft Manzar 
in Mandu, 381 ; visits.buildings, 
384 ; invents nddirl dress, 384 ; 
gives feast, 385 ; styles Thurs- 
day Mubarak-shamba, 386; wild 
plantain, 386 ; carrier-pigeons, 
387 ; receives pomegranates from 
Mecca, 391 ; receives Shah Jahan, 
and honours him, 393-5 ; opinion 
about bananas (plantains), 397 ; 
receives Shah Jahan's gifts, 
399-401 ; goes to Gujarat, 401 ; 
seedless grapes, 404 ; hunting 
and good shot, 404 ; at Dhar, 
406-7 ; orders removal of iron 
column, 407 ; ' prescribes luke- 
warm water for elephants, 410; 
describes lotus, 412 ; liking for 
rohu fish, 414 ; at Cambay, 415 ; 
on board a ghurdb, 417 ; strikes 
new coins, 418; leaves Cambay, 
419 ; describes Gujarat fish and 
vegetables, 419 ; fishes* 436 ; 
expels Sewras, . 438 ; bestows 
books on Gujarat Shaikhs, 439 : 
charities, 440 ; at Doliad, 445. 

Jahangir Quli Beg, Turkman, also 
called Jan-sipar Khan, 398. 

Jahangir Quli Khan, eldest son of 
'AzizKoka, gets title of Shamsu- 
d-din, 144 ; sent to Gujarat as 
father's deputy, 153 ; sends 
jewels, 163 ; sends silver throne, 
168 ; promoted, 279,280 ; offering 
of, 283 ; goes to Allahabad, 289, 
302 ; sent to Behar, 373. 

Jahdngirl Htr (otto of roses), 270. 

Jahangirpur, hunting-box, 90-1. 
(The Shakhopura of the maps ; 
it is also called Jahangirabad ; 
it is west of Lahore. ) 

JdH-namdz (prayer carpets), 203. 

Jaitpur, zamindar of, 389 ; par- 
doned, 391 ; comes to Court, 403. 

Jala (a raft), described, 101. 

Jalal Gakkhar, 130. 

Jalalabad mentioned, 125, 176. 



Jalalu-d-din Mas'ud, death of, and 

his mother's devotion, 141. 
Jalalu-d-din Muhammad, see Akbar. 
Jalalu-d-din, Muzaffar Hakim, 79 ; 

death and account of, 123. 
Jal napu r , Shah M urad's death at, 34. 

Jam, the, zamindar, 443. 

author of dictionary, rewarded, 
46, 58 ; sent to advise Khusrau, 
64 ; waits on Jahangir, 160-1 ; 
'Adil Khan asks for, 176 ; 
received at Bijapur, 182; report 
by, 272 ; arrives from Bijapur, 
298 ; promoted, 299, 300 ; offer- 
ing of, 317 ; styled 'Azudu-d- 
daulah, 320 ; his son, 404. 

Jamil Beg gets 7,000 rupees to 
distribute among the cavalry, 
61 (apparently the Wazlr Jamil 
of p. 17 of text). 

Jan Beg (or Khan Beg), Waziru-1- 
mulk, 20 and n. 3 ; hears of 
flight of Khusrau, 52 ; 57 ; death 
of, 136. 

Jam, Mirza, account of, 223 ; death 
at Burhanpur, 223. 

Jarric, Du, quoted, 28 n. 2, 52 
n. 1, 69 n. 1. 

Jay Singh, son of Maha Singh, 386 ; 
promoted, 389. 

Jay Singh Deo, Raja, 364. 

Jeddah, customs at, 417. 

Jesus, carving of, on a filbert, 201. 

Jharokha (exhibition window), 205, 
242, 266. 

Jhinga, insect (?), 315 and n. 2. 

Jiji Anga, mother of 'Aziz Koka, 40. 

Ji/auddr cruelly put to death, 164. 

Jilawana (bridle-money), perquisite 
of, abolished, 46 and n. 3. 

Jitmal shot by Akbar at Chitor, 45. 

