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* 1931 L 



Preface vii 

Additional Cokbigenda akd Addenda to Vol. I i 

Addenda and Corbioenda to Vol. II . vii 

List of Abbbkviations xf 

Imtboduction xvii 

Afpbndix to Intboduction cxxxix 

Cai<xndab cxliv 

Note on the Wobds fob Chbistmas in thk 

Chboniclks civi 

Notes i 

Notes to Appendix - 315 

Explanation of the Index 317 

Index 319 






In the temporary pi*eface to the first volume of this work, 
issued in 1892, I stated that the appearance of the second 
Yolnme was likely to be delayed by the fact that I had under- 
taken to re-edit the Historia Ecclesiastica of Bede for the 
Delegates of the Clarendon Press. The completion of that 
edition in 1896 enabled me once more to turn my undivided 
attention to the Chronicle. The results are now laid before 
the public. 

Even from the point of view of the Chronicle the time 
expended upon Bede has not been wasted. Not only have 
I learnt to understand better, than I otherwise should have 
clone, the relation in which the Chronicle stands to Bede, but 
in many less obvious ways the experience and knowledge gained 
have redounded to the advantage of the present work; and 
many points, which would otherwise have had to be discussed 
at length, have been disposed of by a simple reference to the 
pages of my Bede. 

The Texts and Qlossabt. 

The plan of this work aims at reproducing the MSS. as 
nearly as possible ; and with this object all the texts have been 

* Thii Preface, and the Intro- Note to Vol. I, which was of a 
duciion which follows, are to be purely temporary and provisional 
taken as cancelling the Prefatory character. 


collated afresh. I can honestly say that I have spared no pains 
to make the texts as correct as possible. But I have so ofteu 
discovered errors where I had thought that everything was 
correct, that I dare not assert that none such have escaped me. 
Some additional various readings, chiefly from Wheloc's edition 
of the burnt MS. A, are given in Appendix C. Of these a few 
are of considerable importance. 

The plan of this edition of course precluded any idea of 
normalising the texts. I have however in the Glossary carefully 
marked the length of the syllables, and distinguished late and 
abnormal foims by enclosing them in round brackets. 

In the Glossary I have aimed at giving not only every word, 
but every form which occurs in the two MSS. H and E here 
printed in full. So that in regard to them the Glossary will, 
I believe, be found to be a complete register of all variations. 
In the case of the other MSS. from which merely extracts are 
given, only the principal forms are registered in the Glossary ; 
minute variations of spelling, &c., being, as a rule, ignored. 
As however all passages in which the other MSS. vary to any 
important extent from 'R and E have been embodied either in 
the text or in the critical notes, it is believed that the Glossary 
will afiPord a tolerably complete measure of the Anglo-Saxon 
historical vocabulary as represented by the Chronicles. 

The arrangement of the Glossary was a matter of no slight 
mechanical difficulty, because it had to be compiled fix)m texts 
varying considerably in date and place of origin. The actual 
plan is due to practical considerations; and that form was 
adopted as the type which would enable the greatest number 
of the words occurring in the texts to be brought together 
without alteration. Hence where the orthography of the two 
texts differs, the rather late forms of E have been taken as 
the type in preference to the occasionally archaic forms of "K, 
The system thus resulting from a balance of convenience has, 
I hope, been carried out with consistency. Further details as to 
the aiTangement of the Glossary will be found in the explanatory' 


note which precedes it, which the reader is advised to consult 
carefully before making use of the Glossary. 

For the Glossary I have naturally made constant use of 
the new Bosworth-Toller Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, also of 
Mr. Sweet's Anglo-Saxon Header, the glossary to which 
contains an exceUent selection of words. Grein's monumental ^ 
Sprachschatz der angelsachsischen Dichter has also been of 
the greatest service, especially for the poetical passages in the 

A word must be fcaid as to the punctuation. Here, too, 
I have endeavoured to mark the peculiarities of the MSS. The 
only stops which occur in the MSS. are as a rule the point 
either on or above the line (.) (*), the iuvei-ted semicolon (t), and 
the peculiar stops which occur in MS. A, represented in the 
text approximately by (r) and (:,). All these have been 
retained; stops not in. the MSS. are represented by commas 
and semicolons. In a few instances, so few that they might 
I think be counted on the fingers of one hand, tlie colon and 
semicolon do occur in the MSS.; here t)ie colon has been 
retained, the semicolon has been inverted. 

The text of "R has been considerably interpolated. In a few 
cases these additions are in good and fairly early hands. Such 
passages are printed in smaller type, but not in italics. The 
bulk of these interpolations, however, are due to a hand of the 
end of the eleventh or beginning of the twelfth century, and 
are given in small italics. 

Letters or words wanting in any MS., and supplied from 
other sources, are enclosed in square brackets. 

Passages in F which are enclosed in round brackets are in 
the HS. insertions on the margin or above the line. In many 
cases it b very difficult to determine whether they are by the 
same hand as the text or a diflferant one. 

In other cases words or letters inserted by the scnbe of the 
text above the line are marked by convergent dashes, e.g. 
for^S^'ferde, 983 £. It seemed worth while to mark these 


cases, as they often appear to indicate a difference between 
phonetic and historical spelling. The scribe first spelt the 
word as he pronounced it, then his eye told him that some- 
thing was wrong, and he inserted the missing letter above 
the line. 

The expansion of contractions is indicated in the usual way 
by italics. A few contractions have been left unexpanded, 
partly because of their frequent occurrence, but still more 
because it was impossible to be sure what was the exact form 
which the scribe had in his mind. A list of these unexpanded 
contractions precedes the Glossary. 

In looking back at the texts, issued now more than seven 
years ago, I naturally find many things which seem to me 
capable of improvement; a fact to which the long list of 
Addenda and Corrigenda to Vol. I bears abundant testimony. 
I would also call attention to the Addenda to Vol. II, some 
of which are of considerable importance; I would instance 
especially the note on the York succession, p. ix. But the 
chief improvement that I desire is the very radical one of 
substituting a six-text for a two-text edition of the Chronicle. 
I have dwelt on this subject in the Introduction ; and in writ- 
ing the Notes, and still more in writing the Introduction, 
I have felt the disadvantage of having to make statements 
which my own pages do not afford complete means of verify- 
ing. Nor will a reference to Thorpe's edition always serve the 
turn ; for Thorpe is sometimes incorrect, and sometimes incom- 
plete. So, if my statements are not always borae out by his 
texts, I trust that my critics will not assume as a matter 
of course that I am wrong. 

The Tntkoduction. 

In the Introduction I have given an account of the existing 
MSS. of the Chronicle, and have endeavoured to show their 
mutual relations; to trace how under Alfred's guiding hand 


a national Chronicle was evolved ont of the various local and 
partial Chronicles previously existing, and how this Chronicle 
of Alfred's became in turn the stock from which our existing 
Chronicles, and many others now lost, branched off in various 
directions. In all this there is a great deal which I fear is 
very technical, and much which must remain theoretical. But 
I venture to hope that I have cleared up some things which 
were dark before; and my views have often derived most 
welcome confirmation from the unexpected way in which th^y 
fitted into one another. I have endeavoured to work out this 
part of my subject as independently as possible. In this way 
I have sometimes come to differ from my dear friend and 
teacher, Professor Earle. He will, I know, forgive me, if 
I have sometimes seemed 'to lay hands on my father Par- 

The Notes. 

The Notes of this edition are historical rather than philo- 
logical ; and in this respect among others they differ from those 
of Professor Earle. The reason is partly that my own studies 
have lain more in the field of history than in that of philology ; 
partly that the publication of the Bosworth -Toller Dictionary, 
and the fuller details given in my own Qlossaiy, rendered dis- 
cussions as to the meaning of words less necessary. In the 
Notes also I hope that I have been able to clear up some 
difficulties and obscurities. I would venture to point to the 
note on the events which followed the death of Cnut, as an 
instance of what may be gained merely by a more careful 
interrogation of the Chronicle itself. I regret that in many 
cases I have had to differ from Mr. Freeman; and in such 
cases I have not shrunk from expressing my difference plainly. 
Mr. Freeman's historical works hold a deservedly high position, 
and mistakes in them call more urgently for correction than 
those of lesser men ; and one who was so frank in criticising 


others should not, I think, wish to be exempt from criticism 
himself. He ruled with undoubted sway over a wide historical 
empire ; it is not to be wondered at if those whose work is con- 
fined within narrower frontiers should discover flaws in what he 
did in their special field. On sonie of these points I am sanguine 
enough to think that I might have convinced Mr. Freeman; 
for instance, with reference to the events alluded to above, 
which followed the death of Cnut. As to others, I know that 
he would have had much to say to me, had he lived ; od n &v, 
olfuuy (0 ^tXc, ciircp yc 6 rrarrip tov er€pov /jlvOov Ifi; [aTrcoAcro], 
&XXa iroXXa av ^/u,wc* vvv 8c 6p(f>ay6v avrov ^/icis TrfxnnfXaKi^ofiev 
(Plato, Theaet., p. 164 E). But often, especially in the later 
portions of the Chronicle, I have been content simply to refer 
to Mr. Freeman's Norman Conquest, or his Heign of William 
RufuB, because I found that I had nothing to add to what 
he had already said. 

The other books which I have chiefly used will be evident 
from the references given in the Notes. But though I have 
learnt much from many fellow-workers, I have always tried to 
form an independent judgement of my own from a study of the 
original authorities. 

The Index. 

The Index has been made as complete as possible. The plan 
on which it is constructed is sufficiently explained in the note 
which precedes it. 


A word must be said as to the vexed question of the spelling 
of proper names. My rule has been a rough and ready one. 
Where the name is still a living one among us I spell it iii 
the modem way ; where that is not the case, I spell it in the 
normal West-Saxon manner. Thus I write Alfred, Athelstau, 
Cuthbert, Edgar, Edmund, Edward, Edwin, Egbert, Ethelbert ; 
but iElfwold, iEthelric, Berht, Eadnoth, &c. No doubt this 


leads to inconsistency, but anything is better than pedantry 
in dealing with the great names of English story ; and in the 
Explanation of the Index I have shown that even if we 
limit ourselves to the oldest part of the oldest MS. of the 
Chronicle, we do not arrive at -uniformity. In the same way, 
where a Saxon place-name has no modem equivalent, or the 
identification of it is doubtful, I retain it in its Saxon form, 
speaking of Brunanburh and Cealchythe. Mr. Freeman him- 
self does not talk of Eoferwic or Exanceaster. 

In this connexion I may perhaps also record my 'sincere 
impenitence ' for the use of the term Anglo-Saxon. A word 
which is good enough for an historian like the Bishop of 
Oxford, and a philologist like C. M. W. Grein, is quite good 
enough for me. 

Qbatiabum Acno. 

But I must not close this Preface *■ on a discord.' Here, as 
elsewhere, I would express prospectively my gratitude to all 
who shall privately or publicly correct any mistakes into which 
I may have fallen ; and then I would pass on to pay my thanks 
to those without whose help this work would have been even 
more imperfect than it is. The information derived from 
learned friends on special points is acknowledged in the 
proper place. But there are some who must be mentioned 
more particularly here. In the first place I must thank 
Professor Earle, to whom I owe my original introduction to 
Anglo-Saxon studies, for the generosity with which he con- 
sented to the re-casting of his work by a younger hand, and 
not less for untiring help and sympathy throughout the work. 
Professor Earle further placed at my disposal much manuscript 
material which he had collected with a view to a new edition. 
Where I have directly made use of this, or of his printed 
edition, I have endeavoured to acknowledge the debt on each 
occasion. In cases where that has not been possible he will 
accept this general expression of my gratitude. 


I must thank Professor Napier, who has for this, as for the 
smaller edition, most kindly read the proofs of the Glossary, 
and made very many useful corrections and suggestions. He is 
not, however, in the slightest degree responsible for the general 
arrangement and execution of the Glossary. 

I must thank the Reverend J. T. Lang, M.A., Fellow and 
Tutor of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, who, when I went 
to Cambridge to collate the Parker MS., received me, a perfect 
stranger, as if I had been an old friend. To his hospitality 
and kindness, and that of his colleagues, I owe many pleasant 
associations. It is a matter of genuine satisfaction to me that 
my first real experience of Cambridge life should have been in 
connexion with the College which bears the same name as 
my own. 

Mr. G. F. Warner, of the MS. Department of the British 
Museum, gave up more of his valuable time than I like to 
remember to the task of helping me to solve the various palaeo- 
graphical problems connected with the four Cottonian MSS. of 
the Chronicle. For this help, and for the confidence which 
it afforded me, I cannot be too grateful. 

In this, as in other works, I am greatly indebted to 
Mr. Horace Hart, M.A., and the staff of the Clarendon Press 
generally, for the skill and patience with which they have 
carried out a difficult and tedious task. The car^ and attention 
with which the proof-sheets have been read have saved me from 
many slips and inconsistencies. 

One to. whom I would so willingly have paid the glad tribute 
of my thanks has passed beyond the reach of human gratitude. 
If I have in any way been able to illustrate the language and 
history of our Saxon forefathers from those of their Scandi- 
navian kinsmen, I owe it to my late friend and honoured 
master, Gudbrand Yigflsson. Those who knew him will not 
need to be told how much better this part of my work would 
have been done could I have continued to draw, as, while he 
lived, his friends could always draw, on the rich and well- 


ordered stores of his reteuiive mernoiy. He was one of those 
who most encouraged me to undei-take the present work, and 
be died while the first sheets of it were passing thi-ough the 
press. I cannot close this Preface without recording once more 
my admiration for his simple and noble character, and my sense 
of the great loss which his death inflicted, not only on 
Scandinavian, but also on English studies. 

CoBFCS Ghbibti Oolueoe, Ozpobd, 

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CXI /+«^n-<^ Vy.. ^ ;/ 

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V:XXW' Ct-vvwriO 

l]p^ oM'hh ^JL^ ir^-'^ -hv^^jfyuuH ^ "} n^^y^ffzlsL XiiiJ ^^«^ 


pp. vii. ff. Thii temponrj Preface ii now gupeneded by the Pre&oe 
and Introduction contained in Vol II. 
p. 5, L 6. abidan] gebfdan D, anbidian F. 
1>. 7. 30 E. gefiillod] gefnlwad, B, C. 

— 33 E. fnunan] frymCe, B, C. 
p. 8. 167 3. lUfas] bocstafas, C. 

— 48 F. This entry ought to have been placed at the foot of p. 7. 
p. 10. 409 a. For • jMEt • read ' t.* 

p. 16. 530 S. Wihtgamsbyrff] -gara-, B, C ; -garesbyri, F. 

p. 17, note 7. Add : * " Searoburh " without ** ©t," B, C 

p. 18, note I. Add : ' and so W, showing that it was originally in £.* 

— note la. Add: 'Mac, W.' 

p. 19. 568 E. Cu]»a] Ceawlines broker, F add. 

p. 20. 593 jRs Woddeibeorge] Woddnesbeorlige, W. 

p. 31. 601 E. Paulinos bisoop] >e syOCan, F add. (above the line). 

— note 3. Add : < and so W., showing that it was so originally in S.* 
p. 3 a. 619 F. This entry ought to have been placed on p. 34. 

p. 34. 633 X. was] weart;, B, G. 

p. 36.' 635 X. For ' gefulwad ' read ' g«-.* The words * from . . . 
Dovoe- ' are written on an erasure. 

— 639 X. Cu9red] Cu9red king, B, C. 

— 640 a. The latter part of the interpolation is on the lower margin. 

— 644 X. se was »roebis8 on] se 9e wses arcebisoeop asr on, B, C. 

— 645 X. Cenwalh] Kenwealh king, B, C. 

— note 5. For < fosten ' read ' Easter testen.' 
pw 37. 644, 645 E. These dates agree with B, C. 

pw 38. 648 X] 647 B, C. The words 'was . . . Cyneg-* are written 
on aaerasoie. 

— ^&h ^B^> ^53 3- ^c*® ^^M H'^ ^^^ ^» C* 
IL b 


p. a8. 648 F. After thii iniert : ' 650 F. Her foi^ferde Birinus se 
biscop, 7 JBgebertuB se Frencisca wm gehadod.' 

— 648 *. iii- J^asendo londes] iii [iii, C] hfda landei, B, C. 
P- 33* ^h1 ^* ^^ oxi^t to stand at the foot of p. 38. 

p. 34. 675 S. Thii annal is omitted by B. 

p. 38. 686 S« ' Gead- * on erasure. . 

p. 40. 688 a. For * and ' read * 7.* 

p. 41. 693 £. For < Brihthelm ' D reads < Dryhthelm/ rigbtly ; «. note 
€id loc. 

p. 43. 710 E. For ' Hygebald * D reads ' Sigbald/ and this is oonfirmed 
by Gaimar ; v. note ad loe. 

p. 45, note 13. For ' against all the other MSS.' read * D has M6eJbald, 
rightly/ The entry being a Northern one is only in D and E. 

p. 47, last line of text, be eodon] ymbeodan, B. 

p. 49, 1. 1, ser] % B. 

p. 51. 766 E. xxivi] xxxvii, D. 

— For ' xxxiii * read * xxziiii.* 

— 768 £. After * xiiii ' insert the reference 1 3 to note. 

p. 53. 779 £, I. 4. was gebalgod] wsbs aer gehalgod, D ; «. note ad loe. 

p. 55. 788 £. Pincanheale] Wincan-, D. 

p. 56. 796 ♦. Ceolwulf] Cynulf, B, C, rightly ; «. note ad loe. 

— note I. Correct this in accordance with ii. 62. 

— note 3. pycan] So also it was read by Junius. 

— 798 Fy L 5. unfor[broeno]d] Junius' collation shows that the true 
reading is < nnforrotted.' 

p. 57. 795 E. hancred] hancrode, D. 

p. 60. 833 X, L 3. For * Ecbryht * read * Eogbryht/ 

P* 64- S53 Sf ^ I- '^^^ interpolator, haying overlooked the little ' bied* 
above the line, inserts a big ' b«don * after ' wiotan.' 

pp. 67, 68. 860*. Osric] Wulfheard, B, C ; v. note ad loe. 

p. 68. 860 S. Erasures in X at the top of f. 13 b. 

p. 73. 874 Ey L 4. cyricaa] mynstre, F. 

p. 79, note 9. For ' vocabatur * read * uoc-.* 

p. 80. 887 X, 1. I. 'up )>urh ' on erasure. 

p. 81. 887 £, 1. II. 7 [0>a] >a to] The true correction of the text is 
' 7 Oda to.* The scribe omitted the O, and turned 'da ' into *9a.' The 
mistake is common to D and E. 

p. 84. 893 S, L 5. od] cc, B, C, D. 

p. 91. 901 £. gefor] gefortyferde, F. 

— 898 X. Heahstan] Ealhstan, B, C, D. 

pp. 97, 99, heading. I have shown in the Introduction, $ 73, that D 
would be more correctly described as the Evesham MS. 
p. 105. 934 D, 1. 5. For ' 0&^' read * of[er] s^*; v, note ad loo, 
p. 1 10. 942 a. Read ' [Her forO ferde Wulflielm] aroebisceop.' 


p. 112. AgainBt the vacftnt annal 953 something has been inserted in 7L 
and then ensed. With t 38 a, a new hand begins in S. 
p. 113. 959 B. West seaxum] Weesexam, C. 
p. 115, L 8. misdsda] -de, D, rightly. 

— ]. 9. nnsida] -de, D, rightly. 

p. 119. 971 B. The (fa/0 is not in B, bnt is taken from C. 

— Eadredes] Eadweardes, C, wrongly. 

— note 4. After B, C insert * ae.' 

p. laa. 976 C Insert the marginal reference ' f. 143 a.* 

— 977 ^9 ^^ 7- After ' noiff healfe ^ insert a stroke, and place in the 
maigin the reference * 1 143 b.' 

p. 133. 979 E, 1. 35. 7 smeagnnga] 7 heora s., D. 

p. 136. 990 C. This entry should have been placed on p. 1 25. 

p. 138, L 10 from bottom. For 'wearde' we should parfaapt read 
' waoroe * ; cf. the Latin yersion, i. 385 : * Bomano opere ' ; and the AS. 
version of Bede, H. E. i. 33 : ' ealde R6mSaiBce weoroe.' 

— 1.3 from bottom. For • Xtes ' tcmI ' Xpes.' 
p. 131, note I. Add * Penwi«, a' 

p. 134. The entries from S shonld be on p. 136. 

p. 136. 1006 E, 1. 6. se Denisca] So F ; se mida, G, D. 

p. T43, note 5. For < X^ntatb ' read ' XfSnUtis.' 

p. 144, 1. 15. e)ieltBge] -gam, C, D. 

p. 146. 1016 E. dx* scipa] Only in E, F ; v. note ad Ice, 

p. 147. 1016 D, E. Sorobbecbyrig] ScrobsBton, C. 

p. 148, L 7. ofisloh] ' ffuroh Eadrices nsd ealdonnannes,' adds C ; e. 
note a. I, 

p. 150, 1. 5. After ' Lundene ' insert the reference 3 to note. 

p. 153, 11. 6, 7. Godwine ealdoiman] 'on lindesige,' adds C. 

p. 163. IQ41 E, 1. 10. For ' iElf [sine] * read ' .£lf[sige].' 

p. 173, 1. 6. be weg[e] ] These two words are inserted on the margin, 
with a mark of insertion after < tXSt* 

p. 177, margin. For <▲. D. 1053 ' read < A.D. 1048.* 

p. 184. 1054 B* ^^^ 'mare* read < Mare.* 

p. 1 87. 1056 D. The letters ' ke- ' have got shaken out at the end of line 5. 

p. 303. Dele the note ; v. note ad Ice. 

p. 317, L. 16. For 'rest' read * reft.* 

p. 330, L 33. For ' Manncynn' read * mann-.' 

p. 374, 1. 6. For * biytene* read • Brytene.' 

p. 393, L 4. For < Walkelmos ' read ' Walkelinua.* 

p. 393. The information here given as to the West Saxon genealogy 
fJioald be supplemented by what is stoted, ii. 1 ff., by the notes on a. D. 
167, 409, and by Introduction, p. xcyiii. 

p. 300 K ' &.dilfan ' should oome before ' fi-drinoan,' and ' H-ebUan ' after 



p. 304 ^ < a-g^anea ' ihould oome before ' agen/ 

p. 304 h. E-lysan] After (3) insert • vh, ».' 

p. 307 ^ • Effum * should oome before ' a-)>ystiiaiL* 

p. 309 *• be-fissUn] For ' 893A ' read * 894A.' 

p. 31 a*, fbetan] Dele the dagger. 

p. 31 3*. binnan*] After * within* insert « 867*/ 

p. 313^ bisoop-rfoe] Add : ' in 1 100 it means episcopal church, cathedral.' 

p. 314*. Before ' bod ' insert an additional article : 
b6c-steBf, 9b,m,Ur, a letter ; cf. hudffiaU, in pi, -sta&s, a letter, epistle, 
167C, Addenda. 

p. 314^ br€dan] Dele the reff. to 189D, E, F, and insert after bredan 
two additional articles : 

breden, adj. made of board. 189F. 
bred-weall, sb.mMr. a wall of board. 189D, K 

P* 315^* b6gean] After * 890* * insert ' bGgude. D.' 

p. 3I9^ cumpseder] % joint godfather. 

p. 323* diel] Line 4, for ' be dliee * read < be d£le.' 

p. 334^ dugu9] After ' wrongly mtuc* add ' so 6a6£.' 

p. 337^ gast-rfoe] Add ' 89SE.' 

p, 3a9». eow. Sower] Dele • eower.' 

p. 339^. ' fiedera' should precede ' fieder-cynn.* 

p. 331*. fenn] After < M. 375 ' insert ' 893A. (fenne) 893E, doubtful 

P- 343** ge-feohtan] After < 658E' insert <»to gain by fighting, pjtg. 
gefeaht. 1016K p. 15a.' 

P* 344^« ge-harsian] After ' 876A' insert * (-sade) £.' 

— 'ge-htwian ' should precede ' ge-horsian.* 

P- 345^* ge-l£dan] Dele 't. e. died,* and v. note ad loc. 

p. 346**. 'ge-myntan ' should precede ' ge-n^l£oan.* 

P> 353** ge-wundian] The ref. * 894A. p. 86 t ' should be transposed to 
after <.dod. E.' 

p. 353*. gr»fe]. Read * gr£fe,' and correct this article in aooordanoe 
with note ad loc,, ii. 78. 

p. 355*. h&dian] For ' heafden ' read * heafde.* 

— tbaefte-clomm] After 'dot: insert *pi: 

P- 355^- h£>en] Last line but one, for '851 A' read* 871A'; and 
add at end of article ' < -Jmum. 838A.* 

p. 356^ h&n-cr€d] Add 'dat -cr^de D * (v. Addenda). 

p- 358^ healdan] Line 14, after ' peace, Ac.,* read ^p.pLiubf. healden. 
963 E.' 

p. 363» hold-iff] For « 1083 ' read • 1085.* 

p. 363*. hunger] For '975A. p. i3ob. 977E,' read *975*. pp. 120, 
lai 1.' 

p. 363^ < hwenne ' should precede 'hw^r.* 


p. 370^. For 'lyft' rcMl • lyft.' 

p. 37a*. mann-cynn] For ' the ' read * a* ; and after ' 1014B * inaert 
' 1086 p. 2ao 1.' 
p. 374\ midd] After 'June 34' read ' 898A. 885 A. -dan. £.* 
P* 37^^* 1- 5- After < Cathedral and ' insert < New Minster, afterwards.' 

— m^ran-h^afod] loioE. v, note ad loc, 

p. 577^ neah, (m2;.] After < last ' insert * nfehst. 878A. nShst E. 
pp. 76, 77 h.' 

— n^ah, adv.'] Dele ' 878A. n^t. E.* 

p. 378^ nortJ, adj,] For * ih. A' read *9I3A.' 

p. 38I^ For * oft-rsd-lTce* read ' oft-rjid-.' 

p. 383*. ' o)»-fleon * should oome after ' 68er, eonj.^ in 383^ 

— 6^r, pron.adj.d^sb.'] Line 3, read ' another. 8a 7 A. (<$)wr) E'; and 
in line 13, for * s^* read ' Sfo.' 

p. 385^ rest] Dele the ref. * 1085 p. 217 m.' 

p. 386^ After ' rGm ' insert an additional article : 

ryfi, rift, reft, 4b.m.8tr. a veil ; onfeng h&lig reft, ^ took the monastic 

Teil, X085 P- 317 m. ; v. note ad loe. 
p. 388*. sceg9] For < 1009 * read ' 1008.* 
p. 389^ se] Line 9 from bottom, for ' 887* ' read ' 887 A.* 
p. 391*. secgan] Line 13, after ' s£de ' insert ' 901 A.' 
p. 396^ snnn] After < pauim * insert ' sima. 9a4A.' 
p. 398\ fswtn] Dele the dagger, 
p. 398^ 1. 4. For ' 874 ' read ' 874*.' 
p. 399^. After ' tetrarche ' insert an additional article : 

Theophanie (foreign word, eco^cSycia), Epiphany. 11 18 p. 348. 
p. 399^ tilian] This whole article needs recasting, thns : 

talian, wk,v. (i) to strive for, procare, gain (with gen, of thing gained, 

«uid dot. of person for whom it is gained) ; p^ff. tilode. X006E. p.pL 

tilodon. 1016E p. 150 m. tiledan. D. tup. t5 tylienne. 1053E p. 178 h. 

(ii) with gen. of reflexive pron., to gain one's own living, provide for one- 

fielf ; pre$ hiera til(i)gende. 876*. (iii) with aec. or absoU to till. 

1097. tilede. 1137 p* 365 h. p.p. tiled, tb. p. 364 1. tup. t5 

tlliaone. 109a. 

— tfdian] For ' ib. ad init.' read < 963E ad inU.' 
p. 401^ . Dele the article ' trega.' 

— Before ' tresor ' insert additional article : 

ticaon (foreign word), treason. 1135. v. note ad lae. 
p. 403% U 39. For ' Onr innas) ' read ' >^(inn»).* 

— 1.37. Dele 'p. 86 L' 

— 1. 43. For ' 817 ' read '917/ 

p. 405^ 8es] Lines 3, 3, transpose the ref. ' 995F ad init* after ' 637 E.* 
p. 407^ ad ptd. For ' nnfor[bro8Do]d * read < nnforrotted.' The mean- 
ing is, however, the same. 


p. 4IO^ Gte] At end of article add '9i8A« 915D.* 

p. 41 a^ weard, «&.] Prefix a dagger. 

— wearde] 995F. p. 1 28 L v. Addenda ad loc, 

p. 4x3. ' weortfo * Bhoald oome after < weortfan.* 

p. 4I4^ After ' wer, a weir/ insert additional article : 
wer, 9b mMr, a man, ^, wera. 457 A. 

p. 414^. Dele the ardde ' westre.' 

p. 41 5^ willan] Lines 14-17 need recasting, thus :, woldon. 894A. p. 85. I046*£. ft fq. sidj, woldon, wolden. 
874*. naoldon. 878A (with verb of motion nnderstood, and so fq.) ; 
woldan. 946 A« In line 18, for ' wolde* read ' nolde.* 

p. 41 8\ wrecan] After ' wreak ' insert ' punish.' 

p. 4I9^ ymb-Gtan] After ' 894 ' insert * A.* 





p. zxvi, 1. 30. Of these earlier interpolatioiif 870, 890, 995 refer to 
Cftnterbnrj. If therefore we oould determine the date at which these entries 
were made, we oonld fix more precisely the date at which the MS. was 
trmnsferred to Oanterbnry ; of. p. zcvii. 

p. 4, note I. The printed text of Florence does not give a correct 
impression as to his deduction of the West-Saxon pedigree from Adam. 
In the oldest MS. (0. C. C. Oxon. clvU) the descent from Adam to Noah 
is tnoed in the usual way. Then ffjur sons are given to Noah : (i) Sem ; 
(a) 8tih^ Saxaniee Soeaf; (3) Cham ; (4) lapheth. It is this Seth son of 
Koah, not Seth son of Adam, who is the father of Bedwig. All therefore 
that Florence has done is to give Sceaf an alternative and more biblical- 
looking name. 

— note a. For the descent of the Gothic kings from Geat, see C. P. B. 
i. 413; cf. ib. ii. 460, 487. 

p. I a. 495*. Cf. also the Certic, king of Elmet, in Kennlus, § 63. 

p. T4. 547**. The conclusions of this note are emphatically confirmed by 
Z.N.V.,pp. 98, 99, 307. 

p. 17, U. 1 1 -1 3. On Femmail and his kingdom, cf. Z. N. V., pp. 63, 
67, 71. 

p. a6, 1. II. Add: 'C. P. B. i. 433, 434.' 

p. 32, 1. 15. For Ceaster i- Winchester, ct ii. 157. 

p. 58, 1. I. ' Teutonice.* The MS. of this document has recently been 
rediscovered and reprinted in M. H G. 4to : Epistolae Aeui Carolini, 
ii 30 ff., from which it appean that the true reading is ' Theodisce/ which 
is the earliest known instance of the use of that term to denote a language. 
Se« Dr. Dove*s article in the Sitzungsberichte of the Munich Academy 
for 1895, pp. 333 ff. I owe these references to the Bishop of Oxford 
through the Rev. W. Hunt. From the same document it appean that 
Aleuin was present at the Northern Synod. 

p. 58, bottom line. VigflUson and Powell, following Sir H. Howorth, fix 
tlie coming of the Northmen to 793, C. P. B. ii. 3. 

pi 59, L I. On the various names for the Scandinavian invaders, and 
11m quarters whence they came, see Maurer, Bekehrung d. norwegischen 
Stsmmes, i. 48 ff. 

— 1. 34. Maurer, u. s, i. 66, is in favour of Hdrtfaland. 

p. 65, 1. 33. After 559 add : ' cf. 800 F Lat., i. 59, note 10.* 
p. 67, 803 E. Ecgberht] If the dates given in E were correct, the 
i of Egbert would precede the death of Higbald ; which, though 


not impoesible, is unlikely. S. D. however dntes the death of Higbald viii 

Kal. lun. (May 35) in the ninth year from the * depopulation * of Idndit- 

farne (79$), t. e. 80a ; and this is probably right, i. 5a. 
p. 70, 1. 34. For * Cridiautreow ' read * Criodan- or Creodantreow.* 
p. 74, 1. 6. After ' pallium ' insert : * He occurs however regularly in the 

list of archbishops in 995 F, i. 130.' 
p. 85, 1. a6. After *SS. I in ' insert: 'C. P. B. ii. 339.' 
p. 87, 1. 5. Add : 'cf. C. P. B. U. 340.' 
p. 90, 1. 4 from bottom. After ' 31 1 * insert : ' C. P. B. i. 4aa.* 
p. 91 . After line 5 from bottom insert : ' 8 76 £. Bollo] Cf. G. P. B. ii.493.' 
p. 93, 1. 1 1 from bottom. On the raven banner, cf. also Maurer, u, 9, 

>• 555. 

p. 1 30, 1. 1 1. After ' annal ' insert : ' Possibly also Ann. Camb. 943 
refers to the same person: ''ludgual et filius eius Elized a Saxonibns 
oodduntur." ' 

p. 1 35 1 1* 8 from bottom. Dacre, where W. M. places the submission of 
the Soots and Stratholyde Britons, is identified by many with the 'set 
Eamotum ' of the Chron. ; cf. Bamsay, Foundations of £!ngland, i. 383. 

p. 136. After the first paragraph insert: '926 D. Huwal West Wala 
cyning] It is commonly assumed, e.g. H. ft S. i. an ; Green, C. R 
p. 220, that the Howel of this annal in Howel the Good; but the hct 
that he is called king of the West Welsh, i.e. Cornwall, makes this very 
doubtful. Sir J. Ramsay, indeed, says, " West Wealas muet mean Dyfed," 
Foundations of England, i. 28a. But I know no parallel ; and W. M. 
expressly says that Athebtan made a campaign against Cornwall, i. 148 ; 
and if two doubtful charters may be trusted, K» C. D. No. iioi ; Birch, 
Nos. 663, 664, he spent Easter 928 at Exeter, one of the signatories being 
" Howel subregulus." It is quite possible that there was aO>mi8h prince 
named Howel contemporary with the better known Welsh monarch.' 

p. 137, 11. 10, II from bottom : * Adalolfus comes . . . propinquus ei . . . 
erat.* He was Count of Boulogne, and Abbot of St. Bertin ; fNov. 13, 933, 
Art de Y^rif. ii. 761. He was a relative, 'propinquus,' of the English 
royal family, as being the son of Baldwin II of Flanders and JSlfthryth, 
daughtar of Alfred the Great. 

p. 140. After the first paragraph add: 'The famous Icelander Egil 
Skallagrimson fought on Athelstan's side, C. P. B. i. 266 ; cf. ib. ii. 575.* 

— 1. 16 from bottom. Add : ' Sir J. Ramsay also advocates an eastern 
site, Bourne, in Lincolnshire, Foundations of England, i. 285 ff.' 

p. 148, second paragraph. Yryc] Others take this to be Eric Blood- 
Axe, son of Harold Harfiiger, who was expelled from Norway ; so S. C. S. 
»• 359, 360. 363» 364; Robertson, E. K. S. i. 74, 80; C. P. B. i. 359, 
532-536; Maurer, Bekehrung, &c., i. 135, 171; but the whole thing 
is very obscure ; cf. Green, C. £. p. 290. Certainly the account in Heims- 
kringla, i. 127 ff., cannot be harmonised with English history. 


pp. 149, 150, 160, 176. The chronology of Wolfstui and Ofloytel as 
archbishops of York is somewhat difiBcult to make out. Acoording to 
Stnbbs, £p. Sncc. p. 15 ; ed. a, p. 38, Oscytel was consecrated to Dor- 
chester in 950. I do not know the authority for this, but it is to some 
extent confirmed by the fact that he first signs as bishop in 951, Birch, 
Nos. 890, 891. Stubbs, «. «., places his translation to York id^95Q| For 
this also I know no authority, and it is opposed to the stateme^ of the 
Chronicle that he was appointed to York under Edred (971 Bf 
C*8 reading 'Eadweardes' is a mere slip). El. Wig. says that! 
oeeded immediately on the death of Wulfstan, which he places 1 
probably rightly, as I have shown, ii. 150; and this date is co^ 
bj the statement that Wulfstan died ' biennio necdom ezpleto ' 1 
restoration in 954 D ; see H. Y. ii. 340. But even 956 is too late for O^ytel's 
appointment to York, if that was made by Edred, for Edred died in ^^ 

I have noted, ii. 149, that the phrase in which D speaks of WulHan's 
restoration in 954 is ambiguous, and may mean either that he\was 
resAored at Dorchester [to York], or that he was restored to a bishopric, 
viz. that of Dorchester. The latter idea seems at first sight startling, 
bat the passage is so taken in Hardy's Le Neve, iii. 96, and I believe 
rightly. The arrangement therefore came to this, that Oscytel and 
Wulfiitan exchanged sees, Wulfstan remaining at Dorcheste^ where the 
king oould keep an eye on him, and Oscytel going to "Sifrk. If this 
arrangement was completed at the end of 954, or earl^in 955, then 
both the statement of the chroniclev that Oscytel was a|^inted to York 
by Edred is confirmed, and also the statement of thi northern writers 
that he held that see for sixteen years, H. Y. ii.yS55, 340, 474, 518. 
Ab Wnl&tan died so soon after, the arrangeme^rwas easily forgotten, 
and it was assumed that Oscytel succeeded to Vork in consequence of 
Wul&tan*s death. There is a further doubt yiiether Oscytel was suc- 
ceeded immediately by Oswald. The northerp writers, «. a., interpolate 
a certain ^thelwold, who resigned becaihie ' quietiotf^i uitam magis 
diligeret.* If he resigned before he was consecrated^^is would account 
for the non-appearance of his name in the lists. 

p. I53y L 5- After ' customs ' insert : * cf. C. P. B. I. Ixxv.' 

p. 154,1. 20. Guthraund, bishop of Hdlar in Iceland (tia37), had 
the title < the Grood ' formally conferred upon him by an act of the Bishop 
and Chapter in the fourteenth century, Sturlunga, I. oxxv, 104. 

p. 173, 1. 4 from bottom. Jdsteinn was Olafs maternal uncle, Maurer, 
Bekehrung, &c., i. 277. 

p. 177, 1. 9. ^JEMttic^ i. e. ^Ifric, alderman of Hampshire. 

p. 181, L 10. The historical existence of Palna-Toki is, however, very 
doobtful, Hanrer, Bekehrung, 6cc., L 245. 

p. 183, 1. 8. Add: 'cf. Maurer, u. «. i. 466, 467. 

p. 186. After first paragraph add : < For the bynies cf. the epithet 


''albrynjaOr" applied to the craw of a ship in St. Olafs Saga (Heiuu- 
krin^la), o. 37 ; and on the size of a " BkeiV,** cf. Harold Hardrada'i Saga, 
c. 76 (Fornmanna Sdgur, vi.SoS), where Harold builds a ''skeiV" of seventy 
oars, after the model of Olaf Trjggvason's £ftmoii8 Ijong Serpent ; cf. 
C. P. B. ii. 595.' 

p. 187, 1. I a from bottom. On Ringmere, cf. Maurer, u. «. i. 468. Olaf, 
the future king and saint, is said to have fought there, and also at the siege 
of Canterbury, i&. 510. 

p. 188, 1. 20 from bottom. On the origin of the Mercian shires, see 
a very interesting paper by the Bev. C. S. Taylor in vol. zxi of Transactions 
of the Bristol and Gloucester Aroh. Soc. 

p. 190, 1. 15 from bottom. On Thurkill's submission, cf. Maurer, ft. $. 
i. 468, 510. 

P- ^93*^ 10 from bottom. Maurer denies the importance of Clontarf, 
t*. «. L 551. 

p. 198, 1. 15. .^Hfric ealdorman] Probably the alderman of Hampshire. 

p. ao3, 1. 35. Cnut was admitted to confraternity at Christ Church, 
Canterbury, Wanley, p. 181, cited by Maurer, «. «. i. 4S1, and also at 
Bremen, ib. 48 5. 

p. 206, 1. 4. Add : ' Vigf&sson and Powell apparently would make only 
one battle, which they place in 1026, C. P. B. ii. 152, 153, 156, 589; cf. also 
Bfaurer, «. s. i. 616 ff.* 

— 1. 27. After ' 1055 D ' insert : ' cf. Maurer, ft. «. i. 639 ff.* 

p. 2 1 1-2 1 5, 221, 331, 236. Lest it should be thought tJiat I have been 
too presumptuous in my criticism of some of Mr. Freeman's historical 
methods, see Parkei^s Early History of Oxford, pp. 191 ff-, a passage which 
came to my knowledge after the above pages were printed. 

p. 234, 1, 12 from bottom. Add : * cf. Maurer, u. «. i. 597 f.' 

p. 237, 1. II from bottom. Insert the following note : — 'p. 175. Langa 
treo D] That Godwin owned property in Longtree Hundred is shown by 
Domesday, i. 164 a.* 

p. 240, 1. 12 from bottom. Add : 'Pearson, Hist. Maps, says that it 
was at Raleigh or Rayleigh in Essex.' 

p. 251, 1. 6. On Harold's Welsh campaign, cf. also the mythical life of 
Harold, pp. 17,71,91. 

p. 256, 1. 2 from bottom. So too the mythical life of Harold, p. 36. 

p. 257, 1. 24. On the question whether D meant Berkhampstead by 
' Beorhhamsted,' and, if so, whether this is trustworthy, see Parker, Early 
History of Oxford, pp. 186 ff. It might be Berstead near Maidstone. 

p. 265, 1. 30. The mythical life of Harold gives a list of the treasures 
taken from Waltham by William. 

P> 305, 1. 5 from bottom. Roger II. Properly he was Count of Sicily, 
and Duke of Apulia. He received the title of king from the Antipope, 
which was subsequently confirmed by Innocent II, Art de V^rif. iii. 809 fil 


Xy A, a. For an explanation of these symbols, see Introduction, pp. zziii ff. 
A A. SS.oActa Sanctormn. When simply cited thus, the reference is to 

the great Bollandist collection ; when Mabillon or Bfab. is prefixed, it 

refers to Mabillon's Acta Sanctorum Ordinis Benedictini. 
JElt Horn. « .£lfiric*B Homilies, ed. Thorpe, iSHfrio Society. 2 vols. 1845-6. 
jSXt lives »iBlfnc*s lives, ed. Skeat. £. E. T. S. 2 vole. 1881-90. 
Ailr. cr Ailr. R. » Ailred of Rievanlx, ed. Migne, Patrol. Lat. cxcv. 
a. 2. sad locum. 
Axicient Laws, v. Thorpe. 
Aug. Sao.=Anglia Sacra, ed. Wharton. 
Ann. Gamb.sAnnales CSambriae. R. S., and (more correctly) in Y 

Cymmrodor, vol. ix. 
Ann. lindisf.— Annals of Lindisfame, in Pertz, vol. xix. 
Ann. Ult. - Annals of Ulster. R. S. 
Ann. UticsAnnales Uticenses, or Annals of St. Evroul, in vol. v. of 

Prevost's ed. of Ordericus Vitalis. 
Ann. Wav.- Annals of Waverley, ed. Loard. R. S. 
Ann. Wint. ^ Annales Wintonienses. R. S. 
App. Ff., t>. Ltfl. App. Ff. 

Art de V^f. = Art de Verifier les Dates, &c. 3 vols. fol. J 783-7. 
A. 8. N.«> Annals of St. Neot, or of Asser, in Gale, Quindecim Scriptores 

(1691), pp. 141 ff. 

The edition in M. H. B. has been used. 

£. See Introduction, pp. xxviil f. 

Bede, Chron. This is the Chronicle appended to the De Temporum 

Bede, Opp.BBede'8 Works, ed. Giles, la vols. 8vo. 
Bede, 0pp. Min.-Bedae Opera Historioa Minora, ed. J. Stevenson. 

E.H.S. 1841. 
Bede, followed simply by a page reference, refers to the AS. version of the 

H. K, ed. Miller. £. £. T. S. 


Biogr. Miflc. sr Miscellanea Biographica (Lives of Oswiiii Guthbert, and 

Eata). S. S. 1838. 
Birch •■Biroh, Cartularinm Saxonicnm. 
Bliok. Horn. a*Blickling Homilies, ed. Morris. R K T. S. 
Boaquet— Recueil des Historiens de la Gaale et de la France. (The whole 

series is thus dted, although the later volumes are not edited by Dom 


C. See Introduction, pp. xxx f. 

Cambro-Brit. Saints » Lives of the Cambro-Britiah Saints, ed. W. J. Rees. 

Welsh MSS. Society, 1855. 
Capgrave«Capgrave*s Chronicle of England, ed. Hingeston. R. S. 
C. B., r. Rhjs. 
C. E., V. Green. 
Chron., o. Sax. Ghron. 
Ghron. Ab.BChronicon Monasterii de Abingdon, ed. J. Stevenson, a vols. 

R. S. (Not to be confounded with the Abingdon MS. (C) of the 

Saxon Chron.) 
Chron. Evesh. — Chronicon Abbatiae Eveshamensis, ed. Macray. R. S. 
Chron. Rames. -^ Chronicle of the Abbey of Ramsey, ed. Macray. R. S. 
Chron. Scot. » Chronicon Sootorum, ed. Hennessy. R. S. 

C. P. B.s= Corpus Poeticum Boreale, ed. Vigffisson and York Powell. 

3 vols. 

D. See Introduction, pp. xxxi ff. 

D. C. A. ■■ Dictionary of Christian Antiquities. 

D. C. B. s Dictionary of Christian Biography. 
DucangeeDucange, Glossarinm mediae et infimae Latinitatis. 4to. 

Dugdale, o. Mon. Angl. 
Dunstan, v. Stubbs. 

E. See Introduction, pp. xxxiv f. 

Earle, Charters « A Handbook to the Land-Charters and other Saxonic 

Documents, by J. Earle, 1888. 
E. C, v, Palgrave. 
Eddius- Vita Wilfrid!, auotore Eddio Stephano ; in Raine's Historians of 

the Church of Yoik, i. R. S. 
E. E. T. S.« Early English Text Society. 
E. H. S. » English Historical Society. 
E. K. S., V. Robertson. 
ElmhamaHistoiia Monasterii S. Augustini Cantuariensis, by Thomas of 

Elmham, ed. Hardwick. R. S. 
£p. Suoc., V. Stubbs. 


E. T.B English Trsnslation. 

Etbdw. »Etlielwerdi Chronica, ed. M. H. B. 
Eofl. Chnm. » Eusebiiu' Chronicle, ed. Sohoene. 

F. See Introdnctiony pp. xzzt f. 

FL Wig. « Florence of WorceBter, ed. Thorpe. E. H. S. (ftUo in M. H. B.). 
F. M. «The Annals of the Four Masters, ed. O'Donovan. * 
F. N. C. — Freeman's History of the Norman Conqnest (vols, i-iii, and ed. ; 
▼ols. iv, V, 1st ed.). ' 

F. W. R.» Freeman's Beign of William Bnfiis. a vols. 

6. See Introduction, p. zxviii. 

Gaimars-Lestorie des Engles solum Geffrei Gaimar, ed. Martin, a vols. 

B. S. ; also in M. H. B. 
Gams = Series Episcoporum Eodesiae Catholioae, ed. P. B. Gams. 1873. 

G. de M., V. Bound. 

Geof. Mon.B Geoffrey of Monmouth, ed. San-Marte. 1854. 

Gervaae-* Historical works of G«rvase of Canterbury, ed. Stubbs. a vols. 

G. G.-The War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, ed. Todd. B. S. 
Gibbon. The edition by Sir Wm. Smith is the one referred to. 
Gibson •■Gibson's Saxon Chronicle, 169a. 

G. P. « William of Malmesbnry, Gesta Pontificum, ed. Hamilton. B. S. 
G. B. -Gesta Begum, v. W. M. 

Green, C. E.« J. B. Green, The Conquest of England. 1883. 
Green, M. £. » J. B. Green, The Making of England. i88a. 
Gmbitz»Kriti8che Untersuchung Uber die angelsachsischen Annalen bis 

sum Jahre 893. Inaugural-Dissertation . . . von Ernst Grubitz, Got- 

tingen. 1868. 
Guest, Orig. Celt.«Origines Celticae . . . Contributions to the History of 

Britain, by Edwin Guest, a vols. 1883. 

H. See Introduction, p. zzxvii. 

Hampson«*Medii Aeui Kalendarinm . . . by B. T. Hampton, a vols. 

Haidy, Cat. -Sir T. Duffus Hardy, Descriptive Catalogue of Materials 

relating to the History of Great Britain and Ireland. B. S. 
H. £.«>Historia Eocleeiastica ; generally Bede's, but occasionally Eusebius' 

is meant. 
H«a[ham— The Priory of Hexham, its Chronicles . . . and Annals, ed. 

Baine. S. S. 
H. H.- Henry of Huntingdon, ed. T. Arnold. B. S. 
H. ft S.-Haddan and Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents 

relating to Great Britain and Ireland. 


Hugo Candidtis ; in Sparke, Scriptores, vol. ii. q, v. 

H. Y. « HistoTians of the Church of York, e<L Baine. B. S. 

Hyde Beg. «s Liber Vitae, Begiater and Martyrology of New MinBter and 

Hyde Abbey, Winchester, ed. W. de Gray Birch. Hants Becord 

Society. 1892. 

I. See Introduction, p. xxxvii. 

Ingram » Ingram's Saxon ChronideSy 1833. 

JaffIS, V. Mon. Ale, Mon. Car., Mon. Hog., B. P. 

K. C. D.«>Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus Aeui Saxonici. £. H. S. 
Kemble, Saxons —The Saxons in England, hj J. M. Kemble. 1849. 

Langebek, SS. •■ J. Langebek, Soriptores Berum Danicamm Medii Aeui. 
La^amon^La^amon's Brut, or Chronicle of Britain, ed. Sir F. Madden. 

3 vols. 1847. 
Lib. de Hyda— Liber Monasterii de Hyda, ed. Edwards. B. S. 
Lib. Eli. <- Liber Eliensii, ed. Stewart. Anglia Christiana Society, 
lib. Vit. Dun. = liber Vitae Eoclesiae Dunelmensis, ed. J. Stevenson. 

S. S. 1841. 
Liebermann» Ungedruckte anglo-normannische Gesohichtsquellen, heraus- 

gegeben von F. Liebermann, 1879. 
lismore lives r(In^) lives of Saints from the Book of lismore, ed. 

Dr. Whitley Stokes. Anecdota Oxoniensia. 
LL.aThe Book of Leinster. Published in facsimile by the Boyal Irish 

Ltft App. Ff.-Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, two parts in five vols. 

(anded. ofPartii). 

Mart. Don. » Martyrology of Donegal, ed. O^Donovan, Todd, and Beeves. 

Irish Archaeological and Celtic Society. 
Martene et Durand—E. Martene et U. Dnrand, Veterum Scriptomm et 

Monumentorum Amplissima CoUectio. 
M. C. This symbol is occasionally used to indicate the main Chronicle, as 

opposed to the Mercian Begister. 
M. E., V. Green. 
Mem. Hex., v. Hexham. 

M. H. B.^Monumenta Historica Britannica, vol. i (all published). 
M. H. G.. V. PertB. 

Migne, Pat. Graec. » Migne, Patrdogia Graeca. 
Migne, Pat. Lat.« Migne, Patrologla Latina. 
Milman»Milman*s History of Latin Christianity, ed. 4. 
Misc. Biogr., v. Biogr. Misc. 


2fon. Alo.—Monnmenta AlcainiaiiA, ed. Jftff<$ and WatteivbAch. 

Mod. Angl. » Dugdale, MonuticoiL Anglioanmn, ed. Caley, Bandinel, and 

Ellifl. 1817-30. 
Hon. Car. ^ Montunenta Carolina, ed. Jaff$. 
Hon. Mog.^Monumenta Mognntina, ed. Jaffd. 
M. B. » Mercian Begitter. 
Maratori, v. SS. BR. II. 

N. ft K. olivet of St. Kinian and St. Kentigem, ed. Forbes. 1874. 
N. B. D. s New English Dictionary, Horray and Bradley. 

Ord. Tit-^Ordericufl Vitalis, ed. Le Prevoet. 5 vols. 1838-55. 
Oronoa. AS. version, ed. Sweet. £. E. T. S. 

Palgmre, E. C.*-The Bise and P^x)gress of the English Commonwealth, 
by Sir F. Palgrave. 

Pal. SocBsPalaeographical Society. 

P. ft &« Chronicles of the Piots and Soots, ed. W. F. Skene. 

Pertc^Scriptores Benun Germanlcarttm, folio series. 

Perts, 4to. — Monumenta Historiae Germaniae, 4to series. 

Pinkerton-Pinkerton's Lives of the Scottish Saints. New ed. by Met- 
calfe, a vols. 1889. 

Bawl.-Bawlinson Collection of MSS. in Bodleian libraiy. 
Bh^,C.B.-Bh9s, Celtic Britain. S. P. C. K. (anded.) 
Bic Hex. «Bichard of Hexham ; in Baine's Hexham ; v. Hexham. 
Bobertoon, E. K. S.- Scotland under her Early Kings, by K W. Bobert- 

son. 2 vols. 1 86a. 
Robetrtson, Essays <- Historical Essajrs, by the same. 187 a. 
Round, 6. de M. « Geoffrey de MandevUle, a stndy of the Anarchy, by 

J. H. Bound. 189a. 
R. P.«Begesta Pontificom, ed. Jaff^. 
R. 8. -Roils Series. 
R. W.s Roger of Wendover, ed. Coxe. E. H. S. 

ff. 0.— sab anno. 

Sax. OhroB. -Saxon Chronide. 

S.C.H.-StubbB, Constitutional HistorjT. Cabinet edition. 3 vols. 1874-8. 

Sdimid, Gesetze— IHe Gesetie der Angelsachsen . . . von Dr. Reinhold 

Sefamid. 1858. (A new edition of the Anglo-Sexon Laws by 

Dr. Uebermann is in progress, but not yet complete.) 
SefaiirerBGeschichte des jGdischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Chriiti, von 

Dr. Emil SchUrer, ate Ausg. a vols. 1886-90. (There is an Eng- 

Uih Translation, .which I have not seen.) 


S. C. S.- Skene, Celtic Scotland. 3 vols. 1876-80. 

S. D. =» Simeon of Durham, ed. T. Arnold. B. S. 

Sig. Gembl. >* SigebertuB Gemblacenfls ; in Pertz, vi. 

Sparke, ScriptoreB—Historiae Anglicanae Scriptores Varii, ed. J. Sparke, 

a vols. 1723. 
S.S.«Surtee8 Society. 

SS. KB. Il.-Scriptoree Benim Italicanim, ed. Muratori. 
St. Edw. olives of Edward the Confessor, ed. Lnard. B. S. 
Stubbs, Dunstan =^ Memorials of St. Dunstan, ed. Stubbs. B. S. 
Stubbs, Ep. Succ. » Begistrum Sacrum . . . Episcopal Sucoendon in England, 

by W. Stubbs. 1858 ; and ed., 1897. 
9, v.»8ub voce. 

Text. Boff. B Teztus Boffensis, ed. Heame. 1 7 20. 

Theopold a* Kritische Untersuohungen tiber die Quellen sur angelsftchsi- 

Bchen Geschichte des achten Jahrhunderts . . . Inaugural-Dissertation 

. . . Ton Ludwig Theopold. 187a. 
Thorpe, Ancient Laws = Ancient Laws and Institutes of England. Beoord 

Commission, 1840. (The 8vo edition in a vols, is the one referred 

to ; see also under Schmid.) 
Thome » Chronica Gulielmi Thome, monachi S. Augustini Cantuar., in 

Twysden, Deoem Scriptores. 
Three Fragments a Three Fragments of Irish Annals, ed. O'DonoYuu 

Irish Archaeological and Celtic Society. 
Tigh.-The Annals of Tighernach. Printed (very inooirectly) in O'Con- 
nor, Scriptores Berum Hibemicarum ; and (imperfectly) in P. & 8. 

I have generally used the Bodleian MS. BawL B. 488 ; now printed 

by Dr. Whitley Stokes in Bev. Celt, xvi-xviii. 

Yigf. Diet. ~ loelandio English Dictionary ... by G. YigMsson. 1874. 

W. See Introduction, p. xxviii, note. 

WalthamaDe inuentione Sanctae Crucis . . . de . . . Waltham, ed. Stnbbs. 

Wattenbach, v, Mon. Ale 

W. M. " William of Malmesbuiy's Qesta Begum, ed. Stubbs. B. S. 
Wiilker, Grundriss = Gmndriss der angelBacbsischen litteratur, von R. 

WUlker. 1885. 
Wulfstan^Wulfetan, Sammlung der ihm zugeschriebenen Homilien . . . 

herausgegeben von A. Napier. 1883. 

Z. K. B. - Zimmer, Keltische Beitrage, in Zeitschr. fiir deutsohee 

Z. N. v. « Zimmer, Nennius Vindicatus. 1893. 


L Of the Difference between Histories and 
Chronicles ^ 

§1. Chronicles are the simplest form of History; and Difference 
early attempts at History have generally taken the form of ^*^®?^, 
Chronicles. When we use the word History in the fullness and 
of its meaning, we understand by it the study of human events Hiitoiy. 
in the complexity of their mutual relations and bearings on each 
other. A Chronicle, as the name implies, is only a nairative 
of events in the order of time ; and we hardly call it History 
until these fiicts have undergone a new arrangement, have been 
re-examined, criticised, distributed, and grouped. 

§ 2. Out of this difference between History and Chronicle Structure 
there follows another. A History, when once cast into its nhionicleB. 
form, is impatient of after modifications ; the Chronicle admits 
alterations indefinitely. History is like a web of cloth ; you 
cannot add to it or take from it without destroying its integrity. 
The Chronicle is like a set of counters arranged on a recurring 

^ The whole of this fint division Profenor Earle bo dosely, because 

i« taken with some abridgement my theories, and still more my 

innn Profe«oi\£arle*8 Introduction. method of working them out, di£br 

I do not think it is possible to state somewhat widely from his. But 

better the difference between His- throughout I owe very much to 

tones ADil Chronicles. The notes htm; and throughout there are 

a|>peaded to it are my own. In the many things which I have been 

other divisions of the Introduction glad to incorporate either in my 

1 have not been able to follow text or in my notesl 

n, c 


mathematical plan that can be continued ad infinitum in any 
direction, and can accommodate insertions in any part ^ 

§ 3. There are places in the Saxon Chronicles where the 
narrative exhibits a touch of genius and approaches to the 
dignity of histoiy ; nor is there anything in the chronicle-form 
which absolutely excludes the exercise of a higher talent', 
though it provides only an imperfect arena for it. But without 
any special gift a man might make a sufficient chronicler, as 
his office was merely to write a statement of fact, or to copy 
an extract from an author and insert it under the right date. 
There was no need of observing proportion; a great event 
might be told briefly, while a minor event might be told ^th 
local prolixity. Nothing more was required than that the 
records should be truly arranged in order of time'. 
Chroniclet § 4. With all this simplicity and elasticity and capacity of 
^^J^ development, the Chronicle was particularly calculated to he 
History, the vehicle of history in early times, when literary facilities 
were scanty, and when the work of history had to be done in 
fraternities by a succession of very unequal hands. We do 
not look for shape or symmetry in any Chronicle, more 
especially in Chronicles which have grown without a plan, 
by the work of many hands labouring without concert. After 
a period of accumulation, the compiler enters, and then for 
the first time the whole collection is rendered subject to the 
law of one mind. But his operation turns chiefly on selection or 
rejection, and the new Chronicle shows where modern interests 
have ejected the more ancient. 

^ Gerrase has an interesting die- ypArl/aanK, cited Schttrer, G^esch. d. 

eussion of the difference between jUd. Volkes, i. 41a ; cf. ib. 55, 56. 

Histoiy and Chronicles, i. 87, 88. ' But in order to do this their 

' Thnoydidei, one of the greatest, order must be known. This ia the 

some would say the greatest, of explanation of a fact which at first 

historians, arranges his history of sight astonishes us, the absence from 

the Peloponnesian war not merely even D and £ of so much interesting 

by years but by half-years : rocovra matter contained in Bede. The 

$iiy kw Tflp $4p€i iyivtro, rod 8* reason is that for many things fiede 

ivifiyffOfjJvov x'^t*^^ 'AOtp^ot, gives us no dates, and therefore 

/r.rA., ii. 68, 69. On Greek ohro- they cannot be brought into a 

niclers cf. Eusebius. Hist. EocL ii. 7: chronological scheme: cf. notes to 

'EXA^VM', ol T^t *OXvfiWi6^f Sfita 633, 634, 650 S, 654 S. 
rots Mard x/'^'^ovr ittwpaiyiUvQit dni- 


$ 5. The main features of the anonymous and many-handed The Saxou 
Chronicle may be seen in a high state of preservation in the Ohponiolos. 
Saxon Chronicles. They represent various stages of literary 
progress, and they exhibit the taste and historical demands of 
many different generations. Towards their close we have his- 
torical composition of considerable matarity, but in their most 
primitive parts we have almost the rudest conceivable attempts 
at history. It is in this wide range of variety and diversity, and 
the illustration it affords of the early national progress, that the 
worth of the Saxon Chrouicles, considered as a literary monu- 
ment, must be discovered ; and they must not be judged, as 
some writers have inconsiderately judged them, by the literary 
standards of the nineteenth century. 

§ 6. But before we enter upon an analysis of the Chronicles, Earliest 
it is desirable to form a right notion of the first rude uses ^^Is i ^ 
of chronicling. Originally a Chronicle was not a device for 
arranging a store of events, and for reducing the accumulations 
of history to literary order. It was not (what it at length 
became) a method, a system of registration, whereby each event 
was put into its chronological place. The chronicle-form had 
a more primitive use. This was to characterise the receding 
series of years, each by a mark and sign of its own, so that the 
years might not be confused in the retrospect of those who had 
lived and acted in them. The same thing is done in our day 
when a man in middle age begins to experience that the hurry 
of life engenders confusion in the memory, and the bygone years 
grow less and less distinguishable. In such a case he probably 
creates for himself a little ten or twenty years' Chronicle, very 
brief, each entry only a single notice. 

§ 7. Such a Chronicle as this is not a depository of the 
aceamulatioDS of past events, but a chart of time for preserving 
chronological order among the stores of the memory. This is 
naturally the first kind of Chronicle which men require \ 

* ProfeaMT Earle, writing in the twenty yean the events to mark tbe 

sixties, ftave a specimen of such a years might stand thus : — 

chnnolofficaX fnunework as miflfht 1878. Treaty of Berlin; Peace 

be * inscribed in some eontemporaiy with Honour. 

Periiapa for the Ust 1879. 

C 3 


In early times the particnlars of past events were much more 
tmsted to the memory than they are now; and only the 
chronological scaffolding was committed to parchment. 

We are informed in Professor Wilson's Prehistoric Man that 
the Pemvians had a memoria technica, made of knots ^ upon 
diversely coloured strings. A Peruvian woman showed a handle 
of knotted strings, and said her whole life was there. Each knot 
was the index to a story, and all the stories were preserved in 
her memory. 

1880. Genera] election. liberal 

1 881. Death of Lord Beaoonifield. 
1 88 a. Phoenix Park murders. 

1884. Franchise Bill. 

1 885. Death of Gordon. 

1886. First Home Role Bill. 

1887. Qaeen*8 Jubilee. 

1888. Deaths of two German 


189a. Death of the Duke of 

1893. Second Home Rule Bill. 

1894. Retirement of Mr. Glad- 

1895. General election. Unionist 

1896. The Transvaal Raid. 

1897. The Diamond Jubilee. 
And we all of us have similar frame- 
works of our 0¥m lives: *Mr. 
Meredith had risen to wealth from 
penury, and counted time by his 
dining-room chain, having passed 
through a cane, a horse-tAir, and 
a leather period before arriving at 
morooco. Mm. Meredith counted 
time by the death of her only son,' 
Barrie, When a Man's Single, ch. iv. 
Without some such aids we all of 
us in these hurrying days tend to 
sink chronologically to a level with 
the grey goose on the common in 
one of Mrs. £wing*s books, who 
could not remember anything dis- 

tinctly beyond last Michaelmas, and 
the Michaelmas before that, and the 
Michaelmas before that. It is the 
presence of this chronological check 
which constitutes one of the main 
differences between our native 
Chronicles and the Icelandic Sagas. 
In the case of the latter we have 
narratives, originally historical, de- 
veloped by unchecked oral trans- 
mission through generations of a 
people with a genius for story-tell- 
ing ; consequently all the dramatic 
and picturesque elements are height- 
ened, and all the telling points 
emphasised, until the origins! hiiK 
torical basis has almost disappeared ; 
cf. Vigfdsson and Powell, Grig. 
Island, ii. 488 ; just as we ourselves 
may have sometimes watched a good 
story growing under the hands of 
some skilful raconteur, who lets 
his art be limited by no base slavery 
to historical accuracy. The oonse- 
quenoe is that the Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicles are as superior to the 
Icelandic Sagas as history, as they 
are undoubtedly inferior to them as 
literature ; cf. Lappenberg, I. zxx vii ; 
E. T. I. xxvii; F. N. C. i. 688. 
The annal which most recalls the 
Sagas is the slaying of Cynewulf 
and Cyneheard under 755 ; and that 
too may have been developed orally 
before it was written down. Cf. 
C. P. B. ii. 501-508 ; Sturlunga, I. 

^ Called quipug; see Presoott, 
Conquest of Peru. Bk. I, ch. iv. 


§ 8. Our own early Chronicles are something like this series 
of Jcnots ; for in their laconic annals much was implied and little 
expressed, and therefore they are a set of knots of which the 
solution died out with their authors. To posterity they present 
merely a name or two, as of a hattle-field and a victor, but to the 
men of the day they suggested a thousand particulars, which they 
in their comrade-life were in the habit of recollecting and putting 
together. That which to us seems a lean and barren sentence, 
was to them the text for a winter evening's entertainment 

Their unfagged memory was richly stored with the events 
of their own day and the legends of their ancestors. What 
one had forgotten another remembered, and where memory 
failed, imagination came to aid. So far from needing 
books as depositories of events, they were overwhelmed with 
the treasures of their own memory, and only needed some 
guarantee of order amidst the riches of which they were in 
possession^. Tradition and experience furnished them with 
more facts than they had the capacity to accommodate. Where 
memory failed, fancy promptly entered, as into a forfeited 
domain. The wild and frolic fancy was ever ready, in the 
absence of any controlling system of order, to promote dislocation 
by an arbitrary reconstruction, to foment confusion and revel in 
it, and to conjui*e up out of the chaos new and grotesque combina- 
tioDB. Therefore they wanted, not History, but Chronology. 

§ 9. When men had felt the necessity of guarding themselves Chronology 
against mytho-poesy, they found their first guarantee ^or *^|^"^ 
the security of historical truth in tables of chronology. As Hivtory. 

' Under difRwent oonditioni, the qaence ; in the History ihoy muit 

chronological table or aniilvais serves be sought oat here and there with 

the kindred purpose of a key to the much pains, and pieced together,' 

knowledge contained in books or Ughtfoot, App. Ff I. i. 244. This 

stored oonlnsedly in the memory as was the object with which Gapgrave 

the reeolt of reading. Such is the wrote his Chronicle of England : 

object of the chronological epitome 'Now is age com, and I want ny 

suffixed by Bede to his Eoclesiastacal al that schnld longe to a studier ; 

History, which had, as we shall see, yet it plesed me, as for a solace, to 

A gnat effect on the development of gader a schort remembrauns of elde 

onrCSironieles. 80 Knsebius^ Chroni- stories, that whanne I loke upon 

de ssrret as a key to his Ecc). hem, and have a schort touch of the 

Hist. ' In the Qironicle the required writing, I can sons dilate the oiroum- 

iacU an tabulated in proper se- Btaanies/p.i^oitedbyBarle,p.UiT). 


long as past events were regarded only as material for an 
evening's entertainment, no one cared to preserve them from 
confusion and embellishment ' ; but when a desire of certainty 
about the past began to be felt, and unadorned facts came to 
be valued even above the more specious legend, then it is 
interesting to watch the steps by which they arrived at what 
they wanted. The Saxon Chronicles exhibit this process more 
perhaps than any in existence. 
Mechani- § 10. A numerical list of years was prepared, with a blank 
cal Btruc- gpace^ generally' only a single line, opposite each number. The 
Chronicles, smallness of the space shows that nothing great was designed, 
but only a year-mark to know and distinguish the year by. 
As many of these blanks were filled in as the compiler had 
matter ready for, and the rest were left open for supple- 
mentary insertions. Capgrave, in the Dedication of his 
Chronicle of England, thus explains the utility of such blank 
spaces: 'If othir studious men, that have more red than I, 
or can fynde that I fond not, or have elde bokes whech make 
more expression of thoo stories that fel fro the creacion of Adam 
onto the general Flod than I have, the velim lith bare, save the 
noumbir, redi to recejrve that thei wille set in'.' Many of them 
remained blank to the last, and in the older Chronicles they 
are seen as blank lines ; but in the later the figures have been 
copied continuously, as if they formed part of the text '. Out 
of this mechanical process of construction grew the fashion of 
beginning the annals with an adverb, not of time, but of plaeey 
HER, in this place, at this point of the series. The blanks which 
were left were not without their use; they served to give 
a quick and almost pictorial measure of the intervals between 
the entries. 

^ See above on the Icelandic not where they really belong, bnt 

Sagas. where there happens to be room to 

' «. «., p. 2. The interpolator of receive them ; cf. Theopold, p^ 74. 

X not only fills ap where ' the velim ' In S., D, E the former is the 

lith bare, but erases what his pre- case ; in B, G, F the latter ; thaa D 

deoessors had written in order to and £, though among the latest of 

Sin room for his own entries. the Chronictos, are in form more 

oreover, there is some danger that ancient than B and C. 
snbsequentadditionsmay be inserted, 


II. Op the MSS. op the Saxon CHROincLEs. 

§ 11. It is commonly stated that the Angto-Saxon Chrontde Saxon 
is oontained in seven MSS., those which are here denoted by the Chronicle 
letters S, A, B, C, D, E, F. It would be truer to say that these cles? 
MSS. contain four Anglo-Saxon Chronicles. A is a transcript of 
S ; B, as far as it goes, is identical with C, both having been 
copied from the same MS.; F is an epitome of E. But A, C, D, 
£, have every right to be considered distinct Chronicles. The 
fact that they grow out of a common stock, that even in their 
later parts they use common materials, does not make them 
one Chronicle, any more than the Annals of Hildesheim, 
Quedlinburg, Weissenburg, &c., are one Chronicle because they 
all grow out of the Annals of Hersfeld ^ ; or the Annals of Dijon, 
Kotten, Caen, St. Evroul, &c., are one Chronicle because they 
are aU derived in part, mediately or immediately, from the 
Annals of Cologne ^ It was, as we shall see (§ T2o), the failure 
of the early editors to apprehend this fact that makes their 
editions of the Chronicle so unsatisfactory. Ingram had some 
perception of the truth: *It is,' he says, 'a collection of 
Chronicles rather than one uniform work, as the received 
appellation seems to imply' (p. i). Unfortunately, this 
perception had no influence on his edition. 

With this preface I proceed to describe the MSS. in question. 

§ 12. C. C. C. C. 173 (S). Folio, vellum, 28.7 x 20-7, ff. 88. Descrip- 
The Chronicle occupies ff. 1-32; then, after the Latin Acts of ij?^ ^ 
Lanfranc, follow the laws of Alfred and Ine, ff, 38-57 ; then lists (c. C. C. C. 
of popes, bishops, &c.', ff. 58-60; f. 6r is blank, though ruled »73)- 

> Cf. Grnbitz, p. 2; Periz, i. ai, PMclialMidIUlph,iii5); (c) Areh- 

113; iii. 18 ; iv. 8 ; v. 30, 34 ; and bishops of Cantwfoury, from Augus- 

ibe Tsrions oontinimtions of Sige- tine to Dunstan (f 988) ; (d) Bishops 

bertns Gemblacensis in Peris, vi; of Rochester from Paulinas to 

and of the Annales Mellicenses in ^Ifrtan (f 995) ; (0) Bishops of the 

Pcrts, is. East Saxons (i 0. London) frt)m 

• Cf. Theopold, pp. 83 ff. MeUitus to iElfstan (f c 995) ; (/) 

' (a) Popes from St. Peter to Bishops oftheSoath Saxons (Selsey) 

Marinas (882-884) ; (b) Popes who from Wilfrid to iEthelgar (trans- 

■ent paUs to Canterbury, from lated 988) ; (^) Bishops of the West 

Gregory and Aagastine to Urban Saxons (Dorchester and Winchester) 

and Anselm (a later hand has added from Birinns to Ealdferth (f 871 x 




for the reception of lists; the remainder of the MS., ff. 62-88, 
consists of Sedulius' Carmen Faschale, with the prefatory epistle 
* ad Macedonium praesbyterum/ at the head of which, in a large 
rude hand, is written, 'FRIDESTAN diacon.' Dr. Browne, 
Bishop of Bristol, has suggested that this may be an early 
signature of Frithestan, afterwards Bishop of Winchester 
(909). I am inclined to think that the Chronicle, laws, and 
lists, originally belonged together, and that the addition of 
Sedulius is merely due to the binder. The Chronicle consists 
of four gatherings or folds — one of seven leaves (originally eight, 
the first being excised), one of nine (originally ten), one of nine 
(originally ten, two having been excised, and one inserted), one 
of seven (originally eight, the last having been excised). The 
laws consist of two folds, one of eight leaves, and the other of 
twelve (originally fourteen). 

§ 13. The laws are all written in one hand, but the Chronicle 
is written in very various hands, of which the following is 

877); (A) Bishops of Lindisfarne 
and Durham from Aidan to Ralph 
Flamhard (f iiaS) ; U) Bishops of 
Sherborne from Aldheun to ^thel- 
■iffo. (t 990x993); (k) £ishop8 
' Wiltaniensis Eocle6iae*(Bamsbury) 
from Athelstan to Sigeric( translated 
to Canterbury 990) ; (I) Bishops of Ore- 
diton, Eadwulf to MUvrold (f 97a) ; 
(m) List of Archbishops of York 
from Paulinus toXhomas II(ti 1 14), 
with a note on the submission of the 
northern province to Theodore ; (») 
Kings of Kent from Ethelbert I 
to Ethelbert 11. Of these lists 
(o) (part) (b) (A) (m) (n) are in 
hand No. 14 of the Chronicle (see 
below). Wheloc prints them from 
•this MS., pp. 567-570; they were 
not in his MS. A (G, W). The 
other lists he takes from his own 
MS., and the points in which they 
differ from S, are noteworthy. The 
Canterbury list is prolonged to JEK- 
heah(io05 or 1006-101 2) ; Rochester 
to Gkxlwin (995-1012 ?) ; London to 
iElfhun («^lfwin) ^1004-101 a); 
Selaey to ^iElfmsr (1009-1031); 

Winchester to ^Ifisige (1014-1032) ; 
Sherborne to i£thelsige (1009 x 
X017). Fronrthis it would appear 
that these Uste must have been 
drawn up 1014 x 1032 ; which, we 
shall see, agrees very well with the 
date which on other grrounds is 
assigned to Wheloc*B MS. Of the 
above liste (d) (e) (^) (J) (i/i) differ 
both from those givdn by Florence 
and from those given by Dr. Stubbs ; 
if) (*) (*) <liffer from Florence, but 
agree with Stubbs. It may be noted 
that Wine is omitted in list (e) ; no 
doubt on account of his simony, 
Bede, H. £. iii. 7 and notes. This 
lends some confirmation to the state- 
ment of B. W. i. 160 : ' unde poet 
mortem in serie episcoporum Lon- 
dinensium non meruit recenaeri.' 
In list {b) it is stated that < Victor 
misit pallium Sdgando per Godricum 
decanum.* This may be a mere slip, 
but it may be a deliberate attempt 
to conceal the fiict that Stigand re- 
ceiyed his pallium from the Antipope 
Benedict ; see on 1058. 


a complete list: — ^No. i, to the end of f. i6 r®, the last entry 
being the death of Suibhne in 891 ; then the scribe, thinking 
the annal to be complete, writes the number 892 ready for the 
next year. No. 2. This scribe, not noticing the number 892 at 
the foot of f. 16 |0 begins f. 16 ▼<> with the words i ' 7 J>y ilcan 
geare,' introducing the appearance of the comets He only 
writes the one page f. 1 6 v^', ending not far from the beginning 
of 894. No. 3. This scribe writes the rest of 894 and 895, 
occupying the two pages f . 1 7 ro and yo. No. 4 extends from 
f. 18 ro to near the end of f. 21 ro, viz. to the end of 912. 
No. 5. With the exception of three lines on f. 23 y<^, this hand 
extends from the end of 912 to the end of 921, near the bottom, 
of f. 24 yo.* No. 6. This is a very poor scribe ; he only writes 
three lines on f. 23 yo, ' gefaran mehte .... abreecon/ and four 
lines at the end of f. 24 v^, beginning the annal 922. He seems 
to have written more on f. 23 yo, but his work wa9 apparently so 
bad that it was erased and re- written'. No. 7 writes f. 25 r<> 
and yo, i.e. to the end of 924. Half of f. 25 yo is left blank; 
then No. 8 begins at the top of f. 26 r^, and continues to the 
end of f. 27 yo and of the annal 955. No. 9. This scribe 
writes the single page f. 28 r<> and one blank annal, 968, at the 
top of the next page. No. 10 extends from the top of f. 28 yo 
to the end of looi, except the last ten words, which haye 
been added later ; and here, near the end of f. 30 r^, ends the 
Winchester part of this Chronicle. No. 11. With this hand, 
which is very much later than the preceding^, commence the 
Canterbury entries. It continues to the end of 1066 on f. 31 yo, 
except the last sentence about the comet, and the fragmentary 
charter at 103 1. No. 12. To this hand are due the last 
sentence of 1066 and the first part of 1070, down to the end 

' See J. 83, note 13. aent to Canterbury In consequence 

* Hardy, Cat. i. 65a, thinks that of the destruction of Canterbaiy 
there is another chwige at the top books in the great lire of 1067, tiien 
off. 33 r«; but I cannot now give these entries would be veiT late 
ereo the qualified assent which I indeed, and only the latest of them 
gave i. 99, note 3. can be treated as contemporary ; 

* See i. I03 note. and Mr. Warner thinks that hand 

* If Plrofessor Earie is right in No. 1 1 is as kte as 1075. 
thinking, p. zziii, that the MS. was 


of tbe phrase ' geherenmnesBe mid atSsweninge/ on f . 31 yo. 
No. 13. To this hand are due the charter at 1031 and the 
remainder of 1070. No. 14. The writer of the Latin Acts 
of Lanfranc; who also writes some of the lists mentioned 
above \ 

Interpola- § 14. Bat besides these various hands in the text there are 
' also numerons interpolations. Of these the bulk are by the 
scribe of the Latin Acts of Lanfranc, who is also the scribe 
of MS. F, and belongs to the end of the eleventh, or beginning 
of the twelfth, century*. But besides these there are also 
earlier insertions in hands of which some can be identified 
with later scribes of the text. Thus the annal 710, accidentally 
omitted by the first scribe, is insei-ted by hand No. 8; the 
additions at 923 and 941 are by hand No. 11, the first of 
the Canterbury scribes; those at 943, 956, 959, 961, and the 
foi-mer part of that at 925, all refer to St. Dunstan, and are all 
tlie work of No. 12, the second Canterbury scribe, who was 
evidently specially interested in that saint. There are also 
fairly early additions in hands which I have not identified 
with any certainty at 728, 870, 890, 993, looi. Though 
in 688 there is an addition to the text of the Chronicle, 
I believe it to be by the original scribe*. The additions at 
688, 710, 728, 1 001, would seem to be the oldest, as they are 
the only ones which are incorporated in MS. A (G, W) *. The 

RuIiDgs. MS. is mostly in single columns, but from the middle of f. x v^ 
to near the bottom of f. 4 v® it is in double columns. The 
number of lines to a page varies considerably, from thirty-nine 
to twenty-five*. In the last three pages the writing is con- 
fused and independent of the lines ruled. 

' These two last hands, 1 3 and 1 4, the other earlier additions are printed 

seem at first nght obyionsly distinct ; in small print, but not in italics, 

bat I do not feel sure that they may ' Anyhow, it ought not to have 

not be one and the same, the differ- been printed in italios as if it were 

cnce in appearance being due to the the work of the last interpolator, 

difference between writing Saxon * t. e, they were made before X left 

and writing Latin. Winchester ; see below, $§ 95, 96, 98. 

' These are the additions which * These variaUons ooeasionally 

in the text are printed in small coincide with the changes of scribes, 

italics, they extend from 1 1 to 941 ; but by no means always. 


{15. The MS. formerly belonged to Archbishop Parker, and Former 
is part of his bequest to the College, and many passages are o^**®"- 
underlined by him with his familiar red ochre. There are a few 
notes by Joscelin, the well-known Latin secretary to the 
Archbishop, who is thought sometimes to have reaped without 
acknowledgement the fruits of his secretary's labours ^ These 
notes consist mainly, if not exclusively, of collations from Hist. 
Sax. Petroburg. (=E). In his notes in other MSS. of the 
Chronicle Joscelin frequently cites A as 'Hist. Sax. Eccl. 
Christi Cant.,' and sometimes as 'Liber quem habet doctor 
Wntton decanus eccl. Christi Cant.,' i.e. Dr. Nicholas Wotton, 
the first Dean of Canterbury after the dissolution of the 
monastery. There are a few notes in another sixteenth or 
early seventeenth century hand, of which one, at the beginning 
of the Latin Acts of Lanfranc, is of some interest : ' Hec 
habentur in Libro S. Augustini cui titulus DitserH Tractattu 
Mcwuterii S. Augustini/ That the ultimate home of the MS. 
was Canterbury there is no doubt; an attempt will be made 
later to unravel its history. 

§ 16. The question of the date of the MS. is rather perplexing, Date, 
owing to the number of different hands. But I am inclined to 
think that from 892, or a little earlier, to 100 x the entries were 
made not very long after the events which they describe \ On 
the other hand, it will be shown later that it is impossible to 
endorse the claim which Wanley makes for this MS.: 'hunc 
codicem esse autographon, nequaquam ad aliorum codicum 
fidem descriptumV But up to looi the Winchester monks 
kept it up to date, by entering in it from time to time such 
materials as they obtained. There are facsimiles of this MS. 
in M. H. B., plates xxiii and xxiv. These give specimens of 
hands 2, 3, 4, and of the last and most copious interpolator. 
Thorpe's facsimile, plate i, shows the work of the seventh scribe^. 

' Diet. Nat. Bidg. sentence was written before I had 

' Mr. 6. F. Warner of the British obtained Mr. Warner's opinion. 

Mnsenm would date these hands as * Catalogue, p. 130. 

follows: — Nos. 1-^,900x930; No. * Mr. Warner's opinion was based 

7w c. 930 ; No. 8, c. 960 ; No. 10, partly on these facsimiles, partly on 

6. 1000; No. II, c. 1075 ; the above some photographs taken for me by 


Descrip- § 17. Cott. Otho, B. xi (A, G, W). This was once a fair folio 

M& A ^^' ^^ °^^^ ^^^ leaves ; it is now reduced to a few charred and 

(6, W), shrivelled fragments. For our knowledge of tliis text of the 

a>tt. Otho, Chronicle we are dependent mainly on the edition of Wheloc, 

the trustworthiness of which will be discussed in a later section. 

The original contents of the MS. are given most fully by Wanley, 

p. 219. The first article in it was a copy of the Saxon version 

of Bede's Hist. EccL This also was used by Wheloc in his 

editio princeps of that version, though he did not make it the 

basis of his text as he did in the Chronicle. Besides these, it 

contained the laws of Alfred and Ine, lists of bishops, and other 

matter with which we are not concerned. The laws and lists 

were probably copied from jR, as it will be shown that the 

Chronicle undoubtedly was. For this reason it is convenient to 

place this MS. here ; and for this reason Professor Earle chose 

A as the s^^mbol for it, objecting rightly that the ordinary 

notation (G)^ would seem to imply that it was later than F, 

whereas it is about a century and three-quarters earlier. 

Mr. Warner, on palaeographical grounds, would date it c. 1025, 

and this agrees excellently with the date which has been 

already deduced from the episcopal lists contained in it, viz. 

1014 X 1032 (p. xxiv). There are facsimiles of it in M.H. B., 

plates xviii, xix^ 

Beacrip. § 18. Cott. Tib. A. vi (B). Vellum, large 4to, 232 X 15-8 ; 

MS B ^^^ ^^® leaves have shrunk a little in the heat of the great 

Cott. Hh, Cottonian fire '. The MS. has been remountect, so that the 

'^* ^' original gatherings can no longer be discerned. The Chronicle 

occupies ff. 1-34 ; then, after two blank leaves, come f. 35 r^, 

a note on Pope Sergius, and f. 35 v^, a list of the Popes who 

Mr. Lord of Cambridge, by the kind i. 655. 

permission of the Master and * The original size of the MS. is 

Fellows of C. C. C, Cambridsre. probably shown by the leaf (/3) con- 

* Tliorpe denotes it by W, the talning the genealogy Tib. A. iii. 

initial of Wheloc, bat it is better to f. 178, which I believe to have 

keep this symbol for the edition as originally belonged to B. See below, 

distinct from the MS. $ 88^ and i. 2 note. This measores 

^ A transcript of this MS. by 33*6 x 16. The space actually 

Lam bard is said to be among Ussher's covered by writing is practically the 

Collections in Dublin, Hardy, Cat. same in both, viz. i8*8 x la*^. 


pent palla to Canterbury, beginning with Gregory and Angustine, 
and ending with Urban and Anselm. These notes are in a hand 
very similar to, possibly identical with, that of the scribe of F 
and of the Latin Acts of Lanfranc in Ti, The rest of the MS. 
is later matter, relating mainly to the monastery of Ely, and 
ending with a French Chronicle from Hardacnut to Edward III. 
The combination of this later matter with the Chronicle is 
probably due only to the binder; and the second portion is 
shown by an entry on f. 36 ro to have been given to Sir Robert 
Cotton by Arthur Agarde in 1609. The Chronicle is all in one 
hand, which Mr. Warner would assign to about the year 1000, 
which is a good deal earlier than Professor Earle placed it ' ; 
but agrees well with the date to which the Chronicle extends, 
viz. 977, and is probably not far from the truth. Except on the 
last page, there are always twenty-ihree lines to a page, and 
this is true also of the genealogy in 0. Many of the annals 
have no numbers affixed to them, the omission being supplied 
by Joscelin, who has also collated the MS. in several places with 
' uetustior Saxonica historia quam habet doctor Wutton Decanus 
eccl. Christi Cant.,* and with 'Liber M" Boyer,' which the 
readings cited show conclusively to be our 7i and C respectively. 
This is the MS. which Joscelin calls ' Hist. Sax. S. Augustini 
Cant.,' and it may have been transcribed for that house. But 
there is no evidence, internal or external, beyond Joscelin 's 
assertion to prove this, and we shall see that, whatever the home 
of this MS., its arigin must be sought at Abingdon '. There is 
a ftcflimile of a page of this MS. in M. H. B., plate xxii, and in 
Thorpe's edition, plate ii, who also gives a facsimile of the first 
page of the genealogy fi, ib. plate vii, so that the student can 
compare the two for himself. There is also a transcript of this 
MS., probably by Joscelin, Laud Misc., 661 '. 

* Introdnotion, p. zzvt. Sir T. D. i. 575) ; while on p. 655 B itself is 

Havdy contradicts himself strangely assigned in the heading to ' zii . cent. ,' 

in regard to the date of this MS. and in the hody of the paragraph is 

The fragment & containing the said to be ' apparently of the latter 

geoealQgjyWhich he believee (rightly, part of the tenth century.* 
as I think) to have belonged origi- * See below, $ 87. 

nallv to B, he dates < xi. cent.' (Cat. '»&.§( 88 note, 1 24 note. 


r)ewrip- § 19. Cott. Tib. B. i (C). Vellum, folio, 27.7 x 18.5. This 

^^Q MS. contains the Anglo-Saxon version of Orosius, and the 
Cott. Tib. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, a collocation which is interesting in 
^' ^* view of the connexion to be presently pointed out between the 

two works ^ The Orosius occupies fF. 3-1 11; the Chronicle, 
beginning with the metrical Calendar and proverbs, occupies 
ff. 1 1 2-1 64 ro. As the Chronicle begins with a new fold, it is 
impossible to say whether it and the Orosius originally belonged 
together or not. The Chronicle consists of six folds of eight 
folios, one of four, and an odd folio, f. 1 64, on the recto of which 
has been wiitten the late fragment about the Northman at the 
bridge of Stamford Bridge, which was probably added with 
a view to completing the mutilated annal which precedes'. 
In the last fold the four leaves of which it consists have been 
misbound, and the folios now numbered 160, 161, 162, 163, 
ought to come in the following order: 161, 163, 160, 162. 
Except where space b taken up by capital letters, there are 
twenty-seven lines to a page throughout the MS., which looks 
as if it had all been written about the same time. 
The § 20. In the Orosius three hands are discernible ; the first 

extending to the middle of f. 34 y^, the second to near the top 
of f. 45 ro, the third to the end of the work. In the Chronicle 
several hands may be traced ; tlie first extending from f. i x 2 r^* to 
the end of f. 118 v^, i.e, to the end of 490. There are possible 
changes of hand at 978, near the top of f . 143 v<>, and pear the 
top of f. 158 ro (middle ot 1047), but these are somewhat 
doubtful. There is certainly a fresh hand at the beginning of 
1049, f. 158 ro middle, and this extends to the end of 159 v^ 
(middle of 1052) ; then comes the folio now numbered 161, with 
which a new hand begins which stops near the end of f . 161 i^, 
another scribe taking up the words, 'Sa on oSran Easterdeege/ 
near the beginning of 1053, &°^ continuing to the end of 1056, 
f. 163 v^', where half a page is left blank ; then with f. 160, 
annal 1065, another hand begins, which extends to th'e end of 
the woi-ds ' to Eoferwic ward,' near the top of f. X62 v<>, and not 
far from the end of 1066, the last hand finishing the annal with 
^ See below, § 103. ' See L 198 and note. 



the exception of the late addition mentioned above. Mr. Warner Date, 
saw no reason why the later hands from 1049 to 1066 should not 
be contemporary or almost contemporary with the events de- 
scribed. But there is not a difference of more than a few years 
between the earliest and the latest hands, and the whole MS., 
induding the Orosius, may be dated about the middle of the 
eleventh century. 

§ 21. Throughout the MS., both in the Chronicle and in the AnnoU- 
Orosius, are MS. notes by Robert Talbot, rector of Barlingham, ^^q^ 
Norfolk (t 1558). These notes refer chiefly to the identification 
of places, and some of them have been quoted both by Professor 
Earle and myself. In MS. Cott. Julius vi, which contains Leiand's 
Collectanea, there is the following note at f. 99 vo ^ : 'Mr. Talbot 
made this annotation in the front of Orosius' historie, that that 
he lent me (Leland) translated out of Lattin into Saxon tongue.' 
Then follow, not only Talbot's notes on the Orosius, but also those 
on the Chronicle, which are thus introduced : * Out of an olde 
Saxon Boke callid of some the olde Englbhe Historie/ From 
this it would appear that this MS. belonged at one time to 
Robei-t Talbot. We have seen that Joscelin cites it as ' Liber 
M" Boyer,' which shows that it also belonged at one time to 
Bowyer, keeper of the records in the Tower. But Joscelin also 
calls it the Abingdon Chronicle, and this is unquestionably 
a true description, not only of the origin, but also of the home 
of this MS. This will be proved at a later stage ^ Of 
Josoelin's own hand there are no traces in this MS., except at 
1056 and 1066. 

There are facsimiles of this MS. in M. H. B., plate xxi ; 
Thorpe, plate iii; Palaeographical Society, vol. ii. plate 242, 
where, following Earle ' and Hardy *, the editors wrongly state 
that the Chronicle is all in one hand up to 1045. 

§ 22. Cott. Tib. B. iv (D). Vellum, folio, 28-2 x 19. but three Dewarip- 

leaves, ff. 54, fo, 71, are of larger size, f. 54, which is the ]y(g ^ 

largest, measuring 29*8 x 19-2 ; probably the leaves shrank in Cott. lib. 

B. iv. 

* I owe the reference to a note by ' Introduction, p. xzviiL 

Sir F. Madden in MS. C. * Oat. i. 656. 

•Seebelow, 1163,87,91, 113, 


the fire, and hftve been cropped in the process of rebinding. 
The Chronicle occnpies ff. 3-86, f. 86 being only a half folio ; 
f. 87 Contains two writs of Cnut to Archbishop Eadsige; 
ff. 88-90 are paper leaves containing extracts by Joscelin from 
MS. E extending from 1123 to 1131. The other contents of 
the MS. have no connexion with the Chronicle beyond the 
common binding. A list of them may be seen in the Cottonian 
Catalogue of 1802, p. 35. The first fold of the Chronicle is of 
eight leaves, of which the last has been excised. Then comes 
a lacuna extending from 262 to the middle of 693, caused by 
the loss of a fold, probably of eight leaves. This has been supplied 
by the insertion of a fold of nine leaves, on which Joscelin 
has entered annals taken ft^m Hist. Eccl. Christi {'R), Hist. 
S. Augustini (B), Hist. Abband. (C), and Hist. Petroburg. (E)^ 
He also cites 2^, B, and C, as 'Libri Doctoris Wutton et 
Magistronim Boyer et Twyne*.' He refers also to Bede, 
Ethelwerd, and Henry of Huntingdon. And these annotations 
extend throughout the whole of the MS. After the lacuna 
there are nine folds, all of them of eight folios, except the last 
but one, which is of six. Throughout the Chronicle there are 
twenty- four lines to a page, except on f. 3 v<> and f. 75, which 
MS. D have twenty-five, and on f. 86, which, as I have said, is only 
uiutilated. |jj^|£ ^ j^j^f j^^^ jg mutilated. The fact, however, that the verso 
of f. 86 was vacant to receive the late entry of the rebellion of 
Angus, Earl of Moray, in 11 30 (miswritten 1080, hlxxx 
having been substituted for mcxxx), shows that the amount lost 
by this mutilation cannot be very great ^ But besides this 

^ In one or two caies the readings not explained in this way u * toeohte * 

cited do not agree exactly with £, for * gesohte.' There is evidence in 

and this might seem to countenance E that both Parker and Joscelin 

the view held by some that JoioeUn's made use of it. See below, § 35. 
* Petroburg.' is nut our £, but some ^ On Bowyer see above, § 18 ; and 

related MS. now lost. I do not on Twyne see below, § 88 note, 
myself think that the differences * 1079, the last annal on f. 86 i^, 

justify this conclusion. The entry ends imperfectly : ' ne wylle we ^eh 

which differs most is 409. But this her na mire scaffe awritan ye he 

is a confladon of S, a, and £, as his feeder ge .. .* It is quite possible 

Joaoelin himself indicates : ' haec in that all that has been lost is tlie 

historia Saxonica Petrobui^ensi et remainder of this last word, * gedyde ' 

eodeeiae Chxi. Cant.' The only word or 'geworhte,* and that the rest of 


mutilation at the end, the last entry on f. 85 vo, 10781 is very 
imperfect, and as there is no defect or abrasion of die vellum 
this shows that the scribe bad something before him which he 
could not read, possibly a MS. of which the last page was 
partially abraded. This further shows that D, even in its latest 
part, is not an original, but is copied from some other MS. 

§ 23. D, like C, is written in various ^ands. The fi^rst change The 
took place somewhere in the missing portion, for the hands before ^^ 
and after the lacuna are different \ The second hand goes 
down to the end of f. 67 v^ (toi6, avh fin,), the third hand 
beginning with the words ' feaht him wit$ ealle Engla ]7eode,' 
and extending to the end of f. 73 r^ near the beginning of ' 
1052*; the next hand only writes the one page f. 73 vo; the 
iifbh hand extends from the top of f. 74 ro almost to the bottom 
of f. 75 v« near the beginning of 1054. There seems to be 
another change on f. 77 vo, near the beginning of 1061 after 
the word * pallium.' Mr. Warner was inclined, with some hesi- 
tation, to see two changes of hand on f. 78 vo in the annal 1065, 
one at the words ' 7 his bro)>or Eadwine him com to geanes,' 
and another at the words * 7 Eadward cyng com to West myn- 
stre.' This view, which was based purely on palaeographical 
considerations, coincides curiously with a change of source in D. 
Before and after the points indicated the matter in D agrees 
with C, whereas between those two points D agrees with E. 
However this may be, there is another change on f. 83 r® near 
the beginning of 107 1, from which point the same hand con- 
tinues to the end, with the exception of the late entry referred 
to above. 

§ 24. Below I have sought to prove from internal evidence Date, 
that the later part of the Chronicle from 1067 onwards cannot 

the folio WW cut away for the sake of D. They may, however, have 

oftheb^ankvellam, a frequent cause oome from the parent MS. of D, 

of mutilation of MSS. This die- which was apparently mutilated at 

proves Earle's theory (Introduction, the time when it was transcribed, 

p. Ix), followed, as usual, by Pauli, See the next sentence above. 

JPertZy xxii. 97, that some of the * This fact had escaped my 

later parU of E may have been notice, until it was p<nnted out to 

derived firom the lost oontinQation me by Mr. Warner. 

IL d 


be earlier than iioo'; and Mr. Warner was of opinion that 

there was nothing in the handwriting to militate against this 

conclusion. He thought the earliest hands might be as early 

as 1050. Personally I should doubt whether there was as 

much as fifty years' di£ference between the earliest and latest 

hands. Joscelin called this Chronicle ' Ghronicon Wigomiac' 

Below I have given reasons for tliinking that its home is rather 

to be sought at Evesham '. There are facsimiles of thb MS. in 

M. H. B. (plate xx), and in Thorpe (plate iv). The last part 

of this Chronicle, from 1043 to the end, was imperfectly printed 

as an appendix to Lye's Saxon Dictionary (1772), from a faulty 

' transcript by Lambard in Canterbury Cathedral Library '. 

Dewrip. § 26. Laud Misc. 636 (E). ff. 91. Vellum, small folio, 21-0 x 

MS £ ^^'^' ^^^ leaves vary a little in size, but this is the average. 

Laud Misc. Five leaves, ff. 86-90, are of a larger size, measuring 24*2 x 

^36. 1 6*0, and this was probably the original size of the MS. These 

five leaves have escaped the binder s shears because on the 

margin of them is written a brief French Chronicle from Brutus 

Annota- to Edward I. The MS. has been interleaved with large folio 

^Is'e^ paper, and both on the vellum and on the interleaved paper 

are copious notes by William Lisle (f 1637) chiefly consisting 

. of collations from 2^, which he calls ' Benet.' And on the blank 

paper leaves at the end he has inserted from 7i the annals 894— 

924, 937, 941, 962, 973, 975, and a pedigree of Woden from 

855 B. On 937 (the Sang of Brunanbttrh) he says : * This is 

mysticall and written iu a poeticall vaiue obscurely of purpose 

to avoide the daunger of those tymes and needes decyphring.' 

On 941 he writes ' this also mysticall ; ' 975 * And this.' Some 

notes in earlier hands occur here and there ; one at 705 may be 

by Joscelin ; another at 893 refers to R. Talbot and may be by 

him. In many passages the MS. is underlined in red in a manner 

closely resembling Archbishop Parker's underlinings of MS. 2^. 

And it is quite likely that these marks are by him ^. E must 

* See below, § 75. * Wanley makes the same sng- 

* ib. i 73. gestion, p. 65 ; a fact of which 
' I owe this reference to Hardyj I was ignorant when I wrote the 

Cat i. 6iJ, above. 


certainly have been in the hands of hie secretary Joscelin, who 
makes so many extracts from it in other MSS. 

$ 26. Of the date of the MS. there can be no doubt ; the first Bate. 


hand goes to the end of 1121, f. 8i v^; the next hand writes g^ribes. 
the single annal 1122, and the third hand similarly writes only 
1123. With 1 1 24 another hand begins, which is possibly iden- 
tical with the second hand ; this continues to near the end of 
1 126, f. 85 ro; the next hand carries on the record to the end 
of 1 131 ; from 1132 to 11 54, where the Chronicle ends, is all 
in a single hand, but internal evidence shows that this part of 
tlie Chronicle was not written down till after the accession of 
Henry II '. The troublous days of Stephen would not be 
favourable to historical composition. The MS. therefore was 
written at various dates in the twelfth century from 1 1 2 1 to 
1 154. Its origin is equally certain. From end to end it is 
unquestionably a Peterborough book '. It is disputed whether Question 
the MS. is incomplete; Wanley», Hardy*, and Macray*, all ^/ "°*^^*" 
describe it as mutilated, while Earle ' denies that there is any 
mutilation. I think that a leaf has been lost at the end, fur 
after eight folds of 10 leaves each, there comes one of 1 1, origin- 
ally 1 2, showing that one folio has been detached at the end of 
the volume ; though whether this contained any writing must 
remain to some extent doubtful. Certainly the loss must have 
been suffered at an early date, for the abraded state of the last 
page shows that it must have been for some time the outermost 
page of the MS. before it was rebound. From the middle of 
f. I v« to the end of f. 7 v® the MS. is in double columns, other- 
wise it is in single column. There are 30 lines to a page 
throughout, with the exception of the last three pages, which 
have only 29. On the front page is the inscription : ' Liber 
GoiL Laud Archiep. Cant, et Cancellar. Vniuersit. Oxon. 1638^.' 
It may be noted that this is the same date as that in the tran- 
script of B, Laud Misc. 661. There is a facsimile of this MS. 
in Thorpe (plate v). 

* See notes adl^, * Tntroduction, p. L 

' See below, § 43. ^ Laud therefore probably ob- 

V <>4« * ^**^ ^ <>53. tuned the MS. on the death of 

' CauOogne of Laud MSS. Lisle in 1657. 

d 2 


Dwicrip- § 27. Cott. Domitian A. viii (F). Vellum, 4to, 2i'OX 14-7. 

^^ y This is a very miscellaneous volume of ff. 174 ; for a list of the 
Cott. ' contents see the Cotton Catalogue of 1802, p. 573. The Chro- 
Domit. A. lacle occupies ff. 30 ro-70 vo, where it ends mutilated in the 
middle of the year 1058. Probahly a fold has heen lost at the 
end. The Chronicle as it now stands consists of four folds; 
the first two of eight leaves, the third of twelve, the fourth 
originally of twelve, but with an extra leaf inserted making 
thirteen. Owing to the mutilation we cannot tell how far the 
The Chronicle originally extended \ The bulk of the Chronicle is 

'^^ ^' all in one hand, but there are innumerable additions, interlinear 
and marginal, and it is often impossible to say whether these 
minutely written insertions are by the original scribe or a dif- 
ferent one '. The principal scribe is, I am confident, identical 
with the principal interpolator of 7P. 
Bate. § 28. This MS. has been commonly assigned to the twelfth 

century. Sir E. M. Thompson and Mr. Warner are both in- 
clined to place it a little earlier, at the end of the eleventh 
century, on the ground of the similarity of the hand in which 
it is written to that of the smaller Domesday'. It will be 
F a bi- shown later ^ that this MS. owes its interest largely to the fact 
A^^ that it is bilingual, the entries being made first in Saxon and 
then in Latin. It is beyond all question a Canterbury book, 
more local and monastic in its character than even E itself*. 
The MS. has been much stained by the action of galls, and is 
in many places very difficult to read. Junius' collations of it 
will be mentioned lower down*. Of this MS. there is a fac- 
simile in Thorpe (plate vi) ; unfortunately the page there given 

^ The Chronicle is followed by which see Howlett, u. <., p. xlii. 

a copy of Robert de Monte's ' There are also annotations here 

Chronicle beginning with 1153, on and there in a later hand, which 

which see Hardy, Cat. ii. 440 ; and I believe to be that of R. Talbot, 

Mr. Hewlett's edition of that on whom see above, $ 21. 

Chronicle in the Rolls Series, pp. > Of this there is a good facnmile 

zli.ff. It belonged to Long Benning^ in Palaeogr. Soc. iii., plate 344. 

ton, a cell of Savigny, in Lincoln- * S 39. 

sliire. On the front of it there is 'I owe this remark to Professor 

an interesting note relating to Earle. 

Nicolas Trivet, the chronicler, on * $ 124, notes. 


is wbolly Latin, so that it does not give a very good idea of the 
scribe's Saxon hand. Of this some notion may be gained from 
the small facsimile in M. H. B. (plate xziii) of some of his 
interpolations in 'R. 

§ 29. Cott. Domitian A. ix (H). This is only a single leaf, Descrip- 
f. 9, which was discovered by Professor Zupitza, and first printed ^° ^ 
by him in Anglia,i. 195-197. It contains events, mainly eccle- Oott. ' 
siastical promotions, belonging to the years 11 13, 11 14. It pomit. A. 
cannot therefore be earlier than those years, and may be a little ^^ 
later. The language is much more classical than we should 
expect at that date, and is another warning that we must not 
take the later parts of E as a type of the Saxon written in all 
religious houses in the twelfth century. This fragment is quite 
independent of E, the only other Chronicle which comes down 
so late. 

§ 30. To these should perhaps be added, for the sake of com- MS. I, 
pleteness, Cotton, Caligula A. xv (I), f. 132 v® £F., a Paschal ^*- ^ 
table \ on the margin of which brief historical notices are entered xr. 
in Saxon and Latin. These were compiled in the first instance 
aboat 1058, and continued in various hands to 1268. The first 
Latin entry is at 1 1 10, the last Saxon entry is at 1 130. It thus 
furnishes evidence of the process by which Latin overpowered 
the native tongue in the realm of history. E is a Saxon Chron- 
icle with a sprinkling of Latin entries ; F is bilingual ; here 
Latin encroaches on Saxon and ultimately prevails '. This little 
Chronicle belonged to Christ Church, Canterbury, and is printed 
in Liebermann, Ungedruckte Anglo-Normannische Geschichts- 
qoellen, pp. 1-8. 

m. Of the Charactbb and Mutual Relations of 

§ 31. Having thus described the various MSS., I next pro- Method of 

ceed to discuss their character and mutual relations. And in <^^.i>^^^^i' 


* For ihe inflaence of Patohal cases it ib at Canterbury that the 
tables on the composition of process begins; for the proof of 
Chronicles, see below. ihis as to £, see below, ( 47. 

* Corioiisly enough in all these 



dealing with this problem I begin with the latest MSS. and 
proceed backwards to the earliest, endeavouring thus to track 
the Chronicles to their common source. When this has been 
done, we can reverse the process and briefly trace their develop- 
ment from the beginning to the close. This may involve a 
certain amount of repetition ; but it will conduce to cleHmess. 
And in taking F first I do not mean to assert that F is neces- 
sarily later tban the latest parts of £. But in character, if not 
in date, F is certainly later than £, being, as we shall see*, 
a mere compilation, whereas E is a living Chronicle. 

Relation of § 32. The relation of F to E' is not difficult to determine. 

F to £. Xq the main the relation is that of a bilingual epitome. The 
way in which the compiler of F deal« with the entries contained 
in E varies in different cases. Sometimes he copies almost 
verbatim, sometimes he omits altogether'. But as a rule he 
epitomises, preserving generally the words of his original. 

t 5 41. 

' The pointB of agreement of £ 
and F are sometimee curiouBly 
minute: e.g. 693, spelling of Gife- 
mund ; 780, the same abbreviation 
for Haffustaldes ea ; 1010, ' fore spre^ 

' These cases of omission are 155, 
485, 488, 5^7 (this omission is 
probably due to critical reasons; 
owing to £*8 niisreadinff *Certioes 
ford ' for ' Cerdices leaga, the scribe 
of F regarded this entry as a mere 
doublet of 519; for a similar omis- 
sion on critical grounds see 704), 
571, 584. 591, 59a, 593, ^3, 607. 
611, 617, 6a6, 6a8, 63a, 65a, 658, 
660, 671, 674, 68a, 684, 699, 715, 
7a a, 741 (from 743 to 754 all 
entries in F have been erased to 
make room for a grant by i£thel- 
bald, so that it is impoesible to 
say whether all the entries now 
standing in £ between those dates 
were copied by F or not; see i. 44, 
note 6), 798, 8ai, 8aa, 832, 837, 
839, 853, 865, 869, 87a, 873, 877, 
884, 889, 906, 910, 918, 970. 981, 
9831 985* 997. 998, 1030, 1034. No 

special motive can be assigned for 
these omissions; the parts omitted 
refer mostly to political matters, 
while the scribe's interest seems to 
be prevailingly ecdesiasticaL But 
they are concerned with all parts 
of the country, Sussex, Wesaez, 
Mercia, Northumbria, East Anglia ; 
some refer, wholly or in part, to 
his own district of Kent, e.^. 488, 
85a* 865; one or two have to do 
with foreigTQ afiairs, e.^. 884, 1030; 
while one or two deal with code- 
siastical matters, in which he cer- 
tunly was interested, e.g, 660, 
1034. The omissions are made 
quite arbitrarily and without any 
skill; cf. e.g. the omission of 881, 
884, whereby the thread of the 
account of the movements of the 
Scandinavian *here' is ruthlessly 
broken. In the above note I have 
dealt only with the omissions of 
whole annals. I have not analysed 
the cases of partial omission in the 
process of epitomising. To do this 
would be to analyse nearly the 
whole of F in detail. But t^e 
results would be much the same. 


I have already said that to the principal scribe of F are due 
the bulk of the interpolations in MS. Ti ^ ; and these interpo- 
lations are mainly taken from £, or from some related MS. It 
is therefore clear that this scribe attached great importance to 
the additional particulars supplied by that type of text ; and it 
is not wonderful that he should make it the basis of his own 

§ 33. He was not, however, restricted to E. As the inter- BelAtion of 
polator of 'R he must have had access to that MS. also ; and in ^^^^^^^^^ 
several cases his entries show a greater affinity with; H than 
with £ ' ; in a few they are conflated from 2^ and £ ', while in 
others they are derived exclusively from A, the entries in 
question not appearing in E at all ^. 

In four cases F seems to be nearer to C than to any other 
of our existing MSS.'; but the resemblances are so unim- 
portant that they are probably accidental. 

§ 34. More interesting is the fact that in one instance (965) 
F has preserved an entry which exists only in D of our present 
Chronicles, while in another entry (955) there are elements 
which seem to be derived from D. The fact that in both these 
cases the parts akin to D are later additions (whether by the 
original scribe or not), the former being inserted on the margin, 
makes it quite possible that after this part of F was written, 
some MS. of the D type came into the hands of the Canterbury 
monks, that these two entries attracted attention, and were 
embodied in their own MS. F. 

There is, however, another possibility which our subsequent 
investigations will convert into probability, if not into certainty, 
viz, that F is based, not on £ itself, or a MS. exactly resem- 
bling £, but on one intermediate between the common original 
which, as we shall see, underlies E and D, and £ itself. Let 

' Above, % 37. thefe the iMt four are found only in 

* 473> 495. 034. 7141 793, 794> S of our existing MSS. ; the Ent is 
79^» 799> ^3> ^^5} 9'o* 9Ht 9¥>i found also in B and C ; the second 
965 ; sad possibly 519, 651, 887. and third in B, C, and D. 

* 43O; 937 (■«« i^oto f'^ ^^> li* ' 490y 501, 534, 639. In one 

seF is 

141), 964. case F is nearer to B, 759, but this 

' 7^3> ^i» 909, 934, 93i> 951 also is accidental, 
(only in the Latin of F), 1029. Of 


U8 call ibis hypothetical MS. c. It is plain that c might 
retain some features akin to D, which E at a later stage might 
The Peter- § 35. Another £6U$t which may point the same way is that 
^diSoM ^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ Peterborough additions of E \ This argu- 
of £ are ment must not be pressed too far. A Canterbury scribe migbt 
not in F. easily omit such passages, even if he had them before him, 
because the local history of a rival religious house would have 
little interest for him and his readers. But there is one of 
these additions, the ravaging of Peterborougb by the Danes in 
870 ', which is so closely connected with the general history of 
the country, that there seems no reason why the scribe of F 
should omit it, any more, e, g., than he has omitted the ravaging 
of Lindisfarne in 793. Anyhow the possibility must be recog- 
nised that the explanation of the absence from F of the Peter- 
borough additions of E may be simply that they were absent 
from the MS. on which F is mainly based. 
The Latin § 36. On the other hand that MS. certainly contained some 
entries of ^f ^he Latin entries of E ; for though F as a rule omits the 
purely Latin entries of E. yet there are exceptions, which prove 
that that onussion was not due, at any rate in all cases, to 
ignorance of them '. Similarly this MS. contained the entries 
now only found in E of existing MSS. anterior to F ; both those 
which occur in the body of the Chronicle, and those which 
occur towards the end, where E begins to be independent of the 
others *. 
Other ele- § 37. But besides the materials derived from E or e, and 
mentain F. £^„j ^^le subsidiary Chronicle S», F has'also additional materials 

* 654, 656, 675, 686, 777, 85a, ? 1037, 1039, 1040, 1041, 1043^ 
87o»03, 105^. „ i044> 1045, 1046*, 1046 ^ 1047, 

* Compare this annal in & and 1048, 105a, 1054, 1055, 1057, 
E, i. 70, 71. 1058. (The dates given here aro 

* 876 ad init., 890 (ditto), 89a thoee of £, which F has sometimes 
(only in F Lat.)) 9^8 (see critiod altered, generally in the right direc- 
note, ad toe. i. 107), 942, 964, 994 tion.) F itself ends at 1058, so 
(only in F Lat), 1024 (ditto), that its relation to £ cannot be 
1 03 1. tested beyond that point. 

* 443 (only in F Lat.), 921,927, * Subsidiary, that is, from F'b 
937i 94a, 949i 95a, I023, 1023, point of view. 

1034, 1025, 103a, 1033, 1036, 



of its own, many enti-ies being either wholly or in part peculiar 
to itself. Several of these have to do with general and ecclesi- 
astical histoiy, in which the compiler evidently took great 
interest; and the source of many of these is shown by the 
Latin of them to be the general Chronicle appended by Bede to 
his work De Temporam Hatione ^ ; others, as we should natur- 
ally expect, are concerned with the special history of Kent and 
Canterbury, and of these, too, some of the earlier ones are 
derived from Bede's Hist Ecel.' In six cases the special 
entries show an interest in, or connexion with, Winchester', and 
in four cases they deal with other parts of England ^ ; in three 
cases they are Franklsh^, while in four others they refer to 
portents in the world of nature '. 

The interpolations made by the scribe of F in !?!^ are some- 
times derived from these special sources of his own ^, as well as 
from the additional matter contributed by E or c '. 

§ 38. Something must next be said as to the mutual relations Relation of 

^ 3 (which cftuses a repetition of 
what F had already entered from 
€ under a), ? la, 38*, 40*, 45, 46, 
47*, 48*. 49*, 50*, 69», ? 70, ? 71, 
1 81. 116, 137, aoo, 444, 448*, 
483*, 509, 74J. The asterisk in- 
dicates that the matter peculiar to 
F la deriTed from Bede's Chron. 
Many foreign Chronicles are 
written as oontinnations of Bede's 
De Tempornm RaUone ; see Perta, 
i. 3, 4, ai, 61, 6a, 91, 97, no; it 
ai6, a37, J38; iii. laa, 155, 169; 
iv. I ; ziii. a, 39, 260 ; xziii. i. 
Bede is not merely the ' Father of 
Rngiish History,* but to a large 
extent also of mediaeval history 

* 55«, 597t. 6oit, 6i4t, 6i6t, 
6i9t. 653t (F lAt. only), 694!!, 735, 
742 II, 758, 759. 760, 76a. 784, 796 II, 
8»9, 8700, 943, 959, 961, 980, 989, 
?95lli 9^j 1020, 1033. The dagger 
indicates derivation frxnn Bede*s 
H. £. The entries marked || are 
long pieces of local history compar- 
able to the Peterborough additions 
in £. 

» 641, 648, 861, 903, 984, 1041. 
On these see Lieberiuann, p. 56. 

* Wessex, 856; London, 996; 
Eastern Counties, 798, loao. 

* 714,7^5,840. 

" 685 (this entry is also in Ann. 
Camb.) ; 733 (this comes fr^m the 
Cont. of Bede*8 H. K) ; 806 (this 
entry occurs in some continental 
Chronicles, see note ad loe.) ; 809. 
It must not be assumed that in all 
the cases cited in this and the five 
preceding notes the whole of the 
annal is peculiar to F. Sometimes 
it is only some slight touch that 
is added; e,g. 641, loao. In 736 
F has a mistake which is all its 
own. In 845 F alone has the 
later title ' eorl '; in 1017 the com- 
ment is added that Edrio was slain 
'very rightly'; per contra, the 
moralising of the other MijS. in 
loi I is omitted. 

^ U7, iHf 7^> 9^5, 943» 955» 
959, 961. 

* And sometimes he inserted in 
S matter from s which he did not 
use in F; e.g, 155, 519, 530, 593. 


the Saxon of the Saxon and the Latin entries in F. It is plain that the 
entries in relation between them will vary according to the source from 
F. which they are taken. Where the Latin entries show clearly 

that they are derived from a Latin source, such as Bede's 
Chronicle, there the corresponding Saxon entries must be a 
translation of the Latin. Where, on the other hand, the Saxon 
entries are taken from the Chronicles £ (c) or 2^, the Latin as 
a rule will be a translation of the Saxon. I say, ' as a rule,' 
because in one instance ^ certainly, and possibly in others, the 
scribe seems to have made his Saxon epitome from £ (c), and 
then to have taken the corresponding Latin from an indepen- 
dent source. Even when the entries come from the Chronicles, 
the scribe seems to have made his Latin translation directly 
fiom the MS. wbich he had before him, and not from hb own 
Saxon epitome. For it not unfrequently Siappens that the 
Latin is nearer to ^ and contains more of ihe original * than 
does the Saxon epitome. Where the Latin is the fuller, corre> 
spondiiig additions are often made to the Saxon between the 
lines, or on the margin *, Conversely there are cases in which 
the Saxon contains more than the Latin " ; and here, too, occa- 
sionadly the defect of the latter has been subsequently supplied ^. 
Sometimes the same annal will be fuller in one part in the 

^ T 88, where the Saxon Beems an while F Saxon gpves it as lao 
epitome of E, while the Latin is without any qnalification ; in 979, 
verbatim from Bede, Chron. «^«. at the accession of Ethelred II, Us 
ai3 ; cf. H. E. i. 5. knowledge of the later history 
' e.-^. 456, 1006. enables him to add : * tempore auo 
' e.g, 605, 76a, 780, 880, 890, multa mala uenenint in Ajigliam 
891. In other cases the additional et poetea semper hucusque enene* 
matter in F Lat. does not come runt*; at the end of 1050 the 
from the Chronicle but from some addition that William, Bishop of 
other source; in 597, 653, 675, London, was consecrated by Arch- 
from Bede's H. £. ^ in 74a a long bishop Robert, oemes from Canter- 
Canterbury document is inserted; bury sources, as does the date of 
in 871 the scribe adds his own Ceolnoth*s election in 830. 
reHexion: *peeeait*exige9Uibu$DBm * e.g. 601, 685, 817, 856, 980, 
campum oeperunt'; in 89a he 1020. In the last three cases the 
gives from his own local knowledge additional matter is from some sooioe 
Uie exact length of the ' mickle other than the older Chronicles, 
wood' of Andred, as ia4 miles, ^ e,ff, 565, 654, 780, 878, 978, 
which the other MSS. give as 979. 
roughly 1 ao (' 1 ao miles or longer *), * e,g. 787, i oca. 


Latin, in another in the Saxon version^. There are several 
Latin entries to which there is no corresponding Saxon ', there 
are a few Saxon entries for which the Latin is either wholly 
wanting ', or only inserted later ^. An addition is made in the 
Latin and not in the Saxon ^ or viee f)vr9a*\ though often 
additions or corrections are made in hoth^. Li one case an 
addition in Latin is inserted in the Saxon text, and not in the 
Latin ^ There are other indications that the scrihe was em- 
barrassed in his task by this bilingual writing. Thus in the 
Saxon of 596, he writes ' hie * for ' h^r/ and ' cum monachis ' 
for ' mid munecum/ then writes the latter over the former ' ; 
conversely, he retains Saxon forms and names in his Latin 
entries ; e, g, * ASelwolding *• ' ; ' ad os Pedred^n cum SufnerscB- 
tan et DaraeUm ^^* ; ' apud Acemannnes byri, t. e. at BaSan ^' ' ; 
' upam magnam nauem quae anglice nominatur sceg)) i> ' ; < pro 
una quaque hamele '*/ where the scribe at first wrote ' apud/ 
literally translating the Saxon phi'ase '«t elcere hamelan/ then 
altered ' apud ' into ' pro/ Occasionally the Latin is influenced 
by the Saxon phrase ; thus at 1055 the idiom ' he scolde beon 
Sea dnges swica' {i.e. ^he was said to be/ German, 'soUte 
aein ') is rendered : ' quod d^mtt esse delator patriae '^/ But 
on the whole the compiler does his work as a translator well. 
In one place he confuses * gesettan ' with ' gesittan ^* ' ; in 

* e.g. 780, 979. Hbove *rex' in the Saxon of 714; 

* 96, 30, 51, 33, 44, 5a, 53, 443. 'Kjurolns' altered to 'Karl' in 814. 
877 (tboo^ joined on to 876), 951 ^^ 990 Latin ; not in the corre- 
(from X), 1023 (from £ Lat) ; at spending Saxon. 

928 the Saxon has been subse- ^^ 845. 

qoently interlined. "97^1 ^^^ '<^t' lutf beensabse- 

* ^'9' 735> 7^1 943- quently erased. 

* e.g. 650, 692, 765. *• 1008 ; of. 1051, ' in loco qui ab 
' 0.g. 806. Anglis dicitur Nnss.' 

* e.g. 840. " 1039. 

* e.g. 735, 790, 798, 870, 1009. " 80 in Ann. Wav. 1098 we 

* 80a, ef. 790. In one case the have: 'qui hoc uidere debuerunt/ 
Lakia of F contradicts the Saxon, translating the phrase of the 
1041, i. 163, and note a. L Chronicle : ' ^ hit geseon soeoldan.' 

' He probably did the like in Conyersely in 755 the 'geflymdon 

509, where ' mnneca ' is written on Beomrede ' seems to echo the 

an erasure ; of. ' rex * fbr * cins ' in * fusato Beomredo * of the Latin.' 
Um Saxon of 635, 'cing' wntten '* 886. 


another he misunderBtandB his original^ ; but I have noticed no 
errors so gross as those with which the pompous Ethelwerd 
deforms his pages '. 
F a link § 39. The interest of F consists largely in this bilingual 

th*^*^ character, in virtue of which it forms a link between the native 
and Latin annals and the Latin Chronicles which ultimately supplanted 
Chroniclee. them. Not for many generations did Englishmen essay to 
write history in their own tongue ; while in many mouths * bar- 
barus ' was used as a synonym for ' English '.* Trevisa first led 
the way with his translation of Higden. Then Gapgrave fol- 
lowed with an original history of his own. But it illustrates 
the decay of Saxon studies that wherever in MS. F attention is 
directed to any fact by pointers placed in the margin, it is 
always against the Latin, never against the Saxon statement of 
the fisLCt that the mark is set. Still Anglo-Saxon historical 
works continued to be read. Thus Rudbome, at Winchester, 
in the fifteenth century, quotes the Anglo-Saxon version of 
Bede, though he thinks it is the work of Bede himself^. And 
in this way some sparks of knowledge may have been kept 
alive, until the revival of Anglo-Saxon studies in the sixteenth 
and seventeenth centuries ^ 
F's Saxon § 40. As to the language of Fs Saxon annals, while far 
language, ^gj^^ ^he level of classical Anglo-Saxon prose, such as we find 
in the best parts of 7i, C, and D, it is not so corrupt as the 
latest portions of E. Whether it shows any special dialectal 
features owing to the writer's position at Canterbury, I must 
leave to specialists in English dialects to determine. 
Historioal § ^^* ^^ ^ ^^^ historical value of F it must always be 
value of F. remembered that it is not a living Chronicle, growing with the 
growth of events like 'K, C, D, and E ; but a dead compilation 
made in the eleventh or twelfth century, out of older materials. 
In the course of his work the compiler has preserved some 

' 891 ; aB to Suibhne, 9. note a. 2. more) of a continuance of Anglo- 

' See below, § 99 and notes. Saxon studies at Tavistock all 

* See my Bede, ii. 308, 321. through the Middle Ages, aee 

* ih, I. cxxviii, note. Wulker, Ghimdriss, p. 3. 
' On the legend (for It is nothing 


facts and some traditions which are not found elsewhere ; but 
as an historian he ranks perhaps with Henry of Huntingdon as 
a secondary authority of no great critical power, who occasion- 
ally throws a welcome side-light on the statements of our 
primary authorities. To quote F^ as is ofien done, without 
qualification as ' Hie Saxon Chronicle/ as if its statements were 
on a level with the contemporary portions of K, C, D, and E, is 
little short of monstrous. 

§ 42. The analysis of MS. E is a somewhat intricate matter, Composite 
for it is a highly composite document. That in its present form ^^^^^^^ 
it is a Peterborough Chronicle, admits of no doubt. From 654 
to the very last entry in 11 54 it is full of notices bearing on 
the local history of Peterborough \ But there is an important Peter- 
difference between the earlier and the later local entries. In ^jongh 
the case of the earlier Peterborough notices, a comparison with 
other MSS., combined with a study of the language of the 
entries themselves, shows that they are later insertions in a 
Don-Peterborough Chronicle, whereas of the later Peterborough 
notices the explanation is that the Chronicle itself has become 
original, and therefore local ; so that local events naturally find 
their way into it alongside of others of a more general character, 
and are clothed in language of the same texture as the rest. 
The point at which the transition takes place will be discussed 
later I 

§ 43. There is another feature of E which cannot fail to Latin 
strike us at once. Though not bilingual throughout, like F, «^*"«»- 
it contains a considerable number of Latin entries. These 
extend from 114 to 1062 ', and fall into four groups: — (i) 114- 

* 654. 656, 675, 686, 777, 85a, 528, 591, 596. 625, 769, 778, 788, 
963, 1013, 1041, 1052, 1066, 800, 8ro, 81 a, 876, 890, 89a, 928, 
1069, 1070, 107a, 1098, 1 102, 94a, 964, 994, 1034, 1031. 1046, 
TI03. TI07, 1114, 1115, 1116, 1054,1056,1060,1063. Mr. Thorpe, 
1134, Iia5, iia7, iiaS, 11 30, by omittinsr nearly all these Latin 
Ii3i> ii32> II37> 1154- There entries, has almost obliterated this 
is » tiny Peterborough addition in interesting feature in MS. E. It is 
99a. true that as history these entries 

* |§ 50-53. are worth very little, for they con- 
' 114, 134, X34, 303, 354, 311, tain little or nothing which may not 

379, 403, 435, 431, 433, 439, 449, be found In a more original shape 




625 ; all these entries, with one exception ^, relate to ecclesias- 
tical affairs, popes, councils, and especially the inflaence of 
successive popes on the development of the ritual of the 
church ; (li) 769-812, a group of entries relating to Charles the 
Great and his wars ; (iii) a small group of entries dealing with 
English ecclesiastical affairs ; 890, election of Plegmund of 
Canterhury; 892, death of Wulf here of York ; 964, expulsion 
of the secular canons from the ' Old Minster ' at Winchester ; 
(iv) 876-1062 (excluding those of group iii), a series of entries 
relating to foreign, and principally Norman affairs. 

§ 44. The origin of group (iii) need not he specially con- 
sidered. Prohahly they were marginal annotations in his copy 
which the scrihe has mechanically embodied '. Groups (i) and 
(ii) ai*e both taken almost verbatim from the Annals of Rouen ' 

elsewhere. Bat as illustrating the 
literary history and growth of the 
Chronicle they are of the greatest 

^ Namely 435 (' exordium regum 
Francorom '). 

' See snch annotations in X at 
988, 1036; i. 125, note 10; i. 158, 
note 7. 

3 The Annals of Rouen have never 
been edited in their entirety. Perts 
gave extracts from them, xxv. 
490 ff. Liebermann printed a por- 
tion of them in his 'Ungedruckte 
Geschichtsquellen,* pp. 31 ff., which 
is complete as far as it goes, but 
only begins with 700 a.d. It is 
much to be regretted that editors 
should not print all Chronicles entire. 
The earlier portions may be historic- 
ally worthless, but for determining 
the literary relations of different 
Chronicles and different centres of 
historical writing they may be in- 
valuable. ISo in editions of lives 
of saints, the miracles are often 
omitted to our great loss. For 
whatever we may think of their 
value as evidence of the power of 
the particular saint, they sometimes 
contain valuable allusions to the 

history of the time at which tbey 
were written. Allusions of this 
kind have enabled me, e.g., to fix 
the place where Rufus* fleet waa 
wrecked on the Scotch campaign of 
1091 {vide note a. L) ; and the 
cause of the retirement of the 
Scottish invaders in 1079 {vide 
note a. /.). It may be said that I 
have myself sinned against this 
principle in the present edition. 
Hie lines of it were, however, laid 
down for me by the character of the 
edition on which my own is baaed. 
Were I free to make a new bogin- 
ning, I should certainly print all 
six MSS. in their entirety. Ab to 
the Annals of Rouen, the defect is 
practically supplied by the Annales 
Utioenses (Annals of St. Evroul), 
printed in vol. v. pp. 1^9 ff. of 
Mons. Auguste Le Prevost s admir- 
able edition of Ordericus Vitalisy 
which are largely based on the 
Annals of Rouen, and in which all 
the Latin entries of £ from 114 to 
81 3 will be found almost verbatim 
with the exception of 433. A com- 
parison of 81 a £ with Ann. Utic. 
shows the extraordinary corruption 
of £'s entry, derived probably from 



(Annales Botomagenses), a body of annals which was trans- 
planted to England, and engrafted into more than one Chronicle 
on English soil ^ Group (iv) comes from a Norman Chronicle 
resembling in some respects the Annals of Rouen, but not 
identical with them '. The question when these groups of Latin 
entries were inserted in the Chronicle will be considered later '. 

§ 45. The MS. is written in one hand to the end of 1121. DiTisioni 
After that date the Chronicle is continued in various hands ^ to ^^ ^' 
1 154, where it ends. From 1122-1135 the entries were made 
contemporaneously, or nearly contemporaneously with the events 
recorded*. The account of Stephen's reign was not entered 
annalistically, but thrown together roughly, and without much 
regard to chronological order, after the accession of Henry IP. 

We need not therefore discuss the sources of these annals 
1122-1154^. The monastic chroniclers, from time to time, 

the original through leveral inter- 
mediate itepi. In Ann. Utio. 811 
we have : ' NicefornB obiit. Michael 
impcrator, gener eios, qui Karolo 
imperatori Icsatoe ouoe cum pace 
mitdt ' ; which b thus travestied in 
£: 'Cireneine Karolo imp. . . . 
mittit.' See Theopold, < Kritiache 
Unterrachungen,' p. 87. 

In 635 E the worda 'lohannes 
papa' hftve been inserted from Ann. 
Kot. 6^, making nonsense. 

In the notes I have not thought 
it necewry to deal with these Latin 
entrieii, except group (iii), as the 
rest hare no connexion with English 
history. Nor is it to my purpose 
to trace the origin of the Annals of 
Rooen, a good account of which 
will be found in Theopold, «. «., 
pp. 83 ff., to which this note 
is much indebted (cf. also Ord. 
Vit. V. Ixviii). Theopold is, how- 
ever, mistaken in tracing all the 
lAiin entries of E to the same 
source, p. 87. 

' See liebennann, m. s. 

* This Nonnan Chronicle I have 
not yet identified ; nor is its identi- 
ficadea of any importance. 


* The changes are pointed out in 
the critical notes to these annals, 
i- aSif >53> H^i 3^a; and see 
above, $ a6. 

^ See 1127, iiaS, nap, 1130, 
1131 ; and the notes to 1127, 1131, 

* See notes to 1137, 1138, 1140. 
TliiB non-contemporary section goes 
back to 113a, where the last scribe 
begrins. Note the error as to the 
date of Henry's crossing to Nor- 
mandy, 1 1 35, instead of 1 133. 

^ Of the plan of the annals 1091- 
1 1 a I something will besaid later, § 53 
note ; here attention may be called to 
a mannerism of the scribo who writes 
1126-1131, which gives a unity of 
character to all these annals, viz, 
his fashion of concluding his narra- 
tive vrith a pious ejacuUtion, iia7. 
God scawe fore; 1 1 38. God geare 
his saule ; God haue his milce ofer 
f wrecoe stede ; 1 1 29. Crist sette 
red for his wreoce folc; 11 30. God 
adylege iude rede; 1131. God hit 
bete, ]» his wille be0; Crist nede 
for ]» wrecce muneces of Bnreh. 
This occurs sporadically earlier, 
x685*> <^fin,^ 1086. 




The first 


tion of 




recorded such current events as came to their knowledge, and 
were deemed sufficiently important to be entered in the 
Chronicle of their house. We may confine ourselves therefore 
to an analysis of the Chronicle down to 1121. 
Relation to § 46. As far as 1022, £ is mainly based upon a Chronicle 
which, though not our D (as will be shown later '), was at auy 
rate nearer to it than to any other of our existing Chronicles. 
From 1023, E begins to be more independent ; though even 
after that date there are points of contact with C and D which 
will need to be considered *. 

§ 47. Can we fix the locality of this first continuation of £ 
after it ceases to be mainly dependent on D ? I think it may 
at any rate be safely affirmed that the centre of interest is in 
the south. Northern affairs are only mentioned when they 
are of national importance, such as the death of an archbishop 
(1023, 1060), the Scottish campaign of Cnut (1031), the 
expulsion of Tostig (1054), the campaign of Stamford Bridge 
(1066), the retirement of Edgar Etheling to Scotland (1067). 
On the other hand the writer's knowledge of events in the 
south is minute and exact He gives by far the best account 
of the course of affairs on the death of Cnut (1036)' ; he knows 
the death-place of Harold Harefoot (1039). His entry of 
Edward the Confessor's accession is shown to be strictly con- 
temporary * ; he knows the names of the Wikings who ravaged 
Sandwich (1046 ^), and of the English abbots who attended the 
Council of Rheims (1046 ^) " ; he knows how Harold pfave up his 
ship to his cousin Beorn *, and how the ' lithsmen * of London 
translated Beorn's body after his treacherous murder by 
Swegen ' (i6.). He knows the exact day on which the foreign 
archbishop, Robert, returned to Canterbury from Rome (104 8)'; 
and he tells, with perhaps a spice of malicious glee, how he left 
his pallium behind him in his hurried flight from England 
(1052) *. He knows that iEgelric, Bishop of Selsey, had been 

M 60. M§ 62, 63. 

borough interpolation. 

* See notes ad he. 

» i. 167 t. 

* 1041 E and note. The rest of 

• i. 168 h and note. 

M. i69h. 

the annal is of course a Peter- 

• i. 17a t. 

• L 183 t. 


a monk of Christ Churcb, Canterbury (1058); and he alone 
tells of Harold's naval expedition against William in 1066 \ 
But the most striking instance of his detailed local knowledge 
is in the narrative of the outrages of Eustace of Boulogne and 
his followers at Dover (1048)'. Whereas D gives the impres- 
sion that the outrage took place on Eustace's first landing in 
£n<;land, E knows that it really happened when he was on his 
way home after his interview with the king ; he knows too that 
he and his followers stopped at Canterbury on their way to 
Dover and refreshed themselves there ' ; he knows exactly how 
the scuffle arose, and the numbers slain on either side ^ ; he has 
all a neighbour's indignation that an Englishman should be 
slain ' on his own hearth " ' ; he asserts, with perhaps a touch of 
excusable bias for his own side, that Eustace's statement of the 
case to the king was partial and untrue', and tells with 
evident approval how Gk)dwin refused to carry out Edward's 
orders against the men of Dover, ' because he was loth to mar 
his own county '/ 

§ 48. Now it never seems to have occurred to any of our 
editors or historians to ask how all these minute details could 
possibly have been known to a monk of Peterborough '. But 

^ 'heforiStmidscipheretogreanet ' *gewende )>a hamweard. pa 

Willelme,* i. 197 1. This statement, he com to Cantwarbyrig east, ))a 

restinfir only <m £, has been looked snsdde he \mt 7 his meun, 7 to 

on with some suspicion, see reff. ad Bofran gewende,'i. 17a 1. 

toe. Bnt the authority for it be- * i. 17a l.-i73h. 

eomes much strontrer when we * 'binnanhisagenanheoriT/i. I73t. 

dieoem the real origin of this part * ' cydde be dsele . . . ao hit 

of £. The words seem to imply nses na swa,' i6. m. 

roore khan the mere establishment ^ 'him wss la0 to amjrrene his 

of a post of observation in the agenne folgatf/ A. ' Folg^,' as I 

Isle of Wight, as narrated by C. have shown in the notes ad loe., 

' The chronological dislocation of answers in all its meanings to 

this part of E must not be cited as ' comitatus ' or county. 

eridence against the originality of * Let me confess that I myself 

the«e most interesting annals. It was equally blind until I began to 

is due not to the writers of them, write the present Introduction, 

bat to later copyists. It will be Ck>nYersely this position of the 

seen presently that our E is at least writer explains the onriously vague 

twice removed from the original designation which he gives to 

annals. There was, therefore, Stigand as * Bishop to the North,' 

ample room for errors in tran- 1045 E. This would be incompre- 

scnption of numenls to creep in. hensible in any oi^e writii^ at Peter^ 

n. e 

— -.-^ 


The writer 
of this part 
a monk of 
St. Augas- 
tine*i, Caq- 

with the 
cal MS. c. 

when once the true locality of the original writer of this part of 
the Chronicle is grasped, everything becomes clear. What then 
was that locality 1 The answer is plain, I think, to any one 
who will look a little below the sorfiBice. The writer wot a 
monk of St. Augustine 8 f Canterbury, One of the abbots attend- 
ing the Council of Rheims, whose names he alone gives, was 
Wulfric, Abbot of St. Augustine's. Under 1043 his election is 
given ; under 1044 the death of his predecessor ^EU&tan. This, 
which might seem a reversal of the proper order of events, is 
another proof of the writer's minute local knowledge, for 
iElfstan resigned six months before his death ^ So at 1061 we 
have the death of Wulfric ' and the appointment and consecra- 
tion of his successor, iEthelsige. This position of the writer 
explains, too, the strongly Qodwinist tone of this part of E, 
to which attention is frequently called in the notes on these 
annals '. The writer belonged to that very district of Godwin's, 
which 'he was loth to mar.' This feature again would be 
hard to explain in a Peterborough writer, who might be 
expected rather to sympathise with his own earls, Siward aud 

We have therefore clear evidence that a Chronicle, which 
down to 102 a was based mainly on a MS. akin to D, was 
continued at St. Augustine's, Canterbury, at any rate down to 
about 1067. 

$ 49. But there is further light available as to this Angus- 
tinian Chronicle. In the analysis of MS. F it has been shown 
that there is a possibility, if not a probability, that F was 
derived not from £, but from an earlier MS. which I have 
called €^. That possibility, or probability, is converted into 
practical certainty by the present line of argument. The 
Augustinian Chronicle of the last section is no other than the 
hypothetical c of the previous analy8i3, on which F, itself 
a Canterbury Chronicle, was mainly based. A comparison 

horongh, which was only about forty 
miles from Elmham, Stigand's first 
see. He uses the same vagae ex- 
pression of Eadnoth, Bishop of Dor* 
ohester, 1046 ^, ad fin, i 171 1. 

^ See the annal 1043 £• 
' This is also in D. 
' See notes on 1048, 105a, 1055 
E ; and on 1036 C, D. 
* Above, S 34* 


with F will therefore show, within narrow limits, the elements Contenu 
of which € was composed when it had reached the point ^^** 
indicated above ^ It did not, of course, contain the Peter- 
borough interpolations. Did it contain the Latin entries of 
our present Ef We have seen that those entries consist of 
four groups — (i) Ecclesiastical, (ii) Caroline, (iii) English, 
(iv) Norman ; the first two being derived from the Annals of 
Eonen, and the fourth from some Norman Chronicle. It is 
only of groups (iii) and (iv) that any trace is found in F*. 
But it is hard to believe that none of the other entries would 
have found their way into the pages of F if the writer had 
had them before him, for he is distinctly interested in eccle- 
siastical matters ', and he shows no disposition to avoid conti- 
nental affairs if they happen to come in his way *. I therefore 
conclude that the last two groups of Latin entries were already 
incorporated in c before it was transplanted, but that the two 
first were added later, probably after it had reached Peter- 
borough. Other annals in the earlier part of £, which appear 
first in E of our existing MSS., but which a comparison with 
F shows to have existed also in c, are 286, 921, 925, 927, 942, 
949, 952 ^ Such, then, was the Augustinian Chronicle. In 
its earlier part it was mainly of the D type^ but with, a certain 
number of special features of its own ; in its later part it was 
the work of Augustinian continuators * ;, and from 876 to 1062 

* The locality of the next ooiitinuft> in note 2, (all of which, except three, 
tkm off (after 1067) iBuncertAio,Hee refer to foreign affairs), 8x4, 840 
below, § 53. Anyhow tike original < (an addition of his own), 88^ 887. 
moat have renudned at Canterbniy, I have not reekoned casefl where 
tobeoome the parent of the future F. foreign affiura are directly oon* 
We have oooaaionally a further nected with English, nor notices 
oiterion of the contents of c, in relating to the Papacy. 

the additions (cited as a) made to S * Of these 921, 937, 94a, 94^^ 

by the scribe of F; some of which, 95a form a little group of annals 

firom. Iheir likeness to £, he must relating to the Scandinavian princes 

have taken fcom c, though he did of Northmnbria ; on which see 

not embody them in his own com- below, $§ 6a, 70. 

pilation F. * I say ' continuaton ' in the 

' Namely 876, 890, 89a, 928, plural, for it is unlikely that one 

943, 964, 994, 1034, 1031. person should have been historio- 

' Above, % 37* grapher for over forty years, 1033- 

* See, besides the references given Z067. 




When did 

borough 1 

for a 

of this type 

to II2I. 




it contained a sprinkling of Latin entrieSy partly of Engliab, 
but mainly of foreign origin. 

§ 50. At what point in its growth was the Augustinian 
Chronicle transplanted to Peterborough ) F unhappily ends at 
1058, and so gives no help for the settlement of the question, 
while the interpolations by the scribe of F in X end at 941. 
E certainly keeps its southern character, at any rate up to 1066 
inclusive. But from that point to 1 1 2 1 we are in doubt. 

For the existence of a Chronicle closely akin to £ and 
extending to 1121 we have, I believe, two independent wit- 
nesses, the Annals of Waverley, and Henry of Huntingdon. 
Let us call this .Chronicle rf as being a lengthened c. And just 
as a comparison of £ with F and a gives us a very fair idea of 
the contents of c, so a comparison of the Waverley Annals and 
H. H. gives us a less effective, but still interesting, criterion for 
the contents of 17. 

§61. The Waverley Annals' were compiled at Waverley 
Abbey, near Farnham, the first Cistercian house in England, 
founded in 11 28 by William Giffard, Bishop of Winchester. 
Up to 999, where the first hand ends, the annals are taken 
from various sources, chiefly, perhaps, from Sigbertus Qembla- 
censis, with the additions of Robert de Monte. The second 
hand extends from 1000 to 1201, and therefore cannot be 
earlier than the beginning of the thirteenth century. And 
from 1000' to 1 1 21' the entries are an extremely close and 
literal translation (generally very correct) of the Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle, with oecaeional additions from Robert de Monte or 
from the writer's own knowledge. So closely does the compiler 
follow his original, that he even translates literally the famous 
passage in 1086 £, which tells how the original writer 'looked 
on, and lived formerly in the court of* the great Conqueror*. 

* See Ann. Way., ed. Lnard, 
B. S., pp. zxix. if. 

' The coincidence of the change 
of source with the change of hand 
ihonld be noted. 

' The editor traces the connexion 
a little beyond this point ; but I see 

no dear evidence of the use of the 
Chronicle after 1 1 a i. 

* Gale, who printed the Annals 
of Waverley from 1066 onward in 
his Scriptores, cites this passage aa 
a proof that the author was a S»on. 
Mr. Luard says that this is ' a spoci* 


And there are other points which show the close affinity of 
Ann. Wav. to B. They agree with E in peculiar readings \ 
in insertions ^ and (though this is less conclusive) in omissions '. 
They have some at any rate of the last group of Latin annals ^, 
while showing no trace of the Peterborough additions. But, it 
may be said, considering that this part of the annals cannot 
have been compiled earlier than 1 200, may it not have been 
derived from our existing E by simply omitting the Peter- 
borough additions 9 In itself this is not impossible, especially 
as the compiler omits many things in E besides the Peter- 
borough interpolations ". But an examination of the annal The Ann. 
1070 is decisive against it. This entry is one which has not Y^'^^^ 
only been interpolated, but recast by the Peterborough editor, from oar £. 
and no process of mere omission could restore it to the original 
form which it has in D. Yet in this entry the Ann. Wav., 
though in other points agreeing so closely with E, and showing 
no trace of the entries peculiar to D, are in this annal in 
exact agreement with the latter. We seem, then, to have 
clear evidence of the existence about 1200, in the south of 
England, of a Saxon Chronicle extending to 1 1 2 1, and resem- 
bling our E in nearly all respects except that it did not 
contain the Peterborough additions. 

men of the very carelen way in English history is greatly indebted, 
which his editorial daties were per- ^ 1007 : ' xzx for ' xzzvi ' ; 

formed ' ; becanse ' considering that loi i : * Leofwine ' for * Leofrune ' ; 

Wheloo had published the Anglo- loia : ' viii ' for < zlviii.* 
Saxon Chronicle ... in 1644 * 1016 a(2 tm7., insertion of <clz 

with a Latin translation, it wiis scipa,' see note od Zoe. ; loaa, inci* 

inezcosaUe in Gale not to find out dent of Abbot Leofwine ; 1035, 

that . . . this . . . is a 1046% 1047, 1048, 105a, 1066 

literal translation from that Chro- (peculiar to E). 
side,* p. zxix. This only shows ' loio, 101 1, 1014. 

tbat ISr. Luard can never have * 1024, ^^A^» ^054, 1056 (?), 

looked at Wheloc himself ; for io6a (?)• 

Wheloe, as we know, made his ' Cf.e.^. 1006, 1009, 1 010, 101^, 

edition from MSS. Sand A, wAtcAcio 1017, 1020, 1039, i<'43% ^^A^t 

not contain any ofthcannaU tram- ^047, 1061, 1073, 1077, I079* lo^S* 

laied hy the Wavtrley writer. I 1085% 1085^ 1096, 1098, 1103, 

•boold not have called attention to 1106, 1107, XI09, 1 116, 1 117. In 

this slip of Mr. Loard's, had he not several of these cases a comparison 

made it the ground of an unfounded with other MSS. shows that the 

charge against a laborious worker, omitted portions were undoubtedly 

to whom, with all his shortooniings, in the text of the original Chronicle. 




planted to 
c. 1 1 21, 

in conse- 
quence of 
the fire of 
1 1 16. 

Question of 
the locality 
of the con- 

§ 52. This seems to show that this Chronicle was not 
transplanted to Peterborough before 1121, that there it was 
transcribed, the Peterborough additions, and probably the first 
two groups of Latin entries, being inserted in the process of 
transcription, and the later entries added in the nsual way by 
different hands at different times. It follows, then, that all 
the Peterborough entries up to 11 21 inclusive, are interpola- 
tions; and the fact that where they do not form complete 
annals, they always come at the end of the annals, causing 
repetition ' or the derangement of the chronology ^, is a strong 
confirmation of this view. 

As to the occasion of the transplanting of rj to Peterborough, 
I agree with Earle' in tracing it to the great fire of 11 16, 
which would create the need for a restoration of the library 
as well as of other things'*. 

§ 53. We have not yet, however, solved the question of the 
locality of the section 1 067-1 121. Earle thought that the 
section 1 083-1 090 was composed at Worcester, and that 
the section 1091-1121, or at any rate 1091-X107, was also 
composed there, though by a different author ^ This view 
I believe to be the resultant of two other views, neither of 
which seems to me well gi'ounded : (i) that our D originally 
extended considerably beyond its present termination ; (ii) that 
it is a Worcester MS.' Anyhow the almost entire absence 
of any mention of Wulfstan, the great Worcester saint and 
hero, seems to me conclusive against the Worcester ori^n of 
this part of the Chronicle^. It is possible that the continua* 

* e.g, II 14. • e,g, 1103. 
' Introduction, p. zliii. 

* The person through whom MS. 
17 wag obtained for the use of Peter- 
borough may very possibly have 
been Bishop Emulf of Rochester, 
who waa Abbot of Peterborough 
II 07-1 114, and before that Prior 
of Canterbury, 1 107 E. We know 
that he had antiquarian tastes, and 
that we owe the Textus Roffensis to 
him. This suggestion strengthens 
the probability that 17 came to Peter- 

borough direct from Canterbury or 
the neighbourhood. 
' See on these two points, §(22, 

73, 76. 

• Introduction, pp. xlvi, xlvil. 

^ 1087 ( 1 1088) is the only men- 
tion of Wulfstan in the whole of the 
Chronicles. There is a mention of 
a Pershore abbot in 1086 (1087). 
Moreover the unity of structure of 
the annals 1091-iiai should be 
noted. The general plan of them 
is this : first the three yeaiiy courts 



tion np to 1121 was made, like the previous continuation, at 
St. Augustine's ; it is possible that it was made at some other 
place, which formed a halfway house in the migration of the 
Chronicle from Canterbury to Peterborough. 

§ 54. Let us now turn to Hen. Hunt. Here the resemblance Henry of 
to the Chronicle is less close than in the case of Ann. Wav. ^^^^Jj^""^ 
On the oth^ hand, the materials for comparison are more his rela- 
abundanty as H. H. uses the Chronicle from the beginning, and ^^ ^ ^^^ 
not merely from 1000 as do the Ann. Way. The close afiBnity of Hia Affinity 
H. H. with E is obvious. It is seen firstly by their agreement with E. 
in some of E's most palpable blunders : ' iiii werad ' for ' iiii 
(f.«. iiii millia) wera/ 456 E (e); *Nazaleod/ 508 E (e); * Certices- 
ford' for '-leag/ 527 E (c) ; 'feala' for 'fea/ 530 E (f ) ; 
' Eadrede ' for * CutSrede/ 648 ; ' Nihtred ' for ' Wihtred/ 693 ; 
-Eadberht' for *Cu»berht/ 740; 'Cynebald' fw *Cynewulf/ 
779 E(c); 'Awuldre* for 'Apuldre/ 892 ad fin. \ *Wic' 
('Gwic' E) for * Gypeswic/ 991; ^Leofwine' for *Leofrune,' 
1 01 1 E (c)^ Secondly, H. H. has many entries which either 
wholly or in part are peculiar to E, or to E and F, t. e, c '• 

are mentioned, or the reason given 
why they eould not be held (this 
fefttnre oontinnes to 1137); then 
the general character of the year as 
marked by taxes, bad seasons, &c., 
is given (this feature begins earlier, 
1085 ^ adfl%,y 1086 $uh inU,^ 10^ ; 
it is also found in the interpolation, 
1 041 ; and it exists in the Ann. 
Wav., showing that it is not speci- 
ally Peterborough work); lastly, 
local entries, if any, are inserted at 
the end by the Peterborongh editor. 
On the plan of the annids iia6- 
1 1 3 1 , see above, § 45 note. The view 
that there was at Peterborongh a 
Chronicle ending at iiai derives 
support from the fact tbat the 
Chronicon Petroburgense, published 
by the Camden Society, begins with 
1133. CI Earle, p. zUx. 

» Cf. also 537 (f), 501, 710, 799 
(with the w. IL in H. H.), 833 #, 
88$ «, 890 c, 891 (omission of), 998, 
1016 f ad inii. ; agreement in nume- 

rals : 488, 765, 766, 1007 c, loi a c, 
1018 c. 

* 547 «♦ 571 « (0» 933 (the drown- 
ing of Edwin Etheling), 949 «, 95a f, 
ioa»€, 1035 €, 1031*, 1036*, I039€, 
104OC, 104IC, 1043N, i046*c, 1047 (, 
1048 ad fin,y 1055 «, 1063, 1069, 
1077, 1079 ff. (the dates are, oi 
coune, those of £). There is a 
very carious proof of the use of 
the later part of £ (17) by H. H. 
at the year 1098. The printed 
texts and some MSS. read : ' Hugo 
consul Salopscyre occisus est ab 
Hibemiensibus.* This is an error, 
aM the slayers of Hugh of Mont- 
gomery were Norwegians. Two 
MSS. have the unintelligible read- 
ing 'apud Wilcinges/ other two 
have the intermediate and nngram- 
matical reading *apud Hybernien- 
nibus.' A reference to E explains 
all these corruptions : ' Hugo eorl 
weai9 ofiilagen . . . fram titwikin- 
gan ' ; «. e . * by out- (or foreign-) 



Now E and 17 most in any case have resembled each other so 
closely, that it might seem rash to attempt to decide which of 
them was the MS. used by H. H. But it surely can hardly be 
accidental that H. H.'s use of the Chronicle should end precisely 
with 1 1 21, where the first hand of E, and consequently 17, 
ended. The last entry of E under 1 1 2 1 is of the ' swytSe mycel 
wind/ on Christmas Eve, and this (with the exception of some 
verses of his own) is also H. H/s last entry for that year. 
After this point, the notices common to him and E are almost 
confined to records of the royal movements ^ ; and that these 
were not derived by H. H. from E is clear, because he has 
them even in years where E is blank, e,g, 1133, 1134'* If> 
however, any one prefers to believe that what H. H. used was, 
not 17, but our E before the addition of the annals subsequent 
to 1 121, I do not know that I could convince him^. The other 
seems to me more likely. 

wiJdngB.' What H. H. wrote there- 
fore wM 'ab utwikingif*; from a 
wrong division of the words results 
the reading 'apud Wilcinges,' the 
scribe apparently taking ' Wilcinges' 
as the name of a place; from 
a wrong division of the words and 
a misinterpretation of 'wikingis* 
we get 'apud Hiberniensibus,' which 
the next scribe simply made gram- 

* On the ground of these resem- 
blances Mr. Arnold asserts that 
H. H.*8 copy of the Chronicle ex- 
tended to 1 1 26 ; see H. H. p. IvL 

' That H. U. shows no trace of 
the Peterborough interpolations of £, 
not even at 870 (where the addition 
is one of general interest, v. s. § 35), 
confirms somewhat the view that 
it was ri and not £ which underlies 
U. U. This argument cannot, 
however, be pressed very fax, as 
H. H. might simply have omitted 
them as unsuited to his purpose. 
As to the bulk of the Latin entries 
in E we cannot argue; for H. H. 
uses the Annals of Houen and 

other foreign sources independently 
of E (17). He certainly incorporates 
E's Latin at 890; but this, aa we 
have seen, was already in c. The 
use of fi by both H. H. and the 
Peterborough editor is easily ex- 
plained by the £Act that Huntingdon 
is less than twenty miles from 
Peterborough; and either of the 
two parties may have passed on the 
MS. to the other after he had done 
with it. 

' Here is one tiny bit of argu- 
ment: — in 694 the true reading 
(fi, B, C, D, Jb') is 'xxxiii wintra.' 
E has xxiii, and H. H. xxxii. F is 
evidence that c read xxxiii. If we 
suppose that 17 also read xxxiii and 
that H. H. used 17, then both hii 
corruption and that of B are 
accounted for : H. H. omitted an 
i, and £ an x; whereas xxxii is 
not a likely corruption of xxiii« At 
838 H. H. has an annal whioh is 
not in £. It would not be safe, 
however, to argue that it must 
have been in 17, as it may have 
oome from C. 


§ 55. Bat in order to finish the discossion of H. H.'s relation Relation of 
to the Chronicle, we may remark that H, H. was not wholly g**^ **[ 
dependent on E for the material which he derived from the don to MS. 
Saxon Chronicle. He had another MS. which was not only akin ^* 
to our C, but was, I believe, actually our C itself. Firstly, there 
are several instances where he does not follow the mistakes of 
E, but adheres to the readings of the older MSS.^ In one 
case he has a reading which is only in C, ' Cantwarabyrig ' for 
' Cantwic*.' ^gain, he has pedigrees in places where E, accord- 
ing to his usual practice, omits them'. He has several very 
important annals, which are omitted either wholly or in part 
by E\ But the two most decisive fisicts are these: (i) H. H. 
has the Mercian Register in its unincorporated form"; this 
is a feature peculiar to B and C, and that it was C and not B 
that H. H. used is proved by the fact that one of the annals of 
the M. £. which he inserts, viz. 921, is not found in B. (2) He 
haa the incident of the Norwegian holding the bridge against 
the English at the battle of Stamford Bridge, 1066 C ad fin. 
This is not only peculiar to C, but is in the very nature of 
the case unique, for it was evidently written down from oral . 
tradition long after the event in very broken Saxoli *. We may 

* 568. OsUf 2, B, C, OBlac E, F; S, B, C, D, 853 [853 E] S, B, C, 
641. mi S, B, G, xzi E; 688. 894 to 897 S, B, C, D, 901, 904, 
zzzTii X, B, C, xxvii E; 745. 906, 910 to 915 S, B, C, D, 937 
zliii X, B. 0, D, xlvi £ ; 796. (Bong on the battle of Brunanburh) 
Cynnlf B,q. CeolwulfX, D, E,F; X, B, C\ 94a (song on the faU 
833. xzxv S, B, C, xxY D, £, F ; of the Five Boroaghi) S, B, C, D, 
878. Sedwudu X, B, C, D, WeiU- 943 X, B, C, 944, 945 X, B, C, D, 
wada £. In a few cases he differs 921 C, D, only. It will be noticed 
froni all the MSS. : 584, 614, 694, that C is the only MS. common 
75a, 855 ad fin, to aU the references given in this 

' 839 ; this is certainly an error, and the preceding notes, 

see note ad loe. ; but as the next * See critical note 7 at i. 9a, and 

place mentioned is Rochester, it notes i and a ib. 100. So carelessly 

wae not anDatoral that H. H. should and mechanically does tiie good 

think the reading of C preferable. archdeacon go to work, that when 

> 547 B, C, 560 B, C (with he comes to the Mercian Register 

Tenants), 597 X, B, C, 611 B, C, in C, he copies straight ahead with- 

6a6 B, G, 688 X, B, C, 694 X, B, out the least noticing how the 

C, D, 736 [7a8] X, B» C, D, 731 chronology * fetches back.' 

X, B, C, D (placed by H. H. under * Of course H. H. might have 

737), 755 X, B, C. obtained the tale independently 

* 7a6 [7a8] X, B, C, D, 838 from oral tradition; he has many 



* Lestorie 
des EngleH. 

assume therefore that H. H. used for the composition of his work 
not only E or i;, but also C. 

§ 56. There is yet another work available for the criticism of 
E, and that is ' Lestorie des Engles solum la Translacion Maistre 
Geflfrei Gaimar'.* Of the author little or nothing is known. 
But his time seems to have been about the middle of the twelfth 
century, and his locality Lincolnshire. He may have been 
a clerk ; he was almost certainly not a monk. The whole tone 
of his work is secular and non^cclesiastical. He is (in no bad 
sense of the word) a romancer, not an historian. His object is 
to amuse, not to inform. This is shown by the fact that the 
nearer he gets to his own time the more nomantic he becomes. 
Even in the earlier part he inserts romantic episodes like that 
of Havelock the Dane, and the story of Osl)erht, King of 
Northumbria, and the wile of Buem Butsecarl. Edgar's reign 
is a tissue of romance, while William Rafus becomes under 
Gaimar's hands the model of 'a very perfect gentle knight.' 
That there was a chivalrous side to Rufus' character, to which 
churchmen, in their hoiTor at his public rapacity and private 
vices, did scanty justice, is probably true, and has been recognised 
by Mr. Freeman * ; but to exaggerate this side as Gaimar does, 
while omitting all the darker shades, is to wiite romance, not 

such traditional stories, e.g, the 
two fine anecdotes about Siward, 
pp. 194-196. But seeing^ that so 
many arguments point conclusively 
to the use of C, there is no need 
to resort to that hypothesis here. 
On the oth^r hand, that H. H. used 
D, as Mr. Arnold suggests in one 
place, p. 194 margin, or G. (A), as 
he frequently suggests, I see no 
reason to beliere. There is not the 
slightest trace in him of the very 
interesting annals peculiar to these 
MSS. .—921-924 S (A, G.), 92$, 
926. 941, 943, 947, 948, 952, 954^, 
1058, 1078, 1079 D. Into the 
character of H. H. as an historian 
I do not enter here. I have indi- 
cated my opinion more than once 
in the notes to the Chron. and to 

Bede. Nor am I concerned with 
the question of the other materiais 
used by him. I deal simply with 
his relation to the text of the 
Chronicle)), and the materials which 
he affords us for the criticism of 
that text. There is an article by 
Dr. Liebermann on H. H. in 
Forschungen z. Deutsch. Gresch. 
xviii. 365 ff. He decides, as I 
have done, that H. H. used C and 
£, p. 281. My own results were, 
however, worked out independently. 

» Up to 1066 printed in M. H. B. ; 
completely with translation in R. S., 
edited by Mr. Martin. 

* Though here and elsewhere 
Mr. Freeman cannot resist the 
temptation to cheap and unworthy 
sneers at chivalry generally. 



lustory. Bat, with tlie exceptioDs noted above, he follows the Relation 
Chronicle pretty closely np to the acce^ion of Edgar. He cites J^^"*"*^ 
it as ' cronicles */ * cronices *,' • croniz • '; as * la geste */ * la Chronicle. 
vereie geste •/ * la veille geste • ' ; Me livere ^' * li livere ancien '/ 
' li ancienz * ' ; on the other hand, ' lestorie/ ' la veraie estorie/ 
sometimes mean the Chronicle ^^ and sometimes not ". 

§ 57. The qneetion next arises : can we determine the nature HisChro- 
of the Chronicle used by Gaimar ? First, it is quite clear that ^j^® J^^ 
in the earlier part (up to 891) it was a Chronicle of the northern 
or D E recension'*. Of the northern entries between 735 and 
806 which are peculiar to that recension, all, or nearly all, are 
to be found in Gaimar''. And of the two, Oaimar is much 
nearer to E than to D'\ His MS. was, however, free from 
some of the errors which subsequently crept into E and its 
immediate predecessors *^ After the accession of Edgar, Gaimar 
makes less use of the Chronicle, because the romantic stories 
which he loved were available in greater plenty '*. 

^ 954, 3188 (the referenoee are 
to the lines of Gaimar's poem). 

• am. » 3331. 

• 3333. » 8a8. 

• 25^7. ' 3238. 

• 990. • 168a, 1786 

*• «949» 2^55, 3335, 3340, 571a. 

" 758. 2938, 3930, 3937. 

» On thii, lee below, §$ 65^ ff. 

^ Beiidee these instances Gaimar 
followa the reading of D, £, against 
X, B, C, in 835 (wuniende for 
winncnde^G. 3375), and in 836 
(»6. 3391-3), 845 (dux /or ealdor- 
manna G. 3450; the latter word 
G. always translates ' biiron '); 851 
-6. 3466; 853 «»G. 3501; 888 

-G- 3331 ff. 

»* He omits 838 with E, F (G. 
3416-7); like E, F, he jumps 
from 893 to 901, though the other 
ChroDicIes are very full just there 
(^* 3437 ff-)- He omits the grant 
<*f Cumberland in 945 with E, F 
G. 3540); he has annals which 
are only in £, or £, F ; 906 («=G. 
$467 ff.); 931 (-G. 3501); 949 

(-<>. 3549 ffO; 95a (-G. 3553 ff.). 

" 568. Oslaf 2, B, C, H. H., 
G. 980, Oslac £, F; 605. Scro- 
mail £, Brocmail G. 1091 ; 608. 
xxxvii X, B, C, H. H., G. 1541, 
xzviiE, F; 693. Wifatred G. 1550, 
Kihtred E. H. H. ; 693. Dryhtheim 
I>» G- 15549 Brihtfaelm E; 710. 
Sigbald D, G« 1633, Hygbald E, 
H. H.; 735. xzziiii D, H. H., G. 
1699, zxziii E ; 740. CuVbryht 
X, B, C, D, G. 1767, Eadbryht 
£, H. H. ; cf. 855. In most of 
these cases the correction required 
by E is obvious ; but in 710, where 
we hare merely the authority of E 
against D, the witness of Gaimar 
gives new and independent weight 
to the reading of D. 

** See, however, besides passages 
already cited, G. 4686 ff. ( = 1038 
D, E) ; G- 5071 ff. (-1063 D, E) ; 
6, 5009 ff: (-1061 D); G. 5177 
ff. is nearer to 1066 C, than to D 
or E; G. 5 191 ff. is nearer to 
1066 K. 


His list of § 58. At the end of his work Gaimar gives a list of the 
authorities, authorities which he used *. The only two which concern us 
here are 'lestorie de Wincestre/ and ' De Wassingburc un livere 
Engleis^' As to the former, it is quite certain that Gaimar 
shows no special affinity with Ti^ the only one of our Chronicles 
which is directly connected with Winchester. I am therefore 
inclined to agree with Mr. Martin ' that by this is merely meant 
the Saxon Chronicle generally, as having its head quarters and 
origin at Winchester under Alfred*. As to the latter work, 
Washingborough was three miles from Lincoln and belonged to 
Peterborough. The suggestion made by Mr. Martin * is there- 
fore an attractive one, that owing to this connexion there may 
easily have been a Chronicle at Washingborough akin to the 
Peterborough MS. E, But we have seen that Gaimar represents 
an earlier stage than E in the development of the E tradition ; 
and therefore the Wasliingborough book would be an ancestor 
rather than a descendant of E. But in truth the description 
which Gaimar gives of this book does not agree with the 
Chronicle in any form ; for it contained, inter alia, 

' tuz leg empereura 
Ke de Rome furent seignun.* 

It has been suggested that it was the Anglo-Saxon translation 
of Orosius, but this must be regarded as veiy problematical \ 

§ 59. We must now return from this digression. And we 
have next to consider those parts of E which are related to 
D or yet earlier MSS. 

Relation 1^ ^^^0 ^^^ ^^^ ^ ^^ ^^^^ ®^' ^ ^ ^^^^ ^ ^^7 other existing 

of E to D. MS. of the Chronicle. This is clear from the following general 

features : — (i) in both D and E most of those annals which are 

> 6436 ff. ' 6468 ff. ' Historia Anglorum, Gallioe efc 

' Gaimar, R. S. IT. xix. rythniice/ Gottlieb, Mittelalterliche 

* This is Gaimar's view; and Bibliotheken, p. 17a. This might 
I shall endeaTonr to show later, well be Gaimar. 

$§ loi £, that he is probably right; * 64^2-4. There is an article on 

cf. 2234, 2334 ^» 345' ff* Gaixnar by Mr. Riley in G«nt, Mag. 

* Gaimar, «. 8. In a lint of iii. 21-^ (i857)» 
Peterborough books there is a 


based on Bede are taken from the narrative of the Hist. Eccl.^ 
instead of from the chronological summary appended to that 
work (H. E. y. 24), as is the case as a rule' with S, B, C; 
(ii) the incorporation in both of a series of northern annals 
extending at least from 733 to 806, which are not found in 
X, B, C ; (iii) the appearance in both of a somewhat shorter 
recension of certain annals '. 

But apart from these general features of resemblance there 
are minute points of agreement, especially in mistakes, which 
cannot be accidental. Thus at 778 both have ' bedraf on lande ' 
for 'of ; at 835 * wuniende' for 'winnende/ a very easy Bcribal 
blander, which however makes nonsense; at 875 both read 
' Stnetled ' for ' Strwcled ' (Strathclyde) ; at 887 both have 
^ 7 }>a ' instead of the proper name ' 7 Oda ' ; at 878 both 
have the same omission after 'geridon/ at 1004 ad fin. after 
* werode/ and at loi i after * gafol beodan*.' 

§ 60. Nevertheless E is not a transcript mediately or imme- £ not a 
diately of D. This can be easily proved by reference to the ^g*^^' 
numerous omissions and corruptions which appear in D but are 
not found in K Thus at 87 1 D has an omission due to the 
recarrence of the name Sidroc, but the omitted passage is in E ; 

> 167, 189. 379 (T), 381, 409, 4^3, a different class of MS. The annals 

443f 449» 5<55» fSSi 6o3» 604, 605, 697, 699 D, E, are taken from 

616, 617, 634, 635,626, 637, 633, Bede*s epitome; but thej oorre- 

634, 640, 641, 643, 650, 653,654, spend to nothing in the body of his 

655, 664, 667, 668, 673, 678, 679, work, and (possibly for that reason) 

68 f, 684, 685, 688, 690, 693, 693, are omitted in many of the MSS., 

70Q, 710, 721, 737, 730, 731. see critical note ad loc, I have 

' I say, * as a rule, for occasion- little doubt that the reason why 

ally even X, B, C show traces of these annals do not appear in 

the use of the body of Bede's X, B, G, \dio habitually use the 

work, especially in cases where the epitome much more than D, E, is 

epitome supplied no information : — that they were wanting in the MS. 

45<(f ^i» <^3< 633, 634*, 635*, 636, of Bede which the former used. 

645*, 646*, 650*, 654, 66o*, 661, » 716 (?), 836, 837, 8f3, 855, 860, 

670*. 673, 688*, 700*, 716. (The 873 (in the last case the abbrevia- 

annals marked with an asterisk tion is evidently due to some 

refer to the history of Wessez ; the editorial scribe who thought that 

rigmficance of this will appear later, the latter part of this annal in 

\% 107, T08 notes.) It is curious that S, B, C was a mere repetition from 

we are able to.say not only that D, £ the preceding annal). 

treated their Bede differently from * See also 718, 788, 868, 1006, 

2, B, C, but also that they had 1009 ad fin. 




80 with B pesBage omitted bj D at 885 oil mU}. To take <me 
decieive iostaDoe of oonrapdoD : — at 1009 C and E read conneetly 
'7 leton eoMeB ptodtcypn gemcine ISob leohtlice forwni^San/ 
where D liaa corrupted the words in italics into ' ealle ]» scypas 
geswinc.' Now a scribe who had D before him, and wanted 
to correct its obvioas corruption, might have written 'eab« 
))ara scypa {or scypmanna) geswinc ' ; he could not have divined 
the true reading out of D^s chaos ^ The case of omissions in £ 
of matter contained in D is, of oonrse, less decisive ; it is always 
rash to say that a scribe could not have omitted this or that (we 
have seen how ea]»icious Fs omissions often are ') ; still it is at 
least strange that £ should have omitted so much that is interest- 
ing and peculiar in D if he had that MSw before him \ 

The only theory, therefore, which will account for this striking 
resemblance, combined with no less striking difference, between 
D and £ is that neither is copied from the other, but that both 
are, m tie parU covered by them Ttftrenui^ to be traced back 
to some common original, or originals ^ from which each has 
diverged in different directions. 

§ 61. We have seen that behind our present £ we are justifieil 
in assuming two earlier MSS., 1; and c, and wherever in this 
Introduction one of these symbols is added to the symbol £, as 
£ (c) or £ (1;), it means that in those eases there is evidence that 

* Compare smsller ominions at 
774. 795» 823. 1006, 1009, »o»o !» 
D, bat not m IL 

* Other cases of oormptioD in D, 
which are peculiar to itself and to 
tend to prove that E cannot have 
copied D, are 735, 853, 87a (addi- 
tion of *'to Bome'), 878 ^«wnni- 
gende' for 'winnende"), 1010 
(•Wulf for 'Wnlfric'), 1034 
^'iBlfric' for '.SSBeric'), 1065 
('sende efler Haralde' and '\kL 
Rytfrenan ' for ' sende eft Harold ' 
and * )ia noztfeman '). In one case 
we have a oormption common to C 
and D: 887 ('mice) mjwt' for 
'micel yst'); but this is purely 
accidental, both scribes being misled 
by alUteiration. It does not indi- 

cate any special relation of C and 
D ta this fart. 

* i 32 note. 

* The discustiion of the annals 
peculiar to D, and of the additions 
made by D to annals which exist 
in a simpler form in C or E, will 
naturally come later. I will only 
say here that they are very coa- 

' I shall show later that this 
second alternative is correct ; and 
that the common parts of D and E 
do not all come from a single 
source. For the present, however, I 
ignore this fact ; and for the sake 
of simplifying the argument treat 
D and £ as coming from a single 
common ancestor. 



the text of E correctly represents that of 17 or c ^ Similarly we 
may call the common ancestor of c and D by the symbol 8. 

The resoltB of our investigations so fBX may be represented 
by the following figure : — 




Hen. Hunt. 



Thus the agreement of E with H. H. or Ann. Wav. is evi- 
dence for the reading of 17 ; that of E and F (or E and a) 
implies c ; while that of E and D implies & On the other hand, 
where D and E differ, if E has the traer readiog, then the 
corruption has occurred in the passage from StoD'; ifDis 
more origiual, then the error (or alteration) may be due to E, 
or 1^ or c ; a comparison with H. H. or AuUr Wav., and witli 
F or a, will sometimes enable us to decide '. 

' Of ooane if £ correctly lepre- 
•eats c, it d^ fortiori repreiieiits 17, 
and therefore £(c) iiiYolve» £(i»), 
bot not conversely. 

* Am e,g. in the ease of tbe omis- 
ftiooB and oorrnptionfl cited above 
(( 60 and note) as peculiar to D. 

' Thna at 870 * rjid ' 2, B, C, D, 
'ftfr' E, F; 871 'c6m' 2, B, C, 
D, 'rid' £, F; the change was 
Uierefore made by c. On the other 
hand at 495 '(ge)cweden' X, B, 
i\ K, 'gehaten' £ ; the change was 
therefore made by 17 or £. 530 

• Wiht ealand ' 2, B, C, F, * Wiht- 
laud' E, H. H.; the change was 
therefore made by 17. At 1016 sub 
Jim, we have 'gefeaht him (wiO) 
ealle Engla ><KKle' C, D ; 'call 
Englaland' £, F; with, however, 

* uel >eode * interlined in £, which 
leema to show that though f made 

the alteraUon to ' land/ it retained 
the other as an alternative reading, 
and this feature wax conservatively 
reproduced by £* The corruptions 
and peculiarities common to £ and 
H. H., given above ( $ 54 and note), 
must go back at least to 17, and 
some of them, as I have there 
shown, go back to c. At 955 and 
965 F (c) has matter which is only 
found in D, which seems to show 
that £ or 17 omitted matter con- 
tained in c. The fact that no trace 
of these annals appears in H. H. 
inclines me to beiieve that they 
had already been omitted by 17. It 
should, however, be borne in mind 
that where F differs from £ its 
evidence is not conclusive ai to the 
reading of c, if the text of F could 
have been derived from X, for we 
have seen that F had access to that 



Complex § 62. Bat the relation between £ and D is less simple even 

T*^**!?^ ^^ *^*^ ^^^^* ^^ *^® ^"* P^*^® *^® parallelism between them is 
curiously discontinuous. From the beginning to 890 ' inclusive, 
E runs closely parallel to D, with only scribal variations and 
the insertion of the Latin and Peterborough entries; 891 is 
omitted (the story of the three ' Scots ') though it is in all the 
other MSS., including F ; 892 E (c) is nearer to ^ than to D ' ; 
then comes a period, 893-958, daring which E and F are 
almost barren, containing only a few obits ', &c., a few northern 
and Northumbro-Danish annals, some peculiar to c, others, 
wholly or in part, common to it and D *. Then with 959, £ 
once more runs parallel to D, though with, more considerable 
variations down to 1022, after which, as we have seen% £ 
becomes more independent. Yet even after this point, and 
almost up to the very end of D, there are annals which are, 
in whole or in part, identical in D and £^ Of these phe- 
nomena I do not at present offer any explanation ; some light 
will be thrown upon them in the course of our subsequent 
enquiiies''. But there is one feature of the latter part of E 

which must be noticed here. 

MS. (above, $ 33). A case of this 
kind probably occurs at 887, where 
D, E have * 7 »a,' while F has the 
correct reading « 7 Oda * (the cor- 
mption consists merely in omitting 
one letter, and crossing the d), 

^ There is a laonna in D, due to 
the loss of certain leaves firom a6a 
to the middle of 693 ; but there is 
no reason to suppose that the rela- 
tion of K to D was any different 
between these points to what it is 
i-a6i, and 693-890. Indeed, from 
a comparison of C on the one hand, 
and Florence and £ on the other, 
it would be possible to reconstruct 
the missing part of D with tolerable 

* We shall see later that this 
point, c. 892, is a distinct landmark 
in the history of the development 
of the Chronicle. 

* Among these obits is the notice. 

quite peculiar to E, of the drowning 
of the Etheling Edwin in 933. 

* These common annals are 910 
(part), 933*, 934*, 944*, 945*, 948 
[=946 D, omitting I)*s interpola- 
tion], 954*. The annals marked 
with an asterisk are northern. 
Thorpe has taken an extraordinary 
liberty with the text of 910 £. 
This answers to the latter part of 
a very composite aoual in D. 
Thorpe has broken up the entries 
contained in 910 E, and distributed 
them under various years. 934 and 
935 in E seem to come from dif- 
ferent sources, as both contain the 
obit of Edward the Elder. F has 
avoided this error. 

* 546. 

* These annals are 1028-1031, 
1059, 'o64» 1071-1076. 

' See below, $ 72. 


§ 63. Alongside of its evident affinity with D there appear Relation of 
from 984 onwards traces of a no less obvious affinity with C. ^ *° ^' 
Now, where this agreement of C and E against D merely means 
that they have preserved a true reading which D has cor- 
rupted ^, it argues no closer affinity between them than between 
any two equally correct MSS. The case is otherwise, however, 
when we find important entries in C and E, where D is either 
blank or wholly independent ; more especially when we go on 
to notice that many of these entries are local to Abingdon, and 
therefore thoroughly in place in C, which has always been 
recognised as an Abingdon Chronicle, but seem strangely out 
of place in a Peterborough book'. Now in regard to these 
entries two theories are abstractly possible : — (i) they may 
have been inserted in £ from C ; or (ii) we may trace C on the 
one band and £ and its progenitors on the other, in this part 
at any rate ', back to some common ancestor whose home was at 
Abingdon. The former theory may be dismissed. It is most 
unlikely that a Peterborough editor would specially extract 
notices referring to another house *. And it is conclusive against 
this view that 1042 E and 1043^ ^ ^^ ^^ ^^ ^» ^* ^* ^^^7 
were in c before c left Canterbury at all. On the other hand, 

^ Instuieei will be found in 994, also peculiar to theae MSS. Of 

997, 1000, 1009, X015, 1054: ii^ i^eae the latter, though referring 

1008 all three are poesibly corrupt, to a national matter, the see of 

bnt C and E agree, while D is Canterbury, is also concerned wiUi . 

di>tiDCt. Sometimes the agreement Abingdon, as the person chosen to 

of B with G oonsista in the absence discharge the duties of the primate 

from both of matter found in was an Abingdon abbot. 
D, e,g, 1007, 1014, 1016, 1018, ' Viz, 984-i02a, and in a few 

1019, loao, xoai, 1034. In these later cases. The statemeht in the 

cases the additional matter in D text requires to be thus limited for 

is probably a later insertion in the the reason given above, § 60 note, 
ori^nal text preserved by C and £. * Apart from the mention of 

' The Abingdon entries in C, £ Abingdon in X071 £, which is also 

are at 984 (985 C), 989 (990 C), in 1072 D, there ii only one Abing- 

1016 ad Jinem, 1046* ad init. don entry in £ after 1070, the 

(S1047 ad Jin.), 1048 (1050 C) ; death of Abbot Faricius in 11 17. 

in 1018 there is an Abingdon entry But the death of a man who was 

in E which is not in C, but this, physician to the king, and had been 

mm I have shown in the notes to the thought of for the primacy (see 

is a pure blunder. The note ad loe.), was an event of more 

yrery important annals 104a B than local importance. 
(i04i C), I043» B (1044 C) are 



there is no reason why onr present Abingdon Chronicle, C, may 
not represent an older Abingdon Chronicle, y, just as our 
present Canterbury Chronicle^ F, represents an older Canterbury 
Chronicle, c. 

We conclude, therefore, that the common ancestor of D and 
E in this section (which for the sake of distinction I will call 
^) was itself derived from an Abingdon ancestor, 7, common to 
it with C. ^ preserved the Abingdon notices, and in this way 
they passed through c into £ and F ; whereas D cut th^m out as 
not interesting those for whom he wrote. If this is correct the 
genealogy, /or this section of the Chronicle, might stand thus : — 




I I 

D € 


I I I 

Hen. Hunt. E Ann. Wav. 

Editorial § 64. A few words must be said in conclusion as to the way 

r^and'f ' ^ which E or his predecessors rj and c treated the materials 

which came to them from older sources. For they are not 

content to be merely copyists, but are something of editors 

as well. 

Owing to the use of a double source in D (8), c. g, northern 
and southern annals, we sometimes find the same event entered 
twice, in one case twice in the same annal (731). In E these errors 
are sometimes corrected ^, though not invariably '. There are ad- 
ditions and alterations which mark a later time ; thus 5 1 9 E (c), tlie 
reflexion on the continuity of the royal house of Wessex ; the ex- 
planation of * se micla flota' C, D, as * se Denisca flota' 1006 E (c); 

^729 and 731 [death of Oeric], c ; 855, the mistake has been ban^- 

801 and 80a [consecration of Beom- lingly dealt with by £ or 17. iTs 

mod] ; in these two caaes the mis- text may be from S. 
take had been already corrected by ' Cf. 70 a with 704. 


the alteration oT ' swa heora gewuna t« ' C, D^ into ' wses ' 1009 E 
9ubjin,i and again in 1016 E (c) ; while the latter part of 1012 
has been a good deal recast by E (c), though it retains the 
contemporary note * ]mr nu God synitelatS, 7c.,' which ceased to 
be possible after 1023 (v. note ad loc). Again E, or one of his 
predecessors tj or c, had an evident dislike to pedigi'ees, and 
they are almost always omitted^. Besides the annals wholly 
pecnliar to E or c, there are many additions, small and great 
(apart from the Peterborough and Latin insertions), made to the 
older sources; thus in 999 E, the excuse for the national 
failure; 1006 E(€), the appointment of Brihtwold as Bishop of 
Bamsbuiy (probably an error, v. note ad loc.^); 1016 'E{€) ad 
init., the number of Cnut's ships '; 1018 E, erroneous Abingdon 
insertion noticed above *; 1022 E (c), Abbot Leofwine's acquittal 
at Rome ; 1031 E (c), the submission of Maelbeth and lehmarc. 
E has also many careless scribal errors : '^]^lwold' for 'Mpel- 
bald,' 737 E ; ' o]?erbald ' for * o>erpe Eanbald,' 796 E (cf. * idus * 
for 'KaV t6.); '-^elred' for ' jEJ?elheard,' 799 E ; ' Leof- 
wine * for * Leofrune,' loi i E (c) *. So too there are omissions, 
due to homoioteleuton, as at 797, 1016 E ; or to other causes, 
855 E, loii E (c)". E has one or two little tricks of style, 
such as the use of verbal forms strengthened by the prefix ge- '', 
which attract attention by their repetition. The degeneracy of 

^ 547 » 55 ^f 5^» 597* ^ii» ^^^t tions of the origin of these errors. 

670, 674, 676, 685,. 688 (in this Other cases are : 693, Bribthelm/or 

pari D is defective, so it is possible, Dryhthelm ; 779, Cynebald for 

thoogb not probable, that the omis- Gynewulf. In 865 there is a curious 

sum may have already been made little instance of progressive cor- 

by the common ancestor of D and ruption in D and E. See note 

S. Hoet of the omitted pedigrees ad loo. 

are in Fl. Wig."^, 694, 726, 731, * At loii the omission of 'Ham- 

733« 755 adfin,^ 855 ad fin. There tanscire,' in the list of northern 

Ml a partial exception to the rale in connties ravaged by the Banes, is 

738; and at 593 there is a bit of due perhaps to a wrong-headed piece 

Northumbrian pedigree which is not of criticism ; the name occurs again 

in S, B, C. in the list of southern counties 

' For anotherbad historical error, ravaged, but in the former case 

•ee 603 £ and note. of course it means Northants, in 

' Pk-obably a wrong insertion ; the latter Hants. 

see note a. 2. * e,g, 866, 871, 997, 998, looi, 

* I 63 note. looa, TO09, &c. Sometimes the 

* See notes ad loe. (at ezplana- converse ocoursi e,g, 874, looa. 



the language in the later parts of E is as obTioiis as it it 
pathetic, the querulous tone of the later entries not less 80^ 
But whatever it* shortcomings, E is, alike for the story of its 
growth and for its actual contents, a most interesting work \ 
If we owed nothing to its pages but the character of the 
Ck>nqueror, and the description of the feudal anarchy under 
Stephen, our debt to it would be inestimable; and we can 
hardly measure what the loss to English history would hare 
been if it had not been written ; or if, having been written, it 
had, like so many another English Chronicle, been lost. 

Composite § 65. Like MS. £ of the Chronicle, D is a highly composite 

character structure ; unlike E, it does not by any means bear its history 

clearly written on its face. Three points in which it resembles 

E and differs from the earlier type of Chronicle contained in 

PointB in S, B, C have been already mentioned' : — (i.) the expansion of 

K differ ' T^^^Y of the annals derived from Bede by the substitution of 

from S, B, matter taken from the text of the H. E., for the brief chrono- 

^' logical notices of the epitome which Bede appended to that 

work, H. E. V. 24*; (ii.) the incorporation of annals from a 

northern source; (iii.) the appearance of certain annals in 

a somewhat shorter recension. To these characteristics of D 

may be added a fourth, which is not shared by E", viz, the 

attempt to amalgamate the Mercian E^gister (which in B 

and C exists in a separate form) with the general body of the 

Chronicle. As to (iii.) no further discussion is needed. On 

the other points something will require to be said. 

Firit § 66. The first body of northern annals contained in D, E 

northem ^®g^°8 at 733 *, and extends to a little after 800. A coni- 

aim*l8. I g^ jjQi^ on 1 133. We have period covered by M. R. 

a touch of the eame thing 1066 D * Of counie, both in the S, B, C. 

ad Jin, and in the D, E type of Chronicle, 

' * In some respects the most im- there is much northem history prior 
portant of the whole series of to 733; but this is derived imme- 
Chronicles/ Earle, p. xliii. diately from Bede. There are, 

* See above, § 59. however, northem additions not 

* A list of the annals thus ex- derived from Bede in D, B 702, 
panded is given above, § 59 note. 705, 710, 716 ; so it is possible that 

* It is not shared by E, because the Gesta began as early «• 702. 
£ is almost barren during the C£ also 603 EL 


pariscm of D, E with S, B, C makes it quite easy to separate 

this northern element. Moreover, its source can readily be 

identified. It is clearly based on the Latin Northumbrian 

annals embodied in Simeon of Durham and Roger of Hoveden \ 

The copy used by them extended only to 802 ; that used by the 

compiler of the original of the D, E type of Chronicle extended 

somewhat further, for the northern element is clearly traceable 

up to 806 inclusive. After that point D runs parallel to G 

without important dififerences to the end of 904. It will be 

noticed that these Northumbrian annals begin just where Bede's 

H. E. ends ; and there can be no doubt that they were intended 

to form a continuation to Bede's chronological epitome. The Influence 

continuations of that epitome, which are found in later MSS. ^ig^rical 

of Bede ', and the fact that in several MSS. additions and inser- epitome. 

^ioDB are made in the epitome itself^, show how readily that 

epitome might become the basis of a regular Chronicle. In 

this sense also, as well as in others, Bede is the father of 

English history. It was natural that this connexion should 

be specially close in Bede's own district of Northumbria. 

§ 67. Can we fix the home of these Northumbrian annals ] Original 

home of 

' On this body of Northumbrian tinuator regards the former entir '^*>'''^®"^ 

annaLi, see Stabbs* Hoveden, I. as implying that Cynewalfs deati^ annaia. 

ix-xiii, xxv-xxz ; Arnold^s Simeon really took place at that point. In 

of Durham, II. zviii, xix. It seems other words, the continaation of 

to have borne the title 'Gofita Bede in its present form is later 

Veterum Northanhymbromm.' than the time when the southern 

* See my Bede, i. 361-363. These Chronicle became known in the 

additions ezt^id to 766, and are north ; i. e. later, at any rate, than 

oonoenicd mainly with Northum- 892. - Moreover, Paul! thinks that 

bria. They do not, however, give the notice aboi^t Charles Martel 

na the northern Gesta in their under 741 in the Cont. Baedae 

original form. They show evident cannot be earlier than the tenth 

marks of having been influenced century, v, note a. L It is curious 

by the southern form of the Chron- that Theopold does not seam to 

sde. The death of Cynewulf of have seen this, pp. 29, 70. 

Weasez is placed under 757 [« " See my Bede, i. 354-356. These 

Chron. 755]. Now the Chron. under insertions and additions are derived 

755 tells by anticipation the story mainly £rom the text of the H. £., 

of Cynewnlf *s tragic end in con- and therefore form an exact parallel 

naxioii with his accession; the to the enlaigement of the Bede 

actoal entry of his death does not annals of the Chronicle. 
^ 7S4 ["7861 ^e cox^- 


York, LindisfftTDe, and Hexham have been euggeated^; and 
all of them are poasible, though I do not think that anything 
very decisive can be produced in favour of any one of them. 
York, and, in its day, Lindisfarne, were to the north very much 
what Canterbury was to the south ; and entries relating to them 
are hardly more conclusive as to local origin than notices as 
to the Archbishops of Canterbury. The special Hexham 
elements in Simeon of Durham are the interpolations of a 
compiler much, later than the time with which we are dealing*; 
Probably while lists of bishops were available for many sees. I am in- 
at RipoD. clined to think that more may be said for Ripon. The 
mention of Botwine and Aldbert, abbots of Ripon, under 785 
and 788, points in this direction. Simeon of Durham gives 
Aldbert's successor Sigred ; and, moreover, under 790 has the 
curious story of the resuscitation of Eardwnlf ', which is alsa 
connected with Ripon. 
The expan- § 68. It may further be asked, was the expansion of the 
won of the p^^^ passages due to a northern or a southern hand 1 And 
Bageoisalso here too the evidence, though slight, points I think decisively 
northern ^ ^}^^ north. In 681 the consecration of Trumwine as Bishop 
of the Picts is mentioned in an annal based on Bede, H. E. iv. 
12 ad Jin. Bede's words are: *Trumuini [addidit Theodorus] 
ad prouinciam Pictorum, quae tunc temporis Anglorum erat 
impcrio subiecta.' The chronicler says : * her man halgode . . . 
Trumwine [biscop to] Pihtum, for)?an by hyrdon ]>& hiderJ As 
the * Angli ' to whose * impeiium * the Picts were then subject 
were of course the Northumbrians, the use of this word ' hider ' 
betrays a northern point of view, and it is noteworthy that F, 
a Canterbury CSironicle, alters the phrase into ' far}>an hi hyra]? 
J>ider innV Again in 449, a passage also based on Bede, 
H. E. i. 15, the phrase 'the royal families of the Southum- 
brians,' used in opposition to ' &ar royal family/ is conclusive 

^ By Dr. Stubbi, Hoveden, I. * In 603 E the original reading 

xxviii. may also have been 'Itedde jione 

' See on these Hexham additions, here hider ' ; but if so, £ has 

S. D. II. xii>XT. altered it into ' {$ider.* 

' Cited in the notes on 795 £. 



on the same side^. The specific use of the term ' Southumbrians' 
for Bede's ' Mercii ' in 697 is also northern, for Mercia was the 
first kingdom with which Northumbrians came in contact on 
crossing the Humber. In neither case is the term due to the 
influence of Bede, who does not use it. (Special northern 
touches, not due to Bede, will be found also in 547, 603, and 
641 '.) Here again it was natural that the enlargement of the 
Chronicle by means of the text of Bede should first take place 
in Bede's own Northumbria. We may then, I think, assume 
that a copy of the Saxon Chronicle in its southern form (ex- 
tending, it would seem, to about 892 ") was sent to some 
northern monastery, probably Bipon, and there fell into the 
hands of some one who conceived the idea of enriching it, partly 
by drawing more largely on the text of Bede, and partly by 
incorporating with it a translation of the Latin Northumbrian 
Annals extending to 806^. 

^ It is noteworthy that a, though 
based on § here, omits this passage. 
From 262 to the middle of 693 
there is a lacuna in D caused by 
the loss of certain leavtf>. Bat as 
thcee northern characteristics have 
flurvived in E^ a Chronicle which 
in its final form is dae to Peter- 
borongh, and previous to that was 
shaped at Canterbury, we are quite 
naie in assuming a fortiori that 
they exiifted in the common northern 
ancestor of D and £. 

' These three annals also fall 
within the lacuna in D. 

' The reasons for fixing the limit 
at this point, and also for the 
diffisrent fortunes of D and £ after 
this point, will appear later; see 
etpedallj \% 114, 116. 

* Granting that I am right in 
tracing the Gesta Northuihym- 
bromm to Ripon, it does not of 
eonne neeeuarily follow that their 
amalgamation with the southern 
Chronicle and the eznansion of the 
Bede annals also took place there. 
I am, boweyer, inclined to think 
that such WM the case. The refer- 

ence to ' the glorious minster,* ' ]«Bt 
miere mynster,' of Bipon in 948 D 
reveals the local patriot, and seems 
to show that Ripon was the home 
of the ancestor of B, at any rate 
up to that point. If this view is 
correct, then I should be inclined 
to seek at Ripon also for the 
ancestor of the two groups of Bede 
MS&, which I have called the 
Winchester and Durham groupe, 
Bede, I. civ f., containing the 
additional entries in the epitome 
relating mainly to Wilfrid. Then 
the enigmatical entry '667. l^otter 
abba# scripnt,' will also refer to 
Wilfrid, who was in retirement at 
Ripon from 666 to 669 owing to 
the occupation of his see by Ceadda. 
There is nothing impossible in Wil- 
frid having written some work in 
hu retirement, but I have found 
no trace of him as an author. Is 
it possible that it can refer to the 
writing of the famous Gospel Book 
which Wilfrid gave toTRipon (Bede, 
H. £. V. 19 ad Jln,f and note), 
which has been identified with the 
gold and purple Gospels in the 


Incorpora- § 69. From this pomt to 904 inclusive, D is coDtent to follow 
Merdan ^ the earlier Chronicles without modification, the only important 
Busier difference heing the use of a double source in 855^. But with 
"^ ^* 902 the Mercian Register begins, which the compiler evidently 

had before him ; and the question arose how he was to deal 
with it. The question had been solved very crudely by the 
scribe of the MS. from which B and C are copied, who simply 
inserts the Register unaltered in the middle of his Chronicle \ 
D, on the other hand, attempts to amalgamate it in chrono- 
logical order with the rest of his materials '. It cannot be said 
that he has perfectly succeeded, and indeed the task was not 
an easy one, for the chronology of the M. R. often varies con* 
siderably from that of the main Chronicle^. Still the existence 
of this Mercian material, both in a compounded and in an un- 
compounded form, affords an interesting study of the process by 
which the structure of the Chronicles was built up. The Ripon 
scribe has not embodied the M. R. completely. He omits 902 
(perhaps considering it, rightly, to be identical with 905 of the 
main Chronicle). He also omits 904, 907, 912, 914 (mostly), 
915, 916'. Conversely several events are entered twice : there 

Hamilton Collection now at Berlin 1 work called ' Elfledes Boc.* This im 

See Wattenbaoh's article in Nenes not impoesibly the Mercian Register. 

Archiv f\lT altere deuteche 6e- [El- for Ethel-]. From what has 

Bchichtskunde, viii. 329 ff. In that been said it will be seen that while 

ease * scriFpsit] * would have to be historical writing in Latin began 

understood in the sense of * scribi first in the north of England, the 

fecit.* Chronicles in the native language 

' Of coarse the combined north- originated in the south. Ingram, 

em and southern Chronicle must p. xi, reminds uh of Bede's word* 

in turn have travelled southwards, about Bishop Tobias of Rochester's 

for neither D nor E in their com- skill in the Saxon tongue, H. £. 

pleted form belong to northern v. 8 ; though this will hardly sup* 

seats. There is, however, distinct port a presumption that he had 

evidence for the existence of copies anything to do with the beginnings 

of the Chronicle in the north. In of the Chronicle, 
the Catalog! Yeteres librorum * H. H., as we have seen, § 55 

Eccl. Dunelm (S. S.), p. 5, is a men- and note, is yet more crude in his 

tion of 'Cronica duo AngHca.* treatment. 

Could we but recover these, what * See notes to t. 92, 93, 100, 107. 

a flood of light they might throw * See notes <id loc. 

on the growth of the Chronicle and ' The fact that all these omitted 

on Engush history generally. That, annals are in Fl. Wig. is one pivof 

however, is not to be hoped for. In among many that he was <Qot 

the same place, there is mention of a dependent whoUy on our D. 


are two accounts of the battle of Tottanheal, one under 909, the 
other under 910, both showing points of resemblance with M. R. 
910; the death of Etheked of Mercia, and the submission of 
London and Oxford to Edward the Elder, are mentioned both 
under 910 and under 912; the ravages of the 'here' from 
Brittany are mentioned briefly jn 910, and more fully in 
915. The explanation seems to be that 912 and 915 come 
irom the main Chronicle, 909 from the M. R., while the part 
of 9Z0 here dealt with comes from the northern source to be 
presently mentioned. In 924, the last annal of the M. E. in 
B and C^ these MSS. are incomplete. D, after a slight correct 
lion, furnishes us with the true reading ^. It is, of course, a 
question whether the compiler had the M.R. before him as 
a separate document, or whether he had s(mie Chronicle like 
the original of B, C, in which the M. R. was inserted but not 
amalgamated. For reasons which will appear later, I am 
inclined to think that the former is more probable'; and the 
existence of the M. R. as a separate document seems attested 
by the entry, already cited, of ' Elfledes Boc ' in a Durham 
Catalogue of MSS. The compiler of the early part of E, on 
the other hand, shows no knowledge of the M. K in any form. 

§ 70. But from the beginning of the tenth century there Second 
occur both in D and E fragments of a second group of^"^**^ 
Northumbrian annals, extending roughly from the death of umbiian 
Alfred to the death of Edwy *. Tliese annals occur also in »nnAlH. 
Simeon of Durham ^ and in a completer form * ; but the cor- 
ruptions and omissions show that even here the annals are 

^ I My 'the lait in B and C,' ita absence from S. D. any argument 

becaofe I am inclined to think that against this view, for the first 

the copy of the M. K. used by the Chronicle in S. D. does not go be- 

compiler of this part of D may yondos/. 

have extended further, and that * Historia Begum, ii. 92-95. 

same of his entries between 934 * Mr. Arnold is dearly wrong, 

and 959 may be derived from a «. s. p. 93 note, in deriving these 

Mareian and not from a Northum- entries iu S. D. firom the Saxon 

brian souroe. Chron. The phenomena cannot be 

' See note <id loe. explained on that theory. For the 

^ See below, §§ 1 13, 1 14. true relation of S. D. to the Chronicle 

* 0/66 D, E, F looks also like a here, see Tbeopold, pp. 76-83. 
northern aBoal ; nor is the fact of 


not in their original shape. As in the case of the Mercian 
Register, these annals prohahly existed as a separate document, 
which was used independently hy D, £, and S. D. ; for no 
one of the three can be copied from either of the others. 
Comparing the three authorities, we might restore these 
Northumbrian annals with some approach to completeness. 

There is nothing to fix the original place of composition 

of this second group of northern annals ; but I have already 

indicated that the reference to Ripon in 948 D points to that 

monastery as the place where they were embodied in the 

ancestor of D\ Where the home of the original of E was 

at this time, I do not know. It must, however, have been 

somewhere in the north. 

A son them § 71. From 959 to 982 D and E continue mostly to agree 

0^-082 together, while remaining independent of C. But there is no 

trace of any specially northern influence, and the tone of these 

annals seems distinctly southern'. From 983 to the end of 

I Old, and to some extent up to 1022, C, D, and E run 

parallel to each other, and we have already traced the source 

of the common original of this part of these Chronicles to 

Abingdon '. And this seems to show that the preceding 

section 959 to 982 in D, E does not come from Abingdon, 

otherwise it would hardly be so independent of C, the Abingdon 

character of which appears as early as 971, 977, 981, 982 \ 

Relation of § 72. From 1023, if not from 1019, D becomes largely inde- 

^h ^' ^ ^° pendent both of C and E ; though there are partial and sporadic 

annals. agreements with both, the rationale of which is very difficult 

^ This reference is not in S. B., this section (apart from the Abingdon 

though he has the rest of the annal. insertions) was originally eompoted 

A fiict which rather tells against a at Abingdon. 

Ripon origin for these annals ; for, * The mere absence of these 

as we have seen, S. D. does not cut Abingdon notices in D would not in 

out Ripon notices when they come itself prove anything, for, as we have 

in his way. ^ seen, f 63, D in the later annals 

' Except in 966, which is an deliberately cuts out Abingdon 

overlapping annal from the second notices. But they are abf$ent from 

northern group. £, which generally retains them ; 

* t. e. the common ancestor of G, and the total independence of C 

D, E in this section was an Abing- manifested by D, E during these 

don MS. This does not imply that years is, I think, conclusive. 



to unravel, but which are, in some cases at any rate, best 
explained by the hypothesis of the existence of separate docu- 
ments containing small groups of annals, or even narratives 
of single events, which documents were used in different com- 
binations by the compilers of the various Chronicles ^. 

§ 73. The next point to be determined, if possible, is the Origin of 


the later 

locality of this last and more independent part of D. ^"^ part of U. 
answer generally given to this question is Worcester, and D has 
come to be known as the Worcester Chronicle, and so I have 
called it myself in the first volume of this edition. And thus 
an explanation h^ been found for the obviously northern 
character of parts of D, in the close connexion of the sees 

* Of Biich docnmentt we have 
already had instances in the Mercian 
Register, and the two groups of 
Northumbrian annals. Instances 
of the same kind in continental 
Chronicles may be seen by any one 
who will look through Pertz, M. H. 
G- f. 63, 64, 69, 70, 88, 95, Ac.; 
ii. 184; V. 9, lo; xiii. 38, 80; xt. 
139a ; xvi 439. 730; xvii. 33, 33a; 
xix. aa3, 374, 541. Hie annals 
after loaa, In wliich D is parallel 
to C, are 1035- 1038, 1040-1043, 
105 a, 1055, 1056; the relation of 
1049 C to 1050 D is very curious, 
in parts they are verbally identical, 
snd in other parts quite indepen- 
dent, and something of the nune 
kind may be seen at 1055, 1056. In 
1065 and 1066 D is evidently made 
up of a conflation of the materials 
Hied by C and £ ; cf. § 33. This 
will aeem less strange if we bear in 
mind the possibility that the annual 
records of events were not made at 
once in the formal Chronicle, but 
were kept in the shape of rough 
notes, which were reduced to order 
and entered in the Chronicle every 
few years. The relation of the later 
hands in E to one another dis- 
tinctly favours a theory of this kind. 
When the rough materials had been 
utilised in this way, it would be 

natural to pass them on to some 
allied religious house, where they 
might be combined with simiUff 
materials from some other source. 
The idea underlying this suggestion 
was struck out in a conversation 
with Mr. G. P. Warner. Since 
writing the above, I have read 
Mr. Howlett*s Introduction to hiR 
edition of the Chronicle of Robert 
de Torigny {or de Monte) in the 
Bolls S^es, where he shows that 
this ispreoisely what happened with 
that Chronicle. The rough sheets 
on which Abbot Robert jotted down 
from time to time the continuations 
of his Chronicle were lent to the 
various houses which had received 
copies of the work at an earlier 
stage, in order to enable them to 
bring their copies up to date. In 
MS. Cott. Domit. VIII (which also 
contains MS. F of the Chronicle), 
he thinks that we have a transcript 
of such sheets made without refer- 
ence to the earlier part of Robert's 
Chronicle. Mr. Howlett applies 
many uncomplimentary epithets to 
his investigations, ' wearisome,* 
* technical,* 'repulsive'; really to 
any one who cares for questions of 
literary history they are most in- 
teresting and ingenious. 


Objections of York and Worcester from 972-1023*. This answer is 
WoFMster ^•^^^ly riglit, but I think not quite. The only Worcester notices 
theory. peculiar to D are 1033, io47) '^d I049^ Of these, 1033 might 
tell almost as much in favour of Pershore, as Brihteah had 
been Abbot of Pershore before his elevation to the see of Wor- 
cester ^ ; 1047 merely records the death of Living and succession 
of Ealdred, though the epithet given to the former, ' se word 
snotera,' t. ^. the eloquent^ seems to argue some touch of per- 
sonal knowledge; 1049 i^lates the earthquake; but though 
Worcester seems mentioned as the chief centre of disturbance, 
the shock was felt as far north as Derby, and therefore any 
place in the neighbourhood of Worcester will answer the con* 
ditions of the problem. Moreover, if D received its final shape 
at Worcester, how are we to account for the total absence from 
it of the very name of Wulfstan, who fills such a large space in 
the Chronicle of Florence* ? There are Pershore notices at 1053 
EveshAm and 1056^. But on the whole the notices in 1037, 1045, ^^549 
bable^'^ and 1078 incline me to decide in favour of Evesham, though 
the argument is somewhat weakened by the £stct that the first 
and thii'd notices are found whoUy or in part in C, and the last 
partly in E '. But it is strengthened by the fact that in this 
way we are able to explain the undoubted Scandinavian element 
in D ^ partly by the well-known favour which the Danish kings 

^ From the appointment of 0»- ' Note however in D the charac- 
wald to York in 97a to the death terisation of Abbot ^Igelwig, as 'se 
of Wulfstan II in 1023, the two woruld snotera,* t. «. ' rerum pru- 
sees were held continuously by the dens/ which argues personal know- 
same prelates. We have, however, ledge. The Pershore notices are 
found a different explanation for the quite consistent with the theory of 
presence of this northern element, an Evesham origin, for Pershore is 
above, §§ 66-68, 70. only about six nules from Evesham. 
" To these should perhaps be ^ See the annals 102 8-1 031, 
added the details about Ealdred in 1045, '04^> '047» 1048* I049> ^^5^ * 
1054 and 1058; cf. 1051-3, 1056, compare also the Scandinavian 
1060-Z, 1066. words which occur in D : 1016 ad 
3 See note a. I, fin,, fitolaga ( = Icel. f(^lagi ; no ex- 
* See above, § 53 and note. ample of this is given in Bosworth- 
^ Of 1056 the substance is also in Toller) ; 1040, hamele (-bIccL ham- 
C ; but the addition in D that Earl la, copied by E) ; wyrra, 1066 I) 
Odda was < god man 7 chene, 7 (see Glossary) ; witter, 1067 I) 
switfe sSele ' betrays a special local (led. vitr) ; ? Irensid, 1057 D (Icel. 
interest. jam-si0a) ; 1075, gri-scinnea (cf. 



showed to Evesham ^, partly by the connexion with Odensee in 
Denmark, which was founded ae a priory of Eyesfaam in the 
reign of William Rnfus '. 

§ 74. It is cnriona that in 1056, 1057, 1059, 1060, D has Peter- 
some entries relating to Peterborough which are not in E, the ^^^ j^ 
Peterborough Chronicle. Nor can they be derived from any of D. 
the immediate predeceseors of E ; for, as we have seen, the stock 
of that Chronicle did not reach Peterborough till c. 11 21. We 
must suppose, therefore, either that there existed at Peter- 
borough some earlier local annals, and that some of these found 
their way to the home of D, and were there incorporated in it, 
though they were not incorporated in the new Peterborough 

Icel. gr^-skiim); T076, bofding 
(-» lod. hofmngi, E has ^yldastO; 
W<fl^P. t%. ad Jin. (»Ioel. br69- 
hlaap, £ has ' br/d-ealo *). The 
earliest ooenrrence of the Scandi- 
navuMi * lagn ' for the native ' ddm ' 
■eems to be xoi8 D ; cf. * unlaga,' 
975 I>, 1052 C. D, 1086 E. Other 
Seandinavian words in the Gbroniole 
are orrett, 1096 E (loel. ormsta^ 
the native word is ' eomest ') ; 
holm, in sense of island, 1025 E 
r«sIceL holmr) ; li>, 1051 C, D, E; 
liSs-mann, 1036^ £ ; scip-liO, 1055 C 
rtd fin. ; scilian of nu^le, X049 C (r. 
Glosaary); swein, 1128 £ (loeL 
rtveinn); psddev 1137 E; taper-ex, 
1051 S; til, 1137E; h^, 1040 
(loel. h£r): hi-saetii, 105a E; 
htisting, xoia C, D, E. The pro- 
portioa teems certainly rather 
(p^e»ier in D. 

* See Chron. Evesham, pp. 74, 
75. 83. 325, 326. 

3 See on this, Ord. Vit. iii. 203 ; 
Chron. Evesh. pp. xliv. 325 ; Lan- 
frebek, Scriptores, iii. 383 note; 
Mon. Angl. xi. 4, 25, 26. At first 
night it might seem as if tliis foun- 
dation of Odensee from Evesham 
under Rafbs was too late to explain 
anything in the composition of D ; 
but in the first place it points to 
ivme previous connexion between 
I>eiunark and Evesham (else why 

should the Danish king have re- 
sorted specially to Evesham for 
monks to colonise his new founda- 
tion ?) ; and in the second, I shall 
show presently, §§ 75, 76, that D 
did not finally asmne its present 
shape till after 11 00. There are 
Scandinavian elements also in Fl. 
Wig., apart from those which he 
has in common with D; see 991, 
993} ioo9f 1021,1029, xo3o,?zo40, 
1049, ? 1065. It is at least possible 
that these also may have come 
through Evesham; cf. Crawford 
Charters, pp. 143, 144, where a dif- 
ferent theory is suggested. An 
Evesham origin will also help to 
explain the absence of any mention 
of St. Wnlfstan ; for though Wulf^tan 
was personally friendly to Evesham, 
Ang. Sac. ii. 253, 257 ; Hyde Beg. 
pp. 48, 49; Chron. Evesh. p. 89, the 
relations between the Abbey of 
Evesham and the Bishops of Wor- 
cester became at a later time very 
strained ; and this bepran at least as 
early as 1 1 39, possibly earlier, ih. 
99; cf. Maitland, Domesday, pp. 
^5> I58» ^59- A northern element 
seems traceable in 1052 D, v. note 
ad loc. ; but Evesham had a treaty 
of oonfiratemity with St. MaryV, 
York, and possibly with other 
northern hooses, Hyde Register, 


Chronicle ^ ; or that there was some one employed on the com* 
pilation of D who had a special interest in Peterborough '. 
Life of St. § 75. Another source which appears very clearly in the later 
of^^ part of D is some document connected with the life of St. 
land. Margaret of Scotland, From this there is an evident insertion 

in 1067, where it breaks the connexion of the original annal, 
and has, I believe, seriously misled chronologists who did not 
notice the character of the interpolation*. The details in 1075 
probably came from the same source, and probably also the 
account of Margaret's father in 1057. But the evident 
anxiety of the compiler in 1067 to trace Margaret's descent 
from the royal house of Wessex shows that the insertion was 
not made until after the marriage of her daughter Edith- 
Matilda to Henry I in 1 100. It answers exactly to the remark 
of E on the occasion of that marriage that the bride was ' of the 
right kingly kia of England,' 11 00 E. 
Final com- § 76. It follows then that this part of D cannot be earlier 
D^*^bIL^^ than iioo*. It is true that D is mutilated at the end; but 
quentto I have shown (§ 22) that it cannot have extended much beyond 
1100. its present termination in 1078. It follows, therefore, that 

there is an interval of over twenty years between the final 
compilation of D and the last event recorded in it. It follows 
also that the later changes of hand are not due, as in the case 
of the later hands in E, to the fact that various scribes were 
keeping the Chronicle up to date by contemporary entries, but 

* Any such earlier annals may * Another mark of later editing 

have periBhed in the attack on in thii part of the Chronicle is the 

Peterlx)rough in 1070, or in the fire reflexion in 1065 D, X064 E that 

of 1 1 16, and BO have not been the shires ravaged by the northern 

available for the compilation of £. insurgents were < many winterg the 

' Such a link, e.ff. in the case of worse * ; cf. *& syQlSan hit yflade 

Worcester, would be supplied by swiSe,' 1066 D ad fin,, which im- 

the fact that St. Wulfstan was plies later experience. Note too 

educated at Peterborough, Fl. Wig. the late words * corona,* ib^ * pri- 

i. 218. But even if we adhere to sun,' 1076 D, where £ has a native 

the old view that D belongs to pthiase ; and the territorial designa> 

Worcester, this particular link tion * Englaland* in 1017 D, where 

would of course be much too early and £ have preserved the older 

to accoimt for the annals in ques- ' Angeloynn/ The forms of names 

tion. and words are also often later in D 

> See notes ad loe, than in £. 


rather to the fact that different hands were employed on the 
transcription and compilation of the materials available ; and I 
have already expressed the doubt whether the earliest is 
separated from the latest hand by an interval of more than 
a few years ^. 

§ 77. We most, therefore, recognise the fact that D as we Din iU 
have tf is a late compilation, some of which dates from after ^ff****^ 
iioo^ and none of it probably from much before IIOO^ Ofiateoom- 
course this Chronicle went through various stages of growth pilation. 
before it assumed its present shape*: and in tracing this 
development, and in comparing D with the other Saxon 
Chronicles and with the Latin Northumbrian annals pre- 
served by Simeon of Durham, we have seen clearly that D is 
largely made up of ancient materials \ But where the narra- 
tive of D is not supported in either of these ways, the question 
most be faced whether it is based on documents approximately 
contemporary, or whether it merely represents the traditions 
current about the year iioo, as collected and embodied by the 
last compiler. Nor will a comparison of D with Florence of 
Worcester, who of the Latin chroniclers is the nearest to D, 
help us to prove an earlier date for any of these entries. For 
Florence survived till 1118, and therefore cannot furnish any 
additional evidence of antiquity, though the fact that some of 
these entries are not in Florence may throw additional suspicion 
on them. 

§ 78. These entries, which are peculiar to D, fall into two Entriet 
clasaes : — (i.) annals which are found in D alone ; (ii.) insertions ^"^^^^ ^ 
by D of additional matter in older annals ". Of the two classes, 

^ 8ee above, % 34. which D has corrupted. See above, 

* This comparative laienees of D § 60. 

it more than possible that ' See below, §f 114, 115. 

whsre in the later portions of the * See above, f § 66, 69-72, 74. 

Chronicle D and £ are parallel, £ • I am speakingstriotly of matter 

may be nearer to the original sonroe peculiar to B ; and this in itself 

than D. I am indin^ to think excludes the cases already discussed, 

that this is the case, e,g, in 1057, % 65, of the amalgamation of north- 

107 a {» 1073 D). This also ex- em with southern annals, most of 

pUins how all the way through £ which are common also to £. 
haa often preserved the true reading 




D is con- 

the latter seem to me, generally speaking, to be open to greater 
suBpicion than the former. Of the annals between 900 and 
967, which are peculiar either wholly or in part to D, I do not 
speak here, because I have already given reasons for supposing 
that, though unsupported by the other Chronicles or S. D., 
they may be derived from the Mercian Register or the later 
group of Northumbrian annals ^ There is, however, an obvious 
interpolation in one of the southern annals in D about this 
point, viz. the passage describing the manner of Edmund's 
death in 946 : *f wees wide cutS ... his cwen.' A comparison 
of the text of D with that of S, B, C makes it clear that 
this is just such an addition as a modem editor of a text would 
place in a note *. The notice of the consecration of ^ifwig in 
Id 4 is an obvious insertion, and breaks the thread of the 
narrative. The account of the meeting of Edmund Ironside and 
Cnut has been recast by D'. The assertion that Harold 
succeeded Cnut immediately is an addition of D in 1035, and 
it is wrong \ The beautiful little anecdote about the death of 
Ji)thelric of Selsey in 1038 may be compared with the account 
of Edmund's death in 946 ^ Of the other insertions in the later 
parts of D, most have been dealt with already under other heads. 
§ 79. On the other hand there is very little in D of that 
linguistic degeneration, which is such a marked feature in the 
later parts of E. Beyond the occasional use of a foreign word 
like ' corona ' or ' prisun,' there is little in the language which 
marks a late period'. This fact, and the existence of the fnig- 

* 936 D, which relates the sub- 
mission of the Scotch, Welsh, and 
Northumbrian princes to Athelstau, 
is one of the unsupported annals; 
and, in view of what has been said, 
it is impossible absolntely to refute 
Robertson's contention that it is a 
later insertion. See however note 
ad loe. 

' Fl. Wi^. has also details as to 
Edmund's death; but his account 
is nt any rate not derived solely 
from D. The use of the pedantic 
word * cleptor ' seems to point to the 

earliest life of Dunstan, Stnbbs* 
Diinstan, p. 29, as his source. 

* 1016 D. This may perhaps 
count as one of the Scandinavian 
additions alluded to above, § 73. 

* See note cut loe. 

^ On the conflate reading of 
104a D, see note od loe. 

* * We find little to distinguish it 
from the language of the tentli 
century, and we feel that we have 
to do with the preserved and culti* 
vated diction of a doister,* Barle, 
Introduction, p. xlii. 


ment H, which cannot be earlier than 1113, should warn us 
against arguing as if £ was a normal specimen of the English 
written in the first half of the twelfth century. 

§ 80. The junction of the southern Chronicle with the Gesta D nnskil- 
Northanhymbrorum is, on the whole, not unskilfully done ; but ^^ ^^' 
in some cases the work of compilation is performed very clum- 
sily, and the recarrent 'Her,' . . . 'her' ... in the same 
annal without any connecting particle shows the mechanical 
union of annals derived from different sources ^ Moreover, 
this taking of matter from different sources leads sometimes to 
the entry of the same event twice under different years', in 
one case twice under the same year'. 

§ 81. But apart from these deficiencies in literary craft, D is and care- 
from first to last very inaccurately and carelessly written ; it is ^^r^ 
full of mistakes and omissions. Some of these have been already 
cited (§ 60) to illustrate the relation of D to E, and to show 
that D cannot be the original of E or of any other of our existing 
Chronicles. A full list of the annals in which the more impor- 
tant of these errors occur is given in the note *. The tendency 

^ See €,g, 906, 909, 913, 943, thought to be a doublet mny be 

954* 975f 979f 9^^ ; ^^ 943 An<i 9^^ ^^^ ^1 oomparing D, E wiUi X 

no lese than three separate souioes under 7aa and 735 ; B, C has made 

to be conflated in this way. the oorrection in the reverse way ; 

In 988 all three elements stand out 87a and 873 D, £ oompared with 

distinct ; in the second part of 943 X, B, C exhibit a similar tendency, 

two ofthembayebeen amalgamated; * 155, 716, 7a5, 726, 731, 743, 

but if the words 'ymbsttt . . . 7 se 755, 759. 774, 777, 799, 806, 823, 

cyning Eadmund/ <)ia,* and '/he 838,851, 853, 855, 860, 866, 868, 

him . . . gyfode' be omitted, this 870, 871, 875, 876, 878, 885, 886, 

part of the aonal would be restored 887, 890, 89a, 894^ 895*, 896, 897*, 

to the form which it bears in B 901*, 904, 905, 910, 91 1^ 915,918, 

snd C. Instances of unskilful in- 934, 937, 945, 975, 994, 997, 998, 

icrtions have been already pointed 999, 1004*, 1005, 1006, 1008, 1009, 

out, § 78. loio, loii, loia, 1013, 1014,1016, 

« Cf. 70a (northern) with 70^ 1034, 1053^*, 1065 (on 1067. 1068, 

(aouthemX accession of Cenred see notes ad loe.), 1073^ The an- 

doplicated ; 739 N and 731 S, death nals marked with an asterisk con- 

of Osric repeated (these are also tain omissions, the laiger number 

in E); 801, 80a, consecration of being due to homoioteleuton, the 

Beonunod (not in £); 1047 '^d surest proof of non-originality. The 

1049 **^ possibly doublets. mistakes here enumerated are peca- 

' 731, death of Bryhtwold entered liar to D. Where a mistake is 

twice. This is not in £. A pes- common to D, £, it shows that it it 

sible attempt to correct what was due to one of their common anoest 

n. g 


to write wforp^ and p for w* is well known to all students of 
English MSS. ; but the confusion points to a later time when 
native names, including that of the divine progenitor of Anglo- 
Saxon royalty, had become unfamiliar. 
Deliberate § 82. Some of the alterations found in D have been made 
ftl^tiona deliberately. He occasionally omits pedigrees, 716, 755 ad fin. ^ 
though in this he is much less trenchant than £^ But the 
most important of these deliberate alterations are those which 
are due to the party standpoint of the compiler. Though not 
so strongly Godwinist as E (c), he clearly takes that side and 
edits his materials in that sense. The most glaring instance 
of this is his account of the arrest of the Etheling Alfred in 
1036 ; but instances of the same tendency occur at 1052^, 1053, 
1056, 1065, and 1066*. 
ReUtion § 83. It remains to say something further on the relation of 
oldw MSS -^ *^ *^® ®^^®^ existing MSS. 2, B, C. And in this discussion 
' B may be practically neglected. It is a mere pale reflexion of 
C, and stops at 977, so that it cannot have influenced the com- 
It it nearest position of D. Of the two remaining MSS. it is obvious that 
^ ^' D is much more closely related to C than to 3 ; &om 983 to 

T022 it runs, as we have seen, closely parallel to C, and in this 
part C is whoUy independent of 2. Like C it uses the MercLan 
Eegister, though in a different way; and of this there is no 
trace in 2. In the annals 901, 903, 904, 905, 915 [= 918 S]^ 

tors. Snch cases will be found in 1006 £ ; cf. 6a6 W., but this may 

828, 833, 835, 836, 845 ; common be Wheloc's error. 
omisBions oocar 851, 865, 883, all ' Many of the pedigrees in S, B, 

due to homoioteleuton. Other C occur in the part where D is de- 

alterations common to D, £ are fective, 362-693, and therefore the 

deliberate, and mark a later ttime, point cannot be fully tested. I> haa, 

743» 7SO» 75^» 835, 836, 851 ; see however, the pedigrees at 694, 726, 

notes ad loe. In a few cases D, £ 731, 855, all of which £ has cut oat. 
have preserved the right reading * See the notes on all these pm»- 

against S, B, C, e.-g. 885 (Sture). sages. 
» 788, 794, 796. » This point, 915 B, C, D [^ 918 

* 800. 855 (Poden for Woden ; 2t], clearly marks a stage in the 

this is overlooked by Thorpe). All growtii of the Chronicle, for it is 

these cases of confusion occur in after this annal that B, C insert the 

poper names. This is rare in other Mercian Register unaltered, while X 

M^., viz. Awnldre for Apnldre, for a time is wholly independent. 

89a S ; forapeldon for forsweldon, See below, § 93. 


B, C, D exhibit a recension differing in important particulars 
from 3; while they have not the interesting annals, 919-924, 
which are peculiar to S. It is true that in the earlier part of 
the Chronicle up to 898, where S, B, C are practically identical, 
D, £ not infrequently agree with 3 against the other two ; but 
this, as a rule, only means that S D [E] have preserved the 
true reading, which B, C have corrupted^ ; and does not point 
to any special affinity of S and D. But, on the other hand, bat not 
D cannot be copied from C. This is most clearly seen by the ^^^^ 
many cases in which D has passages which C has omitted^; 
and we are thus confirmed in the opinion which has already 
been put forward that C and D are not derived the one from 
the other, but are to be traced back to some common ancestor 
or accestors. 

§ 84. I have already said ' that of the Latin chroniclers Relation of 
Florence shows the greatest affinity with D. The materials ^"^^^^ ^ 
for comparison, however, are somewhat diminished by the fact 
that in the early part of the history, 565-731, 827, many 
annals are taken direct from Bede and not from the Chro- 
nicle; while in the second half of the ninth century most of 
the entries, with but slight variations, agree bodily with the 
text of Asser^. That Florence had a Chronicle of the D, E 
type, t. e. a Chronicle in which the northern and southern 
elements had already been conjoined, seems clear from many 

^ 33» 7o3» 7 '8, 730, 740, 754, fromC; m are also the cases to be *" 

763, 784, 790, 8a I, 823, 860, 867, cited later, $ 90, where C has read- 

870, 877, 885 ad fin. In all these ings (generally errors) pecoliar to 

1 1 believe that S, D, £ have itself. That D was not copied firom 

preserred the tme readinfr. So in S, in addition to the argnmentfl 

the part where D is mutilated, E already used, a few instances of 

often agrees with S against B, C ; omissions in S which are not in D 

45<5, 485, 491, §34, 577, 614, 6a8, will decisively show: 868, 876, 878, 

^3^> ^35f 639, 045, 648; here too 894 ad fin., 911. 

the readings of S, E are right, and * $ 77. 

D, if we had it, would probably * 849^-887, with occasional ezcep- 

agree with them. tions. I have deliberately avoided 

' 730 (whole annal omitted by the statement, so frequently made, 

B» O), 755, 855 ad fin,, 878, 883, that Florence took these annals 

894, 890, 1009, loio; all the cases direct from Asser. I incline rather 

too already dted where D agrees to the view that they both took 

with X against B, G, are evidences them from some common source. 

thai D caaaot have been copied This view would explain the fact 




instances ^ The special affinity with D is shown by those cases 
Florence in which Florence has entries which are peculiar to D '. Bat 
not depen- ^j^jg ^^^ ^^^^ ^yy any means exhaust the relations of Florence 
wholly on to OUT Chronicles. He has the annals 919-924, which are 
found only in S'; he has also annals 980-982, 1030, 1039, 
1055, 1065, which are peculiar to C, and the Mercian Register 
complete, not merely the fragments of it embodied in D ^. Like 
D, Florence incorporates the M. R. with the main body of the 
Chronicle, but much more systematically \ Whether Florence 


that thoogh Florence ig as a mle 
briefer thui Abbot, yet he has here 
and there phrases which are not in 
the latter, e.g. 'sui patris ro^tu,* 
i. 74 ; ' in Bancta . . . Bolennitate, 
t&. 103 ; or Florence may have 
added these himself. Anyhow these 
annals are not the work of Florence. 
There was no reason why he should 
desert his usual mode of dealing 
with the Chronicle, unless he had 
some Latin authoi-ity at hand, 
which he considered equal or su- 
perior to the Chronicle. As to the 
form of Chronicle used by Asser, 
the annalB 853, 87a, 873 show that 
it was of the Si, B, C type ; while 
851, 874, 876, 886 show that it was 
not our S.. In one point he is 
nearest to C (855 C nd^Ti. <= Asser 
860 ad init,)f but in other points he 
does not share the peculiarities of C 
or B. All that we can say then is 
that his Chronicle was of the south- 
em type, and probably not identical 
with any of our existing MSS. Into 
the discusBion of the date and 
character of the so-called Asser, 
I am fortunately not bound to 
enter. I trust tho many problems 
connected with it will soon be 
solved for us by Mr. W. H. Steven- 

' 705, 737, 744, 757, 759, 7^0, 
761, &c The northern elements 
are, however, sometimes omitted : 
710, 716, 741, 785, 795, 796, 798, 
806. Ptfr contra he has a northern 
entry in 800 which is no^ in the 

Chron. Other points, not northern, 
in which Fl. Wig. follows the D, S 
recension are 584, 978, 980 (>*977, 
970 Fl.), 1028, 1071-1075. 

^ 9^5, 926, 940 (part), 941, ^46, 
947, 948. 95a, 954 (Pw*), 957, 958, 
965, 1016 (part), 1018 (part), 1021, 
1026, 1033, 1034, 1038, 1043, 1045- 
1049, 1051, 1052*, I05a»» (part), 
1054, 1057-106X, 1063, 1067, 1068. 
The dates are those of D ; Florence's 
dates sometimes differ slightly. On 
the other hand he has not the annala 
943, 956 ^' '^^^ latter he may have 
omitted, because he knew it to be 
wrong ; v. note ad loo. 

' In FL they are numbered 916- 
921 ; on the chronological qaestioa 
something will be found in the notes, 
ii. 116, 117. Fl. has also 931, 932, 
934 fi ( « 932, 933, 935 Fl., agreeing 
with the original numbering in S). 
In the following cases also Fl. is 
nearer to S. than to any other of 
our existing MSS. : 643, 722 com- 
pared with 725. 838, 894, 898; 
while in 710, 787, 805. 833. 845, 
009, 943 he seems to agree with the 
A, B, C recension against that of 
D, £. In 705 the two recenmoaa 
seem conflated. 

* See Florence 904-924. In 999 
and 1009 also, Fl. shows a decided 
affinity with the text of C. 

* From 901 to 915 the four Cbr»> 
nicies, S, B, C, D, are so closely 
parallel that it is hard to say to 
which of them Fl.*s text of the 
main Chronicle is most nearly allied. 



took the M.R. from or had it as a separate document I cannot 
say; I think the former is more likely \ In some cases 
Florence gives a text compounded of C and D ' ; in another, 
1038, D and £ seem conflated ; while in the later part of the 
Chronicle Florence and his continuators use £ or some closely 
allied document*. If we were justified (as we are not) in 
assuming that no type of Saxon Chronicle existed besides those 
which have come down to us, we could explain nearly all* the 
phenomena of Florence by supposing that he had access to 
MSS. resembling our S, C, D, £ ; nor, considering Florence's 
diligence in collecting materials, is this at all an impossible 
supposition*. But when we consider how many Chronicles 

Only in 901 and 905 is there a 
marked <fifference between S and 
B, C, D ; in 90T Fl. seems to have 
conflated the two versions ; in 905 
be agrees with B, C, D. Also in 
the chronology he agrees with 
B, C, D against S. On the whole 
I think he is nearest to C. In Fl. 
914 there seems a slight conflation 
of the texts of C and D. From 904- 
015 Florence*s text i- main Chron. 
%B,C, D -¥ M.B. ; in 916-930 it 
-X + M. R. Again in 965 Fl.- 
964 2 + 965 D. 

^ Per earUra he has not 971, 977, 
peculiar to B, C, and his loio is not 
from C. 

■ Florence 978, 1017, 1053, 1056, 

■ ib. 1079-1109,1 1 13-11 15, 1 1 ig- 
nis, ii3<^> ii3S> 1 130. In loio 
and 1023 sJso Fl. seems nearer to 
E than to any other MS. In 926 
Fl. seems to embody 927 £, F. 
But this is one of the second croup 
of Northombrian annals, wbioi Fl. 
may have known in their original 
fonn and not merely through the 
Chronicle. On the other hand Fl. 
has not E's 1025, 103a, 1033, 1036 ; 
and in the case of such a zealous 
researcher as Florence the argument 
from omission is worth something. 
Anyhow Theopold is clearly wrong 
in treating D as Florence s sole 

authority among the Chronicles, 

p. 03. 

* There are a few cases in which 
Fl. seems to differ from all our 
Chronicles, e.g. 694, 85a, 1016. 
The only case of any impoitance 
is the last, where FJ. has an inter- 
esting passage which seems certainly 
bafted on a Saacon original, but is 
not in our existing Chronicles ; v. 
note ad loe. Of Florence's mate- 
rials other than the Chronicle I am 
not called upon to speak here ; they 
are very numerous, and most of 
them can be identified. Of Flor- 
ence's value as an historian I have 
said something in the notes ; see on 
1 1 1 8. G reen's esti mate of him seems 
to me distinctly one-sided and un- 
fair, C. E. p. 381. 

* Florence three times cites the 
Chronicle by name, 67a, 674, 734 : 
in the two first cases he spcHsks of 
it in the singular, * secundum An- 
glicam Chronicam * ; but in 734 it 
18 noteworthy that be uses the 
plural, ' secundum Anglicas Chroni- 
cas,' which seems to show that he 
had at any rate more than one M8. 
The Chronicle is also twice cited, in 
the singular, in the West Saxon 
pedigree at the end of Fl. Wig. i. 
aTi, a72. In his preface to W. M. 
II. xxi, Dr. Stubbs has suggested 
that a 'lAtin Chronicle . . . possibly 



have perished, and how differently the materials are combined 
even in our existing Chronicles, it would be rash to assume 
that this is the explanation. 
Relation of § 85. And here something must be said on the relation 
^M^es °^ Wi^li*™ ^^ Malmesbury to the Chronicle. W. M. is a more 
bury to the ambitious writer than either the diligent Florence or the super- 
Chronicle, ficial Henry of Huntingdon. He is not content, as they are, 
vdth the annalistic form, but aims at being an historian rather 
than a chronicler \ Hence it is less easy to trace his relations 
to the Chronicle than in the case of the other two writers. 
Something, however, may be made out. W. M. refers to the 
Chronicle several times, and, like Florence, he sometimes in 
speaking of it uses the singular', and sometimes the plural'. 
He describes it as * quaedam uetustatis indicia chronico more et 
patrio sermone per annos Domini ordinata*/ That he had a 
Chronicle of the D, E type is clear from many instances*. But 
he also embodies many entries which are found only in E % and 

underlies the Chronicon ex Chronioii 
of Florence of Worcester.* The 
enggestion is an interesting one; 
and if it could be proved, it would 
detract very much from Florence's 
merits as a translator and compiler 
from the native Chronicles. My 
own impression is distinctly the 
other way, that Florence, except in 
the Asser passages, drew directly 
from the Chronicle without any 
lAtin intermediary. On the sub- 
ject of lost Chronicles, see below, 
$ lai. 

' 'Ipse mihi sub ope Christi 
gratulur, quod oontinuain Anglorum 
historiam ordinauerim post Bedam 
uel solus uel primus,* ii. 518 ; cf. t5. 


• i. 13. lao, 229. 

' i. I, 12, 261 30, 32. At i. 280 the 
Chronicle may be referred to in the 
vague phrase ' Angli dicunt.' 

• i. I. 

• 737 (i. 67); 757,759,774,778, 
789, 790 ^i. 74) ; 797 Ci. 183) ; 980 
(i. 184); 1028,1030(1.221). To 
these may probably be added 449 

(i. 44, where W. M. evidently inters 
prets the words of the Chron. as 
meaning that the Angles came to 
North umbria in that year) ; 565 (L 
1 3) ; for though D is defective here. 
£ probably represents the D, B re- 
cension. It is otherwise with 430 ; 
see next note. 

• 430 (i. 26, 'Patrioius'for 'Pal- 
ladius'; this reading seems not to 
have been in D, for it is not in F, 
and therefore was probably not in 
«, but was introduced either by ^ 
or E) ; 1012 (i. 207, W. M. follows 
the wrong reading of £, ' 8,000 * in- 
stead of '48,000^); 1036 (i. 227, 
W. M. follows £ in the erroneous 
date for Cnut's death, and as to the 
shara of London in the election of 
Harold); 1036 (i. 229, as to the 
death of the £thelinfl; Alfred, W. M. 
says ' chronica tacet ' ; this is true of 
E, not of C or D) ; 1039 (i. 228, 
death of Harold €U Oxford, only in 
£); 1048 (i. 241, the account of 
Eustace at Dover is clearly from E, 
V. 8. § 47) ; 1052 (i. 243, the men- 
tion of Kalph and Odo as comman* 


others which are found only in D ^ of our existing Chronicles. 
In one or two cases W. M.^as readings which differ from all 
oar M8S., and suggest that he had a Chronicle of a distinct 
type*. On the whole, I think these features prohably come 
from some other source, and that the relations of W. M. to the 
Chronicle may be expressed by saying that he either had two 
MSS.y one resembling D, and the other resembling £ ; or that 
he had a MS. which combined some of the features of both. 
The examples of Henry of Huntingdon, and probably of 
Florence, show that there is nothing improbable in the former 
supposition, and we know that W. M. had MSS. of the two 
recensions of Bede '. 

§ 86. In tracing backwards the development of the Clironicle, B taken 
I depart slightly from the chronological order in order to clear ^ ®^ 
the way by disposing of MS. B, the history of which admits of 
being very shortly told. I have already said * that it is a pale B m shadow 
reflexion of C. Their affinity is indeed obvious, and is closer ^^ ^' 
than that of any two existing MSS. of the Chronicle, with the 
exception of S and A. In the first place, they both insert the 
Mercian Register at the same point and in the same form, and 
in both that document ends in the same abrupt and incomplete 
way, showing that the original was either mutilated or illegible 
at that point '• There are also other annals outside the Mercian 
Register which are peculiar to B and C *. But besides all this 

den of the English fleet is only in £, i. 74. In 591 the MSS. of W. M. 

£) ; 1066 (1. 280, ' Haroldus . . . yary in the same way as do the 

arripuit diadema, qnamuis AngU M^. of the Chronicle. At 1066 

dicant » rege ooncessam/ probably W. M. has what is a late addition 

a reference to E, which alone says in C, the story of the Northman who 

* sw» swa se cyng hit him geu0e ') ; held the bridge at Stamford Bridge. 

1088 Cii. 360 ff.); 1089 ^"* 374) > Bat possibly both got it from oral 

1000 (ii. 363). tradition ; e. «. $ 55. 

9*5f 9^ (1- I4*» ^4^); 94* C^* * 59' 0* ^'» Wodnesdic /or 

'57); 94^ (»-'59); 948,952*954 Wodnesbeorh) ; 65a (i. 23, * Wirt- 

(i. i6a) ; in 1041 W. M. seems to gemesboig*). See on this question 

eonfi»teD and £ (i. 228, 'inter po- W. M. L xz, liii; IL zxi, zxt, 

cula' from D, 'apud Lamudam' czvii. 

from E). In 885 W. M. qaotee at ^ See my Bede, I. xciv, note. 

from lAeCArofiic2« a pedigree which * § 83. 

is not in E; but it is in D, L lao. ' 924 B, C, and note ad loc. 

In 765 he agrees with D rather than * 957, 971, 977. 



they agree together in the most marked way in mistakes \ in 

omissions', in insertions^, and in other varieties of readings V 

That the points in which they agree with one another and differ 

from the rest are sometimes of the minutest character, such as 

the spelling of a name with a k instead of a c^ only illus- 

Yet trates more forcibly the closeness of the connexion. And yet, 

neither is ^jjj ^jj i\^\j^ neither is a transcript of the other. C is not 

of the copied from B ; for it has annals ' and parts of annals ^ which 

other. are omitted by B. B is not copied from C ; for C has its own 

omissions which are not in B ^. 

Hence we must trace them back to a common source 


BandC §87 

oome from which exhibited these peculiarities shared by B and C •, 
a common 

* 633 (JwBT/or pKt); 673 (iE>el- 
briht for iSJJwldryht) ; 703 (xxxvii 
for xxvii) ; 716 (Ceolwoldyiw Ceol- 
red) ; 741 (xxvi/or xvi); 763 (Ead- 
briht/or Eanbnht ; C repeats this 
error in 764, and both have it again 
in 790 ; in 785 both have Eanbnht ; 
the other Ml^. all spell the name 
with an initial I) ; 860 (Wolf heard 

for Osric, v, note €td loc). In one 
case, 796, B and C have a common 
correction of an error which runs 
through all the other MSa, Ceo- 
wnlf, 2, D, E, F; Cynulf, B, C, 

« 12,461 («465S,E); 501.519, 
568, 680, 725 (the omission here 
was probably deliberate, the scribe 
considering that the latter part of 
725 S was a doublet of the latter 
part of 722 S) ; 730 (the whole 
annal omitte4 in B, G, though it is 
in fi. D, E, F); 823, 827,860,877, 
885 (homoioteleuta) ; 878, 883 (the 
omission here is yery noticeable, as 
it leaves the passage without any 
proper construction) ; 894. 

• a. 100, 455, 456, 495» 508,577, 
584, 606 (the addition of Gregory's 
parentage) ; 642 (the addition of the 
epithet |>a ecildan cyrieean, on the 
significance of which see below, 
% 113, note); 635, 639, 643,644, 647, 
654, 673, 694 (these also are little 
explanatory touches, and show a 

Uter hand); 853, 871, 879, 889, 

* I, 30, 33, 35, 46, 70, 85, i89» 
381, 430, 473, 485, 491, 5H, 530. 
534, 552, 565. 571, 577, 591, ^7. 
614, 6a8, 632, 635, 630, 641. 643 
(here the distribution of the entries 
between the years 641 and 64a 
differs from S) ; 644, 645, 649, 655, 
658,661, 688, 705, 710, 717. 746, 
754, 784, 8ia, 821, 823. 836, 845, 
867, 870, 876, 878, 882, 890, 915, 

* 477, 644, 645. 

* 675. 9^1, 976. ' 758, 868, 

" 755, 855 ac^^»..896 ; all these 
are cases of homoioteleuton. 

* We shall see Uter (§ 113), that 
of these peculiarities common to B 
and C some had their origin at Win- 
chester before the Chronicle was 
transplanted to Abingdon; while 
others, such an the insertion of the 
Mercian Register, were due to 
the Abingdon editor. But besides 
the special points common to B and 
0, B has certain peculiarities of its 
own : 71, 653, 670 (here the terri- 
torial < WestseaxnaZand * seems late ; 
it is due to the mistake in C [r] of 
Westseaxna for Westseaxan; the 
genitive thus created required some- 
thing to depend on) ; 672, 679, 680, 
682, 685, 688, 709 (be westan Sele- 
wuda for be westan wuda, S, C» 


may call this common source F. But this common source most 
be carefully distinguished from that common source to which 
we have already traced some of the later parts of C, D, E ; 
for the parallelism of C, D, £ only begins about 983, whereas 
B ends with 977 ; and after the same point there is a change 
of hand in C. These two &cts warrant us in assuming that 
r, at the time when it was copied by the scribes of B and C, went 
no further; and this date, like 892 and 915, marks a stage 
in the development of the Chronicle. Moreover, B is written 
in one hand throughout. It is pretty clear that B is a tran- 
script made with a view to its becoming the stock of a new 
Chronicle, and that for some reason or another this stock 
remained barren. 

As to the home of F, the notice of Abingdon in 977 and r an 
of Thame in 971, two annals peculiar to B, C, t, e. to F, point ^^^ 
conclusively to Abingdon, and this fits in with what has been 
already said as to the Abingdon character of the common 
ancestor of C, D, £ from 983 to 1018. In other words, the 
compiler of C found ready to his hand a Chronicle extending 
to 977 and a continuation extending from 983 to 1018, both 
of which had already passed under the hands of Abingdon 

§ 88. In one point B probably originally resembled S, viz. B had 
in having the Genealogical Preface. In Cott. Tib. A. iii. f. 178, ^"^^^ 
is a leaf containing the genealogy of the West Saxon house logical 
(cited by me as p\ which, apart from scribal variations, ^,^^^ 
resembles that in S, except that it is continued down to 
Edward the Martyr ^ It has been suggested that this leaf 
really belongs to B; and the suggestion is highly probable. 
The writing is very similar, there are the same number of lines 
to the page (23), and though the size of the page in Tib. A. iii. 

D, B, F) ; 716, 734, 737, 755, 758, tanoe. On the connexion of B with 

784* 837, 868, 871, 876 arf}?»., 880, St. Augustine's, Canterbury, see 

882, 893, 894, 897 (insertion of above, $ 18. 

'witan' aft^ '}» gepungenestan,* ^ I have given the variants from 

baeanse '>a ge)».witan' was a our- this leaf in the critical noteH, i. a-5. 

rent phrase); 906, 915, 937, 94a. It is printed in full in Thorpe, i. 

Thia last and 709 are the only 33a, 333, who also gives a fao- 

varianta of any interest or impor- simile. 


is rather bigger than in B, I believe the difference to be due to 
B having shrunk in the great Cottonian fire. The part of the 
page actually covered by writing is of the same size in both. 
And this probability is very greatly strengthened by the fact 
that the genealogy is brought down to exactly the point 
reached by the Chronicle. B ends, as we have seen, at 977 ; 
the genealogy ends imperfectly: ' )>a feng Eaclweard to, 
Eadgares sunn, 7 heold . . .' The writing stops at the beginning 
of a line, so that the incompleteness is not due to mutilation. 
It is due to the fact that the original continuator of the 
genealogy did not when he wrote know how long Edward 
* held the kingdom ' ; for the very good reason that in 977 
Edward was still alive. He was murdered in 979; and thus 
we can fix within two years, 977 x 979, the time, not indeed 
when B was transcribed, but when F was compiled. The 
Genealogical Preface was probably therefore in F ; B preserved 
it, while C preferred a different introduction to the Chronicle \ 

^ Wanley, pp. 84, 199, and 
Hardy, Cat. i. 576, both held the 
view adopted in the text ; MS. notes 
by Sir F. Madden, in Tib. A. iii, 
and in B, ehow that be shared it. 
Professors Earle and Pauli were in- 
clined to take a diiferent view, see 
Earle, pp. xxv, xxvi. In a later 
section ($124 note) I have shown 
that the Jnnias transcript (Junius 
66) and the Joscelin transcript of 
the genealogy (Laud Misc. 661) 
are bcith taken from 0j and ait'ord 
no evidence of the existence of any 
Genealogical Preface to B other than 
0. The question turns largely on 
tJoscelin's copy of the West Saxon 
genealogy in his Collectanea, Cott. 
Vitell. D. vii. f. 138. This copy is 
taken from S as lar as Alfred, with 
various readings from 'historiaSax- 
onica monasterii Augustini Cant.,' 
which we know to have been Josce- 
lin's designation for our B. These, 
vv. ll.f agree with fi in all cases 
except one, where for the * xxxi * of 
£ it is noted that the 'hist. Sax. 

Aug.* reads ' xxi * ; as a matter of 
fact /3 reads 'xx,* but this migtit 
easily be a slip of Joeoelin's in* 
fluenced by the *xxxi* of the text 
before him. After the reign of 
Alfred, Joscelin continues ''hie de- 
sinit hist. Sax» [eodesiae] Christi 
Cantk quam habet doctor Wutton 
[«S]. Tradit iam hist. Sax. [B. 
Augustini] Cant, quam habet loannea 
Twyne Cant.'; and then continues 
the genealogy up to Edward tbe 
Martyr. This latter part also agrees 
closely with fi except in two minute 
particulars : for * Eadmund,* fi, Jos- 
oelin has ^Eadmond/ and for ' 9a 
feng Eadwig to Eadmundes annu 
cinges,' fi, he has ' Oa feng Eadwig 
Eadni. sunu ci . . .* [i, e, cinges, not 
' to rice ' as Professor Earle read tbe 
burnt margin, so that the divergence 
is reduced to the accidental omission 
of ' to ']. It was on the ground of 
these differences that Professor Hlaxle 
doubted the view that belongs to 
B^ but they are obviously too slight 
to support his conclusion. More- 


§ 89. The relations of C to B, D, E, so far as they are parallel, RelaUons 
have been already discussed in dealing with those MSS. We ^ ^^^^t 
have seen that its kinship is closest with B so far as B ex- with 
tends ; but that C, D, and E must all, in the parts in which »lwady. 
they coincide, be traced back to some common original or 
originals \ It only remains, therefore, to discuss the relation 
of C to 2. We have seen' that fi, B, C up to 892 'belong Relation 
to an earlier recension, which differs considerably from that®^^*°^* 
which underlies the corresponding part of D, £. From 894 
to 915 X seems to stand over against B, C, D. After 915 
[= S 918] the parallelism of^*& to the other MSS. ceases for 
a time, from 933 to 975 the parallelism of 2 is intermittent, 
A^^' 975 i^ ceases altogether, t. e, it ceases just about the 
point where F ended ; another indication that we have about 
this point a well-marked stage in the development of the 

§ 90. But though belonging to the same class as 2, C is not C not » 
copied fri>m it ; 2 has several omissions which are peculiar to ^^^ 
itself, and prove that it cannot be original". Nor can S be 
copied from F, which, as we have seen, had several omissions 
which are not in 2 * ; still less can S be copied from B or G, 
which, besides the omissions which they both derived from F, 
have each omissions peculiar to themselves*. We must there- 
over, if B had a genealogy other ' S§ 59t ^5 ff- 
thAn ^, would it not be strange that ' t.g. 853, 868, 871, 876^ 878^ 
Joncelin in his Collectanea should 883, 886, 894*, 911 ; those marked 
have used B, but when actually with an asterisk are cases of 
transcribing B itself should have homoloteleuton. These show equally 
taken the genealogy from a different that B cannot be copied from S, 
Ma? I may add that Mr. 6. F. though Theopold strangely asserts 
Warner, who with his usual kind- the contrary, p. 14. 

went most carefully into this * See above. $ 86. 

question for my behoof^ was con- * t5. $ 86, and note. As to C, 

viiKsed that the scribe of /3 was cf. 674, 856 ad fin,y 894 ad fin,, 

identical with that of B. If, how 896*. So in the part indepen- 

ever, any one still prefers the opin- dent of S. there are omissions 

ion of Professors Earle and Pauli, peculiar to C; 1009, loio*, X017, 

it might be suggested that fi be- Toao. In one annal, 723, there is 

longed originally to the lost MS. F, an agreement of £ and C in a 

whidi we know to have ended at curious little blunder, but this must 

the same point as B. be accidental merely. 

« 63. 69, 71, 7h 83. 96, 87. 


fore trace R and F bock to some common original, the readings 
of which have however, as a rule, been more faithfully preserved 

Peculimri- Besides the omissions already noted, C has other special 

ties of C. readings ' ; it has several annals wholly or in part peculiar 
to itself', and also makes additions to older annals^. Some 
of these additions certainly have the look of later non-contem- 
porary insertions On the other hand, the annals peculiar to 
C are of great interest, and often form our most valuable 
authority for the times to which they refer. Even where D or 
£ are parallel with C, C will generally be found to be more 
original than either. It is only in the early part of the 
Chronicle that the inferiority of C appears, and this is 
largely due to the corruptions introduced by its immediate 
predecessor F. 

GanAbing- § 91. That C is an Abingdon MS. has long been recognised. 

don book. From 971 to 1050 it contains many Abingdon notices ^ On 
most of these something has been said already, and reasons 
have been given why some of them are common to B and 
others to £ \ 

* Thii is certainly irae almost 105 1, 105a* 1053*; the a^teriaks 
without exception wherever S is indicate that only parts of those 
supported against B, C by the au- annals are peculiar to C. 

thority of D or E or both. Even * 1009 Oe we heton Durkilles 

where D and E are not parallel here *) ; loi 2 ('7 hine )«er ]» 

to S, B, G, and are therefore not bysmorlioe acwylmdon/ which cer- 

available as evidence on either side, tainly looks like a later hagio- 

I am inclined, as a rule, to prefer graphical development) ; 1014, orf 

the authority of £ to that of B, C ; init. (' )>e on Englalande wieron ') ; 

for the agreement of these merely 1016 ('Suruh Eadrices red ealdor- 

testifies to the reading of T, which, mannes,* which looks like a later 

as we know, was a highly individual attempt to throw all the blame on 

MS. the national scapegoat; see note 

* 81, 167, 4x8, 449, 556, 738, on 980 C, and the references there 
743, 764, 785, 839 (Cantwara byrig given ; later in the same annal C 

Jfbr Cwantawic), 845, 853, 873 inserts ' eal be norffan Temese, 7 

(Scirebuman for Winbuman), S79, swa ut )>uruh Clseighangran *) ; 

888 (==887), 999 ()» ylcodan )>a X017 (*7 eft hine h^t ofslean'). 

deman, v, note ad loe.)t looi, 1009, * 971 B, C, 977 B, 0, 981 C, 

1013, lo^^- ^^ "^ ^1>^^ <^^^B ^^ 9^^ ^t 9^5 ^» ^1 1016, a(1fin,,Ct £. 

reading of C is probably, in many 104^1 C (1043 £), 1047 ^ h<>4^ ^\ 

certainly, wrong. 1048 C (1050 D, ad fin.), 1050 C 

' 976, 978-982. 1023, 1030, (1048 E). 

1045*, 1046*, 1047* I049*> 1050. • Above, §§ 63, 87. 


Another feature of C which has already ij^tracted notice is its C a&ti- 
strongly anti-Qodwinist tone\ For this peculiarity I cannot ^^^'^°^*- 
account by the position of the Abingdon compiler. In the Chro- 
nicle of Abingdon, which deals so minutely with the property of 
the abbey, and charges even the great Alfred with spoliation ', 
there are no such charges brought against Godwin, though *^ 

they are not uncommon elsewhere. Godwin signs many grants 
to Abingdon ; and, even if some of these grants are spurious, 
the attaching of his signature to them only shows the more 
strongly that be was not regarded as unfriendly, while Harold 
appears as actively favouring th^ acquisition and recovery of 
property by the abbey '. 

§ 92. C ends with the battle of Stamford Bridge in 1066 ; C incom- 
the last paragraph telling in much later language, probably P^^^* 
from oral tradition, the story of the stout Northman ' who 
kept the bridge so well' till he was laid low by a dastardly 
mancBUvre which even the Etruscans did not practise against 
Horatius. The addition of this paragraph on a new leaf was 
intended to give a sort of ending to the obviously unfinished 
annal*, an incompleteness due probably to mutilation. We 
cannot therefore tell how far the MS. originally extended. But 
even before this point the compiler's materials began to fail 
him. The years 1057-1064 are vacant in C. After 1056 half 
a page is left blank, as if to receive any entries for which 
materials might be forthcoming at a later time. And this gives 
confirmation to the idea, already put forward', that the inter- 

' Seenoiei to 1036, 105a, 1053, who also remarks, tb. 65: Mt is 

1056, 1065, 1066 ; and above, at least suspicious that . . . Wash- 

% 8a. ington, one of the best properties 

' i. 50-5a, 135; ii. 376. See in the county [Sussex], which 

DOteon OCX, tn/ra, ii. 113. had belonged in Edgar's time to 

■ i 4^, 475, 484. There is, how- Abingdon Abbey (K. C, D. No. 

ever, as the Rev. C. S. Taylor kindly 1350), is entered in Domesday as 

points oat to me, some evidence on a possession of Earl Gyrth.' 
the other side: the same Chron., * We may compare the shorter 

i. 457-459, 475, seems to show that and obviously late ending to the 

Godwin had been appealed to in Gospel of St. Mark found in a few 

vain to right a wrong done to the MSS. and versions ; cf. Weetcott 

monastery Vjr a certain Brihtwine ; and Hort, Appendix, p. 38. 
cL ^tanoa, Historical Maps, p. 64, * § 7a, and note. 


mittent parallelism .of C, D, E with one another in the later 
parts of the Chronicle is due to the use of separate documents, 
each covering only a short period of time. The existence 
of such a document, e.g. for the reigns of Harold Harefoot 
and Hardacnut, seems evidenced by the fact that for those 
years C is strictly parallel to D, whereas for ihe first two years 
of the Confessor C is parallel to E. 

Of the use made of C by Henry of Huntingdon and Florence 
enough has been said already \ 
Relation of § 93. We have seen that up to 892 S, B, and C are prac- 
Xto other tically identical ; they represent the same recension of this part 
of the Chronicle, only exhibiting such scribal variations as are 
to be expected in any group of MSS., however closely allied ". 
We have however also seen that these variations, slight as they 
are, are sufficient to show that no one of the three MSS. is 
copied from either of the others'. It remains therefore to 
trace back R on the one hand, and F (the common original of 
B and C) on the other, to a common source which, for reasons 
which will appear presently (§§ 100, loi), I call se. An 
analysis of this common stock of all the Chronicles will be 
attempted later (§§ 105-108). For the present I leave it on 
one side, and proceed to trace the development of S from this 
point. From 894 to 915 [=S 918] S runs parallel to B, C, D, 
though it exhibits a somewhat individual recension^. After 

* $$ 55t 84. * This i« Bhown especially by the 

' See above, §§ 59, 65, 89. For omissions, see above, §§ 86, 90. 

readings in this part peculiar to S, The omissions pecoliar to S in this 

•ee 38it, 508, 560, 653t, 79a. section are at 787, 835* 8^3, Sss*. 

796, 800, 8a7, 835* 836, 838*, 866, 868, 871, 874, 876*. 878*, 

851 (here S has an entirely different 88 a ^ 886. Those asterisked are 

arrangement of the events in the oases of homoioteleuton. There is 

annal from that in the other MSS.), an omission also in 860, though it 

879, 883t. In the ca^es marked has been snpplied above the line 

with an asterisk I should say that by the first hand. At 883 it mii^bt 

the reading of S was undoubtedly be a question whether S. has 

right, and in those marked with omitted, or the others have added, 

a dagger, undoubtedly wrong. In * See above, $ 89. Readings 

the other cases it is somewhat peculiar to £ in this section are 

difficult to decide, and except in at 895 ad Jin,, 896 eui Jin., 897, 

851 the difierenoes are very nn- 898, 901, 905, 910, 918 [*■ 915 B, 

important. C, D]. Slome cf these differenoes 


915 there is a marked break in B and C, which insert at this 
point the Mercian Register, while £ continues with annals 
919-924, which are peculiar to itself. These annals are, how- 
ever, strictly a continuation of the preceding annals 894-918 S, 
and deal with precisely the same subject, viz. the wars of Alfred 
and Edward the Elder against the Danes. Two views are 
abstractly possible: either the compiler of S had a copy of 
these annals which extended further than that which underlies 
the other MSS. ; or the compiler of S was himself the author 
of these annals, and continued them in his own copy after a 
transcript of the earlier ones had been made and sent to other 
places. The former theory is much the more likely, and accounts 
for the dififerent recension which S exhibits in this part of the 
Chronicle. Moreover, the omissions to be found in this section 
also of 3 prove that 3 is not an original here ^. 

§94. From 925 to 975 3, B, C are very fragmentary; a 
few obits and successions, three or four poems, and some notices 
of the northern wars of Athelstan and Edmund, make up the 
whole of the common matter which they contain, and which 
evidently comes from some common source or sources'. But 
into this common source 3 has inserted several annals and 
parts of annals which are peculiar to itself; and of these by 
far the greater number have to do with Winchester, and it is 3 a Win- 
this part of the Chronicle which most clearly stamps 3 as in ^^^ ^ 
origin at least a Winchester book ' ; a fact which has been looi ; 
frequently noted. And this character it retuns to the end of 
100 1 ; for though the only Winchester entry between 975 and 
100 1 is at 984, the details in 100 1 relating to Hampshire and 

are of coniiderable importanee. point half a page of the MS. \m left 

See notee ad loc. blank. 

* Omissions peculiar to S in this > 933, 937, 941, 942, 943, 944, 

section are at 894*, 903, 9"- In 945. 94^, 973. 975- 

the next section also S cannot be ' 931*, 932*, 933^ (part), 934^ 

original, for there is an omission, 95I^ 955 (part), 962, 963^ 964*. 

due to homoioteleuton, which pod- Those marked with an asterisk are 

ti?elj extends oTer two annals, Winchester insertions. Another 

943-3 ; see note ad loe. That indication of this may be foand in 

there is a distinct break after 994 the crosses placed against Frithe- 

is shown by the fact that at that stands name at 910, 


Devonshire would be much more likely to be written down at 
Winchester than at Canterbury, S's second home. 

After 975 S becomes wholly independent of the other Chroni- 
cles, and we have seen that F, the common parent of B and C, 
ended about the same point, viz. at 977, the two last entries, 
976 and 977, being peculiar the one to C, the other to T. We 
see once more at this point a well-marked stage in the develop- 
ment of the Chronicle. And, indeed, the death of Edgar was 
an event which produced effects which were likely to react on 
historical writing. From that point to looi the entries in 
S. are very meagre, only a few royal and episcopal obits ; the 
sole exceptions being 993 and looi. And this barrenness 
continues to the end. From 1002 to 1070 there are but ten 
after looi § 95. But though equally meagre, the entries are different in 
^C*°te*^ character; six out of the ten refer to Canterbury, one being 
bury book, merely a spurious Canterbury Charter (1031), while the last» 
1070, refers to the standing quarrel between Canterbury and 
York. After this the Saxon entries cease, and the Chronicle 
tails off into the Latin record of the Acts of Lanfranc '. The 
book, such as it has now become, is a Canterbury book. And 
I believe that at some time after lOoi the book was bodily 
transferred from Winchester to Canterbury. It is not a case 
like those which we have met with in the course of our in- 
vestigations, where a MS. belonging to one religious house is 
transcribed for the benefit of another house, which continues it 
in its own way. Had this been the explanation we should 
expect to find two things: (i) that the MS. up to the point 
where the change of locality takes place would be all in one 
hand; (2) that the community which had been at the pains to 
procure the transcript would take the trouble to keep it up to 
date '. To neither of these expectations does 3 answer. There 
are several changes of hands before looi; while not even the 

* The entries in S between lOOi an aiterisk are Canterbury entries, 
and 1070 are 1005*, 1006*, 1017, * B is, however, as I have 

1031*, X040*, 1043, 1050*, 1053, abeady showu, $ 87, an instance 

1066, 1070* ; thoae markol with to the contrary. 


martyrdom of Archbishop iElfheah finds any record in its pages ; 
though tlie MS. was made use of to receive a few casual jottings 
from time to time. These fiekcts become more intelligible if we re- 
member that the date at which ^ was transferred to Canterbury 
was probably very late. Earle suggested that the transfer was 
due to the exertions of the Canterbury monks to repair the damage 
done by the fire of 1067 \ while Mr. Warner dates the first of 
the Canterbuzy hands, quite independently, to about 1075. 

§ 96. What caused the suspension of historical writing at Death of 
Winchester after looi I cannot positively say. From the death ^^"*^. 
of Edgar, as we have seen, S becomes very meagre. The death- Winches- 
blow may have been struck by the ravages of the Danes. We ^^ ^^^^ 
may note the special reference to Winchester in 1006. 

Meanwhile considerable light will be thrown on the question The inter- 
of locality by an examination of the interpolations in S prior Po^**>o'»" 
(0 1 00 1. These are fairly numerous, especially in the earlier 
part of the Chronicle ; and by far the lai*ger number are due, as 
I have already stated, to the scribe of F, who also wrote the 
Latin Acts of Lanfranc, and probably the Charter at 1031. 
For most of these additions he was indebted, as we have seen, 
to the text of c ; some, however, come from other sources, and 
of these independent insertions nearly all have to do with Kent 
and Canterbury'. Other insertions are in earlier hands, and 
of these too the majority are concerned with Canterbury*. It 
is clear that a MS. which required so many Canterbury additions 
could hardly have had its original home at Canterbury. 

§ 97. That the MS. c, from which most of the interpolations MS. c mngt 
were taken, was an Augustinian MS., while 5S, in which they i,^^^^ 

' Introdaction, p. zxiii. oome from c ; thoie asteriaked refer 

* Hie insertioiis due to the ■cribe to Canterbury, 
of F are the following: 11, a7ty ' These earlier interpolations will 

47t,99t, loif, I55t, i67t, iSpf, be fonnd at 688, 710, 728, 870*, 

*83t, 379t» 381 1, 409t, 423t, 890*, 903, 933*, ojs*, 942*, 943*, 

430t, 443t. 449t, foSf, 5"9+» 956*, 959*» ^^\ 9^8* (Lfttin), 

530+, 534t. 547t, 6M-, S^St* 993*» 1001. On the hands in which 

583t, 59»t, Wat> 693t, M5t, these are made, see above, % 14. 

603 1, 6o4t, oo7t, 6i6t, 040*, The asterisk again indicates a Can- 

725*, 748*, 760*, 768t, 784*, 925*, terbury reference. 
941*. Those marked with a dagger 

II. h 


of St were inserted, was at Christ Church, need cause no difficulty. 

^ne^iTb Borrowing of MSS., common everywhere, would he specially 

the monks easy between two monasteries in the same place. F, which 

iph^^* we have proved to be based on c, was also^a Christ Church 

book. The Latin Acts of Lanfranc are probably also from an 

Augustinian source. They are concerned mainly with Lan- 

franc's dealings with the monks of St. Augustine, and we have 

seen that a marginal note in !Si testifies to the existence of these 

Acts in an Augustinian MS.^ We seem to have evidence of 

the existence of both R and F in the Christ Church library at 

the beginning of the fourteenth century ; for in the catal(^e 

of that library made under Henry of Eastry, Prior of Chriat 

Church, Canterbury, 1 285-1 331, we find among the 'Libri 

Anglic!,' * Cronica uetustissima a[nglice],' t. e. S ; and ' Cronica 

latine et anglice,' t. e. F '. 

Kel&tion of § 98. A few words must now be said on MS. A (W., G.). 

A to X. rpjjg consideration of it cannot be separated from that of S, 
upon the history of which it throws some light. As already 
stated, the original MS. (with the exception of three leaves') 
perifihed in the great Cottonian fire, and for the bulk of it we 
are dependent upon Wheloc's edition. The fragments of the 
MS. which remain show that Wheloc is, on the whole, very 
correct. Still there are minute difierences \ which prevent as 

1 See above, $ 15. j * €,g. 826 (= 827 2). 833, 851, 
« MS. Cott Galba E. iv. f. 134 r*. 853, 854 (= 855 S), 865, 867, 871. 
eol. I. For a knowledge of this In one or two cases the difference 
moflt interesting MS. I am indebted seems due to the fact that Wheloc 
to my friend Mr. Herbert, of the silently corrected his MS. That 
British Museum. Since the above he did allow himself considerable 
was written, Dr. M. R. James has latitude in dealing with his MSS. 
kindly pointed out to me that F is shown by the fact that he some- 
is proved to be a Christ Church times places the interpolated matter, 
book by a curious mark (a in the which he can onlif have got from 
top comer of ^e first lesf of the TSi, under quite different years from 
Chronicle, standing either for ' liber those which it occupies in the MS.: 
Anglicus/ or * Latine et Anglice.* 155 under 145; 167 under 189; 
See an article by Dr. James in the 409 under 435 ; 565 under 5TO. 
Gaar^^afiof May 18, 1898. In view of these facts it would 
' These fragments, much injured, be well worth while, as Horst has 
extend from 823 to 871, printed in suggested, for any future editor of 
Thorpe, i. 110-141; see above, § 17. the Chronicle to collate Lambazd*B 



from arguing with abeolute certainty £rom the printed text to 
the MS. 

That A (W.) is a copy of S can hardly be donbted. It agrees An evident 
with S in the minutest points S and in the most obvious ^^^* 
blunders *. There are, however, difiPerences. Most of these are 
slight scribal variations of no importance ' ; some may be due 
toWheloc or his printer. But in other cases the variations 
are more serious, and seem to imply deliberate alterations on 
the part of the scribe^. There are also some omissions in 

irmnecript of A which \b now at 
Dublin, Engl. Stadien, xxiv. 8, 9; 
where alao Hont rightly refutes 
the untenable view of Kupfer- 
Schmidt^ that A ii not copied from 
X, «b. ziii 183. Both these essAvs 
seem to me to be vitiated by tne 
aasomption that the Chronicle can 
be treated as a single whole, and 
that consequently the mutual rela- 
tions of the MSS. are the same in 
all part* of it. 

^ e.y. 661 (o> S, A, on B, C, of 
£) ; the fact that A (W.) omits the 
words 'set Icanho' in 654, which 
are in S, might seem an argument 
sgainst A's copying of S. It really 
t^ the other way. So obscure is 
the poaition of these words in S 
that ProfesKV Earle, like A, passed 
them over altogether^ while Mr. 
Thorpe braoketo them as if they 
were a later addition. 