Jogi and tiger, strange story, 157. 

Jogi near Pushkar, 254. 

Jugglers, 143. 

Jumna River, source of, 4. 

Jumping competition, 105. 

Jutra, a mistake for Khuzistan (see 
Addenda), 158 n. 3, 162 note. 

Kabir, Shaikh, of Shaikh Salim's 
family, 29. See Shaja'at. 

Kabul, Jahangir visits, 105 ; fruits, 

Kahdrs (bearers) hamstrung, 164. 

Kalind, hill, source of the Jumna, 4. 
Kaliyadaha, description of, 354. 
Kalyan, son of Raja Bikramajit, 

i.e. Patr Das, misconduct and 

punishment, 104. 
Kalyan, Raja, official of Bengal, 

offering of, 192 ; promoted, 199; 

governor of Orissa, 202 ; pro- 
moted and made Raja, 326 ; 

inquiry about, 389 ; pronounced 

innocent, 390, 402. 
Kalyan, Raja, of Idar, 427. 
Kalyan Ray, superintendent of 

port, Cambay, 417. 
Kama, river, 101. 
Kamal Chaudhari, 67. 
Kamal Khan, slave, died, 149, 150. 
Kamal, qaraivul (huntsman) at 

tiger-hunt, 186 ; styled Shikar 

Khan, 409. 
Kamal, Sayyid, failed to stop 

Khusrau, 59 ; distinguished 

himself in battle, 60, 64. 
Kamalu-d-din Yadgar 'All, Persian 

ambassador, 196. 
Kamil Khan, title of Khurram, 

son of 'Aziz Koka, 188. 
Kamran's garden, Lahore, 68. 
Kankriya tank, Ahmadabad, 420. 
Karam Chand, son of Jagannath, 

promoted, 156. 
Karam Sen Rathor, promoted, 291. 
Karamsi, wife of Jahangir, mother 

of Bihar Banu Begam, 19 and 

n. 3. 
Karan, son of Rana Amar Singh, 

26, 273 ; waits on Shah Jahan, 

276 (cf. Roe), 277-8 ; Jahangir 

exhibits his skill to, 286-7 ; 

receives present of 50, 000 rupees, 

287 ; gifts to, 289 ; gets leave, 

293; returns, 317; statue of, 

Kariz, near Herat, melons of, 270, 

422, 435. 
Kashmir, account of, 94, 96 ; strange 

births at, 406 ; plague in, 442. 
Kaukab, son of Qamar Khan, 

whipped and imprisoned, 171 ; 

escapes and is recaptured, 440 ; 

account of, 440-2. 
Kaukab-i-tdli', silver coin, 11 ; 

large coin (though called a 

muhr, it probably was silver) 

given to Persian ambassador, 

Keora, flower (Pandanus), 6. 
Kesho Das, son of Ray Kalah, 181. 



Kesho Das Maru, 19 n. 3 ; pro- 
moted, 21, 79, 296, 297, 390, 410 ; 
horse sent to Bengal for, 1 70. 

Ketki, flower (Pandanus), 6 and n. 4. 

Khalilu-llah, son of Ghiyasu-d-din, 
pays his respects, 131 ; account 
of, 131 ; death of, 145, 305. 

Khan 'Alam, title of Barkhurdar, 
son of 'Abdu-r-Rahman, 154 ; 
appointed ambassador to Persia, 
248 ; Shah 'Abbas allows him to 
smoke, 371 ; sends melons, 435. 
See also Barkhurdar. 

Khan A'zam, see 'Aziz Koka. 

Khan Dauran, see Shah Beg. 

Khan Jahan Lodi, original name 
Pir Khan, received title of 
Salabat Khan, 87 ; character of, 
89 ; given title of Khan Jahan, 
128 ; skill as shot, 129 ; l-aised 
to rank of 5,000, 139 ; offers to 
go to Deccan, 161 ; sent for, 
296 ; takes leave, 299 ; pro- 
moted, 372. 

Khdnt, value of coin, 96 and n. 2. 