' 653 (Middelseaxe for -engle) ; 
655 (Penda for Peada) ; 716 (7 
inserted before efter): 72a (j fof 
>e, G also has this) ; 787 (omission 
of NoHTmanna) ; 855 (Freawining 
for Fr«Uafing) ; 868 (omission) ; 
874 (omission of Ceolwulfe, and he 
for hit) ; 88a (scipheras for soip* 
hUestas, and forslegene/or forwun- 
dode) ; 886 (omission, and hie for 
he); 887 (benedne/or bersedde); 
89a (insertion of this number 
wronglj in the middle of 891) ; 
893 (him for hi) ; 894 (him for 
1") ; 897 (wicgefera for -gerefiO ; 
9x1 {fM for riht); 941-2 (omis- 


sion) ; 945 (to eal /or eal to) ; 973, 
ad Jin. (omission of )»a). 

' 35, 47, 1^7, 473f 495. 5^4, <550, 
660, 670, 716, 734, 741, 755, 773. 
793f 851 (here for men, a readmg 
also in C), 853, 855, 865, 867 ad 
fin., 875, 876, 878, 880 (to /or of, 
a reading also in E) ; 89a, 894, 895, 
806, 897, 901 (Tweoneam for 
INveoxneam, a later form; cf. the 
modem Twinham) ; 905, 913, 9a a, 
96a, 973. 

* 30 (the annal recast by A, 
yet the form gefiilluhtud shows 
that he is following S) ; 449 (in- 
sertion of to fultnme) ; 457 (feower 
weras for fflt wera, a misunder^ 
standing of A, or possibly of 
Wheloc) ; 568 (A agrees with E« F 
in reading Oslac/or Oslaf S, B, G) ; 
K9a (Woddnesbeorlige /or Woddes- 
beorge); 606 (A gives Gregory's 
father, but not his mother also, as 
do B, G ; S gives neither, but pos- 
sibly something has been erased) ; 
614 fxlvi/or Ixr) ; 67 a (Seazburh 
heola an gear rice for Seaxburg 
an ffear ricsode; possibly A dis- 
liked saying that a woman ' reigned,' 
and wished to imply that it was 
a mere usurpation) ; 6^4 (zzx manna 
for xzx ffi., i,e. milba; we cannot 
be sure whether this erroneous ex- 
pansion of the contraction is due 
to A or to Wbeloc; see note ad 
loe,); 911 (Eadweard cyng 7 his 
sunu for £. c. 7 his witan) ; 918 
(gefengon Gameleac Oom bisoop 
on Ircingafelda ; the insertion of 


A (W.), but these can be accounted for as mere scribal slips ^ 
And taken all together, I do not think that the variations imply 
that A (W.) had any other source besides S. The MS. ended 
with looi, and had none of the later annals in S.; while of 
the other insertions in the text of Snone appear in ACW.) 
except 688, 710, 728, looi ad fin} \ and none of these refer to 
Canterbury, and are all in early hands. Moreover, A (W.) has 
pedigrees and other matter which have been erased in S to 
A a Win- make room for interpolations '. All this seems to show clearly 
dhttBter ^^\^ j^ ^^^ ^^^ copied from S before the latter was removed 
to Canterbury from Winchester *. And the existence of this 
copy may have enabled the Winchester folk to send their old 
Chronicle to Canterbury. If the copy was made with the idea 
of continuing it from time to time, the idea was not carried 
out ; and A (W.) remained, like B, a barren stock and a further 
testimony to the decline of historical writing at Winchester. 

The date at which S. was transferred to Canterbury cannot 
be exactly fixed ; but we have seen that it was probably quite 
late in the eleventh century, between 1067 and 1075'. Of 

done BeemB to show that A took dates. The majority of A*s inter- 

the phrase, as I have taken it, to polations are inserted by Wlieloc 

mean * bishop of Archenfield,' not m his text between square brackets, 

' captured (U A.,' v. note ad loe.) ; and he also gives S's oontinuations 

931 (he friSode JTor se cyng friVian at the end. It is carious, but for 

wolde, a stylistic alteration) ; ib , us fortunate, that knowing the 

ad fin, (arod haefde for sred); more ancient MS., he shoald de- 

933 (Manigeceaster for Mame- liberately have based his text on 

coaster'). the younger. Wheioc also pUoes 

^ 654 (on this, see above, p. xciz, 465, 588, 761, 879 in brackets, as 

note I); 676^ 685*, 755^ 816, if he had taken them from 2S. and 

894*, 8ub fin. Those marked with not from A (W.). If this was really 

an asterisk are cases of homoio- so, then A must accidentally have 

telenton. omitted them, as they are certainly 

' There are entries in S at 27, an integral part of the text of the 

loi, 595, which seem to be inter- Chronicle, 

polations in the latest hand (the * 547, 552, 560, 616, 6a6. 

scribe of F), which, nevertheless, * £arle supposes that A was 

are in A (W.) at the years a6, 93, copied from S at Canterbury 

and 596. The explanation is that (Introduction, p. liii) ; but I can 

the interpolator of S. erased these see nothing in favour of this. Mr. 

entries at the years where they Arnold rightly argues for the other 
' f stood (as in A^ and re- view, H. H. p. lii. 
them under their present * See above, i 95. 


the use by Florence of certaiii parts of the Chronicle now only 

to be found in S, I have already spoken (§ 84). 

§ 99. Another of the Latin chroniclers, and the earliest, must Relation of 

now be taken into account, Ethelwerd, or, as he calls himself, ^ ^he^**^^ 

' Patricius Consul Quaestor Ethelwerdus.' The bombastic title Chronicle. 

is but too typical of the general characteristics of his style. 

He was a descendant of Ethelred I, the brother of Alfred the 

Qreat, and almost certainly identical with the alderman iEthel- 

weard mentioned at 994, and with the Ethelwerd ' dux,' who 

signs charters from 973 to 988 ^ His Chronicle extends to 

the death of Edgar in 975 *. Up to about 892 ' he is mainly 

dependent on the Chronicle, from that point to the end he is 

largely, if not entirely, independent of it; and we can easily 

imagine that for the later period his own knowledge and that 

of his older contemporaries would furnish him with independent 

materiaL Even in the earlier period, however, he has many 

details peculiar to himself, the source of which it would be 

interesting to learn. I do not think, however, that they oblige 

us to suppose that Ethelwerd used a form of Chronicle difiPering 

very widely from those which have come down to us. These 

details probably come from some independent source. It He uved a 

seems clear that the Chronicle used by Ethelwerd was of the ^^ the^^^ 

earlier southern type represented by 2^, B, C ; there is no trace type. 

in him of the northern additions of D, E, and in other respects 

also Ethelwerd conforms to the earlier type ^. And in several 

points he seems nearer to S than to B, C*, and shows no 

affinity with the special peculiarities of B, C ^ or of C ^. On 

* Cf. e, g. 530, 547, 560, 568 
(Oriaf, not Oiliw); 722, 729, 731, 

^ See M. H. B., Introduction, 
pp. 81, 82; Text, pp. 499, 514; 

Ci»wfofd GhATteTB, pp. 118-120; 833, 836, 845, 873, 885 (Stofe /or 

imjra, notes to 991, 994. Sture). The datee are thoie of S. 

' Here again we see the impor- * 853 (omiasion of < bied ' by the 

tanoe of this date. Am Ethelwerd original acribe of S) ; 878 (omis- 

liTed at leaat tiU 988 there was no sion of the passage about the raven 

reason why he should not have banner) ; 883 (shorter form of the 

continoed his Chronide beyond annal as in S) ; 886 (omission of 

975 ; and had he done so he would the sentence about Paris), 

have been a strictly contemporary * e.^. 639, 694, 860; and the 

aatboritjT. absence of &e Mercian Register. 

* Noteagain the significance of this * 0.^. 837, 839, 871. 
dateu See M. H. B. p. 518, note a. 


the other hand there are passages in which he seems to differ 
from S\ On the whole, the conclusion seems to be th&t 
Ethelwerd used a Chronicle which was not our S, but was 
closer to it than to any other of our existing Chronicles*. 

IV. Op thb Origin of the Chbonicle. 

The § 100. We have seen that up to 892 S, B, C, and also those 

common p^rtg ^f j)^ jj which are common to them with S, B, C, must be 

of 2, B, C, traced back to a common original which I have called 8e '. The 

D, £ up to qaestion naturally arises : Was this common original the auto- 

automph. g^P^ ^^ ^^^ Writer (whoever he may have been) who compiled 

the Chronicle up to 892 1 To this question we may, I believe, give 

a decided negative, and for the following reason. It is now fully 

recognised that from about the middle of the eighth to the middle 

The chro- of the ninth century there is a chronological dislocation running 

S^^^ through all our ext^mt Chronicles, a majority of the events 

' which can be tested proving to be two years, and some, towards 

the end of the period indicated, three years behind the tane 

chronology. This was first clearly shown by Dr. Stubbs in the 

^851 (insertion of 'Thanet,' digerere, praestat silere ; otniuiiiihi 

which ii in the other Chronicles, esset intentio animo, n non esMSt 

but not in S) ; 855 (insertion of uerba fastidio. . . . Haec ita poOi- 

Scef in the pedigree, which is not ceor, si . . . dininns fauor . . . me 

in S ; but here Ethelwerd seems praeter scopulos confngosi sennoniB 

to differ from all the Chronicles) ; euexerit, ad quos Elwardna, dam 

874 (insertion of Ceolwulf*s name, tinnula et emendicata uerba aeos- 

which is not in S); 876 (insertion tur, miserabiliter impegit,' i. if 3- 

of the passMje about the hostages Earle calls him ' the most moD- 

omitted by S). strously absurd of all pedantic 

' Of £thelwerd*s weakness as a translators,* p. Ivii. Professor York 

translator some examples will be Powell suggests to me that Ethd- 

found in the notes; see especially werd may have been brought op 

161, 381, 593, 658, 661, 710, 755. abroad, and that this is the cause 

It is not my provinoe to discuss of his imperfect mastery of hie 

the characteristics of Ethelwerd native tongue. This would hang 

except in relation to the Chronicle. well together with the dedication 

W. M.*s judgement is interesting of his work to his (in every sense 

as showing how fully he recognised of the word) distant relative, the 

Ethel werd's indebtedness to the lady Matilda. There is an article 

Chronicle, and how justly he ap- on Ethelwerd by Mr. Biley, in 

praised his style: *De Elwardo, Gent. Mag. iii. 1 20-131 (1857). 
illnstri et magnifico uiro, qui ' See above, §S 6a, 68, 83, 89, 

chronica ilia Latine aggressus est 93. 


Introdnction to the first volume of bis edition of Hoveden ^ ; 
and it has since been worked ont with great care and elabora- 
tion by Dr. Ludwig Theopold in an excellent monograph '• 
This dislocation is purely mechanical, and is due to the scribe 
passing over now and a^^ain (as may easily be done) some blank 
annal against which nothing is recorded '. But the fact that it 
nins through all our Chronicles shows that it must already 
have existed in the common original from which they all in 
this part ultimately spring ^ But the mistake was due to a 
copyist, and not to the original compiler of this part of the 
Chronicle. The proof of this lies in the fact that we have 
evidence of the existence of a Chronicle in which this dislocation 
had not taken place. This evidence is to be found'^in the 
80-called Annals of Asser or Annals of St. Neot*. Of little The 
value in themselves for history, for they contain little or nothing ^^^^ 
which may not be found better elsewhere, they are of great 
importance for the criticism of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle; 
for, while founded largely on that Chronicle *; they have pre- 

^ pp. zc, ff. For details, lee the * Another mistake which runs 

notes to the aniuds in question. through all the Chronicles is the 

' 'KritischeUntersuchungentlber three years given as the length of 

die Quellen car angelsaohsisohen Egbert of Wessez's exile, instead of 

(rescfaichte des Achten Jahrhun- thirteen ; see 836 and notes, 
derts,* Lemgo, 187a. It is a pity ^ Printed in Gale's Qnindecim 

that this admirable piece of criticism Scriptores ( 1691), pp. 141 ff. 
hss not appeared in a more attrao- * See the annals 455, a88, 495, 

tive form than that of a German 579, 597, 601, 605, 611, 016, 634, 

'Inaugural Dissertation.* 036,642, 644, 651, 654, 655, 664, 

' See Theopold, «.«., pp. 59 ff. 665 (««Chron. 668), 670, 672-674, 

The phenomenon occurs on a smaller 676,685,703, 705, 709, 714, 729, 

■ale in one or more MSS. of other 731, 740, 757 ( = 754)» 757 (« 755)» 

ptrts of the Chronicle, sometimes, 763 ( = 761), 786 ( = 784), 794 (- 

u here, through overlooking of a 79^\ 7S^ (-="794)* 799 ("*797)i ^^ 

blank annal, sametimee through the («8oo), 825 (a823), 839 (>«836), 

mechanical repetition of the same 842 (^839), 891, 892, 894, 895, 

number; cf. e.g, 456-473; 640- 901, 902-904, 909-912 (-903-905, 

^^8; 800, 801; 811-818; 851- 910-913). The annals 565,678 are 

'^3 (here C is for a long time a possibly taken direct from Bede. 

year in advance of the others) ; 917, From 851 to 887 the annabi are 

918 (S is three years ahead of the taken from Asser or Florence. Con- 

fcst) ; cf. the repetition of the num- Tersely passages from the Annals of 

^m 1046, 1085 in £, and the omie- St. Neot have been incorporated in 

n<m of tiie numbers 1044, 1069 the text of Asser; and these, though 

"* ^' enclosed in brackets, are sometimes 

^'1^, WL£^.^ OV9 ctri^^^/yiMujot wvC^/cJle Tu^cOJJLi^^^Y 


served the true chronology, which in all our If SS. is disjointed. 

Dr. Theopold was the first to point out this interesting fact ^ 

It follows therefore that behind the MS. ee, the oommon 

ancestor of all our Chronicles up to 892, we discern another 

MS. iE, extending to the same date, the autograph of the writer 

who compiled the Chronicle up to that point. 

The § 101. To whom are we to attribute this earliest form of the 

^'^^"u. i^<^tional Chronicle 1 I have no hesitation in declaring that in 

tion of the ^7 opinion the popular answer is in this case the right one : it 

Chronicle is the work of Alfred the Great*. I do not mean that the 

Alfred. actual task of compiling the Chronicle from the earlier materials 

was necessarily performed by Alfred, though I can well fimcy 

that he may have dictated some of the later annals which 

describe his own wars. But that the idea of a national 

Chronicle as opposed to merely local annals* was his, that the 

idea was carried out under his direction and supervision, this 

I do most firmly believe. And we may, I think, safely place in the 

forefront of the Chronicle the inscription which encircles Alfred's 

Jewel: SELFRED MEC HEHT GEWYRCSN, 'Alfred ordered 

me to be made*'; and I t >ve chosen the symbol iE for this 

quoted m if they were part of the as King of the Danes, 901, 904 

text of Aiier. As to the form of (-905 Ghron.). This may point 

Chronicle underlying the Annals of to the fact that this is the nko»t 

St. Neot, it follows from the fact original version, S having altered 

that they imply a Chronicle older it in the supposed interests of £d- 

than the oommon original of oui ward. They show no trace of tbe 

existing Chronicles that it must Mercian Register, 

have b«en of the earlier or southern ^ u. «. pp. 51 ff. 

type ; and of our three surviving ' For this the high authority of 

Chronicles of that type, £, B, C Dr. Stubbs may be quoted: <I be- 

they are, up to 892, nearest to S. lieve it, like the rest of our ' 

They have the southern continua* cular literature, to owe its origin t(> 
tion from 894 to pi a [""£913], Alfred, to have been drawn up on- 
stopping two years short of the point ginally from Latin amuds, and U> 
which that continuation reaches in have been continued in the national 
B, C (t. e, r), and several years short tongue/ Hoveden, I. zc The state- 
of the point which it reaches in S. ment about ' Latin annals ' will re- 
in this part, where, as we have quire, I think, a little modification, 
seen, S seems to represent a some- See below, $ 106 note, 
what different recension fi^m B, C, ' Such as, e. y., the Latin Gesta 
D, the Annals of St. Neot seem to Korthanhymbrorum. 
agree with the latter, speaking of * This is just what Oaimar says, 
the rebellious Etheling ^thelwold who is the earliest author (twelfth 


original Chronicle partly because it is the initial of the great 
king's name, and partly because it expresses the fact that this 
original stock branches out on the one side into our 3, and on 
the other into our E, the two Chronicles which are the furthest 
apart from one another in character, as they are in time, of 
all our existing Chronicles. And the impulse thus given was The im- 
continued during the remainder of Alfred's reign, and under ^i]^^^*^' 
Edward the Elder. Florence indeed says of the latter that he under 
was * litterarum cultu patre inferior ^,' and this is no doubt ^^^f^ 
true ; but in regard to the Chronicle he seems to have followed 
in his father's steps. The annals in 3 (which here, as we have 
seen, is the most complete of the MSS.) from 893 to the death 
of Edward have the same character as those immediately pre- 
ceding 892 '. They are national and contemporary records of 
the finest and most authentic kind '. But with the death of Decline 
Edward the impulse was exhausted ; the glories of the reigns of ^^^^ , 
Athelstan and Edgar, real as they were, left little trace on the deftth. 
pages of the Chronicle. Not till we get to the second and so 
different contest against the Danes under Ethelred do we find 
any annals which can at aU compare with these. And in 

oentnry ) who directly oonneotB Alfred Alfred's laws were fonnd ride by 

with the Chronicle ; m?. 3451 ff. side with the Chronicle. 

IlfiMt escrivere an livre Engleia, ^ i. 117. 

Dee ayentnres, e des leit, ' Professor Earle has pointed out 

£ de bfttailles de la terre, how the opening words of 803, ' >e 

E des leis ki firent la ffuere. we gefym ymbe sprecon/ point 

Cttb. 3321 ff., to be cited presently, back to what has preceded, p. xvL 

p. czii, note 4. Ingrain suggests If this does not absolutely prove 

that it may have been Plegmund, ' identity of authorship,* it at least 

Arcfabiafaop of Canterbury, 890-914, implies unity of effort, and continuity 

who sapeiintended the compilation of inspiration. Note aLso how the 

of the Chronicle up to 891, p. zii. list of distinguished slain in 905 is 

The soggesitiun is an interesting and connected with the similar Ust in 

perfectly possible one (Alfred men- 897 ad inii, 

tions *rl^mund my archbishop' ' Of the annals 893-897 Professor 
smong his helpers in the translation Earle says: < Compared with this 
of the Coxa Pastoralis, ed. Sweet, passage, every other piece of prose, 
pp. 6, 7) ; but in the nature of things not in these Chronicles merely, but 
it does not admit of proof. The throughout the whole range of ex- 
mention by Qaimar of the laws^ tant Saxon literature, must assume 
' des lets,' almost looks as if he knew a secondaiy rank,' p. xyL 
of MSS. like S and A, in which 



of the 
cal Pre&ce 

of the 

the latter case we may be pretty sure that the inspiration came 
from no royal source. 

§ 102. The view taken above of the relation of Alfred to 
the Chronicle derives some confirmation from the Qenealogical 
Preface in 3. The genealogy is carried down to Alfred, and 
there it stops ; and nothing is said as to the length of his reign, 
for the excellent reason that when the preface was written the 
length of the reign could not be known ; and later scribes, with 
more self-restraint than they sometimes manifest) have refrained 
from supplying the deficiency^. We have thus the strongest 
evidence that the preface to 3 was drawn up in the reign of 
Alfred, and was intended for a Chronicle compiled in that reign. 

§ 103. Another fact which points the same way is the strong 
resemblance between the phraseology of the Chronicle and that 
of Alfred's translation of Orosius. Of this many examples 
are given in the notes, but the force of them can hardly be 
estimated when thus dispersed, and I therefore tabulate the 
principal ones here. The quotations from the Chronicle are 
taken from the text of 3. 


6o b. c. Inliaa . . . Brettas mid 
gefeohte cnjBede. 

3. Her Bwealt Herodaa from him 
selfnm ofstiood. 

47. Eac swelce Orcadna >a ealond 

81. TitQB ... Be ^ B»de ^t he 
)M>ne d»g forlure ^ he noht to gode 
on negedyde'. 


Ac • . . Atbenienae hie mid ge> 
feohte cnysedan, p. 96. 
he hiene Belfne ofatioode, p. 98. 

on noiVhealfe [la] OrcadoB )«t 
igland, p. 24. 

He [Titna] wsbb awa godea willan 
)«t he BSBgde )«t he forlnre ^e 
dseg pe he noht on to gode ne 
gedyde, p. 264. 

' I hare already Bhown how a 
later scribe did continue the genea- 
logy to the exact point to which hia 
own Chronicle extended ; aee above, 

' See note ad loc, Thia la one 
of the most interesting of ail the 
parallels ; for the story is not in the 

Latin Orosius, but was introduced 
by Alfred himself into his transU- 
tion, perhaps from Isidore. We can 
fancy how this saying of the ' dali- 
ciae generis humani would come 
home to 'England's darling*; see 
ii. 113. 


409. Her Ootan abneoon Bome- 

755 ad init. Her Cynewulf be- 
ntm Sigbryht his ricet. 

i5. p. 48 [hie] )» on ]«8 wifes 
gefaKruin onfimdon. . • • 

865. [hie] genjunon lri)> wi]> 
Cantwarum, 7 • . . under ^am fri^ 
. . . te here hiene on nlht up 

867. )ier wnt nngemetUo wnl 

871 lid fin, ^ee geares wurdon 
Tiiii folc gefeoht gefohten wi|> ]x>ne 
here, . . . bntan )Mun ])e him . . . 
cyninges ^egnaa oft rade onridon. 

^79- Vj g^fl^ro gegadrode on hlo> 

891. w]0 t{»m nede here. 

tb. on el^iodigneese boon. 

893. MO ea . . • liV nt of ^nni 

894. hsfde Be cyning hii fierd 
on tu tonamen, iwa )«t hie weron 
nmle healfe nt ham, healfe nte, 
botan >Bm monnnm ^ ^ boiga 

901. 7 nede ]wt he wolde offer, 
08^ \mt libban, o80e )er licgan. 

911. hia offoron "Sone here 

918. [hie] bedrifon hie on anne 
pevnic, 7 bceeton hie ]«r utan. 

ih. »t Bnmom twam oirron, . . . 
^ iloghie mon »t egjirmn cirre 7c.* 

I This again is a mo«t interesting 
paialieL See note o^^.; and of. 
note on 896. 

Oa Gotan .... iowre bug abre- 
oon, p. 48 ; of. <6. a ; ha Gallie . . . 
abrecan Romebnrg. 

^fber >em Persa cyning benom 
^ne ealdormon his scire, p. 96. 

Swa hit mon on ^ara wsepned 
monna gehnrun ongitan mehte, 
p. 194; of. p. 5a. 

he genom fri)> wi)) Jnet folc, 7 
hiene 8i))^an aweg bestnl, p. ai8 ; 
Galua friff genam wiff hie, 7 hi 
under ^m fSriffebeswio, p. a 10. 

>8Br wtes ungemetUo wed ge- 

he long mid folc gefeohtum wiff 
hie ne mehte, ac oflrsedlice he waes 
mid hlo^um on hi hergende, p. 118; 
of. p. I 8. 

he scipa gegaderode 7 wioengas 
wurdon, p. 116; cf. pp. 5, aa6. 

on ^m nede here, p. ia4; cf. 

p. 154- 

ado ^ara ^ on elffeodignesse 
wsre, p. 348. 

Seo Wisle li0 tit of Weonodlande, 
7c., p. ao. 

Hie heora here on tu to deldon, 
o>er set ham beon [sceolde ?] heora 
lond to healdanne, offer at faran to 
winnanne, p. 46. 

to tacne )wet hie o>er woldon, 
offffe ealle libban, o\l^ ealle licgean, 
p. 138; cf. p. 190. 

Tarentine • . . )» o^re hindan 
offoran,p. 154. 

[he] hiene bedraf into anum fies> 
tenne 7 hiene ffer hwile besttt, 
p. 146 ; ot p. 334. 

he sige hsfde et twam derrun, 
pb aa8. 

* I have continued the paraUeb 
into the reign of Edward, consider- 
ing the Alfredian impulse to be 


No doubt some of these phrases are ordinazy phrases which 
any two historical writers might use ^ ; but in many cases the 
resemblance goes much beyond this, and the total impression is 
strong that the two works are akin. Professor Wiilker assigns 
the Orosius translation to the years 890-893 ', and if this is 
right, as it very well may be, then the two works would be 
practically contemporaneous, and their kinship is sufficiently 
accounted for. 
Negative § 104. On the other hand the affinity with Alfred*s Bede is 
ih^^BedT ^^ °^^^^ ^^^^ close, and even in those parts of the Chronicle which 
translation. &re derived from Bede there is no trace of the influence of 
the Saxon version '. This is true even of the northern (D, E) 
recension of the Chronicle, in which, as we have seen (§ 59), the 
part derived from Bede is so much greater: and this tends 
to prove that that northern recension must have been made 
very soon after the reception in the north, about 892, of the 
Alfredian Chronicle ; a view which receives further confirmation 
from the fact that in £ that Chronicle does not extend beyond 
that point. But this seems to me fatal to Willker's theory 
(supported also by August Schmidt in his useful monograph 
on Alfred 8 Bede \ and by Professor Schipper *) that the Bede is 
earlier than the Orosius. All preceding writers, with the one 
exception of Dr. Bosworth, rightly place the Orosius before the 
Circulation For the sending of copies of the Chronicle to different re- 
c\^^' 1 ^'^^^^ houses, we have an exact and instructive parallel in the 

traceable beyond Alfred's death, ' So Grubitz rightly, p. 22. 

■ee above, p. CY. No doubt there are * Untersuohungen tiber Alfred'* 

parallels between the Orosioa and Beda-ilberBetzung, Inaugural Dis- 

the later parts of the Chronicle, and sertation, Berlin, 1889^ p. 8. 

severalof these are given in the notes. ' Silzungaberichte d. kais. Akad. 

But they are neither so nomerous d. Wissensch. in Wien, 1808. For 

nor (with the ezceptioD of the one a copy of this I am indebted to 

quoted under 975 £) so striking as Prof. Schipper himself, 

in the earlier part of the Chron. * See the list given by Walker, 

^ Many more such parallels might ir. «. p. 393. Moreover, if the Bede 

have been included, had I desired tramilation is later than 893, we can 

simply to swell the list as much as explain why the chronological epi- 

possible. tome at the end of the H. £. is 

' Gmndriss, p. 396. omitted in the translation, the reason 



sending of copies of the translation of the Cura Pastoralis to 
the TariouB bishops \ 

§ 106. The question next arises : What materials would Alfred Alfred's 
find available when he came to carry out his scheme for a national ™»**'^^»- 
Chronicle 1 We have distinct evidence from Bede that already 
some system had grown up of recording at any rate the acces- 
sions and number of regnal years of the kings in Northumbria, 
and that means were taken to keep the various records in 
harmony with one another *. For, speaking of the brief reigns liBta of 
of the heathen kings who succeeded Edwin in Bernioia and *'"fif*' 
Deira, he says : ' Infaustus ille annus, et omnibus bonis exosus 
usque hodie permanet, . . . propter apostasiam regum Anglorum 
. . . Unde cunctis placuit regum tempora computantibus, 
nt, ablata de medio regum perfidorum memoria, idem annus 
sequentis regis, id est Osnaldi, . . . regno adsignaretur '.' The 

being t1i«t it had already been in- 
corporated in the Chronide. Tbe 
above arffnment is even more &tal 
to PaolTfl rather wild view that 
the GeetaNorthanhymbrorum were 
fint embodied in the Chron. in the 
twelfth cent. See Foraehungen zor 
deutecheD Gesch. xii. i6i. 

^ See Alfied'i preface to that 
work, ed. Sweet, pp. a-8 : ' to telcum 
biacepetole on miniun rice wille [ic] 
ane onaendan ' ; and note the noble 
iimplicity of the itatement how the 
work of translation bad to be carried 
on 'on^emang oOrom miBlioum 7 
moniefiJdnm biagum Olaaea kyne- 
ricea/ pp. 6, 7; S(, the Preface to 
the Boethina : < .SUred kyning . . . 
for ^mn ouatlicnm 7 manigfealdom 
weomld biflgam ^e hine oft 8eg)»eir 
ge on nkode ge on lichoman biago- 

' Thia may perhapa be the baaia 
of the developed legend of the Sooti- 
cbnmioon, that every monaatery of 
royal foundation in England waa 
bonnd to have an official chronicler, 
and that at the firat connoil of a new 
reign all theae chronidera had to 
meet together and compare and 

correct their recorda of the late 
reign. Cited by Gibaon in hia pre- 

' H. E. iii. I, and note ad loe. ; 
cf. iii. 9 : ' Unanimo omniam oon- 
aenan firmatum eat, nt nomen et 
memoria apoatatamm de oatalogo 
regum Gbriatianorum proraua aboleri 
deberet, neque aliquia regno eonim 
annua adnotari/ And aa a matter 
of fact, in the list of Northumbrian 
kinga found at the end of the Moore 
MS. of Bede, the namea of Oiric and 
Eanfrid are omitted ; «. M. H. B. 
p. 290 ; Palaeog. Soc. vol ii, plate 
140. The date of thia liat ia c. 737 , 
and I ought to have printed it in 
my Bede. Cf.GmbitZy p.33. When 
Nennina, $ 3, enumeratea 'annalea 
Saxonum* among hia authorities, 
he evidently refers to the Saxon 
genealqgiea, ih, $§ 57 ff. There ia 
no trace of the nae of any Saxon 
annala in the atriot aenae in hia 
work. Theae genealoffiea are of 
apecial intereat, for in their original 
form they are older than Bede, 
dating from about 696, Z. N. V. 
pp. 78 ff. And of theae the prin- 
ctpai onea are Northumbrian. 


West Saxon Genealogical Preface to 3 may give us a fair idea 
of the nature of tliese records ; and they probably supplied 
the chronological framework when the West Saxon traditions 
came to be written down. The existence of such records for 
Northumbria is vouched for by Bede, a specimen of them is 
found at the end of one of the earliest MSS. of Bede \ and from 
them the few Northumbrian notices in the early part of the 
southern Chronicle which do not come from Bede are most 
likely derived'; and something of the same kind probably 
existed in Mercia'. 
Canter- § 106. For Kent the beginnings of such a record appear in 

j^^ Bede himself*, but it is clear that other records were also kept 
at Canterbury ; the successions of archbishops ^ the accounts of 
the missionaiy enterprises which proceeded from Canterbury, 
the documents received from Bome, would all find a place in the 
Canterbury archives, and in this way the habit of historical 
record would grow up \ And just as the first impulse to the 
recording of native customs was due to Boman influences', 
so too the first reduction to writing of native traditions was 
probably owing to the same cause. In fact the impulse which 
gave rise to Bede's incomparable work itself emanated from 
Canterbury: 'Auctor ante omnes atque adiutor opusculi huius 
Albinus abba reuerentiBsimus, uir per omnia doctissimus, ex- 
tititV And it is interestiDg to remember that Albinus was 
Abbot of St Augustine's ; for we have seen that the develop- 
ment of the Chronicle is far more closely intertwined with 
St. Augustine's than with Christ Church. Qrubitz is therefore 

^ See last note. mm proninciA, uel . . . in contigniii 

' 547f B^t 5^S> .<^93 (pvt), 670 eidem regionibns a ditdpuliB beati 

(part), 73Z, 738. liie occupation papae Gregorii ge«ta fuere, ael 

of the north by the Danes would monimenHiliUenju^m, nelsmdorum 

account for the paucity of northern traditione cognouerat.' . In Enez, 

notices in the southern recension of East Anglia, and Lindisiame his- 

the Chronicle. torioal writing seems also to have 

* 6a6, 755 ad Jin. been practisec^ ib. 

« H. E. i. 15. V H. £. ii. 5 : ' Qui [AedUberot] 

' In other sees also lists of bishops . . . deoreta . . . iudioiorum [ddmas] 

would be kept. iuxta exempla Romanomm . . . oon- 

* Bede, H. E. Pref. : ' Albinus stituit.* 

. . . omnia quae in ipsa Cantuario- * H. K Prefl 



certamly light in tracing a number of the earlier annals of the 
Chronicle to Canterbury^. This does not, however, constitute 
the Chronicle a Canterbury Chronicle; it only means that 
Canterbniy was one of the sources from which Alfred drew his 

$ 107. When and where the earlier West Saxon traditions West 
were written down is difficult to say. It is natural to think ^J^Utions 
of Winchester as at once the civil and the ecclesiastical capital 
of Wessex, and the civil capital for a time of England. And 
the time is almost certainly later than Bede, for I have shown 
elsewhere how scanty were Bede's sources of information for 
the history of Weesex '. In the same work I have expressed 

' Kritiaehe Untersnchang liber 
die angelnchsischen AxuuJeii bis 
sam Jahre 893, Gditingen, 1868, 
pp. 10 ft Whether we can piok out 
with certainty these Oanterbniy 
annalsy aa Gmbitz professes to do, 
is another question. To Canterbury 
he would assign, wholly or in part, 
733, 734. 736, 737, 74«. 74^, U^> 
754, 758-76^ 763, 764, 77a» 773, 
7*>, 785, 790, 79a, 794, 796, 797, 
799, 802-805, 813-814, 816, 8x9, 
8ai, 823, 835, 837-833. The at- 
tempt of GmbitE to fix these Can- 
terbury annals definitely to St. Au- 
gustine's on the ground of the men- 
tion of Abboto Forthred (803) and 
Felogild (830) will not hold : Forth- 
red was a Mercian abbot (see Stubbs 
in D. C. B.). and though Felogild's 
abbacy is uncertain, t&.. it oertainly 
was not St. Augustine s. He does 
not occur anywhere in the Chrono- 
logia Augustiniensis appended to 
Thome imd Elmham. A further 
questioD which arises is this : were 
these Oanterbury and early West 
Saxon annab in Latin or in Saxon ? 
I incline to the latter view, for the 
following resson. If the teble of 
parallel passages from the Chron. 
and Orodus given above ($ 103) be 
examined, it will be found that they 
Almost all (all either before or after 
the period covered by these early 

Canterbuiy and West Saxon annals. 
Had these annals been Latin, there 
was no reason why the translation 
of them should not have been in- 
fluenced by the diction of the Oro- 
dus ; that they show so little of that 
influence seems to me to indicate 
that they already existed in a Saxon 
form. I may add that the list was 
formed before this argument had 
occurred te me, and therefore was 
not drawn up with a view to sup- 
porting it. This is what I meant 
lay saying (§ loi, note) that the 
stetement about the Sucon Chron. 
being based on Latin annals needed 
modification. The only parte of 
which that can be predicated with 
certainty are : (z) the introducteiy 
annals from universal history, (a) 
the Bede passages, (3) and (4) the 
two groups of northern annals. 

* Bede, ii. Z41. So rightly, Gru- 
bite, p. 27. In the early days of the 
conquest the Saxons would be too 
busy with fighting te have any time 
for writing. It was with a true in- 
stinct that Professor Earle took as 
one of the mottoes of his edition of 
the Chronicle a sentence from Robin- 
son Crusoe : ' And now it was that 
I began to keep a journal of every 
day's employment; for indeed at 
first I was in too much hurry.' 


my BcepticiBin as to the possibility of raising a sound historical 
superstructure on the basis of these traditions^; and this 
scepticism is increased by the evidently artificial system of 
chronology which has been often noticed to run through the 
arrangement of them ', as well as by the aetiological character 
of many of the traditions '. At Winchester probably also were 
kept those later historical West Saxon annals which led up to 
Winchester the full development of historical writing under Alfred. But 
all this does not constitute Alfred's Chronicle a Winchester 
Chronicle, except in this sense, that being a national Chronicle 
its home was naturally at the national capital ; and to the same 
place I would refer the continuation of it up to the death of 
Edward the Elder*. 

the head 
of the 

1 Bede, ii. a8. 

' Arrangement in fonn and 
eights. It is possible to exaggerate 
this symmetry, but it certainly 
exists : 457, 465, 473, 477, 485 ; | 
49i» 495; I 5*9. 5^7 ;1 530, 534. 
538; I 540, 544; I 553, 556, .s6o; I 
584. 588 ; I 593. 697, ^^ I I ^7, 
611. The symmetry was probably 
once greater than now appears, when 
it has been disarranged by the in- 
troduction of annals taken from 
other lources. Attention was called 
to this point by Lappenberg, L 76, 
77 ; E. T. i. 77 ; Earle, p. ix ; Gro- 
bits, p. 26. 

» See notes to 465, 477. 501, 508, 
5141 519, 537. 544; and ct Earle, 
pp. Ix, X, who says, not too strongly, 
' parts of this section are pure dream- 

* Of. the Winchester entries 909, 
910. The question whether the 
Chronicle up to 892 is a Canterbury 
or a Winchester Chronicle seems to 
me a little beside the pointk It is 
both, and it is neither. Alfred 
would naturally coUect his materials 
wherever he could find them, at 
Canterbury, Winchester, and where 
else. As Professor Earle has pointed 
out, it would have been impossible 
to compile a Chronicle at the end of 

the ninth century if partial Chroni- 
cles had not existed before, Introd 
p. vi; cf. Gibson, Preface, p. vi. 
It is of course Quite a different 
question whether S is not a Win- 
diester ma»iuer%pt. 1 have tried 
to show that it is, and that in the 
tenth century it has been interpolated 
with Winchester entries ; above, 
$94. The view that Winchester was, 
so to say, the official head quarters 
of the Chronicle under Alfred (and 
probably under Edward) is strongly 
supported by the passage of Gmimar 
alluded to above, p. cv, note. 

Croniz ad num un livere grant : 

Engleis I'alerent asemblant. 

Ore est issi auctorizez, 

K'a Winoeetre, en reveskes; 

La est des reis la dreite estorie, 

E les vies e la memorie. 

Li reis Elfred Tout en demaine, 

Fermer i fist une chaine. 

Ki lire i volt bien i guardast, 

Mais de son liu nel remuast^ 

9v. 3331 ff. 
The view that the early West Saxon 
traditions were written down at 
Winchester is strongly supported by 
Grubitz, p. 29 ; and is confirmed 
by the regularity with which the 
Bishops of Winchester are entered 
634-754, a point already emphasised 


$ 108. Further, for some of the beginnings of the national Bede. 
story recourse was had to Bede, the chief events of whose 
history lay ready to hand in annalistic form in the summary 
which Bede appended to his work ^ ; the earliest parts of which 
were filled in from some epitome of universal history, the source 
of which I have not yet been able to trace ; but I agree with 
Earle (pp. viii, ix), and Grubitz (p. 29), in thinking that this was 
only done in the last stage of the compilation of the Chronicle 
(up to 892) in order to furnish an introduction to the whole ; 
and therefore I do not regard Bede as the father of historical 
writing in the south in the same way as he undoubtedly is in 
the north of £ngland. 

§ 109. Of one influence which has powerfully affected the Influence 
formation of many Chronicles, I mean the tables of Paschal ^^^|^ 
cycles, I do not see any direct trace in our Chronicles. The 
margins of such tables, in which each year occupies a single 
line, offered a convenient means of entering brief hbtorical 
notices in chronological order; and when the convenience of 
this was discovered, the margin of such MSS. seems often to 

hj Earle, p. xi; cf. Liebermann, schmidt, «. «. pp. 171, 17a ; but, if 

p. 56. I may remark generally true, it would merely mean that we 

that my analysis of the Alfredian must move back the completion of 

Cbroni^e is much less elaborate the Alfredian Chronicle some four 

than that given by Earle and by or five years. 

Grubitx. I cannot feel that cer- ^ The annals taken from Bede 

tainty about their results which are B.C. 60; a.d. 47, 167, 189, 

would JMtify me in embodying 381, 409» 43©, 449 (pwt)» 538, 540. 

them. The only stage which seems 547, 56.5, 596, 601, 603, 604, 606, 

to me to be clearlv marked is the 6i6*, 635, 626 (part), 637, 632*, 

end of iEthelwulfs reign in 855, 633*, 634*, 635*, 636* (part), 640 

where the elaborate pedigree, an- (part), 64a, 644, 645*, 646*, 650*, 

swering to the passage in theOenea- 651, 653, 654* (part), 655 (part\ 

logical PrefiMse where iEthelwulf's 657*, 658* (part), 66i* (part), 664*, 

descent ie traced back to Cerdic, 668, 670*, 673*, 675 (i»rt), 676*, 

seems to mark the close of an 678, 679*, 680, 685 (part), 688*, 

earUer West Saxon Chronicle, Earle, 690* (part), 694* (part), 703*, 704, 

p. xii; GmWta. pp. 17, 18. These 705 (part), 716*, 735 (part), 739. 

writers aUo think that the fSact that 731*, 733, 734. Tlioee marked 

Asser does not use the Chronicle with an asterisk are not taken at 

beyond 887 shows that there was any rate wholly from the epitome ; 

an edition of the Chronicle which and these, as we have seen ($ 59, 

stopped at that point, Earle, p. xv ; note), have mainly to do with Wea- 

Gmbits, p. 33. The inference is sex ; of. Grubita, p. a a. 
uncertain, and is denied by Knplier* 

n. i 


have been made more than usually ample for this very purpose ^ 
Many Chronicles, both foreign and English, owe their begin- 
nings to this system*. None of our actual Saxon Chronicles 
are written in this way. It is possible that some of the earlier 
materials on which they are based may have been so written ; 
and the system may have left its mark in the way in which 
a MS. sometimes shows that the scribe originally planned his 
work on the assumption that a single line would suffice for 
each annal, so that when longer entries had to be made he was 
forced to alter the arrangement '. And at first these single-line 
entries did suffice. For, as we have seen \ the object originally 
was not to write a full record of events, but rather to keep 
apart the ever-receding years which tend to melt into one 
another in the haze of unassisted memory. And we have one 
Chronicle partly Anglo-Saxon, which is written in this way, 
and is of special interest because it comes from Christ Churcb, 
Canterbury •. 

out of 
which the 
WOTe oom- 

1. The 

2. The 

V. Op thb Gbowth op the Chboniclb. 

§ 110. We are now in a position to see more clearly the 
various elements out of which our Chronicles were compounded, 
and the various stages of their growth. We have : — 

(i) The Alfredian Chronicle up to 892, itself compiled from 
earlier materials under Alfred's supervision, and on lines laid 
down by him : S, B, C. 

(2) The northern recension of the same Chronicle, augmented 

^ liebermuin, TJngedruckte 6e- 
Bchichtequellen, p. i. 

> For English examples, see lie- 
bemuum, «.«., pp. a, 9, 13, 84 ; for 
foreign examples, Pertc, i. 86, 91, 
96, loa ; ii 184, 247, 251, 353, 354; 
iii. I, 19, 136, I37» H9» ^S^, I56» 
160, 166, 169, 171, 185 ; iv. 5, 7 ; 
▼. 9> >o. 37» 51 ; X. I ; xiii. 38, 39, 
50, 80, 87, Sa, 718 ; XV. 1289, 1293, 
1298 ; xvL 503, 507, 598, 618, 632, 
729; xvii. 33, 375; xxiU. i; Ord. 

Vit. V. Ixx. The system is, how- 
ever, English in origin, Gmlrits, 
p. 9 ; Pertc, L ad init. 

* See oritical notes to i. 1 18, 1 36, 
132 ; BO of the annals partly printed 
by liebermann, u. t., pp. 84 fL, 
Hardy says : < in no case is more 
than one line of manuscript given 
to any year,* Catalogue, ii. 453. 

* See above, (§ 6, 7. 

* Liebennann, «. «., pp. I ff ; 
above, ( 30. 


by the incorporation of passages from the text of Bede, and of 
the Northumbrian Gfesta : D, £ ^ 

(3) The official continuation of the Alfredian Chronicle^ 
894-924. This exists most completely in S, bat up to the 
end of 915 it exists also, though in a slightly different, perhaps 
raore original, recension in B, C, D (not in £ at all). 

(4) The Mercian Register, 902-924. In its original form 
this exists only in B, C, but is partially incorporated in D, 
whose copy perhaps extended somewhat beyond 924 '. 

(5) A group of Northumbrian annals, 901-966, existing 
fragmentarily in D and E ; more completely in Sim. Dun. 

(6) A somewhat fragmentary continuation from the death of 
Edward the £lder (925) to the death of Edgar (975), consisting 
of ballads', obits, and other scraps ^ All the MSS. have pieced 
out these meagre entries in their own way : S, with Winchester 
annals * ; B, C, with Abingdon notices which extend the con- 
tinuation to 977'; Dy with northern and other matter, his 
additions being the most considerable of alF. E^s additions 

3. The 

4. The 

5. The 

tion, 925- 

* In thii aection I take little or 
DO aoooant of F. Its character has 
been definitely determined above, 
|§ 39-41; it is a later epitome, and 
only incidentally illostrates the 
growth of the Cfa[ronicle. 

* The existence of this Mercian 
Register must lead ns to modify a 
little the strong statement of Lap- 
penberg: 'Merden hat nns weder 
. . . schxiftliohe Gesetxe noch selbst 
eine dOrftige Chronik hinterlassen,' 
i. ai6; £. T. i. 221. That the 
earlier materials on which the 
Chronicle is based should, as a rale, 
hare disappeared, need not surprise 
OS ; for, as Dr. Stubbs says, the com- 
position of the Cbronide probably 
' stopped the writing of new books, 
and ensured the dertruction of the 
old,* Hoveden, L xl. Bede's great 
work had southing of the same 
efiect ; cf. my Bede, L xlvii, and 
the parallel there suggested of the 
sjmoptie Gospels. 

' On the poems of the Chzonicley 
■ee Abeggy Zor Entwioklong der 

historisohen Dichtung bei den Angel- 
sachsen, 1894. He divides them 
into two classes: L Annalistio 
▼erses due to cloister learning. II. 
Popular Ballads. In the former 
class he places the poems on Bra- 
nanburh, 937 ; of. 0. P. B. I. Iv. ; 
the freeing of the live Boroaghs, 
942 ; Edgar's coronation, 973 ; and 
death, 075 S, B, C; the death of 
Edwardthe Confessor, 1065 C,D. In 
the latter he places the poems on 
the elories of Edgar, 959 D, £ ; the 
death of Edgar, 975 D, £ ; the de- 
struction of ue monasteries, 975 D ; 
the capture of Canterbury, loi i C, 
D, E ; the death of Alfred Ethel- 
ing, 1036 C, D; the marriage of 
St. Margsnt, 1067 D ; the marriage 
of £arl Ralph, 1076 D, 1075 E. 

* Owing to the fragmentary 
nature of this continuation it seems 
to me impossible to determine the 
place where it originated. 

* See abore, % 94. 

* ift. § 87. 

' *. %% 7o» 71- 

I a 



7. The 






8. LMt 

are mostly from the same source as D's, but he has one or two 
of his own \ At this point B ceases altogether ; X becomes 
independent, but at the same time nearly barren. 

(7) For a few annals after this point, C on the one hand 
and D and E on the other have independent continuations, 
but from 983 to 1018 they are practically identical, the main 
differences being due to the fact that certain Abingdon notices 
in C, preserved in £, have been omitted in D, which has also 
a few insertions of its own*. This continuation seems all of 
one piece, and has a strongly marked unity of subject, the 
struggle against the Danes under Ethelred and his lion-hearted 
son '. It ends appropriately with the reconciliation of the two 
races under Cnut on the bans of Edgar's law. As to the place 
where this continuation was originally written, the indications 
are not very sure ; but such as they are they seem to me to 
point to Canterbury \ Notices as to archbishops are indeed, 
as I have already implied \ national rather than local matters, 
and by themselves are no safe indication of origin. But the 
lamentation over the 'too speedy' flight of the Kentish fyrd 
in 999 *, the details in 1009, the lamentation over the ruin of 
Canterbury, ' captive that once was head of the English kin and 
of Christianity,' the minute narrative of JSlfheah's martyrdom 
in 1 01 2, all seem to me to point to Canterbury as the home of 
this continuation. 

(8) Soon after this point, 1018, the relations between the 

^ See above, $ 62. 

' It might be thought that it was 
a more natural explanation to sap- 
poae that D was copied from a MS. 
in which these Abingdon notices 
had not yet been inserted ; but for 
xeaions given above, § 63, the view 
of the text seems preferable. 

* See notes to T016, 1018 D. For 
marks of oontemporary writing m 
this section, see notes to 1009, loia, 

* 986 (ravaging of Rochester); 
988, 990, 991, 994, 995, 996, 999, 
1000, 1009, loii, loia, 1013, 1014. 
Earle would place tiie composition 

of this section at Abingdon, p. 

" See above, § 67. 

* 'wala jl hi to raSe bngon 7 
flagon.' The addition in B, ' forlMun 
]w hi nefdon fnltum ye M habban 
sceoldan,* matf be a further Kentish 
addition of £, wishing to excuse his 
local fyrd. Note, too, the distinction 
between the West Kentings, 909, 
and the East Kentings, 1009. "^^ 
distinction occurs nowhere else in 
the Chronicle ; cf. K. C. D. iv. 266 : 
* pegenoB ge of East Gent ge of West 
Cent,' a document of 995 x 1005. 


three sarriTuig Chronicles C, D, E, become too complicated to 
be expressed in any single formula. All we can say is that in 
some cases two or more of them used common materials ^. But 
we have every possible variety of relation between them. 
Sometimes all three agree together; sometimes all three are 
independent ; sometimes C, D agree against E ; sometimes 
C, E against D ; sometimes D, E against C. C ends abruptly 
in 1066, D ends incompletely at 1079, £ alone continues to 


§ 111. Having thus traced the Chronicles to their ultimate Develop- 
Bource it will conduce to clearness, though it may involve some ™*'^* . 
repetition, if we reverse the process, and endeavour to trace ing Chroni- 
the development of each of our existing Chronicles from the ®}®* fr^"" 
common Alfredian stock. Starting from the autograph of' ,fion stock, 
the original Chronicle up to 892, M^ we have seen that all our 
MSS. ultimately come from a transcript, se, extending to the 
same point, but faulty in having a dislocated chronology caused 
by the inadvertence of the scribe*. That at least one other 
transcript existed in which this error did not occur, is proved 
by the fact that the correct chronology is found in the Annals 
of St. Neot, though they are evidently derived ultimately from 
the Saxon Chronicle ^ 

§ 112. Of SB copies seem to have been made and sent to 
different monasteries. One of these remained at Winchester, 
where it became the basis of our ^, and received successively History 
the official continuation up to 925 *, and the second continuation ^^^> 
up to 975; the former of these the scribe seems somewhat 
to have edited ^ while he eked out the poverty of the latter 
with Eome local annals. After 975, S is continued in complete 
independence but somewhat meagrely up to 100 1; after which 

' See above, % 7J. Norman entry. And of ibis oon- 

^ ib^ % 100. tmofttion, as we have seen, p. civ 

' tb. The copy of the Chronicle note, the recension anderlying 

nnderlying the A. & N. had the A« S. N. agrees with B, C, B, 

official oontinnation up to 913 S rather than with X. 

( » 91 a A. & N.) indusive. That * It is noteworthy that a change 

in the last English entry in A. S. N., of hand takes place in S at 925. 

whu^ end with 914, a Franco- * See above, % 89, 93, 100. 


date the MS. was transferred bodily to Christ Church, Canter- 
bury^, where it received a few Canterbury additions, ending 
and A. up with the Latin Acts of Lanfranc. But before the MS. left 
Winchester, a ti-anscript was made which is our A (W.). The 
subsequent fate of this MS. is obscure, as it received no 
further additions. 
Hintory of § 113. The history of B and C is, as we have seen, closely 
B and C. c^nngct^ ^f}^ Abingdon *. It may be a question when the 
transcript of se which underlies them came to Abingdon, 
whether immediately after 892, or not until it had received 
the official continuation up to 915. If the former was the case, 
then the monks of Abingdon must have subsequently received 
and inserted a copy of the continuation up to that point. I am 
inclined to think the second alternative is the more probable, 
as it will better explain the curious 'harking back' in the 
chronology in order to insert the Mercian Register, which could 
not be incorporated in strict chronological order', because the 
Chronicle, as they received it, already went beyond the point at 
which the Mercian Register began \ Anyhow, whether the copy 
sent to Abingdon extended to 915 or only to 892, it had marked 
scribal peculiarities distinguishing it both from the copy which 
underlies our S, and ftx>m that which underlies our D, £ ^ Next, 
after 924, where the Mercian Register ends, comes the meagre 
continuation, 934-975, to which one or two Abingdon entries 
were added, bringing it up to 977. This Abingdon copy ex- 
tending to 977 is the hypothetical MS. which I have called T\ 
At this point two copies were made of it. One is our B. This 

1 Seeaboye, § 9^. ' i&. $S 87, 91 . tion of 6, C in 643 [ - 643 X], < m 
* ^' a 55} 09, 86 ; and i. 9a, Cenwalh bet atimbran )» [ealdan 
100, wbere it is shown that the B, C] cirioean on Wintnnceastre.* 
M. IL really begins with six blank This insertion to distinguish the 
annals, 896-001. But no one would 'oldohuroh' or oathedral at Win- 
begin an independent work in this Chester from the ' New Minster ' 
way ; therefore the M. R. must have (afterwards Hyde Abbey), woald 
began yet earlier. Perhaps the be maoh more likely to be made at 
compiler omitted the earlier entries, Winchester than at Abingdon ; but 
becaose they were in substance it cannot have been miule before 
identical with what he already had 903 » as only in that year was the 
in the main Chronicle. New Minster hallowed, 903 F. 
« This is confirmed by the addi- » Above, fi§ 86,87. • ib. fi 87. 


was apparently sent to St. Aagustine's, Canterbury, but remained 
a barren stock, and developed no further. The other is our C, 
in which after 977 there is a change of hand. For a few years 
C continues independently; then with 983 begins the section 
which comprises the story of the second Danish struggle up to 
1018 ^, after which C is continued, as we have seen, sometimes 
in agreement with, and sometimes independently of D and £. 
It ends, probably mutilated, at the end of a folio in the middle 
of the year 1066, though a much later hand has completed 
the annal after a fashion, by adding the story of the gallant 
Northman at the battle of Stamford Biidge. 

§ 114. Another transcript of » was sent to some northern Origin 
monastery, probably Bipon'. Here it was enlarged by the ^^^ 
addition (i) of passages taken isom the text of Bede ; (2) of the reoennou. 
Northumbrian Gesta. This enlargement must have taken place 
very aoon after the reception of the southern Chronicle, for 
before this northernised recension had extended beyond the 
original limits of 892 a copy of it was sent to some other 
northern monastery, where it became the basis of our E, of 
which more anon. The other copy remained at Bipon, and History of 
here received both the official continuation up to 915, and the 
Mercian Register extending perhaps somewhat beyond 924, 
which two documents the scribe endeavoured to weld together 
in chronological order', not always quite successfully ^ or 
completely ^ Similarly the next continuation (up to 975) is 
combined with some of the second group of Northumbrian 
annals alluded to above '. It is possible that some of the other 

^ Bat for lome time after thii of the copy of the Bouthem Chronicle 

point, C muflt have been oopied which was originally sent to Abing- 

from eome older MS., and is not don. The Abingdon acribes, haying 

original; for apart from questioni of a Chronide extending to 915, were 

reading, there ia no change of hand obliged to append the M. R. out of 

between 98a and 1047, probably order; the Bipon scribes, whoee 

none between 978 and 1049. original Chronicle only extended 

' That this copy extended no to 892, received independently 

farther than 89a is proved, I think the continuation up to 915 and the 

conduaiTely, by the barrenness of M. B., and so were able to amalga- 

E after that year. mate them. 

' This strongly eonfirms what * See above, ( 69. 

was said above about the oompass * ib, * ib. §§ 70, no. 


additioss which are found in D between 924 and 983 may have 
been inserted at this stage ; though it is also possible that some 
of them may not have been added until the final transcription 
of this part of the MS. at the end of the eleventh or beginning 
of the twelfth century^. It should also be noted that the 
continuation, 934-975, differs towards the end in the D, £ 
recension from that in the S, B, C recension. The poem on 
Edgar's coronation is reduced to prose, the poem on his death 
is different, while there is a poem on his accession, where none 
exists in the other recension. That during the compilation of 
most of this section the original MS. was still at Bipon is made 
probable by the northern character of many of the entries, and 
almost certain by the mention of Bipon in 948. From 978 to 
981 D, E have a continuation of their own; but from 983 
to 1018 they have the annals of the Danish struggle, though 
one or two insertions are made by D. 
Question § 115. To what locality are we to refer the incorporation of 
wh^r^** this section into the original of D'! , Some time between 966 
was trans- (the last northern entry) and 1033 (the first Worcester entry), 
planted to ^^ ]j|g^ ^p ^ transcript of it, was transferred to some place in 
the Worcester diocese, probably Evesham " ; and the question 
arises whether we can fix the date more precisely. My impres- 
. sion is that this took place soon after 975. The continuation, 
978-981, special to D, E, seems to me distinctly southern in 
tone ; and the additional details given by D in 1 01 6 as to the 
meeting of Edmund Ironside and Cnut at Olney seem to indicate 
local knowledge or tradition. The insertion of the consecration 
of iEIfwig to York in 1 01 4 might seem to point to a northern 
origin, but is not really inconsistent with the opposite view, 
because of the close connexion at this time of the sees of York 

^ See above, %\ 75-78. D, E in this section, which was 

* This qaestion must be kept almost certainly Abingdon. And 

distinct from two others: (i) the this confirms what follows, for it 

question where this section was wonld be easier for an Abingdon 

originally composed, which I believe MS. to get to Evesham than to 

to have been at Canterbury ; (2) the Kipon. 

question of the home of the MS. ' Above, | 73. 
which was the common parent of C, 


and Worcester \ It mnst, however, be admitted that this arga- 
ment is Dot wholly conclusiye, because these passages also may 
have been inserted at the last transcription of the MS. And 
consequently the locality of this section, as it is found in D, 
must be regarded as somewhat uncertain. But from 1019 
onwards the details as to Cnut and Scandinavian affairs, the 
Worcestershire, and more especially the Evesham notices, seem 
(0 me to fix the locality quite clearly. The character of the 
varying relations of D to C and £ from this point onwards has 
been already sufficiently defined '« It ends mutilated in the 
middle of 1079, though a very much later hand has added a 
brief notice under 1080, which really belongs to 1130. 

§ 116. We have now to trace the development of E. Its History of 
separate history begins with a transcript of the northern ^* 
recension of the Alfredian Chronicle, which did not extend 
beyond 892 ^ This was sent probably to some northern monas- 
tery, where for some time it remained comparatively barren *. 
It did not receive the official continuation, 894-924, in any 
shape, or the Mercian Register. Consequently all that it has 
during this period is a few obits and a selection from those 
Northumbrian annals, a different selection from which is found 
in D. It did, however, receive the next continuation, 934-975, 
in the same recension as that which is found in D, though it 
abbreviates it by omitting the poems at 937, 942, and one of 
those at 975 ^ For the next section, 983 * to 1018, it is parallel 
to C and D, often being nearer to C than to D. And the same 
question arises as to the locality of this section in E, as arose 
with reference to it in the case of D. Somewhere between 966 

' Abore, ( 72. northerner he disliked the part 

' tZ». §( 6a, 7a, no. which Korthumbria was represented 

' 15. § 1 14. as pUying, seems to me too ikncifdl 

* Poesibly because the Danish for serious discussion, Englische 

troubles interrupted oommunioations Studien, ziii. 1 84, 185. 

with the south. It may have been ^ These omissions may, however, 

this northern ancestor of E which have been mftde at one of the later 

was vaed by Gftimsr. See above, transcription^ that of 17 or of £ 

1$ 57> 58- The idea of Kupfer- itself. 

Schmidt that the scribe of £omi//e<2 * After the continuation, 978- 

the annals 894 ff., because as a 981, common to it with D. 


and 1036 the MS., or a transcript of it, migrated to St. AuguB^ 
tine's, Canterbury \ but the exact point is not clear; 1023 and 
1 03 1 are perhaps rather northern in character; on the other 
hand the insertion in 999 E as to the want of support giv«i to 
the Kentish fyrd looks rather like the local patriot attempting 
to excuse the failure of the local forces. But this may have 
been inserted at a later stage. This Chronicle was continued 
at St. Augustine's to about 1067; and again at St. Augustine's,, 
or some other southern home, to 1121. Then it was trans- 
planted to Peterborough, where its development has already 
been traced so fully that the tale need not be repeated here '. 
Origin of § 117. From the original remaining at St. Augustine's a 
F- bilingual epitome was made for the use of the neighbooring 

monastery of Christ Church ; and in this various local notices 
were embodied. This is our F. It was compiled late in the 
eleventh, or early in the twelfth, century. It ends defaced and 
mutilated in 1058. 

VI, Op the Belattve Value op the MSS. op the 
Chbokicle, etc. 

Relative § 118. The investigation just concluded naturally raises the 

^*1"® ^f question of the relative value of the different MSS. of the 
ent MSS. Chronicle, and of their several parts. There is an uncritical 
habit, still much in vogue, of quoting every statement of eveiy 
part of every Chronicle as if they were all of the same value '. 
I have already (§ 41) entered a caveat against this practice in the 
case of F, and of course the spuriousness of the earlier Peter- 
borough interpolations in £ has long been i^ecognised. I think, 
from what has been said, it results further that something of 
the same attitude of reserve must be adopted towards some of 
the unsupported assertions of D. 
Pwjtige On the whole I think the general tendency of our inquiry 

has been to lower somewhat the prestige of ^, by disproving 
its claim to be an original, and showing that it is at least, 
as Plato might say, at the second remove from truth, a copy 

^ Above, ( 47. * <b. %% 45, 50 ff. ' Ci Theopold, p. 11. 



of a copy ^ Oar oUigatioiis to it are greatest for the reign of 
Edward the Elder. 

In the same way I think the anthority of D is somewhat and of D 
lessened by a consideration of the late date at which it assumed ^™®J^^ 
its present shape ; which makes it possible that entries in the 
earlier part, which cannot be proved to be based on older 
documents, may have been inserted at the latest stage of com- 
pilation. This does not, however, detract in the least from the 
value of those parts of D which may reasonably be supposed to 
embody more ancient materials, some of which have survived 
in D alone. 

As to C our inquiry has had, I think, a twofold effect. As Tlie value 

to the earlier part it has shown that C and B both come from ?^ 9. I*"^^ 
* in different 

a MS. which was somewhat faulty, but in its latest part it is partg. 

an authority, generally independent, and of the highest value. 

£, on the other hand, has distinctly gained by criticism ; and £ hM 
the fixing of the true locality of the section 1035-1066 has ^^^^^ 
given it a value which had not been fully appreciated before. 
Its authority for the Norman period has, of course, long been 

§119. Another consideration which results from our in- Need for 
vestigation is one which the progress of the science of textual ^^^^f_ 
criticism tends more and more to emphasise : namely, the wXogy of 
importance, for the determination of the original text, of bearing ^^' ?^ 
b mind the history and relationship of the MSS. in which the wtimAte 
text is preserved*. Let us suppose — and it is a case which tt«^v»J««- 
not unfrequently occurs — ^that in a passage of the Alfredian 

' At leMt up to 89a ; from 894 to he brought out this principle more 

984 it may be a copy, not a copy of clearly, and applied it more firmly 

a copy. But I do not think it ii an than had ever been done before ; 

original^ for one hand extends from though Bengel and Grieebach had 

969 to looi, both inoluiive, and made aome approach to it. Snbie- 

tiiis is too long a period to be covered qnent research will probably modify 

by the same serioe making contem- the estimate which Br. Hort formed 

poranr entries. It is quite possible of the relative value of the different 

that from 993 to zooz it may be an groups ; but that the only hope of 

original. progress lies in a grouping of MSS. 

* It was the great service of the according to their derivation is a 

late Dr. Hort to the cause of the principle which subsequent rssearoh 

textual eritidsm of the N. T. that can only emphasise and confirm. 


Chronicle a certain reading is fonnd in S, E, another reading 
in B, C, while D is defective or comipt. If we merely connt 
authorities without weighing them, it would seem that the 
evidence for the two readings was ahout equally strong — two 
MSS. on each side; and if S he somewhat older than B^ C, 
they in turn are older than E. But when we consider the 
relations and history of the four MSS., we see at once that 
B, C do not give us the evidence of two independent witnesses, 
but of a single witness, T ; and that, as we have seen \ a very 
idiosyncratic witness, which is far outweighed by the evidence 
of two MSS. like S and E, which have been so independent of 
one another in their development, ever since they branched off 
from the common stock. 
Miflcon- § 120. The earlier editors of the Saxon Chronicle, Qihfion^ 

Se*wli» ^^fif"""^* *°^ ^ ^°^® extent M. H. B., treated it as if it were 
editon. & single homogeneous work, the product of a single mind, like 
the Decades of Livy, or the Annals of Tacitus. Accordingly, 
they attempt to weld all the materials contained in their 
various MSS. into a continuous text Consequently we never 
know, without referring in each sentence to the critical notes, 
whether what we are reading is a twelfth century addition of 
£ or F, or one of the best contemporary annals of 3, C, or E ; 
and records are amalgamated mechanically, though their chrono- 
logy differs it may be by as much as three years K Moreover, 
we thus get combined, in a single narrative, passages which 
merely tell the same thing in different words * ; or, worse still, 
accounts of the same events told from opposing points of view '. 

^ Above, $$ 86, 87. bad example of his predeoesBon. 

' Wheloc is an exception, as his * See e. g. Ingrain, 1035, '037» 

text is practically edited from a 1043 ; and cf. p. 236, note, 

single MS. ; and Uie interpolations * See e.g. Ingram, 1055, where 

of a, which he embodies in his text, the statement of D that ^Ifgar 

are clearly distinguished by being was banished 'almost without gnilt,' 

enclosed in square brackets. is combined with the directly op* 

* Thus an entry of the M. B. of posite statement of £ that hi£ guilt 

902 is amalgamated with an entry was self-confessed. In many cases 

of the main Chronicle under 90a, Ingram himself has to abandon the 

though 90a M. R. * 905 of the Chron- attempt at conflation, and places 

icle. In this particular point of the the divergent text in the notes. 
M. B., even Thorpe has followed the 


The only part of the Chronicle which could really be treated 
as the work of a single mind is the Alfredian Chronicle up to 
892 ^; and even here we should require at any rate two parallel 
texts for the southern and northern recensions, and this is 
practically secured by Professor Earle's plan, followed in the 
present edition, of printing S and E opposite to each other. 
But the supplementary extracts giyen in our pages from the 
other MSS. are an ocular proof that even a double text does not 
adequately represent the material contained in the Chronicle, 
and there can be no doubt of the superiority of Thorpe's plan 
of printing all six MSS. in parallel columns, though there are 
some grave defects in his execution of the plan '. 

$ 121. Another question which is forced upon us is the Lost 
question of the existence of other Saxon Chronicles now lost Chronicles. 
or hidden. For we have seen that the phenomena of our 
existing MSS. can hardly be explained without the hypothesis 
of other MSS., such as those which I have called iE, sb, T, y, 8, 
€, 17*. We have also seen that a passage in Florence clearly 
implies a Saxon original which is not in any of our Chronicles ^, 
and Dr. liebermann has pointed out that Hermann, the author 
of the Miracles of St. Edmund, seems to have had a MS. of the 
Chronicle differing from those we know °. We are not, however, 
left to conjecture in the matter. In our H w^ have a fragment 
of a lost Chronicle ; and in the twelfth century Catalogue of the 
Dui^iam Library among the ' libri Anglici ' occur ' duo Cronica 
Anglica,' and also 'Elfledes Boc,' which, as I have suggested', 
may be the Mercian Register. Another piece of evidence was 
pointed ont to Professor Earle by the late Mr. Bradshaw. In 
the University Library at Cambridge is a MS. of iElfric's 

^ And eren in it the nniiy Is hnye been difficalt, and the compo* 

rather of leleotioii than of oompoei- sitionof thislntrpduction impofleible. 

tkm ; aee abore, % 4. » Above, §$ 34, 49, 50, 54, 60, 61, 

' As I shall have later to criticise 63, 64, 87, 93, 100, loi, iii ff. 

■ome of the details of Thorpe's * A. § 84 note, 

vork, I wish here to state, as em- * Ungedmckte Gesehichtsqael- 

phatieally as I can, my great obll- len, pp. a a 8, 234, 246. Other Latin 

gations to it It has never been chroniolers, snoh as Ethelverd, 

oat of my hands dnrinff the progress Ann. S. Neoti, also show traces of 

of my own work ; without it the Chronicles diflering from onrs ; see 

writing of many of my notes woold abore^ f fi 90, loo. * Above, f 69. 


Qrammar (Hh. i. lo). It is mutilated at the end, and 
Mr. Bradshaw showed that the missing part must have con- 
tained what Archbishop Parker, in his list of books given hj 
him to the Library, calls ' Hist. Angliaa Saxonica,' and what 
James, in his Ecloga, p. 69, calls ' Annales Saxonici.' On the 
other hand a hint given in M. H. B., Pref., p. 77, when followed 
up by Professor Earle and the Vicomte de la Villemarqu^, only 
led to a MS. of the Chronicon Magdeburgense. Nor is there 
any reason to think that Joscelin's ' Hist. Petroburg. ' is other 
than our E. Wheloc confused the matter, first of all, by 
attributing the interpolations in S to Joscelin, and then by 
asserting that Joscelin assigns them to the * Codex Petroburg.'; 
whereas Joscelin merely notes from time to time ' sic et in God. 
Petroburg.,' which is true enough ; for, as I have shown, the 
entries in E and the interpolations in 3 often come from 
a conmion source ^. That in the reckless and wanton destruc- 
tion which accompanied the dissolution of the monasteries 
many MSS. of the Chronicle, as of other works, should have 
perished is nothing surprising*. The history of literature, 
especially of late years, has been full of strange and romantie 
recoveries of works long thought to be irretrievably lost. And 

^ Above, § 33. ynge of the foren naojont. Tea, 

' Cf. Bishop Bale*8 lament in his the nnyvenytees of thyi realme are 

preface to Leland's New Yearee not all dere in thys detestable hcL 

Gifk to Henry VIII, 1549, cited by But cursed is that bellye whjbhe 

Wfilker, GnindrisB. p. 4 : 'If there seketh to be fedde with such ungodly 

had been in every shvre of Englande gaynes, and so depely shameth h js 

bat one solempne lybrary, to the natnral contreye. I know a mer- 

preseraaeyon of those noble workes, ohaant man, whych shall at thys 

and preferrement of good lemynges time be namelesse, that bonghte the 

in onr posteryte, it had bene yet oontentes of two noble lybraryies 

snmwhat. Bat to destroy all with- for XL shyllynges pryoe, a shame 

out oonsyderation, a great namber it is to be spoken. Thys stoffe hath 

of them whych purchased those he ocoopyed in the stede of grays 

superstycyouse mansions, reserued paper by the space of more than 

of those lybrary e bokes, some to these X yeares, and yet he hath 

serue their lakes, some to scour store ynough for as many yeares to 

their candlestyckes, and some to come. But it occurs to us to ask, 

rubbe their bootes. Some they sold if the good bishop knev that these 

to the groesers and sopesellen, and priceless treasures were being sold 

some over see to the bokebynders, for the price of 'graye paper,' why 

not in small nombre, but at tymes did not he, like Parker, make some 

whole shyppes f uU, to the wonder- effort to preserve them ? 


it 18 not beyond the bounds of possibility that in some private 
or foreign collection one or more Saxon Chronicles may yet be 
found ; but it must be confessed that the chances at present do 
not seem very great. 

§ 1 22. Of the relation of the Latin Historians and Gkdmar to the Decay of 
Chronicle down to Malmesbury and Huntingdon in the twelfth ^[^^ 
century enough has been said \ nor is it necessary to pursue the 
subject further. Roger of Wendover in the next centuiy is too 
utterly uncritical in his early history to repay analysis '. And 
from the twelfth century onwards the will and the power to con- 
salt the original sources of our history decayed ; partly because 
the key to the ancient tongue was lost ; partly, as Earle has 
said, because ' Malmesbury's work carried with it a prestige of 
finality''; until in the pages of Capgrave, the first to apply 
the native tongue once more to the original writing of history, 
the greatest name in all English history, the name of Alfred, 
moves like the shadow cast by a great luminary in eclipse \ 
' Saxon history was lost or forgotten '.' But for men like 
Parker, Joscelin, Cotton, and Lisle, it might have been lost 

Vn. Op thb Editioks and Tbakslatioks of the 
Saxon Chbonicle. 

§ 123. The story of the general revival of Anglo-Saxon studies Editions 
cannot be told here ; but something must now be said about the lotions of 
editions and translations whereby a knowledge of the Chronicle the 
was gradually recovered. The first of these, the Editio Prineepa, Chwmide. 

See whcfve, f f 50-58, 84, 85, 99, ford. He had many batailes with 

100. Dane* ; and aflir many oonfliotes in 

' See Theopold, pp. 7, 70, 92. which he had the wen, at the last 

' Sarle, IntroducUon, p. bdv. he overcam hem ; and be his trety 

* ' In this tyme regned Alnred in Godrus [a nominative inferred from 

Ynglond, the foort son of Adelwold. Crodrnm -t GnOmm 1] here Kyng 

He began to regn in the jere of our was baptised, and went horn with 

Lord DCXXnJUUI. This man, be his pnple. XXVIII )ere he regned, 

the conncelle of Seint Ked, mad an and deied the senraant of God ' 

open Scole of divers sdens at Oxen- (dted by Earle, p. bnr). * ih. 



is that of Abraham Wheloc, Profeseor of Arabic at Cambridge 
Wheloc. This was printed at Cambridge iu 1643 ^^^ '^44 ^ "^ 

Appendix to Wheloc's Edttto Princepa of the Anglo-Saxon 
version of Bede, and was certainly a considerable performance 
for the time at which it was done ; nor can the shortcomings, 
inseparable from a first attempt made at a time when the 
revived study of Anglo-Saxon was in its infancy and the appli- 
ances were few', detract from the glory which belongs to 
Wheloc, that (in Gibson's words) ' primus omnium praedanun 
istud huius nationis monumentum a blattis ac tineis uindi- 
cauit '.' Of the MSS. used by Wheloc, and the way in which 
he treated them, enough has been said above \ It remains to 
add a few words on the Latin translation with which he accom- 
panied his text That it should contain many errors, some of 
them rather comic, was to be expected ' ; but on the whole it is 
a courageous and creditable performance. To Cambridge thus 
belongs the honour of producing the first edition of the Anglo- 
Saxon Chronicled But from that time to this the history 

^ On Wheloc*8 work in connexion 
with Bryan Walton's Poly)?1ot Bible, 
&c., Bee Todd's life of Walton, i. 
330 £ (I owe the reference to 
"ProfesBor Margoliouth.) 

' On the progress of Anglo-Saxon 
stadies up to Wheloc's time, see 
Wtilker, u. *., pp. 1-17. 

> Gibson, PrelKe. 

* $§ 17, 98. 

• «• 9' 755 J o^ t hy Jwer Ine 
(inne) fulsron, * donee Inam seque- 
rentur'; 871: samorlida, 'aestiua 
lues'; 875: StrsBcled Wealas, 
'Britones pictos'; 879: gesradrode 
on hlo9 wicenga, ' Hlothwicensam 
[as place-name] conflnzit ' ; 889 : 
twegen hleaperas, ' duos leprosos ' ; 
891 : hi ne rohton hwsr, ' illam 
uero non remigabant'; 894: hie 
to londe coraon, 'Londinum uene- 
rant'; 897: ]iet hie nytwyr)>oste 
beon meahtan, * modo iUa ne pos- 
se possent'; 898 : Heahstan 

biscop, 'summuB episcopus'; 921: 
])a se fyrdstemn for ham, 'turn 
ezereituB Ite domum uociferatar ' ; 
955 : on Frome, 'in aetatis uigofre ' ; 
973: oyninges leohta hyrdes, 're- 
gis Leohth^i '; 975 : gamolfeaz 
hffileS, ' cameli pilis tectus ' ; X031 : 
teeper eex, 'oereum': cf. also 67, 
418, f 18, 538, 560, 607, 616. 653, 
661, 685, 70Q. 716, 7»8, 7.^ 833. 
851, 864, 878, 885, 886, 887, 893. 
894. 896, 896. 935, 964. Naturally 
the poetical parts caused the greatest 
difficulty to a beginner. The trans- 
lation oif the Song of Brnnanbnrh 
is quite hopeless, and Wheloc evi- 
dently was not happy about it, for 
he says : ' idioma hie et ad annum 
942 et 975 perantiquum et horridum 
fectoris candorem et diligentiam 

* Cambridge was, however, nearly 
anticipated by Oxford. Br. Gerard 
Langbaine (1609-1658), Provost of 



of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle has been mainly connected with 

§ 124. Edmnnd Gibson (i 669-1 748), afterwards Bishop Gibson, 
of London, published his edition in 1692, when he was only 
twenty-three; and it is certainly a most remarkable per- 
formance. It was at the instance of John Mill, the author of 
the Exemplar Millianum, that he undertook the task. He 
had, as he confesses, one very great advantage over Wheloc in 
the publication of Hickes' Anglo-Saxon Grammar, and in the 
private assistance which he derived from Hickes. * The con- 
sequence was that his edition was a great advance on Wheloc's, 
and altogether an admirable work. His Latin version is in 
general not only correct, but happy. Substantially it has been 
the basis of all later versions'.' The faulty principle on which 

Qoeon*!, had oontempUied an 
edition ' ni apparet ex ichediB eim 
M8S. in Bibliotheca Bodleiana,* 
but gave ap the idea vben he found 
that Wheloc had anticipated him : 
' opuf isthoo infelidter praeripnerat,* 
layi Gibaon, with praiseworthy 
lojalty to the former head of hk 
own college. Bishop Fell, at the 
instance of Junius and Marshall, 
prevailed on William Nicholson to 
undertake a new edition, but his 
removal Irom Oxford frustrated the 
plan, which was ultimately carried 
out by Gibson. See his Preface. 
From the collations of MS. F of 
the Chronicle, to be found in Junius' 
copy of Wheloc (Junius MSS. Ko. 
10, see below), Gibson, «. s., infers 
that Junius himself had contem- 
plated an edition. 

' Thorpe was not at either Uni- 

' Earle, p. Ixx. This does not 
mean that either the translation or 
the text it free from faults; cf. 
654*: for Can he>enscipe )>e hi 
drogon. 'propter Paganismum quo 
[uitamj ii traxerant'; 675*: wi0 
translated ' cum,' and so often ; 
755t* : on )«bs wifes gebsBrum, ' intra 
mnlieris domicilium^ ; tb. t : heora 

n. ] 

agene dom, 'proprias ipsorum liber- 
tates'; 871: sumorlida, 'qnies 
aestiua ' ; 894t*, ad fin. : on anre 
westre ceastre, 'in Occidental! 
quadam ciuitate ' ; 941 : 7 he waes 
>a xvni wintre, * et ei \9e, regno] 
praefuit xvm annis'; ioi6t, ad 
iniL : sbIc mann pe feor waere, 
' unusquisque longe dissitus ' ; 
io86t, p. 190 : fynnest to eacan 
])am cynge, 'regi maxime fidelis'; 
io87t*: Bodbeud a Mundbneg^ 
' B. pads uiolator ' ; ii37ty p* 240: 
was \U$€ war] se me tilede, ' litus 
arabant, i. e. frnstra arabant ' ; cf. 
also i89t»,4i8, 56ot, 6i6t, 64ot*, 
656t, 685f, 686t, 709t*, 7»<^t*. 
790», 794t*, 796. Ssat*; 853, 854t, 
867t, 876t*, 88it, 883t», 885t», 
886t, 89it, 894t, 896*, 897t*, 
903t*» 9»9t*, 9«o> 9ait*, 9^2f, 
941, 94a, 957t, g6it», 963, 975t», 
99a, 994», ioo4t*, ioo6t», ioo9t, 
loiof, 10II+*, 101 3t, 101 6t*, 
loao, 1036*, I04it*, 104a, I046t, 
I047t, i048t», i055t», io7ot, 
io83t, io86t, I09<>t, io9it», 
I093t. i094t*, i099t?, "oo, 1103, 
iio6t*, "Mt*, "ast*. ii35t*, 
ii37t*. (The dagger means that 
the mistake is repeated by Miss 
Gumey, the asterisk that it is 


Gibson constructed his edition has been already explained \ 
But further, he never formed any clear view of the relative 
value of the authorities which he employed, and takes some- 
times one and sometimes another as the basis of his text. For 
materials Gibson did not go beyond the walls of the Bodleian. 
It is worth while to see exactly what materials he had. In the 
first place, he had the printed text of Wheloc ; this practically 
gave him A and 3*. Secondly, he had our E, which he cites as 
Laud. This in itself gave him a large amount of new material ', 
though his complaint that Wheloc used < mutilated' MSS.* rests 
on that misconception of the nature of the Saxon Chronicles 
which underlies the plan of his edition. Thirdly, he had a tran- 
script of B made by Joscelin; this is the MS. which he cites 
as Cant." Fourthly, he had Junius* collations and extracts 

repeated by Dr. Ingram.) Gibson^s 
translation of the Song of Brunan- 
burh is almost as hopeless as that 
of Wheloc, though he protests 
against the epkhet 'horridum' 
which Wheloc applies to it, and 
though he quotes H. H.'s version 
in the notes, which might have kept 
him right in some cases where he 
has gone wrong. In several in- 
stances he has wrong readings; 
p. a : palas for Walas ; 584 : 
yrfe for yrre ; 870 ; 977 ; p. 
239 • wessien for werrien (which 
he turns into a proper name) ; cf. 
was for war, p. 240. It is, 
however, one of Gibson's merits 
that he never tries to gloss over 
words or phrases which he does 
not understand: 'quid significet 
hoc uocabulum omnino nescio * ; 
' quis sit sensus me onmino latet * ; 
'harum uocum significationem ig- 
nore'; 'uocis significatio mihi 
plane incognita ' ; ' quae sit huius 
uocabuli significatio uideant alii'; 
pp. 115, 194, 216, 219, 231, 236, 
339> 340; cf. his preface, where 
he speaks of 'quaedam Chronici 
loca, in quibas meam insdtiam 
libere profiteor.* 

* Above, §§ II, 120. 

' Gibson clearly grasped the rela- 
tion of S and A : ' altemm alterins 
apographum esse omnino nideainr.* 

' * Huio uni plus debent AjLTiAles 
Sazonici, quam caeteris omnibuau' 

* 'Ad fidem Codicil mutili ac 
mendofld;* 'neuter [S and A] 
integrum Chronicon complectitur. 
Bed ipsius fnigmenta.* Inimum, 
however, remarks justly: 'These 
MSS. were . . . not lees entire, as 
far as they went, than his own 
favourite Laud,* p. ii. 

* Now Laud. Misc. 661 ; 4to, 
chart, ff. 46. It is in a larger and 
more formal hand than Josoelin's 
ordinary hand ; but a comparisoii 
with a note in his ordinary liand 
to be found at the end of 915, 
seems to me to show clearly tb&t 
the text is by Joscelin also. Gibaoai 
was ignorant of its derivation. He 
oalls it * Codex . . . non omnino . . . 
contemnendus ... ad exemplar ali- 
quod descriptus . . . hodie . . . ex- 
tinctum.' At the end is the West 
Saxon pedlffree. This I believe to 
be taken from Tib. A. iii. (So 
Wanley, p. 84 ; and so Mr. Maerav 
in his Catalogue of the Laud MSS. ) 



from F alluded to above ^ ; this is the MS. which he calls Cot. 
It will thus be seen that Gibson had practically access to 2^ and 
A, B, E, and F. Of C and D he knew absolutely nothing. It 
was the great merit of Ingram that he first made use of these 
bteresting and important HSS. 

§ 125. But before Dr. Ingram's work was published, there Mim 
appeared, in 1819, the first translation into modem English of "™®y- 
the Saxon Chronicle. This was the work of a lady, the learned 
and benevolent Miss Anna Oumey (1795-1857)* She had 
intended to publish her work, but hearing that Dr. Ingram's 
edition was in preparation, she contented herself with printing 
a limited number of copies for private circulation*. This 

With the QzoepUon of one homoio- 
telenton omiarion (specially easy to 
make in a document where the 
same phrases constantly recnr) and 
two or three minate ^fferenoes of 
ipellingy it agrees exactly in all 
respects. It affords, therefore, no 
evidence of the existence of a 
gniealogieal pre&oe belonging to 
3 other than Tib. A. iii {0). 
Another copy of the pedigree l^ 
Janius is in Junius MSS., i^o. 66. 
This is expressly stated by Junius 
to be taken from T^b. A. iii. Gib- 
son used both MSS., pp. 15-17, not 
realising that they are both tran- 
scripts of the same MS. Laud 661 
he calls Cant, as before ; Junius 66 
he calls Cot., which at first sight 
causes conftuion, that being his 
raibol for Junius' transcript of F. 
]Sut as F does not contain the 
genealogy, there is no real doubt 
as to his meaning. As Gibson did 
not know the origin of Laud 661, 
he cannot have called it Cant 
because of its derivation from B, 
a book of 8t. Augustine's, Canter- 
bury. He probaiuy called it so as 
hairtng belonged to Laud, Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury ; the symbol 
Laud hftring been already appro- 
priated to K 

^ Jonius 10; % 88, note. ^ Inde 
nos eaa descripsimus, siagulari 


hominis in his rebus religCone 
merito innixi.* As F is now in 
many places very difficult to read, 
these collations and transcripts of 
Junius would be well worthy of 
the attention of any one who should 
undertake a new six-text edition 
of the Chronicle, a work much to 
be desired. 

'The copy in my possession is 
one presented by Miss Gumey's 
printer to a reverend gentleman, 
unnamed, because he had heard 
from ' my friend, Mr. Holmes, that 
it will find a welcome reception 
in your library.* It is somewhat 
of a satire on this ' welcome recep- 
tion * that the book, when 'it came 
into my hands, was almost wholly 
uncut. My late friend, the Rev. 
Edward Hill, sometime Rector of 
Wishford, Wilts., once told me that^ 
as a boy, he used to attend the 
same church as Miss Gumey ;• and 
that, with a boy's curiosity, he 
would sometimes go early to church, 
in order to see this gifbed lady (who 
owing to a paralytic affection had 
been a complete cripple from her 
infancy) eanried into her pew by 
her men-servants. There is a brief 
but interesting account of her ' busy, 
active, and bappy life* fn the 
Dictionary of National Biography. 
Mr. Hill abo gave me an account of 


translation is based on Gibson's edition, the lady, as stated in 
the Preface, haviog ' only access to the printed texts.' But it 
is by no means a mere rendering into English of Gibson's Latin, 
but an independent translation. Though in a certain number 
of cases she follows Gibson's errors \ yet in many cases she 
corrects them from a better knowledge of the original'; and 
the English is vigorous and idiomatic. This translation is the 
basis of Dr. Giles', which will be mentioned presently. 
Ingram. § 126. Ingram's edition appeared in 1823. He did not, like 

Gibson, confine himself to Oxford materials, but extended his 
researches to London and Cambridge. Thus he knew X at first 
hand, and not merely through Wheloc ; he used B, /3, and F in 
the originals, and not merely in the Bodleian transcripts; and 
he incorporated for the first time the additional and important 
material afforded by C and D. He added an English transla- 
tion, and introductions, notes, and appendices, which contain 
many interesting and just remarks. Thus his edition is in 
many ways a great advance on that of Gibson. Unfortunately 
it was constructed on the same faulty plan, and this evil was 
enhanced by the very excellences of the edition; for the greater 
the amount of materials collected, the greater is the confusion 
produced by conflating them. The translation seems to me leas 
spirited and idiomatic than Miss Gumey's. He retains, as we 

the oomic diniuty of the Ftofeaaor Gibson*! edition, Ingram, p, zri. 

of Anglo-Saxon, the Rev. H. B. ^ See abore, § 1 24, note. 

WilBon,ofSt.John'8,whenMr.Hill ' 418, 560, 755, 790, 796, 853, 

applied to him for instruoUon, and 886, 896, 920, 941, 963, 1006, 10 10, 

on being qnestioned by the Pro- 1016, 1036, 1061, 1087, 1088, 1093, 

fenor as to what he bad read on iioo, 1103,1116,1131, 1135. Mias 

the subject, replied that he had Gnmey's translation of the Song^ of 

read Hickes* Thesaurus, which was Brunanburh is an inmiense advaaoe 

poeaibly more than the Professor on Gibson's, and is superior to that 

himself had done. According to of Ingram. Even where she baa 

Diet. Kat. Biog. a second edition not succeeded in solving the difficnl- 

of Bliss Gumey's translation was ties of the original, her reoderiii^ is 

called for; but of this I can find always spirited. On the other hand, 

no trace. Nor have I succeeded she has fallen into some errors for 

in finding the MS. translation by which Gibson is not responsible: 

Gongh, which Ingram says exists 675, 887, 891, 1012, 1022, 1045, 

in the Bodleian Library; it was 1088,1127' 
based, like Miss Gumey's, on 



have seen, a good many of QibBon's errors ^ and that too in 
cases where Hiss Gumey, whose work he praises (p. xvii), might 
have shown him the right way. He has, no doubt, corrected 
several of Gibson's blnnders' ; but per eofUra he has introduced 
a good many new ones of his own '. In the translation of the 
matter which Ingram introduced from C and D he was a pioneer, 
and mistakes were to be expected *. 

§ 127. In 1847 Dr. Giles published a translation of the 
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Like others of Dr. Giles' literary pro- 
ductions it was largely based on the labours of others, among 
whom he acknowledges especial obligations to Miss Gumey. 

§ 128. In 1848 appeared a handsome folio volume: 'Menu- Mono- 
menta Historica Britannica (M. H. B.), or Materials for the ^?'^. 
History of Britain from the Earliest Period : Vol. I, extending Britannica. 
to the Norman Conquest.' This was the first instalment of 
a scheme, projected by Mr. Fetrie the principal editor (f 1842), 

' Above, I 134, note. 

« 560, 616, 6c6 (p. 44), 675, 755, 
854, 871, 885, 886, 950, 992, 1003, 
1006, 1009, 1010, loio, 1035, 1 103, 
II 16, Ii35f 114a In one or two 
CMee he correctfl Gibeon'i text, 
Pref., 854 adjln^ 977. He fails to 
do 80, 584. Now and then he 
endeavonn to correct Gibson where 
Gibeon is quite right, «.y. pp. 395, 
330, notes. 

• 597, 65^ (PP- 43, 45)» 7". 734, 
793. Sas, 830, 839, 865, 871 adftn,, 
«93f 894* 9»i» 918, 943, 947i959> 
975, >oo9» io»3> I095» i09^» io97. 
1104, "05. "31, i»3a, ii37> "64- 

* 1041 : this is a good illustration 
of tiie consequences of Ingram's 
aysteni of eonflntion. £ reads ' Her 
. . . com Eadweard .^!9elredes snnu 
cinges hider to lande of Weallande.' 
C, D read ' Her . . . com Eadward 
[Hardaenutes] bro9or on medren 
fram begeondan see iE^redes sunu 
cinges.* Ingram reads 'Her . . . 
com Eadward JBXS, s. c. hider to 
lande on Medren of Weallande,* 
and translates ; 'This year . . . came 
Edward, Ac, hither to land firom 

Wealland to Madron ' (0 Another 
choice rendering is 1075 ^ fi'*'» 
<Bume getawod to scande,' 'some 
were towed to Scandinavia'; cf. 
also pp. 58, 180, 208, an, aaa, aas, 
23a, a34, a39, a46, asa, 255, 356, 
259, a6i, a63, 371, 379, a8i, 284. 
One frequent cause of Ihr. Ingram's 
blunders is that he transliterates 
rather than translates, and takes a 
word which sounds like the original, 
though it may have nothing to do 
with it. Thus getawod « towed 
{v. *.)» genotud = noted (really, 
^consumed), p. 116; eesc >i esk, 
p. 122 ; gehadode menu « hooded 
men, p. 187; gefremian « frame 
(here uiere is an etymological con- 
nexion, though it does not give the 
sense), p. 211; to handesceofei-^ 
handcuff, p. 227; cf. pp. 249, 265, 
309,* 3"> 31 3> 319* Another 
curious feature is the introduction 
of extreme modernisms: 'copyholds/ 
' viceroy,' * privy council/ * peers," 
'corporation,' pp. 75, 124, 186,197, 
263. This extends to proper names : 
Geraint appears as Grant, Beocca 
tmBeeke,pp,6i, 11 1. 


for publishing a complete series of our early Ohronides, ftc. No 
other volume was eyer published, because Mr. Fetrie's scheme 
was ultimately abaudoned in favour of that which has giYea us 
the well-known Eolls Series. The Saxon Chronicle occupies 
pp. 291-466; and the editing of this part of the volume 
was mainly the work of Mr. Sichard Price (t 1833), 'a good 
man and highly accomplished scholar^/ who also commenced 
the edition of the Anglo-Saxon Laws ultimately completed by 
Mr. Thorpe. As the volume did not extend beyond 1066, 
the later parts of D and E were necessarily omitted. In the 
arrangement of the text a great improvement was made by 
making jS. the standard MS. wherever possible, and by printing 
separately below the line those parts of the various MSS. which did 
not admit of being combined with the texts placed above the line. 
But there is still too much conflation ', and when S fails there 
seems to be no fixed principle as to what shall be placed above 
the line and what below'; and the reader has still painfully 
to consult the very intricate Apparatus Criticua in order to 
ascertain on each occasion what he is really reading. Bat it 
is in the translation that the improvement is most conspicuous ; 
and it forms a striking testimony to the rapid progress of Anglo- 
Saxon studies in the ten years between the appearance of 
Ingram's edition in 1823 and the death of Mr. Price in 1833 \ 
Steveiuon. § 129. In 1853 appeared a translation of the Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle by the Kev, Joseph Stevenson, M.A., of University 
College, Durham, in his series of 'The Church Historians of 
England.' The first part, up to the Conquest, was taken by per- 
mission from M. H. B., with * a few unimportant corrections ^ ' ; 

* Thorpe's Ancient Laws, I. zvii.; 188, 616, 655, 657*t, 68ot, 685, 
see also Thorpe's Chronicle, I. xxi., 693t, 716, 755*, 777*, 87 1», 878, 
"ii. 894t, 917, 9i8t, 937*t, 9^a, 973t, 

« See 9,g, 640, 91a, 943, 980. 975t, 981, ioo9t, 1013, 1036, 

* In some cases part of an annal 1050 D, 1048 E, 105a Ef, 1052 C, 
from a MS. is placed above the line, 1056, io66*t. In those annals 
and another part of the same annal marked with an asterisk, oorreciiona 
from the same MS. is placed below, have been made by Stevenson ; in 
876, loaa, 1038. those marked with a dagger, by 

* This dotss not mean that the Thorpe. See below. 

translation is faultless; there are 'It will be seen from the last 

still mistakes here and there, e.y. note that there are many errors in 


from 1067 ^® translation is the work of Mr. Stevenson ^ 
Professor Earle says : ' on the whole, this appears to be the best 
translation which has hitherto appeared*.' 

§ 130. In 1 86 1 appeared Mr. Thorpe's six-text edition, withllioipe. 
translation, in the series of the Master of the Rolls. I have 
already emphatically expressed my sense of the great valne of 
this edition and of the plan on which it is constructed, which 
may well make uq pardon some imperfections in detail. Of 
these the most important seem to me to be (i) the omission of 
almost all the Latin entries in £ ; (2) the almost entire neglect 
of the Latin text of F ' ; (3) the uncritical conflation of the 
Mercian Register with the main Chronicle; (4) the liberties 
taken with the text both in the way of arrangement ^ and of 
unaathoriaed and not very successful emendation ' ; (5) the dis- 
location of the parallelism in some of the later parts of the 
Chronicle, 1 044-1052, just where (owing to defective chrono- 
logy, divergence in the beginning of the year, ftc.) it was most 
necessary to bring out the parallelism clearly. 

As to the translation Mr. Thorpe corrected several of the 
errors of his predecessors', but the arrangement is very con- 
fused, and reproduces some of the worst features of the conflate 
editions ; it must, one would fancy, be very puzzling to any one 

M. H. B., which Mr. SteTenson did annal, 910 E, and the distributing 
not correct; uid he made one or it over different years; the trans- 
two new ones : 896, 1052*0. ponng the notice of the oomet from 
* In this part also there are some the beginning to the end of 905 D. 
mm: looyf, io69t, 1070 Ef, In 1004 D he has inserted the 

io7it, io75t, io86t, io87t, 1091, words ' 1» hi bier togsedere fon 

1092, I094t> I099t, iioori*, ii04t, 8ceol,don* thongh in the MS. they 

iio7t, 1125, ii27i', iiBifj "B'tf have been omitted through homoio- 

1 154. Sevenl of these are inherited telenton. In 343 E he has an entry 

from his predecessors. Those marked (the death of St. Nicholas) which is 

with a dagger are corrected by oot in E at all, but only in F. 

Thorpe. * e. g, the unlucky * scipan ' for 

* Introdoction, p. Izziii. 'sciran,' 1097; 'Angeow for the 

' In Pertz, xiii. 94, the late Vto- corrupt ' oncweow,* 1 1 10 ; see notes 

iiessor Panli expresses his wonder at ad loc. 

the umrersal n^lect of the Latin * He also added several new ones 

text of F, and gives some extracts of his own: 0.y. 617, 790 E, 1036, 

from ik 1041, 1087, 1093, 1 100, 1120, 1131, 

"the 1137. 


who could not control it by reference to the original \ Bnt in 
spite of these drawbacks this work amply deserves the pruBe 
which Earle bestowed upon it as ' one of the greatest boons that 
could have been conferred on the Saxon student'/ 
Earle. § 131. In 1865 the Clarendon Press published 'Two of the 

Saxon Chronicles Parallel, with supplementary extracts from 
the others, edited, with introduction, notes, and a glossarial 
index, by John Earle, M.A.' But though not published till 
1865, the Introduction shows that the text had been in type 
for some eight years previously'. Therefore the conception, 
and to a large extent the execution, of the work were quite 
independent of Mr. Thorpe's edition. I have already said that 
the six-text arrangement has great advantages, but it must be 
remembered that Mr. Thorpe had behind him the resources of 
the English Government ; while, as compared with the M. H. B., 
Earle's advance in clearness is incalculable ; and though the text£ 
do not include all that was given by Thorpe, yet as far as they 
go they are more correct ^ and the printing of the interpolations 
in !3l in a separate type, so as to be discernible at a glance, was 
a great improvement. Professor Earle's plan did not include 
a translation, but in the notes he brought a wide linguistic and 
historical knowledge to the elucidation of the Chronicle, and 
cleared up many passages previously obscure'. But peihaps 
the greatest advance was made in the Introduction, the first 
attempt to give a rational and connected account of the growth 
of the Chronicle and the relations of the different MSS. The 
words of a Qerman ciitic express the sober truth : ' Earle was 
the first to prefix to his edition a really critical investigation of 
the various MSS.* ' 

^ It is quite clear to me that * the notes on wedbro9or, 

Thorpe made bii translation from 656 E; gebseram, 755 ; themeAnini; 

the text of M.H.B. (see e.g. 876. of ' up* in the sense of 'inland, 

980, 10x7, 1023, 1038), and not 865, &c ; manbryne, 96a ; Welisoe 

from bis own texts. men, 1048 £; f he dyde eall, 1070 

* Introduction, p. Ixxiii. E; wersdpe, 1086; "p hi ealU 
' 'If I bad the text to print abobton, 1125; and the happy and 

again, vfith eight years* more ex- certain emendations of Beom jor 

perience,* Ac., p. li. Harold, 1046 E^ and oncneow for 

* * Die sonst entscbieden bessere oncweow, 1 1 10 ; see notes ad loc. 
Ausgabe von Earle,' Theopold, p. 1 1 . * Grubitz, p. 2. 


§ 132. The present edition, as the title-page declares, is based The present 
on that of £arle, but it differs from it in some important par- ®^'''°°- 
ticulars. In the text the expansion of contractions in the MSS. 
18 indicated by the use of italics ; the earlier and later interpo- 
lations in MS. 7i are distinguished by the use of different 
types as explained in the Preface. The Mercian Register has 
been placed in parallelism with the main Chronicle, instead of 
being relegated to an Appendix, as in Earle. By the omission 
of parts of C, which are practically identical with the oorre- 
epouding parts of E, room has been gained for additional 
extracts from other MSS.; the passages from F Lat. may 
perhaps be specially mentioned. The Glossary has been regu- 
larly grouped under head-words, instead of being a mere word- 
list as in Earle's edition; and all words are included in it 
which occur in any of the texts here given, and not merely 
those derived from 7L and E. And last, but not least, a copious 
index Las been added. Whether these changes are improve- 
ments must be left to others to decide. 

'<- ;fy/» ww^t^ut C^4 ^.v. 53*- '>"^ 9 '"^ cTL c^^cM^t 

-(v?^-ji^ X/'i ^^>.v(/.^ .^c^xvH w't;-Apviij 4,-v^.^'. 

.1 /.^f^,c.U^Vj ^7..... ^Xix <t ,. WV XXx/ -.>^ a5r> 


On the Commencement of the Year in the 
Saxon Chronicles 

Gebyase, the monk of Canterbury, at the beginning of his own 
Chronicle calls attention to the divergence among chroniclers as 
to the commencement of the year : * Quidam enim annos Domini 
incipiunt computare ab Annontiatione, aHi a Natiuitate, quidam 
a Circnmcisione, quidam uero a Passione * (i. ZZ), To this should 
be added 'quidam a Resurrectione.* The reason for beginning 
the year with the Annunciation was that that feast was regarded 
as marking the Incarnation of the Word. Strictly speaking, there- 
fore, the year so reckoned should precede the year reckoned from 
December 25 or January i by some nine months; in practice, 
however, and universally in later times, it is some three months 
behind the ordinary reckoning. Of this mode of beginning the 
year I have found no trace in the Saxon Chronicles. Nor do 
I think that there is any case of reckoning from the Passion. Of 
the commencement from January i, the only hint that I have 
found is in 1096 E, though that annal itself cl«arly commences 
with Christmas (see note ad loc,). The only two commencements, 
therefore, which we have to consider seriously in relation to the 
Chronicle are Easter and Christmas. Of these the Easter com- 
mencement always in the Chronicle is some three or four months 
behind the other reckoning ; though in France in the fourteenth 
century it anticipated the other by some eight or nine months 
(Hampson, ii. 407). This system has the special inconvenience 
that» owing to Easter being a movable feast, certain days in 
March and April may in some cases occur twice over in the same 




year. The reckoning from the Nativity differs from our own 
merely in this, that the seven days, December 25 — December 31, 
are dated one year later than in our system. This is the pre- 
vailing system of the Chronicle. Of course it is only a certain 
number of annals which afford decisive evidence on the question. 
Dates between Easter and Christmas would be the same on both 
systems ; it is only in those which occur between Christmas and 
the following Easter that the difference would be apparent. 

The reckoning from Christmas prevails, I believe, throughout 
the Alfredian Chronicle, i.e. up to about 892. Of this we have 
two crucial instances. The annal 794 ( — 796) opens with the 
death of Pope Adrian I. Adrian died on December 25, 795. 
according to our reckoning, t. e. on the first day of 796 according 
to the chronicler's system. Again, the year 827 ( = 829) opens with 
a lunar eclipse 'on Midwinter's massnight.' This eclipse took 
place at 2 a.m. on what we should call December 25, 828. It is 
not often that we can expect to find such good, positive evidence as 
this. But there is, I think, good negative evidence that the year 
did not begin with Easter (or March 25) in the following annals 
of the Alfredian Chronicle : 538, 762, 853, 878, 891 ; also 670 E, 
731, 793 D, E, F. 

Of the other parts of the Chronicle the evidence for the 
Christmas commencement is strongest in the later parts of E ; 
where the annals constantly open with the holding of the 
Christmas court of what we should call the previous year ; of. 
1066 E, 1091, 1094-1111, 1113-1116, 1121-1123, 1125, 1127; cf. 1131. 
So 1053, 1063 D seem to commence with Christmas. 

Negative evidence that the year does not begin with Easter 
seems furnished at 921 X, 951 S ; by C, D, E, F at 979, 1012, 1014 ; 
by D at 1047, 1048, 1052^, 1056, 1071, 1078; by E at 1039, 1047, 
1048, 106 1, 1070. 

The part of the Chronicle in which the Easter commencement 
of the year appears most clearly is the latter part of MS. C from. 
1044 onwards. This appears clearly in 1044-1047, 1049-1055. 
1065, 1066. (Curiously enough 1055 and 1056 C seem to use the 
other system.) The Easter commencement occurs also 1066 D 
(which comes from the same source as C). It also is found in 
C, D, E, F in the two annals 1009, 1010. It seems also to be 
implied in 104 1 D and 1067 D ; see notes ad loc, ; as well as in 
E 1075, 1077, 1083, 1085 1086, in which Christmas ends the year. 
This would, however, be also compatible with a commencement 




on Jannary i. I haTe pointed oat in the Introdnction, %% 72, no, 
that in the later parts of C, D, and E the materials probably come 
from different sources ; and it may well be that in the different 
religious houses from which they came different modes of reckoning 
the commencement of the year may have been in TOgue. 

We have an interesting record of the change from the Easter 
to the Christmas commencement of the year in the Church of 
Liege in the thirteenth century: ' 1233. Leodiensis ecclesia cum 
scnpeisaet datum annorum Domini a paschali tempore incipiens, 
nunc conformans se Romane et Coloniensi ecclesiis incepit annos 
Domini a die Natalis Domini/ Pertz, ^ 1233 ; cfl C. P.^B. i. 430. 

4t^y^iy Jci^ c^. syj 







' ^ '^^'^^ f^;*^ Jnrt^ ^ 



^^^'^^ X^f'^r^^^ 











FORMA MONAD ... lANUARIUS, M. 9, 10 \ 

</ 1. to geares dsege, 1096 ; foreweard gear, M. 6 ; cf. M. 4, 5. 

2. iiii. NM^., 1154.^ 

3. on Octab sci lo&is EugtisB, li 1 7. 

5. [on] twelftan nihi, S7S*ToT^vweSQ^vd^nJ^ E. 

6. on twelftan dsBg, 1065 C, D« 1066 E; Theophanie, 11 18; Ful- 

■ ' wihttiid eccB Drihtnes, M. 11, 12. HtJi<r€^i OVtrU/*"^^ '^ 

. 7. -Cp<X^, (n 1y ^^ V ., ,,^ . . 

8. on vi. iduB lanr., 793 E. 

10. on 'im9' idus lanrii., 1123. 
^ 11. oniii Id. lanuarii, 1041 D; 1131. •^f*' , ^ , ^ 

' 13. on Idus Iimr., 731 E; 11 07; on Octat Epiphair, io9(S/^ ^S«LJ 

20.' ^^^^"^ff^^^^ O-!'^^ /Wa/2tAv^ 

22, on xi. M. Feb., 1050 C. ^i^iJkijvt/^ ^• 
25. on •nii- kt FebF., 1 129. 

30. 'lii- Ik FebraariuB, 925 D ; ^reom nihton ser Gandelmaesaan, 
1078 D. 

* As in the oIoMary, the refer- logioin or Hetrioal CalendaTi printed 
enoee marked M are to the Heno- in Appendix A. 



2. MarianmsBflse, M. 20; in die ^iiii^ nonarum Feb., 616 £, a; to 

Candelm8e88an^ioi4 E ; 1091 ; 1094 ; iioi ; 1 1 16 ; 1 123 ; 

1124; 1127. :£j9^yoyie/in/r^j^ cut^ • 

3. on |>one feowert^gan dseg ofer midne winter, 761 A. 762 E; 
ti^fAZ^f Vr iii- N« FeW., 1014 E. /^^9■fC^^(3iA^^j^tMeAAJ cL^ * 

7. afered bj^ winter, M. 23, 24. [uerie initium.] QaaJU/JUaaI^ ^ • ^^^^^^^^ 
^ on .uuTid^Fbbbii., 1056 C, D. J ,Vci/V>vW/Wv^ ^fl • 

12. OuX^KiJUAti^^ ^^. cr//L^i^yfU€^^^J)/^ HitrnA^ 

\l: on .XV. t Uf., 670 E. 67/^ ^r /U^ ^^^Si^.^JxV 
b«i 16. on 'ziiii' kt Mfi., 538* ; 1077 E ; 1106 ; on SSa luliana msesse- 
daeg, 1014 D; 1078 D. Tt-W^Uw -^^^ 
17. on %one dseg -xiii- It Mab\, 1114 H. 

20. on )jam dsBge -x- 1 M7., 1077 E. ^A^Vt^ -^r 

21. ^ 

22. on -viii* Ik Mr., 793 E. ^ / ^ a i iJ , 

23. Tii.kMartii, iii7.()>I^XnHAA^ ^•^^^*-^'*^^!^ ^^ Q #r 

24. an ¥one d»g -vi- kt Mar*., i i 14 H f Mathilw m«re, M. 27. ^Wtc^KfH*^ 

27.* O^^^vtr^ /y ^'^ ' 


II. 1 


MARTIUS . . . HLYp\ HR^DMONAf) M. 36, 37, and margin. 

7. ^^l^XS^^M/V^ A* ^^^ ^ 

8. |;e8 dseies 'viii- idus M?., 11 22. ^rtA^]/^ ^ » 

9. on -vii. Idas Mf., 1061 E. /^<r;u^ /5 * 

12. onSaeM^riea msesBedaBg, 951 A; cf. M. 38-40.^^'*^|f|^2^ 

14. ii. Id Ma?t., 1051 C. ^o ! 

15. |ie8 dseies Idus Martii, 11 24. 'C'AX4vvr^ ^ ' 

<J^v8l^><Ai^^ on .xvi. ft Apr., 1039 E.^^ ^^^ '7 /U^^^-^^ Am^^ 

O^U*^ 1^- 0" -^^^ *^ ^P'» 979 E. iTffCu^ ^^^fUATCiAfiC^ <hMM4A^ 

^^k/rA4AAf4. 1^- on iiii. x- kt April, 1061 D. ^ #,flltfl<i 

20. on .xiii. kt Apr., 1045 C ; 1140. 6^ ^ ^^t^^^OU^ *^^*^^^In7 

21. Benedictus . . . nergend sohte, M. 40, 41 ; emniht, M. 45*^^7.vv9h Y^ 

22. on -xi. kt Agf ., 778 E ; 1109; 1122.97/ /L^^ Afe«4jhM-*i^ JLi 
23 X. kt Apr., 1047 D ; 1067 J^adfin- (Easter). CuJtkiJL/tJLi If' 

' 24. H^JWiJJh^ CM<A^ 

25. on 'Tiii^* ft Apl^., 1095 (Easter); Annu]ijli^tio^Se.Mari^ii24; 


28. on.T.ktApf„795E. . /> /^ . 

29. on .iiii. kt Aprt, 1047 C. fl^A<Vy^X<e<A^ ' 





2. on -iiii. N». ApJ., 798 E. 

3. iii. NoN' Apt., 1043 C, 1042 E (Easter) ; 1047 C (Easter) ; on sCe 

AmbrosiuB msesseniht, 1095. ^^^^jOv^\AhJl,y^' 

4. ii. NO kfi. sSe Ambrosias [msBssedseg], 1095. 

5. on J^aere nihte Non§ A^., 1121. 


12. ii. idus Apr., 626 E (Easter). . ij 

13. IMS Agt., 1012 E (Easter). CaAaX^^C^ *^ 

• 15. on xvii It Mai, 1053 E. / Pf^^f^-AjJl ffcUwvy^ d\AMj 
16. on )K>ne dsig -zvi. ki Mai, 1066 C, D (Easter). 

22. on .X. kl Mai, 1045 C. SfS^Vh^}^^^ 

23. on KO. Id Mai, 725 E; 1124 ; on sSs Georius maesse^segeiC^Lvi^i^'^^a^ 
:Y . Ii , 1016 E. 7zr a^VKJKZi a^;ftjKpu2it^ Ai'nXJ^^^fiA TTJ^^ 
ij<><44. o5f>one »fen Lbtania Maiora. j> ya -viii. kt Mai, 1066 C, ^^^Ju^*^ 

25. vii. kt. Magi, 829 F; Letania Maiora, 1066 C, D; 1109 ^t^Ty'^^ 

26. (Kf^ ^^ 


it 4'. 

S; on -iii. kt Mai. 744 E. l^^'H^^ ^ T^'/ >, / /. . / 'i; 



US . 5^ pRYMILCE. M. 78, 79. 

I D ; 1118 ; Philippus 7 lacob, M. 81. 


1. on kt Mai, 1049 

2. on )>one halgan sefen Innentione sSe cnicis, 912 C ; cf. M. 83- 

86 ; on •vi* Nonas Mai, 980 G. 4fi/Vwv>V^Vvwd 

3. on -v. NO. Mai, 664 E ; 1114 H. 

4. Jjes dseies 'iiii^- N' Mai, 1130. 

5. on )>sere fiftan nihte on Maiesmon^e, 11 10; OoJ^^AdsSg -iii 

n^mai, 1114H. ^v^^Xei>^f>< <^ ^^^; ^ 

6. /^ot ^t^cLskAM^<kAx>i^^ ^^itAk^t/<jtui/&^,JCc^ 

7. on NO. Mai, 762 E ; Ysumeres fruma] cf, M. 86-95. Ot^^L^ dfdi^t/»t\L 
11. on v. idus Mai, 972 E. T^g^w^^^wv/C ^ 



14. on -ii* iduB Mai, 795 



20. on .xiii^ kl lunii, ^%l'^i:f^^ ^f ^^fe 



23. ^ i. TTil a, 

26.'^^ -vii- ft lunir; 795 E ; on S^s Sgaatinns msBssedcege, Q46 A, D • ^^ 
lCiISS^«^rf^ E ; cf. M. 95-106. Jb^«>.^l/t^qC^vie tA£^ ^^^ 

28. .£pi/vvid^J/\^|/VV^ a.i^ ' 

29. -iiii. kI iunii, 931 A. 

3T! on sSe Petronella nlaBasedseff, 1077 D. VWV>^Vv-wv U, 

3rt on sSe Petronella n/sBflsedeeg, 1077 D. 9vv/V>* 


iERRA LIDA . . . lUNlUS, M. io8, 109. 
2. )}8e8 dffiges -iiiio. No lunlX, 1070 E."* 5^7 ^C^ '^HMC^e^f ^fe^WW^R^j 

5. on No' luH., 1 104 (Pentecost). ^U^*^^l^ '^^ryZd^flksL^^ 

W«% 8. on .vi. IDUS luNii, 1023 D ; 1042 C, 1041 E./^^ /^ ' ^^^iiJk^^^d^ 
^ • 9. V. I(T. lun., 829 F ; on (^am dage J>e ys gecweden twegra martira 

maessedaei. Primi et Feliciani, 995 F. 5^7 'JriUva.^ Seti&M-vigiiCti^ 

10. die x- lunii mensis, 731 K -P ^/J V , ^ SlC\jX ^ ^ "^^^ 
. 11. on -iii. Id. luft., 1023 D. . - • 

HJ0r 12. -xii. nihtum ser middum Bumera, 922 A=9i8 Q.^^MMfOA "fr^f^^^ 

13. --^^^JfJ 

15. on -xyii- kt lulii, 777 £ ; 1023 D ; nigon nihtum ser middum 

sumpre, 898 A. ^ dJb'^^^\J^^ ^t 

16. on zvi* kt IY%. )>^ ilcan d£Bge wsbs see Ciricius tid \va ^roweres. 

mid his geferum, 916 C; viii- nihton ser middan sumera, 

17. JuJ^Jl^^ (i,,^CuMcJlr^T^ cf 

18. fOlfo hut^K^:^HM^^Mrr^ - ^ Xuo^sA.. 

20! xu. kt lulii, 540*. P^ ;5 r^ \c ^^ ^' . 

22. ane dkge »r midsumeres msesfie eefene, 1052 E. ^^^ S/T^lrtfca.ftfe*JjJj 
28. [to] midsumeres msesseffifene, 1052 E. 67f ^it/iifi--?3 ^"**^*^^2;]^ ' 

24. on 'viii* It lulii, 803 E ; to middum sumera, 920 A, and fq. ; 

S* lolleB messedsei, 1131 ; cf. M. 117. ^^^^^f^o^t^y^vC-.^ - /f- / 

25. ¥e8 o¥er daeies aefter S' lotes msessedaeii 1131. ^-^(c-^^^i^A/^C 

27. ane dsege ser sSs Petrus msBsse eefene, 1048 £. 

28. [to] 8C8. Petrus msesse ssfene, 1048 E. st^n- J 

29. on 8C8 Petrus mflessedaeg, 1048 E; 1132; 1137; S' Petois '*'*^*^ 

messe )>e firrer\ 1131 ; Petrus 7 Paulus, M. 122-130. If^^aJ^gj^^^f^A 

30. «ro^vjb^w0u;ki 

1 As opposed to S. Peter *ad oincnla,* Aug; 1. 



lULIUS MONAD, M. 132. 

1. on kt lul, 

2. l^ 

3. oi .V. no. lut, 693 E. ^vvvvWl.^ S\;^' A. . ^/l/x . 
J ^g^, 4. on Translatione sSi Martini, 1060 D. /fyd t^- ^*'*^ 

^^wrf«^«tnCva 5. iii. NJ. IVLii, 1044 E. 



''•'^^•^wnfYMi 0. lu. JN" iVLii, 1044 J!i. * ^ V 

" 8. yiii idus lulii, 903 a ; lulius mono% ... on ))one eahte^San da^ 

12. on.iiii.idu8lulii,926D. '6xn/»^^^CiXaX^a4'vM3^iJ^»te^ 

WefioH 16. «i«dage8.xvii.ktAug.,809F. "''***'JVT^ ^ /£. ^^ u 
17. on xvi. It Aug', 762 E; 791 E; 1113 w.-^^ O*'^*^****-*****/! 

20. xii* nihlan toforan Hlafmaessaii,' iioi. q^ 


K^StX^ ^^- ®^ '^^ ^ August!, 757 E. , .. ^ 

t-. jT7 f 25. on -viii. kt Ag., 1045 D; 1122; lacobuB.V. feorh gesealde,. . 

W^uwdJE^ 26. 

*^ '^T'fi^ )>one dffig Septam Dormientium, 1054 D ; -vi. kl AVa\ 

28. ^C^ ^%^ dud 7^6 ^ S^cM, Jkwflt^^vvv *^' 

29. on .iiii. kl Aug., 1050 D adfn. {LsaJaj^^^ ^ ' gf 

rt^i^ at <?Aa;^>v>>jI. 


1. on It Aug\, 794 E ; 984 C ; 1017 E ; to hlafmsBBsan, 913 C, and fq. ^^^fic'^t/V^ 

2. on morgen »fter hlamm»8se dsBge, 11 00. ^USttsjlJi^lAOffta t/^* *^ '^^Ht n /^y 

4. ii« No Aug't., 1116. ft^ ^^ /7//^ ft^iZi * 

5. on^SamdflBgeHO. Ava.,64iE; 1063D; iioS.^^-^^*'^''^^^^ 

6. on octauo idus Augnsti, 761 E ; 909 D. i^^tUi^/^ ^uah^ ^&k^ y£. 

7. haerfest cym*, M. 140. / /* 

10. on •iiii- idus Augusti, 796 E; 1045 D; uppon 8<5e Laurenties 

msessedceg, 1103, 1125 ; cf. M. 145-147. 
1 L on ^ne dseg -iii- IDus Aug', 1089. 

Is. AVA^M^ GUbhit ^tMSK ojmt' 

14. on -xix- k) Septs., 796 £ ; anre niht^r Assamptio sSe Mariae, 

1077 E. /W^«/lJ&vv^^<^ C. 

15. on -xviii* It Sept., 762 £ ; 962 A ; Afisumptio sSe Mariee \ 1077 £ ; 

1086; 1120; cf. M. 148-153. 

16. on ^ne daeg. xvii ftt Sept., 1 1 14 H. 


19. on -xiiii. kt Septembria, 768 E. n ^ . ^^^- AjfiuC,^ 

20. on .xiii. kt Septemfe., 650 £. 1^^< ^t&^^^^v^ 4&Vv^j ^W^^Vi^ 

24. on sSe Bar)>olomen8 msroseaseigr 1065 C, D ; M. I53>i56. 

25. ^^.^^ l/A/W 


29. on -iiii. t Septemb., 1045 E, 1047 C; 1070 A; Decollatia \jk^Kji^^ 

8. lohannis Bapt. ; cf. M. 156-162. lC%^ S^£^ H l^^^^ 

30. on -iii. kl. Sept., 806 F ; 829 P. r 

* betwyz )>am twain ^Sa Marian mawiiui, i. e. Ang. 15 and Sept. 8, 1069 E. 




HALIG MONAD . . , SEPTEMBRES, M. 164, 167. 

1. on kt. Sef>t., 806 E ; vii* nihton ser )>8ere lateran sea Maria 
msBBsan, 1052 D. 

2. on .iiii. no. Sept*., 788 E. 
5. onN6. S6pt., 1128. 

7.' o^^SSdl^B Sept'., 780 E.a^mt4/vU^^' ^"^^^^i^e^ 

8. on .vi» idus Sept., 797 E ; 1 122 ; on Nativitaa aCe Marie, 994 E ; 
ioiiE;ioi5E; 1066 G; 1122; 1125; [to] )>8Bre seftre sSa 
Maria msBSsan^, 1048 E; [to] sSa Marian maesse, 1052 G; 
natiuitassSe Marie, 11 26; cf. M. 167-169. ^ ^ ^ . 

^^9. on )K)ne nextan deeg esfter natiuitas see Marie, 1086. '-i^Mn^vw ' ' ' 

11. on )>one daeg. Proti. & lacinthi, 1068 D. 



14. on -xviii* k) Octobr., 792 E ; on ^ne daeg Ezaltatio Sd§ iji, 1 1 1 4 H. 

15. bes dffiges •xvii* ft Octobr„ 1114. i^j-^aj j g 

16. rvu/>^wcu/s. St -WA^vdR K WMy^ ^ 

17. TfUatLfVi. i.a£i/iuJv^ l^ ^7f 

19! on .xiii. t OctoB., 776 E. <^ ^R^^j^CcTV ^7*^A4x*^^<v^ . 

20. on Vigilia sgi. Mathei, 1066 0,0.*^ ^ 

21. )>es dsBges -xi- ft Octobr., 1 1 14 ; gast onsendeMatheas, M. 169-1 73^^^^^fi^ 

23. on .ix. kl Octob?., 789 E. 7 '^ oMt/t &«^J^^wl 6-^*^^ ' 

24. to hsBifestea emnihte, 1048 E; emnihtes daeg, M. 175, 180. 

26. J^reom dagum aer Michaeles msessedseg, 1086 adjinr^^^^^'^^*^^^^^^^^^ 

i4rH<MiT 28. on 8?ie Michaeles maesse aefan, 1014 E ; 1066 D ; 1106 ; 1 1 19. 

29. to SSe Michaeles tide, 759* ; to sSe Michaeles maBssan, loi i E, 

and fq.; heahengles tiid . . . Michaheles, M. 177, 178: on 

•iii. ft Octob?., 792 E. b^O 5H\K ^ it/%ao^iij\e ^f(3nti&t/i^ 

30. ii kt Octob?., 653 E ; 1057 D. /hr>VtA'Vt/t/^ ^C^fi • J<ji 

^ See note on last page. 


OCTOBER . . . WINTERFYLLED. M. 183, 184. 

1. on kt Ociobf., 958 A. ^4T ^fz^V^ ^oMAArxj^d.^^^ ' 

2. on -vi. No OctoB.-,78o E.^ ^^ , f^ yt n J^ 

3. (S^iA^njU. tjfsc ^Mb ^ (9uj-nJU «^ ntt/t/f^ 

4. iiii«. No. Octobf., 1097. 

5. iii. N" Octofe., 1113H. 

7. on N5N.?cTofi., 1022 D. C^^LyU^U ^ ^^ 
10. ^ idua Octob?., 643 E ; 1054 C, D. g ^fuM^SK U ''^^'^^^x.v^ 

14. ii. idu8 OctoB., 633 E ; 1 125 ; on ))one dsBg Calesti pape, 1066 D. ^^^^'^jflA^ 

15. on IDU8 Octob., 1072 E, 1073 I^'^^-^C-^a 1/ /^ ' 

16. on -xvii. t. NonemB., 797 D. ^JLjJft,.. / X^ sf^T t 

17. on .xvi. kt NovS., 1059 D. ^^^^^OsW 

18. to Bce^^ucas msBssan eugUsta, i yv^T^^'^^ 

19. Hiii.MNo^.,984A.7i^^i,j,;^.,^ ^ 

20. i^-^INoaepl^riB, 50^])^ 1122. 
21.' on -xii. ft Nov', 1103. ^M^Cvw^CAi' *^^ 

23. on -x* KiNouembrig, 1048 

23. on -x- UNouembng, 1048 U. ^^^ ^ ^^ ^ 

24. on -ix. kt Novb\, 1055 C, D. ( "^^^-^-y^^TV^ ^ 

26. vii. 1c Noaembris, 901 D, E ; syx niii^in^ wt ealra .lu4igra 
^Jd^ It^ mffisaan, 901 A. Maa^^ O^Fi^h^ cUe^f4j^; i^idveu^Ctfu 
I* 27. on -vi* klHOV'., 941 A; on sCe Simonea? ludan msBsse sefei^ '•''^•*^ 
"'^R^. 1064 E, 1065 D. i^if '<6v>^a<XK.£>MtA/T^ ^^cce^^ufi^ 

^. on )>on droig Simonis 7 lude, 1065 C ; cf. M. 186-193. 
I. iiii. M Novemb., 1047 E, 1050 C. G^uf^JH/d^ fc> A>/^^ q!f-^^«4«%^ 
L on .iii. tt Nd^., 797 E. ^ T 1/ dM(^0' 

31. on ealra balgena msesseniht, 971 B; ... maBssesBfne, ^^Ajrnjpffg^ If / 


BLOTMONAD . . . NOUEMBRIS, M. 195, 196. 

1. on kl Nov\, 1038 E ; to alra halgena msessan, 1053 D ; to 
Omnium Scorum, 933 A \ ealra sancta sjmbel, M. 199, 300. 

10. iiii. idua uoV., 627 E. ^vvA^Xa^ ^-v-^, 

11. to Martmesmflessan, 918 A, 915D ; 1006 E; 1009 E; io2iD,£; 

^ « ^089; 1097; 1099. ^ 

^JlrUnU 12. on -ii. Id. NovemS., 1026 D ; 1035 C, D. ^^^^^'^'^'^^^^j^Jl^J^^^ 
^* 13. on Bricius me^edasg, 1002 E ; on Idua Nouembris, i02oDr^ 

\4tH4f>rM^^- »i"- '"''*°" »' Andreas nue^n, 1043 D. 5?7 '^'^'^'t^^.^^Tf^tiXL 

17. .jy k DecemB., 1129. (89 K; ^i^ JUiJ^ kuTlLk 

18. (A >a niht Octat 88i Martini, u 14. /TVi,^ /» . 

19. on xiii- kt. Decemb., 766 E. iV>Taei/t.^>V/^**/ -i- . 

22. tf^JtvufiwVVufl /1-. O /I # 

23. on SSe Clementea msessedaegi 955 A; cf. M. 2io-2i4.y/^^|im^ 5« C • 


27. on -v* kt Decemb?., 1069 E. 

28. -fecU^tAAAA^H^ 

^ 29. IN UIGILIA SSi Sndree, 963 A ; on -iii. W Decemb., E. 

30. [to] BC8 Andreas messsan, loioE; 1016E; 1124; 1129; cf. 

M. 215-218. iBf(^ Q^Annio ^t^^ tod/y^MAA/vM 


DECEMBRIS . . . ^RRA lULA; lULMONAD; M. 220, 221, 
and margin. 

1. on ]>»re nihte kt Decem15, 11 17; % o)>er dssi efter S' Andreas 

msBsedflBi, 1135. 

2. Av.ceHe 1/ n 

6. on see Nicolaes meBssedeeg, 1067 E, D ; viii- idus DeS., 1117. 

7. ^888 dfleiea vii*. IDVS Decembr, 1122. 


11. on liere nihte .iii<».*idu8 De2., 1117. CT^^^UA^ ^' 

16. on xvii W Hknnar'., 957 D ; 1 117. 

18. vii. nihton ser Xpes masBsan, 1075 E, 1076 D. '>^ ♦'»'><^VTCCw ^ 

20. on -xiii. kt lanr., 802 E; ioj8 C. I); on Themes maesseniht, 

1052 C ad Jin., 1053 D. fi<^&ifi "hofiuOy 0^*><eft4&i7'7^ «>. 

21. to Bce Thomas maesse, IJ18 ; on 'xii. ^ f£^ja io57 I> ; cf. M. 

22. on zi* kt Ia£r., 1060 E, D. 

23. twam dagon ser [Cristes] tide, 109 1 ad fin, 

24. on ux. It laft., 779 E. jl J kh^ 

25. on .viii. t raffi-.;779 D M cf. M. 1-3 ; 226-228. ^trf^^«^J^J^^ , 

26. on Stephanes msBssefiffig, 10^3 ^ E ; on o^eme Xpes msBsse- 

2». onCaSms^Sd«Bgi, 963 A ; 1065 C, D ; 1066 E. /O^S" ^^^^^^^j^^^Si^. 


* 8«a note (p. dvi) on the different tenns for Chriitmaa Day which ooonr 
in the Chroniolea. 


Up to the Conquest the ordinary word for Christmas is the old 
Teutonic and pre-Christian phrase * Midwinter*; and it ocean 
not very rarely even after the Conquest ; 1066 D, L 200 ; 1068 D, 
i. 204; 1076 D = 1075 E adjfn.; 1085*; 1086 ad Jin,; 1099; 1103; 
1 1 14 H ; 1 1 35. But with the Conquest the modem phrase Christmas 
begins to come in, and gradually prevails. I have only found one 
instance of its use before 1066, namely, at 1043 £ ; and as this 
is not one of the Peterborough insertions it affords a presumption 
that it is older than the Peterborough redaction of 11 21. Of 
course the Peterborough scribe may have altered 'midwinter' j 
into 'Christesmsesse*; I can only say that he has not done so in ' 
other cases, e.g. 827, 878, 885, 1006, 1009. After 1066 we find 
* Christes meesse ' at 1075 E, 1091, 1094-1098, iioo, iioi, 1104- j 
1 106, 1 109, 1 1 10, nil, 1 121, 1 122, 1 124, 1 125, 1 127, 1 131; and for ' 
the season * Chiistes tid/ 1123. With the twelfth century a third 
term makes its appearance, ' natiuite^,' evidently a representation i 
of the French * nativity.* This occurs 1102, 1105, 1106, 1108, I 
• 1113-1116. 

"^^^A^ 0-VH.od.C -^X^W^ Q^^T^^l^^ 

S^-S^o fMJrff^% fu^<£M O^^A/^y^^^-cJ^ ^^ 

\f/itfMJii. <5r(^Wce^ cQuuryy^Uo^ luruluM^ f^j^fy^^- 

NOTES :^'; 

N.6. — In the Notes, cu in the Glossary, MS, TT U generally cited a$ A ; 
the few quofaiioM from M8, A are taken from Wheloe'e edition 
and are indicated by the symbol W. As in the Glossary, an asterisk 
indicates that the annal or passage is in both' the principal MS8, K 
and E. 

P. 2. The West-SAXon genealogy which formi the Preface to MS. £ of West- 
the Chxx>iuole is found in two other MSS. which are cited in the critical S^'^^o-y 
notes Mid the additional critical notei, i. a-^ 293. A fragment of it coUU^^^^* 
Ib printed in Sweet's Oldest English Texts^fluid a fifth copy has been XS2./I 
printed by Professor Napier from MS. Add. 34165a, British Museum, in 
Modem Language Notes for 1897, ^"' 106 ff. 

For the genealogy of the West-Saxon house the chief authority apart Anthori- 
from this Prefiace is the long pedigree of ^thelwulf given in MSS. A, B, ^^^ 
C, B, at 855. These two authorities harmonise well together; and 
I therefore give here a genealogical tree compiled from them. The few 
points in which they differ are adverted to in the notes to the tree. But 
besides these two main pedigrees there are fragments of the genealogy of 
the house of Wessex under the years 552, 597, 611, 648, 674, 676, 685, 
688, 738; and it must be confessed that some of these are not easy 
to reconcile either with the principal genealogies, or with one another. 
Sofme of the points in which they differ are given In the notes to the 
printed tree. Others will be noted later. 

Tike origin of these divergences I take to be as follows. 

It will be seen that of many of the West-Saxon kings the writer of the Origin of 
genealogical Pre&ce is content to say 'their kin goeth to Cerdic/ i.e. ^^®'~ 
they were 'of )wem rihtan cynecynne' (1100 E, i. 236), but he did not 
profess to know the exact relatiouHhip. The compilers of the Chronicle, 
when they came to deal with the reigns of these kings, were not always 
content to acquiesce in this wise ignorance, and tried to frame a genealogy 
for some of them ; but having no fixed tradition to guiJe them, were at 
variance with themselves and with the main genealogies. Thus Ceol 
and his brother Ceolwulf are placed in the uncertain class in the Pre£soe, 

n. B 


but at 597 and 6ii Ceolwulf and Geola (aCeol) are given a pedigree 

which makes them grandsons of Cynric through Gutha ; while at 674, the 

pedigree of .^scwinei another king of the uncertain class, Ceolwulf ii 

apparently made a son of Cynric. (In both these pedigrees 597 and 674 

Ceawlin is omitted altogether.) The mistake at 676, whereby Cynegil« 

is made a son instead of a nephew of Ceoliyulf, is explained in a note 

on the passage as probably dae to a scribal error; and in 611 he is made 

$^ son of Ceola or Ceol, which is so far not inconsistent with the mun 

authorities ; but in 688 a totally different pedigree is given to Cyn^gili, 

and he is made a son of Cuthwine and brother of Ceolwald. 648 simplj 

gives the short descent Cynegils, Cwichelm, Cuthred ; 674 gives, as we 

have seen, the pedigree of .^Iscwine, 685 that of Cead walla, 688 that of 

Ine, all kings whom the Preface places in the indeterminate class, though 

at a later point it gives the pedigree of Ine. At 728 is the pedigree of 

the Wessex etheling Oswald, who does not come into the Preface at aH, 

nor does his pedigree conflict with the latter. 

It is lost labour to try and reconcile these inconsistencies. It is enoogh, 

perhaps more than enough, to have pointed them out. 

FL Wig. Nor is any help to be derived from Fl. Wig.- He gives, it is true, an 

not ^^J^' elaborate pedigree of the whole West-Saxon house, i. 256 ; but afto 

witness. analysing it carefully I have come to the conclusion that it rests on no 

^ independent authority. It is merely formed by piecing together the 

different pedigrees in the Chronicle, an attempt being made to reconcile 

their inconsistencies by duplicating and triplicating names. Thus there 

are two Ceols in addition to Ceolwulf and Ceawlin ; while there are no lew 

than three Cuthas in addition to Cuthwine and Cuthwulf. It would 

take up too much space to exhibit this in detail. 

Com- It follows next to compare the statements of the Preface with those 

» liarison of contained in the body of the Chronicle. Of course the dates in S, the 

tiio Frefaoe • 

with the Chronicle to which the Preface is attached, must, whether right or wrong, 

main be taken as the basis of the comparison. 

Chronicle. Jt is a small matter that the Preface puts the invasion of Cerdic and 
Cynric in 494, while the Chronicle places it in 495 ; it is more serions 
that the Preface places the foundation of the kingdom of Wessex nx 
years after their arrival, t.e. in 500, while the Chronicle places it in 
, •,519., I The length given in the Preface to Cynric*s reign, 17 years, ia 
a mere graphic error for 27 ; P reads 26, and the Bede copy ^J ; Xapier's 
MS. carries the error a step further, reading 7. 

At Jpit siahtit seems unaccountable that the Preface should omit 
altogeXer the long reign of Ceawlin, to whom the. Chronicle allot* 
thii'ty-tme years. But a comparison of Napier's MS. shows that this 
too has its origin in a scribal error. Ceawlin's name seemAto have 
been written Ceolwin, then abbreviated to Geol; this gave two C^o^ 
apparently reigning in succession. The next scribe not unnaturalLr treated 

• c» T& o^ ym:UiJi)U 7&n^- AID^c:^ ^Y-^^a 




this M mere dittograpby and omitted the former Ceol (^Ceawlin) 
altogether. Correcting these errors as to Cynrio and Ceawlin we may 
exhibit the comparison of the Preface and the Chronicle from Cerdic to 
jflthelwnlf in a tabular form : — 


Cynrio. . . 

Ceawlin . . 

♦Ceol» . . . 

♦Ceolwulf . . 

Csmegils*. . 

Cenwalh ■. . 

Sexborg . . 

^.fiscwine . . 

Centwine. . 

*Ine* . . . 

•Cu^^ed• . . 

♦Sigebryht. . 

♦Cynewnlf . 

•Beorhtric. . 

Ecgbryht« . 

Mpelwvlf, , 


. 5^9^ 534 =15 years 

. 534 X 560 =a6 „ 

. 560 X 591 =31 „ 

. 59» 5< 597 = 6 » 

. 597 X 611 =14 „ 

. 611 X 643=32 „ 

. 643 X 672=29 „ 

. 672X 673= 1 „ 

. 674 X 676= 2 „ 

. 676x?685= 9 „ 

. ?685X 688= 3 „ 

688 X 728=40 „ 

728 X 741=13 „ 

741 X 754=13 n 

754X 755= 1 ,, 

755 X 784=29 II 

784 X 800 = 16 „ 

800X 836 -36 „ 

500+16 CtrdAC 

516 + 27(17) Creo«l> 


574+ 6 


597 +3« 

659+ 1 
660+ a 
662+ 7 
669+ 3 
709 + 14 
7*3 + >7 
740+ 1 

741 +3« 
772 + 16 
788 + 37M 





Owing to the fact that the divergences to some extent compeniate each 
other, the ultimate difference is only ten years. But it is impossible to 
harmanise the two series of dates. It will be noticed that where the 
length of a reign as given in the Chronicle is inconsistent with the dates 
given in the Chronicle itself, it, with one exception, agrees exactly with 
the length given in the Pre&ce. It would seem therefore that these 
numbers had to a great extent become fixed in tradition. 

The interval which the Preface places between the Conquest of Wessex 
and Alfred's accession, 396 years, is of course too long. 

Of the relation of this genealogical Preface to the structure and growth 
of the Chronide something will be found in the Introduction, §§ 88, 102. 

Yet at 741 he is said to hj 

reigned 16 year8.7)9 '75^6 / C^ I ' 

have. ^ Yet at 755 he is said to Jii 

i 0U4^ reigned 31 years. ^ A^t^M 7S7 

lave . 
1 '>g€mM 

* The names marked with an • Yet at 7(8 he is said to have *^ ^fit^o^ 
Asterisk are those kings of whom reigned 14 years. ^iiwL73t C<jVv*<^VVwfiA«rl ^''*^^*^ 
the Preface says, 'their kin goeth ' '^'^* ~* --• '*" *- —''' *'* **—"* 
to Cerdic' 

* Yet at 611 he is said to 
rfigned 31 years. UU'&VI St> 

' Yet at 643 he is said to have • Yet at 836 he 'is'said to_l 
reigned 31 years. tVl- t7S WT >\C4adreigned 37 5^ years. WZ* W^ 

* Yet at 688 he. *- — «'' *- '*— '- ' 




at 688 he is said to have * ^ Ow [V^T^ 


B 2 




Pedigree ^y^ j^^^ «pae«, the earlier gtepe qf the Pediffru are placed horizotUaUf 

instead qf perpendicularly,) 

Adam — Sed [Seth, B, C] — Enos — Camon — Maleel [Halalehel, B, C] — 
laered — Enoh — Matusalem — Lamaoh — Noe — Sceaf * — Bedwig [Beowi, D} 

— Hwala — Ha)>ra — Itermon — Heremod — Sceldwea — Beaw — Tietwa 

— Oeat* — Godwtdf — Finn — PriJmwnlP — Fx«alaf — Fri)>awald* — 
Woden — Bteldsog — Brond [Brand, B, C, D] — Frijiogar — Freawine — 
Wig — Qiwis — Esla — Elesa — Cerdio — [Creoda*] — Qynrio — Oeawlin ' 

— CvLpynne — Cuj)wiilf [Cu]>a, 855 A, B, C, D «] — Ceolvald — Cenred — 

))biirg Caenlmig 

Ingild Ine Ca))biirg Oasat 






^>elbald iEj^elbiyht ^>elred iElfred 




I I c *' i/ 

Eadwig "" " 


1 The three steps, Soeaf; Bedivig, Seth through Bedwig must haw 

Hwala, are omitted in A. FL Wig. been cut off by the nood. Th«* 

i. a47, makes Bedwig the son of pedigree in Text. Boff. p. 59, xnakcs 

Seth. Probably he was staggered Scef the son of Shem, not KooUi, 

at the idea of a son bom to Noah bat makes him bom in the ark. 

in the ark of whom the Bible knows which avoids FL Wig.'s diffienlty . 

nothing, and seems expressly to ex- but on p. 62 he is made son of Nctah. 

dude by saying of Shem, Ham, and * * Goat . . . 8ene ]« heeJ^nAn wnr- 

Japheth that * of them was the fJedon for god,' Text. Boff. p. 50 ; cf 

whole earth overspread,' Gen. ix. 19 ; Ord. Vit. iii. i6x ; V. li ff. 

whereas of Seth it is said that he ' Frithuwnlf and Frithuwald ar^ 

* begat sons and daughters,' ib. only in A and Fl. Wfg. Th^-^ 

▼. 7. It doM not seem to have are omitted in B, C, D. 

occurred to the good Florence that * Creoda is omitted hy A both iii 

in that case any descendants of the Preface and at 855. He is 



As we have embi^ked on the pedigrees of the Chronicle, it may be well Other 
to complete the discassion of the subjectw Pedigrees. 

Northnmbriaa genealogies will be found at 547, 560, 670, 685, 731, 73S : Northnm- 
as these genealogies are quite consistent with one another I exhibit them bria. 
here in • connected form : — 

Geat — Gk)dnlf — Knn — Friffulf — 
Preo5elaf — Woden 



















(Bemicia) Ida f^T ^^^ 

T V -fiSelric Ocga 

Alia I5W-72 1 

n*«<, .TOelferiJ Aldhelm 

3i^r l*iaL'Uis I 

[Oswald] Osweo Eogwald 

Ecgi'erS Leodwald 

^' — -:^ — 






omitted also by A, B, C at the 
ye«» 55». S97t ^7A, 685, 688, and by 
FL Wi^. He is inserted by ^ in the 
Preface, and by B, C, D at 855. This 
afcreexnent of fi and B is a slight 
further confirmation of the view 
that they belong to one another. * 

^ Tbe form Ceim at the end of the 
Prc>iace in A is clearly a miswriting 
of Celin, a hy-form of Oeawlin ; d. 
t he NarUinmfarian form of the name, 
Caelin, given by Bede, H. £. ii 5. 

* Cntha might be a shortened 
frmn. of jpnthw^, Cathwnlf, or any 


name beginning with Oath- ; it is not 
therefore wonderful that in some 
cases we find Gathwine and Cuth- 
wulf amalgamated into a single 
Cutha, 579, 611, 685, A, B, C; while 
in 688 A, B, C, Cuthwulf is omitted 
altogether, and in 855 A, B, G, D, he 
is shortened into Gntha. 

7 From Edward the Elder to 
Edward the Martyr the pedigree is 
taken from the Prefiwse as continued 
in /9. For other lists of West- Saxon 
kings see Hyde Begister, pp. 12, 13, 

^-^-jIo yvyritfL OvwM ^^^^^-^-^^^^ur^ . ?(u^ V^vvd aJ^^Z>i/iurKrJ. 

r ^•»-''W'> 

/Wi' Vlr'CAAiA ^e^V . 




of Bemi- 
cian and 


The part of the pedigree prior to Woden differs slightly, but only 
slightly, from that given in the Wessex pedigree. 

It is noteworthy that the Bemician genealogy is traced np to the 
son and' grandson of Woden from whom the house of Weisex comes. In 
the later part of the pedigree ahra West-Saxon names, Cuthwine, Cutha, 
Ceolwulf, occur. We know too little of the settlement of Northombria to 
say whether any historical fact underlies this tradition. Fl. Wig.'s pedigrees 
differ considerably. Thus, in the Deiran line he has four links instead 
of two from Ssefugl to Westerfalca; while in the Bernician line he hsi 
eleven steps from Brand to Eoppa instead of seven ; he seema also to 
make Aldhelm and Ocga brothers, and Ceolwulf a son of Cuthwine, i. 353, 

Mercian pedigrees occur at 626, 716, 755. Combined they show thus :— 

Woden — Wihtlieg — Wfermund — Offa — Angel^eow — EomBsr — Icel— 
Cnebba — Cynewald — Creoda — ?ybba 

B s a te Eawa 


^**^^af »e<twj^ 




Kent. 1^ • There are two short Kentish pedigrees at 449 E and 694 A, B, C, D. 
The former is taken from Bede, H. E. i. 15. 

Preface p. 3 E. Brfttene f gland] Here from the very first we have evidence 

that the editor of the DE recension resorted to the body of the text of 
whereas his predecessors were contented with the chronological 
summary in H. E. v. 34 ; see Introduction, §§ 59, 65, 68, 1 10, 1 14. The pre- 
sent preface in D, E, F as far as < Dsel Reodi ' is a short summary of Bede, H.E. 
i. I. It is quite independent of the AS. vers, of Bede ; cf. AS. Oroe. p. 34. 
flf ge ]>eode] Five languages, Cf. AS. Oros. : <>a Finnas .../)« 
Beormas sprsecon neah an ge]>eode,' p. 17. E, by breaking up D's ' Bryt- 
wylsc ' into ' Brittisc 7 Wilsc/ has apparently made six. F redresses the 
balance by omitting < Boc-Leden ' ; and then turns the languages, ' ge)ieod,' 
of D into peoples, ' tfeoda.' See on the whole subject the note on Bede, vl #. 
By ' Wilsc* as opposed to ' Britliso ' E probably meant Cornish as opposeii 
to Welsh. In Bede's time the dialectic difference would be hardly apparent 
We find ' Brytland' for Wales in 1063 D, E, 1065 C, D, 1086, p. aoo L 

Boo-leden] ' Boc-leden ' is rather ' book-* or ' leamed-^nyuo^e * than 
' book-Latin * ; conversely we have ' leden-boc,* Hampson« ii. 76. * Leden,' 
though derived from ' latinus,' comes to mean ' language ' simply. Tho^ 
we have ' an Englisc leoden/ ' in the English language,' Layamon, 39677. 


recension ^ , 
taken from *^<*«' 


in Britain. 

' Boc- 

33] NOTES 7 

Then the ward ' \sXm * had to be reintroduced, and so we get : ' alle lewede 
men ^at understonden ne mahen latines ledene/ St. Juliana, ed. Cockayne, 
£. £. T. S.y p. 2 ; 80 we have ' minAter ' and * monastery/ ' frail ' and 
< fragile/ &c. 

of Armenia] 'de iractu Armoricano/ Bede, «.«., where Bee'noti^. The Misread- 
misundenftanding was perhaps helped by those MSS. of Bede which read i^^ff- 
' Aimonicano.* 

snjMii of Soithian] There is nothing in Bede answering to the word Pictish 
*Bn>an/ 'from the south.' The compiler was possibly confused in his legends. 
mind by those legends which connected the Picts with ' Pictauia/ Poitou, 
&C. ; Irish Nennius, pp. 53, i a a. On the Pictish law of suocession, the 
Dalriadic migration to Britain, and the use of the terms * Scotia ' and 
' Sooti/ see notes on Bede, «. a, 

pp. 4-6. 60 B. c] A, B, C from Bede, Epit. ; D, E, F from Bede, H. E. 
t a, where see notes. 

mid gefeohte cnysede, A] So Orosius, p. 96 : ' ao Atheniense ... hie 
mid gefeohte cnysedan' ; cf. ih. 142. 

forlsedde, E] a ' disperdidit/ Bede ; used by Wulfstan of the seductions ^ 

of Antichrist, p. 55, 14. 

mid Soottum] ' Among the Irish.' A mistake due to a misreading Kisread- 
found in several MSS. of Bede of ' Hibemia* for ' hiberna,' 'winter quarters.' ^^' 

ge refkn] ' tribunus,* Bede. 

ofer ]>one ford] ' Over thai ford.* 

to )mm wudu fssBtenum] 'westenum,' D ; cf. 'on wudum 7 on 
westenom,' ' siluis ac deeertis,' Bede, H. E. J. 8. 

Anno 1*] This is the Dionysian era. It is now generally admitted that Dionysian 
Dionyatas placed the birth of our Lord at least four years too late. I cannot ^'^ 
say whence the annalii 1-46, 62-155, are derived. Much of mediaeval ^j^^^ ^ 
chronology comes from Jerome's translation of Eusebius' Chronicle. But 1-46, 62-155. 
there ia no very close resemblance here, v, Eus. Chron. ed. Schoene, ii. 145 ff. unknown. 
Nor is there any great likenens to Isidore's Chron. 0pp. (1617), pp. 260 if. 

3 A, 2 £. ofsticod] Cf. Oros. p. 284: 'he hiene selfne ofaticode.' I>eath of 
Josephas says that Herod during his Ust illness attempted to kill himself, -^®"^' 
but was prevented, Ant. xvii. 7. iElfric, thoagh he has Josephus' story, 
implies that he did kill himself, Horn. i. 88. 

pp. 6-7. 12*. Iiysiam, A] This must rest ultimately on a misunder- Mistake. 
standing of Luke ill. i, Lysanias the tetrarch of Abilene being transformed 
into the coontiy Lycia. 

feowTioiim] Note the vv, II, We have 'fyfferrioa,* tetrarch, i£lf. Tetrar- 
Hom. i. 3641 478 : ' ^ dselde se casere ]NBt ludisoe rice on feower, 7 sette ^'^^^^ 
Jieerto feower gebro9ra ; t^a sind gecwedene sfter Greciscum gereorde, 
tetraxche, \abi sind fytfOerrican.' For the compound cf. ' fefferfotra neata/ 
Bede, p. 374. 

88*. Her . . • ahangen] Cf. Oros. p. 256 : ' >a Crist wss ahangen.' 




Death of 



For Uie 


36*] Cf. -Mfric, Lives, L 220. 

38 F] Of. Oros. p. 258 : ' Pilatus . . . hiene selfne ofstong.* 
legends of Pilate's death, see Schdrer, i. 412, 413. 

40 F. godspell] 'Godspel' is the narrative about God; not *good 
news/ and Is not a translation of c^77cXiov. So O. H. G. ' gotspel * (6o< 
= God, guot^good), and of. Icel. guOspjall (Napier). 

47 A, £, 46 F] F agrees with Bede. The true year is a.d. 43. The 
text of A, B, C from Bede, Epit. ; that of D, E from Bede, H. E. i. 3, omitting, 
however, the allied reduction of the Orkneys, and intexpreldng Bede's 
' plurimam insulae partem ' after its own fashion by ' all the Piets and 
Welsh.* Contrast Ethel werd : < Orchada? . . . superat usque ad ulUmam 
Tylem ; resistunt iugo SootU Pictique,* M. H. B. p. 500. Note that A 
makes ' Orcadus * plural : ' >a ealond/ whereas the AS. Orosins nys, 'on 
nor^healfe [is] Orcadus )wet igland,' p. 24. 

unoafscipe, E] The positive 'cafscype^ occurs Wul&tan, p. 53 : *» 
man . . . )>e nah on his heortan senigne cafscype.' 

pp. 8-9. 62-155] See note on i. 

71*] Cf. Oros. p. 262 : 'he fordyde >ara ludena xi hund ic,* Blickluig 
Homilies, p. 79. 

81*. Bepe sffide . . . gedyde] Cf. Oros. p. 264 : 'He wses swA g6dei 
willan ysdt he Bsgde Jwet he forlure )K)neda9g }>e he noht on to g6dene 
gedyde.' This point of contact between the Chron. and Alfred^s Orosins is 
the more interesting that it is not in the original Latin of Orosius ; see 
Introduction, § 103, note. Whence Alfred got it, I do not know. ItcomeB 
ultimately from Suetonius, Titus, c. 8. Cf. Isidore, Chron. p. 268 ; Ea& 
Chron. ed. Schoene, ii. 159 ; Merivale, vii. 297. 

84 A, 87 E] ' He behead ^t mon lohannes ]>one apostol gebrohte on 
Bothmose ]ffiem fglande,* Oros. p. 264. 
Eleuthema 114 E] On the source of the Latin entries in £, see Introduction, (§ 43, 

44, 49, 53. 

167*] The text of A, B, C from Bede, Epit. (in which alone does Beds 
give the.length of Eleutherus' tenure of the Roman See) ; D, £, F from 
Bede, H. E. i. 4, where see notes. ^ 

purh teah, A] Cf. 'he )>oiie unrsed )>urhteah,* Oros. p. 170; 'wit 
))fet . . . ))uhrtugon )>«t he Sees geOafift bion wolde,' Bede, p. 394. Ethel- 
werd attributes the initiative to the Pope, u. «. p. 501. Probably he 
misconstrued his chronicle, treating ' Eleutherius * as nominative to 
' sende,' and ' Lucius ' as a dative in agreement with ' )>am.' He alM 
makes Severus successor of Lucius, simply because he is the next person 
mentioned in the Chronicle. 

189*] As before, A, B, C, from Bede, Epit. ; D, E, F from Bede, H. E. i. 5, 
where see notes ; cf. AS. Bede, p. 366 : ' end ]>a mid dice y mid eoi9walI« 
utan ymbsealde.* 

p. 10. bred weall, E ; breden, F] * Es ist einfach su schreiben bred f 


* Bred 


443] ^OTES 9 

weall, " bnt-holz-wall " nnd hreden " von hola " cf. Beda i. 5 : " snpra qnam 
sadee de lignu fortiBsimis praefiguntur/' ' A. Pogatsclier, Englische Stodien, 
u. 148. The connexion had occurred to roe independently since I printed 
the text and glouary ; cf. JE\h, Horn. i. 288 ; ' Him ne wiOstent nan ffing, 
naSer ne itesnen weall ne bryden wah,' i. e, * neither wall of stone, nor 
partition of wood.' 

pp. lO-U. 288 a, 286 £] On St. Alban, see Bede, H. £. i. 7 and notes St. Alban. 
(not in Epit.). Bede does not give any date, but places the martyrdom in the 
Diocletian persecution ; cf. his Chron. 0pp. vi. 311, 313 ; 0pp. Min. p. 180. 

881 A, 880 E] A, B. C from Bede, Epit. ; E, F from Bede, H. E. i. 9, la 
A is singular in writing Maximianus for Maximus. The AS. Oros. has Maximus. 
'Maximus* on p. 278, where it ought to be * Maximinianus,* and the 
converse mistake on p. 29 a. All the MSS. make the mistake of undentand- 
ing Bede's ' imperator creatns ' to mean ' bom.* This mistake is shared by 
the AS. vers, of Bede and by Ethelwerd. 

GkJwalaa, E] ' in Galliam,* Bede. Here the people are substituted * Galwalas.** 
for the country; cf. 'eos quos nos Francos putamus, Galwalas antique 
uocabulo quasi Gallos nuncupant,' W. M. i. 70; who is of course wrong 
in identifying the Teutonic invaders of Gaul with the Celtic inhabitants. 

Pelaies] Note the ' verhauchung ' or reduction to a mere breath of g Beduction 
between vowels. ' PeUgies,' F, a; c£ note on Bede, H. E. iii. 7. ^'^fl'- 

400 *] A, B, C from Bede, Epit. ; E, F from Bede, H. E. i. 1 1 . The true Borne 
date is 410. * Ab iUo tempore cessauit imperium Bomanorum a Brittannia ^^^^^ 
insula, et ah aliU . . . muliit terrU,'' Ethelw. «. «. 

abrsBOon Bome burg. A] Cf. ' hu Gallif of Senno abra^can Romeburg,' 
Oroa. p. 2 ; '9aGotan . . . iowre burg abrsecon/ift. 48. Cf. ib, 62, 92, 14a. 

418*. gold hord . . . ahyddon] 'In i8ai an urn was found near Boman 
Taunton containing silver coins ranging in date from a.d. 34a to A.D. 405, hoards in 
Somersetshire Archaeological Proceedings, 1878, Part ii, p. 105. The late ^'^^^^^ 
Lord Selbome counted 29,773 Boman and Romano-British coins in 
a single hoard contained in two vases found in Selbome parish. See 
White's Selbome, ed. F. Buckland (1880), p. 452. Such finds along 
Roman roads may have given rise to the frequent name '' Silver Street." 
Earle. For the statement in this annal I know no authority, nor (which 
is much more conclusive) does my friend Mr. Haverfield of Christ Church, 
who has made Roman Britain his special study. W. M. says of the Britonai 
* sepultia thesauris quorum plerique in hac aetate defodiuntur,' i. 6. For 
the phrase, c£ Wulfslan : *ne behyde ge eoweme goldhord on eortfan,' 
pi a86 ; so ^If. Horn. ii. 104. 

480*] On this annal, see the notes to Bede, H. E. i. 13. It is noteworthy Palladius 
that F reverts to the right reading ' PalUdius.' For lives of St. Patrick, *»d 
see Hardy, Cat. i. 62-84 ; cf. ib. 1 16, W. M. i. 26. ^^^^ 

pp. 12, 18. 448 a, E] From Bede, H. £. i. 13, 14 ; see notes a. I, The Embassy 
last embassy of the Britons to the Romans was in 446 ; to which year to Bome. 


V^ also belongs the humiliating treaty of Theodoiius with Attila, Gibbon, 

iv. 205. 

for)>an Ke hi feordodan, 7c.] F's Latin (there is no Saxon) givet 
a different reason : * qaia eorain prinoipes in Britannia oodderant.* 
Legend of 448 F] This legend is given by Bede in his Chron. 0pp. Min. p. 189; 
St. John nQd in ),jg gt. Mark, 0pp. x. 9a, 95, where he refers to MaroellinQS Comes, 
^P*"**- 8. a, 453 A. D. ; of. ^Elf. Horn. i. 486 ; Ltft, App. Fl II. iii. 356, 357. For 
an Irish version of the tale, see Lebar Breoc, facft. p. 187 ^ or Atkinson, 
Passions and Homilies, p. 64; for a different story, cf. Isidore, Chroa. 
p. 271. According to Ademar the head of John Baptist was discovered, 
c. loio, < in basilica Angeriacensi,' St. Jean d'Angely, f^erts iv. 141. 
Ck>niing of 449 *"] On this annal, see notes on Bede, H. E. i. 15, whence £ is taken : 
the Saxons, ^f ^g q^^^ ^ ^^ ^^ B^ q g^ beyond the Epit. in noting the invitation 
by Vortigem ; while the mention of the place of landing is entirely inde- 
pendent of Bede. 

on hiera dagum] For the right interpretation of this mark of time, see 
on Bede, u. $, Note the curiously conflate form of the pronoun in £: 
* ])eora.' v. Glossary, *. v, hi. 
The three on prim ceolum, E] * eiula, nauis longa,' Gloss on Nennias, p. 11 ; 
Keels. cf. F : * mid tyrim langon scipon ;' * cum tribus dromonibus,' Ethel w. p. 50 j ; 

'dromonet:, naues oursoriae,* Ducange. Cf. Instituta Londoniae : 'm 
adueniat ceol uel hulcus,' Thorpe, Ancient Laws, i. 300 ; Schmid, Gesetze, 
p. 218. 
Ebbsfleet. Tpwines fleet, A, E] Ebbsfleet in Thanet; the landing-place of 
Augustine at a later time, Bright, Engl. Church Hist. p. 45. If the 
Saxons really landed there, then the origin alike of our nationality and of 
our Christianity is closely bound up with that little spot. The name oocim 
in the form * Ipples fleet,* Hardy, Cat. i. 377. 
The Saxons Heo )>a fahton wi5 Pyhtaa, E] ' Inierunt . . . certamen contra Pictos 
^d the g^ Scottofl, qui iam uenerunt usque ad Stanfordiam, quae sita est in 
Australi parte Lincolniae,' H. H. p. 38. This is probably a bit of local 
tradition. Henry at Huntingdon was less than twenty miles from Stamford. 
peu landes oyata] So in Bede, H. E. i. 27, ' uncyst ' translates ' uitiaui,* 
AS. Bede, pp. 72, 78. 

nu earda}>] i,e, in Bede's time (Thorpe). 
'Sonthnm- ure cyneoynn 7 SulSan hymbra^ao] For the significance of this 
brian.' opposition of offr and SouthumbriaHf see Introduction, § 68. On the 

Southumbrians, see note on Bede, H. E. i. 15. 
Battle of 456 *. in pmre stowe, 70.] Bede, u. «., only says ' in orientalibus Cantiae 

'£gele6>rep. partibus,* where, he says, Hona's monument was still to be seen in his 
day. The reading of W. '^gelesford* points to Aylesford. *]wep' in 
Icelandic means 'edge,' '.brink*; so that *w£geles)irep* (so Fl. Wig.; 
' Egelesthrip,* Ethelw.) and '^-^elesford ' might easily belong to the 
same locality. H. H. has ' Aeilestreu,' i.e. iEgelestr^, p. 41 ; but Elstre-t, 



Herts., is of course imposrible. H. H. is followed by Wheloo in bis trans- 
bttion of this annal. R. W. gives Aileetorpe, i.e. JEtgeleA^rp^ i. 14, and 
Xennius ' Episford/ § 44. In favour of Ayleaf6rd is the proximity of the 
flint heap of Horsted, which seems to preserve Horsa's name, and this in . 
j probably the monument mentioned by Bede ; and not the Cromlech called 
S Kit's dotty House, which more probably marks the grave of Horsa's 
S antagonist, called by Nennius Catigem son of Vortigem, § 44 ; cf. 6. M. E. 
J P- 37 ; Guest, Orig. Celt, ii. 171. For the prefix cf. iEgelesburh, Aylesbury. 
J Hen^est ... 7 ^so his sunn] ' OErio ongnomeiito Oisc, a quo reges Kentish 

X Cantuariorum solent Oiscingas oognominari,' Bede, H. E. ii. 5. It is Kings. 
> possible that the names Hengest and i£8c%re abstractions from * >0-hen. 

gest * and ' aesc ' in the semse of ship, see Glossary, 8. cv. 
\ fens to lioe] In 443 Hengest and Horsa are called ' se^elingas,' in 449 

• ^'heretogan.* 

^>^ 457 A, 466 E. Greogan ford] 'Kuno Creford non longe a Dartford. Battle of 
J, 'y Crea fl. intrat Tamesim inter Dartforde et Erithe, sed propius Dartford, Crayford. 

^ eins fens est ad Orpyngton, super eam sunt Seint Mary's Crey, Powle*s 
J ^ Crey, North Crey, Beckesley and Creaforde,' B. Talbot in MS. C (see 
Introduction, § 21). 

465* 'Wippedes fleote] •id est Wippedi tranatorium,* Fl. Wig, Wippeda- 
Unideotified. M. H. B. and Thorpe say 'Ebbsfleet,' leaving ' Ypwines ^f^,JU/\SisJi a 
^ r^ fleot,' 449, unidentified. But this can hardly be right, seeing that in the pre- O^/yvvCvAt 
S ^ vioDS annal the Britons are represented as having been driven out of Kent./ (^Of irr>hi^ 
3 fi PP- 14, 16. hiera )>egn an . . . "Wipped] *illic ruit miles Saxonum/y^y^^^^J^JTIj^ 
r^ ^ Uuipped, et ob id ille locus uocabulum sumpsit, sicut a Theseo, Theseui^^t^^v^^ •^^^^^ 
) , ^ mare ; et ab Aegeo, Aegeum, qui in eo necatus fuerat,' Ethelw. p. 503. 
K H. H. amplifies after his manner, and makes of Wipped * quendam magnum 
^ (^ principem,' p. 43. The tradition is merely aetiological. 

$ 3 473*] This marks the final conquest of Kent; on which, see Green, ConqueHt 
C^ M. R pp. 37-40. Guest places the battle in the S. E. M^ner of Kent, o^ ^*^" _,-X. 
? Origines Celticae. ii. 178. See however on 465. 6^X^5&kHI^»X Hm;^ ^ne/Yvnu^ 
J ^ 477*] The coming of the South Saxons. Note here again the three Coming <>? 
^ X BbipB and the three sons. Though Sussex, hemmed in between Kent, ^ South 
^ '^ Wessex, and the Andredsweald, ultimately proved one of the least influen- **°* 

tial of the kingdoms set up by the invaders, its founder £lle evidently /. ^^» C^ 

occupied a large space in the traditions of the ctmquest. Bede makes him ri b^ ^ 

the first of those eminent kings whom the Chronicle calls Bretwaldas, 

infra, 827. H. H. p. 47, followed by R. W. i. 60, places his death in 514. 

On the conquest of Sussex, cf. Green, M. E. pp. 40-46. For its subsequent 

decline, cf. H. H., ' in prooessu temporum ualde minorati sunt, donee in 

aliorum iura regum transierunt,* p. 47. 

Oymenes ora] The name occurs in a spurious charter, K. C. D. No. 992 ; Cymenes- 
Birch, No. 64, in the form Cumeneshora. Camden placed it at Keynor in ora. 
Selsey, near West Wittering ; cf. the above Charter : 'ab introitu portus . . . 

^ ^ pOu^ ^ /vnX^>tA>6j C mm ?C^ 

(V^&^Vl^ 'J) " ^^^ SAXON CHRONICLES [477 

/\Ary(f[A/</^^ "Wyderpig^, pott retractam mare in CamenMhora.* Ingrain, approred by 

dwJi Uy\Ar*^ Earle, says Shoreham. H. H. painti an imaginary battle scene, more 9uo. ^ 

^^ I Wlendng's name is found in Lancing, and Ciasa^s in Chichester. S 

Andred. Andredes leage] Also called Andredee weald, cf. A&dredoa wode, j* 

B. W. i. 38. In 893 A, 892 £, it ii called both <wada' and 'weald'; < 

alio Andred simply, 755*. i 

St. Bene- 482, 609, F] 482 would be about right for Benedict's birth ; while the 

^^^' ASN. give 509 as the date of his 'daruit.* The compiler of F has placed 

his ' clamit ' at his birth-date, and his death at his ' daruit* He certainly 

did not die before 542. The Latin of 48a is nearly identical with Bede, 

\ Chron. 0pp. Min. p. 191. On Gregory's Dialogues^ see Bede II. 70. On 

Benedict, cf. Milman, Bk. iii. ch. 6. 

486*. neah Mearo rsBdes biiman] *hoc est riuum Meaicreadi,' adds 

Fl. Wig., who gives the result of the battle, while H. H. knows all its 

details, p. 44. 

JSbc. 488*] Fl. Wig. adds (by inference) the death of Hengest in this year. 

H. H. says : ' Esc . . . regnum sunm regnis [Brittannorum] ampliauit,* 

p. 44 ; while W. M. says : ' Else . . . magis tuendo quam ampllando regno 

intentuB, paternoe limites nnnquam excessit,' i. 12. This illustrates the 

value of these later additions to the Chron. which are often dted as history. 

E's slip of ' xxziiii ' is followed by H. H. 

Destmo- 491*. Andredesoester] The Roman Anderida. But the site is 

tion of uncertain. A writer in the Archaeological Journal, iv. 203, argues for 

^ ^^?^ Pevensey, but the argument is to some extent vitiated by being based on 

^C|3(yVAc^ H. H.*s imaginary description. It should be noted that the total destmc- 

rj^yUiffH^ tion of the British defenders is evidently mentioned as an exceptional 

. feature of the capture. FL Wig. adds that it was taken *po8t longam 

/k\ ^ obsessionem.* H. H. knows all the details of the siege, p. 45; as does 

i/aSMfi^^ Mr. Green, M. £. pp. 43, 44. H. H. adds : * urbs . . . nunquam postea 

AJt/jU^ vHy^ reaedificata est ; locus tantum, quasi nobilissimae urbis, transeuntibus osten- 

lU A V| (\ ditur desolatus.' Holinshed speaks of Andredeschester as a place where 

Roman coins were found, 'but now decaied,' Description of England, p. 217. 

ne weaxIS ... an ... to lafe] So citric, of the destruction of the 

Egyptians at the Red Sea, 'swa )wet tiaer nsBS fuitfon in to lafe ealles )«n 

heres,' Horn. ii. 194; cf. Oros. p. 56. 

Coming of 496*] The coming of the West Saxons ; the foundation, as it proved, of \ 

the West England. It is curious to find the traditional founder of the West-Saxon l 

' I ?^^ kingdom, the source to which all West-Saxon pedigrees are traced, bearing ^ 

^^^^^li^ » name Cerdic. Certio, so like the Welsh Ceredig, Ceretio. (It is worth "^ 

^^^^'^^ _ noting that in Nennius, § 37, Cerettc is the name of Hengest's interpreter.) i^ 

) AXTftl^ ^^ °^7 ^® ^^^ reflexion of a later time when the West Saxons had been in J 

^f^OfUlA^/j contact with the West AVelsh; or it may be an abstraction from place- ^ 

(jlfS\fi^t\/^^ names, cf. 495, 508, 514, 519, 527. And such names are not confined to 

^IrJ^ H'I'f Wessex. There is a Cerdicsand near Yarmouth, R. W. i. 50. ^ 

530] ^ NOTES 13 

aldormen] 'duces/ Fl. Wig. 

geftihtun] 'et aocepemnt oictoriam/ ASN. An imaginary baftUe-piece ^ 

Fm H. H. p. 4^ io ^tvAM oJfiK (jd\Aa^ UUVnaaaCU/ CC^SlTD ^^^^«^5?^ 
601*] Port is a melt abetraction firom Portemouth, which really means Ael^locr.^ 
the mouth of the Port or harbour. Bieda may be a similar abstraction ^f 5 "rb -^<V 
» from Biedan heafod. 675*. Cf. on 544. Msegla has a very British look ; A^Ca^f Vf <^ ^ 
cf. such names as Magloounus (Maelgwn), and Connuegl, Farinmssgl, c? S^' 
577 B. Imaginary details in H. H. p. 46. Lappenberg*s identification of 
the noble young Briton with Greraint ap Erbin, the subject of Llywaroh 
Hen's Elegy, is hazardous, i. no ; E. T. i. 108. 

608*. Natanleod] Plrofessor Rh$s tells me that he can make nothing Natanleod. 
of this name. Perhaps we may compare Bede*s Naiton, H. £. t. ai. The 
evidence of the place-names Ketley, Nateley, is against E*s forms, 
Nazaleod, Nazanleog. Cf. also Natangraf, Notgrove, Birch, No. 165. 

B^stan leaga] Commonly identified with Netley. There are also two Katan- AKl£e<f 
Nateleys in Hants, near Basing. But this passage clearly gives Natanleag^J^JPi§g*^ 
as the name of a diitrid^ 'Jwet lond,* and therefore all three places niay/>vvui4|f>Hi^ 
derive their name firom it Ethelwerd, 0. a. 519, says that Gerdicesford Oharf<^rd. / <% 
was 'in flouio Auene,* t.*. Charford below Salisbury on the Wilta and'Mi^ *'*';| 
Hants Avon. H. H. tells that Cerdic invoked the help of Mac and iSlle 
against Natanleod, with other details, p. 46. ^ 

514*] Stuf and Wihtgar in 534 are said to be nephews of Oerdio and Stuf and 
Cynric. See on them Asser, p. 469, who represents Osburg, Alfred's ""^*g*'' ,, 
mother, as descended from their stock. 'Wihtgar* occurs as a mistake ^^ 

for ' Wihtrcd* in 796 F. Details as usnal in H. H. p. 47. ^ 

pp. 16, 17. 618*. rice on fengun] Cf. 455. On the change from alder- Beginnings ' 
men to kings, cfc F. N. C. i. 579 ff. ; a C. H. i. 66-68. It is possible ^}^' 
^ that the name Cynric is an abstraction from this establishment of the 
^"'cynerice.' Jav^ ^ME SlTO (PaZ^^ . /SuT ft^ 

hie ftihton wip Brettaa] Sunset stopped the slaughter ! H. H. p. 48. "^^fr-fl 
7 siSSan rizadon, 7a, E] With the brief interruptions of the Danish The house 
and Norman dynasties 1017-1043, 1066-1154, this remains true to the of Ceidio. 
present day. The reflexion is found in a, and therefore is probably due J |H >i>6 
to the Canterbury compiler of f. Cf. the chronicler's delight at the ^^{^ 
^ restoration of the ancient connexion by the marriage of Heniy I with ^^^ 
9 Edith-Mande in 1 100. H. H. says of Wessex : 'Quod . . . regnum caetera 5^ 

omni* . . . Bubiugauit, et monarchiam totius Britannia e obtinuit,' p. 47 ; ^-^HX^ytX^ 
, . xt Idber de'Hyda: 'regnum . . . omnium regnorum durabilius,* p. la. v 

^'^^^b^*'] 'Certicesfoid' for ' Cerdices leag ' is pecuUar to E. It is Beodings. 
Zo followed by H. H. but not by Fl. Wig. It is due to the influence of the ^JT] CL 
preceding annal 519, of which in truth this looks very like a doublet. At ' 

this point H. H. interpolates the wars of Arthur firom Nennins. cAa^^sIJ/ojo^ <i >)% 
'( 630. fea men. A; feala manna, E] Ethel werd and Florence fi>]low ^ 

B, Cy and the original reading of A : ' pauoos Brittannos,' ' paucos 


homines'; H. H. foUowi E: ' innamerabilem stragem.' On ' Wihi- 
ganesburh * gee below 544. 
Death of 634*. Cerdio forp ferde] ' There wm in the time of Edward the Elder 

Cerdic. j^ barrow at Stoke, near Hurstboume (Hants), known u Ceardices beorg, 
Jn^uJ^ dffsb the hill or (?) barrow of Cerdic, K. C. D. No. 1077, Burch, No. 594- See 
57 1 ^^f^^'^AtA'^ article by Kemble in Archaeological Journal, xiy. 1 19 ff.' Earie. 
CnAtrAQ^mJ\rt\A ^*®'* • • • Jiofti™] * Sobrinii eoram,* Ethelw. p. 503. 

'WAiJ^TS<vnj| ^gg^^ g^^^^ ^^^^ entries are taken from Bede, Epit Tliere ia 

J '^^ ^ ' ^ « nothing corresponding to them in the text of Bede. 

' nndexn.* undem] Of. * from nndemtide )x>nne mon msssan oftost singeS,* Bede, 

H. E. iv. 32 » 'a tertia hora ' ; ' ab hora matutina usque ad iptiam,* 

F, Lat.; cf. Vigf. Icel. pict. «.r. nndom. y^ ^CJSAAJi'VTfn^ 

Carisbrook. 544. Wihtgara byrg, A ; "Wihtgaras byrig, E] Now corrupted into 

«|V ^ Carisbrook. This entry shows that Wihtgar is a mere abstraction to 

I ^ s account for the place-name: 'quae sic ab eo uocatur,' H. H. p. 50. And 

^^Yj*! ^ it is a wrong abstraction. The true form is evidently that presenred here 

S'ifc . , by A, B, 0, and in 530 by B, C, viz. * Wihtgaraburh,' * the burg of the 

S^lb ^t;JU^ Wight-dwellers,' ^ Wihtgara*^eing a genitive plural » Victuariorom. 

« i# a. /A The transformation into a genitive singular is complete in F's * Wiht- 

^^^"^^ I gareebyri.' Cf. 530 A. This throws some light on the historical value of 

these traditions. Fl. Wig.f while keepine the form ' Wihtgara-birig,^ 

explains it : ' id est in ciuitate Wihtgari.* (VMCtpMA. ^yX^MuK/ ^UiH^J 

Beginning 547*] This entry, including the record of the length of Ida's reign, is 

ofBemida, from Bede, Epit. There is nothing answering trLitJn Uml text of the 

J ^ >Mf H. E. It marks the beginning of the kingdom of Bern*^ta ; thebeginning 

OAsd* a %i ^ of that of Deira is marked by file's accession, 560 ; r. note a. I, Owing \ ^ 

'^^"'►^ t^lvldW to the fact that both kingdoms were ultimately united in the line of Ida, ;^ 

'Vvc^O'i'Vvj . he is often spoken of as founder and King of Noithumbria, So even 

^Uv\^Vi/r aMi F. N. C. i. 25. (On this, and on the early relations of the two kingdoms, 

^/ihewvvw^ see notes to Bede, H. E. iii. i.) Florence almost alone of the later 

(^7V\^.<^tc/3 5 ^Authorities says quite correctly : *in prouincia Bemiciorum Ida regnum 

'^ t^wAiL c^ suBcepit.' On the connexion of the royal houses of Bemida and Wessex, 

Tjic. C^ , see notes to the genealogical Preface, p. 6 eupra. It may be noted that 
/i\^ iji ^^^^^^either Bede nor the Chron. give even traditiont with reference to the con- 
P!l^j\>/\^^\j^ quest of Northumbria ; nor does either of them give any countenance to the 
S^fjifT-dfSb ^*'^^ ^^^^ ^'^^ ^^^ came from the continent, and was the first Teutonic ^ 
^ jp • coloniser of Northumbria. See a good note in S. C. S. i. 155. W. M., 
_ ti (f OfYVW interpreting the Chron. 449 E as meaning not only that that year was ? . 
^l^^^«JlMA/^f^^ the date of the coming of the Jutes to Kent, but also of the coming of the ( 
(Mj^^'w^ Angles to Northumbria, fills up the interval 449-547 with imaginary I 
^K^AP) Jc^ details based on the pedigrees: ' annts . . . uno minus centum, Northan- . 1 
C^l^f'knii^ himbri duces communi habitu content!, sub imperio Cantnaritarum ^( 
^M'UMAr'f^ prinatos agebant,' &c., I. 44. Nennius, § 38, followed by W. M. i. 10, ^, ^ 
lA^X^fruA has a legend that Northumbria was settled by the son and biitiisg of ^ 

^^r5a^i*i7^ ^-^ ^ ^^^^^^ 


Ovi/t^lrt<^ Cht^. oi t^Ujho f>jpA/A^ ScL0U> J^(rv\/Q hslAJ^^vi^ ^f^ ^xr-U^tA^^ 

Hengett. Mr. Ytft&wam, w. #., It inclined to accept thii. But it it ■''"^y ^r^y , . ^^ , 
against the plain statement of Bede, H. E. i. 15, that the NorthumbrianaiT*'*^*^^ * 
were Angles. In that case they would be Jntes. i ^^JlA^?^^ " 

Babban burh, B] On Bamborough and Bebba, see Bede, H. E. iii. 6, B^^^^^ 
note. borough./''*'L^f?C- 

mid begge betined] ' Hu Octauianns . . . betynde lanes dura/ Oros. ^(\A k^H^ 
p. 6, ib, 348 ; AS. version of Matt. xxi. 33 ; cf. * barh hegegian/ Thorpe, ^ fi^iJL 
Ancient Laws, i. 43a ; Schmid, p. 372. Fop the successive stages in ^'^ Q/t(f\l(l^^/AM^ 
history of fortification, cf. F. N. C. i. 308, ii. Note S. -^*7<i<. 

652*. mX Bearo byrg] On this use of a preposition with place-names see Preposition 
Bede, H. E. ii. 14, note. That the usage became strange is shown by the fact ^°J^^^' 
Ht that the interpolator of A has erased the * st.* E retains the oblique form piace- 
^ while omitting the preposition. B,*C have the name in the nominative name& 
j * Saaioburh.' This difference of construction accounts for the two classes 
. ^ of place-names ending in ' -borough * and ' -bury ' ; the former being derived 

fhrom the nominative form '-burh,' the latter from the oblique ^-byrig'; 
F has the modem form ' S»lesberi.* Bretwalcu for Bryttas is peculiar to 
^ A. Contrast next entry. 

660*. ast Beran byrg] ' Probably Barbnry Camp between Swindon and Battle of 
Marlborough,' Earle. The annotator of MS. C says 'Banbury,* which is Barbuiy. 
less likely. Fl. Wig. adds : ' Et illos fiiganerunt.* An imaginary battle- 
piece inH. H. p. 51. 

pp. 18, 19. 660*] A rhetorical sketch of Ceawlin in W. M. i. 20. 

JSaia . . . NorjMUihymbra rioe] Strictly speaking Deira. So Fl. Wig. BeginningsJ^V^ 
again quite correctly: *in prouincia Deirorum regnum suscepit.' This is *^f^V^ 0^*^25 
nhown also by the great Gregory's famous series of puns, Bede, H. E. ii. i. •J^RRr^*^ ' 
^Kflie addition in E, * Idan foitfgefarenum ' fuoattemptto imitate the Latin ji^^XjfU^j^^ 
* iblaiive absolute', is probably due to the ^ni^fTdea that Ida was King of S^JlJl^jj^iS^ 
Korthumbria, and that JSXXe succeeded him. The mistake appears fall- aT/^J^^^W 
blown in H. H. : * obiit Ida rex Nordhumbrae, et Ella post eum regnauit ; ^ ilf)T^^ • 
. . . qfiamuis iste non fuisset filius Idae, ned filius lifae,' p. 5T. Fl. says of ^^J^^0(^ f^SUS^ 
^Ue : ' strenuissime rezit.' He puts his accession in 559 and Ceawlin's /Wv^W/C) * 
in 560 ; making ^lle reign nearly thirty years, and Ceawlin thirty-three. |--|| _ 

On the Northumbrian pedigree (restored in A from B, C), see notes *o ' /• ^^^v%««. 

the genealogical Preface, pp. 5, 6 supra. The name Siefugl, i. e. sea-fowl, •'wf 

ocenra in one of the entries in the Leofric Missal, see Earle, Charters, p. 254. ^^"^^f. 

666*] A, B, C from Bede, Epit. ; E from Bede, H. E. iii. 4, where see 0[t> * 

notes on Niniaf, Columba, monastic episcopacy, the foundation of lona, &c. ^ 

Her fang J66elbriht, E] According to Bede, H. E. ii. 5, Ethelbert Ethelbert 
came to the throne in 560 and died 616 ; so 616 E. This entry places his of Kent, 
ftcoeaaion in 565 and would bring his death to 618; so ASN. ; but below 
hia death ii rightly entered under 616. Sea note on Bede, /. e. Fl. plaoca 
^ 2^ hia aocesaion in 561. 
^ <« |>e noH^nm motum] Cf. the AS. version of Bede, H. E. v. 9 : ' was se Columba. t ' 



Colomba ae teresift laniw ... in ytem mdrlondum Oft 9e siondon to noitfdiele 

Peohtft noes/ p. 410 {^' transmontftnU Pictis'). So, pp. 358, 364, mora, 

monim B montium, montibas. In ' ni<$r-£Bsten/ 878, *m6r* haa the meftn- 

ing of ' swftmp.' The phrase * wsarteres . . . niornm ' is evidently connected 

with a name in S. D. ii. 124 : ' Ethebtanus . . . Sootiam usqae Danfoeder 

et Wertermorum terrestri exercitu uastauit ' ; Mr. Arnold, ^. xxxili, layt 

Wedderhill ; Mr. Skene, Kirriemuir, S. C. S. i. 353. 

erfe weBrdes] See note on Bede, H. £. v. 11. 

oyrioe 7 . . . mynster] ^ Church and monastery.* 

ealle Sootta bisoopes] This is an abiard exaggeration of Bede's ward^ 

H. E. iii. 4 : ' ipei etiam epiaoopi/ see note, a. I. 

Strife 568*] This is the fint record of strife among the invading tribes them- 

*°^^ *^® selves ; of. H. H., p. 53 : Mstud est primum bellnm quod inter se reges 

Anglorum gesserunt ; ' cfl Ethel w. p. 504 B :/ oiuile bellom.* Imaginarr 

details in W. M. i. 30 ; cf. my Bede II. 87. Wibbandun is supposed to be 

oX Wimbledon. In a British Synod held about this time there is a spedsl 

Ci^Jf^ifMS^ penance ordained for those ' qui prebent ducatum barbaris,* H. k S. i. 118. 

^iJutha, &C. 671*] It will be noted that while in 568 aU MSS. have Ceawlin and 

Cutha, and in 577 Guthwine and Ceawlin, here A, B, C have Cuthwulf, 

while E has Cutha. According to the genealogical Preface to A, Cuthwulf 

was the son of Cuthwine, who was the son of Ceawlin. In some of the 

pedigrees given in the Chron. Cutha appears to be identical with Cuthwulf, 

in others he seems to be an amalgam of Cuthwine and Cuthwulf (see 

notes on genealogical Preface, above, p. 5, note). Cuthik might of course 

be a shortened form for either of these names. See the references in my 

Bede II. zxxvi. Here E makes Cutha Ceawlin*8 brother; so 568 F. 

Fl. Wig., as I have said, p. 3, supra, has no less than three Cuthas, one a 

brother, one a son, and the third a grandson of Ceawlin, but this I take to 

be mere *harnionistik.' ^ k fUBOtutAM^AA^ 

Capture of iiii* tunas] * quatuor reffias uillas,* Fl. Wig. Bedford, Lenbury, Ayles- 

Lonbury, bury, Bensington, and Eynsham. An intermediate form of the second 

rname, 'Lienberig,' occurs in H. H. p. 53. On the importance of Bemdng- 

^ton, see F. N. C. i. 370, and infra 777. In K. C. D. No. 311, Birch, 

.xflA^'wwv--.- N°- 547» Bensington is called a *uilla regia,' and in K. C. D. No. 714, 

J^jpA^^^j^j^^^i/VS^ Eynsham is a * locus Celebris.' 

^*^f gefoTpterdB, a] On the form see footnote. It occurs, however, in F ^i ; 

which illustrates the connexion of F and a. 
Battle of ' 577 *] ' Deorham is identified with Dyrham on the turnpike road between 
Dyrham. Bath and Gloucester,* Earle. This battle had important oonaequeDces. 
(i) It separated the North Welsh (our Wales) from the West or Corn 
Welsh ; (3) it opened up the Severn Valley to the invaders. (In G. P. 
pp. 391, 392, there is an interesting description of the Vale of Gloucester, 
and the bore on the Severn : 'higram . . . Auglice uocaot,' ».e. the Eagre, 
as on the Trent in Lincolnshire, see New EngL Diet. s. o.) Accordingly 

Cj/nj\JjC 560 Cr^.J^ WOIJ^^,^^ (^v{^ 11 ^^^S^\ (aMJO^^ 

set on yean latUr we find them at Faddiley xiiCheflhire. Bat the advance ^jl/t^ 
-WM too rapid; Ceawlin suffered a defeat and fell back 'in anger/ 584. Q{^\\/\ 0^^^\A/^ 
Ji It most have been on this northward campaign that Urioonium (Wrozeter) .^^ wx^/) J 
j^SvA Pengwem (Shrewsbury) fell into the hands of the Saxons, as lamented ^^^ 
M in the £legy of liywaroh Hen ; who represents Kynddylan (Condidan) as Welsh 
J falling here in his own country, and not at Deorham, as the Ghron. ; cf. Princes 
^Goest, «.«., ii. 28a ff., on the conquest of the Severn Valley; Green, 
^. £. pp. 128, 206; Rh^i, Celtic Britain, p. 108; Skene, Ancient 
rBooks of Wales, i. 448 ff., ii. 279 ff. Nothing seems to be known of the 
(othe^two Welsh princes. Coinmail is probably for Commail, i,e, ConmaiJ, 
iCynTael. Nennius, § 49, has a Femmail (Ffemvael) * qui modo r^t 
( in . . . Baelt (Builtb) et Guorthigimiaun * ; he makes him a de- 
\ scendant of Vortigern. Note that not only B, C, but also £, F, retain the 
^ original g in these names, which A has reduced. 

i pp. 80, 2JU 584*. Fejyanleag] Faddiley, Cheshire. Frithenleia, B. W. Battle of 
\ i. 88 ; which is perhaps the ground of Mr. Thorpe's * Fretheme, Glouces- J^^^^' 
: tenhire,* here and in Fl. Wig. ; cf. Guest, Orig. Celt, it 286. Mr. Kerslake *^^^VifL w. 
i says Hereford, on the strength of a passage in Brompton, c. 753, St. Ewen,^|J*^ j^TV 
J Ac, p. 21. But this is unlikely, especially considering how often Hereforti^/Jj^fe'^*''^"' 
' is mentioned eo nomine in the Chronicle. The Rev. C. S. Taylor ^^^^^fy^TjM^t^^ 
'^ place it in the Hwiccas, Cotswold in Saxon Times, pp. 3-6. ISrO^ rW^- 

r 7 ierre . . . agnam. A] This characteristic touch in A, B, C, 
; which ahows that the nlthnate result was, in spite of all his plunder, nn-^. ^ 
^ &vonrable to Ceawlin, is omitted by E and Fl. Wig. Accordmgly FL Wig. ^C^" 
1 and H. H. turn the event into a West-Saxon victory ; and though H. H. ' 
» geoenlly follows MS. E, he here reads Cuthwine for Cutha. On the 
} confusion between the names Cutha, Cuthwine, Cutbwulf, see on the ^ ,^^ 

* PrefAoe to A. p. 5. and on 571, impra.QlMA^^j^AA^ %Af\AtUku^ (f^ A*s ^<»i4 Omi:^ 
7 588*] Fl.Wig. js here ag^n precise and accurate : ' ^lle rex Deirorum Death of y^ 
I . . . deoessit, et iEthelric Idae filius post ilium super ambas prouincieu ^^^j\^S^ 
J qainque annis regnauit.*^ee on Bede, H. E. iii. i. Edwin, iEHe'sson, was ^^f^M^^ 
at this time three years old. W. M. has a purely imaginary sketch of l/^UA^/^Mf'^y^ 
^tbelrio, L 46 ; of whom S. D. at his deaOi disposes summarily : < is ^k^^^y.^ 
. secreU infemi uisitans,' il. 14. ^e^iMy>^'Unrv\0 W\A. .1^6^^ /V^-Zi/W^'eK^ 
591*. Oeol, A, B, C, Fl. Wig., ASN. ; Ceolrio, % H. H., W. M.] Ceol m- 
The difference is due to the following word ' rio-sode* ; but this might ^^^^i^^- 
cause either the addition or the omission of the syllable. * Ceol * is the form 
in all the MSS. of the pedigrees prefixed to A. 

592*] Mr. Thorpe (note to Fl. Wig. i. 9) thinks that the expulsion of Expulsion 
Ceawlin was due to a combination of Ceolric, Ethelbert, and the Britons ^^ CeawUn. 
against him. Mr. Green (M. E. pp. 207, 208) traces it to a combination 
of. Uia Britons with the Hwiccas, who had rebelled and elected Ceolric as 
their king. The one particle of evidence Which I can discover for all this 
lies in W. M.*s words : ' conspirantibiMtimiAnglis quam Britonibus,* i. 21, 

lies m w . ja. s woros : ' conspinnuouwuun^^ngiis quam iwitoniDus, i. 21, n 4 


And Malmesbory wrote more than five hundred yean after the event! 
H. H. represents the battle as one merely between Britons and Saxooi, 
the Britons being drawn np * more Bomanoram/ p. 54. 
Battle of sBt Woddes beorge, A, B, C ; Wodnes-, £ ; Wodnes beorlige, W.] 
boro h. ' ^^'^^ beorh, id est Mona Wodeni/ FL Wig. ; Wanborough, near Swin- 
don, Wilts ; Guest, k. «., pp. 343 ff. ; Green, u. s., p. ao8. In W. M. il «. 
there is an interesting variation : * apad Wodnes die' Thin would be the 
Wansdyke, ' portions of which may still be traced . . . from Berkshire 
to the Bristol Channel/ Guest, p. 148. Cf. 715, infra, where H. H. 
gives the name as Wonebirih, p. iii. . 
St. Gregory. 692 £, a] On the d&te of Gregory's accession, see note on Bede, H. £. 
i. 23, it I. It was probably 590. E has overlooked the fact that Givgoiy 
has been already mentioned as Pope in 591. 
Cwichelm 593*] wiehelm occurs later in the West-Saxon royal house as the name of 
and Crida. the prince who tried to have Edwin of Northumbria assassinated in 6a6. 
Creoda occurs in the Mercian pedigree 6a6 as the name of Penda*s grand- 
father. H. H. assumes that he is the Crida here mentioned, and that he was 
the firbt Eang of the Mercians, pp. 53, 54. Both inferences are precarioos, 
though they have been accepted as facts by later writers. On ^thelfrith of 
Northumbria see Bede, H. £. i. 34, and notes. Ethel werd makes Cwichelm, 
Tridda {sic), and i£the]frith three joint successors of Ceawlin ! p. 504. 
696 a, 696 E] From Bede, Epit. See H. E. i. 23-25, and notes. 
* Angelcyn * 697*. Angel cyn] ' Englalandy in its different forms, does not appear in 
and *£ngla- (be Chronicles till 1014. Angeleyn, which in 597 clearly means the people, 
*^ must, in 975 and 986, be taken for the country. So still more plainly in 

1003. In many places it may be taken either way,' F. N. C. i. 7& 
Here, however, it probably means the Angles as opposed to, not as indud- 
ing, the Saxons. ' 

Pints and oppe wip Peohtas, oppe wip Boottas] It is difficult to see how a West- 
Scots. Saxon king at this time could be brought into contact with * Picts aud 
Soots *; cf. Green, ti. s., p. a 10. Probably the compiler merely wished to 
give his entry an air of completeness. VCuCu/vJE^ •^ *kn»wv»*^MA/ '. 
Misunder- 601*] From Bede, Epit. ; cf. H. E. i. 29, notes. The latter part is due 
standing. ^ j^ misunderstanding. Bede simply says : * misit ■. . . Gregorius . . . 
ministros, in quibus et Paulinum.' The conversion of Northumbria by 
Paulinns was not till 625-627. F has corrected the text ao as to make 
it accord with facts. On the Pallium, see Bede IL 49-52. 
Battle of 603*] A, B, C from Bede, Epit. ; E (as far as < >eoda ') from Bede, H. E. i. 
Daegsa- ^^ where see notes. E is guilty of an absurd mistake in making Aedan 
fight against the Dal Riada. He was of course their king. The form of 
the place-name In B, C, ' st Egesan stane/ may be due to the abaorption 
of the d by the t of ert; or it may lend countenance to a suggestion 
made by me on Bede, k. «., that the place-name was4lie to this battle, aotl 
was originally ' set JEgf5askd:i stane/ ^^ 

Hering .... Kider, E] Peculiar to £. I do not know its sonrce. Hexing, son 
There is a Hoasa among the kings of Bernicia in the ancient Northnm- of Hnssa. 
brian regnal table at the end of the Moore MS. of Bede*s H. E., Pal. /tvw>l^ (5'i^w>'^ 
Soc. n. plate 140, M. H. B. p. 290; cf. Nennius, $ 63; S. D. L 339; 5^>c^ 
ii. 14, 374; Ann. Lindisf. in Pertz, ziz. 503, where he is made a son ' 

of Ida, succeeding in 56^ In this case he would have been an elder aw^k^UA. 
brother of ^thelric, and his son Hering may have claimed the throne 
against his cousin ^thelfrith, and combined with his enemies against 

0O4*] A, B, C from Bede, Epit. ; E from Bede^ H. E. ii. 3, where see notes. 
E's words, ' )>one . . . cininga,' go beyond those of Bede : < sub potestate 
poeitus eiusdem iEdilbercti." 

pp. 2S, 28. 606 E, 606 A] The true date of Gregory's death is Deathof St 
probably 604. Bede places it in 605, H. E. ii. i, and see i. 23, notes. Gregory. 
I do not know whence the addition in B, G, about Gregory's parents 
comes ; possibly from the old life of Gregory by a monk of Whitby ; 
on which see Bede, vol. ii. App. i. Bede gives the name of his father, j 

but not that of his mother, H. E. ii. i. The dates given for the battle of Battle of j 

Chester, 605 E, 607 a, are both wrong; the true date is either 613 or Chester. \ 

616. See on Bede, H. K iL 2, whence this account is taken. Scromail, 
Scrocmaily Scrocmagil are miswritings of Bede's Brocmail ; the last, how- 
ever, preserves a more original form of the termination; see above 
on 577. 

ce* preoata, E] ' niros circiter miUe ducentos/ Bede, u. «. ; ' twelf 
hnnd monna,' AS. vers. 

607*] Here we have the South Saxons involved in the strife of, the f^—i (a- «/ 
conquerors. DetaiU in H. H. p. 55. J ^CZd^'^y^^^ ^T^ ^*»-^x 

611 *. xzzi* wintra] This does taSi agree wftn tneoates given below 
for Cenwalh's accession, 643 A (Fl. Wig.), 641 B, C, E, F. In Fl. Wig. 
the number is 3a ; probably a correction. On the different pedigrees of , . 

CynegiU.aBe the no^ to^e Preface of A, p. a mj^ni. CUwyjii^ 5(J Oi(^ ^f^^ ^^^ \}^^^ 

614*|^'%DCor(]ing towf. Td. L ai, Cynegils and Cwichelm reigned (j/^.^^rvcjU^>^ 
together, ' aequa lance.' He gives a touching (and quite imaginary) ^^'^<Ci^^4/u!]^ , 
picture of their fraternal concord. Moreover, according to the Chron. ^^^^^^Uli^ • 
648, they were not brothers, but father and son. Cwichelm is the 
would-be murderer of Edwin, infra 626 £. 

Beandtme] Bampton in Oxfordshire; Green, ». «., p. 239. Others 
place it in Devon or Dorset (BinJon Hill, Dorset,. Kerriake). Details^ 
in H. H. p. 56. (KuwUrVv MsJWT ^*vC£iM 4<n/CCliAr.€^ ^ (VVWW*V^/VV^ 

616*] A, B, C from Bede, Epit.; E from H. E. ii. 5-8, where 
see notes. 

p. 24. riziendom IGadbaldnm. E] Should be ' -balde,*-'.£odbaldo 
rc^imnte,* Bede, H. E. ii. 7. See on 560. 

617 £] On the BatUe of the Idle and death of i£thelfnth, see Bede, ^ id]^ 

'^'f<-y%^ Mx^^ Gii^Uji^^ M<jt/i^ '.AT^ ywx^ 57/1. 










H. £. ii. 12; on Edwin's power, <b. ii. 5 ; on the expulsion of ^thel- 
frith's Bonii, ib. iii. i. Bede does not however give their namet. Se« 
notes II, cc. 

p. 22. 610 F] See Bede, H. E. ii. 7. 

p. 24. 624 E] ib. 

626*] Bede, Epit. The date in E from H. E. ii. 9, where see notoi. 

oioliia Dionisii, E] See the article on Dionysius Exignus in D. C. B.; 
and for the Council of Nioaea in connexion with Uie Paschal Cod- 
troversy sep my Bede II. 349, 350. "Ennia kaitS* is an attempt i<) 
represent the Greek iwtaKoilkKcurjjpiZa ('ennia kai decaderida/ Ann. 
Utic. The Saxon phrase is : ^ )>a nigontjrnllcan hringas,* Bede, p. 470), 
and some word (< uocant,' Ann. UUc.) is required after it. So at tlie 
end something is missing : ' sine ulla falsitate reperiunt,* Ann. Utic. ; d 
Bede's Chron. sub annia 224, 567. 

pp. 24, 25. 626*] A, B, G (as far as < Pentecoeten *) from Bede, Epit. 
The date of the accession of Penda is not g^ven by Bede. The account 
in E is from H. E. ii. 9, 14, where see notes. The detail of the slaughter 
of five West-Saxon 'kings* is however peculiar to this Chron.; see oa 
H. E. iv. 12. jy 

loeling, loel, B, C] Cf. the name of Ickling Street. 

627*] A, B, C from Bede, Epit.; E from H. £. ii. 14, 16-19, 
where see notes. 

mid ealre his duguCSe, E] 'cum domo sua,' t6. ii. 16; 'dugu9*bere 
almost a oomitatus ; so in 62 6 E. 

628*] Here we have Mercia under Penda joining in the strife of 
the conquerors. Details in H. H. pp. 57, 58. Freeman thinks tlu* 
this means a cession by Ceawlin of his north-western conquests, and 
the confining of Wessex within the line of the Thames and Somerset- 
shire Avon ; Oxon. and Bucks, he thinks, must have been retained longer 
because of the position of Dorohenter as originally a West-Saxon see, 
F. N. C. i. 36. This is possible, but it is all rather theoretical ; cf . Kerslske. 
Mercia, p. 6; Taylor, Cotswold, pp. 14, 15. 

632*. Borpwald] King of the East Angles, Bede, H. E. ii. 15. Not 
in Epit. Hence the chronicler had to determine the date for himseif, 
and he has done it wrong. The true date is 627 X628. See notes on 
Bede, I. c, 

633*] A, B, C from Bede, Epit., as far as ' Cant warum * ; £ from H. E. 
ii. 20, wlcice see notes. 

11. Idus OotoU, E] Oct. 14. Bede says Oct. 12. ^ ^ 

vU. gear, E] A mintake for xvii : ' decem et septem,* Bede. 'WiO^ i 

pp. 26, 27. 634*] For the mission of Birinus see Bede, H. E. iii. 7, -uiu ^^ 
notes. Bede gives no date, and accordingly does not place the event in bi» 
Epit. Hence we cannot control the chronicler's statement. But consider- 
ing how he has blundered over other dates it is not possible to feel mach J 


640] NOTES 21 

oonfidanoeliere. The same Applies to leyenJ other Wesfc-Sftxon date* : 635, 
636. 639. 

084, E] For the ftooessioD of Osrio, Eanfrid, and Oswald see Bede, H. E. 
Hi. I, notea 

mail ffo tealde him, 70.] The meaning of thii rather obscure sentence Begnal 
may be seen from the passage in Bede wluch it represents : < unde canctis ^^^^^^ 
plaeuit zegnm tempora oomputantibus, nt ablata de medio regum perfido- 
rnm (t.e. ' heathen*) memoria, idem annus sequentis regis, id est, Osualdi 
. . . regno adrignaretur ' ; of. Introduction, § 105. 

636*] Bede, H. £. iii. 7. Not in the Epit. 

on fong] As sponsor. See note on Bede, u. s. German : < ans der Sponsors. 
Taufe heben.' French : ' lever des fonts de baptdme.' So Mary of Bur- 
gundy to Louis XI : * tous m'avez lev^e des saints fonts de baptesme,* 
De Lettenhove, Lettres et N^godations de Philippe de Gommines, i. 153. 
Cf. the Tersion of this incident in the AS. Bede : ' ^ onfeng he him, 7 nom 
St fulwihte bseOe 7 set ^s biscopes honda psere godeundan ^egnunge htm 
to godsana,' p. 168. 

680*] The baptism and death of Owichelm are not mentioned by Bede. Baptism 
W. M. says that Cwichelm refused baptism at first, but yielded owing to ^^^*^ 
An attack of illness, i. a a. This is probably mere imagination based on the helm, 
fset that he died so soon after baptism. For the mission of Felix, see H. E, 
it. 15, lit 18, and notes. The date given here is certainly wrong. The 
true d*te is 630 x 631. Fl. Wig. copies the date of the Chron., though he 
takes his matter direct from Bede. 

68&*] Not in Bede ; B, 0, F give Cuthred the title of king. 

on fenc . . . suna] i. e. as godson : ' baptisticum filium/ Ethelw. p. 506 ; Baptism of 
c£ on 635. So Pope Sergins both baptised and acted as sponsor to Gead- Guthred. 
walla. Bede, H. E. ▼. 7 ; cf. M\L Lives, i. 330 : < Petrns wss his godfseder 
... 7 be Bwa lange folgode his fulluht fiedere.' 

689 £, 640 A] (£*8 639 is a mere slip, as is shown by the fact that the 
preceding annal is rightly dated 639.) A, B, C (as far as 'for>ferde*) 
fhmi Bede, Epit. The rest of £ is from H. £. ii. 8, where see notes. 
The length of Eadbald*s reign is given more coirectly by E, F, than by 

He hssfde twegene snnu, a] This is a bit of Canterbury tradition Canterbury 
peculiar to a. The legend is that Ermenred was Ereenberht's elder brother ; Legend, 
hence the existence of his two sons Ethelred and Ethelbert (' duo gemdli 
fratres,' Chron. Bames. pp. 55, 191) was considered a danger to Effbert, the 
Mm. and successor of Ercenberht. Thunor (' quod Latina intd^retatione 
•onat : tonitms/ S. D. ii. 6), a counsellor of Egbert's, urged their destrne- 
tiun on the king, and being only weakly opposed murdered them in the 
king's Absence, and buried them secretly at Eastry. A column of light . 
revealed their sepulchre ; the king, in terror, granted as wergild to their 
•Hster, Bormenbuiga or Domneva, as much land in Thanet for a monastery 






afi her hind could oompan in » day. Thunor, while objecting to ihe gnat, 
was swallowed up by the earth (' uiuens et uidens intrauit infemum/ 6. P. 
p. 319) ; * cairn was raised on the spot, which is still called 'Thunores- 
hleaw.' The martyrs were buried at first at Wakering in Essex ; but in 
991 their bodies were translated to Ramsey. See Hardy, Cat. i. 263, 264. 
377» 378, 382 ; S. D. ii. 3ff. ; H. H. pp. xxvii, xlvi f. ; Fl. Wig. i. 359; 
W.M. i. 16, II. xciv ; G. P. pp. 318, 319; Elmham, pp. 191, 192, 206-214, 
250; K. W. i. 137, 149 ff. The story is recited in K. C. D. No. 900. We 
see here the tendency to class as martyrs all who suffer a cruel and 
unmerited fate. 

se to woarp . . . deofel gyld, E] Cf. the AS. Bede, H. K iii. 8 : < he heht 
deofolgild to weorpan ' ; cf. ii. 6 : < he ... to wearp al ^a bigong >aia deo- 
folgelda^' pp. 172, 116. 

lie ge sette Eastor feasten, E] ' he behead . . . Jiset feowertiglice ftesten 
healden beon sr Eastram/ AS. Bede, u. 0.; cf. ih, pp. 230, 244, ft<^, 
where '. feowertiglic feesten * translates ' quadragesimiL* 
Death of 642 A, 643 A, 641 E] In A, B, G the death of Oswald is from Bed", 

Oswald. Epit. But A is the only MS. which gives the date correctly. E*s account 
of the battle is from H. E. iii. 9, where see notes. For the translation to 
Bardney (which did not take place till some time after) and the fate of bis 
relics, v. ib, iii. 11, 12, notes. The length of Oswy'8 reign is from tb. iii. 
14. The date of Genwalh^s accession and the length of hiii reign given hr 
A (E*s xxi is a mere slip) do not agree with the date, 672, given by all 
MSS. for his death. The thirty-one years may be reckoned to ufiscwine'v 
accession, 674. Theopold, p. 29, suggests a mistake of xxxi for xxix; 
see however p. 3, supra. ASN., like E, put Cenwalh's accession and 
Oswald*s death in the same year, but in 642. On Cenwalh ct H. £. iii- 
7. notes. d6'7*^«>JiX0 6rr-^n it-yj^ C*vvw*£A.^fi'475:i/^jc^ 

•e Oen walh het atimbran, /c] This is a description, not a dAte ; for 
at this time Cenwalh was a heathen. The actual building and consecration 
are placed by F under 648, L 28. On the significance of B, C's 
insertion, ' >a ealdan cyrioean/ see Introduction, § 113, note (cf. W. AL's 
< ealdecfalrche ' at Glastonbury, i. 24). From 642 to 647, E is one year 
behind A. Then by the omission of 647 in E harmony is restored ; bnt 
they diverge again inmiediately. 

644 A, 648 E] A, B, G from Bede, Epit ; E is from H. E. Hi. 14, where 
see notes. 644 is the correct date both for Paulinus* death and for Oswine's 

Oswina . . . Osrioes, E] See the i)edigree in note to H. E. iii. i. 

646, 646 A, 644, 646 E] The cause of Cenwalh's exile, the length of 
it (three years), and the place where he took refuge (East Anglia) sre 
mentioned retrospectively, 658 infra. It was through Anna of East Anglis 
that he was converted and baptised, H. E. iii. 7. Three years from 645 
would bring his restoration to 648, and so Fl. Wig. 


tion of 
ter Cathe- 
dral by 


650] NOTES 23 

p. 28. 648*] The reading * Eadrede ' is a mere slip of £, but is followed 
by H. H. p. 59. 

iil- ]maendo londea] That this means 3000 hides is proved by the in- Grant to 
sertion of the word * hlda ' by B, C. Bat the elliptic use is quite frequent ; Cuthrwi. 
et AS. Bede, H. E. iii. 24 : ' SuVmercna rice, )»a seondon . . . fif ^usendo folces ; 
. . . NorOmezcum, ^ara londes is seofon ^usendo.* So i v. 1 3 : Ms [SulSaeaxna] 
loodes seofon ^usendo/ pp. 240, 300 ; where the Latin has ' fiuniliae/ B^e's 
constant word to represent the AS. hid. So Wulf and Eofor for slaying 
Ongenth^w received ' hand )»tisenda landes/ Beowulf, 2995 ; cf. Kemble, 
Saxona, i. 389 f. Ethelw. says : ' ex praediis suis tria millia' ; * mnltas man- 
siones,' R. W. i. 141 , 142. W. M. i. 29 represents Genwalh as granting * pene 
tertiam regni partem.' And the grant was an enormous one ; cf. Craw- 
ford Charters, p. 74; Maitland, Domesday, pp. 231 £ H. H. says: 'dedit 
Cenwalh .^dredo cqgnato sno et adiutori ter mille uilUuJ* He therefore 
regarded the gimnt as a reward to Cuthred for help given to Cenwalh at his 
restoration. This is not unlikely. It may also be a buying out of Cutfared's 
clainw. We have noted the reading 'Ca)yred king * in some MSS. at 639, 
which points to an association of Cuthred with Cynegils in the royal power 
after the death of Cwichelm. Or again, the object may have been, as Earle 
suggests, the protection of the frontier against Meroia ; cf. Taylor, u. s., p. 1 5. 

JBaoM dune] ' There are three other mentions of this same place, Ashdown. 
and all very significant. In 661 Wulfhere, King of Meroia, carries his 
ravages as £sr as this; in 871 JEiSered and Alfred fight with the whole 
Daniah army on this down ; and in 1006 we have the Danes passing from 
the neighbourhood of Wallingford " along Ashdown '* ; and we next find 
them at East Kennett, not far from Marlborough. .^Isoesdun is clearly 
that ouMS of chalk-hills between Wallingford and Marlborough, on which 
is the famous White Horse of Berkshire, and on which a private residence, 
Ashdown Park near UflSngton, preserves £he ancient name. Here it was 
that King Cenwalh gave a large tract of country to his cousin Cuthred; 
probably with a view to make the position secure against the Mercians. 
It is remarkable that 661, when Wulfhere advanced to iEsceedun, is the 
year of Cuthred's death. Perhaps be fell defending his territory. Cuthred's 
father Cwichdm was also famous in those ports, for " Cwichelm's-low " 
was near Ashdown (1006). Cf. K. C. D. No. 693.' Earle (i. e. < Skutcham- 
fly ' Barrow, 8} miles from the White Horse). 

860 A, 848 £] On j£gelberht, and the history of the West-Saxon see, iEgelberbt. 
e. Bede, H. £. iii. 7, notes. F 650 says : < her forSferde Birinus se bisoop, 
7 .£^bertns se Frenciscawas gehadod.' The last statement is an error, 
as be was already * pontifex ' when he came to Wessex from Ireland ; 
Bede, ». s. The date of Birinus' death is probably only an inference, 
thottgli a very reasonable one, from the mention of ^gelberht's succes- 
si<m. Bede gives no dates, and therefore these events do not appear in 
hk Epitome. 



Battle of 

Dosth of 

St. Botnlf. 

661 A, 660 E] A, B, G from Bede, Epit. with the right date ; E is from 
H. E. iii. 14, where see notes. 

662 A] (Not in E or FI. Wig.) W. M. i. 23 mentions two great bataes 
of Cenwalh against the Britons ; the seoond at Penn (»658, tn^ra), the 
first < in looo qui dicitur Wirtgemesbnrg.' No legend is known specially 
connecting Vortigem with Bradford-on- Avon. But unless ' Wirtgemesboig ' 
is Bradford, W. M. must have had some special source of tradition or a 
different form of the Chron. See Dr. Stubbs' remarks, I. liii ; IL ixr. 
Kthelwerd calls the battle of Bradford ' bellum ciuile'; i.e. he oonoeiTed 
of it as a battle not against the Britons, but against some other Saxon 
power, probably Mercia. 

653 A, 652 E] This entry is from Bede, Epit. ; cf. H. E. iii. 31, and 
notes. The date in A, B, is correct. The mistake < Mkidel-Seaxe* for 
' Middel-Engle ' is peculiar to A. 

664 A, 668 £] Fur the death of Anna, slain by Penda, v. H. E. iii. 18, 
ad fin, and note. Bede gives no date ; and therefore the occurrence, is 
not mentioned in his Epit. 

Botulf] Botulf and hin foundation are not mentioned by Bede ; but they 
are mentioned in the Hist. Anon. Abbatum, § 4, where it is said of Geol> 
frid, afterwards Abbot of Wearmouth and Jarrow : *■ pemenit et ad Anglos 
Orientales, ut uideret instituta Botuulfi abbatis, quem singulana nitae et 
doctrinae uirum . . . fama circdmquaque uulgauerat ; instructusque aban- 
danter . . . domum rediit.' 7 From this it would appear that his foundation 
was famous as a school of monastic discipline and learning. His life by 
Folcard (eleventh century) says that he had founded it on the model of the 
monasteries in which he had resided in Qaul ; Mabillon, AA. SS. iii. I ff. 
Fl. Wig., like MS. F (see footnote), calls him St. Botulf. Icanho has been 
identified with Boston, Lines, {quasi ' Botulfestdn '), or with the neigh- 
bouring village of St. Botulf; Bright, Engl. Gh. Hist. p. 179 [ed. 3, p. ao6]. 
In spite of the existence of the life by Folcard W. M. says : * iacent in 
eoclesia [Bury St. Edmund's] duo sancti, (terminus et Botulfus, quonun 
gesta nee ibi nee alibi haberi memini, nisi quod primus frater sanotae 
Etheldridae, secundus episcopus fuisse asseritur/ G. P. p. 156. For the 
last statement there seems no foundation ; cf. Hardy, Cat. i. 373-375 ; H. T. 
I. Iii. Bishop i£thelwold tran^ted St. l^qjtulfs relics to Thorney, Ord. . 
Vit. iv. a8o, a8i. ^^ Ar^ ^6^f^4T^ ^¥iJt/l^ 5(ui^»^ h^ 

p. 29. her for1$ferde Honoriiia, E] llie year 653 is correct for this ; j^ 
Bede, H. E. iii. 20. 

pp. 28, 29. 666 A, 664 E] A, B, C (as far as 'Cristne*) from Bede, 
Epit. ; E from H. E. iii. 24, in the notes to which it is shown that 655 
is the true date for the battle of the Winwsd ; and that the Chron. i^ 
wrong in making Peada King of all Mercia. He only ruled by Oswy's 
grant the South Mercians, who are probably the same as the * Middel- 
Engle ' of 653 (652), tuprar' Mr. Cadwallader Bates sends me a paper on 

Battle of 
the Win- 

656] , NOTES 25 

the hnportanoe and site of t|ie battle of the Winwed, which he would place 
at Stow in Wedale. The paper is an interesting one, though some points 
in it seem to me doubtful ; it is in Arch. Aeliana, zix. i8a ff. 

On his time, 70., E] The first of the Peterborough insertions in E, on Petex^ 
which see Introduction, % 4a. With them may be compared the Canter- ^^'^ ™' 
bury insertions in F, the Glastonbury insertions in the B and C recensions ti^. 
of W. M.'s GesU Be^ra (see Dr. Stobbs' Pre&ce, I. Iviii-lzii), and the 
Abingdon insertions in the Lambeth MS. (No. 4a) of Fl. Wig. ; see i. 140, 
145-148, 158, i8a, 185, 199, aoi, ao3, ao4, ao7; ii. 9, 41, 46, 70, 75. With 
the present entry compare Hugo Candidus, in Sparke's Scriptores, pp. 4-8, 
which is taken from this. Bede, H. E. iv. 6, calls Sexwulf himself < con- Sezwnlf. 
Mirmetor et abbas monasterii quod dicitnr Medeshamstedi ' ; of. 675 £, eidfin. 
He says nothing about Peada and Oswy. Possibly they may have joined 
in granting the land for the foundation, as Cynegils and Oswald granted 
Dorchester to Birinus, %b, iii 7, and as Egfirid granted to Benedict Biscop 
the land for the monasteries of Wearmouth and Jairow, Bede, Hist. Abb. 
f I 4, 7. The relation is probably truly enough expressed in the subscrip- 
tion of Sexwulf to the spurious Latin charter corresponding to the inter- 
polation at 675 E : ' Ego . . . Saxulfus regali benefido eiusdem monasterii 
fundator,* K. C. D. No. 990 ; Birch, No. 48 ; H. & S. iii. 153-157. 

055 £] For the consecration of Deusdedit, see Bede, H. E. iii. ao, ad 
Jin, and notes. It is not in Bede*8 Epit. The date 655 is correct. This 
entry is only in E and F. 

p. 29. 656 £, p. 83. 657 A] At the end of the annal 654, E, following Murder of 
Bede, has rightly placed the murder of Peada at the Easter immediately ^eada. 
fallowing the battle of the Winwsd, i,e, Easter 656, according to the true 
chronology. Here, following the other Chronicles, it repeats the entry at 
an interral of two years from that battle ; a further mistake is that Wulf- 
here is made to succeed to Merda immediately on the death of Peada. His 
accession was the result of a successful rebellion of Mercia against Oswy in 
658 ; see H. E. iii. 34, ad fin. and notes. 

p. 29. On his time wssz, 70., E] The second of the Peterborough in- Peter- 
serdons. The Latin charter on which this entry is based (a forgeiy prob- borough 
ably of the time of Edgar, D. C. B. iv. 590) is in K. C. D. No. 984 ; Biich, "**«^*<>^- 
No. a a. 

hia wed brclSeras . . . Oswi] Brotherhood by compact is to actual bro- Artificial 
therhood what adoption is to actual fatherhood, i.e, it is a primitive legal ^^^^' 
fiction ; of. Maine. Andent Law, chap. a. Sometimes an attempt is made 
to mingle the blood of the contracting parties artifidally. ' In the simplest 
form of this rite, two men become brothers by opening their veins and 
socking one another's blood. Thenceforth their lives are not two, but one,' 
Robertson Smith, Bdigion of the Semites, pp. 314 ff. So when Dr. Peters 
swore blood-brotherhood with Mwanga, King of Uganda, the ceremony is 
thos described : 'Ajilight incision is madcAwith 




and Mer- 

and Cjme- 

rib on the right Bide. CofFee-berriea are then Boaked in tbe blood, and are 
exchanged and eaten by the two penons between whom the covenant t» 
made. It is binding for life. The persona between whom blood-brother- 
hood is sworn never desert one anoUier in dnnger ; and their mntual con- 
fidence is nnbounded. It is stated that a case of breach of fiuth between 
those who have once made this strange compact in Central Africa has never 
been known.* The Icelandic plan was for the contracting parties to miQgle 
their blood in the earth, with other ceremonies ; the earth being regarded 
as the common mother of us all. See Orig. Island, i 319 ; Daaent's Gisli 
the Outlaw, p. 23; Flack, in &ude8 Romanes d^i^ k Gaston Paris, 
pp. 146 £ 

The phrase 'brothers by wed or pledge' exactly answers to 'fratres 
adinrati/ S. D. i. 219 ; so ^ frater coniuratus ' of Midcolm III and Tostigj 
ib. ii. 174, 175 ; cf. ' statuimus . . . ut omnes homines totins regni nostri 
. . . sint fratres coniurati/ Leges Will. I, Thorpe, i. 492 ; Schmid, p. 509 ; 
cf. Shakespeare*8 phras^ : 

'I am sworn brother, Sweet, 
To grim Necessity, and he and I 

Will keep a league till death.* Rich. II. Y. i. 20 ; 

and the commentators, ad loe. We find both ideas, ' wed ' and ' oath,* in 
1016, i. 153 : 'heora freondscipe . . . gefaestnodon gemid wedde, gemid 
tkiSe." Madden, Layamon, iii. 354, explains the tei-m ' wed-brothers * by 
' brothers at baptism,' * pledged at the font together* ; and so some trans- 
lators of the Chron. If the writer meant this, he was certainly wrong, 
for Oswy, like Oswald, must have been baptised while in exile among the 
' Scotti ' ; cf. Bede, H. E. iii. 3 ; but the words of the Latin * Christiana fide 
oonfrater et coregnator ' make it probable that nothing more than Christian 
brotherhood is meant. I cannot agree with Professor Earle that 'his' 
here refers to Peada. It refers to Wulf here ; cf. a little lower : ' min 
leone freond OswL' No doubt the writer is in error in attributing these 
friendly relations to Oswy and Wulfhere, who had rebelled against him. 
But we need not be staggered at finding that the twelfth-century inter- 
polator should have tripped in his history. 

JE^lted 7 Merwala] Ethelred succeeded Wulfhere on his death in 
675, infra. Merwala is not mentioned in Bede or in the authentic portions 
of the Chronicle. In the pedigrees, Ac., appended to Florence (i. 264, 265) 
he is called St. Merewald, King of the Weat-Hecanaa (« Herefordshire ^ 
husband of Eormenburga or Domneva (see on 640 a), and, by her, fiikther 
of SS. Mildbuig, Mildred, and Mildgith, and of a son St. Merefinn ; cf. H. H. , 
p. xxvii. ; Hardy, Cat.i 274, 275, 377, 37^384; W. M. 1 78 ; PI. Wig. i. 33. 
Kyneburges 7 KyneawiSea] Cynebnrg was married to Alchfrid, son 
of Oswy of Northumbria, and under him sub-King of Deira, Bede, H. £. 
iii. 21. For the traditional accounts of her and her sister Cyneswith «. 
note, I, e. 


4D "■'■■ly^ 

'■ I ■ ->' •■ 





I _ii-W.Vl<.->V'. 

6s62 NOTES 27 

p. SO. after his eorlea] This word alone stamps this docnment as a ' Earl.' 
forgery. In the sense meant here ( «« ealdorman) it represents the Scandi- 
navian ' iarl/ and only came in with the Danish conqnests ; cf. F. N. C. 
i. 582. 

DeuBdedit . . . Wilfrid preost] If any reliance could be placed on Signatures.' 
these names they would fix the consecration to 66a x 664. Jaruman 
became bishop in the former year, Wilfrid in the latter, and Tuda died 
in 664. Ithamar, though the exact date of his death is uncertain, was 
certainly dead before 664, while as late as 664 Wine was still Bishop of 
Weesex (not of London). Ceadda went to Wessex to be consecrated by 
him after Deusdedit's death on July 14, 664 ; cf. H. & S. iii. 10, where, 
however, there are more inaccuracies than one. The charter of donation, 
infra, is dated 664. ^ 

p. SI. geld na ganle] 'tax or rent.* Probably at the supposed date 
they would hardly be distinguished ; cf. Maitland, Domesday, p. 239. 

Axioarig] Probably Thomey ; the name <Isle of Anchorites* was due Thomey. 
to these settlers. We find ' the wood of Ancarig ' in Croyland charters, 
K. C. D. Nos. 265, 520 ; Birch, Nos. 461, 11 78. Mr. Skene's equation of 
the epithet ' gddfrihte,' < God-fearing,* with the Irish Cell D^ (Culdees) 
seems fandfnl, S. G. S. ii. 244. 

delnlmende . . . lit] So with a genitive : ' dselneomende . , . Jnes 
«can rices,' Bede, H. K ii. 13, ad fin. ; p. 133 ; cf. ih. 112. 

p. SS. Sighere . . . Bibbi] Joint kings of Essex at this time, 664. Sighere 
See on Bede, H. £. iii. 22. They are not elsewhere mentioned in the Chron. ^^^ Sebbi. 

• Eoppa preoat . . . Wiht] A misunderstanding of H. £. iv. 13. Eoppa. 
The passage about Eoppa refers not to the conversion of Wight, but to Conversion 
that of Sussex. Wight was not christianised until after its conquest by of Wight. 
Ceadwalla. Bede expressly says: 'Vecta . . . eatenus erat tota idola- 
triae dedita,' and the priests who were sent to convert it were Bemuini 
and Hiddila, iv. 16. The misstatement here is due to the forger of the 
Latin charter ; but at 661 it occurs independently in all the Chronicles ; 
X. note a. /. From them it is adopted by H. H. p. 61, who tries to 
reconcile it with Bede*s narrative by adding : * ilia [ Vecta] tamen necdum 
oooaerts potuit.' It is omitted by the more critical Florence. 

p. S3. )>eone«tmen] * ]>dnest/«(rerm. * dienst,* is the abstract of ' )>egn.* The Tbane- 
By ' >^neflt men * the writer probably meant the king's thanes. The trans- ^<'^* 
lation given in the Glossary, ' serving-man, retainer,* gives perhaps too low 
an idea of the kind of ' service ' intended. 

andyde] » irritum £sceret. The sense of ' opening ' which occurs just 
below is the older and more frequent. 

7 •• SBToebifloop on Oantwarbyrig] In thus reserving the rights of 
Ganterbuiy, the forger must have ' stood astounded at bis own niodera- 
tioo ' (Lord Clive, Macaulay*s Essays, 1863. ii. 124). a /wi f 

8t85on 00m, 70.] On the Synod of Hertford, see Bede, H. E. iv. 5, and h^^^. 






' An for- 

Battle of 



notes ; infra, 673. That Wynfrid cannot have been deposed at that time 
is shown in the notes to H. £. iii. 6, q. v. 

pp. 82, 88. 668*] Here the chronology of the Chronicles liamMHiises 
once more. 

set Peonntun] ' This is Pen-Selwood, or head of Selwood (locally pro- 
nounced Zilio'd), on the confines of Wiltshire, Somersetshire, and Doiaet- 
shire. The place is &mous for the '^Pen Pits,*' which Mr. Kersl&ke 
thought to be the vestiges of an ancient British town. In the neighbour- 
hood there is an earthen fortress of laige area, known as *' Keniwilkiiu'a 
Castle," a name which bears a strong resemblance to that of Cenwalh.' 
Earle. Cf. 1016, i 149 : ' set Peonnan wi9 Gillingah^hn * ; of the latter 
Mr. Freeman says that it ' is undoubtedly Pen-Selwood. I am far from 
being so certain whether the spot . . . where Cenwealh defeated Uie Wdsh 
is tJM same, or another of the Pens in the same county,' F. N. C. i. 382. 
M^Kerslake would place our < et Peonnum* at Poynington, north of Sher- 
borne, and makes the Welsh fly down the valley of the Yeo to its junction 
with the Parrett at Langport. H. H. says of the Britons, the ' progenies 
Bruti ' : * more niuis lique&cta est uis eorum,' p. 60. This might be a 
snatch of song or proverb such as H. H. sometimes preserves : ' sw4 swA 
sn^w.' Cf. ' sw^ sw4 ^, ' 473 A. He also says that they were encouraged 
by Penda's victory over Cenwalh. If so, it is furious that they waited 
till thirteen years after Cenwalh's expulsion, and three years after Penda*8 
' death. Ethelwerd translates ' Cenwalh . . . st Peonnum * by ' Cenuualh 
et Pionna reges ' (I), p. 506. 

op Pedridan] Not Petherton, as M. H. B. (perhaps misled by B*8 * tPt 
Pedredan,* and Ethelw. p. 506 B), but the Parrett ; cf. 845, 894, p. 87 m. 
Note the absence of the article with river names. 

pis wtM gefohten, 70.] An explanatory notice looking back to 645 
(644 £). See note a, I, A alone has preserved the strong form ' adrifenne.* 
It occurs, however, elsewhere ; v. Glossary. 

an forlat] A, B, C. Only here in our Chronicles ; r. Glossary. In the 
account of this incident in the AS. Bede^ H. E. v. 7, the same verb is 
used ir Tfi^fftt, * forlet he an Pendan swustor * * ' repudiata sorore 
Pendan,' p. 168. The editor, Dr. Miller, has translated ' an ' as if it were 
the numeral ' an,' ' one.' Here, as in many instances, the AS. langpiage 
approximates to the rules of modem German for the use of separable verba. 
E has the simpler form ' forlet,' which still survives in Lowland Scotch ; 
cf. Chambers' Book of Days, i. 57. 

660*] On this entry see Bede, H. E. iii. 7, notes. 

661*. on Posentes byrg] Pontesbury, south-west of Shrewsbury. 
Florence ouiits this battle. On Cuthred and Ashdown see on 648, $upra. 
Ethelwerd, ». <., makes Wulfhere the accusative after ' gehergeade,' and trana> 
lates 'Cenuualh . . . captiuum duxit Uulfhere . • . in [son, the reading 
of B, C] Escesdune ' ; but this, though grammatically possible, is <^eariy 

673] NOTES 29 

wrong. Cenberht is not mentioned elsewhere except in the pedigree 685, 

wliere he appeftra as the father of Ceadwaila. FL Wig. calls him ' Cen- 

bryht subregalas.* On Wulfhere's grant of Wight to iSthelwold of Grant of 

Sussex (Bede's iEdilualch), see H. E. iv. 13, notes. On the alleged mission ^g^f ***, , 

of Eoppa to Wight^ see on 656 £, tupra, Sussex itself was not evangelised 

till twenty years later than the present date, 681-686 ; H. £. v. 19, notes. 

Bede's statement^ tb. iv. 13, that the grant of Wight to iEthelwold of Sussex 

was ' non mnlto ante' 681, rather points to a later date than 661 for that 

event also. 

p. 34. be Wilferpes worde 7 Wulfhere oyning] This is a good Antique 
instance of an antiqne construction by which, when two names depend on construc- 
ihe same noun, the second name is put in the direct case. This is pre- 
served in A, B, C. In E it is altered to the more modem construction; 
cf. Rh^B, Ftoc. Soc. Ant. Scotland, May 9, 189a, p. 301. Professor Barle 
remarks that the spread of Latin culture resuscitated, and perhaps some- 
what extended the use of flexion. There is another instance, 1057 D, ad init. 

pp. 34, 86. 664*] A, B, C from Bede, Epit, with the addition of Death of 
the obit of Archbishop Deusdedit, who died of the plague on the same I>««»dedit. 
day as King Eroenberht of Kent. E has added some details from the text 
of H.'E. iii. 26-38, iv. i ; where see notes. It should be noted that even Synod of 
£ omits all mention of the Synod of Whitby, and merely gives the depar- ^^^^?^^ 
tare of Colman, which was the result of it. The same omission is made f^^^^ 
in the AS. vers, of Bede. Chronicle. 

on Wagele, E] See note on H. E. iii. 37. 
. 667 E] Peculiar to E. From H. E. iii. 39, iv. i. 
668*] A, B, C from Bede, Epit. ; E from H. £. iv. 1. 
669*] On Beoulver, see H. E. v. 8, notes. 

670*] In the notes to H. K iv. 5, I have given reasons for believing Date of 
titat the true year of Osw/s death and £gfrid*s succession is 67 1 and not 670. 9"^'^ , 
Od. Hlothhere and the West-Saxon bishopric, v. Bede, H. E. iii. 7, notes. 

671*. )MSt miole Aigla w»l] Ethelw. adds : < ita ut et in mare et Murrain of 
in arida spurcissimus foetor uideretur tam de minntis auibus quam de hirds. 
maioribus,' p. 506. H. H. turns it into a battle of the birds : ' maxima 
pugna uolucrum * ; adding that a similar battle of birds had taken place 
in his own time in Normandy, p. 61. He is followed by Wendover i. 163. 
For a similar phenomenon in the serenteenth century, see the < Diary of 
Walter Tonge Esquire,' Camd. Soc. 1848, p. 45. Lappenbeig suggests 
thftt this may be the origin of Milton's famous comparison about 'the 
wars of kites or crows,' which for long did so much harm to the study 
of early English history, I. Ix. 

672*] On the difficulties connected with the history of Wessex from Obscurity 
tlM death of Cenwalh to the accession of Ceadwaila, see Bede, H. E. of Wessex 
iv. 13, notes. <t>yy^rJ^ >K/^^yU^^Q</*</^4i^ ^c /^ ytAM 67J ^^'^• 
673*] A, B, C (as far as ' Heorot forda*) from Bede, Epit. On the 







death of Egbert and the Synod of Hertford, see H. R iv. 5, and notes ; on 
JSthelthryth (Audrey) and the foaodation of Ely, ib. !▼. 19, so, sod 
notes. Note Oie erroneous reading of B and C (iGi)elbriht). 

674*] SeeonH. E. iv. 12. 

676*. etBledan heafde] This entry is not in B. Note the meaning 
of the name ' at Bieda's head ' (Gaimar translates it ' al chef de Beds,' 
V. 1416; see above on 501), and of. Ann. Camb. 665, and note a. L 
Imaginary details and moral reflexions in H. H. 

pj iloan geare] From Bede, Epit. See note a. {. The death of Wolf- 
here is not mentioned in the text of H. K 

On his time, 70., E] The third of the Peterborough insertions in £ ; 
of. Hugo Candidns, pp. 9-1 a. It is hardly necessary to call attention to 
the flagrant character of the forgery, and the extravagant nature of the 
privileges claimed. The writer connects the grant wi^ the flrst Roman 
appeal of Wilfrid. He has got the date right, for Wilfrid wss st 
Rome 679-680; V. H. E. v. 19, notes. He has stumbled (like many 
another) in making Wilfrid Archbishop of York. See Bode II. 117, 226. 
It is within the limits of possibility that Wilfrid might have attended 
the Council of Hatfield on his way back from Rome; but the whole 
tenor of Eddius* narrative implies that he returned direct to North- 
umbria, and was at once thrown into prison, c. 34. The spurious Latin 
charter on which this insertion is based is in K. G. D. No. 990 ; Birch, 
No. 48; H. & S. iii. 153-157 ; v, note, t5. 168. It difiers somewhat from 
the present AS. version, but the diflerences are not on the side of greater 
modesty. 'The first real case of exemption of an English monastery 
frt>m episcopal jurisdiction appears to have been that of Battle Abbey, 
Hallam's Middle Ages, ii. 165 note; Robertson, Church Hist. ii. 103, 
203/ Earle. 

p. 36. haue nan onsting] ' quioquam terreni oneris iniungat»' Lat 

ne gafle ne geold ne feording] 'non census, non tributam, non 
militia,* Lat. 

so^bisoop] * episcopus diooeseos,' Lat. 

abbot . . . legat of Borne] Thorn daims a similar privilege for 
St. Augustine's, Canterbury, c. 1779. 

ge redd] ' read ; * so ' nedon ' a little lower down, p. 37. It is only 
in these late parts of E and F that 'redan' and 'geredan' have 
their modem sense of ' to read ' ; their proper meaning is ' to counsel, 
advise ' ; r. Glossary. 

p. 87. Kineborh 7 Kinesoith] The Latin charter represents Cyneburg 
as dead at this time, and Cyneswith as stiU alive. 

Bredune, Hrepingas, Oedenoo] See a paper by Dr. Stubbs, Arch. 
Journal of 1 86 1, pp. 202 ff. He equates the first with Bredon in Leicester- 
shire, and places the second in the Hundred of Repington, and the third 
in Chamaood Forest 

685] NOTES 31 

io festnie mid min ge write] Cf. 'mid gevritum geftestnod/ Oros. 
p. 344. 

OstziBe] See 697, infra, 

AdrUume legst] This ig Abbot Adrian, who was gent by Pope Vitalian Abbot 
to accompany Archbiabop Theodore to Britain, Bede, H. E. iv. i. Adrian. 

Fatta] He had ceased to be Bishop of Bochester in 676, ih. iv. 12. Patta. 
Another mark of forgery. 

"Waldhere] Erconwald, his predecessor, certainly did not die before 69a. Waldhere. 
See t&. iv. 11, notes. 

focea] For 'folces.' Note the phonetic spelling. 

pp. 86, 87. 676*] On the civil and ecclesiastical history of Wessex Weesex 
at this time, see notes to H. E. iii. 7 ; iv. la ; v. 18. On Centwine and ^is^T' 
his daoghter Bugge, v. Aldhelm, 0pp. ed. Giles, p. 115. fj0A£jdJbiffrSfi^^^ 

p. 88. Oynegils Ceolwulfing, A] In the Preface to A Cyn^us is mafie / 

nephew (bro>ursuna), not son of Ceolwalf, probably meaning that he 
was son of Geolwolfs brother and predecessor CeoL FL Wig. corrects 
the Chron. here, calling Cynegils ' filius Ceoll/ i. 34. The mistake might 
easily arise by overlooking the word * bro])ar ' before ' sanu.' 

7 JBSered . . . Centlond] From Bede, Epit. ; cf. H. £. iv. la. 

pp. 88, 89. 678*] A, B, C from Bede, Epit. ; £ from H. £. iv. la, 
where see notes; cf. Ord. Vit. L 436. Gaimar says that the comet 
f4ollowed Wilfrid wherever he went. 

679*] The death of .^Ifwine in A, B, G from Bede, Epit. ; cf. H. E. 
i-v. 31, whence £. Bede gives no date for the death of ^thelthryth, 
ib. iv. 19. 

Coliides burh, E] Coldingham. See t&. iv. a 5, and notes. The date Destmo- 
given here is certamly too early. It is omitted by Fl. Wig. and H. H. ^j^^. 

mid godoandnm tyre] So in Orosius 'heofonlic fyr' of the destmc- ham. 
tion of Sodom, p. 3a; cf. i&. I, 94; Wulfstan, p. 297. 

680*] From Bede, Epit. ; v. H. E. iv. 17, a3, and notes. 

681 E] Only in E and F. From H. E. iv. la, ad Jin., where see 
. notes. 

torpan . . . hider] On the significance of this word hider Older, F), 
see Introduction, § 68. 

esa*] Cf. G. P. p. 360: 'Norht Wahes . . . tunc rebellionem medi- Defeat of 
taotcs, Kentuninos rex tam anzia cede perdomuit ut nichil ulterius ^^q^^^ 
sperarent. Qoare et ultima malormn aocessit captiuis tributaria functio, wine. 
nt qui aatea uel solam umbram libertatis palpabant, nunc iugum subiec- 
tymis palam ingemiscerent.' Whether this is more than a liberal inference 
from the Chron. I do not know. Probably not. 

6M E] Only in £. From H. E. iv. a6, where see notes. 

hjndan, yoJ] Cf. ' hi hendon 7 hergodon,' Bede, H. E. i. 6, p. 3a. 

666 A, B, 0] The obits of Egfrid and Hlothhere from Bede, Epit. 
On the rise of Ceadwalla, see notes to H. E. iv. la, 15, The notice of 


Mul (omitted in £) it an explanatory reference looking forward to 
687, infra. 
Erf^**^ 685 E] For Cuthbert'g oonaecration see H. E. iv. 38, and notes; for 

^^^ the (daughter of Egfrid and succession of Aldf rid, ib, 26, and notes. 

be noxKan sss] * to the north of the sea,' i.e. of the Forth ; not 'by 
or near the North Sea,* as generally consfcraed, M. H. B.; Thorpe; 
Stevenson ; Gibson ; Gumey ; Ingram. Gaimar is quite ooiTect : 

• Ultre la mer devers le Nort ; ' 
he says that Egfrid was killed by * li Orkenan,' rr. 1496 ff. 
On John, Biishop of Hexham, see H. £. v. 2-6 and notes. 
Second re- dVSe "WilfHj) in 00m] This is the second restoration of Wilfrid, when 
W^tT ^^ ^® obfcwned the bishopric of Hexham only, H. E. v. 3, 19, notes. 
I Chester.* Ceaatre] York, as in 763 E, 77^ E. ' Many places were locally called 
Cecuier ; but with the progress of centralisation it became neceasary to 
keep up their distinctive prefixes, as TTincbester, Jtfanchester, &c. Only 
one great place has come to be known by the simple name of ChetUr\ 
with obscure places such as CaUtor, Castor, &c., it was more easy, and 
probably there are several of them in existence.' Earle. 
Wilfrid n. Wilfor« his preoat] This is WUfrid II. Bishop of York ; *cf. H. E. iv. 

23 ; V. 6, ad Jin., 23 ; Cont. Baedae, 732, 745, and notes ; 744, «»/ro. 
Portent. 685 F] Of. Ann. Camb. 689 : * Pluuia sanguinea facU est in Britannia, 

et lac et butirum uersa sunt in sanguinem ' ; * blodig regn set sfen ' is ooe 
, -> of the signs of the approach of the Day of Judgement, Blidding Horn. pp. 
Kent 686*, 687*] It is these ravages of the West Saxons in Kent which 

the*WMt^ makes Bede say of the period from the death of Hlothhete to the ac- 
Saxons. cession of Wihtred : ' regnum illud per aliquod temporis spatiuro reges 
dubii uel extemi disperdiderunt,' H. E. iv. 26, ad Jin., where see notes. 
Details of these West-Saxon campaigns and a fsnoy portrait of Mai 
in H. H. pp. 105-107. Details lUso, inconsistent with the former, in 
W. M. i. 17. ' 

686 E. pSBS Oodwala, 70.] The fourth Peterborough insertaon. . 

Egbald did not liecome abbot before 709, Men. AngL i. 346, cited by 

Bright, p. 350 [ed. 3, p. 393]. 

Abdication pp. 40. 41. 688*] E is from Bede, H. E. v. 7, where see notes. It id 

wiS^ not clear whence A is taken. Bede, Epit., mentions only the journey of 

Cead walla to Borne. His baptism and death did not take place till the 

following year, 689, and so rightly FL Wig. On the chronology of lues 

reign v. Bede, u. «. The xxvii of E is of course a mere Blip.^)ftfC A^X ^//« 

Ineand 7 he getimbrade .. . . GlsBstingabjrrig, A margin] This notice, 

^it?***^* probably by the original scribe (t>. Introduction, § 14, and i. 294), ia found 

in W. and in FL Wig. The spurious charter of Ine to Glastonbury 

is in K. C. D. No. 73 ; Birch, i. 207 ; W. M. i. 36-39. The early 

history of GlaHtonbury is a masH of legend {v. W. M. De Ant. Glasu in 


694] NOTES 33 

Gale and Fulman, iii. 291 ff.). There was, however, a religious foundation 

there in British times : < Glastonbary most have been British territory 

nntil between 65 a and 658, and there seems no doubt that the Weet- 

Sazon Christians at the time of its conquest allowed the monastery which 

they found there to continue/ H. & S. iii. 164 ; cf. t&. i. 38. The Anglo- 

Sazod re-foundation must, however, be earlier than 680 ; tb. So that here, 

mm elsewhere, Ine only completed what others had begun ; cf. Fl. Wig. i. g -y. ; 

41, note. Or 9#-^^ ojlr^ (h4jO:kAn^{^^^ 

ymb •Til* niht] Note the primitive Germanic mode of reckoning by Kights, not 
nights, not days ; v. Glossary, s. v. niht. ^"^ 

he him scop Fetmm to name, E] Cf. Mi, Horn. i. 94 : 'hit waes 
gewnnelic ^t ^ magas sceoldon >am cilde naman gescyppan on ^am 
eahtoOan dsge ' ; cf. %h. 92. 

under Grlstes claffum] «. Bede, H. £. v. 7, notes. 

690 A, 682 £] E and F are right as against A, B, C in placing an Kative 
interval of two years between the death of Theodore and the election of |^' 
Berbtwald ; v. H. E. v. 8, and notes. Strictly speaking, Densdedit was the ^ 

first native archbishop. But the Chronicles (followed by FL Wig.) are 
right in making the continuous series of English primates begin here. 

pa wssron .«. oiningas, 7c., E] On this see notes to Bede, H. E. iv. Kentiah 
a6, ad fin. ; v. 8. He calls the two kings Victred and Suaebhard. The false ^»"«* 
reading of E, Nihtred (not F, nor Gaimar), has misled H. H. pp. 108, 134, 
into making two persons out of one. He reckons * Nithred * and * Web- 
hard ' amonj; the < rego^ dubii uel eztemi,' see on d86, 687, 9upra ; and 
■lakes ' Withred ' restore the native line in 694, q. v, 

693 E] On tliis annal o. H. E. v. 8, notes. The death of Gebmund 
(* Gifemnnd *) is certainly placed too early. It cannot have taken place 
before 6q6 ; u. «. 

Brihthelm] Dryhthelm, D, rightly; which here resumes. The »lip in Biyht- 
E is due to the occurrence of the name Brihtwald just above. ^i^ 

of lyfe gelad] Not 'died,' as I have wrongly taken it in the Gloe- 
■aiy ; so many of my predecesson, including Gaimar ; it refers to the 
'leading* of Dryhthelm through the other world in the famous vision 
narrated by Bede, H. E. v. la, where i«ee notes. The phrase does, how- 
ever, mean to die in JEHfric'a Homilies, ii. 143. 

094*. Her Cantware . . . for bamdon] We have here the application Weigild. 
of the principle of the ' wergild ' or blood-money, on which see S. C. H. 
i. 16 f, i6a ; Kemble, Saxons, 10 ; Robertson, E. K.S. App. E ; Bede, 
H. B. iv. ai. As to the amount the authorities vary. A, D, E simply 
■ay 30,000, leaving the denomination unexpressed ; B, F, and practically C, 
nay 30,000 pounds. Allen, Royal Preri^tive, pp. 177, 178, would supply 
M€Mita, remarking that this is exactly the wergild of a Mercian king . 
• hi6 eynges anfosld weiigild . . . xxx |m.send sceatta, 7 >8Bt bitf ealles cxx 
panda,* Thorpe, Laws, I. 190; Schmid, p. 398.. Ethelwerd says 30,000 

n. D 




Reign of 

Murder of 

■olMI, each consisting of 16 ' nummi,* by which pence are probably meant. 
W. M., followed by Elmham, p. 264, Bays 30,000 gold mancaw^es, i. 34. 
which at eight to the ponnd would agree with Fi. Wig., who gives 3,750 
pounds ; Thorn, c 1770, says 3,000 po inds ; H. H. merely says 'mnltam 
pecuniae.* Wheloc has ' xxx manna ' (see i. 294). There would be 
nothing impossible in the surrender of thirty men in satisfaction for the 
death of Mul. But in view of the other authorities this is probably only 
a wrong expansion, either bv Wheloc or the scribe of his MS., of the 
abbreviation m (t. e. millia) which appears in A, and is actually so expnnded 
in M. H. B. p. 333. The misunderstanding, if such it is, might be helped 
by the fact that the rune for M bears the name ' man,* and is used as 
an abbreviation for that vocable ; see Bos worth-Toller, avh littera M. 
F makes Mul brother of Ine, wrongly. 

7 Wihtred . . . ricel This probably marks his accession as sole king ; 
cf. 693 E, and Bede, H. E. iv. 36 ; v. 8, 23, note*. 

7 heold . . . wintra] All the MSS., following H. E. v. 33, rightly place 
the death of Wihtred at 735, though this is not consistent with any nf 
the numbers of years assigned to his reign here and at 735. Thirty- 
three years, however, would be right if reckoned from his first accession in 
693 E. On th«) continuation of this annal in F, see i. 383 and relT. 

697 E] Ostryth was the daughter of Oswy and wife of Ethelred of 
Merda, H. E. iv. 21. She translated the bones of her nnde Oswald to 
Bardney, ib. iii. 11. Her tragic death is mentioned in Bede, Epit. : *a 
Merciorum primatibus interempla ' ; but no account of the tragedy is given 
in the text of his work ; cf. S. D. i. 349. Lappenberg characterises it 
as 'a crime so rare in the history of Europe, that we have to look 
forward eleven hundred years to find a parallel,' x. 317 (omitted 
in E. T.). 

BuVan hvmbre] ' Merci qui dicuntur etiam Sudhumbri,* H. H. p. 109 : 
cf. 702 £ and Bede II. 39, 30 ; and on this aad the next entry cL 
Introduction, $ 59, note. 

699 E] Here again this event is only in Bede, Epit., where it is placed 
under 698, and ' Berht ealdorman ' appears as ' Berctred dux regins.' 
The Chron. possibly intends to identify him with Bede's ' Berctus * ( = Briht, 
684 E\ the general who commanded the expedition sent by Egfrid against 
Ireland in 684 ; and H. H , improving on the hint, makes his fate the con- 
sequence of the curses called down upon him by the Irish on that occa«ion, 
H. E. iv. 36 ; cf. R. W. i. 195, 196. But the difference of the names as 
given by Bede must make this identification very doubtful. The Iri^h 
annals mention this engagement ; 698 Tigh., 697 Ann. XJlt. : ' Bellum 
inter Saxones et Picto6,%bi cecidit Alius Bemith qui dicebatur Brectrid* 
( Brf-chtraigh , Tigh.) . The ' Berneth * father of * Brectrid * is the ' Bemh«th ' 
(ir * Beomheth ' of Eddius, c. 19 ; an ' audax subregulus * who at the 
beginning of Egfrid*8 reign joined the latter in a successful attack on the 

* Southnm- 

Death of 

705] NOTES 35 

Picts. (Mr. Skene, C. S. i. a6o, 370, wrongly makes Bemhseth fight on 
the Pictish side.) 

70S E] The resignAtton of Ethelred and accession of Cenred of Meroia Accession 
are rightly placed by all the MSS., in agreement with Bede, Epit, at 704. of Cenred. 
This entry in D, E, F is therefore probably a doublet, taken from some 
Bonree the chronology of which was two years out ; ihoagh it is possible 
that Ethelred may have assodaied Cenred with himself in the kingship 
prior to hi? resignation. 

StriShvmbrarioe] Gainiar thus defines the extent of the kingdom of Extent of 
tlie Southumbrians : ^teiS?*" 

' Kenret regna snr Suthhumbreis : kingdom. 

Co est Lindeseye e Holmedene, 

Kestevene e Holland e Hestdene, 

Bel Hombre tresk'en Roteland 

Durout eel regne, e plus avante. 

Par plasnrs fitiz fa la devise : 

Tels liens i ont dreit a Tamise. 

La clef del regne soleit estre 

A la cit^ de Dorkecestre, 

E Huntendone e le cont^ 

Soleit estre de cest regn^ : 

Neis la meit^ de Grantcestre 

I fat jadis e devereit estre.' vv. 1594, ff. 

708^] The length assigned to Hsedde'd episcopate by A, D, E, F (the Length of 
zxxYii of B, C is an obvious blunder) agrees with the date given above, 676, Sj^l^ate 
far his accession. From Bede, H. E. v. 18, however, it appears that he sur- 
vived Aid&id of Korthnmbria, and therefore he cannot have died before 
705 ; V. notes and relT. a. {. Here again the chronology is two years oat. 

704*] See above on 703. Bede, Epit., gives Ethelred a reign of thirty- Abdication 
one yeari, but in this he is inconsistent with himself, as he, like the Chron., of Ethelred 
placet! his accession in 675, ib. On Ethelred see H. E. iii. 11 ; iv. la ; v. ^ 
19, and notes. That his body lay at Bardney is mentioned below at 716 ; 
but this does not necessarily fix his death to that year ; though Fl. Wig. so 
rmderstands it. 

706*] On the date of, and the circumstances attending the death of Death of 
Aldlrid and the accession of Osred, see notes to H. E. v. 18. Here A, B, C -^^dfrid, 
viand clearly over against D, E ; the latter alone giving the day and place 
of AIdfrid*s death, and the accession of Oared, the former alone giving the 
obit of Sexwalf. This last is wrong. He must have died before 6^3. See and 6ex- 
notca, i&. iv. 6 ; v. 19 ; H. & S. iii. 1 29. Florencenw'ho generally is nearest ^^^' 
to D, has adopted this error of A, B, C, i. 46. Tbo AS^f . say : ' obiit 
Aldfridas monachus, olim Rex Nonianhymbrorum.* I know of no other 
aaihority for the italicised words. They may be due to a confusion with 
C^^olwalf ; or they may be an inference from 718*, ir\fra. 



DivisMli of 709*] On the diFuion of the West-Saxon diooese, on Aldhelm, Daniel, 
Uie West- and Forthhere, see notes to H. E. ▼. 18 ; on the pilgrimage of Cenred and 
d^Mft ^^* ^ Rome, and the accession of Geobred of MercU, ib, v. 19, notes ; on 
the death and burial of Wilfrid (added by D, E, ¥), ib. 

be westan wuda] * be westan Selewuda/ * to the west of Selwood,' 
B. Ethel word calls Aldbelm*s diocese ' ptoaincia quae uulgo Sealaudsdre 

in fore weardum . . . dagmn] Of. <on foreweardre )>isse bee/ «>principio 
libeUi, Oi*o8. p. 252; *wibs foreweard niht/*- prima hora noctis, Bede, 
H. £. ii. 12, p. ia6. 
Acca. pp. 42, 48. 710*] On Acca (D, E, F), the successor of Wilfrid at Hex- 

ham, and the friend of Bede, see notes to H. E. v. 20. 
BerhtfrUh The battle of Berhtfrith against the PicU is placed by Bede, Epit., in 71 1 : 
ficts! ^ ' Berctfrid praefectns cnm Pictis pognaait.* It Is mentioned in the Irish 
annals, Tigh. agreeing as to the date with Bede, and Ann. XJlt with the 
Chron. : ' Strages Pictorum in Campo Manonn apud Saxones nbi Finguine 
filins Deileroith inmatura morte iacait.' This shows that Fl. is justified 
in saying of Berhtfrith : * et oictor extitit.* Berhtfrith is the * aecnndus a 
rege prinoeps ' of Eddius, o. 60, to whom Osred so largely owed his throne. 
See notes on H. E. ▼. 18. The occurrence of these related names. Beret, 
H. E. iv. 26 ; Chron. 699 ; Beomheth, &ther of Berctred, «. #. p. S4 ; 
Berctred, Bede, Epit.; Ann. Ult.; Berctfrid, Bede. Epit.; Chron.; all as 
names of persons holding high military office in Northumbrian suggests 
that the holders were members of the same family, in which the office had* 
become more or less hereditary. 
Avon and be twix Hssfe 7 Ossre, E] ' The rivers Avon and Carron are probably 
Carton. meant, the plain of Manann being situated between those two river*,* S. C. S. 
i. 370 ; P. & S. p. Izzxi ; Skene, Four Books, i. 91 ; and this, if Tigh/s au- 
thority may be accepted, who locates the battle ' in campo Manand,' v. #., 
seems decisive in favour of this as against other identifications which have 
been proposed. 
Nun or Ine/Nun . . . oyninge*] * uictumque in fngam uertere,' Fl. Wig. Nun 

Ki^**f the (N'"*'^* ^> ^) ^ probably the * Nunna rex Su^^axonum ' of whom charters 
South dated 714 and 725 are in E. C. D. Nos. 999, 1000; Birch, Noc. 133, 144. 

Saxons. If go, the fact that he is described ns Ine*s relative seems to show that 
Sussex had become by this time a sort of appanage to Wessex ; possibly 
in consequence of the victories of Ceadwalla, Bede, H. E. iv. 15, 16, notes. 
The annals 722, 725 seem to mark sn unsuccessful attempt of the Sooth 
Saxons to assert tiieir independence under Ealdberht, a West-Saxon exile. 
The building of Taunton as a border fortress ( mentioned under 723) is con- 
nected with this advance of Wessex. See 6. M. E. pp. 387-3S9 ; and for 
• Taunton Castle cf. a paper by Rev. F. Warre in Somersetshire Arcb»eolo- 
gibal Proceedings, iv. 18 ff., 1853. 
Geraint Qerente] or Oeraint is the Gerontius or Geruntius, King of the West 

715] ^OTES * 37 

Welsh, ' ooeidentalu regni sceptra gubemans,* to whom Aldhelm sdilrefised of Corn- 
his famous letter on the Paachal question ; on which see Bede, H. E. v. i8, '^^'^ 
notes. Ethelwerd mistakes the preposition 'wiO' for part of the proper 
name, writing : ' contra TJuthgirete regem,* p. 507. 

Hygebald, E ; Bigbald, B] His death is connected by H. H. with Sigbald. 
the same batUe: 'cuius pugnae prindino occisus est Dux Higebald,* 
p. Ill ; bat this is mere inference. Gaimar's ' Sibald/ v. 1653, is decisive 
in fitvour of D*8 reading. On Sigbald I have found nothing. On the 
omission of this annal by the original scribe of A, see Introduction, § 14 ; 
and on Gaimar's reading, ih, % 57, note. 

714*] Guthlao is not mentioned by Bede. See on him Bright, Early St Guth. 
Engl. Church Hist. pp. 386-390 [ed. 3, pp. 431-435] » Hardy, Cat. i. 404- l«o. 
410 ; H. H. p. zxvii. The principal authority for Gnthlac is his life by 
Felix, printed by Mabillon and the BoUandists under April ii, and re- 
edited by Mr. W. de Gray Birch in his Memorials of St. Guthlac. There 
is an Anglo-Saxon version of this life which has been edited by Goodwin 
(cf. Wlilker, Grundriss, pp. 491-493), and an Anglo-Saxon poem on him 
in Codex Exoniensis, ed. Thorpe, pp. 104 ff. (cf. Wiilker, pp. 179-183). 
Felix's life was written during the life of ^thelbald t757, AA. SS. Apr. ii. His life by 
49 ; and during* the life of GuthWs successor Cissa, Goodwin, p. 76 ; Felix. 
A A. SS. «. #. pp. 38, 41. In Bede, II. xxxvi. 343, I have shown that Felix 
was probably a monk of Croyland, and that his work was dedicated to 
iEtbelbald of Meruia. It is true that in one MS. the writer is made to call 
himself ' Congregationis Sancti Bedan uemaculus/ whence some (0.^. Bright, 
II. #., and Mabillon) have made him a monk of Jarrow. But this aU arises 
ftwn an error of a scribe, who finding in the MS. which he was copying that 
Felix was a monk ' Monasterii Gyruen8is,'Te. ' of the Gyrwas,' a per- 
fectly true description of Croyland (cf. ' jxet mynster is on middan Gyrwan 
fenne,' Hyde Register, p. 88), wrongly inteq>reted the phrase as referring 
to Jarrow. Modem editon have not avoided this confusion ; r. Bede II. 
174. Felix places the death of Guthlac in 715, but this, according to the 
BoUandists, is due to his using the era of the Incarnation, which, dating 
from the Annunciation, precedes the era of the Nativity by nine months ; 
see Appendix to Introduction. His day is April 11. Orderio inserts an 
epitome of Felix's life of Guthlao in his H. E. ii. a68 ff., characterising it 
as ' prolixo et aliquantulum obscure diotatu.' He made the epitome during 
a five weeks* sojourn at Croyland. For a list of churches dedicated to 
Guthlac, tee Bircfa,-ii. #. p. xxxiL Gnthlac*s cross still exists at Brother- 
hoDse, near Croyland, and is also figured in Birch. Cf. also the life of him 
in D. 0. B. ii. 823-826. Abingdon claimed to possess relics of his, and 
obeerved his festival, Chh>n. Ab. ii. 158, 315. A fourteenth-century French 
Calendar, formerly belonging to Ludlow, makes him a bishop, Hampson, 

i. 464. • 

714, 715 F] Here we have fragments of a Frankish Chronicle embodied 

1- \lrAk. ^oVTo^^ ^ ^1 




Battle of 

Osred, &c. 




in F. The dates are correct for the deaths of Pippin of Heristal and 
Dagobert III. 

715*] For the place of. 59a, and iufra on 833. W. M. seems to imply ihat 
Ceolred was rictoriouK, for he calls him ' uirtute contra loam mirabilis/ i. 79. 
n. H. says : ' adeo horribiliter pugnatam est ntrinque, ut nesciatur cui 
clades detestabilior contigerit/ p. 1 1 1. Mr. Green, u. «., thinks that ' the 
absence of all account of its issue shows that Ceolred's attack failed'; 
but the results of battles are sometimes omitted in the Chron. becaiue 
they were supposed to be well known, see on 753, infra, 

716*] On Osred*s character and death, see notes to H. £. v. 18, 22. 
As he succeeded in 705 he really reigned eleven yean, and so H. £. v. 18. 
On Cenred, »6. v. 32, note; on Osric, ih, 33, notes; on Ceolred*s death 
and character, ih. 19, notes ; on iEthelbaid, ib, 23, notes ; on Egbert's 
conversion of the monks of lona to the Roman Easter, i&. 33, notes. 

be sidfan ge msdre, E] Gaimar again quite correctly : ' en la marehe 
devers midi,' v. 1645. 

beforan awriten, A] Viz. at 636. 

Id hiwan, E] Cf. AS. Bede, p. 183 : ' )>a hiwan . . . >e in (am mynstre 

718*] Of Ingild (Ingils, Fl. Wig.) nothing seems to be Juiown. Egbert, 
the uniter of Britain, was descended from him ; see the WegtpSaxon pedi- 
gree given above, p. 4; cf. S. D. ii. 371. On the sisters cf. W. M. i. 35: 
* habuit . . . Ina sorores Cuthburgam et Quenburgam ; Cuthburga Alfrido 
[H. H. p. 1X3, says wrongly Eg&ido] Northanimbrorum regi nuptnm 
tradita, sed, non post multum ooniugio diducto, primo apud Berkinguni 
sub abbatitsa Hildilida [Bede, H. £. iv. 10], moz ipsa magistra regulse 
Wimbumae Deo placitam uitam transegit. Uicus est modo ignobilie, 
tunc temporis insignis, in quo frequens uirginum chorus . .' . superon 
suspirabat amores.' Of. Bede II. 364. On the discipline of Wimborne, 
see a passage from the life of St. lioba given in notes to Bede II. 15a 
A Bpurioui charter of Aldhelm's professes to be drawn up at Wimborne, 
G. P. p. 379; K. C. D. No. 54; Birch, No. 114. There is a letter 
of confraternity from two abbesses, Cuenburga and Ooenbutga, in 
Mon. Mog. p. 136 ; H. & S. iii. 343, 343, of whom the former is probably 
to be identified with Cwenburg here (whom H. H. p. 11 3, also call« 
Cneburh, a very possible error, Cneuburg fur Cuenburg). Curiously 
enough, the letter is addressed to an Abbot Ingeld ; but this cannot be 
our Ingild, if the Chron. is right in dating his death 718, fur the 
letter must be as late as 739. Another sister of Ine*s, Tetta, was also 
Abbess of Wimborne, H; & S. «. s. An Abbess * Cuneburga regalii 
prosapiae' is addressed in a letter of 733 x 742, Mon. Mog. p. 109. 
This again may be for 'Cuenburg.* The Cuthburga mentioned among 
the lost souls seen in a vision described Mun. Mog. p. 375, is probably 
not this Cuthburg, and tlierefore Lappenberg's inference that Cuthborg 

728] NOTES 39 

acted a» regent for Onred after Aldfirid's death falls to the ground, i. ao6 ; 
£. T. i. an. It is, however, curious that Bede, who makes so much of 
^thelthrjih's voluntary separation from Egfrid, and her foundation of £ly 
(U. K iv. 19, ao), should have nothing to say of Guthburg's voluntary 
aeparation from Aldfrid and her foundation of Wimbome. 

721*] On Dtiniel, Bishop of lyinchester, see H. E. v. 18, notes. The Strife in 
■laying of the Etheling Cynewulf, 'clitonem Cynewlfum,' FL Wig., marks **»« Wessex 
the renewal of that discord in the royal family which so long delayed ^^^ 
the advance of WeMez. The events of yaa, 725, and 728 connected with 
other Ethelings, Ealdberht and Oswald, illuHtrate the same point. 

ma ofaloh, E] Probably a mistake for 'ine o&loh' (D), but it 
can be construed, as * me * is occasioually found in £ and F for * man.' ^ 

■e halga biaoop lolls.] Bishop of Hexham, and afterwards of York, St. John of 
who ordained Bede both deacon and priest; see H. E. v. a -6, and notes ; Beverley. 
cC tupra, 685 K 

722*] From this it would seem that the fortress which Ine had Destruc- 
builfe to bridle his British foes had been seised as a vantage ground ^^*J^^ 
by his domebtic rivals; cf. H. H. p. 11 a. On Ine's queen ^thelburg, ^^^ ,. 
' foemina regii generis et animi,' and the curious legend of the way in 
which she induced Ine to resign his crown, see W. M. i. 35, 36, 39. She 
appeiin with Ine in a spurious charter, K. C. D. No. 74 ; Birch, No. 143. 
Jacob Grimm suggested that the Andreas may have been written lor 
ibeiu, Andreas und Elene, pp. zii, li (1840) ; Wulker, Gruudriss, p. 149. 

7 Ine . . . Sup Seaxum, A] The DE recension omits this clause Ine's waiti 
bere^ probably taking it to be a doublet of the similar entry 725. ^^^ 
B, C retain it here and omit it there; and so Ethelwerd, who dates 
this engagement * post sex menses,' p. 507. Fl. Wig. sgrees with A. 

726*] On Wihtred see above, notes to 690-692, 694, and the refEl there 
given. On the question of his successors, see Bede, H. E. v. 23, notes. 

728 A, 726 E] On Ine's resignatiun and death, see H. E. v. 7, ine's abdi- 
ad Jin. and notes. As to the date of the former, C, D, £ are nearer cation and 
the truth (726) than A, B (7a8).^ The date of the Utter is not known. **®**^* 
F*s placing of it here is due to a confusion of ' fdr ' and 'gefdr,' ' fdrde* and 
* foi<Sfi£rde,' or of 'abiit* and <obiit.* (For the latter cf. the case of 
Colman, Bishop of lindisfame, cited H. K iii. a6, note.) The insertion 
in a, * 7 yssr his feorh gesealde,' is probably taken from 855 A, t'lf/Va. 

^pelheard] 'de prosapia Cerdid r^is oriundo,' Fl. Wig.«-<>es cyn .£theU 
gss8 to Ceardice,' A, Pref. W. M. says of him : ' surgentes eius primitias heard. 
frequenter interpolaret Oswaldus regii sanguinis adolescens,* L 39. 
Oswald's death is mentioned at 730, infra. H. H. tays that he had been 
forced to fly from Wessez, p. 114. Whether he had any authority for 
ihia is doubtful Ethelwerd, u. #., calls him ' Osuueo.* An alleged grant by 
him i» recited in a spurious charter of Athelstan, K. C. D. No. 374 ; Birch, 
Ho, 7J7. 






and Bede. 

source in D. 

of Mercia. 


Kgbert of 



727 E] On Tobias and Aldwalf, see Bede, H. £. v. 8, 33, notes. 

pp. 44, 46. 729*] A, B, C from Bede, Epit. ; D, E, F from H. E. v. 
32, 33, where see notes. Gaimar says that Egbert * enterrez fd a Mir- 
martin/ v, 1664 ; possibly a confusion with St. Martin's at Whitem. 

Osrio, E] 729 is the right date for his death, as here given by D, £, F, 
and Fl. Wig. It is repeated again under 73 1 by all the MSS. except E aod F. 

Caolwulf ] The king to whom Bede dedicated.his Ecclesiastical Historr ; 
see H. E. Preface, and notes to v. 23 ; a fact to which both Fl. Wig. and H. H. 
here allude ; cf. S. D. i. 40, 360. ASK. add : ' qui post . . . monacbuB 
faotus, Lindirfamensium extitU episeopu*.' There is no authority for the 
words italicised, which are due to a confusion with Ceolwulf, Bishc^ of 
Jjindsey, mentioned below, 794*, 796 E. 

730*. Oswald ae mpeUng] ' uir strenuissimus,* Fl. Wig. 

781*J The use of a double source in D is here very clearly seen. Not 
only is the death of Osric repeated (o. #.), but the obit of Berhtwald or 
Brihtwold of Canterbury is entered twice within this same annal. (On 
his death, and on the consecration of his successor Tatwine, v. Bede, H. £. 
V. 23, and notes.) £ has avoided both these errors. 