Khan jar Khan, brother of 'Abdu- 
llah Khan Firuz Jang, pro- 
moted, 163. 

Khanjar Khan, title of Salili, 230. 

Khankhanan, see 'Abdu-r-Raliim. 

Khar, village, 98 and n. 1. 

Kharatara, Sewra sect, 437. 

Khawass Khan, jagirdar of Qanauj, \ 
death of, 328. 

KhizrKhan, late ruler of Khandesh, 
presents to, 76. 

Khizrabad, apparent source of 
Jumna, 4, 134. 

Khub-Allah, son of Shah-baz 
Kambu, promoted, 325. 

Kltfni-para (congestion of blood), 
226 and n. 1. 

Khurda conquered, 433. 

Khurram, Baba, name of Shah 
Jahan, birth of, 19 ; brought 
up by Ruqayya Begam, 48 ; 
rank of 8,000, 87 ; lunar weigh - 
ment in Urta garden, 115; 
reveals Khusrau's plot, 123 ; 
given fief, 132 ; jewels given to, 
156; marriage present of 50,000 
rupees sent to house of Muzaffar 
Husain Mirza, whose daughter 
was engaged to Khurram, 159 ; 
marriage took place, 180 ; his 
rank increased from 8,000 to 
10,000, 192 ; helps Anup Ray 
with tiger, 186 ; rank increased 

from 10,000 to 12,000, 217; 
his marriage with I'tiqad's 
daughter Arjumand Banu 
(Mumtaz-mahall), 224 and n. 2; 
makes New Year's offering, 
236 ; sent to visit Akbar's 
tomb on anniversary, 247 ; sent 
against the Rana, 256, 258, 
259, 260, 265 ; his success, 273, 
276 ; waits on Jahangir, 277 ; 
birth of son (Dara), 282 ; presents 
rare ruby, 285 ; promoted to 
equal rank with Parwiz, 288 ; 
his weighment, 306; tastes wine, 
306 ; increase of rank, 320 ; 
leaves for Deccan, 337 ; gets 
title of Shah Sultan Khurram. 
338 ; enters Burhanpur, 368 : 
given a dress, 377 ; birth of 
daughter (Rushanara), 389 ; his 
reception, 393-4 ; increased 
rank, 395 ; gives ruby, etc., 
to Jahangir, 399 ; his weigh- 
ment, 424 ; presents fruit, 

Khurram, son of 'Aziz Koka, pro- 
moted from 2,000 to 2,500, 23 ; 
appointed governor of Sorath or 
Junagadh, 155 ; gets title of 
Kamal Khan, 188. 

Khush-khabar Khan, title given to 
Shamsi, 64. 

Khusrau, Sultan, eldest son of 
Jahangir. given ;i lakh of rupees, 
12 ; his flight, 51 ; cause of 
mother's suicide, 55 ; 58 ; 59 ; 
attendants seized, 61 ; attacks 
Lahore, 62 ; defeated, 64 ; cap- 
tured, 66, 67 ; brought before 
Jahangir, 68, 70, 72; chains 
removed, 111 ; his plot, 122, 
130 ; his daughter inspected by 
Jahangir, 149 ; son born to 
him by daughter of 'Aziz Koka 
and called by Jahangir Buland- 
akhtar, 153 ; personated by one 
Qutb, 173 ; note about blinding, 
174 n. 1, 222; allowed to pay 
his respects, 252 ; forbidden to 
do so, 261 ; has a son by the 
daughter of Muqim, 321 ; made 
over to Asaf Khan, 336. 

Khusrau Beg, slave of Mirza, Khan 
('Abdu - r - Raliim), came from 
Patna and waited on Jahangir, 

Khusrau Bi Uzbeg, waited on 
Jahangir and received dress, 



etc., 206 ; appointed to Sarkar 
of Mewar and promoted, 229, 
282 ; death, 284. 

Khwaja, Muhammad Husain, the 
brother of Khwaja Muhammad 
Qasim. See Muhammad Husain 

Khwaja Beg Mirza Safawl, governor 
of Ahmadnagar, 181 ; good 
conduct, 182 ; his adopted son 
Salih, 230. 