733*. JEipelbald . . . Bumtir tun] A somewhat fancy description in 
H. H. pp. 114, 115, but he rightly emphasises the great position held by 
^thelbald at this time. ' In the anarchy that broke out on Ine's with- 
drawal ... he overran the wh(de of the West-Saxon country, till -his siege 
and capture of the royal town of Somerton in 733 seemed to end the war/ 
G. M. E. p. 394, Cf. notes to Bede, H. E. v. 23. 

Sonne a})ie8trode] Aug. 14, and so Bede, Cont. F*s Latin description 
of the eclipse is from Bede, Chron. 0pp. Min. p. 256 ; cf. Fl. Wig. and 
S. D. ad a^n. 

Acca . . . adrifen, E] The true date is probably 73 1 ; see Bede, H. E 
v. 20, notes. His death is mentioned tn/Va, 737 E. 

734*. 86 mona] This lunar eclipse was on Jan. 24. 

Tatwine] v. H. £. v. 23, and notes. 

Bieda] The true date of Bede's death is probably 735 ; see my Bede 
I. Ixxi. ff. 

Ecgbriht, E] On Egbert of York, whose consecration is recorded here, 
and his reception of the pallium under 735 by D, E, F, see the notes on 
Bede's letter addressed to him. 

736*] Nothelm is the ecclesiastic who supplied Bede with materials for 
his EccL Hist., especially documents from the Roman archives. See Bede'i 
Preface, and notes a. I. F, Lat., in adding ' et tenuit v. ann.,* is incon- 
sistent with itself, for it places the death of Nothelm in 740 ; v. i. 394. 

737*. Forphere] See Bede, H. E. v. 18, notes. 

PriJ)ogi)>] Queen of Wessex, wife of .^Ithelheard, Fl. Wig. She is 
mentioned in two charters, one spurious and one genuine, K. C. D. Koe. 
374, i»57; Birch, Nos. 7^7, 831. IJX^ar ^l^^aKJ <>0C Irv^.Vw 

741] NOTES 41 

Ceolwolf, £] See ftbove on 739 E. 

ESdberhte] D, £ rightly give the accession of Eadberht under 737 ; Eadberht 
it is repeated by all the MSS. under 738. The lengUi of his reign, twenty- ^^ ^^^' 
one years, added to 737 gives 758 for the date of his resignation, which is 
righty though the Chron. gives it under 757, where see note. He ruled 
well and prosperously. He was at war with the Picts at the time of 
^thelbald*s invasion of Northumbrian mentioned here by £ [ ^ 740, Cont. 
Baed.], and seems to have reduced them to submission, for in 756 he 
BQccessfully allied himself with Oeng^s or Unust, King of the Picts, 
against the Britons of Strathdyde, though he lost the greater part of Mh 
army on his return, S. J>, ii. 40 ; and either then or earlier he annexed 
a considerable part of what is now Ayrshire to his dominions, Bede, Cont. 
i. a. 750, and notes. Angles, Picts, Soots (of Dalriada), and Britons alike 
looked up to him. He was also in alliance with Pippin the Short, King 
of the Franks, & B. i. 48, ^9 ; cf. S. C. S. i. 331, and the notes to Bede's 
letter to Egbert, his brother. Alcuin says of him : 
'Qui dilatauit proprii confinia regni, 
Saepius hostiles subigens terrore phalangas/ vr. 1374 f. 
The remaining entries are placed by S. D. ii. 3a or Bede, Cont., or both 
under 740. 

his federon sonu] According to the pedigrees in 731 A, 738*, Ead- 
berht was first cousin of Ceolwulfs father, Qutha; cf. p. 5, mpra. 

.fiSelwold bisoop] Viz. of Lindisfame ; 9. H. K v. la, notes.' His Eadberht's 
saccessor Cynewulf was thrown into prison by Eadberht for harbouring '^-ISj^J?" 
Offa, a son of Aldfrid, at the tomb of St. Cothbert (St Cuthbert himself ^nrch.* 
had foretold that troubles of this kind would arise, Baedae Vita Gudb. 
c 37 «it5^Jt.). Offa was drawn from his sanctuary and slain. This was 
in 750, S. D. i. 47, 48; ii. 39rf. (For Cynewulf 's resignation see below 
on 779 £.) From all theie facts it is clear that Eadberht, like Egfrid 
and Aldfrid, acted with very considerable independence towards the 
ecclesiastical power. There is a letter of Pope Paul I to him urging the 
restoration of three monasteries which he had forcibly seized, one of which 
seems to have been Jarrow, H. & S. iii. 394-396. 

JBSelwold hergode] lege ^ffelbald ; v. critical note, and on this harry- 
ing cf. H. R V. 33, notes. 

788*. on onnm portioe] The < imvax ' is emphatic, — the same ; ' sub 
unins porticos tectum,' Ethelw. p. 507 D. For the meaning of porticus see 
Bede II. 80, 330, 369. 

741 A, 740 E] The death of ^thelheard is placed in 739 by Cont. I>eath of 
Baed. ; S. D. ii. 3a i in 740 by C, D, E, F ; Ann. Lindisf. (which is con- ^^^• 
firmed by adding the length of his reign, fourteen years, to the probable 
date of Ine's resignation, 726 ; see on 726 E) : in 741 by A, B ; Fl. 
AVig. (?). As to the relationship existing between him and his successor 
Cntbred, A, B, C say nothing ; D, £ call them vaguely ' relations/ 'his 




niBdg/ ' propinquus,' Fl. Wig. < cognatuB,' H. H. p. 1 19 ; W. M. L 40 ; while 
S. D. And Ann. Lind. u. $. say that they were brothen, ' frater edu.' 
All the MSS. place Cuthred'n death in 754, ivfra, which is inconiditeDt 
with the length here aksigned to his reign (^tle zzvi of B, C is a m«R 

Badberht, £] lege Cadberht ; due to the occurrence of Eadbriht Eating 
joBt above. The error is copied by H. H. p. 119. 

Archbishop Ou)>bryht . . . gehalgod, A] So Cont. Baed. 740: 'Cudberctas . . . oon- 

Cuthbert, gecratus est.' He was, however, tran>lated from Hereford, Fl. Wig.i. 54; 
G. P. pp. 8, 298, 299, having been consecrated in 736, S. D. ii. 32. (FL Wig., 
followed by S. D. ii. 38, says of his accession to Canterbury, ' archiepisco- 
patum Buscepit,' which is indefinite.) He had previously been Abbot of 
Lyming, K. C. D. No. 86; ^pircti, i. 231. This is the prelate to wbotu 
St. Bcniface addressed bis famous letter on the state of the English Churdi, 
which was either the cause or more probably the consequence of the 
Council of Clovesho in 747, H. & S. iii. 376-383 ; Mon. Mog. pp. 200 ff., 
where Jaff(^ dates the letter 748. Tliere is a long and interesting letter 
of Cuthbert to LuUus uf Mainz on the martyrdom of his predeot^s^or, 
bt. Boniface, H. k S. iii. 390-394; Mon. Mog. pp. 261 ff. ; also some 
verses by him in 6. P. pp. 298. 299 ; cf. ib, 8-1 1, 15. That he, like other 
people, borrowed books, and forgot to return them, is shown by Mon. Mog. 
p. 268. For his death see on 758. infra, 

I>un. Diin] He attended the Couucil of Clovesho in 747 (H. & S. iii 362;, 

and seems to have died the same year; v, D. C. B. iv. 911. 

Burning of 74I E] Cf. S. D. 74 1 (ii. 38) * Monasterium in Eboraca ciuitate suc- 
ceuBum est ix. Kal. Maii, feria i * ; t. e. Apr. 23, which was a Sunday in 
741. The Cont. Baed. notes 'siccitas magna' under 741, which would 
help to account for the fire. 

742 F] On this Synod of Clovesho (whlcli must not be confused with the 
famous council of 747, not inentifped in the Chronicle), see H. & S. iii. 
340-342; K. C. D. No. 87; BiiJIiD, i. 233-237. It is of very doubtful 
genuineness ; and* the charter said to have been granted at it is a later 
insertion even here. See critical note. 

pp. 46, 47. 743*] Note the combination of Wessez and Mercia against 
the common foe. ^ 

744*. Her Danihel gessst] The meaning must be that Daniel resigned. 
Exactly the same phrase Ib used of the resignation of Cynewulf, Bishop of 
lindisfarne, in 779, D, E. Yet it is hard to see how 'gesset* can mean 
anything but ' resided.' I suspect that the compiler had a Latin source 
before him and confused between ' resedit ' and ' recedit.' The latter is 
the word actually used by Florence here ; but in 932, a passage indepen- 
dent of the Chron., he has ' resedit * in the sense of *■ resigned,* i. 130. For 
* resideo' of a bishop's occupation of his see, cf. Lift. App. Ff. II. 1. aj6. 
On Daniel see notes ^ Bede, H. E. v. 18. Cvueheard, Hnnferth's 


Synod of 

tion of 

0. (?^^i^ ^(Afl^iJbK^ 

754] NOTES 43 

<:««^r (754-780), spiMkB of the Utter in a letter to Liillu«, 755 x 766, as 
* Himlrithus epiacoporum miti«8ima8,* H. k S. iii. 43a ; Men. Mog. p. 269. 

•teorran foran, £] The shooting Htarn are phwed by S. D. ii, 38, under Shooting 
745 : ' nisi sunt in aere iotas ignei, quales nnnqoam ante mortales illius aeui *^*i^ 
aidemnt ; et ipsi paene per totam nootem uisi Hant, Kal. scilicet lanuarii/ 

WilferS seo iunga] See H. E. ▼. 6, and notes. 

74e*] Selred was King of the East Saxons, Fl. Wig. i. 55. He had sue- Kings of 
ceeded on the resignation of OflFa. This was in 709, H. E. t. 19, notes; ^^' 
cf. lb. iii. 22 ; iv. 6, notes. He was succeeded by Swithred or Switbed, the 
date of whose death is unknown (though W. M. makes him reign till 823 !). 
After his death the line of Essex sinks into obscurity, till the kingdom was 
reduced by Egbert of Wessex ; v. 823, ii{fra ; Fl. Wig. I 263 ; W. M. i. 99. 
It is curious that none of the Chrons. mention the famous Synod of Cluve- 
sho in 747 ; r. H. & a iii. 360 flF. 

748*] H. H. p. 120, makes Cynric the son of Cuthred, and gives fancy Kings of 
details of his being slain in a 'mill tans seditio/ which Lappenberg, i. 263 ; Kent. 
E. T. L 269, accepts as history. On the Kentish succession, see notes to 
Bede, H. E. v. 23 ; cf. Elmham, p. 321. 

760*] Here again H. H. u. s. gives imaginary details ; cf. Lappenberg, 
i. 264 ; £. T. i. 269. Ethelwerd says that the dissension was ^ pro aliqaa 
liiuidia reipublioae,* p. 507. 

762*] H. H. pp. 121, 122, oatdoes himself in his description of the battle Battle of 
of Bnrford. It would be rash to accept it as history, as Lappenberg, k. «., Burford. 
aud, to some extent, Green, M. E. p. 396, do ; though it is just possible 
that aoute of the details may be derived from some old ballad. A, B, G 
do not mention the result of the battle, regarding it as too well known. 
The battle of Burford (Oxon.), * satis durum proelium/ Fl. Wig., is an im- 
portaut landmark. Mr. Green, u. «., says : ' the supremacy of Mid-Britain 
passed for ever away.' Considering the subsequent position of Offa this is 
perhaps a little strong. Mr. Freema^ilLsays more temperately atid more 
truly : * it finally secured the independence of Wessex,* F. N. C. i. 37 ; of. 
U. U. p. 122: 'Regnum . . . Westsexe ex hoc tempore uidde roboratum 
creacere usque In perfectum non destitit.' Of. Bede, Cont. and S. D. t, a. 

753*] ' Poet annum, ut solitus erat suae ferocitatis iuiplere conamen 
anna contra Brittannos aptauit,' Ethelw. u. «. 'Denuo cum Britonibus 
pognaos, ex eis quam plurimos interfecit,' Fl. Wig. ^ 

754^] * Cadredus, rex magnus et excelsus*. . . uitam 6niuit,' H. H. p. 122. Death of 
The annal would be more compact if the clause ' 7 Sigebryht . . . gear ' Cuthred. 
followed immediately after ' Cu^red for^ferde;' cf. Ang. Sac. i. 194, 195. 

Oyneheard] Two lettexw from him to Lullus are extant. In the former Csmeheard, 
of these h« calls himself * indignus, ut uereor, Episcopus Weutauae ciui- ^?^*^P *** 
talis,' and begs Lullus to send him any books either of spiritual or secular ^^^ 
science, especially medicine, H. k S. iii. 431-433 ; Mun. Mog. pp. 268-a7a 





of the 

In the other he thanki him for hie gifts and eympathlsea with his fcroablea. 
The letters give a very pleasing idea of the writer, ib. p. 287. He ugu 
charters, K. C. D. Kos. 103, 104 (again calling himself 'indignos ep- 
scopns'), 115 ; Birch, Kos. 185, 186, 300. 
his msBg, D, £] ' SUU8 propinqaus Sigeberetas, filiu9 Sifferieif* FL Wig. 

i.56. ^ 

Chrono- With this year begins the chronological dislocation in the Chronide, 

logical dis- on which see Introduction, $ 100; Theopold, p. 17. For if we add the 

_ ^^'^'^' length of Cnthred's reign, sixteen year8^74i A, 746 E), to the true date of 

- i ICh hisaoces^on, ^40, we get 756 as the date of his death. The other events 

^^^^'^f^^V^^^'^^^ should probably also be transferred ; nor is the mention of Cyneheard 

opposed to this, for, as against Dr. Stubbs, £p. Suoc. p. 7 [p. 1 1, ed. 3], 

I believe there is no signature of Cyneheard's earUer than 757. 

755^] This is the most elaborate annal which we have yet had ; it is one 
of the most elaborate in the whole Chronicle ; see Introduction, § 7, note. 
Its structure should be carefully noted. It first gives the accession Af 
Gynewulf on the deposition of Sigberht. It then follows the fortunes of the 
latter to his slaying. It next gives the general characteristic of Cynewulf'i 
reign, his warfare against the Britons. Then it inserts a detailed and most 
dramatic account of the circumstances of his death, the bare fact of which 
is inserted in proper chronological order, 784 below ; whither Fl. Wig. 
and H. H. p. 127, transfer those details, which they rhetorically sraplify. 
After this with the words * 7 Jyy ilcan geare ' the events of 755 are rosumed, 
and Offa*s pedigree appended. 

Her Gynewulf benam, 7c.] In A ' beniman ' is construed with the sec 
of the person and gen. of the thing ; so Bede, H. K iii. 7 : ' Penda . . . hin« 
his rices benom,* p. 168 ; ' Persa cyning benom )K>ne ealdormon his scire/ 
Oros. p. 96 ; in £, F it is construed with dat. of the person and ace. of the 
thing ; in B, C, D with dat. of the person and gen. of the thing (which 
seems less intelligible, and to which no parallels are cited either by 3o»- 
worth or Grein). It is also found with a double accusative ; cf. Bede, H. E. 
ii. 9 : ' list he scolde Eadwine ]K>ne cyning . . . ge rice ge lif beneoman/ 
p. 12a ; and with aoc. of person and dat. of thing, v. Grein, #. v. 

Her Gynewulf . . . ds^dum] On the deposition of Sigberht and the 
general question of the right of the Witan to depose the king, see Kemble, 
ii. 319 ff. ; F. N. G. i. 593 ff. ; S. C, H. i. 136 ff. ; and the passage fitwn 
JEXfr'ic given below on 946 A. This is the first time that we have bad 
mention of the action of the witenagemdt. Freeman, following Kemble, 
thinks that Ethelwei-d shows royalist leanings here. Fl. Wig. simply nys : 
' auxilium [Gynewulfo] ferentibus Westsaxonicis primatibus.' 

op he ofslog pone aider men, 7c.] This alderman, as the sequel showf, 
was Cumbra, and was probably the master of the herd who avenged him 
(called Ansian, B. W. i. 334). H. H. pp. 132, 133, makes <?umbra slain 
by Sigberht because he remonstrated with him in the name of the people 

^ ^^ meA^ J^ M^^ mMjy\^ l^Cl'^ <^'^«^ 
^J^^ c^ufW^M irAsn ^ ; 

tion of 
' beniman.' 

of kings 
by the 

Slaying of 

755] ' ^^ ^'-'^6r£5 45 

for his miagovemnient ; i.e, he makes the murder of Cumbra precede the 
depoeition of Sigberht. Thia will enable U8 to estimate 'the value of those 
details in H. H/s narralive in which, says Mr. Freeman, h. «., ' the Ipgal 
action of the nation stands ont most ciearly.' 

ymb . . . wiilt] Note the progressiye corruption of the numeral : 
xxzi A, B, C ; zxi D ; xvi E. 

ha wolde sdrnfan . . . bro]mr] * sea gloria rerum elatns, ... sea pos- Oynewalf 
teritati soae metuens/ W. M. i. 41. The latter is more probable. The ^^ ^-^^ 
claims of Cyneheard were no doubt dangerous. S. D. li 51 calls him ' per^ heard, 
fidus tyrannos.' 

7 ytk geasoode, 7c.] ' In this circumstantiail narrative the reader should Arrang^ 
bear in mind the arrangements of a Saxon residence. The chief building ^^[^on 
was the hall, around which were grouped the other apartments, each en- house, 
tered from the court ; the whole surrounded by a wall or rampart of earth, 
and therefore named a hurh. The common 'external entrance was the 
gate {geaf), which was an opening in the wall ; but the entrance to any 
of the enclosed buildings was a door (daru). The description in this annal 
seems to imply that the residence at Merton covered a considerable area.*^ 

*The king was in the lady's chamber (ft»r— the " ftonw" of mediaeval 
romance), and Cyneheard surprised him there Qiine }<Br herad) by riding 
in unexpectedly through the enter ffate into the court, before the king's 
attendants, who had retired to the hall, were aware (flpr hine }a men 
<mfvndt%}9 mid}axik eyninge warun). Then the fight between the king 
and his foe takes place at ihe door (duru) of the lady's bower, and there 
the king was slain. And now the lady's screams had, for the first time, 
aUrmed the king's guard in the hall. They hasted to the rescue, scorned 
Cyneheanf s proposals, and fought till all but one were slain. Next morn- 
ing the rest of the king^s party came up, and found Cyneheard in occupa- 
tion, and in a posture of defence (/one etlSeling onfiiBrt hyrig metton). His 
party had closed the outer gatei (}a ffatu), and meant to defend them. 
After a fruitless parley, they fought about the gates (ymhfa gatu) till the 
party inside was obliged to yield. See Mr. Wright's very interesting work, 
Domestic Manners and Sentiments, p. 13.' Earle. 

on wif 07p)>e] ' cum qaadam meretrice morando,' Ethel w. p. 508. 

^one bur] The note just given shows clearly that this reading of A, D, E 
is correct against that of B. C, < >a burh.' Cf. Bede, H. E. iv. 31, « cumena 
har'>»' hospitale,* p. 378. 

pp. 48, 49. nt nesdo on hine] Ct Bede, H. E. ii. 9 : ' he rsesde on )K>ne 
cyning,' 'impetum fecit in regem,' p. laa, of the attempted assassination 
of Edwin by Earner. 

on ymm wifiss gebwrom] *gebeere ' is 'bearing,' 'carriage'; Bede, H. E. * gebsere.' 
iv. aa : ' of his ondwlitan 7 on gebiBrum ' «> ' ex noltu et habitu,' p. 328 ; more 
vagaely "■manners, mode of life: 'he swiffor lufade wifa gebeero ^onne 
wvpnad monna/ Oros. p. 5a. Here it probably includes both gestures and 


orie<« ; and so almoet exactly Oros. p^ 194 : 'to Oaem msestan ege, Bwa hit 
men on ])ara wiepned monna gebaeriim ongiian mehte.* In Lajamon 
' ibere ' constantly mean** ' cries ' ; cf. Madrlen's Glossary. 

8wa hwelc ... 7 radost] D and E simply omit the 7; B and C 
omit both tlie la?t words. The text of A is probably the most original, 
and was altered because a diflScnlty was felt ; the sense is : ' they ran ' 
thither as each was rendy, and [could get there] quickest. 

o]? hie alle leegon, A] < till they all lay dead/ E, alone of all the MSS , 

has altered this impre^ive phrase into the conventional *were daan/ 

Disgraoefnl That it was he'd disgraceful for members of a comitatus to surviTe the 

to'sui^ivG* ^"^'^ ^^ shown by the implied excuses made for the one survivor : (a) he 

their lord, ^*« only a Welshman ; (]b) a mere hostage ; and (c) severely wounded. 

So of the one survivor on the Etheling*s side below : (a) he was godson 

of the victorious commander ; (b) wounded in many places ; cf. Bede, 

H. K. iii. 14, note9. 

hia aldormon Osrlc*] 'Osred,* S. D. ii. 51. 

hiera agenne d6m] Cf. Battle of Maldon, I. 38 : ' hyra 

•Self- sylfra dom/ This is what is called in Icelandic law 'self-doom/ 

doom.' I pjiif.dffimi.* See Vigf. Diet. *. v. It was for the party to whom it 

was granted the most honourable termination of a feud or suit, he bein^ 

allowed to fix his own damages, compensation, fto. It is found also in 

Irish sources, where it is probably due to Scandinavian influences ; cf. XX. 

m^ 35 ff* ; Customs of Hy Many, p. 12 ; MS. Land Misc. 610, f. 10*; 

0*Curry, Manners and Customs, iii. 37, 38 ; Todd, Gaedhil and Gaill, 

p. 118. 

Want of 7 pa gebead . . . ofslogon] The poverty of the English language hi 

demonstrar demonstrative pronouns as compared with the Latin hic, HUy i«, w/e, ipte 

noons in Appears very strongly in this passage, and makes it very difficult to 

English. follow. I give a translation, using E to indicate the Etheling*8 party, who 

werR inside the ' bnrh,* and K for the king*s party, who were outside : 

'then he (the Etheling) offered them (K) their own terms in fee and 

land if they would grant him the kingdom; and they [or he] (E) t^ll 

them (K) that their (K) kinsmen were with them [or him] (£), and 

would not leave them [or him]. And then they (K) said that no kinsn»n 

was dearer to them than their lord, and th»t they would never follow 

his slayer. And then they (K) ofi'ered their kinsmen that they might 

depart unscathed. And they (E) said that the same offer had been made 

to their (K) comrades, who had been with the king before. Then saii 

they (E) that they (E) regarded it [the oflTer] not a whit the more than 

did your [or their (K)] comrades who were slain with the king. And 

they (K) were then fighting about the gate until they made their way in 

and slew the Etheling.' 

The comi- pest him nasnig masg leofbra nasre, 70.] The tie of the comitatus super- 

tatns an sedes that of the kin ; the comitatus forms a-s it were an artificial family 

755] ^OTES 47 

witii it^ leader a^ * father nn^ lord.' So tlie xnonafltery w an artificial artificial 
family, and thetermi *familia' in Latin and 'hlwan/ 'hired/ in AS. are family- 
oonntantly applied to it ; cf. Ducange and Bosworth-Toller, #. w. It is 
noteworthy that in Irish the word * muinter/ which is used both of the 
monastic &mily and of the Fecntar comitatns, though more frequently of 
the latter f is simply the Latin word ' monasterium/ 

his banan] * ^na/ * slayer,' is a perfectly nentral word, and mnst not • Bana.' 
be translated by ' murderer' or any word connoting criminality. A man 
wbo slays another in self-defence, or in righteous execution of the law, is 
still bis ' bane.' Ethelwerd translates : ' nee pmesenti uultu exequias eius 
sectari nalemus'; Le. he confufved between 'bana,' slayer, and 'bdn,' 
bone (the two words occur in juxtaposition 979 D, E). This may give 
some measure of Ethelwerd's qualifications as a translator. 

eowre geferan. A] This sudden return to the 'oratio directa,' so charac- Betnm to 
teristie of antique narration, and especially frequent in the Icelandic ^|*^ 
sagas, is preserved in A and C alone. So they and D have preserved the 
nnosual word ' fulgon ' below, for which B has substituted ' wurdon ' and 
E the singularly unhappy ' flugon ' ; unless this is a mere slip ; cf. Oros. 
p. 38 : ' ]»t hi him fram f ulgen.' 

god sunn*] * filius de baptismo,' Ethel w. p. 508 ; ' filiolus,' H. H. p. ia8. 
The alderman is of course Osric ; though H. H. wrongly makes the survivor 
Cyneheard's godson. 

rioaode .xzxi. wiilt] This would bring his death to 786, and so S. D. Length of 
ii. 51. Below it is entered under 784 ; 786 is correct, but as the true date Oynewnlfs 
of Cynewulfri accession is 757, the length of his reign was xzix (so ASN. 
''gttly), not xxxi years, Theopold, pp. 38-30. Jirff<M^J\^^ "? S^7 - 7 ^ • 

py ilcan geare] i.e, 755 (757), not the year of Cjnewolf s death. The Murder of 
monler of iEthelUld (see H. E. v. 23, notes), *a snis tntoribus [guards] -fithelbald. 
nocta fraud ulenter peremptus,' and the accessions of Beomred and Offa are 
all placed by Cont. Baed. and 8. D. ii. 41, in 757. Ofia'it accession has been 
aflsigned to 758, for the Synod of Cealchythe in 789 is dated ' anno xxxi regni 
Oilan; H. & S. iii. 465 ; K. C. D. No. 156 ; Binsh, No. 356. But if Offa 
sTioceeded late in 757, au'l was only crowned in 758, 789 might still be 
his thirty-first year, dating from his coronation. S. D. ii. 41, 58, is in 
&voar of 757, but the matter is uncertain, Theopold, pp. 50, 51. 

Hreopa dune] *■ quod erat tunc coenobium nobile, nunc ut audiui pauco Monasteiy 
oel nullo incolitur habiUtore.' W. M. i. 43; *tnno temporis famosum ofBepton. 
mona^terio ; nunc est ailla comitis Cestrensis, cuius gloria pro situ uetustatis 
exol«ta,' lb, 364 ; cf. G. P. p. 398. F, wrongly, makes him $lain at Repton. 

ho rixade .xli- wlntra, £] He came to the throne in 716, v s. So Length of 
thin again brings his death to 757. bald'f 

Booransd feng to rice, A] < heres Adelbaldi,* says F, Lat. But Fl. reign. 
Wig. distinctly speaks of him as a usurper : ' regnum Beomredns tyrannut Beomred. 
invani, . . . quo mortuo snocessit . . . OfiQft/ i. 56 ; cf. R. W. I 334. 


D, E, F only say that he was banisheil ; A, B, C are silent as to 4iis fiite. 
As a matter of fact he survived his deposition twelve years, S. D. iL 44: 
'769. Cetereote [Catterick, Bede, H. £. ii. 14, 30; iii. 14, and notes] 
snccensa est a Beamredo [the editors wrongly print /ab Eamredo*] 
tyranno, et ipse infelix eodem anno incendio periit, Dei indlcio' ; cf. R W. 
i. 339. Mr. Freeman points out the cnrioas little fact that when Matthew 
Paris wants a tyrant with whom to compare Harold, he chooses Beorare*!, 
the rival of his own monastic founder, Offa^ F. N. C. ifi. 631. On the 
so-called life of Offa, cf. Hardy, Gat. i. 498, 499; Theopold, pp. iia ff. 
p. 60. his simu Egfer))] See below on 784. 

Banwulf Osmoding] He is mentioned by Offa as the founder of Bredon 
Mona-^tery, in a genuine charter, K. C. D. No. 138; Birch, No. 234: 
of. Bede II. 341. Offa himself, before his accession, was connected with 
the Hwiocas, Birch, No. 183. 
tf^^ p. 61. 767 E] The Cont. Baed. and S. D. ii. 41, pla<«e Eadberht'e 
Y^Q^}^^^ ' resignation in 758 (which is right, see on 737 above), and the mnrder of 
Oswulf in 759. S. D. says that the other English kings implored 
Eadberht not to resign, and offered him concessions of territory to induce 
him to alter his resolution, i. 49. W. M. quotes Alcuin's letters to show 
'quam oito post mortem Egberti [le^e'Edherti] regnnm Northanhimbromm 
propter peruicaciam malornm morum pessum ierit,' i. 72. H. H. pratieB 
him as the eighth English king 'qui regna sua pro Christo sponte 
dimisit,* p. T 34. 
^^^^^^f^ hine ofslogon his hiwan] 'a suis ministris facinorose occisus eitt,* 
Cont. Baed. ; 'oocisns est neqniter a sua faniilia iuxta Mechil [be/fer, Methd, 
<u S. D. ii. 376] Wongtune ix Kal. Augusti,' S. D. ii. 41 ; cf. i. 49. TTie 
same place-name occurs in the Vita Anon. Cudb. $ 35 (Baedae 0pp. Min. 
p. 278), in a corrupted form. It is probably Market Weighton. It meam 
the * town of the field of discussion ' ; cf. the Frankish Mallus. 
A^Wrff ^^' ^' *^* ^*®*^ ^*^' Cuthbert see above on 741. Fl. Wig. gives the 
Cuthbert. ^T of his death. Oct. 2O; the true year is 760, Theopold, p. 34. He was 
the first archbishop to be buried in Christ CImroh, and not at St Augni- 
tine*8, Canterbury. The monks of the former concealed his illne$« and 
death until the interment wm over. The same trick was played when 
Bregwine died. The Au^stinian view may be read in Thorn, oc. 1772 ff.; 
Elmham, pp. 317, 318 ; cf. Ang. Sac. i. 3, 83, 85 ; ii. 186 ; Hardy, Cat. i. 
483, 484 ; Liebennann, p. 61 ; t»/ra, 763, 790, notes. 
Bregwine. 769*] The true date of Br^wine's consecration is 761. He died 
August, 764. His successor, laenberht, was consecrated Feb. a, 765 * 
Chron. 763 A, B, C, 763 D, E, F ; r. Theopold, pp. 32-34. From a letter 
of Bregy^ine to Lollus it appears that they had previously been in 
Rome together. He excuses his delay in writing because of 'plurimse 
ac diuorsae inquietudines apud nos,* H. ft S. iii. 398, 399 ; Moil Mog. 
pp. 377-379. A life of him by Eadmer is in Ang. Sao. ii. 184 ff. It 

763] NOTES 49 

oonUmB nothing of value; of. Hardy, Gat. i. 483, 484; Theopold, 

pp. 32, 33 

MoU JBSelwold, £] & D. ii. 41 dates liii aooeaaion Augmt 5, 759. Acoession 
Note that the dates in D^ E, which are taken from northern sources, do ^g^^iwold 
not reqnire correction. The Gont. Baed. under 759 says : ' Edilualdus a sua 
plebe electuB,' which suggests that he was not the next in succession. If 
he was the ' quidam patricius . . '. MoU nomine ' to whom Eadberht gave the 
confiscated monasteries mentioned above, note to 737, it would seem that 
he was EadberhVs brother, H. ft S. iii. 395, 396. In his second year there 
was a great plague, Baed. Cent. He married in 762 i£thelthryth, S. D. 
ii. 4a, who iJterwards became an abbess, and received one of Alcuin's 
usujbl hortatory epistles, Mon. Ale. pp. 274-277. She was the mother of 
Ethelred, King of Korthumbria, 774-779, 790-796, on whose death Alcuin 
wrote her another epistle, ib. 297-299. 

7 hit pa foTlet] See below on 765 E. 

760*. JBpelbryht . . . forpfercle] See Bede, H. E. v. 23, notes. 
The true dat« ii 762, Theopold, p. 36. 

Ceolwulf . . . foiUferde, E] ' non hie obiit, sed hinc abiit,* says H. H. Death of 
very beautifully, p. 1 25. S. D. places his death in 764, ii. 43. The Welsh Ceolwnlf 
annals place in 760 a battle between the Saxons and Britons at Hereford ; 
cf. Tajlor, Cotowold, p. 20. 

701*] * The mickle winter' lasted from December, 763, to March, 764. Hard 
Accordingly some foreign Chronicles give it under 763, Perta, i. 144, 145 ; ^'"^*®''- 
others under 764, i&. i. to, 1 1 ; iii. 116* ; as does S. D. u. #., adding : ' cuius 
ui arbores oleraqne magna ex parte aruerunt, ac marina animalia multa 
inuenta sunt mortua,' ii. 42 ; cf. Ann. Ult. 763, which in the following year 
note ' defectiu pants.' Then, as* now, a hard winter caused many disastrous 
fires, a D. «. ». 

MoU . . . of sloh Oswine, E] As to the date S. D. «. s. agrees with Slaying of 
the Chpon. August 6, 761. The place was ' iuxU Eldunum,' and a rather <>«^»®- 
later hand has added ' secus Melrose*; i. 0, the Eildon Hills; cl 
Bobertson, E. K. 8., i. 26. < Eadwines clif ' may be a ' volks etymologic ' 
for *Eldunes dif; in which case the last part of the name would, as 
often, translate the first part ; ' aildun * in Gaelic meaning ' rock-fort.* 
Hie name Oswine suggests a member of the Northumbrian royal family 
(cf. Bede's beautiful sketch of an earlier Oswine, equally a victim of 
dynastic feuds, H. E. iii. 14). Fl. Wig. calls him 'elite nobilissimos * ; H. H. 
' fordsaimus ducum suorum.* He says that he fought ' iure gentium 
spreto,* and fell 'iure Dei,' p. 125 ; cf. R. W. i. 237. But there are no 
means of knowing the rights of the case. Gaimar misunderstands the 
pMsage, V. 1969. 

768 A, B, C, 708 D, E, F] If Bregwin died in the autumn of 764, laenberht 
f. »., the fortieth day after mid-winter (Candlemas Day, as the anno« ^Cantert 
tator of C rightly says) roust be February 2, 765, which was not a Sunday ^' 
n. X 


in 765, though it was in 766, a fact which has been thoaght to &TOur that 
year. The featival, however, 'Maria purificante/ may have been conn- 
dered safficient ; cf. H. & S. iii. 403. The mistake ' Eadbriht ' in B, C, 
repeated by G in 764., is probably dne to the recent mention of Eadberfat of 
Northumbria. It is less likely to be due to a confusion with Eadberht, wbo 
succeeded Totta as Bishop of the Mercians in 764, S. D. ii. 4a. laenbetht 
had been Abbot of St. Augustine's, Canterbury, Fl. Wig, ; G. P. p. 15- 
Thorn says that the Christ Church monks elected laenberfat to prevoit 
him from appealing to Home on the burials question, c. 1773. 
Bishops of 8»t Witeme, E] On Whitem or Candida Casa see Bode, H. £. iii. 4, 
Whitem. notes. Aocordjng to the data here given Frithewald^s consecration at York 
would be fixed to Aug. 15, 734 (not Aug. 14, 735, as H. & S. iii. 335. 
Osric died May 9, 729, H. E. v. 23. The sixth year of Ceowulf is there- 
fore from May, 734, to May, 735. August of that year is August, 734 
xviii Kal. Sept. is Aug. 15, and that was a Sunday in 734). If he sat 
full twenty-nine years this would bring his death to May 7, 764. Bat 
probably May, 763, in his twenty-ninth year, is meant, for July 17, the 
daymen which Pehtwinc was consecrated, was a Sunday in 763 and not 
in 764. S. D. places this succession under 764, but only vaguely, 'his 
temporibus.* There is, however, one serious objection to the above 
scheme, tiz. that the Cont. Baed. connects the consecration bothi of Frithe- 
wald and Fritheberht with the reception of the pallium by Egbert, and 
all authorities seem agreed that this was not till 735. The matter, 
therefore, must be left uncertain. See on 766. 

JEHet ee] This does not seem to be known ; Baine in D. C. B. iv. 280 
suggests Elmet, but the form is against this. It may be Elvet, which 
now forms part of Durham, and occurs in the Lib. Vit. Dun. ae iS3aet, 
Eluet, pp. 75, 120. 

' 764 A. onfeng pallium] ' a papa Paulo Stephani papae sui praedeces- 

soris germane,' Fl. Wig. The true date is probably 766, Theopold, p. 43. 

Abdication 766 E. Her feng Alhred] Viz. on the cession of Moll ^thelwold, 

*i^^f .above, 759 E; cf. S. D. 765: ' Ethel waldregnum Northanhynibstirom 

succession »niisit in Wincanheale, iii Kal. Nov.' (ii. 43, f. e, at Finohale, Oct- 30) ; 

of Alchred. cf. ib. 376. Tigh. 764, says: 'Moll ri Saxan, [rex Saxonum] deiieos 

efficitur.' This was probably involuntary, to judge from the langusge 

of the Cbron. and S. D. ; cf. ' ins:diis Alcredi occubuit,* W. M. i. 74. 

Finchale was a common place of meeting for Northumbrian gemiSts, imfrOy 

788 ; S. D. ii. 59 ; H. & S. iii. 444 ; so that there may have been Bome form 

of deposition. Fl. Wig. says : ' Moll regnum . . . dimisit et Alhredu 

filius EanwinI successit qui fuit Bymhom, qui fuit Bofa, qui fait Bleacman, 

qui fuit Ealric, qui fuit Idae.' This might at first suggest that 'FUxtance 

used some form of Chronicle different from any of ours, but he probably 

inoorp<Mtkted the pedigree trom his own genealogies, i. 254, 255. S. D. seems 

rather to distrust it: 'Alcred prosapia Idae regis exortus, ut ^kw^osi 

766] NOTES 51 

(Kens// ii. 43 ; ted tide, i. 49. Alchred is the king to whom St. Willehad 
applied for leave to go and evangelise the Saxons and Frisians, which 
leave was granted in a Norbhumbrian Council, H. & S. iii. 433 ; Pertz, 
ii 38a There is a letter from him and hie wife, Oageofu, to Lullus of 
Mainz, Mon. Mog. pp. 384, 385, which shows that he had sent an 
emhaasj to Charlemagne on the latter*s accession in 768. Alchred married 
in 768, S. D. ii. 44, where his wife is called Osgeam. The two names 
might be easily confused. There is an Osgeofu at the end of the list of 
' Begfnae efc Abbatissae ' In the lib. Vit. Eocl. Dun. f. I4^ 

eahta winter] D reads viiii. If Moll was deposed Oct. 765, and Length of 
Alchred was expelled Easter 774, his reign would be about eight and a ^^ ^^«^ 
half years. 

766 £. Eogberht seroelS.] See above, 734 E, and references there given. Egbert of 
The length of his tenure, thirty-six years, is clearly wrong ; D is yet wider York, 
of the mark, giving thirty -seven ^ears. This may warn us not to rely too 
much on these numbers. , 

FrISeberht in Hagnstaldea M'] He died Dec. 33, 766, according to Frithe- 
S. D. ii 43, in the thirty-second year of his episcopate. In this S. D. is ^^ ^^ 
inconsistent with himself, for he places his aocestion on Sept. 8, 734, ii. 31. 
(So Ric. Hex. p. 37.) D and £ give him thirty-four years (the xxxiii of 
my E text is an unfortunate miAprint) ; cf. H. H. p. 135 ; Mem. Hex. 
I- XXXV, 37, 199, 300. The connexion of this consecration also with 
the reception of the pallium by Egbert (o. t. on 763) is in favour of 
735. Here no help is to be got from the days of the week, for Sept. 8 
was not a Sunday in 734 or 735, though it was in 737. That it is the 
Nativity of the Virgin may have been considered sufficient. On the relics 
of Fritheberht and his suocessor Alchmund, see Mem. Hex. i. 195-300. 

man ge balgode] Ethelbert of York, Egbert*s successor, and Alchmund Ethelbert 
irere both consecrated on April 34, 767, 8. D. ii. 43 ; Ric Hex. p. 37 ; of York, 
which was not a Sunday in that year, though it was in 768. 

.SSelberht] The chief authority for the life of Archbishop Ethelbert is 
Alcuin's poem De Sanctis Ebor. w. 1 393-1 595* He gives him the highest 
character. While quite young he was placed in the monastic school of 
York under Archbishop Egbert, who was his relative. He must therefore 
have been connected with the royal family of Northumbria. Egbert made 
him ' defensor cleri ' ' and master of the monastic school, where he taught 
grammar, rhetoric, (canon) law, versification, astronomy, natural history, 
the paschal rules, but especially the Scriptures. Lake Benedict Bisoop he 
made many voyages abroad (including one, at least, to Rome), oolleoting 

' I find this term nowhere ex- who was a sort of public guardian 

plained. My friend, Mr. B. L. Poole, and official trustee. Analogous eo- 

thinks that it means a trustee and desiastioal officers were established 

guardian of the property of the by the Council of Carthage in 405. 
chnrob, like the ' defensor oiuitatis,' 

K 2 




HLs resig- 

bookt and learning. Alouin himself was one of his pnpils (r. T394, 
* proprii magistri * ; cf. the passage cited below from A1cuin*B letter to 
Eanbald II). 

In 766 lie was made archbishop, * compnlsus . . . popalo rogitanie/ vt. 
1466 f. He received the pallium from Adrian I in 773, 8. D. ii. 45; 
Keg. Pont. p. 205. He rebuilt the cathedral after its destruction in 741 
(Chron. D, £ ; Sim. Dun. cut ann^y Alcuin and Eanbald superintending the 
work. On his retirement, two years and two months before his death, 
vo. 1520 ff.y the latter succeeded him as archbishop^ the former as master 
of the school (which Ethelbert seems to have superintended even alter his 
elevation to the see, vf. 1479-1482) and as librarian of the library, whidi 
he had largely increased, if not founded, and of which a list, the earliest 
existing catalogue of an English library, is given, pv. 1 535-1 561 ; cf. 
Alcuin to his pupil Eanbald II, congratulating him on having been called 
' laborare ... in eoclesia ubi ego nutritus et emditus fueram, et praeesse 
thesauris sapientiae [i. e. the library] in quibus me magister mens dileetos 
Aelbertus archiepiscopus haeredem reliquit,' H. & S. iii. 50X ; Men. Ale. 
p. 331. The fact of his resignation is seen in S. D. s. a. 780: ' Alberbt 
. . . migrauit . . . Eanbaldo^ «e adhlUi uiuenie . . . ordtnato,' ii. 47 ; cf. 
H. Y. ii. 336 ; also in Chron. D, $. *, 779 : * ^J>elberht fortfferde ... in 
ytes steal Eanbald wees ser gehalgod.' E, by omitting the little word ' ler,' 
has oblitemted this important fact. Fl. Wig. ignoyes it also, and places 
His death. Ethelbert's death in 781. S. D.'s date, 780, is right; so Ann. Lind. 
Alcuin {w. 1582 ff.) says that he died at noon on Nov. 8, ta the fourteenth 
year from his consecration, i. e. from April 24, 767. His retirement, there- 
fore, would fall in 778. (I do not share Canon Raine's view, tr^ infra, that 
the Chroniclers have mistaken the date of his retirement for that of hi» 
death, though it receives some support from H. Y. ii. 336. Of coarse, K 
his consecration be dated 768, his retirement would fall in 779, and his 
death in 781.) Alcuin*B lament over his death is genuine and nnoere: 
cf. especially vr. 1 589-1 591 : 

* Te sine nos ferimur turbata per aequora mundi, 
Te duce deserti nariis inuoluimur nndis, 
Incerti qualem mereamnr tangere portom.' 
Cf. also the life of Alcuin, oc. 1-5, in PertB, xv. 186 ff ; Mon. Ale. pp. i ff. 
There is a letter of Lullus of Mainz to him, with his answer, in H. ft S. iii. 
435-437 ; Mon. Mog. pp. 288, 290, 291 . From these it appears thai he had 
another name, Coena, which is also the name under which he ooenrs in 
Florence's lists, i. 245. See Raine's article on him in D. C. B. ii. 217, 218. 
A late writer says that he was buried Mn Bnvgh,* i.e, Peterborough. 
H. Y. ii. 473, but I know no good authority for this. It is, perhaps, 
a confusion of Coena with Cynsige ; see 1060 D. 

768 E] S. D. agrees with D against E as to the day of Eadbeiht't 
death : ' Eadberht . . . decimo anno amissionis regni sui in dericata . . . 

Death of 

777] NOTES .53 

apad Eboncom feUdter Bpiritam emiiit »d saperos, ziii Kal. Sept/ 
[Aug. jo]. So n. Wig. 

769 £] On these Latin Carolingian annals in £, see Introduction, ^§ 43, 
44. The true date is 768. 

77a^ Milred biad] Of Worcester. The date is wrong, as he certainly Milied, 
signs charters as late as 774, Stnbbs, £p. Saoc. pp. 6, 170 [pp. 11, 333, Bishop of 
snd ed.]. Fl Wig. places his death in 775, and this, as possibly embody- Worcester, 
ing local knowledge, is entitled to weight, so the matter must be left 
anoertain; Theopold argues for 774, pp. 36, 94. He succeeded Wilfrid 
in 743, Fl. Wig., possibly in the lifetime of the latter. Other authorities 
give 744, 745. There is a letter (cited on 741) from him to Lullus of 
Mainz, on the death of St. BonifiMe, dated 755. It shows that in the 
previouB year he had been with Boniface and Lullos, Moni Mog. pp. 267, 
268. He was present at the Council of Clovesho in 747, H. ft S. iii. 360 ; 
and his name occurs in various charters, both genuine and spurious, which 
sre of considerable interest; v, D. C. B. iii. 915, 916. 

773 A, 774 £] Fl. Wig. and S. D. place these events in 774. 

Alhred, £] ' Alcredus rex consilio et consensu suorum omnium regiae Alchred 
familiae ac principnm desti tutus societate, exilic imperii mutanit maaesta- exiled, 
tern. Primo in urbem Bebban po^Aad regem Piotorum nomine Cynoht 
[Kenneth] cum pauds fugae comitibus secessit,' S. D. iL 45 ; cf. L 49 f. ; 
S. C. 8. i. 301. The phrase * consilio et consensu suorum * suggests a formal 
deposition by the Witan. So F. N. C. i. 593, 594. In i. 49, S. D. speaks of 
Alchred as exiled ' frande suorum primatum * ; the two statements are not 
incompatible. Besides the son Osred, who suooeeded in 788 or 789 {infra), 
Alchred had another son, Alchmund, who was put to death by £ardwulf in 
Soo, ib. ii. 63. Alchred's successor is called Fthelbert by FL Wig. i. 58, Snccessiou 
59 ; while W. M. oombmes the two names : ' Ethelbertus qui et Adelredus,' ^^ ^^^^^ 
i. 74 ; BO the pedigree in Fl. Wig. i. 255. On his expulsion, restoration, ^^^^ 
marriage, and death, v. infra, 778, 790, 793, 794. 

sst Ottanforda*] According to H. H. p. 1 26, the battle of Otford was a Battle of 
brilliant victory for the Mercians under Ofi'a ; v. note. Otford is in Holmes- Otford. 
dale, near Sevenoaks. There is a description and history of the place in 
Cassell's Family Magazine, vii. 587 ff. Many skeletons with weapons lying 
near them have been discovered in the neighbourhood. 

wunderleoa nssdiran] Gaimar gives marvellous details as to these^ vv» 
1993 ff. 

776 £] 8. D. and Fl. Wig. place the death of Pehtwine in 777, R. W. Death oi 
in 778, i. 343. We have seen that his consecration was most likely in 763, Pehtwine. 
and both the Chron. and S. D. give him an episcopate of fourteen years. 
On the other hand, both the Chron. and Fl. Wig. place the consecration of 
his suooeaaor on June 15. This was a Sunday in 777, but not in 778 ; and 
this is in favour of 776 as the date of Pehtwine s death. y^ 

777*] FL Wig. places all these events in 778. R. W. places the battle 




Captnre of 
Benson by 

Ethelbort ^ 
of Whitern 
and Hex- 




of three 

Office of 



iElfwold or 

of Benson in 779, which agrees with the nsual dislocation of the chrono- 
logy, i. 243. The battle is not mentioned in ASN. ; of. Chron. Ab. i. 

Benesingtun] See on 571. It now becomes permanently Mercian, 
H. & S. Hi. 130. On this occasion Ofia, ' infeetas praedo/ took away certain 
townships from the monastery of Malmeebury, G. P. p. 388. 

man gehalgode JBfKelberht, £] See note on 776. Ethelbert became 
Bishop of Hexham in 789, S. D. ii. 53 ; assisted at the consecration of Bishop 
Baldwulf 79X, infra (790 S. D.) ; at the coronation of Eardwulf in 795, 
ipfra (796 S. D. ii. 58) ; and at the consecration of Eanbald II, 796, infra^ 
and S. D. «. *. He died in 797, ir^fra ; cf. Mem. Hex. i. 40, 41. There 
is a letter of Alcuin to him when Bishop of Hexham, urging him and his 
monks to study and teach, Mon. Ale. pp. 374, 375. 

p. 52. On pas kinges desi Offia, E] Another of the Peterborongh in- 
sertions. We reach the lowest point when we have a lease of monastic 
lands embodied in a national chronicle. 

an abbot . . . Beonne] Beonna was at the Conncil of Clovesho, 803, 
K. G. D. No. 1034; Birch, No. 31a. He may be the Beonna who became 
Bishop of Hereford in 823, Stnbbs in Archaeological Jonmal, i86r,p. ao6. 

anes nihtea feorme] On this, see Maitland, Domesday, pp. 318 ff. 

Ceolwulf] Bishop of Lindsey. 

p. 63. Inwona] or TJnwona, Bishop of Leicester. 

Brordan] Brorda, alderman of Mercia. He was present at the legatine 
synod of 787, H. & S. iii. 461 ; D. 0. B. i. 339 ; and signs many charters. 
According to S. D. he was also called Hildegils, and died in 799, ii. 62. 
A papal privilege to Woking, also fh>m a Peterborough source, is in H. ft S. 
iii. 276, 277. 

778 £] S. D. gives Sept. 29 as the date of the slaughter of these * tree 
duces.' His words are : * rege praecipiente fraude necati,' and he connects 
with this event the expulsion of Ethelred, which he places in 779. H. H. 
represents them as defeated in two great battles, p. 1 26. The prepontion 
' »t * (see the Glossary, 8. v.) need not mean that the slaughters were done 
at those places, but only that the (slaughtered reeves belonged to them. 
Gaimar calls them * treis vescontes,* v. 201 2. The word * h^ahger^fa * occam 
7 79^ £, 1 00 1 A, 1002 E. It is only found once in the laws, Thorpe, i. 1S6 ; 
Schmid, p. 396 ; a passage which merely gives his wergild, and throws no 
light on his functions. Kemble (Saxons, ii. 156, 157) thinks that he wa« 
an occasional officer specially commissioned, and not part of the regular 
machinery of government. 

Alfwold . . . 2Ej9elred] iSlfwold, who superseded Ethelred, was a son 
of Oswulf (cf. supraf 757), S. D. i. 50 ; ii. 47. He calls him * rex pius et 
iustus '; cf. * eximius rex,* ii. 52 ; 'amicus Dei,' H. H. p. 129. Ho sum- 
moned a Northumbrian synod to confer with the papal legates sent by 
Adrian I ; see 785, tn/m, note ; H. ft S. iii. 448, 459, 461. He is men- 

7Bo] * NOTES 55 

tioned in a letter of Alcnin's, t5. 493 ; Mon. Ale. p. 181. He is sometimea 
called ^thelwoid ; S. D. uaes both names indiscniiuiiateljy i. 50 ; ii. 391. 
For ' on lande * we should read ' of.* The error is also in D. 

z. winter] This would bring his death to 788 ; and so S. D. Below it 
is giren under 789 E. 

pp. 58, 63. 780 Ay 779 E] The battle between the Franks and Saxons 
was in 7S2, Pertx, i. 162-165 f Theopold, p. 20. 

on .iX' t lailr., E] S. D. agrees with E against D as to the day of the Brtming of 
burning of Beom, 'patriciua regis/ viz, Deo. 24; as to the year he agrees ^^i^- 
with A, viz. 780. H. H. imagines a reason lor the slaughter : ' quiarigidior 
aequo extiterat,' p. 127. 

JESMbmht eroelS] On his death and previous resignation, see on 766, 

Eanbald] Eanbald I ; see oA him 766, tvkpra ; D. G. B. ii. 11. He was Eanbald I. 
present at the northern legatine S3rnod, H. ft S. iii. 459 ; and at the crown- 
ing of Eardwulf, 795, infra ; 796, S. D. 

Cynebald ft] A mistake for Cynewulf (D), caused by the preceding Qynewnlf 
iMbald ; fbUowed by F and H. H. On Cynewulf of Lindiafame, see ^l^^""' 
sbove, 737, note. To this Cynewulf some have assigned the poems which 
bear that enigmatic name, Wiilker, Grandriss, pp. 149 fF. 

gossBt] 'resigned/ see on 744: 'Higbaldo gubernacula eodesiae cum Hisresig- 
electione totins familiae commisit/ S. D. ii. 47 ; i. 50 ; Ann. Lindisf. Both ^^^o^ 
these authorities place his resignation in 780. The phras^e has misled H . H., 
who translates it * factus est episcopus.' For Cynewulf *s death, see infra, 
782 £ ; S. D. u. t. 

780 Eb Alohmund] For his consecration, v.s. on 766. Fl. Wig. places AlchmnnH. 
bis death in 779, S. D. in 782, and inserts a legend about his relics, ii. * 
47-50. 80 Ric. Hex. i. 37. 

Tilberht] He was consecrated at a place called Wolfswell, S. D. ii. 50 ; Tilberht. 
assisted (with Higbald) at the consecration of Aldwulf, Bishop of Mayo, at 
Corbridge, 786, ti. 51 ; and died in 789, ib. 53 ; of. Mem. Hex. I. xxxvi, 
zzxviii, 37, 40. He is not mentioned again in the Chrou. 

Hiffteld] His consecration is placed by FL Wig. and S. D. in 779 and Higbald. 
781 respectively. On his relations with Alcuin, see on 793, infra. 

JBlfwold . . . aende man ... to Borne] In order to obtain the sense Alcuin sent 
required we must take * man * as an accusative. This, though unusual, ^ Rome, 
does occur ; cf. ' gif bund mon toslite,* Thorpe, Laws, i. 78 ; Schnud, p. 84. 
This ' man * so indefinitely mentioned, who was sent to Rome for £anbald*s 
paUium, was no other than the famous Alcuin. And the mission proved 
of European importance ; for it was on his return from this mission that 
he met Charlemagne at Parma (Spring 781), and received from him the 
invitation which he accepted in 782 ; thus becoming the organiser of 
Frankiah education, Mon. Ale. p. 1 7. This was not his first meeting with 
(Tharlet: 'nouerat enim eum, qui olim a magistro suo [Arcfabp. Ethelbert] 






Death of 
of Wesaez. 

ad ipsum directus fuerat/ Vita Ale. a 6. He had aho aa a yoath been at 
Borne with Ethelberi, and this joomey ia alluded to in his letters : ' dam 
ego adolescens Bomam perrexi/ Mon. Ale. p. 458 ; cf. ib. 399, 855 ; Dumis- 
ler, Poetae Aeui CaroL i. 160, 161, aoi. 

782 £] \Verbarg * quondam reg^na Merciomm, tone vero abbatissa,* 
S. D. ii. 50. She was the daughter of Wulfhere and Eormengtld, and 
married her first cousin Ceolred, Fl. Wig. i. 253, 265 ; cf. Hardy, Gftt. i. 
421-423. But, as Wulfhere died in 675, this would make her over a 
hundred. Even the statement of the Chron. makes her surviTe her 
husband sixty-riz years. 

Aclea] Baine would identify this with Aydiffe, near Darlington, Mem. 
Hex. i. 38-40 ; while H. & S. would place it in the South ; this seems to 
be right ; see the passage cited on 851, tfi/Va. 

784*3 Here, in chronological order, comes the mention of the death of 
Cynewulf, the story of which has been given in 755 ; v, note a. I. By Su D. 
this event is placed in 786 (so Liebermann, p. 62), and that is the correot 
date ; cf. Hoveden, I. xcii. One of the last acts of Cynewulf was to hold 
a conference with Offa and the papal legates sent by Adrian I, whose 
coming is mentioned in the next annal, H. & S. iil. 443, 447, 454, 461. 
There is a letter of Cjnewnlf to Lullus of Mainz, ib. 439 f. ; Mon. Mog. 

pp. 306, 307. ^ 

to Gerdioe] According to Chron. Ab. i. 15, he was brother to Cynewulf. 
Yet he and all the kings since Ine ' non parum a linea regiae stiipis ez- 
orbitauerant,' W. M. i. 43. For the phrase, see notes on A*s genealogical 
Preface, p. i, supra. 

To )>y8an timan, a] Note the Kentish addition of a and F ; and for the 
Hignificance of it, see p. 7i» infra, 

785 £. Botwine . . . Hripum] His death is placed in 786^ by S. D. ; 
he was Bucce eded by Aldberht, who died the following year, and was sdc- 
ceeded by Sigred, ii. 50, 51 ; 788, infra. There is a letter finom Botwine 
to Lullus of Mainz in Mon. Mog. p. 295. On the significance of these 
Bipon entries, see Introduction, § 67. 

8»t Oealc hy)>e*] ' There seems no reasonable doubt that Cealchythe is 
Chelsea,' H. & S. iii. 445 ; see, however, another theory cited on 822, infra. 

laenbryht . . . forlet sumne dssl, 70.] Grainuir states the &ct from the 
other side : ' Done f u . . . a Hibald [lege Hibert] croce done,' v. 2056 ; 
i,e, the archlepiscopal cross, instead of the episcopal cnizier. Fl. Wig. 
understates the loss of Canterbury by translating ' aumne diel ' by * modicam 
portionem.* According to W. M. , Canterbury only retained four suffistgans, 
London, Winchester, Bochester, Selsey, i. 85, 86. But this seems to be 
an error on the opposite side. 

This invasion of the rights of Canterbury naturally caused much * geflit.' 
In 6. P. p. 16, Malmesbury asserts that the Tope was bribed ; and the pro- 
mise of a yearly tribute of 365 mancosses made by Ofia to the papal legates, 

of Berht- 

Abbot of 


Division of 
the pro- 
vince of 

785] NOTES 57 

H. k S. lis. 445, may have had mach to do with the reiult. The new province 
ooly lasted a short time ; Leo III in 80a restored the rights of Canterbury, 
and this was confirmed in the Council of Clovesho, 803 ; i6. 536-544, 446. 

The aim of Offis in setting up the archbishopric of Lichfield was to make Position of 
Merda independent, ecclesiastically as well as politically. At. this time it Mercia 
looked as if the union of the English was to come from Mercia. Egbert of ^^^^^ ^^** 
Wessez, wbo ultimately achieved it, was at this time an exile at the court 
of Offa, whence he was expelled two years later, in consequence of the mar- 
riage of his rival Berhtric to Offa's daughter Eadburg, in/ra» 787 ; and 
took refuge at the Frankish court, W. M. I 105. OfTa in styled ' Rex 
Anglorum,' K. C. D. Nos. 121-123, '34; Birch, Nos. 213, 214, 216, 226; 
' O^ rex et decus Britanniae,* ih. No. 293 ; K. C. D. No. 1020. So Alcuin 
writes to Ofia : ' uos estis decus Britanniae, tuba praedicationis, gladius 
contra hostes, scutum contra inimicos,' Mon. Ale. p. 265 ; cf. H. H. p. 124. 

pp. 54, 65. firom Offan . . . gecoren] On ecclesiastical appointments, 
cf. F. N. C. 11. 571 if. He seems to me, however, to lay too exclusive stress 
on the action of the royal power. 

ICogferp to cyninge gehalgod] This coronation of Egferth in the life- CorouAtion 
time of Oflfc is an interesting fact. H. H. makes him under-king of Kent, ofEgferth. 
p. 1 28 ; Lappenberg, of the Hwiccas, i. 244 ; E. T. i. 237. But in charters 
he dbtinctly signs as 'Rex Merciorum,* K. C. D. Nos. 152, 165 ; Birch, 
Noe. 253, 257 ; cf. H. & S. iii. 446 ; Theopold, p. 98. Elsewhere he signs 
as • dito,' Birch, No. 272 ; or * filius regis,* ♦&. Nos. 269, 274; K. C. D. 
Nos. 164, 167. He was evidently a prince of high promise, a sort of young 
Maroellas. Alcuin writes to Offa : ' saluta . . . nobilissimum iuuenem, et 
diligenter enm in Dei erudi timore, et non pereat spes multorum in eo,* 
Mon. Ale. p. 292. He exhorts Egferth himself to virtue, and says : ' Disce 
... a patre auctoritatem, a matre [Cynethiyth] pietatem,* »6. 266, 267 ; cf. 
W. M. i. 93, 94. Professor Earle has a very interestitig theory that the 
Beowolf in its present form was composed as a sort of ' De Regimine Prin- 
cipnm ' for Egferth. See bis Translation, Introd. part iii. 

in Vac tid, /c, £] The coming of the papal legates is mentioned only by Coming ol 
D, £, F; it is rightly pla9ed in 786 by S. D. ; cf. Hoveden, I. xciv. The ^^^^ 
leg»ies were Geoige, Bishop of Ostia, and Theophylact, Bishop of Todi. Their 
report to the Pope is in H. & S. iii. 447-461. From this we can trace 
their movements. They went first to laenberht. Archbishop of Canterbury ; 
then to 0£Ea. They next held a preliminary conference with Cynewulf and 
Offa ; and as Cynewulf died in 786 this further fixes their coming to that 
year, Theopold, pp. 37 ff. After this, Theophylact went to Mercia and 
Wales, while George went to Northumbria. By agreement with King 
uSafwold and Archbishop Eanbald, a synod of the northern province was Legatine 
heldy at which certain decrees were passed and signed. The legates then Synods. 
proceeded to Mercia, where a synod of the southern province was held, and 
the tame decreee were passed and signed after being read ' tarn Ijktine 

of Berht- 
no and 

of the Scan- 


qnam Teutoniee,'' Two qnetiions are railed : (a) is the northern lega^ne 
synod to be identified with the Synod of Finchale, entered below at 7S8 
(Sept), and by 8. D., more correctly, at 787 1 (6) ii the toothem legatbie 
synod to be identified with the ' oontentious synod * of GealcBythe earlier 
ill this annal t H. & S. would answer both these qaestions in the affinna- 
tive, iii. 445, 446. At first sight it seems difficult to belicTe that the Chran. 
would place the southern legatine synod three years before the northern, 
when it was really subsequent to it. We must remember, however, (i) that 
only the later Chronicles D, £, F mention the Synod of Finchale ; (a) that 
they have placed it a year too late (v. «.) ; (3) that for the Synod of Ceale- 
hythe the usual correction of two years has to be made. These oonectaoni 
would bring both the synods of Ceidchythe and Finchale within the year 787, 
and, therefore, the view of H. ft S. that they are respectively the southern 
and northern legatine synods cannot be pronounced impossible. Theo- 
pold, however, argues that the northern legatine synod took plaoe before 
the end of 786, and is nut identical with that of Finchale, pp. 37-40, snd 
I am inclined to agree with him. H. H. clearly identifies the Synod ot 
Gealchytlte with the southern legatine synod, p. 128; he says nothing 
about the northern synod. I cannot attach much weight to Grabxtx' 
argument for putting the southern legatine synod in 788 on the strength 
of K. G. D. No. 153 ; Birch, No. 354. This only proves that a synod was 
held at Cealchythe in 788, not that it was the legatine synod. Another 
synod was held there in 789 ; see below. 

Berhtric, the new King of Wessez, does not seem to have been present at 
the southern synod ; anyhow he does not sign the decrees. Perhaps, though 
too weak to oppose, he was unwilling to agree to the spoliation of Cantei^ 
bury. Two years later his marriage with Offa's daughter sealed for a time 
the dependence of Wessex on Meroia. Higberht signs the aouthero 
legatine synod merely as bishop. He could not assume the arohiepiscopal 
style till he received the pallium from Bome. This he seems to have done 
in 788, as he signs one charter of that year as bishop, and another a^ 
archbishop, H. & S. «. <. ; while in 789 a synod was held at Cealchyth? 
' praesidentibns duobus archiepiscopis lamberhto . . . et Hygeberhto^' 
K. C. D. No. 156 ; Birch, No. 356. 

787*] On the significance of the marriage of Berhtric and Eadborg, r. >. 
The true date is probably 789, H. & S. iii. 463. According to Aaaer, 
copied by S. D. ii. 66, 67, Eadburg was a very Jezebel, and in poisoning 
a favourite of her husband poisoned him also, M. H. B. p. 471. But all 
this sounds very mythical. 

on hia dagum] As to the Scandinavian invasions, note that the 
Chron. does not fix their beginning to 787 (as is commonly asanmed, cl g. 
F. N. C. i. 42 ; Green goes further, and misquotes the Chronicle, C. £. 
p. 50) ; but merely says that they began ' in Berhtric's days.' (For the 
similar error as to the oommg of the Saxons, v, Bede, H. E. i. 15, notea.) 

?87] mTES 59 

iil« aoipii (NoilSmanxift)] A is the only MS. which omits * Nort^manna/ 
Note that the Chron. uses 'Northmen' and ' Danes* as convertible terms; 
cf. Adam of Bremen : ' Dani, et ceteri qni trans Daniam sunt popnli, ab 
historicis Franooram omnes Nordmanni uocantur/ Pertz, vii. 291 ; whereas 
in Alfred's additions to Orosius the Danes. (divided into northern and 
southern) are clearly distinguished from the Northmen, p. 16 ; cf. ih. a68, 
where ' Danish * apparently translates ' Maroomanni.' Their ravages are 
described by Ermoldas Nigellus, Poetae Aeui Carol, ii. 59, in a passage 
which recalls Sidonius Apollinaris' famous descriptions of the Saxons, 
Epp. viii. 6, 9 ; Garm. vii. 569-371. On the analogy of the Saxon and Danish 
invasions, cf. F. N. C. i. 43 ff. Odo of Clngny ascribes to the Danes a 
regular institution like the Latin ' uer sacrum * : ' quoniam Danorum tellns 
siM insuffldens est, moris est apud Hlos, ut per singula lustra multitude 
non minima dictante sortis euentu a terra sua exulet, et in alienis terris 
mansionem sibi quoqtio modo, ad propria non reuersura, uindicet/ 
Bouquet, vi. 318. Their coming is constantly reg^arded as a divine judge^ A divine 
menton the sins of the English, cf. e.ff, Alcuin's Letters, ed. Jaff4, Nos. judgement. 
33>a8, 65, 86, 87, and at a later stage, Wulfstan, pp. 91, 139, 156-167, 
180, 181, 307 ; cf. t&. 14, 45, 47, 395 ; especially of the Northuml^ans, 
thinks H. H. p. 139; certainly Northumbria suffered severely, S. D. i. 7, 
8, 113, 131. It is noteworthy that in early ninth-century charters the 
national obligation of the ' fyrd,' ' expeditio,* is specially referred to service 
against the heathen, K. C. D. Nos. 196, 3x6; Birch, Nos. 333, 335, 348, 


of HereltSa lande, E] Strictly HorOaland on the Haidanger-Qord in Heretha- 
Norway, the country of the Hoiflar or Hanrds (Ghamdee, Harudes). It ^"d. 
appears in Irish as ' Irmaith,' which comes to be a general term for Norway ; 
oil Zimmer, Kelt. Beitr. i. 305, 333. Munch, however, equates it with 
Hardeland or Hardesyssel in Jutland, on the ground that no descents had 
yet been made on England from Hdr9aland in Norway. Gkimar calls the 
place whence the ships came ' Guenelinge,' e. 3091. 

se ger«fo )?0srto rad*] Ethel werd gives additional details : ' Regnante The Beevo 
Byrhtrico rege piissimo super partes Anglorum occidentales • . . aduecta ^^ ^^® 
est snbito Danomm axdua non nimia clasfds, diomones numero tres ; ipsa ^^ "' 
et adueetio erat prima. Audito etiam, exactor regis, iam morans in oppido 
quod Doroeastre nuncupatnr, equo insiliuit, cum paucis praecurrit ad 
portnm, pntans eoe magis negotiatores esse quam hostes ; et praedpiens 
eoe imperio, ad regiam uillam pelli iussit ; a quibus ibidem occiditur ipse, 
et qni cum eo erant ; nomen quippe exactoris erat Beaduheard,' M. H. B. 
p. 509 C. Evidently the reeve, as the king's financial officer (S. C. H. i. 
X13 ff. ; Kemble, Saxoni^ ii. 163 ff.), was trying to enforce payment of the 
royal customs. Whence Ethelwerd got these details I do not know ;"Hhey 
sound perfectly genuine, as does the statement of ASN. that the Danish 
ships 'applieuenmt in insula . . . Portland,* which fits in weU with Ethel- 




• Tlie first 

Synod of 

Death of 

Death of 
and elec- 
tion of 

werd*B Dorobester ; though it may be an inference from his ' praeeuirit ad 

)>a flDrestan soipa] This, like ' ssrest ' above, shows that this was written 
at a time when such viaitatioiiB had become only too common ; cf. H. H. 
p. 129 : * Hie primus fuit Anglorum caesus a Dacis, post quem multa millia 
millium ab iisdem caesa sunt.* A complete specimen of a war-galley 
72 feet long was found in Nydam Moss, at East Sottrup, in South Jntlmnd, 
during the excavations which began in 1859; see the Gentleman's 
Magazine for Doc. 1863, p. 686. There is a model in the Pitt-fiiTen 
collection in the New Museum, Oxford. 

788 E] On the Synod of Finchale and death of Abbot Aldberht, see above, 
pp. 56, 58. As to the form of the name ' Pincanheale ' E, ' Wincanheale ' D, 
Fl. Wig., who is generally nearer D, has ' P,' and H. H., who is generally 
nearer E, has * W ; S. D. has * W,' ii. 43, 376, and * P/ \b, 59 ; but tlie 
two letters are inextricably confused; K. W. distinctly says Finchale, 
i. 248 ; cf. t&. 265. 

789 E] The date of iElfwold*s death is given by S. D. as 788 ; the 
place as ' Scy thlescester iuxta murum,* which has been identified with 
Chesters, near Cbollerton, on the line of the Roman Wall. As to the light 
he speaks doubtfully, ' dicitur uideri a plurimis.* A church was reared on 
the spot dedicated to SS. Oswald and Cuthbert. ii. 52 ; cf. i. 50. On the 
church of St. Andrew at Hexham, cf. notes to Bede II. 318, 330, 360, 
and reff. A later cross of great beauty is said to mark iElfwold's tomb ; 
see Mem. Hex. I. xxxvi. f., 38, 40. His sons iElf and idfwine were 
treacherously murdered by Eihelred three years later, S. D. ii. 53. 
Sicga, ^Ifwold's murderer, is perhaps the signatory of the norihera 
legatine sjmod, H. & S. iii. 460. He died 793, infra, Acocnnding 
to S. D. be committed suicide, and was buried at Lindisfame, ii. 53; 
' digne deperiit,' H. H. p. 1 30. On the synod at Aclea, cf. H. & S. iii. 
464, 465 ; Mem. Hex. L xxxviii. 38, 39. 

790*. laenbryht . . . ^)»elheard] The death of laenberht and the 
election of i£thelheard belong to 792, S. D. «. a. ; H. & S. iii. 467, 46S ; 
Theopold, p, 34^ laenberht bad been Abbot of St. Augustine's when the 
monks of Christ Church deluded their rivals as to the deaths of archbiahopa 
Cuthbert and Bregwine ; see above on 758. To prevent anything of the 
kind in his own case laenberht had himself removed to his old monastery, 
and there died and was buried, Grervase, ii. 346; G. P. pp. 15-17; 
E. W. i. 251. This did not avail to restore the old custom. Hia epits^ih 
is in Elmham, p. 355. He is the first archbishop of whom any ooins have 
been preserved. For his relations with Kent and Merda, see his life by 
Dr. Stubbs in D. C. B. iii. 336-338. 

^thelheard was not consecrated till July, 793, H. & S. u. «. ; F, a 
Canterbury book, calls him ' abbas Hludensis monasterii ' ; so S. D. ii. 53 ; 
perhaps Louth, H. & S. tt. «. On his position in Kent and his relatims 

792] NOTES 6l 

with the dominant power of Meroi*, and with Alcnin, cf. tb. 468, 495, 496, 
506. 507» 509-5"i 518-531, 552, 553; Mon. Ale. pp. 373, 373, 7x9-722 ; 
and Stnbbt* life of him in D. C. B. ii. 223-225. His corretpondenoe with 
Alenin ii cited by W. M. i. 74, 82, 86 ; G. P. pp. 17-19. Hib coins bear 
the name of Ofia, or Cenwulf, 6n the reverse, which illustrates his depen- 
dence on Mercia. 

Osred . . . JBSelred, E] 790 is correct for the return of Ethelred, son of Ezpnlsion 
iGtbdwold Moll (see on 774, 778). and the expulsion of Osred. The latter was J^^jJJbum 
forcibly tonsured at York and driven into exile in the Isle of Man. In 792 of Ethel- 
be was indaced to return ' sacramentis et fide quorundam prinoipnro,* but red. 
was deserted, and put to death by Ethelred at Aynburg, S. D. ii. 52, 54; 
\. 50. Alcttin was in England at the time of this revolution : ' A^Oebedus 
filins Aeffelwaldi de oarcere prooesdt in solium, et de miseria in mniesta- 
tem. Cuius regni nouitate detenti snmus,* Mon. Ale. p. 170; of. ih. 174, 
175; and again: ' cognosoas . . . turbatas res me offendisse in patria, nee 
inueniaae animum noui regis qualem uel speraui uel uolui. Tamen aliquid 
fedmua ammonitionis illi et aliis, et hodie laboramus contra iniustltiam 
prout possomus cum quibusdam potentibus,' t6. 1 72, 173. Later he wrote 
to Ethelred himself : ' non deoet te in solio sedentem regni, rusticis uiuere 
moribos,' <b. 264 ; cf. 16. 180-190; H. & S. iii. 488-494. S. D. calls him 
' rex impiissimus/ i. 50. 

791 £] Baldwnlf, or Badulf, was the last Anglian Bishop of Whitem : Baldwulf, 
• nee praeterea plurep alicubi reperio, quod cito defecerit episcopatus, quia ~^^.^^ 
extrema . . . Anglorum ora est, et Soottcrum uel Pictorom depopulation! Bishop of 
opportona,* G. P. p. 257. S. D. gives the date of Baldwulfs consecration Whitem. 
as 790, and the place as * Hearrahalch, quod interpretari potest, locus 
Dominonim/ ii. 53. This has been identified with Harraton. In 796 
Baldwulf joined in the coronation of Eardwulf, and in the consecration of 
Eanfaald II, infray 795, 796 ; S. D. ii. 58. In 803 he helped to consecrate 
Egbert of lindisfame, %b. i. 52 : and this (not 795 as 8. C. S. i. 31 1 ; G. P. 
«. «. note) is the last mention of him. For Bishop Ethelbert, see on 777. 

7M*] Probably 794 ; io A8N. ; 793, D. Wig. 

Ollla . . . A^lbryhte] Of the circumstances under which Ethelbert Beheading 
of East Anglia was put to death by Gifa nothing is really known. The ^^•^* 
later •ooonnts become more and more legendary ; cf. Fl. Wig. i. 62, 63 ; s^gt 
W. M. i. 84, 97, 98, 262 ; II. xoiv. f.; G. P. p. 305 ; R. W. i. 249 ff. ; on AnglU. 
which cf. Theopold, pp. 110, iii ; Hardy, Cat. i. 494-496 ; H. & S. iii. 469. 
Th« least legendary is in Fl. Wig. i. 262 : ' innocenter sub pacis foedere 
oocisoB est ab Offa * ; so A3N. This unmerited fate gave to him, as to 
othen, the character of a martyr ; his relics were translated to Hereford, 
and ho became the patron saint of that see, hence called ' eCe .A^elbiyhtes The patron 
mynstm*,' infra^ 1055 E, i. 187. No kings of East Anglia are named ^"**°J, 
between Ethelbert and Edmund, martyred by the Danes %*jo,i%fra\ Fl. ^•"^<>'*- 
Wig. i 262 ; W. M. i. 98 ; though Abbo*s passion of Edmund makes him 





of lindis- 

Deaths of 



and of Ofiia. 

the son uf a certain King Alohmnnd, who is not otherwise known, Haardj, 
Oat. i. 527. An imnamed king of the East Angles submitted to Egbert in 
825, infra, 823. 51^ >Jtvi<^ 4>vtvO ^uJam^Mj ^ t>sv^ ^Ohl^^^ 

Osred, £] On the return and death of Osred> v. 9. 790. After thia, in 
June, 793, Aleuin left England, and never retomed, Poetae Aeui Oatolini, 
i. 160, 161. uElfled, Ethelred's < new wife/ was a daughter of Offa. The 
mairiage took place at Oatterick, S. D. ii. 54. According to H. H. 
* Edelred, . . . sfus relicta, nouam duxit uxorem/ p. 1 30. There is no 
hint of this in the Ohron. or S. D. On the death of Ethelred, Alooin 
exhorted her to enter a monastery : * in ooenobio militet Christo, quae 
thalamo prinata est uiri/ Mon. Ala p. 394. 

798 E. forebeona] In Bliokl. Horn. p. 117, this word is used of the 
signs (* >a tacno 7 ]ja forebeacno *) which precede the day of doom. 

llg rsBscaa] Gf. Wulfstan^s Homilies, p. 297 : ' unasecgendlice >Qnimt 7 
bymende ligrsdscas.' 

p. 57. on .vi. idus laflr] • vi id. Inn.,* Ann. Lind. ; ' vii id. Inn./ a I>* 
>• 51 ) 361 ; ii* 54-5^* J°i^® IB certainly right. The wikings would not 
cross the sea at midwinter, Steenstrap, Yikinger, p. 9. See a similar 
mistake, 803 » it^ra. 

Both the ravaging of lindisfame by the heathen, and the portents whieii 
preceded it, are alluded to in Alcuin's letter to Ethelred, H. ft S. iii. 493 ; 
Mon. Ale. pp. 1 8o~i 84. This ravaging of St. Cuthbert's Holy Isle prodnced 
an immense impression, to which Aleuin gave voice. He addressed to 
Higbald, Bishop of Lindisfame, an elegiac poem ' De clade lindis&menaa 
monasterii,* containing some really fine lines, Poetae Aeui Carol, i. ^29 ff. 
He also sent to him and his monks letters of sympathy and exhortation, 
H. ft S. iii. 472, 473 ; Mon. Ale. pp. IQO-195. (For an eariier letter of 
Aleuin to Higbald, v. Mon. Ale. pp. T46, 147.) He slso alludes to the 
visitation in other letters, H. ft S. iii. 476, 492, 499 ; Mon. Ale. pp. 184- 
190, 196-209^ 290-393 ; cf. W. M. i. 73 ; G. P. pp. 267, 268. 

708 F, Lat. p. 56, note i] This note should run 'uastauit terrain . . . 
hemicidiis. Translatio Sd. Albani,' M. H. B. p. 388, note 24. On thU 
translation, cf. H. ft S. iii. 469 f. 

pp. (^6, 67. 794^ Adrianoa papa] Adrian died Dec. 25, 795 ; i e. 796 
according to the system which begins the year at Christmas, Theopold, 
PPm20, 21. There is a letter of Aleuin to the bishops of Britain asking 
them, in the name of Charles the Great, to pray for the soul of Adrian, 
< quia fides amicitiae erga defunctum maxime probatur amicum,' Mon. Ale. 
p. 296. 

Ofb cyning] Offiit died July 39, 796, Hoveden, I. xcii. f. His deatli 
is entered again at 796 by D, E., and so originally F, as there is an eramire 
of two lines. OiFa*s sword became an heirloom in the Wessex royal hooae : 
' ic geann Eadmunde minen br^er Sbm swnrdes 9e Offa cyng ahte/ Will 
of the Stheling Athelstan, K. C. D. iii. 363. It is curious that the Chion. 


794] AOraS ^ 

Mys nothlsg of Offit's reUtinm to Cb»rlenuig&e, on whioh W. H. rightly 
lays itreBs, I 91, 93 ; B. W. i. 340-243 ; cf. Ports, ii. 391 ; Hon. Ale pp. 
167-169 ; H. & & iii. 486-488, 496-499. 

.S>e]r6d . . . of alttgon . . . ]ieode] This event al«o belongs to 796. It Slaying of 

took pUce at Corbridge on • xiiii Kal. Mai ' (Apr. 18), S. D. ii. 57, 576 ^'J^^. 

(not xiii KaL as the Chron.)> It was reguded as a judgement for his ombria. ' 

■hare in the death of Oired, W. M. i. 75. It roosed the intense indignation 

of Charlemagne. Alouin writes to Ofia : ' Karolus ... in tantom iratixs 

e»t contra gentem illam, at ai^ . . . homicidam dominorum suoruin/ iuo., 

H. & S. iii. 498, 499 ; Mon. Ale. p. 390. His slayer was a oertain < Aldred 

dux,* who, in revenge, was slain three yean later by ' Thorhtmund dux,' 

S. D. iL 63 ; who is recommended by Alcnin to Charlemagne as < Hedilredi 

regis fidelem £unolum, uirom in fide probatam, strenuum in armis ; qui 

fortiter sanguiDem domini soi nindieauit,* H. ft S. iii. 534; Mon. Ale. 

p. 619. He was succeeded for twenty-seven days by < Osbald patricius,' Korthum- 

wbo was expelled and took refuge first at Lindisfame and then at the j^*^ ^^^ 

Pictish oourt, S. D. U. 57. Though the Chron. ignores Osbald, the struggle 

was evidently a bloody one. Alcuin writes to Osbald himself, urging him 

to enter a monastery, as he had previously promised to do : ' ne pereas 

com inipiis, si innoeens es de sanguine domini tuL Si uero nooens in eon- 

Bensu uel oonsilio, oonfitere peccatum tuum et reoonciliare Deo. . . . Cogita 

quAntus sanguis per te uel per propinquos tnos regum, prindpum, et populi 

effusos est,* Mon. Ale. pp. 305, 306. From this it appears (i) that Osbald 

had not given up his pretensions ; (3) that Alcuin regarded him as an 

accomplice in £thelred*s death. He is, perhaps, the * Osbaldus patricius ' 

to whom Alcuin addressed a letter jointly with Ethelred, H. & S. iii. 488- 

493 ; Mon. Ale p. 184. Ultimately he took Alcuin*8 advice, and became not 

only monk but abbot ; he died in 799, and was buried at York, S. D. ii. 63. 

Coolwulf . . . Badbald] Bishops of Lindsey (not Lindisfame, as Fl. 

Wig.) And London. Theopold, p. 40, thinks that this entry, to be cor- 

reeled like the rest to 796, really refers to their death. The words 'of 

jMem londe aforon * might easily originate in the common confusion of 

'obire ' and ' abire,' cf. p. 39, tupra. If so, Ceowulfs death is entered 

again nnder 796. 

Sogfer)) . . . toryt&rde] On him, see above, 785, and note. He reigned Death ot 
1 4 1 days, 755 A, ad Jin, His early death was regarded as a judgement for ^^<bi^- 
his father's cruelties. Alcnin, writing to his successor Cenwulf, urges him 
to avoid these, and says : ' non . . . sine oausa nobtlissimus filius illius tarn 
paroo tempore uizit. . . . Saepe merita patris uindicantur in filioe,* Mon. 
Ale. p. 353. 80 in a letter to a Mercian ' patrician ' : < patemi sanguinis 
oltio in filium usque redundauit. . . . Sots . . . quam multum sanguinis 
effodat pater eins, nt filio regnum confirmaret^' tb. 350. 

Sadbryht . . . Frssn] His aooession also belongs to 796. He was Eadberht 
a renegade priest^ ' derieus apostata/ and represents an attempt of Kent to ^"^"^ 






ravaged by 
the Danes. 

of Eard- 

Death of 

Eanbald n 

free itself from the domiaation of Merda, H. ft S. iii. 496, 534. On Kentish 
chronology at this timoi cf. W. M. 11. xxii. f. ; i. 18 ; and Bede, II. 338. 

7 .ASSelheard ealdorman, £] From this point the events noted 
really belong to 794. S. D. describes iEthelheard as * quondam dux, tunc 
autem dericus.' He died at York, ii. 56. 

ISogfezl^es mynster est Done ma)>e] The monastery of St. Paal akt 
Jarrow, on the foundation of which see Bede, Hist. Abb. § 7, and notee. 
Jarrow is called ' Donemu9/ as being at the junction of the Done with tike 
IV^e. Most of the editors and translators understand it to mean Wear- 
mouth (Dr. Stubbssays Tynemouth, Hoveden, I. xxxvii. 27, maigin) ; and 
several of them read * set 0one mniSe,* which is impossible, as €Bf cannot 
govern an accusative. Mr. Stevenson is quite correct, and so is Gaimar: 
' en la buche de Don,* v. 2187 ; t^^ough his editors first misunderstand the 
Ghron., and then charge Gaimar with * error * on the strength of their mis- 
understanding. The disaster which overtook the Danes was regarded as a 
judgement on them for the sack of Lindisfame, S. D. ii. 56 ; i. 5 1, 5a ; H. H. 
p. 138 ; cf. H. & S. iii. 395. Alcuio, writing to the monks of Wearmonth 
and Jarrow, after the latter event, had warned them that their turn might 
come next : ' uos maritima habitatis, undo pestis prime ingruit,* Mon. Ale. 
p. 199. 

706 £] Both the eclipse and the accession of Eardwulf belong to 796, 
Hieopold, p. 7a. 

hanored] JFUfnc, following Bede, divides the time from sauset to 
sunrise into seven parts, of which cockcrow is the fifth ; cited, HampsoD, 

V. kfl: Ap^.] March a8, 796, is correct for the date of the eclipse. 

Xardwtilf ] Under 790 S. D. has the following strange story : * Eardulf 
dux captus est, et ad Ripun perductus, ibique oocidi iussus extra portam 
monosterii a rege [Ethelredo]. Cuius corpus fr«tres cum Gregorianis oon- 
centibus ad ecclesiam portantes, et in tentorio foris ponentes, post mediam 
noctem uinus est in ecclesia innentus,' ii. 5a. It is lawful to suspect some 
jugglery here. He went into exile, whence be was recalled to the throne 
in 796. The twenty-seven days of Osbald's reign (v. s. on 75^) reckoned 
inclusively from April 18, the date of Ethelred*s death, bring us to ' ii id. 
Mail/ May 14, the date given here as the date of Eardwulfs aooesnon. 
His coronation at York w:is ' in Eodesia S. Petri* ad altare beaii . . . Plsoli/ 
S. D. ii. 57, 58» 376. 377 ; >- 5^. 

706 £] On the deaths of Ofia and Geolwulf; e. «. 794. 

7 XSanbald] Alcuin writes to Amo, Bishop of Salsbuig : ' obeecro nt pro 
anima Eanbaldi archiepiscopi intercedere diligenter iubeas ; quia mihi et 
pater et frater et amicus fidelissimus fuit, etiam et condiadpolus. . . . Ecoe 
ego solus relictus,* Mon. Ale. pp. 3a3-3a5. He died ' in monasterio qnod 
dicitnr JRt lete,' S. D. ii. 58 ; H. Y. ii. 336. 

o^eme Banbald] Eanbald II had been with Alcnin In 795, Mon. Ale. 

798] NOTES 65 

{>. 25 3. Alcnin wrote to the clergy of York with reference to this election, 
warning them against simony. He also wrote several hortatory letters 
to Eanbald himself after his election, H. ft S. iii. 500-505 ; Mon. Ale. 
PP* 331-339* C ^^' ^^ Sept.* « Aug. 14 is right for the consecration of 
Eanbald IL It was a Sunday in 796.) Alcnin urged Leo III to send 
him the pallium : 'quia ualde illis in*partibu8 sacri pallii auotoritas neces- 
saria est, ad opprimendam improborum peruersitatem, et sanctae ecdesiae 
anctoritatem conseruandam/ ib. 358, 359. (The reception of the pallium is 
mentioned under 797.) These troubles of Eanbald are alluded to in later 
letters, t5. 564, 623. They were due partly at least to the fact that 
Eanbald had supported the opponents of Eardwulf, ib. 620-622 ; H. ft S. 
iii. 535, 536. He seems to have had an understanding with Mercia, ib. 536, 
563-566. See an interesting life of Eanbald II in D. C. B. ii. 11-14. 

Her Oeolwnl£; 70.*] 80 A, D, E, F. In B, C it has been corrected Mis- 
to Cynulf. Ethelwerd has Ceolf. H. Wig. is right ; so is H. H., though 'ending, 
his editor ia wrong, p. 131. The mistake is due to the fact that the next 
King of Mercia was Geolwulf, 819, infrct. 

The orerrunning of Kent and capture of Eadberht Pnen belong to 798. Kent snb- 
Cenwulf crowned himself King of Kent, * imponens sibi coronam in capite, daed by 
sceptrumque in manu,' 3. D. ii. 59 ; who also confirms the account given in 
F of the atrocities perpetrated on Eadberht. Ultimately Cuthred, Cenwulf s 
brother, was set up as under-king in Kent^ Fl. Wig. 1. 260 ; H. ft S. iii. 
559. His death is mentioned if\fra, 805 ( » 807). W. M. has a story that 
at the dedication of Winchcombe Abbey, Cenwulf, with the consent of 
Cuthred, released Eadberht. But it all sounds rather mythical, W. M. i. 
94» 95 ; G. P. p. 294 ; cf. H. ft S. iii. 574. 

6p Merso, A] This reading is peculiar to A. 

ASelard . . . aette synolS, F] On this alleged synod, v. H.ft S. iii. 
516-518, 547. 

'Wih.X garea] A mistake for ' Wihtredes.' 

707*. Her Bomane . . . aatongon] The true date is 799. For the Outrages 
phiaae, cf. Ores. p. 168 : ' J)a sticode him mon >a eagan 4t' ; cf, ib. 256 ; on Leo III. 
iiUfrie, lives, p. 458 : ' dydon him ut )>a eagan, 7 his earan forcurfon.' For 
Leo III and his relations with Charlemagne, «. D. C. B. In a letter to 
Charles, May, 799, Alcuin says : ' nonne Romana in sede . . . eztrema 
impietatis exempla emerserunt ? Ipsi oordibus suis ezcaecati ezcaecauerunt 
caput proprium,' Mon. Ale. p. 464. In August he writes : ' de apostolici 
pastoria mirabili sanitate . . . deoet omnem populum Christianum gaudere,' 

*. 485. 

Heftrdred, B] Bishop of Hexham, died in 800, and was succeeded by Heardred 
Eaoberht, a D. ii. 63, whose death is mentioned below, 806. He had been ^ Hexham. 
one of the consecrators of Egbert of Lindisfame, S. D. i. 52 ; infra, 803 E. 
He was succeeded by Tidfrith, the last Bishop of Hexham, G. P. pp. 255, 256; 
Mem. Hex. I. xxxix, 41, 42. 

n- F 




of the East 




798 (?) F] The former part of this annal is identical with 797 £ ; thes 
it goes off to the bishope of Dunwioh. It is curious that both at Hexlum 
and Dunwich there should have been bishops named Heairdred and Tidfrith 
aboat the same time, Stnbbe, £p. Snoe. pp. 168, 181 [2nd ed. pp. 230, 244]. 
Hie profession of the Ihmwich Tidfrith is given, H. & S. iii. 51 1 ; a letter 
of Alcoin to him, t6. 551 ; Mon. Ale. p. 739. 
Sine, King Birio IBaat sezana dns] Theopold, p. 89, identiOes Sirio with tb« 
' Sigricos Dux* who signs K. C. D. No. 172 ; Birdi, No. 280 ; which Kemble 
marks as spurioos. He was succeeded by a son Sigred, in whom the Esit- 
Sazon line comes to an end, Fl. Wig. i. 250. His signature is foand in 
three charters, two gennine, one sporions, K« C. D. Nos. 196-198 ; Birch. 

Nos. 335» 338, 339- 

Wihtborge liohama] The translation of St. Wihtbnxg is menticned 
also by FL Wig. ; cf. W. M. i. 260 ; Hardy, Cat i. 469 f. 

708 £] Heardberht, the father of Abie, maybe the Heardberiit mentioned 
778 £. S. D.*e entry is as follows : ' oonioratione facta ab interfeetoribui 
Ethelredi regis, Wada dax . . . com eis bellum inienint {He) contra Esrd* 
wlfom r^em in looo, qui appellatur ab Anglis Billingalioth, inxU 
Waialege, et ex utraque parte plnrimis interfectis Wada dux cam mis 
in fugam uersus est, et Eardwlfns rex uictoriam regaliter smnpsit ex 
inimicis,' ii. 59. Wada is mentioned in conjunction with Eanbald i&d 
Cenwulf in a later letter of Leo III, H. ft S. iii. 563, 564. So perhaps thii 
revolt also had been encooraged by Eanbald and Mercia. There is a Wad« 
among the ' reges nel duces ' in Lib. Vit. Dan. 

pp. 58, 69. 700*] The trae date of ^thelheard's joamey to Kome is 
801, Theopold, pp. 40, 41. He walB accompanied not only by Cyneberbt, bat 
also by Torhtmand, the avenger of £thelred of Northumbria (p. 9, on 794). 
and by Ceolmund of Mercia. Alcoin wrote advising them with refeiesoe 
to their journey, and also recommended them to Charlemagne, H. & S. ui. 
533-534 1 Mon. Ale. pp. 616-622. The object of .^helheard's joamey w« 
to obtain Irom the Pope the restoration of the rights of Canterbniy. Ib 
this he succeeded, H .ft S. iii. 536-544. Alcuin asked that Htgfoo-ht 
might retain the palliom for his life, Mon. Ale. p. 269 ; but apparently he 
resigned not only the palliom bat the see, if H. ft S. are right in thinking 
that he is the Higberht who tagoM an act of the Council of Clovesho, 803. m 
a simple abbot, H. ft S. iii. 545-547 ; K. C. D. No. 1024 ; Birch, No. 31a. 

Oynebryht] He is not heard of again. Possibly he never returned. 
There is a letter of Alcuin to him, H. ft S. lit. 482, 483 ; Mon. Ale. p. 517- 

Wesseaxna biaS] ' Note how this title continues, in spite of the 
division of the rliooese,' Earle. See on 812, infra, 

800 E. Her . . . se mona, 70.] 800 is correct for this lunar eclipee, which 
took place on Jan. 15, at 8.30 p.m. ; ».e., as the Chronicle rightly says, *%i 
the second hour of the eve of Jan. z6.' 

Beorhtrio . . . rioe*] The true date of the death of Beriitric 

joamey to 



Death of 


8o5] NOTES 67 

(' glorioBQB rex/ ' nobiliwime pnefuit/ 8. D. ii. 66, 68 ; ' rex piiasimiis,' 
Etbelw. p. 509), and of (be aooession of Egbert, is 80a, S. D. u. «. ; H. & S. Aoceasion 
Ju- 557 ; Hovoden, I. xdii. ; Theopold, pp. 43-49. On the significanoe <»f Egbert, 
of Egbert's aoceenon and reign, «. F. N. C. i. 38-42. 

rad 2B^lmund ... of Hwiooiuinl The only mention of the Hwiccas Decline of 
in the Chron. See on them, Taylor, Cotswold, pp. 4ff., 1 5 ff. The words Mo'^ci*- 
' of Hwioeinm * are to be taken with 'rad/ not with ' aldorman ' ; 'of 
meaningyVom, not of; see Gloevaiy, 9. w. 'of/ <on.' H. H. has oonstraed 
it righUy, in spite of Mr. Arnold. This victory of the men of WUts was 
an omen of the ultimate trinmph of Wessex over Mercia. In the preyious 
year (801) Eardwolf of Korthumbria had invaded Mercia on acoomit of 
Genwnlf 8 reception of his opponents. Peace was, however, made by the 
advice of the chief men, derical and Uy, on both sides, S. D. ii. 65. Simeon of 
From this point there is a lacuna of about half a century in S. D. And ^'^^*>»- 
when he resumes he draws ahnost wholly from southern sources, Asser 
and the Chron. itselt ao that we lose his invaluable help as a northern 
corrective and supplement to the southern chroniclers. 

80a E. Her .... aamona . . . laiEr.] The year 80a is correct. But Lunar 
Ian. mnat be a mistake for Inn. There was no lunar eclipse in December ocbP^« 
in any year at the beginning of the ninth century. But there was one on 
May 31 (xii Kal. lun.), 80a, at 4 ajn., which is no doubt the one intended. 

Beom mod^ The true date is 804. His predecessor, Wermund, signs Beommod. 
an act of the Council of Clovesho in 803, which Beommod signs as ' presby- 
ter/ H. & S. iii. 546, 547. His profeasion of obedience is given, ib. 550, 551. 

808 K Eogberht] Egbert was consecrated at By well by Eanbald, Egb^ of 
Eanberfat, and Baldwnlf (iii id. -June 11, was a Sunday in 803), S. D. i. ^^ 
53. It was to Egbert that iEthelwulf dedicated his poem * de Abbatibus,' 
S. D. i. 365 if. ; Dttmmler, Poetae Aeui Carol, i. 582 ff. See Addenda. 

JEpollieard . . . Wulfred^] The true date is 805. Wulfred's oonse- Wulfred. 
cration was probably on August 3. On him and the chronology of his 
archiepiacopate,seeH.& a iii. 557, 559-561, 563, 564, 586-588, 596-604; 
Theopold, pp. 34, 35 ; and Stubbs in D. 0. B. iv. 1195 ff. 

For^d . . . forpferde, A] Not in D, E, F. Probably it also belongs Abbot 
to 805. Grubitx makes him Abbot of St. Augustine's, and builds theories Forthred. 
on the supposition, p. 14. There is no room for him among the abbots of 
St. Augustine's, and that he was a Mercian abbot is shown by the fact 
that he signs the Synod of Clovesho among the cleigy of the see of 
Leicester as ' presbyter abbas/ H. ft S. iii. 546, 547. He signs charters 
from 790 to 803, D. C. B. ii. 549. 

804^. Walfir»d . . . paUiom] Beally 806. On this occasion the Eng- The pal* 
lish biahops protested against the papal attempts to force archbishops to linm. 
go to Rome for the pallium, H. & S. iii. 559-561 ; see notes to Bede, 
H. E. f. 37. 

a06*] Beally 807. 





of Eard- 

Bishop of 
the West 


Ca]nred oynlng] On hun, see 796, note. 

Oeolburg abbudesse] viz. of Berkeley, Fl. Wig. She is mentioned in 
a charter of 804, H. & S. iii. 548, 549 ; K. G. D. No. 186 ; Birch, No. 313 ; 
and was the widow of Alderman ^thelmundi whose death was recorded 
nnder 800. See a paper by the Rev. G. S. Taylor on Berkeley Minster, 
Bristol and Gloucestershire Arch. Trans, xix. 70 ff. 

806 £. Her se mons . . . kt Sept.] There was a total edtpae of 
the moon on September i, 806. 

XSardwulf . . . adrifen] The expulsion of Eardwulf is probably to be 
referred to the end of 807 or beginning of 808. He was saoceeded 
by iElfwold, S. D. i. 5a. Eardwulf appealed in person to the Em- 
peror and Pope, and was by them restored in 808 or 809. The appeal 
and restoration are not mentioned in any native chronicle, bnt are 
found in Einbard's Annals and in Einhardi Fuldensis Ann. ; Pertz, i. 
195, 196, 354. Ademar, in embodying these notices, makes Northumbris 
a part of Ireland, ib. iv. 118 ; cf. F. N. G. i. 559-561 ; H. & S. iii. 561. 
For the correspondence between Gharlei and Leo III about Eardwulf, see 
ib, 562-567. Leo evidently suspected Eanbald and Genwulf of caunng 
Eardwulfs expulsion. He seems not to have survived his restoration long, 
as. we find his son Eanred succeeding shortly afterwards, v. infta, p. S4. 
The Ann. Lindisf , Pertz, xix. 506, say that Eardwulf had married a 
daughter of Gharles.-^ If so, Gharles' interference is explained; but I 
know no other authority for the statement. Of the later native kings 
of Northumbria the Ghronicle only mentions the two rivals Osberiiit and 
M\i^^ 867, infra. Hence H. H. says : ' Ardulf a suis fugatus . . . Postea 
Nordhumbri, ut apparet, insania nequitiae praeoccupati, aliquantisper sine 
rege fuerunt/ p. 1 36. 

Sanberl^t . . . foxUferde] See above on 797. 

806 F, Lat. p. 68, note 6] Identical with entries in Pertz, iv. 6 ; xv. 
1294 ; Liebermann, p. 63. 

800 F. Her aao sanne . . . •xvii* kf. Aug.] July 16, 809, is correct 
for the solar eclipse. 

812*] Really 814. 

WuIGred] See above on 803. , 

Wigbryht Wesseaxna bisS] Note that the title 'bishop of the 
West Saxons, ' which at 799 is given to Gyneberht of Winchester, is here 
given to Wigberht of Sherborne, the second of the two dioceses into which 
Wessex was divided at the death of Hsedde, Bede,' IT. 307. On Wig- 
berht, see D. G. B. iv. 1176. He and Wulfred went to Rome ' pro negotiit 
Anglicanae ecclesiae,' R. W. i. 272, who has the right date. On the extra- 
ordinary corruption of the Latin entry of E, see Introduction, § 43, note, 

813*] Probably to be corrected to 815. 

gehergade Bcgbryht, 70.] There is a possible allusion to this expedition 
in a letter of Dnnstan to Ethelred, 980 x 988 : ' hit gelamp )«et West 

Sia] NOTES 69 

Weftlju onhofoo hi ongean Ecgbrlht eyng, ^ ferde se cyng ])yder7 gewylde 
lii,' Crawford Charters, p. 18, and note. Ravages of the Saxons in Wales 
proper are entered, Aim. Gamb. 816, 82a ; Brat y Tywys., 817, 823. 

814*] BeaUy 816. 

pp. 60, 61. 816 A, 816 £. Btephanu spapa] He died January 24, 817. 

forbom Ongol oynnea soola] On this, cf. Anastadus de uitis Ponti- Burning of 
iicam (nnder Paschal I) : * eodem tempore [817] ... per qnorundam '^^^'^^^ 
gentia Anglornm desidiam, ita est omnis illorum habitatio quae in eorum s^jiie. 
Ungiia boigua dicitur . . . combusta, ut nee uestigia pristinae habitationis 
inueniri potuissent. . . . Unde . . . ter beatissimtta pastor, considerans 
illoram peregrinorum inopiam, . . . necessaria . . . omnia . . . submioia- 
trabat,' Muratori, SS. Rer. Ital. IIL i. 214 B. There was another great 
iire under Leo IV., ib. p. 233 B. These ' schools' were hostelries for the 
reception of pilgrims, and other nations had their ' schools * as well as the 
English. One tradition attributed the foundation of the English school to 
Offa, W. M. i. 109; another carries it back to Ine, R. W. i. 215, 216; 
Bede, II. 281. ' It was near the basilica of St. Peter. 

819*] Really 821 ; v. Hoveden, I. xcvi ; Theopold, p. 49; H. & S. iii. 
590 ; K. C. D. No. 214 ; Birch, No. 366. 

Cenwnlf . . . Ceolwolf] According to Gaimar, Cenwulf died 'el liu Death of 
de Basewero,' v, 2240 (Basingwcrk, Flintshire). Fl. Wig. calls him Cenwul£ 
isanctas Kenulphus, 2. 65. Between the reigns of Cenwulf and his brother Legend of 
Ceolwulf, is said to come the brief reign of his son Kenelm, aged seven St.Kenelxo. 
year* [Kenelm, cynebeam, Hyde Reg. p. 92], murdered by contrivance of 
his sister Cwenthryth, Abbess of Winchcombe, FL Wig. i 65 ; H. H. 
p. xxvi ; W. M. i. 262, 263 ; G. P. pp. 294, 295 ; R. W. i. 273-275 ; 
Hardy, Cat. i. 508, 509; D. C. B. iii. 601. But the whole story sounds 
most mythical, and cannot be traced back earlier than the eleventh 
oentory ; cf. Hampeon, ii. 231. Archbishop Wulfred had a long suit with 
Cwenthryth as ' filia Coenwulfi heresque lllius,' for injuries done to him 
by her father. This was terminated in the Council of Clovesho, 825. 
Cwenthryth was present and signed the agreement there come to, H. k S. 
iii. 596 fL Is it likely she would have done so, bad she been known to be 
a fratricide ? And is it likely that a child of seven would ever have been 
elected to the crown ? 

821*. Ceolwulf . . . besoiered] Really in 823. He was succeeded by Deposition 
Beomwulf, Fl. Wig.; H. H.; W. M. i. 95; R. W. i. 275, who is not of Ceolwulf. 
nenUoned in the Chron. till two years later. 

822*] Really 824, Theopold, p. 42 ; Hoveden, I. xcvii. Ethelwerd 
reverses the order of the two events entered here, making Buighelm and 
Moca slain at Clovesho, 'ibidem,* p. 510 B. 

senop . . . sst dofeahoo] On this, see H. & S. iii. 592-595. The Locality of 
only previous mention of Clovesho is at 742 F. The identification of Clovesho. 
Clovesho has always been a great cmx. Talbot^ in a note in MS. C, says 


'doctor Hetlie's benyfffce.' This is Dr. Nxc(Jm Heath, sooceariTely 
Bishop of Rochester, Worcester, and Archbishop of York, 1540, 15431 1555* 
The beneBce in question is Cliffe-at-Hoo, in Kent, near the estoary of the 
Thatnes. This was the prevailing view of the aiitiqoaries of the sixteenth 
century. Later, Abingdon came into favoor. Mr. Kenlake contends 
that Cliffe is right. Moreover, he would locate other meeting^places of 
oonncils in the same district. Cealchythe he would place, not at Chelsea, 
bat at Chalk or Challock, between Higham and Gravesend; Adea, at 
Oakley, also near Higham. Even Theodore's Haethfeld he woald identify^ 
with ' Hatfield or Cliffe near Rochester,' and ' Hemtfbrd ' he would plsee 
in the same district, which, if Clovesho is Cliffe-at-Hoo, would hsog 
well together with the resolution of the latter council to meet annually in 
future at Clovesho. Mr. Kerslake supports his theory by a reference to 
the political supremacy which Mercia exercised over Kent at the end of 
the eighth and beginning of the ninth century, D. C. B. iii. 603. Tht 
ecclesiastical supremacy of Canterbury might also be used as an argumeot. 
And the nearness of these places to the broad estuary of the Tham» 
would make them aooessible from many quarters. See the interesting 
monograph of Mr. T. Kerslake, 'Vestiges of the Supremacy of Meroa'; 
cf. Orubitz, p. 15. 
823*] Really 825. 
Battle of Wala gefeoht] Two charters, dated August 19, 8'a5, are said to bsT^ 

Oafhlford. }^qqh drawn up: 'quando Ecgbergtus rex exercitum Gewissorum mooit 
L<voVi>*»t>'<^^»/ contra Brettones ubi dicitur Cridiantreow,' K. C. D. Nos. 1033, 1035: 
Birch, Nos. 389, 390. (It may be noted how in these charters E^rtV 
* ducatus ' or Bretwaldadom is dated ten years later than his ' regnnm.*" 
The Wekh meant are the * West Welsh ' or Com Welsh ; and thi? 
represents the final reduction of Cornwall under Wessex ; ef. F. N. C. 
i. 41. 
Battle of gefeaht ... on Ellen done] On this H. H. has preserved one of )w 

EUendnn. proverbs : * Elleudune riuns cruore rubuit, ruina restitit, factors tabnit." 
Ethelwerd gives the name of one of those slain in the 'micd 
wffil ' : ' Hun ibi occiditur, dux prouinciae Sumorsaeton, requiescttqoe 
nunc in urbe Uuintana,' p., {10 (yet Hun signs not only the tin> 
charters cited above, but also charters of 8a6, K. C. D. No. 1031, 1035- 
1037, '039 I Birch, Nos. 377, 390-392, 398). Ethelwerd calls the contest 
' ciuilia bella,' and shows the importance of it by dating other events frotr 
't, p. 514; cf, R. W. i. 275, who calls Egbert *uictor funestus.' The 
sadden collapse of Mercia*after its predominance under Offit and Cenwolf 
is striking. * Mercia owed its greatness wholly to the character of it> 
individual kings,* Green, C. E. p. 45 ; cf. F. N. C. i. 40. By W. M. thii 
I.A«Alityi>f battle is placed in 826. In the smalP edition of the Chron. I identified 
KU^^qn* Eaendun with Allington near Amesbury ; but the Rev. C. S. Taylor 
.^^^^^ writes to me: 'It seems unlikely that Beomwulf would be allowed t'' 


823] NOTES Jt 

penetntie 10 far into WeaaAx. Wroaghton is aLso called Ellingdon, and 
liea jutt at the pqint where the Bidgeway croaseB the Ermine Street ; the 
natural point for a West-Saxon king to resbt an invasion from the north. 
Clooe by is Wanborough, where Ine and Ceolred fought in 715, and where 
the battle took place which led to Ceawlin*8 expulsion in 59a. A large 
part of the modem parish of Wrooghton is Indnded in the Domesday 
manor of Elendone.' 

ps aende lie ... to Cent, 70.] The reduction of Kent is placed by 
R. W. in 827 ; cf. H. & 8. iii. 557. 

TBftThiitftTi hia biaS] Bishop of Sherborne, where he succeeded Wigberht Ealhstan, 
in 824, r.t. on 81 a ; K. C. D. No. 1031 ; Birch, No. 375. He is our first f^J^^^^^ 
instance of the fighting prelate, of whom we shall have other specimens. 
* Alehitan and Swithhun were the two props, military and civil, of 
Ethel wulTs leign/ £arle'8 SwiShun, p. 37 ; cf. Lib. de Hyda, pp. aa, 23. 
(On fighting clerics, ct ^Ifric'a Pastoral Epistle, in Thorpe, Ancient Laws, 
U. 386.) EalhBtan had evidently been on the expedition against the 
West Welsh, as he signs the two charters cited above. We find him 
defeating the Xhtnes at the month of the Parret at 845. His death is 
given at 867, where an episcopate of fifby yean is attributed to him. 
But this, though repeated by other authorities, is too long by seven 
years. See H. & S. iiL 595 ; Episc. Succ. pp. 10, 165 [and ed. pp. 19, 
aa 7]. By W. M. i. 108, 109 ; 6. P. pp. 1 75, 176, a highly coloured sketch is 
given of his activity under Egbert and ^thelwulf. But he condemns him 
to Tartarus for his aggressions on Malmesbuiy. 

him to olrdon] 'Submitted to him,' cf. 878, ad init 

pj hie . . . anidde wesnm] < Because they had formerly been Belations 
wrongly forced away from his kin.* There is nothing in the grammar to of Kent and 
show whether these words apply to all the kingdoms named, or only 
to one or some of them. The came uncertainty runs through the 
Latin chroniclers: 'ex cuius propinqnornm manibus prius extorti, ex- 
traneorum regum ditiohi per aliquot annorum curricula inuiti sunt 
sabacti/ Fl. Wig. i. 66 ; cf. W. M. i. X07. By H. H. the reference is 
ex|4ained of the expulsion of Eadberht Prssn (above, 796) : ' quos priuK 
cognatos suus Pren iniuste amiserat,' p. 1-3^ ; ' sed de cognatione eius cum 
Egberto adhuc quaerendum,* M. H. B. ad loo. But in the reference to 
Kent I believe he is right. That is the main subject of the preceding 
sentence, Surrey, &c., being thrown in parenthetically. This assertion of 
a hereditaxy daim on the part of Wessex has caused much difficulty. 
The key is apparently to be found in a little-noticed entry in F and a at 
784 : * Then Ealhmund was king in Kent. He was Egbert's father, who 
was ^thelwulfs father.* Wliat authority this rests on I do not know. 
There is a grant of ' Ealmundus' rex Canciae' to Reculver, K. C. D. * 
No. 1013 ; Birch, No. 343. The date is 784, so that the entry in F under 
thai year may be made up from the charter. If the establishment of 




Ingild*s line of the Wesi-Saxon house in Kent is a fact, it cannot hx?e 
lasted long ; as it must be placed between the death of Ethelbert II, 760 
(»76a), and the accession of Eadberht Pnen, who was dethroned in 796 
( ^ 798)- On the state of Kent at this time, see W. M. II. xxiil. 
Hoyal Su)? Beaze] The last rnler of Sussex who signs as king is Ethelbert, 

Suffl« ^^ °* ^^'^^ ^ ^' ^* ^^' '®*° ' ^"^^' ^^' ^"- ^ 7^° "^^ 79' 8^"^** "* 
made by Oslao and Aldwulf respectively, with the style of 'dnx 

Suthsaxonum,' K. C. D. Noe. 1012, 1015, 1016; Birch, Noe. 237, 

a6r, 26J. isjirUfi' 

and Essex. Hast Beaze] Since the slaughter of Selred, 746, supra, Sine is th« 

only East*Saxon king mentioned in the Chron. See on 798 F. W. M. 

makes Selred's successor, Swithaed or Swithred, the king who submitted 

to Egbert, i. 99 ; i, 0. he gives him a reign of nearly eighty years I Fl. Wig. 

admits that there were ' reges pauoi * between Swithred and the submissbn 

of Essex, but he cannot give their names, i. 263, 264. We have seen ihaX 

Siric was succeeded by Sigred. He signs as <rex' in 811, afterwards ai 

' subregulus ' ; so that up to 811, Essex seems to hare retained some 

shadow of royalty, K. C. D. Nos. 196-198 ; Birch, Nos. 335, 338-340, 

373. His last signature seems to be in 823, so that he probably disappeared 

after this submission to Egbert, unless he is to be found among the Sigereds 

who sign a little later with the title of ' dux.' 

East Engla oyning .'. . for Mierona ege] The East Angles hsd 

a special reason for hating Mercia, in the murder of their King Ethelbert, 

above, 792. 

gesohte Eoffbryht . . . him to fripe] Cf. Oros. p. 228 : <he 8i]>>sii 

gesohte Bomane him to fnpe' 

Death of slogon . . . Beomwulf] This probably belongs to 8 26, H. ft S. iii. 

Beomwulf. ggy ; so B. W. i. 275, who says that Beomwulf had been trying to get 

pr i^ion of East Anglia ever since the time of Oflfa. 

Death of 826*. Iiudeoan . . .^oyning] He is probably the ' Ludeca dux ' wbo 

Tmdeoa. gj^^, j^t the Council of Clovesho in 824, K. C. D. No. 218 ; Birch, Nob. 

378, 379. He fell in trying to avenge Beomwulfs death on the Esst 

Angles, according to PI. Wig. i. 66, 67 ; W. M. i. 95, 96, 107 ; ASN.; 

while B. W. makes him slain by Egbert, i. 276. Possibly both views 

are mere inferences from the Chron. The true date is probably 828, 

H. ft S.' tt. «. ; Hoveden, I. xcvii. Gaimar treats * Bumulf ' and ' Lutecao ' 

as contemporary and rival kings, w. 2282 ff. 

Wiglafc Wilg laf ] W. M. calls him Wihtlaf ; so Ethelwcrd, p. 510 ; but he i« 

Wiglaf in K. C. D. No. 227 ; Birch, No. 400. 

827*. Her mona . . . niht] The true date of this eclipse is Dec. 2^, 

828 ; i. e. 829 according to the system which begins the year with 

Christmas, Theopold, p. 21. 

Expulsion geeode . . . Mierona rioe] According to B. W. i. 276, followed by 

of WigUf. H. ft g. u. ,., Wiglaf was expelled almost immediately on his acoesoon, 

829] NOTES 73 

and was in exile three yean. W. M. also eayt that he was expelled ' in 
initio ngin,* i. 96. PI. Wig. L 67, and H. H. p. 133, imply that his fint 
reign lasted two yean, and that he was only now expelled in 837 (K8a9). 
This may be merely an inference from the Chron., but it is more likely to 
be right than R. W. 

7 he wtte ae eahtajya oyning, 70.] This is based on Bede, H. E. ii. 5, 
where see notes. H. H. adds to the list Alfred and Edgar, p. 5a. 

Breiwalda, A ; Bryten wealds, E] I am unable to accept Kemble's The Brei- 
argnment, Saxons, ii. 8 ff., that ' brytenwealda ' is to be taken as meaning ^"^das. 
■imply 'wide mler,' though it is supported by the high authority of 
Ptof. Earie, Charten, pp. 473, 474. Anyhow, whateyer its original signifi- 
cation, it was certainly interpreted as meaning ' Wielder of Britain ' ; thus 
' rector totios hnius Brittanie insule ' is translated ' brytenwalda eallBM 
9yaes Iglandes,* Earle, u. «. p. 360 ; Birch, Nos. 705, 706 ; K. C. D. No. 
1 1 10. Again, we hare the late form ' welding Bry tone,' ib. No. 1 1 1 9 ; Birch, 
No. 738 ; ct F Lat. here : 'octauus rex qui rexit Bryttanniam.' 

HorjMuihymbre . . . him . . . eapmedo budon] ' Regem Eandreduni Submission 
sUtnit [Egberctus] sub tribute,' R. W. i. 377. That Northumbria, after of North- 
so many yean of anarchy, should have submitted easily, is not surprising ; 
cC Gsdmar, vv. 3349 ^' ' 

*A Eyerwch fu reeenz 
Ore fa reis e North e Suth.' 

The reduction of Wales, mentioned in the next entry, completed the and Wales. 
proeen : ' totins insulate pene nactus est monarchiam,' W. M. i a ; dt tb. 
1 01, IDS : ' regnomm narietates ad uniforme dominium, seruans unicuique 
propriaa leges, uocanit'; and a curious and interesting passage on the 
monarchy of England in Budbome, Ang. Sac i. 198. But the work was 
soon more than undone by the inroads of the Danes. 

pp. 62, 68. 828*. Her eft Wilaf onfeng] Wiglaf was rest^KjhM Bestora- 
tribotary king under Wessex, not earlier than Sept. a, 830, as a document ^5^,^^ 
of Sept. I, 831, is dated ' anno prime secundi regni mei,' K. C. D. No. 337 ; ^ ' 
Bireh, No. 400; Hoveden, 1*. #. ; H. & S. u. #. ; W. M. i. 96, 107 ; B. W. 
i. 377. 

.SjMlwald blslS] Of Lichfield ; of. H. ft S. iii. 608. JEXSelhald, D, E, F 

Bogbxyht . . . Vfotp Walaa] W. M. makes Egbert's reduction of the Beduction 
North Welsh a following up of his defeat of the West WeUh. 833, tupra i of Wales. 
' qoibos subingatis, Aquilonales firitannoe qui a praedictis brachio maris 
dioidnntor, tributaries fedt,' L 106. See, however, on 853 A. 

839*] From 8a9 to 839 the error in the Chronology amounts to three 
yean, Theopold, p. 51. We have already noted this as regards single 
entries under 833, 835. 

7eloglld aM ... .ill. kt Bepl, F] The election and consecration of Consecra- 
Felogild as archbishop are mentioned only in this insertion of F. That ^^ ^^ 




death of 


of heathen 

Battle of 

and Here- 

these events belong to 83a is shown by the hcX that ' t id. Inn.* (Jnne 9 
was a Sunday in 832 ; cf. H. & S. iii. 557, 558 ; Theopold, pp. 35, 36. 
Felogild's death as simple abbot is giren by the other MSS. under 830 ; 
it really took place Aug. 30, 83a ; cf. liebennann, p. 64. Possibly he 
was not reckoned among the archbishops, as not having zeoeived the 
pallium. He signs Kentish charters from 803 to 835. If, as H. & S. 
think, he was a Canterbury abbot, he must have belonged to Ghnst 
Charch, as Wemoth was Abbot of St. Angnstine's at this time, Thoin, 
oe. I775f 1776 ; Elmham, pp. 14, 15 (against Grabits, p. 14). See Addenda. 

880*. Oeolnop] His election and consecration probably belong to 833, 
H. k S. iii. 610, 611. The day of his election, June 29, only in F Lat 
He was consecrated Aug. 27, Geryase, ii. 348 ; liebeimann, p. 64, thoogk 
this was not a Sunday in any year between 831 and 836. 

881*, 882*] Probably 834, 835. 

hsB)me men] It is noteworthy that in a Kentish will of about this 
time leaving certain rents to St. Augustine's, Canterbury, express pro- 
vision is made for the case that in some years payment may be imposrible 
'Jiurh hs>en folc,* Birch, ii. 106, 107. So a little later, in Alfred's Iaws^ 
one of the causes which excose the failure to return entrusted property is : 
* [> hit here name,' Thorpe, i. 5a ; Schmid, p. 6a. 

883*] The true date is possibly 836, Theopold, p. 4a. 

gefeaht . . . wij) •zzzv. scip hlsssta] The xxv of D, K, F is a mere slip. 
From the word ^ scip hliesta ' here and in 840, Robertson argues that the 
fight was on land, and that 851 was the first naval victory, £. K. S. ii. 
437. But this is more than doubtfol ; in 875 and 88a the same phrase 
is used where it must refer to naval fights, and in Ores. p. 178, 'xxx 
sciphlsestra ' translates ' cum triginta nauibus.' 

7 Herefer]> . . . aldor men forpferdon] H. & S., following R. W. i. 278, 
regard the two bishops and the two aldermen as slain in the battle of 
Charmouth ; and this is perhaps the view of H. H. p. 133 (they are not 
mentioned by Ethel w., Fl. Wig., or W. M.). < Foi^f<£ran ' is not commonly 
used of any but a natural death, though it is sometimes; cf. on 946 A 
There is a diflSculty about the two bishops ; Wigthegn and Herefierth 
were both bishops of Winchester ; they occur as fourteenth and fifteenth 
respectively in Fl. Wig.*s lists, i. 235 (so. Hyde Register, p. 18). Dr. 
Stubbs conjectures that Hereferth may have been coadjutor to Wigthegn, 
Ep. Succ. pp. 10, II, 161 [ed. a, pp. 18, 19, a23]; H. & S. iii. 570, 571, 
595* 59<^» <^i3- "^he form *Wigferff ' for < Wig]i^ * in D, E, F is a mcK 
slip due to the preceding ' HerefeiV.' Instead of Wigthegn, R. W. i. ayS 
has Sighelm of Sherborne, who lived just a century later. This may be 
some measure of the value attaching to R. W. See also Theopold, p. 70, 
for a very unfavourable opinion of R. W. Wigthegn signs both, and 
Hereferth one, of the charters which Egbert issued on his expedition 
against the West Welsh ; above, 823. Possibly they too, like F.^»»Mf>", 

836] NOTES 75 

w«re fighting biahopB ; and tlus might favour the view that they fell in 
battle. If this was their character they bore aiagiilarly appropriate names, 
' War-thane * and ' Army-spirit.* 

885*] This union of the Danes and Welsh is very rignificant. Nor is Danes and 
ii wonderful, oonsidezing how Offa had cut short the North Welsh ; of. Welsh. 
Z. N. y. pp. 64, 65, 76, 77 ; a subject on which the Chron. is silent. The 
Scandinavian inroads seem to have revived in the Celtic population the 
hope of throwing off the Saxon yoke ; c£ 6. C. £. pp. 67, 77, 80 ; F. N. C. 
i. 41, 42. A seems almost to break into verse on approaching Egbert's 
great victory : ' }nt he )wet hierde, 7 mid fierde fisrde.' G keeps this i«)B%re 
almost intact. In B it is obscured, and in D, £, F is wholly lost, ^e 
usual CQiTection of two or three yean should probably be made. 

886*. Xegbryht . . . for]>feTde] The true date is 859, H. & a iii. 61 a, 
624, 625 ; Theopold, pp. 30, 31, 43-49. ^-ova^ ^ ^XJ, O^i^ A/y^ 9fdJ» 

alUemed -iii* gear] We must read ziii for iii, as Lappenbeig saw, i. 270 ; Egbert h 
K T. ii. I ; t. tf. 787-800, aoootdtng to the chronology of the Ghronide. ^^e- 
The mistake runs through all our MSS. of the Chron., for the significance 
of which fact see Introduction, § 100, note. For some interesting remarks 
on Egbert's exile, v, W. M. i. 105, io<S. 

fong Xpelwnlf] In 6. P. there is a story that he was educated by Accession 
Swithhun for the Church, and ordained subdeacon, but received a dispen- of '^^el- 
sation from Leo IV, because there was no other heir, pp. 160 f. ; of. lib. ^'^^^ 
deHyda, pp. 21, 22. The last statement is false; there was Athelstan 
(see below) ; Leo IV did not become Pope till 847, and the whole tale 
it n myth. Some MSS. of H. H. make ^tbelwulf Bishop of Winchester ! 
So Hoveden, i. 33 ; R. W. i. 293. That he may have been a pupil of 
Swithbun*s is both intrinsically and on chronological grounds quite pos- 
sible; cf. FL Wig. i. 68. One of Swithhun*s biographers says: 'rex 
Athalfus . . . Swithunnm altorem et doctorem suum . . . solitus erat 
nominare, ut in qitihutdam torvptit ipeius regU repperimutf Earle*s 
SwifRiun, pp. 68, 69. No grants of ^Uielwulf to Swithhun seem to be 
in existence, so that there are no means of testing, this interesting 

hB salde his mmm jSSpelstane, A ; JBMBtm his c(8er sunu feng, E] Athelstan 
The reading of D, E, F makes Athelstan Egbert's son ; that of A, B, G "^^J^^^^^ 
I to make him iEtbelwulf 's son ; and so it was understood by FL Wig. * 

L 69 ; W. M. i. 108; II. xL f. ; Ethelwerd, p. 51 z ; cf. ib. 514 B, where, 
eonmerating the sons of ^thelwulf, be says : * primus Ethelstanus qui et 
regnum obtinuerat stmul cum patre suo ' ; R. W. makes him an illegitimate 
son of iEthelwulf, i. 279. But I believe the real meaning of A to be 
identical with that of E ; 'he salde ' refers to Egbert in the sense given 
by H. H.: ' regnum Cantiae Adelstano morions reliquit,' p. 171. Athel- 
stan is mentioned, 851, if|/ra, as king, and nowhere else : ' quando et quo 
fine defeoerit incertum,' W. M. i. 108. He signs charters as ' rex ' firom 





Death of 
Herbert of 

The Danes 

841 to 850. (He seems to sign oharters of 875, 874, Birch, Nos. 536, 
538, but the signatares have evidently been transferred finnn earlier 
documents.) He died before 855, as then, if not earlier, .^Zthelwolf seems 
to have made his son, Ethelbert> King of Kent^ see below, p. 8a ; the 
passage cited above from Ethelwerd also points to his having died before 

Cantwara rioe, 70.] At some time after the expulsion of Baldred, 823 
( K 825), the districts which then submitted were formed into a sub-kingdom, 
which was held as an appanage of Wessez ; cf. F. N. G. i. 40. «£ihelwiilf 
held this till Egbert's death, when it was transferred to Aihelstan. In 
D, E, F Essex is omitted through homoioteleuton, which shows that the 
' East Seaxna rioe ' of B, C is the original reading. 

887^ Wulf heard] The date is probably 840; Wulfheard certainly 
signs as late as 838, K. G. D. No. 239 ; Birch, No. 418 ; Theopold, p. 43. 

838 A] This annal is very corrupt in D. It is omitted by £ and by 
Gaimar. H. H. has it, but he may have got it from G. 

Here bryht aldormon] Of Mercia ; there is a coin of his figured m 
Numismatic Ghron. vi. 163. 9e signs certainly as late as 839, K. C. D. 
No. 241 ; Birch, No. 426. The date is probably 841. 

pp. 64,66. 889*. Cwantawic, A ; Cantwic, E] The mention of this 
^^'^ . between london and Bocheeter lends plausibility to G*s reading ' Gant- 
^ warabyrig,' followed by H. H. p. 140 (Gaimar omits it altogether). 

Gantwic or Gwantawic is St. Josse-sur-mer (S. lodoous), or £ti^les ; on 
which see Bede, H. £. iv. i, note ; Nennius, § 37. That this is right ii 
shown by the following entries : * 842. £a tempestate Normannoruln dasas 
in emporio, quod Quantouious dicitur, . . . adeo debaochati sunt, ut nihil 
in eo praeter aedificia pretio redempta relinquerent,* Prudentii Treoensb 
Annales ; Pertz, i. 439, or Bouquet, vii. 61 ; cf. Nithardi Hist. ' 84a. Nori- 
manni Gontwig depraedati sunt,' Pertz, ii. 669. This also shows that we 
have still to correct the chronology by three yean. On the importance of 
Gwantawic, cf. Steenstrup, Yikiuger, p. 41. 

on Hrofes ceaetre] From Rochester Gaimart akes the Danes to Sand- 
wich, where there is another great battle, in which the Kentishmen are 
defeated. This cannot be identified with the battle of Sandwich in 851, m 
Mr. Martin thinks, for Graimar has that also in its right place ; and in that 
the Kentishmen were victorious. 

840*] ' This Annal looks rather like a repfbtition of 833, but both are 
found in all the Ghronides, Saxon and Latin,' Earle. See on this point, 
Theopold, p. 61 ; as to the Ghronology, ib. 61-65. Theopold would 
identify this battle with one mentioned by Prudentius Trecensis under 844, 
in which the ' Nortmanni ' defeated the ' Angli-Saxones,* Pertz, i. 441 r^ 
Bouquet, vii. 63. I am inclined to agree with him, though Lappenbeigi 
PanU, and Steenstrup, Yikinger, p. 42, take a different view. 

846*] Similarly, Theopold, u. s., identifies iius battle with a defeat of Uie 

battle of 

Battle at 


85 1] NOTES 77 

Northmen, placed by PrndentiQa under 850, Pertz, i. 445 or Bouquet, the moath 
▼ii 66 ; Steenatrnp again opposing, «. #. p. 43. Vami, 

Sanulf, A ; IQamolf, £] The oharten are deoiaiTe in favonr of A's ^^^.^^Jif 
leading ; and so is Ethelwwd, both here and also p. 513 A, where he says 
thai Eanwnlf died in 867, and was bnried at Glaatonbaiy. Ethelwerd uses 
this battle of Pedredanmu9a also as a date to reckon from ; cf. on 823, 

851*] From this p<nnt (owing in part to the ooourrenoe of blank annals Traechron- 
ia the Chnmiole between 845 and 851) the true chronology is restored, <>l<'8y 
Theopold, pp. 60 ff. 

Note the difference in the order of erents in A as against B, C, D, E. Peooliari- 
FL Vng. follows B and C, except that he (like Asser and ASN.) has ««»of MS. 
Sheppey in the place of Thanet (S omits the place altogether ; on Thanet, 
•ee Bede IL 10, 41). Ethelwerd differs from both. The present com- 
mentary follows the order of S. 

Note also that from this point there are frequent omissions in S, showing 
that it is a rather careless copy of an older original. 

sst Wicgaabeorge] Sometimes identified with Wembury. Mr. David- 
son, in a letter to Professor Earle, luggests Weekaborongh, foar miles from 
Torbay, which certainly in form is nearer to the text ; though I haye not 
•ncceeded in finding the place. 

.a^lstan oyziing] See aboTe, on 836. 

7 Imnden burg, A] Note the omission of these words in D, E, F, and 

Beorhtwnlf Kierona oyning*] The Chronicle does not give the date of Chronology- 
his accession and Wiglaf '« death. H. h S., on the strength of certain ^^^^*' 
documents of Berbtwnlf's reign, would fix the date to 839, iii. 613. reign, 
Florence gives the date as 838, i. 69 ; adding that Wiglaf died in the 
thirteenth year of his reign, %b, 366. Reckoned frxxm the Chron.*s and 
Florence's (incorrect) date of 825 ( - 8a8) for Wiglaf s first accession, this 
is eonsistent. '^. M. gires Wiglaf and Berhtwulf each a reign of thirteen 
years, which reckoned from 835 is also consistent, i. 96. See above on 
837, 838. Now, as Fl. Wig.*s date for Wiglafs death and Berhtwulfs 
accession, 838, is not taken from the Chronicle, it does not follow that it 
requires correction as do the dates which come from that source. Nor are 
the documents cited by H. & S. really inconsistent with it. The only one 
which seems to be so is K. C. D. No. 347 ; Birch, No. 433, which is dated 
Christmas, 841, in Berhtwulfs third year. But if the year begins with 
Christmas Day, this would really be what we should call 840. Berhtwulf 
died In 853, Fl. Wig. i. 73. Florence is inconsistent with himself in 
aaying (tb. 367) that this was in the thirteenth year of his reign, for if lus 
accession was in 838 no part of 853 could fall into his thirteenth year. 
The date 853 is, however, confirmed, not only by what is said below, that 
hksuccefsor, Buigred, had been ' about twenty-two years * on the throne at 






Con torn- 





the time of his expulmon in 874, but also by two charters of Bm^gred, m one 
of which (K. C. D. No. 299 ; Birch, No. 524) 869 k called his seventeenth 
year, which shows that he cannot have succeeded earlier than 853 ; while 
in anoUier (K. C. D. No. 290 ; Birch, No. 509) July 25, 864, is said to be 
in his thirteenth year, which shows that he must have succeeded before 
July 25, 852. Sethryth, Berhtwnlfs queen, signs all his genuine charters ; 
in two, K. G. D. Nos. 242, 258 : Birch, Nos. 428, 4^0, a son^ Berhtric, 1 

JB]>elbald his sunn] He signs as * fill us regis' (in one case 'Dux, 
filius regis,' K. G. D. 1049 ; Birch, No. 549) from 847 to 850, and then not 
again during his &ther*s reign. 

SBt Aclea] Ockley, Surrey. Professor Earle points out to me an entiy 
in the Rituale Eool. Dun. S. S. p. 185 : * be suSan Wudigan Gtete [ptob. 
sNewdigate] est Adee on West Seszum,' which makes it probable that 
this is also the Aclea of the Synods, K. G. D. Nos. 151, 186, 190, 256, 
1031 ; Birch, Nos. 251, 313, 322, 377, 445. Note, however, a diiferait 
theory of Mr. KersUke cited on 822. 

op "pUme Tweardan dmg, A] Note this touch of nearly oontemporaiy 
writing in A, B, G. In D, £ this is weakened and made more general. 
It agrees with the importance assigned here to this battle that Ethdwerd 
uses it also as a date to reckon from, p. 514 E. 