Khwaja Jahan, title of Dust 
Muhammad, 46, 53, 57 ; makes 
offering, 167 ; ordered to make 
a house, 191 ; promoted, 217, 
219, 286, 326 ; waits on Jahangir, 
225 ; sent to make inquiries, 
231 ; his melon-bed, 241 ; 5,000 
rupees given him for distri- 
bution, 249 ; offering, 317. 

Khwaja Mir, son of Sultan Khwaja, 

Khwaja Tabut, or 'coffin Khwaja,' 
mummy of, 117. 

Khwaja Yadgar, brother of 'Abdu- 
llah Khan, receives title of 
Sardar Khan, 237 ; promoted, 

KifayatKhan, title of Mirza Husain, 
376 ; promoted, 439. 

Kishan Chand, son of Mota Raja, 
made officer of 1,000, 128. 

Kishan Chand, son of the Raja 
of Nagarkot, made a Raja, 

Kishan Das, accountant of stables, 
received the rank of 1,000, 

Kishan Singh, did good service, 
and was wounded in fight with 
Rana, 151 ; promoted, 151, 281 ; 
death of, 291-3. 

Ki*hmi(<hT, kind of grape, 5 n. 1. 

Kishwar Khan, son of Qutbu-d-din, 
governor of Rohtas, 144 ; pre- 
sented twenty - two elephants, 
165 ; promoted and made 
faujdar of Uch, 170 ; killed, 
210. See also Ibrahim Shaikh. 

Kot Tirah, 8 kos from Jalalabad, 

Kuch Bihar, two daughters of this 
zamindar who had been taken 
by Islam Khan, together with 
a son and ninety-four elephants, 
produced before Jahangir, 269 ; 
zamindar of, 443. 444. 

Kumaon, Raja of, 218. 

Lachin Qaqshal, 434. 

Lachml Narayan of Kuch Bihar, 

443, 444. 
Lahore, grapes abundant at, 5 ; 

news from, 247. 
Lakhmi Chand, Raja of Kumaon, 

brought to Court, 218. 
La'l Kalawant died, and a concu- 
bine poisoned herself, 150. 
Lala Beg, styled Baz Bahadur, 21, 

47. See Baz Bahadur. 
Lanku Pandit, envoy of 'Adil 

Khan, 162. 
Lashkar Khan, 265. See Mu'taqid 

Leyden, J., quoted, 5 note, etc. 
Lotus flowers, 412. 
Lunar weighing, 239, etc. 


Madan, blacksmith, of Mandu, 364. 

Madho Singh, brother's son of 
Man Singh, presented with flag, 
17 ; misconduct, 55. 

Maghs, brought by Hushang, 
account of, 236. 

Maha Singh, grandson of Man 
Singh, son of Jagat Singh, pro- 
moted to 2,000, 17 ; appointed 
to Bangash, and Ram Das 
made his tutor. 111 ; sent to 
Bangash, 118 ; given standard, 
168 ; sent to quell Bikramajit 
of Bandhu, 176 ; does not 
succeed Man Singh, but is 
promoted, and given Garha- 
Katanga in fief, 266 and n. 3 ; 
receives title of Raja, 297 ; 
sends elephants, 318 ; promoted, 
328 ; sons wait upon Jahangir, 
345 ; dies of drink, 377. 

Mahaban parganah assigned to 
Mahabat, 116. 

Mahiibat, title of Zamana Beg, son 
of Ghayur Beg of Kabul, pro- 
moted, 24 and n. 3 ; appointed 
to pursue Khusrau, 65 ; given 
15,000 rupees, 66 ; promoted, 
77 ; promoted to 3,000 with 
2,500 horse, 146; received robe 
of honour, etc., 147; sent for 
to Court, 155 ; brings tiger-cub, 
164 ; pays his respects, 199 ; 
promoted, 217 ; fief given to, 



241 ; prepares halting-place at 
Samonagar, 248 ; ordered to 
bring 'Aziz Koka from Udaipur, 
258 ; presents offering, 261 ; 
receives charge of Ahmad Beg, 
279 ; splendid offerings, 284 ; 
given horse, 285, 297 ; given 
presents, 299 ; pay reduced, 385 ; 
appointed to Kabul, 402. 

Mahmud, Sultan of Ghazni, 117 and 

Mahmud Kamangar, saint, Huma- 
yun's respect for, 135 and note. 

Mahtab garden at Kabul, 106. 

Maktub Khan, librarian, verse by, 

Malik 'Ambar, defeats 'Abdu-llah, 
220 ; attempt to assassinate, 
275 ; defeat of, 312, 368, 373. 

Malwa, account of, 348. 

Man, Raja, released, 301 ; loyalty 
of, 326, 336 ; killed, 361. 

Man Singh, son (originally nephew) 
of Bhagwan Das, 16 ; maternal 
uncle to Khusrau, confirmed 
in government of Bengal, 15, 
53 ; sent a dress of honour, 
75 ; built house at Hasan 
Abdal, 99 ; waits on Jahangir 
after being sent for six or seven 
times, 137 ; character, 138 
presents 100 elephants, 138 
presented with a horse, 142 
sends sixty elephants, 145 
gets leave on appointment to 
Deccan, 148 ; sword presented 
to, 155 ; summoned to Court, 
208 ; death, 266. 

Man Singh Darbari at battle at 
Ahmadabad, 43. 

Man Singh Sewra, 437-8. 

Mandu, accountof, 364-5,381, 384 ; 
storm at, 383. 

Mangli or Mankali Khan, receives 
horse and dagger, 147 ; pro- 
moted, 282, 298. 

Mangoes received from Kairana, 

Manohar Sekhawat Kachhwaha, 
son of Raja Lonkaran, Persian 
scholar and poet, 17 ; promoted, 
112, 231 ; death of, 321. 

Mansur Khan, nephew of Waziru-1- 
mulk (Jan Beg), 136. 

Manucci, quoted, 239 n. 1, etc. 

Mdrkhur (wild goat), 113. 

Maryam Makani (Hamida Banu), 
Akbar's mother, given charge of 

Shahzada Khanam, 34 ; presents 

ruby to Akbar, 409. 
Maryam-zamani,Jahangir's mother, 

Jahangir pays his respects to 

her at Dahr, 76 ; solar weighing 

takes place in her house, 78, 

230, and Parwiz's marriage, 81, 

and Jahangir's marriage, 145 ; 

sent to Agra, 401. 
Masihu-z-zaman, title of Hakim 

Sadra, 155. 
Mas'ud, son of Sa'd, poet, his 

couplet, 4 and n. 2. 
Mas'ud Beg Hamazani, promoted, 

Ma'sum,Wakil of theKhankhanan, 

brings MS., 168. 
Mathura, 54. 

Matricide, punishment of, 353. 
Maudud Chishti, styled Chishti 

Khan, 379. 
Melons, 5 ; one from near Fathpur 

weighed 33 seers, 154 ; of Kariz, 

Mihtar Khan, account of, 146 ; 

death of, 153. 
Mihtar Sa'adat, name of Pishrau 

Khan, 50. See Pishrau. 
Mir 'Ali, calligrapher, 168 and note. 
Mir 'Ali, son of Faridun, death, 

Mir Miran, son of Khalilu-llah, 304 ; 

promoted, 371 ; gifts to, 389. 
Mir Miran, son of Sultan Khwaja, 

belonging to Deccan army, 

presents ruby, 230, 388. 
Miran, see Sadr Jahan. 
Miran, Sayyid, his monument to 

his father, 436. 
Mirza, Sultan, son of Shahrukh, 

character, 120 ; came from 

Deccan, 201. 
Miyan Tutl, speech of a bird, 138. 
Mohan Das, son of Raja Bikramajit, 

Monkey, strange, 216 ; story of 

affection of a goat for young 

monkey, 445. 
Mosque of Ahmadabad, 424-5. 
Mu'arrikh Khan, title of Mulla-i- 

Taqiyya Shustari, 146. 
Mu'azzam, see Bayazid. 
Mubarak 'Arab, possessor of land in 

Khuzistan, etc., 158 and note, 

and 162 and note. 
Mubarak Khan Sazawal promoted, 

289 ; gifts to, 294. 
Mubarik Bukhari, his tomb, 436. 