862 E] Another of the Peterborough Insertions. In the signatures, 
' Geolred srcet^,* is of course a mistake fb»Oeolnoth ; < Genred' is a mistake 
for Geolred (of Leicester). The other ngnatories are Tunberht of lioh- 
field, Alhun of Worcester, Berhtred of Lindsay. The original eharter if 
K. G. D. No. 267 ; Birch, No. 464. 

twnlf fo5ur grofkn] I borrow the following -from Napier and Steven- 
son's notes to the Grawford Charters :—* The word "giifis, -e'* (weak 
masc. or fern. ?) appears to mean ** bush, bramble, brushwood, tiiidcet, 
grove." We have noted the following instances of its ooounrence: 
Wtdker, Glossaries, i. 406, 526, "frondosis dumi8"s">iBm gehilmdum 
grsfnm"; ib. 517 "per dumos «*']>urh grsefan"; <Z>. 235 **dumas"« 
« spinas uel grsfe " (have we here a strong fern. " grftf " ?) ; Birch, ii. 364 
(original charter, ▲.D. 931) ** tm fSa blacan grse&n" (either aoc. sing, 
fern, or aoc. plnr.) ; ib, iii. 655 (Godez Winton.) " on hincstes grefan, of 
hincstes giafan ... on jronne mearqgrefen.** The same word is found once 
in the Onnulum (1. 9210) : — 

''7 whserse iss all unnsmejie gett )>urrh bftnnkess 7 j>arrh giefess, 
7 sharrp 7- ruhh 7 gatelies Jnirrh )K>rmess 7 ]>orrh breresB^ 
]»Br shulenn beon ridinngess nu, 7 effhe 7 sme])e we^^ess.** 
The context shows that close impenetrable thickets are here meant. He 
same word occurs frequently throughout the ME. period in the fona 
"greve," meaning "grove, wood": cf. Ghanoer's Knight's Tale, 

853] ^OTES 79 

*'Aiid with hit stramM dryeth in the grev«s 
The silver dropes, hAnging on the leves." 
Paligrave, 1530^ givee ''greave or buaiihe, boscaige/* and this form sur- 
Tived nntil Elizabethan times. As a soffix it still exists in Sheffield local 
Djunes. The word is probably related to the OK. " grftf *' maRO. neat, which 
oocnrs in the charters, and which saryires as N£. " grove," * p. 61. Pro- 
feasor Earle, who in his own edition of the Chronicle gave a different 
explanation of the word, writes : ' The wood and faggots may well have 
been wanted for repaizJng the dykes in the fens ; cf. Paston Letters, ed. 
Gairdner, i. 253 : *' be war ther leve no firsis in the deke that ye reparre, 
and that the wode be mad of fiigot, and leyd up forthwoth as it is fellid for 
tftking away." ' 

853 A, 862 £. JXorp Walas] R. W. i a88 calls them ' Mediterraneos Bednction 
Britones,' perhaps as being intermediate between the Cornish and Strath- of Wales, 
dyde Britons. This shows that the hold of Wessez on Wales (838, Bupra) 
had not been maintained. 

aende. . . iBlfred . . . to Borne, A] That Alfred was sent to Rome at this Alftedsent 
time, 853, there is no doubt ; see W. M. II. xU ff., where Dr. Stubbe cites ^ ^<^^* 
« letter of Leo lY to ^thelwulf : * filium uestrum Erfred . . . benigne 
sosoepimus, et quasi spiritalem filium consulatus oingulo. honore uestimen- 
tieque, nt mos est Romanis oonsulibus, deoorauimus, eo quod in nostris se 
tnulidit manibus,' MS. Add. 88;^, No. 31. Compare Stephen IV*s words 
to Carloman in 770 : * Obnixe ^laesumus ut de . . . regali uestro ger- 
mine ... in notrtris ulnis ex fonte sacri baptismatis, aut etiam per 
adorandi chrismatis unetionem, spiritalem susdpere ualeamus filium,' 
Maiwi, xii. 699 ; R. P. j>. 301. The * spiritalis filius * here « the ' biseep- 
sanu * of the Chron. ; cf. Asaer, p. 488 : ■ ad manum episcopi in filium 
oonfirmationis aooeptus ' ; so : * filius a ohrismate . . . ut niodo sub mano 
e|nsoopi solemus, aocipientes paruulos, fillos nominare,* Ethel w. p. 511. 
.On sponsors at Confinnation, v. Bede, II. 383.) All this shows that con- 
firmation by the Pope is meant But English writers regarded it as a royal 
unction, Chron. (here) ; Ethelw. u. i, ; Asser, p. 470 ; Fl. Wig. 1. 74 ; 
H. H. p. 141 ; W. M. i. 109. 

There has been much discussion as to the date of Alfred's birth, Stubbs, Date of 
a. f. It seems to have been overlpoked that the date is fixed by the ^^^'" 
genealogical Prefiaoe to MS. X. cyf the Chron., a strictly contemporary 
authority, which says that he was * turned ' twenty-three at his accession 
in 871, i. 4. This fixes his birth to 848. He was therefore five years old at 
the time of his first visit to Rome. (Napier's text of this document reads 
xxii for xxiii, but is less andent tiian X; and Sweet's copy, Earliest 
Texta, which is the most ancient of all, also reads xxiii.) 

Alfred went again to Rome with his fother in 855, Asser, u. s. ; infra Second 
tmh «mno; and it is to this journey that the spurious charter (Birch, ^^'^^^ 
^^- 493 f K. C. B. No. 1057; cf. ib, iv. 176; refers the royal unetton; ' "^'^ 


■o B. W. i. 390, 391, who makes this unction of Alfred as king, 
* to the ezdunon of hia elder brothers, one of the main causes of .fthel- 
bald*8 revolt (see notes to 855). F 855 represents Alfred as being at 
Borne when his father died (Jan. 858) ; on the news of whidi event 
Leo anointed him king, and also confirmed him, i. 67. The object of 
this is to make the royal miction more probable. But Leo lY died 
in 855. 
ifithel- pp. 66, 67. geaf ... his dohtor] This is iSSthebwith, whose death 

swith. occurs below, 888; see also on 874. She is mentioned as 'qneen' in ft 

Wessex document of 854. She signs Mercian charters from 855-872. 
We find a place in Hants called * ^))elswi9e taninga lea ' in a charter of 
948 (K. C. D. No. 1163; Birch, No. 865). This may have been one of 
her dowry estates. According to Asser the marriage took place at Chip- 
penham, p. 470 B. 

866*. Her hmpne men] ' Scilicet Dani et Frisones,* Ann. LindisC ; 
Pertz, xix. 506. 
Wintering SBrest . . ofer winter osBton] But an earlier wintering has been 
^the mentioned, 851, aupra. These winterings < mark the transition from the 

first to the second period of their invasions,* F. N. G. i. 45. A Mercian 
charter of this very year is dated ' qnando faerunt pagani in Wreocen- 
setun,* K. C. D. No. 277 ; Birch, No. 487 ; t'.e. ' the dwellezs round the 
Wrekin in Shropshire,! Rev. CI S. Taylor, The Danes in Oloncestsrahire, 

^thel- gebooude . . . teo^an deal his londes] The difficult subject of 

wulf 8 ^thelwulfs donation cannot be discussed here ; see on it, H. & 8. iii 

donation. ^^^ ^^^^ 636-^48; Kemble, Saxons, ii. 481-490; W. M. i. iiS-iao; 

£arle*8 Swi6hun. p. 70 ; Charters, p. Ixxiii. Professor Maitland suggests 

that it may be partly explained as an early case of ' beneficial hidaiion,* 

t.e. the rating of land for fiscal purposes at a lower number of hides than 

it really contained, Domesday, p. 496, note. 

iEthel- ferde to Home] 855 is correct for jSthelwuIfs journey to Rome, 

y^^" H. & S. iii. 611, 61 a. As early as the year of his accession. 839, he had 

^^^^^ formed the plan, and had sent an embassy to the emperor to prepare the 

way, ib, 6a I. He took Alfred with him (v. «.), and remained at Borne 

a year. His visit is mentioned by Anastasius in his life of Benedict ID, 

Muratori, SS. III. i. 351, where a list of his ofierings is given; of. the 

chsrter cited above. Betoming to the Imperial Court in July, ^$6^ he 

Judith. married Judith, the daughter of Charles the Bald, on Oct. i. ^e motive 

was to secure the co-operation of the Franks against the wikings, whose 

attacks affected both kingdoms. Judith was a mere child of twelve or 

thirteen. This may explain, though it does not justify, her subsequent 

marriage with iBthelbald, which does not rest merely on the authority of 

Asser. It is not mentioned by the Chnmicler either here or under 885 ; 

Asser, Fl. Wig., and ASN. condemn it, in identical terms ; Hoveden caU< 

855] NOTES 81 

it ' infame goelas,' i. 37 ; cf. B. W. i. 294, who says that in 859 iBthelbald 
dianiaaed Judith and did penance, %b. 295 ; while Badbome adds that 
this was done by the penuaaion of Swithhnn, Ang. Sac. i. 304; bat 
there is no early authority for this, though Dummler, ui infra, aecepta it. 
Hie marriage ia mentioned aUo by aeyeral foreign chronidea, Pruden- 
tiua IVeoenaiB, Pertz, i. 451 ; Hincmar, ib. 456; Flodoardua Bemenaia, 
ib, xiii. 488, who makea ^thelwulf and iBthelbald identical : ' ludith . . . 
Edilnolfo . . , qui et Edilboldua . . . copulata.* Thia ia probably from 
a wiah to cover up the scandal, aa he follows Hincmar pretty closely, 
lohannea Longua, while taking his account of the marriage mainly from 
W. M. i. 123, adds: 'neo regia facinua nidebatur Anglicis esse gmue, 
qniboa Dei eultus multum erat inoognitua/ ib, zzv. 768. For Judith^s 
later history, see ib, i. 456, 462 ; Bouquet, vii. 387, 388, 391, 397 ; Dtimm- 
ler, Geach. d. oatfrank. Belches, ed. i, i. 478 ; ed. 2, ii. 37, 38. She is 
a peraon of some intereat in the history of literature ; see Bede, II. 249 ; 
cf. Gaimar, f>. 3346 : ' unke dame n*out mieldre doctrine.' 

ttfier ]»am to hia leodtim ouom. A] Into the account of iBthelwulfs .fithel- 
retum Asaer inaeria (rather awkwardly) a atory, copied by later writers ^^^^'^ ^^ 
(«. ^. W. M. i. 1 1 7, 1 18 ; G. P. p. 176), of a conspiracy of hia son ^thelbald, aij^^ 
Ealhatan, Biahop of Sherborne, and Eanwulf, Alderman of Somerset, to oonspiracy 
exclude ^thelwulf from the kingdom ; who, sooner than occasion a civil against 
war, accepted the Eastern sub-kingdom, Kent and ita ^ppendagea, leaving ^^''^ 
Weaaex to ^thelbald. Thia aounda very mythical ; and aeema flatly to 
contradict the simple and expressive words of the Chron. aa to the joy of 
^thelwulf a subjects at hia return : * hb gefiegene wssrun * (the same 
worda used of Alfred, 878 wb Jin. i. 76, 77), though those words may 
indicate that there had been trouble in hia absence. 

jrmb .11. gear . . . gefSr*] Jan. 13, 858, Fl. Wig. i. 78 ; H. & B. iii. 611, Hia death, 
612 ; so that the Ghron.*8 < two yeara ' from the return from Borne ia 
rather too long, and Ethelwerd's 'post annum,* p. 512, ia nearer the 

U^ 9t Wintanoeaatre] The ASN. aay that he was buried at Stoning- Hia burial, 
ham (Steyning), and it is hard to see why the leas known place should be 
substituted for the more familiar. Steyning was a royal ' ham * ; see 
Alfred'a Will, K. C. D. No. 314 ; Birch, No. 553. 

Ond 80 JBpelwxOf, 70., A] The carrying up of the pedigree to Adam Pedigree 
marks the desire to connect the national hiatory vdth universal history in P^'Tt^ ^^ 
the penon of the universal father, S. G. S. iii. 91 : 'aicut Lucam euangelia- 
tam a Domino lean faotitaaae cognouimus,* W. M. i. 120, who, contrary to 
hia wont, inaerta thia pedigree: 'qnanquam timendum ait ne barbari* 
coram nominum hiatus uulneret aures deauetorum in talibua' (to the 
aame effect in hia life of Wulfstan, Ang. Sac. i. 254) ; cf. Nennius, pp. 
I5t 16964. So Ailred of Bievaulx carries Henry II's genealogy up to 
Adam, Hardy, Cat H 250; cf. ib. 265. William the Lion's pedigree ia 

II. O 


carried up to Noah, P. k S. p. 145 ; cf. ib. 332. The pedigrees of Bri^ 
saints and princes are carried up, some to relatives of the Virgin Muy, 
Cambro-British Saints, pp. 21, 81, Sa, 144; Y Cjmmrodor, ix. 170; 
others to Roman emperors, i6. 176, 177. 
A British Beaw Soeldwaing] It is noteworthy that after Beaw the Liber de 
pedigree. Hyda diverges, and gives Alfred a British pedigree : ' Beawius qni fnit 
Ebraaci qui condidit ciuitatem Eboracum ; et sic ide prineep$ inter miUt 
nominatisinmus AlfredM de natione uenit Britonum, et sic de nobili san- 
guine Troianorum,* pp. 28, 29. 
Legend of Soeaflng. id eat fLUua Noe, B, C] On the omission of these linki in 
^^ ' the pedigree by A, on the West Saxon genealogy generally, and on Sceaf, 

' *^ ^ee notes to the genealogical Preface, p. 4, Mfpro. For the significance of tlie 
insertion of the pedigree here, see Introduction, § 107, note. Both W. M., 
u. s., and Ethel werd, p. 512, insert the legend of Sceaf in slightly different 
forms ; cf. W. M. i. 121, note. For a most curious and interesting story 
illustrating the survival of the Scyld and Sceaf myth, see Chron. Ab. L 89 ; 
II. xl, xli ; Kemble, Saxons, i. 413 ff. 
Division of Ond ]>a fengon, 70.*] The diviidon of the kingdoms is given more coiv 
do ^' rectly in A« The confusion in E is due to the use of a double source in 
its prototype, which D has retained. E has endeavoured to correct it, bat 
unskilfully. See critical note. Gaimar does not resemble £. 
Chron- rioaode . . . -v* gear] As ^thelbald died in 860, the five yean 

'^l^'gy- credited to him must be dated from his Other's departure to Rome in 855, 

when he was no doubt ateociated with his father in the kingship ; ef. 
ASN. ; 'Regnauit Adelbaldus . . . post ilium duos annos et dimidiom, 
qui et ipse antea cum patre regnanit annis duobus et dimidio.' Simi- 
larly H. H. says of Ethelbert, who died in 865, that ' regnaiaet super 
We»t8eze v annis, super Cantiam uero x annis,* p. 142. This shows that 
he must have been made King of Kent at the time of his father*^ 
departure to Rome in 855 ; and he signs charters of that year as ' ^thel* 
berht Rex,' K. C. D. Not-. 269, 276 ; Birch, Nos. 467, 486. Unfortunately 
we have no signatures of ^thelbald to indicate his position between 855 
and 858. It seems dear, however, that ^thelwulf, when he went abroad 
in 855, divided his dominions between his two sons, in the way in which 
they were ultimately divided at his death. It is possible that on hii 
return to England ^thelbald objected to resign his power over Wetsex, 
whereas Ethelbert in Kent showed a more dntiful spirit, and that this is 
the substratum of fact in Asser*s story. Asser also says that JStkelwulf 
at his death left ' hereditariam . . . epistolam. in qua et regni inter filioa 
suos, duos scilicet seniores, et propriae hereditatis inter filioe et filiam 
[^thelswith, therefore, seems to have been his only daughter] . . . dinisio- 
nem . . . mandari procurauit,' p. 472. Unfortunately this will does not 
exist, though a portion of it is recited in Alfred's will, K. C. D. No. 314 ; 
Birch, No. 553. Whether i£thelwnlf did really leave his kingdom by 

86i] NOTES 83 • 

will miuft therefore remain anoertain. Of coarse Mr. Freeman oould hare 
told him that he had no power to do so. 

Note that the ASN. place in 855 and 856 reepectively the acoenion and St. Ed- 
coronation of St Edmand of East Anglia, in the fourteenth and fifteenth m^<l* 
yean of his age. 

860*. ^jMlbald oyng forpferde] On the chronology of his reign, see Death of 
•bove. He was a great benefactor of Abingdon, Chron. Ab. i. 38. -«thelhald. 
Kthelbert, his successor, seems to have been less generous, tb. 40. On 
Ethelbald's death H. H. says : * sensit posthac Anglia quantum amiserit 
in eo,* p. 14a. 

est Soirabiiman] Ethelbert makes grants for the souls of ^thelwnlf 
and i£thelbald ' to ]»Bre halgan stowe st Sdrebuman, >«re JBOelbaldes 
cyningea lichama hine rested,* Birch, No. 510; and Edgar makes grants 
to Sherborne ' for mine yldran the thar restat, Athelbold cyng 7 jEthel- 
byrht cing,' *. No. 1308. 

to allom pam rioe] t. 0. Ethelbert on succeeding to Wessex continued Beunion of 
to hold Kent, Ac. ; cf. Aflser, p. 473 : ' Cantiam et Suthrigiam Suthseaxum ^« ^^' 
quoque, ui iutAum trai, subiunzit * ; so ASN. ; cf. H. H. p. 171 : ' regnuin 
Qtrumque Adelbricto subditum est, et nuuquam postea diuisum. Hie 
igitur omnino regnum Cantiae explicit'; cf. also K. G. D. Nos. 285, 387, 
288, 294, 307; Birch, Nos. 502, 506, 507, 516, 538, 539. where the union 
of Kent and Wessex is noted. 

pp. 67, 68. OsTio aldorman] So A, D, E, Wulfheard, B. C. Both on Owic. 
textual and documentary grounds the former is to be preferred ; B, G 
prr>bably overlooked the fact that the death of Wulfheard of Hampshire is 
entered above under 837. 

p. 66. 861 F. B. BwlSaxi b] The only mention of St. Swithhun in the St. Swith- 
<nipon., whom Professor Earle was inclined at one time to regard as possi- ^^^ 
b]y himself editor of part of the Ghron. See his Introduction, p. xiii. It 
if noteworthy that ^Ifric, writing about 996 (Willker, Grundriss, pp. 463, 
464^, already complains of the scantiness of the materials for Swithh in's 
life: 'ne we ne fundon on bocum hu se bisoeop leofode,' Lives, p. 442. 
According to the lives printed in Earless SwiOhun, pp. 67*73, he was bom 
under Egbert, ordained priest by Helmstan, Bishop of Winchester (he 
"igns a charter of 838 as deacon, K. G..D. No. 1044; Birch, No. 423), 
consecrated by Geolnoth (852, «. H. & S. iii. 633, 634 ; on Oct. 30, Hamp- 
«on, i. 431), and died in the third yenr of Ethelbert, 862, and was trans- 
lated in 971 ; ct also AA. SS. July, 1. 321 ff. (A charter signed by him, 
snd dated 863, cannot be genuine, for it is a g^rant by Ethelred, who only 
ftocoeeded in 866.) Fl. Wig. places his death on July 2, 862 ; in S. D. ii. 
104 ; G. P. p. 162, the date is given as 863. On the later lives of him, see 
Hardy, Cat. i. 513-519; ii. 32. Various traditions and legends are em- 
bodied in G. P. pp. i6o>i62, 167, 168. His posthumous miracles became 
•0 frequent that the poor monks complamed that they oould not sleep 

G 2 



Peace pur- 
from the 

Ghreat in- 

for thenL For his fame on the continent, of. Perti, xt. 5a. For churcheB 
dedicated to him, see Earle» S?H0han, pp. 87, 88. 

pp. 68, 69. 866*] 'With 865 hegitiB the real attempt to conqner 
England,' Steenstnip, Yikinger, p. 55. 

ffenamon trip, 70.] Cf. Oros. p. aio : *6alba . . . fri9 genam wi5 bk, 
7 hi under Jwm friSe beswic,' p. ai8: 'he genom fri> wiji Jnet folc, 
7 hiene 8i]>]>an aweg bestsBl.' 

feoh geheton] An early instanoe of the system of pnxehaaing peiee 
from the Scandinayian marauders. Ethelwerd says : ' peouniam parut 
ignoti [«ignari] fnturi.' He evidently, therefore, regards this as the 
beginning of the fatal policy. It is most unjust to make Ethelred II 
responsible for this system, as is vezy commonly done ; cf. on 991 E. 

under )>am fripe. A] The omission in D, E is due to homoioteleatoo 
' firi)>e.' Note also that in D's text ' on ]iam feohgehate,* on is for ond 
( a and) ; E mistakes it for the preposition, and inserts another 7. 

866*. JEipered . . . bro)>ar] Ethelred signs as ' filius regis,' 854-864 

micel (hsefSen) here] Ethelwerd, p. 51a, makes Ingwar the leader of 
this invasion ; H. H. p. 143 says Ingwar and Ubba, who are mentioned 
below, 870 F, in connexion with St. Edmund of East Anglia. (Their 
ravages were foretold by St. Sexbuig, Hardy, Cat. i. 361.) For their hxt. 
cf. Liber de Hyda, p. 10 ; where Ingwar is said to have given his name U* 
Hungerford. S. D. adds to these two, Halfdane, ii. 104 (a sentence not 
taken from Asser) ; so t6. i. 334, and Ann. Lindisf. 855 ; Perts, xix. 506 ; 
cf. G. G. pp. Ivi, Ixxix f. 365, a68-a7o. 

867*. Nor]>hymbre] We have had no notice of the internal affiiirs of 
Northumbria since the expulsion of Eardwulf under 806, which msrb 
the dose of the Northumbrian ' Gesta,* incorporated in the DE reoenaoo 
of the Chron. (see Introduction, § 66). Hence Fl. Wig. only ssj?: 
'aliquot imperanerunt reges,' i. 370. The true date of that event i< 
probably 807 or 808 ; v. note a. I, Beckoning from this, and oombinine 
the notices given in S. D. i. 5a, 68-71, 335 ; ii. 86, 9a, 106, no, x 11, 1 14, 115 
119, 377, 391 ; Ann. Lindisf. ; Pertz, xix. 506, we get the following table. 
(The details do not exactly square in all oases, but the difference is nM 
more than a year, or, at the very most, two, in any case.) Cf. also B. W. 

807 X 808. Expulsion of Eardwulf; accession of ^fwoRv T} L9*- 
oJbh/r4fJ\ 9«^ - 808 X 809. Beetoration of Eardwulf, «. #. p. 68. ft/\Ji/^T l«\5 .\%\ b ,'> 5* 
tVU9 809. Accession of Eanred, son of Eardwulf. This is the king vho 

submitted to Egbert (see on 837, mpra).' O^^vwmIjo ^u^J^^f^tV^^^rAi/ ^H 

841. Accession of Ethelred, son of Eanred. B. W. makes £tbelre<l 

expelled in 844, and succeeded by'Beadwulf, who Mis against the I>uie» 

at Alutthelia, when Ethelred is restored, i. 383. 

850. Slaughter of Ethelred; accession of Osberht. 

863. Expulsion of Osberht ; accession of .^le. , 



867] NOTES 85 

867. Osberht and u£lle slain at York^ Egbert aet np by the Danes as 
poppet king oTer the Northmnbrians north of T^e. 

872. Expulsion of Egbert (he takes refuge in Mercia, i. 324). 

873. I>eath of £;gbert; accession of lUcsig (in S. D. i. 56, Ricaig 
incceeds immediately on the ezpolsion of I^bert). 

876. Death of Ricsig ; accession of Egbert II, who reigns for two years. 

878-883. Interregnmn; *cam exeroitns (se here) et qui supererant de 
indigenis sine rege nutarent/ tb, i. 68 ; cf. ii. 1 14. 

883. Guthred set up as king in obedience to a vision of St. Cuthbert 
(a very mythical story ; cf. Robertson, Early Kings, i. 52 ; iL 43a, 440). 

894. Death of Guthred. He is called son of Hardecnut, and Todd 
makes him son of Cnut or Hardecnut, King of Denmark, G. G. p. a66. 
Anyhow he is probably one of the Danish chiefs who ruled in Northumbria ; 
cf. the Guthfrid, son of Sitric, mentioned below, 927. H. H. distinctly 
reckons him among the Danish princes, adding: 'confuse autem reg- 
uanennit Daci ; ita quod modo ibi rex unus erat, modo duo, modo reguli 
multi,' p. 17a. Ethelwerd has a 'Guthfrid rex Northymbriorum,' who 
dies on St. Bartholomew's day, August 24, 896, and is buried at Tork, 

PP- 5*8. 519. 

nsgeoyiidne oyning] t. e. not of royal race ; ' regem ignobilem,* * An un- 
Ethdw. p. 513; * regem degenerem,' H. H. p. 143 ; < tyrannum . . . non kind king.* 
de regal! prosapia,' Asser, p. 474 (this might seem to give the other 
sense of 'unkind 'in addition, but 'tyrannus' merely means 'usurper') ; 
'regii swninis extraneo,' S. D. i. aa5; ' alien igenam regii seminis,' tb. ii. 
577> 391- Todd takes him for a Scandinavian chief from Ireland, G. G. 
p. Iv and refil; cf. Langebek, SS. i. iii. A document used by S. D. 
wrongly makes JEHe a brother of Osberht, i. aoa. (The name ' Scaldingi,' 
ScyldingB, given to the Danes by this writer is interesting ; see note a. L 
snd cf. Ann. Lindisf. 911 : 'Scald! RoUo duce possident Normanniam,' 
where the note is wrong.) 

hie late . . . geoirdon] This may refer specially to the rival kings, on 
whose reconciliation the Latin chronicles lay great stress; or to the 
Korthunbrians generally. 

^ oaastre brssoon] ' Osbertus et iElla obsessam ciuitatem irrumpentes, 
expulemnt inde Danes,' Ann. lindisf. 

pssr was nngemetllo w»I geslssgen] This phrase recurs exactly. 
Oros. p. 134. 

soma binxum, some butan] This is still a living phrase in Scotch ; e.g. 
* Hendry wandered ben and but the house,' A Window in Thrums, c ao, 
ad mU. 

pm ojniagaa . . . ofUssgene] Ord. Vit. regards them as martyrs. Death of 
because they fell fighting against the Danes, ii. aoi ; while in S. D. their ^^ ^^<> 
fiste is ascribed to their aggressions on St. Cuthbert's lands, i. 55, 201, aoa ; y^^an ^'^^ 
ii. 391. The battle of York is mentioned in Ann. Camb., in Brut y TywjB., kings. 


and in the Ann. Ult. At the jear 866 (-867) ; the two first showing ih&t 
tbej are taken from an Irish souice. According to lliree Fmgmentf, 
^lle was slain through the treachery of one of his own comitatos, p. 17a : 
of. tb. 158 ; but whether this rests on anything more than the writers 
imagination, I do not know. For some carious legends as to Osberht sn(i 
. Mle, see Gaimar, M. H. B. pp. 795 K ; R. S. L 103 ff., 328 ff. 8. D. sap 
that the Banes ravaged as far as Tynemouth. He giyes the date of the 
battle of York as ' zii. Kal. Aprilis [March ai], feria vi. ante I>omintcan] 
Pabnamm/ ii. 105, 106 ; cf. i. 55. Later tradition transferred it to Pslm 
Sunday itself, ib, 202 ; so Ann. Ldndisl 

aio laf . . . trip nam] It was now that Egbert was set up, r.«.: 
' [Northanbymbris] qui remanserunt praepositns est Rex E^bertns/ Aim. 
Balohstan bisS] On him, see 823, 9upra, note. 

The Danes 868*. Snoteagaliam] * quod Britannioe Tigguooobanc interpretator. 

at Netting- luting autem spelunoarum domus,' Asser, p. 475. 

7 )>flBr winter setl namon] 'et Burhred rex Merdonim cum soif 
primatibns eis consenserunt manendi sine calumnia ' [i.e. consented to th^r 
remaining], Ethelw. p. 513 B. 

Death of St. PP- 70, 71. 870^ Badmund oynin^] On the later lives of St. Edmund. 

Edmund, aee Hardy, Cat. i. 526-538; t6. xxx; Hoveden, i. 39. The principal <m 
is by Abbo of Fleury, and is dedicated to Duustan, who fomifbed 
materials for it. These he derived from St. Edmund's own armour-bearer, 
who narrated the story in the presence of King Athelstan. See the 
dedicatory letter in Stabbs' Dunstan, pp. 378-380 ; and the whole passion 
in Surius, at November 20 ; cf. R. W. i. 303 ff., partly founded on Abbo? 
]K>ne oynins ofiilogon] This is quite compatible with Edmund's having 
fallen in battle. According to the later authorities he was shot with 
arrows by the Danes; and thus becomes the St. Sebastian of English 
hagiulogy, to whom Abbo, c. 10, expressly comi)areB him. Abbo, c 3, 
followed by Fl. Wig. i. 78, says that he was ^ ex antiquomm Saxonum . . . 
proeapia.' This need not mean more than that he was of ancient royal 
descent. It has apparently been taken as referring to the old Saxons, the 
Eald Seaxe of the continent, for Lappenberg says, i. 236 ; K T. i. 242. 
that some of the legends make his father Alchmund (on whom, v. s. pp. 61. 
62) king of the continental Saxons. The death of St Edmund is mentioned 
in the Icelandic Annals, eg. Sturlunga Saga, ii. 348. Ari*s Libellus opeod 
with a notice of it, and all through that work other events are dated from 
this, Orig. Island., i. 288, 291, 298, 304 ; cf. Lappenbeig, i. 306 ; £. T. ii. 
39 : 'In the long line of royal saints there is scarcely one who has enjoved 
for so long a Euro{>ean veneration.' S. D. says that Bishop Humberht of 
Elmham ('really Hygberht,' says Tbeopold, p. 108; Stobbs, Ep. Soec. 
however, keeps Humberht, giving him an epiwopate of forty-six yean^ 
was martyred with Edmund, L 55; ii. 107. '[Eadmundi] corpus iacct 

871] NOTES 87 

nuMisoleAtiim in . . . Bea^loricesnayrtbei* Ethel w. p. 513 B. According 
to Herenuuini Mine. Edmundi, be was buried first 'in nillula Suthune 
dicta,* Martene and Burand, Ampl. Coll. ti. 833 ; cf. Liebermann, p. 205. 
Abingdon claimed to possess the shirt in which he was martyred, Chron. 
Ab. ii. 157. 

7 fordiden ... to nan ping, E] A very interesting Peterborough 
insertion; cf. Hugo Candidas, pp. 14-16; IntroductioD, §§ 35, 54 note. 

gel6r Ceblno^*] From this point we lose the invaluable guidance of 
H. ft S. in ecclesiastical affairs. 

.fijwred Wiltunsoire bisoop, a] So F, in the continuation of this Archbishop 
annal given in App. B, i. 283-285 ; a Canterbury addition, but on the Ethelred. 
difficulty of tfie statement, see H. & S. iii. 596 ; and on the decline of 
monastidsm at Canterbury, implied in that continuation, i&. 575-577. 
There is a letter of Pope John VIII to Archbishop Ethelred, in which, 
after condoling with him on his trials, he adds : ' monemus ut . . . opponas 
te mumm pro douio Domini . . non solum regi led omnibus in ea 
peruene agere uolentibus ' (the rest of the letter deals mainly with the 
qoestioD of unlawful marriages), Mansi, zvii. 54 ; R. P. p. 270. The king 
who was to be thus resisted was Alfred ! 

871*. Her ouom se here to Beadlngnm] Asser says that the Danes The Danes 
on reaching Reading, * uillam regiam/ threw up a fortification between the ** Reading. 
Thames and the Kennet, which is probable enough. This was a favourite 
mode of warfare with them ; cf. Green, C. £. pp. 88-90. 

JBpend ... 7 JBlfred his bropnr] According to Lib. de Hyda, p. 27, 
Ethelred was Alfred's favourite brother. Alfred signs as 'filius regis/ 

to Beadingom gelasddon] According to Gaimar Ethelred and Alfred 
were driven to Wiscelet (Wliistley Green, south of Twyford). and the 
English escaped by the ford over the Loddon at Twyford, which the Danes 
did not know of, vr. 3963 ff. This sounds perfectly genuine. 

7 .JS^elwolf . . . ofiilsegen] ' [cuiUii] corpus abstrahitur furtim, 
addudturque in Merdorum prouinciam, in locum qui Northwor]»ge nun- 
copatur, iuxta autem Danaaiii linguam Deoraby,* Ethelw. p. 513. 

on .Saoesdnne] The site of Ashdown is fixed by a charter of Edred's Battle of 
granting land « set Cumtune, iuzU montem qui uocatur JSscesdune,* Ashdown. 
K. C. D. No. 1 1 73 ; Birch, No. 908. This is Compton, near East Ilsley ; v. 
Chron. Ab. ii. 510, note. It is this battle of Ashdown which the Berkshire 
White Horse is believed to commemorate. Its name is given in Welsh as 
Bryn Onnen, ' Hill of the Ash,' Ann. Cambr. ; Brut y Tywys., 869. Asser, 
in his account of the battle, inserts a tale, which he says he had from eye- 
witnesses, how that Ethelred refused to engage until he had heard mass, 
and consequently Alfred had for a time to bear the brunt of the battle 
alone. He declares also that he had seen a sditHry thorn which marked 
the site of the battle, pp. 476, 477. [In the Ecclesiastical Institutes (a 




BatUe of 

' Sumor- 

translation of a work of Buhop Theodnlf of Orleane, c. 797 ; «. H. ft S. 
I. ziii.)y the one exoeption to the rule that mam must be said only m 
church is : * bntan hyt on fyrde sy • ^nne hsebbe man geteld to yaan anom • 
7 gehalgod weofod • on ]>tem seo )>enung jtsas maessesanges sy ge^ed,' 
Thorpe, Ancient Laws, ii. 410.] 

Bachseog 7 Halfdene] Green, G. E. p. 98, oalls Bachsecg ' the Danish 
King of Bemicia.* This is taken from Todd in 6. 6. p. 270, who abo 
makes Halfdaoe King of Beira. But, as to Bachsecg, this seems impoi^ 
Bible, for in 871 Egbert was King of Bemicia; 9. «, on 867. 

Mere tune] This has been identified with Merton, near Bicester, Ozon., 
and with Harden, near Devizes, Wilts. The fact that Bishop Heahmnnd, 
who fell in the battle, was buried at Keynsham on the Avon (v. %Hf.)t 
which is only some twenty miles from. Devizes, is decidedly in favour d 
the latter (note the form in E, 'Mieredune,' which agrees well with 

pp. 72, 78. Heahmund bisS] Of Sherborne; a fighter, like his 
predeoesBor Ealhstan; see above on 823. Ethelwerd adds: 'sunmque 
corpus lacet sepultum in loco Ceegineshamme * (Keynsham), p. 513- 

micel sumor lida] ' aestiuus ezercitus,' Ethelw. p. 514 ; cf. H. H. p. 145. 
So in Latin * dassis Somarlidiorum,* P. &. S. p. 10. It refers to the 
hordes of Scandinavian pirates who issued forth to plunder in the summer, 
returning home to winter ; as opposed to the forces which wintered in the 
British Isles, and ultimately settled there permanently ; cf. VigffiaBon, t. r. 
somarliffi; S. 0. S. i. 365 ; Bs. Ad. p. 411 ; Steenstrup, Vikinger, p. 66 ; 
Inledning, p. 274. Both Sumarll&i (Somerled) and YetrliOi occur fre- 
quently as proper names ; and so Gaimar here : 

'Done vint un Daneis, un tyrant, 
Ki Sumerlede out nun le grant.' w. 3015 £ 

Wimbome. ast Winbuman] None of the Latin Chroniclers follow G's reading '»t 
Scirebuman menster.* H. H. turns E's ' Winbuman monster ' (where -an 
is the weak genitive) into 'Winbumham minster'; of. the analogous 
corruption of ' Abbandun ' into Abingdon. On Ethelred's descendants, see 
on 901, infra. 

pa feng JESHred"] The cross in the margin of MS. £ draws attention to 
the significance of the event ; cf. the name on the margin of E. 

«t Wiltone] ' in monte qui dicitur Wiltun, qui est in meridiana lipa 
fluminis Guilou [the Wylye] de quo flumine tota ilia paga nominatur/ 
Asser, p. 477. Ethelwerd seems (for he is very confused) to place this 
contest also in the neighbourhood of Reading. And though the Chran. 
says distinctly ' JSlfred gefeaht,' Ethelw., commenting apparently oo 
the words ' lytle werede,'. says : ' erat . . . exiguus Anglonun exercitos 
propter absentiam regis qui eodem tempore exequias fratris impleuerat,* 

p. 514. 
folo gefeoht] Cf. 'on >rim folcgefeohtum betuz twaem c^niogom,' 

of Alfred. 

Battle of 

875] NOTES 89 

Oros. p. 128; ctt6. 116, 118, where ' folcgefeohtmn ' ii eontiwted with 
* hlo>Qm/ for which latter, lee 894, i. 84. 

on yy oynerioe] I am not certain as to the meaning of this phrase. 
It prohably means Wesaez as opposed to its Tarioas dependencies. 

872*] The winter-settlement in London was 871-872 ; see Steenstrup, The Danes 
Vik. p. 67. A lease of lands belonging to the see of Worcester, executed ^ I-ondon. 
in 872, was necessitated 'pro inmenso tribute barbarorum, eodem anno 
quo pagani sedebant in Lundonia/ K. C. D. No. 303 ; Birch, Nos. 533, 
534. This was also probably the occasion of Alfred's tow, the fulfilment 
of which is recorded at 883 K 

namon Mieroo tdp] ' stipendiaque statuunt,' adds Ethelwerd, Peace 
p. 514 E ; i. e. the peace hiMl, as often, to be purchased. bought. 

873*. SBt Tnrecas lege] ' Torksey, a fine strategical position at the Torksey. 
point where an ancient Roman canal from Lincoln joined the Trent,* 
Earle. The shorter form of the annal in D, E, as compared with A, B, C, 
may be doe to a suspicion on the part of the redactor of the D£ recension 
that the latter part of this annal in A, B, C was a mere duplication of the 
lattfcr part of 872. Owing to this oTermnning of Lindsey by the Danes 
' the list of the Bishops of Lindsey is interrupted for nearly a century,' 
H. ft S. iii. 623. 

874*. pone oyning Burgrasd] On the chronology of Burgred's reign, 
see on 851. 

be fSr to Borne] Asser says that he lived ' non diu ' after reaching Bargred 
Rome, p. 478. W. M. says that his wife followed him but died at Pavia, |^^ 
i. 96. This latter £&ct is taken from the Chron. ; infrat 888. He is very 
contemptuous of the ' seminir ' Ceolwulf. He was to hold Mercia simply Ceolwnlf. 
at pleasure ; cf. Liber de Hyda, p. 14. There are two charters of Ceolwulf, 
both of the year 875, K, C. D. Nos. 306, 308 ; Birch, Nos. 540, 541 ; and 
a grant by him is redted in a charter of Edward the Elder, K. C. D. 
No. 340; Birch, No. 607. An interesting coin of this Ceolwulf is figured 
in Nonusmatac Chron. ▼. 10. 

875*. mid snmum pam here] ' We have to note here a division of the Division of 
invading forces; (i) Halfdane on the T^ne ; (2) Guthram, Ac., at Cam- ^® BflASS. 
bridge. Henceforward we have to observe these two centres in studying 
the movements of the Vikings,' Earle, from Steenstrup, Vik. pp. 88, 89. 

on Vorp hymbre] The object of this invasion of Northumbria was to The Danes 
i«diice the Umd north of the Tyne, which had hitherto escaped, S. D. i. 56. ^ North- 
Hie place at which Halfdane took up his winter quarters was 'droa 
Tomemutbe,' t. the month of the Team, near Newcastle, ib, ; cf. Mem. 
Hex. i. 42. The work of ravage was most effectually done: 'ab oriental! 
man nsqne ad occidentale caedem et inoendium continuauit,' S. D. i. 58. 
It was this invasion which caused the monks to leave Lindisfame, carrying 
the body of St. Cnthbert, with other relics, indnding the Ltndisfiume 
gospels, which, after many wanderings, and a temporary rest at Chester- 




le-Street from 883 to 995, ultimately reposed at DnrhAm, tb. 56 ft, 207, 

ao8, 235 ff. 
Gonflictg of PP' 74, 76. on Feohtaa, 70.] The conflicts with the Picts are mentioned 
Danes and in the Irish Annals; e,g. Ann. Ult 874 («875): 'Congressio Piciorum 
^^^ for Dubgallu [against the Black strangers, i,e. the Danes^ et stnge« 

magna Pictorom facta est.' It is not necessary to limit this to the Pict» 

of Galloway; as S. C. S. i. 326. 
The Strath- on BtrsBoled "Walas] i. e. the Welsh of Strathdyde, 'Stratclnttenses,' 


The Danes 
at Ware- 



The sacred 

Asser ; * Cumbri,' Ethelw., * the first appearance of the term Chimbii . . . 
as applied to the Britons of Strathdyde/ S. C. S. «. *. It is noiswoiihy, 
however, that Florence seems to distinguish between *Gumbri' and 
' Streatgledwalani ' ; the former being apparently the * Noif$ Wealas/ oor 
Wales. Gaimar here speaks of 'Streclaed reis de Qeleweie'; t.e. he 
makes ' Strseoled ' the name of a Welsh king, as does F at 924. 

876*. Her hlene bestssl se here . . . flerde] The true construction 
of this phrase escaped all the translators of the Chron. from Whdoc to 
Thorpe. Earle was the first to explain it oorrectly. * Fierde ' is the 
genitive after * hiene bestsol/ 'the here eluded the West Saxon JUrd [and 
got] into Wareham.' This is of course the Cambridge diviidon of the here ; 
BO Ethelw. and Asser-Flor. rightly. (For the difference between here and 
fierdf see the Glossary, s. w.) * The phrase " hiene bestel se here ** oocun 
again, 878, infra. As against Wessex the Danes seem to have trusted more 
to surprise then force. On these unforeseen movements of the invaders, see 
Steenstrap, Inledning, p. 363.' Earle. 

Werham] Asser says: 'castellum quod dicitur Werham intranit; 
quod monasterium sanctimonialium inter duo flainina fVaw et Terente 
[the Frome and the Trent], et in paga quae dioitor Britannioe Dumgueis, 
Saxonice sutem ThomsiBta* [Dorset], tutissimo terrarum situ situm est, ntfl 
ab occidentali parte tantummodo, ubi contigua ten-a est,' p. 478. 

se oyning trip nam] 'simul pecuniam dantlo/ adds Ethelwerd, 
P- 515 S; **^- ^he peace had to be bought. Earle vehemently contestK 
this, Introduction, p. lix, on the ground that Ethelwerd has mistranslated 
the first sentence of the annal, which, as shown above, has pusded all 
translators. But the fact that Ethelwerd is a poor translator does not put 
his independent additions out of court. We may lament that Alfred wa» 
reduced to such a necessity ; but I see nothing improbable in the state- 
ment ; see above on 865, 872. 

on pam hal^^an beage] On the sacred temple>ring on which oatlis were 
taken, see Vigftisson, e. vv. baugr, baug-ei0r, stali-hringr ; Orig. Island. L 
63* 3io> 511 ; G. G. p. Ixvii ^ Grimm, Reohtsalterthttmer, pp. 50, 51; 
Stephens' Old Norse Kunio Monuments, iii. 237, citing an Essay by Ihrot 
C. A. Holmboe * Om Eedsringe ' in Transactions of Norwegian Academy 
of Sciences for 1863 ; cf. also Stephens* Thunor, p. 40, where other refer- 
ences to Scandinavian writers on the subject are given ; Daniel WiUon. 

87?] NOTES 91 

Prehiftorio Aimali, ed. a (1863), i. 444, 445. For manj of the a^ve 
references I am indebted to Professor Eurle, who also adds : ' That the 
ring in marriage was an adopted heathen symbol seems to be expressed 
by the direction in the mediaeval rituals to make the sign of the cross 
over the ring and to sprinkle it with holy water.' 

bestelon pore florde se gehoraoda here] For the construction, see Misnnder- 
aboTe. Asser-Flor. misnnderstotHl this, making it an attack by the Danes standing. 
on a body of native cavalry ; and the mistake was perpetuated by Lappen- 
beig, i. 315 ; E. T. ii. 50 ; Pauli, Konigi£lfred,p. 116. See Steenstrnp, 
Vik. p. 70 ; here, too, most of the translators Live gone astray. 

•e gehorsoda here] ' This expresses exactly the nature of the force, Hoanted 
rt«. moonted infttntry ; i. e. the horses were used for rapidity of motion, inf«itry- 
not for fighting ; cf. Scott's Betrothed, c. 24 ad init. : " The Welsh ma- 
rauders, . . . although the small size ... of their nags made them totally 
unfit for service in battle, availed themselves of their activity and sureness 
of. foot to transport them with the necessary celerity to and from the 
scenes of their rapine ; ensuring thus a rapid and unperoeived approach, 
and a secure and speedy retreat." ' Earle. 

Ssoan oeaster] * locus qui dldtur Saxonice Eaxanceastre, firitannioe Exeter, 
autem Cairwisc ; Latins quoque Ciuitas Exae [Ciuitas Aquae, S. D. ii. 
Ill ; G. aqnarum, ib. 82], quae in oriental! ripa fluminis Wise sita est,' 
A seer, p. 479' . ' This is the first mention of Exeter in history,' Freeman, 
Exeter, p. ao.^ The move to Exeter is mentioned here proleptically, and 
is entered again under 877. 

IforjMn hymbra lend ge dsslde] On this division of Northumbria Division of 
among the conquerors, see Green, C. £. pp. 115 ff. ; Robertson, E. K. & ^rthum- 
ii. 430 ff. It seems to have extended only to Deira, Northumbrian 
sovereignty over which probably ceased after the battle of York in 867 ; 
V. 9. ad ann. And this, as Mr. Freeman pointed out, accounts for the 
curious fact that the name of Northumberland has survived in that 
part of the ancient kingdom which is the more remote from the Humber, 
F. N. C. i. 644. In Bemicia Egbert II succeeded Ricsig in 876 ; v, «. 
p. 85. 

hiers tilgende] 'hiera' is the reflexive pronoun; *his tilian* Is 'to 'histilian.' 
proride for oneself, gain one's own livelihood ' ; see Bosworth-ToUer, 8. v. 
tilian ; where this explanation (first suggested to nie by Prof. Earle) is 
rightly given. From the examples there cited I select the following m 
oooclnsive: 'he w»s fiscere and mid t^am crsefbe his teolode,' 'he was 
a fisher and gained his liring by that craft,* iElfric, Horn. i. 394 ; cf. f&. 
393. My suggestion in the Academy of Nov. 3, 1895, was quite wrong. 

877*. mio«l yst] Cf. 'im micel yst ' -> ' magnus turbo,' Oros. p. 104; Causes of 
' micel ^st windes,* Mk. iv. 37. On the reading of C. D. ' micel myst,' see the Danish 
Introduction, % 60, note. submission 

hie . . . fbre gislas saldon] Prof Earle points out that the submission 


of the Danes, ftc, is not to be regarded as the consequence of Al&ed*i 

unsucoessful attempt to overtake them (though the arrangement of the 

annal gives that impression), but of the naval disaster at Swanage. This 

is entirely the view of Gaimar, who makes the Danish loss rather greater 

than does the Chron. : ' A hundred and forty ships went to the devils/ 

w. 3105 ff. It should be noted that Asser has a double entry under 

877 ; one based on the Chron. and the other independent. According 

to the independent version Alfred had blockaded Exeter with his shipi, 

cutting off the Danish supplies ; then came the Danish fleet trying to 

relieve the blockade, but having been a month at sea already they were 

defeated, and it was owing to the damage suffered in the engagement 

that they foundered at Swanage. Hence the submission of the Danes 

was due to the fiulure of their fleet to revictual the town. This sounds veiy 

probable. The editors of M. H. B. (p. 479, note) think that this passage in 

the text of Asser is a mere interpolation from the so-called Matthew of 

Westminster, who got it, through Matth. Paris, from R. W. i. 3a 7, 328. But 

whence did R W. get it if it was not in his text of Asser, whom he is 

following both before and after this point t It is true it is not in FL Wig. 

But the explanation may be that Fl. Wig. and R W., finding two entries 

for 877, chose different ones ; Fl. Wig. preferring the one which was 1 

to the Chron. Anyhow, from whatevei source R. W. took it, it 1 

perfectly genuine. 

Division of Mierona lend . . . Oeolwulfe saldon] Here we see the Danes exacting 

Mercia. fr^Qj ^jjgjp puppet Ceolwulf the surrender of part of his dominions ; cf. 874- 

This is probably, as Mr. Green suggests, the origin of the division between 

English and Danish Mercia, which was of great importance at and after 

the peace of Wedmore, C. E. pp. 106, 112. See below on 886. Ethel- 

werd seems to make Gloucester the headquarters of the Danes while Merda 

was being reduced, pp. 515 C, 516 A ; but he is very confused. Anyhow, 

the Danes did not keep possession of Gloucester ; had they done so ' it 

would have been almost impossible for the West-Saxon kings to hold central 

England,' Rev. C. S. Taylor, The Danes in Glouoestershire, pp. 1,12. 

878*. ofer tuelftan niht] < )>y twelftan dsge ofer Geochol,* Bede, 

p. 3i8-£piphania, H. E. iv. 19. 

Chippen- to Cippanhamme] * Villa regia . . . sita in sinistrali parte WUtunscire,* 

h»m- Asser, p. 480. (Note the Celtic use of the left hand to signify the north ; 

so ' dextrales Saxones '» South Saxons, tb, 487.) It is clear from Alfred^s 

will, notes Prof. Earle, that Alfred had a * ham ' at Chippenham ; and 

we also find Edward there, K. C. D. Nos. 314, 328 ; Birch, Nos. 553, 591. 

It looks as if the Danes had tried to capture Alfred in his winter home. 

Natives ofer ses adrssfdon] In Pertz, iv. 343, we have the case of ' quidam uir 

driven over natione Britto, Andreas nomine, . . . de patria insula infestatione Nort- 

mannorum . . . pulsus.' 

Alfred nn- buton . . . JSOfrede] ' Four words very powerful in their plain aim- 

878] NOTES 93 

plicity,' Pftuli, cited by Earle (the lame phnse, however, is naed of Here- 
ward, 1071 E, 1072 D) ; cf. AjBser : ' ille boIqs dinino fultui adminiculo.* 

InwnrAs bro]nir . . . mon Jmbt oftelog] Ingwar's brother was Ubba, Defeat of 
aooording to Gaimar, who calU the dte of the batUe ' Penwood/ and uys ^^j^^ 
ih»t Ubba was baried under a great how called Ubbelawe ; iw. 3 1 47 ff. Thii ghiro. 
body of Danes had wintered in < Demetica regione ' (i. «. Dyfed or South 
Wales), whence they crossed to Devonshire (Asser) and besieged Odda, the 
alderman of Deronshire (Ethel w.), at a place which Asser calls * Azx Cynnit.* 
This Prof. Earle would identify with Coantetfbory, near Lynton {jquati 
Cynwitesbyrig) ; bat Mr. Wright, in his edition of Gaimar, says that near 
Kenwith or Kenny Castle, by Appledore, was formerly a mound called 
Ubbaston or Whibblestan, now swept away by the tide. If this is correct, 
it would fix the battle to that locality. It was this defeat which left 
the Danes of Northumbria leaderless according to S. D. ii. 11 1, 114; 
who, however, speaks as if it were Ingwar and Halfdane, not their brother, 
who fell. The date corresponds exactly with the interregnum in North- 
nmbria ; see above on 867. 

pp. 76, 77. dooo. monna mid him. 7 zl. monna his heres] I do 
not understand the distinction here made ; H. H. combines the two classes 
mto one. 

M gnfffana . . . heton, £] A alone omits this passage about the raven The Baven 
banner, the legend of which is embodied in ASN. $ub anno : ' dicunt enim hanner. 
quod tres sorores Hungari et Habbae [Ingwar and Ubba] filiae uidelicet 
Lodebrochi illud uezillum texuerunt, et totum parauerunt illud uno meri- 
diano tempore. Dicunt etiam, quod in onmi bello, ubi praecederet idem 
signum, si uictoriam adepturi essent, appareret in medio signi quasi coruus 
uiuus nolitans; sin uero uincendi . . . fuissent, penderet directe nihil 
mouens, et hoc saepe probatum est ' ; a yet more marvellous account in 
the 'Gesta Cnutonis*: 'Erat eis uexillum miri portenti . . . Enimuero 
dnm esset simplicissimo intextum serico, nulliusque figurae in eo inserta 
oaet imago, tempore belli semper in eo uidebatur coruus acsi intextus, 
In victoria suorum . • . excutiens alas, . . . et suis deuicUs . . . toto 
oorpore demissus,' Perts, xix. 517. 

is^lingaeiggd*] ' Athelney is at the junction of the Tone and Parret. Athelney. 
The name survives in Athelney Farm, in the parish of Stoke St. Gregory. 
It was suggested by Bishop Clifford that the name of the neighbouring 
parish of Lyng may be a relic of ^thelin^aig ; ct Birch, No. 715. A 
little to the north of this spot the famous Alfred jewel was found in 1693, 
with iU inscription: SELFRED MEC HEHT GEWYRCSN,' Earle. 
Hie idea that Alfred while at Athelney was a hapless and inactive fugi- Alfred at 
tive only comes from the silly story of the cakes, which is inserted here in Athelney. 
the text of Asser from the much later life of St. Neot. (M. H. B. pp. 480, 
481 ; ef. Hardy, Cat. i. 54a, 545). The Chron. shows that the fort of 
Athelney, and the raids which Alfired made from it with his ' lytel wered ' 





graphy an- 



Peace of 

(coxiaiBtiiig Urgely, acoording to Ethel w. p. 515, Df the ' famuli qai regie 
pastu utebantur/ though ^thelnotb, alderman of Somerset [tn/Va, 894, 
i. 87 m.], was also one of his helpers), conduced laigely to his ultimate 
triumph. Acoording to northern legend 8t. Gnthbert appeared to Alfred 
at Athelney and foretold his ultimate triumph, 8. D. i. 62, 63, 204-206, 229 
ff. ; ii. 83, 1 1 1. In illustration of this Freeman cites the minsual dedication 
of Wells Cathedral to St Cuthbert, Old £ng. Hist. p. 13a Southen 
legend assigned a similar part to St. Neot, Hardy, Cat «. «« Alfred after- 
wards founded a monastery on the scene of his former struggles, Asser, 
p. 493 ; G. P. p. 199 ; see the spurious charter of foundation, K. C. D. 
No. 309 ; Birch, No. 545 ; cf. K. C. D. No. 1306. < Alfred the Great in 
Athelney * is the title of a play by Lord Stratford de Reddiffe, 1876. 

Bcgbryhtea stane] * Probably the judgement-seat of the district, and 
where the hundred-gemdt or the soir-gemdt was held, as st iEgelnoCes 
stane, K. C. D. No. 755.' Earle. 

Seal wyda] ' saltus qui dicitur Selwdu [Mucelwudu, S. D. ii. 83, 112I 
Latine autem sylua magna, Britannice Coitmaur,' Asser, p. 481. Prof. 
Earle thinks that the ' Wealwudu * of £ is not a mere slip, but a reflexion 
frx>m the time when Selwood was the barrier between Celt and Saxon. 
The identification of the other names in this annal, except Aller, Somenet, 
is unfortunately very uncertain : ' Egbert's stone,' Brixton Deyerill, near 
Warminster^ or Bratton Camp, near Westbury ; Iglea, Clay Hill, near War- 
minster, or Leigh, near Westbury, or Highley Common, near Melkaham 
(the suggestion, Crawford Charters, p. 81, that it is Isle Abbots, near 
Athelney, is impossible, as that would imply a backward instead of a 
forward morement on Alfred's part); Ethandun, Edington, near Westbury, 
or Yatton, near Chippenham, or Heddington, on the Roman road from 
Marlborough to Bath (cf. K. C. D. No. 465 ; Birch, No. 999). 

his gefogene wttnin] See above on 855. 

op )>et geweoro] t. e. Chippenham, as appears both by the beginning 
of this annal and also of the next ; q. v. 

•e cyning . . . Gk>drum] On Guthrum-Athelstan, who is mentioned 
875*, supra, cf. Todd, G. G. pp. 266, 267, who identifies him with Gormo 
Enski (or the English) Joint king of Denmark in the Scandinavian antbo- 
ritiei. W. M. says : ' ueruni quia non mutabit Ethiops peilem suam, 
datas ille terras tyrannioo fastu xi annis protriuit,' i. is6. 

his . . . onfeng] ' in filium adoptionis sibi susoipiens,' Aiser ; cf. Bede, 
II. 142, 179. For the ' crism-lising,' ib. 28a Ethelwerd mentions the 
presence of alderman ^thelnoth at the ' chrism-loosing,' p. 515 E. 

'Wepmor] Wedmore was one of Alfred's own estates, as appears frtm 
his will, whereby he leaves it to his son Edward ; so Asser : * In ailla 
regia quae dicitur Waodmor * ; Edward the Confessor gave it to the Church 
of Wells, K. C. D. iv. 197. On the peace of Wedmore, cf. G. C. E. 
pp. II i-i 14. The Chron. gives no idea of the extent of Alfred's loss ; but 

S82] NOTES 95 

the gain waa greater itill ; see below on 901 . This peace must not be 
confounded with the later treaty cited on 886, infra, a mistake which is 
▼ery commonly made, even by Freeman, F. N. G. i. 46. 

870*] ' It is probable that this really belongs to 878. There seems no Ohron- 
reason why the Danes should have stayed at Chippenham from the early o^^'fl^* 
summer of 878 to 879. Steenstrup, Yikinger, p.^ 74, has shown that the 
Saxon Chron. is one year in advance of the Ann. Yedastinl and other 
continental authorities as regards the movements of the Danes. This 
mistake begins here and lastR till 897 ( » 896),' Earle. As regards the 
present annal, this conclusion is confirmed by the hour of the eclipse, ' ane 
tid dttges* ; in 878 there was a solar eclipse at 1.30 p.m. on October 29. 
In 879 the eclipse was at 4 p.m. on March a6 (Asser and ASN. have altered « 
the hour given by the Chron. to suit this : ' inter nonam et uesperam sed 
propius nonam *) ; while the eclipse of 880 with which' M. H. B. identifies 
this was at 5.30 p.m. on March 14. 

to Cirenoeastre] ' Cirrenceastre . . . qui Britannice Cairceri nomina- Cirencea- 
tor, quae est in meridiana parte Huicdorum,' Asser, p. 482 ; cf. Taylor, ^^• 
Cotswold, pp. ao, 21. 
blop wioeaga] For ' hlo>/ see on 894 A ; for < wicenga,* see on 921 A. 
880*. on Eaat Engle] On the coalescence of Danes and Angles in East The Danes 
Anglia, see Robertson, £. K. S. ii. 241. ^ ^ 

f5r ae here ... to Oend] According to Gaimar, v. 5261, they started J^^ 
from Yarmouth. This sojourn of the Northmen in Ghent is naturally Ghent, 
notieed in the Annales Gandenses : '880. Northmanni'hiemauerunt in 
Gandauo,' Pertz, ii. 187. Ghent remained their headquarters from Nov., 
879, to 881 ; V. DUmmler, Gesch. d.ostfrankischen Reiches, ed. i, ii. 1 29, 130, 
156 ; ed. 2, iii. 129, 130, 157. The date in the Chron., 880 ( = 879), natur- 
ally indicates the banning of their sojourn there. 

881*. pa Franoan him wi)> gefUhton] There is some difficulty in iden- Battles of 
tifying this action; DUmmler would identify it with the battle of Saucourt, ^^J/"'* 
August, 881, M.S. ed. I, pp. 152, 153; ed. 2, pp. 153, 154, in which the 
Franks were victorious. I am inclined to prefer an earlier Frankish 
victory, that of 880, t*. ed. i, pp. 135, 136 ; fed. 2, 135, 136, 147. There was 
another battle later in 880, in which the Danes were victorious, 4b. 147, 
ed. I and 2. But that the Chron. refers to a Frankish victory is shown by 
Eth«lwerd*s words : * agmina Francorum . . . uietoriae funguntur numine, 
barbwro ezercitu fugato,* p. 516 B; cf. S. D. ii. 85, 1 13 ; and Ann. Yedast 
9. aa. 880, 881. 

882*. on long MsMe] 'et castra metati sunt in loco Escelun,' adds The Danes 
Efcbelw. p. 516 ; t. e. EUloo, below Maastricht. This fixes the date to 881 ; ^^ ^^loo. 
«ee Dfunmler, «. ». ed. i, p. 156 ; ed. 2, p. 157. 

fdr JBHtnd ... at on sss] Whether Alfred's naval battle should also Naval 
be placed in 88 r, I do not know. This shows that he was not so free firom battle, 
contests urith the invaders after the peace of Wedmore as Mr. Freeman 


fancied, Old Eng. Hiai. p. 150. A charter of 883 is dated by him *m 
expeditione,* K. C. D. No. 1065 ; Birch, No. 550. (Hie indieCioii, hov- 
ever, is wrong, 10 that the date is a little uncertain.) 

pp. 78, 79. on bond eodon] i. e, Burrendered ; cf. Bede^ IL 300, 205. 
Note the «. I, of F. Perhaps the scribe read ' of handa eodon.* 

forslttgene] Cf. Oros. p. 56 : ' hie to tkm swiSe fonlagene wurdon on 
8eg]«re hand, Yai hiera feawa to lafe wnrdon.' 
The Danes 883*. Cundop] ' ad monaBterium ■anctimonialiom quod didtor dm- 
atCond^ doht,* Asser, p. 483. This sojourn at Condtf was during the winter of 

883-^83, DQjnmler, ed. i, ii. 330, note; ed. 2, iii. 339. 

Alfred and Marinns papa, 70., E] A (followed by Ethelw., Asser, and S. D.) is the 

Pope only 2fS. which gives the annal in the shorter form. All the others have 

^'^^' the story of Pope Marinus and the king*s alms, &a ; cf. Hardy, Gat. i. 542, 

545-547. In Hincmar's annals is an account of a tumult in Borne in 864 

on the occasion of a visit of the emperor : ' in quo tumultu . . . crux ... in 

qua lignum mirificae crucis • . . confracta et in lutum proiecta, unde a 

quibusdam, ut fertur, Anglorum gentis hominibus, collecta et custodibas 

reddita est,' Ports, i. 463. It may have been in somewhat tardy gratitude 

for this that the ' lignum Domini ' was sent to Alfred ; see below, 885, 

ad fin. 

Alfted's lasdde Sighelm] This Sighelm, one of Alfred's messengers, is 

missions to wrongly identified by W. M. with a later bishop of Sherborne, i. 130; 

SSI^ "^** IL 1 ; G. P. p. 177 ; cf. Hardy, Oat. i. 553. The same mistake is made bj 

Fl. Wig. i. 98, 99. W. M. says that he brought back from India gems and 

precious spices. 

Alfred's ]>e JSIlfired . . . ge het pider] This clause would come in much better 

vow. j^fter the words ' s8e Bartholomee.' In B, C it is omitted altogether ; 

which makes nonsense, as it leaves the words ' ^a hi sseton, 7c.' without any 

construction. Probably in the common archetype the clause was wiitteo 

on the margin ; the original of B, C overlooked it ; the original of D, £ 

inserted it in the wrong place. 

St. Tliomas on Indea to see Thome] On St. Thomas and India, cf. jELt Hom. 

and India. j{ ^.^g r^^ legends are examined by G. Mflne Bae, The Syrian Church 

in India. 

pa hi ssBton ... est Londeno] Probably in 873 ; see note, ad loe. 
bentitffSe] Cf. 'ne bine mon ... his bene tyg>ian wolde,' Bede* 
p. 330 ; 'he W8BS from Dryhtne tigffa psare bene fSe he bttd,' th. 373. 

884*] This annal is omitted by Asser {not by FL Wig.), and by S. D. 
and H. H. 
Ain?ftTi« to ISmbentun] The sojourn of the Danes at Amiens was in the winter 

of 883-884, Diimmler, «. s. ed. I, pp. 330, 331 ; ed. 3, pp. 339, 350. 
Scribal Here (see note 9), just a century too soon, a scribe in F inserts the 

error. death of Bishop i£thelwold of Winchester. For instances of nmilsr 

mechanical work, see S. D. ii. 93, 126; H. & S. iii. 607 ; liebennann, 

885] NOTES 97 

pp. 99, 100 ; Z.N.y. p. 306. In Orig. iBland., i. 373, is » case of aa entry 
just two oentiiries wrong. 

885*. o]>er dml east.] ' in orientalem Franciam/ Aeaer ; * ad Lofenum/ The Danes 
Eihelw. p. 516, i. & Louvain. This was in the antumn of 884, Dilmmler, »* I^uvain. 
u. #. ed. I, p. 333; ed. 2, pp. 332, 333. 

behoTsude] * equis, qaoB de Francia seciun adduzerant, derelictis,* 
Asser, p. 483. For the bringing over of horses from the Continent by the 
Danes, cf. 893 A, i. 84; Fl. Wig. i. 1 11. 

Btafe, A ; Store, E] Ethelw. alone of the Latin writers follows the 
erroneous reading of A, B, C. 

)>a hie pa hamweard wendon^ A] 'cum . . . regia classis rediret/ Fl. Belation of 
Wig. ; where Asser's text, probably by a mere slip, has * dormiret.* 8. D., J^^'^^ 
however, expands this rhetorically : ' ubi dormiebant somno inerti, ocdsi sunt 
inermis multitude ; quibns illud aptatur . . . quod legitur, '' Multi claudunt 
uisns, cum aspioere deberent," ' ii. 87. This is one of several passages 
which incline me to believe that, in the parts common to Asser and 
Florence, Florence did not borrow from Aaser as we have it, but both 
used some common source. 

heivhype] Cf. ' heref^h '<■' praeda,*^ Orosius, p. 118. 

Bar Tnlddum wintra, 70.] The references to Frankish affairs here and Frankish 
under 887 will be made clearer by the following genealogical table : — affairs. 

Pippin (the Short), t768. 

Charles the Great, ' Se alda Carl; t8i4. 

Louis the Pious, t84a 

Louis the German, t876. Charles the Bald, -f-S;;. 

Carloman, Louis, Charles the Fat, Judith, Louis the Stammerer, fSTp. 
t88a t882, deposed Nov. m. (i) .£thelwulf, 

I Jan. 887, m. (9) iECthelbald. 

! t Jan. 888. 
Axnnlf, +899. 

Louis, t88a, Carloman, Charles the Simple, 

Aug. *CarlF)rancnacyning,* t939* 

fDeo. X2, 884^ 

Carl Tranona cyning] This is Carloman, King of Aquitaine and Bur- Death of 
gundy; he died Dec I3, 884, from the effects of a wound received while Carloman. 
hanting. It Is said that he was accidentally wounded by an attendant, 
and that the dying prince, * splendide mendax/ himself gave currency to 
the fiction that he had received his hurt from a boar, in order to shield his 
luckless follower, Diimmler, «. s. ed. i, p. 338 ; ed. 3, p. 233 ; Art de 
V^rif.i. 561. 

n. H 




Battles of 
the Danes 
and Old- 

ane geare nr his broSur forpferde] This wm Louis, King of NortberD 
France. The ' ane geare * should be ' twem g^aruxn/ for he died in 
August, 882, and his estates passed to his brother Garloman. 

begen HIop wlges suna . . . apiestrode, A] t. e. both were sons of Loui« 
the Stammerer, who was king of the Western Kingdom (France), S77-S79. 
We have seen that there was an eclipse in 879, the yasr of Louis* death, 
though it is probably not the eclipse mentioned in the Cbron. under thst 

to ouene*] The long omission in E (not D) after this point is due to the 
recurrence of the words ' 7 ^y ilcan geare.* 

micel gefeoht. tua on geare. A] The Annales Fuldenses under 8S4 
relate (a) that the Northmen who had wintered at Duisburg on the Rhine 
attempted to invade Saxony, but were defeated by Henry, l&axf^yt of 
Nordgau ; {h) that later in the year the Frisians defeated the invaders st 
' Norden, in Frisia, Diimmler, u. «. ed. x,Np. 225 ; ed. 2, pp. 222,223; under 885 
the same Annals relate (c) that the Northmen invaded Saxony, and were 
driving the Saxons before them, when they were taken in the rear by the 
Frisians, who arrived in their fleet at the critical moment, and the invaders, 
hemmed in betwe^i two hostile forces, were oat off almost to a man ; cf- 
DtUnmler, u.s. ed. i, pp. 241, 242 ; ed. a, pp. 239, 240. Dttmmler thinks that 
this last action only is referred to, and that the < tua ' is a meie error. 
I am inclined to think that in the ' tua * the events of 884 and 885 are 

feng Oarl . . . ]>ridda fssder hasfde] This is Charles the Fat 
In the division of 876 he had received Swabia and Alsace, in 879 he 
became King of Italy, in 881 Emperor. In 882, on the death of Iub 
brother Louis, he obtained the whole of the Eastern Kingdom (Gfermaoy;, 
and in 885 (Carloman having died in December, 884) he obtained the 
Western Kingdom also. He thus, as the Chronicler says, restored, in extent 
at least, the empire of his great-grandfather, Charlemagne. 

'Wendels89]^t.e. the Mediterranean, as often in Orosius, t.g. pp. S 
10, 12, &c., where the Latin has 'mare nostrum.' The 'realm beyond 
that sea ' means Italy. 

liidwiccimn] Note the vv II. For a legend as to the origin of the 
name, o. Nennius, p. 21, note ; S. C. S. iii. 96. The first part of the word is 
identical with that of the Latin ' Letama,* Welsh ' liydaw * «= Armorica. 

se Oarl, 70.] A reference to the pedigree will make the remainder 
of this passage quite clear. 

pp. 80, 81. ]I7 iloan geare . . . Marinas*] His gift of the ' lignum 
Domini ' has been mentioned, 883 E. For this and his other benefits to 
the English, cf. liebermann, p. 232 ; K. C. D. iv. 176. It ia probahly 
these benefits which form the basis of the epithet 'Se goda.' He died 
in 884, after a short reign of less than a year and a half, Diimmler, « «• 
ed. 1, pp. 216, 217, 247 ; ed. 2, pp. 214, 215, 217, 245. 

of the 


Death of 



886] NOTES 99 

886*. gelende] The original meaning, ' to come to land/ is preeenred * gelendan. 
in JSUfxie'B Grammar, cited by Bosworth-Toller : ' ic gelende mid Bcipe, 
applico* Hence it means, as here, simply to go, proceed ; cf. Oros. p. 56 : 
' hi ham gelendon ' ; p. 166 : ' )>a gelende he ... to anre o^rre byrig.' 
The meaning of this movement from east to west, is that the Danes left Movement 
Lonvain, where they spent the winter 884-885, and entered the Seine and ^^^^^. 
captured Rouen in July, 885, and wintered on the Seine 885-886 ; cf. ^^^^^^ 
DOmmler, u, «. ed. i, p. 249 ; ed. a, p. 247. west. 

geaette . . . liundenburg, 70.] This winning back of London, the Winning 
headship of which seems clearly recognised, was a very important stage in back of 
the progress of the national cause against the Danes (cf. R W. i. 345), ^'^^^^' 
and is probably to be connected with the document known as ' Alfred's 
and Guthrum's Peace ' (Thorpe, Ancient Laws, i. 15a ff. ; Schmid, pp. 106 
ff.), whereby the boundaries fixed by the original peace of Wedmore (with 
which this document is often wrongly identified) were materially altered 
in Alfred's favour; see Green, C. £. pp. 11 a, 148-154. I cannot feel the 
difficulties which Prof. Earle finds in this annal. Alfred having recovered 
London occupied it (' gesette *). This conspicuous success made him the 
natural head of all who were not actually under Danish domination. 
Ultimately Alfred entrusted the city to Ethelred, alderman or ' lord * {infra^ London on- 
911 C, i. 96; ct F. N. C. i. 563-565) of the Mercians, husband of his ^^J** 
daughter ^thelflaed, the &mous ' lady of the Mercians.* On the death of ^^ icercia. 
Ethelred, King Edward resumed possession of London and its attendant Edward 
diatrictfl, 91a A. Nor can I think with Prof. Earle that any distinction is resumes it. 
meant between ' Lunden ' and * Lundenburh ' in the Chron. (Steenstrup, 
Vik. p. 77, while endorsing Earle*s suggestion, gives no additional proof.) 
In any case, this is not the beginning of the latter. We have had it already 
in 851 and 873 ; indeed, we find * Lundenburh ' as early as 457 ; and though 
the redaction of these early entries belongs to a time relatively late (v. Intro- 
duction, % 107), the use <of the phrase in a passage referring to such early 
times dearly shows that it was not felt as a thing of recent origin. The 
statement of Ethelw. and H. H. (amplified in R. W. u. «.) that Alfred The re- 
beaiflged ' obndeo ' London may be due, as Earle thinks, to a misunder- ^^^ ^ 
standing of the Chron. ('bessst' for 'gesette'); but in itself it is not^f^giog^. 
improbable ; we have seen that Ethelwerd sometimes has good additions 
of his own; and it is confirmed both by Gaimar, who says of Alfred, 
rr. 3369 ff. : 

' Loinz e pres tuz ad mand^ 

Mult grant efforz ad asembU, 

A Londres vint, si Tasegat ; 

Tant i estu ke prise Tad' ; 
^nA also by a litUe^noticed passage in Fl. Wig., which is quite independent 
of tlie language of the Chron. : ' Dani . . . Ceolwlfo [Burhedi] ndnistro 
regnam Merciomm cnstodiendum ail tempus oommisere [874]; uerum 

H 2 





D»te of 
death un- 

Siege of 
Paris by the 


of the 

triennii tempore completo [877], partem illius inter se diuisere, partem 
autem illi dedere . . . qui ultimas regum Merciomm extitit. Post coius 
mortem, . . . ifUfredus, ut exercitum . . . Danorum luo de regno 
[Wessex] penitos ezpoletit, strenutiate sua Lundoniam oum drcimua- 
centibus terria reoaperauit, et partem regni Mercioriun, quam Geolwlfos 
habuit, aoquisiuit/ i. 267. The words italicised imply that Alfred had 
to employ force for the recovery of London, &o. Florence is, however, 
wrong if he means that the recovery of London and the acqaisition 
of Cedwulf 8 Mercia by Alfred were made simultaneously. The latter 
had been already ceded by the treaty of Wedmoro in 878, Green, C.'R 
p. 112, and as early as 880 Alfred had made Ethelred, the husband of his 
daughter ^thelflsd, alderman of English Mercia, K. C. D. No. 311; 
Birch, No. 547 (Ethelred had previously held a similar position under 
Burgred, K. C. D. No. 304 ; Birch, No. 537). Strictly taken, Florence 
only says that both events took place after the death of Geolwulf ; un- 
fortunately we do not know when this was. The last mention of him was 
in 877. It is quite possible that he died 877 x 878, and that this &ciU- 
tated the cession of his district under the peace of Wedmore. (The 
statement of Lib. de Hyda, p. 48, that Alfred reUdned London under the 
peace of Wedmore, and that Guthrum's districts were granted him 'ad 
habitandum et non ad regnandum/ is an obvious misstatement made with 
the view of concealing the extent of Alfred's losses.) Anyhow, this passage 
of Florence is a striking confirmation of Mr. Green*s view that the divisicm 
between English and Danish Mercia dates from 877 (see on that annal), 
though Mr. Green himself overlooked the passage in question. 

887*. Her for se here . . . Oariei] It was during the winter ■ojoam 
of the Danes on the Seine, 885-886 (see above on 886), that the famous siege 
of Paris was commenced, which lasted from November, 885, to November, 
886. In the latter month the siege was nused by the Emperor Charles 
the Fat, but only by means of a very discreditable treaty with the 
invadei-s, whereby among other articles they were allowed to spend the 
winter of 886-887 in Burgundy, Dummler, u. «. ed. i, pp. 260-275 ; ed. 2, 
pp. 359-273. In May, 887, they reappeared in the neighbourhood of Paris, 
and made their way to Gh^-sur-Mame, as here described. It was 
largely the failure of the Emperor in regard to Paris which brought about 
his deposition. Hermann, in hin Mirac. S. Edm., alluding to this siege, 
says of Paris : * qui locus uemat ut Domini paradysus in omni re,* 
Liebermann, p. 231. 

Oariei, A ; Oasiei, E] Ingram says that the original name was Casa 
Regia, and that this accounts for the two forms in the Ohron. I cannot, 
however, verify his statement ; the only Latin forms which I have found 
are Casiagum and Gasiacum, Bouquet, v. 748 ; viii. 547. 

7 pa ssston para 7 innan lonan . . . stedoin. A] The later MSS., not under- 
standing the construction and the facts, have wrongly omitted the * and* 

888] NOTES lOi 

before < izman.* The facts are these : during the winter of 887-888 the 
headquarters of the Danes were at Ch^zy ; for the winter qf 888-889 ^^®J 
removed to another tributary of the Seine, the Loing, which enters the 
Seine a little below the junction of the latter with the Yonne. This is 
the sojourn ' within Yonne * ; and the two winters during which they 
' sat there {viz. at Ch^zy) cmd within Yonne' are the winters of 887-889 ; 
cf. Dfimmler, u. «. ed. i» pp. 344 ff. ; ed. 2, pp. 345 ff. 

)»7 iloan geare . . . sst pam rioe] The former statement is not quite Death of 
true, Charles did not die till January, 888. His deposition was Novem- Charles the 
ber, 887. See on it Dtimmler, u. #. ed. i, pp. 286 ff. ; ed. a, pp. 287 ff. ^*- 

)NBt wsea . . . gejMhftinge] This is true only in the sense that Amulf 
found it ultimately expedient to consent to the arrangement. But at first 
he hoped to unite all the Frankish dominions in his own hands. 

on fiedren healfe] Cf. Oros. p. 114: ' ^a >rie gebroffor nieron na 
Philippose gemedren, ac wteron gefaederen.* 

baton him anum] And even he was only a bastard slip, being an 
illegitimate son of Cnrloman, the brother of Charles the Fat. 

Bo^ulf ... to pflsm middel rioe] This is Rudolf, Count of Upper or Budolf, 
Transjurane Burgundy. It was in fact, as the chronicler hints, an attempt Count of 
to restore the old Middle Kingdom. It only lasted for a short time, BarKunily 
Dummler, u, «. ed. i, pp. 317 ff. ; ed. 2, pp. 318 ff. 

6da to pssm west dsele] This is Odo, or Eudes, Count of Paris. He Odo, Count 
had been tibe soul of the defence of Paris during the great siege, after the ^^ Paris. 
death of the heroic Bishop Gozlin, Dummler, u. «. ed. i and 2, pp. 315 ff. 

Beom gsr] This is Berengar, Margrave of Friuli. He was crowned at Berengar 
Pavia, Jan., 888. <>^ *^^^»- 

lKri)>a] This is Guide, Duke of Spoleto. At first he attempted to com- Gnido, 
pete with Odo for the crown of the Western Kingdom ; but failing in this, § ^^f!^^ 
he returned to contend with Berengar for the Italian crown. The ' tu 
folc gefeoht ' are probably the battles of Brescia, Autumn, 888, in which 
Berengar was victorious ; and that of the Trebbia, Spring, 889, in which 
he was completely defeated, Diimmler, u. 9, ed. i, pp. 31 3 ff* ^4 ^-t 3^3 ^* i 
ed. a, pp. 314 ff., 325 ff., 365 ff. It is curious that Dummler, who con- 
staoily cites Asser and Ethelwerd, hardly ever quotes the Chronicle, 
from which both are derived. 

Long beardna londe] ' Gallie . . . !« mon nu hiet Long beardas ' (t. e. 
Gallia Cisalpina), Oros. p. 180; cf. \b, 192. 

on )>a healfe mantes] Cf. Oros. p. 184: <iegOer ge Gallie be su)>an 
muntnm ge Gallie be norj^an muntum.' 

JS2]»elhelm aldormon] ' Comes Wiltunensium,' Asser, p. 491. 

pp. 82, 88. 88^*. 2B)>elswip ouen] Ex-queen of Mercia ; wife of Death of 
Burgred ; see on 853, 874. A ring found near Aberford, in Yorkshire, ^^^' 
bears the inscription *EA©ELSVI© REGINA,' HUbner. Inscr. Brit. 
Christ., No. 234. D, £, by inserting the words ' 7 heo * before ' foiiSferde,* 




Death of 



imply that she accompanied the mission which took Alfred's alms, 
which the reading of A, B, C leaves indeterminate. S. D. iL 91, and 
Gaimar, w. 5531 ff., foUow D, E. According to R. W. i. 355, she died 
' in habitu religionis.' Fl. Wig., with MS. G, places all these events in 
889, which is certainly right for the death of Archbishop Ethelnd 
(June 30), Stabbs, Ep. Suoc. p. la ; ed. 2, p. 22. R. W. places iEthel- 
swith's death under 890, the death of Ethelred and the sending of the 
alms in 889. He also says that alms were sent to Jerusalem as well ss 
to Rome. This is perhaps due to the Ghron., 883, where MSS. B and C 
read 'ludea' for 'India.' 

JS2]>elwold aldormon] Of Kent, Ethelw. p. 517. 

890*. Beomhelm a^] Of Saint Augustine's, Thorn, c. 1777. 

G-odrum . . . Mpelstaxi] On him, see above, 878, 886. According to 
ASN. he was buried ' in uilla regia quae uocatur Headleaga [Hadlei^, 
Suffolk] apud Orientales Anglos.* Gaimar says that he was bnzied at 
Thetford, v, 3383. On his successor, see below, 905 A. 

se nor)>ema oyning] This description of Guthrum may be connected, 
as Schmid suggests, G«setze, p. Ixv, with the ' North ' in * North-folk.* 
S. D.*s phrase * rez Nortfaanhymbrorum,* ii. 91, is commonly treated as 
a mere mistranslation of this ; and a farther development of the error is 
found in W. M., when he says that at the treaty of Wedmore, ' datae sunt 
ei [Guthrum] prouinciae Orientalium Anglorum et Northanhimbronmi,* 
i. 126 ; Schmid, u. s, p. mix. On the other hand, S. D. himself says 
tha: there was an interregnum in Northumbria from 878 to 883, after 
which Guthred was set up, who, if he existed at aU, was probably of 
Danish blood, v. 8. p. 85. It cannot, therefore, be pronounced impossible that 
Northumbria may have been ceded to Guthrum at Wedmore, the vacancy 
there facilitating the transfer, just as the possible death of Ce<^wulf abcmt 
the same time may have facilitated the transfer of his part of Merda to 
Alfred ; see above on 867, 878, and 886, and cf. Lib. de Hyda, p. 4S. 
Ethel werd caUs him 'rex Borealium Anglorum'; and in spite of hie 
baptism dismisses him below : * Oreo tradit spiramen,' p. 517 0. 

Sont lisudan] * 890. Sancti Laudi castrum, interfectis habitatoribn», 
funditus terrae ooaequatnm,' Gesta Nermann. ; Bouquet, viii. 97 ; Dummler, 
«. «. ed. I, p. 345 ; ed. 2, p. 346. 

Brettum] * Armorica,' Fl. Wig. i. 108. 

on ane ea] The Yire, Pauli, Pertz, xiii. 107; the Blavet, Dttinmler, 
doubtfully, «. «. ed. i and 2, p. 346. The former seems more probable. 
Archbishop Plegemund, a, E] He was a Mercian, Asser, p. 487. English Merci» 
Plegmund. jj^ intellectually suffered less than some other parts of England, G. C. E. 
pp. T56, 157. n. Wig. speaks of Plegmund as * Uteris nobiliter instrnoittf/ 
and places his accession in 889, i. 108. Alfred mentions him among hit 
instructors in the preface to the Cura Pastoralis, pp. 6, 7 ; cf. G. P. p. 20 : 
' magister Elfredi regis.' There are some curious letters frx>m Fnlk, Arch- 

Danes and 

S91] NOTES 103 

bishop of Rheims, to Alfired, complimenting him on Plegmund's appoint- 
ment ; and to Plegmund himself, complimenting him on his BtadieSi Flo- 
doard. Hist. Eocl. Bemensis, Pertz, xiii. 566-568, cited W. M. II. xlvii- 
For an examination of the famous story of the letter of Pope Formosus Alleged 
to Pl^fmnnd, and of the simultaneous consecration of seven bishops by p ^'J'^ 
Plegmund, see Stubbs, Ep. Succ. p. 13 ; ed. 2, p. 23 ; G. P. pp. 59-61 ; j^^^ ^ 
W. M. i. 140 ; II. Iv ff. In 908 he consecrated the tower of the New him. 
Minster at Winchester, and went to Rome with the English alms, Ethelw. 
p. 519. By a purely mechanical mistake a enters his death under 
Dcooozxin instead of under Dococxmi ; but it is a curious mistake for 
a Canterbury scribe ; see Fl. Wig. i. 123 ; Stubbs, Ep. Suoc. p. 12 ; ed. 2, 
p. 22. 

801 A] C and I), followed by Fl. Wig., date this annal 892 ; E alone 
omits it altogether. 

Bamnlf . . . gefeaht] There were two great battles between the Franks Battles 
and Danes in 891 ; the former, June 26, on the Geul, which flows into ^^^^Sf^ |_ 
the Maas or Meuse a few miles below Maastricht, in which the Franks, in and Danes. 
the absence of Amulf, were defeated ; the latter on the Dyle, Nov. i, in 
which Amulf won a brilliant victoiy, Dflmmleri u. «. ed. i. pp. 346 ff. ; ed. 2, 
pp. 348 ff. It fireed the interior of Grermany for ever from the invasions of 
the Northmen, Thorpe, cid loc,, citing Depping^ Exp^tions Maritimes 
des Nonnands, ii. 35. 

rsde here] Gf. Oros. p. 154 : * ge on gauge here, ge on nede here, geon 
scip here * ; so ' feOe here * and ' nede here ' occur in juxtaposition, id. 124 ; 
cf. the note on ' se gehorsoda here/ above, p. 9^1. 

BsBgemm] Bavarians ; cf. Oros. p. 16. Dtimmler, however, says : ' gerade The 
die Baiem gar keinen Antheil [nahmen] an dem Kampfe,' ed. I and 2, Bavarians, 
p. 350. The mention of the Saxons is aiso wrong according to him, tb. note. 

Jnrie Bcottaa] <.s. Irish; cf. Bede, II. 11, 12. This incident is 
thoroughly characteristic and genuine. On the love of the Irish for 
pilgrimage and missionary labour, see Bede, II. 76, 170; though the 
tooching anecdote in Adamnan, Vit. Col. i. 48, shows that they were not Irish 
in their self-imposed exile exempt from the pains of home-sickness ; cf. ^^^• 
G. P. p. 337 : ' per^[rini triste reficis oorculum.* Not only on the Con- 
tinent and in Britain, and the islands adjacent to Ireland and Britain, but 
in the distant Faroes and Iceland, we find these Irish exiles, many of 
whom were slain or forced to seek securer shelters by the Scandinavian 
marftuders, Landnimab^c, Prologue; Z. K. B.i. 231 ; ii. 216. Some of 
the expressions in this annal are well illustrated by the language in which 
the Anglo-Saxon Bede speaks of some of these voluntazy exiles to and 
firom Ireland : ' in Hibemia for heofona rices lufan in el^nodignesse lifde,' 
p. 290 (of Egbert) ; ' he wolde for Grodes noman in el)>eodignesse lifian * 11 1 • 
(of Fnna), p. 210 ; cf. ib, pp. 242, 332. But naturally it is in the Irish jrigh 
Segas, especially the class called ' Imrama * or Voyages, of which the one best literature. 


known V) English readen is the Voyage of Maelduin, and in the lives of 
IriBh SaintB that we find the oloeest parallels ; the desire for exile, the self- 
abandonment (as they deemed it) to the will of Grod involyed in commiUing 
themselves to the deep ina frail skin-ooveredcoraole without oarage or steerage 
(' ger^^ ' includes both, the steering being done by an oar at the stern of 
the boat ; see e. g. the pictures in Yule*s Marco Polo, i. 1 1 1 ; Conybeare 
and HowBon's St. Paul, ii. 371, 372, 380, 415) ; the slender proTision of 
food for the voyage ; all these points are illustrated in the following 
extracts. Three young Irish clerics set out on pilgrimage : ' ni rucad and 
do loon for muir acht teora bargin. ... In anmain Christ tra lecam sr 
r^hna tian isamuir, 7 foncerddam illeth ar tigemai/ 'they took as provisios 
on the sea only three loaves. ... In the name of Christ let us throw our 
oars away into the sea, and let us commend ourselves to our Lord/ LL. 
283*; cf. Z. K. B. ii. 13a. So Maelduin: Meicid in noi ina tost oen 
imram, 7 an leth bus m1 do Dia a brith, beraid/ 'leave the boat alone 
without rowing, and whither God wills it to be borne he will bear it/ 
Rev. Celt. ix. 46a ; cf. i&. x. 86. St. Brendan : ' Mittite intus omnes 
remiges et gubemacula, tantum dimittite uela extensa, et faciat Dens 
sicut unit de semis suis/ Peregrinatio, p. 7. Other good parallels in Bev. 
Celt. ix. 18 ; ziv. 18, 38, 40 ; Cambro-Biit. Saints, p. -356 ; and the legend 
of Sceaf in W. M. i. lai. Sometimes thli plan was adopted as a sort of 
The judge- ordeal, the judgement of the accused being left (as it was conceived) U^ 
?^^ ^^ God. Thus the men of Boss murdered their chief Fiacha ; his brother 
Donnchad was about to put them to death, but St. Columba advised him 
' sesca lanamna do chor dib isan fairrge, 7 co rucad Dia a breith forro,* ' U* 
put sixty couples of them to sea, and let God give judgement upon 
them,' Rev. Celt. xiv. 16 ; cf. i&. 44. So when the pregnancy of Stw Keo- 
tigem*s mother was discovered, and doubts were entertained as to her 
virtue : ' decemitur ut muliercula ilia grauida sola in nauicula posts, 
pelago exponeretur; . . . ibique eam solam paruissimo lembo de cocio. 
imta morem ScoUorum confecto, impositam sine omni remigio fortunt 
committunt,* N. & K. p. 167 ; cf. ib. 249, 350 ; B. W. i. 306 (a Scandinavian 
legend). So too it was resorted to as a means of getting rid of inconvenient 
persons without actual blood-shedding. Mothla, King of Ciarndge, had 
a nephew, Ciar Cuircheach (t. e. Ciar of the Coracle), whose claims were 
dangerous to him : * dochuired a curach snshluaisti for muir,* ' he was put 
to sea in a coracle with a single paddle,' Lismore Lives, p. 95 (see also 
Punish- below, on 933 £). It was also, however, a well-recognised punishment for 
men t of the the guilty; so much so that Cormac*s Glossary derives the Irish 'cimbid/ 
^^^^^y- «a prisoner,' from the Latin cymba (I), Corm. Trans, p. 3a ; cf. Vita Tri- 

partita, pp. olxxiv, a a a, aa8: 'ait Patridus : non possum iudicare, sed^ 
Deus iudicabit. Tu . . . egredire ... ad mare, . . . et postquam peraeniaf> 
ad mare, conliga pedes tuos compede ferreo, et proiece clauim eius in mare, 
et mitte te in nauim unius pellis absque gubemaculo, et absque remo, et 

893] NOTES 105 

quoeamqne te dazerit nentuB et mare esto parmtns.* A dead body was 
iometiraea treated in the same way. Hardy, Cat. i. 155. Sometime! the Skin- 
boat is of three hides ; so Rev. Celt. ix. 458 ; xiv. 38, 54 ; Hardy, Cat. I. ^^J^ 
xzzii, note ; sometimes, as in the above passage from Vit. Trip., it is only 
of one ; of. Bev. Gelt. z. 84 ; Conn. Trans, p. 3a. By a transference of 
Irish ideas to classical myths, the infant Jupiter, when concealed from 
Cronus, is represented as placed 'i ourach oen seiobed for srath Nil 7 
g^nr blicht cengalta isin churuch,' Mn a oorade of a single hide on the 
liver Nile, and a milch goat tied in the comde,* LL. 217*. A yet higher 
degree of the marvellous is reached when Celtic saints embark successfully 
in oorades without any oovering of skin at all, Lisroore lives, pp. 71, 
340 ; F^lire, Deo. 8; N. & K. p. 153 ; Mart. Doneg. p. 83; Cambro.-Brit. 
Saints, p. 186 ; Hardy, Cat. I. xzxii, note. 

of Hibemia] Note how F alters this into 'of Yrlande,' note 5 ; cf IreUnd. 
Adam Brem. : ' Hybemia Scotorum patria, quae nunc Irland dicitur/ 
Fertx, vii 37a. 

pus hie wseron genemnde, 70.] I have not been able to identify any Names of 
of the three ' Soots,* though the names are not common. There is only the three 
one Maelinmhain in the F. M. 953, and only three Dubhslaines, 878, 1003, ^^^■ 
1034. Macbeth, though a &mous, is not a common name. The Irish 
names throughout are given most correctly by B. Ethelwerd also is fairly 
correct, though he has developed the story strongly in a mythical direc- 
tion* R. W. calls it openly a miracle, i. 355. H. H. and ASN. omit 
the incident. Asser tells how Alfred's liberality to churches extended to 
Ireland, p. 496. 

Swifiieh] Irish Suibhne. This name is commoner, and has given us Suibhne. 
the modem surname Mac Sweeny. The person meant is Suibhne mac 
Maelumha, anchorite and scribe of Clonmacnoise, whose death is entered 
in Ann. Ult and Brut y I^wys. under 890 (» 891), and in F. M. under 
887. His tombstone at Clonmacnoise is figured in Petrie's Round Towers, 
p. 328. F Lat. is of course wrong in making him come to England with 
the other three Scots, though Dr. Petrie (probably independently) makes 
the same mistake, «.«. p. 337. 

At this point, after writing the number 893 ready for the next annal, End of the 
ends the first hand in S.. The next scribe, however, found something more ^^ hand 
to add, for though he omitted to cross out the numeral, the words '^ ylcan 
geare 'show that the events all belong to one year ; cf. Introduction, § 13. 

spieowda se ateorra» 70. J Cf. Bede, p. 476 : ' eteowdon twegen steorran Comot. 
. • • ^ syndon on bocum cometa nemde . . . stod se leoma him of, swilce 
fyrenpeoele * ; cf. infra, 1066. ASN. place the comet in 891 ; so two 
foreign chronicles in Pertz, i. 5a ; iii. 3 ; a third places it in 893, Bouquet, 
viii. 351. On the significance of comets, of. Bede, II. 333, 333, 338. 

pp. 84, 85. 898 A, 802 £. to Bunnan] Gaimar makes them embark 
at Cherbonig, which seems much less likely, v. 3411. 




of theooaat 





Death of 
of York. 

on Iiimene mu)>an] The confignration of the coast lands of Kent antl 
Sussex has changed considerably since the ninth century, and there vi 
now no river which would admit the passage of the Danish ships. Bat 
there is evidence, both geological and documentary (K. C. D. Nos. 47, 
334 ; Birch, Nos. 98, 411), that formerly a considerable river ran from 
about Hythe in the direction of Appledore (Apultreo, M. Wig.), Mowing 
approximately the line of the modem military canal. The clearing of 
the ' mickle wood called Andred,* causing the shrinkage of the riverB, has 
combined with the action of tides and storms in silting up harbours and 
blocking river mouths, to bring about the change. Graimar says exprasily: 
' Cel ewe Xinmiene e bien parfund,* v. 3416. 

]>e we Andred hatatS] 'quae uocata est Andredeeweald/ A8N. In 
1018 Cnut grants to ArchbiMbop ^l&tan (or Lifing) : 'quoddam sUaule 
. . . nemus fiunosa in silua Andredeswealde, quod uu%o dldtar Haeselenc,* 
Ordnance Survey Facs. III. 39. 

seo ea . . . liS] For this use of ' licgan * to indicate the direction of 
a road, river, &c., cf . ' Seo Wisle litS tit of Weonod lande 7 119 in Estmere 
... 7 )x>nne . . . ligeV of ]xem mere ... on se/ Oros. p. ao. Prof. 
Earle cites an extract from a Copenhagen MS. (communicated in Archaeo- 
logical JoiUmal, 1859) : ' Se >e biO of earde and feor of his cyOOe, hn nueg he 
ham cuman gif he nele leomian hu se weg lioge ))e liO to his cy89e f • 
He who is absent from his land and far from his people, how can he get 
home if he will not learn how the way lies that goes to his country ! * 

f[8B8t]enne] It is. curious that two MSS. so far apart as A and £(<) 
should independently have made the same mistake * fenne/ ^fisenne,* for 
' fiBBStenne ' ; yet the agreement of B, C, D, the Latin chroniclers, and Uie 
context all show that the latter is right. 

69t Middeltune] ' Non multo post fecit aliimi in Aquilonali parte 
Tamensis in loco qui dicitur Beanfleot,* ASN. Thb is taken from the next 
annal, i. 86 m., and is added here to make the course of events dearer. 

Hio obiit "Wulfhere . . . arohiepisoopus, E] The date given by E for 
the death of Wulfhere of York, 892 (895, B. W. i. 361), agrees with S. D. 
ii. 9a, 119, where it is said that be died in the thirty-ninth year of hii 
episcopate. This would place his accession in 853 x 854. So would the 
different computation of Simeon in his letter on the Archbishope of Yor^, 
where he says that Wulfhere died in 900, in the forty-seventh year of hii 
episcopate, i. aa5. With this practically agree the Ann. lindisf., whi<^ 
being often a year or two behind the correct chronology, give 85 a for hi« 
consecration and 898 for his death. His predecessor, Wigmund, died in 
the sixteenth year of his episcopate, S. D. i. 324. If he was consecrated 
in 837 (Stubbs, £p. Succ. pp. ii, 180; ed. 2, pp. 20, 242) his death would 
fall 852 X 853. Dr. Stubbs, «. «., accepts 854 and 900 as the dates of 
Wulfhere*s accession and death respectively. He received the paUinm in 
854, S. D. ii. 71, 100. While the Danes were ravaging York in 867 he 

894] NOTES 107 

fled to Addinghun in Wharfedale, i. 235. He was expelled with King 
Egbert in 87a, bat restored on his death in 873, i. 56 ; ii. no ; see above, 
on 867. On the change in the character of E after this point, see Intro- 
duction, §§ 6a, 114, 116. Ethelwerd also changes, ib. § 99. 

884 A] This annal is of great difficulty, owing partly to the number Complex 
and com^exity of the operations related in it, partly to the fact that movements 
several earlier events are alluded to only incidentally in explanation of panes. 
later matters, and it is extremely difficult to arrange things in their due 
chronological order. (Florence has attempted to improve somewhat the 
arrangement of the Chron., but there is no need on this account to sup- 
pose with Mr. Thorpe that he used *a MS. varying considerably from 
thoee BOW extant/ Ethelwerd has some additional partfculars, but 
unfortunately it is very difficult to penetrate the darkness caused by the 
corruption of his text and the confbsions of his own 'puzzle-headed 
rhetoria') The following is offered as a tentative solution. In the pre- 
vione annal (893) it is told how a large force of Danes had crossed from 
Boulogne to the mouth of the Limene, and fortified itself for the winter 
at Appledore. A smaller detachment under Hsesten sailed round to the 
month of the Thames, entered the Swale, and fortified iUelf at Milton. In 
894 Alfred exacts pledges from the Danes of East Anglia and Northnm- 
bria that they will not assist these new invaders. (S. D. represents this 
as a regular annexation of Northumbria and East Anglia: ' Anno 
Dcoczciy . . . mortuo Guthredo, rex Elfredus Northanhumbrorum regnnm 
suaoepit disponendum. . . . Paterno regno . . . et prouinciam Orientalium 
Anglorum, et Northanhymbrorum post Guthredum adiecit,' i. 71 ; cf. on 
867, gmpra. This is of course a gross exaggeration.) But nevertheless 
they 00-operate more or less openly with them in their forays. Alfred 
takes up a position between Uie two Danish camps in order to watch 
them both, and numerous skirmishes take place. Alfred endeavours to 
detach the Danes at Milton by making a separate agreement with them. 
Hc»ien consents ; he is honourably received, his two sons are baptised, 
Alfr^ himself and his son-in-law Ethelred, the great alderman of the 
Mercians, acting as sponsors. But the treaty was only a blind on Hses- 
ten's part. (80R. W. : * Hasteinus . . . cogitauit quo ordine regem . . . 
deciperet,* i. 358 ; in other respecte R. W. is very confused.) Hiesten 
croeses to Benfleet in Essex, and throws up a fortification there, and 
begins to ravage, after sending. word to the Danes at Appledore to let 
their ships sail round and join him, while they themselves break out in 
foroe, and marching through Surrey, Hants, and Berks, cross the upper 
Thames, and then, turning eastwards, regain their ships at Benfleet. But 
before they oould reach the Thames they were overtaken (perhaps in 
consequence of the enormous booty with which they were laden) by a 
divisian of the fyrd [under Alfred's son Edward] at Famham, defeated, 
and driven in confusion across the Thames and up the Hertfordshire 


Colne, where they took refage in an island [called Thomey], and wen 
there besieged. Jnst at this crisiB the term of servioe of Edward's 
diviBion of the fyrd expired, their provisions were exhausted, and they 
abandoned the siege. Alfred was on his way with a fresh division of 
the fjrrd to relieve them, when he heard that two fleets raised by the 
Northumbrian and East Anglian Danes were besieging Exeter and an 
unnamed place on the north coast of Devon. He at once turned west, 
detaching, however, a small body [under Edward] to watch the Danes [at 
Thomey]. These were still there, having been unable to avail themselves 
of the absence of the fyrd, owing to the state of their chief, who had been 
wounded in the battle of Famham. [Edward, with the help of a force 
from London, under Ethelred, oompels them to submit and give hostsges, 
and they march off to Essex], and reach Benfleet, where Hssten (taking 
advantage, perhaps, of Ethelred's absence on the Colne) was again harrying 
the English part of Essex ; v. s. HJere their former assailants, having 
received reinforcements on their way at London and from the west 
attacked them in Haesten's absence, carried the fort, captured or de* 
stroyed the ships, and made prisoners of Haesten's wife and sons. These 
last were sent to Alfred, who chivalrously released them. The defeated 
Danes fell back on Shoebury, where they were joined by Hsesten [after 
he had first repaired the fort at Benfleet, ASN.], and by reinforoementf 
from East Anglia and Northumbria, and threw up a fresh fortifica- 
tion. (Meanwhile Alfred had compelled the besiegers of Exeter to retire 
to their ships.) The combined Danes from Shoebury make a dsah up 
the Thames to the Severn, and thence up the Severn, but are defeated 
at Buttington by a general levy under the three aldermen, Ethelred oi 
Mercia, uEthelnoth of Somerset (Ethelwerd, p. 5x5), and ^thelhelm 
of Wilts, and retire to Essex. They receive large reinforcements from 
Northumbria and East Anglia, and make another dash across England 
to Chester, which they occupy before the fyrd can overtake them 
The above sketch does justice, I believe, to all the points mentioned in 
the Chron. The parts taken from Ethelwerd are included in square 
brackets. If I have rightly understood his words they certainly cohere well 
with the rest. Some points of detail in the narrative require notice. 
Movements on paom. east rice geweoro] This has not been mentioned ; it refer* 
of the to the winter quarters of the Danes at liouvain after their defeat on the 

tl^^ConU- ^y^^ ^^ ^9'* '^^ other division under Hsesten wintered at Amiens. 
nent. This was the winter of 891-892, and the crossing to England from Bou- 

logne was in the autumn of 892, DUnmiler, u, s. ed. i, p. 351 ; ed. 2, p. 352 ; 
if this is correct, then here, as in other instances, the chronology of iht- 
Chronicle is a year in advance, and the original numbering in A (ser 
i. 84, note i), with which ASN. agree, would be correct. 
' hlo}^. ' hlo)mm] Above, on 87 1 , we have seen ' hlo]> ' opposed to ' folo gefeoht * . 

cf. *hiehlo<fum on hie staledon,' Oros. p. 100. The size of a 'hlo0' l- 

894] NOTES 109 

defined in Ine's laws, c. 13 § i : ']>e<5fM we hibaS oS vii men, from vii 
hl<S0 o9 XXXV, fliOVan hitS here,* Thorpe, i 1 10 ; Schmid, p. a6. We have also 
the verb ' hlo9ian*; cf. ' hie ofer }K>ne Bee hloi5edon 7 hergedon,' Bede, p. 44. 

on ta tonnmen, 70.] The object of this measore was to give continuity Twofold 
to the military operations against the Danes, and to mitigate the diffionlties division of 
to which a citizen-army is always liable; d Green, C. E. pp. 133-135. *"®*y™' 
That it was not wholly successful the present annal is a proof. Compare 
the description of the Amazons in Orosins : * hie heora here on tu to- 
deldon, o))er set ham beon< [? soeolde] heora lond to healdanne, offer tit 
&ran to winnanne/ p. 46 ; cf. also 1 Kings v. 13, 14, of Solomon's levies 
of labourers to build the Temple. It is by no means impossible that the 
Orosius passage may have suggested the plan to Alfred Wttlker assigns 
the Orosius translation to 891 x 893 ; cf. on 896, if\fra ; and see Intro- 
duction, § 103. 

p. 86. ongean ]>a soipu] ' dassicae manui quam praemiserat obuiare,' 
FL Wig. 

p. 86. mid )Msre scire] i. e. with his division of the fyrd, the division 
whose term of service was now beginning. It has no reference to * shire ' 
as a territorial division. 

ge waldenum dssle] That ' gewalden * means * inconsiderable ' is * gewal- 
thown by the following passage in Oros. : ' hi . . . gewaldenne here . . . ^^^ 
sendon an hergiunge, ... 7 ... 9a hwile mid heora maran fultume . . . 
foron ongean Somnite/ p. 138 ; cf. ib. 192. Florence translates it ' pauds 
. . . relictis/ i. 11 1 ; see the passages cited in Bosworth-ToUer. 

ge on feo, 70.] Cf. 6. G. p. 102. 

p. 87. oumpsBder] ' The Latin " compater," which probably at this date • Compa- 
was still understood in its etymological sense, of the relation subnisting ^^'* 
between two men who were godfi»thers to the same child, or between a 
PTodfitther and the natural father. (So in the letter of Stephen IV to Car- 
loman, cited above on 853 A.) Alfred and u£0ered were both in this rela- 
tion to Hssten, as appears in the previous sentences. Cf. K. C D. No. 709 : 
*' Eadrico meo compatri." The word soon became generalised ; it began and 
ended much as our gossip (Qod sib),' Earle ; c£ ' cummer ' ■■ ' comm^re.' 

o)>]>8Bt hie gedydon set Bssfeme] The object of this dash across The Danes 
England was probably to co-operate with the Danish fleet at Exeter. ^ ^^® 
This was doubly frustrated ; (i) by the fact that the three aldermen over- ^^^^^ 
took and defeated this body of Danes on the Severn; (a) by the £sct 
that the Danes at Exeter were held in check by Alfred ; see Taylor, The 
Danes in Gloucestershire, pp. 16-18; supplemented by an interesting 
letter of Mr. Taylor to myself. 

B'oilS'Wealcynnes] It is interesting to find the Welsh taking part Welsh 

against the invaders. Contrast on 835. The Welsh annals tell of their ^^jTj^*^* 

ravages. Brut y Tywys., 894 ; Ann. Camb. 895. "^ 

ast Batting tone] Mr. Taylor, «.i., follows Dr. Omierod in fixing this Butting- 


at Battington Tamp in Tidenham, at the junction of the Wye and 
Severn, Vhich certainly answers the conditions admirably. Thai the 
river on the two sides of which the English forces encamped wonld be the 
Wye, and not the Severn. 
The Danes mete Ueste] Cf. '>eet hie . . . o])er sceoldon, oype for metelieste keor 
starvedont. ^f alatan, o>J)e Somnitrau on hand gitn/ Oros. p, lao ; cf. ib. 168. 

hungre aowolen] Cf. ib. 168: *Hanibal . . . besaet Sagnntum . . . 
op he hie ealle hungre acweaide.' 
Chester. p. 88. westre oeastre] Deva was the station of the twentieth legion 

' victrix/ M. H. B. p. xzi. ; hence its name < Legaceaster,' ' Legionis 
castra.' Its desolation probably dated from the battle of Chester ; r. 
Bede, H. £. ii. 2, and notes. From this epithet 'west* = < waste' oosnes 
the name ' Westchester,* sometimes griven to Deva. It has nothing to do 
with * west ' as a point of the compass. 
Extreme genamon ceapes eall, 70.] 'Steenstmp, Vik. p. 338, remarks thai this 

measures jg the only recorded instance of Christians destroying the means of life. 
^^^ ® Extreme measures were felt to be necessary. On p. 81 he shows that 
Asser and Ft. Wig., followed by Lappenberg and Pauli, reverse the parts, 
as if it were the Danes who had destroyed the com, &c./ Earle. Here 
the liber de Hyda, p. 50, tells of Alfred a story like that which Aaser 
tells of Ethelred at Ashdown, above, on 871. 
' efenehV.' efenehlSe] In the summer and autumn of 1891 there was a lon^ dis- 
cussion in the Academy on the meaning and etymology of this word, 
which occurs only here. On the whole, the meaning of ' neighboorhood,* 
* neighbouring district,' seems the most probable. 

896 A. pa. foron hie . . . East Engla] ' quoniam propter Meroenses 
repedare per Merciam non audebant/ Fl. Wig. i. 114. 
Bavages of )>a hergodon hie np on StiB Seaxnm] Florence has transferred the 
the Danes account of the ravages of the Danes in Sussex to the previous amud in 
m uasez. Jq^dq^Ji^^ connexion with Alfred*s raimng of the siege of Exeter. 
The Lea P* 89. 896 A. worfaton ISa tii geweoro] * Fecit lex aquam Lnye 

blocked. findi in tria brachia,* H. H. p. 150. Steenstrup surmises that the opera- 
tion may have been suggested to Alfred by Orosin^ account of Cyrus and 
the Euphrates, ii. 6 (AS. vers. p. 74) ; Vikinger, p. 83. 

Cwat bryoge] ' There are still Quat and Quatford, respectively 4^ and 
2i miles SSE. of Bridgenortb,' Earle. 
End of 897 A. suB ofer a& foron to Sigene] This was in 896 ; v. Ann. 

Alfred's Vedastini, $. o., and Dttmmler, tt. a. pp. 433, 434. * So ended the last great 
^^^^^Jl^ campaign between Alfred and the Vikings,* Steenstrup, Vik. p. 84. 
Danes. Nasfde se here . . . gebroood] Cf. Alfred*s will, ctd inU. : * >a gelaznp 

^t we ealle on hseVenum folce gebrocude wsron,* K. C. D. Nom. 314, 
1067; Birch, No. 553. 

p. 90. ]>ara selestena oyngea ]>ena] Cf. * mid geBeahte . . . eaira 
minra selostra witena,' E. C. D. vi. aoa. 


'Wvltted . . . Hamtunsoire] Only in A. He Bigns one genuine 
chwter, K. C. D. No. 1065 ; Birch, No. 550. He is not mentioned in 
FL Wig. 

biMK>p »t Boroe oeastre] In consequence of the Danish conquest of See of 
Mercian 874, supra, the see of Leicester had been moved to Doitshester, Dorchester. 
H. k S. iii. 129. This perhaiM explains the difference of phraseology as 
compared with ^bisoop on Hrofiasoeastre ' just above. Swithwulf was 
Bishop of Rochester, but Ealheard was only Bishop <U Dorchester. It 
was not his proper see, and the removal was probably at first regarded 
as only a temporary measure. {On the earlier history of Dorchester as 
a bishop's see, cf. Bede, II. 144, 145, 245, 346.) Cf. O. P. pp. 402, 403, 
where Sexhelm is called ' episcopus Saneti Cuthberti, ' the see being then 
temporarily at Chester-le-Street. I have not been able to find out any- 
thing about any of these worthies. 

hcnrnjiegn] ' Strator regius,* Fl. Wig. i. 115. 

fia gilSimgnestan (wltan)] Cf. Alfred's laws : * seonoOas . . . haligra *ge9nngen.' 
Uscepa 7 esc ctferra ge]>ungenra witena * ; Ine : ' on ealdormonnes huse 
. . . o^^ on o9re0 gej^ungenes witan,' Thorpe, i. 58, 106 ; Schmid, pp. 
22, 66; cf. 'swae^ewer/ swa ge]>ungen* of Gregory the Great, Bede, 
p. 98 ; i5. 130. 

some fanidon -Ix. aaea] Cf. Crawford Charters, p« 23 : * aenne scegO Iziiii 
ere,' where the last word is an adjective » having sixty-four oars. 

nn wealtran] ' minus nutantes,' Fl. Wig. i. 1 15. Professor Earle cites AliVed's 
LongfeUow, The Phantom Ship : "^P*- 

' But Master Lamberton muttered. 
And nnder his breath said he, 
"This ship is so crank and ioalty 
I fear our grave she will be t '* ' 
D's * ontealran ' may be a mere blunder, or it may be for * untealtran.' 
With this description of Alfred's ships compare that of Antony's fleet at 
Aetiom, Oros. p. 246. On Alfred's efforts to create a navy, of. F. N. C. 
i- 55 ; G' C. E. pp. 137, 138. Compare also Charlemagne's similar efforts, 
^nhardi Vita Caroli, oc. 16, 17. 

mid nisonnm] ' Here " nigon " is substantival, and therefore declined ; Knmeral 
so "baton fifnm" below; contrast ''nigon nihtum," 898, infra. The same jpbetan- 
diaiinction holds good to some extent in modem German ; we can say not 
only " vor xwolf (Uhr)," but also " vor den Zwolfen," ' Earle. 

on ater mere] Mn ostium fluminis, cui Uthermare nomen est,* (!) 
R. W. i. 365. 

p. 01. Ilium mon osmges gerefk] ' praepositum regalis exerdtns,' 
H. H. p. 151 ; but 'gerefa ' never implies military position. 

Trieea • . . Triesa] The number of Frisians serving in Alfred's ships Frisians in 
explains a phrase of Asser's refeiring to the contests of 877 : * rex Alfred's 
iBfredos ioBsit cymbas et galeae, id est longas naues iabricari per regnum, ^^^' 


. . . imporitiaqae piraiit in illis nias muiB cnstodiendas oommisit,' | 
p. 479. Till Alfred could baild up a native body of lailon he had to Inre 
foreigners. For FririanB among the earliest Teutonic Bottlers in Bntain, 
cf. F. N. C. i. ai ; S. C. S. i. 115, 231, 237 ; ii. 183, 185 ; iii. 25. 
* cyngoB oynges geneat] The ordinary ' geneat ' seems to have been a rent-and- 

geneat. service-paying tenant, often a mere peasant, almost a serf; ef. SL C. D. 
iii. 450; Birch, No. 928. That the king's 'geneat* held a very much 
higher position is shown both by the special mention here, and by the 
fact that in Ine*« laws, § 19, he has the same wergild as a king's thane, 
viz. 1,300 shillings; and the name geneat (« genosse) suggests a oon- 
nexion with the thanehood in its earlier form of a comitatns or body of 
* gesiSas,*- v. Schmid, Glossary, $. v. geneat. 
'Weaihge- "Wealh gerefSa, B, C, D ; WeaUi gefera. A] Cf. Glossary. In support 
f?!^?^ of his view Prof. Earle cites from a charter freeing land : *a . . - refectione 
j^fg^i illorum hominum quos Saxonice Walhfiereld nominamus,* K. G. D. No. 378 ; 

Birch, No. 489 ; which he takes to be the body of troops patrolling the 
Welsh border, of which the Wealhgefera was the commander. 

898 A. Heahstan . . . bisoop] Fl. Wig. places the death of the Bishop 
of London in 900, i. 1 16, where he calls him (as A) Heahstan. But in the 
list of Bishops, tb. 233, he calls him Ealhstan, as in B, C, D. 
Date of 901^ Her gefor .Sl£red] There is an unfortunate doubt as to the 

^^^'" date of Alfred's death. The length of his reign given by the Chron. 
(38^ years) is inconsistent with its dates for his accession and death, 
April, 871 — October, 901. Perhaps it is for this reason that S. D. placet 
his death in 899, i. 71; ii. 93, i3o. Mr. Stevenson, in an elaborate 
article in the £ng. Hist. Rev. xii. 71 ff., also deddes for 899 on the 
strength of an entry discovered by him in Cotton Vespas. D. xiv. f. 323 v«. 
Mr. Anscombe, Athenaeum, March 13, 1898, thought this entry not incon- 
sistent with 900, but was refuted by Mr. Stevenson, i6. March 19. 900 
is, however, the date given by ASN., and also by Ethelwerd, and this 
is supported by two documents dated : ' Anno dominicae incamationis 
DQCCC9, Indictione III quando Alfred Bex obiit et Eadward . . . regnom 
suscepit,* K. C. D. Nos. 1076, 1077; Birch, Nos. 590, 594. The Indie- 
tion is right. Mr. Stevenson thinks these charters suspicions, but the 
agreement of them with ASN. forms rather strong evidence. Unfor- 
tunately none of Edward's charters give his regnal yean, so that we 
cannot fix from them the date of his accession. Fl. Wig. gives Alfred 
a reign of 39J years ; so S. D. ii. 373. But Mr. Stevenson ingeniomlT 
surmises that this is a mere slip due to overlooking the ' o)irnm ' before 
< healfum,' i. 93 t. FL Wl^r. also gives the day as October 38, instead of 
October 36 (see below on 941 A). But the latter is certainly ri^t, awl 
is oonfinned by the Calendar printed in Hyde Hegister, p. 273 ; of. the 
Historical curious entries of his obit, Hampson, L 395, 416. Even Ethelwerd grovs 
judgem^to ^mple and dignified in the face of this great event : < Magnsaimos 
on Alfred. fa a n/ J T 

90i] NOTES 113 

kftnaiit de mnndo ^fredus rex, Saxonum immobilis Occidentalium postis, 
air iastiti* plenus, aoer in aimifl, sermoxie doetus, diuinis . . . super 
omniA documentiB imbutus . . . Cniiu requiescit urbe in Wintana oorpos 
in pace. Die mode lector " Christe redemptor, animam eiuB salua," ' 
p. 519. He must be a stem Protestant who would refuse to grant Ethel- 
werd's request. Florence gives a fine character of Alfred : ' uiduarum, 
papiUorum, orphanorum, pauperumque prouisor studiosus, poetarum Saxoni- 
oomm peritissimus, suae genti carissimus,' p. 116 ; S. D. ii. 109 (cf. 
' Alfred the King, Englelondes deorling/ Layamon, i. 269 ; * Eoglene 
darling/ Salomon and Saturn, p. 2a6). H. H. bursts into verse, two lines 
of which are vigorous : 

' Si modo ulctor eras, ad crastina bella pauebas, 
Si raodo uictus eras, ad crastina bella parabas,' 
p. 15a ; cf. tb. 171. H. H. makes him the ninth Bretwalda, Edgar being 
the tenth and last, p. 5 a. Orderic says : ' omnes Angliae reges praece* 
dentes et subsequentes excellit,* ii. aoa ; cf. V. liii. We have seen how 
the liber de Hyda calls him 'iste princeps inter mille nominatissimus,* 
p. 39. Ailred calls him * famosissimus et Christianissimus rex,' c. 740 ; 
in the French Life of Edward the Confessor he is 'le roi Anvre, le 
SMnt, le sage,* p. a 8. In a charter of Ethelred's he is ' the wise king,' 
* ae wisa cing Alfred,' K. C. D. iii. ao3. Not the least glorious of his . 
titles is that given him by Asser, p. 471 C : * the truth-teller,' ' .^fredus 
aendjcus' ; cf. Liebermann, p. 332 ; so ASN. p. 1 7a. Gaimar, after noting 
his wisdom and valour, says : * Clerc estait, e bou astronomien,* v. 285 a ; 
cf. «v. 3446 ff. 

The only unfavourable view of Alfred which I have met with is in His alleged 
the Abingdon Chron. : * ^Ifredus . . . mala malis aocumulans, quasi spoliation 
ludas inter xii, uillam in qua coenobium situm est, quae . . . Abbendonia ^^^i. 
appeUatUT) . . . a . . . ooenobio uiolenter abstraxit, uictori Domino pro 
uictoria . . . super Essedune . . . inparem reddens talionem,' i. 50 ; cf. 
ib. ^2, 12^; ii. 2^6. We cannot tell what the rights of the matter may 
be. It is hard to believe that Alfred can have been guilty of deliberate 
wrong. W. H.'s account is as follows : ' Elfredi tempore regis, cum 
barbarica ubique Dani disoursarent petulantia, edifitia lod ad solum 
complaiiAta. Tum rex, malorum praeuentus consiliis, terras, quaecunque 
appeadiees essent, in sues suorumque usus redegit,' G. P. p. 191. It 
may have been some measure dictated by the exigencies of defence. 

Florence distinctly says that he was buried in the New Monastery His burial 
in Winchester, «. 8. W. M. i. 134, 135 (cf. Liber de Hyda, pp. 61, 
62, 76) has preserved a story that he was buried first in the GaUiedral, 
* in episoopatu,' because his monastery was not finished, but was removed 
thither because the drivelling canons said that he * walked ' : < pro delira- 
mento canonioorum dicentinm regies manes resumpto cadauere noctibus 
. . . obenrare. . . . Has sane naenias, sicut ceteras, . . . Angli pene innata 
II. I 




His tomb 

oanoe of 
his reifi^. 

credolitate tenant.' As far m regards the doable burial, and the tniM- 
lation finom the Old to the New Monasteiyi this account is oonfimed by 
the Hyde Bagister, p. 5. When the site of the New Monasteiy waa 
transferred to Hyde, tiie remains of Alfred were translated anew in 11 10. 
They were desecrated and scattered to the winds in 1788, Liber de Hyda, 
pp. xlv f.,. Ixxv ff. From the mins a stone bearing the inscription 
' elfred rex dooolxxxi * was rescued by Mr. Henry Howard, of Corby 
Castle, where it now reposes. For a beautiful squeeze of this stone I am 
Indebted to my cousin, Mrs. H. A. Hills, the present tenant of Corby. The 
date cannot of course be that of Alfred^s death ; it may be a mistake for 
871, the date of his accession. On the significance of Al(red*8 reign and 
work I mflCy perhaps be allowed to quote what I wrote in 1889 : — 

' Alfred holds in real his^ry the place which romance assigns to Arthur; 
a Christian king, — 

' Scarce other than my own ideal knight,' 

who rolls back the tide of heathen conquest from his native land. The 
peace of 878, by which more than half of England passed to the Dane, 
might seem the confession of a disastrous defeat. In reality it la im- 
possible to overestimate what had been gained. Wessez was saved, and in 
saving Wessex Alfred saved England, and in saving Engkmd he aared 
Western Europe from becoming a Scandinavian power. It is true that 
this did not avert later conquest under Swegen and Cnut; but thoogfa 
that conquest gave England for a'time a dynasty of Danish kings, it did 
not make her Scandinavian in the same sense in which the earlier conquests 
would have done, had they been succeesfuL And if Wessex had lost much 
by the Danish inroads ijie had also gained something by them. They 
made her the representative of English national feeling, the one power in 
the island which could boast a royal house of unbroken national deaoent. 
The work of Alfred's suocesson lay in the endeavour to win back and 
incorporate the under-kingdoms which had been ceded to the Danes. But 
the work was only very imperfectly accomplished, when it was more than 
undone by the renewal of the Danish inroads towards the dose of the 
tenth century, which culminated in the election of Cnut as sole King of 
England in 1017 ; ' cf. F. N. C. i. 46 ff. 

On the extinction of the local dynasties, cf. Chron. Ab. i. 37 ; Mon. Ale. 
pp. 371-373 ; H. & S. iii. 510. It may be noted that Alfined is called king 
of the Gewissae by the Wdsh Annals, cf. Bede II. 89 ; and by Ord. Vit. ii. 
3oa. His will is in E. C. D. Noe. 314, 1067 ; Birch, Na 553 ; and elae- 
where. It throws no light on the original place of burial. 

pp. 92, 93. 7 )>a feng Sadweard] 'a primatibus electus,' Ethelw. 
p. 519 B. This distinct statement is important in view of ^thel wold's 
attempt to seize the crown. But, indeed, Edward seems to have been 
associated with Alfred in the government even before the latter's death, for 

of Edward. 

901 ] NOTES 115 

he signs a charter of 898 as ' rex/ K. C. D. No. 576 ; Birch, No. 334. He 
was crowned on Whit-Sunday, Etbelw., tt. s. Ab Alfred died in Oct. this 
mast be the Whitsuntide of the following year. Of Edward, Fl. Wig. 
sftys : ' litterarum oultu patre inferior, sed dignitate, potentia, . . . et gloria 
superior/ i. 117. 

.SSelwald] The sons of Ethelred had been passed over ar minors at Bebellion 
their father's death. One of them now attempted to make good his claim ^^^^^' 
against Edward; cf. F. N. C. i. 56. iEthelwold is mentioned in Alfred's 
will, who leaves him the hams of Godalming, Guildford, and Steyning. 
Ethelwerd the historian was descended from Ethelred, possibly through 
iEthelwold, pp. 499 G, 514 A. 

gerad . . . pad] 'ridan,' to ride, 'geridan,' to get by riding, to surprise; * ridan,' 
so ' winnan/ to fight, ' gewinnan/ to get by fighting, to win. Hence 9^"^^^ 
in modem German this prefix, which indicates aooompUdiment, attainment, 
has become the sign of the past participle. 

Tweozn earn] The more modem form of the name is Twinham. But Christ 
both forms have been supplanted by the name of Christ Church, derived ^^ ' 
from the &mous Abbey. As early as the twelfth century this had become 
the prevailing name : ' quidam locus qui solitario [? solito] uocabulo 
Cristeoeroe, id est Christi ecclesia, uocatur,* G. P. p. 418 ; d Freeman, 
English Towns and Districts, pp. 165 ff. A similar name is ' Bituineum,' 
Twining, Gloucester, K. C. D. No. 203 ; Birch, No. 350 ; cf. ' betwux ]»m 
twaem eaum,* Ores. p. 318. 

Baddanbyrig] ' ad Bathan,' H. H. p. 153 ; he is wrong of course. It Badbnry. 
is Badbury Rings, near Wimbome, Dorset. 

libban . • . liogan] A proverbial expression ; of . ' to tacne ^t hie o)ier * Live * or 
woldon, o8Ve ealle libban, o09e ealle liogean,* Oros. p. 1 38. The phrase * ^^* 
' libbende 7 licgende * is used of live and dead stock, Ancient Laws, 
Thorpe, i 390 ; Sohmid, p. 384 ; so K. C. D. vi. 149. 

hi hine under fengon ... to bugon, D] So B, C ; omitted by A. On .fithelwold 
the difference between the A recension and that of B, C, D in this section ^^^ ^^ 
of the Chronicle, see Introduction, §§ 83, 84 note, 89, 93, 11 3. According ^ ^"' 
to S. D., Osberht, apparently one of the fleeting princes in Northumbria, 
was expelled in the year of Alfred's death, ii. I3i (of. ib. 93, where the 
chronology is different). This may account for the reception of ^thelwold ; 
the Danes may also have hoped to divide the national resistance to them- 
selves (cf. H. H. : * [Daci] nobilitati iuuenis congaudentes,* p. 153). If 
so, their hopes were singularly fiidsified. 

to niinnan. A, D] At Wimbome : ' rex . . . sanotimonialem . . . oaptam Crime of 
iabet ad snom monasterium Winbuman redad,* Fl. Wig. i. 118; cf. the ^^ithelwold. 
cftse of Swegen, son of Godwine, and the abbess of Leominster, 1046 C, infra. 
The eifenoe is one exprenly provided for in the Laws, Thorpe, i 66, 346, 
324 ; il 300 ; Schmid, pp. 74, 174, 333, 370 ; Earle, Charters, p. 331 ; Bliok- 
Hiig Homilies, p. 61. 

X a 





foi4S farde JEpered . . . Alfred oyning] As £thelred'B death b ex- 
pressly dated by reference to that of Alfred, it must be placed in the same 
year, whateyer that may be. 

On thb Chbomoloot of ths Eetgn of Edward the Eldkb. 

Chronology The chronology of the Chronicle for the reign of Edward is extra- 
^.^^*^'* ordinarily complicated and difficult There is (i) the doubt as to the date 
of Edward's accession, v, #. ; (li) the question of the relation of the 
Mercian Register to the main Chronicle ; (iii) the dirergence of three yc*r« 
in the MSS. of the main Chronicle during the years 917, 918 A =914, 
915, B, C, D. The first point has been already discussed. As to the third 
it might seem at first sight more probable that the original of B, C, D 
should wrongly omit three blank annals, than that A should wrongly insert 
them ; and we have seen that the chronological dislocation in the earlier 
part of the Chronicle was caused by a similar omission of blank annAli«. 
But on the other hand, (a) I have in the Introduction, §§ 93, 112, ^ven 
some reasons for believing that the BCD recension of the main Chronicle is 
in this part more original than that of A, and this greater originality may 
extend to the dates as well as to the text of the annals, (b) Fl. Wig. 
agrees with the chronology of BCD ; so much so, that when incorporating 
the annals 919-924, which are quite peculiar to A, he dates them alsi> 
three years earlier, viz. 916-921. Either, therefore, he had a M8. in which 
these amials were so dated ; or, having decided that A in the two pre- 
ceding annals was three years in advance of the true chronology, he applied 
the same correction to the six following years. In the latter case, of coune. 
Florence's dates only represent his own estimate of the conflictiDg evidence. 
If so, I am inclined to agree with him. {c) It would be very easy for the 
scribe of A's original to mistake ' xiiii * for ' xuii,^ then the next scribe 
(or himself) would naturally insert the missing numbers as blank annala. 

As to the second question, the chronological relation of the MR to the 
main Chronicle, we may note that in A we have the latter only ; in BC we 
have both, but separate and uncombined; in D we have an attempt tn 
combine the two, with a farther admixture of a Northumbrian element 
(on which see Introduction, § 70). The Mercian dates in D have, I believe. 
no independent authority, and need no special discussion; where they 
agree with MR, they are taken from it ; where they differ, they rimply 
represent a (not very successful) attempt to accommodate them tn ttie 
chronology of the main Chronicle (MC). The MR deals principally with 
the doings of ^thelflaed ; MC with those of Edward. Hence the p«isnt5 
at which they touch are few in number, and the materials for judging of 
their mutual relations are slight. The points of contact are these : 

Death of EalhBwith,902 MR, 905 MC [probably the battle of the Holme. 903 
MR, is also to be equated with the battle in 905 MC ; see below, pp- 1 23, 1 24] 

Death of Ethelred of Mercia, 911 MR, 91a MC. 




905 c] NOTES 117 

Death of iGthelfled of MeroiSy 918 MR, 933 A (probably to be cor- 

Death of Edwani, 924 MR, 925 MC. Omi^MJU 2fi^£lp(jU%4w9^ t4jO^^^^ " 

Now, either Fl. Wig. had a MS. of MR differing ffom ours, or else from Fl. Wig.'a /IA^^vn 
theie three last instances he made the induction that the chronology *?^*°^^^ft]So 
of MR was always one year behind the true ; for, with the exception of rj'jtjjjia^ 
the battle of the Holme, which he advances by two years (903 to 904% he jTl*^ -^ 

always adds one to the dates of MR^ which he then combines with those ^ 1 j / ^ 

of MC, according to the BCD recension (with the single exception of 
the fortification of Witham, which he advances a year, from 913 to 914). 
Hence his combination is much more systematic than that of D. Whether 
it represents anything more than his own opinion is a question. Two 
other tests of the chronology of MR seem to offer themselves, the lunar 
eclipse of 904, and the comet of 905. But, owing to the occurrence of 
similar phenomena in other years, both are delusive ; see notes a. /. 

£thelwerd and A8N show no trace of the MR (see Introduction, §§ 99, 
100, note). Of these AJ3N is uniformly one year, and Ethel werd two 
yean, behmd the chronology of MC, according to the BCD recension. 

As the two series of entries have little connexion, and it is difficult to 
determine their mutoal relations, it will be best to take them separately, 
beginning with 903-924 MR. 

p. 98. 902 C. EalhBwiO foxISferde] December 5, Hampson, i. 419. Death of 
Her death is entered in MC at the end of 905. FL Wig. adopts 905, Kalhswith. 
and says that she founded the convent of nuns (Nunnaminster) at 
Winchester ; cf. Hyde Reg. pp. 5i 57 ; Nunnaminster Codex, ed. De Gray 
Birch for Hants Records Soc. pp. 5-7. She was mother of Edward and 
widow of Alfred, who married her in 868. According to Asser she was 
laughter of Ethelred, * Gainorum comes,* and her mother, Eadburg, was 
f>f the Mercian royal house. FL Wig. u. «. calls her * religiosa Christi 
f&muia,' which looks a little as if she had ' entered religion ' herHclf after 
Alfred's death. If so, this might account for the fact that her signature 
as < mater regis* does not occur later than 901, K. C. D. No. 333 ; Birch, 
No. 589 ; of. ib. No. 630 ; a fact which otherwise would be in favour of 
the earlier date of 903 for her death. The position of Asser's Gaini is 
not known ; certainly the name has nothing to do with Gainsborough ; see 
Mr. H. Bradley in Academy, June 2, 1894. ' Ethelred Ganniorum Dux * 
•obscribee a spurious charter, K. C. D. No. 332 ; Birch, No. 571. 

^ gefeoht set )>am Holme] See on 905 MC. 

904 C. mona aj^strode] There was an eclipse of the moon in 904, Lunar 
hut aa there were lunar eclipses also in 901, 903, 903, 905, and 907, this eclipses. 
ii not much help in fixing the chronology. 

905 C. oometa] There is evidence for a comet in 905, Pertz, i. 611 ; Comets. 
iL 355 ; iii. 3. But in the first of these entries it is said to have appeared 

in May, whereaa D places its appearance on October 20. In 904 there 


WM a oomet towards the end of the year, and in 906 there was one whidi 
was visible for nearly six months, Pingr^, Com^tographie, i. 353, 355. 
Bestoration p. 94. 907 G] Only in MR. It has not escaped the carefal FL 
of Chester, y/ig^ ; < Ciuitas quae Karlegion Britannice, et Legeoeastre dicitnr Saxomce, 
iuasu iEtheredi dncis et ^gelfledae reetaurata est/ «. «. W. M. has s 
story of Chester rebelling ' fiducia Britonum ' and being reduced jiut 
before Edward's death, i. 144, 145. This may oome from the life of Atiiel- 
stan which- W. M. had before him ; see below. 
Translation 909 G. Oswaldes llo] On the fate of Oswald's relics see notes to Bede, 
°^ fd ^^ ^' ^* '"* "-13- The monastery at Gloucester, to which bis body was now 
^ translated, had been founded by Ethelred and MihelRad in his honour. 

It was closely allied with that of Malmesbury. The monks were dispersed 
by the Danes, and canons substituted. Archbishop Thurstan, when n- 
storing the shrine of St. Oswald, discovered the tombs of the founders in 
the south [? east, v. 918 G, i. 105] *porticus,' W. M. i. 136 ; G. P. p. 293. 
It was granted by William Rufus to the see of York, and the aichbishopM 
sometimes used it as a place of banishment for refractory eodeaiastics. 
At the time of the dissolution of the lesser monasteries Archbishop Lee 
interceded with Thomas Gromwell that it might be spared ; needless to 
say — in vain, Raine's Hexham, i. Appekidix pp. xli f., cxxv £. 
^^elfl»d, 910 G. JEHSeltLmd getimbrede, 70.] This is the first mention by name 
lady of the of Alfred's heroic daughter (* fauor ciuium, pauor hoetium,' W, M. L 136) 
Mercians, ^theiflaed, lady of the Mercians. The Rev. C. S. Taylor ingeniously sug- 
gests that she was named after ^thelflaadrlhe daughter of Oswy, whose 
dedication to the religious life marked Oswy's triumph over the heatiien 
Penda, The Danes in Gloucestershire, pp. 5, 6. The restoration of Chester, 
907 G, was, however, her work, v, note a, I. H. H. says of her : ' haee . . . 
Herrojral tantae potentiae fertur fuisse, ut a quibusdam non solum domina ud 
P^^^^^'^ regina, sed etiam rex uocaretur,' p. 158 (ot the Hungarian: 'moriamur 
pro rege nostro, Maria Theresia/ Carlyle's Frederick, iii. 47a ff. ; Weber, 
Weltgesch. xiii. 17, 18; cf. F. N. C. i. 555, of Elizabeth). On the semi- 
royal position of iGthelflffid and her husband in Mercia, see F. N. G. L 
563-565 ; Green, G. E. pp. 144* 145, where the evidence of the charters 
is collected. To the instances there given may be added the foUowing: 
Ethehred and iSIthelflaed are called ' Myrcna hlafordas,' K. 0. D. Nos. 313, 
339; Birch, Nos. 551, 608; Ethelred is called 'Myrcna hlafotd,* K. 
327 ; B. 582 ; * dux partis regionis Merciorum,' B. 577 ; ' dux et dominator 
Merciorum,' K. 340 ; B. 607 ; uiEthelfisdd is called * domina Merciocum,' 
B. 583. This position may be due in part to the fact that .^thelflsMfs 
maternal grandmother, Eadburg, was related to the Mercian dynasty, 
'^^^BOOT, p. 475. Of the Ghronicles it is only MR, with its local feeling, 
which gives Etheb^ the title of ' hlaford.* Fl. Wig. calls him * Dux 
et patricius,' ' Dominus et subregulns,' and speaks of * regnum Merctorum,' 
i. 121 ; Ethelwerd twice calls him * rex,' p. 518, and says that hegovemeti 

9i6C] NOTES 119 

Xoiihnmbm aa well as Mercla, p. 519. CelUo Bourcea aniformly apeak 
of ^thelflted aa queen, and aometimes of Ethelred aa king ; of. Three 
Fragmenta, ut inft'a ; Ann. Ult. 917, 918 ; Ann. Gamb. 917 ; Brut y Tywya. 
914 ; 80 Gaimar, v, 3477. The Ghron. Ab. also calla ^tfielflsBd ' regina/ 
i. 44. For the line of fortressea by which she and Edward bridled the Her line of 
Duiea, cf. W. M. : ' urbibu8 ... per loca opportuna moltia, uel ueteribua fortreaaea. 
reparatia, nel nouia excogitatia, repleait eaa manu militari, quae incolaa 
protegeret, hoetea repelleret/ i. 135 ; Green, G. £. pp. 193 ff. ; Maitlan<i, 
Domeaday, pp. 183-188 ; G. P. B. I. Izii. One great object of thia line of 
fortreaaea waa to cut off the Danea of the Five Borougha from the Welah, 
and to prevent them from receiving reinforoementa from their kinamen in 
Irdand through the eatuariea of tlie Severn, the Dee, and the Meraey. 

Of her conflieta with the Danea there are aome confnaed but interesting 
ootioea in Three Fragmenta of Iriah Annala, pp. a 26-336, 244-346. 
Throughout theae paaaagea ahe and her husband are called king and queen. 
We find them manumitting a female aerf at Padatowe, K. G. D. iv. 311. 

Bremea byrig] Not Bramabury, near Torkaey, aa Mr. Arnold, H. H. Bremea- 
p. 157, which ia the wrong side of the country entirely ; but ' Gooigree Hill, ^^''^• 
a great mound . . . entrenched at the aummit, at Bromeaberrow, near 
Ledbury,' £ev. G. S. Taylor, The Danea in Glouoeaterahire, p. 23. 

p. 86. 811 G. gefor ^pered] See on 912 MG. 

812 G. Scergeate] Shrewabury, Mr. Keralake, SL Ewen, &o., pp. 12 ff. ; Soergeat 
and Mr. Taylor, u. «. But the difference in the namea in hard to account for. 

ast Brioge] Gf. Fl. Wig. ii. 49 : ' Arcem quam in ocddentali Sabrinae Bridge- 
flnminia plaga, in looo qui Brycge dicitur lingua Saxonica, ifigelfleda ^o^b. 
Merdornm domina quondam conatruxerat, . . . Botbertua de Beleaamo 
. . . restaurare ooepit.' 

813 G. Oode forgyfendum] 'dante Deo'; cf. 917, 9x8 MR. It Tamworth 
mmAB the aenae of the national triumph. It ia omitted in D. That fortified. 
Tamworth waa an important place ia shown by the frequency with which 
Merciaii Witenagemdta were held there, K. G. D. Noa. 1020, 194, 203, 

206, 245, -347, 248, 251, 258, 278, 280; Birch, Noa. 293, 326, 350, 351, 
430. 43a, 4S4» 436, 450» 488, 489* 49a- 

Btaaf forda] See Green, G. £. p. 201 ; Fl. Wig. notices that the * burg ' Stafford, 
at Stafford waa * in aeptentrionali plaga Sowae amnia/ i. 123. 

p. 88. 814 C. flat ZSades byrig] ' Eddiabury Hill, in Delamere Foreat. Eddiabury. 
Gbeshire, ... to guard the estuary of the Meraev.' Taylor, «. #. p. 24. 

p. 88. 81fi G. aet OyriobyrlgJ Ghirk, ib. cAvv&WUMr t Chirk. 

sst Weard byrig] Warburton on the Meraey, ib. 

mt Bum ooUol] On the importanoe of thia, cf. 6. G. E. pp. 1 23, 124. Bunoom. 

p. 100. 816 G. Bo^briht abbnd] I have found nothing which throws Murder of 
light on this tragedy. Egbert was probably a Mercian abbot. An * Eog- Abbot 
berht abbas' signs a apurioua charter of ^thelflaed, K. G. D. No. 343; ^^^ 
Biicby No. 633. The charter seems based on this MR, for it is dated 



[916 C 

against the 


' geweor- 



at Wardbury, 915 MR, and ^Ifwyn, ^thelflsed's daughter, 919 MR, 
is made to sign as a bishop (!). 

iBpelflssd ... on "Wealas] Having thus isolated the Danes and 'Welsh, 
she now attacks them in detail, capturing Brecon here, and Derby in the 
following year ; see Taylor, 1*. *. 

ISflBB cinges wif j I cannot discover who this was, nor can Professor Rh^s 
help me. 

p. 101. 917 C. Gode folium gendum] 'adiuuante Dea* This again 
marks the chronicler's sense of the greatness of the triumph, cf. Qreen, 
C. E. pp. ao6, 207 ; * locus qui Northworthige nuncupatur, iuzta antem 
Danaam linguam Deoraby/ Ethel w. p. 513. 

besorge] *de carioribus,' FL Wig. i. ia6; cf. ' peoda hlaford, us se 
besoigesta,' JE\i, Lives, i. 496 ; ' Papinius w»s ^am casere ealra his deor- 
linga besorgost,' Boethius, 29, a. 

p. 105. 818 C. hi psBB geworden hesfde] ' they had agreed upon this ' ; 
' geweorffan ' used impersonally in the sense of ' to be agreed,' ' csome to 
terms/ takes the accusative of the persons who agree, and the genitive of 
the thing agreed upon, as liere ; cf. ' hi nanre sibbe ne geweaii5,' ^ they 
could not agree on terms of peace,' Ores. p. 204. But someUoEiea the 
persons who agree are in the dative case ; so 1014, infra, 'gewearff Him 7 
)ntm folce . . . anes ' ; so 1103. In K. C. D. No. 1502 we have the dative 
and accusative in consecutive sentences. 

zii- nib tun &t middan sumera] D adds 'pridie id iunit/ L e. 
June 12 (June 24 being Midsummer Day ; so in 924 A, where the Chnm. 
has * foran to middum sumera ' ; Fl. Wig. has * ante Natiuitatem lofaaimij^ 
Baptistae/ i. 129). Fl. W^ig. says: * xix Kal. lulii.' which is impoesibk, 
as there are not nineteen days of the Calends of July, June having onlj 
thirty days. 

97 eahto)>an geare] t. e. from her husband's death, which MR place? 
in 911. 

mid riht hlaford dome] This phrase seems to show that the Mercian 
chronicler regarded ^thelflsed as having either through herself or her 
husband a right, independent of Wessex, to reign in Mercia ; while the 
next annal indicates a certain amount of discontent that the dsima ot 
their daughter were not respected, and that a Mercian princess should be 
led away into Wessex. This view comes out very strongly in H. H. : 
'Edwardus . . . exhaereditauit ex dominio Merce totius Alfwen, . . . 
magis curans an utiliter uel inutUiter ageret, quam an iuste uel iniuste,* 
pp. 158, 159 ; and to some extent in Fl. Wig. : ^ ^Ggelfleda . . . anicam 
filiam suam ^Ifwynnam . . . hiieredem regni reliquit. . . . Post haec ab 
iBlfwynna nepte sua potestatem fegni Merciorum penitus ademit,* i. 1 18, 
1 29. Both Florence and Henry were Mercians by position, and possibly 
also by descent ; cf. H. H. p. xxxi. 

919 C. ^Ifwyn] Her name occurs as that of the third life in a lesee 

924 C] * NOTES 121 

of lands to Ethelred and JEthMmd in 904 by Werfrith, Biahop of Woi^ 
cester, K. C. D. No. 339; Birch, No. 601. 

924 G. ISadweard] For a diBCuasion of Qie date of bis death, see 
935 MC. 

^Ifwerd his annu] iElfweard dgns charters as ' filius regis ' under .£lfvireard. 
Edward, K. C. D. Nos. 1091, 1094, 1095 ; Bircfa^ Nob. 624, 625, 628. He 
is mentioned as * .fflfweard filius Eadwerdi regis ' in the Hyde Begister, 
p. 14, but at p. 6 there is the following notice : ' [Eadwerdum] duo 
pignora filiomm, .^ISeluuerduB . . . atque i^fuuerdus ... in sepulturae 
oonsortio secuti sunt ; quorum unus clito, alter uero regalibw infiUit redi- 
mUn*, immatura ambo morte preuenti sunt.' The words in italics suggest Was he 
either that i^fweard was considered as king during the few days that he hing? 
surnved his lather (Athelstan being possibly illegitimate), or that he had 
been associated with his fiither in the kingship. This second view (which 
is also that of Mr. Birch, t6. p. x) is confirmed to some extent by a story 
in Liber de Hyda, p. 113, of a son of Edward named ' Elfredus ' (which 
may easily be a mistake for Elfwerdus), who was crowned duriug his 
father^s lifetime, ^thelweard also signs the charters cited above (where 
' frater regis ' is probably a mistake for ' filius regis ' ; 'filius ' and ' frater * 
are constantly confused, owing to the same letter / standing as the abbre- 
viaticm for both). He signs other charters distinctly as 'filius regis.' 
See on him, W. M. i. 136, 137. A third view is not impossible. It Was the 
will be noted that the election of Athelstan by the Mercians is placed ^.^^^^ 
in close connexion with the death of iGlfweard. This suggests that on 
the death of ^ward his dominions may have been divided among his 
sons, Athelstan having Wessex, ^Ifweard Mercia, and possibly Edwin 
Kent ; see bel5w on 933 £. 

m/t "Wintan oeastre] * in nouo monasterio regie more,' Fl. Wig. i. 130. 

7 he geaf his sweostor . . .] The MR ends here incompletely in B and Bnd of MR. 
G. £ither,. therefore, the scribe of this common original had a mutilated 
copy, or failed to read or understand what he had before him, possibly a 
reading like that of D, which adds * ofes Eald Seaxna cynges suna.' In Misreading 
accordance with the practice of previous editors I have printed * Ofsie ' as ^"^^ 
if it were a proper name ; the common view being that it is meant for Otho 
the Grreat, son of Henry I, who married Athelstan's sister Edith. It is 
hard to see how such a corruption can have arisen, when the chronicler 
had native forms like Oda and Odda answerihg to the German Otho or 
Otto. I have no doubt that it is a mere slip for * ofer s^,' a phrase which 
occurs frequently (see Glossary). The slip would be all the easier if 
the entry was copied from a MS. in which the er was abbreviated, as e. g, 
in 'seft«r,' 670*. There is a simiUr error in 855 D cid i»it„ <of eal his 
rice* for 'ollr eal his rice'; and a converse one in 910 D, 'ofer West 
Seazom ' for ' of.' 

The marriage took place in 930, Perts, ii. ai3; iii. 141 ; W. M. i. 149, Marriage 



[924 C 


of Edith of note (929, Pertz, iii. 54 ; of. tZ>. aao, 434 ; z. 577). Fl. Wig. mentioBS the 
mifi^l*^ marriage under 936 in oonnezion with Otho's aocenion, i. 13a. For her 
coronation in that year, of. Pertz, iii. 744. The embassy which sought her 
hand is described in Hrotswith's Geeta Oddonis (written in 968, ib, iv. 
303) as sent 'Gentis ad Anglorom terram sat delidosam/ and Edith 
(wrongly, see Bede, II. 160) as <natam de stirpe beata Oswaldi reigia/ 
ib. iv. 330, 321. She died Jan. a6, 946, ib. iii. 393, 449; x. 578. The 
virtues of this English princess made a deep impression on the hearts of 
her German subjects, and many beautiful traditions of her piety snd 
charity have been preserved, tfi. iii. 449, 744; vi. 600; z. 577; zvi. 6a. 
This is the only allusion in the Chron. to Athelstan's foreign relatiana, 
which were very important ; see on them F. N. G. i. i8a ff ; 0. P. B. ii. 499. 
The Cottonian Gospels (Tib. A. ii) seem to have been a gift from Otho to his 
English brother-in-law; see Birch, ii. 417, 418. It is possible that the 
sending of Gynewold, Bishop of Worcester, with presents to German monAS- 
teries, and the admission of Athelstan and other English notables to rig^hta 
of confraternity at St. Gallen in 929, may have b^n in connexion -with 
the arrangements for this marriage ; see Libri Gonfr. S. Gralli, L od. 33a, 

pp. 136, 137- 

We now return to the main Ghronide. 

pp. 92, 98. 903 A, D. Apulf . . . broKor] I do not know what his 
aldermanry was. Possibly that of the Gaini in succesnon to his fiather, 

XTirgilius] Probably Ferghil, Bishop of Finnabair, whose death is pluoed 
by the FM in 90a. On the significance of this name * Virgil ' amon^ the 
Irish, cfl Z. K. B. iL 3a6-3a8. 

Grim bald] Monk of St. Bertin's in Flanders, whom Alfred brought 
over to assist him in the task of raising the condition of learning in £d^ 
land ; see Asser, pp. 487, 489 f. He seems to have come to Britain o. 89a. 
See W. M. II. xliv-zlviii; where Dr. Stubbs has collected all ihat is 
known of him. The letter of Fulk, Archbishop of Rheims, reconmiending 
him to Alfred, is printed in Wise's Asser, pp. 123 ff. ; Birch, iL 190-194, 
and elsewhere. He speaks of Grimbald as ' digniasimum . . . pontificali 
honore,' p. ia7; cf. ih, ia8, from which it would seem that there was aa 
idea of making him a bishop. This was not carried out; and he died 
abbot of the New Minster at Winchester. Fl Wig. calls him * magnae 
uir sanctitatis, unusque magistrorum .^Ifredi regis,* i. 118 ; so Alfred him- 
self in the Preface to the Cnra Pastoralis ; cf. Lib. Eli. p. 81 : ' Eloredos 
. . . per Grimbaldum et lohannem, doctissimos monachos, tantum instraetua 
est, ut . . . totum Nouum et Vetus Testamentum in eulogiam Anglieae 
gentis transmutaret.' Whether there is any historical basis for this very 
interesting tradition I do not know ; cf. also on Grimbald, Hardy, Cat L 
549» 555. 556, 561 ; PertE, xxv. 767, 769, 770 ; from which it appears th^t 
his memory was perpetoftted at 8t« Bertin'St His festival is zneotionad 



905 a] notes 123 

below, 1075 D, ad init. His trMuUtion in 934 Beems to be mentioned only 
in Ann. Cioeetr., Liebermann, pp. 86, 88. 

WM ge liAlgod Niwe mynster, F] Said to bave been founded by Alfred Gonflecra- 
on 6rimbald*a advioe ; cf. K. C. D. No. 322 ; Birch, No. 571. There Grim- ^o» of the' 
bald was buried, and there regarded as a saint ; cf. F Lai. * Sanoti Grim- -^^g^^ 
baldi * ; Fl. Wig. ii. 133. It was reboilt by Henry I outside the city as 
Hyde Abbey, 6. P. pp. 173, 174. For the rivalry between the Old and 
New Minster, cf. ^Ifiic's lives, p. 448 ; G. P. p. 173 ; and for friendlier 
relations, see the very curious document printed in K. C. D. iv. 260-262 ; 
Thorpe, Diplom. pp. 321-324; Hyde Begieter, pp. 96-100; and for the 
history of the New Minster generally, Liber de Hyda, R. 8. ; and the Hyde 
Begister edited by Mr. de Gray Birch for the Hants Record Soc. 1892. 

8. lodooes to oyme] On St. Judoc, cf. Hardy, Gat. i. 265-269, 823 ; St. Judoc. 
H. k S. ii 89 ; Ord. Yit. ii. 1 34 ff. He was a seventh century Breton Saint. 
By this translation of his relics to the New Minster he became, with Grim- 
bald, the patron saint of that house, and their names are found coupled 
together in Collects, &c. ; c£ Hyde Reg. pp. 6, 46, 92, 99, 248, 270, 273 ; 
Liber de Hyda, pp. zxviii, 82 ; Fl. Wig. ii. 133. 

904 A, D. ofer s^] 'de partibus transmarinis,' Fl. Wig., and such is 'ofer se.' 
often the meaning of the phrase ; and if that be the meaning here, it would 

imply that, between his withdrawal to the Northumbrian Danes in 901, and 
904, ^thelwold had been to seek help on the continent. But more prob- 
ably it merely means that he came from Northumbria ' by sea* ; just as 
' ofer land ' in 896 A clearly means * by land.' 

on lUMt 8exe] The fuller phrase of D shows that this must be construed JSthelwold 
with * com/ not with * wsbs.' Fl. Wig. has misunderstood the phrase, which "^ Bseex. 
makes it the less surprising that he should have misunderstood the phrase 

905 A, D. Bradene] ' silua quae Sazonice Bradene uocatur,* Fl. Wig. 

pp. 04, 06. betwuh dionm 7 "WnBan] This is the ancient dyke which The dykes, 
formed the boundary between Mercia and East Anglia ; of. Offa's Dyke on 
the West. Fl. Wig. calls it 'limes terrae sancti regis,' t. e. of East Anglia 
(of. Liber de Hyda, p. 9 : ' Regnum Estanglorum habens ... ad oooidentem 
fossam S. Edmundi '), not the territory of the monastery of St. Edmund, as 
Ifr. Arnold in H. H. p. 153 ; Mnter duo fossata S. Eadmundi/ R. W. i. 
370. For the dyke, of. Lappenberg, i. 236, 237 ; £. T. i. 242. 
be for we here hie] Cf. Oros. p. 120 : * hie Somnite utan beforan.' 
hie tSsBT geAihton, 7 psnr weaxll . . . ofslssgen . . . Sigelm] I have The battle 
suggested above that this battle is to be identified with the batde < at the ^ ^ 
Holme ' in 902 MR. llie proof is to be found in Ethel werd. who says : 
' bella parantur Holme in loco, . . . ibidemque ruit Sigeuulf dux Sighelmque, 
. . . necnon Hamo (Eohric) rex barbarorum,' p. 519 B. Here the battle 
at the Holme is dearly identified with that in which Sighelm and Eric 
fell. Equally condasive is an interesting document, K. 0. D. No. 499 ; 


Birch, No. 1064, in which Eadgyfo, third wife and widow of Edward the 
Elder, tells how her father Sigbelm paid off a mortgage on his land, * emb 
])a tid ]net man beonn ealle Cantware to wigge to Holme,* because he would 
not start on a campaign with his debts unpaid ; and how, as a matter of 
fact, ' he on wigge afeallen wses.* This again shows that the battle in 
which Sighelm fell was that at the Holme. Fl. Wig. does not identify tlie 
two entries, and says that at the Holme the Kentish men were victorious. 
But this cannot weigh against the much earlier evidence of the docament 
and of Ethelwerd. Moreover, as Ethelwerd shows no trace of the lue of 
MB. his narrative cannot be regarded as a merely theoretical combination 
of the two entries of the Chron. He dates the battle 902, as does ]ld[R, 
five days after the festival of the Virgin ; but which of her festivsds is 
meant I do not know. 
Where is Where is the Holme, whene the battle was fought ? Because it wmi the 

the Holme? Kentish division of the fyrd which was there engaged, the site is commonly 
fixed in Kent; so Mr. Arnold in H. H. p. 156 : * The large plain or etony 
common, near Dungeness,. between Lydd and the sea, known to this day 
as ^* the Holme Stone." ' But this is totally to misconceive the conrae of 
the campaign. i£thelwold having arrived in Essex, 904, induces the Kast 
Anglian Danes to invade Mercia, 905. During their absence Edward 
hastily gathers an army and ravages East Anglia ' between Ouie and the 
dykes,' his fyrd being no doubt divided into different companies for this 
purpose. When the work was accomplished, he sent orders to the diiferent 
divisions to concentrate for the homeward march, * ]iet hie foron ealle at 
st somne/ The Kentish division disobeyed the order, and so were inter- 
cepted by the returning Danes, and defeated, after inflicting severe Iocs 
on the enemy. It is clear that the Holme must be sought in East Anglia. 
The Kentish men were perhaps insisting on their right to strike the first 
blow at the enemy ; cf. F. N. C. iii. 436. 
List of the Bigulf . . . Bigelm . . . Badwold, 70.] In K. C. D. No. 334 ; Birch, 
slain. jq-Q^ gy5^ jg ^ grant by Alfred to Sigelm * meua fidelis dux * dated 898. 

and signed by * Sigulf dux,' 'Ead weald minister,' and ' Beorhtsige minis- 
ter ' (cf. for this last Birch, ii. 244, 347, 250). 
Eric, a king Eohrio hira oyng] According to W. M. i. 98 he was the successor of 
of the Guthrum-Athelstan. He was succeeded by another Guthrum, whom Todd 

sl^i^ makes a nephew of Guthcum-Athelstan, and identical with Gormo Gamle, 

G. G. p. 267. Todd, however, seems to be wrong in making him succeed 
his uncle immediately in 890 ; cf. Liber de Hyda, pp. 11, 47. 
and iGthel-^d tfXeUng] A's description, ' t$e hine to }pmm unfrilSe gespon,* 
wold ethe. ^ compared with that of B, C, D, * l)e hi him to cyninge gecuron/ is con- 
sistent with the difference which we have already observed between the 
same MSS. under 901 ; so that A probably represents a distinct point of view. 
Berhtsige. Byrhtsige] Cf. S. D. ii. 92 : * 90a, Brehtsig occisus est.' Perhapt the 
Berhtsige mentioned in last note but two. On his father Berhtnotb or 

pio] NOTES 125 

Beomoth, cf. Crawford Charters, pp. 85, 86. He was possibly a Mercian 

hold] ' Hold ' is the Icelandic < holdr/ the free holder of allodial land. ' hold.' 
In the ' North people's law ' his wergild is the same as that of the king's 
high reeve, Thorpe, i. 186 ; Schmid, p. 3^6. In the Lindisfame and Rash- 
worth Gkwpels < tribunis ' is glossed * holdum.' The West-Saxon Gospels 
omit it. It is translated ' baro ' in ASN. 

ICalh BwtS] See above on 90a C. 

906 A, D, E. ml BaKum, A, D] Cf. Folcwin, Gesta Abb. S. Bertini ; Bath. 
Pertz, ziil. 6a6: * Kex Adalstanns . . . monasteriom quod dicitur Ad Balneos 
[aalgariter uero Bade, adds loh. Longus, %b. zxv. 774], eis . . . concessit.' 
Note the form of D, ' let Ba9am tune/ which perhaps survives in Bathamp- 
ton, a village just outside Bath. Cf. < locus qui ad balneoa nominatur ' 
(Baden), Pertz, iv. 415. See Taylor, Cotswold, pp. ai, aa. *> 

for neode, £] So S. D. : ' necessitate compulsus,' ii. 93. Fl. Wig. takes 
a very different view : *PAgani . . . inuictnm esse regem Eadwardum scientes, 
Jx.,* i. lao. 

909 A, D. Dennlf] He succeeded Tunberht in 879, Fl. Wig. Denewulf. 
t. a.y who has a legend of his having been originally a swineherd whom 

Alfred came across in the days of his own adversity, and discovering his 
ability had him educated. So G. P. p. i6a; Ang. Sao. i. ao8. On the 
duplication of events in D, owing to the use of different sources, see Intro- 
duction, \% 64, 69, 80. 

910 A, D. Her feng FrfSestan] On the death of Denewulf in 909 the Frithestan. 
see of Winchester was divided, K. C. D. Noe. 34a, 1093, 1094, 1095 ; 

Birch, Nob. 631, 635, 6a6, 638 ; IVHhestan became Bishop of Winchester, 
and Athelstan of the new see of Bamsbury, which, after the Conquest, was 
moved to Sarum. On the connexion of this fisMst with the story of Plegmund 
consecrating simultaneously seven West-Saxon bishops, see W. M. i. 140 ; 
IL Ivff. Frithestan's name occurs in the < Confratemitates Sangallenses,' 
ool. 333, in a list of the year 939. The crosses against his name in S mark 
the Winchester interests of the scribe. See Introduction, % 94, note ; and 
cf. 931, 93a A and notes. 

Asner] See his own account of his first introduction to Alfred, pp. 487, Asser. 
488 ; Hardy, Cat. i. 54Q-553. According to G. P. p. 177 he made a para- 
phrase of Boethins * de Consolatione Philosophiae planioribus uerbis ' in 
preparation for Alfred's translation: 'labore,' says W. M. of the para- 
phrase, ' illis diebus necessario, nostris lidiculo.* Fl. Wig. wrongly enters 
his death under 883, i. 98, and so omits it here. The Brut y Tywys. calls 
him ' archescob ynys Prydein,' ' archbishop of the isle of Britain,' which 
probably points to his having held the see of St. David ; cf. Hardy, h, t. 
On Asset's life of Alfred, so far as it is related to the Chronicle, see Intro- 
duetion, § 84, note. 

on ]Msm ncoA here] According to FL Wig. the reason why Edward 





W-aJvW/^^ p. aa] didtnr,' i ui. A8N. utd Et 
V ^ adds Ingwar, and the former Eagell 

attacked Northambria wai, 'qnia pactum qaod eecum Bani pepigeraai 
praeuaricati snnt ' ; he forced them to renew it, i. i ao. 

pp. 9e, 87. 911 A, D. «lc MSf A ; nlc rilit, D] A*6 reading if a mere 
slip due to the preceding * fri9.' If ' frifS * were right we should require 
' slcne.* 

offoron . . . hindan] Cf. ' Tarentine . . . >a o]>re hindan oflR>roin,* Oroa. 

BowilB oyxig, A ; Bowila, B, C ; Bowlllso oyng, D] According to 
Fl. Wig. Eowils and Halfdane were brothers of Ingwar ; and the site of 
(Wui/W't/ltijJilll,^® battle was 'in campo qui lingua Anglorura Wodnesfeld [WaniweU in 
/r<sJ\ CfJnWv- ^'^®^®J» ^^* C' S. Taylor, The Danes in Gloucestershire, p. 3i ; Cotswold, 

Ethelwerd make the same statement as 
Eowils and Halfdane, and the Utter 
Eagellus to the list of Danish slain. I do 
not know with what Scandinavian name to equate Ecwils or Eowils, 
unless perhaps Eyjdlfr. The reading of D, ' Eowilisc cyng,' suggests 
whether the true reading may not be ' Eowel Wilisc cyng,* that is, some 
Welsh Hywel, co-operating, as in other instances, with the Danes. We 
have this exact form ' Eowel ' in a charter of c. 944, K. C. D. Na 410 ; 
Birch, No. 81 a. Ethelwerd says the battle was fought on Aug. 5 (in 909 
according to his chronology). 

With this invasion of Mercia may be connected a transaction alluded to 
in a charter of 926, whereby lands in Derbyshire were redeemed ' a paganss, 
iubente Eadweardo rege . . . et dux (no) iE)>elredo,' Birch, No. 659. Hie 
mention of Ethelred shows that it must have been before 91a ; c£ A, 
No. 634, where we find books ransomed ' st hieffnum here.' 

812 A, D. Her ge for .AlSeTed] On Ethelred's position, v. «. on 910 MB. 
He was buried at Gloucester, Ethel w. pp. 519, 520 ; and v. 9, on 909 MB. 

Xadweard . . . feng to . . . Oxnaforda] The first mention of Oxford in 
the Chron., cf. F. N. C. L 370 ; but Mr. Freeman is certainly wrong in 
regarding it as ' one of the chief acquUitioru of Bad ward the Elder.' If 
^ not by the treaty of 878 (so Green, C. E. p. 112), at any rate by that of 
886 it had been left in Alfred's hands. Certainly as regards Londoo, 
perhaps as regards Oxford, all that Edward did was, on Ethelred's death, 
to resume possession for the West-Saxon crown of districts specially granted 
to him in 886, which did not belong to his aldermanry as originally granted 
to him ; cf. Fl. Wig. : ' post cuius mortem uxor illius ^grelfleda . . . re^nmrn 
Merciorum, exceptis Lundonia et Oxenoforda, quae . . . rex Eadwardns sibi 
retinuit . . . strenoissime tenuit,' i. i ai. H. H., perhaps misunderstanding, 
exaggerates when he says : ' Rex Edwardus saisiuit Londoniam et Oxne- 
fordiam, omnemque terram Meroensi prouinciae pertinentem/ p. 155. 

818 A, D. )>a burg ... set Wit ham] Fl. Wig. seems to combine the 
' getimbrede ' of A, B, with the ' getrymmode ' of D : ' doneo apud Hwit- 
ham urbs aedificaretur, et aedificata firmaretnr/ i. laa. 

Death of 
of Mercia. 
takes pos- 
session of 
London and , 


9l8] NOTES 127 

pa ncnUran burg ... pa burg ... on sup healfe Lygaan] ' This de- Hertford, 
teribei the lite of Hertford as it is at this day. Part of it is north of the 
Lea, between the points of its junction with the Maran and the Beane. 
The south part of the town is on the opposite bank of the Lea, and there 
stands Hertford Castle/ Earle. Of the three rivers H. H. says : ' flumina 
non profunda sed clarissima,* p. 155. 
pp. 98, 99. 917 A, 914 D] On the chronology, see above, p. 116. 
918 A, 916 D. of Lid wioomn] See note on 885, tupra. 
foron waat onbutan] ' drcumnanigata West-Sazonia et Comubia,' 
Fl. Wig. L 123. 

Ohtor 7 Hroald] Todd woqld identify these with the Ottir Dubh, Danish 
0. the black, and Rsgnall of the Irish annahi, G. G. pp. Ixxxv f., xciv f., ohie& 
295, 394. Ethelwerd, as usual, dates this two years earlier, 913 ; and the 
deUberatenew of his system is here shown, for he mentions that in the 
following year Christmas Day fell on a Sunday, which it did in 914. 

Oameleao biaoop on Iroinga felda] I think this means 'Bishop of Gimeliano. 
Archenfield,' not necessarily (as Fl. Wig. takes it, and the modem trans- 
laton) that he was captured in Archenfield. Archenfield is a district 
north-west of the Forest of Dean, on the borders of Herefordshire and 
Gloucaetenhire. lliere is some evidence for the existence of a separate 
see of Archenfield; v. H. k S. i. 148. Or the diocese of Llandaff may 
have been known to its Saxon neighbours by the title of that part of it 
nearest to themselves. There was a Cimellauc, Bishop of Llandaff, about 
this time, who died, according to the Book of Llandaff, in 937. If this 
date is oorrect, it alone is sufficient to throw doubt on the story that he 
was consecrated by Ethelred, Archbishop of Canterbury, in 87a, which 
would give him a tenure of fifty-five years, ib. 208, 209. The name 
Cimeliauo, from an older Camiltao, is in modem Welsh Oyfeiliog ; a by- 
form of which is Cyfelach, postuUting an older form Camilac. That he 
was ransomed by Edward seems to show that here again some of the Welsh 
were on the English side against the Danes. 

7 be drifon hie . . . utan] Cf. ' 7 hiene bedraf into anum fssstenne, 7 
hiene 1$er hwile besBst,' Oros. p. X46 ; so ib. 224. 

pearmo] An enclosure ; this is the word which has been corrupted in * parrock.' 
modem English into paddock ; influenced by the O. French * pare ' it has 
given OS our modem park. ' Parrock ' and ' parrick ' are still found dia- 
lectically signifying an enclosed piece of ground, or paddock, in Wilts, 
Doraeiy Somerset, and Devon. And in many localities pieces of land may 
be found called parks, which have no pretension to be parks in the modem 

hssfda ftindan] For this sense of ' findan,' ' to contrive,* ' manage,' cf. 
Oros. : ' o> hie fundon )peet hie sendon softer him,' p. 148 ; ' fundon Bomane 
sreet ^t hie scipa worhton,* ib, 172. 

from Wealnm] ' a Coraubia,' Fl. Wig. i. 124, quite oorreoUy. 




8Bt . 

p. aa8. 

twain eizTon] C£ 'he sige hsofde set twam demin/ Orw. 

. . . meat eall ofislog, 



' relic' 


' Lammas** 

pa slog, hie mon . . . soipum] Gf. ' he . . . ]wet folc . 
7 ]» opre to sclpum oCflugon/ ih, 1 70. 

nt Bradan Belice, A; Steapan, B, C, D] The former is FUtholme. 
and^f^P- the latter Steepbolme, at the mouth of the Severn. FI. Wig. «. #. calls it 
simply ' Keoric* H. H. says Mn insula Stepen/ p. 156. (For another 
instance of starving out the Danes, v. «. 894, i. 87, and note.) The name 
' Relic ' may point to some Irish religious settlements on these islands ; 
'relicc' (= reliquiae) is the reg^ar Irish name for a cemetery. In 
Cambro-Brit. Saints, p. 63, we find mentioned 'insula Echni, qui modo 
flolma uocatur ' ; whether this is Flatholme or Steepholme I do not know. 

p. 100. 919 A] These important annals, 919-924, are quite peculiar to 
A. See Introduction, §§ 83, 93. The true date is probably 916-931, r. t. 
p. 116. ^ 

p. lOL 021A. Wigingamere] Probably Wigmore in Herefordshize ; 
an important post for watching the Welsh. William I built a castle 
there, and granted it to the Mortimers, till in the person of Kdwaid Vf 
it reverted to the crown, F. N. G. iv. 740. Prof. Earle, who fonnerlj 
contested this identification, is now disposed to accept it. 

be twiz'hlaf msBsaan] Gf. Oros. p. 346 : ' on )raere tide calendas Agnstus, 
7 on ))sm dsge ))e we hata9 hlafinsEiSse.* There can be no donbt that 
Lammas, like ' lady,' comes from ' hlif,* and is connected with the offering 
of a loaf in dedication of the first-fruits ; cf. ' of Sam geh41gedan hUfe tk 
man. h&lige on hUfiniesse dieg,* Leechdoms, iii. 290 (cited by Boewotih' 
Toller). Though a Ghristian compleiion was thus given to the feetivsl^ 
it probably has its origin in remote pagan antiquity. See Rhys, Celtic 
Heathendom, pp. 409 ff. The derivations from ' lamb ' and from * S. Petri 
ad uincu^ mass* are certainly wrong. Cf. Promptorium Pamnlorom: 
' lammasse, festum agnorum, uel Festum ad uincula S. Petri.' This day 
is also called ' the Gule of August,' ' Gula Augusti.' The temptation ha» 
been felt to identify this with the Welsh name of the day, *■ Gwyl Awst,* 
'the feast of August.' But it is more likely to be the AS. geol>«yule; 
especially as the O.N. jol occurs frequently in the general sense of feast 
See Vigfnsson, 8, v., and ct Chambers, Book of Days, ii. 154; Hampson, 
i. 33a ff. * At latter Lammas ' is a phrase like 'liie Greek Kalends' to 
express a day that never comes, ib, 292. 

nn lytel] Cf. ' niycel feoh 7 unlytel,' Bede, p. 274. 
p. 102. of slogon pone oyning] t. e. the King of East Anglia, Quthmm. 
who succeeded Eric, above, 905. W. M. dates the expulsion of the Daaei 
from East Anglia in the fiftieth year from the death of St. Edmund (870 . 
which agrees very fairly with this annal, whether dated 918 or 921. He 
also says that it was in the fifteenth year of Edward's reign ; which is in* 
consistent both with himself and with any possible date for Edward's aoca- 


92a] NOTES 129 

•ioDy i. 98. Fl. Wig. regards thii m tbe taming point in the great itniggle : 
' ezinde Danoram nireB paulatim deoresoebant, Anglonun uero indies cres- 
cebaot^* i. ja6. 

Colna oeastre] On CdolieBter, see Freeman, English Towns and Dis« 
tricts, pp. 383 ff. 

wicinga . . . sbso manna] No difference is intended. Both words indi- * Wikings* 
cate the naval forces which the Danes of East Anglia summoned to their ^^^ ',^^' 
help. FL Wig. translates both words bj ' piratae/ i. 127 ; of. Adam of 
Bremen: 'piratae quos illi Wichingos i^pellant, nostri Ascomannos/ 
Perts, vii. 370; i6. 317, 332. Cf. Wtllker, Glossaries, c. iii, 26-38: 
piratcL, widng %el scegffman; archipirata, yldest wicing; c. 311, 36: 
piraiOj wicing oiS6e flotman ; c. 469, 6 : piraticij wicingsoeajian, ssBscea- 
^an, sBsamon ; of. Oros. pp. 5, 226 : * htt Metellus oferwon ]>a wicengas/ 
—piratieam infestationem compressit ; ' he scipa gegaderode 7 wicengas 
wurdon,* ib. 116. See Vigftisson, «.v. vikingr; C. P. B. I. Ixiii. t On 
' ssc,' V. t, 897, i. 90. 

00 wreoan hira teonnn] Cf. ' )net ic minne teonan on him gewreoe,* ' 

JELi, Horn. ii. 414 ; cf. ih, 520. 

p. 103. )>a se fird stemn . . . oper ut] From this it would seem that Twofold 
Edward kept up Alfred's twofold organisation of the fyrd ; cf. 894, supra, theSrd.^ 

mundbyrda] Used to translate ' patrocinium/ Bede, pp. 470, 474. 
Of: * to fii«e 7 to mundbyrde/ K. C. D. No. 238 ; Birch, No. 417. 

)>e SBir onder Dana anwalda wns] *qui ferme zzz annos feritati Becoveryof 
Pags&onun subiacebant/ Fl. Wig. u. 9. Florence's date for this annal ^^^ 
is 9x8 ; ' XXX ' is perhaps a slip for ' xl ' ; the treaty of Wedmore, 878, is 
the date intended. 

arid] See Glossary. Cf. ' domas >a 9e from halgum fiedram . . . arsedde 
waeron*' Bade, p. 276 ; < gif bit Jms areded seo,' ib. 290. 

921 £. Her Sihtrio . . . his bro]K>r] This entry seems due to a oon- Sitric 
foaioo. In 888 Sicfrith, an elder brother of this Sitrio, was treacherously 
dain by his brother. In 9x9 this Sitric defeated and slew Niall Glundubh 
(t.e. Black-Knee), King of Ireland; «. Ann. TJlt. 887, 918. The error is 
r ep o i itc d by all the authorities who copy the Chronicle; v, G. G. pp. 271, 
279. This Sitric in 920 plundered Davenport in Cheshire, S. D. ii. 93, 
133 ; ba married Athelstan's sister 925 D, and died 926 D ; Ann. TJlt. 926 
(^937). Gaimar calls him 

< Sihtriz Ii reis 
Ki Taltre partie teneit de Meroeneis ' ; w. 3501 f. 

«. «. King of Danish Mercia. 

Owing to the numerous persons bearing the same name among the Danish 
chieftAins in Britain and Ireland at this time, and the loose way in which 
raeh terms as ' son of Irar,' ' grandson of Ivar,' are used in the Annals, 
the attempt to reconstruct their pedigree is extraordinarily hazardous. 

aaa a. ]>» ta for .aapalHsBd] See above on 918 MB. Death of 

2^ ^ JBthelflsMl. 




takes pos- 
session of 






]>a gerad he, 70.] On the death of iGthelflsed, Edward completed the 
work which he had begun on the death of her hasband, 91a, rupra, and 
took the whole of Mercia, as far as it had been recovered, into his own 
hands. Tlie narrative of A gives the impression that he had to use 
a certain amount of force ; cf. on 918 MR. 

7 )>a OTningas on Norp Waalom, 70.] The submission of Mercia brought 
with it the submission of the Welsh princes who had formerly been de- 
pendent on it, Green, C. E. p. 208. Their dependence is shown by their 
signing documents in English Witenagemdts, t&. 224; F. N. C. i. 592, 
593. Among these signatories is a Juthwal, who may be the Ieo>wel of 
this annal. Howel, who also signs frequently, is none other than Hywel 
Dda, Howel the Good, the famous Welsh legislator, H. & & i. 211. 
Cledauc does not occur. The Welsh Annals record the death of a ' Rex 
Clitauc ' about this time, Ann. Camb. 919 ; Brut y Tywys. 917 ; and the 
uncertainty of the chronology, both in the Sax. Chron. and in the Welsh 
Annals, makes it not impossible that he may be this person. 

p. 104. Bnotingaham] On the importance of this, see F. N. C. iv. 198, 
199 ; G. G. E. pp. 207, 208 ; and note that Edward can now entrust the 
fort to Danish settlers, ' mid Denisoom.* 

823 a. Flegemond] On this, v, s. p. 103. 

p. 105. 923 D, E. Her Begnold . . . Bofor wic] There are two Reg- 
nolds or Ragnalls found among the Scandinavian chieftains connected with 
Britain and Ireland at this time. The elder, who was lord of Waterford, 
and died in 920 "921, Ann. Ult., was the brother or first oounn of the 
Sitric mentioned above ; the younger, mentioned under 942, 944, imfrc, 
the date of whose death is not known, was his nephew, and the son of 
Guthfrith, his brother, G. G. pp. 278, 288, 293, 294. If the date of D, £ 
is correct, it must of course be the younger Ragnall that is meant here ; 
and this is Dr. Todd*s view, G. G. p. 288. There is, however, an expedi- 
tion of the elder Ragnall against Britain, and a victory gained by him over 
the Scots 'on the banks of the Tyne in If orth-Saxonland * in 9i7«=9i$t 
recorded in the Ann. Ult., and this is almost certainly the same expedition 
which is described in S. D. i. 72, 73, 209 ; according to which Ragnall 
seized York, killing and putting to flight the inhabitants, and occupying 
the lands of St. Cuthbert, and of Eaidred, son of Eadwalf, lord of Bam- 
borough (the ' Eadalfes sunu * of 924 A). The latter thereupon went to 
Scotland, sought and obtained the help of Constantine, King of the Scots ; 
but 'nescio quo peccato agente * their united forces were defeated by JtBg- 
nail at Corbridge on Tyne ; cf. ih. ii. 391. Again, in hit Hist. Regnm, 
S. D. has the entry * 9x9 Rex Inguald irmpit Eboracam,* ii. 93 (where 
Rexinguald is a mistake for Reinguald). And this is evidently identical 
with the present entry in the Chron. ; for the preceding entry in Simeon 
is that of the murder of Niel«*92i E. On the whole then it is probahie 
that the present entry refers to the elder Ragnall, and is ]x»t-dated s^e 

924] NOTES 131 

foar or five yean. This does not, however, alter the fiict of the existence 
of the younger Bagnall, or the possibility that he may haye succeeded in 
Xorthmnbria to some part at least of the power of his elder relative and 
namesake ; see next note. Mr. Arnold's account of these matters, S. D. 
II. xxvi ff., is somewhat different. He makes the expedition recorded in 
S. D. distinct from, and earlier than, that in the Ann. XJIt. But he does 
not convince me. Gaimar says of ' Benald ' : 

'Co ert un rei demi Daneis, 
Be par sa mere esteit Engleis,* vv. 3509 f. 

p. 104. 924 A. 7 hine geoes pa . . . to hlaforde. 70.] This is the ®^^^^ 
entry around which so much of the &mous controversy about the £ng- ^ ^ 
lish claims to feudal supremacy over Scotland has raged. See on the 
English side, Palgrave, K C. ch. 20 ; F. N. G. i. 57-59, 1 1 7 ff., 565 ff. On 
the Scotch side, Robertson, £. K. S. i. 69, 70; ii. 389 ff.; S. C. S. i. 349, 
350. Hr. Green, 0. E. p. 217, holds rather a middle position. 

In regard to the general objections brought by Mr. Robertson against Mr. Bobert- 
this annal, ife must be remarked that no interpolations in later Chronicles, ^^ * view* 
no later forgeries of documents, no exaggerations of later writers, can in 
ihewuelvtit throw doubt upon an authentic entry in the oldest MS. of the 
Chron. Tet Mr. Robertson often writes as if such were the case. In 
regard to his specific criticisms, the one on which he relies most, and which 
is repeated mechanically by Skene and Green, is the fact that the elder 
Ragnall died in 921. But I have shown, pp. 116, 130, above, (i) that these 
entries in A are probably post-dated by three years ; so that the entry 
might quite possibly be true even of the elder Ragnall ; (2) that there is 
no reason why the younger Ragnall should not be meant; and the 
comparative newness of his hold on power might account for his submission 
to Edward. To the objection that ' in the opinion of that age [of Sim. 
Dun. and Fl. Wig.] no Scottish king bad ever met an Anglo-Saxon 
sovereign except upon their mutual frontiers,' I would reply with 
Mr. Freeman (a) that the opinion of the twelfth century is no evidence 
against the occurrence of an event at the beginning of the tenth ; (i) that 
the Cluron. never says that these princes came to Bakewell. It merely 
plaoes their submission about the time ([>^) of Edward's journey thither. 
Nor is this submission the least inoonsistent with Athelstan's annexation 
of Nurthnmbria, 926, infra. But, in truth, the importance of the incident Impor> 
has been very much exaggerated by both sides. While I fully accept the ^^^^ ^' 
genoineness of the entry, I cannot regard it as implying the creation of that ^^ 
strict legal and permanent relation and dependence which Mr. Freeman 
assertSy and Mr. Robertson denies. It was a submission dictated by the 
military position of the moment ; Constantine and Ealdred, Eadwulfs son, 
had been recently defeated by the Banes. The Stratholyde Welsh (on 
whom see B . & S. ii. 10) would be specially exposed to the attacks of the Danes 
from Ireland ; while the steady advance of Weisex had made it dear that 

K 2 




son of 

Death of 
and aooes- 
Bion of 

position of 

■he was the one pqwer in the island capable of nwking head against the 

Badulfes suzxa] This is omitted by Fl. Wig. Eadwolf himsdlf (Athalf) 
had died in 91a according to Ethelwerd, p. 520 A. His son's name U 
given at 926 D as ' Ealdred Ealdulfing from Bebbanbyrig * ; i.e. he was 
one of the English rulers of Bemicia, and on terms of friendship with 
Wessex. We have seen, p. 130, how he was expelled by Ragnall and made 
a vain attempt to effect his restoration by means of the Soots : * Regen- 
waldus rex . . . ocoupauit terram Aldredi filii Eadulfi, qni erat dilectos regi 
Eadwardo, sicat et pater suns Eadulfas dilectus fait regi Elfrwloi,* S. D. 
i. 209, V. s. 867, 876. Under his son and successor, Oswulf, Northumbna 
sank definitely into the position of an «arldom, F. N. C. i. 644 ; Robertson, 
E.K. S. ii. 430 ff. 

ge Deniflce, ge Norpmen] The only place in the Gbron. where Banes are 
certainly distinguished from Northmen. In 942 A the reading is doubtful. 

p. 105. Btreaolede 'WmlA oinge, F] See on Sj^t^upra. 

pp. 104, 105. 926 A, E, F ; 024 O, D, £. Sadweard . . . .A)>eUtan] 
On the barrenness of the Chron. from this point, see Introduction, § 94. 
The impulse given by Alfred is now exhausted. Atbelstan signs several 
charten as ' filius regis * during his father s reign. There is considerable 
uncertainty as to the date of Edward's death and Athelstan*s accession. 
Of the Chronicles, A and F place Edward's death in 925, C and D in 924. 
E both in 924 and 925. S. D. in one passage places it in 923, ii 93 ; io 
another (following Fl. Wig.) in 924, ii. 123. (In i 75 he seems to reckon 
919 as AthelBtan*s first year, which is probably a mere slip -of xviiii for 
xxiiu.) The subject is discussed in Stubbs* Dunstan, p. Ixxiv. From the 
regnal years of Athelstan*s charters, Dr. Stubbs calculates that his acces- 
sion would fall after Nov. 12, 924. And if Edward died in the last week 
of 924, some difference in the way of reckoning the beginning of the year 
might account for the confusion between 924 and 925. And this is 
rendered more probable by a charter which Dr. Stubbs does not discosB, 
K. C. D. No. 367 ; Birch, No. 716. This is dated Dec. 21, Anno Dom. 937, 
Aimo regni xi. Indict, viii. Both indiction and regnal year pdnt to 935 si 
the true date, and if this is so, it proves that Athelstan's accession cannot 
have been earlier than Dec. 21, 924. Thorn says that his coronation ws« 
Mn crastino ordinationis S. Gregorii,' 925. Thia festival was on Sept. 3. 
A moro serious difficulty is that the oldest authorities give AtheUtan t 
reign of fourteen years and alxmt two months. See i. 5, note 5 ; infra^g^o. 
He certainly died Oct. 2%, 940, v>. This, therefora, would place his acoe«> 
sion in Aug. or Sept. ^S. Now by July, 926 D, Athelstan had rec«ved 
the submission of the kings of Bemicia, of the Scots, West Welsh, and 
Gwent, i. 107. It is quite possible that this may have been followed 
by some solemn coronation or inauguration of Athelstan as lord of the 
whole of Britain ; and that his fourteen years are reckoned from this. It 

925] NOTES IJ3 

is generally agreed that this is the most probable explanation of Edgar*i 
coronation, see on 975: A, 972 E^ below ; and Athelstan may have set an 
earlier precedent. And this may be the coronation meant by Thorn. On 
the other hand, those anthorities who give Athelstan sixteen years would 
reckon from his actoal accession in 924 ; so Fl. Wig. i. 133 ; B. D. ii. 37a ; 
Hoveden, i. 34. Ethelwerd dates Eilward^s death and Athelstan's acces- 
sion in 926, but then he also pats Brunanbnrh in 939, which seems to 
show that his chronology here differs by two years from the received. 
Many of the anthorities lay stress on Athelstan's unique position : ' primus 
regum ex Anglis totius Britanniae monarchiam habuit/ &c., S. D. ii. 372 ; 
' hie primus obtinuit totius Angliae monarchiam/ Ann. Lindisf. ; Pertz, 
xix. 506 ; ' rex totius Angliae/ Liebermann, p. 88 ; ' Angliam din par- 
titam solus sibi subiugat/ t&. 232 ; * primus totius Angliae monarohus/ 
ChroD. Ab. ii. 276 ; cf. H. Y. ii 255. So in charters, * Bex Angul Sexna 
et Xor])hymbra imperator, paganorum gnbemator, Britannorum propug- 
nator/ Birch, No. 746. (Similar titles of later kings, ib, Nps. 815, 876, 
882, 883, 884, 937; K. C. B. Nos. 411, 426> 424, 451.) So <b. No. 
514; Birch, No. 1135: 'primus regum Anglorum omnes nationes quae 
Brytanniam incolnnt sibi armis subegit* (That this charter is spurious 
does not make it less available as evidence on this point.) Gf. Green, C. E. 
p. 241 ; S. C. S. i. 304. In P. & 8. p. 304, the very name 'Anglia,* instead 
of ' Britannia,* is made to date from Athelstan. The imperial position of 
Athelctan is also marked in his laws, where for thd first time we find 
measures for the uniformity of coinage : ' ^t an mynet sy ofer call >ibs 
cyngea onweald,' Thorpe, i. 206 ; Schmid, p. 138. (Similar enactments 
by later kings, Thorpe, i. 268, 322, 380; Schmid, pp. 192, 232, 274.) So 
in other matters : * jwet man ofer call Engleland gelicne dom healde,* 
Thorpe, L 224; Schmid, p. 412. ■ 

It should be noted how the MB in G and D lays stress on the separate His oorona- 
t:lectian of Athelstan by the Mercian Witenagem6t. Mr. Green, carrying tion. 
this hint further, would see in the coronation at Kingston a specially 
Mercian coronation. But Kingston is not in Mercia, nor even on the 
border. There is great donbt as to the primate who crowned Athelstan. 
The difficulties of fixing the date of the death of Athelm and the accession 
of Wnlfhelm are hardly less than in the case of Edward and Athelvtan. 
A charter. Birch, No. 641, makes Athelstan crowned by Athelm on Sept. 4, 
925 (tbis is a St. Augustine's charter, and was probably Thorn's authority; 
but the aoihenticity of it seems to me very doubtful). "SI. Wig. also, 
following Adelard's Life of Dunstan, says that Athelstan was crowned by 
Athelm ; Athelm, however, seems to have died in 923, or at latest early 
in 934, cf. Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. Ixxviii, 55, 56, 258. W. M. speaks of 
Athelstan in one place as ' magno consensu optimatum . . . electus/ i. 141 ; 
in another as succeeding * iussu patris et testamento,' ib. 145. Both may 
be true ; and W. M. had special materials for the rsign of Athelstan. Gf. 









Birth of 


on these, W. M. II. Ix ff, and note how his mention of them breathes the 
joy of a recent discovery : * pauoi admodam dies snnt quod didioorim in 
quodam sane nolumine netnsto,* ftc, i. 144. 

Athelstan's mother (whether married to Edward or not), was Ecgwyn, 
'foemina nobilissima,* Fl. Wig. i. 274; 'illustris foemina,* W. M. i. 136; 
who thus, and in other ways (cf. 'si tamen uera est/ ib. 142), throws 
discredit on the story which he gives from traditional ballads, ' caniilenis 
per suooessiones temporum detritis,* that Athelstan was the offipring of 
an amour of Edward with a shepherd*s daughter, tb. 155, 156. Besides 
Ecgwyn, Edward had a second wife, iSlflasd, K. C. D. No. 333 ; Birch, 
No. 589, daughter of ^thelhelm, alderman, W. M. i. 137; and a third, 
Eadgyfu, Hyde Register, p. 57 ; K. C. D. No. 499; Birch, No. 1064, 
which shows that she was stripped of her property under Edwy, but 
recovered it under Edgar. Authorities differ much as to the respective 
mothers of Edward's various children ; cf. Fl. Wig. i. 274 ; W. M. i. 136, 
>37. 15^ ; Liber de Hyda, p. 113. 

Athelstan had been brought up at the court of his aunt, ^thelflied, laAj 
of the Mercians, W. M. i. 145 ; possibly with a view to conciliating Mei^ 
cian loyalty. His accession was opposed by a pretender, Alfred, and 
Athelstan's next brother, Edwin, is said to have been implicated in the 
conspiracy to seize and blind him, ih. 141, 142, 153 ; see on 933 E, i*fra. 
There are references to this alleged plot in two spurious charters, K. C. D. 
Nos. 354, 1112; Birch, Nos. 670, 719. It is pleasant to find that the 
earliest extant genuine document of Athelstan's reign is the mannmission of 
a serf, Birch, No. 639 (where Mr. Birch's heading is a mistranslation). 

Dunstan weazK akssnned, a, F] 925 is probably correct for Dnnstan's 
birth. All writers seem to agree in placing it in the first year of Athelstan, 
-which apparently began at the end of 924, v. s. See Stubbs' Dunstsn, 
pp. Ixxiv, 71-73, 166, 253, 254 ; though Mr. Green, C. E. pp. 282, 283, argn« 
for an earlier date. S. D. i. 75 does plaoe his birth in 919, making that, 
however, the first year of Athelstan, probably by a mere slip, r.<. p. 133. 
His biographers are fond of etymologising his name ' montanus lapis^* to 
indicate the immovable firmness of his nature, Stubbs, «. «. pp. 67, 73, 96, 
284, 455 (cf. * Dunstan se anneda,' .^fric. Lives, i. 270). He occupies, 
however, a small place in the Chron. compared with his importance in 
monastic histories and biographies. For a general view of his policy, see 
Robertson's Essays, pp. 189-203; and the introduction to Stubbs' Dunstan, 
pp. Ixxxiii-cix. On his literary services, ib. cix-cxv; Hardy, Cat. I. 
XXXV. In Bouquet, iv. 601, is an 'exordsmus aquae ad indicium Dei 
demonstrandum,' ascribed to Dunstan. On his relations with Abbo of 
Fleury <flos dignissimus Moriacensis coenobii,' cf. H. Y. i. 459-462; 
Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 378-380, 410-412 ; Hardy, Cat. i. 594. 

'Wolfelm, a, E, F] The true date of his archiepiscopate is probsblr 
923-942, Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 55, note; i&.lxxviii; and if so, he must be the 

926] NOTES 135 

preUte who crowned Athelatan. Some venea of DonftUn are addreised to 
^*^f ^- 354- £ f^d F <^® wrong in saying that he * was consecrated ' to 
Canterbary. like his predecessor Athelm, be was translated from Wells, 
to which he had been consecrated in 914, FL Wig. i. 123. The expression 
of a, * feng to, 7c./ is anobjectionable. His name occurs in the Gonfrater- 
nitates Sangallenses of 929. For his share in Athelstan*s legislation, see 
Thorpe, L 194, 196, 214; Schmid, pp. 126, 130, 148. 

925 D. MpeUtaxk ... 7 Bihtric] On this, cf. Fl.Wig. 1. 130, 274; S. D. Athelstan 
^- 377 • ^' ^' i- I3^> ^4h Z46* - '^^ Sitric. 

his awaostor] ' Cuins nomen non in promptn habeo,* W. M. «. $. He 
says that Sitric asked for her. Mythical accounts of her in B. W. i. 385 ; 
liber de Hyda, p. iii. Authorities differ as to who her mother was. 
p. 107. 926 D. lyrena leoman] Aurora Borealis. 

Bilitrio aowssl] Cf. Fl. Wig. i. 130, 131 ; S. D. ii. 377 ; W. M. L 142, Death of 
146, 147. He was succeeded by Guthfrith, whose expulsion is mentioned Sitric. 
in 927 £, F. (Fl. Wig., followed by later writers, cf S. D. ii. 377, makes 
Gnthfirith a son of Sitric ; he was more probably his brother, G. G. pp. 278- 
280; Bobertson, E. K. S. iL 438; S. C. S. i. 352.) Fl. Wig. pute the 
expulsion of Guthfrith in the same year with his accession as Sitric*s 
sucoeasor, viz. 926 ; his expulsion leading to the annexation of Northumbria 
as given here by D. This certainly seems reasonable, but may be merely 
Fl. Wig.'s own view. It is, however, confirmed by Ann. Ult., which put 
both the death of Sitric and Guthfrith's return to Dublin in the same year, 
926 (^937). Possibly this annal of D should be dated 927 ; or 926 may 
be the date of Guthfirith's expulsion from Northumbria, 927 of his expul- 
sion firom Strathdyde ; see on 927. 

ealle pa cjngaa . . . he ge wylde] For the significance of the sub- Submission 
miasion of these princes to Athelstan, see above, p. 132. FL Wig. seems to of Celtic 
go beyond the Chron. when he says: 'regee . ,. . Huwal, &c. . . . proelio uicit 
et fuganit. Aldredum quoque . . . de . . . Bebbanbyrig expulit,* i. 131. 
So W. M. (in a passage founded apparently on the Chron., though ' lud- 
walua [lothwael] rex omnium Walensium * is substituted for Howel and 
Owen* and Eadwulf is written by mistake for his son Ealdred) says that 
Athelstan expelled these princes and then in pity restored them, i. 142. 
Bui in another passage, based probably on his other authority, he repre- 
senta Athelstan as reducing Northumbria, expelling Guthfrith and his 
brother Anlaf, receiving at Dacre the submission of Constantino, King of 
the Soots, and of his nephew, Eugenius, Eogan, or Owen, King of the 
Sfcratbdyde Britons (of. P. k S. pp. 223, 224), who had harboured Guth- 
frith ; then falling like a thunderbolt, * fulmineus,' on the North Welsh, 
and compelling their kinglets, ' regies,* to submit to him at Hereford ; 
next expelling the West or Cornish Welsh from Exeter, and obliging them 
to accept ^e Tamar as their boundary, as the North Welsh had been 
forced to retreat beyond the Wye, ib, 146-149. Dr. Stubbs regards this 




by the 

goes to 




passage as ' a most valuable sapplement to the Chronicles,' on aocoont of 
< the chronological arrangement of Athelstan's wart/ %b. 147, note ; and it 
is quite possible that the Chronicle has concentrated in a single annsl 
BubmissionB which were made at different places in conseqaenoe of vaiioiu 
campaigns. Indeed the word * lereet ' rather points to this. Mr. Gieeii 
would see in this entry the historical reality of which 924 A is thereflezioii, 
C. R p. 220. But I doubt this solution. Mr. Bobertson objects to this 
entry also, because the renunciation of idolatty, though impropriate to 
the Danes, is quite inapplicable to the Scots, &o. (FL Wig. seems to have 
felt the difficulty, for he omits the words */ »lc deofolgeld tocwKdoo.') 
Mr. Robertson regards all the words ' 7 ealle . . . Bebbanbyrig ' as so 
interpolation. I ihould regard them not as an interpolation, but as a rather 
clumsy parenthesis embodying, as said above, the results of many cam- 
paigns, and I would understttnd the following words about the oaths at 
Emmet, and the renanciation of idolatry, as referring only to the North- 
umbrian Danes ; cf. Robertson, E. K. S. i. 60, 61 ; ii. 397-399 ; & C S. 
i. 351, 352. At the same time, as I have pointed out in the IntrodncUon, 
§§ 77, 78, the late date at which D, as we have it, was compiled, will not 
allow us to reject summarily, as in the case of S, fhe idea of later inter- 
polations. The suppression of heathendom forms one of the articles between 
Edward and Guthnmi II of East Anglia, Thorpe, i. x66 ; Schmid, p. 118. 
The submission of Constantino, and the death of Sitric, seem alluded to in 
the curionsly corrupt verses and prayer printed in Birch, ii. 331-333, cf.i6. 347. 

927 E, F. Her jSpelstan . . . auSfriV oyng] < Ethelstanus rex ds 
regno Brittonum Gudfridum regem fugauit,' S. D. ii. 93. This oonfizma 
W. M.'s account of Guthfrith having taken refuge in Strathclyda 

for to Bom] For his pallium, F Lat. Journeys to Rome teem to 
have been attended with a good deal of danger at this time. Flodoaid, 
under 921 and 923, tells of parties of English pilgrims who were killed by 
the Saracens in the Alps, Peris, iii. 369, 373. 

pp. 106, 107. 031, 0S2 A, 081 F. Bfrnaton . . . Fry)>estazi] Frithe- 
stan resigned before his death, Fl. Wig. i. 131. Hence A rightly places 
the consecration of Bymstan before the death of Frithestan. F, not under- 
standing this, has reversed the order. May 29 was Whit-Sunday in 931, 
which is a further confirmation of the date. For Bymstan, ef. 6. P. 
pp. 163, 164. I have quoted, in the notes to Bede, the beautiful tradition of 
his piety in interceding for the dead, II. 138, 139. He died in the act of 
prayer. His servants, knowing his habits of devotion, did not venture to 
enter his room till the following day, when they found the spirit fled. He 
died on All Saints' Day, joining thus the company of those whose festival 
he was celebrating on earth. Surely we may apply to him the wofrds of 
one of Dunstan*8 biographers : * O nimis felicem quem Domlnus inuenit 
ita uigilantem,' Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 66. His day is given as Nov. 4. 
Hampson, i 432, 445, 457 ; perhaps because the actual day of hia death 

933] NOTES 137 

was already occupied by a high festival. The year of his death is some- 
what nnoertftin. A places it under 933, which agrees with the length 
which it gives to lus episcopate, two and a half years ; and his successor, 
iElfheah, signs charters of 933, K. C. B. Nos. 36a, 1 109 ; Birch, Nos. 694, 
699 ; W. M. u, 9. gives him four years' episcopate ; and he signs a charter 
of May a8, 934, K. C. D. No. 364; Biich, No. 702. Frithestan died 
Sept. 10, 933, Stubbs, Ep. Succ. pp. 13. 14, 161 ; ed. 2, pp. 24, 223. A life 
of Byrostan is cited, Hardy, Cat. i. 558. 

933 £] This mysterious entry in found only in E. It is developed Drowning 
' more suo ' by H. H. : * Adelstan . . . rex . . . aduersa percussus fortnna, ^?^^'^ 
fratrem suum Edwinum, magni uigoris iuuenem, et bonae indolis, maris 
flactibus flebiliter anusit,* p. 159. S. D., on the other hand, says : ' Rex 
Ethelstanus iussit Eadwinum fratrem suum submergi in mare,' ii. 93, 124. 
This darker view is developed in W. M. into a long story how Edwin, for Legendary 
his alleged share in the conspiracy against Athelstan (nine years previous !), <lo^olop- 
was sent to sea in a craey boat without oars or rudder, with a single atten- 
dant (see above on 891 A), how in despair he drowned himself, but the 
attendant recovered the body and reached land. The punishment of the 
aocnser is brought about, as in the Godwine myth, by his casual remark 
* sic frater fratrem adiuuat ' ; the king, as in the Edgar myth, eubmits 
to a seven years' penance (Alberie of Trols Fontaines improves this into 
a seven yean* voluntary imprisonment !), and founds the monasteries 
of Milton and Michelney in expiation, W. M. i. 156, 157 ; II. Ixi ; G. P. 
pp. 186, 199 f. ; cf. B. W. i. 390; Ang. Sac. i. 214. This too is one of 
the stories which W. M. derived from ballad sources. But the most Historical 
historical account is found in Folcwin's Gesta Abbatum S. Bertini, a ^*^ 
Chronicle written 961 x 962, less than thirty years after the event. After 
telling how Athelstan, in 944 [either the year must be wrong or Edmund 
most be meant], received certain refugee monks of St. Bertin, he adds : 
' ob id maxime, quia frater eius . . . Edwinus rex in monasterio Sci. Bertini 
foerat tumnlatus. Siquidem anno . . . Dooccxxxui idem rex Edwinus, 
cum oogente aliqua regni sui perturbations, hac in maris parte ascensa 
sani naUet deuenire, pertiirbatione uentorum fiicta, nauique coUisa mediis 
fluetibas absortus est. Cuios corpus cum ad litus esset deuectnm, Adalolfns 
comes, quoniam propinquua ei . . . erat, ... ad Sci. Bertini monasterium 
detulit tumulandum. Post cuius mortem frater eius rex Adalstanns, 
plorima huic loco in eius elemoeina direxit exenia, et ob id eiusdem monas- 
terii monaohos anmbiliter susoepit,' Pertz, xiii. 628, 639. (Alberio simply 
copies W. M., either directly, or indirectly through Helinandus, with 
improvements of his own, ib. xxiii. 759. lohannes Longus, in his Chronicle 
of St. Bertin, combines W. M. and Folowin, ib. xxv. 772.) It will be seen 
that in Foicwin there is no suggestion of any foul play, though it is implied 
that Edwin left England, voluntarily or involuntarily, in consequence of 
lome political disturbance. It will be noticed also that Foicwin twice calls 




to Soot- 


the battle 
of Bninan- 

him < rex.* lohannes Longtts, u. «., explains this by saying : ' licet non 
regnauerit, rex tamen noniinatur, nam filii regnm rege?, filii ducum dnoei, 
&c. . . . lure nominari posBunt, ut notatur in glosa capituli . . . , et sic 
habent in usu Theatonici.* But is it not poesible that Edwin may reallj 
have been under-king (Tof Kent, eee above on 934 C, D),rthat AihelBtan, 
wishing to concentrate all power in his own hands, removed him, that 
Edwin resisted and went into exile ? This would account for the Uier 
growth of legend ; cf. Meyer, Ann. Flandr. a. a. 9132,; : cited by Stnbhi. 
Dunstan, p. cxxi. This later growth of legend is dealt with by Mr. Freemsu, 
Historical Essays, 1st series, pp. 10 ff. He does not mention FoIowId'b 
account. There is a signature of * Eadwine Cliton * to a doubtful cfaaiier of 
Athelstan, Birch, No. 648. 

983 A, 934 E. Her for ^]>el8tan . . . Scotlaad] The later date it 
right. On his way north Athelstan made great offerings at the shrine of 
St. John of Beverley, P. & S. pp. 223, 242 ; H. Y. i. 263, 264, 294-298; 
of Ripon, W. M. II. Ixiv ; and of St. Cuthbert, which was then at 
Chester-] e-Street. One of these last gilts, a MS. of Bedels Lives of St. 
Cuthbert, still exists, MS. C.C.C.C. No. 183 ; S. D. i. 211. The frontispiece 
represents a king offering a book to a monk at the shrine of St. Cnth- 
bert. Another, a Gospel book, Otho B. ix, was destroyed in the great 
Cottonian fire of 1731. (On Athelstan's liberality to monasteries gene- 
rally, see W. M. i. 142.) He also charged his brother Edmund, if be 
should Ml on this expedition, to bury him in St. Cuthbert's Church, S. D. 
i. 75, .76, 210-212. He put to flight Constandne, King of the Scots, and 
Owen (Eugenius), King of Strathclyde. His land forces advanced as far 
as Dunfoeder (Dunfother) and Wertermor (t Kirriemuir), while his navy 
went as far as Caithness, %b. i. 76; ii. 93, 124; cf. H. Y. i: 263, 264; 
S. C. S. i. 352. Fl. Wig. sajs that the reason of the invasion was that 
CoDstantine had broken the oatE of 916, and that, being defeated, he had 
to surrender his son as a hostage, i. 131, 132. Note that now, ii^ theie 
tenth century entries, we first begin to get ' Scots,' ' Scotland ' used in 
the modem sense. See note on Bede, H. E. i. i. 

934 A. JBIfheah bisp. ] All the biographers of Dunstan represent him 
as the relative of Bishop ^Ifheah, and as induced by him to become a monk. 
Stubbs* Dunstan, pp. 13-15, 82, 1 71-173, 260, 261 ; cf. Fl. Wig. i. 132, 135. 
A life of iElf heah is cited by Hardy, Cat. i. 560^ His death is entered 
951 A, below. A stoiy about him will be found in .^fric, Lives, i. 266. 

p. 106. 937 A] Of this poem there are many translations, v. Wulkor, 
Grundriss, pp. 79, 339-343* 5i5< The one best known to English readers 
is the poetical version by Lord Tennyson. Most of the expressions in 
the poem will be found explained in the Glossary. A few notes on 
the text of the poem will first be given, and then something will be said 
on the vexed question of the site of the battle. H. H. has attempted a 
Latin translation in his Chronicle : ' pene de uerbo in uerbum,' which ii 

93?] NOTES 139 

in Bome reipects rery fair, bat oontaiiis some onrions erron. He himtelf 
oomplains of the strange ('extranea') words and figures; but he has a 
real feeling for the strength of the old poem : ' ex grauitate uerbomm 
granitatem actuum et animorum gentis illius condiscamus,' p. i6a 

beah gifa] The function of the lord as ' beahgifa ' is illustrated by The lord 
the cases in which the * beah * occurs along with swordu, horses, &o., as ^ T^jk^- 
part of the heriot or war-equipment which, on the gesith's death, was 8^^®'* 
paid to the lord, the theory being that it was originally his grant ; e. g. 
K. G. D. No9. 1173, 122a, 492; Birch, Nos. 819, 1012, 113a; and cf. 
Thorpe, Laws, i. 4 ; Sohmid, p. 2. 

Xadmund 8s]>eling] He signs charters under Athelstan generally as 
' dito,' once as ' frater regis.* f 

bordwaal] Gf. W. M. of the battle of Hastings : * pedites omnes cum The Shield- 
bipennibuB, conserta ante se scutorum testudine, impenetrabilem cuneum ^<^ 
facionty* ii. 302. 

oneo nueguxn] For ' cn^w,* knee, in the sense of a step in the genea- * cn^w.* 
logy, cf. Ducange, «. v. genu, and Irish glt!in ; W. M. : ' 0£Ea, quinto genu 
Pendae abnepos,' i. 84. 

Boeotta leoda. 7 scip flotan] t. e, the Scotch and the Scandinavians ; 
the two main elements of the hostile force. 

feld dssnnede, 7c.] See Glossary, «. v. dennian. I very much prefer the 
rendering and reading of Grein to that of Zupitza. ^ The field was slippery 
with the blood of heroes,' yields a far more congruous sense than ' the field 
ooTered the brave heroes.' The burying of the dead would come much later. 

snina nor]>ema] We must supply * nuenig.* 

p. 108. Myrce ne wymdon, 7c.] ' The Mercians refused not the hard 
hAndplay to any of the heroes,' Ac. 

mid Anlafe] A spurious grant of Athelstan to Worcester is repre- 
sented as being made ' quo . . . tropheum ex Anolafo rege Norannorum, 
qui me uita et regno priuare disponit, possim armis superando adipisci,' 
K. C. D. No. 349 ; Birch, No. 700. 

9gr% ge bland] Gf. < snawgebland,' Oros. p. i86. 

7 hia sonu forlet] It does not seem to be anywhere recorded who 
this son of Gonstantine was who fell in the battle. 

p. 109. Difelin] The only mention of Dublin in the Gbronicle ; cf. 
G. 6. pp. Ixxviii, Ixzxi. 

hir» land] ' Iraland,' the reading of B, G, D, is unquestionably right. 

Mum flsftan hwit] * The name Erne still sticks to the Aquila albicilla of 
Jenyns, of which a marked feature is its white tail. It is seldom seen 
•oath of St. Abb's Head,' Earle. 

pu HO. JMM )>e na aeogalt bdo] Note the air of literary reflexion, and 
cf. Xoiroduction, $ zio, note. 

The battle of Brunanburh was the defeat of a confederacy which had Signifi- 
for its object the destruction of the power of Weesex, at any rate north of ^^^^^ of 




the battle 
of Bnman- 



must be 
sought for 
on Uie 
west ride 



the Hmnber. H. H. oallB it, not imjustly, ' praelioriim mazinmm '.; 
£thelwerd says : * unde et uulgo usque ad praesena, bellum pnenominatiDr 
magnum ; turn superantur barbarae . . . turbae, nee ultra dominari, . . . 
uno Bolidnntnr Brittannidis arua, nndique pax/ p. 526 B; Gfaimar nys: 
' Crei ke parl^ en ert tut dis/ v, 3528. The league ooosiBted of the Danes 
of Nortbumbria, Constantine, King of the Soots, the Stratbclyde Britoss 
under their king, Owen or Eugenius, S. D. L 75, 76 ; ii. 93 ; and the Danes 
of Dublin under the two Anla& or Olafii. These last were oonains ; one, 
Anlaf Ouaran, being the son of Sitric, Aihelstan's brother-in-law, the 
other being the son of Guthfrith or Godfrey, Sitric's brother, expelled by 
Athelstan in 927. Both were kings of Dublin, and were endeaTooiing 
to recover the hold of their family upon Northumbria. Anlaf SitrMSOD 
was further son-in-law to Constantine, King of the Scots, who seema to 
have been the soul of the confederacy, FL Wig. i. 132 ; S. C. S. i. 152. It 
is not wonderful that the two are frequently confounded. The poem only 
mentions one, perhaps a compound of the two. Fl. Wig. and W. H. 
mention A. Sitricson, while S. D. i. 76 mentions A. Godfineyson. Accord- 
ing to G. P. three bishops accompanied Athelstan to Brunanburh, pp. 2f , 
144, 1 78. See Addenda. 

The vexed question of the site of the battle has been needlessly com- 
plicated (Pearson, Hist. Maps, p. 39) by the introduction of the consideci- 
tion of Athelstan's gilts to Beverley and St Cuthbert. These belong to 
the campaign, not of Brunanburh, but of 934, q. v. 

The rite of the battle must be looked for in a locality which would serve 
as a rendezvous for the Scots, the Strathdyde Welsh, and the Dobtio 
Danes. It is obvious that such a spot must be sought on the west of 
England, and that Fl. Wig.'s statement that Anlaf Sitricson entered the 
mouth of the Humber must be an error,, i. 132; though it has misled 
Mr. Skene and others. 

In 936 Athelstan appears to have been at York, no doubt preparii^ 
for the campaign. W. M . says that Anlaf Sitricson had advanced fiur inland, 
and that Athelstan had deliberately fallen back, *recul^ pour mieux 
sauter,' i. 142 ; and the poem states that the pursuit lasted the whole 
day, so that we must not place the site too near the sea. This is agrinst 
Dr. Wevmouth's view, contained in an interesting oommunication, that 
Brunanburh is Bromborough, on the Mersey. This might suit as a landing 
place of the Danes, but it is hard to see how the other members of the 
league could have got there, and this objection applies with yet g re a te r 
force to many other suggestions which have been made. Dr. Weymootb** 
theory first appeared in the Athenaeum of August 15, 1885, and called forth 
an interesting correspondence which lasted into October. Mr. H. Murphy, 
in a striking letter, October 3, enforces the view, previously maintrin<d 
by Mr. C. Hardwick in his book, Lancashire Battlefields, that the site is 
to be sought in the country round Bramber, south of the Ribble sad 

94i] NOTES 141 

Preston. One great aigumeot in favour of this view is the disoovery of 
the great hoard at Cnerdale, on the Bibble, containing 975 oz. of silver in 
ingots, and over 7000 coins, none later than 930, which is supposed to be 
the military chest of the confederates. Mr. T. Hodgkin suggested Bums- Bnraswark. 
wark (cf. the name ^t Brunanwerc, »«/ra), a hill in Dumfriesshire, which 
tt possible, and is adopted by Mr. W. H. Stevenson in his map of England 
before the Conquest The Roman station Brouonaoae (Kirby Thore or 
Brongh, in Westmoreland), on the Roman road from Carlisle to York, Brough. 
answers the conditions not amiss. That there was a fortification is 
shown, as Professor York Powell pointed out, by the three parallel forms, 
Bnmanburh (here), Brunandune (Ethelwerd), and Mi Brunanwerc (S. D. 
i. 76). And to these might be added Dunbrunde (P. & S. p. 9), 
Bruneswerc (Gaimar, u. «.), and Brunfort (Liber de Hyda, p. 123). W. M. 
calls the place Bmnefeld ; cfl Bruningafeld, Liebermann, pp. 68, 88, and 
in two spurious charters, K. C D. Nos. 11 13, 374; Birch, Nos. 713, 
727 ; d ib, II. viii. The Welsh Annals call it merely Brune. S. D. also 
gives it the name of Weondune or Wendnne, i. 76^ ii. 93. This recalls Wendon, 
the name ' Vinheiffi vi» Vinnskdga,' i. e, Winheath by Winwood, which Winheath, 
the batUe bears in EgiU Saga, c. 52, though the Saga itself is too ihythical ^^^' 
to be used as evidence. These names in turn recall Bede's Winwied, 
while Bruuanbnrh has been compared with Eddius' Bromnis. Unfortu- 
nately these give little or no help, cf. Bede, II. 183. But local research 
migbt discover a Winheath, &c., which would definitely fix the spot. 
Probably both the Anla& retired to Dublin after the battle, though 
Sitricson may have returned to Scotland with his father*in-law ; cf. Ann. 
Ult. $. a. 936-937 ; O. & pp. a8o ff. ; Robertson, E. K. & i. 63-^6 ; $. C. S. 

There is a possible allusion to the battle of Bnmanburh in the dedicatory Literary 
verses in the Cotton MS. of the four Gospels, Tib. A. ii, piesented by "ilMions. 
Athelstan to Christ Church, Canterbury, Birch, No. 710 ; and a certain 
one in .^frie's epilogue to the Heptateuch : 'iC^elstan, >e wi^ Anlaf 
gefeaht, 7 his firde ofsloh, 7 aflymde hine sylfrie,' ed. Thwaites, p. 163 ; 
cf. the curious literary revenge taken on Athelstan by later Scotch leg^d, 
P. ft 8. pp. 183, 184, 348. About this very time Athelstan seems to have 
been furnishing help to the continental Bretons against the Normans, De 
la Borderie, Neunius, p. 100 ; Bouquet, viii. 276. 

p. 107. 987 F] It looks as if F had at first copied E, had then found the 
poem in A and left a space fbr it (see critical note 18), and finally been 
content to add the passages in brackets as a sort of analysis of it. 

pp. UO, IIL 941 A, 940 D, E. XHer JBpelstan . . . foiVferde] The Death of 
Ann. Ult, in recording Ath«lstan*s death, call him < cleithi n-ordain iar- Athelstan. 
thair domain,* ' the summit [lit. ridge-pole] of the honour of the west of 
the worid.* He died at Gloucester (D), and was buried at Malmesbury, 
Fl. Wig. i. 133 ; G. P. p. 397 ; where his cousins, iElfwine and ^thelwine, 




slain ftt Brunanbarh, haA alreftdj been buried, W. M. i 151, 15a. AU 
the biographers of Dnnstan represent him as becoming at onoe a trusted 
counsellor (R. W. says * chancellor,* i. 393) of the new king, Edmond. 
Osbem calls him, in this context, * uenerandos pater ' ; W. M. says : ' Ed- 
munduB at teneritndinem aetatis maturiori firmaret oonsilio . . . Donstanmn 
. . . praefecit palatio»' Stubbs* Danstan, pp. 90, a68; cf. i&. ai, 56, 180. 
Now at this time Dmistan was of the mature age of fifteen, three yean 
younger than Edmund himself! Ethelwerd, like A, places Athektan's 
death in 941 ; so liebermann, p. 68. B, G, D, like £, place it in 940, and 
say that it was forty years after the death of Alfred. The original reading 
of A (followed by W) says that it was in 941, and forty-one years after the 
death of Alfred. This would throw Alfired*s death into 900, though all 
these Chronicles place it in 901 ; v. «. pp. 11 a, 113. A charter, K. C. D. 
No. 1 1 38; Birch, No. 766, seems at first sight conclusive for 94X. being 
dated '▲.D. 941 . . .. anno quo Eathelstanus . . . mortuus est.' Bat 
I do not think that this need mean more than that it was in the first 
year of £dmnnd*s reign. And there are other charters which speak of 
94a as £dmund*s third year, 943 as his fourth, and 946 as his seTenth, 
K. C. D. Nos. 394, 41 z ; Broh, Nos. 771, 77a, 781, 815, showing that 
his accession cannot have been later than 940. (K. G. D. No. 115; Birch, 
No. 801, is dated 944, in the third year of Edmund, but the indiotion shows 
that this must be corrected to 94a.) On the whole the balance seems 
greatly in favour of 940 ; so Liebermann, pp. 134, 135. On the difficulty 
as to the length of AUielstan's reign, see above, pp. 13a, 133. The day of 
his death is given in the Lib. Yit. Dun. as here, * vi Kal. Nou.' (Oct. 37), 
p. 147. Evidently his obit was a sort of standard of observance at 
Durham: 'obitus eorum [i.e. Malcolm and Margaret] festiue sicnt regis 
Ethelstani celebretnr,* ti. 7a. 

butan aare niht] From this it has been argued that Alfred must have 
died on Oct. a8 (so FL Wig. o. «. p. 11 a). But Oct. a6 is certain for the 
day of Alfred's death ; and ' butan * only means * except * or ' within one 
night.* The difference may be on either side. 
Eadmund 6s)>elix]c] For his signatures as etheling, see above on 937. 
of Edmund. £[e and Edred were both sons of Eadgyfu, Edward's third wife, who signs 
Eadgym. ^ through their reigns as ' mater regis.' (It is a mere slip that in £. C. D. 
No. 1937 ; Birch, No. 1065, "^^^ ^" made the mother of Athelstan; this 
error is not in the original document, of which this is a Latin tranaUtion, 
K. G. D. No. 499; Birch, No. 1064; cf. tupra^ p. 134.) She signs as 
<aua Regis' under both Edwy and Edgar, E. G. D. Nos. 1334, laai; 
Birch, Nos. 1046, 1047 ; though the former charter is not free from doubt 
That she should not sign under her step-son Athelstan is naturaL Bat 
she does not sign under her husband Edward, and her predecessor JElflsed 
signs only onoe, EL. G. D. No. 333 ; Birch, No. 589. She signs one diarter 
as 'Eadgeofu feliz'; and three with the curious suffix *i£dgefa enax.* 

Day of 




943] ' NOTES I43 

K. C. D. Km. 424, 435; Birch, Nos. 883, 909, 9x1, 1346. These are 
perhapB attempte -to give the meaning of her name ' blessed gift ' in Latin. 

841 D. Anlaf] Cf. S. D. ii. 377; W. M. i. 157. It is hard to say which Anlaf in 
of the two Anla& is meant here. Dr. Todd understands it to be Anlaf Northnm- 
Cuann Sitricson, O. 6. p. 384 ; so Bobertson, £. K. S. i. 63. Mr. Skene, ^'^ 
howeTer, C. S. i. 361, says Anlaf Godfreyson, whose death is entered by 
£ and F at 94a, q, v. 

942 A. Her Badmimd . . . Hyroe ge eode] This reduction of Mercia Bednction 
was apparently necessitated by the fact that on the conuns^ of Anlaf the 2f ^® ^^^ 
Dane-law had risen against Edmund; cf. H. H. p. 171 ; F. N. C. i. 61 ; ^'<*^'^ 
Green, C. K. pp. 270 ff. For the oiganisatibn of the Five Boroughs, here 
mentioned for the first time, ef. ib, i a a, 123. We have the assembly of 
the Fire Boroughs, 'fif burga ge>inc9u,' under Ethelred, Thorpe, i. 29a ; 
Sefamid, pp. li, lii, a 12. 

Dor] Dore, five miles from Sheffield. * It is associated with *' Hwitan 
wyllet geat " = WMteweirs gate ; and not far from Dore we find White- 
well, and both of them on the verge of the shire. Indeed, this word "dor *' 
seems to have been used as a common noun for a mountain pass, as we see 
in K. C. D. No. 570, that in a description of bounds a " dor " occurs between 
two brooks, " of se<^broce to 8an hean dore ; of hean dore to brydbroce,** ' 

8oade)>] Cf. * Hnmbre stream tosceadeV suOfolc ... 7 norKfolc,* Bede, 
p. 56 ; * neah )wem ssb ^ Englalond 7 Peohta tosceada})/ tft. 358. 

D0ne wssran . . . gebegde] It is hard to see what can be the sense of Beadings. 
Mtying ' the Danes were subject under the Northmen.' ^. H. B. adopts 
the reading of B : ' Denum,' which gives a good sense, ' Denum ' being 
parmllel to 'under NorfJmannum,* as frequently in Anglo-Saxon poetry. 
The reading of A in the latter part of this annal is a mere slip due to 
the recurrence of the words * Eadtnund cyning.* The original of A was 
probably of the type of B or G, and after concluding the poem with the 
words ' Eadmund cyning *' began the new annal : * 943 Her Eadmund cyning 

Bsegenolde] The Regnold or Ragnall mentioned here and in 944 is the Bagnallthe 
younger of the two cited in the note to 923 D, E. For sponsors at baptism yoxmgei. 
and confirmation, see Bede, II. 14a, 179, 383. 

The lacuna in a at the end of the annal riionld be filled up : * [Her forff- Death of 
ferde Wulfhelm] aroebisceop.' Wulfhelm did die in 94a. Wulfhelm. 

942 E. Her Anlaf . . . foxltferde] This is Anlaf Oodfreyson. Anlaf Death of 
Sitrkson survived till 980. According to S. D. the former died in 941 , ^^^^^ 
after ravaging the church and lands of St. Balthere, at Tiningham, ii. 94. ^qq^ 
(On Balthere, a Northumbrian anchorite, who died in 756, cf. S. D. i. 48, 
J 99; ii. 41 ; Alcuin de Sanctis Ebor. w, 1318 ff. ; AA. SS. Mart. i. 448 ff.) 

948 D] On the highly conflate character of this annal, see Introduction, 




Victory of 
the Danes. 

bnry en- 
tnuted to 




^a Denan sige ahton] S. D. places these eventa in the fint year of 
Edmund. His anoal is so important that it must be given in full : ' 939 

Edmundus . . . suocessity quo [T cuias] anno rez Onlaf prime nenit 

Eboracam, deinde ad austram tendens, Hamtonam obsedit. 8ed niebil 
ibi proficiens, uertit ezercltum ad Tameweorde, et uastatis omnibus per 
circuitum dum rediens ad Legraceastre perneniTet, ooouirit ei rex Edmundu 
cum exercitu. Nee erat pugna diffioilis, quoniam duo arohiepisoopi, Odo et 
et Wlstan, placatis alterutrum regibus, pugnam sedauerant. Pace itaqae 
facta, tenninus utriueque regni erat Wetlingastrete ; Edmundus ad austia- 
lem partem, Onlaf ad aquilonalem, regnum tenuerunt,* ii. 93, 94. R. W. 
has a further development that the survivor of the two should succeed to 
the whole, i. 395. If S. D.*8 date were correct, it would be donbtlul which 
of the two Axdafii was meant. And in S. D. ii. 377, 378, it is distanetlj 
impUed that it was Anlaf, son of Guthfiith, who submitted and was bap- 
tised, and, dying soon after, was succeeded by Anlaf Sitricson. But the 
mention of Odo as archbishop, who did not succeed tiU 94a (Stnbbs, Ep. 
Succ.), shows that the chronology of the Ghron. is correct, and that Anlaf 
Sitricson must be meant. This entry in S. B. has been strangely ignctwL 
It did not escape Dr. Todd^s diligence, G. G. p. 283, and it seems implied 
in Green, G. £. p. 27a. Freeman says nothing of it. If it is oocrect 
Wessex must for the moment have &llen back to the position of 878 
(Wedmore), or at any rate of the frith of ^86, For the effect of Anlafi 
baptism, see Z. N. V. p. 211. 

"WuUiBtaxL arcebisoop] On Wulfstan, and on the position of the 
Northern primate at this time, cf. Green, C. E. pp^ 94, aai, aaa, 271, 

948 a. H«T Eadxnund . . . Dunstane ... be tsdhte] This ' entrustug 
of Glastonbury to Dunstan ' is not identical with his appcnntment as abbot, 
which is expressly stated to have taken place later, ' syOSan.' Tliere is, 
therefore, nothing in this entry which conflicts with the condnsioQ di4wn 
by Dr. Stubbs from the charters that Dunstan becsme abbot in 946. The 
statement in the life of Dunstan by Osbem (himself a Canterbury man'i is 
very similar : ' Dunstanus accepta potestate super regiam raansionflm quae 
Glestonia uocabatur, . . . ipse primus abbas effectus,' &c, Stubbs* Dun- 
Stan, p. 92 ; where the ' accepta potestate * answer to ' betnhte ' here. Of 
course the statement in both authorities that Dunstan was first Abbot of 
Glastonbury is absurd ; and it, k% well as the statement of Osbem that 
Glastonbury was a royal manor, is vigorously refuted by W. M., tfr. 251, 
260, 271, 301. Glastonbury has a spurious antiquity going back to Joseph 
of Arimathea ; but it has also a genuine antiquity going back at least to 
the beginning of the eighth century. But it is quite possible that there, 
as elsewhere, anything like genuine monastic life had become extinct, 
and that it was practically in the king's hands. Cf. what is said of Ely 
at the beginning of Edgar's feign : ' erat tunc deetitutus et regali fiseo 

94^] NOTES 145 

deditns/ Chron. Ab. it. 362 ; and see belov, on 1129. Glastonbury may 
well have been ' entrusted * to Dnnstan for restoration and reform in 943, 
and only when these preliminaries were aoootiiplished would the formal 
appointment as abbot take place. ThiR, if not earlier, wan also not later 
than 946, as all the authorities agree that he was appointed by Edmund, 
who died in that year; see Stubbs, u. 9, pp. Ixxixff., 25, 56. One of 
the charters signed by Dnnstan as ' indignus abbas * was drawn up and 
written by him ' propriis digitornm articuHs' ; he signs another as ' Dunstan 
dogmatista,' K. C. D. No?. 425, 451 ; Birch, Nos. 880, 937; ' dogmatista* 
is glossed by 'lareow,' Wiilker, Glossaries, cc. 163, 390. 

944*. Her Badmund . . . ge eode . . . Norp hymbra land] Under 943 Reduction 
S. D. has the entry : * Northumbri regem suuiii Onlaf de regno expulcrunt,' o*" North- 
while under 945 he has the expulsion of two unnamed kings by Edmund, 
H. 94. It is possible that Edmund, in expelling Anlaf, was only completing 
what his subjects had begun. According to Ethelwerd, Anlaf and Ragnall, 
whom he calls ' quosdam desertores,* were expelled by Wulfstan, Arch- 
bishop of York and \ Bnx Merciorum,' p. 520 G. It may have been now, or 
in 945, that Edmund made the offerings to St. Cuthbert recorded in S. D. 
i. 76, 212. It was on one of these northern campaigns, possibly that of 
948 D, that Archbishop Odo translated what he believed to be the bones of 
the great Wilfrid, G. P.p. 22 ; Stubbs' Dnnstan, p. 271 ; cf. Bede, II. 328. 

045*. Her IDadmund . . . ofer hergode . . . Ouxnbra land] Several Bednotion 
authorities place this ravaging in 946. 

7 hit let to . . . Malculme, A] On the grant of Cumberland, t. e, not and grant 
the modem county, but the kingdom of Strathclyde, see F. N. C. i. 62, 1 24, 2^^™^"^* 
571-573; Green, C. E. pp. 278 ff. ; S. C. 8. i. 361-363 ; i"- 3 ; P. * S. 
p. xxvi ; N. & K. pp. 329 ff. ; Robertson, £. K. S. i. 72 ; ii. 399 ; H. W. 
i. 398. The object of the grant was both to detach the King of the Scots 
from the Danes, and also to form Strathclyde into a barrier between the 
Danes of Ireland and North umbria; cf. Z. N. V. pp. 170, 211. It marks 
the close of Cumbrian independence, ib. 171. 

pp. 112, 118. 946 A, D, 948 E] 946 is cerUinly right for the death of Death of 
Edmund and the accession of Edred; cf. 955 A, though S. D. follows E, ^™^^g, 
i. 77 ; ii. 94. The first charter of Edred is dated very elaborately < a. d. 946, ^^^^ ^f 
contigit post obitum Eadmundi regis, qui regimina regnornm Angulsaxna 7 Edred. 
Nor^bymbra, Paganorum, Brettonumque septem annorum interuallo . . . 
gnbemabat, quod Eadred frater eios uterinos [this does not mem that he 
was merely a uterine brother, but that he had the same mother as well as 
the same father] electione optimatum subrogatns, pontificali auctoritate 
eodem anno cntholioe est rex et rector ad regna quadripertiti regimtnis 
[i.e. of the four peoples named above] oonsecratns ... in uilla quae dicitur 
regis, Cyngestun,* K. C. D. Ko. 41 1 ; Birch, No. 815. The strens laid on the 
election and coronation should be noted ; cf. Green, C. R pp. 287, 288. It 
diowB how rash it is to assume that these things were omitted becanse 

yu. lO.. iir. -tt, zX^r^.^AA 




Manner of 


they are not mentioned. JEltnc, writing about 991 (see Wulker, Grand- 
risfl, p. 459), by using the case of a royal election as a popular compariaoa, 
shows how strongly the idea of it survived : * We wyllaC seqfan eow sum 
bigspell. Ne mseg nan man hine sylfne to cynge gedon, ao )net folc facfS 
eyre to oeosenne )>one to cyninge, ])e him sylfum lica9 ; ac siOVan he to 
cyninge gehalgod bi0, )>onne hsefS he auweald ofer ]«t folc, 7 hi ne magon 
his geoc of heora swuran asceacan/ Horn. i. 212 ; which also shows that, 
as Dr. Stubbs has pointed out, S. G. H. i. 136, the right of deposition does 
not necessarily follow from the right of election, as some have glibly stated. 
With the date of 946 for Edred's accession agree the facts that 949 
falls partly in his third, partly in his fourth year, that 951 falls partly in 
hiri sixth, and 955 partly in his tenth, K. G. D. Nos. 424, 433, 1 167; 
Birch, Nofi. S83, 884, 890, 893, 909. The only argument on the other side 
is that in Birch, No. 885, 949 is called the second year, but this is probably 
a mere slip. Kdred had signed both under Athelstan and Edmnnd u 
' frater regis.' Edmund's death is entered under 946 in the Ann. Flodoardi, 
Pertz, iii. 393. 

foils ferde, A] Note that if we had only A, B, C before us, we should 
not know that Edmund's death was other than a natural one. There are, 
however, other similar cases; cf. 657 A, B, G with 656 £; 729 D with 
731 D. The additional details here in D are clearly a later insertion, see 
Introduction, § 78; Fl. Wig. and W. M.also give additional details, that 
Edmund was killed in going to the help of his dapifer or discOegn, who 
was struggling with a robber (' cleptor ' ! cf. Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 29) whom 
Edmund had banished, Fl. Wig. i. 134; W. M. i. 159 f. According to 
Dunstan's biographers the saint had supernatural premonitions of the 
tragedy, Stubbs* Dunstan, pp. 29, 44-46, 58, 94, 183, 184, 276, 277. 
According to the life by W. M. : ' data in inferias uilla in qua oocobuerst, 
ut quae consciu fuerat homicidii, semper in posterum pro anima eios esset 
adiutrix beneficii,' ib. 277. He was buried at Glastonbury by Danstan. 
St. Augustine's day is May 26. Ethelwerd says : * in solennia Augustini 
minoris qui et apostolus Anglorum,' p. 520; cf. W. M. : 'quo die Angli 
feetiue obsoniari solebant pro praedicatoris sui memoria,* i. 159. On the 
obeervance of St. Augustine's day, see Bede, II. 81. Of Edred, W. 1£. 
says : * annis . . . nouem in regno non tarn uixit quam uitam trazit, totini 
corporis tonnentis in&actus et debilis,' Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 277 ; cf, tb. 31. 
Hermann calls him ' debilis pedibus,' Liebermann, p. 232. 

let Fuolan cyroan, D] Edred grants land at Pucklechuich to.Glaatan- 
bury, ' pro animae ereptione fratris mei Eadmundl regie quern . . • ipse 
prius me annuente praedicto loco condonauerat,' Birch, No. 887. The first 
part of the name is probably * pucel,* a derivative of ' puca,* IceL ' ptLki,' 
an imp, a devil ; a word known to us all from Shakespeare's * Pack ' (see 
Napier in Academy for June 2, 1894). It is a curious word to fidlf 6mn- 
pounded with * church.' B. W. says that the murder took place ' in oilla 

948] NOTES 147 

nguk, quae Micheleberi dicitur/ i. 398. Of course his ftuthoritj is worth- 
lass against the Chronicle ; but there is a place * eet Michelan byrg ' in 
Wilt8, occurring in a charter, K. G. D. No. 436 ; Birch, No. 917. Thorn 
lays the scene at Canterbury, c. 1779. 

iESpelflflsd sst Domerhame] Damerhani -was granted to <£thelflsed by .£thelflfed 
King Edmund, possibly as her * raoming-gift ' ; and she leaves it in her will J*^ Damer- 
to Glastonbury. There is a grant of Edgar's to her, which shows that she 
survived at any rate to 962. Edred also leaves land at Da^erham by will, 
E. C. D. Nos. 490. 685 : Biich, Nos. 817, 912, 1082, 1288. .^thelflsd's 
father, iElfgar, was an alderman and an East Anglian, and her sister ^Iflssd 
was wife of the alderman Brihtnoth, see Crawford Charters, pp. 86, 87. 
iEthelflsed was not, however, Edmund's first wife. He had an earlier 
wife, ifUfgyfu. She signs a charter as ' concubina regis,' K. C. D. No. 409 ; Edmund's 
Birch, No. 779. It is probable that this is used in no invidious sense, but ^fjTJ^®' 
as a literal translation of the A. S. ' gebedda,' which is a perfectly honour- ^3^^ 
able word ; and in a charter of £thelred*s of 984 she is called ' coniux/ 
K.C. D. No. 641. Ethel werd says that she died in the same year as the 
expulsion of Anlaf and Bagnall, p. 520; t.0. 944 according to the Chron., 
though Ethelwerd's chronology is different : * eodem . . . anno obiit et 
regina Elfgyuu, Eadmundi regis uxor, postque sanctificatnr [cf. '7 wies 
sy99an halig/ 1030 C] in cuius mausoleo, . . . usque ad praesens innume- 
rosa . . . miracula fiunt in coenobio quod . . . Sceftesbyrig nuncupatur.* 
(The above is the only signature of i^fgyfu, and there are none of ^tW- 
flaed ; though Edmund's mother signs regularly.) For ^Ifgyfu's burial at 
Shaftesbury, cf. Hyde Register, p. 93. Her obit was May 18, %b. 270. 
She is called * Sea JSlfgyfu,* 955 D, tn/ra, and was the mother of Edwy 
and Edgar, ib.; cf. Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 289. Her mother's name was 
WinflsBd, for Edgar speaks of * aua mea Winfled,' K. C. D. No. 522 ; Birch, 
No. 1 186 ; and of course his paternal grandmother was Eadgyfu. 

a)MM . . • eal f he wolde*] Cf. the oath of allegiance taken to the Oath of 
Roman Emperor : •* 6nw;itv . . . c^o^crctr To/y Ko^irapc Jc/Saffxy , , , ical allegiance 
^(Kcvs r< Kpi¥uv o(ft h» ainbt vpoatp^rai leal i)($poin ots hv a^rds wpofidKkrf- 
rai,** Ephemeris Epigraphica, v. 156, cited by Schtlrer. 

947 D. ftlugon . . . apas] Cf. ' gif ge him ne alugen iowra wedd 7 eowre 
a)»s,' Oros. p. 122. 

048 D] If we may put together the notices in D and E we get the Chron- 
fonowiDg Uble (cf. G. G. p. 285) : ology. 

947 ^ 94^* Reception of Eric as king, B. 

948. Desertion of Eric, submission to Edred, D. 

949. Reception of Anlaf Cuaran (Sitricson) as king, K 
952. Expulsion of Anlaf and second reception of Eric, E. 
954. Expulsion of Eric and reception of Edred, D, E. 

Bot it is impossible to be sure that the chronology of £ is absolutely 
identical with that of D. In & D. ii. 378 the former election of Eric ia 

L a 






Batfcle of 


Peath of 

Arrest of 
of York. 

omitted, and Edred's harrying of Northumberland (948 D) is made the eon- 
sequence, not of that election, but of Anlafs restoration (949 £), while 
Anlaf 8 expulsion is the result of this harrying, and not the woric of the 
Northumbrians themselves (as 952 £), 'solita iniidelitate ntentes,' as H.H. 
says, p. 163. (In P. & S. p. 224, Eric seems to be regarded as a king of 
the Scots appointed by Edred I) In the Liber Vitae Dunelm. there t^ 
an • Eiric rex Danomm/ who may be this one, p. 78. Fl. Wig. omits the 
second expulsion of Eric, 954 D, £, perhaps regarding it as a doublet. 

Yryo to cyninge] This is Eric Hiring, son of Harold Blue-tooth ; cf. 
Adam of Biemen : ' Haroldua rex . . . Hiring filium cum exerdtu misit in 
Angliam, qui subacta insula tandem proditus et occisus est a Noi'dnmbris,' 
Pertz, vij. 3 1 ii, 3 14. These last words must refer to his second expulsion, 954. 
infra ; and, if true, add a fact not mentioned by the Chron. R. W. gives 
details of Erie's betrayal and death, i. 40a, 403. See Addenda. 

•p mssre mynater . . . nt Bypon] On the significance of this 'entry, see 
Introduction, § 68, note. On Wilfrid*s buildings at Ripon, v, Bede, II. 323. 
The burning of Ripon is therefore due to Edred's army, and W. M. ^a 
hardly fair in saying, with reference to Odo*s alleged trajiilation of Wilfind 
(9. 9. p. 145, and Bede, II. 328) : < Wilfridi dirutam per Demos . . . 
eoclesiam,' 6. P. p. 22. 

hind&n set Oeasterforda] The affiur of Chesterford was an attack on 
the king's rearguard : ' Northymbrenses adunati multoa de extrema parte 
exercitus interfecerunt/ S. D. ii. 378. 

gebeton pa daede] ' pecunia non modica/ adds Fl. Wig. i. 1 35. 

949 £. AnUf Owiran] This is Anlaf Sitrioson, v. m. pp. 140, 141, 143. 
144. He is often called Anlaf Cuaran in Irish sources ; cf. G. G. pp. d. 
cxliv, cxiviii, cIxxiy, 276-287 ; Robertson, E. K. S. i. 73. The meaning of 
the. name Cuaran is very uncertain. I have sometimes wondered whether 
poRsibly it rests on a confusion with a later Anlaf, and is an attempt to 
represent in Irish the soubriquet of 6lafr hinn Kyrri, Olave the Peaoelol, 
son of Harold Hardrada. Anyhow, the Irish form was transferred back 
into ScandiDavian sources, as we get 6lniT Kuann, or Knanm, FUtey 
Book, i. 150, 218. 

961 A. JSlfheah . . . blsS] See on 934, mpra. According to several 
of Dunstan*s biographers, Edred wished to make him bishop in succession 
to ^Ifheah, Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. Ixxxvii, 56, 95, 185, 178. The earliest 
of them, however^ says that it was the see of Crediton, vacant in 953 by 
the death of ^thelgar« that was pressed on Dunstan, t&. 29. W. M. tries 
to reconcile the two accounts, xh. 278-289. 

962 D. Her . . . het Badred . . . ludan byrig] On the arrest of Arch- 
bishop Wulfstan, which shocked later clerical feeling, of. W. M. i. 163; 
G. P. p. 247. The identification of ludanbnrh is very difficult. The 
common view is Jedbuigh. But, as Canon MKiJlure remarks in an iiiter- 
tsting communication to me, Jedburgh, in the neighbourhood of Scot* asd 

955] NOTES 149 

Danes, m the last place where a northern primate would be in safe Iceepmg, 

and the same objection applies to Mr. Bates' suggestion of Liveresk; Arch. 

Ael. xiz. 184, 185. Mr. M«01ure is inclined to identify it with Bede's 

Ythancaestir, on the Pant or Black water in Essex, see Bede, II. 178. 

Certainly the mention of Thetford immediately afterwards suggests that it 

may have been somewhere in the Eastern CounUes. R. W. connects the 

two events so closely that he makes the crime of Wnl&tan to consist in his 

having slaughtered the people of Thetford in revenge for Eadhelm. This 

is of course a mere perversion of the Chronicle. He calls the place of 

Wul&tan's imprisonment ' Uithabiri/ i. 403. What Wulfstan was really a 

charged with was probably alliance with the Danes of Northumbria. After 

Eric's expulsion and death he was released, 954 D, infra. Abbot Eadhelm 

signs a charter of Edred's in 949, K. C. D. No. 435 ; Birch, No. 880. 

062, 964 E] See above on 948 D. H. H. says : ' gens patriae illius Extinction 
. . . Hyrc filium Haraldi, ut leuiter aoceperat, leuiter abiecerat/ p. 163. ?^ royalty 
* Ab hoc tempore Noi-thanhymbrorum prouincia proprium regem habere ™bria. " 
cessauit. Deinoeps . . . per oomitum procurationem, una cum omnibus 
totius Angliae prouinciis, regi subiecta seruiuit/ S. D. ii. 378 ; cf. ib. 94. 
The fint of these aldermen or earls was Oswulf, and the second Oslac, 
ih. 38a; V. 9. p. 13a. 

964 D. on Doroeoeastxe] This may mean either that the restoration Bestora- 
took place at Dorchester, or that Wulfstan was made Bishop of Dorchester. ^^ ^^ 
Probably the latter ; see Addenda. Wulfstan. 

066 A, D, E, 066 B,C. Her forpferde Eadred] Of Edreds death Death of 
also Dunjftan had a supernatural warning, 8tubbs' Dunstan, pp. 31, 58, Edred. 
98, 99, 187, 188, 281, 28a. The earliest biographer does not give the story 
of the king s corpse being deserted by all the attendants. 
on Soe OlementeB mssaae dssg, A] November 23. 

on Ealdanmynstere, D] ' requiescit Wintoniae in episcopatu,* t. it. in The Old 
the cathedral churob, W. M. i. 162. His will is in Birch, No. 91 2. Minster. 

fans Sadwig*] We have seen how on the death of Edred, the queen- Accession 
mother Eadgyfu, who had played so great a part under her sons, was ©^ Edwy. 
deprived of her property and position. In the document in which this is 
told Edwy is spoken of as ' ^t cild Eadwig )« )>a gecoren wss/ K. C. D. 
No. 499 ; Birch, No. 1064. Edwy and Edgar sign as ' clito ' and ' ssVel- 
ing* during the last year of Edred. But Edwy is associated in a grant in 
his Other's first year, 941, when he can have been only an infant, K. C. D. 
No. 1138 ; Birch, No. 766. The evidence of the chartere agrees with 955 
for the date of Edwy's accession. His earliest charter is dated 955 ; 956 
ia in his first year, 957 in his second, his fourth year falls partly in 958, 
partly in 959, K. C. D. Nos. 436, 45a, &c., 465, 1214. ia24; Birch, 
^<m. 917, 927, &c., 999, 1035, 1046. Edwy was crowned at Kingston by 
Archbishop Odo, Fl. Wig. i. 136. For the story of the coronation feast 
and its later developments, of. Stubbs* Dunstan, pp. Ixxxviii f. ; Bobert- 





in exile. 

of Edgar 
in Mercian 

von. Historical EssayB, p. 19a, It should be noted that of the later 
writers H. H. is distinctly favourable to Edwy, saying : ' non illaudabiliier 
regni infulam tenuit/ and : ' eius . . . prospera et laetabunda exordia mon 
immatura pernipit/ p. 163 ; so the Hyde Register : *■ flebilis occidit multis 
suorum lacrimip,' p. 7. Ethelwerd says of him : ' prae. nimia . . . puldui- 
tudine, Pancali sortitas est nomen a uulgo secundi. Tenuit . . . qoad- 
riennio . . . regnum amandus/ p. 530. The Chron. D seems to place the 
division of the kingdom immediately on £dred*s death. This 1$ certainly 
wrong ; see below on 957 B, C. Dunstan^s earliest life says of £dwy ex- 
pressly : ' in utraque plebe . . . electos,* p. 32. On the share which the 
monastic movement (which has been both exaggerated and antedated) had 
in the opposition to Edwy, see ih. xcvii ff. ; Bobertson, Essays, pp. 193, 
194 ; cf. W. M. i. 163 : * coenobium . . . stabulum clericomm fecit.' 

It is impossible not to be struck by the very large number of chuien 
issued during Edwy's Bhort reign. It suggests the consciousnes-s of weak- 
ness, and the attempt to conciliate support by lavish grants. And though 
the influence of the monastic struggle under Edwy may have been exag- 
gerated (p. 8.), yet it is significant how few of Edwy's charters are signed 
by any abbots. Dunstan and ^^thelwold sign occasionally. The only 
exceptions aie K. G. D. Nos. 479, 1224 ; Birch, Nos. 1030, 1046, and of 
these the latter is possibly spurious. The same is true of the beginning 
of Edgar's reign. Qenerally only i£thelwoId signs, but gradually other 
abbots make their ^appearance. On the other hand, there are twelve 
genuine grants to monasteries by Edwy. But these are few indeed besdde 
the numerous grants and confirmations made by Edgar, frequently at the 
request of iEthelwold, Birch, iii, pa$sim, 

8Se JEJlfgyfe, D] On her, see note on 946 D. 

956 a, E, 957 D] 956 seems to be the right date both for Dunstan*! 
exile and for Wul&tan*s death; cf. Fl. Wig. i. 136; H. Y. ii. 340, and 
Addenda. Dunstan took refuge in the monastery of Blandinium at Ghentj 
under the protection of Amulf, Count of Flanders, Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 33, 
34, 59 f., loi, 19a, 193, 384-386. There is a letter probably from thii 
Amulf to Dunstan, ib. 359-361, and one from an unknown writer to 
Amulf, praying for the restitution of a stolen MS. which the Count had 
bought, ib. 361, 36 a. 

on zvii kt lanoar*, D] FI. Wig. has vii. Kal., probably by an error. 

967 B, C. Her Eadgar . . . Myrcna rioe] There is an interesting 
reference to Edgar's Mercian election in a document of eirca 961 : ' sfter 
)>am getidde P Myrce gecuran Eadgar to cynge, 7 him anweald gesealdan 
ealra cynerihta,' Birch, No. 1063, first published by Kemble in Archaeo- 
logical Journal, xiv. 58 ff. Fl. Wig. foUow? B, C in placing Edgars 
Mercian election in 957, and this is proved to be right by a document ifi 
which 958 is spoken of as his second year, Birch, No. 1040 ; this docu- 
ment Edgar signs as ' rex Merciorum et Northanhymbrorum atque Bret- 

959] NOTES 151 

toDum/ which showi that three parts of the ' quadripartite rule ' had 
followed Edgar, v. t, on 946 A. Osbem giTes Edgar the title of ' diarcha/ 
StabbB* Dunstao, p. 103 ; while he and others of the later biographers of 
Dunatan speak of Edwy as driven across the Thamesi as if sontething like 
a civil war had takeo place, ib. 35, 36, Joa, 103, 194, 290, 291, 337; the 
pedigree in Ord. Yit. V. liv goes further, and says that Edwy ' rebellan- 
tibus Anglls peremptus est.' Edgar signs under Edred as * seffeling * and 
' clito," and under Edwy as ' frater regis * and ' clito ' ; his signature is 
* Eadgar regolus,* K. C D. No. 451 ; Birch, No. 937. His signatures to 
his brother*s charters cease in 957, his own Mercian charters begin in 958. 

058 D. Oda . . totwssmde Eadwi ... 7 Mlgyte] This seems the Divorce 
sole authentic record of an event which has given rise to a huge crop of of Edwy. 
scaodalous and heated writing. The life of Oswald, Archbishop of York 
(who was nephew of Odo), makes Edwy*s crime the keeping of a mistress 
in addition to his lawful wife, H. Y. L 40a, 403 ; cf. ib. xxxix f. Fl. Wig. 
combines the two accounts with a ' siae,' showing that he had Oswald's 
life before him, which, as Oswald was also Bishop of Worctoter, was likely 
enough, i. 137 ; cf. Stubbe' Dunstan, pp. xcii, 102, 283 ; H. Y. ii. 4, 63. 
Only one charter of Edwy is signed by '.£lfgifu jwes cininges wif 7 
i£)elgifa Jnes cyninges wifes modur,' K. 0. D. No. 1201 ; Birch, No. 972. 
In the Hyde Register she is enrolled without any question as ' iElfgyfu, 
ooninnx Eadwigi regis,' p> 57. It may be due to a recollection of the 
scandals of Edwy's, and poeubly of Edgar's, reigns, that in the exhortation 
sppended to the coronation oath which Dunstan exacted firom Ethelred it 
is laid down as one of the king's duties that he ' unrihtbsBmedu gebete, 
7 ■iblegem totwieme,' Stubbs* Dunstan, p. 356. There is also a law of 
Edmund's which sounds almost prophetic : ' wel is eao to wamianne P man 
wite > hy ^urh nuegsibbe to gelsenge ne boon ; ^ lies ))e man eft twnme 
j* man ser awoh tosomne gedydon (T-de),' Thorpe, L 256 ; Schmid, p. 392. 

958 A, 060 G, E. Her fozVferde Eadwig] Edwy was buried in the Death of 
New Minster at Winchester, Fl. Wig. i. 138 ; Hyde Register, p. 7. In Edwy. 
Hyde R«g. p. 272 the day of his death is given as Oct. 2. It is probable 
that 959 is correct for the date of £dwy*s death. But I cannot agree 
with Dr. Stubbs that * the charters afford ample proof that Edwy was 
slive in 959,' Dunstan, p. xdv. The only charter of Edwy*s belonging to 
959 which has any pretensions to genuineness is K. 0. D. No. 1 224 ; Birch, 
No. 1046: and even this is suspicious, for (i) Edwy signs as ' Britannia 
Anglornm Monarous,' which he could hardly do, and in other charters 
does not do, after the division of the kingdom ; (2) it is signed by 
Eadgyfu, whom we know to have been in disgrace under Edwy. 
Genoine charters of Edgar giving r^nal years are extremely rare. 
K. C. D. No. 1252 ; Birch, No. 1143, which makes 964 Edgar's fifth year, 
U in liaTonr of 959. (K. 534, 536; B, 1197, 1201, in which 967 is 
iDade nfpectively iJie seventh and the thirteenth year of Edgar, must on 


any view be wrong.) According to the later biographers Dnnst&n had a 
vision, in which he saw tlie soal of Edwy being carried off by devils, bat 
rescued it by his intercessions, Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 104, 196, 286, 387. 
Glories of Of Edgar*s future greatness Dunstan had also been divinely infonned at 
Edgar's ^^e time of his birth, ib. 36* 56, 93. Across the troubles of the inter- 
^^^' vening years later chroniclers looked back upon the reign of Edgar, * the 

peaceful/ as on a golden age, S. D. ii. 95 ; H. H. p. 164 ; G. P. pp. 27, 
28, 403, 404 ; W. M. i. 164 ff. The last calls him the * darling of the 
English,' * deliciae Anglorum '; cf. H. Y. i. 425-427, 435 ; Ang. Sac i. 223 
(cf. above, p. 113). Fl. Wig.'s words are emphatic: 'Regnum ... rex 
Mercensium Eadgarus, ab omni Anglorum populo electus, . . . susoepit, 
diuisaiiue regna in unum copulauit,' i. 138. The Laws of Edgar speak of 
a pestilence in his reign, Thorpe, i. 270 ; Schmid, p. 192 ; which may be 
that mentioned 926 A ; a passage which Schmid has overlooked, p. xlix. 
Poem. P* 114. On his dagum, 70., E] On the metre of this poem, which is also 

in D, there are some remarks by Professor Trautmanu in Anglia, toL. vii. 
Anzeiger, pp. 211 ff. Professor Earle points out that there seems to be 
an echo of it in the epilogue to ^Ifric's Heptateuch : 
'Eadgar se e))ela 7 se anrseda 
ararde Godes lof on his leode gehwsr, 
ealra eininga awifoet ofer Engla ]>eode, 
7 him Qod gewilde his wij>erwinnan 
ciniftgat 7 eorlcu, P hi comon him to 
buton lelcum gefeohte finffes wilniende, 
him underfeodde to fam fe he wolde, 
7 he W8B8 gewurpod wide geond landy Ed.Thwaites, p. 163. 
The words in which the resemblance consists are italicised ; cf. al«o 
iElfric's life of Swithhun : 

* Eadgar cynincg 
)K>ne cristendom gefyi^rode, 7 fela munuclifa arserde, 
7 his cynerice wses wunigende on sibbe, 
swa '^ man no gehyrde gif senig scyphere wtere 
buton Agenre leode )>e ]/ia land heoldon. 
7 ealle 0a cyningas ])e on )>ysum iglande wieron, 
Cumera 7 Scotta comon to Eadgare 
hwilon anes dseges eahta cyningas, 
7 hi ealle gebugon to Eadgares wissunge,' 

Lives, i. 468 ; cf. ib, 440. 
hit godode geome] Cf. ' hit agann mid heom godian geome,' Wulf- 
Stan, Hom. p. 14; cf. Thorpe, Laws, i. 312, 318 ; Schmid, pp. 226, 276. 

He arerde Godes lof] The same phrase occurs in a spurious charter of 
Edgar, Birch, No. 1267, ad init. 

p. 115. He weaiK wide . . . geweozlSad] Foreign monasteries 
sought for, and received a share in his liberality, Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 365, 
364, 366-368. 

96 1 ] NOTES 153 

Ane mifldcda] D, rightly, -de. Dr. Siubbi, ipeaking of the legend Legends of 
of Edgar's crime and penance, Bays : ' The words of the Anglo-Saxon Edgar's 
poet, imbedded in the Chronicle, are a telling proof of Edgar's vices/ ^'^"'^^' 
Danstan, p. c. Bat the seqael shows that the ' one misdeed * alluded to is 
Edgar's love of foreigners and foreign customs ; and so it is understood by 
H. H. : ' in hoc tamen peocabat, quod Pagaoos eos qui in hac patria sub 
eo degebant nimls firmauit, et extraneos hue addactos plus aequo diligens 
oalde oorroborauit, nihil enim in rebus humanis perfectiasimum est,' 
p. 164 ; while W. M. enumerates the points in which these foreigners 
corrupted the innocent EngUsh, < homines antehac in taUbus integri,* 
who learnt 'ferooitas' from the Saxous, 'moUi ties' from the Flemings, 
and ' potatio* (!) from the Danes, i. 165. By making this Edgar's only 
(ane) fault, the writer, so far horn * proving,' rather discredits the tradi- 
tional scandals about Edgar, which W. M. «. «. says rested mainly on 
ballads: *ceteras infamias . . • magis resperserunt cantilenae,' though 
they may have had some historical basis. On Edgar's and Dunstan's 
policy towards the Danes settled in England, see Thorpe, Laws, i. 273 ff. ; 
Schmid, pp. 194 ff. ; and Stubbs and Robertson* u, t, 

p. 112. 069 a. Her he saante . . . Lundene] There is considerable Dunstan's 
diversity in the authorities as to the date of Dunstan's recall, and his appoint- 
appointment to the sees of Worcester and London. The earliest life of ^(^^j^gter 
Dunstan agrees with the Chron. in placing these events after Edwy*s and 
death, Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 36, 37. Fl. Wig., on the other hand, places lAjndon. 
the recall and appointment to Worcester immediately after the revolt of 
Merd* in 957, and the appointment to London ' anno sequenti,' i, e. 958, 
all before the death of Edwy. Osbem's life puts the appointment to 
Worcester before, and that to London after, Edwy's death, Stubbs' Dun- 
stan, pp. 103-105 ; and so apparently Eadmer, ib, 195-197. Malmesbury 
seems to put the recall before Edwy's death, but the actual arrival and 
ptxnnotion to the bishoprics afterwards, ih, 291-293. Adelard's life is 
indistinct, ib, 60. On the whole, Florence's view seems the most likely, 
and he had special means of knowing about Worcester ; cf. Stubbs, «. t, 
pp. xc ff. As regards London, however, the charters show that Dunstan 
cannot have succeeded till 959, as his predecessor, Brihthelm, continues to 
sign till that year, K. C. D. No. 1 224 ; Birch, No. 1046 ; though this charter 
is somewhat doubtful, «. s. p. 151. Apparently Brihthelm did not survive 
Edwy, for a charter issued by Edgar merely as * Merciae . . . gubemator ' 
is signed by Dunstan as Bishop of London, K. C. D. No. 480 ; Birch, No.. 
1053 ( Kemble does not question this charter, but the use of the terri- 
torial expression, Mereia, seems to me suspicious). This also shows that in 
the division of the kingdom London went with Meroia. The words of F 
Lat. : ' dedit ei episoopatum Wigomensis eodesiae, insuper et pontifioatu 
Lottdoniae cumulauit,' indicate that Dunstan held the two sees together. 

p. 114. 961 a. Odo . . . Bde Dunstati] It is curious to find the two Snooeanon 




Of Arch- 
bishops of 

Saicide of 

Plagne and 
fire of 

Canterbary scribes, a and F, wrong as to the saooenions of Aidkbisbops 
of Canterbury, but so it is ; 961 is correct neither for the death of Odo nor 
for the accession of Dunstan ; nor did Dunstan succeed Odo immediately. 
The latter mistake was made easy by the fact that MlUige, or i£lfiiin, of 
Winchester, who succeeded Odo, died on his journey to Rome for his 
pallium, and that Brihthelm, who was nominated to succeed him, was 
deposed and sent back to his former see, which seems to have been Wells 
(so Fl. Wig. i. 136, 138), probably in consequence of the revolution which 
followed the death of Edwy. (i£l&ige and Brihthelm are omitted also in 
the lists, Ang. Sac. i. 4, 87.) See the whole subject discussed by Stnbbs, 
Dunstan, pp. xcii ff. His conclusion is that Odo died in 958 (so Fl. Wig. 
]. 135), and that Dunstan succeeded in Oct., 959, immediately after, and 
in consequence of, Edgar's accession earlier in the same month ; cf. ib. 37, 
38, 107-109, 293-295. Of Odo some interesting notices will be found in 
the life of his nephew, Oswald of York, H. Y. 1. 401-41 1, 419, 420 ; ct ii. 
3. To him Fridegoda dedicatiMl his life of Wilfrid, ib. i. 105-107 ; cf. 
Hardy, Cat. i. 400, 401. For Eadmer's life of Odo, of. f6. 566-568; 
G. P. pp. 20-26. On Dunstan's reverence for Odo, see Eadmer's life of 
Dunstan : ' Cognoniine quoque boni in matema lingua . . . eum semper 
nominare oonsueuit, uidelicet, ** Odo se gode " [cf. se goda aii^. F]. . . . 
Quo cognomine ex eo tempore usque ad banc nostram aetatem solet ab 
Angliii, maxime tamen a Cantuaritis nunoupari,* Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 203 ; 
cf. ib, 109, 299 ; 6. P. p. 30 ; Bede, II. 377. On Odo's alleged translation 
of Wilfrid's relics, v. s. pp. 145, 148. Dunstan seems to have gone to Rome 
for his pallium in 960, Stubbs, «. s, pp. xcvi, 38 ; FL Wig. i. 139. He 
stayed at tlie monastery of St. Bertin at St. Omer, Ports, xxv. 777. 

962 A. ^Blfgar] This is not iEl%ar the fsther of ^thelflsd of Darner- 
ham, wife of King Edmund, 946 D ; cf. Crawford Charters, p. 86. 

SlgfeiK oyning hine offeoll] I cannot certainly identify this long 
Sigferth, who committed suicide. There is a Syferff, who signs a genuine 
charter of 955, inmiediately after the Webb princes, K. C. D. No. 433 ; 
Birch, No. 909 ; and there is a SigefriO subregulus who signs a charter of 
973, K. C. D. No. 519 ; Birch, No. 1 185. This is a rank forgery based on 
Florence's mythical account of Edgar's being rowed on the Dee, but some 
of the signatures seem taken from the charter of 955. The title subregulus 
probably gives his position correctly, whereas the date affords no presump* 
tion that he did not die in 962. He may have been a relic of the Dano* 
Northumbrian prinoelets, among whom this name is not unpommoo, and 
his burial at Wimbome would be aooounted for if the tragedy oocnmod 
when he was attending Edgar's court. A oonndl was held at Andover in 
this reign, Schraid, p. xlviii, 

man owealm . . . man bryne ... on Ijiindene] A plague followed by 
a great fire in London affords, as Earle remarks, a singular parallel to the 
events of 1665, 1666 ; «. $. p. 152. 

963] NOTES X55 

863*. AjMlwold] On the lives of JBthelwold, see Hnrdy, Cat. i. 585 ff. .ASthelwold. 
ifilfric*s life is printed in Chron. Ab. ii. J 53 ff. ; Wnl&tan's in A A. SS. 
Aag. i. ; cf. also for notices of him, Chron. Ab. i. lai ff., 162, 343 ff. ; 
ii. 377 ff., 378, 394. The fact that he was Abbot of Abingdon accounts 
for his prominence in this Chron. Like St. Danstan, he was a worker 
in metal: 'fecit duas campanas propriis manibus, ut didtor, quas 
in hac domo posuit cum aliis duabus maioribas, qaas etiam beatus Dnn- 
stanos propriis manibos fecisse perhibetur,' tb. i. 345. (Edward I had a 
sapphire ring ' qui fult de fabrioo Sci. Dunstani at credebatur,* Hampson, 
i. 292, from Lib. Nig. Scaoc, i. 397.) ^thelwold's position even as abbot 
is illustrated by the fact that constantly he is the only abbot who signs 
charters. It is curious that his promotion is not mentioned in the Abing- 
don MS. of the Chron. (C). The date 963 is ^confirmed by three charters 
of that year, two of which he signs as abbot, and one as bishop, K. C. D. 
Nob. 501, 504, 1243; Birch, Nos. 1113-1115. Mr. Birch has placed 
the episcopal one first of the three. There is a high tribute to him in a ' 
charter of £thelred*s, K. C. D. iii. 265, 266 ; which, though starred by 
Kemble, ' is obviously authentic,' Crawford Charters, p. 121 ; Chron. Ab. 
ii. 520 ; cf. also .£lfric*s Lives, i. 454, 456, 470. He notes ^thel wold's 
occupations at court, ' se bisoeop wees byisig mid >am cyninge,' which the 
Winchester monks took advantage of to neglect their duties. ^Ifric says 
that he had often conversed with iEthelwold, ib. 264. For his impor- 
tance in the monastic revival of Edgar's reign (< muneca fteder/ infra, 984 ; 
' pater monachorum et sidus Anglorum,' H. H. p. 168), cf. Stubbs' Dunstan, 
pp. Ixzzvii, xcvi ff. ; H. H. pp. xxvi, 164, 165 ; Fl. Wig. i. 140, 141 ; 
H. Y. i. 425-427, 446 ; G. P. pp. 165-169, 191 ; W. M. i. 166, 167 ; Hardy, 
Cat. t. 373, and the references given under 964 A. 

p. 116. pe fyrste . . . Aduent. . . . Deoemb., E] The finit Sunday 
of AdTent was on Nov. 29 in 963, t.e. the vigil of St. Andrew (A). 

draf ut ptk olerca] We have a case of hereditary priests at Bury St. Hereditary 
Edmund's about this time, K. C. D. No. 946 ; Birch, No. 1015 ; the monas- priests, 
tic reform did not take place at Bury till Cnut's time, Liebermann, p. 237. 

Eli« ... 8. JBSeldxlS] See Bede, H. E. iv. 19, 20, and notes. It was Ely. 
at this time deserted and in the king's hands, Chron. Ab. ii. 261, 262 ; v,s, 
pp. 144, 145. Its restoration by Edgar and Athelwold is alluded to in a 
charter of Edward the Confessor, K. C. D. No. 907. Spurious charters con- 
nected with this restoration are K. C. D. No. 563 ; Birch, Nos. 1266, 1267. 

Medeahamatede] On this restoration of Peterborough, cf. Chron. Ab. Peter- 
ii. a6a ; and with these allied grants, cf. the documents K. C. D. borough. 
Nos. 568, 575 ; Birch, Nos. 11 28-1 130, 1258, 1270, 1280; some of which 
are of very doubtful genuineness. Perhaps the most interesting is B. 11 28, 
which contains a list of books said to have been presented by Athelwold. 
for don £ra helSene foloe] v. «. 870 E. 
£and ym hidde^ 70.] ' This if enough to set criticism on the alert,* 




ture of 




♦ Hackle/ 

tion of 

Earle. On the manufactnre of documents (not necessarily fraudnlent in 
intention) necessitated by the ravages of the Danes, cf. Bede, II. 217. 
With the alleged finding of these documelits, of. the story in 'Hatdy, 
Cat. i. 5. 