Mubariz Khan, title of Shaikh 
Husain, 296 ; promoted, 298, 409. 

Muhammad Amin, Maulana, 135. 

Muhammad Beg, styled Zu-1-faqar 
Khan, 275. He is mentioned 
under this title by Sir T. Roe. 

Muhammad Beg, bakhshi, 162. 

Muhammad Hakim, uncle of 
Jahangir, his sons, 57 and n. 2 ; 
planted an apricot-tree, 116. 

Muhammad Husain, Khwaja, 
uncle of Hashim Khan, superin- 
tendent of kitchen, sent to 
Kashmir to act for his nephew, 
199 ; returns, 229 ; personal 
appearance and death of, 233. 

Muhammad Husain Chelebi, sent 
to make purchases in Persia, 

Muhammad Husain Mirza, rebel, 
40 ; put to death, 44. 

Muhammad Riza, ambassador of 
King of Persia, 374 ; death, 398. 

Muhammad Riza Sabzwari given 
20,000 rupees for distribution, 

Muhammad Shah, emperor, rein- 
stitutes Chain of Justice, 7 
n. 1. 

Muhammad Taqi, diwan, sent to 
bring 'Aziz Khan's family from 
Mandesur, 258. 

Muhr, gold(?) coin of 1,000 tolas 
weight given Yadgar 'All, 
ambassador of Persia, called 
Icaukab-i-talV , 237. 

Mu'inu-d-din Chishtl, of Ajmir, 
great saint, 1, 34, 42 n. 2, 249. 

Mu'izzu-1-mulk, Sayyid of Bakharz, 
in charge of buildings, 45 ; 
recalls Sharif, 53 ; 63 ; bakhshi, 
76; fief -holder of Nakodar, 136; 
ill and miserable, 164 ; diwan of 
Kabul, and promoted, 172 ; at 
Kabul, 197 ; came from Kabul 
with his sons, 222. 

Mukarram Khan, son of Mu'azzam 
Khan, given a flag, 256 ; his 
offering, 323 ; conquers Khurda, 

Mukhlis Khan, bakhshi of Deccan, 
149 ; punished." 382. 

Mukhlis Khan, 306. 

Mukhtar Beg, diwan of Parwiz, 16. 

Mulberry fruited at Lahore in 
December- January, 271. 

Mfdsarl, flower, 6. 

Mumiyd, bitumen, 238. 

Mun'im Khan, his house, 12. 

Munis Khan, son of Mihtar Khan, 
presents jug of jade, 146 ; pro- 
moted, 153. 

Muqarrab Khan, title of Shaikh 
Hasan, son of Shaikh Baha or 
Bhina, account of, 27 ; brings 
Daniyal's children from Bur- 
hanpur, 28, 75 ; sends Emperor 
tapestry, 144 ; sends picture of 
Timur, 153-4 and note ; brings 
curiosities from Cambay and 
Surat, 167 ; a widow complains 
against, 172 ; brings turkey, 
etc., from Goa, 215; governor 
of Delhi, 224 ; bleeds Jahangir, 
226 ; gets standard and drums, 
230 ; promoted, 231 ; presents 
of, 234 ; New Year's offering, 
237 ; sent to inquire into affair 
at Surat, 255 ; arrives from 
Gujarat, 297 ; promoted, 303 ; 
presents Abyssinian elephant, 
323 ; made governor of Gujarat, 
331 ; sends mangoes, 332 ; 
presents pearl, 415 ; 424 ; 432 ; 
has presents, 435. 

Muqlm, styled by Akbar Wazlr 
Khan, confirmed in appoint- 
ment, 13 ; made co-vizier, 20 ; 
diwan of Bengal, 22 ; dismissed, 
139 ; presents sixty elephants, 

Murad, Mirza, son of Mirza Rustam, 
styled Iltifat Khan, 298. 

Murad, Shah, second son of Akbar, 
nicknamed Pahdri, birth and 
account of, 34 ; styled Shahzada 
maghfur after death, 197. 

Murshid Quli Khan, musketeer, 
abets drinking of Sultan Daniyal, 

Murtaza Khan Dakhani, distin- 
guished fencer, receives title of 
Warzish Khan, 253. 

Mustafa Beg, ambassador from 
Persia, 282, 284; gets a Nur- 
jahani muhr, 298 ; takes leave, 

Mustafa Khan, 280 ; name of 
Ziyar'u - d - din Qazwini, which 

Mu'tamid Khan, author of the 
Iqbal-nama, 117 note; promoted, 

Mu'taqid Khan, son of Iftikhar 
Khan, distinguished in battle 
with 'Usman, 213 ; had been 



diwan of Bengal, brought 
'Usman's sons, etc., to Court, 
230 ; produced offering of 
twenty - five elephants, 230 ; 
made bakhshi, 231 ; buys house 
in Agra, his misfortunes, 235 ; 
went as bakhshi to Bangash, 
237 ; defeats Alidad Afghan, 
263-4 ; received title of Lashkar 
Khan, 265 ; offering of, 291 ; 
promoted, 303; 377; made diwan 
of Deccan, 406 ; sent to dis- 
tribute alms, 432. 

Muzaffar, Sultan of Gujarat, alleged 
son of Sultan Mali mud , originally 
Nannu, causes disturbance in 
Gujarat, 429-31. 

Muzaffar Hakim, see Hakim 

Muzaffar Tarkhan, son of Mirza 
Baqi Tarkhan, belonged to the 
Tarkhan family of Scinde, waits 
upon Jahangir, 434 and n. 2. 


Nad 'AH Maidani, 198 ; promoted, 
303, 317; offerings, 321 (the 
entry here should be ddna kish, 
marten-skins) ; death, 348. 

Nagina garden, Ahmadabad, 435. 

Najibu-n-nisa or Fakhm-n-nisa, 
sister of Muhammad Hakim and 
aunt of Jahangir, death of, 144. 

Nakodar, 135, 136 and n. 1. 

Nandanah, red deer of, 129. See 
I.G., xviii, 349. 

Nannu or Nabu, styled Muzaffar 
Khan, 429. 

Naqib Khan, of Qazwin, son of 
'Abdu - 1 - Latif , original name 
Ghiyasu-d-din, death of, 264 ; 
buried beside his wife, 265. 

Naryad, parganah in Gujarat, 415. 

Nasiru - d - din, Khalji, buildings 
made by, 354 ; evil behaviour, 
365-7, 408, 409. 

Nasru-llah, given rank of 700 with 
400 horse, 153. 

Nathu Mai, Raja of Manjholi, 79 
and n. 4 ; promoted, 296. 

Nmiras, musical compositions of 
'Adil Khan, 272 and n. 1. 

Naushahr, fort on the Kama, 102. 

Nawazish Khan, title of Sa'du-llah, 
son of Sa'id Khan, 197 ; pro- 
moted, 237, 444 ; leave to depart, 
287, 443. 

Nazar-jivi, brought Akbar news of 
Humayun's death, 38 ('jivi' 
should be ' chuli '). 

Naziri of Nlshapur, poet, 188 
(Rieu, ii, 817'*). 

New Year Feasts, 48, 85, 138, 154, 
165, 191, 206, 235, 259, 280, 
317, 370. 

News-writers, 247. 

Nilab, river (Indus), 101. 

Ndgaw, Jahangir's cruelty in con- 
nection with hunt of, 164 ; 
incident about shooting one, 189. 

Ni'matu -llah, married to Janish 
Begam, sister of Tahmasp, 131. 

Nizam, Humayun's librarian, 21. 

Nizam, Khwaja, brings pome-