Headda alSb] Dr. Stubbs says of Headda that he is not to be treated as 
a myth simply because he is found in Ingulf, Arch. Journal, i86x, p. 207. 

p. 116. hu 'Wnlfhere kyng, 70.] v. t. 656 E. 

EgleswiulSe] See the very interesting document K. C. D. No. 591 ; 
Birch, No. 1 131, which shows that this land had belonged to a widow and 
her son ; but was forfeited because they practised pin-sticking magic. The 
son escaped, and was outlawed, but the mother was drowned at London 
Bridge. This form of magic is expressly forbidden in Canons issued under 
Edgar, Thorpe, Ancient Laws, ii. 274. 

cwede ic soyr] In the Glossary I have taken ' scyr ' as a snbstantive^ 
«■ shire. I am not sure now that this is right. I think it is the adjectire 
' scir,' = pure, in the sense of exempt or free. A collateral form occniv 
in this same phrase, in Layamon, ii. 108, of the Romans refusing to help 
the Britons (Bede, H. E. i. 12), 

<heo habbeG ique9en us score, 
nu and uuere mare ' ; 
cf. ih. Glos&ary, and Stratmann, ed. Bradley, «. 179. schir, and skere. 

pa twa dsl of 'Witlesmere] The remainder was acquired by Abbot 
iElfeige, K. C. D. No. 733. 

p. 117. messe hacel] ^ Mass-hackle, t.e. mass-vestment. In the West of 
England the word hackle is specially used of the conical straw roofing that 
is put over bee-hives. Also, of the ** straw covering of the apex of a rick,'* 
says Mr. J. Yonge Akerman, Glossaiy of Wiltshire W(n:ds,r. Hackle/ Earle. 

lo Oswald arcebisoop] He was not archbishop till 972, Stnbbe, £p. 
Succ., and that is the date assigned to this charter below. 

Aldulf . . . Oswald . . . Kenulf] On this cf. infra, 992. 

7 he maoode . . . Buroh] ' Though the language here is of the twelfth 
century, yet this statement is apparently authentic. The great fortifying 
era in England had been initiated by Edward, the son of Alfred. Fortified 
monasteries became common, and Peterborough was probably one of tbc 
earliest instances. Fortification changed the character and the moral 
aspect of the monastic institution, and the change of name was a natural 
consequence. The irregular duster of humble edifices, which showed like 
any other " homestead " of the open country, was now encircled with a wall, 
like one of the fenced cities. Henceforth it is no more Medtshamstede or 
the Meadow-homesUad ; but Burh or Burch, the garrison and capital of 
a dependent region. The fortified place became also the market-piace 
of its district, and hence it reaped commercial advantages, direct and 
incidental. Laws of Edw. i. i ; Atlielst. ii. 12; K. 0. D. No. 575.* 
Earle. Cf. G. P. : ' Bnrch olim Medehamstede dioebatur ; sed pottqo 

964] NOTES 157 

Kennlfns abbM looiim maro cinxii, a similitadine nrbiB Bnrch uoeatns est/ 

8o» Kynebnrh 7 8. KynesniK] v. Bede, II. 175, 176; and on them 
Mid S. Tibba, of. H. H. p. xxvi ; Hardy, Cat. i. 370. 

7 heold . . . W8B8] The constraction jb loose. Gibson understood it to 
mean < kept poBoession of (the relics) ' ; M. H. R * observed it/ i. e. the 
anniTersary of their translation. Earle agrees with Gibson, probably 
rightly. That relics were sometimes nsed as a means of raising the wind Belies 
is shown by 1013 £, ad fln,, where the purchaser is this very abbot, bonght and 
iElfsige, V. notes a. L 

964*] On the revival of monasticism and the previoas decline which Monastio 
rendered it necessary, see Stnbbs* Dunstan, pp. Izxxiii and reff., Izxxvi, '®vi^»l' 
xcvii ff., ci, cii, dx, ex, 74, iio<-ii4, 37a, 373, 390, 300, 303 ; G*. P. pp. 37, 
178, 404, 405 ; Ord. Vit. i. 164 ; ii. 303-205 ; H. Y. i. 41 1, 435-437* 434 ; 
ii. 8, 3o~33 ; K. G. D. Nos. 513, 514; Birch, Nob. 1135, 1147, 1168; 
Grei^n, C. £. pp. 343 ff. Even though most or all of these docnments are 
Bparioofl, they yet witness to the tradition. 

In some places the old tendency was too strong for the new, e. g. at 
WoToeeter, Stubbs, «. «. p. 197 ; Birch, iii. 535, note. Bven in his own 
cathedral ^thelwold's success seems to have been less complete than is 
commonly supposed, Ang. Sao. ii. 135. Possibly the Hyde Register 
guides us to one source of the strength of the opposite party, vis. their 
family connexions : *■ inertem tithilium dericoram turbam penitus elimi- 
nauit,' p. 7. At Evesham the introduction of canons waa due to ' quidam 
nefandissimus princeps,' Chron. Evesh. p. 77. 'It is doubtful,* says 
Dr. Stubbs, ' whether any of the cathedrals were quite deiM^ of secular 
canons before the Conquest,* Waltham, p. vii. 

Ceaatre, A] Winchester; see note on 685 E. In ^fiio*s Lives, i. 466, Winches- 
where the printed text has 'on Winceastre/ it is worth noting that in ^^• 
hoik MSS. the ' Win ' in inserted above the line. It is in fact necessary to 
the alliteration, but the scribes* tendency was to call the place simply 
'Ceaster*; cf. Earle's Swi-Shnn, p. 17. 

of Baldan mynatre] ' Sci. Petri coenobium quod nunoupatur netustis- The Old 
simum,' Lantfrid, in Earle*s Swiffhun, p. 60. Eadmer gives a highly ^'^'^''• 
dramatic account of the way in which ^thelwold effected the change, 
Stubbs' Dunttan, pp. 3ix ff. For this he obtained through Edgar the 
special permission of Pope John XIII, ih, 364, 365 ; Birch, No. 1375, if 
the letter be genuine. The name of one of the extruded priests, Eadsige, 
a relative of 8t. Swithhun, is preserved. Naturally he waa not ' au mieux ' 
with the prelate who expelled him : — 

')» onscunode se Eadsige AMwold >one biioeop, 
7 ealle ^ munecas ^e on ^m mynstre wwron, 
for ^re ntdnefe ^ he gedyde wi9 hi.' 
However, after two years, he became a monk, and died in his old bome^ and 




The New 







this WM probably the history of others also, .ffifric, Lives, i. 443, 446. For 
this reform of the Old Minster, cf. also K. G. D. No. 610 ; Birch, No. 1 159. 
Both into the Old and New Minster i£thelwold is aaid to have brought 
monks from his own monastery of Abingdon, which is probable enough ; 
cf. K. G. D. No. 533; Birch, No. 1191, a doubtful charter, thongh not 
starred by Kemble. The Liber de Hyda places the reform of the Old 
Minster in 967, and that of the New Minster in 968, pp. 1 79, 180 ; snd 
it is of course possible that the chronicler has placed under one year move- 
ments which were spread over several The Ann. Wint. place them in 
964 and 965 respectively. 

of Niwan mynstre] What purports to be the charter of this refoands- 
tion is in K. G. D. No. 527 ; Birch, No. 11 90. The original (MS. Cott 
Vespasian A. viii) is written in letters of gold ; see Palaeographical Society, 
Plates 46, 47 ; and cf. Ann. Winton. 966 : ' Hie Eadgar rex priuilegiam 
quoddam totum aureis litteris scriptum in nouum contuUi monasteriom,* 
Liebermann, p. 69. 

of Ceortes ige] On this restoration of Chertsey, and its original found** 
tion, see Bede, IL 317, 318 ; and add thereto K. G. D. iv. 151 -154; Birdi, 
ii. 196, 303, 396 ; iii. 469; infra, 1084, 1 1 10. 

of Middel tune] Milton is said to have been founded by Athelst&n in 
expiation of the death of his brother Edwin ; see on 933 £, wpra. If so, 
its degeneration into a * stabulum clericorum ' must have been very rapid. 

7 sette hy mid muneoan] For similar cases on the continent, of. Perts» 
X. 536; XXV. 780; Ord. Vit. i. 173; ii. 10, 21, 33; iii. 36. For the 
influence of Fleury and other foreign monasteries on English monasticism. 
cf. Ghron. Ab. i. 139 ; ii. 359 ; K. G. D. iv. 80; Birch, No. 1168; Stnbbs' 
Dunstan, pp. cxx, cxxi ; Ord. Vit. ii. 302-205. 

JBpelgax] He was a pupil of ^thelwold, Ohron. Ab. ii. 261. He, 
Ordberht, and Gyneweard all sig^n as abbots in 966, K. G. D. No. 526 ; 
Birch, No. i t 76, so that they must have been appointed before that year. 
.£thelgar afterwards became Bishop of Selsey and Archbishop of Ganterbmry , 
infra, 980, 988. He died Feb. 13, 990. There are letters to or relating^ 
to him in Stubbs' Danstan, pp. 383-389 ; cf. also Hyde Beg. pp. 8~io. 

p. 118. Ordbirht] He is probably the Ordberht who succeeded iEthel- 
gar as Bishop of Selsey in 988 or 989, Fl. Wig. i. 148, note; Stubbs^ 
£p. Succ. p. 17 ; ed. 3, p. 30. 

Gyneweard] On him see below, 975 A, note. 

965-970 A] On these * vacant pages in the Ghronides,* cf. Stubbs* 
Dunstan, p. civ. There were, however, troubles with the Welsh, Aww 
Gamb. 965 ; Brut y Ty wys. 

p. 119. 966 D. Her . . . Eadgar . • . genam jSlfOrytSe] Tliis is 
Edgar's second marriage; hia first wife was ^thelfled, "^gelfleda Can* 
dida, cognomento Eneda' (Fl. Wig.), daughter of Alderman Ordmar, W. M. 
i. 180; and mother of Edward the Martyr; though, according to others. 

966] NOTES 159 

Edward was the son of the veiled lady at Wilton whom Edgar was said to 
have sedaced ; d. Stubbs' Donstan, pp. Ix vii, zcix, c, 163. The life of Oswald, 
though so nearly contemporary (it was written between 995 x 1006), 
is clearly wrong in making JBlfthryth the mother of Edward, H. Y. 
i. 428, 429. She was the mother of Ethelred, and also of Edmnnd, 
whose death is mentioned 970 E, 972 0. To her popular tradition assigns 
the guilt of the murder of her stepson ; see below on 978 A, 979 £. 
If the charter, K. G. D. No. 1252 ; Birch, No. 1143, is correct, the mar- 
riage really took place not later than 964. She signs constantly both 
under Edgar and Ethelred. Her last signature is in 997, K. C. D. iii. 
303 ; and she was certainly dead in or before 1002, ib. 323, 324. She had 
been previously married to ^thelwold, alderman of East Anglia, who .^helwold 
seems to have died about 962, and was the eldest son of Athelstan 'half- ^^ff^ 
king,' Fl. Wig. i. 140 ; Crawford Charters, pp. 83-85. The curious legend ^^ 
of Edgar's slaying of ^thelwold is examined by Mr. Freeman, Historical 
Essays, 1st Series, pp. 15 ff. The account of ^thelwold in the life of 
Oswald, M, s., is worth quoting, because it shows i£thelwold*8 position to 
have been ' one short only of royalty,' Freeman, «. «. : ' Athelwoldus ... 
principatum OrientalU regni acquisiuit a rege ; . . . qui accipiens filiam 
Ormeri [this is a confusion with the father of Edgar's first wife, r. «.] ducis 
Oocidentalium Anglorum, perduxit secum ad suum regnum, quae uocitata 
erat ^Ifritha ; quam post mortem eius rex Eadgar . . . accepit, ex qua 
dnoe habuit filios, . . . Eadwerd, [r. «.]... [et] . . . ^thelredum,' H. Y. 
«. «. Her father Ordgar is called by Fl. Wig. *dux Domnaniae,' i. 140; Ordgar. 
•o K. C. D. No. 520; Birch, No. 11 78, a doubtful charter, though passed 
byKemble; cf. ib. No. 1247. He is 'Dux Occidentalium 8axonum' 
in Stobbs' Dunstan, p. 423. He died in 971, Fl. Wig., and had a son 
named Ordwnlf, founder of Tavistock, infra, 997, Crawford Charters, 
p. 122 ; W. M. i. 180; G. P. pp. 202, 203 ; Dunstan, p. 210. 

966 E. Her pored . . . West moringa land] On this ravaging of Ravaging 
Westmoreland, cf. F. N. C. i. 64; H. & S. ii. 11 ; the former regards it ^'^^J^* 
as done by Edgar's orders, the latter as an incursion. of the Northmen, ^^'^ 
remarking also that this is the first occurrence of the name Westmoreland. 
If Mr. Robertson, £. K. S. ii. 441, is right in identifying Thored's father 
with the Gunner dux who signs a charter of Athelstan's of the year 931, 
K. C. D. No. 353; Birch, No. 677, this in in favour of Mr. Freeman's 
view ; cf. Green, C. £. p. 327. Both Mr. Robertson, u. «., and F. N. C. 
1. 646, identify Thored Gunnersson with the Dur^O dux who signs under 
Ethelred in 979, 983, and 988 (K. C. D. iii. 171, 198, 237 ; of Hyde Reg. 
p. 22) ; and with the Thored eorl mentioned below under 992. This is 
possible, though, in view of the length of time, 966-992, it cannot be 
regarded as certain. It is also assumed that Thored was earl of part of 
Kortliumbria, and this seems confirmed by a grant of lands in Yorkshire 
to Si. Cuthbert by pnreiS eorl, Birch, No. 1255; bat the saooession is 




Oslac, earl 
in North- 

of Thanet. 

Death of 



Death of 

of Edgar. 

Theories as 
to the cause 

extremely hand to determine, Freeman and Robertson, u. ». AooordiBf^ 
to Green, u. «., in 961 Thored Gunnersson was 'praepodtos* of the royal 
household, bat be gives no authority. If this were so, it would be oon- 
clasive that the ravaging was done by Edgar's orders; cf. Ethelred*a 
ravaging of Cumberland, 1000 £, infra, 

Oslao feng to ealdor dome] On the extinction of royalty in North- 
umbria, see on 954 D, supra. According to S. D. this appointment of 
Oslac represents a division of the province, Oswulf having the district 
north of the Tyne, and Oslac ' Eboracum et fines eius ' ; «. e, Bemicia and 
Deira respectively, ii. 197. According to the De adnenta Saxonum, S. D. 
ii. 38a, followed by S. C. S. i. 369, the division was made after, not under, 
Oswulf. In neither place is there any mention of Thored. 

969 E. Her . . . Badgar . . . het ofer hergian . . . TeDetland] H. H. 
gives as the reason for this ravaging of Thanet, ' quia inra regalia spreoe* 
rant,' p. 166 ; and it may have been due to some local rising, F. N. C. i. 64. 
If there were any danger of invasion at this time it may have been done 
as a precautionary measure. Edward the Confessor did the like throogh 
fear of the Danes, Hardy, Cat. i. 380. What with the Danes, 980 C, iirfrm, 
and fear of the Danes, Thanet seems to have suffered severely. 

971 B. Her fat^ ferde Oskytel] Oscytel had been consecrated to 
Dorchester in 950, and subsequently translated to York, Stubbs, Ep. 
Succ. p. 15 ; ed. 2. p. 28. His * twenty-two years as bishop' date there- 
fore from his appointment to Dorchester. He was ultimately succeeded at 
Tork by Oswald of Worcester, his kinsman, H. Y. i. 420, who had acoom- 
panied him to Rome when he went for his pallinm, ib. ii. 14. Both 
his own name and that of his kinsman, Abbot Thurcytel, seem to point to 
a Danish origin. Fl. Wig. puts OscyteVs death in 972. See Addenda. 

pp. 118, 119. 971 A, 970 E. Her forSferde Badmund] C plao» 
this in 972 ; see above on 965 D. 

est Bnmesige, A] In a grant of Edgar's to Bomsey. there is mention of 
'Edmond mjfelmg )>e on )>are ministre ligl>,' Birch, No. 1187. It cannot 
therefore be earlier than 970, though Mr. Birch places it among diarters 
of 966 ; cf. Hyde Reg. pp. xvii, 14. 

973 A, 972 E. Her Badgar w8m . . . gehalgodl C places this in. 
974: but the data given by D, E, F, Pentecost sMav iz, shows thm^ 
A alone has given the year correctly, for only in 973 did Whit-Sunday fiall 
on May 11. Of the ceremony of the coronation a most interefttii^ axaH 
minute account is given in the life of Oswald of York, one of the officiatiA^ 
archbishops, H. T. L 436-438. Constitutionally, the most important poii&t 
is the oath exacted by Dunstan from the king (cf. Stnbbs' Dunstan, p.3S5 ; 
S. C. H. i. 146 ff.). Some form of election seems to have been gov»« 
through, as the account speaks of Edgar as 'ooronatnm atque electniii.* 
The reason for the occurrence of Edgar's cironation so late in his r^^^ 
has been much discnssed. Mr. Freeman calls it ' one of the most p"**'^Tffiy 

973] NOTES ^ l6l 

things in onr history/ F. N. 0. i. 626. Popular tradition connects it with of the 
the story of Edgar's seduction of a nun at Wilton and the seven years' delay, 
penance imposed for it, Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 11 a, 209, 210, 341. But 
seven years from 973 only takes us back to 966, whereas Edgar's accession 
as sole king was in 959. We want not a seven, but a fourteen, years' 
penance to make the theory account, even superficially, fol* the facts. 
There is not a word of this in the life of Oswald,, and W. M. pronounces 
thai the story 'omni historiarum testimonio careat,' %b. 252. Nicolas of 
Worcester says that Edgar voluntarily delayed his consecration till he 
should hav& outgrown the passions of his youth — at 30 (!), ib, 423. The 
theory worked out with great learning and ingenuity by Mr. Robertson, 
Easays, pp. 203-215, and on the whole approved by Dr. Stubbs, is, ' that 
Edgar's coronation at Bath was a solemn typical enunciation of the con- It ciymbol- 
summation of English unity, an inauguration of the king of all the nations uedEdgar'g 
of England, celebrated by the two archbishops, . . . possibly as a declaration portion, 
of the imperial character of the English crown,' tb. d; cf. Gaimar, w» 

* Gil tint terre come emperere, . .. . 

Unc pis ke Arthur s'en fu alez, 

N'en out un rei tel poestez.' 
A charter of Edgar's to the Old Minster at Winchester is dated: 
'euolntis xvii annis postqnam totius nationis Anglioe regimen snscepi, 
sttamen prime meae regie dedicaiionis,' K. 0. D. No. 595 ; Birch, 
^o. 1307. (Here xvii is evidently a mistake for ziiii ; it was fourteen 
full years from Edgar's accession to the whole kingdom, i.«. it was after 
Oct. I, 973, but it was within the first year from his coronation, ».e. before 
May 1 1, 974.) Note also that D, E, F, which have previously called 
Edgar king, call him only etheling with reference to his coronation. 

on . . . Aoemaimes oeaatre, A ; sst Hataba^um, E] For the baths Bath. 
at Bath, the foundation of which was ascribed to Julius Caesar, see G. P. 
p. 194; cf. Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 46, 305; and the curious legend in 
Cambro-British Saints, pp. 105, 123, 406; which rests on a basis of 
physical iSsct. Of the name Acemanneaceaster, A, B^ C, Acemannesburb, 
F, no aatis&ctory account has been given (cf. H. H. p. 9 : * Episcopatus 
Badhe, uel Acemaneceatriae '). The corresponding Latin form ia * Aqua- 
mania' in a charter of 972, K. 0. D. No. 573; Birch, No. 1287; it is 
' urba Achumanensis/ ^6. No. 1164 ; K. C. D. No. 516. From theae namea 
an eponymoua founder ' Akemannua' haa been manufactured, liebermann, 
p. 19 ; cf. Fl. Wig. i. 14a ; K. C. D. No. 519; Birch, No. 1185 ; Liber de 
Hyda, p. 179. It ia possible that the first part of the name contains the 
Latin ' aquae.' E's form of the name occurs in K. C. D. No, 566 ; Birch, 
No. 1357 : 'ciuitaa quae ... set Hatum Baffum nuncupatur.' 

mioel miineoa Vreat, A] On the monastery at Bath, cf. H. & S. iii. 
348* 549- 


ptk agan wtui] Read : < 0a get wsbi/ B, C. 

pm» fh gewritu seogaff] Note the air of literary reflexion, and ibc 

eccleBiistical tone. The Terses are poor and mechanical. 

)>it geworden] Read : < 9a ]n8, 7c/ B, C. 

Sabminion )>nr him oomon ongean •▼!• oyningasi E] The aooount of tlie meeting' 

to S^^ and alliance of Edgar with six other princes at Chester, D. £, F, has beeo 

Gh^erT ii^^^h exaggerated by later writers ; they increase the number of the princes 

to eight, give lists of their names and territories, and make them row Edgar 

on the Dee while he holds a golden rudder, Fl. Wig. i. 143, 143 ; W. M. 

i. 165, 177 ; P. & S. p. 224 ; cf. K. C. D. No. 519 ; Birch, No. 1185. It 

is an easy task to demolish these lists and refute these ezaggeration, 

Robertson, E. K. S. i. 91 ; ii. 386 ff. But it must again be remarked thst 

this is no refutation of the sober statement of the Chronicle. That six 

princes of the British Isles should have made an allianoe with Edgar is 

nothing improbable. Scotland^ Strathclyde, and Wales would easily furnish 

the number; though the statement that the Danish lord of Dublin ws» 

one of them (Stubbs* Dunstan, p. 423) is, in view of Brunanburii, by no 

means impossible; of. the spurious charter, K. C. D. No. 514; Birch, Nii. 

113s* a<2 i^*i' And Chester, confused with Caerleon on Usk by Brut r 

Tywys. 971, would be an excellent rendesvous for all these princes. 

efen wyrhton] Cf. * aefenwyrcend * « co-operator, Bede, p. 464, 

Death of 976*. Her Badgar ge for, E] July 8. All the chroniclers burst out into 

^^'"^^ panegyrics: 'rex admirabilis, ' Ethel w. p. 520; ' incomparabilis Eadgarus,' 

K. C D. It. 41 ; and Fl. Wig. gives a very mythical description of hb 

power, and of his fleet of 3,600 ships which cruised round Britain. Htr 

was buried at Glastonbury, where he seems to have been treated renr 

mueh as a saint, undergoing translation and working a miracle in 1053. 

W. M. i. 180. 181; G. P. 198; H. H. p. 166; Fl. Wig. i. 143, 144; 

Stubba' Dunstan, p. 307 ; Hyde Register, pp. 8, 9. According to B and C. 

Edgar was sixteen in 959 ; be was in his thirtieth year in May 973* ; he 

wan therefore thirty-two when he died; yet Ethelred in a charter say^ 

' of him : ' pater mens . . . senex et plenus dierum migrauit ad Dominnou* 

K. C. D. No. 1 31 2. (This charter is interesting because it shows that 

there was a special endowment in land aTailable for princes of the royal 

house.) His death is mentioned both in the Irish and Welsh Chronicles. 

Tigh. ; Ann. Ult. ; Chron. Scot. ; Ann. Camb. ; Brut y Tywys. Acoording 

to the Vita Sancti Iltuti, his death was due to his having, in an invaidon 

of Glamorgan, sacrilegiously carried off a bell belonging to that saint ; and 

a legend is told exactly similar to that told of Swegen and St. Edsi^nnd, 

infra, on 1013, Cambro-Brit. Saints, pp. 179, 180. 

dSer leoht. A] See the examples of this use of ' leoht * in BoBworth- 
Toller, «.t>. adfln. 
Eolation of 'West 8eazena wine 7 Myroene mundbora, £] Note the closer 
Edgar to relation in which Edgar stands to the West Saxons as compared wiih 

975] NOTES 163 

the MercUiu; he k the ' protector* of the latter, bat the ' friend ' of the Woaaexand 
former. . . ^^^^^^ 

p. 121. oyningfls . . . side, £] Of. on 959 E. 

OTnestol] Used of a capital city, Oroiias, p. ia8. 

pp. 120, 121. feng . . . Badweard*] According to the author of the life Accession 
of Oswald, followed by Osbem, Fl. Wig., and others, there was a regular jj^^^^,. 
contest for the snccession between the pafties of Edward and Ethelred ; 
the former, however, prevailed, H. Y. i. 449 ; Fl. Wig. i. 144, 145 ; W, M. 
i. t8i; Stubbs* Dnnstan, pp. cii, 114, 314, 307. Yet the charter of 
Ethelred, cited above, says : ' Omnea utrinsqae ordinis optimates . . . 
fratrem meum Eaduuardum unanimiter elegenmt.' He was crowned by 
Dnn«;tan and Oswald at Kingston, H. Y. ii. 34 1. In Ghron. Ab. i. 349, 
the halo of his martyrdom is reflected back upon his life : ' in terra positus 
nitam angelicam actitabat.* 

of Brytene gewat . . . Oyiiew«ard, A] This is the Oyneweard who had Cyneweard. 
been Abbot of Milton, 964 A. He became Bishop of Wells in 973, Fl. Wig. 
i. 143. Fl. Wig. understands the present entry of his death, ib, 145. So 
Stubbs, £p. Succ. pp. 16 166 [ed. a, pp. 29, aaS]; but it need mean no 
more than that he departed from Britain, possibly to Rome. Professor 
Earle, p. xxi, thinks that Cyneweard may be the author of the three poems, 

937» 943* 973- 

.ffilfere . . . het to wnrpon . . . ge stotfelian, E] Gf. the curiously clo^e Anti-mon- 
parallel, Oros, p. 370 : ' Valens . . . sende on Egypte. 7 het toweorpan eal ^^ "**^' 
)» monudif )>e his broVor aer ge8ta))elade ; 7 same )>a munecas he het 
ofslean lume on el>iede fordrifan.' ' Manuclif,' in the sense of monastic 
life, occurs, Bede, pp. 173, 324. 364. The concrete sense which we have 
here B monastery, has probably influenced the Latin phrase of Eddius: 
' monachornm uita quae ad ecclesiam 6. Petri Apostoli dedicata est,* 
H. Y. i. 70. For this an ti- monastic reaction in Mercia under Alderman 
idfhere, ' consul nequissimus,* H. H. ti. «., see the very interestinj? account 
in Vita Oswaldi, H. Y. i. 443-449 (on which Fl. Wig. i. 144 is based; 
cf. W. M. i. 183, 184) : 'expelluntur abbates cum monachis suis, intro- 
ducnntor cleric! cum uzoribus suis, et erat error peior priore.* ^Ifhere is 
.said to have been bribed ; yet the movement was thoroughly popular, ' cum 
oonsilio popidi, et uociferatione uulgi,' H. Y. i. 443. It was opposed by 
iCthelwine, the alderman of East Anglia, with his brother iEHfwold, and 
Brihtnoth, alderman of Essex and hero of Maldon, ib. 445, 446. On all 
these see F. N. C. i. 631 if.; Crawford Charters, pp. 84 ff., and the reff. 
there given. In the Chron. Evesh. pp. 78, 79, we see iElfhere's plan of 
operations, which was to seize a large part of the monastic estates and 
distribute them to his relations and partisans, in order to interest as many 
as possible against any monastic reaction. Henry VIII's policy was not 
<lissimilar. ifilfric seems to allude to this movement; and regards the 
lAter Danish invasions as a judgement for it : ' roan towearp munnelif, . . . 

M 2 






Comet and 


7 liffSan hmtSen here us hsfde to bysmrjB,' Lives, i. 394. The Ittter ia 
StubbH* Dunstan, p. 372, may refer to these troubles, or to those which 
followed the murder of Edward. Gaimar attributes the trcraUes of 
Edwards reign to the foreigners whom Edgar introduced, w. 3977 ^-^ 
see above, on 959 £. 

pa wears eao fidrssfed . . . Oslao, A] To the same effect, E on p. 133. 
Fl. Wig. adds 'iniuste.' On Osbc, see 966 E, and note. His banlahment 
seems to be connected with the anti-monastic reaction; so F. N. C. i. 264. 
It is noteworthy that by Edgar*s last code the execution of its provimons U 
specially entrusted to the three great men of whom we have been speaking: 
' Donne fyrOrige Oslite eorl 7 eal here )>e on his ealdordome wunaS [i. e. 
the Danes settled in Northumbria] t )ns stande ; . . . 7 write man manegt 
gewrita be ])i8sum 7 sende sgifer ge to ^Ifere ealdormen ge to i£)^wiiMr 
ealdormen, 7 hy gehwider, p pss ned cy9 sy,* Thorpe, i. 278 ; Schmid, p. 198 
.^fhere, ^Jwlwine, and iElf>ry9 occur together in K. C. D. No. 593 ; Birch, 
No. 1 X 74 ; iElfhere, iE^clwine, and BryhtnoO in K. C. D. No. 1 378. 

.^Ifhere's position stands out strongly in the charters, and he seems to 
have retained something of that semi-royal position which Ethelred en- 
joyed. In the Worcester charters, which are exceptionally numeroos. bis 
consent is generally specified, along with that of the supreme overlord. 
The same is true of Edrio and Leofric ; cf. E. C. D. iv. 59, 69, 71. uSlfhere 
is called *dux' and * comes* in the Latin charters, and 'heretoga' and 
' ealdorman ' in the Saxon charters. In Chron. Evesh. he is called * poten- 
tisFimus huius patriae dominator,* p. 78. 

oom&ta . . . hunger*] Professor Earle says: 'The "hunger" which 
followed the death of Edgar (to which C gives a separate anna], 976, 
though it is mentioned also in the verse of A, B, C, and the prose oi 
D, E, F, under 975), was very widespread (" wide gefr^^ "). The coinci- 
dence with the comet would no doubt help to fix it. Dr. Vigfdssoii used 
to say that it was the only tenth century date in Icelandic hibtory which 
is absolutely certain.* On the comet, cf. Stubbs* Dunstan, p. 307 ; W. M. 
i. 181, 182 ; H. H. p. 166 ; C. P. B, ii. 34, 35, 38. 

mynstra tostssnoton, D] Cf. ' yai se wulf Godes seep ne tostenoe'./ 
JE\f, Hom. i. 36, 238. 

ssfter pam bit yfelode swIBe] Contrast the *hit godode georne* 
of the opening reign of Edgar, 959 E. W . M. «. s. says : ' post mortem 
eius res et spes Anglorum retro sublapsae ' ; cf. Bede on Egfrid's death, 
H. £. iv. 26. This decline is strongly marked in the laws of Ethelred : 

* sefter Eadgares llfdagum Cristes lage wanodnn, 7 cyninges lage lytledon ; 
... 7 a hit weur9 ye wyrse for Code 7 for worlde ... Ac . . . uton niman 
us to bysnan . . . .^BOelstin, 7 Eadmund, 7 Eadgar,* Thorpe, i. 348, 350 ; 
Schmid, p. 248. So in the Institutes of Polity : ' ac nu hit is gewctrden 

• . . sy69an Eadgar geendode, . . . "^ ma is ^era rypera ^onne rihtwiara/ 
Thorpe, ii. 330, So in charters : ' obeunte r^ Eadgaro . . . infeliciaaiiDa 

978] NOTES 165 

nobis oocarrerant/ Birch, iii. 604 ; cf. xb, 694 ; and in the Vita Osw. : 
' Cumque decus ducum et totius Albionis imperator ex huius tnrbine mundi 
. . . esset raptus, . . . coepit post tempus laetitiHe, quod in eius tempore 
padfice siabat, dissensio et tribulatio nndiqne adnenire, quam nee praesnles 
nee daces eccleBiarum et saecularium reram poterant sedare/ H. Y. i. 448. 
p. 122. 977 0. 1» myoole gemdt] In Matth. xxvi. 4, < micel gemdt ' is 
used of a meeting of the Sanhedrin. 

Sidemann bisoeop] He had been tutor to the yoong King Edward, who Death of 
' erat doctus Diuina lege, docente episcopo Sidemanno/ Vita Osw. ; H. Y. Sideman, 
i. 449. Ho became bishop in 973. Stubbs, Ep. Suco. p. 16 [ed. 2, p. 39] ; (y^^^ 
and was succeeded by ^Ifric, Fl. Wig. i. 145. His sudden death at 
Kirtlingrton caused his burial at the neighbouring abbey of Abingdon, and 
this notice appears appropriately in the Abingdon Chron. G. Cf. the 
addition in the Abingdon MS. of Fl. Wig. i. 145, note ; Chron. Ab. i. 356. 
This is the only mention of Crediton in the Chron. On the history of the History of 
monastery and see some additional light has been thrown by the publica- Orediton. 
iion of the Crawford Charters (Clarendon Press, 1895). The see was 
transferred to Exeter in 1050. There is a letter of Leo IX to Edward 
the Confessor, authorising the transfer, dated 1049, R. P. p. 371. There is 
s corioQB document relating to the building of Crediton Minster, Birch, 
No. 73a. 

p. 123. 978 E] This story appears in all the later biographers of Legend. 
Dunstan, Stubbs* Dunstan, pp. 113, 114, 231, 307, 308, 343. All except 
W. M. place it in Edgar*s reigpi, and all represent it as a victory of 
Donstan and the monastic party over the party of the secular deigy. 
H. H. regards it as a presage of coming troubles, p. 167 ; cf. iElf. Hom. 
ii. 164 : 'hw»t 9a, se preoet stod on his upflora, . . . ao seo upfl^ng to- 
bftnt )aerrihte under his fotum, 7 hine egesUce acwealde ' ; this is of an 
opponent of St. Benedict. 

pa yldestan . . . witaa] Ine legislates 'mid >sem ieldstan witum 'baylde- 
minre >eode,' Thorpe, i. loa ; Schniid, p. ao ; cf. Oros. : * x hiera ieldstena "**»^' 
wietena' « 'decern principes,' p. 182; 'monege . . . para ieldstena 
wietena/ t&. 196. So : ' hwn is yldra on heofena rice ! ' Matth. xviii. i ; 
and of. Mi/ra, icx>4, 1012, 1015. On the connexion of the idea of age 
with that of high oflBce, v, F. N. C. i. 581, 582. The phrase ']» ylde- 
itan ffegnas ' occurs, Judith, 1. xo, and at 1. 242 the idea of age is dupli- 
cated in the phrase ' >a yldestan ealdor^egnas * ; in the wapentake * ]» 
yldestan xii ]>egnas' form with the reeve a definite legal body, Thorpe, 
Liws, i. 294; Schmid, p. 212 ; E. C. D. Noe. 804, 1302. So in a monas- 
tery we have * ])a yldoetan munecas,' ib, 

up floran] JSlfric uses ' upSore,* < upflering,' of the upper room where * upflore.' 
the Apostles assembled after the Ascension, Horn. i. 296, 314; cf. ih, 
222-324, 404; and the passage cited in the last note but one. In the 
glossariea ' upflor* glosses 'solarium,' WUlker, cols. 331, 549. 




Date of 



Murder of 978 A, 979 £. Her wearS Sadweard ... of Blegen] A ftod C 
Edward. ^jj^^ Edward's death in 978 ; so Liebermann, p. 69 ; Hyde Reg. p. 276; 
Fl. Wig. i. 145 ; D, £, F under 979 ; so Liebermann, p. 44. D and E 
place Ethelred's coronation also in the latter year, F in 980 (so lieW- 
mann, p. 70). G mentions the coronation both nnder 978 and 979. 
Fl. Wig., adopting the former year, gives the indiotion and the date of tbc 
coronation 'a fortnight after Easter* to suit that year, viz, April 14, 
Easter being March 31 in 978. But this is merely his own dedoctkm 
from the Chronicle which he followed, and cannot be regarded as inde- 
pendent authority. Among all the charters of £thelred*s reign I bsre 
only found three in which a regnal year is given, K. C. D. Koa. 645, 663, 
692. In the first, 984 is called Ethelred's fifth year ; in the second, Much 
33> 9^^* u said to be in his ninth ; in the third, 995 is called his seven- 
teenth. This last is indecisive ; on either view part of 995 would fall mt> 
£thelred*B seventeenth year. But the first is decisive in favour of 979; 
while the second, taken strictly, is in favour of even a later date. For if 
Ethelred^s accession were reckoned from his brother's death, Match 13, 
988, calculated from March 18, 979, would strictly fall in the tentb yetr. 
But it is possible that his accession is dated from his election or corooatioD. 
Accotmtsof Of the murder of Edward the earliest independent account is in the Vita 
Edward's Oswaldi, H. Y. i. 449, 450. According to this it was a conspiracy of the 
party which had previously supported the claims of Ethelred (as agaiut 
Stubbs* Dunstan, p. ciii. ; cf. W. M. i. 176, where the same view is implied), 
though the narrative makes it possible, if not probable, that the qneen 
mother was cognisant of the plot. Later versions throw the blame mainlj 
upon her, the highest point being reached in the Icelandic Dunstan Sagv 
c. 7, wl^ch makes her the actual murderess (H. H. gives thia story wiih 
a * dicitur,' p. 167) ; and she is said to have founded the monasteries of 
Wherwell and Amesbury in expiation of her crime, Stubba' Dunstan, 
pp. 114, 308, 309 ; Fl. Wig. i. 145 ; W. M. i. 183; G. P. pp. 175, 188; 
Gaimar, vv, 3975 ff. (a very romantic account). In Capgrave*a life of 
St. Edith there is a wild story that the crown was offered to her cm 
Edward's murder, Hardy, Cat. i. 593. For lives of Edward, c£ ih. 


gemartyrad, C] This indicates a later point of view. On the ten- 
dency to regard every one who is cruelly and unjustly put to death a» a 
martyr, v. a. pp. a a, 61 ; cf. Bede, II. 49, 164. From the day of his trans- 
lation miracles seem to have begun, H. Y. i. 450 ff. ; Azchbishop iEHfinc. 
who sat from 995 to 1005 or 1006, being cited as a living witness of them ; 
a document of looi speaks of these * mulliplioia sig^a,' K. C. D. iii. 318, and 
a law of the Witenagemdt of 1008, re-enacted under Canute, orders the 
observance of his masa-day ' over all England,' Thorpe, Ancient La«s,i. 
308, 370; Schmid, pp. 224, 264 ; cf. F. N. C. i. 310, 311, 334, 34X. Tbew 
is a curious allusion to Edward a death in Wulfstan's famous sermon ' ad 

}i8 a 

979] NOTES 167 

Anglos*: *£adwerd man foitwdde 7 . . . aowealde, 7 after >am for^ 
baeinde,' ed. Napier, p. 160. This last Btatement that hiji body was burned 
is flatly against the witness of the Cbron. 

SBt Corfea geate, E] ' The name Corfesgeat or Corf geat (F) signifies the Gorfeegeat. 
singoJar cut or cleft in the line of chalk hills, wherein Gorfe Castle has 
lince been pitched, on a minor eminence/ Earle. There most have been 
Mme residence there, howerer, even at this time, as the Vita Osw. says 
that Edward had gone to visit bis brother and step^mother when he was 
murdered. ' Corfget ' is mentioned in a charter of CnaVs, K. C. D. iv. 31. 

0t "WsBrham] For the burial of Edward at Wareham, and his sub- Edward's 
sequent translation to Shaftesbury, 980, infra, see H. Y. i. 450-452; huriaL 
W. M. i. 184, 185 ; 6. P. pp. 187. 188 ; Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 309 ; H. H. 
p. i<»; Fl. Wig. i. 146. 

butan . . . wtuVsoipe] W. M. understands this of burial in unconse- 
crated ground : ' innidentes . . . mortuo cespitem ecdesiasticum, cui uiuo 
inuiderant deeus regium,' i. 183 ; Gaimar says that he was buried first 
in a moor, «. 4047. 

Ne weaxK . . . ge sohton] Cf. ' ne wseron her sefre seo]>9an Ongolcyn 
Breotone gesohte gesnligran tide,' Bede, p. 358. W. M. says that the 
evils which followed were popularly regarded as a punishment for Edward's 
murder, i. 184 ; cf. 1036 C. 

nolden hia . . . macM wreoan] Note the primitive duty of the kin to 
prosecute the blood-feud. 

ao hine . . . ge wreoan] For the calamities which are said to have 
overtaken the murderers, see H. Y. i. 451. 

079 C. gehalgod] Ethelred speaks of himself as ' natiue iureque dedi> Coronation 
catns,* t.e. by birth and election. K. C. D. No. 1279. The phrase in ofEtheked 
D, £ that he was crowned ' swiffe hrsedlioe ' makes it clear that we must 
place the ' coronation in the same year as Edward's death. See on it, 
H. Y. i. 455 ; ii. 341 ; Chron. Ab. i. 356. Dunstan exacted from him 
the same oath that had been exacted from his father in 973 ; cf. Stubbs' 
DonstAn, pp. 355, 356 with H. Y. i. 437. He is said to have prophesied 
the diaasters of this reign as he had previously done at Ethelred*s baptism ; ^ 
e€. Stobbs* Dunstan, u. s. ; H. H. pp. 167, 168 ; Mihnan, Latin Christianity, 
ii. 368. If so, his prophecies were abundantly fulfilled. Cf. tlie reflexion 
in F Lat. (L 12 a, note 9). But these are afterthoughts. The feeling of 
the moment is given by E*s ' mid mycelum gefean.' 

0t Oinges tone, C, E] See note on 925 A. Gaimar makes him at Kings- 
crowned at Winchester before the altar of St. Vincentius, ee. 4080 f. ^^^' 
There were relics of this saint at New Minster, Hyde Heg. pp. 91, 147, 


blodic woloen, C] This is one of the signs of Doomsday : ' >onne 
aatige0 blodig woloen from norOdele,' Blickling Hom. p. 91 ; cf. on 926 D. 

on oft atSas} Cf. ' hw«t he luefde ... on oftsiffas geddn,' Oros. p. 290. 


Tranfllation 980 E. Her . . . JEOfere . . . ge fette, 70.] For the tnuulation of Edward, 
of Edward, gee the references given above, p. 167. In all these authoriUes, as in D, E 
here, the translation is ascribed to .^fhere alone. F (see i. 1 22, note lo'i is 
the only authority for the co-operation of Dnnstan with JSlfhere ; and even 
there, in the Saxon, DanBtan*B name is an insertion. The argoment 
founded by Dr. Stubbs on this alleged co-operation (Dunstan, pp. cii, ciii) 
is therefore very precarioas ; and we cannot exclude the poesibiliiy, that 
in the murder of Edward eoclesiaBtical motives may have been combined 
with political and personal motives. We have seen how, at the beginning 
of Edward's reign, the anti-monastic party gained the ascendency, at anj 
rate in Meroia. Yet monasticism, like everything else, declined under 
Ethelred, Thorpe, Laws, i. 346 ; Schmid, p. 246. 
Shaftes- p. 126. to Sossftes b^rig] Shaftesbury was founded by Alfred, Aseer, 

^^uy- p. 495 A ; not by Edgar, as Osbem asserts, Stubbe* Dunstan, pp. 1 11, 112; 

a mbUke which W. M. corrects, ib, 252. We find an Abbess of Shaftes- 
bury, tn/ra, 982 C. Part of Edward's relics were subsequently translated 
to Abingdon and Leominster, Lib. de Hyda, p. 207 ; Chron. Ab. i. 443, 
443; ii. 157- 
Selsey. P* 122. 880 C. 2ESpelgar] On him, see 964 A, note. 

est Seoles igge] The only mention of Selsey in tlie Chron. See on it, 

Bede, H. E. iv. 13, 14; v. 18, ad fin, and notes. 

Savaging of p. 124. SidSbamtun forhergod] This is placed by D and E under 

^uthamp- p8i. We see the fulfilment of Dunstan's prophecies; the days of Edgar 

the Peaceful were over. H. H., expanding E's 'serest • (itself the fruit of 

later experience), says : ' vii puppes, quasi praenuntiae futurae uastationis/ 

p. 168. W. M. says : * multus sermo apud Anglos fertur de his ratibni/ 

Ethelred's i. 186. Most writers connect the change with the character of Ethdred: 

character, t ^ exterminium Angliae pene propter inertiam suam natus,' G. P. p. 19c: 

'unbellis quia imbecillus, monachus potius quam militem actione piac- 

tendebat,' Osbem in Ang. Sac. ii. 131. His surname, *the Unready/ i« 

rightly explained by Rudbome by ' inconsultus,* i. e. devoid of rede or 

counsel, Ang. Sac. i. 225. In several of hii charters ]Ethelred speaks of 

* the sins and ofiiences of his youth.' These seem to consist in the unlawful 

detention of ecclesiastical property. One Ethelsinus is said to have mi^ed 

him, K. C. D. iii. 281, 300, 306; vi. 160, 173 ; cf. Chron. Ab. i. 356, 358. 

The change It is fair, however, to remember that the difference between the reigos 

d^ to'wi °^ ^'^^^ '^^ Ethelred is not wholly due to the differance between the 

two monarchs, but is in part owing to the change in the condition of 

the continent after the death of Otho the Great in 973. We must aUo 

make allowance for the tendency to find scapegoats for the national 

failures; see below, on 992, 993, 998, 999, looi, 1003 E, xoi6 C. Some 

later writers are more favourable to Ethelred, cf. Chron. Evesh. p. 41 : 

' .^elredo . . . regnum denote gubemante, utro plurimo uirtutam flore 

redimito* ; so Ailr. Biev. * rex strenuissimus,' 'glorioeus wx,' c 741 ; cf 

982] NOTES 169 

St. Edw. p. 39; C. P. B. ii. iii. This is due largely to the glamour 
thrown backward from the sanctity of his son Edward the Confessor. 
Tenetland] See on 969 £, supra. 

ttam Noi^ soipherige] This is interpreted by Fl. Wig., probably 
rigbUy, * a Norwegensibus piratii deuastata,' whereas of Southampton he 
says : ' a Danids piratis deuastatnr * ; cf. F. N. C. i. a68. 

981 G. Sde Fetrooes stow forhergod} This ravaging is said to have Bodmin 
caused the removal of the Cornish see from St. Petroc's stow (Bodmin) to ravaged. 
St. German's. The matter is doubtful ; and was St. German's less exposed f 
Certainly the removal of the united see of Devon and Cornwall to Exeter 
was due to the fear of piratical attacks, H. k S. i. 683, 691, 694, 702 ft 
on "WealHm] * in Comubia,' Fl. Wig., rightly. 

JSHbtan] There is a curious story about him in .^f. lives, i. 364. He .filfstan. 
had been monk and Abbot of Abingdon. Hence his burial there, G. P. 
p. 181, appropriately entered in the Abingdon Chron. ; cf. Fl. Wig. i. 146, 
note. The lists at the end of Fl. Wig. call .^fstan's successor ^fgar, 
instead of Wulfgar. i. 336; while the text of Fl. Wig. makes Siric succeed 
iElfstan immediately, placing i^fgar before i^fetan, i. 141, 146. So 
G. P. tt. 9. But the evidence of charters is conclusive in favour of the 
order iElfstan, Wulfjg^. 

'Womssr. abbod on Oent] Ingram alone of the translators rightly Womer, 
' Abbot of Ghent ' ; the others, M. H. B., Thorpe, Stevenson, have * died q^^^®^ 
... at Ghent.* He resigned his abbacy and retired to the New Minster 
at Winchester; cf. the entry in the Hyde Register: 'Domnus abba 
Uuomams, qui olim coenobio Gent praelatus, banc deuotus adiit gentem, 
huiosque se familie precibus humillime oommendauit,' p. 34. 

96S C. twegen ealdormenn] .^thelmer, alderman of Hampshire, Death of 
buried at the New Minster, is naturally mentioned in the Hyde Register, pp. ^^o alder- 
31, 54. His obit was on April 18, ib, 370. Edwin is also mentioned, t6. 33. °^^* 
Heralufa] See Hyde Reg. p. 58. 

for Odda . . . oasere to Oreo lande] lliis is Otho II, son of Otho the 
Great, by his second wife Adelheid. By 'Greekland* is meant either Italian ex- 
the Eastern Empire generally, or specifically Magna Graecia, i, e. southern ^^^^Sf ^^ 
Italy, which Otho wished to free from the Saracens, who were encouraged 
by the Byzantine court, which preferred to see Italy under the Saracens, 
to seeing it under the Western Emperor. On Otho's luckless expedition, 
eee Weber, Weltgesch. vi. 100 ff. ; Giesebrecht, Kaiseraeit, ed. i. i. 556 ff. ; 
ed. 2, i. 596, 597; Dfimmler, Otto d. Grosse, pp. 388-393. It is very 
far firom being true that *se oasere ahte welstowe geweald*; he was 
totally defeated in a great battle near SquiUace, July 13, 982, and only 
escaped as by a miracle. He died Deo. 7, 983. On the Saracens, cf. 
Bede, II. 338, 339. 

his hropor simu . . . Odda] This is Otho, Duke of Swabiaand Bavaria, Otho, Duke 
son, as the chronicler says, of the emperor's half-brother Liodulf, the son o^ Swabia. 




Death of 

of JSlfric. 

Death of 


of Otho the Great and his English wife Edith ; of. Diimmler, «. $. He wm 
slightly older than his half-uncle Otho 11, and was his bosom-friend. He died 
Nov. I, 983, at Lucca, from the effects of the battle. See <m 924 D, abo?e. 

pp. 124, 126. 988*. Her foilffiBrde iBlfhere] On him, see 979, 980, 
mpra. According to W. M. i. 181 : 'uermibns quos pedicnlot dicimaf 
consumptus est.' His last signature is in 983, K. C. D. No. 639. 

feng JEHtrio to, C, E] fl. Wig. says that he wm .^fhere's son; which, 
though probably true, may be only an inference from the Chron. JSSiSM 
was exiled in 985, infra (' crudtlUer exulauit,' says H. H. p. 168) ; an act 
which perhaps indicates a policy of breaking up the great aldennanrief. 
If BO, the policy was reversed in 1007, when Edric (Streona), the notorious 
traitor, was ' geset to ealdormen geond [ouer eal, F] Myrcna rice,* infra, 
«. a. This i^fric must not be confounded with another notorious traitor, 
iElfric, alderman of Hampshire, of whom we shall hear only too often. 
H. H.*s identification of them is probably only a wrong inference. See 
Crawford Charters, pp. 84, iia, xao, 121 ; Green, C. E. pp. 37a ff., 401; 
Robertson, Essays, p. i8a ; F. N. C. i. a66, 627, 628. We find MXfnc also 
consenting, as alderman, to Worcester charters, K. C. B. iii. 207, a 16, 246, 
263. There is an *i£lfwine bearn ifilfrices* in the battle of Maldoo, 
lines 209 ff., who says : 

Mo wflss on Myrcum micles cynnes 
W8&8 min ealda fieeder Ealbhelm' haten 
wis ealdormann, woruldgesselig.* 
If this is the Mercian alderman ^Ifric, then his father was not ^fhere, 
but Ealhhelm ; an Ealhhelm signs as dux or comes from 940 to 951, K. C. D. 
Nos. 424, 426, 1 1 36, 1 1 63, 1175; Birch, Nos. 763, 865,882, 883, 888,891. 
Whether these are all the signatures of the same person, I cannot say. 

984*. Her foxKferde , . . AtSelwoId] C alone gives the day, Aug. i- 
According to the biographers of Dunstan, that saint not only foretold the 
death of ^^Ethelwold, but also had a divine revelation as to the appoint- 
ment of i£lfheah. Eadmer's life further says that on the death of .^Sthel- 
wold the secular clerks tried to get possession of the see once more, 
Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 61, 62, 115, 116, 215-317, 311-3x3. .^holwold 
died at Beddington and was buried in the crjrpt of Winchester, whence he 
was translated to the choir twelve years later, Hardy, Cat. i. 589 ; AA. SS. 
Aug. i. 97 ; Liebermann, p. 89. 

seo halgun^ . . . JElfheagea, A] He had taken the monastic habit at 
Deerhurst ; thence he went to Bath, where he became an inclusus, and 
ultimately abbot, G. P. pp. 169-171; Fl. Wig. i. 147. According to 
W. M. i. 225, he was alw Prior of GlasConbuiy, but the authority is 
suspicious. He became Archbishop of Canterbury, infra^ 1006. For lives 
of him, cf. Hardy, Cat. i. 619-623. Chron. A is the only authority, as hx 
as I have found, which gives his other name of Godwine. Both iEthelwoId 
and his successor are mentioned, Hyde Beg. pp. 22, 23. 

988] NOTES I71 

985 C, E. H6t wflM ^Ifrio . . . utadrafed] Fl. Wig. dates this 986 uBlfric 
There is an interestixig allaaion to the outlawing of .^fric in a charter of haniahecl. 
Ethelred (unfortanatcdy not dated) : ' ^Ifirio cognomento puer . . . cum 

in dncatu suo et contra omnem gentem meam reus existeret, 
... ad synodale oondlium ad Cyrneceastre uniuersi optimates mei . . . 
enndem ^Ifricnm maieitatis reum de hac patria profngum expnlerunt,' 
K. C. JD. T). 1 74. See abo^e on 983, 984. 

7 . . . Badwine to abbode gehalgod, C] E haa already given this Edwin, 
under 984. C, as the Abingdon Chxoo., is likely to be correct. He ^^^^L^^ 
succeeded Osgar, who di«d in 984, Fl. Wig. i. 147, note 4. His appoint- uifl^^i^- 
ment was siiuoniacal : * erat tunc maaor domns regiae iSlfiricus quidam 
praepotens, fratrem habeos Edwinnm institutione monachum; hie i^ud 
regem pretio exegit ut frater eius Abbendoniae abbas praeficeretur, qiiod 
et factum est/ ib, note 5. (This ^Ifiric is not the alderman of Mercia, 
but the traitorous alderman of Hampshire; see Crawford Charters, p. lai, 
as against Bobertson, Essays, p. i8a.) In a charter of 993, already cited 
as genuine, in spite of Kemble*s asterisk, Ethelred dbnounces this simoniacal 
transaction as one of the evil deeds into which he had been led by wicked 
counseUort, Bishop Wulfgar and Alderman ^Ifric being specially named, 
and restores liberty of election to the monastery, K. C. D. iii. 366, 
267. On these Abingdon entries in £, see Introduction, § 63. 

986 C, £. Bdr se oyning . . . Hrofe oeaatre] Osbem, in his life of Ethelred 
Dnnstan, says : ' Bex . . . propter quasdam dissensiones ciuitatem ob8[edi]t ravages 
Rofensem, et facta capiendi iilam difficultate, patrimonium beati apostoli 
[Andreae] deusstando inua[sit],* Stubbs* Dunstan, p. 117. Fl. Wig.*8 
account is based on this; and it is copied by W. M., Stubbs, «.«., p. 310. 
Ojibem further adds that Dunstan tried to persuade Ethelred to retire, and 

on his refusal bribed him into acquiescence with a hundred pounds of 
silver, and then pronounced against him the usual prophecy of coming 
ills ; cf. H. H. p. 168. 

yrf cwealm] * lues animnlium quae Anglioe Scitta uocatur, Latine Murrain, 
autem fluxus interaneorum,* Fl. Wig. s. a, 987 ; d Bosworth-Toller, s. v. 

087 E. "Wecedport] C places this in 988. 

088 C, E. Ooda . . . mid him] There is an account of this action in Goda slain. 
the Vita Oswaldi : 'Factum est durisslmum bellum in Oocidente, in quo 

fortitfer resistentes nostrates, qui dicuntur Deuinysce, uictoriam sancti 
triamphi percepenint, acquisita gloria. Ceciderunt plurimi ex nostris, 
plnriores ex illis. Nam oodsus est ex nostris miles fortissimus nomine 
Stronwold, cum aliis nonnullis, qui bellica morte magis elegerunt uitam 
finire, quam ignobiliter uiuere,* H. Y. i. 455, 456 ; Fl. Wig. combines this 
ftoooant with that of the Chron., mentioning both Stremwold and Groda 
among the slain. He calls the latter ' satrapa Domnaniae,' a title often 
given to the lesser aldermen, but also often equivalent to ' minister,* or 




Death of 

Hifl death 
not a land- 

and death 
of ^thel- 

' ]>egen/ lo that it probably here implies no more than the ' ^egen ' of the 
Chron., Crawford Charten, p. 150; cf. F. N. C. I. zxziii. a68, 311. 

Her gefor Dunstan] Of the death of Banstan the aceoant in the 
life by Adelard is so beaatiful and simple that it must be given here in 
fdl. Dr. Stubbs says of it» < I have no doubt that the record ... is derived 
from authentic tradition ' : * Die eigo Ascensionis Dominicae . . . ooepH 
colomna [t columba] Dei lente uiribus destitni ; languore autem prseaa* 
lente^ lectulo suscipitur, in quo tota sexta feria cum nocte sequenti coelet- 
tibus'intendens, aduenientes et recedentes in Domino oonfortabat. Msne 
autem Sabbati hymnis iam matutinalibus peractis, sanctam adesse iabei 
fratrtmi congregationem. Quibus iterum spiritum commendaus, uiaticnm 
sacramentorum Ghristi coram se celebratum, ex menia coelesti suioepit 
Unde gratias agens Deo psallere ooepit '^Memoriam fecit mirsbiliuiD 
suorum misericors et miserator Dominus; escam dedit timentibos se" 
[Ps. ex. (cxi.) 4, 5]. Inter quae uerba spiritum in manibus Creatoro 
reddens, in pace quieuit. O nimis felicem quem Dominus inuenit its 
uigilantem/ Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 66 ; cf. ib, Ixii. Of the later biograpbeix, 
W. M. is the only one who has the good taste to use this beautifal sod 
touching record, tb, 320 ; it is used also, somewhat abridged, in the lections 
of the York Breviary, ib. 448. For other accounts, cf. ib, 5a, 1 20-1 38, 221 ; 
for ritual matter relating to Dunstan, ib, 440-457. On the shameleM 
myth of a translation of Dunstan's relics to Glastonbury, which called fortb 
£admer*s indignant protest, see ib. 353, 353, 412-422, 426-439; H. V. 
I. xlvi. The death of Dunstan is mentioned in the Irish Annals, Tigh., 
Chron. Scot. By many it is regarded as a great turning-point: 'poft 
cuius mortem . . . omnes res contrarium motum sumpsere ; . . . a summs 
quippe pace fit commutatio ad bellum intolerabile, ab immensa laetitia id 
enormem tristitiam, ab omnium rerum abundantia ad omnium reruia 
indigentiam ' (Osbem), Stubbtt* Dunstan, p. 127. But in truth it did bat 
make apparent a change which had begun thirteen years before. With 
the death of Edgar the Peaceful^ Dunstan was already politically dead. 
ib, ciii. There is a fine character of Dunstan in Ang. Saa ii. 126. Hot 
soon he acquired saintship is shown by a charter of 997 x loox, K. C P. 
No. 704. From Adelard*s account it is plain that Dunstan died on the 
Saturday after the Ascension. Ascension Day in 988 was on May 17. 
and May 19 is rightly given by Fl. Wig. as the day of Dunstan's death, 
and it is his day in the Calendar. 

jflBVelgar] v, b. on 964. If Stubbe is right (Dunstan, p. 383) in giving 
Feb. 13, 990, as the date of ifithelgar's death, and if he sat a year and 
three months (C, D, £), his translation would be fixed to Nov. 98^. 
F, however, deliberately alters the three months of the other MSS. into 
eight, which would bring the translation to June 988. And as F is s 
Canterbury book it may have some independent authority ; but it may be 
only an inference from the fact that Dunstan died in May. JBtbelgar's 

990 NOTES 173 

mother was named ^Etbelfind, Hyde Beg. p. 58 ; cf. tb. 370, which gi^es 
the day of his death. The Ghron. Ab. notei the rapid succeisioiu of the 
archbishope of Canterbury at this time, i. 430, 431. 

988 £, F. 990 C. p. 126. H§r Sigerlo wsm gehalgod] The date of 990 Accession 
for Siric's accession, C, D, is to be preferred to 989 E, F. 8. D. places it in ^^ ^^^' 
991, ii. 134. All the MSS. are wrong in saying that he was ' consecrated ' 
to Canterbury; so Liebermann, p. 70. He was translated from Rams- 
bury, to which he had been consecrated in 985, Stubbs, £p. Succ. p. 17 
[ed. 3, p. 30]. There are letters to him in Stubbs' Dnnstan, pp. 388, 389, 
399-403 ; the last, from iSlfweard, Abbot of Glastonbury, to Sine, on his 
elevation to Canterbury, is an admirable letter, and may be compared with 
Bede*s well-known letter to Egbert of York. F is the only MS. which Hisjonmcy 
mentions the journey of Siric to Rome for his pallium (probably in 990, ^ Ro***®- 
under which year it is given, Liebermann, p. 3). Of this journey we 
possess a most interesting itinerary, Stubbs* Dunstan, pp. 391-395. Fl.Wig., 
in his notice of Siric's accession, says : ' clericis a Cantuaria protuibatis, 
monachos induxit.* If this is true, it shows how little of a monastic bigot 
Dunstan was. To Siric JEXMq dedicated both series of his homilies, ed. 
Thorpe, i. 1-3; ii. 1-5. At the end of the second preface is a curious 
little admonition against drunkenness. As it is pointed by a reference 
to the Levitical ordinance : * dixit Dominus ad Aaron : Yinum . . . non 
bibes tn et filii tni, quando intratis tabemaculum testimonii [Levit. x. 9],' 
it is difficult to avoid the inference that the archbishop was thought to 
be addicted to this failing. 

EiMlwine a^ foit^ferde} v.s. 984, 985. According to the Abingdon Death of 
MS. of Fl. Wig., Wulfgar, his successor, successfully protected the Jbbjt * f 
monastery during the Danish inroads. His death is given below, 1016 C, E. Abingdon. 
Fl. Wig. «. s. gives it under 1017, i. i8a, note. He it was who recovered Succession 
the liberties of Abingdon as stated in the charter cited above, where Ethel- ©^ Wulfgar. 
red calls him ' abbas mens Wlfgar tota mihi deuotione benignus,* K. C. D. 
vL 174. 

pp. 126, 127. 993 A, 991 £, F] A is independent of the other MSS., Danish in- 
and seems to be made up of events which the other MSS. distribute between ▼m^o^u* 
991 (Ipewich, Maldon) and 994 (Invasion of Anlaf with 93 ships, confirma- Olaf Tryg* 
tion of Anlaf). The account in A rests on a confusion of two separate inva- S^&"o^ 
sions, and the other Im to be preferred. That Anlaf, who is no other than the 
famous Olaf Tryggvason (nn whom see C. P. B. pp. 83-86), was, however, 
a leader of the earlier invasion also, is shown by the terms of peace which 
are preserved, Thorpe, Ancient Laws, i. 384 ff., Schmid, pp. 304 ff. : 'tSiB 
ffynd ^a friffmal 7 >a forword l^e .£tfolred cyng 7 ealle his witan vrifS >one 
here gedon habba9 >e Anlaf 7 Justin (Jdsteinn) 7 Gu9mund Stegitan sunu 
mid waeron.* These two last are mentioned also as leaders of the expedi- 
tion of 991, by Fl. Wig., who probably had the document before him, as 
he copies its further statement that the treaty was made by the advice of 





The lay 
lords partly 

money to 
pay the 

The Dane- 

Siric (who is called SirieiuB Danegeld in Ang. Sac. i. 4), and the two ald«r^ 
men, ^thelweard and JEHMc, who besought the king that they might pnx^ 
chase peace for their respective districts. It is right, however, to add th&t 
Anlaf 8 name is not in fl. Wig. ; and Schmid, p. li, thinks that it is inter- 
polated in the document. Mlftic is the treacherous alderman of Hampshire, 
V. B. pp. 170, 171. .^helweard is the chronicler, who, as we know, was of 
the royal house of Wessez, and in Wessez his aldermanry is to be aougbt, 
Crawford Charters, pp. 118 ff.; of. Introduction, § 99. To him iEl&ic 
dedicated both his Lives of Saints, and also his translation of the Hepta- 
teuch ; see the Prefaces to those works. Clearly then the lay lords mnsi 
share with the archbishop the responsibility for the treaty. The Chron. n 
further unjust to Siric in saying that this was the first time that peace had 
been purchased irom the Danes. Alfired himself had had to pay this 
' scandlice nydgyld/ as Wulfstan calls it. Homilies, p. 162 ; v. «. on 865, 
872, 876 ; and, as Freeman himself shows, F. N. C. i. 275, note, Edred had 
left money for this purpose as for a charitable and recognised object, Birch, 
iii. 75 (this provision is omitted in the later versions of the will, tb. 76, 78). 
In the earlier invasions on the continent this policy, or impolicy, of baying 
off the invaders was constantly adopted, v, Dttmmler, Ostfrank. Beich, ed. i, 
ii. 205, 231, 233, 273, &o. ; ed. 2, iii. 203, 229, 231, 272. Tliere is a most 
interesting charter of 995, which tells how the Danes, furious at the delay 
in paying the sums which Siric had promised them, threatened to bum the 
Cathedral, bow Siric in his distress sent to borrow money of JEBowig, 
Bishop of Dorchester, pledging him an estate at Bisborough In return, 
K. C. D. No. 689. (In the following charter this estate is restored to 
Siric*s suocessoi', .Mfric. The signatures have, however, been mechanically 
copied from the preceding charter, as, though the restoration is made to 
^Ifric, the deed is signed by Siric !) I cannot say cei-tainly whether this 
transaction is connected with the invasion of 991 or that of 994, as a com- 
parison of 993 A with 994 £ makes it probable that Kent was ravaged in 
both. In a spurious charter of Ethelred's, the king is similarly represented 
as pledging land to the Abbot of St. Alban^s to raise money for the Danes. 
But no doubt from this time the payment became more systematic, and 
from this reign dates the hated Danegeld ; which, imposed like the income- 
tax originally as a war measure, was continued, like the income*taz, as an 
ordinary financial expedient : ' Begibus namque nostris modo peisol- 
uimus ex consuetudine, quod Dacis persoluebatur ex ineffabili terrore,* 
H. H. pp. 168, 169 ; cf. Hermann, Mirac. S. Edm. : * Sueyn lugubre malum 
ubique ponit tributum, quod infortunium hodie luit Anglia,' Martene et 
Durand, vi. 825 ; Liebermann, p. 204 ; cf. W. M. i. 187 ; G. P. p.411 ; and 
the date, as Earle says, 'tallies exactly with the dates of Anglo-Saxon 
money found in Denmark and Sweden ; in both which countries it has been 
exhumed in lai^e quantities, especially in Sweden. The dates range &om 
Mtk)hed to Edward Conf. ; and coins of some of the intermediate reigns 

99*] NOTES 175 

lutTe been foand in Denmark and Sweden in larger nnmbera tban in 
England. AnglomckHtika Mynt i Svemka Kongl. MyntkuHnettei af Bror 
Emil Hildebrand, 4to., Stockholm, 1846/ The amount of this Danegeld 
given by £ and F, £10,000, is only half the araoant stated in the actual 
docmnent already cited : ' twa 7 twentig )>u8end punda gold 7 seolfres mon 
gesealde Juun here of ^Snglalande wiff firiffe/ Thorpe, i. 288 ; Schmid, 
p. 308 ; cf. lb. li. In the so-called Laws of Edward the Confessor, the 
Danegeld is defined as ' xn denarios de unaquaque hida ... ad condn- 
cendos eos qui piratarum irruptioni resistendo obuiarent,' Thorpe, i. 446 ; 
Schmid, p. 496. In the Laws of Henry I it is ' denagildnm quod aliquando 
[nngemannis dabatur,' Thorpe, i. 526 ; Schmid, p. 446; ». e. the bodies of 
Danish housacarls maintained in England, of. Crawford Charters, p. 140. 
(Thorpe's -proposed emendation is worse than needless.) From a charter, 
nominally of Alfred, really a later forgery, it would seem that land was 
sometimes surrendered because it could not bear these heavy imposts, 
K. C. D. No. io6f ; Biroh, No. 565. (On a point like this a foiged charter 
is ss significant as a genuine one.) For the story of Edward the Confessor 
abolishing the Danegeld, see Ailred R., col. 753 ; Lives of St. Edward, 
PP* S'f 53* I^ ^<ui one of the abuses which Stephen promised to abolish, 
H. H. p. 358 ; ct also Maitland, Domesday, pp. 3 £ 
to Stane, A] Folkestone, not Staines, as Mr. Thorpe says in his index. 
BCsBldtme . .« ByrhtnoV] Of Brihtnoth we have heard before as the Battle of 
champion of the monks against ^Ifhere, v, 9. p. 163. Accordingly, in the ^^Idon. 
Vita Oswald], we have a notice of the battle with a long panegyric on Bribt- 
notfa's bravery ; but perhaps the most eloquent panegyric is contained in 
the brief sentence: ' Byrihtnotbus cecidit, et reliqui fugerunt,' H. Y. i. 
456. On Brihtnoth and the battle of Maldon, and the poem in which they Sonfiron the 
are celebrated, see F. N. C. L 268 ff., 623, 624, 772 ; C. P. B..iL 84 ; on the ^*J1« ^^ 
payment to the Danes, t'&. 2 75, 2 76. The poem has been frequently printed, 
dee Wtllker, Gmndriss, pp. 334 ff. A convenient edition is in Sweet's Anglo- 
Sazoo Reader, where a remark of Rieger*s is quoted that ' it was composed 
so immediately after the battle that the poet does not know the name of 
a single one of the enemy, not even of their leader Anlaf.* The remark is 
interesting, but, as the poem is incomplete, a little hazardous. 

On Brihtnoth, cf. Crawford Charters, pp. 85-88. As no signature of his Brihtnoth. 
is found after 990, 991 is doubtless right for the date of Maldon. The day 
was Aug. II, Hyde Reg. p. 271. Re was buried at Ely. His widow, 
.^fised, leaves property to Ely, ' ^ mines hlafordes lichoma rest.* iSUflaod 
was a sister of .^helflaed of Damerham, Edmund's second queen, who in 
her vrill leaves considerable property to her and her husband, K. C. D. 
No. 685 ; Birch, Nos. 1288, 1289. Brihtnoth is called ' dux praeolarus ' in 
a charter of Ethelred of 1005, K. C. D. iii. 341. 

992 E, F. Her Oswald . . . forlet pis Uf] The chief authority for the Death of 
life of Archbishop Oswald is the anonymous life printed in H. Y. i. 399^ ^"^^^ ^^ 


475, and already frequently referred to. As it speaks of Archbiihop 
iEliric as still living (p. 45 a) it must have been written 995 xioo6, and 
is therefore an almost contemporary authority of the highest value. Oswild 
had learnt the monastic life at Fleury, pp. 413 ff. (he is also said to have 
been a pupil of Fridegoda, the author of the Metrical Life of Wilfrid, 
H. Y. ii. 5). He returned to England at the time of his undo Archbishop 
Odo*8 death, p. 419 ; succeeded Dunstan as Bishop of Worcester, p. 420 : 
founded a school for the training of monks at Westbury, p. 424 (the church 
was restored by Wulfiitan, Ang. Sac. ii. 26 a). On the death of Oicytel (to 
whom he was related, p. 420), Edgar ' in capite [eius] duas coronas im- 
posuit, hoc est ipsi prius episcopatum Merdornm gentis, et poetmodum 
Korthanhymbrorum,' p. 435 (this position of Worcester as t e specially Mer- 
cian see should be noted). See Addenda. He went to Rome for his pal- 
lium, p. 435 (where he also acted as the king^s ambassador, H. T. ii. 27^; 
assisted at the coronations of Edgar in 973, pp. 436 ff., and of Edward and 
Ethelred, p. 455 (cf. ii. 341) ; and died on the Monday following the third 
Sunday in Lent, Feb. 29, 99a, after washing the feet of the poor, and 
passed away, like Bede, in the act of saying the Doxology, pp. 469 ff. 
He was buried at Worcester (where he died), p. 475. On other lives of 
him, cf. Hardy, Cat. i. 609-614. And there is a notice of him in Hugo of 
Fleury, Pertz, ix. 384, which shows that he was not unmindful of the 
scene of his monastic training, whence also he brought the famous Abho of 
Fleury to teach in his monastery of Ramsey, 985 x 987, Hardy, Cat i« 
594, 618 ; cf. also G. P. pp. 247-250 ; Birch, iii. 208 ; Hyde Reg. p. 9a. 

Oswald's relics were translated by his successor, Ealdwulf, in 1002, jost 
before his own death. H. Y. ii. 46 ; FU Wig. i. 156. For Wulfstan of 
Worcester's reverence {(X Oswald, see the interesting story in Ang. Sac il 
262, 263. 

As late as 1 1 39 Oswald and Wulfstan were still invoked at Worcester u 
patrons and protectors of the city, Fl. Wig. ii. 118. Oswald's mitre wsi 
preserved at Beverley in the twelfth century, H. Y. ii. 341. An eztrs- 
ordinary number of charters by him granting leases for three lives of lands 
belonging to the see of Worcester will be found in Birch, iii. ; K. C. D. iii- 
These embody a deliberate territorial policy, on which, see Maitland, 
Domesday, pp. 302 ff. 
Death of .SSSelwine . . . ge for, E] He was the son of Athelstan ' half-king,' and 

JSthelwine, succeeded his brother j^thelwold as alderman of East Anglia. The monks 
of ^od[^"^^ whom he protected called him * the friend of God,' There was a pathetic 
fitness in his dying so soon after his great friend Oswald. With him he 
had founded the monastery of Ramsey, where he was buried ; and he is 
said never to have smiled after his death, H. Y. 1. 438-430, 445-447, 465- 
469, 474, 476 ; G. P. pp. 318-330 ; Crawford Charters, pp. 85, 118. (The 
pretended foundation charters of Ramsey are obvious fozgeries, K. C. D. 
No. 581 ; Birch, Nos. 1310 f.) Fl. W g.'s account both of Oswald and 

994] NOTES l^^ 

^helwine is clearly taken from the Vita Oiwaldi, of which there would 
oatanlly be a copy at Worcester, 
porode eorl] See on 966 £, supra, 

MltsiKDe t.] Thii, though in all the MSS., is a mistake for iGlfric, 
Bishop of Ramsbury, who succeeded Siric at Canterbury. .Mfstan of 
Ramsbury died 981 C. 

Saawige t^.] Bishop of Dorohester ; he was present at the consecration 
of Ramsey, H. Y. 1. 463. 

Da sende . . . ^Ifrio] See F. N. C. i. 277, 378. The *long series of National 
inexplicable treasons * ascribed to iElfric first, and then to Edric Streona, "^?^ 
awake, I confess, the question whether the chroniclers have not selected 
oertain scapegoats on whom to throw the blame of the national failures. 

Ealdolf ... to Boferwio stole 7 to "Wigera ceastre] His appoint- Ealdwnlf 
ment to York seems, however, to have been delayed till 995. In 993, ?JC*"^^ 
994, and 995 he signs as ' episcopus * or as ' Wigoraoensis eccl. episc.,' 
K. C. D. Nob. 684, 687, 1289. Later in 995 he signs as ' Eboracensis 
eoel. eleotus episc.,' ib. Nos. 688, 692. This does not imply (as Mr. Steven- 
son thought, Chron. Ab. ii. 521) that he had not been consecrated, for he 
had already been consecrated to Worcester. By 996 he is ' archipraesul * 
and 'archiepisoopus,' K. C. D. Nos. 695, 696. 

Xenulf] He became Bishop of Winchester in 1005 ; simoniacally, accord- Genwulf. 
ing to Cr. P. p. 170 ; his death is entered 1006 E, infra. Some have wished 
to identify him with the poet Cynewulf, see above on 779 E. To this 
Cenwulf the life of Athelwold by ^Ifric is dedicated, Hardy, Cat. i. 586. For 
Ealdwnlf and Cenwulf as abbots of Peterborough, see above, 963 £, i. 117. 

998 £, F. ]m heretogan, 70.] * Heretogan ' means the leaders of this Cowardly 
particular army. It does not imply the official rank of aldermen. Fl. Wig. ^^^^^^ 
expljuiu their conduct by saying : ' ex patemo genere Danici fuerunt.' But 
this again sounds rather like an attempt to gloss over the national failure ; 
cf on these leaders, F. N. C. i. 281, 624, 625. 

het se OTng ablendan 2ESlfgar, £] * unde odium et infamia eius [«c. Blinding of 
Edelredi] crudelitatis adaucta est,* H. H. p. 169; it was, no doubt, in revenge -^^^^tS^- 
for his father^s treachery in 992 : * et quamuis pro culpa perfidiae filium 
eios rez excaecari insserit, iterum rediit iterumque defecit,* W. M. i. 187. 

994 £, F. Her • • • 00m Anlaf 7 Swegen] On this great invasion of Oreat Scan- 
Olaf Tryggvason, King of Norway, and Swegen, King of Denmark, the dinavian 
uliioiAte conqueror of England, see above on 993 A ; and F. N. C. i. 285 ff. 
A document in K. C. D. No. 704 seems to point to an earlier unrecorded 
invasicm of Swegen. It is a writ of Ethelred's confirming the will of 
iBtheric of Booking. It is there stated : ' hit was manegon earon 4r 
JSOerie foiiJferde, tSet i5£m kincge waes gessed f et he were on t54m unrede, 
9et mmn soeolde on E4st-Saxon Swegen underf<$n 0& he ^rest Jiider mid 
flotan com.* The writ is undated, but from the signatures it must have 
been iamied 997 x looi. Athene was then dead, and the chaige of com- 
II« N 




to the 

tion of Olaf 

Death of 
Siric and 
of iBlfric. 

JEifnc and 
the secular 

plicitj with Swegen was brought 'many years' before his death. The 
inTasion of 994 seems hardly far enough back to satisfy these conditiofna. 
There is a very cunoas notice in the Chron. Ab. i. a8o, with refer«Dce 
to this invasion, the origin of which I do not know: 'Bex Norwegiae, 
Anlaf, baptizatus est, et reuersns est in patriam suam. Bani nero regem 
suum Snein regem Cantiae constituerunt, et regnaolt in Cantia xxiiii 
annis.' In JElfrio's Homilies, written just about this time, there are many 
interesting references to thoM troubles, i. 578 ; ii. I, 370, 433 ; so in the 
lives, written only a little later, i. 358-260, 294-296. 

pp. 128, 120. Oode Vang, F] This note of triumphant feeling is note- 
worthy in a MS. so late as F. It is not in £. 

hi man pflBT fsBdde, 7c., E] 'quibus de tota Westsazoma stipendimn 
dabatur, de tota uero Anglia tributnm,' Fl. Wig. i. 152 ; i.e. according to 
Fl. Wig. the promised ' metsung ' was levied exclusively from Weaaex, Um 
* gafol * from all England, 

2Blfeaoh t^ 7 .iBtSelward] ^Ifheah had advised and j£thelweard had 
negotiated the former treaty, 993 A and note. Thej were natorallj 
employed again. 

his anfeng sst bes handa] i.e. acted as his sponsor at oonfirma- 
tion, cf. £ede, II. 142, 383 ; * tenens eum ad confirmationem episoopi,' 
H. H. p. 170; *quem rex . . . oonfirmari ab episcopo fecit,' II. Wig. «u#. 
Olaf had been previously baptised, though accounts vary as to the nuuincr 
and place of his conversion. 

pp. 126, 129, 131. 904 A, 006 E, 006 E. Sigerio . . . 2ESlfrio] i£lfnc 
had previously succored Siric as Bishop of Ramibury in 990 (' Wiltuc- 
scire,' A, F). Hence C, D, E are wrong in speaking of him as 'oob- 
secrated ' to Canterbury. A, F (F a Canterbury MS.), express the fact 
correctly. He had been a monk of Glastonbury, and Abbot of Abingdon, 
Fl. Wig. tt. 9. ; G. P. p. 32. The earliest life of Dunstan is dedicated to 
him, Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 3. Fl. Wig., like F, places both the death ot 
Siric and the translation of iSlfric in 995 ; and this is riglit, for a charter 
of that year is signed by Siric as archbishop, and by ^Ifric as ' Wiltun- 
ensis presul * ; while another charter of the same year is signed by iElfric 
as 'electus ad archiepiscopatum,* K. C. D. Nos. 691, 692. Against the 
old identification of i£lfric the homilist with the archbishop, see Wiilker. 
Grundriss, pp. 453 ff. 

p. 128. 005 F. Bes JESlfrio, 7c.] For the Latin of this document, s(^ 
App. B. i. 285-287. On this story of i£lfric having expelled the serolar 
clerks from Christ Church, Canterbury, and restored the monka, W. M. 
says : ' uerisimile ncm uidetur ; constat enim monachos in ecdesia S. Salsa- 
toris fuisse a tempore Laurentii archiepiBCopi,* G. P. p. 32 ; as if institatioas 
never changed their character in the course of 400 years 1 A metre serio^ss 
objection is that, according to Fl. Wig., the change had already been maHe 
by Siric. See above on 990 C. Whether F has a^y better authority for 

997] NOTES 179 

njing that the seciilar clerks came in under Ceolnotfa, 833 X870, in eon* 
sequence of plague and other troubles, I do not know. The same account 
is gfiven by F under 870, see App. B, i. 383-285 ; according to which 
Ceolnoth*B successor, Ethelred, attempted to expel the clerks. No plague 
is recorded in the Chron. during those years. On the consecration of 
Christ Church, Canterbury, and the alleged correspondence of Ethelbert 
ind the Pope, see Bede, H. £. i. 33, and my notes. It is Bede's Hist. 
Eocl. which is here referred to as 'Ystoria Anglorum.' The spurious 
cbartersiy K. C. D. No. 715, seem connected with this pretended reform. 

heafod burh] Cf. Bede, p. 60 : 'In Cantwarabyrig, seo wses ealles his * heafod 
rices ealdorburg^; and Oros. p. 132 : * he geeode Nisan, India heafodbarg.* hurh.' 

p. 181. 906 F. "Wulatan . . . Itondenberi] In Stubbs* Dunstan, pp. Wulfstan 
404, 405, there is a letter from an unknown correspondent to Wulfstan, f^^^^ 
Bifl^op of London. ^ 

997 F. ssfter hia aroe] I feel pretty certain that 'pallium* is meant 'arce.* 
to be a gloss on 'aroe,* and not to be taken in composition with it as 
Piosworth-Toller ; there is no such thing aa an ' arch-pallium.' But how 
did 'aroe' come to mean pallium? I belieye it to be a pure abstraction 
of the writer. An * aroebiscec^ ' is a bishop with a pallium, therefore 
'arce' must mean pallium, Q. £. D. ; cf. 995 F, i. 130 m., 'sefter ]>inon 
Krce* (■■ 'pro pallio nestro,* i. 287 t.) ; 'gifan heom lK>ne eree/ ib. The 
word occurs nowhere else as far as I know. In Bouquet, x. 431, there 
is a letter of this very year from Pope Gregory V to Abbo of Flenry» 
asking to be informed ' de Cantuariorum aichiepiscopi incolumitate.' 

097 E. on XToiKwalam] i,e, our Wales. Kl. Wig.'s translation, 
< veptentrionalis Bry tannia,* is misleading ; and in 1000 A. D. it haa misled 
Mr. Thorpe, Lappenberg, E. T. ii. 162 ; see F. N. C. i. 634. 

Penwihtateort] PenwiO- C, PenwsO- D. The Land's End. The Penwith- 
hundred of the Land's End is still caUed Penwith ; cf. & D. ii. 392 : ^^^^ 
* Anglia habet in longitudine 800 milliaria a loco Penwithstert uocato . . , 
usque ad Gatheness trans Scotiam.' 

in to Tamer mnffan] ' in ostium fluminis Tamerae Domnaniam et Comu- 
biam eequestrantis,' Fl. Wig. 

Ordoljfos mynstar sst Teflngstooe] Ordwnlf was the son of Ordgar, and Ordwulf, 
coiMequently brother of JBifthryth, Edgar's second wife, r. #. on 965 D. **1® ^"^*^^«' 
W. M. makes his father, Ordgar, the founder of Tavistock, G. P. pp. 202, g^^^Q]^ 
203; so H. & S. i. 701. The spurious charter of foundation, K. C. D. 
No. 629, dated 981, makes Ordwulf the founder, and calls him, jigbtly, 
Ethelred's uncle. Ordwulf signs charters from 980 to 1006. Fl. Wig. calls 
him 'Donmaniae primas,' which probably means ' heahgerefa,' Crawford 
Charters, p. 122; but may also mean that he succeeded his father as 
alderman of Devon, though possibly in a lower position ; but the fact that 
be never signs with any higher title than ' min^'ster * is against the latter 

K 2 





▼iew ; moreover, that * primu ' means high-reeVe ii shown bj a cbkrter 
cited below on 1002 £, in which M&c, whom the Chron. calls 'be»b- 
gerefa/ is called 'primas inter primates.' I belieTc that STs readin?, 
'ast iUtefingstoee ' (see critical note), is an extreme instance of ibe 
tendency to regard the prepoeition ' st,' before place names, as part of the 
place name, so that a second (in this case an identical) preposition is pat 
before the compoand phrase ; see Bede, JI. 103, 104. H. H^ misreading 
the Saxon /, gives ' apnd Esingstooe.' 
906 E. pnrh sum ping] ' aut insidiis, aut aliqno infortnnio/ FL Wt%. 

i. 154. 

990 E. forpam pe . . . soeoldan] This sentence is only in E. It marb 
the growth of that tendency to make excuses which reaehee its col* 
minating point in Fl. Wig. On the prevailing disoiganisation, see F. N. C. 
1. 295 ff. 

p. 138. mid soipfyrde . . . mid landfyrde] Cf. 'sy hit on scypfyrde, 
sy hit on landfyrde/ Thorpe, Laws, i. 430; Schmid, p. 314. So, exactly, 
K. 0. D. vi. 51, where the universal obligation of the fyrd as part of the 
* trinoda necessitas' is subdivided into * scip fyrd ' and ' land fyrd.' 

pa elkede man] Fl. Wig.'s rendering, ' duces exercitus . . . moram . . . 
innectentes,' shows that he followed C or a sister MS. But Cs reading, 
' |>a ylcodan )» deman,' is probably a mere error. The scribe may hare 
had a MS. in which the syllables * )>a yico * came at the end of a line, and 
' de man * at the beginning of the next. The scribe took ' deman ' for 
a single word, and then pieced out his own error as best he could. I owe 
this suggestion to Prof. Earle. ' Dema,' ' a judge,* is an impoenble word 
to use of a military leader. 
Invasion of 1000 E. Her . . . sa cyng ferde in to Oumerlande] On this invasioB 




of Camberland, cf. F. N. C. i. 298, 299, 633, 634 ; I cannot, however, go 
with him in attributing much weight to Fordun*s statement that Etb^red's* 
invasion was owing to the refusal of Malcolm of Strathclyde to pay Dane- 
geld. H. H.*s explanation (which Mr. Freeman also accepts) seems much 
more probable: * Cumberland . . . ubi maxima mansio Dacorum ent,' 
p. 1 70. Strathclyde would be a convenient rendezvous for Scandinavian 
forces; and a similar motive would account for the ravaging of Man. 
Mr. Skene thinks that Ethelred was trying to wrest Strathclyde altogether 
from the Soot«, C. S. i. 381. 

unfiiSflota] Cf. * unfri9 scip,' i. 168 h., tn/ra, 1046 E; 'unfri9Iand/ 
' unfriS mann/ Thorpe, Laws, i. 286 ; Schmid, pp. 204, 206. 

Bioardes rioe] ' Danorum classis . . . Nortmanniam petit/ FL Wtg. 

i. 154. 

pp. 182, 133. 1001*] The account in A is independent of, and fuller 
than, that of the other MSS., but quite consistent with it. See F. N. C. 
i. 306 ff. 

mioel nnfrlS, A] There is a charter of this year in which Ethelred 

10O2] NOTES l8l 

Fpeaks of himself m ' dirisBimtB hostimn grauiter not depopuUncium 
crelierrime angostiatuB flagellis,* and cites the ' mnliiplicia signa* wrought 
at his brother's tomb, K. C. D. No. 706. 

iBpelweard . . . h«ah geiefa] Probably of Hampshire ; cf. K. C. D. 
No. 64a ; Crawford Charters, p. 119. 

^Ifaig— biaoeopet sunu] This is noteworthy. The bishop meant is A bishop^s 
Odo*ti short-lived sacceftsor at Canterbury. See on 961 F. ^^ 

Pallig] A Danish Jarl, brother-in-law of King Swegen, whose sister Pallig. 
Ganhild he had married. His name may be assimilated from Paining, 
and he was possibly oonnected with, or even a son of, the &moa8 Palna- 
Toki, Crawford Charters, p. 144; F. N. C. i. 506. He had evidently 
taken service with Ethelred under one of the previous treaties, and now 
deserted. According to W. M. i. 207, he, his wife, and their child were 
victima of the massacre of St. Brice in 1002. 

ofiar . . . ge trywHa] Cf. ' ofiilegen . . . ofer aOas 7 treowe,* Bede, p. 148. 

foTMi . . . td ISxan midlan] Mr. Freeman, following FL Wig., supposes Movements 
that the fleet which the other MSS. mention as coming to Exuiouth was ^^^ 
tlie one which had gone to Normandy in the previous year, and now 
effected a junction with Pallig, &c. This is very possibly right, though 
probably it is only FL Wig.*8 inference from the Chron. On the change 
in X alter this atinal, see Introduction, $ 95. 

to tiare byrig, £] Exeter ; ' there was no need to mention what 
borough,* F. N C. i. 307. 

sw» hi be wuna wmron] 80 Oros. p. 1 16 : ' swa hi »r bewnna wasron.* 

pft beah, 70.] 'pro militnm paucitate, Danorum multitudinem non Excuses, 
ferentftf,* ¥1, Wig. i. 155, with his usual tendency to make excuses. 

ptBV him . . . woldon] ' modo in ea [Vecta insula], mode in Sutham- 
tonia, modo in Dorsetania,' explains Fl. Wig. 

ne eodon hi swa feor iip] ' Went they never so far up^' t. e, however 
far inland (Greek Smw) they might go. 

1002 E] On the treaty of this year, v, F. N. C. i. 3x1, 31 2. Treaty of 

grfSS . . . ge MBtte] ' gri9 ' is a Scandinavian word, and only comes in ><'^- 
with the Scandinavian contests. It does not occur in MS. S. at all. 

of aloh Leofsig • . . earde] Leofsige was alderman of Essex and Leofsige 
probably succeeded Brihtnoth, F. N. C. u. «. ; cf. Crawford Charters, haniahed. 
p. 135. Tliere is an alluidon to his exile in a charter of 1007 : * Leofinnus 
dux ... culpa sua exigente patria pulsus,' K. C. D. No. 1304; but in 
a charter of 1 01 2 not only his punishment but his crime is detailed: 
* Leoftinus quem de satrapis . . . tuli ad celsioris npioem dignitatis . . . 
ducem contitituendo, [which shows that * sntrapa ' is not a mere synonym 
for * dux ' but indicates a lower dignity, r. s. pp. 171, 172] . . . praefectum 
ineum iEficum, quem priniatem inter primates meos taxaui, non cnnctatus 
in propria dome eius eo inscio perimere, quod nefarium et peregrinum 
opus est apud christianos et gentiles. . . '. Itaque • . . inii consilium cum 





Death of 


of York ; 




sapientibus regni mei, . . . plaoaitqae nobis in oommune earn exnlare . . • 
cum oomplicibm aais, ib. No. 719. 
Marriage of p. 184. seo hl»fdige] ' regina binomia . . ,, scilicet uSUfgioa Imma/ 
Ohron. Ab. i. 454. On the significance of Ethelred^s marriage with 
Emma of Normandy, which * led directly to the Norman Gonqaeit,* 
F. N. C. i. 301 if., cf. H. H. p. 173 ; Stnbbs' Danstan. p. 322. 

Ealdulf ardb foiKferde] He died May 6, Fl. Wig. i. 156. He was sao- 
ceeded by Wulfstan, the author of the Homilies. Mr. Freeman, F. N. C. I 
31a, identifies him with Wulfstan, Bishop of London, but apparently only 
because Bishop Wul&tan ceases to sign in 1003, and Archbishop Wul&tsn 
begins to sign in 1004. But this seems to me hazardous in the £aoe of Fl 
Wig.'s assertion that the archbishop was only abbot before his appoint- 
ment to York, L 156. As Wulfstan was, like his predecessors, also Bishop 
of Worcester, Fl. Wig. had special means of knowing. Dr. Stubbs, £p. Succ. 
seems to know nothing of any translation of Wulfstan of London. In the 
Latin version of one of Ethelred*s codes, it is not only stated that the lawi 
were passed on the advice of the two primates .£lfheah and Wal£stan, 
but that they were reduced to writing by Wulfstan : ' ego Wulfstanos . . . 
eadem . . . Uteris infix!/ Schmid, pp. J36, 239. If this can be relied on, 
it would account for the similarity between the moral reflexions contained 
in the laws, and in the homilies attributed to Wulfstan ; but the qaestion 
is an intricate one. Some compBmeiitary verses addressed to Wol&tan 
are printed in Stubbs' Dunstan, p. liv, from MS. Gott. Vesp. A. xiv. 

80 cyng het of slean] On the massacre of St. Brice and the sub- 
ofSt^Brice. sequent embellishmente of the story, see F. N. 0. i. 182, 31a £F., 634 ff. 
According to a tale which H. H. says that he heard as a boy from ' uetos- 
tissimi quidam,* the king sent secret letters to every town ordering the 
simultaneous murder of all the Danes, p. 174. The so-called laws of 
Edward the Confessor profess to give the law under which Ethelred acted, 
Schmid, p. 510. In a spurious charter of 1004 it is said that the Danes of 
Oxford took refuge in the church of the monastery of St. Frideswide, 
which was burnt in the conflict, K. C. D. No. 709. 

p. 185. be syrewian sst his life] Cf. ' Sume eac ymbe his lif syrwdon,* 
JElt Hom. ii. 11 a. 

1008 E, F] On this annal, see F. N. C. i. 315-319. 

"purh ]>one . . . Hugon, E] *per insilium, incuriam et traditionem 
Nortmannici comitis Hugonis,* says Fl. Wig., expanding the excuse i^to- 
his wont; and turning the 'ceorl' of the Cbron. into an 'eorl*; po»bly 
his MS. read ' eorl,* i. 156 ; H. H., translating * gprefa,* gives ' uiceoomes,* 
p. 174. 

far . . . Vingan, F] Cf. Ores. p. 340; 'hie for his ^ingun adnefde 
wseron/ ib, 258. 

)>e seo hlefdige . . . gexefan, E] The royal rights over Exeter had 

rights over probably been given to Emma as port of her moriung-gift. 




1006] NOTES 1Q3 

ge Inred he hine aeoone] Cf. Layamon, i. 184 : ' >e king hine breid 
•6ac,*'Earle ; 10 in Joel. ' bregma s^r ■jtUcum/ ' bregOaz gjtika.* 

Bonne . . . ge bindred] A very similar saying is found in one of A proverb. 
Alcoin's letters : ' si dux timidna erit, qnomodo saluabltur miles,' H. k S. 
iii- 535 ; Mon. Ale. p. 621. 

Da Bwegen ge eeah, 70.] Of course if his sister were among the yictims Swegen. 
of St. Brice, supra f p. 181, he would have ample motive for revenge, 
F. N. C. i. 314. 

1004 E] On this annal, see F. N. a i. 319-323. 

Ulfkytel] See below on 1010 E. 

^ witan on Bast Bnglum] This may indicate, as Freeman thinkfi, Local 
some survival of the independence of the old East Anglian kingdom. Witan. 
' Witan * is, however, used of a meeting of the shire : ' gebete ]»( swa scire 
witan oeosan,* Wul&tan, p. 173 ; cf. t&. 73. 

ao hi abruffon] ' )«t teoOe werod abrei^ * (of the rebellious angels), 
.£lf. Horn. i. 10. 

^ tSe he to |M>hte] Not ' those whom he trusted to,* M. H. B., Thorpe ; cf. 
' to hopode,* 1 009, in/rOf i. 1 39 h. ; bat ' those whom he destined for the work ' ; 
'iiU uelnon audebant, uel iussa perficere negligebant,* Fl. Wig. i. 157. It 
is strange that £ has omitted the racy conclusion of C and D (see i. 136, 
note l). For the numerous compounds of ' plega,* v. Bosworth-Toller, m. p. 

p. 136. 1006 £] On the events of 1005, 1006, see F. N. G. i. 323 £ 

hangor . . . snwa gzinine] Ct ' Se grinunesta hunger ]«t folo waes Famine, 
wsoende,* Bede, p. 302. 

7 ae flota, 7c.] ' qaapropter . . . Swein Denemarciam reuertitur,' Fl. 
Wig. L 158. 

1O06 £. Her forSferde JBSlfrio] Stubbs, Ep. Succ., places the death Death of 
of .^frio and the translation of ^Ifheah in 1005. 80 Liebermann, g ^^L-^,. 
p. 3. A (above L 134) puts ^Glfnc's death in 1005 and ^Ifheah's sue- of.£ifheali. 
oession (wrongly eomseeration) in 1006. Fl. Wig., whom Dr. Stubbs 
citee, agrees with E, as does iElfheah's life, Aug. Sac ii. 129, from which 
it appears that ^Ifheah was born in 954. To him Adelard dedicated 
bis life of Dumstan, Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 53. He is said to have taken the 
head of St. Swithhun with him to Canterbury, H. Y. I. xlvi. 

Brthtwold . . . Wiltnn scire] This is an addition by £(c), followed Error, 
by F, but not by H. H. or Ann. Wav. I am inclined to think it is an 
error of the scribe who fancied iGlfheah was Bishop of WiZton instead of 
Wiiiton ; whereas it was .£lfric'8 promotion to Canterbury in 995 which 
vaented the see of Bamsbury, and it is there that Fl. Wig. places Briht- 
wold's appointment, i. 152. Stubbs, Ep. Succ. p. 165 [ed. 3, p. 227], 
follows E approximately. In any case Brihtwold had a very long episco- 
pate ; his deBih is entered X045 C, 1043 E. 

"Wnlfgeate] According to Fl. Wig. his father was Leofeoa, and he him- Forfeiture 
•elf was a prime favourite of Ethelred, bat was deprived for ' iniusta iadida of Wulf- 


et BoperbA . . . opera/ i. 158. I do not know whence Fl. Wig. got these 
details, and till their ■onrce is identified I regard them with some nupicion. 
There is a reference to Walfgeat*8 forfeiture in a charter of loi 5, aad in tluit 
hie crime ii made to be ' quia ininiicia regis se in insxdiis sociam applicaoit,' 
K. C. D. vi. 170. Wolfgeat signs as * minister * from 986 to 1005. 

Wulfeah 7 Ufegeat . . . ablende] At Cookham, aooording to FI. 
Wig., who makes them sons of ^lihelm. 
^^fhelm ^Ifelm . . . wearS of slagen] By Edric Streona, according to Fl. Wtg. 

sl^^i^ But the details sound wholly mythical. iElfhehu seems to have hM pait 

of Northumbria. On all these names, cf. Crawford Charters, pp. lai, lu; 
F. N. C. i. 325, 643-645. 
Kenulf biscop] On him, see on 99a K 

ne inn here ne at here] Cf. ' fram utgefeohte ... on ingefeohtnm'* 

* exteris . . . ciuilibus bellis/ Bede, p. 8. 

Outrages of to his fryU stole ... to heora garwan feorme] There is ' a bitkr 

the Danes, pleasantry ' about these phrases : * to their inviolable sanctuary, ... to 

their ever furnished quarters.' H. H. well expresses the return which 

they made ff>r such hospitality : * quocunque . . . pergebant, quae parsta 

erant hilariter comedentes, cum discederent, in retribudonem proeurationiB, 

reddebant hospiti caedem, hoepitio flammam/ p. 1 76. 

Oenitive P- 137. beotra gylpa] Out of mere bravado ; cf. ' ungebetra >iiigSf' 

absolute. without having mended matters, Earle, Charters, p. aoa. So in modern 

German, ' unverrichteter dinge' = re infecta. There is an article in 

American Journal of Philology, x. 316 if., on the absolute participle in 

Anglo-Saxon. The author, Mr. M. Callaway, regards it as a mere exotie, 

imported from the Latin. This is certainly true of the dative absolute. 

I do not think it is true of the genitive absolute. 

for))on ofb man cwaV] The ' oft * shows that this was a popular threat, 
not the ' prediction of some unknown seer,* F. N. C. i. 3a9. 
Skutcham- CwiccheUnes hleswe] See Bede, II. 95. In the reign of James I 
"y- a market used to be held there for which no charter could be produced, sod 

so it was suppressed and transferred to Ilsley (Private communicatioB io 
Prof. Earle from Mr. C. J. Eyston of East Hendred). From a writ, K. C. D. 
No. 693, it appears that CwichelmeshliBw was the meeting-place of the shire- 
moot. The writ is undated, but from the signatures must be 990x992- 
Cwichelmeshlsw occurs also in the boundaries of a charter of 995, iK 
No. 1389. 
ffit Cyno- set Cynetan] This may be the river Kennet. Mr. Freeman sa}rt, 

tan. * Kennet, now Marlborough,' F. N. C. i. 3a9. Prof. Earle suggests 

Kintbury, Berks, which occurs in the form ' st Cynetan byrig,* K. C. D. 
^^* 553 > Birch, No. 678, Arom which it appears that there was s 
monastery there. 
Oaneral )>»r mihton geseon] Cf. Wulfstan's Sermon : * oft twegsn ssemen o86e 

domoralisa- ]>ry hwilum drifaG ba drafe cristenra manna fram ae to se at tfnrh >ss 

ioo8] NOTES 185 

>eode gewylede togadere ni eftllnm to woruldflcune/ Homiliefl, p. 163. 
From AD obscore noUoe in S. D., Mr. Freeman inferred an invaiion of the 
Soots in 1006, F. N. C. i. 325-328. ThiB is entirely confirmed by Ann. 
Uli. 1005-6; cf. S. C. S. i. 385. 

p. 188. 1007 £. zxx. Jmaend pnnda] So F, H. H., and Ann. Wav. 
xxxn ; C, D, Fl. Wig. 

^drio ... on Myroenarioa] 'ad pemiciem Anglomm factns eet Edricmade 
Bdriens dnz raper Meroe, proditor nouiu sed mazimnB/ H. H. p. 176 ; cf. •i^«"^^ 
Fl. Wig. i. 160, and F. N. C. i. 640 ff., where the anthorities are collected. 

Her for .filfeah ... to Bomo, D (note 3)] Only in D. Cf. Ang. ^filfheah 
Sac. xi. 129, 130 ; 6. P. pp. 1 70, 171 ; in Liebennann, pp. 3, 71, it ia placed |^ ^ 
in 1006 ; here again a year behind the Chron. 

1008 £] This is rightly termed by Prof. Earle ' a tantalising annal.' Naval a»- 
If I oonld feel with him that the text of D (given in note 4) ' is probably ■«»«^«^*- 
the nearest to the source,* it might be possible to emend it thus : ' of Jvim 
hund hidum scip, and of tynum senne scegO.' Bat there are two objections 
to this; (i) the fisct that textnally D is the least reliable of our MSS. 
(aee Introduction, % 8x); (2) the enormous disproportion between the 
' scip' and the 'soegO,' the latter being only ,V o^ ^® former. Now, The*soegX' 
though the * sceg0 ' was a light and swift vessel, it was not necessarily 
a very small one. In Crawford Charters, p. 23, we have one which has 
aizty-fbur oars» and some of Alfred's ' longships ' had no more than sixty ; 
see 897, tmpra. Fl. Wig. translates it by * trieris/ and so it is glossed in 
Wiilker, oe. 165, 289 ; though in the former gloss the explanation ' litel 
aeip ' is also given. It is borrowed from the O . N. skeiO, 9. v. ; and 'pirata * is 
glossed ' wiotng o'^0e soegtfman,' {6. c. 1 1 1, which seems to show that it was 
the ordinary craft used by the Scandinavian invaders ; cf. Thorpe, Laws, 
i. 238; fiohmid, p. 208; and note F Lat. here: 'unam ma^nam nauem 
quae Anglice nominatur soeg]».' However this may be, the view of Assessment 
Prot Earle that we have here a glimpse of a unit of assessment made up ^r^^^ 
of a group of three hundreds is fully borne out by a charter which, though hundreds. 
wot wholly genuine^ probably represents the custom correctly; in this 
£dgar grants to Oswald and the monks of Worcester, *ne cum regis 
minlstris ant eius centuriatus, id est hundredes, exaetoribus naumachiae 
expeditionem, quae ex tota Anglia regi inuenitur, fadant; sed . . . ut 
ipse episcopus cum monaehis suis de istis tribus centuriatibus, id est 
handredis . . . constituant unam naucupletionem, quod Anglice dicitur 
■eyplyUeO oOffe scypsocne,' K. C. D. No. 514; Birch, No. 1x35; of. 
S. C. H. i. 105. Other instances of the grouping of hundreds by threes 
are given by Canon Isaac Taylor in Domesday Studies, i. 72-75, one of 
the groups being none other than our familiar friend the Chiltem 
Hundreds; cf. S. C. H. i. 108. E, F, Fl. Wig., U. U.. aU follow C in 
nufcking the unit of assessment a district of 310 hides. We have instances 
of * ' seeg9 ' bequeathed by will by ^Ifhelm to the abbot and monks of Ships 




by will. 




Ramsey, K. C. D. No. 967 ; Birob, No. 1306; by MUtwold^ Bishop of 
Crediton, to the king, Crawford Charters, p. 23, and note. Bat the molt 
interesting case is the will of Archbishop Mlhio, whose death was noted 
1005 A, 1006 £ ; he leaves his best ship to the king, and two others to 
the folk of Kent and the shire of Wilton (note the difference) respectively, 
K. C. D. Na 716 ; the object, as Prof. Earle pointed out, being obviously 
to lighten the pressure of the local burdens on the two districts of which he 
had been prelate. A code of this very year, 1008, is preserved, the 
27th article of which is that a naval force shall be ready every year after 
Easter ; nnfortnnately, no details are given. Thorpe, i. 310 ; ct t&. 322, 334, 
380,38a; Schmid, pp. 224, 232, 239, 276. For the 'helm and bymie,' 
cf. Thorpe, i. 188 ; Schmid, pp. 398, 667 ; S. C. H. i. 109. Probably they 
also were for the equipment of the fleet ; for with the ship which Archbishop 
^Ifric bequeathed to the king, u. m,, he bequeathed also sixty helms and 
sixty bymies. 

1008 £] It is probable that to tbu year belongs an ordinance of 
king and witan, ordering a national fast on the three days next before 
Michaelmas, ' et . . . ut in onmi congregatione cantetur cotidie . . . miass 
. . . quae inscripta est contra paganos. Et ad singolas horas decaniet 
totus conuentns extensis membris in terra pealmum, ** Domine qui multi* 
plicati sunt" et coUectam contra paganos/ Thorpe, i. 336-339; Schmid, 
pp. 240-243 ; who adds an Anglo-Saxon version which is not in Thorpe. 
For the date, see ib, p. liv. In the canons of MLMc it is ordered that the 
mass ' Contra Paganos ' shall be said every Wednesday, Thorpe, Laws, ii. 362. 

pes tSe UB beo seogalS] Note the literary allusion, possibly to earlier 
chronicles; cf. supra, p. 139. 

Brihtrio . . . WulfiadS cild] Fl. Wig. i. 160, places this incident under 
1008, ' a little before ' the assessment for the fleet, instead of * a little before ' 
the actual assembly of the fleet. Under 1007 ^^ gives a list of Ediic's nx 
brothers, the first being this Brihtrio, to whom he gives a character nearly 
as bad as that of Edrio himself. The last on the list is ^thebnaery whom 
Fl. Wig. makes father of Wulinoth, the father of Earl Godwine. Now it 
will be seen from the critical notes that MS. F of the Chron. makes the 
' Wulfhoth child the South Saxon ' of the present annal father of Earl 
Godwine. Fl. Wig. does not identify Wulfhoth, the son of iEthelniaer. 
with Wulfnoth the South Saxon, though later writers have commonly 
assumed that he regarded them as the same. Mr. Freeman has shown, 
F. N. C. i. 701 ff., that it is extremely unlikely that Godwine should have 
been the great-nephew of a man so nearly his own contemporary as 
Edrio ; on the other hand, he is inclined to accept the statement that he 
was the son of Wulfhoth the South Saxon, adducing some (not quite con- 
clusive) documentary evidence in its favour. On * Wulfhoth cild,* cf. t\ 
648 AT. ; on the events of this year, ib. 3408!; C. P. B. ii. 121, 122. 125, 
126, $88, 

loio] NOTES 187 

for wregde] ' iniu$U lociuamt/ Fl. Wig. 

p. 138. Be . . . unfirtB here] ' >e we heton Durkilles here,' adds C ; and paniah 
Fl. Wig. Bays further that later in the year, in Aoguet, another Danish "^^wioii- 
fleet came to Thanet under Heming and Eglaf, that the two fleets then 
proceeded to Sandwich, and attacked CiUiterbnry, i. 160, 161. On 
Thnrkill, see F. K. C« i. 651 ff.; Liebermann, p. 205. Heming. one of 
the leadere of the second fleet, was Thurkill's brother, while Eglaf was 
a brother of Gytha, the wife of Earl Godwine, Crawford Charters, pp. 159 £ 
£^laf signs as 'dux* and * comes' under Cnnt, loi 8-1024. 

■wa heora gewuna wsbs] £ has here obliterated an interesting mark Contem- 
of contemporary writing in C and D : ' swa heora gewuna is ' (there is porazy 
a precisely similar instance in 1016, i. 150, 151, %nfrcC)\ lower down is ^^'^^^^^' 
another such mark, which £ has preserved, ' si Gode lof . . . heo gyt . . . 
stent.* This latter sentence must have been written before the submission 
of London to Swegen in 101$. 

ssfter middan wintra] Florence, beginning the year with January i, Oommenoe- 
places these events in 1010, ' mense Januario.' The ChroD. here seems to »entof the 
begin the year either with March 25 or with £aster, for the first date under ^ 
loio is ' ofer £astion.' Yet, in 1014, Feb. 3 is placed at the beginning of 
the year; while in 1016 the year begins with ' mid wintertide,' i,e, either 
Dec. 25 or Jan. i. See Appendix to Introduction. 

namon hit ... to scipan weard] ' praedam agunt,' Fl. Wig. i. 162, 
and this is probably the right explanation of the indefinite ' hit' 

p. 140. ge wendon . . . Stane] <.e. as the careful Fl. Wig. explains, the Staines. 
pari of the army which was ravaging on the northern bank, crossedat Staines, 
lencten] Not ' Lent,' as Fl. Wig. i. 162 and F. N. C. i. 343. but * Spring,* 
Genn. Lens, as Prof. £arle rightly takes it. 

1010 £] On the events of this year, see F. N. C. i. 344-347. 
ofer JBastron] £aster in f 010 was on Apr. 9. 

set Oipaa wio j * ad Gippesuuich versus soils ortum cum quodam Turkillo Ipswich. 
appolsis nauibus oonfinia S. £admundi exterminantibuif,* S. Kdm. Mirac., 
Martene et Durand, vi. 829; Liebernisno, p. 205. 

eodon . . . Ulfcytel . . . lyrde] <ad locum qui Bingmere dlcitur,* Ulfcytel. 
Fl. Wig. i. 162 ; cf. C. P. B. ii. 98, 125, 153. On Ulfcytel, see F. N. C. i 
639 f. He seems to have been alderman of East Anglia, and son-in-law of 
the king, t5. 671. W. M., in his ttketch of the diiwrganisation of £thelred*s 
rei^n, tays of him and this battle.* ' solus ex omnibus . . . implgre contra 
intuuKxres restitit ; ita ut . . . multo plus afflicti qui uicerant, quam qui 
oicti erant, aestimarentur. Nee . . . piguit barbaros ueritatem confiteri, 
cum mnltotiens illam uictoriam deplomrent,' i. 190; cf. ih, 217 : 'primus 
omnium pirates adortus, spem dedit posse illos superari.' He fell at Assan- 
doD. inrfra, 1016, i. 152. There is a bequest of his to Bury St. £dmund*s, 
K. O. D. No. 1349: Birch, No. 1013. 

prima aaoenaio Dili] t. e. May 18, in loio; but Fl. Wig. gives M^y 5. 




of the men 
of Cam- 

the king's 

son of Leof- 




the Danes. 


Siege of 


]>a stod Orantabryog aoir] ' ande, dum Angli regnaoeniiit, laos Giante- 
brigiensis prouinciae splendide floruit/ H. H. p. 117. Into his aoooaniof 
these ravages of the Danes in the Eastern Couuties, taken mainly from Uie 
Chronicle, H. H. inserts from local sources a tradition of a man of Balnhsin 
(Cambridgeshire) who held the steps of the church tower against the DasM, 
and a description of his own shire of Huntingdon, p. 178. 

iElVelatan )>e8 cynges aSum] 'A9am* may be either son-in-law/ gener/ 
El. Wig., or brother-in-law, * sororius/ H. H. u. #. ; Ann. Wav. FreemsB 
assumes the former to be right, F. N. C. i. 671. There is nothing to show 
either way. ^ 

'Wulfirio Leofwines sonu] Freeman, F. N. C. 1. 656, 657, atfeempti 
an identification of Wulfric, on which doubt is thrown, Crawford Chaiien, 
p. 123. It is possible that his father was Leofwine, the son of Wolfrtan, 
who ( Wulfstan) was one of the heroes of Maldon, tb. 

.SUloea brdSor] Probably the JE&c of looa E, i. 154. 

pXLTojtel Myran heafod] Not, of course, to be confounded with the 
great Danish leader ; though his name shows that Fl. Wig. b right it 
calling him ' Danicus minister.* A gloss in Fl. Wig. explains his nick- 
name ' equae caput * ; but H. H. * caput formicae,^ adding j * et opprobriom 
meruit sempiternum.' If this derivation is correct, the first part of the 
word is the * mire * or * myre * which we get in '^ pismire,' an ant* 

tot nyxtan, 70.] Cf. Lib. de Hyda, p. a 13. 

p. 141. to Hamtune] ' Northamtuniani,' Fl. Wig. i. 163. 

lOU E] On this year, see F. N. C. i. 348-350. 

Hi heafdon J^a ofergan] Of this list of counties W. M. says : ' quonm 
nomina propter barbariem linguae scribere refngio,* L 188. 

Hasstingas] The name of a district,' or, more strictly, of a tribe ; and 
not merely of a town ; though later it was loosely used as such, 1052 0, D, 
ad init. ; 1066 E ; 1094 K The name of the town is properly * Hseatinga- 
port,* 1066 D, i. 199, or < Hsestinga oeaster,' 1050 D, i. 1 70 ; Laws, llioipe, 
i. 208 ; Schmid, p. 140 ; and in the Bayeux tapestry, a fact which has bees 
thought to indicate that the tapestry was i^Tought in England, F. N. C iii. 
571. C has merely 'Hssting* without any termination. Fl. Wig^ not 
recognising the force of the term,, has omitted it. 

gafol bedan] ' o>]>e wi9 gefeohtan,* adds C more patriotically. 

folo msBlum] For ' flocmielum,'^ C, D, cf. ^ hie waeron flocmdaiB 
>iderweard,* Oros. p. 200; .^If. Hom. i. 142. 

hi ymbe ssstan Oantwara burh] According to Osbem, the city was ill 
provisioned, which is likely enough, Ang. Sac. ii. 133. 

Iieofwine aBb] So F ; H^ H. ; and Ann. Wav. ; a mistake doe to the 
following ' Godwine * ; the true reading is that of C, D, * Leofrnne aBbt,* 
i. e. * Leofrnna abbatissa monasterii S. Mildryths,* Fl. Wig. i. 164. 

Godwine V] 'Hrofensis'episcopus,' Fl. Wig. 

JBhnmr aBb hi IsBtan awog] ' abbas monasterii S. Auguatini,* FL Wig. 

lois] NOTES 189 

If he were the traitor who admitted the Danea, his releaee would be Abbot of 
acoDnnted for ; but FL Wig. calli the traitor * ^manis arohidiaconus.' ^> Angus- 
Thorn caUs him 'Almerieus archidiaconus.* JEMumr of St. Augustine's ^^^^ 
became Bishop of Sherborne in 1017, oc. 1781 ff. 

p. 142. ^ borh ealle asmeade] * That the Cathedral was sacked and Canterbury 
burned is a matter of course for which we hardly need any eyidenoe^* P '"^ ®'« • 
F. N. C. i. 350. Eadmer, who had at least as good means of knowing, says 
the direct contrary as to the burning : ' ecdesia ipsa in passione beatiasimi 
martyris [iElfegi] nee igne consumptai nee tecta aut parietibus diruta fuit,' 
Stubba* Dunstan, p. 418. (By the time he reached F. N. C. iv. 125, 
Mr. Freeman had diaooyered this paaaage.) It waa during this desolation 
of Canterbury that the Glastonbury monks were said to have stolen the 
body of Dunstan for their own monastery, a myth which Endmer wrote an 
indignant letter to refute, tb, 412-422. There seems to be an allusion to 
the sack of Canterbury and the capture of jSUfheah in Wulfstan, p. 165 ; 
of. F. N. C. i. 669. From this time Eadmer dates a great decline of 
mona«ticism at Canterbury, u. $. p. 236. 

WsM Va raspling, 70.] Eadmer seems to catch an echo of this diige : Dirge. 
' Eeelesia, totiua Britanniae insulae mater, in occisione sui patris ac filiorum 
afflieta,*ftc., ib. 414; cf. H. H. p. 179. Hanowing detaila in Fl. Wig. 
from Osbern, Ang. Sao. ii. 135. 

sws lange] Between six and aeven months, September— April. W. M. Captivity 
thinks it shows the extremity of £theb-ed*s degradation that he should o^-^^^^ah. 
have made no attempt to rescue the archbishop, 6. P. p. 34. Perhaps he 
was too busy with the Welsh expedition of this year, on which see F. N. C. 
i. 348, 349. According to Osbern, one of the torments of the primate*s 
imprisonment was the 'ranarum importunitas,' Ang. Sac. ii. 136. 

1012 E] On the events of this year, see F. N. C. i. 350-354 ; and on the 
martjrrdom of ^fheah, <&. 658-663. 

P^k yldestan witan] For the phrase, v. $. on 978 E. It is curious that 
no mention is made of the king. 
Idas Aiir.] April j 3. This is right for the Eaater of 1012. 
Till* Jmsend ptinda] This is a mere slip for C and D's £48,000 ; it is, 
however, followed by F, H. H., W. M. i. 207, and Ann. Wav. 

he nolde heom nan feoh be baten] These words are express and .Alfheah's 
emphatic (cf. Ang. Sac. ii. 138). Mr. Freeman, who says : * the witness J^J^*** 
of the Chronicles I of course accept unheiiitatingly,* nevertheless prefers himself. 
Thieimar*s atory, which he had from an Englishman named Sewald (though 
he calls the archbishop Dumtan l\ tliat .^Ifheah first promiaed a ransom, 
and then recanted, Perts, iii. 849. Thietnoar adds that Thurkill en- 
dcavoored vainly to save the archbishop's life. FL Wig. gives various 
details which, so far as they come from Osbern, are not wholly reliable. 

hina . . . oflorfodon] Cf. 'hiene oftyrfdon his agene geferan *«' lapidi- His martyr- 
bas coopertns interiit,* Oros. p. 172. ^<»^ 




Bishop of 

Bishop of 





sloh hine ]ia an] * Ad nltimnm quidam, Thmm nomine, qnem oonfir- 
mauit pridie, impia motus pietate securim oapiti illius infizit/ FL Wig. i, 
165. Mr. Freeman accepts this. With the exception of the name it comes 
from Osbem, u, s. p. 141. Osbem expresriy says that he omitted proper 
names, 'quoniam dicendi primitias barhariois appellationibus deooloraie 
nolo/ xb, 132. Osbem's life is printed in Ang. Sac. ii. laa ff. It is veiy 
hagiological and nnhistorioa!, but it was anthorised by Lanfrano, Eadmer, 
Vita Anselmi, lib. i. p. 11. It is^ as W. M. says, 'plena uirtntibuB et 
miraculis,' G. P. p. 33. <Tbe scene of the martyrdom was Greenwich 
(wbither .^fheah had been conveyed from Canterbury by Sandwich), and 
probably the very site on which Greenwich church stands ; — they would no 
doubt have wished to plant the church on the identical spot, and would 
have taken pains to ascertain it. The church is dedicated to St. .^fheah. 
... An old triforium window in the north aisle of Canterbury Cathedral 
represents the story,* Earle. 

)Hk bisoopas XSadnoS 7 JESlfhnn] The latter was Bishop of London. He 
attempted to get possession for his own church of the relics of St. Edmund 
of East Anglia, which for three years (1010-1013) were deposited in 
St. Gregory's church in London, for fear of the Danes, Liebermann, pp. 305, 
306. Eadnoth was Bishop of Dorchester, 1 006-1 o 1 6. He fell at Asiandun, 
infray 1016, i. 15a. Fl. Wig., by an anachronism, calls him Bishop of 
Lincoln, i. 165, 178. The see was not moved to Lincoln till 1094. Ha 
was a pupil of Archbishop Oswald, and bursar, * dispensaior,' under him of 
the monastery at Worcester ; and was sent by him to superintend the con* 
struction of the monastery of Ramsey, H. Y. i. 423, 430 ; ii. ao; where be 
subsequently became provost or prior, Fl. Wig. i. 178. ' 

p. 148. 7 pflsr nu, 7c.] Note the touch of contemporary writing, for the 
relics were translated to Canterbury in 1033, infra, 

Ba bugon zlv. sclpa] With Thurkill at the head of them, F. N. C 

i< 353t ^53 ; s^ next annal. 

1013 £] On the events of this year and Swegen's invasion, see F. N. C' 
i. 354-3^; C. P. B. ii 10a ff., 577. 

Lifing t^] < qui et Athelstanus, Wellensis episcopus,' gloss in Fl.Wig. i. 
166 ; H. H. calls him Lefwing, p. 180 ; he is called ^Ifstan, infraj 1019 D. 
He is not mentioned again in the Chronicle till his death, 1019 D, loao E. 
At some time between 1016 and 1020 he went to Borne and brought 
letters and messages from the Pope to Cnut, Earless Charters, p. 329. 

Oegnes burh] See above on 902 C. 

Uhtred eorl] He had played a valiant part in the invasion of the Scota 
in 1006 (r. 8. p. 185), and Ethelred had made him Earl of all Northambria 
(both Bernicia and Deira). His nmrriage relations were complicated, but 
ultimately he married ^Ifgyfu, a daughter of Ethelred, S. D. i. 215, ai6. 
Hi8 death is narrated below under 10x6 ; cf. Robertson, E. K. S. i. 93-95. 

pet folo of Fif burhingan] < into Fif bui*gum,' D. The people of the 

1013] NOTES 191 

five Danish Boroughs. This ■hows, as Freeman remarks, that they must 
still have retained something of their special organisation, p. 356 ; of. on 
94a A. 

eall here be noxtSan 'Wsstlinga stnete] i. e. all the Danish-settled part Watling 
of England. ' Weatlinga streta, id est strata quam filii Weatlae regis, ab ^^>^^^ 
Orientali mare usque ad Oocidentale per Angliaro strauerunt,' Fl.Wig. u. t,; 
cf. H. H. p. 1 2, on the four great roads ; and Dr. Guest*s Essay, Origines 
Celticae, it 318 £ Lower in this annal we have the form ' Wseclinga stnet,' 
and tills is the form in Bede, H. £. i. 7, where see note ; cf. G. P. B. i. 430. 

his here metian . • . mid Ailre fyrde] From this it appears, as English 
Mr. Freeman points out, that Swegen forced the regular levies of the *rooP« ^ 
north-eastern shires to accompany him on his progress southward, their ^rmy. 
hostages, who were left with Cnut, acting as security for their fidelity. 
(For the fate of these hostages, v. infra, 10x4, 9ubfin,) Later in this annal, 
i. 144, we find Swegen at Bath, 'mid his fyrde.' The phrase ' mid fnlre 
fyrdt)' occurs again in 1014 of Ethelred. The districts which submitted 
were spared, but as soon as Watling Street was crossed, ^hi wrohton j) 
mieste yfel )w SBnig here don mihte,* a hint which Fl. Wigl tf.Sw luxuriantly 

p. 144. 2Bpelmer ealdorman] 'Comes Domnaniae/ Fl.Wig. i. 167. Alderman 
In K. C. D. No. 708 is a letter of iEthelric, Bishop of Sherborne, to him, -S^ehnasr. 
complaining that some lands belonging to his see were wrongfally kept 
from him. 

e»U ]>eodB0ip6 hine heafde for fullne oyning] This seems to point to Election of 
some form of deposition of Ethelred and election of Swegen, r. F. N. C. I. Swegen as 
358, 665 ff. ; and to the passages there cited add, Hermann, Mirac. S. ^' 
Eadm. ' praesens habeatur Anglomm cronica, in qua per annos dominicales 
regum Anglorum repperiri possunt annales, inter quos et Sweyn,' Lieber* 
mann, p 334. That Ethelred's departure was not wholly voluntary seems 
to be shown by the words of Wulfstan in his famous homily, ' ad Anglos,' 
' JEp^igtA man draefde vt of his earde/ ed. Napier, p. 160 ; the vote of the 
witan Inviting him to return, 1014, infra, perhaps implies something of the 
same kind. W. M. gives a very imaginative description of Ethelred*s 
departure, and his speech on the occasion, i. 307-310. 

]>ain here ... on Orena wio] t. s. the forty-five ships, the remnant of Danish 
the Danish force which had come over to Ethelred, 1013, ad fin. They ^JJj^ 
seem ^rom what follows to have been scarcely less fatal to the English now service, 
than in the days of their avowed hostility; and Fl. Wig. expressly under- 
stands the words which follow, * hi hergodan,* &c., as including Thurkill. 

^SSlfnnl^] On him, see above, 1013. W. M. turns him into a Bishop 
of Durham, confusing him with Aldhun. 

byre] Only here m the Chronicles ; and Earle and Bosworth-Toller < byre.* 
can only produce one other instance in Anglo-Saxon literature, vis. the Lay 
of Brihinotb, 1. I3Z, ed« Grein, '>a he byre hsefde/ ' when he had oppor* 


tunity.* A tiiird instftnce will be found in Wal&Un, p. 123: '«r ytoR 

byre, ]>e he wite eal.' Of the compoand * gebyre * only one instukoe ii 


Peter- 7 9a hwile» 70.] This is peculiar to E, and is the ninth of the Petcr- 

boroiijgrh borough insertions. In reference to this purchase, Hugo Gandidns, in hii 

^ ^^' history of Peterborough, says : * undo monachi . . . monasterii S. Floren- 

tini . . . gemnnt per saecula, siout nobis retulemnt quidam ex ipsis qai emn 

reqoirere et orare nenerunt in Anglia/ in Sparke's Scriptores, p. 33. On 

the relic-mongering of the Middle Ages something has been said in Bede, 

II. 157, 158. To tlie references there given may be added S. D. i. 88, 89; 

Stnbbs' Dunstan, pp. cxT-cxvii ; W. M. i. 181 ; G. P. pp. 311, 339, 419 £ 

(who professes horror at the traffic) ; Hardy. Cat. i. 631, 669. 

Bemoval of The ravages of the Northmen on the continent caused many translations 

relics and sales of relics : 'piratis . • . omnem oram . . . infestantibns oorpors 

S^di- Sanctorum de Britannia Minori et . . . Norm&nnia translata, et ad iutiora 

navian loca delata, facile coilibet pro pennria baiulonim uenom patebant, prae- 

i^^i^oAds. sertim Ethelstano, regi . . . talinm rerum appetentissimo/ W. M. i. 154, 

155 ; cf. 6. P. pp. 397-400. Of the relics given by Athelstan to Exeter 

it is said : ' he sonde men ofer ss, . . . 7 hig ferdon swa wide landei 

Bwa hig faran mihton, 7 mid ^am madmum begeaton )» deorwuiOestao 

madmas \e lefre ofer eorSan begitene mihton beon, 1^ wsbs haligdom se 

msesta of gehwilcum stownm wydan 7 sydan gegaderod, 7 hig ]xnie ^m . . . 

cyninge brohton,' Birch, ii. 389. 

St. Floren- Boneusl] Bonneval in dep. £ure-et-Loir. St. Florentinns was mar- 

tinns. tyred, c. 406, D. G. B. ii. 538 ; AA. SS. Sept. vii. 404 ff.; cf. Hyde Reg. 

p. 91. For other purchases by Abbot i£lfsige, cf. K. C. D. No. 733. 

Legends as 1014 E. Her . . . Swegen ge endode bis dagaa] On the events of 

to Swegen's this year, see F. N. C. i. 360-369, 666, 667. The legend that Swegen 

^ ' was miraculously slain by St Edmund of East Anglia, whose honour he 

had insulted and whose franchises he had violated, is given by Fl. Wig. i. 

168, 169, from some Passion of St. Edmund ; cf. 6. P. p. 155 ; W. M. L 

312, 313. There is a similar legend about Julian the Apostate, uGlf. 

Hom. i. 452 ; to which legend reference is expressly made in S. Eadm. 

Mirac., Martene et Dorand, vi. 827, according to which Swegen*8 body 

was salted and taken back to Denmark, xb. 829. But according to S. D. 

ii. 146, a passage added to the text of Fl. Wig., he was buried at York : to 

which Gaimar adds that * after ten years or more ' the body was translated 

to Norway, re. 41 61 ff. 

Candelmas. to oandel miMsan] Cf. JEXf. Hom. i. 150 : 'we sceolon on (Hsum dmge 

beran ure leoht to cyican, 7 Istan hi ffser bletsian ; 7 . . . gan siOVan mid 

]>am leohte betwux Godes husum, 7 singan fSone lo&ang 5e ^sBrto geset is.' 

Consecra- man badode .^Ifwig ... on Sloforwio (note 7)] This is only in I>, 

tion of^®!^- and is obviously a later insertion, inteirupting the context. Why JEXMg 

of Londo^ was consecrated to London, at York, by WulfrUn, is not mentioned ; 

1015] NOTES 193 

probably Living had gone to Rome for his palliuin. There are Beveral 
Si. Juliana's mass-days in the calendar ; Stubbs decides for that on Feb. 16, 
Ep. Succ. p. 18 [ed. 2, p. 33]. 

p. 146. )>a witan ealle] ' ])e on Englalande wsron/ adds C. Several Recall of 
no doubt had left England under the stress of the Danish invasions. Ethelred. 

se hadode ge leowede] Cf. ' ge bescorene ge laswede,' Bede, p. 160, and 
ih. 406. On Ethelred's return, cf. C. P. B. ii. 116, 152, 588. 

elo )MBra )>inga betan] The code of 1014 is obvioosly an attempt to 
falfil this promise ; cf. espedaUy § 39 ; * 7 git mseg >^h bdt cuman ; wille 
hit man geome on eornoet Rinnan,' Thorpe, i. 340 ff. ; Schmid, pp. 242 ff. ; 
cf. *. liv. 

]ie hi[m] gedon oMSe geoweiSen weore] Perhaps a reference to the 
decree deposing Ethelred. See p. 191. 

sBfire SBlcne] , This is a compound, « Mid. Eng. 'everich/ modem 
* every ' ; see Napier, DiRsertation on Wulfstan, p. 66. In S. D. ii. 373, this 
•eeroa to be understood of a general expulsion of the Danes. 

innan ^am lenotene] Here ' lencten ' probably does mean Lent. 

s»tt Cnut ... on Oegnes burh] It is therefore very unlikely that he Movements 
returned to Denmark to consult his brother after the deatli of Swegen, as ^ ^^^• 
the Encomium Emmae says, Pertz, xiz. 5I4» 515. 

to Sandwlo] ' qui est omnium Anglorum portuum £ftmosi88imus/ 
Encomium Emmae, tt. «., 'portus ... ad reoeptionem nauium habilis,' 
Ang. Sac. ii. 133. 

pa gislaa] i.e, the hostages of the shires north of Watling Street, see Mutilation 
p. 191. ofhostag«i. 

7 oearf of . . . heora nosa] Fl. Wig. follows the reading of C, D (v. 
critioal note), H. H. that of E ; W. M. adds details of his own, i. 213 ; cf. 
Oros. p. 218 : * he het him eallum }» honda of aceorfan* ; cf. tb. 68, and 
Adam Bremensis, Pertz, vii. 317. 

zzi* )maend punda] So C, D, and H. H. ; but Florence says, ' xxx 
millia ' ; probably a mere slip. 

)>6t myoele 8s» flod] * Addidit Dominus malls solitis malum insolitum,* Flood. 
H. H. p. 181. 

It may be noted that 10 14 is the date of the famous battle of Clontarf dontarf. 
which broke the power of the Danes in Ireland. Danes from England 
possibly took part in it ; cf. 6. 6. pp. dxvii ff. 

1015 E] On the events of this year, see F. N. C. i. 369-374. 

Sigefezll 7 Moroser] 'filios Earngrimi,* Fl. Wig. i. 170. 

p. 146. ]>a yldeatan jMSgenas] See above, on 978 E. 

into Seofon burgtun] Freeman, following Lingard, says, *the Five The Seven 
Boroughs with the addition of York and Chester.' u.t. p. 371. For addi- '^^^9^^' 
tional details, v, W. M. i. 213, 214. Freeman accepts them, u.«., saying: 
' he professes to have read them in the local annals of St Frithswyth's.* 
I am not sure that W. M.'s words mean as much as this ; they run thus : 







of Edrio. 

tion of the 
and Danish 

Fh Wig.'8 

'legi ego seriptum quod in arohiuo eiosdem ecoleiiae oontinetur index 
factL' This may mean, 'I haTs read a document which exists in th« 
archives of tiiat church as a record of the event * ; but it may on! j mean. 
' I have seen it somewhere stated that in the archives of tbat cfanrch 
a record of the event exists/ or, ' that in the record room of thiikt ohordi, 
traces of the event may still be found.' 

Badmund selSellng} The first mention of Edmund Ironside. On the 
question of his birth, which is very obscure, v. F. N. C. i. 669-673. 
A document relating to him as Etheling is